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.M \I;I.AUFT BK.U'IOKJ, ('<>r\n->v 01 RICHMOND AND DKUHV, I 1 1 l-l."o:t. 
In tlie National Portrait Galk-ry. 









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IN his famous treatise on * The Advancement of Learning,' 
Francis Bacon was principally concerned with the organised 
body of knowledge as it existed in the time of James I. He 
described the dignity, the power, and the utility of the various 
departments of learning and the causes which impeded or 
fostered its growth. He praised the existing foundations 
and endowments ; but he showed little interest in the aims 
and aspirations of the founders, and regarded learning as the 
peculiar possession of the leisured and professional classes. 
He was opposed rather than favourable to the multiplication 
of grammar schools for the people. 

Now that democracy has displaced absolutism as the 
form of national government, the position of learning in 
the Commonwealth has undergone a change. Since all 
citizens have to take their part in a complex system of govern- 
ment, and the majority have to earn their living in an 
ever-changing civilisation, the need for a wider intellectual 
and moral training has steadily grown. Some elementary 
education has always been provided, but, as the need of the 
democracy to classify its members according to their natural 
abilities rather than their material possessions became 
manifest, a constantly increasing extension of educational 
opportunity has been found necessary to permit those who 
have more intelligence and character than their fellows 
to find proper means for their development. Advanced 
as well as elementary education has thus become a national 

A regional study of the influences which have built up 
a body of educational tradition, and have led many in the 
community to seek higher intellectual and moral growth, 
though necessarily bearing reference primarily to one district 


only, may shed valuable light upon the larger and national 

In the following pages I have attempted to consider the 
way in which a collegiated ecclesiastical body established in 
the time of the Plantagenets ; a Grammar School founded 
* for godliness and good learning ' in the time of the early 
Tudors ; a town library established and well endowed during 
the Commonwealth ; and a succession of Nonconformist 
academies, ultimately giving place to a provincial University 
in the latter half of the nineteenth century, have acted and 
reacted on each other, and have succeeded in arousing a 
zeal for truth, justice, and beauty, which has moderated 
the absorption in the purely self -regarding instincts so readily 
fostered in a large commercial town. 

The early history of the collegiate church was fully 
written by Dr. S. Hibbert (later Hibbert Ware), and much 
information concerning the early history of the grammar 
school and the Chetham Hospital and Library has been 
given by W. R. Whatton in * The History of the Foundations 
in Manchester,' published in 1834. Scattered details of the 
early Nonconformist academies appeared in the ' Transactions 
of the Congregational Historical Society,' while ' The History 
of the Foundation and Growth of the Owens College ' was 
written by Joseph Thompson in 1886, and a later description, 
giving details of the various departments, was published by 
Dr. P. Hartog in 1900. For sixty years the annual publica- 
tions of the Chetham Society have enriched our local know- 
ledge. There is thus a mass of valuable information available. 

For more than four hundred years there has proceeded 
from the Manchester Grammar School a stream of able, 
eager, and enterprising boys. This stream has persistently 
grown in volume, for the School now contains nearly twelve 
hundred boys, some sixty of whom it has been accustomed 
to send annually to various universities and centres of higher 
education, and more than twice that number into occupations 
demanding jnore than average intelligence and grit. 

I began to study the earlier phases of the development of 
the School, not because I possessed historical knowledge or 
had leisure to devote to historical research, but because 
certain problems were being forced upon my attention when 
examining and supervising the health of these privileged 
boys. By presenting themselves for higher training at the 


School, they, or their parents, revealed the existence of a 
special desire for improvement ; moreover, extensive records 
were available for considering the subsequent use which 
many of the boys made of the opportunities afforded. I 
first compiled the statistical details now relegated to the 
Appendices. From the nature of the case these are of varying 
accuracy, but I regard them as of sufficient value to serve 
the purpose which I had in view. I further collected a mass 
of information concerning concurrent and contemporary 
local or national events, which seemed to draw out or illus- 
trate the significance of these statistics. My desire was to 
approach the story of the School, not so much from the point 
of view of an historian, critically studying past records, as 
from that of a naturalist, who, in order to understand the 
conditions of growth of a living organism, desires to know 
something of the soil which surrounds its roots, or the cir- 
cumstances of its early development, as well as the atmo- 
sphere which it breathes and the source whence it derives its 

Scanty leisure, which has forbidden all but a limited 
acquaintance with accepted text-books, compels me to crave 
the indulgence of those who have had more adequate training 
in historical and theological research ; while the stress of 
professional work has, I am afraid, inevitably led to some 
scrappiness of method ; to not a few inaccuracies and repe- 
titions, and to some lack of proper perspective, especially in 
the earlier parts of the work. Of this I am deeply conscious, 
but quite unable to provide the remedy. 

In the collection of materials my thanks are particularly 
due to Mr. C. W. Sutton, the kindly and resourceful guide 
of all students of Manchester history, who has placed the 
ample stores of his knowledge so freely at my disposal ; 
to the staff at the Free Reference and Chetham Libraries for 
their constant help in the extra work I have imposed on 
them; to Professor Foster Watson and Professor Tout for 
reading the MS., and for valuable hints as to the real scope of 
the work I had undertaken ; to Sir Samuel Dill ; to Mr. 
F. Jones, Mr. F. A. Bruton, Mr. G. A. Twentyman, and other 
assistant masters, past and present, for many details and 
suggestions ; to the late Mr. J. R. Broadhurst for a rendering 
into literary English of the various Latin inscriptions ; to 
Mr. Fred Garnett for a dramatic delineation of several of the 


incidents described in the text; to the Salford Art Gallery 
Committee for permission to reproduce the pictures of Sir 
Nicholas Mosley, John Wesley with his friends at Oxford, 
and E. R. Langworthy ; to Mr. Atherton Byrom for similar 
permission to reproduce the picture of John Clayton and 
his scholars ; to Mr. H. Yates, and to the Corporation of 
the Royal Exchange Assurance Company for permission to 
include a picture of a model of Old Manchester in 1650 ; 
and to the British Architect and Builder for permission to 
reproduce the view of Old Manchester in 1760, which they 
issued in January 1893. 

I owe to the Governors of the Grammar School the oppor- 
tunity of watching for the last ten years the work in which 
the present high master is engaged the carrying on of a great 
experiment in democracy, which consists in the persistent 
breaking down of class and caste barriers, giving scope to the 
talented of all classes, and inspiring and encouraging the less 
fortunate to a fuller self-expression. His indomitable faith 
and his strenuous example have impelled me to try, firstly, to 
understand the problems involved, and secondly, to describe 
the answers which he and his assistants have discovered 
and adopted. 

Above all, my thanks are due to my wife for constant 
help in elucidating and logically arranging a vast accumu- 
lation of details. Without her aid, and the generous help 
of the old Mancunians' Association, which has undertaken 
the full financial obligations of publication, the work could 
never have been completed nor presented to the public. 




I. HUGH OLDHAM FOUNDS A SCHOOL (1515-1558) . . 1 

(1558-1603) 20 


(1603-1643) 36 


(164&-1660) 59 


OF LEARNING (1660-1689) 82 


1720) . .... 108 


1749) 135 


1780) 165 

'IX. OLIGARCHY ON ITS TRIAL (1780-1806) . . .204 
X. A CHURCH AND KING SCHOOL (1806-1837) . . 243 

Two EDUCATIONAL IDEALS (1837-1848) . . .267 
XII. THE HOUR BEFORE THE DAWN (1849-1859) . . 289 
XIH. THE FABLE OF THE PHCBNIX (1859-1877) . 322 
MENT (1877-1888) 360 


AND TECHNOLOGY (1888-1903) . . . .386 
WAY (1903-1915) 419 




INDEX 653 




1441-1509 .... Frontispiece 



MANCHESTER, 1650 facing 42 

ADVENTURER ........ facing 48 



AIR 95 


JOHN CLAYTON'S SCHOOL IN 1738 ...... 174 




FROM 1837 TO 1848 facing 268 









' The bringing up in learning, virtue, and good manners of children should 
be the key and ground of having good people.' HUGH OLDHAM. 

The passing of the Old Learning of the Middle Ages owing to the rise of a 
Middle Class possessing new aspirations and conscious of new needs 
Lady Margaret Beaufort and statesmen-ecclesiastics provide for 
the spread of the New Learning Chantry schools at the Collegiate 
Church of Manchester Hugh Oldham follows Colet and founds a 
grammar school for the bringing up of children in good learning 
and manners Early scholars and methods of study Attempted 
spoliation of school funds by Ralph Hulme, and threatened dis- 
solution under the Chantries Act Restoration of the collegiate body 
and resettlement of the .school under Queen Mary. 

THE history of the School which Hugh Oldham set up in 
Manchester at the beginning of the sixteenth century is 
interesting, not only on account of the prominent part which 
the school has played in English educational movements 
during the last sixty years, but because of the constantly 
repeated efforts which have been made from its foundation 
to free the School from the limitations of its own age and 
period and keep it in touch with the wider needs of society. 
Although the circumstances which existed at its foundation, 
and those which have accompanied and influenced its growth, 
are probably but slightly to be distinguished from those 
of many hundred similar schools throughout England, yet 
the materials exist for such an adequate study of them 
that the forceful currents which have influenced English 


education can be fairly well analysed in connexion with its 

The period of its foundation, or perhaps more accurately 
of its endowment, was one of rapid national and social 
transition, due to the rise in power of a new Middle Class 
consisting of the lesser landowners and yeomanry, the 
merchants and husbandmen, and the general traders a 
class possessing vigour and intelligence, and demanding 
ampler scope for its mental growth. The learning of the 
Middle Ages had aspired to a complete grasp of all know- 
ledge, statecraft, and science, as well as philosophy, theology, 
and medicine. Its great scholars had gathered vast stores 
of knowledge and had organised them into systems. It had 
nourished the genius of Dante, perhaps the highest expression 
of mediaeval thought, had inspired the architects and builders 
of the great abbeys and cathedrals, had organised ecclesiastical 
and political institutions on a comprehensive scale, and had 
given to each individual his special place in the whole structure, 
and protected him in the discharge of his duties. 1 

But its very organisation had at length begun to impede 
its further growth. It had lost all pliancy and adaptability 
to new conditions, for it had subordinated the interests of the 
individual to those of the ruling classes, and was preventing 
individual development. Moreover, caste spirit and social 
prejudice, which always grow up in any long-established 
social order, had limited the spread of enlightenment and 
education to a fortunate few. 2 Though the Universities had 
been open to all, only a small proportion of the total popula- 
tion had been sufficiently educated to take proper advantage 
of the opportunities they offered, while the subjects which 
were studied were out of touch with daily life and experience. 
The new Middle Class, composed of merchants, craftsmen, 
and yeomanry, possessed new needs, new interests, and new 
aspirations, and for it a new learning, or new humanism, 
was needed, less ambitious than the old learning in its claim 
for finality, but better able, on account of its close contact 
with the merchant classes, to satisfy the cravings and the 

1 Cf . Essay on Cathedral Schools, by Ouseley ; Historical Notices of 
Training of Chorister Boys, by Millard ; On the Music of the Churchet, by 

2 A. F. Leach estimates that there were 200 collegiate schools before 
the Reformation (Encyclopedia of Education). 


needs and to correct the failures and the faults of ordinary 

Independently of the governing classes, a new educational 
movement arose its progress being facilitated by widening 
commercial intercourse, by travel and maritime discovery. 
It had sprung up in Italy and, with the extension of the art 
of printing, had gradually spread throughout Europe. So 
strong was the movement that the old traditions and old 
habits of thought now deeply engrained in national life had 
perforce to lose their characteristics or disappear altogether. 
That the moral fervour of the past did not entirely disap- 
pear from English life was due to the statesmen-ecclesiastics 
who were at the head of affairs in England on the accession 
of Henry VII, and who took a wide view of their responsi- 
bilities. They eagerly welcomed and supported the new 
movement without losing touch with the past. 

Lady Margaret Beaufort (1443-1509), Countess of 
Richmond and of Derby, in her long retirement during the 
exile of her son Henry Tudor, occupied a position midway 
between the Old Learning and the New. She had provided 
a home where promising youths with aptitude and desire for 
learning might be brought up, and for their instruction 
employed a University tutor. A scholar herself, she had 
cultivated the friendship of other scholars, particularly that 
of John Fisher (1459-1535), her confessor, and of Richard 
Fox (1448-1528), whom she employed at Paris to look after 
the interests of her son. On the accession of Henry VII both 
these men received advancement, as did also two at least 
of the Lancashire youths she had trained William Smyth 
and Hugh Oldham. It was John Fisher who, as Bishop of 
Rochester and Chancellor of the University of Cambridge, 
invited Erasmus to England. An intimate friendship sprang 
up between Erasmus and Thomas More (1480-1535), son 
of a Judge on the King's Bench, and John Colet (1466-1519), 
son of a merchant who served as Lord Mayor a friendship 
fraught with far-reaching results to English education. For 
Erasmus desired the general enlightenment of all classes : 

' Pera venture x it were most expedient that the counsels 
of kings should be kept secret, but Christ would that 
His counsels and mysteries should be spread abroad. . . . 

1 Introduction to the Greek Testament, 1516. 


I would to God that the plowman would sing a text of 
the Scripture at his plow beam, and that the weaver at his 
loom with this would drive away the tediousness of time. 
I would the wayfaring man with this pastime would expel 
the weariness of his journey. . . . Truly I do greatly dissent 
from those men which would not that the Scripture of Christ 
should be translated into all tongues, that it might be read 
diligently of the private and secular men and women.' 

And while Erasmus, by his writings, was arousing the in- 
terest of many who were capable of aspiring to a wider know- 
ledge, and was at the same time materially assisting in 
discrediting the self-sufficiency of the now decadent scholasti- 
cism, Colet was planning the scheme of a new school, and 
Sir Thomas More was illustrating the New Learning in his 
daily life and thinking out the political ideas which he em- 
bodied in ' Utopia.' Education for the people was in the 
air. Rich bishops as well as wealthy merchants were busy 
founding Grammar Schools. John Alcock, Bishop of Ely, 
founded Kings ton-on-Hull School in 1486. In the same 
year Dr. John Harmon founded Sutton-Coldfield School, 
near Birmingham. In 1502, Edward Storey founded Chi- 
chester School, and Dr. Ruthal, Bishop of Durham, founded 
Cirencester in 1508. Farnworth School, near Prescot in 
Lancashire, was founded by Dr. Wm. Smyth, Bishop of 
Lichfield, later of Lincoln, in 1507. 

But St. Paul's School, founded by Colet in 1509, was 
different in character from all its predecessors. While pro- 
moting the study of the New Learning, it retained the per- 
sonal devoutness of the best period of the Middle Ages and 
endeavoured to inculcate a love of gentleness and modesty as 
well as of earnest study among its scholars. The instruction 
was in classical as opposed to monkish Latin, and the study 
of Greek was included, since Greek was the language of the 
New Testament. A figure of Jesus Christ was placed in the 
school to serve as a constant reminder of His presence, and 
infinite trouble was taken to select a suitable high master 
and to prepare a special Greek Grammar. 

The new school soon excited jealousy and animosity 
among many clerics, who did not like the general public study- 
ing Scripture for themselves, and who cared only for the 
old mediaeval methods of argumentative hair-splitting, which 
ministered to their vanity and self-importance and served 


to cloak their ignorance. Colet had already excited their 
suspicion in 1498 by delivering lectures at Oxford on the 
teaching and writings of St. Paul, choosing for his subject 
the Epistle to the Corinthians. In 1511, his enemies laid 
a trap for him, arranging that he should preach in St. Paul's 
before the Convocation of the Church, and trusting that 
they might then find suitable ground to prosecute him for 
heresy. Colet had accepted the duty with some anxiety, 
not from any fear of consequences, but from a fear lest 
he should prove unworthy of the great occasion. In the 
sermon he preached on ' The Need for the Reformation of 
the Church/ l he boldly attacked the high ecclesiastics for 
their worldliness and covetousness and their lack of study, 
and exhorted them to consider the responsibilities rather 
than the emoluments of their position. 2 He evidently made 
a profound impression, and aroused the consciences of not 
a few of his hearers. The foundation of University-Colleges 
and Grammar Schools devoted to the new humanistic learn- 
ing proceeded apace, and Oxford and Cambridge were be- 
coming full of scholars. The discovery of the art of printing, 
which created a new craftsmanship and a new trade, facili- 
tated the spread of the movement, and great printers arose 
who were able to employ scholars to edit the great writings 
of Greece and Rome. In 1494 the famous Aldus Manutius 3 
had set up his printing-press in Venice, not only for the pub- 
lication of Latin, but also of the Greek works which were now 
being rescued from oblivion, and in 1500 he had established 
the new Academy of Hellenists, whose members took their 
share in preparing the works of classical writers for publi- 
cation and at whose meetings Greek was the sole language 
of discussion. Each month witnessed the production of a 
thousand copies of the works of some good author. The 
writings of Sophocles, Euripides, Herodotus, Thucydides, 
Demosthenes, as well as those of Cicero, Livy, Virgil, and 
Horace, and indeed all the classical writers, were placed 

1 The Oxford Reformers, F. Seebohm, 1867 ; J. H. Lupton, Life of John 
Colet, p. 194. 

* Among the most attentive of his listeners was Richard Fox, Bishop 
of Durham and of Winchester. ' He was a wise man, and one who could 
see through the present to the future.' One result of the sermon was 
evident in the foundation of Corpus Christi College, Oxford, in 1616. 

8 J. E. Sandys, A History of Classical Scholarship. 


in the hands of numerous scholars throughout Christen- 

It was not till the latter part of this rebirth of the desire 
for knowledge that Lancashire participated in the general 
improvement. Till towards the end of the fifteenth cen- 
tury, the county as a whole was not prosperous. Its 
yeomanry and husbandmen were unlettered and untra veiled, 
and the great mass of its people were superstitious as well 
as ignorant, rough and violent in their manners, poor and 
with but few acquirements, for Lancashire occupied an iso- 
lated position compared with other parts of England. More- 
over, particularly in the southern and low-lying districts, 
there were such large tracts of moss and bog, and the roads 
were so badly kept, that even the small towns then in 
existence were in their turn separated effectually from one 
another. With the exception of a Guild School at Preston, 
established at a very early date, and a Chantry School at 
Middleton dating from 1413, there is no evidence of there 
being any provision for education, and though Whalley 
Abbey, Furness Abbey, and Cartmel Abbey, near Ulverston, 
provided shelter and occupation for many monks, some of 
whom must have possessed intellectual attainments, and 
these religious houses must also have included some kind 
of school in which acolytes could be taught the rudiments 
of reading and singing, as ' centres of learning ' they were 
too secluded to equal in importance those which existed in 
other parts of the country. It was this condition of affairs 
which led those Lancashire men who had travelled to desire to 
raise the general level of though tfulness in their native county. 

The encouragement of sheep-grazing by the monks in 
the abbeys and convents had already provided the conditions 
necessary for the growth of the woollen textile industry carried 
to such a high level by the Flemish weavers in the reign 
of Edward III. Under Tudor patronage English foreign 
trade made rapid progress and fresh markets were found for 
English wool, 1 which gave the woollen industries a further 
impetus. Preston, on the Ribble, and Manchester at the 
junction of the Irwell and the Irk, were the most important 
towns in the county, Manchester owing its rise to the force 

1 The fact that a trading charter was granted to the English Merchant 
Adventurers' Company in 1505 shows the importance of the English textile 
and woollen industries at that time. 


and rapidity of the river Irk, on the banks of which fulling 
and other mills had been erected for the benefit of the Flemish 
weavers who had settled in Manchester at the invitation 
of the Lord of the Manor. As trade improved the popula- 
tion naturally increased, and at the end of the fourteenth 
century the parish of Manchester covered nine miles from 
east to west, and seven from north to south, containing 
many scattered hamlets in addition to the more centrally 
situated mediaeval towns. For the better edification and 
spiritual oversight of the increasing population, the then 
Lord of the Manor, Lord de la Warre, who had gained ex- 
perience in Flanders, founded a central organisation or colle- 
giated body of ' warden, fellows, chaplains and singing men,' 
in the place of the old parochial church with its non-resident 
rectors. The Charter of Collegiation was granted in 1421 ; 
the building was commenced ; and, for the next hundred 
years, local landowners and wealthy citizens continued the 
work. At least six separate private chapels were built, to 
some of which chantries were attached, and the elaborate 
carving of the seats in the chancel thirty in number which 
dates from 1506, reveals something of the social habits, 
customs, and occupations as well as the growing wealth of the 
people. 1 That the town even then possessed some organised 
education is proved by the allocation of special stalls to the 
high master and the usher. It was probably on the basis of 
one of the chantry schools connected with this collegiated 
body that Hugh Oldham founded his Grammar School early 
in the sixteenth century. 

Hugh Oldham is believed to have been one of several 
sons of Richard Oldham of Ancoats, 2 and to have been 
brought up by the Countess of Richmond in the traditions 
of the Older Learning. The administration of law was, at 
that time, in the hands of ecclesiastics, and the study of 
Common Law at the Inns of Court still in its infancy. Old- 
ham entered Jesus College, Cambridge, and took the degree 
of B.C.L. 

1 Of. Hudson, Lancashire and Cheshire Antiquarian Society, 1919. 

* Richard ' in the statutes of Corpus Christi College, Oxon, edited by 
R. M. Ward, 1843. A Roger Oldham died intestate in 1472. His eldest 
son James succeeded to the Ancoats estates, and in 1475 granted them to 
Hugh Oldham, then chaplain or clerk to Robert Booth at Durham. Leaoh, 
Victoria County History of Lancashire, vol. iv. p. 239. 


His career was a singularly successful one, favoured, 
like that of many ecclesiastics of that period, by the gaps 
in public life due to the destruction of so many members 
of the old baronial families in the Wars of the Roses. He 
appears first as chaplain to the Bishop of Durham, then as 
incumbent of St. Mildred's Church, London, later as the 
first master of a Grammar School in Lichfield, reconstructed 
from an old hospital by his friend, William Smith, Bishop of 
that town ; then as canon of St. Stephen's, Westminster ; 
prebendary of St. Paul's and chaplain to Lady Margaret ; 
and finally, in 1504, as Archdeacon of Exeter, and in the 
following year as Bishop. 

The disorder and neglect of the monasteries were at this 
time exciting attention. The majority of them, particularly 
those founded after Norman times, claimed to be free of 
local episcopal control and subject only to the direct juris- 
diction of the Pope of Rome. Some, however, were founded 
as ancient parish churches, and over these the bishops often 
claimed authority. As Bishop of Exeter, Hugh Oldham 
claimed the right to inquire into the state of Tavistock 
Abbey, founded in the reign of Henry I. Richard Barnham, 
the thirty-fifth abbot, opposed his visitation, and as Hugh 
Oldham insisted, Abbot Barnham finally procured his 
sentence of excommunication from the Pope. 

That he possessed remarkable business ability is proved 
by the frequency with which he was entrusted with the 
administration of many important estates. 1 It is probable 
that in the exercise of these duties he repeatedly came under 
the notice of the famous extortioners, Richard Empson and 
Edmund Dudley, as on numerous occasions he received 
* pardon ' from the king, no doubt at the price of handsome 
donations to the treasury. 

1 In 1492, together with Sir Reginald Bray, another prote"g6 of 
the Lady Margaret, subsequently architect of the famous Henry VII 
Chapel, Westminster, he was appointed receiver and surveyor of the lands 
of the late Richard, Earl of Warwick; in 1496 keeper of the lands of 
Richard Wood of Wynkley, Gloucester ; in 1498 of those of John Knollys 
of Bradford, Co. Devon; in 1499 of those of John Taverner of Devon; 
in 1600 Keeper of the View of Frank Pledge, and Free Warren of Cotten- 
ham, Northants ; in 1501 keeper of the lands of Robert Lever ; in 1503 
he acted as administrator of the estates of Sir Reginald Bray himself. 
Of. State Papers (Domestic Series). He also acted as * supervisor * of the 
will of the second Earl of Derby. History of the House of Stanley, p. 44. 


Though Oldham never lost touch with the devotional 
spirit associated in his upbringing with the Older Learning, 
his robust character soon found opportunity in the New 
Learning for independent thought and action. While 
occupied hi London, he must have met and visited William 
Caxton, and he had been among those present at St. Paul's 
when Colet preached his great sermon. 1 There is no clear 
proof that he ever met Erasmus, 2 but it is hardly possible that 
he was not brought into contact with Linacre the learned 
physician, and Sir Thomas More the great lawyer. Moreover, 
as Dr. Richard Colet became Hugh Oldham's commissioner 
for the diocese of Exeter in 1505, it is extremely probable 
that he corresponded or conferred with Dean John Colet 
(1467-1519) both before and after the foundation of St. 
Paul's School. The influence of Colet, if not that of Erasmus, 
is shown in a letter which he wrote to Richard Fox on the 
subject of the creation of his new College of Corpus Christ! : 

'What, my lord,' he wrote, 'shall we build houses and 
provide livelihood for a company of bussing monks whose 
end and fall we ourselves may live to see ? No, no, it is 
more meet a great deal that we should have care to provide 
for the increase of learning, and for such as by their learning 
shall do good in the church and commonwealth. And,* it 
is recorded, * to this end Bishop Fox at length yielded, and 
so they proceeded in their buildings. Wherein Oldham, re- 
serving to Fox the name of the Founder, was content with 
the name of benefactor, and verily liberally did contribute 
great masses of money to the same ; and since, according 
to his wish and desire, the same college hath been and is 
the nurse of many notable good scholars.' s 

Hugh Oldham's interest in the education of Manchester 
boys had evidently begun to develop by 1509, when Colet 
opened St. Paul's School, for, in the 1515 Indenture, it is 
stated that he and his friends ' had often taken into considera- 
tion that the youth, particularly in the county of Lanca- 
shire, had for a long time been in want of instruction, as well 
from the poverty of their parents as from the want of some 
person who should instruct them in learning and virtue,' and 

1 He read the Epistle for the day. See Lupton's Life of Colet, p. 194. 

2 Erasmus at Oxford in 1498, in Cambridge from 1503-9. 
s Raphael Holinahed, 1800 ed., vol. iii. p. 617. 


Lord de la Warre expressly stated in the Court of the Duchy 
of Lancaster that the object, for which, in 1509, he had sold 
his rights over the mills on the Irk for sixty years to 
the sister and nephew of Hugh Oldham, had materially 
influenced him in the price he asked for them. 

Besides his friends in Devonshire and London, Oldham 
had kept up his intimacy with many in the North around 
his old home. 1 

When visiting his relatives in Manchester, Oldham must 
have heard of, and become interested in, the foundation of 
several of the chantries at the old parochial church, 2 and 
have taken counsel with their founders and with the warden 
as to the narrowness and limitations of the training given 
to the singing boys and others by chantry priests, or by the 
Archididascalos and Hypodidascalos, for whom stalls were 
provided in the chancel. His own estimate of the value 
of education was far above the ordinary : 

* The bringing up of children in their adolescence, and to 
occupy them in good learning and manners, from and out 
of idleness, is the chief cause to advance knowledge, and of 
learning them, when they shall come to the age of virilitie, 
or whereby they may the better know, love, honour and 
dread God and his laws, and for that the liberal science or 
art of grammar is the ground and fountain of all the other 
liberal arts and sciences which surge and spring out of the same, 
without which science, the other cannot profitably be had, 
for the science of grammar is the gate by which all other be 
learned and known in diversity of tongues and speeches. 
Wherefore the said late Reverend Father, for the good mind 
which he had and bare to the County of Lancashire, consider- 
ing the bringing up in learning, virtue and good manners, of 
children in the same country, should be the key and ground 
to have good people there, which hath lacked and wanted 
in the same, as well as for great poverty of the common 
people there as also by cause of long time passed, the teaching 
and bringing up of young children to school, to the learning of 
grammar, hath not been taught there for lack of sufficient 
Schoolmaster and Usher there, so that the children in the 
same county having pregnant wit, had been most part 

1 See Appendix. 

1 In 1506 there was a lawsuit in the Duchy Court of Lancaster between 
the Warden of Manchester, the Abbot of Whalley, Adam Holland, James 
Radcliffe, Richard Hunt, and William Galley, endeavouring to recover 
money which Richard Bestwick had left to support the chantry priest. 


brought up rudely and idly, and not in virtue, cunning, 
erudition, literature, and in good manners.' x 

That the Grammar School which he ultimately decided 
to found had some relation to a pre-existing chantry school 
is indicated by the fact that when the chantries were sub- 
sequently abolished in King Edward VI's reign, a pension 
was granted to the Grammar School from the funds of the 
duchy in lieu of the original chantry bequest, while the statutes 
of the school direct that the scholars should attend the church 
on Wednesday and Friday and All Saints' Day, to say the 
Litany, the Suffrages, and the De Profundis psalm, for the 
souls of the various benefactors of the chantries, similar to 
those which were accustomed to be said by the chantry priests. 

The scholars for whom Hugh Oldham built the school, 
planned a library, and arranged for University exhibitions 
from its accumulated funds, 2 must have presented a curious 
sight at its first opening, which probably took place in 1515. 

There would be small boys from the chantry schools, 
training for choristers, learning their alphabet from the 
older boys or from the usher. Their school education would 
be complete when they had acquired the use of the Song 
Book for the services in the church. There would be a 
few very serious boys, older than their years, members of 
families who may have come recently from Flanders, or who 
possessed traditions of knowledge inherited from Lollard 
ancestors. Some of these may have already learned to 
use printed books which in all probability were brought to 
the Manchester market by travellers, and, if so, they would 
know something of the New Learning, which was to bring 
joy and freedom to all, and which was countenanced by the 
young and popular king. A small number, perhaps one or 
two every few years, were preparing for further training at 
Oxford or Cambridge. And, lastly, there would be some 
idle, boisterous, rough, and intractable whose wander- 
ing curiosity was caught by any new thing, and whose speedy 

1 School statutes drawn up in 1525 by the trustees and given in the 

* Such boys as showed talent were assisted to further study at the 
University, either by private benevolence or by the aid of school funds 
when there was a surplus exceeding the sum of 40, which had to be kept 
in the school chest for emergencies. 


departure from school would be a relief to teachers and fellow- 
scholars alike. There would be boys who enjoyed cock- 
fighting on Shrove Tuesday, and who helped the ushers and 
subordinates of the school to eke out their scanty stipends 
by paying their cock pennies for the maintenance of the 
cocks. The families from which all these boys were gathered 
would include many of those best established in the district, 
but it was stipulated in the regulations that no scholar 
was to wear any ' dagger, hanger, or other weppon invasy ve,' 
that is, no sign of social condition between rich and poor l 
was allowed. No scholar, of whatever county or shire, 
could be refused entry unless he was stricken with some 
horrible contagious disease, but if any should leave the school 
to go to another, once only could they be granted re- 
admission. School began at six o'clock in the summer, at 
seven in the winter, except for boys who came from long dis- 
tances, and for them special arrangements were made. It 
was not perhaps till the school had won a reputation that 
boys came to lodge in the town in order to attend. 

The most notable scholars of the period are John Brad- 
ford, the great preacher and martyr of the Reformation ; 
Laurence Vaux, 2 a Catholic of considerable repute, founder 
of the famous College at Douay, and Warden of the 
Manchester College ; William Birch, who succeeded Vaux 
as Warden ; Richard Hall, for a time head master of the 
Middleton School and a friend of John Bradford ; and 
Edward Pendleton, who was probably educated at the 
school, and who became high master in 1547. Some short 
biographies are given in the Appendix. 

The school, though possessing a wide educational out- 
look, had been established in the first place under eccle- 
siastical management, but after the death of Hugh Oldham in 

1 Owing to the very unequal distribution of property, many of good 
family were often called ' poore,' but this did not mean destitute or im- 
poverished, but that they were without possession of landed estate or other 
inheritance, and were therefore compelled to seek their own living. But the 
schedules of 1525 contemplate that some of the scholars would be able to 
pay for meals, and others from their great poverty would have to bring their 
meals with them every day. Two poor scholars were to bo chosen by the 
high master or usher to keep the register and clean the school once a week, 
receiving in payment the penny paid as entrance fee by each of the scholars. 

1 Cf. Wardens of Manchester College, Rev. F. R. Raines (Chetham 
Society), N.S., vol. v. 


1519, one of his relatives and a co- trustee, Ralph Hulme, a 
lawyer of indifferent honesty, prepared a deed transfer- 
ring some of the lands to himself and his son Stephen, under 
the guise of securing the right of the mills to the school. 
The case was brought into the Duchy Court of Lancaster, 
and was decided against Hulme, who was compelled to pay 
a heavy fine. New deeds were therefore drawn up (circ. 
1524) and the school re-established under lay management 
and clerical supervision, the high master and usher nomi- 
nated by the President of Corpus Christi College, Oxford. 
The new regulations were similar to those already in force at 
St. Paul's School in London, and not only showed a profound 
insight into the needs of the time, but made ample provi- 
sion for any alteration which might be rendered necessary 
in the future. None of the highly placed ecclesiastics of 
the district, and none of the numerous family connections 
of the bishop among the mercantile classes, were on the list 
of feoffees, which included eight of the wealthiest local land- 
owners ; but it is interesting to note that several of these local 
landowners the Byrons, the Traffords, and the Radcliffes 
were already interested in chantries established on behalf of 
members of their own families. 

Probably the Manchester School, during these early years, 
was of no great repute, for when John Leland, the King's 
Antiquary, made his tour through England between 1533 and 
1540 to gather information concerning the disestablished 
monasteries, he took note of the flourishing mills of Man- 
chester, but made no mention of the School which they 
supported, though he was himself a scholar of the recently 
founded St. Paul's School, London, and a member of the 
University of Cambridge. 

The fortunes of the School were closely bound up with 
those of the Manchester College, the Warden of which was, 
from the first, its official visitor. On the passing of the Chan- 
tries Act in the reign of Henry VIII, sanctioning the con- 
fiscation by the Crown of all endowments of chantries with 
their propitiatory services for the souls of the dead, an attempt 
was made to suppress the Manchester College and seize its 
revenue, but the general inhabitants, together with the 
landed gentry, 1 were firmly on the side of the old religion, and 

1 Of. Foreign and Domestic Letters and Papers, Henry VIII, vol. xi. 
(ed. by James Gairdner). 


the attempt failed. The reorganisation of the Church and the 
foundation of a bishopric at Chester probably led to better 
administration. Even^Edmund Bonner, the Bishop of London, 
took active part in the printing of the Bishops' Bible, and caused 
six copies to be chained in St. Paul's for the use of the public. 
Readers were admonished to edify themselves when no 
divine service was being conducted, but not to dispute. On the 
accession of Edward VI the Chantries Act was re-enacted, 
and the commissioners granted extended powers to enable 
them to suppress all collegiated bodies for the maintenance of 
clergy, and all schools except the Colleges of Oxford and 
Cambridge. This time the School was threatened with the 
College. George Collier, a staunch papist, was Warden, and 
Edward Pendleton, whose changes of principle closely fol- 
lowed political events, was high master. The few feoffees 
still living were naturally of the old faith. One of them, 
Sir Edmund Trafford, had already been appointed in 1542 
among the ecclesiastical commissioners for the diocese of 
Manchester, and was probably a relative of Hugh Oldham. 
Another feoffee, one Thurston Tildesley of Wardle Hall, 
Worsley, had been chosen to represent the County of Lan- 
cashire in the new Parliament. It is doubtful which of these 
was most actively interested in the preservation of the School, 
but someone must have intervened, for not only was the 
School preserved, but the pension granted by the Duchy 
of Lancaster to the dispossessed chantry priest, who served 
as schoolmaster, was henceforth paid to the School. 1 

It is doubtful whether the School made much pro- 
gress during Edward VI's reign, for local opinion was much 
divided, and occupational applications of learning were little 

The most interesting incident of the period was the extra- 
ordinary success of the missionary preaching of one of its 
earliest and most famous scholars, John Bradford, through- 
out the parishes of Manchester, Ashton-under-Lyne, Bolton, 
Wigan, Liverpool. 

Edward VI died July 1553. His sister, Queen Mary, 
had been well trained in the New Learning, and possessed 
good business abilities as well as a strong will. Many broken 
and disbanded religious institutions were re-established, parti- 

1 There are several similar pensions mentioned in an account of the 
Duohy funds of 1588 and given in Baines' History of Lancashire. 


cularly those of an educational tendency ; the Manchester 
College was restored, the Warden replaced, and Dr. Edward 
Pendleton, high master of the Grammar School, succeeded 
not only in retaining his high mastership but in obtain- 
ing the vicarage of Eccles. Though the persecution of the 
Reformers aroused considerable anger, local administration 
became more settled. New feoffees were elected on the Gram- 
mar School trust to take the place of old ones who had died. 
They at once began to repair the neglect of the past few years. 1 
These feoffees were younger members of the same families 
as their predecessors. They were still ardently attached to 
the old religion, and though some of them no doubt had 
listened to the stirring appeals of John Bradford and other 
reforming preachers, and their children were destined to 
take active part in establishing the Reformation, yet they 
themselves showed little interest in the matter, nor can we 
gather from the wills and inventories of the goods that are 
to be found at Chester that they shared the vision of Hugh 
Oldham, or even took any particular interest in learning. 

In spite of the great pains taken by the Bishop and 
his relatives to equip the school properly, its early history 
must have been a chequered one. There are repeated changes 
in the high mastership. This may indicate that the occu- 
pation of schoolmaster was unattractive unless accompanied 
by clerical employment, such as that of Fellow of the Man- 
chester College, or possibly that there was an exceptionally 
heavy mortality due to the frequent visitation of the plague 
or pestilence. That such repeated visitations of plague 
were anticipated as a natural occurrence is shown by the 
fact that the Trust Deed makes provision for the closure of 
the school when the plague lasted twelve weeks or more. 

1 Cf. Manchester Court Leet Records. 



* Yet I doubt not through the ages, one increasing purpose runs, 
And the thoughts of men are widened with the process of the suns. 


The Merchant Adventurers' Companies promote trade intercourse between 
various towns and countries Latin the natural language of com- 
merce New social forces find outlets Merchants favour schools 
and universities, and spread various kinds of knowledge Queen 
Elizabeth organises the State Church, and the education of the 
parochial clergy and of licensed preachers progresses Reforms of the 
collegiated body cause Manchester to become a centre of puritanism 
James Bateson high master, and some of his scholars William Chad- 
derton becomes Warden of Manchester College and Bishop of Chester. 
He punishes Catholic recusants, sends their children to English schools, 
and favours the highly educated public preachers Dr. Thomas Cogan 
becomes high master ' The Haven of Health ' Thomas Sorocold 
and ' The Supplication of Saints ' Warden Dee Mathematics and 
astrology Neglect at the School. 

DURING the reign of Queen Elizabeth, owing to the great 
increase of intercourse between different countries as well 
as different towns, the long pent-up social forces which had 
begun to find outlet spread widely and rapidly, and broke 
down the artificial barriers of long-established habits. The 
English merchants who constituted the Merchant Adven- 
turers' Company multiplied and increased in power. 1 They 
had branches in all the principal towns in the North of Eng- 
land which were concerned in the woollen trade, and they 
had agents and settlements in the important towns in the 
North of Europe. They had received encouragement from 

1 Cf. Wheeler's History ; Anderson's History of Commerce, vol. ii. p. 199 ; 
John B. Williamson, Stanhope Essay, 1893 ; Lingenbach, Merchant Adven- 
turers of England, 1903. 


Henry VII and Henry VIII, though efforts were made to 
suppress them in Holland during the reign of Queen Mary, 
acting in the interests of Spain. They received a fresh charter 
and encouragement under Queen Elizabeth, and sympathised 
in the efforts begun in 1563 to establish the Dutch re- 
publics and overthrow the yoke of Spain. That struggle 
had many issues racial, religious, political, and economic 
for the merchants of the North of Europe were successfully 
competing with the great trading cities of Italy and the 
Mediterranean, while navigators were finding new markets 
for all. Latin was the only possible language for inter- 
national commerce, as well as for the understanding of 
such subjects as were of general interest, geography and 
travel, geometry, astronomy, and the natural history of pro- 
ducts of foreign countries. Consequently, merchants liberally 
supported schools and universities. 1 The writings of Galen 
and Hippocrates were studied for guidance as to regimen 
and diet. There was a modicum of practical knowledge 
worth preserving even in the superstitions and vagaries of 
astrology, not perhaps so much for its contributions to as- 
tronomy, but because it included a folklore about the growth 
and properties of healing plants a modicum of knowledge 
which proved of value when physicians began to make a 
careful study of such ' simples ' by planting physic gardens 
and studying botany to obtain exact knowledge for the 
pharmacopoeias which took the place of antiquated herbals. 2 
The spread of intelligence and healthy inquiry was also 
helped by the return to England of the exiled Protestant re- 
formers, who were able to offer a new philosophy of life, which 
was much better fitted to the new social conditions than was the 
old subservience to papal and ecclesiastical authority. For the 
claims of the priest to sell pardons and to obtain freedom from 
purgatory at an agreed price were substituted the doctrines 
of Calvinism, which taught that the destiny of each individual 

1 Anthony Mosley (brother of the London clothier who purchased the 
manor of Manchester in 1596 and became Lord Mayor of London in 1699 
and High Sheriff of Lancashire 1604) left 5 yearly during ten years to poor 
scholars going out of the free schools of Manchester, Middleton, and Roch- 
dale to either university, at the discretion of his executors and overseers. 
Ohetham Society, N.S., vol. xxviii. p. 59. 

1 John Gerrard (1545-1612), a barber's surgeon of London, had a 
physic garden in Holborn. He published his herbarium in 1597. 


was settled by Divine decree from the foundation of the world ; 
that the chosen ones lived in a state of grace which involved 
a constant and direct communion with God without any 
priestly intervention, and that each would find guidance for 
daily conduct in the personal study of the Hebrew Scriptures 
and the New Testament. The more religious merchants 
supported special preachers, and thus learning found fresh 
patrons. The organisation of the English National Church 
which had been begun under Edward VI provided fresh scope 
for scholars, and its honours and emoluments were now open 
to those who had influence or had distinguished themselves 
by their abilities and energies. Many received support 
and benefactions as chaplains of private merchants. It was, 
however, some time before the curates and vicars who were 
left in charge of the parochial churches were raised from their 
state of ignorance and superstition. 

Many of the rich merchants purchased estates from the 
landowning classes, and soon imparted some of their fresh 
ideas and enterprise to their untravelled members. Having 
younger sons to provide for, both classes sought out oppor- 
tunities to advance them in life in new channels. Those with 
an inclination to scholarship entered Holy Orders or attended 
at the Inns of Court and acquired a knowledge of the law, 
for though the Crown frequently interfered with the proper 
course of justice by its arbitrary enactments, yet the use of the 
Law Courts greatly increased. Others made a study of medi- 
cine. For all these careers, as well as for the higher branches 
of mercantile life, adequate preparation was necessary. 
Universities and grammar schools were the natural avenue of 
approach. Those schools were the most attractive in which 
the religious devotion that had characterised the learning of 
the Middle Ages persisted. Education continued to be by 
service and song as well as by reading and speech. This 
gave an energy and a freshness to study, which later became 
lost when other methods prevailed. 

Unfortunately the proportion of the people affected by 
all these movements was small. Many traders failed to 
appreciate their high opportunities. Money was lent out at 
exorbitant rates of usury, and legal knowledge was used for 
purposes of extortion. 

The pseudo-science of Astrology as well as the deceptions 
of witchcraft were consulted by many gullible people. The 


parochial clergy too often shared the vulgarity and even the 
impurity of life of their parishioners. Consequently the 
age of Elizabeth was a crude mixture of noble effort and 
slothful indifference. Its literary productions were full of 
the highest aspirations, but its daily conduct was too often 
of the basest character. Superstition and cruelty the 
offspring of ignorance and fear still held in subjection the 
great masses of the people ; self-respect based on self-govern- 
ment was rare. Many of the clergy were really popish priests, 
and too ignorant, even if desirous, to exert any power to 
raise and instruct their people. Yet it is evident that the new 
middle class which had arisen from the merchant class and 
from the smaller landowning class, was morally earnest and 
purposeful and intellectually alert, and their sons were 
attending the Grammar Schools, and passing thence not only 
into the so-called learned professions but into business careers, 
where the value of learning was well understood and for which 
institutions of learning were being encouraged. It is evident 
that this middle class was now so strong that it was able to 
secure that the theology adopted by the English Crown, and 
imposed on the English Church, was a theology not only 
intelligible to them and conformable to their new aspira- 
tions, but one which as a philosophical interpretation of life 
included all the knowledge at that time available. 1 

This theology involved a certain duty of individual 
judgment, and therefore freedom of conscience freedom, 
that is, from ecclesiastical authority. It was associated with 
a demand for some lay representation in the government 
of the Church viz. by presbyters, a system not at all 
agreeable to Queen Elizabeth, who however showed herself 
favourable to the efforts to increase personal devotion in 
liturgy and prayer and thanksgiving, and in the ritual of 
Church life. 

Soon after her accession, an ecclesiastical commission of 
forty-four members was appointed, having jurisdiction over 
the whole of the kingdom. It was entrusted with the duty 
(1) of abolishing all foreign influence in the government of 
the Church in England ; (2) of enforcing uniformity of wor- 
ship ; (3) of obtaining from the clergy a subscription to certain 

1 Compare * Certain Sermons or HomiHea and Canons appointed to be 
read in Churches ' in the time of Elizabeth with those set forth by Bonner, 


articles of discipline. Active steps were taken to reconcile the 
people to the new order of things by the encouragement 
throughout the whole kingdom of public preachers or prophe- 
siers, as they were called, who, by their previous training at the 
Universities, were capable of instructing the people in the doc- 
trines of the Reformation. The policy of favouring preachers 
had a marked influence in increasing the number of scholars 
at the English Universities. For those who had not sufficient 
learning or wit to compose, their own sermons, the Book of 
Homilies was revised and published. The general policy 
was successful, for though all the Romish bishops but one 
refused to acknowledge her supremacy, yet nearly all the 
clergy, some 24,000 in number, who had previously followed 
the Roman ritual, adopted the new order. Catholic families 
attended Anglican services, and the reformers, though they 
disliked the government of the Church by State-appointed 
bishops and objected to certain customs, such as the sign 
of the cross in baptism and the use of the ring in marriage, 
offered little opposition. 

In local affairs the mild-mannered William Downham 
was appointed Bishop of Chester, a see which included South 
Lancashire ; while Thomas Herle was appointed Warden in 
place of Laurence Vaux the Catholic. The old Catholic trus- 
tees of the Grammar School were not interfered with, and 
the constantly changing Edward Pendleton retained the high 

As time wore on, complaisance became neglect. Warden 
Herle disposed of much of the valuable property of the 
collegiate body by granting peppercorn rents to greedy 
courtiers and local magnates until the College became im- 
poverished. Public comments were aroused, and Warden 
Herle became frightened. He appealed to Matthew Parker, 
then Archbishop of Canterbury, to use his influence with 
the Queen to obtain a decree that the Manchester College 
should be annexed to a college in a university, preferably 
to that of St. John's College, Cambridge, in order that such 
of its resources as still remained might be devoted to the 
training and support of preachers and students who could be 
compelled to live in the district and supply its spiritual needs. 
Oliver Carter, one of the Fellows, also succeeded in attracting 
the attention of Alexander Nowell, Dean of St. Paul's, to the 
matter. Nowell was a Lancashire man who had taken great 


interest in his own Grammar School at Middleton, 1 and had 
recently endowed it with thirteen scholarships at Brasenose 
College, Oxford. Though by no means a favourite with 
Queen Elizabeth, No well managed to get the affairs of the 
Manchester College investigated. As a consequence of the 
inquiry, Herle was dismissed, and the College resuscitated 
and reconstructed as the ' College of Christ/ 1578. It was 
to maintain a Warden and eight Fellows, who were under 
vow and penalty of a fine to be resident. After this reform 
and under pressure of State enforcement, the members of 
the collegiate body more thoroughly carried out their duties. 
In spite of some indifference on the part of the feoffees, 
who allowed encroachments to be made upon the rights of the 
school to the monopoly of grinding corn at their mills, the 
school itself prospered because the next high master, James 
Bateson, was a conscientious, hard-working man. The date 
of his appointment to Manchester is unknown. He was ad- 
mitted at Brasenose College, Oxon, 1554, and graduated B.A. 
1558. He must have begun his high mastership before 1559, 
for in that year his name occurs in the records of the Court 
Leet. He was probably of local origin, for a Christopher Bate- 
son was admitted Secular Chaplain of Manchester College 
1552, Presbyter and B.A. 1557, and allowed to practise 
surgery 1558, while a Richard Bateson was appointed Chap- 
lain of Prestwich 1585. He seems to have been of some in- 
fluence and character, for more than fifty years after his 
death his name and his children are gratefully remembered 
by one of his old scholars Henry Bury who died at the age 
of eighty-nine in the year 1634, and who tells us that while 
at the school he had lodged with Mrs. Bradford, the mother 
of the martyr. 2 In 1579 Bury was appointed one of the 
special travelling lecturers or Moderators recently appointed 
to instruct the local clergy and others by giving lectures at 
the Collegiate Church and elsewhere, and who were called 
Queen's Preachers. He afterwards settled at Bury, where he 
founded and endowed the Bury Grammar School. In his 
will, wherein he made special mention of his early Manchester 
friends, he expressed his desire to help in forming a library 
for that town. His particular mention of his song-books, 

1 Six miles from Manchester and now included in the City. 

2 Cf. Lane, and Ches. Witts (Chetham Society, N.S., vol. xxxvii.). 


which he leaves to the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge, 
shows the prominent place music still took in centres of 

Two scholars of the Grammar School of the family of 
Rilston, which was well known in Manchester at this time, 
also proceeded to the University. Of these Edward Rilston 
became Vice-Principal of Brasenose College, Oxford. 

1 He was a pious man, much honoured by the whole Uni- 
versity, whose preaching was of such life and power and in 
such evidences and demonstration of the Spirit that his 
hearers were ordinarily struck with fear and reverence, if 
not with terror.' 

There was also John Smith, President of Magdalene Col- 
lege, Cambridge, ' a provident man and a prudent governor, a 
lover of his countrymen, a bountiful benefactor to the 
College.' He founded new scholarships and fellowships, with 
special reference to boys from his old school at Manchester. 

Among other contemporary scholars may be mentioned 
Richard Crompton of Bedford Grange, Leigh, who entered 
Brasenose 1560, and was admitted to the Middle Temple 
1573. He was appointed Reader in that year and again in 
1578. It is recorded of him that ' he might have been called to 
the Coif ' (i.e. have practised at the Bar or have been made a 
judge) ' had he not preferred his private studies and repose 
before public employment and riches.' Perhaps his greatest 
public service was the editing of ' The Office and Authorities 
of Justice of the Peace,' a well-known handbook of law, 
which became of increased importance and utility as the 
work of magistrates grew and the need for their proper 
training became more recognised. 1 

That less wealthy as well as rich scholars were taking 
advantage of the school is shown by the fact that William 
Birch, who had received his education there, after proceeding 
to St. John's College, Cambridge, and graduating M.A. 1551, 
had been appointed Warden of the Manchester College in 1559. 
He left by his will, dated 1575, among other local chari- 
ties, 40s. apiece for twenty poor scholars in Latin of the 

1 This book possesses additional interest to Manchester scholars since 
its author, Sir Anthony Fitzherbert, had been a friend of Hugh Oldham 
and one of the twelve original feoffees of the school. 


Manchester School. 1 There were many such. William 
Massey of Sale, 'a poor scholar of Brodgate Hall,' Oxon, 
had entered from the Manchester School. He was admitted 
to Brasenose College 1567, and received 20s. of Robert 
Nowell's money in 1569. 2 He was expelled in 1588 from 
his fellowship at Oxford because he had married and so 
had broken regulations. He was appointed successively 
Chaplain to Sir Edward Trafford, Chaplain then Fellow of 
the Manchester Collegiate Church, finally Rector of Wilmslow, 
Cheshire. He preached ' a very plain and pointed sermon 
on the duties and blessings of Christian wedlock and very 
condemnatory of popery,' on the occasion of the marriage 
of Margaret Trafford to Urian, son of Thomas Legh of Adling- 
ton. He died July 28, 1610. 

The reforms at the Collegiate Church soon began to 
influence the general outlook, particularly when William 
Chadderton, a Manchester scholar, became Warden in 1579. 
Under the new constitution, in addition to the four Fellows 
who were scholars and preachers, and compelled to reside 
locally for a certain length of time, there were singing men and 
choristers appointed with special duties. The small chapels 
in the parish were used as preaching stations, 3 and local land- 
owners and residents gave them some support. These chapel- 
ries were situated at Stretford, Chorlton, Didsbury, Gorton, 
Newton Heath, Denton, and Ash ton. Curates or incum- 
bents were appointed (often, it must be confessed, with miser- 
able pittances), willing, like their predecessors, the chantry 
priests, to eke out their incomes by teaching small children, 
and even by other less desirable occupations. 4 As public 
intelligence increased, however, men of some learning and even 
of University training were appointed to these curacies, and 
voluntary subscriptions were given to provide better 

The steady support given in the North of England to 

1 Lane, and Ches. Wills (Chetham Society, N.S., vol. v. pp. 70-75). 

2 Spending of the Money of Robert Nowell ; Croston's County Families o 
Lancashire, p. 200. 

1 Of. Simon Harwood : A godly and learned sermon containing a charge 
of instruction for all unlearned, negligent, and dissolute ministers, preached 
at Manchester before a great and worshipful audience by occasion of certain 
parsons there at the present appointed to be made ministers.' 

4 The Chorlton curate even kept an alehouse. Baines' Lancaster, vol. 
i. p. 260. 


Catholic conspiracies induced Queen Elizabeth in 1580 to 
appoint special commissioners for the North of England to 
root out papacy. They consisted of the Earl of Derby, 
the Archbishop of York, and, most active of all, William Chad- 
derton (1540-1608), now Bishop of Chester. 

William Chadderton was the son of Edward Chadderton 
of Nuthurst and Margery, niece of Warden Cliffe, the friend 
of Hugh Oldham, at whose school he had been trained. He 
passed from the school to Queens' College, Cambridge, and 
graduated M.A. 1557. In 1561 he was elected Lady Margaret 
Lecturer of Divinity, and in 1567 became Master of his 
College. He was also chaplain to Robert Dudley, Earl of 
Leicester, then Chancellor of the University. On the Regius 
Professorship of Divinity falling vacant, he was recommended 
by a number of prominent University scholars in the following 
terms : 

' And forasmuch as it was very expedient in the behalf 
of their University and the students in that faculty to have 
a learned, godly and painful [i.e. painstaking] man to supply 
the place with great diligence, they thought good to recom- 
mend to his honour, Master Doctor Chadderton, who had, with 
commendation by the space of almost three years read the 
lectures, founded by the Lady Margaret, as one most fit in their 
judgment to succeed in his place. Most humbly desiring 
his honour to certify as well the said master Doctor Whitgift, 
as also others, the Master of Colleges there in Cambridge, 
of his pleasure and liking therein, that they might all frame 
themselves accordingly, and thus wishing his health, with 
the aid of God Almighty in all his affairs, took their leave.' l 

The presence of forceful and opposing currents of thought 
at the Universities which stirred the imagination of scholars 
at this time is shown by the fact that when Dr. Chadderton 
resigned the Lady Margaret lectureship he was succeeded 
by Cartwright, a very active opponent of episcopal disci- 
pline and teaching, who, for his Presbyter ianism, was ulti- 
mately deprived of his position. William Chadderton, on 
the other hand, though also a Puritan and favouring travel- 
ling preachers and the holding of religious services in private 
homes, was a reformer of a different stamp. He desired a 
better discipline in the English Church as then established, 

1 Strype's Life of Whitgift, vol. i. p. 29. 


and ' urged Lord Cecil, the Chancellor of the University, to 
reform the libels, seditions, rebellion, quarrels and strife of the 
University, which not only endangered the good government 
of the University, but also the safety of the realm/ It was 
probably on account of his efforts for the better government 
of the Anglican Church that in 1579 he was appointed 
Warden of Manchester. A few months later he was also 
made Bishop of Chester. In the following year, when he was 
appointed a member of the Ecclesiastical Commission for the 
North of England, he decided for the convenience of carrying 
on this work to live in Manchester rather than in Chester. His 
fellow-commissioner, the Earl of Derby (ob. 1593), at this time 
resided at Alport Park, also near Manchester. The two 
vigorously co-operated in advancing the Reformation in 
conjunction with the Queen and her Privy Council, conse- 
quently Puritan Anglicanism grew in strength. Recusant 
Catholics were apprehended, examined, fined, and imprisoned. 
Their children were removed from their homes and placed 
under the immediate care and instruction of Chadderton, 
and no doubt many were sent to the Manchester School for 
instruction, for it is unlikely that Chadderton would overlook 
the interests of his old school where the children could be 
under his immediate supervision. Many seem to have pro- 
ceeded subsequently to Oriel College, Oxford. How far this 
process of attempting to convert Catholics was successful 
cannot easily be determined. During the first half of the 
reign that is, previous to the appointment of the second and 
more searching Ecclesiastical Commission in 1580 about 
thirteen local names can be traced at Oxford and Cambridge. 
Of these about four subsequently appear at Douay, where the 
large proportion of English Catholic scholars congregated. 1 
Between 1580 and 1603, some twenty- two local names can be 
traced at Oxford and Cambridge ; of these nine are found sub- 
sequently at Douay. It is impossible to decide exactly how 
many of these received a preliminary training at the Man- 
chester Grammar School, whose unostentatious buildings 
and whose influence in encouraging scholars were still so little 
regarded that William Camden, subsequently head master of 

1 Of the early training of Thomas Worthington, who passed from Oxford 
to Douay, and became head of that College, nothing definite is known, 
except that he was a Lancashire man and that many other members of his 
family who resided in Manchester became noteworthy scholars. 


Westminster, while mentioning in his Magna Britannia (1580) 
the woollen manufactures and the Collegiated Church of 
Manchester, like his predecessor John Leland, made no 
mention whatever of the Grammar School. 

The steady change of religious opinion that was taking 
place is certainly reflected in the public actions of the new 
feoffees who were appointed in 1581. They were members 
of the same families that had been represented before, but 
they possessed a different outlook. They sent their own sons 
and relatives to the Grammar School and thence to the English 
Universities or Inns of Court. On their estates were spring- 
ing up the chapelries or preaching stations above mentioned 
which spread the Reformation, and owing to the growth of 
intelligence now required the regular services of chaplains 
or curates, still often ill-paid, but with some pretensions 
to learning. 

New factors in social life appear when, towards the latter 
part of her reign, Queen Elizabeth began to view with dis- 
favour the popularity of the public preaching by Puritans, 
which she had previously encouraged. The reason for this 
change of policy was that these preachers, in addition to 
attacking papists, had begun to attack episcopal govern- 
ment and to accuse the State of attempts to suppress in- 
dividual liberty. 1 They advocated a form of Presbyterian 
government, in which lay elders had considerable share. The 
religious struggles which ensued now became political, for 
they involved questions of ecclesiastical government as well 
as questions of doctrine. 

After the death of James Bateson, a new interest was 
introduced into Manchester life by the appointment in 1583 
of a physician, Thomas Cogan, as high master. 2 Thomas 
Cogan had entered Oriel College, Oxford, 1559, and had 
graduated B.A. in 1562. He was elected Fellow and M.A. 
1574. Like the famous Thomas Linacre he had also graduated 
in Medicine. He was esteemed a good Grecian, and his 
writings show familiarity with Erasmus and with the 
Greek, as well as Italian and Spanish medical writers. Soon 

1 Ames, quoted by Strype. The moveable printing-press of Robert 
Waldegrave of London was set up in Manchester, and some of the 
famous Martin Marprelate tracts were printed there. The printing-press 
and copies of the tracts were seized by the Earl of Derby. 

8 Palatine Note Book, vol. iii. p. 7. 


after coming to Manchester, he married a wealthy widow, 
Ellen Trafford, one of five sisters of Sir Edmund Trafford, 
whose other sisters had been married to Edward Holland of 
Denton, Sir Urian Brerton of Handforth, Sir W. Radcliffe 
of Ordsall. Her previous husband, Thomas Willet, 1 was a man 
of considerable status. Dr. Cogan seems to have been 
allowed to practise as a physician coincidently with holding 
the high mastership, probably on account of the limited 
remuneration and the poor social status which still attached 
to the position of schoolmaster. 

Dr. Cogan was the author of a work called { The Haven 
of Health/ dedicated to Sir Edward Seymour, Earl of Hert- 
ford, of which the following is an extract : 

'For a mind wearied with study, and for one that is 
melancholic, as the most part of learned men are, especially 
those that be excellent, there is nothing more comfortable, 
or that more reviveth the spirits than music . . . and be- 
cause it is one of the liberal sciences, it ought to be esteemed 
of students, and that for good causes, for by the judgment 
of Aristotle music is one of those four things which ought to 
be learned in youth in all well-governed commonwealths . . . 
not only for solace and recreation but also because it moveth 
man to virtue and good manners and prevaileth greatly to 
wisdom, quietness of mind and contemplation. But what 
kind of music every student should use I refer to their own 

In 1595 Dr. Cogan, when about to resign his post at the 
school, presented some valuable works on medicine to his 
old College at Oxford, and the following entry occurs in 
the Oriel College register : 

'All the works of Galen in five volumes, newly bound, 
embossed, and with chains attached. Also the Anatomy 
of Gemini (published at Windsor 1552) and Matthiolus' Com- 
mentaries on Dioscorides (pub. Venice 1568) with new bind- 
ings and bosses and fastened with chains as the gift 
of the distinguished Thomas Cogan, formerly Fellow of this 
College, were received and deposited in the Library, with 
the heartiest thanks of the Master and Fellows, and equally 
unanimous consent of all, the debt of 40s. which he owed 
to the College is remitted and condoned.' 

1 Died 1577. Cf. Palatine Note Book, April 1883. 

And still further : 

' In testimony of their gratitude it was decreed that he 
should be presented with a pair of gloves, which was done 
on the day in the year above mentioned.' 

In his will, Dr. Cogan left gifts of books to the Warden, 
Fellows, and other members of the Manchester College and 
to the apothecaries of the town, and 4d. for each scholar. 1 

It would be interesting if we could trace any increased 
tendency to the study of Medicine among local scholars as a 
result of Dr. Gogan's tenure of office, but it is to be feared 
that his professional duties and his social engagements out- 
side the school diverted some of his interests from the future 
careers of his scholars. The only possible trace of his in- 
fluence is the presence in the school library of a few volumes 
with the contemporary signature of Thomas Proudlove a 
name well known in Manchester : Eustathius' * Commentary 
on Homer,' 1560 ; Livy's ' History,' 1578 ; Pliny's ' Natural 
History, 1 1582; Delrio's * Syntagma Tragoedii La tini,' 1593. 

The persistence of the devotional element which current 
learning had inherited from the time of the Chantry and 
Guild schools is illustrated in the life of Thomas Sorocold, 
son of a merchant of Manchester, and a friend of the Brad- 
ford family. On leaving the Manchester School in 1580 he 
entered Brasenose College, being assisted by Robert 
No well's money. He took his B.A. degree in 1582, and 
M.A. 1585. He became one of the Queen's Preachers, and 
was appointed rector of St. Mildred's, Poultry, London, in 
1590. He was the author of a well-known devotional book, 
1 The Supplication of Saints,' whose popularity is shown 
by the fact that while the first edition was published in 
1608, the forty-fifth was published in 1754. The devotional 
aspect of learning is indicated in many of his prayers : 

' Cast down the beams of Thy heavenly light upon such 
public places as are appointed for the training up (of such 
as are) of younger years in sound knowledge and commend- 
able qualities, namely, our Universities, Oxford and Cam- 
bridge, the Inns of Court, and all Grammar Schools, the seed 
plots of the Church. Sanctify their memories to treasure up 
good things . . . Let the judges be learned and uncorrupt 

1 Court Leet Records. His reputation for Greek ia attested by Hollin- 


and the lawyers men of conscience to deal sincerely and up- 
rightly in their business without either fear of greater person- 
ages or doing of unlawful favours or desire of reward from 
any. Take away all unchristian practices out of the Church 
of Rome. Let it persuade not by the infection of youth or 
subversion of the State.' 

About this time, from the more northerly parts of Europe, 
specially Louvain, came the study of Euclid, a translation of 
whose work by Sir Henry Billingsley, scholar, and subse- 
quently Lord Mayor of London, appeared 1570. It has local 
interest, because it contains an introduction on the applica- 
tion of Euclid to other studies by Dr. John Dee, who intro- 
duced the study of astrology, astronomy, and mathematics to 
Manchester when he became Warden of the Collegiate Church 
in 1596. Besides being a great mathematical scholar, an 
astrologist and a traveller, he was a chemist, expert in crystal- 
gazing, and reputed summoner of spirits by White Magic, 
and was for some time the dupe of an evil-minded assistant, 
from whose clutches he only escaped with reputation damaged 
and intelligence obscured. He was already an old man, and 
his appointment was very unpopular, as he was distrusted 
alike by the learned Calvinists and by the ignorant general 
public. 1 There were, however, a few local scholars who 
could take an intelligent interest in his mathematical studies, 
and from this time onwards the study of geometry, both in 
the direction of astronomy and in its application to land 
surveying, received local support. Besides his studies in 
mathematics, Warden Dee had many other interests, for his 
library at one time consisted of four thousand books. 

There is, in the Chetham Hospital, an ancient chair, known 
as the Founder's Chair, since it was purchased from the Derby 
family by Humphrey Chetham along with other ancient furni- 
ture belonging to the College. Tradition has long existed that, 
in this chair, placed in the recess or ladies' bower so as by a legal 
quibble to be outside the College precincts forbidden to visitors, 
Sir Walter Raleigh sat and smoked his pipe of recently intro- 
duced tobacco when he was visiting Warden Dee. Consider- 
able doubt has been thrown on the authenticity of this 
tradition, but there is nothing impossible about it, for the 
famous courtier and adventurer was as impetuous in his 

1 See his Apology to the Archbishop of Canterbury, 1592. 


search for knowledge as he was indifferent to the source 
from which it was obtained. He cultivated the acquaintance 
of men of all sorts and kinds, and is known to have invited 
Dee to dine with him in London. He was not the man 
to have neglected the opportunity presented by his passing 
through Chester on his way to Ireland to call on his quondam 
friend the astrologer, and persuade him to consult his famous 
crystal, 1 even if he did not actually desire to obtain his 
chemical knowledge in determining the character of the 
rocks and quartz he brought with him from America or 
to discuss problems of geography. 

The last Elizabethan high master was Edward Chetham, 
son of Henry Chetham of Crumpsall, feoffee of the school 
and an elder brother of Humphrey Chetham, the merchant 
philanthropist. 2 The date of his appointment is uncertain. 
It was probably about 1597. He held office for a very short 
time, since he was buried in the Collegiate Church on January 
21, 1602. His will, dated 1602, proved at Chester, mentions 
that Warden Dee was in his debt. 

The frequent changes of school ushers was perhaps still due 
to repeated visitations of the plague. The following names 
are found among the local burials : ' Richard Hankinson, 
usher, bur. 6.12.1581. Roger Newhall, usher, bur. 21.1.1589. 
John Birch, usher, bur. 15.4.1598. W. Edwards, usher, 
bur. 6.9.1598.' It is not possible to trace any of these names 
at Oxford or Cambridge. This does not necessarily indicate 
that they had not received University training, for the Uni- 
versity lists at this period are manifestly imperfect, but the 
absence of any names of Manchester scholars for several 
succeeding years leads to the impression that the ushers were 
not highly trained, and the teaching at the school at this 
time was very irregular. 

It was part of Dr. Dee's duties as Warden to visit the 
Manchester School. This he did both in 1599 and in 1600 
when his son Rowland was on the foundation. He noted 
* great imperfections there,' though his opinions were probably 
intensified by disappointment at the progress of his son 
Rowland, who, though he was awarded a University Exhi- 
bition to Brasenose from the funds of the School, does not 

1 Now in the British Museum. It is described as a polished piece of 
cannel coal. Granger's Biographical History of England. 

1 Cf. Lancashire and Cheshire Antiquarian Society, vol. in. p. 137. 


appear to have proceeded thither, perhaps on account of the in- 
ability of his father to find sufficient additional funds ; or per- 
haps because the son shared the mathematical inclinations of 
his father, and was not attracted by the linguistic studies which 
were still dominant at the English Universities, Rowland 
became a merchant in London, and his son Arthur must have 
inherited some of the family ability, for he ultimately became 
a scholar of some repute. An elder Arthur Dee, son of Warden 
Dee, was for some time in medical practice in Manchester. 
The Elizabethan chapter of the Manchester school, therefore, 
closes under a cloud of neglect, which is intensified by the 
fact that in order to obtain payment of their salaries, the high 
master and the usher had to sue the feoffees of the School 
at the Palatine Court held at Lancaster. 



* Manchester College, that noble and useful foundation for learning and 
propagation of religion in these northern parts.' Strype's Annals. 

Trade intercourse with Holland encourages English Puritans to consider 
problems of Church government with problems of civil government 
Puritanism becomes a political force Desire for further enlighten- 
ment shown by the Millenary Petition from the North of England 
Francis Bacon discourses on the Advancement of Learning among the 
wealthy and professional classes, but opposes the devotion of Thomas 
Button's money to the foundation of another Grammar School The 
Charterhouse Hampton Court Conference Life in Puritan Man- 
chester Attempts to found a Town Library Local astronomers, &o. 
High mastership of Edward Clayton Growth of Salford and build- 
ing of Trinity Church Thomas Harrison Robert Symonds Ralph 
Brideoak Attempts to found a local University. 

OF the attitude of the merchant classes towards learning 
and of their desire to support the public institutions for the 
higher education of those of their members who desired to 
become preachers of the new doctrines, or who wished to 
become professional advisers in law or in medicine, as well 
as for those who were desirous of following commerce, there 
could now be no doubt. Oxford and Cambridge were the 
natural goals for the majority, but there is considerable 
evidence of the use of other centres. 1 Ley den had established 
its University in 1575, Gottingen in 1584. The provost and 
Town Council of Edinburgh established the College, and sub- 
sequently the University in 1583. Trade intercourse carried 
ideas as well as goods, and although the recognition of the 

1 Cf. Lists of Graduates at Edinburgh and at Leyden. 


independence of the Dutch by Spain did not actually 
take place till 1609, the successful resistance of the Dutch 
merchants to the interference with private judgment by 
ecclesiastics was powerfully reacting upon opinion in England. 
Current political questions were still closely mixed with 
religious ones, and civil questions with ecclesiastical ones. 
The Calvinist theology of predestination was openly challenged 
by the Arminians, who opposed the idea of fixed immutable 
decrees of Providence with that of the progressive improva- 
bility of each individual by the operation of human free will. 
Both theories of life involved the exercise of individual judg- 
ment in the study of the Scriptures, and therefore both were 
opposed by Catholic ecclesiastics, who demanded that the 
innermost thoughts as well as the outward actions of men 
should be governed and directed by hierarchical authority. 
The struggle between Calvinist and Arminian was so intense 
and the advocates of each so renowned that the Council of 
Dort or Dordrecht, at which the matter was argued out, was 
attended by representatives of all the Protestant States in 
Europe. Unfortunately the hate engendered by Spanish 
persecution had sown a habit of hate in the Dutch, and the 
violence of the majority was so unbridled that neither pro- 
found learning nor public service shielded those who held 
opposing opinions from violence. Though founded primarily 
for the study of theology, other matters were considered 
at the Dutch University, particularly Medicine and Law. 
Hugo Grotius (1583-1645), son of a burgomaster at Delft, 
after practice as an advocate had been appointed to write 
the history of the war between the Netherlands and Spain. 
He had achieved great renown as a legalist as well as his- 
torian, and was called upon to settle an international dispute 
with England on the subject of fishery rights. He secured 
high praise from both parties. Unfortunately he became 
involved in the Arminian controversy and was imprisoned, 
but escaping to France 1 published his most famous work, 
' On the Rights of Peace and War. 5 The subject-matter 
of his studies and the amount of learning displayed in the 
six folio volumes which contain his works, places Grotius 

1 His wife was accustomed to bring him books to study. On one occasion 
she brought a trunk of volumes, and packing her husband in their place 
succeeded in getting past the guards. 


on a par with the great scholiasts of the Middle Ages. 1 His 
works were extensively read and discussed by scholars in 
all civilised countries, and greatly influenced the direction 
of learning. 

Geometry 2 had hitherto been studied mainly in connection 
with astronomy. It was now studied with navigation and 
land surveying. Botany was being studied in connection 
with the efforts put forth to discover more efficacious 
means of curing disease than the general advice on dietary 
and regimen prescribed by Hippocrates and Galen, or the 
folklore embedded in the old wives' herbals which had 
become obsolete. Physic gardens were established in 
numerous university and other towns where special plants 
and herbs, noted for their healing powers, were grown 
and studied. Chemistry, too, was gradually emerging from 
the mystic alchemy inherited through Moorish sources. 
Van Helmont of Brabant (1577-1644) had succeeded his 
master Paracelsus, and had made valuable experiments on 
gases. It was, however, Francis Sylvius (1614-1672) 
who first placed medical therapeutics on a proper scientific 

Part of the prosperity of the Dutch towns was due to the 
liberality with which their citizens encouraged foreign mer- 
chants and others to settle, and thus in some way repay the 
debt for the hospitality they had themselves received in times 
of persecution ; they thus retained, more completely than they 
would otherwise have done, intercourse with their fellow 
countrymen who did not return to their native land. So 
numerous were the English settlers that they formed little com- 
munities of their own and were accustomed to employ their own 
countrymen, many of whom had graduated at the University 
of Ley den, as their ministers. As the only possible language 
of commerce was the international one of Latin, both spoken 
and written, it was necessary for merchants who travelled 
to have been well educated in that language while at school. 
It was not unnatural that many who subsequently attained 

1 Copies of some of the works of Hugo Grotius have long existed 
in the school library. There is no evidence of the date of their 

* For its application to other subjects of learning see Introduction to the 
Study of Euclid, by John Dee, prefixed to the translation by Billingsley, 


wealth desired to continue their early studies, and to make 
provision for others to enjoy similar opportunities. 1 Thus 
common trade interests as well as common religious principles 
tended to promote closer friendship and sympathy between 
merchants of different countries and to encourage each in 
any constitutional struggles for freedom of worship in their 
own country. 

Unfortunately the close association between mercantile 
life and the congregational methods of Church govern- 
ment and determinative doctrines was not all good. The 
preachers were dependent for their living upon their wealthy 
and often autocratic employers, who did not always cultivate 
the sense of the obligation of riches, which had been a strong 
point in the government of the early English trade guilds. The 
preachers were thus discouraged from uttering those denuncia- 
tions of the abuse of riches which had been so prominent in the 
sermons of the great Protestant reformers. Debased ^Jewish 
ideas of the rights of money began to be common with the 
entry of other Jewish ethical and moral standards, and 
replaced the earlier standards which the great preachers of 
the Christian Church had never ceased to proclaim. More- 
over, the Calvinistic theology, with its claim for predestina- 
tion, too easily lost touch with the humanising side of classical 
literature. Perhaps the doctrine of particular choice, charac- 
teristic of Calvinist and Jewish doctrines alike, explained 
the bitter antagonism towards the more generous teaching 
of the Arminians, as well as to the claims of the Brownists 
or Independents for each Church to be a self-support- 
ing and a self-governing body a principle not likely to be 
agreeable to those who demanded that the individual should 
give up his freedom for the benefit of the body or guild of 
which he was a member. Even the strict Sabbatarianism of 
the Puritan was not without intolerance, for it abolished the 
only holiday possessed by those occupying the lowlier positions 
in life without making any other provision for their relaxation 
and recreation. Lastly, the close association between com- 
merce and theology was bad, in that it discouraged all creative 

1 One of the earliest illustrations of this is the provision of sums of 
money for gcholars in Latin, by the wealthy clothier, Anthony Mosley, 
whose travels between Manchester and London, and probably abroad, 
would have particularly shown the need of such encouragement. Cf, 
Lane, and Ckes, Wills (Chetham Society). 


forms of Art which expressed devotion and could not be 
applied to the pursuit of personal gain. 

The great contribution of Puritan merchantry to human 
learning was that it aroused new thoughts among the middle 
classes immersed in trade, enabled free discussion to take 
place upon the meaning and significance of human exist- 
ence, and set going useful controversies upon the real 
basis of authority in civil as well as ecclesiastical govern- 

England, like Holland, was making strenuous efforts to 
favour the spread of learning among its people. Although 
greatly influenced by Holland, its University- trained theolo- 
gians had special aims as well as special needs of their own. 
The first outward expression of these aims was found in the 
Millenary Petition signed by 825 (not one thousand as the 
name was intended to signify) signatories of scholars in 
the north of England, and presented to King James on 
his passage from Scotland to take possession of the English 
crown. Although primarily concerned with a request for 
relief from the compulsory observances of the exact forms 
of ritual imposed by Edward VI, and now, owing to the 
spread of Puritan ideas, regarded as idolatrous and sacri- 
legious, it clearly indicates the rising desire for fuller know- 
ledge and an appreciation of learning by appealing for ampler 
University training and for the increased financial sup- 
port of the parochial clergy to enable them to extend their 
work of enlightenment. It suggested that the means necessary 
to support the increased number of clergy required might 
be obtained by the discontinuance of pluralities and by the 
taxation of lay impropriations of Church funds to the extent 
of one-sixth of their amount. 

The violent antagonism of the two English Universities, 
who benefited greatly by these lay impropriations, was at 
once aroused by this last suggestion. It brought out the sharp 
contrast between episcopal government by favour of the 
Crown, already proclaimed by Bishop Bancroft as a govern- 
ment of divine appointment, and the Presbyterian form of 
Church government, in which there was considerable lay 
representation and consequent curtailment of State and 
clerical authority in Church matters. The suggested modifica- 
tion of Church ritual afforded opportunity for the bishops and 
other Court ecclesiastics to push forward their counter-claim 


for increased recognition of their authority, which had little 
chance of growth under the masterful Tudors. 

At the Hampton Court Conference, which was ostensibly 
held to deal with the grievances and the differences of opinion 
disclosed by the Millenary Petition, Dr. Reynolds, President 
of Corpus Christi College, petitioned for a new translation of 
the Bible for the use of ministers, and that copies should be 
placed in every parish church. To this request King James 
replied that he had consulted the bishops, who were willing 
and ready to help, but that the Universities did not provide 
sufficient numbers of clergy for the work of the parishes, 
since they already trained more learned men than the realm 
could maintain. Thomas Egerton, Lord Chancellor, a native of 
Cheshire, showed that this answer of the Universities was mis- 
leading. He claimed that more livings wanted learned men 
than learned men wanted livings, and stated that many 
scholars in the Universities were pining for want of place, owing 
to pluralities. ' I wish therefore some may have single coats' 
(one living only) ' before others have doublets ' (pluralities) , he 
said, but the reply of the University representative was sig- 
nificant ' It is better to have doublets in changing weather.' 

The following year Francis Bacon wrote his famous appeal 
to the King for the Advancement of Learning. He did not 
regard learning as a desirable possession for every citizen, 
but held it to be a class privilege of the well-to-do and only 
to be extended to a very few who showed signs of exceptional 
ability and would be able to shine in public life. This 
exclusive spirit is expressed explicitly in a letter written to 
King James in 1611 about the munificent endowment left by 
Robert Sutton for the establishment of a school and college 
at the Charterhouse : 

' I do subscribe to the opinion that for Grammar Schools 
there are already far too many and therefore it is no pro- 
vidence to add where there is excess, for the great number 
of schools that are in His Majesty's realm doth cause a want 
and likewise an overflow, for by means thereof they found want 
in the country and towns, both of servants for husbandry 
and apprentices for trade ; and on the other side there being 
more scholars bred than the State can prefer to employ, 
and the active part of that life not bearing a proportion to 
the preparative, it must needs fall out that many persons 
will be bred unfit for their vocations, and unprofitable for 


that for which they are brought up, which fills the realm 
full of indigents, idle and wanton people, which are but 
mater ia rerum novarum. Therefore, on this point I wish Mr. 
Button's intentions were exalted a degree and that what he 
means for teachers of children, your majesty should make 
for teachers of men ; ' 

i.e. it should be given to the endowment of advanced scholars 
at the Universities, in the form of fellowships, &c., rather 
than to the further spread of secondary education among the 
common people. That Francis Bacon was no opponent of 
schools and colleges for the favoured few is shown by his 
observations ' On the Duties of the Chief Ministers of the 
King,' written about 1624 : ' Colleges and schools of learning 
are to be cherished and encouraged for breeding up a new 
supply to furnish the Church and commonwealth when the 
old stock are transplanted.' 

The English Universities at this time were making special 
contributions to theology which were by no means identical 
with those of other Protestant countries. In the old public 
library of Manchester to be presently described (Chetham 
Library) there are portraits of four famous Lancashire 
preachers. 1 John Bradford (1510-1555) and Alexander 
Nowell (1537-1601), author of the English Church 
Catechism, have already been referred to. The two others 
are William Whitaker and Robert Bolton. William 
Whitaker of Holme (1548-1597) became Master of St. 
John's College, Cambridge, and his learning and ability 
were such that he is credited with being the main instru- 
ment by which the teaching of the mediaeval scholiasts and 
even of the early Christian Fathers was finally supplanted 
at Cambridge by the doctrines of Calvin and Beza. Robert 
Bolton (1572-1657) was made rector of Kimbolton by 
Edward Montague, then Lord Kimbolton, and subsequently 
impeached in the House of Lords with the five members of the 
House of Commons. All these were clear and voluminous 
writers, but Whitaker and Bolton are particularly interesting 
in that they describe the psychology of the English reformed 
faith, particularly the practical daily piety or the * state of 
grace ' in which they desired to live. 

1 These portraits were presented to the Manchester Library, 1684, by James 
Illingworth (obit. 1694), one of its scholars and citizens, who desired in this 
way to stimulate youths of a succeeding generation to follow knowledge. 


English grammar schools were at this time particularly 
flourishing in the eastern counties of England, whither French 
and Dutch refugees had brought their love of knowledge as 
well as their skill in manufacture. Landowners who mixed 
with the merchant classes in the market towns were desirous of 
providing as good an education for their sons as the merchant 
classes, and were looking out for proper opportunities. Many 
apprenticed their younger sons to better class merchants, 
and not a few of the more intellectual ones sought scope for 
their powers in the study of Medicine and Law, others sought 
advancement in the Church. Eager aspirants for fame and 
position, after leaving the grammar schools and Universities, 
sought further knowledge and experience at the Inns of Court, 
where they were among the most enthusiastic and enlightened 
supporters of the drama. Such attendance was by no means 
confined to those seeking professional knowledge, but was part 
of the social education for those of independent means, who 
brought their appreciation of study back to their homes when 
they settled down to duties of local administration in the 
Magistrates' Court, Court Leet, &c. The grammar schools 
being common to all, materially helped to prevent the undue 
growth of class prejudice, and their work in spreading know- 
ledge grew so much as to arouse the opposition of those who 
continued to regard knowledge as a class privilege. Whether 
William Laud shared Francis Bacon's opinions about the ex- 
tension of grammar schools is doubtful, but in his efforts to 
place the English Church on an insular basis and eliminate 
the influence of foreign Protestantism in English life, he 
became exceedingly jealous of the power of the merchant 
classes to support their private lecturers and preachers, to the 
neglect of their proper parochial clergy whose limitation of 
education had already been indicated in the Millenary 
Petition. Laud demanded that English merchants and 
officials when resident abroad should conform to the ritual 
of the Anglican Church, and at the same time withdrew from 
Huguenot and other foreign Protestant settlers in England 
the privilege they had been guaranteed of pursuing their own 
forms undisturbed. Laud and his supporters failed in their 
State policy largely because the landowning classes, who 
formed the bulk of members of Parliament, were in close re- 
lationship with, and shared the opinions of, the merchant 
classes, and had learnt clearness of thought, independence of 


judgment, and moral earnestness at the grammar schools, 
Universities, and Inns of Court. The thoroughness of their 
intellectual training is amply illustrated in the language used 
in the Petition of Rights which embodied their demands in 
1628, and the Great Remonstrance which was the bugle note 
of the Civil War. 

Reflections of nearly all these general movements for the 
spread of learning are to be found in the civil and ecclesi- 
astical history of Manchester and its neighbourhood, and 
must be considered in studying the part which the Manchester 
School played in local history. Evidence of the local study 
of Constitutional Law is found in ' Earwaker's Court Leet 
Proceedings, 1557-1830 ' ; ' Proceedings of the Court Leet of 
Manchester ' ; and ' Proceedings of the Quarterly Sessions 
of the Magistrates' Court, 1616-1635.' 1 Moreover, Common 
Law (i.e. judge-interpreted law, or the collected expressions 
of many judges) had been accumulating, and was growing 
in such complexity as to lead to the necessity for its special 
study and organisation in the form of a system of juris- 
prudence, training in which therefore became included 
in the range of Puritan culture. Statute Law and Royal 
Charters also needed trained interpreters, who should com- 
mand public confidence and plead the cause of their clients 
before the various Courts. 

Vigorous and boisterous outdoor activity had always 
characterised the inhabitants of Lancashire. This had 
shown itself in the sports and holiday revels which in 
pre-Reformation times had too often been associated with 
drunkenness and gross immorality. From time to time the 
County Magistrates, the Baronial Court Leet of Manchester, 
and the Port Moot of Salford had made various attempts 
to control such excesses, and to enforce enactments passed by 
Queen Elizabeth and her predecessors. They attempted to 
control convivial excesses by appointing special ' overseers 
for dinners, weddings, &c.' 2 

1 Record Society, vol. 42. 

2 The following resolution was passed by the Manchester Court Leet 
in October 1608 : ' Whereas there hath been heretofore great disorder 
to our town of Manchester and the inhabitants thereof greatly wronged 
and charged with making and mending of their glass windows broken 
yearly and spoild by a company of lewd and disordered persons using 
that unlawful exercise of playing with football in the streets of the 


Such revels continued, however, to be favoured and 
encouraged by politicians as an antidote for the rising 
tide of thoughtful Puritanism. 

After his journey through Lancashire in 1617, James I 
claimed to strike the mean between control and indulgence 
in the Sunday revels by causing the ' Book of Sports ' to 
be published. It was the ill-timed republication of this 
regulation by Charles I in 1633 that aroused such bitter 
animosity among the Puritans. 

That many prominent Lancashire Puritans, whose Puri- 
tanism was political rather than religious, actively par- 
ticipated in boisterous outdoor life and violent sports is 
illustrated in the diary of Nicholas Assheton (1617-1618) , l a 
member of one of the most prominent local Puritan families, 
while tjie increasing introspection and conscientiousness 
that also characterised Puritanism is illustrated in another 
diary written by William Langley, whose mother was a 
member of the same Assheton family. Langley had received 
his education at the Manchester School, and at Brasenose 
College, Oxford. Only a fragment of his diary remains, 
but this is sufficient to illustrate the distress of mind 
brought about in a sensitive nature by the warring of the 
ideals of the joyous and careless love of freedom of the 
typical English squire, and the self -denunciation which 
subsequently became the distinguishing mark of the 
Puritan scholar. 

Such ecclesiastical affairs of Manchester as were likely 
to have any effect on local educational progress or to direct 
the thoughts of youth into fresh channels continued to centre 
round the collegiated body who were in charge of the 
parish church, though considerable local disappointment 
was felt when, on the death of John Dee, the Elizabethan 
Warden, in 1608, the office was not conferred on William 
Bourne, who was very popular and had distinguished himself 
by his zeal and ability. He had much family influence to 
support his claim, for he was well connected and related to the 
Cecil family, but as he was known to be a favourer of Puritan 

said town, breaking many men's windows of glasse at their pleasure and 
other great inconvenience, therefore all of this jury order that no manner 
of person hereinafter shall play football in the streets in the said town of 

1 Chetham Society Transactions, vol. xiv. and IOG. 


reform in Church worship, both Court policy and Court 
favouritism were against him. 1 

Among the numerous Scotch attendants about the Court 
looking out for good English appointments, was Richard 
Murray, D.D., already a pluralist with appointments in Corn- 
wall. By family influence Murray obtained the Manchester 
appointment, but though he occasionally figures as a local 
magistrate and a lavish entertainer, he never resided in 
Manchester for any considerable length of time, but left 
William Bourne to do the preaching, paying him a portion 
of the emoluments. Under this influence local religious senti- 
ment became increasingly Presbyterian. This had naturally 
affected the sentiments of the scholars of the Grammar School, 
particularly those who proceeded to Cambridge, until the elec- 
tion to a fellowship in 1625 of Richard Johnson (1602-1675), a 
Buckinghamshire scholar of Brasenose College, Oxford. John- 
son ' preferred the Church of England, her primitive order, 
her discipline and her prayer-book before Presbyterianism.' 
He provided moderate Anglican churchmanship with an 
intellectual and attractive exponent, who was destined to 
exert an even greater and more permanent influence on the 
direction of local scholarship and study than William 
Bourne. The moderate liturgical party in the district began 
to rally. In 1634 Humphrey Booth, a wealthy merchant of 
Salford, now an important residential suburb, established and 
endowed Trinity Chapel, Salford, and the extant list of sub- 
scribers and supporters 2 shows the strength of the movement. 
It contains the name of Richard Johnson, who was a 
man of wide sympathies and of generous nature, a 
student of law as well as of Church government. He was 
the intimate personal friend and adviser of Humphrey 

1 The Archbishop of York complained to the King of the ill-discipline 
of the clergy of the Collegiate Church at Manchester, having been found 
altogether out of order, the Warden and the Fellows had upon consideration 
reformed themselves, all but one, Mr. Bourne, who was contented to read 
the prayers, but was ashamed to put on the surplice, which he had not done 
for thirty years. Whereupon he was suspended. The King remarked, ' Let 
him be so still, except he conform.' Domestic Slate Papers, March 1634. 
' They call the surplice the rags of Rome in Manchester and Preston, and 
will suffer no organs, no sign, no children with the cross when they are 
christened, and the altar was pulled down.' Ibid. April 25, 1635. Bourne 
was buried August 20, 1643.' 

* Cf. Whatton's Foundation* vol. i. p. 147. 


Chetham, the philanthropic Manchester merchant, with 
whose financial assistance Richard Johnson set about re- 
storing to proper order the again neglected affairs of the 

The attention of Archbishop Laud, whose reforming zeal was 
little inclined to pass over any laxity of control and Church 
discipline, was however drawn to the prevailing scandals 
associated with the wardenship of Richard Murray, and 
a commission of inquiry was instituted, consisting of 
the Bishop of Chester, the Bishop of the Isle of Man, the 
Earl of Derby, and others, to inquire into the general man- 
agement of the College. As a result Warden Murray was 
dismissed, and a new charter demanding of future wardens 
a high standard of University training, and making more 
stringent rules concerning the residence both of the Fellows 
and Warden, was drawn up. 1 It received royal assent in 
September 1635. The vacant wardenship would naturally 
have been given by the Crown to some nominee of Archbishop 
Laud, but as the king owed a sum of 7000 to Sir William 
Heyrick, he was willing to get rid of his debt by appointing 
his son, Richard Heyrick, who had been educated at Merchant 
Taylors' School, London, and All Souls College, Oxford. Con- 
scious that he held his position by purchase, Heyrick was able 
to concern himself little with ecclesiastical authority. He 
threw his influence on the Presbyterian side as regards Cal- 
vinistic doctrine, though he retained most of the Anglican 

The way in which careers were opening up to boys 
who passed from the school to Oxford and Cambridge at 
this time may be illustrated by giving a few biographical 
notes. Among its foremost Oxford scholars was John 
Prestwich, third son of Edmund Prestwich of Hulme, 
a feoffee of the school. He was born in 1605, and 
left the school in 1622 to enter Brasenose College. He 
migrated to All Souls, where he graduated M.A. in 1631, 
and became B.D. and Senior Fellow in 1641. On the visi- 
tation of the Parliamentary Commissioners to Oxford Uni- 
versity in 1648, on May 5 he was summoned to attend, and 

1 As the College house had long been taken away and was held by the 
Earl of Derby, houses in Deansgate specified by name were assigned to the 
Warden and Fellows respectively, July 25, 1635. MS. copy of Foundation 
deed in the Chetham Library, Manchester. 


asked if he submitted to the authority of Parliament in the 
visitation. He replied that he did, but with this limita- 
tion, 'No further than I may do with a safe conscience.' 
This answer was regarded as unsatisfactory. On May 16 
he was again summoned, but as he would not unreservedly 
submit to the Commissioners, he was expelled with twelve 
others. Of the whole number so summoned, only five sub- 
mitted unreservedly. In 1648 he had apparently made 
his peace, for, as a Fellow of the College in 1649-50, he was 
appointed Dean of Arts by the Visitors. His part in found- 
ing the c English Library ' at Manchester will be referred 
to in the next chapter. 

Owing to its strongly marked Puritan tendencies and its 
close connection with the trading centres, a larger number of 
boys passed to Cambridge than to Oxford, the favourite 
College at this period being Magdalene, whither a long stream 
of local scholars proceeded. Thus, to take some members from 
one particular local family John Hawarth, son of a Manches- 
ter merchant, 1 matriculated at Magdalene College, Cambridge, 
1617 ; became Fellow 1640, Master of Magdalene College and 
Vice-Chancellor of the University. He was evicted by the 
sequestrators, but restored, and died in Cambridge, 1668. 

Theophilus Hawarth was probably a near relative. He 
was the son of another Manchester merchant, matriculated 
at Magdalene College 1633, M.A. 1630, M.D. 1666. He 
settled as a physician in his native town, took a prominent 
part in civic life, and died 1671. 

Richard Hawarth, son of Lawrence Hawarth of Thorn- 
croft, entered Gray's Inn 1614, settled in Manchester as 
councillor-at-law, married a daughter of John Lightbourne, 
merchant, and, like his father-in-law, served as a feoffee of 
the Manchester School from 1647. He became Recorder 
of Chester in 1651, and died in Manchester in 1668. Besides 
these there were : 

Richard Ash worth, who matriculated at Magdalene College 
1612, B.A. 1615, M.A. 1619, settled in Manchester, and 
probably in the capacity of usher took part in the school 
recitations, 1640. 

Richard Hollinworth, son of a Salford merchant, matricu- 
lated at Magdalene College 1623, B.A. 1626, M.A. 1630 ; served 

1 Charles Hawarth of Manchester was one of the original subscribers 
to the fund for building Trinity Chapel, Salford. 




as minister at Trinity Church, Salford, and chaplain of 
the Collegiate Church. He died 1657, leaving MS. notes 
for a History of Manchester; which were subsequently in 
part published. 

Nicholas Mosley (1611-1677), son of Oswald Mosley 
of Ancoats, entered Magdalene College, Cambridge, in 
1628, though he did not graduate. He was the author of a 
somewhat curious book on c The Soul of Man.' The sub- 
ject-matter is not of permanent interest. It consists of 
appeals to the philosophy of Aristotle in support of Christian 
teaching, illustrating the persistence of the old argumentative 
methods of inquiry destined soon to give place to the more 
naturalistic methods of the Neoplatonic School, which was 
arising at Emmanuel and Christ's Colleges, Cambridge, but the 
dedications to Manchester friends at the beginning of each 
of the three parts give the book a local colouring and 

Samuel Bolton, D.D. (1606-1654), proceeded from 
Manchester to Christ's College, Cambridge, and became 
University preacher and rector of St. Mark's, Ludgate. He 
dwelt in the same College and was contemporary with John 

Robert Booth (born 1624), the son of another Robert 
Booth and grandson of Humphrey Booth, the founder of 
Trinity Chapel. At the age of nine years he was left heir to 
the estate of his grandfather. As a scholar of the Grammar 
School he took part in the school public performances, 1640. 
He was entered at Gray's Inn 1642, after he had studied 
two years at St. John's College, Cambridge. He was called 
to the Bar 1649, and subsequently became Lord Chief Justice 
of Ireland. 

The Puritan traditions of many local families are also shown 
by the fact that many local students are found studying and 
graduating at Edinburgh, where they were under stricter 
control and less exposed to the temptations of a University 
where many wealthy and often idle scholars congregated. 
Other Puritan Manchester scholars studied at the University 
of Leyden, where congenial social and religious conditions were 
readily found by merchants engaged in foreign trade. Thus, 
Nathan Paget, the son of Thomas Paget, incumbent of 
Blackley chapelry, and a nephew of John Paget, previously 
of Nantwich, Cheshire, and subsequently preacher or 


lecturer to the English colony at Amsterdam, after leaving 
Manchester, graduated M. A. at Edinburgh in 1631, and thence 
passed on to Ley den, where he no doubt lived with his uncle, 
while he prepared for his graduation as M.D. in 1639. 
He wrote a treatise on the Plague. On returning to Eng- 
land during the Commonwealth he settled in London, and 
became a prominent physician, helping the famous Francis 
Glisson to compile a treatise on Rickets, a disease then receiving 
so much attention as to be called ' the English disease.' 

The first notice of an apothecary in the town occurs in 
connection with the death of a child of Samuel Cheetham, 
apothecary. There must have been several others according 
to the terms of the will of Dr. Cogan. By 1644 Thomas 
Mynshall, who had come from Cheshire to practise in Man- 
chester, had acquired sufficient wealth to purchase Chorlton 

Besides the special studies for professional careers, other 
studies e.g. that of mathematics were being introduced 
into local life. 

John Booker (1603-1667), who received his early edu- 
cation at the Manchester School, had left Manchester to 
serve an apprenticeship to a haberdasher in London. He 
became first a writing-master and clerk, and subsequently an 
astrologer, and finally licenser of mathematical books and 
the author of several almanacs. He published Telesco- 
pium Uranium, 1631. He had the reputation of being 
' the most complete astrologist in the world ' (Lilly), having 
successfully predicted the death of Gustavus Adolphus and 
the Elector Palatine. 

William Crabtree (1603-1644), of Broughton, was 
probably a schoolfellow of Booker. He also diligently 
cultivated the study of mathematics, and to such purpose 
that, with his friend Jeremiah Horrocks, curate of Hoole, 
near Preston, he was able to recalculate and correct the 
tables by which the date of an impending transit of Venus 
had been previously determined, and to make such prepara- 
tion for observing it in detail that he was able to share with 
Horrocks the honour of being the first astronomer actually 
to watch and describe the progress of the transit. Jeremiah 
Horrocks had proceeded to Emmanuel College, Cambridge, 
but had found the University atmosphere uncongenial to 
the study of astronomy. William Crabtree did not proceed 


to a University, though, from 1638 to 1642, he was in con- 
stant correspondence with other men of science. He followed 
his mathematical studies at home in the leisure hours 
left him in the pursuit of his business, which included that 
of a land surveyor. William Crabtree's name also occurs in 
connection with the settlement of differences of taxation 
between Salford, Broughton, and Kersal in 1640, and again 
as the draftsman of a map of Humphrey Booth's estates in 
Salford. 1 

A year before the granting of the new charter to the 
Collegiate Church in 1635, when the question of the better 
provision for the intellectual needs of the town was under 
general discussion, Henry Bury, an old pupil of the Manchester 
School and the founder of the Bury Grammar School, had left 
instructions in his will, dated October 31, 1634, for his 
trustees to pay 10 to the town of Manchester to 

' buy books, when they shall have a convenient place of 
their own, furnished with books for the common use of the 
said parish to the worth of 100, a thing which may, in my 
opinion, be done in that great rich and religious town. If 
they provide not books for a library as aforesaid within seven 
years next after my death, my will is that they have no 
benefit in this my legacy. 5 

On December 10, 1636, Lord Strange, 2 the heir-apparent 
of the Derby family, whose ancestor had purchased the 
College buildings at the dissolution of the College in the time 
of Edward VI, wrote from Lathom House to Thomas Fox, 
whose brother, Richard Fox, became a feoffee of the Grammar 
School, 1647 : 

1 Whereas some of my servants that have lately been in 
those parts have told me of the desire of the Warden and 
Fellows there wishing such a place for their library (referring 
to the Stanley Chapel in the Collegiate Church then in 
great disrepair) I am well contented and give you command 
to tell them (to place it in repair) and you shall deliver over 
the same unto them.' 

1 Of. W. E. A. Axon, Lancashire and Cheshire Antiquarian Society, 
vol. xxiii. p. 30 ; and Chetham Miscellanies, N.S. vol. Ixiii. 

2 Afterwards known as ' the martyr Earl of Derby,' on account of 
his execution by the Parliamentarians at Bolton in 1651. 


There are still in the Grammar School Library a number 
of volumes, and there is authoritative record of the exist- 
ence of other similar volumes, bearing the inscription ' Biblio- 
theca Mancestrensis, 1640,' together with the name of the 
several donors. 1 This date is anterior to that of the creation 
of the Chetham Library, 1657, which now goes under the 
title of the Manchester Library, and the inscription is also 
to be distinguished from that on some other books of a 
slightly later date in the School Library, which bear the 
inscription ' Bibliotheca Scholae Mancestrensis.' The first 
inscription refers to an old Town Library, records of whose 
existence were brought into prominence by Mr. James 
Croston in 1878, 2 and reference to whose support occurs in 
the records of the Manchester Court Leet. 

That the study of the law was becoming locally popular 
is also indicated by the presentation to the library by local 
merchants of works on statute law, such as Sir William Ras- 
tall's ' Statutes of England. 1 Although the appearance in in- 
creasing numbers of practitioners of law and medicine among 
the general inhabitants of the town in Stuart times is not to be 
regarded as an indication that entirely new intellectual occu- 
pations were arising, yet it does indicate that the members 
of these professions were beginning to occupy a new relation 
to the community, and that the guidance and direction of 
those who were specially trained was being called upon in 
the new conditions of society. Not only did new social 
rights and obligations need elucidation and statement, but 
astrology was discredited, and disease was no longer regarded 
as merely a divine visitation. The schoolmaster's duties 
were no longer confined to teaching infants reading and 
preparing more advanced pupils for the Universities, even 
though the latter demanded a rising standard of attainment. 
It was more fully realised that many boys who never in- 
tended to proceed to the University would continue their 
intellectual and scholarly interests after their school life, and 
that a liberal education would be of value to them. It was 
no uncommon thing for wealthy merchants like Humphrey 
Chetham to find leisure for the pursuit of literature a 

1 Andrew Willet, whose bulky tome, Synopsis Papisme, was in this 
library, was probably related to the Thomas Willet of Manchester whose 
widow had married Dr. Cogan. 

* Manchester Literary Society. 



pursuit which caused them to continue to take interest in 
the prosperity and general welfare of the schools and to en- 
courage libraries. The public writing-master was no longer 
expected only to prepare boys in simple arithmetic and in 
the keeping of accounts, but had to teach the elements of 
surveying and the drawing of plans, nor was the apothecary 
concerned solely with the preparation of potions and drugs, 
which involved translation of prescriptions. He had begun 
to combine this with the routine visiting work of a general 
medical practitioner, and though in all serious cases he had 
the opportunity of deferring to the knowledge of the Uni- 
versity-trained physician, he needed to be able to read and 
to understand the standard medical works, 1 which were still 
generally written in Latin. 

Soon after the death of Edward Chetham, the last Eliza- 
bethan high master, Manchester was visited by a severe 
epidemic of the Plague (1605), which is believed to have 
swept away about one-sixth of the inhabitants, then 
about some 20,000 in number. Among them was at least 
one of the masters of the school, George Stursaker (July 24, 
1605). There seems to be a gap in the record of the feoffees 
of the School, for no fresh appointments are known between 
1585 and 1628. Such appointments would almost certainly 
have been made about 1606, when John Reynolds, the 
famous Puritan leader at the Hampton Court Conference, 
in his capacity of President of Corpus Christi College, Ox- 
ford, exercised for the third time his duty of nominating 
a high master. This time his choice fell on Edward Clayton 
of Little Harwood, whose father occupied Clayton Hall. 
Members of this family had already settled in Manchester and 
begun to take active paTt in its public life, and Robert Clay- 
ton of Clayton Hall was one of the School feoffees. Edward 
Clayton's tenure of office lasted twenty-six years, and, judged 
by the scholars he sent to the Universities after confidence 
had been restored on the cessation of the Plague, the 
school made continued progress. 1 

We have already mentioned that there is a gap in the 
lists of new appointments of the School feoffees between 

1 By will dated May 10, 1628, and proved at Chester, Edward Clayton 
made bequests for several charitable purposes, giving 20 nobles per annum 
for two poor honest labourers or tradesmen out of the proceeds of his 
estate in Millgate (Court Leet Records, 1613). 


1585 and 1628. Among the School documents is an undated 
petition addressed to the Duchy Court of Lancaster, signed 
by four trustees, all of whom were pronounced Royalists, 
praying that Thomas Prestwich, who was then tenant of the 
School mills; might be confirmed in a supposed ancient 
family privilege enjoyed by his ancestors of using the mills 
at Hulme in addition to the School mills on the Irk. The 
petition was signed by only four trustees : Sir John Byron, 
Sir Alexander Radcliffe, Sir Cecil Trafford, and Edward 
Stanley of Broughton. It probably belongs to some 
period before 1628, for that was the date of the 
appointment of a new high master in the place of Edward 

Under the new administration of 1628 the income of the 
School again became settled and able to support the in- 
creasing number of scholars who were passing to Oxford 
and Cambridge (see Appendix). The feoffees also gave 
attention to the conduct of the School, which had been left 
by John Rowland, 1 the high master, in charge of his brother 
Richard, while he himself occupied the position of private 
chaplain to Henry Montague, died 1640, first Earl of 
Manchester. John Rowland claimed to have obtained the 
consent of one of the feoffees. As the brother proved 
unacceptable, the feoffees applied to the Master of Corpus 
Christi, who nominated Thomas Harrison of Prescott. After 
a time John Rowland appealed to the feoffees for re- 
instatement, threatening legal proceedings if kept out. The 
terms of settlement are unknown, but Rowland does not 
reappear in Manchester, and in 1634 was consoled by being 
appointed rector of Foot's Cray, Kent. 2 He was sequestered 
from that living in the time of the Commonwealth. 

Rowland was succeeded by Thomas Harrison, son of 
Thomas Harrison of Prescott, already in possession. He 
was destined to pass a particularly adventurous life. He 
matriculated at All Souls, Oxford, July 1625, aged eighteen, 
and was admitted B.A. from Corpus Christi College, 1628. 

1 It is probable that he obtained the patronage of the Earl of Manchester 
through Samuel Boardman, Fellow of the Collegiate body, who had already 
served the Duke, and had been appointed by Laud to assist Johnson in 
setting the affairs of the College in order. 

* Licensed August 8, 1634, to marry Ann, daughter of George Holt 
of Foot's Cray. 


How long he remained at the School is doubtful, but he had 
left before 1637. In 1645 he was sequestered from the 
rectory of Crick, Northants, and from his canonry at Lich- 
field. His house was plundered, all his books burnt, his 
wife and children thrown out of doors, and he himself sent 
to jail. In 1646 he wrote a letter to the Secretary of State 
from Wood Street Compter, where he was then in prison 
for debt, praying him to remember a poor scholar in great 
want. He seems to have remained in reduced circum- 
stances for a long time, since a collection was made for his 
benefit at the Stretford Chapelry, near Manchester, May 12, 
1661, then under the care of his early companion at Manchester 
School, Francis Mosley. He is probably to be distinguished 
from Thomas Harrison, minister of the Gospel, who delivered 
an address to Christ Church, Dublin, 1658, on Spiritual 

In 1637 Robert Symonds appears as the next high master. 
Unlike his predecessors, he was of Christ's College, Cam- 
bridge. He had been head master of Nantwich School 
from 1634. He seems to have been a moderate but attached 
churchman, and on July 24, 1638, was appointed Chaplain 
of the Manchester College, remaining in office till the 
affairs of the College were thrown into disorder in 1641. 1 

The changes in the high mastership would have been 
far more serious for the future careers of the scholars, had 
not the school possessed some very staunch friends at both 
English Universities. Among them was John Smith, head 
of Magdalene College, Cambridge, who founded a number 
of scholarships for boys coming from his old school, and a 
number of fellowships at his College to induce its students 
to pursue their studies beyond their first graduation. The 
money for these scholarships was unfortunately not invested 
in any town land which subsequently became thickly popu- 
lated. Consequently the endowments did not become famous, 

1 In 1652 he was appointed rector of Dalbury, Derby, after having 
been previously chosen by the people of Middleton, near Manchester, 
to be their minister. This choice the local Presbyterian Classis, whose 
proceedings will be more fully described in the next chapter, refused to 
confirm, because Robert Symonds had not received a Presbyterian ordina- 
tion. By the irony of fate Robert Symonds was subsequently instituted 
rector of Middleton in November 1662, on the presentation of Sir Ralph 
Asheton. He died March 23, 1681, aged eighty-four (Crostonand Baines, 
vol. ii. p. 404, and Chetham Society, N.S., vol. xxiv. p. 446). 


owing to a rapid multiplication in value. Smith scholar- 
ships, however, served their purpose for a time, and assisted 
in directing a stream of Manchester boys to Magdalene Col- 
lege, Cambridge, then the resort of many of the most hard- 
working students in the University. 

In 1638 Ralph Brideoak, an old pupil of the School, who 
had proceeded to Brasenose College, Oxford, appears as high 
master. He was a man of great energy and ambition, and 
considerable ability. Although he lived in constantly chang- 
ing times and took a prominent part in public affairs, yet he 
always succeeded in attracting notice and securing reward. 
He is described as ' busy, bustling, fawning, elbowing, 
grasping. 1 He had early attracted the attention of John 
Jackson, Vice-Chancellor of Oxford University, and President 
of Corpus Christi College, and so secured nomination to the 
high mastership of his old School. He probably shared 
fully in the welcome extended to the dramatists and play- 
writers at Oxford, for on the death of Ben Jonson in 1636 
he was one of those who contributed commemorative verses. 1 

In addition to his high mastership he served as private 
chaplain to the Earl and Countess of Derby. He showed 
his anti-Puritan sympathies in 1640 when he instituted social 
gatherings or commemorations at the School for the public 
reading of Latin poems written by scholars, ostensibly to 
congratulate the Queen on the birth of a son, but really, 
like the contemporary commemorations at Oxford and the 
encoenia at Cambridge, to act as a counterblast to the 
political proceedings agitating the House of Commons. A 
MS. copy of the speeches and the names of the speakers 
is in existence, 3 on the title-page ' Book given to George 
Chetham by his friend John Lightbourne, 1640.* He was 
also rector of Standish, Lanes, and Whitney, Oxon, but was 
not allowed to settle by the Parliament. 3 

1 Of. Collected Works of Ben Jonson. 

a It was discovered among the papers collected by Rev. Jeremiah 
Smith, high master of the School 1807-1839, who at one time contemplated 
writing its history, but who ultimately placed much of his information at 
the disposal of Mr. Whatton and Dr. S. Hibbert Ware, who incorporated it 
in the third volume of Foundations in Manchester, p. 183. The pamphlet 
had at one time belonged to the antiquarian sadler, Thomas Barritt, 
who died in 1820, for on it is written in Mr. Barritt's writing, ' Found 
among some old papers on a bookstall in the market, 1780.' 

8 Domestic State Papers, January 8, 1654. 



Efforts were being made on behalf of the middle classes 
to make better provision for higher education in many 
directions. Gustavus Adolphus had invited Amos Comenius 
(1590-1670), a Polish refugee and educationalist, to organise 
a national system in Sweden. Samuel Hartlieb, his fellow- 
countryman and friend, had settled in London in 1630 and 
had cultivated the acquaintance of many English scholars, 
among them Joseph Mede (1586-1638) and James Ussher, who 
left Ireland to become Bishop of Carlisle in 1638. Through 
Hartlieb's influence a committee was appointed by the Long 
Parliament to organise English education. They invited 
Comenius to England to undertake this. John Dury, 
sometime Puritan chaplain to the Company of Merchants of 
Elbourg, worked with Comenius and Hartlieb. 1 

Nowhere was the need for fuller University education 
felt more strongly than in the North, where many parents 
who feared the dissipation common at Oxford and Cam- 
bridge, had to send their sons ^to Edinburgh 2 or abroad. A 
petition was drawn up by many local well-wishers for the 
Manchester College to be made the seat of a new University, 
and the Earl of Derby offered to give the buildings. 3 By 
means of Henry Fairfax, 4 rector of Ashton-upon-Mersey, 
the petition was forwarded to Ferdinand, Lord Fairfax, the 
famous Parliamentary General. Rival claims were put forth 
by other trading centres, York 5 and Ripon, and the matter 
was delayed till the struggle between King and Parliament 
overwhelmed all else. 

The Grand Remonstrance, or Declaration of the State of 
the Kingdom, which was laid upon the table of the House 
of Commons, November 8, 1641, was the public expression of 
disapproval of the way in which the government of Church 
and State had been carried on by ministers whether civil or 
ecclesiastical. Bishop Ussher of Armagh had put forward 
a scheme by which some of the acknowledged evils of 

1 Vide Masson's Life of Milton, vol. iii. 

* The intimacy between England and Scotland became closer after 
1628, when Charles I tried to reinstate episcopacy there. The famous 
scene in St. Giles' was in 1637. A list of graduates at Edinburgh 
between 1587 and 1800 shows several Manchester scholars went there at 
this time. 

3 Quick's Educational Reformers. 

4 Fairfax's Correspondence. 

6 Matthew Poole was of York ; see also Appendix. 


episcopacy could be limited by the setting up of provincial 
synods. Clarendon acknowledged that the first opponents of 
the Court party were moderate churchmen. Their aim was 
no repudiation of control and discipline, but a desire for 
better discipline, as is clearly indicated in the following clause 
(No. 186) : 

' We have been maliciously charged with the intention 
to destroy and discourage learning, whereas it is our chiefest 
care and desire to advance it and to provide such compe- 
tent maintenance for conscientious and preaching ministers 
throughout the realm as will be a great encouragement to 
scholars and a certain means whereby the want, meanness, 
and ignorance to which a great part of the clergy is now 
subject will be prevented. And we have intended likewise 
to reform and purge the fountains of Learning, the two 
Universities, that the streams flowing from thence may be 
clear and full, and an honour and comfort to the whole 



' Though I speak with the tongues of men and of angels, and have not 
charity, I am become sounding brass or a clanging cymbal.' 


Puritan theological dogma and Puritan Church government set up in ac- 
cordance with the Solemn League and Covenant Demand for Puritan 
preachers causes a new class of scholar to seek higher and Univer- 
sity training The Neoplatonist philosophers at Cambridge 
Presbyterian Discipline in Lancashire makes its headquarters in 
Manchester It ia successfully attacked by the Independents under 
Colonel Birch Beginnings of the Town Library, 1640 The Prestwich 
Library, 1654, and the Great Scholars' or Chetham Library, 1657, placed 
under the government of a body of local merchants and professional 
men The Grammar School again under the charge of an active and 
learned high master, John Wiokens Subjects studied at the School 
Henry Newcome. 

THE signing of the Solemn League and Covenant, September 
1643, by members of the English Parliament involved a good 
deal more than the mere reversal of the rule of State-appointed 
bishops and a change of Church ritual. It replaced theology 
in the old position of supremacy among other branches of 
knowledge which it had occupied under the old scholastic 
system of learning in the Middle Ages. The testing of ortho- 
doxy of opinion by Synod and Classis which now took place 
was far more systematic and quite as limiting as had been the 
inquiries and examination before papal courts and councils. 
The examination of candidates for the ministry secured 
a high standard of preliminary training, though it restricted 
the subject-matter as well as the attitude towards knowledge. 
One ordinance of Parliament appointed committees to 
sequester the estates of Royalists in order to find money 



to pay the Parliamentary soldiers. Another ordinance sum- 
moned an assembly of divines to meet at Westminster to 
advise on matters of Church government and to select proper 
preachers for orthodox teaching. 

The number of distressed ministers who had been plundered 
during the war and who had sought refuge in London became 
so considerable that a special committee was appointed to 
make provision for their relief. Complaints of ill-behaviour, 
malignancy, and non-residence of other clergy, summarised 
under the heading of scandalous, poured in, and it became 
necessary to inquire into the foundation of such charges, 
for though some were well founded others were factitious 
and inspired by spite. The work was delegated to the com- 
mittee already entrusted with the care of the distressed or 
' plundered ' ministers, whose work thus overlapped that of 
the Sequestration Committee. 1 Consequently the two com- 
mittees worked together under the leadership of Edward 
Montague, who as Lord Kimbolton had been impeached in 
the House of Lords at the time of the attack on the five 
members in the House of Commons. 2 The General Committee, 
proving too large, broke up into special committees having 
jurisdiction over different counties. One under Lord Kim- 
bolton himself, now Earl of Manchester, began its work of 
inquiry at Cambridge. Another committee, mainly occupied 
with the work of sequestrating estates in Lancashire, was 
instituted April 1643, and its members, who were prominent 
Presbyterians, administered the oath of the Solemn League 
and Covenant to large numbers of the people of the county. 

In order to expedite the work of the Westminster Assembly 
in reorganising the ministry and religious teaching on the 
new basis, a number of Lancashire ministers met together 
at Preston and presented a petition to Parliament to request 
the establishment of a Local County Provincial Assembly. 
This request was granted, but in order to keep the power in 
the hands of the civil authority, twice as many lay elders 

1 Register Book of Committee for Relief of Plundered Ministers, 1644-7, 
15669-15671, Add. MSS. British Museum. The Lancashire Sequestration 
Committee, 1641, Sir Thomas Stanley, Mr. Ralph Assheton, Mr. Peter 
Egerton of Shaw, Mr. Robert Hyde of Denton, Mr. John Moore of Liver- 
pool, Mr. Alexander Rigby, Mr. Richard Holland, all Presbyterians. 
Domestic State Papers, p. 229 ; Rushworth, vol. v. p. 309 ; also Record 
Society, vols. 28, 34. 

a January 3, 1642. 


as preaching elders were appointed. The admission of the 
prominent local laity into the government of the Church soon, 
moreover, reacted on its fortunes. Partly owing to lack of 
adequate emoluments, 1 for there were no prizes of highly-paid 
dignity to anticipate, partly to a feeling of insecurity of tenure 
and status, also no doubt on account of the inquisitorial cross- 
examination by the Classis, many members of the families 
in whom traditions of learning had become ingrained failed 
to present themselves for Presbyterian as they had done 
for Episcopalian ordination. 2 Emoluments and salaries were 
lacking. There resulted a shortage of preachers, and it 
became necessary to attract a new class of candidates. Appeals 
were made to local Sequestration Committees. 3 New Grammar 
Schools were founded in various towns, and other assistance 
from private sources was forthcoming to enable poor lads 
to get University training, especially at Edinburgh and 
Cambridge. 4 

The demand for preachers was met by the two English 
Universities in different measure, for not only were the studies 
which each encouraged different, but there was a difference 
in the kind of scholar each attracted. Cambridge, owing 
partly to its close relationship with the towns of the eastern 
counties, was strongly Puritan. Oxford, owing to its close 
relation with the Court, was loyal to the Old Establishment. 
Cambridge had been visited by Commissions of the Long 
Parliament in 1643, and had placed its intellectual resources 
at the disposal of the Presbyterians. Oxford put difficulties 
in the way. In 1647 seven of the principal Puritan preachers 
were sent thither to convert it. On their failure after six 
months to accomplish anything, a body of commissioners 
was appointed. Many of the most prominent Royalists 
were ejected from their positions, and a new regime instituted. 
The difference between the two Universities remained, and 
it was perhaps owing to a desire to escape Presbyterian 
influence, and to pursue their studies undisturbed, that those 

1 Heyrick was subsequently allowed 120 yearly, August 16, 1653. 

2 Richard Johnson left the town and refused to return. He was arrested, 
plundered, and submitted to gross indignity. Halley. 

3 E.g. Calendar State Papers, Addenda, December 5, 1644. 

4 Matthew Poole, A Model for the Maintaining of Choice Abilities at the 
University, principally in order for the Ministry (1658). The most remark- 
able precursor of the modern scholarship system. 


scholars 1 who had hitherto been pursuing in London the new 
philosophy advocated by Francis Bacon, transferred them- 
selves to Oxford, the Alma Mater of many of them, and 
only returned to London on the accession of Charles II, when 
they were incorporated as the Royal Society. 

The more pronounced Puritanism, as well as the lesser 
expense of living at Cambridge, made it the favourite resort of 
the young Puritan scholars, who now flocked from the country 
towns. Fortunately for them a new school of thought was 
springing up, which helped many to escape the narrow dog- 
matism of Calvinistic theology, without losing the spiritual 
fervour which gave Puritanism its force. In consequence of 
the title of the work of its founder, Henry More, 2 the leaders 
of this school were called the Cambridge Neoplatonists. 
Among these, Joseph Mede was less mystical and more devout 
than his predecessor, while Ralph Cudworth enriched the 
movement with studies in the working of the human mind, and 
John Worthington 3 a Manchester scholar who as Fellow of 
Emmanuel for many years, and subsequently Master of Jesus 
College, was the means of attracting scores of Lancashire 
scholars to Cambridge was one of its biographers and 

The Cambridge Neoplatonists may be said to have found 
for their day and generation a means of providing a religious 
incentive to the study of natural philosophy and science, 
and to have provided theology with that basis in general 
knowledge, owing to the loss of which it became sterilised at 
a later date. 

'So this set of men at Cambridge studied to assert 
and examine the principles of religion and morality 
on clear grounds and in a philosophical method ... all 
these, and those who were formed under them, studied to 
examine farther into the nature of things than had been done 
formerly. They declared against superstition on one hand, 
and enthusiasm on the other. They loved the constitution of 
the Church and the Liturgy, and could well live under them, 
but they did not think it unlawful to live under another 
form. They wished that all things might have been 
carried out with more moderation, and they continued to 

1 In 1645 they were called the Invisible College (Boyle). 

8 * The Song of the Soul,' Christiano-Platonical Display of Life, 1642, 

8 See Life of John Worthington (Chetham Society, vol. xiii. pp. 36, 114). 


keep up a correspondence with those who had differed 
from them in opinion.' 1 

John Worthington remained at Emmanuel College eighteen 

years; and attracted thither a very considerable number of 

Manchester scholars. In 1650 he became Master of Jesus 

College, Cambridge, and the stream of Manchester scholars 

which had previously been directed to Emmanuel now became 

attracted to Jesus College. We read of Worthington's love 

of music and his diligent practice in the use of the viol, of the 

support he gave to the publication of the mathematical books 

by Samuel Hartlieb, whose interest in scientific husbandry 

would justify his claim to be called the father of modern 

English technical education. The organ of Jesus College 

had been removed and hidden in 1643. It was discovered 

in 1651, but as the time was not suitable for its replacement in 

the chapel it was again hidden. Its discovery at this time 

illustrates Worthington's care for music. 2 John Worthington 

encouraged the publication of the writings of Comenius on 

language teaching. He endeavoured to secure the republi- 

cation of Warden Dee's ' Introduction to the Work of Euclid ' 

to assist in extending the teaching of mathematics ; he was 

also interested in the publication of Isaac Barrow's ' Lectiones 

Mathematical He was also in correspondence with Evelyn 

about a new translation of Plutarch's ' Lives.' Ho was 

interested in the writings of Borelli, the famous French 

physician and naturalist^ He took great pains to collect all 

that he could of the MSS. of Horrocks and Crabtree, the 

astronomers. He also showed his knowledge and interest in 

the experiments with air-pumps &c., which were being made 

by Hon. Robert Boyle. 

This liberality and expansiveness of view, though destined 
to influence profoundly the next generation of scholars and 
to prepare the way for the dissemination as well as for the 
advance in natural knowledge, was only very partially shared 
by contemporary preachers, 3 who too often found narrow 
enthusiasms and violent partisanship more agreeable to their 

1 Bishop Burnet, History of our Own Times. 

* Cf. History of Jesus College, Arthur Gray. 

8 Cf . The Harmonious Consent of the Ministers of the Province within the 
County Palatine of Lancaster, 1648. A very bitter attack on Religious 


employers and supporters, or more in harmony with the 
character of the age. At least three main contending parties 
are to be distinguished : 

1. The Presbyterians, who inherited from the times of 
the Marian persecution an undying hatred of Roman ritual, 
as well as of episcopal government. Many of them were 
loyal to the King and Constitution, until they found there 
was no other way of getting rid of prelacy than by taking the 
side of Parliament. Having got rid of the bishops, they 
were willing to restore the King under proper guarantees. 
After the execution of Charles I hi 1649 their sympathies 
were divided, and they never regained their certitude or the 
predominance they had previously enjoyed. 

2. The Independents, who had found their original home 
in Holland, and had been driven out by persecution at the 
triumph of the Calvinist party at the Council of Dort. They 
believed each body of worshippers should be self-governing, 
and should not be interfered with from outside, either in the 
exercise of its ritual or in its teaching. They, however, believed 
in voluntary consultations and conferences to discuss common 
purposes and to exchange spiritual experience. 1 Finding little 
encouragement in England, Scotland, or Holland, many had 
migrated to America, whither they had carried their love of 
learning and had organised grammar schools and colleges, of 
which Harvard stands to-day. They laid the foundations of the 
principles of the American Republic. On the outbreak of the 
Civil War many returned to England, but Independent 
principles had become debased and even caricatured by many 
extremists, and it was only in their original homes in the 
eastern counties of England that they were able to cultivate 
their learning. In the North, Independency took little hold. 

3. The Anglican party, attached to the ritual and the 
tolerance of opinion traditional to English learning in the 
English Church, when not interfered with by aggressive 
ecclesiastics and statesmen. They had opposed the uncon- 
stitutional acts of the King, and had supported the Grand 
Remonstrance. At the beginning of the struggle, the more 

1 Savoy Conference, October 1658, and Collectanea Hunteriana, Brit. 
Mus. Add. MSS. 25463. * Historical Biographies and Topographical Collec- 
tions, with brief account of the Proceedings of Messengers of the Associated 
Churches in the adjacent parts of Yorkshire, Lancashire, and Cheshire.' 
Third Meeting, June 8, 1658. 


moderate ones were prepared to make considerable conces- 
sions in ritual and Church government to the Puritans, for 
they shared in the fear of any return to the old Catholic 
regime. They became repelled by the increasing violence 
of opinion and conduct of the victorious party, and quietly 
hoped and worked for the restoration of royalty as the only 
security for toleration and peace. Oxford University was 
their intellectual centre, and their theology received its in- 
spiration from the study of the early Christian Fathers ; and, 
perhaps to emphasise their differences from the Presbyterians, 
they adopted the milder theology of Arminius. There were 
also a few High Anglicans, closely attached to royalty, who 
continued to hold the High Church principles of complete 
supremacy of the bishops so strongly urged by Laud. Finally, 
there was a still larger body of Catholics among the county 
gentry constantly reinforced by the missionary priests sent 
among them to play upon the dissatisfaction of those who 
felt their social or religious security imperilled by the rapid 
changes which were taking place around them. 

As Presbyterian learning became firmly established in 
South Lancashire, and profoundly influenced the course of 
local events, especially around Manchester, it is necessary 
to consider the exact nature of the discipline which Presby- 
terianism attempted to establish in the county. 

The County Assembly they set up was divided into nine 
separate classes, each class being concerned with maintaining 
discipline in its own district, while the County Assembly was 
concerned with the examination and approbation of candidates 
for the ministry and the general policy of the whole religious 
body. This was no trivial matter of Church organisation. 
It was the beginning of a republic, for neither Crown nor 
bishops^ nor their supporters, had understood the rising spirit 
of self -consciousness and the demand for self-expression which 
had grown up in the middle classes. Even the Presbyterians 
at first only partially understood it. It could now no longer 
be suppressed. If the theology they taught was often gloomy 
and censorious, it was placed in the hands of better- trained and 
cultivated men, who subsequently showed themselves capable 
of enlarging both their ideas and their sympathies as a con- 
sequence of free intercourse with their fellow-preachers and 
lay elders at the Classis. 

The Classis not only desired control over the selection of 


ministers, but also the right to inquire into the personal 
conduct of all the inhabitants of the town or district, and to 
summon before them any who were charged with ' scandalous 
conduct ' or ' ignorance ' ; to reprimand, and if necessary, 
to punish them by excommunication and withdrawal of civil 
rights. The basis of the whole Presbyterian theory of govern- 
ment was that the community was a religious one, and that 
all citizens should prepare themselves to attend the Sacrament. 
Those who were considered unfit to receive the Sacrament 
were called ' scandalous,' and were to be outlawed from all 
social rights and from protection by civil law. Others who 
did not agree with the Presbyterian Classis hi doctrine were 
regarded as ' ignorant,' and their education and conversion was 
regarded as the essential duty of the local Classis who, having 
found the person guilty, passed the delinquent to the civil 
magistrate for punishment. This amounted to a claim and 
assumption of judicial power by a rather arbitrary eccle- 
siastical assembly, and ultimately brought the government by 
Presbyterian Classis into discredit, for people were accustomed 
to look for the interpretation of delinquency as well as the 
local administration of justice at the hands of more or less 
experienced and educated Justices of the Peace. It was also 
particularly odious to the general body of regular Anglican 
worshippers who had been brought up under less inquisitorial 
and censorious discipline, where the sinner against moral law 
was left to the general reprobation of his fellows, and the 
criminal offender against the regulations of society was left to 
the civil judge, on the theory that he disturbed the ' King's 
Peace ' by causing troubles between himself and his neighbour 
or by neglecting his duty towards the Crown. 

In the constitutional struggle between King and Parlia- 
ment, Lancashire at first took little interest. The collection 
of ship money from the land-owning classes had presented 
difficulties to the wealthy merchant, Humphrey Chetham, who 
as sheriff of the county had been appointed to collect it, and 
who it is believed had to pay a good deal out of his own pocket, 
but neither local landowners nor merchants found much 
cause for complaint. Indeed, they appreciated the efforts 
made by William Laud, who had been largely instrumental in 
saving the Manchester Collegiate body from the greedy courtier 
Richard Murray, and had obtained for it a new charter. Public 
feeling was however fully aroused at the receipt of the news of 


the massacre of Protestant settlers in Ireland by the insurgent 
Catholics, for intimate trade relations had been growing 
up between the two countries, and the local Protestants 
became alarmed at the prospect of a Catholic rising at home. 
They applied for and obtained leave from Lord Derby 
Lord-Lieutenant of the county to collect and store up 
ammunition. On the actual outbreak of force between King 
and Parliament, the various Lord-Lieutenants of counties 
were ordered by the King to accumulate military stores and 
ammunition on behalf of the Crown. The local Protestants 
believed that this was a ruse to arm the Catholics and to 
deprive them of their means of defence. Consequently, when 
the Earl of Derby sought to obtain possession of the gunpowder 
and arms possessed by the citizens of Manchester, they first 
parleyed, and when the Earl tried to seize the stores they 
opposed the seizure, and what has been called the Siege of 
Manchester commenced. The struggle; however, was brief 
and not very severe, for party spirit had not yet become 
envenomed and local religious antagonisms had not been 

Warden Heyrick was one of those summoned to attend 
the Westminster Assembly. The moderate Presbyterians who 
composed the local committee for sequestrations in Lancashire 
were favourable to existing conditions. They were little 
inclined to interfere with the Collegiate body; since it was so 
strongly Presbyterian in tone. Conflict was also delayed by 
the prevalence of plague in the town in 1645, which frightened 
away the wealthy merchants and prevented the collection 
of revenues. The church itself was closed, and no one was 
permitted to enter or leave the town. So severe was the 
distress among the inhabitants that public collections were 
made in London for them. 

Even when the sequestrators were ordered to seize all 
church revenue, moderate opinion still prevailed, and the 
establishment of a local presbytery was generally acqui- 
esced in, for the active Royalists had been so impoverished 
that they did not desire to attract further attention. So 
far from there being any general desire for the spoliation of 
church property, it is evident from a church survey of 1650, 
in which the nine Manchester chapelries of Salford, Stretford, 
Chorlton, Didsbury, Birch, Gorton, Den ton, Newton, and 
Blackley are namedj that the whole or a considerable part 


of the salary of the incumbent must have been supplied 
locally from voluntary funds. The report to the Presbyterian 
synod of the neglected state of some of these chapelries and 
the lack of adequate ministry, served as an incentive to many 
local landowners to make better provision, and provided 
openings for the young scholars who had recently been trained 
for the ministry. This was all the more necessary on 
account of the large number of the Sectaries or irregular 
preachers who practised Independency, one section of 
whom now came into Manchester life. 1 

George Fox the Quaker visited Dukinfield in 1647, where 
the scholarly preachers of Independency, Samuel Eaton and 
Timothy Taylor, had familiarised their audiences with the 
teachings of a learned ministry. George Fox had expected 
great support from the Independents, but enthusiasm was 
no substitute for learning, consequently his first visit to 
Manchester was evidently a failure, and his only other recorded 
visit, that in 1657, was still more unsatisfactory. It took 
place when the general populace had grown as tired of 
Independency as they had of Presbyterianism. 

William Langley of Manchester, who left an unsigned diary 
and a volume entitled ' The Persecuted Minister,' thus bewails 
the embarrassments of a peaceable scholar when he visits 
his native town in the throes of conflicting opinion : 

' Fain I would have kept communion with all those good 
and learned men, but it would not be. To be familiar with 
them of one party was to render me suspected of the other, 
and because I thought it was more for my benefit to argue 
with those of both persuasions as I respectively did with 
others concerning those things in the ways wherein I was 
unsatisfied than to discourse of such wherein I was of their 
mind, that had like to have lost me to them both.' * 

Suspicious of the sentiments of the Presbyterians and 
anxious to regain their straying allegiance, the army leaders 
demanded that all ministers should make a solemn engagement 
to be true and faithful to the government established without 
King or House of Lords ; the publication of this as the 

1 Heyrick preached before Parliament on May 27, 1646, and attacked 
the Independent and Cromwellian party with great vigour. Queen Esther's 

2 Chetham Society, vol. 106. 


' Agreement of the People,' in December 1648, virtually 
demanded obedience to military control. The execution of 
the King in the following January threw all Presbyterians 
and Churchmen into opposition against the Army and the 
Independents. The Presbyterian ministers of the district 
met together, and though, in the past, they had declared 
against the observance of all feast days, including Christ- 
mas and Easter, yet they unanimously agreed to appoint 
May 29, 1650, the birthday of Charles II, a day to be observed 
with religious solemnity. When Charles subscribed to the 
Solemn League and Covenant, they could not contain their 


The conduct of affairs in Lancashire was completely 
changed. The Presbyterian officers were dismissed, 1 and 
power was placed in the hands of a governor the Independent 
Colonel Birch, who claimed the deeds of the Manchester Col- 
legiate body. Warden Heyrick refused to deliver, claiming 
that he held them by right of purchase as well as by royal 
mandate, and that the wardenship was his private property. 
He locked up the deeds in the church. Colonel Birch there- 
upon brought a body of his soldiery and forced open the 
door. The soldiers smashed the stained-glass windows and 
mutilated the carvings, seized the deed chest and carried 
it to London. Not content with their work in the church, 
the soldiers next forced their way into the school-house 
and destroyed the effigy of Hugh Oldham, which had been 
newly painted while Ralph Brideoak was in charge. When, 
however, Colonel Thomas Birch heard there was danger of 
the deeds being sold, and so alienated from Manchester, he 
wrote to General Harrison under date December 10, 1650, 
requesting his influence for their preservation, 2 but they are 
supposed to have been destroyed in the Great Fire. 

Cromwell now decided to form a new army favourable to 
Independency to enable him to fight against the Scotch 
Presbyterians who had rallied round Charles Stuart. A 
muster for Pendleton bears the date May 21, 1650 : 

' The constables of Pendleton were enjoyned to order all 

1 One of these was Captain Samuel Birch. In the list of officers and 
soldiers disbanded by him at this time, the names of many Grammar School 
boys occur. Portland MSS. 

2 Thirteenth Hist. M8S. Com. Reports (Duke of Portland's Papers, vol. 
i. p. 545): 


men between the ages of 18 and 50 in the township to 
appear armed on the 22nd before the commission at Man- 
chester, to oppose the Earl of Derby and other enemies 
of the commonwealth, and to furnish a list of all such men 
and all horses in the township. 1 1 

The first muster of Manchester took place at Chetham 
Hill, Manchester, July 19, 1650. A second was held on 
August 2. A fortnight later the troops marched North. 
They arrived too late to take part in the battle of Dunbar. 
Only the names of a few of the officers are known, but it 
is evident that members of many of the best Puritan 
families were taking active part. Major-General Worsley 
of Platt, who was in command, had been educated at the 
School. He was the officer who at the order of Cromwell 
removed the mace from the House of Commons, and so 
dissolved the Rump Parliament. 

The Presbyterians became again distressed on the defeat 
of the Scotch Presbyterian army at Dunbar, September 1650, 
and the execution of the leaders by the English, for while 
they were attached to royalty they feared the policy which 
allowed Catholics to serve in the ranks of the army. It was 
expected that some 500 fully trained and armed Presbyterians 
would be forthcoming to suppress the rising of the Earl of 
Derby, but only a few of them actually took part. 

A MS. compiled at this date, ascribed to William 
Crabtree, an old pupil of the School, is now in the Chetham 
Library. It is called ' A true and perfect book ' : 

* Of all rates and taxation which concern this County 
of Lancashire, very necessary and needful and profitable for 
all Justices of the Peace and gentlemen within the same, 
may serve for a perpetual precedent to them and theirs for 
the true and perfect easy mode, quick assessing and 
charging of the several and particular towns with what 
sums of money and food shall at any time be imposed upon 
the same county as herein may plainly appear.' ' 

We have already noticed the efforts of Henry Bury to 
encourage a town's library, and the signs in 1640 that some 

1 13th Hist. MSS. Com. Reports, Pt. i, p. 615. 

2 Palatine Note Book, vol. ii. p. 265; and Miscellanies, Chetham Soc., 
N.S., vol. hriii. 


progress had been made. In 1653 prospects became more 
hopeful. John Prestwich, the old scholar who had been 
evicted from his fellowship at Oxford, a brother of Edmund 
Prestwich the Royalist, who had been evicted from his 
tenancy of the School mills, made offer of some of his own 
books for the use of the town, and received a very flatter- 
ing letter in acknowledgment. His second letter is dated 
April 19, 1653 : 

< My fortunes are but slender, otherwise my intentions had 
been greater ; however, if God shall please to continue these 
my fortunes to me I shall still be adding more or less to the 
small provision already made for you. Haply I may now 
and then bestow a book on a friend which, if I do, I shall not 
forget to recompense it with buying of two. Haply, I may 
exchange one book for another. If I do that, be confident it 
shall be your advantage. Many of those I have are small 
ones ; not so fit for a public as for a private library. Many 
also not so useful to men living in the country as for those 
of the University. So now my purpose is, now that I have 
received this intelligence from you, to begin to exchange 
space and much to alter and transform my study, thereby 
to make it more acceptable. Meantime, I am not destitute 
of such as I hope may please you.' 

A convenient room was finally provided, and on August 
20, 1653, the roofless chantry of Jesus Chapel was handed 
over to the feoffees by Henry Pendleton. It was placed in 
repair at the town's expense, and the Prestwich Library } 
the immediate forerunner of much greater things^ was thus 
established. On October 12, 1653, Humphrey Chetham, who 
was one of the trustees of the Prestwich Library, died. 

Partly by steady adherence to trade, partly by ad- 
vancing money to help distressed Royalists to meet fines, 
Chetham had accumulated a very large fortune. He had a 
natural inclination for scholarship. His elder brother had 
been high master of the Grammar School. He had very 
generously supported the efforts made by Richard Johnson 
to reconstitute the Manchester College in 1635, perhaps 
in return for material -help and wise advice given to him 
when he was in the hands of greedy lawyers in London. The 
numerous wills he had made show that he had taken much 
thought about the proper bestowal of his gains. His final 
intention, as set forth in his will dated 1651, included the 


foundation of a public [Blue Coat] school for the support, 
education, and apprenticing of poor boys ; the foundation 
of four church or parochial libraries for ordinary readers, 
and one town library for scholars. Under the first bequest 
of 200, certain churches around Manchester received money 
for ' Godly English Libraries.' For the Town or Scholars' 
Library of Manchester a sum of 2000 was available. As 
the Jesus Chapel was too small for the latter, accommo- 
dation was found in the Old College buildings* which the 
trustees purchased from the Earl of Derby for the joint pur- 
pose of a residential school and a library. The library was 
opened with a public dedication on August 5, 1656. Richard 
Hollinworth gave the address to the assembled boys and 
the public. 1 After purchasing books, there still remained 
sufficient endowment to provide the salary of a librarian, and 
a surplus income for the periodical purchase of new books. 

The Prestwich or Church Library consisted of volumes 
of English sermons and commentaries on the Scriptures, and 
was suitable for preachers and such members of the congrega- 
tion as desired to study religious works. The remains of 
the old Town Library co-existed for a time side by side with 
the Church Library, but the ample provision for the purchase 
of books of special interest to scholars in the great library of 
Humphrey Chetham soon caused it to outshine the other two, 
and they naturally fell into neglect. 2 John Prestwich had 
recommended Edmund Lees, a local scholar from the Grammar 
School to All Souls College, Oxford, as librarian. The recom- 
mendation was accepted, and Lees was retained as librarian 
of the Prestwich and sub-librarian of the Chetham Library 
till 1666. In 1681 John Prestwich himself died, and when 
inquiry was made by the Chetham trustees about the Prest- 
wich books, it was found that most of them had been dispersed. 3 

The establishment in the town of such considerable 
libraries, with such a diversity of learned works, naturally 

1 Cf. Manchester Literary Club, 1877, and Local Gleanings, July 5, 1878. 

a Several volumes of the old Town Library of this period must have 
passed to the Grammar School by 1690, for volumes still exist there con- 
taining inscriptions of 1640, and subsequent scribblings of schoolboys of 

3 See Palatine Note Book, December 1882 ; Earwaker's Local Gleanings, 
vol. ii. ; Christie's Old Church and School Libraries (Chetham Society, N.S.) ; 
W. Axon, Manchester Literary Club Papers, vol. vi. 1880 ; Notes and 
Queries, 1877, J. E. Bailey. 


encouraged scholars. John Ray (1628-1705), the famous 
naturalist, wrote under date August 1658: 

' I proceeded as far as Disley on the way to Manchester, 
which is a large and very neat town. Here I took knowledge 
of the College and the new library, which they had furnished 
with useful and choice books. I saw the Free School 
and the Church, from the steeple of which I had a prospect 
of the town. Accompanied by Mr. [Samuel] Birch the school- 
master [usher], I went to see the place where of old had been, 
I think, a Roman fortification which they call the Castle.' x 

The Scriptural commentaries and the devotional works 
which were intended for the Chapel Libraries were chosen 
by Richard Hollin worth and John Tilsley, the latter especi- 
ally taking care to exclude all works which favoured the 
Arminian teaching, to which the more orthodox Presby- 
terians and Independents were still bitterly opposed, but 
which was favoured by the Anglicans. The books for the 
Great Scholars' Library were chosen by Richard Johnson 
and included Arminian writers. Although the majority 
were works on Theology, yet Chronicles, works on Archaeo- 
logy and the History of Continental Europe were well repre- 
sented, and there were numerous books of English Law. The 
newer subjects of constructive thought, such as Mathematics, 
which were being pursued to such effect by Descartes, were 
only sparsely represented, though we have seen that particular 
local scholars, such as William Crabtree, were already making 
advances in them. Nor was there any sign that the new 
experimental philosophy studied at Oxford had yet found 
local adherents. 

We must now consider the events which were taking 
place at the Grammar School. Ralph Brideoak had prob- 
ably left it before the outbreak of the plague. His restless, 
ambitious nature could find little to satisfy it in the 
county town with its trade interests and its Puritan 
theology. Tradition says he was turned out, but this is 
hardly likely. He was about this time presented to the living 

1 Select Remains of the Learned John Bay, published by George Scott, 
1760, and quoted in * Notes and Queries,' City News, Manchester, Decem- 
ber 3, 1892. 


of Standish. The name Ralph Brideoak occurs among the lay 
elders appointed by Parliament for the first Presbyterian 
county synod, November 17, 1646. 

For a short time x Nehemiah Paynter of Emmanuel College, 
Cambridge, held office as high master. This is the second break 
in the record of Oxford high masters since the foundation, 
and was probably made at the suggestion of the Earl 
of Manchester, who was Chancellor of the University of 
Cambridge, and had interested himself in the fortunes of 
John Rowlands, the high master of 1630. Paynter was born 
in London, and was probably related to Stephen Paynter of 
Little Budworth, Cheshire. His tenure was very short, as his 
death is reported in 1648. 

About the time of the appointment of Paynter, steps were 
taken to replace the business affairs of the School on a proper 
footing. On March 6, 1647, the inhabitants of the town 
petitioned the Council of State to appoint new trustees. 
Those surviving were (i) Sir John Byron of Newstead, now 
Baron Rochdale, who had fought on the Royalist side at 
Edgehill and Worcester and was in hiding ; (ii) Sir Alexander 
Radcliffe, who as Commissioner of Array had raised forces for 
the King and had assisted in the defence of Lathom House, the 
residence of the Earl of Derby ; (iii) Sir Cecil Trafford, who 
had become a Roman Catholic in 1632, and whose Royalist 
sympathies were equally unmistakable. Twelve entirely 
new feoffees or governors were therefore appointed by Parlia- 
ment, chosen from the local gentry, leading merchants, and 
professional men in the town. 2 

Perhaps at the instigation of John Hartley himself, who 
desired to succeed John Prestwich as tenant of the mills, 
the feoffees were commanded by the Court of Sequestra tors, 
viz. Richard Holland and Peter Egerton, to cancel the lease 
of the School mills held by Edmund Prestwich the Royalist, 3 
and to appoint John Hartley of Strangeways as the new tenant, 
charging a rental of 130 a year. To fill the vacancy caused by 
the death of Nehemiah Paynter, the new Presbyterian trustees, 
perhaps on the nomination of the President of Corpus Christi 
College, Oxford, appointed John Wickens, a native of Berk- 
shire, about thirty-two years of age, who had been educated 

1 Soon after 1645. 

2 See Appendix, p. 496. 

8 See State Papers, October 30, 1640. 


at Oriel College, Oxford, and had graduated M.A. 1636. John 
Wickens at the time was occupying the post of head master at 
Rochdale School, of which he had been chosen to take charge in 
1638 by Archbishop Laud, at the same time as Laud chose his 
own nephew, Robert Bath, to be vicar of Rochdale. Laud had 
the reputation of being a good judge of character and ability, 
and hi neither of these appointments was his judgment at 
fault, though the direction in which both men ultimately used 
their ability would doubtless have been a sore disappointment 
to him had he lived to see it. Rochdale, like the other Lanca- 
shire towns, was a centre of active Puritanism, and the two 
young Oxford scholars became at first interested in and then 
active supporters of Presbyterianism, and finally took the 
Covenant together. 

Robert Bath was appointed a preaching elder and John 
Wickens one of the ruling or lay elders of the Bury Classis 
the Classis in which Rochdale was included. It is probable 
that John Wickens was chosen elder owing to his scholarship 
and ability to assist in examining the candidates for preaching, 
and also that, being in charge of the local grammar school, he 
was in a position to select and prepare scholars suitable for 
undertaking the work of the ministry. There would naturally 
be a frequent exchange of opinion and experience between 
the Bury Classis and the Manchester one, which soon carried 
the reputation of John Wickens there. He was not only 
possessed of exceptional learning and piety, but his interests 
were wide and his views on education were liberal. He was 
perhaps related to William Wickens of St. Catherine's 
College, Cambridge, and of Leyden University, a prominent 
London minister in charge of St. Andrew's, Hubbard, 1649, 
ejected from Poultry Chapel in 1662, who was a great student 
of Jewish antiquities and Oriental learning. In 1654, John 
Wickens was elected a ruling elder for Manchester, and seems 
to have lived in Salford, then a residential suburb of Man- 
chester, for his name does not appear in the Manchester Court 
Leet records, neither does it occur in the records of the Salford 
Port Mote. If so, he would be brought in contact with William 
Meek, the first incumbent of the new Trinity Chapel, and with 
Richard Holbrook who succeeded him, both men of moderate 
views. His marriage with Penelope Chadwick, daughter of 
John Chadwick, M.A., rector of Standish, brought him into 
touch with some of the best Puritan families in the neigh- 


bourhood. He also enjoyed the friendship of Richard Heyrick, 
the Warden of the College, who, during all the ecclesiastical 
changes at the Collegiate Church which took place at this 
period, remained the head of the ministry and clergy in Man- 
chester, as is shown by his being chosen moderator or chair- 
man of the Manchester Classis. Scions of the best Puritan 
families came to Wickens from all parts of Lancashire and 
Cheshire, and not a few of the prominent Puritan preachers 
placed their sons in lodgings in Manchester to be under his 

The town again became prosperous as soon as it recovered 
from the severe visitation of the plague in 1645. The short 
war with Holland, 1652-3, due to trade jealousy, rather 
stimulated than curtailed its prosperity. Perhaps, too, the 
adventures which many of the townsmen had passed through 
in the Civil War had stirred their imagination and activities, 1 
for there must have been many contributing causes to the 
marked success of the School during the Commonwealth. 
During the period between the presentation of the Grand 
Remonstrance (1641) and the restoration of the Stuart family 
(1660), which largely coincides with the setting up of Presby- 
terian discipline and the consequent specialisation of University 
education to the training of ministers, sixty-six scholars can 
be traced eleven to Oxford, fifty-five to Cambridge. This 
number was greatly in excess of the number during any corre- 
sponding preceding period, particularly as regards scholars to 
Cambridge, 2 whose educational efficiency had been raised by 
the exertions of its Vice-Chancellor, the Earl of Manchester. 
There is a difference also in social class as well as in numbers, 
for these University scholars were no longer exclusively the sons 
of wealthy merchants or landowners, but included a number 
of sons of less well-to-do citizens, for whose studies at the 
University pecuniary assistance, 3 either out of school funds or 
from the private purses of wealthy citizens, had to be found. 

1 In the list of soldiers who had served under Sir Ralph Assheton and 
who were disbanded on January 15, 1647, and July 1648 by Captain Samuel 
Birch, the Presbyterian commander who bought Ordsall Hall, the names 
of several scholars who had taken part in the School Speech of 1640 occur : 
Cf. Hist. Com. Reports, Portland Papers, vol. iii. pp. 180-186 ; and Henry 
Newcome's Diary, April 4, 1664. 

* This being at the rate of three a year, instead of one every two 

8 See Matthew Poole, op. cit. 


It is evident that a new social class was taking advantage 
of the means of higher education. It is true that the majority 
thus proceeding to the Universities were looking forward to 
ordination as preachers, and this fact might be regarded as 
showing a narrowing of the humanistic work of the School, 
were it not for the fact that not only are biographical notes 
of the candidates for ordination available for reference, 1 
but that these notes include lists of the subjects in which the 
candidates were examined, the subjects being Divinity, 
Chronology, Ecclesiastical History, Logic, Philosophy, Ethics, 
Physics; and Metaphysics. As not a few of the candidates 
were referred back to their studies, it may be presumed that 
not only was the education provided a liberal one, but the 
attainment demanded of candidates was a reasonably high 

In some respects it may be regarded as a revival of the 
old system which had been replaced by Humanism, though 
in other respects it materially differed from it. It was based 
on the belief that human life was governed and directed to 
some predetermined end rather than that it was capable under 
favourable conditions of developing ends of its own. It 
endeavoured to escape from a world of difficulty, struggles, 
and disappointed hopes, which it regarded as a world of sin, 
into a world within, where the mind dwelt in communion 
with an all-ruling providence. This it called a State of Grace. 
It was certainly more helpful than the permanent with- 
drawal into monastery or cloister practised in the past. 
Both systems involved a high capacity for unselfish devo- 
tion , and bo tli produced men who by their learning and insight 
have been pioneers in human progress ; but both failed when 
considered as a system of education, suitable for all members 
of the community, because they both failed to employ many 
natural social instincts and emotions, and consequently in- 
volved a truncation of so many of the possibilities of human 

The training in logic and metaphysics which the candi- 
dates for the ministry received as part of their education, had 
results more far-reaching than the immediate controversies. 
The very thoroughness and heat with which matters of theo- 
logical opinion and Church government were discussed, caused 

1 Shaw, Manchester Classis (Chetham Society, N.S., vols. xx.-xxiv.) 


such discussion to be followed with interest by many who were 
not active participants. This led indirectly to the discovery 
and recognition of the general principles by which social order 
and government could be reconciled with individual develop- 
ment and freedom. Two contemporary books, both written 
by scholars who had been educated at the Grammar School, 
attracted considerable attention at the time, and serve to 
illustrate the indirect value of enlightened and open contro- 
versy : Edward Gee of Eccleston, * The Divine Right and 
Original of Civil Magistrates Illustrated and Vindicated ' ; 
Richard Hollinworth, ' An Exercitation concerning Usurped 

Of all the scholars who passed from the Manchester 
School to University life, it is doubtful if any, with the single 
exception of John Bradford, the famous martyr preacher, 
exerted a wider influence on the thought of their own time 
and in the direction and inspiration of others than John 
Worthington, son of a town's merchant, who passed the 
greater part of a lifetime not only in the study of the writings 
of great thinkers, but in presenting and furthering the best 
teaching of his contemporaries. His collection and anonymous 
editing of the * Discourses of Joseph Mede,' to which he prefixed 
a short biography, shedding light upon current university 
education, is but one among many services he rendered. 
The long list of scholars he welcomed to Cambridge during 
his mastership of Jesus, and over whom he exercised a long 
supervision, affords perhaps a still better illustration of his 
public services. 

It is probable that Worthington's contemporaries re- 
ceived the credit for much creative thought which should 
be given rightly to him, and which he would have received 
if he had published his studies under his own name instead 
of spending his life in the collection and interpretation of 
the studies of others. He might then have been called to 
occupy some episcopal chair, and receive such outward 
honour as would have secured the public recognition of his 
merits and established him among the leaders of the Church. 
Instead of that, he passed the latter part of his days in poverty 
in an obscure country parsonage. We shall meet with further 
instances of his kindness and thought for the School and 
town at a later date. 

On October 6, 1654, six new feoffees were elected in the 


place of six who were deceased. The feoffees' Michaelmas 
meeting was summoned to pass the School accounts and to 
grant the exhibitions to the boys passing to the University, 
as recommended by the high master and the Warden, whose 
place was at this time probably taken by Mr. Johnson or 
Mr. Hollinworth. 

In 1656 the leading parishioners of the town sent an 
invitation to Henry Newcome (1627-1695), of St. John's 
College, Cambridge, minister at Gawsworth, and Master of 
Congleton Grammar School, to come to Manchester to succeed 
Richard Hollinworth as preacher at the Collegiate Church. 
John Wickens' name occurs amongst the requisitioned. For 
the next thirty years, though Heyrick remained the official 
head of the Church in Manchester, Newcome remained its 
most popular and most beloved minister. 

At the time Newcome came to Manchester there was 
urgent need for combining moderation of opinion with 
earnestness of purpose. 1 Owing to straitened family cir- 
cumstances, he had left the University before completing his 
training ; his knowledge of current theology was therefore 
not very deep. This may even have been of some advantage 
to him as a popular preacher, for he made up for his defici- 
ency by being ahead of his time in his attachment to the 
more humanising studies of History and Travel. Indeed, 
an early critic told him that he put too much history into 
his sermons, and that people brought their Bibles to church 
with them and expected quotations from Scripture instead 
of from History. His diary and autobiography 2 contain 
constant reference to the books he read, as well as to the 
local Grammar School, and to the poorer scholars who needed 
financial help. They give a pathetic description of the 
struggle which a contemplative nature experienced during 
trying and quarrelsome times in his daily work as preacher 
and parochial visitor. One such visit is to Luke Sut- 
cliffe, schoolmaster in Salford, ' whom I found extremely 
weak and desirous to repent of his wicked life. The 
Lord pity him and help him in his sad estate ! ' Luke 
Sutcliffe died in June 1662. The reference, combined with 

1 The Savoy Conference of one hundred Independent ministers and 
laymen was held October 1658. 

2 Chetham Society, O.S., vols. xviii., xxvi., and xxvii. 


references to other schoolmasters in the parochial registers of 
the time, show that local education was not entirely confined 
to the Grammar School, but of these teachers and schools 
all but the bare names are lost. The diary also reveals Henry 
Newcome's anxiety about subscribing to the Covenant im- 
posed by Parliament in 1650 ; about the ensnaring influence 
of his conferences with ' high Independents,' whose learning 
he respected but feared ; about the ' great boasting of the 
unsettled hankering party ' when William Barratt, an In- 
dependent, was allowed to preach at Macclesfield ; of Henry 
Newcome's relief when such preaching was ' nothing taking ' 
. . . and ' never gained one member from us, nor ever after 
had any opportunity to disturb us, but the people were 
settled hereafter and kept close unto us. 1 

On one occasion only Newcome himself is moved to 
persecution. By means of an Act passed in 1659 against 
blasphemous tenets, he succeeded in getting Harrison, who 
was infusing among the people the tenets he regarded as so 
dangerous, committed to prison at Chester for six months 
' . . . and it proved an utter riddance of him out of our part.' 
Such action was much opposed to the general tendency of 
Newcome's conduct towards others and was not repeated. 
His autobiography tells of his further anxieties in his work, 
and his efforts in assisting suitable candidates to obtain 
such posts as morning lecturer to the College, assistant 
librarian to Chetham's foundation, &c. His comment on 
his visit to the daughter of William Crabtree at the house of 
Broughton, which the astronomer had built, is illuminating, 
for it shows the disadvantage which Henry Newcome under- 
lay on account of the limitation of his early training. 
He (William Crabtree) was a famous mathematician and had 
built the house ; ' I hope a better mystery [i.e. religious 
devotion] resides in it now.' 

No account of the effect of Puritan preaching and practice 
upon the spread of learning in Manchester would be complete 
which did not recognise the work of Henry Newcome. 

Three of the new feoffees, who had been appointed in 1654, 
also served on the Chetham foundation, and, as two of those 
still remaining also held similar office, it is probable that the 
relationship between the School and the Library were well 
considered, particularly as John Wickens, the high master, 


had been called upon to assist Newcome in the arrangement 
of the books which were being purchased. For his services 
Wickens received the thanks of the Chetham feoffees and a 
present of twenty nobles. John Wickens applied for per- 
mission for his advanced pupils to use the Chetham Library, 
and some of them were able to support themselves partially 
by taking temporary or subordinate charge under the duly 
appointed librarian. 1 

1 Nathaniel Baxter, when preparing for his final examination for degree 
B.A., Cambridge, 1657, came to live in Manchester in order that he might 
have the use of the Library, for the custody of which he was subsequently 
an unsuccessful candidate. 



' The animosities are mortal, but the Humanities live for ever.' ' Pro- 
fessor Wilson's Apology to Leigh Hunt.' 

Latin ceasea to be the language of Commerce, but the love of learning con- 
tinues to be cultivated by the evicted Nonconformist ministers Presby- 
terians of Manchester welcome the return of the Stuarts Arrival of 
books purchased for the Chetham Library Further local encourage- 
ment of learning by Nicholas Stratford, Warden of the College, 1667- 
1684 Richard Wroe, Fellow 1671, Warden 1684, who encourages 
the local study of Natural Philosophy Catholics are welcomed at 
Oxford and favour the French critical study of the Classics Occu- 
pations followed by the learned evicted ministers Adam Martindale 
teaches mathematics Influence of the Restoration on the Grammar 
School Threatened departure of John Wickens, who is appointed head 
master of the Haberdashers' School at Newport Agitation in the 
town : Wickens is persuaded to stay in Manchester His death 
William Barrow appointed high master 1678 Almshouses erected in 
Manchester A Nonconformist academy for girls flourishes in the town 
The Romanist controversy. 

THE changes which took place on the return of the Stuarts 
from France were naturally most marked in the metropolis, 
and in the circles about the Court. They were, however, far- 
reaching, though slower to manifest themselves throughout 
the country. The letter service by Royal Post had recently 
been organised and main services along the six great roads 
from London established, with post offices set up, which 
served not only for the delivery of letters but for the purvey- 
ance of intelligence. 1 Increased intercourse with foreign coun- 

1 Cf. The Post Office: an Historical Survey, published by H.M. 
Stationery Office. Some Interesting Correspondence on the Manchester 
Postmastership occurs in Domestic State Papers, 1686-7. 



tries was leading to the disuse of Latin for commercial purposes 
and for travel : it was also ceasing to be spoken at the English 
Universities. Classical and Hebrew learning were no longer 
the condition and qualification for professional advancement, 
and dogmatic theology was displaced from its premier position, 
for new interests were attracting attention. 

Yet though Puritan discipline had failed to provide 
a basis of government and its theology a system of 
knowledge, its habits of serious thought and contemplation 
remained deeply ingrained in English middle-class life. 
For merchants and country gentry, no other institutions 
had yet arisen to take the place of grammar schools, 
which consequently retained their Puritan tendencies. The 
study of the translated Hebrew Scriptures continued to 
stir their imagination, and gave citizens that self-reliance 
in moral judgment which has always been one of the 
most valued possessions of English family life. The very 
steps taken by Clarendon and the Church party who supported 
him, to set the English Church upon a secure foundation by 
rigidly excluding all who would not conform to the tests they 
imposed, and to subject all Nonconformists as they were now 
called to persecution, resulted in the maintenance of learning 
among them. It spread those qualities which made Noncon- 
formity really dangerous to a State Church, for, under perse- 
cution, Puritanism lost the intolerance and self-sufficiency it 
had exhibited in its days of power, and learnt that the true 
source of its strength lay in the humble study of righteousness 
and wisdom, and in the necessarily slow cultivation of personal 
character. Daily intercourse with fellow creatures whose 
failings and strivings were a cementing rather than a dividing 
force, formed a better school than that which taught highly 
developed rhetoric. 

Such a class of men was hardly likely to surrender the 
freedom of opinion they had already gained, and when they 
could no longer cultivate it at home, they continued to do so by 
intercourse with their fellow-countrymen and co-religionists 
abroad. The subsequent attempts of Ashley, Lord Shaftes- 
bury, who succeeded Clarendon, to secure comprehension of 
the Nonconformists into a representative English Church, 
and their joint union with Protestant Churches abroad, failed, 
because Charles II, like Louis XIV, was striving to develop 
a selfish nationalism founded on class privilege. 


The Nonconformists continued to use the grammar schools 
for the training of their children, 1 and sent many of them 
subsequently to private academies either to continue their 
studies at a university level, 2 or preparatory to going 
to the Scottish or foreign universities for special study. A 
considerable number, however, continued to go to Cambridge. 
At Oxford, Catholic emissaries, encouraged by the Stuarts, 
were imparting a new zest to the study of the Classics, 
owing to the better cultivation of these subjects in France, 
and at the same time were alienating the allegiance of 
scholars from their Protestant traditions. This once again 
emphasised the difference between the kind of scholars who 
attended the two English Universities. 

Many Puritan scholars however retained their affection 
for their own Universities and for a time continued to send 
their sons thither, believing that though they themselves 
were debarred by their consciences from repudiating the 
oath they had taken in signing the Covenant, and in signing 
their approval of the Thirty-nine Articles, yet such scruples 
did not necessarily apply to their children. Philip Henry 
(1631-1694), once of Oxford University, a prominent Puritan 
teacher and scholar, who had been ejected from Malpas, in the 
Chester diocese, and who afterwards lived on his small estate 
at Broad Oak, near the place of his former ministry, spent his 
time training young pupils. Of him his biographer relates : 

' He had so great a kindness for the University and valued 
so much the mighty advantages of improvement there, that 
he advised all his friends who designed their children for 
scholars to send them thither for many years after the change, 
though he always counted upon their conformity. But long 
experience altered his mind thereupon and he chose rather 
to keep his own son at home with him, and to give him what 
help he could there in his education than venture him into 
the snares and temptation of the University. Sometimes 
he had such with him as had gone through their course of 
University learning at private academies, and desired to 

1 Several London and other merchants founded new grammar schools, 
such [as the one governed by the Haberdashers' Company at Whitney, 
Oxfordshire. Abraham Oowley's Book of Proposals for Founding a 
Philosophical College out of the Qresham College, London, was favoured by 
Worthington (letter to Hartlieb, 1661). 

* Lectures were given in Latin in many of these academies after its use 
had been discontinued at Oxford. 


spend some time in his family before their entrance on 
the ministry that they might have the benefit not only of 
his public and family instructions but of his learned and 
pious discourse in which as he was thoroughly furnished 
for every good work and word, so he was very free and 
communicative.' 1 

In an account of the Rev. Thomas Cotton, a native of 
Workley, County York (published in 1730), it is stated that 
when between six and seven years old, that is about 1660, 
he was placed at the Free School of Rotherham. After 
that he was brought home and more carefully instructed 
by John Spawford. . . . ' But the greater advantage 
he had from school learning was under the famous Mr. 
Wickens of Manchester.' From that school he went to 
Mr. Hickman's Academy, near Bromsgrove, co. Worcester. 
Mr. Hickman ' was so disabled by age that he made a 
very short stay there, and was removed from thence to 
Mr. Frankland's in Westmoreland, and from thence to 
Edinburgh. He finished his studies and trials in that 
University about the year 1677, and had the degree of 
M.A. conferred upon him.' 2 

Peter and Andrew Birch, sons of Thomas Birch, of Birch 
Hall, entered at Oxford, where they sojourned in the house 
of an apothecary, became students in the public library, 
and had a tutor to instruct them in philosophic learning ; 
but they did not matriculate, as, owing to their Noncon- 
formity, they could not enter a College. The scruples of 
Peter were, however, ultimately overcome, for he took his 
M.A. 1674. About 1680 he must have been connected with 
the Prestwich Library, for he seems to have been in possession 
of the remaining funds and books which had become dis- 
persed. He was created D.D. in 1688, became Prebendary 
of Westminster, and was then ' a great stickler for the High 
Church Party.' 

The influences which enabled the Manchester School to 
adapt itself to the changed condition of affairs and to continue 
to supply a stream of scholars desirous of pursuing the higher 
branches of learning, in spite of the falling off in public 
support of a Presbyterian Ministry, were numerous and to 
some extent special to the town. 

1 Life of Philip Henry, p. 145. 

2 Palatine Note Book, March 1882, p. 58. 


Both Episcopalians and Presbyterians, in Manchester as 
elsewhere, eagerly welcomed the return of the Stuarts. The 
Independents alone, with their fuller experience of the value 
of Stuart promises and their more uncompromising principles, 
held aloof. The celebrations in Manchester took place on 
April 22, 1661, and were organised by Major John Byrom 
and Captain Nicholas Mosley, who had both fought on the 
Royalist side. Schoolboys as well as their elders took 
part, the former no doubt with keener relish than in the 
previous public celebration of the opening of the Chetham 
Library. The scene is described by an eye-witness : 

* Before Capt. Mosley's Company marched, in honour of the 
day, forty young boys about the age of seven years, all clothed 
in white stuff, plumes of feathers in their hats, blue scarfs, 
armed with little swords hanging in black belts and short- 
pikes shouldered. And in the rear of the said Captain's 
company another company of elder boys about twelve years 
of age with muskets and pikes, drums beating and colours 
flying, marched in order, all which being decently drawn up 
in the churchyard, laid down their arms and so passed into 
the church to hear the sermon prepared for the day. At 
which time there was such a concourse of people who civilly 
and soberly demeaned themselves the whole of the day, the 
like never seen in this nor the like place. The Rev. Richard 
Heyricke, Warden of the College, made an orthodox sermon 
. . . after the sermon, from the church marched in their 
order the boroughreeve, constables, and the rest of the 
burgesses of the town not then in arms accompanied by 
Sir Ralph Ash ton, son of the general who had died in 1652. 
. . . After drinking the king's health the Company as 
before with the young boys marched into the town.' * 

Richard Heyrick, the old Warden, who had from the 
first strong Presbyterian leanings, was anxious about his 
position, and hastened to London to make peace. He had 
already suffered much in his struggles against the Repub- 
lican party, and had always been a strong Royalist. His 
claims to the retention of the wardenship rested on purchase 
as well as on past service. He was consequently re-estab- 
lished in his position, and, although he had previously signed 
the Covenant, his principles were so emphatically on the side 

1 Manner and Solemnitie of the King's Coronation at Manchester, 
W. Heawood, 1661. 


of order and discipline, that he found himself able to assent 
to the Act of Uniformity and to avoid eviction. Richard 
Johnson, the single surviving Fellow of the old regime, who 
had done so much for the College in securing its charter of 
1636, was naturally restored to his old position. 

Henry Newcome had during the last four years held 
the position of ' preacher ' by public appointment. He had 
never been actually elected Fellow, owing to the government 
of the College according to its proper constitution having 
been abandoned. Much to his disappointment and that 
of his numerous friends, he did not receive an offer of one 
of the three vacant fellowships. These were rilled up by 
the appointment of Francis Mosley, who had been educated 
at Manchester School under Brideoak, and at Emmanuel 
College, Cambridge, under Dr. Worthington ; Thomas Weston, 
of Oriel College, Oxford, who spent most of his time in 
London ; and John Birch, son of George Birch, of Birch 
Hall, educated at Manchester School, and also of Emmanuel 
College, Cambridge, B.A. 1654, who died December 1670. 

The local ecclesiastical conditions were favourable to 
the spread of liberal thought. During the time that the 
persecuting Acts should have been enforced, the Bishopric 
of Chester was repeatedly vacant. Brian Walton, appointed 
at the Restoration, held office only for eleven months. At 
his death his successor only held the post for five weeks. 
Bishop Hall held it from 1662 to 1668, when he was succeeded 
by Bishop Wilkins, who may have owed his appointment 
to his interest in the establishment of the Royal Society for 
the Advancement of Natural Knowledge. His work on the 
question of the Inhabitants of the Moon is still readable. 

In 1667 the Wardenship of the Manchester College be- 
came vacant owing to the death of Richard Heyrick. There 
were several candidates for the post. John Worthington 
had renewed his connection with Manchester, while staying 
at Rostherne with his brother-in-law, and had introduced 
Adam Martindale to John Wickens as a teacher of mathe- 
matics. He now looked forward to settling in his native 
town, as appears in the following letter, in which he seeks 
the help of Archbishop Sheldon, dated August 12, 1667 : 

* That which commends this place to me is that Manchester 
is my native town where I was born and brought up. My 


father was a grave, peaceful, honest man, one of chief note 
and esteem in the town, a diligent caller of me up to the 
early prayers in the church before I went to school. ^ The 
town is become more acceptable to me by reason of the good 
library which I sometime mentioned to your Grace where 
I might have the advantage and pleasure of following my 
private studies. It is a cheap place to live in, otherwise the 
Wardenship would hardly be a competency to me that hath 
4 children to take care for, and desires to live upon it 
without other additional dignities. I am now in the after- 
noon of my life and it hath been for some time my desire 
that I might end my days among my friends, leave my 
children among them and be gathered to the sepulchres of 
my fathers. My desire also is to do the Church some service 

fc: 'What service I did heretofore in the late times is known 
to some whom your Grace values. 

' Mr. Richard Johnson is my ancient acquaintance. Mr. 
Francis Mosley [another Fellow] was my pupil in Cambridge, 
one whom I caused to be perfect in Music, and if I should 
not know more what belongs to Church music than some 
that are dignified, I have ill bestowed my time and money.' 

In a subsequent letter he wrote : 

' 1 had letters from Lancashire about it [the wardenship 
of the College], one a little before his [Mr. Heyrick's] death, 
another after it, wishing me to look after the place, it being 
the desire of many and the chief there, to enjoy me. I suppose 
it was too late, and yet because I would not seem to neg- 
lect my friends I wrote two letters, one to the Archbishop, 
the other to the Bishop of Rochester, of whose good will 
towards me I had received proof formerly.' 

The appointment was given to a younger man of con- 
siderable intellectual as well as of administrative skill and 
energy Nicholas Stratford, who from the first exerted great 
influence on Manchester life. He possessed a benevolent nature 
and won the respect of Churchmen and Nonconformists alike. 
On the death of Richard Johnson, which occurred very soon 
after Stratford came to Manchester, he was elected a gover- 
nor of the Chetham Foundation, and at once took an active 
interest in the choice of books for the library, about which 
he was accustomed to consult the most eminent scholars 
of the day. He reorganised the work of the Collegiate body 


and improved its discipline. He obtained the appointment 
of learned and suitable persons as Fellows of the College. 
Richard Wroe, 1 a young scholar from the Prestwich district, 
perhaps educated at the Manchester Grammar School, who 
had won high praise at Jesus College for his devotion to 
Natural Philosophy, being appointed in succession to Francis 

There were other circumstances which favoured a widen- 
ing of intellectual interests in Manchester at this time. The 
town was becoming wealthy, and the intercourse, not only 
with Holland, but with other foreign countries was increasing. 2 
Great as was the commercial rivalry between England and 
Holland, the common interests which bound the two peoples 
together were still greater, though it was nearly a genera- 
tion before the merchants of England fully realised the claims 
of the Dutch for their support against the aggressive designs 
of Louis XIV. An increasing number of English scholars were 
attending the Dutch Universities and profiting intellectually 
and morally by this continued intercourse, consequently 
the means taken by the Court persecuting party to revenge 
themselves on their Puritan opponents were also the means of 
spreading their real influence. Debarred from preaching, the 
more learned evicted ministers occupied themselves in the 
professions of medicine and law, subjects which they had 
studied in Holland, and on their return England con- 
tinued greatly to benefit by Dutch learning. Other evicted 
ministers employed themselves in private teaching. Their 
pupils were amongst the most thoughtful and enterprising 
of the merchant and higher yeoman classes. Divinity had 
ceased to dominate their outlook, and studies were directed 
into humanistic and naturalistic channels. 

The changed point of view in learning is well illustrated 
in the difference between the books that were purchased 
for the Great Scholars Library between 1653 and 1660 by 
Richard Johnson (Anglican), Richard Hollinworth (Puritan), 
and John Tilsley (Puritan), and those purchased after 
1663, when the other governors of the Charity merchants 
and professional men had had time to realise and express 

1 An ingenious Fellow of Jesus College, Cambridge (Flamstead to 
Collins, April 7, 1672). 

1 The office of postmaster became of considerable importance and much 
sought after. Correspondence, Domestic State Papers, 1666-7. 


their own needs and tastes. In the first set there were some 
3900 volumes, many of which were portly folios, com- 
prising the collected works of the Early Christian Fathers, 
the works of the great scholars of the Middle Ages. In the 
second set we can trace the influence of the wealthy apo- 
thecary, Thomas Mynshull, the councillors-at-law, Richard 
Howarth and James Lightbourne, and the foreign merchants, 
Edward Johnson, James Marler, &c., for we find Gerrard's 
' Herbal,' 1633, Anatus' * Seven Hundred Medical Remedies,' 
Rhenodus' ' Medical Dispensary,' Mylius' * Medical Chem- 
istry,' the works of the Cambridge Neoplatonists, Henry 
More and John Smith, numerous works and commentaries 
on English Law ; while English literature is recognised in 
the presence of the works of Chaucer and Spenser. 1 

Now the study of medicine was at this time increas- 
ingly regarded as a branch of general learning and not merely 
the preparation for a professional career. Interest in the new 
subject began to increase when Dr. Stratford resigned the 
Wardenship in 1684. On the recommendation of Dr. Pearson, 
Bishop of Chester, Richard Wroe was appointed Warden 
in his place. Although not officially appointed a governor 
of the Chetham Trust till 1692, he was present at many 
of the library meetings, and was evidently consulted by the 
other governors as to the choice of new books. It was 
probably owing to his influence that they purchased for the 
library * a speaking trumpet, a microscope, a telescope, 
prisms, a pair of looking-glasses and a multiplying glass '- 
these purchases being evidently associated with the optical 
studies then carried on at Cambridge under Newton and 
the microscopic studies conducted by Lewenhoeck and 
Malpighi in Holland. 2 

1 Of. also MS. Note Book of Rev. John Hyde, dated 1674, in charge of 
Salford Chapel, which gives a list of books he studied. Palatine Note Book, 
vol. vii. p. 39. 

1 Besides these instruments there were purchased about this time 
Willoughby's History of English Birds, 1678 ; Malpighi, The Development 
of the Chick, 1673 ; Kircher's Physiology, 1676 ; Borelli, On the Movements 
of Animals, 1680 ; Creulichian, On Bile, 1681 ; Grew's Anatomy of Plants, 
1682 ; BayhV Natural History of the Blood, 1684 ; Gibson's Anatomy, 1684 ; 
Morison and Bobart's History of Plants, 1680 (2 vols.); Ray's Natural 
History of Plants (3 vols.) ; Keil's Physics, 1705 ; Cooper's Anatomy, 1698 ; 
Rohault's Physics, 1702 : E. Dickenson's Physics, 1702 ; Locke's Essays 
on the Human Understanding, 1694. 


The philosophical studies which had been encouraged 
at Jesus College during the mastership of John Worthington 
were evidently still continued there, for a number of local 
scholars, particularly those intending to pursue a medical 
career, had studied at Jesus College, Cambridge, even when 
they had previously graduated in Arts at Oxford. This was 
Warden Richard Wroe's own College, and Nathaniel 
Banne, an evicted minister from Rutland, went there to study 
medicine before he settled in Manchester. It is interesting 
to note that, when the famous John Locke left an uncon- 
genial atmosphere at Oxford to settle down to the quiet 
study of natural phenomena, he found opportunity in the 
home and under the stimulating and benevolent influence 
of Lady Masham, who inherited the interests and mental 
ability of her father, Ralph Cudworth the most eminent 
of the Cambridge Neoplatonists, and the intimate friend 
of John Worthington. The two prominent Manchester 
physicians, Nathaniel Banne and Charles Leigh, had both 
graduated M.D. from Jesus College in 1680. Nathaniel Banne 
was appointed governor of Chetham's Hospital in 1681 and 
at once took an interest in the choice of books. His son 
was acting librarian during the ill-health of Thomas Pendleton 
from 1690, and was officially appointed in 1693. 

In marked contrast to the influence exerted by the Dutch 
on English learning was that exerted by the French, whose 
study of the Classics was patronised by the Court as a social 
accomplishment. Some 15,000 was spent by the French 
Government in editing and publishing a series of eighty 
volumes, known, from its dedication to the Dauphin, as the 
Delphin Edition. The scarcely concealed Catholic mission to 
England stimulated classical study at Oxford. The earliest 
existing inscription * Manchester School Library ' is found in a 
copy of Cicero's ' Orations ' published in 1577. It was at one 
time owned by Obadiah Dana, son of James Dana of Man- 
chester, who left the school for Trinity College, Oxford, 1674, 
graduating B.A. in 1678. He proceeded thence to Douay, and 
became a Benedictine monk. The names of several other 
Manchester scholars are to be found in the Douay records 
and in Dodd's History of the English Church/ which suggests 
that, while those scholars, whether Catholic or Protestant, 
who desired further to pursue classical studies often left 
Oxford for Douay, those who were inclined towards natural 


science or mathematics passed to Cambridge and perhaps 
to the Dutch Universities. 

The encouragement of Roman Catholics and High 
Churchmen at Oxford also resulted in the increased study 
of the Early Christian Fathers. New works on these sub- 
jects continued to appear at Chetham Library. Owing to 
the spread of High Church principles, Oxford had now re- 
sumed its position as the most favoured entrance to the 
clerical profession, a position which Cambridge had occupied 
during the time of the Commonwealth. A study of the 
comparative numbers of Manchester scholars proceeding to 
the two Universities illustrates the growing favour of 
Oxford, particularly for those intending to take up a career 
in the Church. Many of those desiring to study medicine, 
after beginning at Oxford, continued their studies at the 
sister University. 

Manchester provided a very convenient home for Non- 
conformists. In the first place several of the persecuting 
Acts did not apply. The Corporation Act which compelled 
all municipal officers to receive the communion according 
to Anglican use, to renounce the Covenant, and take the oath 
of non-resistance, had no force, for Manchester was still, 
politically speaking, only a village governed by its anti- 
quated Court Leet and without any municipal officers. It 
is true that the county magistrates at their quarterly 
sessions were taking over many of the duties of the Court 
Leet, particularly those of imposing punishments for acts 
of violence, but they had been educated at the School and 
served on numerous bodies with the Nonconformists, 
consequently they avoided dealing with matters of Church 
discipline such as the use of the Book of Common Prayer and 
the public expression of assent and consent to its contents 
by all ministers and schoolmasters. For this reason many 
evicted ministers found Manchester a convenient asylum 
as well as a favourable place for professional employment. 
Richard Holbrook, ejected from Trinity Chapel, Salford, 
and Robert Birch, ejected from Birch Chapel, both became 
physicians ; Edward Richardson, son of Thomas Richardson, 
born 1617, M.A. Emmanuel College, Cambridge, Chaplain 
of Manchester College, ' entered himself on the Physics line 
at Leyden.' He returned to preaching on the passing of the 
Act of Indulgence, 1671, 'a competent scholar, a pious man, 


and very laborious in his Master's work J (H. Newcome) ; 
Richard Goodwin, M.A., also of Emmanuel College, Cam- 
bridge, ejected from Bolton on the passing of the Five Mile 
Act, took refuge in Manchester, ' lived, retired and studied 
Chemistry in which he was a great proficient ' (Calamy) , till 
the Act of Indulgence of 1672, when he returned to Bolton. 
He then took out a licence and continued preaching till 
his death, December 19, 1685. 

The struggles to obtain a living for those without inde- 
pendent means were very severe. It is evident that Henry 
Newcome's wife did something towards supporting the 
family, for she undertook a good deal of private nursing and 
midwifery. She attended Mrs. Wickens in her last illness, 
February 1668. 

The following is extracted from the diary of Adam 
Martindale 1 at the time of his eviction : 

' I thought of Physic and was encouraged by an anti- 
quated practitioner promising me books and other assistance ; 
but I considered the time would be long, practice uncertain 
and above all that the lives of men were not to be jested 
with, and bethought me of a less dangerous study, viz. some 
useful parts of the Mathematics, and although I was now 
almost forty years of age, and knew little more than Arith- 
metic in the vulgar way and decimals in Jager's bungling 
method, I fell close to the study of decimals in a more 
artificial manner, logarithms, algebra and other arts, since 
by me professed, in which work I was encouraged and 
assisted by my noble Lord Delamere who gave me many 
excellent books and instruments, lent me his choicest MSS., 
imparted freely any knowledge he had, and, which was as 
useful as anything else, put me upon answering hard and 
tedious questions which the distemper of his own head some 
times prohibited him to beat out himself, and took very 
kindly any new rule that I could invent to make operations 
more short or plain than was to be found in books. While 
I was fitting myself for this work, following my studies early 
and late . . . the Act against Conventicles comes out . . . 
I was under a necessity to throw up my school ; as I did, 
placing mine own sonne, at Sir Peter Brooke's instance, 
undertaking to pay the Master at Manchester School, under 
Mr. Wickens, a most excellent teacher. I was very well used 
by my brother and sister Hill for his diet and lodging, yet 

1 Chetham Society, vol. iv. pp. 175-6. 


that together with many costly books and apparel suitable 
to ordinary men's sons in that proud town (he never having 
any faculty for taking care of his clothes) was pretty heavy 
to one of my small estate, so that something must be followed 
whereby I might honestly get somewhat and yet would 
give me leave to find time for lecturing among my own people, 
and God presently put me into the way. My Lord Delamere 
as His instrument, commending me to his town of Warring- 
ton, where, notwithstanding the backwardness of the school- 
master and the energy of some Scholiasts, I had scholars 
enough which I thank God profited well and I got by them 
20s. to 25s. per week to the best of my remembrance.' 

On the passing of the Five Mile Act, by which Noncon- 
formists were forbidden to teach within five miles of a cor- 
porate town, Adam Martindale removed his family from 
Warrington to share a house at Rostherne, his old home, with 
Mr. Joseph Allen, of Birkenhead, while he himself proceeded 
to Manchester to teach Mathematics. * When I came to 
Manchester I had much encouragement from Mr. Wickens, 
Master of the Free School, who sent me a good number of 
his most ingenious boys and admired their great proficiency.' 

In his * Country Surveying Book,' Adam Martindale 
says : 

' When I first began to instruct youths in Mathematical 
learning at Warrington, some of my boys' parents desired 
a sensible demonstration of their sons' proficiency, in some- 
what that they themselves could understand, and particu- 
larly pitched upon measuring a piece of land. 

* Whereupon I took four or five of my scholars to the 
Heath with me that had only been exercised within^ the 
walls of the School, and never saw, that I know of, so much 
as a chain laid on the ground, and to the admiration of the 
spectators, and especially of a skilful surveyor then living 
in the town, they went about their work as regularly and 
dispatched it with as much expedition and exactness as if 
they had been old Land Surveyors (p. 66) '. x 

4 In the latter of these years [viz. 1667], Mr. Wickens 
told me my son was fully ripe for the University and ad- 
vised me to send him thither. I resolved that he should 
be no stranger to academical learning, but how this 

1 See also Ley bourn On Dialling ', Aaron Rath bone On Surveying, and 
Notes and Queries, Third Series, vol. vii. (4th edition). 


might be done needed consideration, for I was not free to 
have him engaged in such oaths, subscriptions or practices 
as I could not downe with myself ; not that I would tie him 
to be of mine opinion, when he was once a man of competent 
years and abilities to choose for himself, but, if possible, I 
desired that he might be a good scholar without being in- 
volved in what he understood not. In order to do this I 
sent him up to Cambridge at the commencement, entered 
him at Trinity College and paid his detriments a good while 
there, though he came down immediately ; and after he had 
learned some logic in the country, I sent him up to Oxford, 
tabled him in a private house, and my noble friend, Sir Peter 
Brook, prevailed with a gentleman of Brazenose College 
to give him his tuition in his chamber. He could not 
indeed be admitted to disputations in the Hall because no 
member of the College, but he might be present at those 
in the Schools. Here he profitted well, but was wearied 
out with his pragmatical old school fellows that would be 
ever asking when he must be entered and why he lost his 
time, to which it was not convenient to give any account. 
When I understood his trouble, I went up to him, taking 
Mr. Hickman's house in my way (about five miles from 
Stourbridge in Worcestershire), whom I found ready and 
willing to receive him ... He stayed with this learned tutor 
two years, who had a deare respect for him and brought 
him clearly through the whole body of philosophic. ... I 
took a journey with my son to Glasgow in Scotland, April 
1670, where, being examined by the Principal and Regent 
for that year's Laureation, he was admitted into the class of 
magistrands, that is such as were to commence Master of 
Arts about seventeen weeks after. In which time he ran 
through the whole written bodie of Philosophic, went with 
approbation through the smart examination on the Black- 
Stone and was laureated, that is admitted Master of Arts. 
. . . Among all that class there were three that were 
accounted eminently the most able : George Glen, a Scotch 
youth, my cousin Timothy Hill and my son. These three 
were closely linked together in friendship and kept up con- 
stant disputations, everyone in his turn being moderator, 
opponent, and respondent, whereby they much improved 
themselves and one another. For the carrying on of which 
work and acquainting himself with Professor Burnet 
[subsequently Bishop of Salisbury, Historian] in his way of 
teaching Divinity, and to give Edinburgh College also a 
visit on his way home to see the method there, he desired 
me to give him leave to stay longer, which I did.' 


As the funds at the disposal of the Chetham feoffees in- 
creased, it became possible for them to make still further 
purchase of books. Warden Stratford used his influence 
with John Pearson, the famous Bishop of Chester (between 
1667 and 1686), and with the almost equally famous scholar 
William Lloyd, Bishop of Bangor (1680-1692), who was a 
nephew of John Wickens, the late high master, to secure 
their interest in the selection of books. The following letter 
from the London bookseller employed is extant : 

' HON BD SIR, I have now received from Dr. Stratford 
the names of such books as are made choice of for the library 
by the Bishops of Chester and St. Asaph, who being so great 
masters of learning and books that I believe there are scarce 
two more able in the kingdom. Nothing more remaines 
for me to do but to take all possible care and to get carriage 
as reasonable as may be. Thus much I presume would not 
be amiss to let you understand, which my humble services 
presented is from 

' Your most obliged servant, 

' Rl>. LlTTLEBUBY.' 

We must now retrace our steps to the study of the 
influence of the Restoration on the management of the 
Grammar School. 

The status of the feoffees who had been appointed by 
the Commissioners in 1647 and who had filled vacancies in 
1654 was naturally challenged by Sir Cecil Trafford, who, as a 
Catholic Royalist and a recusant, had been thrown out, though 
two of his Puritan co- trustees, Robert Hyde and Richard 
Holland, had been confirmed in their appointment. He now 
attempted to turn the tables and secure the appointment 
of nominees of his own choice. Considerable correspon- 
dence took place between the two parties and Sir Orlando 
Bridgeman, Chief Secretary of State, who, as a son of a 
previous Bishop of Chester, possessed local knowledge and 
influence. In the first list submitted, 1 the two parties were 
equally represented, the names of six Royalists being in- 
cluded with six Puritans, but later five Puritans were erased, 
one died, and six other Royalists were added. 

With the exception of Sir George Booth, the substituted 

1 Letter from the Trustees of the Manchester School to Secretary 
Nicholas, 1660. Add. MSS. Brit. Mus. E. 2537.283. 


feoffees seemed less likely to attend to the interests of the 
school than those they displaced, who were prominent citi- 
zens of the town and were also actively engaged in securing 
the administration of the Trust of the Chetham Library and 
School, two of them being lawyers, two physicians, and two 
merchants. The substituted ones, 1 on the other hand, were 
members of large landowning families in the district who 
were less likely to secure the constant readaptation of school 
policy to changing needs. There were, however, some ad- 
vantages in the change, at least to the feoffees themselves, 
for they received further training from the performance in 
public duties, while certain advantages ultimately accrued 
to the School, in the form of benefactions which some of 
the feoffees secured for its ablest scholars. The new feoffees 
also possessed the disposal of a considerable amount of Church 
patronage, and would look favourably on the claims of local 
scholars. The effect of the change is shown in the altered 
incidence of the scholars to the Universities. 

The position of the high master was somewhat precarious. 
Mr. Wickens had been chosen by the Court of Triers and ap- 
proved by the old trustees, who had been similarly appointed 
during the Commonwealth. He had not, as previous high 
masters, been appointed by the President of Corpus Christi, and 
he had signed the Covenant. Fortunately he had a good friend 
among the new governors who possessed influence at Court. 
William Butterworth, of Belfield, when preparing to study 
at Gray's Inn, had been his old pupil, and wrote the following 
letter to John Nicholas, one of the Secretaries of State : 2 

' HONOURED COUSIN, The many favours I received from 
you and the great candor I found in you, during my small 
stay at London, hath embould'ned me to importune you 
in the behalf of this my worthy friend. The School at Man- 
chester (for which he comes to solicit) being of an Episcopal 
and brave foundation, is likely now to be ruined, except 
upholden by the Secretaries, and your gracious assistance. 
If you please to lend him your ear he will acquaint you more 
fully with his requests. I doubt not but that your owne 
love of learning will be a great motive to your speedy and 
effectual dispatch hereof ; which I am the more urgent to 
move you to do, by reason of the honour that will accrue 

1 See Appendix. 2 British Museum MSS. F. 283, E. 92537. 


to you thereby, when it shall be known that by your means 
alone this ancient foundation is revived from its ashes, and 
restored to its pristine splendour. This trouble whiph I 
create you I hope will finde yr pardon when you consider, 
it is the only Schoole master I ever had, that wished me 
to do it, to whom I owe wt I am, and can deny nothing 
that lies in my power, hee is ould and infirm, if you 
therefore please to expedite his business it shall be accounted 
as done to him who subscribe himself e 

* Y r obliged Kinsman & humble servant 


Belfield : Sep. y e 29, 1660.' (Seal.) 

Fortunately this application was successful, and Mr. 
Wickens was confirmed in his position at the School. 

Of all the influences that kept alive a devotion to high 
aims and a love of learning in Manchester through the times 
which succeeded the Restoration, that of Henry Newcome 
stands foremost. He had fully earned a fellowship for his 
past services in preaching and in parochial visitation, and his 
appointment had certainly been the general expectation 
of the local inhabitants. It is doubtful if his conscience 
would have allowed him to retain the position after the 
passing of the Act of Uniformity. He remained in the town 
and continued a regular private worshipper at the Colle- 
giate Church. He had always been in favour of moderation 
and, on the cessation of his public preaching, his influence 
in the town increased rather than diminished. He was the 
constant visitor, ready helper, and spiritual adviser of 
all who needed him in trouble and anxiety. In his journals 
we get a clear insight into the intellectual and moral striv- 
ings of contemporary Conformist as well as Nonconformist 
Manchester homes. They tell us of his playing billiards 
with the Warden, and bowls at the home of the wealthy 
apothecary Thomas Mynshull ; of his curiosity in watching 
the dancers and conjurers, and of his subsequent regret that 
he had wasted his time in such frivolities ; of his love of 
smoking, and his serious questioning with himself as to 
whether he was growing so fond of such diversions that he 
ought to give them up. Fortunately, perhaps, he never 
did. He tells of his constant perusal of works of History 
and Travel, as well as of his repeated efforts to settle family 
quarrels. Perhaps most interesting of all is his constant 


care for the welfare of promising poorer boys of the Grammar 
School, for there are stories of several occasions on which 
he succeeded in collecting money from well-to-do friends 
to enable such boys to proceed to the University. This is 
all told with a delightful seriousness and simplicity which 
give a real dignity to the most common affairs of daily 
life. It is also very striking that in spite of his evident 
ministerial though unofficial activity, Newcome never seems 
to have aroused the jealousy of the rest of the clergy, but to 
have retained the acquaintance and even the intimate friend- 
ship of many who remained in the Anglican Church. 

It is evident that Henry Newcome was on terms of friend- 
ship, if not of intimacy, with many of the School feoffees, 
for records of visits to them occur frequently in the pages 
of his diary, and also in the diary of Adam Martindale. From 
such references we gather that they all took active interest 
in the current affairs of the town, and thus the prosperity 
of the school was secured. One use that he made of this 
intimacy deserves narration. By 1663 the fame of John 
Wickens had spread so much that the Haberdashers' Company 
invited him to take charge of their recently established school 
at Newport, Shropshire, 1 and Wickens seems to have pro- 
visionally accepted. On July 13, 1663, Henry Newcome 
with Mr. Jollie set out to see Sir George Booth, now Lord 
Delamere, at Dunham, to secure his interest against such 
a removal. Lord Delamere promised to do what he could 
about it with his co-feoffees. The prospect of the removal 
of Wickens was considered to be so disastrous to the best 
interests of the town that a public meeting at which repre- 
sentatives of all parties attended was held at ' The Booths,' 
where the Manor Court was then held, to urge Mr. Wickens 
to remain in Manchester. Newcome had already succeeded 
in settling some outstanding difficulties with the usher, 
Samuel Birch, 2 who had some claims, if not actual rights 
of succession, but whose treatment of the boys under his 

1 Perhaps the proximity of this school had something to do with the 
settlement of the neighbouring Nonconformist academy at Sheriff Halea. 

2 Of Emmanuel College, Cambridge ; private tutor to Humphrey 
Chetham ; taught at Prestwich. He was rebuked by the Manchester Classis 
for preaching without license and making marriages according to the 
Prayer Book. Appointed head master of Nottingham School, February 
1664. Henry Newcomers Diary, June 1669. 


charge had caused a good deal of local comment and 

Under these circumstances Henry Newcome drew up 
the letter to the Haberdashers' Company, asking them to 
withdraw their claim on the services of Mr. John Wickens. 

' July 11, 1663. Then I went to look for Mr. Wickens 
and at last found him and Dr. Haworth and Mr. Minshull 
and I had some discourse with him and we saw how the 
matter was, and so resolved to endeavour if it were possible 
to fix him, and if not, to use means to keep out an unfit man. 
To this end Mr. Minshull went to Sir Cecil Trafford this 
night, and I wrote to the Warden. 

' July 17, 1663. After noon I received money from Mr. 
Alexander 14 and went at five with the justices and town- 
men to speak to Mr. Wickens and to move his stay if we 
could, and had a civil answer from him. 

* Friday, Aug. 14. After dinner Dr. Haworth was advising 
about a townsmeeting for the School. Mr. Har(rison) and 
I were at Mr. Green's with Mr. Tilsley and stayed two or 
three hours with them ... I went to Mr. Warden's and 
told him of the meeting to-morrow and he consented to be 
at it. 

* Saturday, Aug. 15. Mr. Wickens sent for me to the 
College. Mr. Illingworth came to me and we went together 
to Mr. Booth's at four, and were till about seven and the 
matters to and fro were freely discussed. About nine, I 
thought myself in civility bound to give Mr. Wickens an 
account, and so I did. 

' Monday, Aug. 17. I rose at six to go to Dr. Haworth 
about Mr. Wickens' business where I was till toward eight. 
I then looked on my mill and Mr. Birch came in and was 
with me awhile. Then I went to Mr. Buxton's where I dined, 
being there an hour before dinner.' 

Afterwards the diary ceased to note the School business, but 
it is evident the action taken by Newcome was successful. 
The salary was increased and perhaps a better house was 
provided in order that the master might take boarders and 
so increase his income. 

On the death of Mr. Wickens in 1676, the affairs of the 
School again came under the serious consideration of the 
feoffees. Mr. Daniel Hill, M.A., of Corpus Christi, Oxford, 
was appointed high master, and seven new trustees co-opted 


to take the place of seven who were deceased or had resigned. 
Like their predecessors, they were all members of county 
families and belonged to the Whig party which had been 
formed from the Moderate Church party, reinforced by de- 
scendants of many Presbyterian families who had favoured 
the idea of a comprehension within the establishment. Of 
them, Henry Booth, son of Sir George Booth, was destined 
to influence indirectly but very profoundly the subsequent 
fortunes of the school. 

The others were William Hulton, of Hulton, 1625-1702, 
James Chetham of Smedley, 1640-1692, Sir Ralph Assheton 
of Middleton, all of whom had been students at Gray's Inn, 
Sir John Ardern of Ardern, near Stockport, Wm. Hulme of 
Davyhulme, and Henry Dickinson, feoffee of Chetham's 
Hospital in 1649. For some unknown reason the latter 
declined to serve, and was replaced the following month by 
Mr. Richard Fox, a merchant, who was also a governor of 
the Chetham foundation. From this time the three founda- 
tions the Collegiate body, the Public Library, and the 
Grammar School became closely, though unofficially, related. 

Daniel Hill held the appointment for a very short time. 
Among the ' Kenyon Papers ' l is a letter to Nicholas Stratford 
referring to his resignation and to the appointment, 25 March 
1677, by Robert Newlyn, President, College of Corpus Christi, 
of William Barrow, son of Hugh Barrow of Lancaster, of St. 
Alban's Hall, and Corpus Christi College, Oxford, who, at the 
time of his appointment at the Manchester School, had been 
head master of the Preston Grammar School from September 
1675. He seems to have been a man of similar type to John 
Wickens, one of whose daughters, Isobel, he had married 
earlier than 1687, for Hugh, son of William Barrow, was 
baptised February 14, 1687. The other daughter of John 
Wickens was married to Stephen Paynter, son of a previous 
Presbyterian high master. Mr. Barrow does not appear 
to have shared in the public life of Manchester. Perhaps 
he lived in Salford. 2 He was probably, like the governors 

1 Hist. MSS. Comm. Reports, XIV. Appendix IX, Part iv., 1894. 

8 Will, dated 1721, proved at Chester, leaves competence for his stepson, 
his nephew George Barrow, and his nephew (executor), Thomas Patten of 
Warrington (ancestor of Lord Winmarley), who, after being educated at 
the school, became Fellow of Christ Church, Oxon, D.D., Rector of 
Childrey, Bucks. Dictionary of National Biography. 


of this School, a Whig in politics, as the School became the 
object of a popular outburst of Jacobitism soon after the 
accession of William III. It is certain that the School was 
well supported by the Whig party, and that many scholars 
passed from it to Oxford and Cambridge. 1 There is, however, 
a marked change in the relative use of the two Universities : 




to Uni- 




to Cam- 

to Cam- 









1660 90 








Mr. Barrow is styled Reverend in the obituary notice, but 
I cannot find that he held any benefice. He devoted himself 
seriously to the work of the School, which continued to prosper 
to such an extent that from 1680 the feoffees, having placed 
the business of the mills and of their other property in new 
hands, were able to make continuous the annual grants 
from school funds which assisted boys proceeding to the 
Universities. In 1685 they decided to provide additional 
accommodation, and erected a new and convenient school at 
the end of the original one, 2 apparently as a preparatory 
school, which was placed under the care of a special master, 
Mr. Seth Broxup. 

No small part of the prosperity of the School was due 
to the rapid social changes which were raising the outlook 
as well as the status of the merchant classes. 

The increase in trade was affording fresh opportunities 
for the benevolent to make provision for the less fortunate. 
In 1680 almshouses were erected in Millars Lane at the 
end of Long Millgate with the following inscription : 

1 The following books of this date are still to be found in the School 
Library : Athanasius Kircher's Historical Remains and Geography of Italy ; 
Robert Plot's Natural History of Oxfordshire (1677) ; Anthony a Wood's 
History and Antiquities of Oxford (1674) ; Thomas Gataker's History of 
the Emperor Mark Anthony (1652) ; Sir Richard Baker's Chronicles of the 
Kings of England (1670) ; Pliny's Natural History (printed 1572). 

2 Cf. Warden Wroe's description of the Grammar School in Camden's 
Britannia, 1690. 


' In usum mancium pauperum erecta fuerant haec domicilia 
annuentibus Irenarchus fidei Commissionibus per curam 
praefectorum Anno Dom. 1680. 

Oswald Mosley Armiger Sam Dickenson gen: 

Jacobo Marler generosus Johann Alexander gen: 

Jacob Radcliffe gen: Edward Bootle gen: 

Richard Fox gen: Humphredo Marler gen: 

Anno prefecto emanciporibus.' 

On a small house adjoining is inscribed : 

' The gift of John Green and Alexander his son to the poor.' 1 

A further indication of the increased consideration for 
others is found in the attention paid to the higher education 
of girls. There is a letter extant from Richard Ducker to 
his friend Williamson, dated October 1676, which says : 

* Your little niece is well in health, but now she loses 
some time for want of more conversation than her father's 
house affords. 'Tis good company rather than means that 
teaches manners. I do little as it is incompletely that I 
can oversee her. There are good boarding schools at York 
and Manchester, as good as any.' * 

Ralph Thoresby (1658-1725) writes under date April 9, 

1 Rode to Manchester. Placed sister Abigail (as the others 
did their daughters) with Madam Frankland. The Lord 
grant it may be as it is designed for the good both of soul 
and body. Afterwards viewing the library and the famous 
benefactions of Mr. Chetham, spent much of the afternoon 
in perusing the monuments of the Church and viewing 

* 1684. Having dispatched some cloth for Holland, I went 
with Mr. Ibbertson to Manchester, where I found my sister 
Abigail more indisposed at the boarding school than I ex- 
pected, but satisfied with Madame Frankland's patience 
and care. I was pleased with the agreeable conversation 
of Mr. Newcome and Mr. Tilsley, from whom I received 
several remarks concerning Bishop Wilkins and Lord Keeper 
Bridgeman, their temper and moderation, &c. Took leave 

1 Cf. James Ogden's account of Manchester, 1784. 

2 State Papers, Domestic Series. 


of sister. Her physician, the ingenious Dr. Carte, lent me 
his transcript of Hollinworth's MS. History of Manchester.' 

In the Romanist controversy of the period one local scholar 
at least took active part, viz. William Assheton (1641-1711), 
son of the rector of Middle ton, said to have been educated 
at a private school and at Brasenose College, Oxon, Chaplain 
to the Duke of Ormond, Rector of St. Antholin's, London, 
and of Beckenham, Kent. He was a bitter opponent not 
only of the Romanists but also of those who favoured the 
comprehension of Puritanism within the Church. Among 
his publications, ' Toleration disproved ' and ' Admonitions 
against Popery ' are the most noteworthy. Copies of these 
he presented to the Chetham Library. Of more permanent 
interest than his theology are his early proposals to enable 
clergymen to make provision for their widows by a system 
of jointures payable by the Mercers' Company. The parti- 
cular system advocated bfoke down, however, owing to lack 
of statistical research, such as that given by Adam Martin- 
dale in his letter to the Royal Society, ' Problem in Compound 
Interest and Annuities resolved,' 1 but the attempt at bene- 
volent forethought is interesting. 

Intercourse with Holland was not only influencing the 
direction of the study of English scholars. The sturdy 
efforts made to retain individual liberty by means of its 
republican government provided an object lesson which 
was not lost upon Englishmen who had already taken part 
in a struggle against previous encroachments by the Crown on 
liberty, and who now found that jurisprudence was capable 
of enunciating principles of State government as well as 
principles of individual justice. It was probably the county 
party which aroused the merchant classes from their trade 
jealousy with Holland and taught them that the aggres- 
sive spirit of France was their true enemy, and that to 
secure their rights in England they would first have to check 
Louis XIV. 

Henry Booth, Lord Delamere (1650-1693), had as a 
boy shared the imprisonment of his father, when the latter 
had been arrested for taking part in the premature Royalist 
rising of 1659. Before succeeding to the family estates in 

1 Abstracts of Papers and Communications, vol. ii. p. 482. 


1683 he had served as member of Parliament for Cheshire. 
Owing to the advanced age of his father, he was the natural 
leader of the Whig party which was gathering strength to 
resist the encroachment of Charles II. By supporting the 
Bill for the exclusion of the Duke of York from the English 
throne, he had incurred the enmity, not only of James II but 
of Judge Jeffreys, who tried to implicate him in the ill-fated 
plot of the Duke of Monmouth to displace James II. Lord 
Delamere appealed to his fellow-members of the House of 
Lords, who formed a jury, and to the chagrin of Judge Jeffreys 
returned a verdict of 'Not guilty.' A volume of his writ- 
ings, published after his death, shows both his love of justice 
and his interest in education. He subsequently returned 
to private life at Dunham. Among his many other public 
duties he acted as feoffee of the Manchester School, to what 
effect we shall presently see. 



' Men in great places are thrice servants : servants of the Sovereign and 
State, servants of Fame, and servants of Business.' Advancement of 

Co-operation and mutual confidence between Whig county families and 
the merchant classes lead to the continued support of grammar 
schools and the provision of scholarships and exhibitions at the English 
Universities The Duchess of Somerset and the Delamere family 
William Hulme founds post-graduate exhibitions at Brasenose In- 
crease of charity schools and benefactions for apprenticing poor 
cliildren Nonconformist academies flourish and excite the jealousy of 
Archbishop Sharpe Debate in the House of Lords Natural Philosophy 
and Medicine further encouraged at the Chetham Library Harley en- 
deavours to promote trade intercourse with France, and sends Daniel 
Defoe to gain political information in England Defoe in Manchester 
The High Church revival in Manchester The Cyprianites Steady 
growth of the Grammar School Death of Warden Wroe and appoint- 
ment of Warden Peploe. 

No policy could have more effectively alienated the good- 
will of the slow-thinking, self-satisfied, landowning classes 
from their unquestioning support of the Crown and induced 
them to unite with the merchant classes than the attacks 
made on the Anglican Church by James II, which culminated 
in the arrest of the seven bishops. However little the land- 
owners observed its ritual, cared for its formula and creeds, 
or even regarded its moral restraints in their own lives, there 
was no doubt that they believed the Church was in no small 
measure their own property. They held the advowson of 
many of the benefices, and were accustomed to regard as 
their dependents those whom they had presented. They 
also considered they had a right to exercise influence in 
the appointment to many dignities, such as the fellowship 



and wardenship of the collegiate church, which they regarded 
as the prerogative of the more intellectual members of their 
own order. Their privileges and prerogatives in the material 
possessions of the Church were as sacred as their more 
secular possessions. Macaulay depicts the deficiencies and 
the virtues of this class in no halting terms, and if his 
picture should be lightened for Lancashire, it is because not 
a few of the local landowners had acquired a broader outlook 
by sharing in the government of a busy town and in the 
administration of its local charities the Grammar School 
and Chetham Library. The business meetings of these 
institutions brought them into touch with many alert and 
enlightened merchants, lawyers and physicians, from whom 
they had much to learn. The unsophisticated instincts 
of boys, particularly when living in their own homes, 
and free from the weight of tradition which too often clings 
to a boarding school, offer little encouragement to social 
snobbery. While at school, sons of local country squires had 
rubbed shoulders with sons of merchants and had learned 
permanently to respect their talents if not to recognise their 
social claims. A successful school was then, as now, de- 
pendent on the presence, in considerable numbers, of earnest 
energetic boys urged to the acquirement of knowledge by 
the spur of necessity or by the activity of innate intellectual 
power. Even the dullest squire could appreciate the educa- 
tional opportunities afforded by attending the Grammar 
School before settling down to the performance of his public 
duties and the enjoyment of his estates. It is therefore 
not surprising that the period of Whig supremacy was one 
of educational activity among the landowners and well- 
to-do farmers as well as among the merchant classes. 

During the period 1660-1730, there were 172 new Grammar 
Schools established in England, while 51 of the old ones 
received fresh endowments. 1 Nowhere was the progress 
more marked than in the North of England. In Lanca- 
shire there were 79 Grammar Schools dating back before 
1660, while, during the period 1660-1730, 21 new ones were 
established and 9 old ones re-endowed, making up a total 
of 100 for that county. In Yorkshire there were 100 schools 
of an earlier date than 1660. In the same succeeding seventy 
years, 28 new ones were set up and 6 were re-endowed, making 

1 Cf. J. E. De Montmorency, The Progress of Education in England. 


a total of 128. In Westmorland there were 40 schools in 
1660. During the above-mentioned period, 15 new ones 
were built and one was re-endowed. In Cumberland there 
were 27 in existence in 1660, and by 1730 several new ones 
had been created. In these four northern counties there was 
therefore a total of 315 schools out of a total of 823 in the 
whole of England. This appreciation of education was 
not confined to boys. The education of girls was receiving 
a good deal of attention, for we have seen that both at Man- 
chester and at York there were high-class Nonconformist 
academies for girls. 1 

In 1690 the Manchester Boarding School for girls must 
have been in full activity, since at this time a rate book shows 
that Mrs. Frankland, who occupied the house in Long Mill- 
gate, which subsequently became the residence of Mr. Lawson, 
paid rates for twenty-one girls of the age of fifteen years 
and upwards : the boarders under the age of fifteen are 
not included. In 1698 Ralph Thoresby writes : 

' At Manchester I was much concerned for the death of 
all my old friends, Mr. Newcome, Mr. Tilsley, Mr. Martin- 
dale, and Mr. Illingworth (all now entered upon the joy of 
their Lord). I enquired for his valuable MSS. but fear they 
are all lost. There was not a face that I knew but good 
old Mrs. Frankland, with whom I had boarded my sister 
Abigail [subsequently wife of Rev. Richard] Idle.' 

The general interest manifested in education by the land- 
owning as well as the merchant classes was increased by dis- 
trust of the activities of the numerous Catholic agents, whose 
presence at Oxford had been favoured by the Court and who, 
owing to their high training and agreeable manners, had suc- 
ceeded in alienating the allegiance of many scholars of Whig 
families from the Church of England. Several prominent 
Whigs, viz. Lord Delamere, who had married Mary Langham, 
niece and only surviving relative of Sarah Alston, Duchess 
of Somerset ; George Grimston, her brother-in-law ; and Sir 
William Gregory, Judge of the Queen's Bench, induced the 
Duchess of Somerset to dispose of some of her ample fortune 
in providing exhibitions for poor scholars from the great Whig 

1 See also Mary Astell, 1666-1733, Essay in Defence of the Female Sex, 
1497 ; Ballard's Memoirs of British Ladies, 1775. 


Grammar Schools to pursue their University training under 
proper Whig supervision. 1 

The facts known about the Duchess are few in number. 
She had been born about 1630 and was the co-heiress with 
her sister, Lady Langham, of Edward Alston (1596-1669), 
a wealthy London physician. She had been married at a 
very early age to George Grimston of Brasenose College, 
Oxon (1650), and Lincoln's Inn (1652), the eldest son of Sir 
Harbottle Grimston (1603-1685) of Bradfield Hall, Essex, 
and Gorhambury, Hertford, Member of the Long Parlia- 
ment, Master of the Rolls, Speaker of the House of Commons 
at the ' Healing Parliament,' elected just before the Restora- 
tion and a prominent member of the Whig party. Her 
husband, George Grimston, had died in June 1655, aged 
twenty- three, and the young widow soon after married the 
Hon. John Seymour, M.P. for Marlborough, a prominent Whig, 
who was Lord-Lieutenant of Wilts and Somerset, and sub- 
sequently fourth Duke of Somerset. She was again left a 
widow in 1674. Her second husband's liberality is shown by 
his gifts to Brasenose College, Oxon, and his setting apart 
3000 to be vested in land to provide income for apprenticing 
poor children in the city of Salisbury. As Dowager Duchess 
of Somerset, she soon began to make arrangements for the 
settlement of her property. By deed dated February 17, 
1679, she set apart the Manor of Ivor in Buckinghamshire 
for the maintenance during a period of seven years of four 
scholars to be elected from the Free School of Manchester, 
particularly those scholars coming from the counties of 
Lancashire, Cheshire, and Hereford, who desired to proceed 
to Brasenose College, Oxford, where her first husband had 
been educated. On July 17, 1682, she married her third 
husband, Henry Hare, Lord Coleraine, best known as an 
antiquary. Unlike her previous ones, this marriage was not a 
happy one. She did not share her husband's tastes ; and 
Le Neve, who liked neither her politics nor the method in 
which she disposed of her money, described her as being ' of a 
covetous humour, and left nothing to her husband, but most 
of her property to charities.' He does not mention the provi- 
sion she made for members of the Somerset family nor her 
attachment to the Grimstons, for those were all Whigs. 

1 According to ancient rumour, it was the success of the exhibitions 
given to Shrewsbury School that induced the Duchess to take this action. 


Soon after her marriage with Lord Coleraine, she ceased 
to reside with him, and began to make provision for the still 
further disposal of her estates. Under a will dated May 17, 
1686, she devoted the Thornhill and Wootton Rivers Estates 
to the foundation of scholarships at Brasenose College, 
Oxford, and St. John's College, Cambridge, 1 to support 
scholars of restricted means from the three principal Whig 
schools, Hereford, Marlborough, and Manchester ; and ap- 
pointed her brother-in-law, Sir Samuel Grimston, Henry 
Lord Delamere of Dunham Massey (1652-1693), who had 
just been created Earl of Warring ton, and Sir William Gregory 
(1624-1696), of Howcapel, Hereford, Judge of Queen's Beach, 
as the trustees of her will and benefactions. 2 

The following is a translation of the inscription on the 
Duchess of Somerset's tomb in Westminster Abbey : 

Here lies the illustrious 


celebrated for her never failing generosity to the poor 

who for the sake of boys 

Founded the Grammar School of Tottenham in the County of Middlesex 

Largely increased the revenues of the Green Coat Hospital of Westminster 

In order to promote the welfare of youths of excellent promise piety and learnii 

She richly endowed for all time 

The colleges of Brasenose, Oxford and St. John in Cambridge 
and also enabled other youths to be fitted for mechanical pursuits 

In her affection for old age 
She caused a Hospital to be built and endowed 

For the support of thirty Poor Widows at Trotfield in the County of Wilts 

She established perpetual endowment for the better nourishment 

of the poor of the Parish of St. Margaret Westminster 

and splendidly decorated many other Churches 

with magnificent ornaments. 

She died 25th Oct. 1692. 3 

The claims of the Manchester Grammar School to be 
included in these benefactions would no doubt have been fully 

1 Her father was of St. John's, Cambridge, and her brother-in-law, 
Charles, fifth Duke of Somerset, was Vice-Chancellor of Cambridge in 1688. 

* She left most of her estates, jewels, &c., to Lord Delamere and his 
children, value about 50,000. LuttreWs Diary, October 27, 1692. 

3 Portrait by Sir Peter Lely in the library at St. John's College. In- 
scription on tomb and notes of her sister Lady Langham in Granger's 
Biographical History. 








and eloquently urged by Richard Wroe, recently appointed 
Fellow of the Manchester Collegiate Church and Vicar of 
Bowden, the parish in which the Delamere family was living. 
He was a favourite pupil of the learned John Pearson, Bishop 
of Chester, who had introduced him to the Delamere family at 
Dunham Massey. The record of Wroe's early life is too scanty 
to determine whether he had been actually trained at the 
Manchester School, but he had come from Prestwich, in its 
immediate neighbourhood, and was of Jesus College, Cam- 
bridge, where he had met many of its scholars and must 
have known of the work of John Worthington. 

Nor was the association of the Delamere family with the 
school a mere formal one. Sir George Booth, father of Sir 
Henry, second Lord Delamere, had been a prominent and 
active feoffee from 1660, and had been appealed to when the 
town desired to exert influence on Wickens to remain in Man- 
chester. On his death in 1683 his son, Henry Booth, second 
Lord Delamere, 1 had been appointed feoffee in his place. Both 
father and son were active politicians, for the father had been 
imprisoned for taking active part in the Royalist rising in 1658, 
and the son was charged with being implicated in the plot to 
place the Duke of Monmouth on the throne. While in prison 
he was constantly attended and cheered by his talented wife, 
Mary Langham, and after his acquittal he had retired to the 
quiet enjoyment of family life, entertaining numerous parties 
of friends in his beautiful home at Dunham Massey. Among 
the honoured visitors would certainly be the Dowager Duchess 
of Somerset and many notables, such as Bishop Pearson of 
Chester and Richard Wroe, the vicar of the parish. The 
character of Lady Delamere is depicted in the sermon 
preached at her death by Richard Wroe, and a sketch of her 
mother, Lady Langham, the only other member of the Alston 
family, was given in another funeral sermon preached on 
the occasion of her death in 1660 by Dr. G. Reynolds. It 
gives some insight into the religious habits of thought common 
among the wealthy Whig families of Puritan ancestry. After 
alluding to her library of works on divinity, the preacher 
dwelt upon the thoroughness of her studies. 

She had, in the early part of her life, a tendency to atheism, 
but as she advanced in years and understanding she became 

1 Cf. Horace Walpole, Royal and Noble Authors, edited by Park, 
vol. iii. pp. 315, 324. 


a Christian, on sound principles and rational convictions, and 
experimentally sound. 

' I might reckon also as a part of her daily task the read- 
ing over of one sermon a day most days out of her note books, 
for she constantly penned the sermons she heard. I could 
wish that other great sermon writers would herein follow 
her example and not turn their notes to waste paper as soon 
as they had filled their books.' 

Perhaps the generous and well-considered provision 
for needy but deserving scholars made by the Duchess of 
Somerset had something to do with the action of William 
Hulme of Kersley (1630-1691), who was at the time a feoffee 
of the Manchester School. He had been a scholar under 
Nehemiah Paynter, and had passed to Brasenose College, 
Oxon, and was admitted at Gray's Inn, London. He also 
was possessed of a considerable fortune. His only child, 
Bannister Hulme, whilst a boy at the Manchester School, 
had succumbed under distressing circumstances (September 
1673) to an injury to the head received in a schoolboy tussle. 
He was just seventeen years of age and ready to proceed 
to the University. 1 Oliver Heywood, the Puritan minister, 
seems to have borne a grudge against William Hulme for 
his attachment to the Anglican Church, and for his adminis- 
tration of the laws against Nonconformity, for he wrote thus 
about him : 

4 The first work he did after he was Justice of the Peace 
was sending good Mr. Wood to Lancaster jail for preaching ; 
he hath said of my brother Hulton's house (where Bannister 
Hulme was lodging while at school), which is his, that he 
had rather set it on fire than have it hold a conventicle.' * 

Heywood adds, in the censorious way too common 
among Puritan preachers of that age : 

' He hath been somewhat debauched, though of late much 
reformed, yet exceeding devoted to Conformity. . . . Who 
knows what this dreadful blow may do upon my old 
companion ? ' 

1 The dreadful blow,' of the loss of his only child, was 
1 Henry Newcome'a Diary. 2 Oliver Heywood's Diary. 


destined to do a great deal for higher education, for, by will 
dated October 24, 1691, William Hulme devised a trust 
estate consisting of property situate at Heaton Norris, Den- 
ton, Ashton-under-Lyne, Reddish, Manchester, and Hey wood, 
whose rents and profits should be enjoyed by his wife during 
her lifetime and subsequently be distributed ' to four of the 
poorest sort of Bachelors of Arts of Brasenose College, 
Oxford, who should resolve to continue and reside there 
by the space of four years next after such degree taken.' 
The exhibitioners were to be nominated and appointed by 
the Warden of the Collegiate Church (at that time Richard 
Wroe), and the rectors of the parish churches of Prestwich (Wm. 
Assheton) and Bury (Rev. Thomas Gipps) for the time being 
and their successors for ever. The absence of the name of 
the high master, or of a University authority who might 
be supposed to be intimately acquainted with the character 
of the candidates, is remarkable, but it is possibly accidental 
and due to the fact that the will was hastily drawn up some 
five days before the decease of the testator. 

The trustees of the will were James Chetham of Turton 
(1641-1697), William Hulme of Davy Hulme, Gray's Inn, 
nephew of testator, High Sheriff of Lanes. 1701, and 
William Baguley : while the rector of Prestwich, Rev. 
Wm. Assheton (1649-1731), the rector of Bury, Rev. 
Thomas Gipps, and the Warden of the College, Dr. Wroe, and 
their several successors, were to nominate the exhibitioners. 

Disputes soon arose as to whether the benefits should 
be limited to boys from the Manchester School, or even to 
boys from the county of Lancaster, though there was no 
doubt as to their limitation to scholars at Brasenose College, 
Oxon. It is due to these disputes that we have depositions 
from several of W T illiam Hulme's intimate friends which 
describe his reflections on the state of learning current among 
the clergy. 

* James Grundy of Bolton le Moors, Bachelor of Physic, 
and Governor of Chetham's Library, 1687, died 1712, deposed 
that he had often visited Wm. Hulme for two or three years 
before his death, and that Wm. Hulme had spoken freely 
of his designs. He had noticed that the county of Lan- 
caster, especially about Manchester, had sent more scholars 
to the University than any like county or place, but that 
many who sent their sons were not able to maintain them 


in the University any longer than to make them Bachelors 
of Arts, and consequently such young scholars were necessi- 
tated to turn preachers before they were qualified for that 
work, which is the occasion that we are not so well provided 
with orthodox and able ministers as other counties, therefore 
he designed a considerable part of his estate towards the main- 
tenance of four such Bachelors of Arts, that were Lancashire 
scholars especially of this part of the county where he lived, 
and had not wherewith to maintain themselves any longer 
in the University.' * 

Thomas Sergeant of Pilkington, a near neighbour ; Joshua 
Dixon, clerk and curate of Ringley Chapel, Prestwich, where 
William Hulme attended on Sundays and holidays for divine 
service ; and Robert Seddon of Kersley, another neighbour, 
all confirmed the statements of James Grundy, and added 
similar testimony from their own experience. 

The spirit of benevolence and the desire to favour the 
spread of knowledge continued to seek new outlets of expres- 
sion. The benevolent designs of wealthy Whig families and 
merchants were not limited to the providing of better University 
training for preachers at home, but extended to the support of 
preachers in the American colonies, now growing rapidly in 
size and importance. Dr. Bray began to put forward his 
schemes to provide missionary preachers for America with 
Catechisms and other books in 1693. The Society for the Pro- 
pagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, instituted in 1701, 
placed on a permanent basis many previous efforts. This 
was followed by a movement for building new churches in 
London, a movement which spread to the rest of the country. 
Queen Anne devoted the first-fruits of ecclesiastical prefer- 
ment a royal prerogative for establishing a fund, Queen 
Anne's Bounty, for improving the stipends of poor clergy. 
In 1708, an Act of Parliament was passed to make provision 
for the establishment and care of parochial libraries. Charity 
schools, almshouses, and various charitable trusts for helping 
the poor by apprenticing children, &c., became increasingly 

The efforts to secure a higher standard of living were at 
first shared by those who sought to combine a greater personal 
devoutness with a stricter observance of Church ritual, and 

1 Whatton'a Foundation* in Manchester. 


were therefore to be found in the ranks of the High Church 
party. Consequently many of the public efforts put forth 
at this time were supported by men of widely different political 
as well as ecclesiastical views, but in a short time there 
appeared a steadily increasing discrimination in favour 
of objects supporting particular classes or parties. Thus 
John Sharpe, who as Archbishop of York had interested 
himself in the degraded condition of so many unendowed 
Grammar Schools kept by ignorant masters, began to view 
the prosperity and the excellent training of the private Non- 
conformist academies with anxiety and perhaps jealousy. 
He had written to Dr. Tillotson in 1694 upon the matter, but 
failing to find support, subsequently brought the matter up 
in the House of Lords, when a debate took place on the ' State 
of the Nation and the Dangers to the Established Church 
caused by increased numbers of dissenters and their academies.' 
Appeal was made to Sir John Holt, Lord Chief Justice, to see 
what remedies were provided by law to deal with the matter. 
In spite of all that was being done, English education was 
in danger of falling between two stools. There was the educa- 
tion at Grammar School and University for men of established 
positions or even leisure, or of family connection, which would 
secure social advancement. This was open to a few poor 
scholars who were fortunate enough to obtain exhibitions or 
scholarships to help support them till they could find patrons 
willing to present them to livings, too often only very poorly 
paid. There was also a * Training for active life ' provided at 
the academies suitable for those not possessing family influence, 
and preparing for professional careers such as Medicine, Law, 
Science or the Army, and for Commerce, but also used by 
many of private means intending to enter political life or 
who wished to cultivate intellectual interests in country life, 
and finally for those who desired to enter the Nonconformist 
ministry, often a position of great reputation and influence 
and demanding considerable intellectual attainments. Strictly 
professional studies were generally continued at foreign 

We have already mentioned that the most prominent 
and successful academy in the North of England had been 
that of Richard Frankland who, between 1672 and 1698, 
had prepared some 303 students for various careers. On 
Frankland's death in 1698, several fruitless attempts were 


made to find a successor to take charge of his academy. 
Henry Newcome of Manchester, the natural head of the Non- 
conformists in the North- West of England, had died a few 
years before. His place in Manchester had been taken by 
Mr. Chorlton, a native of Salford, who had graduated at 
Edinburgh, and who was strongly urged to undertake the 
care of the academy at Rathmel. This Chorlton declined 
to do, as he preferred to remain in Manchester, which, owing 
to its library and the liberality of view of Warden Wroe, 
continued to be the resort of many learned Nonconformist 
ministers and others of similar interests and attainments. 
Chorlton, however, consented to supervise the study of some 
six or eight of Frankland's pupils, who were willing to come 
to Manchester, and thus formed the nucleus of a Manchester 
Nonconformist Academy. Mr. Chorlton died in 1705. Mr. 
Conyngham, who had also been educated at Edinburgh, and 
had subsequently been in charge of an Academy at Penrith, 
had come as assistant minister to Mr. Chorlton in 1700, and 
succeeded him both in his pastoral and teaching work. The 
academy was continued in Manchester till the High Church 
chaplains who had imbibed the principles current at the 
English Universities caused legal proceedings to be taken 
against him in 1712 under the Occasional Conformity Act of 
1711, when the growing party bitterness shown towards the 
dissenting body caused Mr. Conyngham to leave Manchester 
and accept a pastorate at Haberdashers' Hall in London, where 
he died, September 1716. The first Manchester Academy 
was closed when Conyngham left. An interesting sidelight 
upon it occurs in the diary of the Rev. James Clegg, who 
ultimately settled as minister, and also practised medicine, 
in Chinley, Derbyshire. 1 

1 When I left Rathmel (Frankland's Academy) I placed 
myself in Manchester for the benefit of the library and the 
conversation of other young scholars that lived there, and 
boarded with Dr. Wild in Fennel St., where Mr. Richard 
of Miln Row, near Rochdale Road, also boarded. I had 
been very intimately acquainted with him at Rathmel, and 
his conversation was of use to me at Manchester. But in 
a little time he was called to be minister at Stockport, and 
I removed from Dr. Wild to Mr. Chorlton. Several young 

1 Cf. Oliver Heywood'a Diary, vol. iii. Ed. J. H. Turner. 


men who had been under Mr. Frankland's tuition at Rathmel 
also came about that time and placed themselves under Mr. 
Chorlton, who was admirably qualified for a tutor as well 
as a preacher. He read lectures to us in the forenoon on 
Philosophy and Divinity, and in the afternoons some of us 
read in the Public Library. It was there I first met with 
the works of Episcopius, Socinus, Crellius, and the writings 
of Socinus and his followers. They made little impression 
on me, only I could never after be entirely reconciled to 
the common doctrine of the Trinity ... But after I had 
spent little more than a year there I left the town and boarded 
with Jos. Dawson, the pious, serious, dissenting minister 
at Rochdale. . . . ' * 

The important place which the Chetham Library was filling 
in Manchester life is indicated by the following summary 
of books purchased. It appears that from 1654-1662, 1000 
was spent, and the total number of books purchased was 
1450 ; from 1662-1693, 1469 was spent, and the total number 
of books purchased was 2093; from 1693-1712 the total 
number of books purchased was 910. A study of their subject- 
matter reveals the general interest of the readers. Books on 
gardening, the metamorphosis of insects, Leuwenhoek's ' Secrets 
of Nature ' (microscopic studies in Nat. Hist.), Flamstead's 
' History of the Heavens ' were purchased for those who 
desired to use the scientific instruments, and other works on 
Natural Philosophy for those who wished to follow the progress 
of that branch of knowledge in relation to Natural Theology 
or ancillary to the study of medicine. 

English education was influenced by the Political Union 
with Scotland in 1707, which was very popular among the 
Whig party, though opposed by the Tories. Nonconformist 
ministers were in close touch with the Scotch Universities, 
and attempts were made to found a college for English 
divinity students at Edinburgh by Dr. Calamy and Dr. 
Daniel Williams. Legacies were left for the purpose, but 
a theological controversy caused the interest and support 
of English Nonconformists to be withdrawn. 2 

1 Extract from the Diary of James Clegg; also Geo. E. Evana, 
Antiquarian Notes, vol. iii. p. 109. 

2 Bower's History of the University of Edinburgh, vol. ii. p. 44 ; also 
W. D. Jeremy, ' The Presbyterian Fund and Dr. Williams' Trust,' and 
an account of ' Dr. John Ward's Life and Trust,' in Trans. Baptist Historical 
Society, April 1914. 


At this time many English scholars were attracted to 
Holland to study medicine. It is hardly too much to say 
that Herman Boerhaave (1668-1738), who, after studying 
divinity, had been appointed Professor of Medicine at Leyden 
in 1700, made such extensive contributions to the healing 
art by bringing it into relation with Natural Philosophy as 
to have earned the title of its second founder. Boerhaave pays 
high tribute to the work already accomplished by English phy- 
sicians such as Harvey, Glisson, Wharton, and Sydenham, who 
had preceded him in his task. Early editions of Boerhaave's 
works were purchased for the Chetham Library, and among 
them ' What a physician ought to know in relation to the 
nature of bodies, the laws of Motion, Statics, Hydrostatics, 
Hydraulics, Properties of Fluids, Chemistry, Pharmacy, 
Study of Physics, Physiology, Pathology, Surgery and Diet.' 
The continued election of physicians on the Chetham trust 
explains the presence of contemporary anatomical and medical 
books. Even the study of Practical Anatomy is mentioned in 
the following letter from Francis Hooper, 1 dated Chetham 
College, April 20, 1719, which indicates that the library was 
a centre of medical study though not of medical training : 

' The library before now had not been opened for some 
time, that it has become a novelty and frequented by a great 
many, I believe only on that account. I have pretty good 
opportunity of reading here and hope I shall now be master 
of a great deal of time, so that I shall endeavor to qualify 
myself as well as I can against the great, the important day. 
Our audit here is upon the 14th May, when we shall have 
a full meeting of the governors for the making up of the 
College accounts and it is thought an order for the buying 
of books into the library. Mr. Leicester's long illness obliged 
him to omit that part of his office, so that we have 300 
in bank for the purpose. John Clayton 2 sends his service 
to you. When we are all together he intends to cut up a 
body for us and present the skeleton to the library. Your 
brother (Edward Byrom) is very curious that way.* 

1 Chaplain to Lady Ann Bland, incumbent at Didsbury. Palatine 
Note Book, August 1883, and Byrom's Journal and Correspondence. 

* John Clayton of Fulwood (1693-1773) who, after studying medicine, 
collected plants in Virginia and became Secretary of Gloucester Co., America, 
and contributed to the Royal Society remarks on coal gas, on plants in 
America, &c. 


At this time, there were several local physicians of con- 
siderable repute, one of the most diligent searchers for new 
knowledge, whether medical or scientific, being Charles 

Charles Leigh (1662-1712) was the son of William Leigh 
of Singleton in the Fylde, Lancashire, and a member of a 
family in whom traditions of scholarship were deeply in- 
grained. Of his boyhood and school training, nothing is known. 
He entered Brasenose College, 1679, and after taking a degree 
M.A. at Oxford graduated M.D. in 1685 from Jesus College, 
Cambridge. In 1684 he communicated ' A Discourse con- 
cerning Digestion ' to the Royal Society, in which he showed 
that digestion could be conducted outside the body by the 
digestive juices obtained from a dog, thus continuing and 
enlarging upon the experiments made by Dr. Mayhew. Dr. 
Leigh also contributed to the Royal Society some notes on 
R. Bolton's ' Observations on the Heat of the Blood.' In 1685 
he was elected a Fellow of that Society. In 1694 he pub- 
lished his experiences as a physician in his works, Phthisio- 
logia Lancastrensis, 1694, descriptive of the acute distempers, 
particularly the pestilential fevers raging in Lancashire in 
the years 1693-96. He also wrote De Mineralibus aquis and 
* A Natural History of Lancashire.' His historical state- 
ments were somewhat violently attacked by another local 
scholar and historian, Dr. John Whitaker, in his account of 
Whalley, but Leigh's work was regarded of sufficient merit 
to be republished at Geneva in 1727. He was evidently a 
physician of considerable note, and as such was visited by 
Dr. Nicolson, Bishop of Carlisle, in 1704. * Dr. Leigh showed 
me the remainder of his rarities, the rest being given to Dr. 
Sloane.' He probably died about 1712, for about that time 
Dr. William Stukeley records that he was invited to come to 
Manchester as there was need of physicians. 

Even before the death of William III, ideas were being 
introduced from France, which took root on the accession of 
Queen Anne. They moderated some of the Whig prejudices 
of the English merchant classes, and gave to the more eager 
and masterful members of the English Church new strength 
to their aspirations for a High Church revival. 

Robert Harley (1661-1724), after beginning life as a 
Whig, had gradually become opposed to the policy of Marl- 
borough and favoured a better understanding with France, 


a country which was constantly visited by interested 
and disinterested sympathisers with the exiled Stuart family. 
These travellers could not fail to benefit by its atmosphere 
of intellectual keenness, both theological and commercial. 
Although war between England and France had again broken 
out in 1702, many merchants were desirous of developing 
trade relations with the French. In order to obtain first- 
hand information about the possibilities of enlisting the in- 
terests of English merchants in his foreign policy, Robert 
Harley employed Daniel Defoe to travel first in France and 
subsequently throughout England, and furnish reports and 
descriptions of the places he visited and the prevailing 
opinions of the people. These reports were written under the 
pseudonym of Alexander Goldsmith. 1 From these we learn 
that Daniel Defoe visited Manchester on behalf of Robert 
Harley several times in 1705-6, and that his letters were left 
in charge of Conyngham, the Nonconformist minister. Defoe's 
fuller description of contemporary Manchester was not 
published till the second (completed) edition of a 'Tour 
through Great Britain ' appeared in 1738. It is as follows : 

' Manchester is one of the greatest, if not the greatest, mere 
village in England. It is neither a town, city, nor corporation, 
nor sends members to Parliament, but it is a manor with 
courts, leet and baron. The highest magistrate is a constable 
or head borough reeve ; and yet it has a collegiate church, 
takes up a large space of ground, and, including the suburbs 
of that part of the town on the other side of the bridge, 
it is said to contain about 50,000 people.' 

Trade questions were very seriously considered by politi- 
cians desirous of gaining the support of the merchant classes, 
and many useful treatises setting forth the quantity and 
character of trade were published at this period. Among 
them was ' State of Great Britain,' first published by Edward 
Chamberlain and later editions by John Chamberlain. Of 
Lancashire Chamberlain says : 

1 The chief commodities are oats, cattle and oxen, especially 
those of this county and Somersetshire are the stateliest in Eng- 
land; fowl, fish, pit coal (which serves not only for fuel but 

1 A considerable number of them have been published in the ' Portland 
Papers ' (Hist. MSS. Commission); 


to make curious utensils little inferior to jet). The chief 
manufactures are woollen cloths, cottons, and ticken . . . 
Manchester is a town of very great Trade for Woollen and 
Linen manufactures.' 

Dr. W. Stukeley, author of Itinerarium Curiosum, also 
visited Manchester in 1713, and described it as * the largest, 
most rich, populous and busy village in England.' He com- 
puted the inhabitants to be about 2400 families. 

* Their trade, which is incredibly large, consists much in 
fustians, girth webb, tickings, tapes, &c., which is dispersed 
all over the Kingdom, and to foreign parts. They have 
looms which work twenty-four laces at a time, which were 
stolen from the Dutch. The College has a good library for 
public use endowed with 116 per annum to buy more books. 
Dr. Yarburgh, son to him late of Newark, showed me a great 
collection of old Greek, Persian, Tartarian, Punic coins 
brought from Asia.' 

The busy mercantile town would seem to offer little scope 
for the religious idealists who created the Methodist revival, 
or the ecclesiastical precisionists, who saw that the only hope 
of destroying the toleration of Nonconformity lay in a return 
of the Stuart dynasty. Yet both parties had a strong follow- 
ing in Manchester, and were the cause of considerable local 
agitation. Their leaders were men of intellectual attainment, 
and found much inspiration and support for their opinions in 
the writings of an early martyr bishop of the Christian Church, 
St. Cyprian, whose writings had been collected and translated 
by John Sage, the most learned of the Nonjurors, and pub- 
lished in 1694. A copy of these writings was purchased for 
the Chetham Library in 1708, when High Church principles 
were becoming noticeable among the junior clergy, who 
called themselves Cyprianites, and copied their model in 
his zeal. They demanded a recognition of the special unction, 
which they believed was attached to the priestly office, a 
strict observance of priestly baptism and the discipline of 
the English Church. As then- opponents both within and 
without the Anglican Church were also men of learning, the 
two schools of thought found ample ground for controversy, 
while the existence of a well -furnished town library, containing 
works of different schools of thought, provided opportunity 
for their full discussion. 


Many of the more peace-loving inhabitants of the town 
sought opportunity to escape these recriminations by absenting 
themselves from the old church. The leader of the Whig 
party in Manchester was Lady Ann Bland. She had in- 
herited the lordship of the manor of Manchester with its 
estates at the death of her father, Sir Edward Mosley of 
Ancoats, who had built Cross Street Nonconformist Chapel 
for Henry Newcome. She remained the supporter and 
friend of Henry Newcome till his death in 1692, but sub- 
sequently, like many other Presbyterians, returned to the 
Established Church. The collegiate mother church was in- 
conveniently crowded, and Lady Ann very naturally felt out of 
sympathy with the Jacobite element. Possessing ample means, 
she decided to build a new church. The foundation-stone 
was laid in 1709. Partly in honour of the reigning sovereign, 
who was encouraging the movement for erecting new churches 
in London, and partly in honour of the local foundress, the 
new church was called St. Ann's. 

The zeal with which the High Church clergy sought 
converts among the Nonconformists is shown by the following 
local incident, which brought the Manchester Girls' Boarding 
School, still prominently Whig and Nonconformist, again under 
public observation. On August 1714, John Byrom wrote 
from Trinity College, Cambridge, to his friend John Stansfield 
in Manchester, ' I met with a pamphlet to-day entitled " Dona- 
tus Redivivus " about Mr. Leicester and Mr. Malyn of Man- 
chester, re-baptizing two young women at the Boarding 
School. Is there anything in it ? J The pamphlet in ques- 
tion was written by the Rev. Charles Owen, a virulent, 
loquacious, but learned Presbyterian minister at Warrington, 
under the pseudonym of Augustus Optatus, protesting against 
the action of two young High Church Cambridge clergymen 
recently settled in Manchester, Rev. Massey Malyn, B.A., 
M.B., of Queens' College, and Rev. James Leicester, M.A., 
librarian at Chetham's and chaplain of the Collegiate 
Church, who had re-baptized two Nonconformists attached to 
the girls' boarding school. ' Jane Chorlton,' one of the neo- 
phytes, and perhaps a teacher in the school, made a spirited 
reply, in the composition of which she was no doubt helped by 
the High Churchmen, and the heat evoked by the conflict is 
further illustrated in the reply by Charles Owen. 

The Rev. James Leicester had succeeded Nathaniel Banne, 


as librarian of Chetham's, when the latter was appointed by 
Lady Ann Bland rector of the new church of St. Ann's. 
He was the son of George Leicester, goldsmith, of Hale, 
near Bowdon, and after a preliminary education at Madeley 
Grammar School, Staffordshire, had entered St. John's College, 
Cambridge, 1704, and graduated B.A. in 1708, M.A. 1711. He 
had been engaged as travelling companion to Mr. Edward 
Wright, M.B., of Offerton, near Stockport, whose travels in 
France, Italy, &c., were published in 1724. He seems to 
have been a delicate man l and quite unable to influence the 
trustees in the selection of new books, about which there 
seems to have been some difference of opinion, for on a visit 
to Manchester in 1715 the famous antiquary and geographical 
impostor, George Psalmanazar, thus writes : 

1 At Manchester I had moreover the opportunity of fre- 
quently visiting a noble library belonging to Chetham College 
and well furnished with all manner of books that could be 
purchased for money, for it is endowed with 100 per annum 
to supply it with new ones as they come out, and yet when 
I was there they had about 400 in Bank and scarce knew 
how to lay it out,insomuch that they were thinking of purchas- 
ing some of the most curious MSS. This I could not but ob- 
serve to them as ill-judged, considering the situation of it 
among tradesmen who have neither taste nor knowledge for 
such valuable pieces, and rather advised them to lay out that 
income in purchasing such valuable modern books as are 
yearly published both in England and out of it, and which I 
thought could better answer the intention of the noble donor. 
They seemed to acquiesce in what I said, but whether they 
followed my advice or not I never enquired.' 

The High Anglican party in the district was also materially 
strengthened when Francis Gastrell was appointed in April 
1714 as Bishop of Chester. Gastrell had already, like other 
High Churchmen, interested himself in educational provision. 
He at once began a systematic examination of the educational 
provision in his diocese. He was indebted for the information 
concerning the schools of Lancashire to Warden Wroe, who 
also provided some interesting details about the work of the 
Manchester Grammar School, with which as Visitor, he was 
closely connected, to the edition of Camden's Magna Britannia, 

1 He was buried at Didsbury, December 5, 1718. 



which was being prepared by Dr. Gibson of London, and 
published in 1730. 

For a very large part of this period there were vigorous 
conflicts between latitudinarian Broad and the precisionist 
High Churchmen, between Hanoverian Whig and Jacobite 
Tory. During all the time that Richard Wroe remained at 
the head of local church affairs and for a considerable time 
after, ebullitions were short-lived. His continued interest 
in experimental science is shown in the choice of books for 
the Chetham Library, whose committee meetings he regularly 
attended. The way in which he performed his duties as 
Visitor at the Grammar School was equally painstaking. 
The earliest extant list of holders of exhibitions from school 
funds dates from 1684. The business affairs of the school 
received regular attention, for the fresh appointments of 
feoffees are dated 1686, 1696, 1706, 1716, and show that the 
vacancies in the governing body were filled more regularly 
than in the past, and that the number of feoffees was never 
allowed to fall to the minimum number of four, when appeal 
would have had to be made to the Crown for fresh nominations, 
as had happened on previous occasions. 

Of the personality of William Barrow, the high master 
between 1671 and 1721, we know very little. He would not 
have been recommended to the President of Corpus Christi 
by Dr. Stratford without very good reason, and the wide area 
from which boys were attracted to the School could not have 
been due solely to the advantages of holding school exhibi- 
tions and post-graduate scholarships at Brasenose, for there 
were many boarders who did not go to the Universities, and 
of those who did go, many did not hold these exhibitions. 
A good deal of the high reputation of the school was no 
doubt also due to Richard Thompson, the second master. 
He was one of four trustees in 1704 for the management of 
estates and the distribution of a valuable collection of Roman 
antiquities, intaglios, coins, &c., collected by George Ogden, 
Fellow of Manchester College, and was also employed in the 
conveyance of lands. 1 

The school library at this time contained a number of 
volumes of the best-known classics, edited by contemporary 
Putch and French scholars, also of foreign works on polemical 

* Of. Raines' Fellows of the Manchester Collegiate Church. 


theology, Christian apologetics, ethics, international law and 
jurisprudence, by such writers as John Gerrard Vossius 
(1577-1643) and his son Isaac Vossius (1618-1688) ; Nicholas 
Caussinus, the Jesuit writer on Rhetoric and Eloquence ; 
Hugo Grotius (1583-1645), and by no means least, Vegetus, 
the presence of whose book, De re militari, in the library of St. 
Paul's School is believed to have directed John Churchill, 
subsequently Duke of Marlborough, to enter upon a military 
career. Many of these school volumes bear marks of con- 
temporary use in the form of schoolboy signatures and 
scribblings. We gain information thereby, not only as to 
the subjects which the boys studied, or at least their elders 
expected them to study, and into which they dipped if only 
to gain a superficial knowledge of their contents, but also 
many of the names of actual scholars of whose presence 
at the School there is no other record. So numerous are 
the scribblings and so characteristically are the names grouped, 
as ' condiscipuli,' often corresponding to the years in which 
some of them proceeded to the Universities, that they suggest 
actual class groupings. To some of the lists dates are 
assigned 1699, 1703, 1713 which in general are accurate, 
but occasionally manifestly so intentionally inaccurate as to 
constitute schoolboy jokes. Thus Radley Aynscough gives 
his date 1638 instead of 1698; and James Heywood, who 
left the school about 1696, writes against his signature, 
* de Churchyard side 1641.' Perhaps the numerous scribblings 
also indicate some laxity in the management of the school. 
From these books we also gain a little insight into the interests 
of William Barrow. His own signature occurs in Camden's 
1 Britannia ' and in Sir Thomas Baker's * Chronicles of 
England.' Side by side with these books are to be found 
Anthony a Wood's ' History of the Antiquities of Oxford,' 
Plot's ' Natural History of Oxford,' Favin's ' Theatre of 
Honor and Knighthood,' together with works of classical 
and Dutch writers. 

Although the only early specifically medical work still 
remaining in the School library is a volume of Sydenham, 
yet there are other works, such as Pliny's ' Natural History/ 
which were regarded as useful preparations for the study 
of physic, which show considerable marks of contemporary 
use. The obituary notice of Richard Thompson, 1 who for 

1 In the Post Boy, 1721. 


twenty-six years was second master of the School (1696- 
1721), specially draws attention to his skill in the study 
of botany. This may be connected with the prominent 
position and the number of local practitioners of medicine, 
both physicians and apothecaries, resident in the town. 

At this time an incident occurred at the School which may 
have been due to defective discipline, or may have been 
the reflection of party spirit or of lawlessness in the town. 
In 1690, while Rev. William Barrow was high master, there 
occurred one of the school riots which frequently sprang 
up between boys and masters on such questions as the length 
of Christmas vacations. This particular one assumed graver 
proportions than usual. The boys locked themselves in the 
school and defied the masters. The townsfolk as usual 
took the side of the boys, and supplied them both with food 
and with firearms, with which the boys shot at the legs of 
their opponents. 1 The siege lasted a whole fortnight, and 
neither origin nor conclusion is very intelligible. It is how- 
ever probable that the rabble were Jacobites, while Mr. 
Barrow, the high master, certainly shared the Whig pro- 
pensities of the feoffees. Party spirit probably intensified, 
if it did not actually cause the outbreak. 

The Somerset and the Hulme benefactions to local learn- 
ing were achieving their purpose in raising the level of pro- 
fessional attainments, the self-respect and the reputation and 
consequently the social utility of those scholars who were 
willing, for the sake of following learning, to put up with a 
career offering poor worldly prospects. Their influence in 
determining the University careers of the scholars is shown 
by the fact that from this time forward a change began in 
the relative proportion of scholars proceeding to the two 
Universities. Previously, as we have seen, owing to Puritan 
traditions, the majority of scholars, and particularly those 
destined to be preachers, proceeded to Cambridge ; hereafter 
the majority of those destined for clerical careers proceeded 
to Oxford, as is illustrated in the following estimate of the 
numbers proceeding from the School: 

Oxford. Cambridge. 

1660-1690 . . 30 (1 a year) 60 (2 a year) 

1690-1727 . . 91 (2-3 a year) 33 (1 a year) 

1 Aikin's Twenty Miles round Manchester. 


Although these Exhibitions had early been thrown open 
to scholars from other counties, a perusal of the lists of 
Somerset scholars and of Hulme exhibitioners shows how 
largely the Manchester School benefited by these foundations , 
and why the School continued to flourish at a time when 
many other schools were falling into disuse. 

The position of librarian to the Chetham Trust was gener- 
ally held by promising alumni from the School and University, 
and was compatible with a chaplaincy at the Collegiate Church 
or one of the various chapelries of the widely scattered 
parish of Manchester. It offered considerable attraction 
to anyone of scholarly habits. Still Pope expressed a view 
only too common when he wrote, * The parson knows enough 
who knows a lord,' and it was very important for those seeking 
advancement to belong to the political party possessing patron- 
age. This is shown in a letter which Roger Kenyon wrote to 
his sister-in-law, October 27, 1711, about a Manchester scholar 
at Brasenose College, Oxford, the head of which had replied 
to Mr. Kenyon, promising he would favour what he could 
Mr. Entwistle's pretensions, but he added that the young 
man he finds was a Whig, * which was against the pre- 
sent humour of the College.' * In truth, unless the young 
man's learning distinguish him a good deal, I doubt not 
the party he is of will be some prejudice to him, for our 
Colleges, like all other places, get into parties.' 1 Perhaps Mr. 
Entwistle, like many other aspirants to position and emolu- 
ments, found a change of opinion would conduce to success, 
for in 1717 2 we find him rector of Buds worth, Yorks. 

One of the quaintest figures in this busy mercantile town 
is that of Edmund Harrold, 3 a wig-maker, who was born in 
1679. He was evidently a scholar under Mr. Barrow. He 
has left us a diary of his thoughts and doings between 
1711 and 1714. His account of the books he purchased, 
read, and resold, of the sermons he heard and discussed, are 
interspersed with the relation of his frequent backslidings 
into drunkenness, and his frequent but evanescent repent- 
ance. He tells of his domestic troubles, his bereavements, 
his rebuffs in searching for a new wife, and his successful 
courtings. He was married three times, and both second 

1 Kenyon MSS. 447. 

Foster's Alumni. 
3 'Manchester Collectanea' (Chetham Society, vol. Ixviii.). 


and third wives belonged to the Nonconformist communion, 
while Edmund Harrold was a Churchman. The sermons 
preached by the young High Church clergy with their stric- 
tures on dissent were a great source of mental perturbation 
to him, and it was at times difficult for him to reconcile 
worldly inclinations and religious duty. The enumeration 
of the titles of the books he purchased and his discussions 
upon them with his friends shed no little light on current 
conversational interests of the time. His garrulous narra- 
tion is so ingenuous and his repentances so numerous that 
our reprobation of the sinner is obliterated in our sympathy 
for the hapless scholar. 

James Heywood (1687-1776) was another local scholar 
who maintained his literary interests during a mercantile 
career. He left Manchester to carry on the business of a 
wholesale linen-draper in Fish Street, London. He acted as 
London agent for James Chetham, one of the governors of 
the school and of the Chetham foundation. In his leisure he 
contributed essays to The Free Thinker, The Bee, The Plain 
Dealer, and one or two to The Spectator. 1 Richard Steele 
describes him as a brisk little fellow, who had the habit of 
twisting off the buttons of persons he conversed with. He 
amassed a very considerable fortune, and served as governor 
of Christ's and of St. Bartholomew's Hospital, also of Bridewell 
and of Bedlam Hospital. His Whig propensities are shown 
by the fact that when he was elected alderman of the city 2 he 
preferred to pay the 500 fine imposed on those who would 
not take the Sacrament, according to the Corporation Act, 
rather than serve. 2 In a letter to James Chetham he advises 
' a father not to make his son a dull plodding curate, but to 
send him to the city, and put him in the way of becoming a 
sheriff or an Alderman of London.' 3 

Perhaps still more interesting and typical of the kind of 
man the school produced was James Chetham of Castleton, 

1 His little book of poems, collects, and essays was published 1726. 
In it he refers to his old schoolmasters : to Peter Molineux, who taught him 
to keep accounts, to Richard Wroe, the Warden, and to the beauties of 

2 In 1748, the City Council of London passed a by-law imposing a fine 
of 500 on anyone declining office, even if in ill-health. They collected 
15,000 from this source. 

8 Papers read at the Manchester Literary Club, vol. xxx. p. 161 ; Lane, 
and Cheshire Local Gleanings, vol. ii. p. 22. 


who passed to Cambridge and to Gray's Inn. He became 
Recorder of Macclesfield, but surrendered the position when 
he entered into possession of the estates of his cousin, 
Humphrey Chetham of Castle ton. His book, ' The 
Angler's Vade Mecum,' was published 1689, at first anony- 
mously. It passed through several editions. (See also list 
of feoffees of the school, Appendix.) 

Discord broke out at the Manchester College on the death, 
in 1718, of Richard Wroe, who had served for nearly thirty 
years as Warden of the College. From the persuasiveness 
of his preaching he had earned the nickname of the ' Silver- 
tongued Wroe.' Owing to his persistent refusal to attack 
the Nonconformists, he had aroused the antagonism of the 
younger clergy at the Collegiate Church, who were now begin- 
ning to openly manifest strong High Church and Jacobite 
leanings. Warden Wroo had found it increasingly difficult 
to restrain them. The Whig party had regained the reins 
of government and naturally sought to bestow the position 
on someone favourable to the Hanoverian succession. At 
this time Samuel Peploe, vicar of Preston, was the most 
outspoken champion of Whig principles available. It hap- 
pened that he had been taking the services in his church 
in 1715 when the followers of the Pretender entered Preston. 
Undismayed by the sight of the military force in the church, he 
continued to read prayers for the reigning monarch, George I. 
A soldier sprang up and threatened to shoot him if he per- 
sisted. The only reply was, ' Soldier, you do your duty 
and I will do mine,' and the undaunted clergyman continued 
the service. This incident was brought before the notice 
of George I, who is reported to have said in his broken Eng- 
lish, ' Peeplow, Peeplow ; he shall Peep High.' Samuel Peploe 
was remembered when the wardenship of the College of 
Manchester fell vacant. His appointment was extremely 
galling to his Tory superior, Bishop Gastrell of Chester, who 
found cause for a refusal to induct, by claiming that the 
collegiate charter required the Warden to have pursued his 
university training as far as that of a Bachelor of Divinity 
or of Law. The degree in divinity possessed by Samuel 
Peploe had not been conferred by a university, but by the 
Archbishop of Canterbury, who, from papal times, possessed 
the right to confer divinity degrees as well as the university. 
The dispute led to considerable debate on the exclusive 


prerogative of the Universities to confer degrees. It was 
perhaps for political reasons ultimately decided in favour 
of Dr. Peploe. 1 

Although there was a very sordid side to these party 
quarrels, yet they served to bring to the front men of energy 
and ideas. They indicated vigour of growth, and were pre- 
ferable to the torpor which came after a lengthened period 
of the Whig ascendancy a period which, though of enormous 
value in settling and confirming a stable constitution, per- 
mitted the growth of a laziness in belief and practice and 
was associated with abuse of patronage, incompetence, and 
sloth. The work which the Jacobite and Nonjuring party 
in Manchester now set before themselves was the re-creation 
of a sincere religious life and a fervour in learning. The 
magnitude of the task and the extent of their accomplish- 
ment will appear in the course of the next chapter. 

1 1721, the Bishop of Chester's case; also Portland MSS., vol. vii. 



' Negligence is the rust of the soul, that corrodes through all her best 
resolves. ' FELTHAM. 

Rapid extension of trade and accumulation of wealth caused members 
of the landowning classes to become merchants Education tends 
to become a class prerogative Preoccupation in the pursuit of personal 
gain among the trading classes associated with the decay of moral 
and religious earnestness The Grammar School neglected and almost 
derelict, but saved by the devotion of William Purnell The Holiday 
Library and the Christmas plays A rival to the Petit School Henry 
Brooke appointed high master Arrangements for boarders The 
first Manchester Exchange Efforts to establish a town's workhouse 
Further study of Natural Philosophy and Natural History High 
Church and Jacobite idealism Manchester and the '45 Rebellion. 

THE benefactions which had been provided to enable poor 
scholars to receive that ample school and university training 
which they needed, if they in turn were to lead and train others 
adequately, were only too readily diverted into means of 
self-advancement and their real purpose forgotten, while the 
distribution of these benefactions was itself another form 
of patronage too often abused by the landowning classes as a 
means of protecting and maintaining their power and privi- 
leges. Some of this patronage * was no doubt used wisely in 
regard to needs and deserts, but for the most part the men 
selected for advancement were those most likely to support 
the views of particular patrons or to satisfy particular interests. 
Politicians ceased to study English constitutional principles 

1 See also the benefactions to schools in the north by Lady Elizabeth 
Hastings (1682-1739). Female Biography, by Miss Heys. 



by attending the Inns of Court, but sought knowledge and 
experience by travelling abroad, especially in France, where 
they gained ideas of class government hitherto unrecognised 
in English political life. In order to adapt their ideas to 
English conditions of parliamentary representation they 
often made study of such questions as State regulation of 
commerce and matters of local government, so that when they 
entered Parliament they were able to support or oppose 
the numerous private Bills which special interests were 
promoting in the House of Commons. 

In order to keep in touch with local interests and so gratify 
the voters who sent them from the boroughs to Parliament, 
it was necessary for them to acquaint themselves with matters 
of local administration, and if possible take some share in 
it. The degree and constancy with which they interested 
themselves varied greatly, and though Manchester had no 
direct representation, yet it was sufficiently important for 
its interests to be considered by those representing neigh- 
bouring boroughs. 

Trade with America caused the seaport towns of Bristol 
and Liverpool to rise rapidly in wealth and importance, and 
owing to the growth of sea-borne traffic it became necessary 
to provide better means of transit. 

An Act of Parliament was obtained in 1720, by which 
riparian owners were empowered to make the River Mersey 
navigable for boats between Manchester, Warrington, and 
Liverpool. 1 The early attempts were expensive, costing 
14,000, and disappointing, for the river currents, always 
strong and rapid, were subject periodically to heavy floods 
and the works were repeatedly destroyed. 2 In spite of diffi- 

1 A special meeting of the feoffees of the Manchester Grammar School 
was called February 1720, after which Charles Bestwick, the receiver, 
called on George Kenyon, lawyer, with orders from six of the feoffees to say 
that they would not oppose the Navigation Bill, but expected a clause to be 
inserted to prevent the undertakers constructing any works which might 
obstruct the free working of the School mills. Raines* MSS., Chetham 
Library, vol. xxii. pp. 145-6; Kenyon MSS.,p. 464. 

* The Sankey Brook from St. Helens to the River Mersey was made 
navigable in 1755, but the first actual canal to be cut through new ground 
was that begun by the Duke of Bridgewater in 1758 and in use in 1761. 
It was designed to bring coals from a mine from Worsley to Manchester. 
It was seven miles in length, and was designed by James Brindley, a 
self-taught millwright of Derbyshire. 


culties, permanently secure works were finally laid down, and 
large quantities of goods particularly pit coal for smelting 
and also for warming houses were conveyed between Liver- 
pool and the inland towns. This increased use of coal soon 
began to affect the atmosphere, for the lack of space between 
the houses in the towns, and the narrowness of the streets, 
prevented any proper clarification of the already moist air, 
which now began on calm days to be clouded and dark with 
the smoke from domestic fires. 

This prosperity reacted on the inland towns. The rise of 
a new merchant class with broad outlook and wide interests 
was rendered possible by the entry into business of many 
younger sons of the landowning and professional classes, who, 
in consequence of the Peace with France, no longer found 
careers in the army. Many of these naturally retained family 
traditions of loyalty to the earlier form of organised govern- 
ment and supported the High Church party against the dis- 
integrating influence of latitudinarians. Others maintained 
a liberal outlook on natural science, but for the majority of 
tradesmen there was a lack of outside interests, and vulgar 
pettiness became common. Money accumulated without know- 
ledge to use it for material or mental betterment ; dissipation, 
indifference, and wastefulness became common. Religion had 
lost its moral certitudes, and divines vainly endeavoured 
to attract the interests of their hearers by complacent and 
rationalist discourses on the wisdom and power of the Creator 
who had made the world for man's enjoyment, but did not 
apparently expect that man should put forth constant 
efforts to distribute its blessings. A narrow individualism 
grew up which forgot that the degradation of some was the 
degradation of all, and that dissipation of power soon involved 
destruction of the source of power. Society was based on 
a crude struggle for existence ; robbery and corruption pre- 
vailed everywhere. Money or servile subservience became 
too often the price of advancement in Church, State, or 

The stratification of the population according to wealth 
and other attainments and possessions had now become so 
marked that, not only did the several classes manifest quite 
different social interests, but their educational needs were 
manifestly different, and the future career of each child had 
become the determining factor in the subject-matter and 


method of training. In order to understand the place 
which Grammar Schools were filling in the preparation of its 
scholars for active life in the town as well as for the learned 
professions, it is necessary to consider the changes which 
inevitably followed in the subject-matter of education. 

The ostensible basis of English school education, both 
elementary and advanced, continued, as it had always been, a 
training in the principles and practices of the Christian religion, 
in order that the child might perform his duties to God and 
to his neighbours. By good teachers this was still regarded 
as fundamental ; but a period had arrived when it was 
realised that this purpose could no longer be accomplished 
by training the lower classes in the Church Catechism and 
Bible and the upper classes in the Classics. The mercantile 
and industrial population had increased so enormously that 
their children needed ampler training than they had pre- 
viously enjoyed to equip them properly for their future duties. 
Public writing-masters, arithmeticians, and mathematicians 
had long been employed, with no official relation to the School, 
to make up the deficiency of the School curriculum. At 
this time music and dancing masters were also employed. 
These special classes soon began to be grouped together in 
commercial academies which offered an education alternative 
rather than supplementary to that of the Grammar Schools. 

The effects of trade prosperity became evident in many 
ways. The wealthier manufacturers and merchants built 
spacious mansions and their ladies began to drive about in 
private coaches. In the Gazetteer on September 5, 1739, it was 
stated that over 30,000 a year had been spent for the last 
twenty years on additional buildings in Manchester, and some 
2000 new houses had been set up in that time. 1 

As trade prosperity and general luxury increased, members 
of the well-to-do middle classes soon found the exacting 
demands of fashionable life incompatible with the domestic 
cares of a family. Consequently the custom of sending even 
young children to fashionable boarding schools became 
common. Small boys were frequently sent with their sisters 
to girls' boarding schools, but it is doubtful if they were 
admitted after about ten years of age. The keeping of a 

1 Gresswdl MSS., quoted by Hibbert Ware ; Foundations in Man- 
chester ; Aikin's Twenty Miles round Manchester ; and Caston and Berry's 
Illustrated Map of Manchester, 1741. 


boarding school for older boys became the acknowledged 
source of income for schoolmasters at Grammar Schools, and 
those schools which possessed endowments to enable special 
boys to study at Universities and so gain social advance- 
ment, were naturally the most popular, and, if conducted by 
good masters, soon grew in repute. 

With the changing opinions and occupations of the towns- 
men new traditions in learning grew up and influenced the 
kind of training at the schools. The old formal Grammar 
School training persisted, but attempts to lighten the path of 
the scholar and render it more attractive were made by the 
use of translations, extracts, stories, biographies, and so- 
called Introductions to the Classics. In most cases elemen- 
tary instruction in Latin grammar and literature was free, 
but extra fees were charged for out-of-school tuition, and 
arrangements made for special tutors in French, Italian, 
mathematics, &c. 

The general intelligence among townspeople was kept 
alive by the perusal of the periodical newspapers, and the 
gossip of the news-rooms, which were frequently furnished 
with maps on topography and with handbills. Concerts were 
given by travelling musicians and dramatic performances 
by travelling companies or by local effort. 1 To satisfy the 
spreading influence of Humanitarianism, Acts of Parliament 
were sought to make better provision for the poor by erecting 
workhouses, while attempts were made to repeal the Test 
Acts which still pressed on the Nonconformists. 

Attempts at adapting higher education in English Uni- 
versities to the new conditions were made by the establishment 
of the Regius Professorships in Modern History and Modern 
Languages. These professorships were intended to encourage 
the training of the upper classes in the subjects needed 
for foreign travel, particularly for diplomatic and political 
service. In effect, they were mainly utilised by those scholars 
who wished to act as tutors for young English noblemen 
on their foreign travels, positions hitherto filled almost 
entirely by French Huguenots and graduates of the Scottish 
Universities. Other changes in study were also taking place. 
Hitherto, mathematics had been cultivated largely as a 
method for making calculations in optics, geometry, and 

1 In Jebb's Assembly Rooms. Cf. Byron? s Journal, 1725. 


astronomy. It had now grown vigorous enough to be 
cultivated for its own sake, and to be admitted as a separate 
subject of liberal education. The opening of the new Senate 
House at Cambridge in 1730 was the occasion of holding 
public mathematical examinations at the University and 
introducing the grading of candidates. Mathematics thus 
became a definite educational objective, though it probably 
did not appear as such in Manchester till the time of Charles 

In spite of the Hulme post-graduate exhibitions, which 
after all were limited in number, the training of the minor 
clergy, particularly at Oxford, continued for va'rious reasons 
to be less liberal than that of the academies provided for 
the education of Nonconformist ministers, which were closely 
in touch with the mercantile interests, and included the 
study of Natural Philosophy. A knowledge of the Classics 
was regarded as a suitable but by no means necessary 
accomplishment for clergy and for schoolmasters, but of 
no practical value for the trading classes. The private com- 
mercial academies which claimed to prepare boys in a more 
modern way than Grammar School and University were 
paying concerns. The education of girls continued to be 
somewhat better than that of boys ^though social accomplish- 
ments were regarded as proper substitutes for thoughtfulness. 
Dancing and deportment may have been well taught, but the 
level of training in music could hardly have been high. 

On the death of Mr. Barrow, which followed the death 
of his chief assistant, Mr. Richard Thompson, in 1721, the 
School was placed in charge of Thomas Colburn, 2 apparently 
an entire stranger to the town. Failing to retain ushers 
or gain the support of the townsmen, he soon accepted a 
living in Lincolnshire and resigned the Manchester School. 
He was succeeded by a still younger master, John Richards, 
who, perhaps in consequence of irregularity of payment 
of salary, neglected the School and lost the confidence of 
the feoffees. Anxieties about the failure to attract older 

1 Cf. Mary Astell, op. cil. 

2 It is difficult to identify this man, if the spelling adopted by Hibbert 
Ware is correct. There was a Thomas Goole or Gool, subsequently head- 
master at the Grocers' School, Whitney, Oxford, who in 1725 contributed 
to the Manchester School library and of whose connection with Manchester 
there is no other evidence. 


scholars were increased by the neglected state of the Petit 
or Lower Infant School, where Mr. John Wall, curate at Ros- 
therne, whose son had held a School exhibition in 1707-9, 
was endeavouring in spite of feeble health to hold things 
together. John Wall died May 1722, and pending a new ap- 
pointment, Mr. Bennet Gray, son of Andrew Gray of Mottram, 
who had also held a School exhibition at Brasenose in 1710, 
undertook temporary duties while serving as curate of 
Den ton. He 'deserted the school' February 2, 1721. Then 
we meet with the name of Edward Hulton, who, after holding 
a School exhibition at Brasenose, 1710-4, had come to assist 
his father as curate of Blackley. On his father's death, 
November 23, 1716, he had been nominated to succeed 
to that incumbency. He had been supported by Warden 
Wroe and two of the Fellows of the College, Roger Bolton 
and Robert Assheton. Perhaps owing to party spirit, 
perhaps to an arbitrary abuse of power, Warden Peploe placed 
obstacles in the way of Edward Hulton's succession, for 
he did not secure ordination and admission to his charge at 
Blackley till 1727. During the ill-health of Mr. Barrow, 
previous to the appointment of Mr. Richards, and in his period 
of waiting, Edward Hulton, at the request of John Kay, 1 the 
School solicitor and of the School steward, had taken charge 
of the Upper School. He had also had charge of the Middle 
School managed by Mr. Thompson. The total number of 
scholars must have been few when a young man of twenty- 
two was left in charge of three departments. The ineffec- 
tiveness of management at the Grammar School induced 
Mr. Thomas Ryder, who, from 1717, had been in charge of the 
Bury Grammar School and kept private boarders, to give 
up his school in Bury and come to Manchester to open 
a private boarding school. He had already got into trouble 
at Bury for his zeal in baptising children of Presbyterian 
parentage and otherwise indulging in High Church prac- 
tices. Manchester offered great possibilities, especially as the 
High Church reaction against latitudinarianism had already 
set in, and there were numerous wealthy merchants who 
did not want their children to mix with the children of 
the ordinary townspeople at the now ill-managed Grammar 

1 Of Furnival's Inn, legal adviser to the Chetham estate. He enrolled 
tho Hospital Charter in 1743. 


Four of the feoffees, Sir Ralph Assheton, Sir Holland 
Egerton, William Assheton, and Samuel Chetham, decided to 
take strong measures to put the affairs of the Grammar School 
in better order. Perhaps this was on the advice of Rev. 
William Assheton, who, in the absence of any recognition of 
the appointment of Samuel Peploe, during the dispute about 
his qualifications for the wardenship, would, as senior Fellow of 
the College and Vice- Warden, naturally be regarded as official 
visitor to the School ; or perhaps it was on the advice of 
Bishop Francis Gastrell himself, whose interest in educational 
foundations has already been noticed, and who would realise 
the futility of Dr. Peploe making any application to a Univer- 
sity while he was engaged in flouting the value of University 
degrees. The four feoffees made formal appeal to Francis 
Gastrell to use his influence with the president of Corpus 
Chris ti College, Oxford, to secure the dismissal of Mr. Richards 
and the appointment of a suitable successor. This was 
not an easy matter, for Richards had not resigned, and the 
Governors had at this time no confidence in the power of 
Mr. Purnell, the usher, to hold and manage the School. 1 
Mr. Purnell was only twenty- three years of age, and up to 
now had had no opportunity of manifesting those qualities of 
leadership which he was subsequently to exert to such good 
effect in the management of the School. At this distance of 
time it is difficult to realise fully the services which Purnell 
rendered to the School at its darkest hour. He was con- 
nected with the School in various capacities for forty-one 
years, during the last seventeen of which he filled the post of 
high master. His work was long overshadowed by the 
more assertive personalities of his colleagues, firstly that of 
his senior, Henry Brookes, and secondly his junior, Charles 
Lawson. It was always thorough and far-reaching, and it is 
only after a process of exclusion that we can guess the real 
person who, at this time, was doing so much to build up the 
reputation of the School for efficiency of training and liberality 
of outlook. One of the agencies by which this was accom- 
plished was the formation of a School holiday library. 

During the years 1725-1739, various sums of money 
amounting to an aggregate of 30 were collected as a holiday 
fund for the boys to be used in the afternoons and other 

1 Hist. MSS. Comm., Kenyan MSS., p. 467. 


occasions. 1 The money was expended partly in the pro- 
vision of ' scenes ' for the plays performed by the boys at 
Christmas festivities, 1739-40-41, which took place either 
in Jebb's Assembly Rooms or in the Long Room of the new 
Exchange, and partly in the provision of works of modern 
literature for the entertainment as well as the instruction of 
the boys. The list of books purchased includes * Robinson 
Crusoe,' first published 1719, ' Don Quixote,' a French 
Dictionary, a French Grammar, and several French authors. 2 
There were about fifty-five subscribers, eleven of whom served 
at various times as feoffees of Chetham Hospital, though 
only two were feoffees of the School itself. The other sub- 
scribers were public officials or professional men in the town. 
The money must therefore have been collected by someone of 
wide interest and kindly nature, who was as intimate with 
the Jacobites as with the Whigs. The handwriting suggests 
that the collector of the money was William Purnell, 
the junior master, whose intimacy with Francis Hooper, 
the Chetham Librarian, is elsewhere indicated. The use 
of 5 5s. to provide ' scenes ' for the Christmas performances 
of the boys may be considered to foreshadow their public 
performance at the Manchester theatre in 1759. Finally 
the absence of the names of the School feoffees emphasises 
the fact indicated above that Mr. Purnell was not yet in 
favour with them. 

The first minutes of meetings of feoffees to be recorded 
in the earliest extant minute book are those dated June 15, 
1724. The meetings were held at the Angel Inn. After 
granting 10 each to the three scholars already at the Univer- 
sity, viz. Thomas Chadwick, William Shrigley, and John 
Arrowsmith, the feoffees proceeded to grant gratuities of 25 
to Mr. Richards, 13 to Purnell, and 3 to Mr. Broxup, 
and continued : 

' Ordered : That Mr. Broxup by reason of his insufficiency, 
to forthwith quit the School, and that in consideration of 
his quitting he have paid to him five pounds at Michaelmas 
next, five pounds more at Christmas then following, and 
five pounds more at Lady Day then following, the whole 

1 The following facts are taken from some loose sheets found in the 
feoffees' book of 1724-1758. 

* Cf . Appendix for list of books purchased. 


besides his last year's gratuity. That Mr. Gore (writing 
master) have his usual salary. 

' Ordered : That the High Master, after the accounts are 
settled and signed, do withdraw while the other business 
of the School is in consideration by the feoffees. 

' Ordered : That the salary of Charles Bestwick, as Receiver 
of the School rents, be withdrawn, he not attending to make 
his accounts as by duty of his place he ought, and further 
that the growing rents and rents behind be paid for the future 
into the hands of Mr. Wm. Shrigley till the feoffees make 
further orders therein, and he to pay the moneys as received 
into the hands of Sir Ralph Assheton, Baronet, and Holland 
Egerton Esq. or one of them.' 

On June 30, 1724, Mr. Seth Broxup wrote a letter ' to 
the Worshipful Feoffees of the Free School of Manchester,' 
as follows : 

' Most worthy patrons and my noble benefactors. Upon 
the 17th of this instant, which was the first time I heard 
you had a design of displacing me, it was surprising and 
amazing to me and I was almost sunk down with horror 
and dispondency, but my sorrow was soon alleviated when 
Mr. Richards informed me you would continue me in my 
place until the 25th March next ensuing, which comfortable 
news brought great security to my mind and filled me with 
transports of joy ; moreover a worthy friend of mine told 
me that you would allow me a handsome maintenance for 
my life. ... I have taught at the School in Manchester 
ever since the year of our Lord 1688 and am now 68 
years of age and begin to feel myself to decline. I 
hope you will be kind unto me for my father's sake who 
lived in the town many years in good credit and esteem. 
He suffered very much in the times of the late usurpation 
and was a true Royalist. I myself was born in this town 
and had my education in it.' 

At a slightly later date when in some doubt as to the 
pension, Seth Broxup wrote : 

' Your humble petitioner having been master of the Lower 
School ever since it was builded, and your honours knowing 
my being superannuated and incapable either to serve your 
honours or myself, humbly begs leave to inform your honours 
that my circumstance is very deplorable, and unless your 
honours will please not only to consider my condition but 
grant me something yearly I shall certainly want common 


necessaries of life. My thanks and gratitude for your kind- 
nesses received since I have left the school are sincerely 

On June 23, 1724, Mr. Joseph Hobson, who does not appear 
to have had any University training, was appointed to take 
the place of Seth Broxup and take charge of the Infant or 
Petit School. On entering upon his work, Hobson drew up a 
list of his scholars who amounted to eighty-six. This list was 
found among the Kenyon MSS., 1 and should be compared 
with another list of even date to be found in the cover of 
a MS. volume of ' Notes on Hebrew Grammar and Texts of 
Bishop Beveridge's Sermons.' 2 The book formerly belonged 
to Joseph Allen, who entered Trinity College, Cambridge, 
1705, graduated B.A. 1707 and M.A. Oxford 1709, and who 
seems to have obtained it from the Rev. Thomas Ryder. 
The book is to be found among the Rawlinson MSS. in the 
Bodleian Library, Oxford. The list in it is entitled ' List of 
Children admitted at Manchester, 1724-5.' For convenience 
of comparison with that of Joseph Hobson it may be called 
Ryder's list. There are fifty-two names in it, and of these 
at least sixteen are those of girls. The ages of the children 
vary from five to twelve. All the sixteen girls have brothers 
already in the same school, and this seems to have been a 
condition of their admission. In most cases the names can 
be identified as those of children in the town or immediate 
neighbourhood, and belong to the better-class families, but 
a few cannot be so identified, and may have been those of 
boarders. In association with Ryder's MS. list of ' Ad- 
missions to Manchester School ' are found several names 
connected with the Grammar School, such as Mr. Richards 
(high master), Mr. Purnell (assistant master), also Rev. Francis 
Hooper, Chetham's Librarian and subsequently Fellow of 
Trinity College, Cambridge, and several lady teachers, in- 
cluding Miss Arrowsmith, perhaps a sister of John Arrow- 
smith, who obtained an exhibition to Brasenose College, 
Oxford, in 1724, and in 1731 became a master of the Charl- 
bury School near Oxford. The MS. notes also record that 
' Jared Leigh ' paid Mr. Byrom for rent of rooms occupied 
by Mr. Thomas Ryder, Clerk. Mr. Bell of Liverpool, probably 

1 Historical MSS. Com. Reports, Kenyon, p. 467. 

2 Cf. an account with names of children and masters and some expenses 
given in Lane, and Ches. Gleanings, January 14, 1876, note 257. 


the father of John Bell, a scholar of Mr. Hobson ; Mr. Jebb ; 
Miss Johnson, sister of Mr. Johnson, teacher of dancing in 
1737 ;* Miss Jenny Lengard and Richard Ramsbottom are 
also mentioned. A certain Lengard had held a University 
exhibition from the school in 1705, and the name Joseph 
Lengard occurs as music master and portrait painter in 1772. 
There is a note that a volume of plays was lent to Miss 
Lengard by Mr. Ryder, and that W. Purnell borrowed books 
of W. Ryder. 2 

When the two lists are compared, there are several dif- 
ferences as well as numerous similarities. All the boys are 
very young, between five and ten, and correspond to a Petit 
School. There are no girls mentioned in Hobson's list. 
Ryder's list includes the names of lady teachers, and the 
average age of the children is about one year higher. This is 
due to the fact that the girls were considerably older than the 
boys. Moreover, the dates of admission are given in weeks, 
as if there were some weekly payment exacted. A possible 
explanation of Ryder's list is that during a period of irregu- 
larity of control and delayed payment of salary, the under- 
masters had been allowed to make their own financial 
arrangements, and to eke out their small and very precarious 
official salary by assisting at a private English school near 
by. This may have succeeded the old Whig Boarding School 
for girls kept by Mrs. Frankland and have been held in con- 
nection with the Petit School of the Grammar School. By 
June 1725 the feoffees of the Grammar School found them- 
selves in possession of sufficient funds to pay the salaries 
of masters who could thereafter confine their attention to 
the original purposes of the School. 

At a meeting of the feoffees, July 28, 1726, there occurs 
under the heading * An act concerning the High Master 
of the Free School of Manchester,' the following note : 

' Whereas the feoffees of the said School have had many 
complaints against Mr. Richards the High Master, as to his 

1 ' Opera Johnson,' Byrom's Journal, vol. i. p. 60. 

2 The volume in which the MS. note occurs may have passed to 
Oxford with Joseph Allen, whose associations with the Jacobite and 
Nonjuring cause would bring him into relation with Rawlinson, or it 
may have come into possession of Henry Brooke, the succeeding high 
master of the Manchester Grammar School, for he corresponded with 


gross negligence and absence from the said School, so that 
the inhabitants of the town and parish of Manchester and 
the neighbourhood thereof are afraid to send their children 
to him and several persons have withdrawn their children 
from the said School and put them to distant schools, and 
whereas the said Mr. Richards hath been admonished of 
such his neglect and absenting himself, therefore the said 
feoffees have thought fit and do hereby reduce (1) his allow- 
ance to the sum of 10 per annum until he approve himself 
in his constant attendance, diligence and care in the said 
School to the satisfaction of the Rt. Rev. the Lord Bishop 
of Chester and Warden of Manchester who is desired in case 
he approves his future conduct to notify the same to the 
feoffees in such manner as he shall think fit, and the Receiver 
of the said School is hereby ordered to pay the said sum of 
ten pounds per annum to him in the meantime and no more 
aid to be paid at the usual times. 

' I vote for the wages not to exceed 10 per annum. 




This action was effective. 

The name of John Richards appears for the last time 
attached to the minutes of the meeting on June 9, 1727, when 
it is associated with the recommendation that John Arrow- 
smith, David Sandiforth, John Clayton, and Robert Thyer 
should receive exhibitions from School funds while at the 

Under these circumstances it is scarcely surprising that 
the mills which provided the school with its income were also 
neglected and had become inadequate for their work. They 
had fallen into such disrepair that they were unable to grind 
more than a small proportion of the corn sent to them, and 
this they ground badly ; consequently the prospective lord of 
the manor, Oswald Mosley, while he was still tenant of the mills, 
set up supplementary mills of his own in Hanging Ditch, which 
he refused to close on the termination of his tenancy. 1 The 
feoffees had left the collection of the School rents to an un- 
trustworthy steward. When Oswald Mosley surrendered his 
lease the feoffees were more concerned in maintaining their 

1 Foundation* in Manchester. 


monopolies of grinding corn and malt, than in inquiring into 
the adequacy of the provision they made for meeting public 
needs or into the satisfactoriness of the methods of milling 
they were adopting. The monopoly had become oppressive. 
The inhabitants constantly made fresh efforts to escape it. 
Mills were erected in Salford, and flour which had been 
ground there was sold in Manchester. In 1701, the feoffees 
had once succeeded in stopping this by obtaining a decree 
in Duchy Court of Lancaster. During his tenancy Oswald 
Mosley had expressly repudiated all right or title to use 
his subsidiary mills in Hanging Ditch to the prejudice of 
the School mills. On his death in 1727, his son, Sir Oswald 
Mosley, who had been created a baronet in 1720 by George I, 
continued to work these subsidiary mills. In 1728 Yates and 
Dawson who were now the School tenants, brought actions 
against certain brewers in Salford for selling beer made from 
malt which had not been ground at the School mills. They 
were supported in their action by the feoffees of the School, 
who were now engaged in two lawsuits. Public and private 
meetings took place to seek measures of relief, and the dis- 
cussions naturally became very acrimonious. To cause a 
diversion at one of these meetings, John Byrom, who had 
settled in his native town in 1725, composed the following 
squib, the point of which depends upon the fact that the 
two partners who rented the School mills were tall and 
gaunt : 

* Here's Bone and Skin, two millers thin 
Would starve the town or near it, 
But be it known to Skin and Bone, 
That flesh and blood can't bear it.' 

These legal actions absorbed most of the School income, 
and in order to meet their difficulties the School feoffees 
decided to offer the high master a house large enough to 
enable him to take boarders and so secure both his local 
residence and the closer attention to school duties, which 
would be necessary if he was to increase his income. The 
house chosen was probably the house which had so long been 
occupied as the girls' boarding school by Mrs. Frankland 
and her successors. From their previous experience of 
placing young men in charge, the feoffees were anxious 
that the appointment should not be given to William 
Purnell, who was only twenty-five years of age. He had 


probably received his early training at Wotton-under-Edge 
Grammar School a few miles from his own home in Dursley, 
co. Gloucester, whence he had passed to Oriel College, Oxford. 
He was a cousin of Rev. John Purnell who was elected Warden 
of New College, Oxford, in 1740. Finding his chances of 
succeeding to the headship at this time very small, Purnell 
applied on September 15, 1727, to the feoffees for arrears of 
his salary for three years, and a refunding of the money he 
had already spent in the repairs of the house which he occupied, 
together with an undertaking that the house itself should be 
properly repaired or rebuilt. They probably refunded the 
money, though they discontinued the provision of a house for 
the second master and made instead a special grant of 10 
per annum for him to provide a house himself. 

On September 27, 1727, after a good deal of correspon- 
dence, the claims of Mr. Purnell, the Usher, to the high-master- 
ship, were commuted. Mr. Purnell was given the incum- 
bency at Uns worth to eke out his salary as second master ; 
and another stranger to the town, Mr. Henry Brooke, son of 
Anthony Brooke of Heddington, Wilts, and of Oriel College, 
Oxford, during the years 1713-1720, who had succeeded in 
ingratiating himself with both political parties, was appointed 
high master. 1 He was reputed to be a good scholar, for he 
had recently published an edition of the speeches of Demo- 
sthenes and Aeschines, and he renewed the old tradition of 
declamation by the scholars in public speeches and in his 
own sermons. 

There is a minute in the feoffees' book of this date to the 
following effect : 

' Ordered that a convenient part of Walker's Croft be 
taken in and added to the garden of Mr. Brooke for en- 
largement thereof as shall be thought fit and appointed by 
Holland Egerton, Esq., and the Rev. Wm. Assheton who are 
desired to meet and view the same for the purpose on Monday 
next the 4th March following : 

' Whereas Wm. Hunter, gent., hath paid to Mr. Brooke, 
high master of the Free School of Manchester, the sum of 
sixty pounds out of the moneys due from him to the feoffees 
of the School, it is hereby further ordered that the said 
Mr. Hunter do pay to Mr. Brooke the further sum of sixty 
pounds which is to be accounted by the said Mr. Brooke as 

1 Manchester Notes and Queries, May 1, 1886. 


his salary, he having had great and several occasions for 
money in furnishing his house for the better accommodation 
and boarding of young scholars in the said School, and that 
the payment made by the said William Hunter shall be 
allowed on his account to the feoffees : H. Egerton, John 
Warren, Wm. Assheton.' 

Thanks to the interest of the Whig Warden and Bishop 
Samuel Peploe and by mandate from the Crown, which con- 
stantly intervened in the election of Fellows of the Collegiate 
Church and ignored the undoubted right of the other Fellows 
to elect, Mr. Brooke was appointed on June 8, 1728, to a 
fellowship in opposition to two local and more properly 
selected candidates Mr. Francis Hooper, the Chetham 
Librarian, and Mr. Heber, an old Grammar School boy. 

Other vacancies among the collegiate body were also 
filled up by marked High Churchmen Radley Aynscough 
(1681-1728) of Jesus College, Cambridge; Adam Banks, 
possibly a relative of James Banks, Rector of Bury ; Richard 
Ashton all being elected to Fellowships. Thomas Cattell 
and Thomas Moss were appointed chaplains. Probably all 
of them had been educated at the School. 

The properties of the School also received more considera- 
tion. On the death in 1731 of William Assheton, the Rector 
of Prestwich, the feoffees chose Rev. Jas. Banks, who had 
succeeded Rev. Thomas Gipps as Rector of Bury, and was in 
consequence one of the committee of three, to award the 
Hulme exhibitions. They also chose James Chetham of 
Castleton (1683-1752) ; Robert Radcliffe of Foxdenton ; and 
Robert Booth, merchant and boroughreeve of Salford, who 
had recently succeeded to his father's extensive estates. 

The Somerset scholarships, the School exhibitions, and 
the chance of Hulme post-graduate exhibitions for those 
entering holy orders, were beginning to attract to the School 
boys from long distances, and prudent parents were willing 
to pay for their sons' residence in the boarding house of the 
masters when this secured their advancement in life. 

For the first ten years during which Mr. Brooke held 
office, he seems to have worked steadily. The School rose 
in prosperity and a full staff of masters was appointed. Mr. 
Robert Lowe succeeded Mr. Hobson in the Lower School 
and a third assistant was added. Numerically, if not quali- 
tatively, the School was as prosperous as when William Barrow 


held office. Then Mr. Brooke, who had begun to tire of his 
school duties, took occasion to leave the School in charge 
of his brother, William Brooke, and followed the absentee 
habits of his predecessor. That the upper part of the School 
did not decline seriously was owing to the work of the second 
master, Rev. William Purnell, the value of whose work was at 
length becoming appreciated. 

Pending the payment of the 500 damages awarded to 
the School feoffees in their action against Sir Oswald Mosley, 
the School finances remained in a bad condition. Henry 
Brooke, with the consent of some of his trustees, was making 
long visits to Tortworth, Gloucester, a living to which he had 
been appointed hi 1730, leaving Mr. Purnell in charge. He 
subsequently stated that he intended at this time to resign 
from the School. In all probability during some part of the 
years 1739-40 the School was actually closed. 

Subsequently, when the School feoffees had been recouped 
of their losses and the income of the School had been 
placed in a more flourishing condition, the feoffees demanded 
of the high master a closer observance of his duties. Rev. 
William Purnell was paid an extra thirty guineas for the thirty 
weeks he had taken the high master's duties as well as his 
own, and Mr. Brooke was deprived of the use of the boarding 
house which had been provided for him. His salary was also 
reduced to the 10 decreed by the School statutes. These 
measures were effective. Mr. Brooke returned to his work, 
and in 1744, in an address 1 on the importance of classical 
studies delivered to a public audience which included the 
Visitor of the School Warden Peploe he refers to the fact 
that for the past three years he had attended at the School 
diligently. The forceful language in which he claimed the 
superiority of classical over English and French writers 
suggests that he felt impelled to attack the modernising 
tendencies of his assistant, Mr. Purnell. Mr. Brooke was 
successful in satisfying the not too inquiring Warden Peploe 
and readily obtained a certificate of attention to duty. 

The rising purpose and sense of responsibility which caused 
the feoffees to second the efforts of Mr. Purnell to restore the 
School to its old position of usefulness were also shared by 
several of the prominent merchants and lawyers in the 

1 The address occurs in Whatton's Foundations. 


town, who took part in various public movements. These 
sometimes failed to achieve their immediate purpose owing to 
party spirit, yet they had the effect of arousing the community 
to the recognition of its duties. Some of these movements 
were initiated by the Whigs, others by the High Church 

We must now return to the consideration of the public 
affairs of the town which influenced the aims and the number 
of scholars seeking their education at the Grammar School. 
Oswald Mosley had built an exchange for the use of chapmen 
and small drapers in 1727. 1 It was never much used by them, 
and finally was appropriated by stall- keepers, &c. On the first 
storey there was a large room, often called the Long Reading 
Room, in which books, maps, globes, and current newspapers 
were to be consulted. In this room Court Leet business 
was conducted. It soon became used for concerts, dances, 
public assemblies, and public performances of all kinds, and 
became the centre of the social life of the town. Social enjoy- 
ment of other kinds multiplied and public subscriptions 
were solicited for horse-races which were held on Kersal 
Moor, as it was claimed these were a public benefit. 

As regards the cultivation of music in Manchester, the 
Collegiate Church already possessed an organ built for it 
in 1684 by Father John Smith. In 1724 a larger one was 
added, and an organist, Edward Betts, was appointed to 
take charge and to train children, frequently selected from 
the Chetham School, to act as choristers. Betts 5 * Intro- 
duction to the Skill of Music ' at once became a standard 
work of instruction, and passed through several editions. 
The subscription concerts for the town began about 1741 
(' Harland's Collectanea ') and were probably held in the 
Long Room of the Exchange. In 1742 a new organ was built 
in the Collegiate Church. 

Increased recognition of the social needs of destitute 
children had become noticeable in the provision of public in- 
stitutions for their care by private benevolence. Privately- 

1 ' The lower part for chapmen to meet and transact business, but they 
have generally preferred the market place before it for that purpose and 
butchers' stalls are occasionally set up on it on market days. The upper 
storey is for the sessions room and manor courts, having sometimes served 
for public exhibitions before the theatre and public concert room was 
erected.' James Ogden's Description of Manchester, 1783. 


provided poor-houses had existed in Miln Row, Rochdale 
Road, from 1684, but poverty and destitution, ignorance, 
laziness, and ill-health were now outgrowing the resources 
of private benevolence in the busy thriving town. The 
time had come for civic action. As this affected the rates 
levied by the overseers, the proper place for discussion upon 
the matter would be the vestry meetings held at the church 
and attended by the general body of ratepayers. Here 
the desire to keep down rates would often preponderate 
over public needs, however much some wealthier members 
of the trading classes were willing to meet their social 

At the town's meeting convoked to consider the provision 
of a workhouse for the poor it was proposed that equal num- 
bers of guardians should be elected from each of the three 
political bodies eight from the 'High Church party, eight 
from the Low Church party, and eight from the Dissenters. 
John Byrom at once detected that this scheme was detri- 
mental to the High Church party, since, in the existing state 
of local politics, the Whig Churchmen and the Nonconformists 
would on controversial matters unite against them. He 
skilfully organised an attack on the scheme in the House of 
Commons. The whole story is best told in the language 
of a contemporary, viz. in James Ogden's ' Description of 
Manchester,' 1783, where there occurs the following : 

' On the left hand at the descent to Miller Lane towards 
Rochdale Road there is a range of buildings which was 
long unfinished until some families took possession, and 
have continued it as a species of almshouses though the 
materials and first erection are said yet unaccounted for. 
This building was reared and covered as one side of an in- 
tended quadrangle wherein it was proposed to confine the 
poor and set them to work upon divers branches of manu- 
facturing, with a power to punish them if idle or insolent, 
under an Act of Parliament which was intended to erect 
the town into a borough and commit the government of it 
to a certain number of the principal inhabitants to be named 
in the Act, one-third of whom were to be reputed High Church- 
men, another third Moderate, in their principles, and another 
third Dissenters. 

' All parties at first came eagerly into the scheme and this 
building was erected as a beginning, none doubting the Act in 
contemplation would be procured as it was countenanced 


by the Ministry at that time in order to throw the 
Government of the town into the hands of their friends. 
Though the design was very palpable from the first, yet a 
fondness for novelty and power, with the plausible view of 
uniting all parties, had made the High party as sanguine in 
pursuit of the plan as might be imagined, till one of them 
who saw deeper into it than the rest, observed that they 
were giving the command of the town out of their own hands 
to the Low party, as in every contest for power the Dis- 
senters and reputed moderate men would divide against 
the High party. This observation at once opened the eyes 
of that party and a counter petition was procured with 
all dispatch against the Acts which prevented the scheme 
and the High party had a meeting which was continued 
yearly in a grand cavalcade to Chorlton for the perpetua- 
tion of the triumph. It was known as the " Chorlton 
Rant." 1 

Further details occur in the following notes which appeared 
in the Parliamentary Journal of the period, p. 594 : 

'Petition of the inhabitants, traders, and proprietors of 
Land who agreed to subscribe 2000 towards the better 
maintenance and employment of the poor of Manchester, 
presented 23 Jan. 1730, reported on 24 Feb. 1730. They 
had examined the matter of the petitions and had cited 
as witness Christopher Byrom, who showed the poor rate 
had doubled within five years, that the officers had refused 
to let him inspect the books, that he had attended a meeting 
Oct. 1729 and had received instructions to prepare a draft 
of a subscription deed and had presented it to a sub- 
sequent meeting when 14 were present and all subscribed, 
and previously in June 1729 when it was decided to hire 
a temporary workhouse at which 45 poor were taken. Mr. 
John Kaye said he had known the town about four years 
and proved the signatures of the second petition presented 
by Mr. Bowker (overseer of the poor for the last ten years 
at a salary of 30 a year) who had a Book of Assessments 
signed by the Justices of the Peace, Jeffrey Hart under an 
abstract showing that the poor rate amounted to 1333, and 
the Institutes who contributed paid 229 Is. 9d. that the 
petitioners against paid 236 14s. 2d. 

* Mr. John Byrom supported the objection and said he 
had attended a meeting 27 Dec. 1729 of 190 inhabitants 
when all present rejected the subscription deed and declared 
against. Ordered Sir H. Houghton, Mr. Plumtree, Lord 


Malpas, Mr. Brockbank to bring a Bill. 25 March 1731 a 
counter petition of inhabitants praying that they might be 
heard by themselves or by counsel against the Bill before 
the House.' 

Money was collected on both sides, and the progressives 
placed a Bill in the hands of Bishop Peploe, who undertook 
to introduce it in the House of Lords. He either forgot all 
about it or delayed the journey to London till it was too late. 
Sir Oswald Mosley, who was greatly in favour with the Whig 
Government, withdrew his support on being persuaded that 
his authority when he entered into the lordship of the Manor 
might be weakened if there was a local corporation govern- 
ing the affairs of the town. The Government withdrew their 
support, and the measure was defeated. 

The importations of raw and manufactured material in- 
volved correspondence with foreign countries, and this further 
aroused an interest in foreign customs and natural produc- 
tions. Skilled botanists and geologists were employed to 
collect exact information about the natural products of 
Georgia, Savannah, and other colonies. A catalogue of such 
American plants as were worthy of cultivation for the 
purposes of medicine, agriculture, and commerce was drawn 
up by John Ellis, F.R.S. Entomology became a subject 
of exact study in France, where the extensive manufacture 
of silk goods rendered the study of the metamorphosis and 
formation of cocoons and webbing by insects a matter 
of considerable commercial importance. With increased 
transit the manufacture of other textiles beside linen and 
wool rapidly increased, raw cotton fibre being introduced 
from the East. 1 

As regards the local study of natural history, it is evident 
that the appointment of Darcy Lever (1742), of Alkrington, 
Prestwich, to be feoffee of the Chetham Foundation was 
of some moment. In 1727 he had purchased for himself a 

1 In the early days of the cotton industry it was considered necessary 
to mix wool or linen fibres with cotton fibre before weaving. In 1748 
Thomas Wilford, of Manchester, chapman, was granted a patent for four- 
teen years for a newly invented machine for intermixing thread, cords, or 
thongs of different kinds, commonly called platting or fustians. Gent.'s Mag. 
Lewis Paul took out two patents for carding machines. Baines' Lanca- 
shire, vol. i. p. 392. 


microscope (cf. 'Byrom's Journal'), and it was probably at 
his suggestion that the feoffees spent 26 in September 1734 
on the purchase of a ' reflecting telescope a yard long.' 
Optical experiments at this time constituted a favourite 
popular recreation, if not study. It was certainly on Darcy 
Lever's suggestion that the trustees subscribed to the pub- 
lication of the writings of John James Dillenius, the Dutch 
botanist, who had been brought to England by James 
Sherrard, partly to arrange Sherrard's own plants at Eltham, 
Kent, and partly to organise the fuller study of botany in 
England. This work has special interest for Manchester, 
for in it Dillenius expresses his particular indebtedness to 
the assistance of a local linen-draper William Harrison, who 
had been educated at the Grammar School, and had made 
botanical collections about 1724. He died 1764. Perhaps both 
Darcy Lever and Harrison had benefited by the botanical 
knowledge of Richard Thompson, assistant master at the 
Grammar School, who died in 1721 ' skilled in Botany.' 
The collection of 4000 mosses which William Harrison 
made was deemed so valuable that they were purchased 
at considerable cost by some local library, stated by Richard 
Pulteney to have been the Manchester one. It was either the 
public subscription library established in the Exchange in 
1765, or that at Liverpool or Warrington, or maybe it was 
purchased by Darcy Lever. All other record of this botanical 
collection has disappeared. 

A steady change was taking place in the social circum- 
stances of many of the boys who attended the School. 
Hitherto most of the advanced scholars who proceeded to the 
University, as well as most of the junior boys who constituted 
the bulk of the Middle School, came from families resident in 
the town. With the increasing emoluments of the Church, the 
opportunities offered for those possessing classical training 
at School and University also increased. The School exhibi- 
tions, and the Somerset and Hulme exhibitions and scholar- 
ships, attracted considerable numbers of boarders from a 
distance, especially those who desired to take Holy Orders. 
Commerce offered even better opportunities for the attainment 
of comfort, and even of wealth, to local boys of energy and 
talent, as well as opportunity for the gratification of that intel- 
lectual curiosity which is at the root of a desire for learning. It 
enabled merchants to collect and study objects of natural 


history, archaeology, &c. Sir Hans Sloane, a London phy- 
sician and philanthropist, was making those vast collections 
which were subsequently purchased on behalf of the nation 
and formed the nucleus of the British Museum. His agents 
were in constant communication with merchants and col- 
lectors in various parts of the world. Others, such as 
Darcy Lever, were doing the same thing, but on a smaller 

John Woodward, M.D. (1665-1728), a Derbyshire linen- 
draper, after building up a competency, began to study medi- 
cine. He also collected and studied geological specimens, and 
gained such reputation that he was appointed Professor of 
Geology at Gresham College, London. To place his favourite 
study on a satisfactory basis in England he founded a lecturer- 
ship in Mineralogy at Cambridge. He left his cabinets of 
English fossils to the University, which ultimately purchased 
his remaining collection of foreign fossils. 1 The third holder 
of the Woodward lecturership was Samuel Ogden, who had 
begun his education under Brooke and Purnell. His claims 
to the post are obscure. His sermons testify that he was 
an eloquent preacher, but his enemies record that he spent 
100 in bribes in order to secure the position. Interest in 
natural philosophy and natural history was also kept up 
by John Leech, M.D., a Manchester physician, who was 
appointed feoffee of the Chetham Foundation in 1718 (vide 
* Byrom's Journal'); by George Lloyd, M.B., F.R.S. ; and 
by Sir Darcy Lever, who was laying the foundations of the 
famous museum, subsequently greatly enlarged by his son, 
Ashton Lever. 

The works on Natural Philosophy in the Chetham Library 
increased in number, though it is not possible to discover the 
exact place in Manchester at which a series of lectures on 
Natural Philosophy were delivered by Caleb Rotherham of 
Kendal, during 1743. The MS. of these lectures is in the 
Chetham Library and, though no author is named, the charac- 
teristic handwriting of Caleb Rotherham can easily be 
identified, and the subjects of the successive lectures can be 
compared with the notes in a diary of Samuel Kaye, M.D. 
(1708-1782), who attended them and who subsequently 
practised medicine in the town for many years. The lectures 

1 John Byrom attended the sale of his books in 1729. 


were illustrated by practical experiments, and the subject- 
matter was grouped in the following way : 

Lecture 1. General Introduction. Reference to work 
of Descartes and other Natural Philo- 

,, 2. Divisibility of Matter. Attraction and 
Repulsion. Gravitation and Cohesion. 

,, 3. Repulsion of Matter. Electricity. Phos- 

,, 4. Mechanism of Air-pump. Boyle. Rapin. 

,, 5. Motion. Momentum. 

6. Weight, the Lever, the Pulley, &c. 

7. The Inclined Plane, Wedge, and Screw. 
Compound Engines. 

,, 8. Sir Isaac Newton's Laws of Nature. 

,, 9. Gravitation. Projectiles. 
10. The Tides. 

,, 11. Hydrostatics. 

12. Weight of Different Fluids. 

,, 13. Of Spouting Water, and of Specific 

,, 14. Pneumatics. 

,, 15. Pneumatic Engines. The Air Pump. 

,, 16. Elasticity of the Air. The Human Dia- 

17. Further Experiments in Pressure and 
Elasticity of Air. 

18. Optics. 

,, 19. Reflection of Light and the Laws by which 

it is accomplished. 
20. The Eye and the Nature of Vision. 

,, 21. Theory of Colour. Sir Isaac Newton's 

22. Of the Orrery. 

23. Of the Earth and its Motions. 

24. Of the Planets. 

The intellectual life of the town was saved from absorption 
into material aims at this time by the permeation of some 
of the best current French thought. Francis Hooper, late of 
Trinity College, Cambridge, was librarian, and probably was 


actively concerned in the decision of the governors of Chetham 
to spend a large portion of their surplus funds, i.e. 200, in 
the purchase of some 200 French books. All shades of 
opinion were represented on the list, 1 which included works of 
Devotion, of Biography and Travel, also Atlases, Histories, 
Commentaries, Dictionaries, as well as critical writings on 
Classical and Biblical authors, and the works of moralists, 
such as Diderot, Fenelon, Fontenelle. The inclusion of so 
many works of reference, when there were so few in the 
town likely to avail themselves of their use, indicates that 
the library was still intended for scholars rather than for 
general readers. Still stronger evidence of French influence 
is presented by the appearance in Manchester of Dr. Thomas 
Deacon, 1697-1753, a London Jacobite and Non juror 2 who 
had taken part in the 1715 rebellion, and finding it necessary 
to avoid publicity had engaged hi the study of medicine under 
Dr. Joseph Meade. He left London and settled in Man- 
chester in 1726, and soon gathered around him a body of men 
who were profoundly dissatisfied with a philosophy of life 
which left man to pursue his own selfish aims hi a universe 
already well arranged for his convenience. They wished to 
develop their spiritual growth. They cultivated a union with 
God which differed from the ' State of Grace ' of the old 
Calvinist Puritans by being based on a study of personal 
feelings and passions. The leader of this school of thought 
was Malebranche, whose writings were eagerly studied in 
England, mainly through the influence of William Law, 
whose ' Call to the Unconverted ' is the first piece of English 
constructive psychology based on an analysis and training 
of the emotions. Other evidences of this desire for personal 
perfection are found in John Byrom's 3 ' Journal,' 1707-1763, 
which contains many comments on contemporary Man- 
chester life. John Byrom bought William Law's book in 

' I have bought Mr. Law's book since I came to town, but 
W m Law and Christian religion and such things are mightily 
out of fashion at present. Indeed I do not wonder at it, for 

1 See Appendix. 

8 Cf . Lathbury, History of the Nonjurors. Malebranche had stayed with 
the Byrom family at Kersal, January 1713. Byrom's Journal, vol. i. p. 35. 
3 Author of the hymn ' Christian*, awake, talute the happy morn.' 


it (religion) is a plain calm business. These people are, and 
love to be, all in a hurry and to talk their philosophy, their 
vain philosophy, and which they agree with each other, is 
nothing but in rejecting many received opinions.' 

On February 20, 1729, Dr. Thomas Deacon wrote from 
Manchester to Byrom : 

* Thomas Cattell [a prominent local high churchman and 
Fellow of the Manchester College] believes W m Law may be a 
good man, but that his book does harm with weak judgments, 
and Father Malebranche is a visionary. O Christianity, 
where art thou to be found ? Not among the clergy. Well, 
more's the pity. I pray God mend them, then other people 
will mend too.' 

Although he continued to practise medicine, Dr. Deacon 
regarded this as subsidiary to his main work of teaching reli- 
gion. He was ordained according to the rites of the Non- 
juring body of Anglican Churchmen. He published for 
his congregation a special Prayer Book and a Liturgy which 
omitted what he regarded as the Latitudinarian errors. He 
translated Tillemont's ' Ecclesiastical Memoirs,' and ' History 
of the Arians.' The list of subscribers published at the 
beginning of these works contains the names of prominent 
Manchester scholars of widely different shades of opinion, and 
shows their broad outlook and high opinion of Dr. Deacon. 
The High Church clergy, who constituted a large part of 
the active intellectual life of the town, cultivated the study 
of ancient creeds and patristic theology, and based their 
claims of absolute verity on the writings of the Early Fathers 
and the customs current when the Christian Church was 
struggling for existence. The adoption of St. Cyprian for 
their patron saint has already been mentioned. While at 
Oxford, Clayton and several of his fellow-townsmen, such as 
Robert Thyer, had come under the inspiring influence of 
John Wesley. Clayton left Oxford in 1732, and was appointed 
chaplain at Manchester. He was so successful in his ministry 
that in December 1733 he brought sixty people for confirma- 
tion. He was invited by Bishop Peploe to preach the Ordina- 
tion Sermon at Trinity Chapel, Salford, and in 1738 was 
appointed incumbent there. He was also appointed chaplain 
of the Manchester Collegiate Church in 1740. He had opened 


his private grammar school in Salford about 1735. This he 
called St. Cyprian's, but it was more generally known as the 
Salford Grammar School. It was established for the sons of 
well-to-do parents who desired a more markedly religious 
atmosphere than was afforded by the somewhat lax Manchester 
School, and who wished their children to avoid the supposed 
contamination of being mixed up with the boys of a less 
favoured social level. One of the earliest of Clayton's scholars 
was James Dawson, son of William Dawson, apothecary, who 
had previously been at the preparatory and co-educational 
school associated with the name of Thomas Ryder. James 
Dawson entered St. John's, Cambridge, 1737, and like the 
majority of the young bloods of Manchester, entered very 
deeply into Jacobite intrigue. He received a commission as 
captain, took part in the 1745 rebellion, was caught, convicted, 
and executed. Thomas Coppock, son of John Coppock, tailor 
of Manchester, who had proceeded from the Manchester 
School to Brasenose and graduated B.A. 1742, after having 
taken orders, had also joined in the rebellion and suffered 
the same fate. 

In 1746, a number of Clayton's scholars got into trouble 
for joining in the Jacobite Riots and molesting the worship- 
pers at the Parish Church, by shouting out ' Down with the 
Rump,' and throwing various missiles at those who expostu- 
lated with them. Adherents of the Jacobite High Church 
party in Manchester had grown considerably in numbers, 
not only among the older-established gentry, but also among 
the townspeople. They continued to form a distinct clique 
at the Collegiate Church, until the foundation of St. John's 
Church, Deansgate, in 1754, found another centre for them. 

Had the military ability and the physical force at the 
disposal of the Jacobites of Lancashire been at all commensu- 
rate with the intellectual attainments and the spiritual vigour 
of their leaders in Manchester, the 1745 rebellion would have 
proved a very much more serious affair than it actually 
became. John Byrom had been quietly working among his 
friends, though his constitutional timidity prevented him 
from taking a prominent public part. The clergy, with the 
exception of Warden Peploe and the pluralist high master 
of the Grammar School, Henry Brooke, were unmistakably 
on the side of the Stuarts. Dr. Deacon had induced three of 
his sons to take up commissions. On his entry into Salford, 



Charles Stuart was met by Rev. John Clayton at the head 
of his boys of the Salford Grammar School. Many young 
and impressionable sons of Manchester families, such as 
James Dawson, Thomas Coppock, and Thomas Chadwick, 
who were disgusted with the self-seeking and self-satisfaction 
of the Hanoverian dignitaries and place-hunters, and whose 
imagination had been stirred by the early fervour of the 
Oxford Evangelical Revival, joined in the Rebellion. Very 
few of the Manchester merchants, however, shared the fervour 
of the High Church clergy. They were more concerned about 
the stability of their trade in the event of a change of 
monarchy than with any abstract principles of right or of 
religious zeal. Those who were not members of the Whig 
congregation at St. Ann's attended the ministration of Rev. 
Joseph Mottershead, at Cross St. Chapel. They subscribed 
nearly 2000 to raise a troop of soldiers to be placed at 
the disposal of Edward, Earl of Derby, the lieutenant of the 
county. The rebellion itself was a fiasco. Several of the 
local rebels Deacon, Sydall, and Chadwick were caught and 
executed, and, as a warning to others, their heads were placed 
on the top of the Manchester Exchange. Like all forms of 
intolerant cruelty, this action had the reverse effect to that 
which was intended. 

Whether the appointment of three new Whig trustees 
viz. Right Hon. Lord Strange, Sir Edward Egerton of Heaton 
(died 1744), and the Rev. John Parker, who had just succeeded 
to his father's estates at Brightmet, Oldham had anything 
to do with their complacent leniency, or whether they were 
influenced by Warden Peploe's politics, does not appear, but 
it seems singular that at a meeting held October 6, 1747, it 
was ordered that 

' Mr. Walley (the receiver) do pay Mr. Brooke the High 
Master, within the space of three months next ensuing the 
date hereof, the sum of four hundred and ninety pounds 
in full for all arrears and demands due to him from the said 
feoffees, it appearing by the Warden's certificate and other- 
wise, that he hath duly attended for the time of 3 years 
and nine months. Ordered likewise that Mr. Brooke be 
let into possession of the School house in Millgate, on 1st 
May next.' 

The following letter from Mr. George Kenyon, which 


though only part of a correspondence that is no longer known 
to exist, further clears up some of the charges against Mr. 
Brooke, though it does not completely exonerate him : 

' The reason of the feoffees reserving a residuum was the 
inconvenience they had formerly found when the funds of 
the School were so much exhausted during some contests 
they had with Sir Oswald Mosley about the cost of grinding 
malt that they were forced to lower the Master's salary and 
at last for a time to shut up the School. It is true they after- 
wards recovered the costs upon obtaining a decree, but 
this did not remedy the inconvenience, for by the temporary 
suspense, the scholars were removed to other schools, and 
it was some time before it could recover its former credit.' 

Perhaps there is some excuse for Mr. Brooke's absence 
from the school during the period when his salary and that 
of his assistants were very irregularly paid. He was a man 
of scholarly instincts, and his subsequent career shows that 
he was quite conscientious in the discharge of what he con- 
sidered his duties both as a parish clergyman and as a school- 
master. He lived in an age when pluralism was recognised, 
and he had received, as he thought, proper authority to 
leave a deputy in his place. The earliest register of the 
School that remains in the possession of the School 
authorities was commenced by him and is in his writing. 1 
A copy of his MS. notes on the local history both of the 
Manchester School and of the Manchester Collegiate Church, 
of which he was a Fellow, is in the School library. These 
notes show that he could be painstaking in matters of 
historical research, and it is to his efforts that we are 
indebted for having even the imperfect list of the earlier 
schoolmasters still available. He aroused within a number 
of his pupils some love of learning. He endeavoured 
to pursue a non-party course in Manchester at a time 
when religious and political differences were too often an 
excuse for virulent party strife, and when commercialism 
too often consisted of the pursuit of petty gain without any 
regard to the rights of others. In addition to his address 

1 He is credited with having stirred the feoffees to take action to main- 
tain their ancient monopoly of grinding corn for the town, and of being the 
author of a squib. J. E. Bailey, Local Notes and Queries, vol. vi. p. 1886 ; 
Lancashire Hob. 


to the friends of the School gathered together in 1744, he 
published a volume on ' Christian Peaceableness, with a 
postscript to the inhabitants of Manchester,' chiding them 
for their wastefulness of public money and their quarrels 
in the matter of the workhouse. The portrait 1 which Mr. 
Singleton of Blackley saw in the possession of the Hutton 
family in 1836 and described as that of Henry Brooke should 
probably be assigned to Joshua Brooks. 2 

1 Raines' MSS. Chetham s Library and Diet, of Nat. Biography. 

2 Cf. p. 197. 



' For there are in nature certain fountains of justice, whence all civil 
laws are derived but as streams.* Advancement of Learning. 

Further organisation of patronage under the Whig oligarchy and 
enlightened public spirit William Purnell becomes high master, 
and Charles Lawson, usher Books in the School Library Occupa- 
tions of parents of scholars Numbers and proportion of day boys and 
boarders Further study at the English Universities Private Com- 
mercial Academies Changes at the Chetham Boys' School and the 
Salford Academy High-level Nonconformist Academies in the North 
of England Natural Science at Chetham Library Social habits of 
the townspeople Growing antagonism between the town and the 
country people Quarrels about the school mills result in Act 
of Parliament abolishing most of the monopoly Foundation of the 
Infirmary, and its effect on the study of medicine The Grammar 
School boys perform plays at the newly-built theatre Movement for 
improvement in the town John Howard visits Manchester and pro- 
motes prison reform Death of William Purnell Growth of the Lever 
Museum Character and work of Charles Lawson Rebuilding of the 

BY the middle of the eighteenth century the oligarchy formed 
by the great Whig landowning classes had become more 
organised, enlightened, and efficient. The so-called British 
constitution was in a state of equilibrium, for all the classes 
possessing power were more or less satisfied. The smaller 
landowners, the more important merchants, and the pro- 
fessional classes, secured the consideration of their needs by 
grouping themselves round great landowners who controlled 
the government. They were the electors who chose representa- 
tives in the House of Commons. By avoiding interference 
with established privileges they secured the passage through 



Parliament of such local Bills as they needed for their natural 
growth. Intellectual curiosity found ample scope in various 
scientific, literary, and philosophic studies, which attracted 
interest and found followers in most provincial towns. Semi- 
private museums and subscription libraries became common. 
These afforded the professional classes and more intellectually 
inclined merchants opportunity to cultivate their special 
interests. The study of Classics at Grammar Schools and Uni- 
versities was rendered attractive by the inclusion of Ancient 
and Modern History, which were used for the inculcation of 
civic virtues. French, Italian, and mathematics were taught 
by private tutors. Even if theology remained coldly rationa- 
listic and mainly concerned with refuting the arguments 
of the impossibility of miracles, &c., its appeals to reason 
and natural philosophy made it of some interest to the better 
educated worshippers. The more benevolent and philanthropic 
merchants found scope for their kindly feelings in the erecting 
and maintaining of hospitals, churches, and workhouses. 

In such a social organisation, the smaller tradesmen, 
artisans, and servants who were beginning to increase in 
number had little opportunity to grow ; there was little 
to arouse them from the apathy of ignorance and depen- 
dence. Some rudimentary provision for the education of their 
children existed in the towns where private schools and 
academies, of different grades of inefficiency, were common. 
A few attended the local Grammar Schools, but could have 
gained little benefit from their school life and imperfect 
training. It was the evangelical fervour of Methodism which 
aroused in the middle classes a sense of self-respect, while the 
more ignorant but enterprising children learned to read and 
write at the Sunday Schools which were now being established 

The building of hospitals caused highly trained 
physicians and surgeons to settle in English towns, for the 
Scotch Universities had now taken the place of Dutch Univer- 
sities as centres for medical training. Their high-level training 
attracted apprentices, who in turn benefited by attending 
the local hospitals. The multiplication of town churches 
and chapels provided fresh opportunities for highly educated 
clergy and nonconformist ministers. The clergy took greater 
part in public life, for between 1749 and 1780 there were 
thirteen clergy of Manchester and Bolton who served as 


trustees at the Chetham Library and School. The profes- 
sion of law became liberalised by the study of jurisprudence 
and the attention now paid to criminals and the prisons. 
Lawyers were also taking their share in public life. In 
Manchester, though the only corporate government was by 
the Court Leet held under the auspices of the Lord of the 
Manor, there were marked movements towards increased 
self-government . A subscription library established in the Long 
Room of the Exchange in 1757 was much used by the merchants. 
Town meetings of ley or ratepayers, as well as parish meetings, 
were held to discuss matters of general interest. 

The resignation of Henry Brooke in 1749 had caused the 
services of Mr. Purnell to be recognised by his appointment 
to the vacant headship. Any anxiety which the feoffees had 
felt formerly in 1727 concerning his succession must have 
been completely dispelled after they had gained more ex- 
perience about him. He was not only of a benevolent 
disposition, but as a result of his wider studies in general 
literature he had developed a sense of humour and of the 
proper proportion of things that prevented the firmness of 
his religious convictions from developing into narrowness or 
bigotry. Of his humour, several instances are to be found in 
the 'Diary and Correspondence of John Byrom,' 1 while his 
benevolence is shown by his support of such new movements 
in the town as the building and maintenance of the Infirmary, 
the Charity Schools, &c., and also in his aloofness from 
the partisan opposition to the erection of a workhouse. 
His retiring disposition and his lack of political partisan- 
ship prevented him from pushing himself forward as a candi- 
date for vacant fellowships at the Collegiate Church, but he 
was much beloved and respected for the conscientious way 
in which he discharged his duties at the school. He served 
as incumbent at Unsworth Chapel, Prestwich, for many years, 
and subsequently at Newton Chapel in succession to William 
Crouchley,for whose benefit the affairs of the latter chapelry 
had been put in order in 1738. Mr. Purnell from the first 
took an active interest in the parish school of Newton. 

The appointment of Charles Lawson at this time as usher 
constitutes an epoch in the history of the School. He received 
favourable recommendation from Robert Thyer in a letter 
written to John Byrom, July 31, 1749. 

1 Chetham Society, vols. 32, 40, 44. 


' Our new usher is come down and entered upon his office. 
He brought with him an excellent character in point of scholar- 
ship, from Dr. Randolph, the head of Corpus Christi College, 
and from Mr. Patten his tutor. He is but young, about 
22, but seems a very modest pretty sort of young man, 
and he will set very heartily about retrieving the char- 
acter of the School which Dr. Randolph has very strongly 
recommended to them both (i.e. Purnell and Lawson). There 
was a meeting of the feoffees on Tuesday, when the salaries 
of the Masters was fixed as before with promises of advance 
on good behaviour.' 

He was the son of Rev. Thomas Lawson, Vicar of East 
Kirkby, Lines. He was born about 1728 and had entered 
Corpus Christi College, Oxford, 1743. It used to be stated of 
him that he was a staunch Jacobite, accompanied the Young 
Pretender to Derby in 1745, was ordained deacon before the 
canonical age, but never proceeded to the priesthood, being 
unable to take the required oaths of allegiance to George II. 
His appointment as second master must have been a matter 
of congratulation to the Jacobite clergy. Perhaps the high 
position taken in the study of Mathematics by the scholars 
at this time should be attributed to the influence of Rev. John 
Lawson, brother of Charles Lawson, of whose career we have no 
knowledge other than the fact that he wrote mathematical books. 

The four new feoffees who were chosen after the appoint- 
ment of Mr. Purnell had been settled, and the two who were 
appointed two years later were, like their predecessors, well- 
to-do landowners. Some represented the county or one of 
the neighbouring boroughs in Parliament, others served as 
High Sheriffs of the county, the majority as Justices of the 
Peace, then a position implying a settled income from land 
of at least 100 a year. 

It is possible that in the opinion of some of the friends 
of the school, and almost certainly in the opinion of the 
collegiate clergy, Mr. Purnell was outshone by his assistant, 
Charles Lawson, and had he been less lovable and less liberal 
minded, it would have been difficult for the two to have worked 
harmoniously for so long together. The diversity of their 
dispositions and of their intellectual interests must have been 
very good for the boys. William Purnell exerted a genial and 
enlightening influence fed by his love of modern literature, 
while Lawson exerted the equally necessary exact discipline 
involved in the rigid study of classics and mathematics 


an aspect of school education dwelt upon by Locke. We 
have already noticed Purnell's choice of books for the School 
library in 1727. There are still in the School library a 
number of volumes of a later date which manifest a con- 
tinuance of the same interests. We find the Works of 
Pope (1754) ; Matthew Prior (1754) ; ' Life of Peter the 
Great ' (1756) ; Sheridan's * Elocution ' (1762) ; Spenser's 
'Faerie Queene ' (1758); Rollin's 'Belles Lettres ' (1737). 
There are also introductions and translations of the classical 
writers, and books on Modern as well as Classical History, 
such as Shuckford's * Sacred and Profane History ' (1728) ; 
Echard's ' History of England ' ; ' Conquest of Mexico ' (1753) ; 
Smollett's 'History of England' (1737-63). We may be 
confident that these were but a few of many works which 
were well calculated to awaken the interest and stir the 
imagination in the performance of public duty. How har- 
moniously as well as effectively Purnell and Lawson worked 
together is also shown in the number of scholars and the 
subsequent careers of many. The school registers from 
1730 to 1837 have been edited with much fullness by J. Finch 
Smith, who prefaces them with the following remark : 

' It will be apparent at the first glance that many more 
scholars have been identified who entered into what are 
called the learned professions than into those honourable 
walks of life with which the town and neighbourhood of 
Manchester are more closely connected in its merchants 
and manufacturers, but it is much more easy to trace the 
one than the other . . . with regard to the Manchester 
names and others connected with mercantile life, there are but 
few public sources whence information could be had.' . . . 

Since the publication in 1866 of the first volume of the 
School Register, so many fresh incidents of local history have 
been brought to light that it is possible to trace in somewhat 
fuller detail the influence which current education exerted on 
the town in the eighteenth century. The old trade guilds 
had disappeared, for it is evident that the attempts to illus- 
trate ten of them at the town celebrations of the coronation 
of George III were highly artificial. The old trade designa- 
tions were often used for masters and servants alike, but, 
owing to the increased growth of capital, the latter were 
becoming separated more distinctly into masters and journey- 
men or servants whose dependence was intensified with the 


introduction of mechanical appliances, and at a later date by 
the phenomenal growth of the cotton industry due to the 
adoption of machinery and application of water-power. In 
taking account of the occupations of parents, we note the 
large proportion of those in which traditions of learning 
were ingrained for professional or other reasons. Next in 
number are those occupations which brought men into touch 
with a large variety of their fellows, and caused them to appre- 
ciate the advantages of education more readily than those 
whose circle of acquaintances was more limited. Thus 
taking the figures from 1740, when Mr. Brooke returned to 
active work, to 1765, which corresponds to the end of Mr. 
PurnelTs high mastership, we find : 








Nobility and gentry 







Divinity . 







Law . 







Medicine and surgery 







Freemen and yeomen 



































Unclassified artisans, 

shop-keepers, and 
minor occupations . 







Total . 







Presumably boarders * 
Presumably day 




















' l In estimating the proportion of day scholars and boarders, it is assumed 
that the boys whose parents lived at a distance were boarders and those who 
lived in the town were dav boys. There is no other distinction in the register 


Of the boarders, 84 (i.e. nearly one half) are to be found 
passing to the Universities, while only 16 of the day boys 
appear to have done so. Of the non-professional classes 
farmers sent 10 to the Universities, innkeepers sent 5, superior 
tradesmen and merchants 8, grocers 3, and shoemakers 3. 
It is very evident that only a small proportion of day boys 
fully benefited by the classical system of education, and 
probable that only a small proportion stayed beyond the 
age of twelve. 

Some notice must be taken of the other educational 
institutions in the town. Private venture academies sprang 
up in considerable numbers and prepared scholars for business 
careers. The Nonconformist residential academies which 
prepared scholars for the Scotch and foreign Universities or 
for the Nonconformist ministry were undoubtedly important 
centres for liberal higher education. Some of the private 
day schools offered a very elementary education, which served 
to prepare scholars intending to proceed to one of the English 
Universities for the upper forms of the Grammar School. 
Numerous advertisements of such private schools, preparatory 
or commercial, are to be found in ten contemporary news- 
papers which now begin to appear. 

Harrop's Manchester Mercury was first published in 1752. 
In the issue of May 11, under the heading of Manchester 
Intelligence, we read : 

' Whereas a report has been maliciously spread that the 
said Hy. Whiteoake Fawcett has more scholars than he 
can well teach, and consequently cannot take in any more 
this is to assure the public, specially such as are disposed 
to favour him with their children, that the said report is 
groundless and entirely inconsistent with truth. Nor does 
he think it necessary to say more to the candid part of the 
public of the honesty of his intentions in taking in no more 
scholars than he and his assistants can teach well and justly, 
since it is evident in the natural course of things that a 
practice contrary to this will have a tendency to blame his 
character and entirely deprive him of business.' 

The Rev. Henry Whiteoake Fawcett 

'begs leave to acquaint the public that he continues to 
teach English, Latin and Arithmetic, writing and merchant 
accomplishments, in a plain, easy, useful and concise, yet 


comprehensive method, in a large commodious room in the 
late Wheatsheaf Court aforesaid, opposite the Half Moon 
Tavern in Deansgate.' 

And again, in the issue of January 2, 1753, we read : 

* This is to give notice that the Grammar School at Burton 
Wood in the parish of Warrington and the County of Lan- 
cashire, will be vacant of a Schoolmaster in January next, 
and any person who undertakes and is qualified to teach 
the classic authors, writing and accounts, may apply to the 
trustees of the said School residing in Burton Wood aforesaid. 
The qualifications of the persons chosen must be made 
apparent to some judicious person or persons appointed for 
the purpose ; the salary belonging to the School is about 
13 a year certain, besides several other purchases which 
make 20 a year or better. A testimonial of his morals 
will be required.' 

In the issue of April 30, 1754, we find the following 
advertisement of James Wolstenholme, 

* who had had his education in the Free School of Man- 
chester, and stands well recommended by the Master, the 
Rev. Mr. Purnell. He intends to open a School in Swan 
Court, Market Street, Lower Manchester, for the reception 
of those who desire to learn in the English, the rudiments 
of the Latin tongue ; as he is determined faithfully and 
diligently to observe such methods of instruction as have 
been or may be recommended to him by his late Headmaster, 
he hopes that those committed to his care will meet with 
few inconveniences whenever their parents may think proper 
to remove them from his school to any other.' 

The following advertisement occurs in a current pamphlet 
entitled ' The Schoolmaster flogged with his own rod : 
a letter to Thomas Burrow of Manchester,' 1754, by Joseph 
Partridge : 

' Leonard and Thomas Burrow at their School House down 
the Fountain Court, behind the Exchange, where, having 
leased a house for the purpose, they continue to teach English 
in a millhouse, recommended by some eminent masters in 
the most easy and expeditious way for learners, and which 
hath been as well practised, and found to succeed, also Latin 
and Greek, following herein the course and custom of the 


best schools. Together; with writing in a separate School, 
Arithmetic universally and compendiously taught, with an 
application of it to all the useful purposes of life and branches 
of trade. Book-keeping, Mensuration, &c. Youths boarded 
and ladies taught needlework in a commodious apartment 
under the same roof.' 

This particular schoolmaster came in for much criticism. 
Lastly, in the Mercury of December 27, 1763 : 

' Henry Whittaker, writing master and accountant, has 
engaged Mr. William Paynter to attend his school at 
proper hours to instruct young ladies and gentlemen in 
the art of Drawing.' 

The character of the training provided for the boys of 
Chetham's Hospital also underwent a change at this time. 
In 1760 the feoffees further decided that no boy should 
be employed by the schoolmaster or others as a menial 
servant out of school hours. In 1763, at the request of Rev. 
John Clayton, Fellow of the Collegiate Church, two of the 
hospital boys were allowed to attend the choir services in 
the said church, and to assist ' the singing men.' In October 
1765 an advertisement appeared in the Manchester Mercury : ' 

1 The Governors of Mr: Chetham's Hospital give notice 
that they are desirous to treat with any Person who is 
willing to instruct and employ any number of the Blue Boys 
in spinning twine, candlewick, or in any other easy Business or 
Employment fit for children between the Ages of eight and 
fourteen. Persons who are inclined to send in such Proposals 
are desired to apply to Mr. Gartside.' 

The treasurer was instructed to summon a special 
meeting of Governors, with power to make any contracts for 
the purpose aforesaid, not exceeding the expense of 100. 

In April 1767 Mr. Booth was allowed to employ twenty 
of the Hospital boys daily in the making of shoes for the 
following year, the said boys to work in a general room from 
eight in the morning till twelve, and from one to six, except 
the Master of the Hospital shall have liberty to employ two 
of the said twenty boys one day in each week to assist in 
washing and brewing, and except that the said boys shall 
have liberty to go to church in the greater holidays and to 
go home for one month at the Whitsuntide holidays without 


any deduction being made by Mr. Booth on account of such 
absence. Mr. Booth agreed to pay the Treasurer 20 for the 
twelve months' service of the said boys. 1 

The Salford Grammar School entered into serious rivalry 
with the Manchester one. It was by far the most successful 
of the private schools, and was probably the successor of the 
co-educational school of Thomas Ryder noted in a previous 
chapter. Its pupils were recruited from the well-to-do 
Jacobite and Tory families. The date of the accompanying 
picture must be about 1738, for the boy sitting cross-legged 
on the step is Edward Byrom (born 1724), son of Dr. Byrom. 
Many of the scholars by their innate vigour of mind and 
their careful training became distinguished in the Church, 
in Medicine, and in Law. One of them, Charles White, 
shares with Dr. Percival, of whom more presently, the honour 
of establishing in connection with the Infirmary the reputation 
of Manchester for enlightened medical teaching and sanitarian 

None of Clayton's pupils exhibited more thoroughly the 
religious character of the training at this Jacobite school 
than John Clowes, who subsequently became the first rector 
of St. John's. He has left an autobiography of considerable 
interest, in which he tells us : 

' He was born at Manchester, 31st October, 1743. His 
father was a barrister-at-law and continued the practice 
of his professional duties in Manchester and the neighbour- 
hood during his life. His mother was a daughter of a pious 
and learned clergyman in Wales, the rector of Llanbedr, 
near Ruthen, and inherited all her father's virtues. She 
died, however, when the author was only 7 years old, 
so that he did not derive so much advantage as he might 
otherwise have done from her piety and her example. All 
that he recollects concerning her is that she was very as- 
siduous about the attendance of her children at church and 
also about their private devotions every night and morning. 
For this purpose, as soon as they could read, she supplied 
each of them with a book of Common Prayer, and also with 
Bishop Ken's Manual of Prayers for the use of Winchester 

1 At this time the custom of apprenticing workhouse children to the 
factories in Lancashire and Yorkshire was coming into vogue. The children 
could work the frames as well as adults and their services were cheaper. 
The guardians got rid of their obligations by ' apprenticing ' the children ; 
abuses naturally became common. 


scholars. From this latter book the author afterwards 
derived the greatest benefit, insomuch that he has often 
been led since to regard it as a special instrument under God 
of inseminating in his mind the principles of Christian life 
and duty. And here he is constrained earnestly to recom- 
mend to all parents zealous attention to the early education 
of their children in Christian principles, since the tender 
mind at that age is in a fitter state than at any future period 
to receive the seed of the eternal truth, and if that seed had 
been neglected, there is too much reason to fear that the 
ground may afterwards be so overrun with thorns and thistles 
as to admit with difficulty the insemination and growth of 
heavenly principles. Besides, the evil propensities of children, 
it is well known, begin to manifest themselves with their 
pernicious influence in the very dawn and springtime of 
life, and consequently if no barrier of piety and virtue be 
then opposed to their operation, they reign uncontrolled, and 
confirm and extend every day more and more their bane- 
ful dominion over the whole mind and life of the neglected 
and untutored subject. ... It was not only to his mother 
but to his father also that the author was indebted for his 
Christian education, since it was a constant rule with the 
latter not only to be accompanied by his children every 
returning Sabbath to the House of God, both morning and 
evening, but also to call the family together in the evening 
of that holy day to hear a sermon and to join in the more 
private duty of family devotion. ... It was about this 
time, 6 or 7 years old, that the author was sent to a 
Grammar School in Salford, the master of which was a pious 
and devout clergyman of the Church of England, who did 
not think it sufficient to instruct his scholars in Latin and 
Greek, but extended instruction also to religious knowledge. 
The duties of the school were accordingly always preceded 
by prayer, and the morning of every Saturday was appro- 
priated exclusively to an explanation of the Church Cate- 
chism. The author has since looked back with unfeigned 
gratitude to the Divine Providence and upon this instance 
of paternal care in placing him at a school where Christianity 
was taught together with classical knowledge, and where the 
young mind, being instructed in the doctrines of the Gospel, 
was less exposed to the dangers resulting from the perusal 
of heathen literature and from the practices and impurities 
of Heathen Mythology. . . . He had always a strong relish 
for juvenile sports and pastimes, which relish he has since 
been convinced is communicated from heaven for the double 
purpose of recreation, and promoting the growth of mind 


and body. After remaining at school until acquiring what 
was thought a competent knowledge of the Greek and Latin 
languages, he was removed at the age of 18 to the University 
at Cambridge, where he was admitted in the year 1761 a 
pensioner of Trinity College. . . . During the whole period 
of his residence in the College he was never once called upon 
to attend a single lecture on theological or religious subjects, 
not even so far as related to the evidences of Christian dis- 
pensation. The sad consequences were, as might be expected, 
that the serious impression which he had brought along with 
him from school, instead of being more confirmed and 
extended, as it might have been, was in danger of being 
weakened and entirely effaced.' 

Annual meetings of the scholars were held, and even 
after the school was closed on Mr. Clayton's death, in 1773, 
the ' Cyprianites,' as they called themselves, continued to 
hold an anniversary public dinner to preserve the memory 
of John Clayton. 1 

Training for * active life ' at Nonconformist academies 
had established itself as an educational tradition in the 
Lancashire district, particularly for those who for various 
reasons did not desire residence at Oxford or Cambridge. 
It was especially adapted for those destined for country life, 
or for mercantile careers, or for medicine, law, or the army, &c. 
The following sequence of these local academies at which 
many Manchester scholars attended shows how important 
a part they took in the higher education of the middle classes 
during the eighteenth century. 

1. The Manchester Academy, 1693-1712 (John Chorlton, 
cf. p. 120). 

2. The Whitehaven Academy, 1711-1729, conducted 
by Thomas Dixon, who had studied under Chorlton. 
He graduated M.A. Edinburgh, M.D. Aberdeen, and 
practised as a physician while he maintained a private 

1 The success of these Tory dinners was probably the cause of the 
establishment in 1784 by certain leaders of the opposite political school, 
such as Sir Thomas Egerton, of the annual Whig dinners for the old 
Manchester Grammar School boys, though the political aspect of these 
latter changed after the death of Charles Lawson, as will be noticed in 
a subsequent chapter. 


3. The Kendal Academy, opened by Caleb Rotherham, 
who lectured in Manchester 1743. He died 1751. Besides 
the 56 Divinity students, whose names and careers are 
known, there were 120 other pupils, chiefly in the mathe- 
matical and philosophy schools, whose names and careers 
have not been recorded. 

4. The Warrington Academy, 1757-1786, established 
by Rev. John Seddon, the Nonconformist minister of the 
town. The most notable of its scholars was Dr. Thomas 
Percival, 1740-1804, who had been admitted to the 
Manchester School in 1751, but owing to ill-health had 
been transferred to Warrington, where he could receive more 
individual attention. The most notable of its teachers 
was Joseph Priestley, a copy of whose ' Plan for a Liberal 
Education ' (published 1760) was among the educational 
books in Charles Lawson's library. The aim of this academy 
was ' to lead pupils to an early acquaintance with and just 
concern for the true principles of religion and liberty.' Annual 
subscriptions amounting to 469 came from Manchester, 
Liverpool, Warrington, and Birmingham. The academy was 
opened October 23, 1757, and though it was not formally 
closed till 1786, for over ten years it had fallen into decay. 
Altogether 393 students received a part or the whole of their 
education there. Of these 22 came from or went to the West 
Indies ; 21 followed the profession of Medicine, proceeding to 
Edinburgh, Glasgow, Leyden, or Utrecht ; 24 followed the 
profession of Law ; 18 entered the Army ; 100 entered Com- 
merce ; 55 became Divinity students, and of these 20 received 
pecuniary assistance from the Presbyterian Fund, 1 13 became 
clergymen of the Established Church, and one became a 
Bishop. 2 

The valuable work which many of these academies were 
doing in the diffusion of science and liberal knowledge was 
in contrast with the apathy of the well-endowed English 
Universities and the illiberality of the wealthy clergy. This 
did not escape the keen eyes of Adam Smith, who devotes one 
chapter of his celebrated work, ' The Wealth of Nations ' 
(published 1776), to the study of the institutions for the 

1 W. D. Jeremy, The Presbyterian Fund and Dr. Williams Trust, 1885 

2 See Monthly Repository, 1812 and 1814; Transactions of the Con- 
gregational Historical Society, August 1914. 



instruction of youth, and one chapter to the study of 
institutions for the instruction of people of later age. He 
incidentally shows that owing to their lack of endowment 
and public support these latter institutions were necessarily 
of a temporary nature. 

The local study of Natural History received encouragement 
by the purchase of numerous illustrated works on the subject 
by the feoffees of Chetham's Library. In the introductory 
preface to the catalogue of 1791, John Radcliffe, the com- 
piler, tells us that the special character of the librarianship of 
Robert Kenyon (1743-1787) was the addition to the library 
of many works on Natural History and numerous engrav- 
ings, though interest was manifested in such subjects long 
before Robert Kenyon was appointed and also extended 
after his decease. The most important of these works were 
Edwards' ' History of Birds,' Bloch's * History of Fishes,' and 
Latham's ' Synopsis.' In fact, the governors, the majority 
of whom had been educated at the School and were mostly 
either merchants or professional men in the town, or 
members of the county families around, took considerable 
interest in the kind of books purchased for the library. 
They were accustomed to send the librarian to London so 
that he might bring back lists of the most recent publications 
and submit them to small sub -committees. 

Robert Kenyon seems to have held a highly favoured 
position after he entered into some family property, as 
he is then called custodian. He must have spent much of 
his time away from Manchester, for he was Resident Fellow 
at Brasenose 1771, and incumbent of Salford. The attention 
paid to the study of Natural History is shown by the fact 
that Dillenius 1 expresses his obligation to John Clayton, who 
sent information about plants in Virginia, and John Frede- 
rick Gronovius acknowledges the help of the same naturalist. 
There are several John Claytons with local connections 
and of local origin who travelled in Virginia about this time. 
It seems impossible to identify this particular one. 

Much of the floating capital which had been accumulated 
in the country as a result of extension of our foreign trade, 

1 See Introduction to the History of Mosses, 1741. He acknowledges 
help from William Harrison, linendraper of Manchester, whose collections 
were purchased by the Subscription Library held in the Old Exchange, 


by the beginning of the eighteenth century had naturally found 
its way to the towns, where it was employed in increasing 
the manufacture of textile goods and filling the coffers of 
the merchants. Owing to the scarcity and high price of 
linen yarn, the weaving of pure cotton was introduced. By 
the middle of the century the wearing of pure cotton under- 
clothing became common among the middle classes. The 
increased cleanliness that ensued must have contributed 
to the increased self-respect which is so essential a factor 
in social progress. The improvement in housing and in street 
arrangement took place at a later date. The growing demand 
for textile goods caused the number of textile workers to multi- 
ply at a great rate and to outstrip the production of food 
for their subsistence. This, however, did not improve the 
position of the farmers, for, owing to the growth of land- 
lordism, the yeomen of the seventeenth century had dis- 
appeared, and the smaller tenant farmers who had taken their 
place could not command the amount of capital that was 
necessary for the proper development of their independence. 
Their increased earnings were paid in rent, and this still further 
emphasised the class distinction growing up between town and 
country. Consequently, agriculture continued to be a less 
attractive means of livelihood for adventurous or ambitious 
youths than that of textile manufacture. The available 
amount of provisions, especially cereals, was always limited 
and uncertain, and dependent on weather. Two successive 
bad harvests were apt to increase the price of food for the 
artisan of the town so much as to overthrow the balance of 
earnings and expenses. The status of the artisan was there- 
fore falling considerably below that of the master employer. 
Owing also to the lack of guidance and regulation by means 
of any organised authority, such as guild or State, and also to 
the fact that the skill needed to work the new machinery was 
very limited, the apprentice system with its technical training 
had fallen into disuse. Self-respect and social tradition 
disappeared. The character of industrial life therefore fell, 
for there could be little home life in the towns where there 
was no real comfort, privacy, or adequate provision for even- 
ing occupation or recreation. Inns and taverns multiplied as 
social resorts, and their importance is indicated by the many 
sons of innkeepers who attended the School. Fortunately, 
gin palaces, which indicate worse degradation of the workers, 


were not so common in Lancashire as in London. 1 Coffee- 
houses multiplied for those who possessed intellectual curiosity, 
but were dependent upon the society of their fellows for its 
exercise. The new generation of retail traders and small 
middlemen possessed neither the traditions of the old merchant 
families nor made alliances with the county families, whose 
growing wealth caused them to form a special caste separate 
from those whose enterprise made their landed possessions 
of so much value. Petty social gossip and petty parochial 
politics were the main topics of discussion. Social prejudices 
and misunderstandings became magnified owing to lack of 
general enlightenment, and led to active opposition and 
quarrels, and these accentuated the evils inseparable from 
social caste. The antagonism between the trading interests 
of the town and the agricultural interests of the country 
beca^me constantly intensified. The general body of the 
clergy adopted the self -regarding interests, ideas and principles 
now increasingly prevalent among their patrons without 
developing new traditions of learning and conduct. Their 
theology consequently ceased to supply any adequate inter- 
pretation of human existence, and their practice of religion 
too often became formal and meaningless. The religious 
teaching provided in churches and chapels, even when 
possessing some of the glow of evangelical revival, did little 
to unite and much to separate parties, while the instruc- 
tion in the schools and universities included no systems of 
mental and moral philosophy based upon the studies of 
the characteristics and diversities of the different classes, nor 
had literature delineated or studied class necessities. The 
fact that a few wealthy and travelled landowners and wealthy 
merchants were cultivating intellectual interests and social 
accomplishments after having been brought under the in- 
fluence of wise schoolmasters, or having served on the govern- 
ing body of a well-endowed library, did not secure the spread 
of learning and self-direction and control among their less 
privileged fellow-citizens. Indeed, the advancement of the 

1 * There are people yet alive who remember but one inn or publichouse 
in the town that sold wine or spirituous liquors, and not above three or 
four private houses that had either. . . . Those frequenting alehouses 
and gin-shops were weakened by excess. . . . The workhouse generally 
receives those who have the good luck to escape the gallows.' Joseph 
Stott, cobbler (i.e. Robert Whitworth), A Sequel to the Friendly Advice to 
the Poor of the Town of Manchester, 1756, 


fortunate few was too often accompanied by the degradation 
of the many, for the increasing cost of education both in leisure 
and in means caused learning to become a class privilege. 
The long- established habits of co-operation and division 
of responsibility which had characterised the old forms of 
local government had disappeared. Private and individual 
benevolence alone, though steadily growing in volume, was 
inadequate to stem the social disintegration. 

The following advertisement from a Manchester paper of 
the time illustrates the extent of the cleavage that was 
growing up between the town and the country inhabitants : 

* Whereas the necessities of the poor are now very great, 
as through the scarcity of work and the high price of corn 
which hath been and still is artificially kept up by the policy 
of farmers and dealers in corn, flour and meal, to the great 
oppression of the public, and more especially the lower rank 
of people who are obliged to buy all their bread and bread 
corn at the shops on the worst terms, therefore I recommend 
to all my farmers and tenants who have any corn or other 
eatables to dispose of, that they gradually thrash up the 
corn to supply the wants of their poor neighbours and after- 
wards bring what they have to spare to be sold in public 
market on reasonable terms, which I hope will be a means 
to silence and put a stop to all further disturbances and 
riots, and such of my farmers and tenants as shall disoblige 
me in the reasonable request are not to expect any further 
favours from me. 


(Dunham, Nov. 28, 1757.) 

Under these circumstances it was not unnatural that 
the high price of food, occurring among the labouring classes 
at a period of agricultural depression, caused town riots in 
1757-8, which culminated in what is popularly known as 
the Shude Hill fight. In this case the sympathies of the 
magistrate, John Bradshaw, were, if not on the side of the 
rioters, at least to some extent with them. 

It was at this time that John Wesley made one of his 
visits to Manchester, and wrote in his diary, April 1756 : 

' I preached at Manchester this evening. We had at 
length a quiet audience. Wretched magistrates who by re- 
fusing to suppress encouraged the rioters had long occasioned 


tumults there. But some are now of a better spirit, and 
whenever magistrates desire to preserve the peace they have 
sufficient power.' 

In another record of those times we read : 

Sunday, Aug. 12, 1758. The Assizes at Lancaster ended 
when many capital offenders were tried. On the first day of 
the Assize an account was received of prodigious riots and 
tumults in and about Manchester, that near 10,000 manu- 
facturers (i.e. workers) had left off working and entered into 
a combination to raise the price of wages by force, that large 
sums of money were collected, and paid into the hands of 
some of the leaders for the maintenance of the poorer sort 
while they refused to work, that they insulted and abused 
such as would not join in the combination, that incendiary 
letters were dispersed and threats of vengeance denounced 
against all who should oppose them. That business was at 
a stand, the magistrates were afraid to act and everything 
seemed in great confusion,' &c. &c. 1 

And again : 

'July 10, 1762. An insurrection of the colliers of 
Oldham and Saddleworth put the town of Manchester in 
the greatest consternation. Their pretence was the high 
price of corn. They demolished the warehouses of two 
or three of the dealers in corn and meal and obliged others 
to promise to sell at a moderate price. 

'July 21, 1762. The port of Liverpool was opened for 
the free importation of all sorts of grain.' 1 

Disputes and quarrels about the School mills maintained 
the general dissatisfaction. The method of grinding corn in 
vogue at the School mills was expensive and obsolete, for 
the mills themselves were in bad repair. New and cheaper 
methods had been discovered, and opposition mills had 
been set up, yet the feoffees naturally clung to the School 
monopoly, urging that the profits were for public, not for 
private advantage. The feoffees claimed to have suffered 
a loss of 1500 from the opposition mills, and brought an 
action in the Duchy Court against the owners. 2 Though the 
feoffees ultimately won the case, the defendants, ostensibly 
for the benefit of the whole town, succeeded in stirring up so 
much active sympathy, that they induced the townspeople, by 
Act of Parliament, to get rid of the whole monopoly. 

i Gentleman's Magazine, pp. 391-2. 2 Whatton's Foundations. 


The following notice appeared in the Manchester Mercury, 
December 5, 1757 : 

' This is to give notice that all landowners and inhabitants 
of this town are desired to meet at the old Coffee House 
on Monday next at 2 o'clock in the afternoon in order to 
consider certain proposals which will be laid before them for 
taking the School mills from the feoffees upon a certain rent, 
and other terms and conditions therein expressed, which 
are afterwards to be laid before the feoffees for their 

The riots and disturbances which had recently taken 
place were used in Parliament in support of the Bill, which 
was finally passed in 1758 as : ' An Act for discharging the 
Inhabitants of the Town of Manchester from the custom 
of grinding corn and grain, except malt, at the School Mills.' 
By this Act the inhabitants of Manchester were released 
from their old obligation of sending corn to the School mills, 
though they were compelled to continue to send all their 
malt to be ground there, the inhabitants paying Is. per load 
of six bushels. It was intended that further recompense 
should be paid to the School authorities for any loss of income 
by freeing them from the obligation of paying town rates, 
but, ' owing to a combination of artful knavery and care- 
lessness,' this was not accomplished. The price of grinding 
malt ordained in the Act was fixed at a time when money 
was more valuable than it soon afterwards became, conse- 
quently the millers who rented the School mills before long 
complained that the price fixed by Government hardly allowed 
them sufficient profit, while the inhabitants of the town com- 
plained that the malt was so badly ground and kept so long 
at the mills that it became mouldy. There can be no doubt 
that the continued maintenance of the School on the proceeds 
of an unpopular monopoly was a constant source of friction 
and ill-feeling between the managers of the School and the 
townspeople. It had, however, one great compensation, 
which it would not have possessed had the School derived 
its income from the possession of landed property. It re- 
minded the local inhabitants that the School was maintained 
by their industry in a way which, by a curious lack of insight 
so characteristic of Englishmen, they would not have realised, 
if it had been maintained by the proceeds of land in their 


midst which their own enterprise and endeavour caused to 
rise automatically in value. 

In spite, however, of many difficulties and quarrels, the 
Manchester School continued to pay its way and support 
some four or five new scholars each year at Oxford and 

A second attempt to secure a Royal Charter of Incorpora- 
tion for the town of Manchester was made in 1762, but it 
was unsuccessful. Members of Parliament for the county and 
for neighbouring boroughs such as Wigan, and Newton and 
Preston, were glad, however, to earn the goodwill of their 
constituents by furthering local claims, and the Government 
itself desired to conciliate the trade interest. Consequently 
many local Acts of Parliament appeared at this time, and 
the demand of the rapidly growing towns for Parliamentary 
representation was for a time silenced. 

Among these various local Acts, one was obtained which 
placed certain powers in the hands of local commissioners 
(1765) appointed for cleaning and lighting the streets, lanes, 
and passages within the town of Manchester and Salford. 

In the Constable's Accounts, November 7, 1770, is the 
first indication of money spent on public improvements : 
' allowed Mr. Jas. Bancroft to leave unbuilt upon his land 
in Toad Lane, to make the King's Highway more open, 2.' 
For the most part, however, petty quarrels and antagonisms 
prevailed until the ill-feeling provoked by partisan spirit 
caused a number of leading inhabitants to seek to find objects 
of common interest. The unsatisfactory state of the streets 
and thoroughfares seemed to offer an aim at which all could 
unite. Meetings were held, subscriptions solicited, and an 
Act called 'The Towns Improvement Act of 1776' gave 
200 commissioners who were owners or tenants of property 
of the annual value of 20 the right to acquire certain 
properties abutting on certain public thoroughfares, Old 
Millgate, Market Stead Lane, St. Mary's Gate Entrance, 
and to effect such improvement in highways as was for the 
benefit of the public. Representatives of all parties joined 
in the effort to raise the necessary funds, and in this way a 
sum of 10,000 was raised by public subscription. The 
public feeling which caused the passing of this Act is particu- 
larly interesting, for it led to the rebuilding of the Grammar 

* *' 



School itself, the feoffees having power under the Act of 
1758 to make such changes in their property without appeal 
to Chancery or to Parliament. 

As the town community progressed and gained cor- 
porate intelligence some of its members became conscious 
of certain elements of unsoundness and deficiency, and 
sought to provide appropriate remedies. 

It is the duty of a well- organised school to use the period 
of later adolescence to awake a true civic or national spirit, but 
local efforts for the prevention of poverty, unless inspired 
by a true humanism, have often been cruel and selfish, and 
directed to getting rid of obligations rather than to their 
reform. Some indication of the completeness of the training 
provided by the School may be found in the degree in which 
those whom it had trained found themselves guided when 
called upon subsequently to take their share in the public 
efforts to deal with social problems. 

The social problems that presented themselves to the 
philanthropists of the middle of the eighteenth century 
were sufficiently limited in scope to be readily grasped, 
while the outlook was sufficiently rational and even scientific 
for them to be efficiently solved. But there was an absolute 
lack of any appreciation of the real nature of problems of 
poverty on the part of many who cultivated a high degree 
of personal piety. In 1730-1, the attempt to establish a 
workhouse had been successfully opposed by the High Church 
party, guided by Dr. John Byrom. In 1755, at the request 
of the late and present officers of the town, the Rev. John 
Clayton, a member of the same party, published a pamphlet, 
'Friendly Advice to the Poor.' The entire absence of any 
attempt at understanding, and even of offering sympathy 
with, the real needs of the poor, which is shown in this 
pamphlet by one of the most earnestly religious men of 
the town, received severe criticism and exposure by Joseph 

In a thoughtful community the presence of a workhouse 
would naturally serve as a reminder of the necessity to 
find out and control the causes of destitution. The almost 
entire absence of any civic effort to do this in England is due 
to the separation of Poor Law administration from other 
forms of local government. Complaints have always been 


made at the payment of poor rates, but except at the 
time of the Sanitarian revival, when not only the 
arguments of the statisticians to prove its wastefulness 
became unanswerable, but the claims on the pockets of 
the taxpayers aroused their sleeping intelligence, English 
statesmen have never seriously endeavoured to prevent 
poverty. It was evident that the failure in 1730 to pro- 
vide a local workhouse was also a failure to attempt to 
solve a civic problem. 

The effort to help the sick poor fortunately had a different 
issue. About 1750 a number of benevolent citizens made 
several attempts to establish an Infirmary. A prominent 
local merchant, Joseph Bancroft, who, like several of his 
brothers, had received his education at the Grammar School, 
made the offer that if Charles White, a surgeon of local origin 
and of great repute who had received his early training at the 
Salford School, would give his services for twelve months, 
he would guarantee the necessary funds for at least one year. 
Charles White willingly assented. James Massey, another 
scholar of the same school, became the first president. 
Patients were admitted to the temporary premises opened 
in Withy Grove, July 1752. Money was soon collected 
from various sources for the erection and support of a more 
permanent institution, and a suitable piece of vacant land in 
Piccadilly was purchased from Sir Oswald Mosley. The new 
Infirmary was opened in 1755. It seems to have been one 
of the first provincial infirmaries, and its establishment un- 
doubtedly raised the level of medical practice in the locality, 
for it not only served to attract eminent medical men to 
Manchester, but enabled local medical practitioners to improve 
their medical knowledge and their apprentices to find oppor- 
tunity for clinical instruction. It thus laid the foundations for 
a fully organised local school for medical instruction. This 
was first attempted on a limited scale in 1781. One of the 
earliest of such apprentices was Thomas Seddon, who de- 
scribes his transit from the Grammar School to the study 
of physic at the Infirmary, and his early abandonment of 
the profession of medicine in the following terms : 

* Destined by parental decree, not by my own inclination, 
which was for the Church, I was taken away from school in my 
seventeenth year and placed as a pupil in the Manchester 


Infirmary for the study of Physic &c. The advantages I 
had to have obtained excellence in the medical line there 
were superior to those in any country situation that I know 
of, as the reputation of the physicians and surgeons demon- 
strates. Notwithstanding these, and other opportunities 
afterwards offered, I could never conquer my aversion to 
the profession. I know not whether a foolish humanity 
which almost made me fearful of being called to a patient, 
or whether my prepossessions for the pulpit prevented the 
prosecution of my medical prospects, and yet though my 
wishes were always to be in the Church, every action of my 
existence set me forth to the world as of too volatile a 
disposition for either physician or divine. Indeed my 
ill-grounded education would have disqualified me for 
either profession, if a clerical trustee had not benevolently 
instructed me in the classics. Mr. Clayton was a friend 
to all mankind, and his qualifications to give such instruc- 
tion are evinced by a monument erected to his memory 
in the College of which he was a Fellow, by his scholars who 
annually commemorated his excellence every St. Cyprian's 

The other forms of social unsoundness to be dealt with 
were crime and vice. They naturally first came under the 
consideration of the Justices of Peace. As many of the 
scholars after settling down in life occupied such a social 
status (an income from land of 100 a year) as would qualify 
them for these positions under the 1744 Act, many were 
naturally called upon to serve in this capacity, and the way 
in which they performed their public duties testifies to the 
value of their school training. Unfortunately it is not possible 
to identify the Justices to whom Manchester is indebted 
for the prison reform that took place at this time on the 
instigation of John Howard, who had been engaged in point- 
ing out the miserable condition of prisoners, whether con- 
victed criminals, or innocent but poor persons who were 
accused of crime, often falsely, but it is evident that some 
of them had been trained at the Grammar School. On 
November 5, 1774, John Howard visited the new House of 
Correction opened at Hunt's Bank in Manchester, and offered 
suggestions for the better treatment of the prisoners, urging 
particularly the cause of those who had been long confined. 
His suggestions must have been appreciated and carried out, 
for in the following year he found the number of inmates 


reduced from twenty-one to six. He made other visits in 
1776, 1779, and 1782, and when the new Bailey Prison was 
opened in 1787, a tablet was placed in a prominent position, 
which bears the following inscription : 

' That there may remain to posterity a monument of 
the affection and gratitude of this country to the most ex- 
cellent person who hath so fully proved the wisdom and 
humanity of separate and solitary confinement of offenders, 
this prison is' inscribed with the name of John Howard.' 

At this time religious activity was aroused in all sections 
of the Christian Church in England by the preaching of 
John Wesley, who had first preached in Salford in 1735. 
In Manchester the Nonjurors and Jacobites, such as Dr. 
Deacon, Rev. John Clayton, and others, were also very 
active, and their zeal succeeded in arousing interest to repair 
some of the old as well as to cause the building of new churches. 
Trinity Chapel was rebuilt 1751 ; and St. Mary's, St. Paul's, 
and St. John's, founded in 1753, 1765, 1769. Many of 
the incumbents of these churches and some of their founders 
had been trained at the School under Purnell and Lawson. 

In 1757, the collegiate body was reorganised. The 
revenues of the clergy had been increased ' near 500 a year ' 
(Joseph Stott), and greater zeal was manifest in many 
directions. Some of the worshippers at the Nonconformist 
chapel in Cross Street, dissatisfied with the Arian tendencies 
of the new preacher Mr. Seddon, who had come to help Mr. 
Mottershead the old minister, decided to hold evangelistic 
meetings of their own at the old meeting-house in Cold Street. 
They soon found themselves strong enough to build a chapel 
of their own, and approached Dr. John Byrom, who sold 
them a piece of his land in Cannon Street. This was not the 
only interest he showed in them. Their preacher Rev. Caleb 
Warhurst had been strongly recommended to Dr. Byrom 
by his friend Rev. John Newton of Olney in a letter to Richard 
Houghton, dated November 18, 1762, when Newton requests 
that ' when Dr. Byrom has finished with Jonathan Edwards' 
" Enquiry into Prevailing Notions of the Freedom of the 
Will," he will let his servant leave it for Mr. Warhurst at 
Mr. Clegg's in Turner Street. The Rev. Caleb Warhurst is 
a truly humble and pious man.' l 

1 Byrom and Wesley, by Elijah Hoole, and Byrom' s Journal. 


The Chetham Library continued to exert a marked in- 
tellectual influence on the feoffees themselves, who chose 
the books, as well as on the readers in the town. It served 
as a natural intellectual centre, and the senior boys of the 
Grammar School were accustomed to study there, and were 
doubtless encouraged by the librarians, most of whom had 
received their education at the School. 

The peripatetic public subscription lectures on Natural 
Philosophy, which we have noticed in 1743, were evidently 
continued at intervals. They were mainly supported by 
fashionable audiences, though medical students often attended. 
The following advertisement appeared in the Manchester 
Mercury, November 15, 1702 : 

* A course of 20 lectures on Experimental Philosophy to 
be given at the late Angel Inn, Market Place, by James 
Ardenn, Teacher of Experimental Philosophy at Beverley. 
Natural Philosophy, Mechanics, Astronomy, Geography, 
use of globes, Hydrostatics, Pneumatics, Optics.' 

And in the issue May 29, 1764 : 

' Mr. Ferguson takes this method of acquainting his 
friends that he proposes to begin his course of lectures in 
Experimental Philosophy on Monday, 4th June 1764. He 
desires that those who choose to favour him with their 
attendance will leave their names at Mr. Newton's Book- 
seller where a subscription list is called.' 

John Banks, of Kendal, also conducted classes at the 
Bull's Head Inn, 1772 (advertisement in Harrop's Mer- 
cury}. An epitome of his course of lectures on Natural 
Philosophy was published 1789, and is very similar to that 
of Caleb Rotherham. 

But natural philosophy was not the only subject which 
awakened the interest and engaged the attention of the more 
enlightened inhabitants of the town and district. Increased 
trade and foreign travel caused sons of the well-to-do mer- 
chants as well as sons of some of the county families to 
become acquainted with the active Continental Universities. 
Many of the wealthy began to make their own antiquarian 
and natural history collections so as to become patrons of 
workers in such subjects. Among them the Right Hon. James 


Stanley, Lord Strange, feoffee of the School, educated at 
Leyden, began his famous Natural History collection. 

Sir Ashton Lever (1729-1788), of Alkrington, Prestwich, 
educated at Salford Grammar School and Christ Church, 
Oxford, continued to add to the collections begun by his 
father, Darcy Lever, of objects of Natural History, Anthro- 
pology, and Archaeology, which included Captain Cook's 
uriosities. He subsequently moved the collection, on which 
he had spent 50,000, to London, in the hope of inducing 
the Government to purchase them, and thus to reimburse 
himself of some of his outlay. In this he failed, so he finally 
attempted to dispose of it by lottery. Only shares to the 
amount of 8,000 were taken up, and Sir Ashton Lever died 
suddenly, it is believed by his own hand, at the Bull's Head, 
Manchester, February 1786. 

Many of the early physicians and surgeons attached to 
the Infirmary had received their education at one of the 
two local schools, and the liberal education they had received 
enabled them to extend the study of medicine in its broader 
aspects. Richard and Edward Hall, sons of Richard Hall, 
and probably also Peter Main waring, M.D. (1695-1785), and 
Charles White, were educated at the Salford School, under 
John Clayton. Though it is not known that Samuel Kaye, 
of Bury, and his son Richard Kaye, attended any school 
in Manchester, they were closely associated with the town, 
for John Kaye of Salford, appointed feoffee of Chetham's 
Hospital in 1705, had come to reside in the town about 1725 
and attended the lectures on natural philosophy given in 
1743 by Caleb Rotherham of Kendal. Dr. Samuel Kaye 
is famous for his early recognition of the medicinal value 
of cod-liver oil. 

James Walker, F.R.S., passed in 1733 from the Manchester 
School to Brasenose College, Oxford, and, on the introduction 
of Charles White and Thomas Percival, became Fellow of the 
Royal Society. Of Dr. John Leach, long a resident in Man- 
chester, and a graduate of Leyden University, a governor 
and for some time treasurer of Chetham's Hospital, and 
who died in 1744, very little is known. There is a volume of 
MS. notes on Surgical Diseases, especially those of children, 
written by a surgeon who studied at Leyden and Edinburgh 
about this date which seems to belong to a series of lectures 
on medicine given in Manchester about 1750. 


The amount of fever existing among the patients who 
presented themselves for treatment at the Manchester In- 
firmary soon provided an object-lesson for the study of public 
health. Dr. Thomas Percival, who has been called the apostle 
of the modern sanitarian movement, was early attached to 
this Infirmary, and made his first studies in the extent of 
distribution, the rise and fall of deaths, from various epidemics 
such as smallpox, measles, &c. In association with Dr. 
John Aikin of Warrington and Dr. Haygarth of Chester, he 
provided a basis on which statisticians of a later age could 
base their arguments for a fuller consideration of the value 
of human life to the national welfare. 

The first Manchester theatre was erected in Marsden 
Street about 1753. So important a function of school life 
had the public performance of Christmas plays by boys be- 
come under Mr. PurnelTs influence, that within a few years 
of the building of this theatre Mr. Purnell arranged to hold 
the annual meeting of parents and friends of the Grammar 
School there instead of in the more restricted school-rooms. 
Pupils of the School performed various classical and other 
plays before their friends and relatives in December 1759, 
1760, and 1761. Such public performances met with the very 
strong disapproval of Dr. John Byrom, who a few years pre- 
viously had entered his vigorous protest against the appeal 
for public subscriptions asked for in support of the Kersal 
races. Dr. Byrom wrote a censure in the form of an epilogue 
and sent it with an anonymous letter. Mr. Purnell replied 
in a letter which reveals both his liberality of view and his 
strength of purpose. He begins by expressing his disapproval 
of anonymous letters, and continues : 

* My notions of the stage are different from yours. I 
think it may be made use of for good ends and purposes 
and to promote virtue and religion as well as the pulpit. 
There are some vices more fit for reproval by the 
stage than by the pulpit. I have lately received some 
volumes of sermons from a friend, a doctor of Divinity, and 
some plays published by another friend, and there is more 
sense, more learning, and more religion in the plays than in 
the sermons. If I thought the play would take the minds 
of any of my youths I would never have engaged in it. I 
am sure the youths benefited by the play, and I have used 
all possible care to prevent any ill consequences you are 


apprehensive of. As to virtue and religion, I have as great 
a regard for them as yourself, but as to reputation, I am 
entirely indifferent about it. You may publish the epilogue 
when you please.' 

The volumes of sermons in question appear to be those 
of Dr. Henry Stebbing, a controversialist of the famous Ban- 
gorian controversy, while the plays were probably those of 
Dr. John Brown, of Newcastle-on-Tyne, who had taken part 
in the siege of Carlisle against the Jacobites, and had written 
the tragedies of ' Barbarossa ' to show the evils of inordinate 
and selfish ambition, and of * Athelstan,' both of which met 
with considerable success when performed at Drury Lane 
Theatre about this time. 

It has been pointed out that the subsequent career of 
each of the participants in the public play of 1759 abun- 
dantly supports Mr. PurnelPs contention that a liberal 
education was the best preparation for a useful and purpose- 
ful life. 

William Purnell died in 1764, after forty-one years' service 
at the School. It is strange that nothing but the bare notifi- 
cation of his decease occurs in the local periodicals, and also 
that four of the Tory collegiate clergy adopted the unusual 
course of petitioning that Charles Lawson should be appointed. 
He was so evidently suitable for the post, and he had recognised 
rights of succession. It seems as if there was some likeli- 
hood of interference by the Whig Warden Peploe, on account 
of Lawson's High Church sympathies, and perhaps on behalf of 
some nominee of the Crown. No such hitch actually occurred. 
Mr. Lawson was at once appointed. He gave an introductory 
address on entering into his duties as high master on ' The 
Ancient Glories of the School, and the Use of the Classical 
Languages to Education.' 1 If he did not continue the interest 
shown by Mr. Purnell in dramatic representation, he was 
at least during his early life interested in the outdoor life 
of his boys, for he annually presided at the Bull's Head Inn, 
Market Place, whilst the boys shot with bows and arrows 
for prizes. 2 

With each appointment of a fresh high master the School 
had undergone a rapid expansion. During the five years 
that succeeded the appointment of Mr. Purnell the entrances 

1 Whatton's Foundations. 

2 Harland's Collectanea, vol. ii. p. 67. 


had risen from 100 to 150. During the first five years that 
succeeded the appointment of Mr. Lawson, they rose from 
150 to 250. The number proceeding to the University, and 
the number of boarders, similarly increased. The over- 
crowding of the old premises had not been due entirely to 
the increased number of boys seeking University training nor 
to the larger number of boarders : the sons of the commercial 
classes in the town were now fully appreciating the high 
training offered by the School, especially when this was 
reinforced by additional teaching at private mathematical 
schools kept by Ainsworth, Henry Clarke, and others. Both 
Purnell and Lawson were men of deep religious feeling and 
a high sense of responsibility. Though neither were engaged 
in public preaching in the town, as Henry Brooke had been, 
they had profoundly impressed the public with a sense of 
seriousness quite compatible in the case of Purnell with a 
strong sense of humour. 

The main ostensible object of the School was still the 
preparing of boys for the English Universities, where they 
might obtain that further general intellectual equipment 
which continued to be the aim of English learning. When 
we examine in detail the extent to which its educational 
privileges were enjoyed by actual residents in the town, the 
result is very remarkable. During the period now under 
review (1749-1784), 183 scholars proceeded from the School 
to the English Universities ; of these 153, or 84 per cent., 
had been boarders, and only 30, or 16 per cent., were 
local residents, most of them being sons of local clergy or 
others seeking professional and almost exclusively clerical 
careers. Many of the Cambridge scholars took high posi- 
tions in the Mathematical Tripos examinations, after 1747, 
when the examinational attainments of candidates were classi- 
fied and published. The year 1759 was 'Annus Mirabilis ' 
for the School, since the positions of first, third, and fifth 
Wrangler were all held by scholars from the Manchester 
School. It is doubtful whether many English Grammar 
Schools possessed equally good mathematical teaching at this 
period. 1 In the further movement for the reform of the ex- 
amination initiated by John Jebb, an old Manchester scholar, 
Miles Popple of Trinity College, took a prominent part. 2 

1 Cf. Mr. Ayscough, quoted in Hone's Year Booh 

2 Vide Gentleman's Magazine, 1786-7, and School Register. 



Although theoretically the benefits of the School were 
available for able boys of restricted means, as an actual fact 
this had largely ceased to be the case in the eighteenth 
century. The difficulties that beset the early career of, 
at any rate, one of the most notable of such boys proves the 
failure of the School to accomplish this purpose at this time, 
for the incident could hardly have occurred in the time of 
Henry Newcome and John Wickens, when the need for public 
preachers caused diligent search to be made for able boys. 

Henry Clarke, born 1743, son of Thomas Clarke of Salford, 
was admitted to the Manchester Grammar School about 
1752 under Purnell. 1 He learned the rudiments of mathe- 
matics from Mr.- Lawson and constructed a globe nine inches 
in diameter when only nine years of age. Having no means 
of support he soon left the School, and at the age of thirteen 
became assistant in the Academy of Aaron Grimshaw of 
Leeds. Here he met Joseph Priestley. In 1762 he helped 
Robert Pulman, land surveyor, mathematical teacher and 
writing master of Sedbergh, who kept an Academy at Leeds. 
An advertisement in Harrop's Manchester Mercury, 1765, 
shows that Clarke practised as a land surveyor in Manchester, 
and later advertisements (e.g. December 22, 1772) show 
further that he practised as a schoolmaster. It was to the 
Chetham Library even more than to the School that he owed 
his opportunities for study, for in the presentation copy of 
his translation of A. M. Lorgna's ' Dissertation on Converging 
Series,' published 1779, Henry Clarke writes to the librarian 
of Chetham's : 

' As an acknowledgment as well for the advantages I 
have received from the College library as the very obliging 
manner you have accommodated me with the books, I would 
wish to deposit a complete copy. In this, Sir, I hope to meet 
with your usual indulgence. 

1 Rev. Sir, your most obliged, 


Clarke was appointed Professor at the College of Arts and 
Science established in Manchester in 1783, which had so 
short an existence. ' About 1791 he became schoolmaster 

1 The School Candidates, 1788, with Memoir of Henry Clarke, LL.D., 
by G. E. Bailey, 1877. 


in Salford, describing himself as penman, arithmetician, 
geographer, and experimental philosopher, and as such was 
responsible for the commercial education of the sons of many 
of the better merchant families. 

Jeremiah Ainsworth (1743-1784) entered the Manchester 
Grammar School about the same time as Henry Clarke. 
He was of unusual talents, but they were not in demand for 
any recognised occupational career. As already mentioned, 
for many years he kept a mathematical school in Long Mill- 
gate, opposite to the old School, and taught many of its scholars 
when they were not with Lawson. A few months before 
his death in 1784 he was appointed steward of the Chetham 
Hospital estates. 

In contrast to the lack of encouragement of Henry Clarke 
and Jeremiah Ainsworth stands the benevolent help afforded 
to another clever but poor lad, Joshua Brookes, who 
became one of Manchester's most noted worthies and whose 
characteristics are so vividly portrayed by Mrs. Linnaeus 
Banks in * The Manchester Man.' He was admitted to the 
School in February 1764, and soon became a distinguished pupil 
under Charles Lawson. In consequence Thomas Ayscough, 
senior fellow of the College, collected together sufficient 
money to send him to Oxford. He graduated B.A. 1778, 
Brasenose College, and obtained a Hulme Exhibition. He 
was licensed to the chapelry at Chorlton-cum-Hardy in 
1782, but resigned that living in 1790 on being appointed 
chaplain to the Collegiate Church, a position he held for 
thirty-one years. ' Mindful of the help he had himself 
received, he willingly helped others.' 

'He was rough and unclerical in outward demeanour, 
but he possessed qualities of heart and mind which com- 
mended him to those who regarded the inner man. . . . 
He was a profound scholar and a divine of strict discipline, 
of a warm yet forgiving temper, of acute feeling, of a generous 
and benevolent disposition, yet in the conscientious dis- 
charge of his sacred duties often assailed by the ridicule 
of the ignorant, the malicious and the uncultivated rabble.' 1 

We have already noted that the extant School registers 
were begun in 1733 after Henry Brooke had been in charge for 

1 Of. Booker's History of Chorlton Chapel ; Raines' M8S. t vol. xiii 
p. 131 ; Manchester School Register, vol. i. p. 108. 


six years. They are fairly, though not absolutely complete, for a 
number of boarders in the houses of masters have been omitted. 



Probable No. in 
School at one time. 

To the English 

Between 1733-1749 > 
1749- 1764 f 




} 183 


Although the admission of wealthy boarders to the bene- 
fits of Classical training at the school was quite within the 
1524 regulations that ' no boy of any other county (than 
Lancashire) should be excluded,' it is very doubtful if 
that phrase should have been extended to include the bribing 
of boys from distant regions by means of University Ex- 
hibitions derived from the taxing of the corn and malt of the 
inhabitants of the Town of Manchester. The boys attending 
the Grammar School became an increasingly selected class, 
not perhaps from any deliberate policy on the part of feoffees 
or masters, but simply because the study of Latin and Greek, 
though still, as in Hugh Oldham's time, the gateway to learn- 
ing, was not the gateway to the commercial and industrial 
life which was now so rapidly absorbing the interests of the 
majority of the townspeople. 

The mixture during school life of wealthy boarders 
with sons of well-to-do merchants of equal ability and 
enterprise proved of great service in the cultivation 
of public spirit, for it caused the boarders, many of 
whom came from considerable distances and had been 
brought up in the somewhat limited atmosphere of country 
life, to become acquainted with the interests and activities 
of a thriving commercial town which possessed few rich idlers, 
and therefore offered few temptations to dissipation. The 
constant presence of a number of serious scholars, of whom 
four or five were annually leaving the School for the Univer- 
sities, also insured a degree of though tfulness and maturity 
of mind among the senior boys, which enabled the highest 
value to be derived from a classical education. 

George Morewood entered the Manchester Grammar School 
in the summer 1771 and continued till Christmas 1780, nine 
and a half years. He tells us that he entered the under part 


of the Lower School in 1771, held perhaps in the outbuilding 
of 1684, for the old building was one of one storey. Here the 
first rudiments of learning were taught, and out of it a class 
of proficients yearly ascended into what was called the Middle 
School. The Middle and Higher Schools were then conducted 
in the long room, into which he entered after the Christmas 
recess of 1772. At this time the Upper and Middle Schools 
were under the direction of Mr. Lawson as High Master, 
Mr. Darby as second master, and Mr. Jackson as assistant ; 
and the Lower School in the care of Mr. Samuel Jackson, 
a relative, it is believed, of the assistant master. During 
Mr. Morewood's stay the whole School was rebuilt, and for 
a time the scholars were taught in a triangular room in that 
end of Chetham's Hospital or the College, as it was popularly 
called, next to the Grammar School. Mr. Morewood's im- 
pression of Mr. Lawson was that, if not a profound teacher, 
he was generally correct, and he considered that his most 
striking characteristic was a strong love of justice and a great 
impartiality in all his dealings with the boys. For this, as 
well as for other qualities, although a severe master, he was 
much liked by the boys generally, and by some of the seniors 
respected and beloved. Both Mr. Lawson and Mr. Darby 
had boarders in their houses, and Mr. Morewood thinks that 
twenty guineas a year was the sum paid for each boarder. 

A sketch of the School life is also given by Thomas Seddon, 
whose attempted entry into the study of medicine after a 
two years' stay at the School has been recorded above. It is 
evidently coloured by a sense of failure : 

' In that highly reputable Grammar School at Manchester 
(though fixed as Fate to the dunce's form) I must by dint 
of memory have been made into a decent classic, for the 
progression there is so cautiously slow that, according to 
the rules established there, neither the brightest boy nor 
the most consummate blockhead is permitted to advance 
more than one class in twelve months, so that the ignorant 
associating with the ingenious, through a course of educa- 
tion, cannot remain altogether in ignorance. The apt 
scholar is under a kind of necessity to assist his ignorant 
class-fellow, and as in communicating our ideas we commonly 
correct our own, the expediency serves as a payment for 
the pains then taken by stopping that rapidity of fancy 
which is the offspring of a quick apprehension, to reflect 


upon what otherwise might be too cursorily read and too 
soon forgotten. ... I have, and ever shall have, to lament 
the want of a longer continuance in this School, but it was 
my fate never to be more than two years under the same 
preceptor, and most of my teachers were so inadequate 
to the province they assumed, that, though I read Homer, 
it was with a man who I could discover had little knowledge 
of even his accidence.' 

Another indication of the type of boarders who frequented 
the School is given by the contents of a bill paid to John 
Darby, usher of the School in 1776 : 'A carriage and four 
and a pair of saddle-horses for the journey of Mr. John and 
Mr. William Bagshaw to Manchester School.' 1 

The Speech Days were generally held on the first Tuesday 
in October, when the boys were encouraged to recite their 
own poems, no doubt after being corrected by Charles Lawson. 
Old alumni of the School were also invited to send their 
University poems to Mr. Lawson, and these were frequently 
given as well. Occasionally the University prize poem itself 
was recited as a model for the boys. In this way a love 
of good expression was encouraged among them, and the 
poems were greatly prized in after years. 2 

Annual feasts were held on Shrove Tuesday, the School 
festival. After the boys had finished their competitions 
of shooting with bows and arrows, they adjourned to the 
Bull's Head, in the Market Place, the most important inn of 
Manchester, where they were entertained by Charles Lawson. 3 
One of his favourite mottoes was ' What will please the boys 
will please the multitude.' 

The state of the Manchester School was evidently very 
much better than that of many other Grammar Schools of 
whom Lord Kenyon, in delivering judgment in the case of 
the King v. Archbishop of York, thus speaks : 

* Whoever will examine the state of Grammar Schools 
in different parts of the kingdom will see to what a lament- 
able condition most of them are reduced, and would wish 
that those who are in superintendence or control over them 
had been as circumspect as the Archbishop of York, Dr. 

1 School Registers, vol. ii. p. 10. 

2 See School Registers, vol. i. p. 121 ; vol. ii. p. 71. 

8 Harland's Collectanea (Chetham Society's publications), vol. ii. p. 179. 


Markham, formerly headmaster of Westminster. If others 
had equally done their duty we should not find, as is now 
the case, empty walls without scholars, and everything 
neglected but receipt of salaries and emoluments. In 
some instances that have lately come within my knowledge 
there was not a single scholar in the school though there 
were large emoluments to them.' * 

The remark, attributed to Churton, and which is said to 
have offended Joshua Brook, is capable of more than one 
interpretation : ' Manchester is more celebrated for its 
School than for its learning.' 

A general spirit of improvement of the town was in the 
air. Large sums of money were subscribed by the inhabitants 
to purchase property so as to enlarge and widen Old Millgate 
and St. Mary's Gate, to open a new street from the Exchange 
to St. Ann's Square, and to obtain parliamentary powers 
to pave, clean, and light the streets. A public meeting was 
held January 15, 1776. The scheme of the Bill was presented 
to the House of Commons, March 12, and passed the House of 
Commons in April, receiving Royal assent, May 20, 1776. 

At length, however, it was unmistakably evident that 
the School premises were unsuitable for the new conditions. 
It was decided to pull down the one-storeyed stone building 
of the Grammar School which had been standing from 1515, 
with its annexe of 1686, and erect a more capacious building 
capable of holding from 200 to 250 boys. There is no known 
illustration of the old building, though perhaps the outlines 
may be identified in the view of Manchester from the north, 
published 1760. Money for the new building was obtained 
partly out of school funds, and partly out of the sale of school 
property in Essex, for by the Act of Parliament, 1758, the 
feoffees had power of sale. 2 The new building was larger than 
the old, but was erected on the same site. It was two storeys 
high and stood till 1879. 

It was probably due to the energy of Robert Radcliffe, 
Edward Greaves, Sir Thomas Egerton of Tatton, and his 
namesake Samuel Egerton of Tatton, that the new scheme 
was carried through. In 1779 Mr. Lawson obtained permission 
from the Chetham feoffees to rent and use part of the Derby 
Garden as a playground for his boarders, who were now very 

1 Term Reports, vol. vi. p. 490. 
1 Kenyan MSS,, p. 519. 



* That it may please thee to bless and keep the Magistrates, giving them 
grace to execute justice and to maintain Truth. We beseech thee to hear 
us, good Lord.' English Litany. 

The Grammar Schools fail to provide training for the unprivileged classes 
The establishment of Annual Dinners for the Old Boys Enhanced 
position of the clergy The wealthy landowners raise local troops for 
the American War, which are sent to Gibraltar on the Declaration of 
Peace with America The Nonconformist members of the merchant 
classes, already shut off from the English Universities, where learn- 
ing is monopolised in the interests of the clergy, failing also to get 
suitable training at the Grammar School, cultivate the study of science 
and the fine arts They found the Manchester Literary and Philo- 
sophical Society The Chetham Library gradually ceases to be the 
centre of liberal learning or of natural science The rivalry of Pitt 
and Fox emphasises the growing antagonism between town and country 
and leads to the split up of the old Whig party Further alienation 
of the town interest in the Grammar School on account of the increasing 
needs of the industrial population Death of Charles Lawson. 

THE study of grammar that is, of Latin and Greek literature 
was originally established by men with practical knowledge 
of public affairs to provide an open gateway, available for 
all who desired to enter into the possession of knowledge. 
By allying it with the humanistic study of the Scriptures 
which took place at the Reformation, educational pioneers 
in England had created a new basis of authority in the 
instructed but self -directing conscience of the individual. 
After the Reformation a knowledge of Latin had served the 
study of Government at the Inns of Court. During the 
Commonwealth the study of Latin and Hebrew had assisted 
in setting up, in London and in Lancashire, a theocracy under 
Presbyterian ascendancy which, in spite of the excellence of 



its educational discipline, failed to hold the people permanently 
because its intolerant dogmatism and censoriousness inter- 
fered with the freedom of the individual and was thereby 
opposed to the English character. Further liberalising 
tendencies were introduced into education by international 
commerce during the time of Whig supremacy and were 
fostered by Whig benefactions. They do not become an 
organised part of the general system of English learning 
because the highest seats of English education had become 
monopolised at the beginning of the eighteenth century in 
the interests of the clergy, whose self-seeking and self- 
indulgence restricted their outlook, and whose lack of moral 
purpose was only partially redeemed by the Pietist movement 
set going by the Non jurors and the more religiously inclined 
Jacobites. At those schools which possessed masters like 
Purnell and Lawson who were capable of inspiring their 
pupils with some zeal for public duty, a revised classical 
training, amplified by the study of Modern and Ancient 
History, was very helpful to the well-to-do country gentry 
and merchant classes. We have noticed how such training 
had marked influence in awaking general intelligence in many 
directions at a time when the nation was elbowing its way, 
with little regard for the needs of its humbler members or 
the claims of its rivals. 

We now come to a period when Whig oligarchy had 
become permeated by caste prejudice and separated from the 
rest of the community. It had developed a social antagonism 
born of a jealousy of the rising power of the trading classes, 
who had received in the Evangelical revival a widely different, 
but by no means necessarily inferior moral training to its own. 
This jealousy became combined with a fear of the violence 
of an industrial class altogether untrained. We have now 
to consider how far the old learning, reinforced by the later 
additions, helped those in power to overcome their party 
spirit and welcome new classes to share their privileges. Was 
it able to break down caste prejudices, to moderate social 
antagonisms, to discover new principles of political justice 
between those of the poor who were downtrodden and those 
of the rich who were self-indulgent ? If it failed in these 
things, it might continue as a social luxury or as an intellectual 
accomplishment and provide means of relaxation for a selected 
few of the leisured classes, or remain a suitable preparation 


for the limited number who were seeking ecclesiastical or 
professional advance and preferment, but it could in no sense 
be regarded as affording the common groundwork needed 
for a truly national education which would serve the needs 
of the most intellectually enterprising of all classes. 

The rebuilding of the School in 1776 was itself in some 
measure a recognition of the fact that a new order of things 
had arisen with new needs. The feoffees who held office 
at the time were mostly elderly men. For many generations 
son had succeeded father, or nephew had succeeded uncle in 
the management of the School affairs, as well as in the 
succession of family estates, and an idea of hereditary 
proprietorship had grown up which was compatible with 
benevolence and with a form of public spirit, yet less likely 
to keep the School in touch with local needs than would have 
been the case had its administration been shared by merchants 
and professional men. Though the building was new, the 
policy was old. Similar circumstances were causing the 
Chetham Library also to lose touch with the corporate life 
of the town, though in both cases the feoffees were undoubtedly 
men of integrity and honour, and of experience in public life. 

The prosperity of the School had begun to decline towards 
the latter part of the high mastership of Charles Lawson, 
even at a time when efforts were being made to secure its 
permanence through the deliberate cultivation of school 
traditions and the perpetuation of school friendships by the 
establishment of anniversary School Dinners and by the 
consistent election of old boys on the body of feoffees. The 
full manifestation of its failure was, however, delayed for 
some years. 

The period of the School's greatest numerical and social 
success was therefore also the period when serious, though 
fortunately not fatal, symptoms of decay began to appear. 

The following statement appears on the front page of 
the ' Anniversary Dinner Book ' : 

'Sept. 24th, 1781. At a meeting of gentlemen educated 
at the Free Grammar School in Manchester, Sir Thos. 
Egerton, Bart., in the chair, the following resolutions are 
agreed upon : 

' That there be an annual meeting of such gentlemen as 
have been scholars of the Free School on some day near the 
feast of St. Michael of which previous notice shall be given 


by the stewards of the meeting in the Manchester, Liverpool, 
and Chester papers one month before the said meeting. 

' That there be two stewards elected annually. 

' That there be a holiday for the whole day for the school- 
boys on the anniversary. 

' That such members as may attend insert their names 
in the book. 

' That the masters sit on the right hand of each steward. 

' That Sir Thomas Egerton and Mr. Wm. Egerton of Tatton 
be stewards for the year ensuing.' 

There are thirty- two signatories to this document, five 
of them being feoffees of the School as well as old scholars. 
The account of the second meeting, held October 2, 1782, 
gives the lists of toasts : 

1. Success to the meeting. 

2. Success to the School. 

3. Success to the Town and Trade of Manchester. 

4. Health of Mr. Lawson and Mr. Darby, second master, 

who were present as guests. 

The dinners were distinct social successes, perhaps in 
part because they were begun at least two years before the 
break-up of the Whig party and the antagonism between 
Pitt and Fox caused political differences to become violently 
acute. The earlier dinners were regularly presided over by 
Sir Thomas Egerton, while member of Parliament for 
Lancashire and before he became member of the House of 
Lords. Many old scholars travelled long distances to meet 
their old masters and companions, and to offer congratula- 
tions to those who had achieved such social distinctions as 
appointment to the position of Sheriff of the County or 
Borough-reeve of the Town. Both Charles Lawson and 
John Darby the assistant master regularly attended these 
dinners, and during the first twenty years some two hundred 
different scholars took part. If, in these early days, there 
was less honour rendered to high scholarship than was the 
case in the succeeding period when the School was under the 
sway of Rev. Jeremiah Smith, yet in acknowledging public 
service something even better was accomplished, and oppor- 
tunity was afforded for welcoming those who like Colonel 
Drinkwater had received recent military recognition and 


Sir Thomas Egerton, the founder of the Old Boys' Anni- 
versary Dinners, always devoted to his old schoolmaster, 
Charles Lawson, naturally took the leading position. The 
Holland family from whom he inherited his estates had 
been connected with the School from Elizabethan times, 
and his wife Eleanor, daughter and co-heiress of Ralph 
Assheton, was the representative of a family which had been 
connected with the School from its very foundation. Her 
only brother had died while a scholar at the School. Sir 
Thomas Egerton was elected Parliamentary representative 
of the county in 1768, and held this office till 1784 when he 
was raised to the peerage as Baron Grey de Wilton ' in recog- 
nition of his unremitting labours for the public benefit, 
particularly in his raising at his own expense a company of 
cavalry ' which he drilled in Heaton Park. He was made 
Earl of Wilton in 1801, and died 1814 at Heaton House. 1 

The ineptitude of our political and military leaders in 
the American War, and particularly the discredit attached 
to the failure at Saratoga, in 1778, had begun to rouse 
the country from its lethargy and self-sufficiency. Sir 
Thomas Egerton raised a troop of cavalry at his own charges 
and had them trained in his own private grounds at Heaton 
Park. The general citizens of Manchester and district raised 
a sum amounting to 8,000 in order to provide a regiment 
for service in America. Some 1,082 men were soon enrolled. 
Hitherto only an occasional scholar from the School had fol- 
lowed the profession of arms ; now the spirit of patriotism 
pervaded all ranks of Society. The aristocratic feoffees of the 
School and the sons of wealthy merchants alike taking com- 
missions, the senior scholars soon followed, some obtaining 
commissions, others entering the ranks. Among the earliest 
to join the new town regiment subsequently known as the 
72nd or Manchester Royal Volunteers was John Drinkwater, 
son of John Drinkwater, surgeon in Salford, born July 12, 
1762. He had entered the School January 18, 1773, and 
obtained his commission in 1778, at the age of sixteen. 

The surrender of Cornwallis at Yorktown prevented the 
Government sending the regiment to America, but caused them 
to send it to join the force under General Eliott, engaged 
in the defence of Gibraltar, the siege of which had originally 

1 For other feoffees see Appendix. 



begun in 1779, but whose complete blockade started in 1781. 
It reached its greatest intensity September 1782, when the 
combined French and Spanish fleets of 47 ships- of- the- line, 
numerous frigates and ten floating batteries, commanding 
500 guns, anchored within 1,200 yards of the British entrench- 
ments, while the British garrison could only oppose 96 guns. 
Nevertheless the garrison sustained the siege till January 
1783, when they were relieved. 

John Drinkwater was in Gibraltar during the whole of 
the defence, which constituted the one bright spot in the 
long series of disgraces and disasters that characterised the 
English management of the war. He afterwards accompanied 
General Sir George Eliott as secretary, when he was made 
Viceroy of Corsica. He was present at the battle of St. 
Vincent and published an account of it. He returned to 
England and served as Chairman of Commission on a Military 
Enquiry. He also acted as Controller of Army Accounts in 
1811. In answer to his request the feoffees of Chetham's 
Hospital placed the colours of the disbanded Manchester 
Regiment in the public library. Drinkwater published a 
history of the Siege of Gibraltar which went through some 
four or five editions. An author's presentation copy is in 
the School Library. The following description of the citizen 
soldiers who served under him is given by Joseph Bud worth, 
who entered the Grammar School January 1769 and died 
1815, in the introduction of his poem on Gibraltar : 

' When my native town of Manchester gladly gave one 
thousand men to Government, and even clothed them till 
they arrived at Gibraltar, they were put under the command 
of Lt.-Col. Gladstones. A finer regiment of recruits had 
never been seen before, and in a very short time, from the 
indefatigable exertions of the Colonel, they were completely 
disciplined. ... I was the oldest but one of a company of 
one hundred strong, and it is a great credit to them, and 
satisfaction to their officers to have seen them return to 
their looms with as much industry as they had shown alert- 
ness against the common enemy at Gibraltar. 

'Sloan St., Chelsea, Nov. 17, 1794.' 

The increasing income of the old Collegiate body not 
only benefited the Warden and Fellows, but improved the 
incomes of the many chaplains and curates who held local 


benefices. Efforts were made in which many successful 
merchants and manufacturers took active part to establish 
new churches or to rebuild and enlarge the old ones, and thus 
provide for the personal convenience of the well-to-do, as 
well as to raise the level of intelligence and the standard of 
conduct of the rapidly increasing general population. For 
the newly established churches highly trained clergy were 
needed. Consequently those grammar schools which had 
maintained their close association with the English Uni- 
versities, and retained a high-level classical curriculum, 
continued to be well attended. 

The natural head of the local clergy was Warden Richard 
Assheton (1727-1800), who had succeeded the somewhat 
supine Dr. Samuel Peploe, junior, June 1780. With him was 
associated Rev. Thomas Aynscough (1719-1793), only sur- 
vivifcg son of Radley Aynscough, who had been educated at 
the Manchester Grammar School, under H. Brooke, and at 
Brasenose College, Oxford. He was the life-long friend of 
Charles Lawson, whom he had known at Oxford. In 
November 1761 he was elected Fellow of the Manchester 
College, and in 1765 was curate of Birch, where he lived, and 
where he was instrumental in causing the chapel to be rebuilt. 
He succeeded Richard Assheton as feoffee of Chetham in 1766, 
and in 1788 was appointed feoffee of the Grammar School. 
He took an active interest in the Charity Schools of Manchester 
and served as trustee to the Elizabeth Scholes Charity, 
established in 1731 for ladies in reduced circumstances. 
His interest in Joshua Brookes, already related, was only one 
instance of his regard for boys at the Grammar School. 

Another Fellow at the College of considerable influence 
was Rev. Maurice Griffiths (1721-1798), born in Denbigh- 
shire, 1721 ; educated under William Purnell and at Jesus 
College, Oxford. He lived at Hunt's Bank close to the School, 
and was one of the early subscribers to the Manchester Sub- 
scription Library established in 1765. 1 He became a feoffee 
of his old School in 1770, and of Bury Grammar School in 
1778. He served as J.P. for the county, and, though he is 
reported to have had a great regard for literature, no modifying 
effect of this on his public actions is noticeable. In public 
affairs he was strongly opposed to Warden Peploe, and showed 

1 Avon's Handbook of Public Libraries of Manchester and Salford. 


great animus against those holding reforming opinions. 1 
He had sons of good abilities and striking presence, all edu- 
cated at the School, but whose habits earned for Dr. Griffiths 
and his family the title ' the Rev. Dr. Eli and his two sons, 
the Revs. Hophni and Phineas.' 

Numerous old Grammar School boys served as Justices 
of the Peace for town or county, Members of Parliament, &c., 
and took active interest in the administration of the work of 
the town, such as in the foundation of a public institution for 
giving advice and medical attention to poor married women. 
This institution later became the St. Mary's Hospital. 

Dr. Thomas Percival (1740- 180 4), son of Joseph Percival, 
merchant of Warrington, the apostle of Sanitary Science, 
had been entered as boarder at the Grammar School at the 
age of eleven with a view to proceeding to Oxford, but owing 
to ill-health had returned home and had been placed under 
tuition at the Warrington Academy. He subsequently studied 
at Edinburgh, Paris, and Leyden, and finally, in 1767, settled 
down to practise in Manchester, taking active part in the 
public movements in the town. About 1790, in conjunction 
with other physicians, he established the Board of Health 2 to 
obtain facts concerning the cause of preventable disease and to 
disseminate knowledge of the rightful method of prevention. 
Probably the most far-reaching result of the establishment 
of this Board was the invitation to Dr. Philips Kay (later 
Kay-Shuttleworth) to come to Manchester as secretary. 
Dr. Kay settled in Ancoats and with a few friends established 
the Ancoats Dispensary (later Ancoats Hospital) and gained 
that intimate knowledge of the evil effects of ignorance and 
poverty on national life which he used to such purpose in his 
public work as virtual founder of our English public educa- 
tional system a work which he began in Manchester by 
establishing the Manchester Statistical Society, 1833. 

The biographical notices attached to the names of many 
of the scholars in the printed School registers which have been 
edited by Finch Smith certainly show that religious training 
and classical education, reinforced by private tuition of some 

1 Prentice's Historical Sketches and Personal Recollections of Man- 
chester, 1792-1832. 

2 Medical Essays, by Thomas Percival, M.D. ; Medical Histories and 
Reflections, 1795, by John Ferriar, M.D., vol. ii. ' Prevention of Fevers in 
Great Towns.' 


modern subjects such as those described in Dodsley's ' Pre- 
ceptor,' had been successful in inspiring not a few to the 
performance of recognised public duties, though a great deal 
more general enlightenment, human interest, and sympathy 
were needed, particularly among those who were called upon 
for service in the Church and in the administration of the 
law. The limitation of the franchise to an insignificant few, 
though favourable to important interests, was unfavourable 
to the growth of a sense of public justice. Before social 
justice could be re-established, a new spirit of brotherhood 
needed to appear, which could recognise that the equality of 
opportunity ought not to be rendered inoperative by the 
inequality of wealth and power. 1 

It is only when we come to the consideration of the kind 
of training needed by the teachers, leaders, and thinkers who 
were called upon to guide the people through their new social 
anxieties and problems, that we realise how far the training 
hitherto provided by the eighteenth- century grammar schools 
and universities had fallen below the actual needs of the 

Patriotism and public spirit could not have saved the 
nation in the hour of its trial had there not been a movement 
of great force spreading among the lower middle and opera- 
tive classes to kindle their enthusiasm and inspire them with 
fresh ideals. This movement found expression in the support 
given to the Sunday Schools, whose foundation, extension, 
and activities formed the groundwork of the next process of 
social and national repair. Classes were held in cellars and 
in disused parts of warehouses. The teachers were generally 
members of the working classes themselves, often those 
who had received their education in Scotland. Others, who 
had secured their own development by persistent struggles 
against great obstacles, willingly gave up their scanty leisure to 
help others. The lesson books were the Bible and the Church 
Catechism ; the materials often only broken slates and pencils. 
Stories from the Bible and application of its teaching, in 
homely fashion, by those who had struggled with circum- 
stances, soon stirred the imagination and aroused effort to 
further progress. So eager were the pupils to learn that 

1 The question of how to deal justly with inequality of innate endow- 
ments is one of the pressing problems of democracy. 


many teachers, particularly in schools not under clerical 
control, added instruction in writing which could not be 
obtained elsewhere. 

The movement seemed at first to solve so many problems 
of social disorder that, on the suggestion of Robert Raikes 
of Gloucester, the Borough-reeve of Manchester summoned 
a public meeting to which inhabitants of the town of all 
denominations were invited, and as a consequence a Sunday 
School Association, representative of all religious bodies, 
was formed to raise funds. 

Rev. Robert Aynscough, though a stickler for the full 
carrying out of the Anglican rules in his own church, was 
active in supporting the movement, for he did not share 
the anxiety of his fellow clergy who regarded it as antago- 
nistic to the movement for extending the Charity Schools 
started by the Established Church for the actually destitute. 
One of the latter had grown out of the charity of 100 a 
year left by Catherine Richards, the last of the family of 
Hartley of Strangeways, and had expanded, under the control 
of the Warden and Fellows of the Collegiate Church, into 
extensive Charity Schools which were now held in Hanging 
Ditch. Other clergymen , however, regarded the new movement 
with more concern. Half-way between them was Robert 
Kenyon, librarian at Chetham Hospital and Incumbent of 
Sacred Trinity Church, Salford, who wrote, under date 
December 13, 1786 : 

' I have no objections to Sunday Schools in Salford, pro- 
vided they are properly regulated and the children are brought 
duly and constantly to church, otherwise you are teaching 
the children this false and wicked principle, that for the 
sake of learning to read or write, or other worldly advan- 
tages, it is lawful to neglect the public worship of God. But 
I am convinced in my own mind that regular Charity Schools 
are much more useful institutions, and had not my ill state 
of health prevented it, it was my fixed purpose and inten- 
tion the last spring, to have solicited your kind assistance 
in establishing two regular Charity Schools, one for fifty 
boys, and the other for fifty girls.' 

For fifteen years the various Sunday School societies 
in the town, whether attached to or independent of any 
particular religious organisation, were combined in a Sunday 


School Association ; not until 1800 did the Sunday Schools 
attached to the Anglican Church separate from the rest, 
and form their own organisation. 

Among those less favourably circumstanced, who entered 
business careers, habits of industry and prudence increased the 
comfort and opportunities of others as well as of themselves. 
Mechanical ingenuity found scope, and artistic powers found 
expression, in the decoration of textile fabrics and furniture &c. 
Others, owing to ill-health, ignorance, and indifference of their 
neighbours, fell in the crude competitive struggle, for it is 
only in a highly organised and well-instructed community that 
the prizes do not gravitate to the most self-assertive, and that 
discrimination takes note of other valuable social qualities. 
Once discrimination according to pecuniary position had 
begun, social cleavage was increased by social tradition. The 
unsuccessful soon became the downtrodden. It was this that 
made the eighteenth century so sordid. 

For the new political ideals and for the new incentive 
the middle and lower classes were indebted to the inspiring 
French Revolution. These ideals would have been far more 
destructive of good order and control among the English 
industrial classes had they been introduced before the appear- 
ance of the new Evangelical spirit in religious teaching and 
the establishment of Sunday Schools, for, though much 
intellectual ignorance existed, yet for a considerable number 
life was already imbued with a moral purpose. Among 
the better- educated middle classes who already possessed 
some love of logical order and established method, the 
Calvinistic teaching of Whitefield which obtained social as 
well as pecuniary advantages by the support of the Countess 
of Huntingdon, seems to have been the activating power. 
Among the less educated and more unsophisticated, the 
teaching of John Wesley had an extraordinary influence. 

The influence of the Grammar School, as of all official 
Manchester, was almost entirely against political reform. 
This is natural, for though numerous works on Medicine and 
Administration of the Law are mentioned in the catalogues 
of Charles Lawson's library and the Chetham Library, and 
though some still exist among the few eighteenth-century books 
still remaining in the School library, there is little evidence 
of the presence of the writings of the political economists, 
or of anything likely to assist in the interpretation of the 


aspirations and needs of the rising industrial world. The 
nearest approach is found in the writings of the Scottish 
moral philosophers such as James Beattie, Hugh Blair, James 
Harris, David Hartley, and there is a copy of Jeremy 
Bentham's ' Moral Philosophy.' As to devotional writings 
and theological works, those which predominate are cal- 
culated to combat the Latitudinarian writings of the period, 
such as those of John Leland. There are no signs of 
appreciation of the Evangelical work which the brothers 
Wesley and Whitefield were doing to raise the self-respect 
and purposefulness of the lower classes. 

The constant increase in commercial prosperity was 
associated with an intensification of the belief in the 
sacredness of property and privilege. The spread of this 
belief among those beneficed clergy and the popular Non- 
conformist ministers who were fully sharing in the general 
rise of comfort naturally caused current religious teaching 
tacitly to regard deference to property and privilege and 
established opinion to be of quite as much importance as the 
observance of authorised ritual, and perhaps too often of even 
more importance than the strict observance of Christian 
standards of conduct. This seems to be the explanation of 
the dignified formalism that passed for religion. The in- 
creased powers of capital, and the multiplication of middle 
men, bagmen and agents, took away much of the personal and 
human relationship between maker and user of goods. Even 
the richer merchants too often shared the narrowness of out- 
look, only a few using their wealth and leisure to cultivate or 
patronise the Arts and Sciences. 

It is interesting to note that the son and biographer of 
George Romney was admitted to the School in 1777, and that 
his fellow scholar William Sneyd was awarded three gold 
medals by the Society of Arts for his work on agriculture and 
horticulture. The high degree to which the cultivation of 
music was carried, and the patronage extended to it, are shown 
in the career of Joah Bates, son of an innkeeper at Halifax, 
who entered the School as a boarder in 1755. He was a 
distinguished scholar at King's College, Cambridge, and 
conducted the Handel celebrations in Westminster Abbey. 

The Manchester Literary and Philosophical Society was 
the outcome of the long-standing interest in Natural Science 
which had been kept alive at the Nonconformist academies, 


and also to some extent by the Chetham Library. For 
some years before 1781 

' a few gentlemen, inhabitants of the town, who were in- 
spired with a taste for Literature and Philosophy, formed 
themselves into a kind of weekly club for the purpose of 
conversing on subjects of that nature. These meetings 
were continued with some interruption for several years. 
Many respectable persons being desirous of becoming mem- 
bers, the numbers were increased so far as to induce the 
founders of the Society to think of extending their original 
design. Presidents and other officers were elected, a code 
of laws formed, and a regular Society constituted and 
denominated the Literary and Philosophical Society of 

Many joined the new Society who desired to increase 
their technical knowledge of chemistry in dyeing and printing 
and bleaching, just as French merchants in the earlier part 
of the century had encouraged the study of the meta- 
morphosis of insects to the formation of the cocoon in 
connection with the development of the silk industry. 

Of the twenty-four original founders, thirteen were in 
medical practice in Manchester and Salford. James Massey 
and Dr. Thomas Percival were appointed joint presidents ; 
Rev. Samuel Hall, M.A., Dr. Charles White, F.R.S., George 
Lloyd and Mr. George Bew, Vice-Presidents ; Rev. Thomas 
Barnes, minister of Cross Street Chapel, and Thomas Henry 
acted as secretaries. Although the word Literary seemed 
at first to refer to Modern Literature and Belles- Lettres, 
and was more concerned with those interests which were 
bound up with what was called an ' active life ' rather than 
the more sedentary life led by a student of books, it is 
evident that the new Society appealed strongly to some 
who had previously received a classical training at the Man- 
chester Grammar School, or its offshoot the Salford Grammar 
School. During the first twenty years of its existence nearly 
170 members were elected, and it is possible to identify 
about forty of these as having received their preliminary 
training under Lawson. Apart from the leaders of the 
medical profession, the great majority of the members were 
either engaged or interested in the extension of Science and 
Art to manufacturing purposes, and a few desired to keep 


alive their intellectual interests in matters other than purely 
commercial. It is to be noted that though neither Charles 
Lawson nor his assistant, Rev. John Darby, were enrolled 
as members, yet Rev. Robert Kenyon and Rev. John Radcliffe, 
the Chetham Librarians, Joshua Brookes, the Chaplain of the 
Collegiate Church, and Rev. John Foxley, Rev. John Bennett 
(admitted School, April 19, 1773), Rev. William Hawkes, Rev. 
William Houghton (admitted School, January 1757), Rev. 
William Rankin, Rev. John Vaux (admitted School, January 
1766), Rev. George Walker, F.R.S., were all members and by 
their presence showed that the new Society was by no means 
banned by the local clergy, though it is probable that the 
strongly marked High Church Collegiate clergy looked with 
some disfavour on a society in which merchants, without 
university training, cultivated literary and scientific interests. 
The Rev. S. Hall, the most important representative of the 
clergy to interest himself in it, though rector of St. Peter's 
Church, had incurred the disapproval of the Senior Fellow, 
Rev. Thomas Aynscough, so that he was effectually barred 
from election as Fellow of the College. On comparing the 
list of those who served as borough-reeve, or constables of 
Manchester, between 1782 and 1802, the date of the second 
Towns Improvement Act, I can only find five who were members 
of the new Society. During a similar period that is, for 
the first twenty years from the establishment of the anniver- 
sary dinners of old scholars nearly two hundred are recorded 
as having attended those gatherings, the majority of whom 
were University men, Manchester lawyers and merchants. 
Of these only about twelve appear on the rolls of the Man- 
chester Literary and Philosophical Society. It is noteworthy 
that no feoffees of the Grammar School, and only two of 
Chetham's Hospital viz. Rev. Robert Kenyon and Rev. 
Peter Haddon took sufficient interest in the work of the 
new Society to become members. It is evident that the 
Society met the intellectual needs of a class for whom no 
provision had hitherto been made. 

An attempt was made in 1783 to overcome this antagonism 
between the groups interested in the advancement of know- 
ledge, by founding an Academy in Manchester, to be sup- 
ported by all parties, and placed under the patronage of 
Edward, the twelfth Earl of Derby, Lord Lieutenant of the 
County, and the two members of Parliament, Sir Thomas 


Egerton and Sir Thomas Stanley, where boys should receive, 
after leaving school, some training in Natural Philosophy, 
in Applied Chemistry and Applied Mathematics, and in the 
Laws of Jurisprudence and Moral Philosophy. In spite of 
the cordial good wishes of the patrons and of many others, 
this college had only a brief existence. This was the college 
to which Henry Clarke was attached. 

If, however, the studies of physical science and chemistry 
were little favoured by the classically educated boys of the 
Grammar School, the studies ancillary to the medical profes- 
sion, and those which engaged the leisure of the wealthy, such 
as the Fine Arts, Natural History, &c., secured more con- 
sideration. Botany, as an out-of-door inexpensive hobby, 
continued to be studied even by the humble members of the 
community. Thus George Caley explored the districts round 
Manchester very thoroughly and was employed for a short time 
at Kew Gardens under Sir Joseph Banks (1743-1829). He re- 
turned to Manchester and was employed by Dr. Wedbury, then 
compiling his studies of English plants. He then studied 
Latin and Drawing. He was sent by Sir Joseph Banks on 
a botanical expedition to New South Wales. He collected 
quadrupeds, birds, and reptiles, and his collection was bought 
in 1818 by the Linnean Society. 1 

The story of James Henry Clough (1734-1804), of Long- 
sight, is also of interest. He was a handloom weaver and a 
diligent botanist. Whilst watching the passengers alight from 
the Bridgewater Canal packet at Knott Mill, he was accosted 
by a gentleman who was looking for someone to carry his bag 
to the White Bear Inn, Piccadilly. ' Old Clough,' nearly 
seventy years of age, volunteered all the more readily as the 
traveller wanted to be conducted along a rural path so as 
to pick up a few plants. Congenial conversation sprang up, 
for the visitor was interested in the newly established Liver- 
pool Botanical Gardens. So sound and so extensive was the 
botanical knowledge of the old weaver that he was invited 
to join the meeting to which the traveller was going. A few 
months later Clough was offered an important position at the 
Liverpool Gardens, and a sum of money was presented to him 
to recoup the expenses of his outlay. 2 He probably died 1809. 

1 Account of Lancashire Artisan Naturalists, by A. H. Reade, 1876. 

2 Earwaker, Local Gleanings, 1915, vol. i. p. 192. 


Many of the wealthy merchants like John Leigh Philips, 
who was a fellow-scholar with Joseph Budworth (though his 
name does not occur in the register), had special opportuni- 
ties for making collections of beautiful objects of Art and 
Natural History, owing to his commercial correspondence. 
Mr. Philips was particularly interested in insects, and 
through a London entomologist, John Francillon (obit. 
1818), was introduced to John Abbot of Savannah (1760- 
1840), one of the most famous collectors and observers of 
American insects. 1 Abbot had been a member of the 
Aurelian 2 Society, formed in London for the study of insect 
life, which had come into popular vogue owing to the work 
of Reaumur (1683-1757) and the more general studies of 
Buff on (1707-1788). In France the study of insects and 
plants had a direct bearing upon silk manufacture, and 
though, in the early days of the Georgian Society, founded 
in 1732, trained botanists had been sent from England to 
study natural products of the country, this general scientific 
interest dwindled to the personal interest of wealthy collectors. 
John Abbot's paintings of butterflies were published by Sir 
J. E. Smith in four handsome volumes in 1795, and numerous 
other drawings were purchased by various public libraries. 
In 1792 the Chetham feoffees purchased a hundred paintings 
of birds at a cost of 27 10s. and a few years later a further 
hundred ; these are bound up in four large volumes. Some- 
what later they purchased a large bundle of his paintings 
of spiders with descriptive catalogue. The British Museum 
purchased seventeen volumes of Abbot's drawings on the 
death of John Francillon in 1818, but the actual specimens 
are now housed in the Hope Collection of the Natural History 
Museum, Oxford. 

On the death of Mr. J. Leigh Philips, all his Art and Natural 
History specimens were sold, the collection of insects was pur- 
chased by J. H. Robinson, a brother-in-law of Sir Benjamin 
Hey wood, and its further history as regards the study of 
Natural History in Manchester belongs to the next chapter. 

We must now consider the rapidly altering position 

1 Cf. Taxidermy, by William Swainston, 1840, in Lardner's Scientific 
Series, and John Abbot, the Aurelian, by Scudder, in Canadian Entomologist, 
1888, also by Duncan in Jardine's Naturalist, pp. 69-71. John Abbot must 
have known of, if he had not studied, John Hunter's collection. 

1 One of the predecessors of the Linnean Society. 


of the Chetham Library, as regards public enlightenment. 
On the death of Rev. Robert Kenyon in 1787, John Radcliffe 
(1764-1850), son of James Radcliffe, attorney, of Ormskirk, 
who had entered the Manchester School in January 1777 
and graduated B.A. from Brasenose College, Oxford, 1784, 
was appointed librarian in his place, 1787. He occupied 
an entirely different status from that of his predecessor, who 
had been non-resident and had been styled ' prelector and 
curator,' and who had also been appointed Governor on 
coming into possession of the family estates. Radcliffe's 
appointment served as a convenient occasion to complete 
the catalogue which had already been begun by Thyer. It 
was printed and published in 1791 for the benefit of readers 
at a distance. In the compilation of this work there is 
little doubt that Radcliffe availed himself extensively of the 
assistance of his old high master, Charles Lawson, who had 
been appointed a feoffee of Chetham's in 1784. Charles 
Lawson's own catalogue is in the Chetham Library, and a 
comparison between his method of arrangement and the 
arrangement adopted by Radcliffe affords distinct evidence 
of such indebtedness. The absence of specific acknowledg- 
ment in the full and otherwise interesting Latin preface 
prefixed to the catalogue is probably another illustration of 
the retiring nature which prevented Charles Lawson taking 
that position in the public life of Manchester to which his 
abilities and his services entitled him. The catalogue is dedi- 
cated to the Warden, to four prominent local clergymen, of 
whom three had been educated at the School, and to eighteen 
trustees, of whom eight had been educated at the School and 
of whom ten served also as feoffees of the Grammar School. 
The preface is a long one and deals partly with the history of 
the collection and partly with the difficulties in arrange- 
ment of books. It well repays a study. The catalogue 
contains a list of 6,667 books. A further catalogue of the 
books added between 1791 and 1826 was compiled and edited 
by Mr. William Parr Greswell. An examination of the rela- 
tive increase in the different classes of books shows the di- 
minished importance attached by the purchasers to the study 
of Theology and Law, and the increased importance attached 
to the study of History, Science, and Literature. Paley 
takes the place of the Scotch metaphysicians that were 
in Lawson's Library ; Political Economy is only represented 



by the evidence taken by the Parliamentary Commission 
upon the slave trade, and by John Macfarlane's ' Enquiries 
concerning the Poor.' The works of Adam Smith and of 
Jeremy Bentham had not then been purchased. There is 
a great increase in the number of medical works, and it is 
interesting to note that a few works by German authors 
begin to appear on the shelves. 

No. of books bought 
still in the library 
at the latter date. 

Additions bought 
between 1791 & 

Per cent, 

History . 
Science and Arts . 
Literse Humaniores 









The break-up of the old Whig party, as expressed in the 
rivalry for power between Pitt and Fox, was in part due to 
the desire for Parliamentary representation and self-govern- 
ment among the trading classes of the community. They 
had not yet formed themselves into a political party, and they 
were still too unconscious of civic ideals to realise corporately 
their lack of them, yet it was necessary for their political 
rulers to conciliate them as individuals from the middle of 
the eighteenth century, since the more important merchants 
held or controlled votes in such corporate boroughs as sent 
members to the House of Commons, and many had votes 
for the county also. It was the pressure of taxation and 
the success secured by William Pitt at the polls in 1784 
that succeeded in awakening the interest of local merchants 
in politics. Up to this time Pitt had regarded himself as 
a Whig and had introduced a Reform Bill to redress some of 
the anomalies of Parliamentary representation, but he had 
withdrawn this measure in face of the active opposition of 
many of his supporters who felt their privileges were threat- 
ened. Pitt's mathematical training had led him to study 
the Free Trade principles of Adam Smith, and in the following 


year he endeavoured to improve the external trade relations 
of Great Britain by attempting to repeal the tax on Irish 
fustian coming into England. This roused the fears of English 
manufacturers as to the stability of their trade. That their 
fears were not entirely selfish but were based on a genuine 
concern lest Irish cheap labour should take away the occupa- 
tion of English artisans is shown by the willingness of some 
of them to contribute voluntarily to the Exchequer much 
larger sums than the taxes would have produced. An 
instance of this is found when Robert Peel, of Bury, M.P. 
for Tarn worth, who had gone to London for the purpose and 
had offered 10,000 from his own firm, on expressing to his 
partner his doubts as to whether he ought to have offered 
so much without previous mutual consultation, was met with 
the characteristic Lancashire reply ' You might have made 
it 20,000 while you were about it ! ' A Committee of Trade 
was formed in Manchester by the wealthy manufacturers, 
and it is recorded that they sent a deputation to Edmund 
Burke, then member for Bristol, and the accepted exponent 
in Parliament of the needs of the trading classes. The 
attempt to repeal the protective taxes on the imported Irish 
textiles produced a great change in the politics of Manchester 
merchants. They left William Pitt and became supporters 
of C. J. Fox, who became increasingly * Liberal ' in his domestic 
politics, while William Pitt abandoned his early efforts of 
reform and refounded the ' Tory ' party. 

A public dinner was given by the merchants to Thomas 
Stanley, M.P. for Lancashire, on August 27, 1786, to celebrate 
his share in the repeal of the Fustian Act, and on September 15, 
1786, another public dinner was given to Charles J. Fox, at 
which Lord R. Spencer, M.P. for Oxford, Sir Frank Standish, 
and Mr. Greville were guests. As the career of Thomas 
Stanley is typical of that of many others, it may be noted 
in some detail. He was the eldest son of Rev. Dr. Thomas 
Stanley of Winwick, and like his two brothers he had been 
educated at the Manchester Grammar School. He was ad- 
mitted January 1759, and delivered the Latin oration in 1766. 
He was elected M.P. for the County of Lancashire in 1774, aged 
twenty-five, and continued to represent it till his retirement 
in 1812. At his first election, he entertained some of his 
friends at dinner at the famous John Shaw's Inn. When the 
closing time, 8 o'clock, arrived, the duly elected member 


asked for special privileges. John Shaw's characteristic reply 
was : ' Thomas Stanley, you are a law maker, and should 
not be a law breaker. If you and your friends do not leave 
my room in five minutes, you will find your boots full of 
water.' Within the five minutes, Old Molly, the factotum, 
entered with her usual mop and bucket of water, and the 
Law was effectually vindicated. 

' In September 1786 [writes Horace Walpole] Charles Fox, 
Lord Derby, and others of the party, were received at Man- 
chester with singular acclamations and compliments on their 
opposition to the new taxes and Irish impositions. That 
town had been the headquarters of Jacobitism and as such 
singular \y distinguished by the King, who had preferred a 
guard on himself and palace in the late war of a regiment 
of raw lads raised there for him by Sir Thos. Egerton, who 
had been rewarded by a peerage.' 

The pleasure this return of popular sympathy gave to 
Mr. Fox he expressed, with almost boyish satisfaction, in a 
letter dated Knowsley, September 10 : 

* Our reception at Manchester was the finest thing imagin- 
able and handsome in all respects. All the principal people 
came out to meet us, and attended us into the town with 
white and buff cockades and a procession as fine and not 
unlike that upon my chairing at Westminster. We dined 
with 150 people, and Mr. Walker, one of their principal 
men, who was in London last year upon their business, before 
he gave me a toast, made them a speech in which he told 
them they knew how prejudiced he had been for Pitt and 
against the India Bill, but that in the course of his business 
in Town he had occasion to know both Pitt and me, and 
found how much he had been mistaken in both. That it 
was the part of honest men when they found they had been 
wrong to set themselves right as soon as possible, all which 
was echoed by the whole room in the most cordial manner. 
You must allow this was very handsome. The concourse 
of people to see us was immense, and I never saw more 
apparent unanimity than seemed to be in our favour, and all 
this in the town of Manchester, which used to be reckoned 
the worst place for us in the whole county.' * 

1 Memorials and Correspondence of C. J. Fox, edited by Lord John 
Russell, vol. ii. p. 270. 



In 1788 there was a great commemoration of the cen- 
tenary of the English Revolution. Thomas Walker was 
chosen borough- reeve. Apologies for absence were sent 
from the Earl of Derby, Colonel Stanley, Lord Grey de Wilton, 
Samuel Birch, Doming Rasbotham, and many prominent 
Whigs of the county party, who were feeling the necessity 
for ' hedging,' while the merchant Whigs attended in force. 

In 1789 C. J. Fox attempted to gain further political 
support by endeavouring to obtain the repeal of the Test 
and Corporation Acts. Increased wealth had brought into 
prominence many Nonconformist families, who were feeling 
the ignominy of being compelled to take communion accord- 
ing to a ritual of which they disapproved as a condition of 
their holding corporate or magisterial office, as well as the 
injustice of being virtually refused admission to their own 
national universities. In many instances their own educa- 
tion, either at the Nonconformist academies or at the Scotch 
and the Continental Universities, was more liberal than 
that at Oxford or Cambridge. The exclusion of their sons, 
however, involved some loss of social prestige as well as 
prospects of appointment to official positions or other patron- 
age. On the other hand, the caste spirit which fostered a 
social distinction between merchants and clerical and other 
landowners, was steadily damaging the National Church 
in public estimation. This the protagonists of ecclesiastical 
exclusiveness could not see, but, finding their privileges 
threatened, they did not dare to contemplate the discontinu- 
ance of even the perfunctory and not infrequently profane 
use of the sacrament which gave a formal recognition to 
their claims. Rather than give way in any particular they 
again raised the cry of 'The Church in Danger,' and per- 
petuated the antagonism which still further embittered party 

All such minor questions were put aside when the blazing 
volcano, into which the hitherto suppressed anger of an out- 
raged populace had exploded, had destroyed the rotten fabric 
of the French Government. The French Revolution lit up 
with its lurid light many a dark and hitherto unrecognised 
danger zone in English life. Its sparks had already begun 
to fall on many an inflammable area, and had aroused the 
industrial classes to a consciousness of their own misery and 
degradation. It finally split the Whig party into two sections. 


One followed C. J. Fox and maintained their sympathy with 
the cause of reform, the other followed Burke and Pitt and 
set their back against all change, and denounced the reformers 
as Jacobins or Revolutionaries. To the industrial classes 
the French Revolution offered the promise of a social emanci- 
pation and gave a vision of social salvation. The industrial 
classes, however, were not the only ones ready for new ideals. 
Tom Pained ' Age of Reason ' and ' The Rights of Man J 
had been read with trembling and in secret by many young 
scions of orthodox middle-class homes, and had awakened 
questions as to the justification of the prevailing method 
of rule and the basis of prevailing orthodox opinion to 
which no answer but established custom was then forth- 
coming. The reactionary party began to gather together 
the forces of law and discipline, with intent to control the 
general conflagration threatened by the inrush of new opinion. 
Although by its nature the awakening will of a great people 
is unconquerable, yet it may be possible to hold it in control 
sufficiently long for it to lose some of its irresponsibility and 
to use some of its strength in efforts of construction rather 
than those of destruction. Among the forces tending to 
steady the national judgment must be reckoned the 30,000 
copies of Burke 's ' Reflections on the French Revolution ' which 
were speedily sold. Unfortunately for the immediate end in 
view, which was the adequate consideration of the principles 
of government, but perhaps fortunately for the ultimate 
result, the sermon of a London Nonconformist minister, which 
was the ostensible cause of this remarkable essay, loomed 
too largely in Burke's mind. His repeated reference to it 
tended to accentuate the division of the old Whig party into 
its two sections one now becoming a new Tory party, 
centred round Pitt, and identified with the old and exclusive 
method of Parliamentary election supported by landowners 
and the clergy of the Church of England; the other, now 
called the Radical or Reforming party, at that time the 
more opulent and energetic, rinding its chief, though by no 
means its exclusive support among the Nonconformist 
bodies. Their members were beginning to realise how 
completely they had allowed themselves to become cut off 
from the formal centres of higher education in England, and 
the injustice of the Test Acts. They naturally aimed at 
parliamentary reform. Until partisanship had ceased to 


retain its malignant control over learning, and had been 
reduced to harmless proportions, it was impossible for all 
the people to find proper outlet for the various activities of 
free intelligence or render proper service to the needs of an 
increasingly powerful nation. 

The declaration of war against England by the French 
Republic in 1791 again aroused patriotic ardour in Manchester, 
and further troops were raised for foreign service and for 
home defence. John Forde, son of Charles Forde, a 
manufacturer who had served the office of borough- 
reeve, 1767, and was a feoffee of the School and of Chetham's 
Trust, had entered the School July 1781. He had taken 
part in the School public speeches in 1785, and had passed 
to Balliol College, Oxford, but soon threw up his studies to 
take a more active share in the stirring events around him. 
He was largely concerned in raising the Manchester and 
Salford Light Horse Volunteers to resist the threatened 
French invasion. He was made Colonel of the Regiment, 
and it is said that he worked with such zeal that he frequently 
rode from Abbeyfield to Manchester and back again the same 
day a distance of sixty miles in addition to spending 
some hours in drilling his men. He was one among several 
who subscribed 1000 each to raise a body of marines and 
despatched them, free of cost, to headquarters. When, a 
little later, the artisan and middle classes of the County of 
Lancaster had become much disaffected at the heavy taxa- 
tion and the almost prohibitive cost of living, Colonel Forde 
was asked to serve as High Sheriff, but felt obliged to 
decline on account of his military duties. He died at Abbey- 
field, April 14, 1839, aged seventy-two. Another patriotic- 
citizen who was an old scholar, and like John Forde attended 
anniversary dinners to honour Lawson, was John Entwistle, 
son of James Entwistle, a merchant of Manchester, who had 
entered the Grammar School, January 1753. He also took 
active part in raising volunteer regiments, in one of which 
he was a major. Later, in 1798, as Colonel Entwistle he 
served as Sheriff of the County. 

Patriotic fervour and generous contributions of money, 
even wise administration of existing laws and the adminis- 
tration was not always either wise or just provided, however, 
no solution of the new problems that had been brought about 
by the social upheaval and the growing demands of the new 


classes. New principles of jurisprudence needed to be dis- 
covered to meet the new problems, and before new laws could 
be made in which such principles could be embodied, the new 
classes had themselves to find champions capable of expressing 
their too often inarticulate needs, for they were still outside 
the influence of national education. The merchants were to 
some extent prepared, but they were practically unrepresented 
in Parliament. Consequently the reform of parliamentary 
representation, somewhat feebly foreshadowed by William 
Pitt in 1784, had to be made an accomplished fact. This 
involved a struggle of more than a generation, for it was thrown 
back by the French Revolution and not finally accomplished 
till 1832. As regards new principles of legislation, a con- 
venient phrase was coined by Joseph Priestley, and subse- 
quently adopted as the test of political justice, and applied 
with great effect by Jeremy Bentham, viz. ' the greatest 
happiness of the greatest number' a phrase which was 
ultimately found inadequate, yet which in the absence of a 
more perfected statement, for a long while served as a nucleus 
round which claims for the satisfaction for many of the needs 
could gather. Parliamentary reform was only one of the 
means by which this end could be approached. Let us see 
what Learning and established methods of education had 
to say to this. 

The Manchester Constitutional Club was formed in 
October 1790 with the object of securing the reform of Parlia- 
ment by constitutional methods, though its intentions were 
wilfully misrepresented by those already in power, Crown 
Ministers construing them into an attempt to spread the 
anarchical principles of the French Revolution in England. 

The leader of the Reform party in Manchester was Thomas 
Walker (1749-1817), son of a Bristol merchant who had 
settled in the town. We have noted the prominent part he 
took in the political agitation about the Fustian Taxes. He 
was elected to the chair in 1788, when 130 of the principal 
gentlemen of Manchester sat down to a public dinner in the 
open space of the old Exchange to celebrate the anniversary 
of King William III landing in England. 1 When at the 
height of his popularity, he had been appointed borough- 
reeve of Manchester, 1790. He shared C. J. Fox's sympathies 

1 C. F. Espinas, Lancashire Worthies. 


with some of the ideals of the French Revolution. On July 14, 
1791, he presided at the dinner held at the Bridgewater Arms 
to celebrate its anniversary a proceeding which naturally 
brought upon him the anger and vengeance of the followers 
of Pitt. The stewards at this dinner were : 

George Lloyd (1750-1805), who had entered the Grammar 
School April 1762, and took part in the public speeches 1764. 
He was a son of George Lloyd, M.B., F.R.S., of Halme Hall, 
and by profession was a barrister, though being of independent 
means he did not practise. He was long resident in 
Manchester and served as borough-reeve in 1784, and as 
major in the Manchester Volunteers. His name appears at 
the head of a protest against the Convention Bill (1795) 
limiting the right of public meeting. He was one of the earliest 
Vice-Presidents of the Manchester Philosophical and Literary 
Society. His presence at the anniversary School dinners shows 
the respect in which he was held by those of an opposite 
opinion in politics. He died at Bath, 1805, aged fifty-five. 

James Darbishire, wine merchant, who had been educated 
at the (Unitarian) Manchester College, York. He died in 
Manchester in 1836. 

Thomas Cooper (1759-1840), born in London and educated 
at Westminster School and University College, Oxford. He 
was called to the Bar in 1787, and entered into the political 
agitations of the period in company with James Watt, the 
inventor of the steam-engine. He visited the democratic 
clubs in France, practised as a chemist, and found out the 
secret of making chlorine. He set up works for bleaching 
in Manchester, and became Professor of Chemistry at 
Dickinson College, Carlisle. 

(Sir) George Philips, Colonel of Volunteers in 1803, who 
laid the first stone of the new Exchange on July 21, 1806. 

Thomas Kershaw. 

Samuel Jackson, son of William Jackson, weaver. He had 
been admitted to the Manchester School on December 1 1 , 1759. 

As neither Harrop's Manchester Mercury nor Wheeler's 
Chronicle would advertise or receive communications from 
the Reform party, the Manchester Herald was started, March 
31, 1792. On September 13, 186 innkeepers and alehouse 
keepers signed a memorial refusing to allow any meeting of 
clubs or societies in favour of Reform on their premises. 

In April 1794 the Government became thoroughly alarmed 
at the growth of Reform opinions, and by the use of spies and 


false informants, thought they had collected sufficient evidence 
to justify them in bringing an action for high treason against 
Thomas Walker, together with William Paul and Samuel 
Jackson, at the Spring Assize at Lancaster. The evidence 
adduced was so flimsy that the prosecution resulted in a 
complete fiasco, and the Attorney-General for the County 
Palatine, subsequently Lord Ellenborough, publicly threw up 
the case. Other sympathisers with Thomas Walker were 
James Cheetham, son of James Cheetham, dyer, admitted 
to the School February 1767 ; Oliver Pearsall ; Benjamin 
Booth, son of George Booth, watchmaker, admitted to the 
School on January 18, 1779 ; and Joseph Collier. Of these 
Thomas Walker, William Paul, Samuel Jackson, James 
Cheetham, Oliver Pearsall, Benjamin Booth, and Joseph 
Collier were again indicted for high treason at Lancaster, 
October. The trial ruined Walker ; his out-of-pocket expenses 
alone amounted to 3000, and his business was lost owing to 
the boycott set up by his political opponents. He died on 
February 2, 1817. 

On December 12, 1792, in opposition to the Reform 
party, another society was formed among those who feared 
that any yielding to popular demands would be regarded 
as weakness, and the signal for further disorder. Sir Thomas 
Egerton, now Lord Grey de Wilton, became president of 
the local branch. The society was called the 'Association 
for preserving constitutional order and liberty as well as 
property, against the various efforts of Levellers and Repub- 
licans.' A list of its members 1 reveals the decided position 
taken up by the feoffees and masters of the Grammar School. 

The gaunt spectre of want which even threatened famine 
now began to appear, as is shown in a notice issued in the 
Manchester Mercury, January 28, 1796 : 

* In compliance with the recommendation of the Lords 
of His Majesty's most honourable Privy Council, to reduce 
the consumption of wheat flour at least one-third of the usual 
quantity used in ordinary times, and with the example of the 
House of Peers and the House of Commons. The magis- 
trates at the last General Quarter Sessions held in this town ; 
the Borough -reeve and Constables, the Clergy and other in- 
habitants have pledged themselves solemnly by subscribing 
their signatures to similar resolutions for that purpose to 

1 See A. Prentice, Personal Recollections of Manchester,, 


follow the example strictly, and to recommend it in the 
most earnest manner in their respective neighbourhoods. 

'A parchment containing the Resolutions now lies for 
signature at Mr. Harrop's in the Market Place.' 

At no period of their history did the Grammar Schools 
of England exhibit such signs of decay as at the end of 
the eighteenth century. 1 In Manchester the diminished 
popularity of the School appears to have been the result of 
several conditions, the most important probably being the 
commercial depression which followed the prolonged wars 
and caused a diminution in the number of wealthy boarders. 
There was also a lessening value attached to classical 
education in comparison with other studies, and finally there 
was the increasing age of the high master and his assistant, 


Average of 

Number to 







(probably 90-100 in the School) 

1764-1782 .... 





( probably 150-200 in the School) 

1783-1807 .... 





(probably 120-1 50 in the School) 












d Mayors. 





| S 

1720-1729 . 





1730-1739 . 




1740-1749 . 






1750-1759 . 









1760-1769 . 




25 i 15 




1770-1779 . 




39 i 13 







1780-1789 . 











1790-1799 . 










1800-1809 . 




9 5 




1 See The Annual Orations at St. Paul's Cathedral before the S.P.C.K. 
on Behalf of Charity Schools in London, 1799, by Dr. Rennell, and in 1800 
by Thomas L. O'Beirne, D.D., Bishop of Meath, and the reply of Dr. 
William Vincent, Dean of Westminster and headmaster of Westminster 


Mr. Darby, which limited their grasp of the changing con- 
ditions and their adaptability to the new needs. It could 
not have been due to a lessened number of local candidates 
for higher education, for the total population was rapidly 
increasing, and in spite of frequent bankruptcies and failures 
the merchant classes were sharing in the rise of the general 
standard of life. 

During this time the population had risen from 42,000 
in 1773 to 84,000 in 1800. 

The best contemporary description of the life in the 
upper part of the School at the end of the eighteenth century 
is given by Thomas De Quincey in his Confessions. De 
Quincey was born August 15, 1785, and after the death of his 
father in 1792 he was placed under the tutorial care of one 
of his guardians, the Rev. Samuel Hall, rector of St. Peter's, 
who gave him a good training in classics. In 1800, De 
Quincey was entered at the Manchester Grammar School 
to facilitate his entry into Oxford by means of the Brase- 
nose Exhibitions. He became discontented, and after eighteen 
months ran away from school, retaining some bitter memo- 
ries of his stay there. His Confessions were first published 
in the London Magazine, December and November 1840 : 

'The school-room, though of ample proportions, was 
dreary, and the external walls, which might have been easily 
and at little expense adorned with scenes from classic 
history, were quite bare, nothing relieved the monotony. 
The headmaster was Mr. Charles Lawson. His life-work 
was practically over (he was 75 years of age), and though 
I may have been mistaken, I had no very high opinion 
of his abilities. 1 Politically, he was a Jacobite, and in his 
private life he had known the pangs of unrequited affection. 
One characteristic feature of the School was the entire 
absence of all forms of corporal punishment, a state of affairs 
due to the loyalty of the masters and the upper boys, so 
that the master could afford to laugh over Horace's ' ' plagosus 
Orbilius." Discipline was maintained by the self-restraint 
and example of the older boys, these being for the most part 
boarders in the master's house. There was no playground 
at least none connected with the Upper School, though there 

1 De Quincey subsequently suppressed this opinion, and the subsequent 
statement about flogging must be modified in view of other testimony, though 
no doubt years may have modified the vigour of the discipline, which at one 
time earned the sobriquet ' The Flogging Turk.' 


may have been one connected with the Lower School which 
extended beneath ours. The lack of a playground may 
have been in some respects an advantage, since it kept us 
exclusive and added to our sense of dignity. On my intro- 
duction to the School, I was invited to turn into Latin 
part of one of Steele's papers in the " Spectator." My know- 
ledge of this language, as well as of Greek, was not very 
extensive at the time, on account of my youth, but I had a 
great command of both languages. I hold that there is a 
great difference between the two terms. One's knowledge 
of a language increases with the time spent in the study of it, 
whereas one's command of it is a gift of nature. It is more- 
over a fact that the greatest scholars in Greek are by no 
means the greatest composers in that language. 

' To return, the result of my examination was such that 
the headmaster complimented me on my rendering, the 
first and last time he did such a thing. Two or three days 
afterwards I began residence in the master's house. Part- 
ing from friends, the bad weather and the dreariness of 
my rooms, combined to depress me, but all this feeling 
passed away when I was presented to my schoolfellows, 
from whom I received the kindliest welcome a welcome 
that impressed me the more in that though they had not 
the advantages of birth which Etonians have, yet they were 
superior to them in self-restraint and self-respect, however 
deficient they may have been in other qualities. A longer 
experience has since led me to the conclusion that the natives 
of Lancashire are pre-eminent in many high qualities. 

4 My first evening was spent in a discussion on Grotius, 
whose book on the evidences of Christianity was prescribed 
for the Sunday evening exercise. A feature of this dis- 
cussion, which called forth my admiration, was the way in 
which one of the boys argued with great ability against the 
generally accepted notions with regard to the author. 

'The boys of the Manchester Grammar School, however, 
were quite free from the reproach of ignorance of their own 
literature, and considering the circumstances in which they 
were placed, I have not found anywhere a greater compre- 
hensive knowledge of the subject.' 

The Grammar School had now not only lost touch with 
the most liberal and enterprising members of the merchant 
classes by its continued neglect of science and modern 
languages, but it still more completely failed to help the 
industrial classes. By retaining the Latin grammar as the 
principal method of instruction for all boys who could read at 


all, it provided nothing liberal for those who would never study 
classical literature and knew nothing even of English literature. 
How little the Grammar School was doing for the educa- 
tion of the working classes is shown by the following passages 
from 'The Life of a Radical,' Samuel Bamford (1788-1872), 
where he describes his entry into the lower school about 
the same time as De Quincey. 

1 The School was a large room of an oblong form extend- 
ing north and south, and well lighted by large windows. 
At the northern end of it was a fireplace with a red cheer- 
ful fire glowing in the grate. The master's custom was 
to sit in an arm-chair with his right hand towards the fire 
and his left arm resting on a square oaken table, on which 
lay a newspaper or two, a magazine or other publication, 
a couple of canes with the ends split, and a medley of boys' 
playthings, such as tops, whips, marbles, apple-scrapers, nut- 
crackers, dragon banding and such articles. The scholars were 
divided into six classes, namely Accidence or Introduction to 
Latin, Higher Bible, Middle Bible, and Lower Bible, Testa- 
ment, and Spelling classes. The Accidence class sat opposite 
the master, and the Higher Bible class was at the back. Each 
class sat on a strong oaken bench, backed by a panel of the 
same placed against the wall and a narrow desk in front, 
so that all sat round the room in regular gradation. The 
spellers only had not a desk, they sat on forms outside the 
desk of the Higher Bible Class, they being considered as 
children among the boys.' 

When Samuel Bamford's father had attained to the 
position of Master of the Salford Workhouse, the boy was 
removed from school, and sent to work as a weaver, greatly 
to his disappointment, for he had manifested from the first 
a great aptitude for knowledge. His persistent efforts at 
self-culture, and his lifelong devotion to the cause of indus- 
trial emancipation, cause his autobiography to be one of the 
most inspiring as well as one of the most illuminating records 
of the struggles of the working classes during the period. 1 

On October 1797 Lawson's old scholars presented him 
with a portrait painted by W. M. Craig. Of this an engraving 
has been made. Of few headmasters could it be said more 
truthfully than of Charles Lawson that the record of his 
life is to be sought in the after careers of his scholars. It was 

1 Life, of a Radical, S. Bamford. 


said of him that he was passionate, and, in spite of De 
Quincey's statement, too much addicted to the use of the 
cane. This may well have been the case. He lived in an 
age when passions were little under control, and when gross 
insubordination was common. It was said by some that 
he was not a profound classical scholar. This may also have 
been true, if he is to be judged by the contributions of 
his scholars to the critical study of the classics, but a 
perusal of the catalogue of his library shows that he was a 
man of wide interests, and if he was not skilled in the new 
classical criticism that was springing up, he could train 
high-minded, earnest citizens. During the greater part of 
his educational life he kept himself abreast of all current 
educational movements. On his bookshelves Joseph Priestley 
' On Education ' accompanied John Locke, and Dodsley's 
* Preceptor ' and Henry's * Choice of Studies,' while Sterne 
and Swift, Addison, Steele, and Johnson were well repre- 
sented. It was therefore a wise choice that selected Charles 
Lawson on a committee of nine ' to secure the distribution 
of works and pamphlets on plain and undisguised constitu- 
tional principles to endeavour to undeceive such as may have 
been misled by the sinister and inflammatory insinuations 
of designing men.' 

The following is an analysis of the MS. catalogue of his 
books. Both MS. and sale catalogue are now in the Chetham 
Library : 

Classical works, History, Philology, Grammar, 

Greek 392, Latin 733 . ". . .1125 
Theology, Ecclesiastical History (Greek and 

Latin authors) ..... 473 
Divinity and Ecclesiastical History (English 

authors) ...... 575 

Chronology, Geography, History, Antiquities, 

Biography, Research and Travels . . 519 
English Poetry, Criticism, Translations of 

Classics 343 

Natural Philosophy and Natural History &c. . 493 
Miscellaneous ...... 243 

Law and Physic . . . . .149 

Total of separate works . 3920 


The sale catalogue describes several bundles consisting 
of a number of duplicate copies of devotional books, calcu- 
lated to correct or oppose the Latitudinarian tendencies of the 
eighteenth century. These were presumably for distribution 
among the boys. They therefore reveal something of the 
incentives by which Lawson tried to arouse the interest of 
his boys on matters other than mere scholarship or social 

Hugh Blair, ' Importance of a Religious Life ' 6 copies 
Henry Stebbing (1663-1747) on ' Prayer ' 4 
John Fred Ostervald (1663-1747) . . 10 
' The Whole Duty of Man ' . . . 10 
Ed. Gibson's * Pastoral Letters ' . 8 

Thomas Sherlock (1678-1761), 'Discourses' 4 

It may be said that it was easy for Lawson 's boys to 
achieve high social position and to receive acknowledgment 
for social services rendered, since they included members 
of some of the most socially favoured families not only in 
the county of Lancaster, but in the whole of the North 
of England. This was certainly true, and no school can 
possibly live by, or to, itself. It should never be forgotten 
that a school cannot accomplish its highest ultimate purposes 
unless the homes in which its scholars have received their 
early nurture, and from which they gain their later incentives, 
are able to provide the physical, mental, and moral pabulum 
which is needed for proper moral, spiritual, and physical 
growth. To get the best results, the highest ideals of life 
must prevail both in home and school. The Manchester 
Grammar School, then as now, retained its usefulness because 
seed, soil, and surroundings remained favourable. 

During the vigorous growth of independence in Puritan 
times, the School had provided a seed-plot or nursery for 
a highly trained ministry, and had also prepared some of 
its best citizens for further study of constitutional law in 
the Inns of Court. During the brief period of Jacobite idealism 
at the beginning of the eighteenth century, it had sent forth 
to Oxford and Cambridge scholars who caught the early 
fervour of Methodism, and returning home had enlightened 
the materialism of a dull trading town with ideals of personal 
piety, which were not entirely extinguished by the failure 
of the 1745 rebellion. It was the privilege of Charles Lawson 


to assist in keeping alive the incentives of religion among 
many who became leaders in public life in Manchester. 

The following obituary notice of Lawson appears in Aikin's 
Athenaeum, May 1807 : 

' On the 19th April died at his house in Manchester 
at the advanced age of 79 years, after a long and most 
painful disorder which he supported with a degree of 
fortitude and serenity that characterised his life, Charles 
Lawson, Master of Arts, sometime Fellow of Corpus 
Christi College, Oxford, and for more than 43 years 
the high master and the distinguished ornament of the 
Free Grammar School in Manchester. ... In this arduous 
situation, for a period almost unprecedented, Mr. Lawson 
uniformly displayed a dignity and a propriety of conduct and 
a fixed principle of action that could not fail to conciliate 
the esteem and affection of his pupils, and the warm 
admiration of his fellow townsmen. The extensive literary 
abilities which he possessed were of a higher class than are 
usually met with even in the most distinguished of our pre- 
ceptors, and the depth and assiduity with which he constantly 
pursued his erudite researches rendered him eminently 
qualified for that station wherein he was judiciously placed. 
Although engaged in a profession at once laborious and 
irksome, although accumulated knowledge is productive, 
with some, only of satiety and confusion of ideas, yet his 
vigorous conception and the perspicuity with which he 
engaged on suitable topics of conversation, amply proved 
the success by which he adapted his large stores of literary 
acquirements. No better proof can be adduced in testimony 
of what is here advanced than the celebrity which the Man- 
chester Free School acquired during the period he presided 
over it. Men of the first eminence in the learned world 
and of distinguished rank in society have received their 
education in this seminary. Yet from a peculiarity of 
local disadvantages, the School has for some years past 
considerably diminished in the number of its members. It 
is, however, to the social and domestic virtues which adorned 
MJ. Lawson that the biographer would more immediately 
advert, in the intercourse which friendship and esteem held 
out for his acceptance, his colloquial talents and the suavity 
of his manners were highly conspicuous, and irresistibly 
endeared him to that numerous and respectable body of 
friends by whom his memory will long be " praised, wept 
and honoured." 


At the anniversary gathering of old scholars held the 
following October, it was decided to erect a marble monu- 
ment designed by Bacon, consisting of a figure of Lawson 
seated instructing two of his pupils. It was placed in the 
old Collegiate Church, with a Latin inscription composed by 
an old pupil, Rev. Frodsham Hodson, Principal of Brasenose 
College, 1809-1822, of which the following is a translation : 

This Memorial is erected 

to the memory of Charles Lawson, M.A., 

High Master of the Manchester School, 

who justly claims a place second to none 

among those who have successfully taught the elements 

of the Greek and Latin tongue. Such was his indefatigable industry 

and method of training 

that neither the brilliance of ability 

hastening to higher things, 

nor the sluggishness of mind 

which rejects all literature, 

could prevent him from transfusing into his pupils 

his own remarkable spirit of accuracy. 

So scrupulous also was he 

in the discharge of his duty 

that neither the weighty cares of business 

nor the seductions of sodal recreation 

so alluring to an agreeable and witty disposition, 

could draw him away from his beloved school. 

But for 58 years, 
even when racked with illness and broken with old age, 

he nevertheless watched diligently 
over the progress of his pupils to his last breath. 

If he left no literary memorials of his genius, 

manifold testimonies of his industry and erudition 

are to be seen in the forum, in the senate, in the church. 

His surviving pupils 
dedicate this memorial of their respect 

to the memory of a man 

obeyed by boys, honoured by men, and loved by friends. 
He died April 19, 1807, aged 79. 1 

Besides the erection of a monument, engravings were made 
from the portrait for distribution or sale. After meeting all 
these expenses there was still some balance left, and from 
the surplus funds at the disposal of those who had sub- 
scribed to the portrait, it was decided to establish a Lawson 

1 Particulars of the subscription to the monument were also given in 
Manchester Guardian, December 1, 1849, and Notes in Manchester Guardian, 
July 1879. 



medal, which was instituted October 14, 1840. When, nearly 
forty years after his death, it was found that the ' Lawson ' 
medal was in danger of disappearing from the prizes of the 
school, owing to lack of funds, his name was still held in 
such respect that a further capital sum was subscribed by 
his old pupils, sufficient to provide a yearly income for the 
annual purchase of a gold medal, and so place the memento 
on a permanent basis. 



' The great movements of the human spirit have either not got hold 
of the public schools or have not kept hold of them.' MATTHEW ARNOLD. 

Increased class prejudices and prevalent ignorance A Church and King 
School Public criticism of classical education Fresh theological 
colleges to provide training for lay and itinerant preachers in prevailing 
systems of theology Efforts to provide a new kind of liberal educa- 
tion for the middle classes Foundation of London University Day 
schools become general Manchester Grammar School again efficient 
as a Church and King School The Natural History Museum of Man- 
chester forms the nucleus of a liberal provincial Medical School The 
Royal Institution Fresh attempts to found a Manchester University 
Mechanics' institutes and lyceums The Country Party excludes 
manufacturers from the magistracy The school feoffees become alarmed 
at the Charity Commissioners' Reports and propose a new scheme of 
instruction at the Grammar School. 

As long as the modified classical curriculum provided in certain 
Grammar Schools served to inspire a considerable number of 
wealthy pupils with a desire to practise civic virtue in public 
.life, neither its lesser failure to provide adequate preliminary 
training for the learned professions and the higher phases of 
commercial life nor its greater failure to help the lower middle, 
and working classes received general condemnation. The 
malversation of funds involved in turning day schools founded 
for all classes into specialised boarding schools having regard 
to the needs of the few well-to-do was overlooked in the occa- 
sional glory of the School being the early home of any one 
who happened to catch the popular fancy. When, however, 
the ruling classes found their privileges and prerogatives 
endangered by the spread of democratic ideas, they had little 
desire to continue to associate with sons of the non-privileged 
classes whom they were learning to fear if not to hate. They 



left the town Grammar Schools and attended more exclusive 
boarding establishments, where they could associate with 
other members of their own order. The withdrawal of wealthy 
boarders not demanding a high standard of intellectual attain- 
ment was a serious blow to many old Grammar Schools, and 
some of them sought to take advantage of Sir Samuel Romilly's 
Act of 1812, which allowed trustees to make application to 
the Court of Chancery for power to alter their curriculum. 
Some sought by increased efficiency and higher standards 
of work to attract as boarders serious scholars who were 
intending to take Holy Orders or enter the professions of 
Law or Medicine, for endowments were rarely sufficient 
to support an ambitious headmaster, and the general mass 
of the people were too little interested in education to supply 
him with many day scholars. Even when the curriculum was 
specially suited for those desirous of entering the learned 
professions, the fees of the boarding schools were too heavy. 
Richard L. Edgeworth (1744-1817), in conjunction with his 
famous daughter Maria Edgeworth (1767-1849), published 
an essay on professional education, which excited violent 
controversy. Sydney Smith (1808) discussed the book in 
the Edinburgh Review, making it the text for a caustic attack 
on the classical teaching at Oxford and Cambridge. It was 
also discussed from the Tory point of view in the Quarterly 
Review. A spirited reply from Dr. Edward Coplestone of 
Oriel College, Oxford, showed, however, that Oxford classical 
training was quite well able to justify its existence. 

Nonconformists were still excluded from the English 
Universities by the Test Acts, and, for them, the only public 
avenues of higher learning were their own private academies 
and the Scotch Universities. Of the former the Manchester 
Academy was removed to York in 1804, and continued to be 
the only academy 1 in the North which admitted lay as 
well as divinity students. It had usually about thirty 
students, and was supported partly by fees and partly by 
subscriptions amounting to 700 or 800 per annum. At 
the beginning of the century there had been a joint board 
of the three denominations of Protestant Dissenters 
Presbyterians, Independents, and Baptists to provide funds 

1 James Yates, Thoughts on the Advancement of Academical Teaching 
in England, 1826 ; and Monthly Repository, 1814. 


for theological students, 1 but the increased vigour of Evan- 
gelical teaching, promoted by George Whitefield among 
the wealthier classes and by Charles and John Wesley 
among the poorer classes, caused the Evangelicals to 
separate from the Presbyterians, who did not adopt their 
Evangelical doctrines, and to decide not only to extend 
their own colleges, but to found a fresh one in the North, to 
counteract the Socinian (Unitarian) doctrines prevalent at 
the York Academy. 

At this time one of the most prominent of the Evangelical 
Dissenters in the North of England was William Roby, who, 
after leaving the Wigan Grammar School, had been appointed 
classical master at Bretherton Grammar School. It was 
there his duty to instruct the pupils, according to their talents, 
in religious as well as in secular matters. Parents asked to 
be allowed to attend his Sunday services or addresses to 
the boys. These proved very popular, and soon excited the 
jealousy of the local clergyman. Finding he could not 
suppress Roby, he persuaded many parents to withdraw 
their children from the school. This drove Roby out of the 
Established Church. Conscious of possessing powers as a 
preacher, Roby sought theological training at the Evangelical 
Trevecca College founded by the Countess of Huntingdon. 
Roby's powers soon attracted attention, and he was invited 
to become Minister at the Independent Chapel in Lower 
Mosley Street, 1795. Here one of his supporters, Robert 
Spear (1762-1818), 2 who had been a pupil under Charles 
Lawson and had built up a fortune in business at a com- 
paratively early period of life, offered to pay the expenses of 
as many students as William Roby would train. A private 
Evangelical Academy was thus set up in Manchester, which 
lasted from 1803 to 1808, when it gave place to a more 
ambitious academy established at Leaf Square, Pendleton. 
As the work proved too heavy for Mr. Roby, Rev. George 
Philips, M.A., of Glasgow University, minister of New Windsor 

1 See Walter Jeremy, The Presbyterian Fund and Dr. Daniel Williams' 
Trust, 1885 ; T. S. James, Presbyterian Chapels and Charities in England 
and Ireland Lady Hewley Trust, 1867 ; William Brock on Dr. John Ward, 
Transactions of Baptist Historical Society, April 1914. 

2 John Spear, father of Robert Spear, had been one of the trustees who 
bought the ground for the Cannon Street Evangelical Meeting-house from 
Dr. John Byrom. See p. 188. 


Chapel, was appointed classical tutor, and John Dalton tutor 
in Mathematics and Natural Philosophy. In order to increase 
the funds, a private Grammar School was also started in 
connection with this academy, which became so prosperous 
that it long continued as a private school under Rev. Dr. 
Cluny (1784-1854). When the academy began to flag, 
efforts were made to launch a bigger scheme. Thomas 
Harbottle, a supporter of Mr. Roby, and other wealthy 
merchants, who took active part in opposing Lord Sidmouth's 
Bill, 1 took up the work of Robert Spear. Harbottle presided 
on February 9, 1816, at a meeting of Evangelical Non- 
conformists in Manchester met to take common steps to 
equip a large academy for Calvinistic preachers. After 
much discussion Mr. Fletcher, minister of the Independent 
Church at) Blackburn, was asked to take charge. For his 
convenience the academy was begun at Blackburn. It was 
ultimately removed to Whalley Range, Manchester, and 
became known as the Lancashire Independent College. 

The central doctrine of the Calvinistic theology was that 
an omniscient Deity must know His own ulterior purposes, 
and had specially chosen a number of favoured individuals 
to carry them out. It was the basis of the Evangelical 
teaching favoured by Independents and Baptists, and was 
acceptable to the privileged classes. For his adherence to 
this theology, Whitefield had felt compelled to separate from 
Wesley, and for its continued spread the Countess of Hunting- 
don had founded the College at Trevecca. Its rigidity was 
disappearing, and its desire for social amelioration increasing. 
Consequently Homerton Academy, near London, had been 
opened without demands for doctrinal statements from 

The Arminian theology, with its insistent belief in the 
moral perfectibility of each individual under proper religious 
training, was the central truth put forth by the Wesleyan 
body. The Wesleyan Methodists, as the immediate followers 
of John Wesley were now called, had also begun to organise 
their teaching and training for the ministry. Like their 
founder, they established numerous high schools and colleges 
for the children of preachers and ministers throughout the 
country, and were steadily raising the level of earnestness as 
well as of general intelligence. 

1 Cf . Proceedings of Dissenting Deputies. 


The older Nonconformist academies, particularly the 
Manchester Academy, now at York, originally supported 
by all three denominations of Presbyterians, Independents, 
and Baptists, were untouched by the Evangelical move- 
ment. Natural Philosophy had formed the basis of Natural 
Theology, and discussion during student life had been free 
and rationalistic. They had adopted the Socinian theology, 
which had started in Italy and had appropriately found its 
first martyr in Serve tus, who was burnt by Calvin. They 
refused to make any final statements on theological doctrine. 
Socinianism succeeded the Arian theology, with its mild 
toleration of prevalent conflicting opinions, and had ultimately 
become the essential teaching of the particular body of 
Christians who had retained from Puritan times their intimate 
touch with Natural Philosophy. Its exponents expressed 
their intellectual interests by the foundation of the Manchester 
Literary and Philosophical Society, and fully participated 
in the public benevolence by their share and interest in 
education and by the foundation of Sunday Schools, for they 
had opened one as early as 1785, and on the closure of this 
in 1808 had opened a much larger daughter school in Lower 
Mosley Street. This in time became so successful that in 1835 
it became necessary to build an entirely new school. A sum 
of 2948 was raised by public subscription, the sale of the 
old building realised 420, a loan of 800 was obtained, 
and a school was built which lasted many years. 

In 1810 the Bible Christian Society under Rev. William 
Cowherd opened the ' Salford Grammar School and School of 
Science ' in King Street, Salford, for 1000 children. Cowherd 
had come to Manchester to serve as curate to Rev. John 
Clowes, the Swedenborgian rector of St. John's. Owing to 
the growth of his radical views, Cowherd left the Established 
Church, and, with the help of the Brotherton family, founded 
a new religious community which practised vegetarianism, 
studied the Bible, and read Chemistry. 

Another group of Swedenborgians founded the Peter 
Street Schools out of a fund left in 1823 by Mr. Thomas 
Chester of Dover to the Swedenborgian Conference for pro- 
moting religious and moral instruction. The school for boys 
was opened in 1827, and that for girls in 1832. The first 
teacher was Joseph Moss, and under him was trained his 
successor, Mr. James Scotson, ob. June 5, 1911, who was 


nominated headmaster in 1857, when the school came under 
full government inspection. 1 

Another religious body whose efforts to spread education 
were very widespread, were the Quakers. Joseph Lancaster 
had begun to form schools in London in 1798. He was 
invited to Manchester in 1809 by David Holt, a fellow Quaker, 
and a local merchant who, like Robert Spear, had been a 
pupil of Charles Lawson's, to meet other benevolent persons 
with a view to establishing a day school in the town on 
the principles he had advocated elsewhere. Considerable 
obstacles were placed in their way, and placards were dis- 
tributed through the town denouncing the plan in favour 
of day schools under clerical control (Dr. Bell's system) ; 
but sufficient support was forthcoming for David Holt and 
his friends to open a school in Lever Street, capable of holding 
1000 children. Similar schools were opened by the National 
Church of England Society in Granby Road and in Bolton 
Street, Salford, on April 20 and June 20, 1812, respectively. 

The new humanitarian spirit was therefore independent 
of the special forms of theological teaching into which the 
several denominations had fallen, for, though many of the 
new schools were naturally established in connection with 
the organisation of particular denominations, its effects 
were to be seen stirring within them all. 

The educational needs of the Nonconformists throughout 
the country were further recognised when in 1827 a public 
appeal was made for funds to found a National University 
in London, open to students of all denominations, irrespective 
of creed. 160,000 was collected, and the foundation-stone 
of the new college was laid by the Duke of Sussex. Vested 
interests became alarmed. In 1831 King's College was 
founded for the exclusive use of the Established Church. In 
1835 the two rival colleges were incorporated, and a new 
examining body the London University called into being 
with power to grant degrees to students of approved colleges 
after examination and without religious tests ; one of the 

1 The Mosley Street and Peter Street Schools came under the School 
Board in 1877 and were combined, and the new ' Central School ' built 
in 1880 to accommodate the pupils. This was removed to the Whitworth 
Street site in 1904 when the site of the buildings was acquired by the Great 
Northern Railway Company. It is now the Municipal High School for 
Girls and Boys. 


earliest academies to receive recognition was the Manchester 
College still meeting at York. 

Although the study of Natural Philosophy was practically 
extinct at the English Universities, and received no encourage- 
ment from the State, yet private members of the merchant 
and trading classes continued to cultivate special interests, 
thus preparing the way for its re-establishment at the 
universities at a later date. 

The collections of insects made by John Leigh Philips 
had been purchased at his death by J. H. Robinson, a brother- 
in-law of the wealthy banker, Sir Benjamin Heywood, on 
behalf of himself and a number of friends who wished to 
found a Natural History Society in Manchester. There was 
some delay in founding the Society, and the scheme was not 
completed till after the death of J. H. Robinson. In August 
1821, the new Society was founded with an entrance fee of 
10 10s. and an annual subscription of 3 3s. Rooms were 
taken in King Street to house the collections, but as other 
collections were also purchased, the rooms became too small, 
and a commodious building was erected in Peter Street for 
the accommodation and display of the rapidly accumulating 
specimens. 1 

Perhaps the early scientific value of this Museum was 
limited by the exclusive spirit shown by the members. There 
were, however, a few genuine naturalists, and the position of 
curator was eagerly sought after. The collections attracted 
the attention of local surgeons and students of medicine, for 
the study of natural history had been extremely popular 
among surgeons from the time of John Hunter, and was at 
this time closely associated with chemistry and natural 
philosophy. 2 Dr. Thomas Turner, a young surgeon who 
had studied in London and Paris, came to Manchester in 
1817 as house surgeon to the Royal Infirmary. He found 
all the materials ready for providing a general medical 
education for the pupils apprenticed to the surgeons of the 
town. He had attracted, and retained throughout his life, 

This building was long used for the Manchester Y.M.C.A. 

Dr. White's Museum of Anatomical Specimens, Casts, &c., at the St. 
Mary's Lying-in Hospital was open to the public, on payment of Is. A 
miscellaneous collection of natural history curios was exhibited at the 
Chetham Library. Many working botanists, such as George Caley, were 
collecting and studying plants. 


the high regard of two of the leading local physicians Dr. 
William Henry and Dr. Ralph Ainsworth, who constantly 
forwarded his plans when he settled down to practise in 
1820. His first public appointment was that of Secretary 
to the Natural History Society. He was soon asked to 
give lectures to students of the Royal Infirmary at the 
Manchester Literary and Philosophical Society. In 1824, 
in conjunction with John Dal ton, he opened the Pine Street 
Medical School, the first medical school to be established in 
the provinces. 1 There had been detached courses of lectures 
given in Bristol, Liverpool, Manchester, and perhaps York, 
Hull, and Nottingham, but this was the first provincial school 
to attempt to provide a complete preparation for University 
and College examinations. 

The Manchester Horticultural and Botanical Society was 
founded in 1827, and established the Botanical Gardens at 
Old Trafford, where annual shows were held for the ex- 
hibition of rare and highly cultivated plants and for the 
recreation of the shareholders and subscribers. 

Students of natural history in humbler life formed the 
Banksian Society of Manchester, and began to report their 
proceedings in the Edinburgh Journal of Natural Science, 
October, 1829. 

Other merchants, some of whom had been associated 
with the old Academy of Arts and Science of Manchester in 
1783, had been accustomed from 1817 onwards to hold private 
exhibitions of pictures and works of art among themselves. 
At a general meeting of the town summoned for the purpose 
in the Exchange Rooms, October 1, 1823, they brought 
forward a project for the establishment of a public institution. 
The scheme was warmly supported, and suitable rooms were 
taken, pending the erection of a special building. A sum of 
20,000 was raised, and the building in Mosley Street, formerly 
called the Royal Institution (now the Municipal Art Gallery), 
was begun in 1825 and completed in 1830, at a total cost of 
30,000. The promoters seem to have inherited, from the 
first, from the old Academy of Arts and Science founded 
in 1784, definite educational aims. They intended to 
celebrate the opening by a course on Chemistry by Richard 
Philips, F.R.S. and F.L.S. On account of the lecture-room 

i Blackwood's Magazine, 1839, p. 490. 


of the Mechanics' Institute not being ready in time, this project 
had to be abandoned, and Mr. John Philips, honorary member 
of the Leeds and Yorkshire Philosophical Society, gave a series 
of lectures on Natural History instead. There was evidently 
at this time a renewed attempt to found a teaching University 
in Manchester by Thomas Whatton, whose brother, William 
Robert Whatton (1790-1835), surgeon and antiquary, had 
settled in Manchester in 1810. In 1822 he joined the 
Manchester Literary and Philosophical Society and was made 
librarian. In 1828 he contributed the ' History of the 
Grammar School ' and the ' History of Chetham Hospital 
and Library ' to the ' History of the Foundations in Man- 
chester/ then being edited by Hibbert Ware. In 1829, he 
wrote two letters to the President, Council, and Governors 
of the Royal Institution of Manchester, advising the 
establishment of a local University in connection with it. 
The first letter I have not seen, but the second, dated May 
1829, contains the following : 

' In an address which I had the honour of laying before 
you a short time since, I endeavoured to draw your atten- 
tion to the great and increasing demand for education which 
has displayed itself in all ranks during the last few years, 
in such an eminent degree, in this extensive and populous 

1 The advantages of gratuitous instruction in the Free 
School as available towards a preparation for the higher 
branches of general and professional education, were pointed 
out . . . and a plan was prepared for engrafting on the Royal 
Institution a University, open to all persons under certain 
regulations to be hereafter proposed ... (it has been ob- 
jected) that I have shewn a desire to convert the revenue 
of the Grammar School to the purposes of the University. 
This is not the case, because I am well aware it cannot be 
effected, the charters of foundation being special, neither 
would it be desirable if it could ; and in no part of my ad- 
dress as far as I can conceive have I offered such an opinion 
The points I have urged in reference to this question are 
merely a judicious and economical administration of the 
present large income arising from the School estates by 
which all charges for tuition might be very well dispensed 
with, a gradual extension of the privileges of the School 
and the introduction of such a system of instruction in the 
modern languages and the necessary branches of science as 


should be in every respect adapted to the wants of a 
commercial and manufacturing district. 

' In this way, and in this only, am I desirous that the 
revenues of the Bishop of Exeter's noble foundation as well 
as those of the Chetham Hospital should afford the means in 
common with other schools of preparing youths for admis- 
sion into the Manchester University.' 

The branches of knowledge which Whatton considered 
appropriate, he arranged under three heads similar to the 
arrangement adopted in the recently established London 

I. Those objects which constitute the essential parts of 
a liberal education : Greek and Latin, French and English 
Languages and Literature and Antiquities. Mathematics, 
Natural Philosophy, including Astronomy, Chemistry, Logic, 
Mental and Moral and Political Philosophy, Political 

II. Certain ornamental accomplishments : Italian, 
Spanish, German literature; Geology and Mineralogy, Botany, 

III. Preparation for profession of Law, of Medicine, 
of Engineering and the application of Mechanical Philosophy 
to the Arts. 

The full course estimated to be not more than 70 per 
annum except for the medical and surgical courses. 

The governors of the Chetham Library evidently en- 
deavoured to keep abreast of the times, and published a 
catalogue of additions to the library in 1826. A current 
leaflet by Tim Bobbin, ' Museum Chethamensis,' published 
1827, is of interest because it gives a humorous description 
of the miscellaneous collection of curiosities and now unused 
apparatus which had fallen into neglect, and even ridicule, 
owing to the want of interest in science on the part of the 
governors and the fact that the old Manchester library 
had lost touch with the public life of the town. 

In addition to the efforts of the merchants to gratify 
their personal tastes, there was also a very general desire 
to arouse among the working classes some interest in the 
scientific principles which underlay their arts and trades, 
and to increase their knowledge in all matters which 


encouraged their intellectual and social development. It 
led to the establishment of Mechanics' Institutes and Lyceum 
Schools of Art and Design. The following forms part of the 
Prospectus of the Manchester Mechanics' Institution issued 
on its foundation in 1824 : 

' This Institution is formed for the purpose of enabling 
mechanics and artisans, of whatever trade they may be, to 
become acquainted with such branches of science as are of 
practical application in the exercise of that trade ; that they 
may possess a more thorough knowledge of their business, 
acquire a greater degree of skill in the practice of it, and 
be qualified to make improvements and even new inventions 
in the arts which they respectively profess. It is not intended 
to teach the trade of the machine maker, the dyer, the 
carpenter, the mason, or any other particular business, 
but there is no art which does not depend, more or less, on 
scientific principles, and to teach what these are, and to point 
out their practical application, will form the chief objects 
of this Institution. The value to the mechanic of the acquire- 
ments which it is thus intended he should be enabled to 
make, he will find in the most likely means of advancing 
his success and prosperity in the agreeable and useful 
employment of his leisure and in the increased respectability 
of character which knowledge has always a tendency to 

The Mechanics' Institute, Cooper Street, held its first 
meeting March 30, 1825. The building cost 6600, and was 
the first one erected in England for such a purpose. The 
three gentlemen who had initiated the Royal Institution 
in the previous year had urged that another institution 
should be established in Manchester to teach the application 
of science to mechanical and manufacturing arts for the 
benefit of young men who needed practical instruction and 
had not the means to obtain it. In the report for 1827 
the managers stated that detailed and systematic courses 
of lectures in Mechanics and Chemistry would be arranged. 
In addition they announced courses in Mathematics and 
Mechanical Drawing. An interesting detailed syllabus was 
given covering the principles and applications of Chemistry 
and including Physics. In Chemistry, laboratory instruction 
was given, in addition to lectures. These lectures were 
continued in subsequent years. 

In 1836 it is stated that there were delivered : 

Eight lectures on Gaseous Chemistry. 

Six ,, on Matter and Heat. 

Twelve ,, on Geology. 

Twelve ,, on the Mechanical Properties of the Air. 

Twelve ,, on Astronomy. 

Twelve ,, on the Applications of Chemistry in the 

Arts and Manufactures. 
Twelve ,, on Electricity. 

The number of students in attendance at the Chemistry 
Laboratory course was about 216. 

On March 25, 1829, the new Mechanics' Institute was 
opened in Brasenose Street. The Ancoats Lyceum for work- 
ing people was opened in 1828, at a charge of 2d. a week, 
and within three months 2000 persons availed themselves of 
its privileges. Other Lyceums had the following number 
of members : 

Ashton . . 191 Huddersfield . 310 

Bolton . . 320 Oldham. . 350 

Potteries . 280 Stockport . 454 

Rochdale . 70 Halifax . 417 

Ancoats . 530 Leeds . . 260 

Chorlton . 800 Ripon . . 70 

Salford . . 500 York . . 150 

Bury . . 128 Keighley . 119 

Barnsley . 152 Sheffield . 352 

Bradford . 541 

The following quotation occurs in the Report of a Com- 
mittee of the Statistical Society, on Education in Manchester, 
in 1834 : 

' Mechanics' Institutions afforded opportunities for gain- 
ing an acquaintance with branches of knowledge higher 
than can be supplied in ordinary schools and offered other 
advantages to persons of all ages, rank, situation, and pursuits. 
The subjects there studied are taught by men of judgment 
and ability, the affairs of each institution conducted by a 
body of directors who are well able to judge of the merits 
of different plans of instruction and have ample opportu- 
nities of observing and comparing them. The plan of such 


institutions and the whole course of instruction is adapted 
to and chiefly attended by a class considerably superior to 
the really operative class.' 

Unfortunately, whilst a number of merchants and manu- 
facturers were using their newly acquired wealth in various 
philanthropic and other public ways, many of the landowning 
classes were too much concerned with retaining their threatened 
privileges to share in such work. With the loss of their 
ideals of public service they had lost touch with the merchants 
as well as with the people, and Parliament ceased to 
represent the country. So marked was their jealousy of 
the merchants that the Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster 
refused to appoint any manufacturer tcr the post of justice 
of the peace and reserved this entirely for landowners and 
clergy. In order to cover up the injustice of this proceeding, 
an Act was introduced into Parliament (1817) to appoint 
a permanent paid or stipendiary magistrate. In support 
of this measure, it was claimed that the merchants would 
sympathise too much with the insurgent working classes to 
carry out the necessary administration. 

Party feeling grew very high in Manchester. The famous 
informal and non-political club which had been held at John 
Shaw's Punch House, Smithy door, since 1750 had become 
exclusive and removed to the ' Hen and Partridge,' where it 
formally constituted itself as a Church and Eang Club some 
of the High Church collegiate clergy being especially dis- 
tinguished for their violence and conviviality. The term 
' Church and King ' had been inscribed on the banner of the 
Jacobites who had paraded in Manchester in 1745 and had 
been continued as a toast to a forlorn hope drunk with hushed 
voices behind closed doors. It was now revived to keep up 
old prejudices against wealthy Nonconformists when efforts 
were made to repeal that Act. 

Church and King Clubs therefore became common in all 
centres of social ferment, but as the meetings became more 
serious and discussed political aims, such clubs became known 
as Pitt Clubs, the Manchester one being organised in October, 
1812, when George Canning came to the town and dined with 
300 gentlemen ' and delighted them by his eloquence and 
urbanity.' Perhaps the well-recognised leaning of Canning 
to the reforming principles advocated by Pitt before his 


'The Trustees hope the inhabitants of Manchester will 
not fail to comply with the Act of Parliament for regulating 
the custom of grinding at the School Mills which direct (under 
penalties recoverable before the Magistrates) that all the 
malt used in the town of Manchester shall be ground at these 

A new Receiver, Josiah Twyford, was appointed. Several 
of the old mills were pulled down in 1818, and by a judicious 
purchase of new property out of accumulated funds, a suffi- 
ciently large site was obtained for the erection of mills of an 
entirely new pattern and of ample size at a total cost of 3238, 
so that the tenants of the mills were enabled to enter into 
open competition with other millers of the town and regain, 
by efficiency and repute, the custom of grinding corn which, 
since the Parliamentary Act of 1758, was no longer theirs by 
privilege and monopoly. They retained their monopoly of 
grinding malt, and for a long while there was little complaint 
about their competence to deal with the requirements of the 
town in this respect. The complaints which subsequently 
broke out in 1834 were not so much on account of inefficiency 
of the milling as of burdensomeness of the charges, and were 
no doubt partly political in origin. 

The only possible policy to restore the School was to 
re-establish it as a high-class boarding school. The old half- 
timbered house, assigned to the high master, had served 
many purposes before it had been inhabited by Charles 
Lawson. For many years before his death it had fallen into 
great dilapidation. Yet it was all the accommodation that 
was provided. Rev. Jeremiah Smith made the following note, 
July 27, 1807, nearly three months after his appointment : 

1 It is now an admirable house, and never did I expect 
to find one so good. Observe I say now, for it was an Augean 
stable as to filth, through which I thought when I first saw 
it that it would be necessary to turn the neighbouring river 
Irk in order to cleanse it. It was too, in its plan, so uncouth 
that it seemed a labyrinth : in its conveniences so unaccount- 
able that I shall never cease to wonder how any feeling 
and rational creatures should have so long acquiesced in them. 
But an entire revolution, and that, in a measure, planned 
by myself, has taken place.' 

As soon as the house was put in order, a new register was 


begun. At least eight of Mr. Smith's boarders were trans- 
ferred from the Birmingham school, and other boarders soon 
came, and an increasing number of sons of tradesmen and 
merchants and professional men attended as day scholars. 
An analysis of the occupations of the parents and the ultimate 
careers of many of the pupils, as given in the School Register 
published by Rev. Prebendary Finch Smith, shows the relative 
degrees in which the School was utilised by different social 
classes and the large proportion of the scholars who subse- 
quently entered professional careers. 

When quite full, the buildings were estimated to hold 
200 scholars. To teach these, five masters were allowed. 
To the salaries allowed for this number an extra grant of 30 
for a mathematical master was decided upon in 1825. 

The distribution of the boys in the school was as follows : 

Under High Master . 20 Salary 416 (with extra 

allowance for teach- 
ing Mathematics and 
House for boarders) 

H. M. assistant . 30 160 

2nd'Master . 40 218 (with house for 


do. Assistant . 60 125 


,, Master of Lower 

School . 50 


In Buckler's ' Sixty Views of Grammar Schools, with 
Descriptive Text,' published 1827, we read : 

'The afternoons of Tuesday, Thursday, and Saturday 
are holidays and are devoted to Mathematics. The business 
of the School begins and closes with prayers, in summer 
from 7 till half after eight. Return at half after 9 and 
remain till 12, return again at 3 and remain till half after 
five. In winter it commences an hour later.' 

All boys able to read were admitted on application to the 
high master about the age of six or seven and were instructed 
in English and in Latin. The description of the Lower School 


change of policy in 1786 had something to do with the 
cordiality of his reception. 

The part taken by the supporters and managers of the 
Grammar School in the struggle between town and county 
is expressed by the fact that before 1808, among the earlier 
and more important toasts proposed at the old boys' dinners, 
* The Trade and Prosperity of the Town of Manchester ' 
held a prominent place, being drunk with honours * three 
times three.' About this time it drops out, being replaced 
by one in favour of ' Our County Members.' It was replaced 
at the bottom of the list (28th toast) in 1822-6, and again 
dropped, to be replaced a second time in 1835, being one of 
forty-three toasts in 1843. Perhaps the rare presence of a 
friendly Tory borough-reeve who was an old boy was the 
occasion of such honour to the town. 

It was therefore at a time of great educational and 
political activity, both among the merchant and the working 
classes, that Rev. Jeremiah Smith came to Manchester to 
restore its old Grammar School. The number of boarders had 
diminished and the number of scholars at Oxford and Cam- 
bridge, despite the supplementation of their school exhibitions 
by close scholarships at Brasenose, Oxford, and St. John's, 
Cambridge, had lessened. Few scholars went to Oxford, 
practically none to Cambridge. Perhaps the financial 
position of the country since the declaration of war with 
France in 1797 had something to do with this, attracting 
many to military rather than to academic careers. The 
business of the School mills had been neglected, and con- 
sequently the income of the School greatly reduced. 

The setting in order of the once famous but now sadly 
decadent and impoverished School, deprived of so many of its 
boarders and placed in the midst of an indifferent if not 
actually hostile town population, was no easy task. Dr. John 
Cooke, a man of kindly but firm nature, had been president of 
Corpus Christi College for over twenty years, and had been 
privileged to watch the careers of many distinguished pupils. 
He showed his knowledge of men and events in appointing Rev. 
Jeremiah Smith to the vacancy. Jeremiah Smith had been 
born in 1771 and was therefore thirty-five years of age. He 
had had fourteen years' experience of teaching as assistant 
master in the King Edward VI Grammar School, Birming- 
Jiam, then in its unreformed state, devoting its ample funds 


to a few privileged scholars, but entirely out of touch with the 
needs of the poorer classes of the town. The college friends 
with whom he kept up an intimate friendship were Dr. Henry 
Phillpotts, subsequently Bishop of Exeter, an extreme Tory 
politician and controversialist, and Dr. Edward Copleston, 
who had done much to reform the classical teaching at Oxford. 
He was unmistakably a scholar of high attainments, and soon 
after settling in Manchester was awarded the D.D. of his 
University. He had already held several curacies at Birming- 
ham, and, on coming to Manchester, at once engaged in similar 
work there. His personal appearance has been delineated 
by one of his most talented if not scholastically distinguished 
pupils, Harrison Ainsworth, who in his semi-biographical 
novel ' Mervyn Clitheroe ' thus describes his old master : 

* A spare man with large thoughtful features and a fine 
expansive forehead powdered at the top. He looked like a 
bishop and ought to have been one. His voice was particu- 
larly solemn and it was quite a treat to hear him read prayers. 
Under him, the boys began to give themselves the air of 
young men, wore well cut coats and well fitting boots, were 
very particular about the fashion of their hair and, above 
all, wore gloves. 

' He was very quiet and controlled in manner, but very 
firm. He is only known to have used the cane once, and 
then it was very evident that it was more painful to himself 
than to the culprit. He had the faculty of at once inspiring 
respect and retaining it. Dignified in manner and deportment 
and ever preserving an air of grave courtesy, it would have 
been impossible to take a liberty with him and it was never 
attempted. ' 

The following advertisement appeared in the Manchester 
Mercury, February 20, 1810 : 

* The Trustees of the Free Grammar School in Manchester 
inform the Public that having been lately apprised of the 
existence of some abuses in the management of the Malt 
Mills belonging to the School, they directed a strict inquiry 
to be made into the circumstances ; and in consequence 
of the investigation that has taken place they have thought 
fit to discharge all the former servants employed at the Mill, 
and have adopted such regulations for the time to come as 
they expect will remove all cause of complaint. 


by Samuel Bamford about 1800 may be compared with the 
account given in the Charity Commission Report written 
about 1825. It is noted that the opening of the Lancasterian 
and National Schools had practically emptied the Lower 
School, and consequently the boys were better prepared 
and the masters were able to concentrate their attention 
upon more advanced subjects. 

In 1818 the feoffees made an allowance of 84 a year to 
the second master, in addition to his salary, to enable him to 
rent a house sufficient to accommodate twenty to thirty 
boarders. In 1821 when a suitable house had been found they 
agreed to pay in addition the rates and taxes ; while the 
old house he had occupied, being a possession of the School, 
was let to one of the junior masters at a rent of 30 to 
enable him also to keep a few boarders. By these means 
the proportion of boarders to day scholars became naturally 

In 1825, owing to the great increase in the profits from the 
mills, the accumulated funds in the hands of the trustees 
amounted to 3879. Dr. Smith made application for the 
feoffees to build an entirely new high master's house sufficient 
to hold an .increased number of boarders either on the existing 
site or on a more desirable situation if one could be found. 
Parlour boarders paid 120 guineas to 140 guineas per annum, 
others sixty guineas per annum. Under his guidance the 
School once more rose to a high level of efficiency. In 1811 
he had re-established the annual Speech Day, which had 
fallen into abeyance. It was still held on the first Tuesday 
in October. Relatives and friends of the boys were assembled, 
the senior boys made speeches, and examiners' reports were 
read. The function was continued till 1830. 

School and University knowledge were increasingly re- 
garded as a possession, necessary for those who sought 
advancement in the Church, and ornamental for those who 
had wealth or other possessions, but quite unsuitable for the 
lower middle and industrialised classes, who were still being 
denied all opportunity of independent development. Learn- 
ing thus continued as a material possession to be bought 
and sold like other possessions, and though the commercial 
nature of the transaction was disguised, yet it was by keeping 
a boarding house for boys desirous of entering professions 
that schoolmasters made the larger part of their income. 


The public repute of the Manchester School may be 
estimated by the numbers and after-careers of those pupils 
who went to the old Universities. It had exhibitions or 
scholarships, it had influential patrons, it had a scholar and 
a gentleman as high master. Other grammar schools, which 
did not offer such University exhibitions, failed to attract 
serious scholars, and had to adapt their curriculum to 
the less specialised and more general interest of the 

During the thirty years in which Rev. Jeremiah Smith 
held the office of high master, viz. from July 1807 to 
October 1837, the registers contain the names of some 1521 
boys : this implies an average of 52 entries each year, if we 
may estimate that the average length of school life was slightly 
under four years, with a general variation between two to 
seven years, the latter for University scholars. 

145 (about 10 per cent.) took orders in the Church. Of 
these, 79 on leaving passed to Oxford, and of these 
28 benefited by Hulme Exhibitions ; 56 proceeded 
to Cambridge, and the rest did not graduate at 
either University. Of the total number only 35 
were Manchester boys, many being sons of local 
clergy, the rest were boarders from a distance. 
Many entered the teaching profession as well as 
taking orders. 

Ill (or about 7 per cent.) entered various branches 
of the law ; 17 of whom were called to the Bar ; 
8 of them graduated either at Oxford or Cam- 

52 (or 3*5 per cent.) entered the medical profession 
the large proportion availing themselves of the 
advantages offered by the several Manchester 
Schools of Medicine. 

13 others actively participated by writing or by other 
forms of public activity in the various political 
and social movements of the day. 

20 entered the Army, Navy, or Indian Civil Service. 
8 became architects, surveyors, or civil engineers. 1 

1 See also ' A Review and Analysis of the School Registers,' by Thomas 
Nash, Ulula, July 1875. 


Jeremiah Smith very industriously collected the writings 
of old scholars. These he often referred to as being so 
numerous and so varied as to form a little library of their 
own. The collection was presented to the School library 
in 1878 by his son, Rev. J. Finch Smith, though unfortunately 
many of the volumes are now misplaced or missing. 1 The 
prosperity of the School was due to the fact that Jeremiah 
Smith succeeded in arousing among his advanced scholars his 
own love of perfection. The public examinations and the 
grading of candidates set up in Oxford in 1802 had raised the 
standard of University training and this was reflected in the 
teaching of those schools to which the scholars returned as 
masters. The teaching profession and the professions of law 
and medicine were called upon to display greater knowledge and 
understanding than before. Schools that prepared for them 
became noted. Therefore the upper classes of the Grammar 
School became crowded, while the lower classes were emptied, 
since children of less capacity attended other public day 
schools. The boarders increased, and the day boys tended 
to be crowded out. The boarders received special tuition 
and practically monopolised the School exhibitions. There 
was nothing in this which could not be defended by the School 
statutes, which ordained that no boy of any county was to 
be refused admission, though it does not seem very consonant 
with the good mind which the bishop * bare towards the 
children of the County of Lancashire considering their bring- 
ing up in learning and virtue and good manners,' that they 
should not receive more adequate consideration. Perhaps 
less objection could be taken to the use of the School for 
the preparation of day boys for learned careers such as 
that of medicine. 

This increased efficiency was all to the good, but there 
was on the other side a growing recognition that the educa- 
tional provision for the less prosperous was an urgent matter, 
and inquiries were made, especially by those who were watch- 
ing the results of the inquiries initiated in Parliament by 
Henry Brougham on the uses of charitable endowments, 
as to why the ample funds of the Manchester School should be 
used to maintain wealthy boarders at the Universities who 
had nothing to do with the town. The extensive nature of 

1 Particularly the manuscript volume of speeches delivered at the 
Annual School Gatherings in October. 


the local educational shortage was also brought to light by 
the work of Dr. James Philips Kay, a physician at the 
Ancoats Dispensary, who with some of his friends started 
the Manchester Statistical Society with the particular object 
of finding out the facts. 

The inquiries that were being made into the application 
of the funds of old charities, educational and otherwise, as a 
result of Lord Brougham's action in the House of Commons, 
at length began to arouse the governing body at the Man- 
chester School. Among the new feoffees appointed about 
this time several possessed parliamentary experience, and 
therefore were acquainted with the new tendencies which 
led, among other changes, to the passing of the Reform 
Bill. The most prominent was Wilbraham Egerton (1781- 
1856) of Tatton Park, eldest son of William Tatton Egerton 
who had been educated at the School and had served as 
feoffee and had been a prominent founder and active 
supporter of the Old Boys' Dinner till his death in 1804. 
Wilbraham Egerton himself had been educated at Eton and 
Christ Church, Oxford. He had served as Parliamentary 
representative for South Cheshire 1812-1830, and had been 
appointed feoffee of the Manchester Grammar School in 
1816. On account of his opposition to the Reform Bill he 
had lost his seat at the general election in favour of George 
Wilbraham of Delamere. At the same election his nephew 
William Tatton Egerton was elected for North Cheshire and 
consequently the family interest in current national events 
was maintained. Wilbraham Egerton also served as J.P. 
and Deputy Lieutenant for Chester for nineteen years, Lieut.- 
Colonel of Yeomanry Cavalry and of local Militia, High 
Sheriff 1808. He was present at the Anniversary Speech Day, 
1829. His character was thus described in the Gentleman's 
Magazine, in April 1856 : 

' Mr. Egerton was a fine specimen of a Christian gentle- 
man ; warm hearted, humble minded, generous from in- 
clination and from duty, tender to a remarkable degree of 
the feelings of others, but possessed with a stern sense of 
right and wrong, courteous and hospitable. He has left 
behind him in the hearts of his family, his numerous de- 
pendents and his many friends, an endearing memory and 
an example worthy of imitation by all who may be placed 
in like influential position.' 


With him were associated his brother Thomas William 
Tatton of Withenshaw, elected feoffee of the School 1816, died 
1827, and William Hulton of Hulton Park. Hulton was born 
in 1787 ; served as Deputy Lieutenant of the county in 1809, 
and as Chairman of Magistrates during the Peterloo gathering 
in 1819. He was invited to come forward as Parliamentary 
candidate for the County of Lancaster, but declined. As a 
counterblast to the Revelation of Panic and Arbitrary Use of 
Power published in the Press, he drew up an address to the 
Prince Regent, which was signed by 1800 magistrates, clergy, 
bankers, and merchants, expressing their entire approval 
of the acts of the Magistracy, the Civil Forces, and the 
Military Powers during the rioting. 

Another prominent feoffee was Sir Robert Holt Leigh of 
Hindley Hall, Wigan (1762-1843), a Deputy Lieutenant 
for the county, and many years M.P. for Wigan. He was 
the eldest son of Holt Leigh of Wigan, and was born at 
Wigan on December 25, 1762. He entered as a pupil of 
Lawson's about 1776 ; passed thence to Christ Church, 
Oxford, but did not take his degree till sixty years of age, 
when he desired to use his vote. He was returned as member 
for Wigan 1802-1820 ; was a staunch Conservative in politics, 
&c., and a firm supporter of Pitt and Canning, except on 
the Roman Catholic question. He was created baronet by 
Mr. Canning, May 22, 1815, and suffered much from mob 
violence at the Wye election in 1830. Throughout his life he 
retained the love of literature. Dr. Donnegan, in the 
preface to the fourth edition of ' Greek and English Lexicon,' 
writes : 

' Among the many advantages I have derived from the 
publication of my Greek and English Lexicon, there is none 
I deem more precious than its having procured me the 
acquaintance, the friendship, of Sir Robert Holt Leigh, Bart, 
a gentleman who has improved his talents by refined well- 
directed and assiduous culture. Thoroughly acquainted with 
the best writers of modern Languages, and having attained 
a critical and profound knowledge of the Greek and Latin 
literature the excellencies of which his peculiar turn of 
mind enables him to appreciate fully he still devotes a 
considerable portion of his studious hours, with glowing 
enthusiasm and untiring ardour, to the poets and orators 
who have bequeathed to us such splendid and enduring 


monuments of Grecian genius. To the accomplishments 
of a scholar, he has added the advantages of having visited 
the most interesting countries of Europe, surveyed the 
choicest specimens of art with a critical eye, and observed 
the characters of men and manners so keenly as to justify 
the application to him of the commendation bestowed on 
Ulysses by the poet.' 1 

He died unmarried in January 1843. 

These were some of the trustees who held office at the time 
that Henry Brougham was making his inquiries as to the dis- 
posal of charitable and other trusts, and who were put into a 
state of alarm when Richard Potter, a Manchester merchant, 
who had succeeded Holt Leigh as M.P. for Wigan, brought 
the case of the Manchester School before the reformed House 
of Commons on February 16, 1833, while presenting a petition 
from some Salford residents in favour of national education. 
The attention of the feoffees was drawn to the incident by a 
letter which Thomas Wilson Patten, Tory member for North 
Lancashire, had written to Dr. Jeremiah Smith, and which 
Dr. Smith at once brought before the trustees, February 23, 
1833. After some correspondence and conference between 
Wilbraham Egerton, Thomas Patten, and Lord Francis Leve- 
son-Gower, who, as Lord Francis Egerton, was destined soon 
to be a local magnate of great force and influence, the 
feoffees decided, May 1833, to lodge a petition in the Court 
of Chancery, under Sir Samuel Romilly's Act of 1812, for 
permission to alter the curriculum of the school teaching 
and to add the teaching of English, French, German, and 
Chemistry to that of the Classics, for, though English and 
Mathematics were also taught, these were extra subjects 
and were charged for. To meet the needs of the poor of 
the district, it was decided to build two or more new schools. 
The fuller draft of the scheme, as amended, included the build- 
ing of a new high master's house to enable him to have an 
increased number of boarders, for it was evident that the 
School received its chief University distinction, and all the 
masters a considerable proportion of their income, from 
boarders. The petition was referred to the Master in Chan- 
cery to make a report. In June 1833 the report was made ; 

1 IToAAwv kvQpfinrwv t8fv Hffrca teal v6ov '4yvu. ' Manchester School Regis- 
ter,' Cheth. Soc., vol. box. pp. 217-219. 


in August it was confirmed. On May 29, 1834, a report of 
the new scheme appeared in the Manchester papers. 

The most active agents in formulating so clear a scheme 
and in getting it through the Court of Chancery so rapidly 
were William Tatton Egerton, son of Wilbraham Egerton, 
Thomas Wilson Patten, and William Slater, whose unweary- 
ing services to the School through its many trials were the 
constant source of gratification to feoffees and high master. 

At the feoffees 'meeting, October 10, 1833, the two feoffees 
were publicly thanked for their services. 



' Education is the culture which each generation purposely gives to 
those who are to be its successors, in order to qualify them for at least 
keeping up, and if possible for raising, the level of improvement which has 
already been obtained.' JOHN STUART MILL. 

Manchester merchants at length realise the full significance of Lord Henley's 
decree, and relate a case in the Court of Chancery The isolation of 
the English School from the old Grammar School Lord Cottenham 
decrees boarders to be ineligible for the University Exhibitions This 
diminishes the number of boarders and causes a great falling off in 
,the upper part of the School, as few town boys desire to continue 
their studies at Oxford and Cambridge J. W. Richards appointed 
high master in 1839 He endeavours to arouse fresh interest, especially 
in modern subjects Dean Herbert makes unsuccessful attempts at 
mediation between the feoffees and the merchants Rev. Nicholas 
Germon appointed high master, 1842 Lord Lyndhurst in. a further 
Chancery decree upholds the purely classical teaching of the School 
and negatives any extension of the commercial teaching or the 
erection of more English schools The clergy rally round tha Grammar 
School and share its isolation from the commercial life of the town 
The study of Science and Art in Manchester British Association 
meeting in Manchester, 1841 Colossal educational soire'es at the Man- 
chester Athenaeum The final decree in Chancery of Lord Cottenham 
leads to the resignation of all the remaining old feoffees. 

PERHAPS the full significance of the new scheme for the 
management of the School Trust, allowed by Lord Henley 
in the Court of Chancery, was not at once apparent to the 
leaders of the Reform movement in Manchester, for though 
a deputation of the borough reeve, the constable, the newly 
elected member of Parliament, Mark Philips, and Thomas 



Potter, presented a memorial to them, May 1, 1834, it is 
noticeable that there was some delay in their taking further 
action. The town had just passed through the unwonted 
experience of a parliamentary election the first since 1657. 
Public feeling was being stirred up against the old govern- 
ment by the Court Leet, now discredited owing to the manifest 
jobbery, favouritism, and political intrigue of the town's 
officers. Many high-minded merchants refused to accept the 
office of borough -reeve, and were mulcted in heavy damages. 
Finally a wealthy merchant, who had to decline on account 
of ill-health, was fined to a vindictive extent. Richard 
Cobden was one of the jurymen, and the event made a deep 
impression on his mind. An agitation for the incorporation 
of the borough and for obtaining self-government, instead 
of the government by officials, was started and supported 
by the liberal-minded merchants of various parties. 1 By 1838 
they had overcome numerous obstacles, and the Charter of 
Incorporation was granted, Mr. Thomas Potter being elected 
the first mayor. 

The Reform party were looking to France for light on 
educational as well as on political questions. At a public 
town's meeting presided over by Thomas Harbottle, 
August 31, 1830, three of the most prominent citizens, Mark 
Philips, Alexander Kay, and Joseph C. Dyer, had been deputed 
to visit Paris to convey the congratulations of the town to the 
French people on the recovery of their constitutional liberties. 
Among other impressions they brought back one of admiration 
for the State system of education prevalent on the Continent. 
Others shared the same view. A Central Education Society 
was formed in London, in which both Liberals and Tories 
joined, with the object of advocating the establishment of 
a similar State system of education in England. 

We have already mentioned Richard Potter's reference 
to the Manchester Grammar School in the House of Commons, 
February 15, 1833. Lord Brougham had convinced himself 
and many of the Radicals that funds sufficient to maintain a 
national system of education were available from the educa- 

1 The immediate cause of this action was the vindictive fining of 
Robert Barbour, subsequently trustee of the School, to the extent of 
150 for refusing to serve in 1834-5. This aroused the indignation ot 
Richard Cobden, who led an agitation by his pamphlet called ' Incorporate 
Your Borough.' 

FROM 1837 TO 1848. 


tional and other charities already in existence, and which 
they believed were the subjects of maladministration and 
abuse ; and they also succeeded in impressing on Parliament, 
even previous to its reform, the need for many endowments to 
be restored to their original charitable purpose . Their case was 
enormously strengthened when the House of Commons had, 
by the passing of the Reform Act, again become more repre- 
sentative of the towns. The point which the Reformers 
failed to grasp was that the Grammar Schools were founded 
to prepare boys for the Universities, and therefore the en- 
dowments were for the benefit of those who desired to pursue 
a course of learning higher than the elementary education 
which was now, for the first time, claimed as the birthright 
of every citizen an entirely new problem. 

As the new school buildings progressed, public comment 
became more articulate. 1 Certain ' relators,' merchants of 
the town of Manchester, stirred by the passion for reform, 
and no doubt encouraged by the firm establishment of the 
Whig party in power, and in consequence the reappointment 
of Baron Cottenham in January 1836 to the position of Vice- 
Chancellor, on May 23, 1836, had lodged information in the 
Court of Chancery, and petitioned : 

1. To have the accounts of the charity brought before 
the Master in Chancery. 

2. To remove the present trustees who were not residents 
in the town, and who were therefore supposed to be unable 
to realise the needs of the townspeople. 

3. To obtain a reference to the Master in Chancery for a 
revision of the scheme set forth by Lord Henley. 

The real sting of the protest of the relators was in the 
demand that the funds of the School estate should be open 
to public inspection and criticism, and that some of the citizens 

1 The protest of the town against the policy of the School feoffees really 
began with the maltsters objecting to the retention of the monopoly of 
grinding malt (Manchester Guardian, April 26, 1834). 'Letters on the 
School Policy,' by A. Prentice, appeared on June 14, 1834, and the full 
report of Lord Henley was given in the issue May 24, 1834. Discussion 
continued on March 24, June 14, and August 23, 1834, when it was proposed 
to introduce a Bill in the reformed Parliament. Subsequently Dr. Beard 
took up the question of the work of the School in his. pamphlet. 


of the town should be elected feoffees. Exaggerated opinions 
as to the extent of these funds were current ; one estimate 
placed them at 120,000. Other grievances were the con- 
tinued exclusion of Manchester merchants from any voice 
in the management ; the continued devotion of a large pro- 
portion of the funds to the support at the Universities of 
wealthy boarders, who filled a quarter of the School, virtually 
monopolised the scholarships, and conferred no honour 
on the town ; and finally the waste of money (5000) on 
the new boarding-house for the high master, when he was 
already provided with a handsome salary by the School 
and also held a good benefice. 

The principal arguments against the scheme were gathered 
together in a pamphlet entitled ' The Abuses of the Manchester 
Free Grammar School,' by ' A Friend of Popular Education/ 
the author being the Rev. J. Relly Beard, D.D., the minister 
of the Greengate Unitarian Church, whose members had sent 
a petition to the House of Commons, presented by Richard 
Potter, M.P. for Wigan, on February 15, 1833, which had 
first opened the eyes of the feoffees to the unpopularity of 
their action. Dr. Beard was born at Portsea in 1800. He 
had been educated partly in France and partly at the Man- 
chester (Unitarian) Academy, York. On March 2, 1825, he 
accepted the charge of the Unitarian church, Dawson's Craft, 
Greengate, Salford, and in the following year opened a 
private school on reformed educational principles at Wood- 
lands, Higher Broughton. He soon removed to more com- 
modious quarters in Stoney Knolls. Here he trained many 
pupils destined to take a prominent part in Manchester life. 
Among them the late W. H. Herford, who had entered the 
Manchester Grammar School, February 1833. Of the educa- 
tion there provided at that time Mr. Herford writes in a 
letter to Dr. Beard : ' My indebtedness to you begins about 
1835, when I came to your school, having till then been 
gnawing, with particularly little appetite, the divine meal 
of sour thistles and brambles, as Milton calls it, meaning 
thereby the classical and mathematical education more 
ma jorum at the Manchester Grammar School. The intro- 
duction to literature, the rational geometry, and the natural 
sciences, which you provided for us, were all rich, rich feasts 
after starvation.' From this time forward Dr. Beard continued 
to be in the forefront of the battle for the establishment in 


Manchester of popular education free from ecclesiastical 

'When Grammar Schools were first founded, Latin was 
acknowledged the fountain of all that was useful or orna- 
mental, the chief mental discipline, the great requirement 
in education, and to provide therefore a good education for 
the poor and ignorant was to secure a competent apparatus 
for instruction in Latin. At the present day no benefactor 
of ordinary capacity would found a school without taking 
measures for having taught therein more or less of Natural 
Philosophy . . . what Natural Philosophy is now, the Latin 
language and literature were then, the one indispensable 
requisite in a good education. ' 

Dr. Beard urged that at least 2000 of the funds of the 
School should be given annually to the Lancasterian Public 
Schools for Elementary Education. 

A reply was forthcoming, probably from the pen of Robin- 
son Elsdale, recently appointed high master of the School, 
1837-1839, entitled ' The Abuses of Self-constituted Authority 
and Misrepresentation, exposed in a Letter to Rt. Hon. Lord 
Cottenham, High Chancellor of England,' by 'A Friend of 
Enlightened Education, 1837.' 

' Those who are now endeavouring by means of news- 
paper insinuation and anonymous slander to excite the 
indignation of the public against the feoffees and masters 
of the Manchester Free Grammar School . . . will find 
themselves, I have no doubt, miserably disappointed. . . . 

'The feoffees, in consequence of this surplus (viz. 12,080 
2s. Id.), have long entertained and expressed a desire to 
enlarge the system of education pursued in the Manchester 
Grammar School, but they did not feel themselves justified 
in going beyond the letter of the Founder's will, till the 
surplus accumulated should be so ample as to enable them 
to carry on both Schools with due energy and utility. 

'The vast majority of the day scholars who frequent the 
Grammar School are intended for commercial pursuits or 
professions that require not a university education. The 
few destined for college or exhibiting extraordinary ability 
have generally been committed to the care of the High Master 
in order to complete their studies. The most talented of 
the neighbouring county have also been sent to the same 
individual on account of the superior advantages enjoyed, 


"for, " says the statute, "there shall no scholar, nor infant 
of what county or shire whatever, be refused." . . . By the 
terms of the new scheme an examiner is in future to attend 
once a year and present exhibitions to those who acquit 
themselves most to their satisfaction.' 

The following extract is from the Manchester Courier of 
October 5, 1836 : 

Grammar School Anniversary. 

* The 55th Anniversary of the gentlemen educated at 
the School took place at the Albert Hotel, Piccadilly, when 
about forty of them sat down, ... In the course of the even- 
ing Rev. J. S. Masters, in proposing the health of the feoffees 
of the Grammar School, took the opportunity of bearing 
testimony to the untiring zeal and unremitting exertions 
they had displayed in the management of the School estate. 
A few years ago, he observed, the income was insufficient 
to defray the annual expenses, but by a delicate scrutiny 
into its affairs, and a strict and well-organised system of 
economy, these gentlemen, who had been grossly calumniated 
in the charges brought against them of extravagances and 
mismanagement, had so far improved the income of the 
School that they had been enabled to raise splendid new 
buildings which were an ornament to the town, and to extend 
its utility by adding to it many branches of education which 
had not hitherto been taught there. 

It was intended that some 600 should be annually devoted 
for the upkeep of the English School, which was to be spent 
as follows ; 

200 for a mathematical master. 

200 for a master in English literature. 

150 for a teacher in French and German. 

100 for a writing master. 

50 for lexicons to be sold at half price to deserving boys 
or to be put in the library. 

Finally an undetermined sum was to be set apart for 
the payment of a teacher and the purchase of apparatus 
to be used in the teaching of Natural Philosophy. 

The English School was opened in January 1837 as an 
independent establishment, incomplete in equipment and 
curriculum, and without organic connection with the old 
Grammar School. The unfinished state of the buildings and 


the bareness of furnishing of the English School corresponded 
with the imperfectly thought-out details of its curriculum. 
This was not because the necessity for a commercial edu- 
cation, conducted at a high level, had not been fully realised 
in Manchester, for a scheme had been put forward under 
the patronage of the Warden and Fellows of the Collegiate 
Church, and supported by many wealthy Churchmen, for 
the establishment of a middle class Proprietary School at 

* To provide a course of instruction for youth, comprising 
classical learning, mathematical and commercial instruction 
and such modern languages and other branches of science 
and general literature as it may from time to time be prac- 
tical and advisable to introduce combined with religious 
and moral instruction in conformity with the principles of 
the Church of England. . . . The proprietary to consist of 
500 shares of 50 each bearing interest at not more than 
4%, the principal going to the purchase of land and erec- 
tion of a school, and any surplus being applicable to the 
general purpose of the Institution.' 1 

It was thus evident that liberal education, or instruction 
in subjects other than the rudiments of reading, writing and 
arithmetic, had come to be generally regarded as the special 
privilege of the well-to-do middle classes. If a scholar of 
humble origin but of unusual ability turned up at the 
old Grammar School, he could only obtain advancement by 
the personal interest and efforts of some particular patron, 
and as such might conceivably even be awarded a Univer- 
sity Exhibition. Such a case did actually once occur, but 
the unctuousness with which it was announced on prize day 
showed how unexpected and rare a circumstance it was. 

The Rev. Jeremiah Smith, who, even before 1833, had 
desired to retire from office, perhaps thought that he had 
finished his work at the School when the new scheme 
had been ratified by the Court of Chancery. He resigned 
the high mastership October 1837, and settled down in his 
country living in Cambridgeshire, with a very handsome 
pension from the School, as well as a generous presentation 
from his wealthy scholars for the really valuable services he 
had rendered to the School. 

1 Wheeler's Manchester, p. 393, published 1836. 


The Rev. E. Dudley Jackson (1802-1879), LL.B., B.C.L., 
of Trinity Hall, Cambridge, was next placed in charge of the 
English scholars as teacher of English literature. He had pre- 
viously held the position of perpetual curate of St. Matthew's 
Church, Manchester, and subsequently that of St. Michael's, 
Chetham Hill. He was closely connected with the Sunday 
School movement. He was a writer both of sacred poetry 
and of prose, and had partly compiled and partly composed 
a collection of Sunday School hymns. On taking charge 
of the English School, he divided it into an Upper and Lower 
School, in both of which young boys were taught writing 
and elementary arithmetic, and thus the pressure on the 
lower forms of the Grammar School was relieved. In 1844 
Mr. Dudley published an edition of Goldsmith's ' History 
of England ' for the use of boys, and also an Elementary Latin 
Grammar. 1 If any promising boys appeared in the English 
School, they were transferred to the Classical School, where 
there was at least the semblance of fuller opportunity. 
French and mathematics were also taught in the English 
School to various mixed classes, mainly consisting of the 
older boys from the Classical School. They were not regarded 
as a development of the English School. Mr. Mordacque 2 
was appointed visiting French master in place of the one who 
had previously acted as private tutor to the boarders before 
the opening of the English School. Mr. Cullen was appointed 
teacher in writing and arithmetic for the English School. A 
teacher in mathematics was also appointed, but did not 
continue long at the School. This subject was subsequently 
only very intermittently taught. No appointment of a teacher 
in German or Natural Philosophy both subjects included 
in the scheme was ever made. 

The English School attracted a large number of boys, and 
within two years of opening, at the Annual Dinner, held 
October 1838, Rev. E. D. Jackson was able to announce that 
there were altogether between 400 and 500 boys in the different 
departments of the School, and that there were no less than 

1 See John Evans' Lancashire Authors and Ulula, 1879. 

1 Mordacque also taught at the Commercial Schools and at the Athenaeum. 
He retired 1867. As there were no funds available for a retiring pension, the 
trustees and old scholars raised a sum of money to purchase an annuity, 
Rev. George Perkins, second master, acting as chairman, and S. H. Hodson, 
receiver, acting as secretary. 


300 candidates for admission. Mr. Jackson also gave some 
details respecting the new Commercial Schools which were 
about to be established under the supervision of the Anglican 
clergy in various parts of the country. At the same meeting 
Rev. Dr. Robinson Elsdale, who had just been appointed 
high master, made an ineffectual bid for popular support, 
by expressing a wish that in future no one would consider 
the dinner as a merely political one. ' It had been stated 
to him that it had been so regarded by some, and that con- 
sequently they had refused to attend. This (he said) was 
a mistake. The entertainment was a literary one at which 
persons of all political opinions might meet, united by the 
bonds of old acquaintance and old recollections.' In view 
of the character of the toasts proposed, and the strong 
partisanship of the company, this wish was hardly likely to 
carry much weight. 

Administratively, from the point of view of the Trust, all 
the school departments formed part of a single establishment. 
Educationally, from the point of view of the high master, they 
constituted a group of separate departments housed in 
contiguous buildings, and having no relation to one another. 
The only parts of the scheme which were carried out 
consisted in the regularising of the unofficial out-of-school 
instruction that had long gone on among the senior boys, 
organising it, and providing it free of cost, for the benefit of 
boys intending to enter business careers. If the boys of 
the old Grammar School chose, they might now benefit by 
having free lessons in the English School, in mathematics, 
in French, and to some extent in writing, without, as had 
previously been the custom, paying for it. So indefinite and 
loose were the relations between the Grammar School and 
the English School that the afternoons of Tuesday and 
Thursday were regarded as half holidays even for the Grammar 
School boys who devoted their time to the study of 
mathematics in the English School. The English School 
also offered an alternative training for boys of poorer 
capabilities and lesser means, who were not regarded as 
capable of benefiting by the classical teaching. It was 
nominally under the direct control of the feoffees, who 
possessed neither the educational outlook nor the under- 
standing necessary to make it an educational success. The 
high master accepted no responsibility for any teaching 


except that of the two upper classical forms. These were 
regarded as full when they contained twenty boys. It was 
evident, therefore, that he was handsomely paid. The high 
master's assistant had the charge of the next group of thirty 
boys. The second master or usher had a third group con- 
sisting of forty boys and some vested interest in succession, 
and his assistant a fourth group of about fifty. There were 
also fifty boys in the lower part of the Grammar School, 
learning the elements of reading. They were about six or 
seven years of age. 

In February 1839 Robinson Elsdale, whose health had 
begun to fail, applied for and was granted twelve months' 
leave of absence, his place being taken by the second master, 
John William Richards. At Christmas, 1839, Robinson 
Elsdale, still in poor health and residing in France, sent in 
his resignation. Mr. J. W. Richards was appointed in his 

The character of the scholars had become greatly in- 
fluenced by the course of the proceedings in Chancery. In 1 839 
Lord Cottenham issued a decree which forbade the trustees 
devoting any part of the surplus funds to granting University 
Exhibitions to boarders or to the building of boarding-houses 
for the masters. This was a severe blow in several ways. The 
Exhibitions had attracted the boarders, and this paid the 
masters. Other anxieties were accruing, for the accumulated 
funds of the School had become seriously diminished, mainly 
by the cost of the expensive buildings for the high master and 
the English School, and to a less extent by the long-drawn- 
out Chancery action. 1 The mills were yielding a diminishing 
income, and the two liberal pensions granted to Dr. Smith 
and Mr. Elsdale constituted a heavy tax. The salaries of 
the assistant masters, already lessened by the loss of boarders, 
had to be diminished 10 per cent, all round, the recipients 
of the pensions alone excluded. The mathematical master 
was dismissed. 

Although the feoffees had never been in a position to 
carry out the full scheme outlined by Lord Henley for neither 
German nor Natural Science teaching had been introduced 
into the School, and that of mathematics had become some- 

1 The relators, Mark Philips, Thomas Potter, and Joseph Brotherton, 
paid their part of the expenses out of their own pockets (according to a 
private letter written by Mark Philips to J. R. Beard). 


what irregular some renewed activity in the School was 
noticeable under J. W. Richards. This first showed itself in 
the publication of a school magazine The New Microcosm 
which appeared between June 1839 and June 1840. It con- 
sisted of records of Travels and of Essays on such subjects 
as the comparative advantages of classical and mathematical 
education. The signs of increased activity of the School were, 
however, only short-lived, for the majority of the trades- 
people of Manchester viewed with utter indifference anything 
but trade prosperity. 

In Ulula, March 1876, there appears an article signed 
by ' G. P.,' who was at School under Elsdale and Richards : 

j ' In the higher part of the School especially, there was 
in my time an enormous amount of idleness, by which 
most of us became demoralised, so far at least as to lose 
the habit of steady industry, and seriously impair our chances 
of success in life. . . . The sudden transition from the 
harsh scolding and rough pedagogics of Elsdale to the 
gentle manners and finer scholarship of Richards was a 
change no boy who experienced it can ever have forgotten. 
Even in his best days, and with the lower classes, Elsdale 
had no doubt much of the inelastic method of the older 
system . . . and yet as I look back along the vista of past 
years, I feel how thoroughly as a boy I respected Elsdale 
. . . and even now, while I may have doubts about the width 
of his knowledge, and suspicions of an occasional want of 
judgment, I have no doubts nor misgivings as to the genuine 
kindness and integrity of his character.' 

The Public Speech Days, which had not been held since 
1830, were re-started in October 1840. In order to re-awaken 
general interest, the results of the University examinations 
were publicly announced, the examiners' reports read, and the 
prizes publicly distributed. These annual gatherings were 
attended by the local clergy and became very imposing 
affairs, and, though it is doubtful whether they brought 
many boarders to the houses of the masters, they undoubt- 
edly kept alive the public interest in the higher traditions 
of the School, and helped to prevent it being entirely swamped 
when the cries for ' useful ' education and ' practical ' educa- 
tion were often being urged with more clamour than insight. 

Mr. J. W. Richards soon realised the impossibility of 
attracting any considerable number of boarders, and that 


there was prospect of their further decrease in the future. 
It was doubtful whether even School prizes could be awarded 
to boarders. Consequently, Dean Herbert, the Visitor of 
the School, offered them a special prize for the best Latin 
archaic poem. Finding the funds as well as the boarders 
were rapidly dwindling, Mr. Richards resigned his position. 
He became perpetual curate of East Harnham, Hants, 
1855-9, and Chaplain of St. Michael's School, Bognor, under 
the Woodard Trust. He died at Walton, October 30, 1887. 

Attempts at mediation were now made, and on receipt 
of Chancellor Cottenham's decree, Messrs. Clowes, Hulton, 
Patten, Foster, and Birley were appointed a committee by 
their fellow feoffees to confer with the Dean ' on the present 
state of the proceedings, and the steps to be taken ' to promote 
the interests of the Charity. 

Dean Calvert had just died. He had been succeeded, 
July 9, 1840, by the Hon. and Rev. Dean Herbert, who had 
been offered and accepted the position of Warden after 
Thomas Arnold of Rugby had declined, on account of the 
difficulty of maintaining his large family on the limited 
stipend then available. The high master and assistant masters 
presented a memorial to the feoffees claiming that the funds 
of the school were never intended to be restricted to local 
scholars, and pointing out how adversely they were affected 
by the clause which debarred boarders from holding School 
exhibitions. They explained the large proportion of such 
exhibitions going to the boarders by stating that the day 
boys were accustomed to leave school too early to be ready 
to be trained adequately for the University. Another 
petition, from parents 'who believed that the removal of 
boarders would greatly deteriorate the School, and lower its 
social prestige,' was also presented. 

Dean Herbert therefore interviewed the relators, together 
with Alexander Kay, their legal representative, and induced 
them to formulate certain proposals, which he placed before 
the feoffees : 

4 (1) That one-half of the number of trustees of the School 
be elected by the Town Council, and that to effect this a 
sufficient number of the present trustees retire. 

' (2) That no exhibitions be in future given to scholars 
going to Oxford or Cambridge, the amount and character 
of the income of the Charity rendering it improbable that 


there ever can be any surplus fund applicable for such a 
purpose after supplying the means of education to the present 
and increasing population of the district. 

' (3) That no retiring pensions be granted unless three- 
fourths of the trustees for the time being concur in the pro- 
priety of the grant. [This clause probably related to the 
high pension awarded to Jeremiah Smith, which was now 
running concurrently with the pension of Rev. R. Elsdale.] 

' If these conditions were agreed to, the relators proposed 
to raise among their friends, 1 the funds required for building 
four new schools within the borough, for the reception of 
infants as well as youths, in such situations as most required 
them. They further suggested that there should be at least 
two masters to each such school at salaries of 150 a year 
for the headmaster, and 100 for the usher ; and that the 
Lower School in Long Millgate should be discontinued, the 
Rev. Mr. Dallas being appointed to one of the new schools 
at a stipend equal to the present one. Finally that the scholars 
should be drafted from the four schools into the school in 
Long Millgate, to be placed in such classes under the High 
master or second master as the proficiency of each scholar 
shall warrant. 


'Jaw. 12, 1841.' 

The feoffees considered that these suggestions contem- 
plated such a change in the general principles of the School as 
was totally irreconcilable with the charter, and that therefore 
they would not be justified in recommending them for adop- 
tion. They consequently decided to let the inquiry before 
the Master in Chancery take its course, leaving to him 
and to the Lord Chancellor the determination as to what 

i Comparison may be made with the course of events at King Edward VI 
Grammar School, Birmingham, a far wealthier school as regards endow- 
ment. In 1824 the governors, masters, and the visitor the Bishop of 
Lichfield planned to remove the school into the country and make it more 
select. The inhabitants of the town fought the scheme in the Court of 
Chancery. A Bill was presented to Parliament, May 1830, to raise 50,000 
for building a new school. There was a clause in the Bill directing that no 
person should be elected a governor who was not a member of the Established 
Church of England. This clause was ultimately withdrawn in conse- 
quence of the opposition of the Dissenters, and the Bill was passed in 1831. 
The effect on the spread of higher education in each district as a result of the 
different policy pursued by governors of the Manchester Grammar School 
and those of the Birmingham School ought to make an interesting sociological 


alterations should be made under the scheme of 1833 in view 
of the steadily diminishing funds. 

The fall of the Whig Ministry of Lord Melbourne and the 
consequent resignation of Lord Cottenham, followed by the 
reinstatement in office of Lord Lyndhurst under Sir Robert 
Peel, September 3, 1841, induced the feoffees to accept the 
opinion of their counsel, James Russell, and to apply for 
a complete rehearing of the case, particularly as the high 
master was now able to point out the very injurious effect 
which the decree had already produced on the School. It 
was about this time that Mr. Richards resigned the high 
mastership. He was succeeded by Rev. Nicholas Germon, 
who had been at the School since 1825. 

John Singleton Copley, as he was at first known, but now 
Lord Lyndhurst, was the son of the celebrated artist, John 
Copley, who had emigrated to America. In early life he had 
been an ultra-Liberal, though when he entered Parliament 
in 1818 he did so as a Tory, and represented the University 
of Cambridge in 1845. After a brilliant University career 
at Trinity College, Cambridge, where he had been second 
Wrangler and Smith's Prizeman, he had practised at the 
Bar and occupied his leisure with the study of Chemistry, 
Mechanics, and Mathematics. He had held the office of 
Lord Chancellor under the Duke of Wellington 1827 and 
1828, 1834, and 1841. He was singularly fitted to form an 
enlightened opinion on the opposing claimants. He made a 
statement April 6, 1843, in which he concurred with much of 
his predecessor's judgment, but directed that the part of 
Lord Cottenham's report, as to boarders being ineligible for 
exhibitions, be omitted and the matter referred to the Master 
in Chancery to decide the restrictions and conditions under 
which this should be allowed. 

He expressed himself in the following terms : 

* He was in opposition to views then prevailing in some 
quarters that the old foundation should be converted into 
a purely commercial academy. There were many persons 
who thought the character of the School should be entirely 
changed, that it ought to be devoted to commercial pur- 
poses exclusively. He would very much lament such a 
change, because the tendency of such a practice would be 
to form men into classes, and it was therefore of the utmost 
importance, for the purpose of obviating that great incon- 



venience, that they should as far as possible all be brought 
up according to one general system of education. No system 
of education was better for the purpose of refining and 
humanizing the manners of a nation than a system of 
literature founded on classical learning.' l 

Lord Lyndhurst also decreed against the application of 
the relators that as soon as possible other English schools 
should be built out of the School funds. 

The building of the English School had cost 2000, the 
boarding-house for the pupils of the high master 5000. 
The headmaster of the English School was only receiving 
120, and his two assistants 80 and 60 severally ; they had 
to provide their own houses. The salary of the high master 
of the Classical School was to be 450, that of the usher 
225, and boarding-houses were provided for them and taxes 
paid. The English School had 160 boys from the age of 
six up to the age of fourteen. The Classical School had 
about eighty. 

The following figures show the extent of the diminution 
in the numbers of scholars, mostly boarders, who, at this 
period, proceeded to the Universities. 

Number of 
Boarders admitted 

Number of Boys 
awarded School 

Total Numbers 
sent to the 




1836 to 1840 . 




1841 . 




1842 . 




1843 . 




1844 . 




The decree of Lord Lyndhurst was naturally the source 
of some jubilation to the supporters of the old regime, but 
the public were beginning to consider that such a regime was 
one of privilege and even reaction, for, evidently in reply to 
current criticisms, at the Annual Speech Day, October 1843, 
Rev. Canon Parkinson, Fellow of the College, made reference 
to the democratic character of the grammar schools of 
England, and their selective value in picking up poor clever 

1 Cf. Ulula, p. 92, November 1882. 


boys, and furthering their educational career to the Uni- 
versity. He made complaints of the heavy expenses incurred 
by the continuance of the lawsuit, which, combined with 
the continued loss in value of the School property, had caused 
the feoffees to reduce the number of leaving exhibitions from 
four to one. 

In 1844 Rev. E. D. Jackson was appointed rector of 
St. Thomas, Heaton Norris, and resigned his post at the 
English School. 1 He was succeeded by Rev. George Slade 
(1808-1872), M.A., of Wadham College, Oxford, who, after 
serving as curate of Prescott 1835, had been appointed 
incumbent of St. Thomas, Radcliffe, 1838. He evidently 
began well and imparted some fresh enthusiasm into the 
work, for after two years' service he was presented with a 
rosewood writing-desk and set of silver plate by his scholars. 
He seems to have introduced into the English School the 
use of some elementary text-books of general knowledge, 
consisting of answers and questions, a plan very popular at 
that time. These were learned by rote, a method capable 
of affording very fallacious results. He was accustomed 
to sell these books to the boys, and so increase his very 
limited income by percentage profit, estimated in amount as 
20 per annum. Presently the sale of text-books by other 
masters became common, and parents began to complain of 
the frequent changes in the text-books used. The custom 
was therefore prohibited, though it is not clear that the 
masters' salaries were raised to make up for the deficiency. 

One of the most potent of the liberalising elements at the 
School at this period was Richard Thompson who had become 
second master in 1841. The 'Grammar School Miscellany,' 
published 1845, was dedicated to him. He was instrumental 
in re-establishing the School Library about 1845, and its 
shelves were, at a later date, enriched by over a thousand 
volumes which had constituted his own private library. He 
encouraged the pursuit of literature, and the Thompson's 
History prize was founded to keep his memory green. 

The French department also became very popular, per- 
haps influenced by the awakening interest in French ideas 
under the teaching of Mr. Mordacque, who was employed at the 

1 There is a character sketch of Rev. E. D. Jackson, by John Evans, 
in Lancashire Authors and Orators, published 1850. 


Athenaeum, and at a later date at the Commercial Schools, 
Stretford Road. Plays were performed by the scholars of the 
Free Grammar School on the Thursday and Friday of Easter 
week during three successive years, viz. 1846, 1847, and 1848. 
On the first occasion the performance consisted of the Andria 
of Terence, and was performed by the elder boys of the School, 
April 18, 1846, while the junior pupils gave a private per- 
formance of a selection of scenes from Shakespeare's Julius 
Ccesar. On March 27, 1847, the plays performed were the 
Adelphi of Terence and Moliere's Manage Forcee. In 1848, 
under the patronage of the Earl of Ellesmere, the Pseudolus 
of Plautus and Le Bourgeois Gentilhomme of Moliere were 
performed. The credit of originating and conducting to a 
successful issue the entire series of performances was mainly 
due to one of the senior boys J. W. Taylor, subsequently 
Scholar and Hulme Exhibitioner of Brasenose College, Oxford, 
M.A., and incumbent of Little Marsden, Lancashire, ' who 
besides enacting (and that most ably) the principal 
characters, wrote and recited the prologues, and with 
whose departure for the University it may be added 
the Latin play seems to have finally disappeared from 
Manchester School.' * 

The year 1847 is noteworthy for the School for several 
reasons. On July 18, the Rev. G. H. Bowers (1794-1873) 
was installed Dean of Manchester in succession to Rev. W. 
Herbert. He was educated at Clare College, Cambridge, and 
had already distinguished himself as an educational reformer 
before coming to Manchester. He had been concerned in the 
re-organisation of Marlborough College, in the foundation of 
Rossall School, and in the creation of the Haileybury School 
on the site of the old East India College. In this year also 
the Rev. James Frazer of Oriel College, Oxford, soon to be 
engaged in other educational work of importance, and sub- 
sequently Bishop of the diocese in 1870, appears as one of 
the examiners appointed by the University to visit the 

It was also the first occasion on which the Lawson Gold 
Medal, the blue ribbon of the classical side of the School, was 
awarded. A silver medal had previously been provided out 

1 John B. Shaw in City News, Notes and Queries, February 22, 1868, 
p. 155. 


of the surplus funds of the donations to the Lawson Memorial, 
and from the sale of engravings of the portrait of Mr. Lawson 
which now hangs in the high master's room. As already 
stated, when this surplus became exhausted, a further 
subscription was made by his old pupils, to furnish a capital 
sum , whose interest would provide an annual income for the 
purchase of a gold medal. 

Meanwhile the Manchester merchants were making strong 
efforts to improve the commercial education of the middle 
classes by arranging for lecturers and teachers to hold classes 
on modern subjects at the Athenaeum (established 1827). 
On October 27, 1837, the great Educational Soiree was held 
in Manchester in support of the Central Society for Education , 
whose formation in London we have already mentioned. This 
monster soiree, for which special building arrangements had 
to be made by extending the accommodation of the Theatre 
Royal, and at which some 4000 guests were entertained, was 
the first public local recognition of the educational fervour 
that was permeating all the European countries. Members 
of both political parties met in support of the movement for 
extension of public education among all classes. Mr. Mark 
Philips, the member for Manchester, was in the chair. Lord 
Brougham had promised to attend, but was prevented by 
a family bereavement. The first speech was concerned with 
' Infant Schools ' and was delivered by Wilderspoon. The 
second speech was that of George William Wood, Chairman 
of the Manchester Chamber of Commerce, M.P. for Wigan, 
who spoke of the influence already exerted on education by 
the Manchester Literary and Philosophical Society, the effect 
of the establishment of Sunday Schools by Robert Raikes 
of Gloucester, and of the Day Schools established by Joseph 
Lancaster and Andrew Bell. Dr. Gerard spoke of the work 
of the newly established London University. As a conse- 
quence of this meeting, a Manchester branch of the Society 
for promoting National Education was started. It endorsed 
the practice of the British and Foreign Society in prescribing 
Bible classes for every school, and placing the Bible, without 
special directions or instructions, in the hands of every child, 
except the Jews and the Roman Catholics. As it omitted 
to place the control of education in the hands of the clergy, 
it was looked upon with suspicion by the National Society, 
established in the interests of the Church of England, which not 


only objected to the teaching of the Bible without the teach- 
ing of the Church Catechism, but still regarded education as 
the prerogative of the clergy, and demanded, not only clerical 
representation on the management, but also full clerical 
control. This, neither the larger proportion of the laity 
among the Churchmen, nor the Nonconformists, were willing 
to yield, and much controversy naturally arose. 

Interest in Science, particularly in Applied Science, con- 
tinued to grow. The British Association for the Advancement 
of Science, established 1838, held its meetings in Manchester 
in 1841, Lord Francis Egerton being the President. 

Colossal and brilliant educational soirees were held at 
the Manchester Athenaeum, during the series of years, 1843, 

1845, 1846, 1847, and 1848. Merchants of both political parties 
joined in the effort. Hugh Hornby Birley and Mark Philips, 
Richard Cobden and James Heywood, attended, though -the 
clergy and Nonconformist ministers were conspicuously 
absent. The meetings were attended by many of the most 
famous statesmen, writers, and educationists of that very 
remarkable period of English history. Their object was to 
establish the Manchester Athenaeum as a permanent institu- 
tion, free from political bias, for the cultivation of social and 
intellectual interests among the middle classes, and to 
supplement the provision made by the Mechanics' Institutes 
for the working classes. 1 Of the foundation of the Manchester 
School of Design in 1839 we shall speak in the chapter on 
Technical Education. At the first soiree held Thursday, 
October 5, 1843, Charles Dickens was the principal guest. At 
the second great soiree, held October 3, 1844, the main object 
was to further the movement on behalf of popular education ; 
Benjamin Disraeli was the chief guest ; Lord John Manners 
and others also spoke. At the third great soiree held 
October 23, 1845, Thomas Noon Talfourd, Douglas Jerrold, 
John Lowe were speakers. At the fourth, held October 22, 

1846, Dr. Richard Whately, Archbishop of Dublin, was the 
principal speaker, and a permanent memorial of his visit 
to the School is found in an extensive gift of books to the 

1 The Manchester New College was opened in Grosvenor Square, 
Manchester, having been removed from York in 1840, as a more convenient 
centre. It continued to give a course of general instruction of University 
level in connection with the London University. It was again removed in 
1848 after the foundation of the Owens College. 


School Library. At the fifth, held November 18, 1847, Sir 
Archibald Alison was present, and at the sixth, held 
November 16, Viscount Mahon was the principal speaker. 

To meet current criticism the Chairman remarked in 
opening the proceedings : 

4 It had been cast in their teeth, no longer ago than yes- 
terday, that the members of the institution were only a set 
of apprentices, clerks and shopmen. . . . The Athenaeum 
numbered among its members men of science and men of 
education, of the highest order ; there were professional 
men of all grades, architects, millwrights, mechanics, and 
men of science in every department.' 

In 1849, however, it was realised that in spite of these 
brilliant and costly gatherings (perhaps even because of 
them), the steady educational work of the Athenaeum suf- 
fered. The attendance at lectures and the list of members 
had greatly diminished. Mr. Samuel Ogden was thereupon 
appointed honorary secretary, and a policy of steady, sus- 
tained educational effort was initiated instead of the spas- 
modic effort at the soirees. A debt of 6000 was greatly 
diminished by means of a bazaar held in 1850, and was 
finally extinguished by donations a short time afterwards. 
Regular adult evening classes were held for instruction of 
men in business pursuits, and, though the social side was by 
no means extinguished, it no longer occupied the almost 
exclusive place it had previously held. 

Meanwhile the action in Chancery was dragging on its 
wearying course. Lord Lyndhurst had retired for the third 
time from the Lord Chancellorship, May 4, 1846, and was again 
replaced in July 1846 by Lord Cottenham, when the Liberal 
party resumed office. Both litigants agreed to urge the im- 
mediate completion of the report of Mr. Dowdeswell, the 
Master of Chancery, and to expedite the termination of the 
suit. This was all the more necessary as the School revenue 
derived from the corn-grinding was dwindling to an alarming 
extent, and repeated sales of capital stock had to be made 
to meet current expenses. It was evident to all that there 
was no prospect of finding the means to carry out the original 
scheme as ordered by the Court of Chancery in 1833. The 
feoffees therefore decided to lay before the Court the present 
state of income and expenditure. It is to their honour 


that all through the time of serious financial anxiety they 
had made every effort to continue the grant of at least one, 
and sometimes more, University Exhibitions to deserving 
scholars, particularly when the limited means of the scholars 
rendered such a course necessary. There seemed even better 
prospect of harmonising the views of the opposing parties, 
when an ill-advised advertisement of Mr. Nicholas Germon, 
claiming for boarders the right to school exhibitions, was 
inserted in the ' Manchester Guardian ' of January 24, and, 
being wrongly attributed to the feoffees as their usual and 
official advertisement, again stirred up the slumbering fires 
of antagonism. 

At last the report of the Master in Chancery, John 
Edward Dowdeswell, was received April 25, 1848. It 
abolished the system of boarders altogether, and suggested 
that the whole of the school room provided for carrying into 
effect the proposed extended system of education, should 
be considered as one connected establishment, to be called 
the Manchester Free Grammar School. It was made the 
substance of a decree by the Vice-Chancellor Shadwell, and 
although the legal adviser of the feoffees recommended a 
fresh appeal to the House of Lords, the feoffees decided 
that they would not be justified in incurring the serious 
additional expense to the funds of the charity by such 
an appeal. 

Resignations were received at the next meeting of feoffees 
from the Earl of Ellesmere and Mr. John Wilson Patten, 
and it was resolved (by the feoffees still remaining in the 
trust) that 

' inasmuch as it appears to the present feoffees that the 
recent decree of the Vice-Chancellor will effect such a total 
change in the character of the School, alike inconsistent 
with the original intention of the founders and with the 
former decrees of the Court of Chancery under which the 
School has been hitherto conducted, and that the Vice-Chan- 
cellor has directed the Master in Chancery to supply the 
existing vacancies on the Trust, and as the decree may 
afford an opportunity of obtaining the appointment of the 
full complement of feoffees under the sanction of the Court, 
the feoffees now present, who constitute the whole body 
now remaining on the Trust, have decided also to resign 
office and hereby authorise the adoption of such steps as 


may be necessary to procure the appointment of the full 
complement of feoffees by the Master in Chancery. 






'24 Jan., 1849.' 



' If a man will begin with certainties, he shall end in doubts ; but if 
he will be content to begin with doubts, he shall end in certainties.' 

' Another error of learning, of a diverse nature from all the former, is 
the over-early and peremptory reduction of knowledge into arts and 
methods ; from which time commonly sciences receive small or no augmen- 
tation.' Advancement of Learning. 

Uncertainty of educational aim among the mercantile classes increased 
by the opposition of the clergy to any system of public education 
which threatened their established prerogatives Dr. Thomas Arnold 
on middle-class education The Middle Schools of the Church of 
England The formation of the Lancashire Public Schools Association 
reveals the presence of incompatible aims among educationalists and 
causes the appearance of two parties State subsidy without State 
control gives place to a new Government policy in 1847 The two 
Manchester Education Bills and the Newcastle Commission The New 
Trustees at the Manchester Grammar School Their qualifications 
for their task The teaching staff Course of events at the School 
Current opinion about the state of middle-class education in 
Manchester E. Edwards, 1854; W. C. Williamson, 1855; James 
Heywood, 1856; Rev. Chas. Bigg, 1857 Agencies tending 
towards enlightenment of public opinion : Mechanics' Institutes, 
Athenaeums, Schools of Design, Free Libraries Revival of the School 
Library Foundation of the Owens College The Lancasterian and 
other Schools established by private benevolence-^Classical and 
modern education in competition Two ancient streams lose their 
force The trustees twice seek the advice of Dr. Norris of Corpus 
Christi Resignation of Nicholas Germon. 

THE period during which the new trustees appointed by 
the Court of Chancery and their immediate successors held 
office lasted till 1876, when an entirely new scheme for the 

289 u 


management of the School was drawn up under the Endowed 
Schools Act of 1867. It may conveniently be divided into 
two somewhat unequal terms viz., from 1849 to 1859 and 
from 1859 to 1876. Both were periods of educational 
difficulty and struggle, but they differed in the fact that, 
while the first witnessed confusion and incertitude of 
educational aims and objectives, the second witnessed a 
certitude of aim which was pursued in the face of bitter 
and unreasoning opposition organised by a number of those 
who had been educated at the School and who believed that, 
because certain abuses and accretions had been removed, 
no further changes were necessary to keep the School in 
touch with the highest educational interests of the town. 
They had received a caste education, and they could conceive 
of nothing better. Thanks to the repeal of the Corn 
Laws, which had so heavily oppressed the lower middle 
and artisan classes, and to the increasing prosperity of 
trade, the c hungry forties ' had passed away, and with 
them a period of intellectual meagreness. With improved 
conditions a new crop of hitherto suppressed or obstructed 
social and intellectual aspirations and capacities were seeking 

So long as these aspirations towards social betterment 
were confined to a few benevolent individuals of a party, 
they did not interfere with the old party groupings. When 
they succeeded in arousing public sympathy, they set in 
action some social instincts which are not confined to party, 
but are common to benevolent men of all parties. Conse- 
quently many who had previously been in opposition now 
found themselves in co-operation. Instead of the old 
groupings of Calvinists, Swedenborgians, Arminians, new 
groupings took place, and new parties were formed along 
social lines, with great temporary confusion in the 

4 The time had gone by for churchmanship to evaporate 
in hurrahs over a bumper for Church and Queen ' (Canon 
Stowell). Many of the clergy shared the Evangelical zeal 
of the Nonconformists, but the influence of the Evangelical 
movement was social more than intellectual. It had become, 
to a large extent, a middle-class movement. The sympathies 
of its members were aroused by the degraded condition of 
the people around, and it sought to re-inspire them by bringing 


them to the realisation of the blessings of Christianity. Being 
a middle-class movement, the petty struggles of trade allowed 
its members no time to cultivate intellectual interests, and 
for these its more enlightened members looked to the Broad 
Churchmen. The High Church Party alone seems to have 
had little share in the public movements in Manchester at 
this period. The census of 1851 is the only census which 
gives official information about the comparative strength 
of the various religious denominations. From it we gather 
that there were some 1632 buildings for religious worship 
in Lancashire. Of these 529 belonged to the Church of 
England, and 1103 to other religious bodies. There was 
provision in these buildings for nearly 800,000 worshippers ; 
of these 383,466 were provided by the Church of England, 
and 406,702 by the other bodies. This was in spite of the 
fact that the number of Anglican churches had doubled 
between 1821 and 1851, for the Nonconformists, the 
Wesleyans, and the Catholics had multiplied in equal if 
not greater proportion. 

We have already seen how the zeal for education had 
permeated these several bodies, in the provision for Sunday 
and Day Schools. We must now consider the efforts made 
for the better education of the middle classes. The 
benefaction of John Owens, in 1845, had caused still 
further attention to be directed to the new problems con- 
cerning educational aims, by revealing the paucity of numbers 
of those whose elementary training was sufficiently advanced 
to enable them to benefit by higher training in anything 
but classics and mathematics. The trustees of the Owens 
benefactions had become alive to the difficulties in 1851, 
as was proved by the efforts they made to solve the problem 
by seeking the advice and assistance of educational experts 
at the Scotch, the Irish, the London, and the Durham 
Universities, as well as at the older English Universities. 
The narrowness of their escape from complete disaster, 
even with such experience to guide them, showed the com- 
plexity of the problem that awaited the trustees of the 
Grammar School. 1 

It is interesting to note here the opinions of Dr. Thomas 

1 The Owens College : Its Foundation and Growth. By Joseph Thompson. 


Arnold, whose influence in Manchester was so much desired l 
at this time, and whose convictions about the social import- 
ance of a spread of liberal education among all classes is 
shown in his letters to the Sheffield Couranl? 

Writing in 1832 on the education of the middle classes, 
Dr. Thomas Arnold thus expresses himself : 

* It seems to me that the education of the Middle Classes 
at this time is a question of the greatest national import- 
ance. I wish exceedingly to draw public attention to it. 
. . . The Schools for the richer classes are, as it is well known, 
almost universally conducted by the clergy ; and the clergy, 
too, have the superintendence of the parochial schools for 
the poorer classes. But between these two extremes, there 
is a great multitude of what are called English or Commer- 
cial Sch^)ls, at which a large proportion of the sons of farmers 
and of tradesmen receive their education. . . . There is now 
no restriction on the exercise of the business of the school- 
master and no enquiry into his qualifications. . . . The 
masters of our English or Commercial Schools labour under 
this double disadvantage, that not only their moral, but 
their intellectual fitness must be taken on trust. . . . We 
have no regular system of secular education. . . . The Clas- 
sical Schools throughout the country have Universities to 
look to, distinction at school prepares the way for distinc- 
tion at College, and distinction at College is again the road 
to distinction and emolument as a teacher. It is a passport 
with which a young man enters life with advantage either 
as a tutor or as a schoolmaster. But anything like local 
Universities anything so much as local distinction or ad- 
vancement in life held out to encourage exertion at a Com- 
mercial School, it is yet vain to look for. Thus the business 
of education is degraded ; for a schoolmaster of a Commercial 
School, having no means of acquiring a general celebrity, 
is rendered dependent on the inhabitants of his own im- 
mediate neighbourhood if he offends them, he is rained. 
This greatly interferes with the maintenance of discipline. 
The boys are well aware of their parents' power and complain 
to them against the exercise of their master's authority. 
Nor is it always that the parents themselves can resist the 
temptation of showing their own importance, and giving 
the master to understand that he must be careful how he 

Conversazione of deputies of Literary Institutes in South Lancashire, 
held at Manchester Athenaeum, October 5, 1844. 
2 Miscellaneous Works of Thomas Arnold, 1845. 


ventures to displease them. . . . The interference of Govern- 
ment seems to me indispensable in order to create a national 
and systematic course of proceeding instead of the more 
feeble efforts of individuals, to provide for the Middle Classes 
something analogous to the advantages offered to the richer 
classes by our great public schools and Universities.' 

Dr. Thomas Arnold also makes numerous references to 
the current danger of substituting a shallow instruction in 
modern subjects for a disciplinary training in the classics, 
and while not unfavourable to much of the work of the 
* Mechanics' Institutes ' repeatedly expresses very clearly 
his anxiety that the religious purpose of education (i.e. 
training the pupil in the tenets and practice of the Christian 
religion, with constant reference to a moral purpose in his 
life), was in considerable danger of being lost sight of in 
the attempt to improve his earning capacity and material 

The crowded state of the English department of the 
Grammar School no doubt encouraged the members of the 
newly constituted diocesan branch of the Church of England 
Educational Society to make further effort to provide middle- 
class education, subsequent to the effort described in the 
last chapter. Under the chairmanship and the actual per- 
sonal canvas of the Hon. and Very Rev. Dean Herbert, 
assisted by his intimate friends, Rev. Charles Richson, 
Hugh Birley, Rev. John Clowes, J. C. Harter, and other 
prominent Churchmen, enough money was collected to 
build an English Middle School, subsequently known as 
the Commercial Schools, in Stretford Road. The founda- 
tion stone was laid June 19, 1845, by James Collier Harter. 
Rev. Hugh Stowell, who took part in the proceedings, refers 
to their intentions as follows : 

' If we come to the rank of a clerk and small shop-keeper 
and book-keeper, and warehouseman and superior stone- 
mason and artisan, whose wages allowed them to get a better 
style of education for their children than the working classes 
can command by their earnings, we find that the children 
of such persons are sent to any school that happens to be 
in the neighbourhood, because there is no authenticated 
or endorsed school to which they can trust, or where they 
may send their children, knowing that they will receive 
a sound, scriptural, Church of England education in the 


school, and it is a fact that a great many of the middle schools 
in Manchester will be found to be kept by broken-down 
tradesmen, men who have miscarried in every other attempt, 
but who are thought, it would seem, quite sufficient for an 
attempt which is less only in importance and magnitude 
of consequence than the office of the ministers of the Gospel 
themselves. ... I will only further remark, before I close, 
that nothing can be further from the intention of those who 
are erecting this School than any wish or intention to come 
into rivalry, or to appear to come into rivalry, with our 
own venerable Grammar School, one of the most venerable, 
the best endowed, and I hope one of the best conducted 
schools in the Kingdom, which has sent up many senior 
wranglers, men who have conferred oftentimes real honour 
on both our Universities. Our object is not rivalry, and 
you may suppose that when I tell you, as Mr. Parkinson has 
just informed me, that in the Commercial School connected 
with the Grammar School there are about 100 applicants 
for whom there is not room, so that none of them can be 
admitted. And in Birmingham, a beautiful model for Man- 
chester, where the funds belonging to the Grammar School 
are so ample as to allow them to have four different auxi- 
liary schools planted in the outskirts, these are filled with 
crowds of promising youths who are drafted and transplanted 
to the Central King Edward's School, and they are mothered 
in these district schools till they are found sufficiently ad- 
vanced for transplantation. Why should we not have four 
such schools in Manchester ? Why should Birmingham, 
whose population is so much smaller, take the lead of Man- 
chester ? The truth is we are lamentably behind other towns 
in the matter of middle-class education. ... I trust we 
shall not be content with a single solitary school in Hulme 
but that we shall have another at Chetham Hill, that another 
will spring up in Salford, and that we shall plant a fourth 
at Ardwick Green.' 

The Middle-class School was opened January 26, 1846, 
and at a general meeting of the subscribers and friends of 
the Manchester Church Education Society the objects and 
aims were still further defined. After alluding to the 
necessity of model schools for training teachers, Rev. C. D. 
Wray proceeded : 

' The schools they were about to open were commercial 
schools in which the youth of a higher class would be edu- 
cated in conformity with the principles of the Church of 


England. Valuable masters had been selected for the various 
departments of the School, and he did trust that under their 
care and the auspices of the Society, the success of the schools 
would equal their most sanguine expectations.' 

Referring to the report of the Church of England Com- 
mittee he continued : 

' At the commencement of the report it was shown on a 
rough calculation that about 20,000 or 30,000 young persons 
in the parish (of Manchester) are provided with education at 
the cost of their parents and friends. But large as such 
a number appears, it is a well-known fact that with the ex- 
ception of the Grammar School in its two departments, 
there is no institution whatever in the parish which can 
claim to make adequate provision for the education of such 
persons as the committee have now ir. view. . . . More- 
over they have the pleasure of announcing that they are 
under obligation to the Committees, both of the Natural 
History Society and of the Geological Society of this town 
for the readiness they have shown to co-operate with them 
in the objects they have in view. From the Natural History 
Society duplicate specimens will be from time to time for- 
warded to the schools, and, by permission of the Geological 
Society, the scholars of these schools, under the charge of one 
of their masters, may visit the specimens in the Geological 
Museum on any day from 10 till 4.' 

At the Annual Meeting and Prize Distribution of the 
Commercial School, June 22, 1865, Rev. Canon Richson 
presided, and in speaking of his early connection with the 
establishment of the new schools twenty years previously, 
stated : 

* When he came to the North he resided at Preston. He 
then felt that efforts should be made to establish a school 
for the middle class which should be wholly separate from 
proprietary management, an institution in fact which should 
be a public school. This object was soon carried out by 
the son of the late Richard Newsome of Preston, who, at 
his own cost, built a public school in that town for the middle 
class as a memorial to his father. On coming to Manchester, 
a society was established at the head of which was the late 
Dean of Manchester (Dean Herbert) who principally raised 
the money for the erection of the school.' 


The first head master of the Commercial School was 
Rev. J. G. Slight, M.A., Scholar of St. John's, Cambridge, 
who held the post till his appointment as Chaplain to the 
Chorlton Union. He was subsequently Rector of Taxall, 
Chester, till his death in 1851. He was assisted by a staff 
of seven assistant-masters, who gave instruction in English, 
French, German, Drawing, Music, Writing, and Arithmetic. 
The school was intended to hold 150 scholars, and 137 
were admitted in the first year. The fee charged was 8 8s. 
a year. 

On the resignation of Mr. Slight, the Rev. William Wilson 
Howard, M.A., Fellow of Sidney Sussex College, Cambridge, 
was appointed. He seems to have left in a couple of years, for 
he appears as third master of Rep ton School in 1855, and 
in 1856 became Diocesan Inspector for the National Society. 

The third headmaster was the Rev. Charles Edward 
Moberly, M.A., Scholar of Balliol College, Oxford. He had 
previously been head of St. Nicholas College, Shoreham, 
and left to be Perpetual Curate at Bees ton, Yorkshire. Sub- 
sequently he became assistant-master at Rugby School 
(1859 to 1879) and finally Rector of Come Rogers, Co. 
Gloucester (1879-1883). 

The fourth headmaster was Rev. John Henn, B.A., of 
London University, who was appointed in 1854. During his 
headmastership, which lasted till 1873, the school rapidly 
came to the front as the leading public High School in Man- 
chester. Mr. Henn had previously served King Edward's 
School, Birmingham, under Dr. Prince Lee, who had sur- 
rendered the headmastership of the school to become the 
first Bishop of Manchester in 1847, and who had previously 
served as assistant-master at Rugby School, under Dr. Arnold. 
Mr. Henn was a man of ability and exercised a very profound 
influence on the boys under his care. He was for a few 
years contemporary with Rev. Nicholas Germon at the 
Manchester Grammar School, to whose English School, 
being a ' Free School,' something of the mistaken stigma 
of a Charity School was attached. 

As the Owens College developed, the Manchester Com- 
mercial Schools as they were now called, found a more 
appropriate outlet for their best scholars, though this was 
only a small part of their work, for a University course of 
training or a prolonged stay at school was held to unfit a 


merchant's son for a business career. When the family 
resources allowed of the expense, he was generally sent to 
a boarding school for domestic convenience and for a little 
worldly experience, which was often distinctly bad. 

It is convenient at this place to follow the subsequent his- 
tory of this remarkable institution. Mr. Henn was appointed 
Rector of St. John's, Deansgate, in 1876, and subsequently 
of St. Thomas, Heaton Chapel. Rev. Benjamin Winfield, 
B.A., of London University, who had served as assistant- 
master since 1873, introduced practical instruction in 
Chemistry and arranged the work so that the scholars could 
participate in the Science and Art Department Examina- 
tions of South Kensington, and in the Cambridge University 
Local Examinations. In its musical training, its physical 
training, its public swimming competitions, and chemical 
laboratory work, the institution was well in advance of 
many contemporary schools. 

It should be noticed that, unlike the Grammar School, 
the Commercial Schools had no organic relationship, either 
by exhibitions, by endowment, or by the personal attach- 
ment of any of its masters after 1854, with the older Univer- 
sities of Oxford or Cambridge. School exhibitions were 
granted June 1856. The natural outlet for those of its 
scholars who were desirous of further educational facilities 
was the Owens College, which offered higher training in the 
study of Law, Medicine, and Engineering, and in special 
subjects of skilled industry, such as Chemistry. First the 
examinations conducted by the College of Preceptors, then 
subsequently the Local Examinations set up by the Univer- 
sities of Oxford and Cambridge, and finally the Matriculation 
Examination of the London University, provided standards 
of school accomplishment to be reached by candidates enter- 
ing the several professions. Judged by such standards, the 
Commercial Schools continued to maintain a high, if not the 
premier position, before the reform at the Grammar School. 
University honours and professional distinctions, however 
useful for Speech Day purposes in inciting the ardour of 
coming generations, offer only a very poor test of the 
efficiency and influence of a school. Of much greater value 
is the testimony of so many of the old pupils of Mr. Henn 
and Mr. Winfield of what they owed to the school, as 


illustrated in the letters they wrote from widely -scattered 
quarters of the British dominions, and which were often 
published in the local press. 

At the Annual Meeting, held January 22, 1865, Canon 
Richson took the chair. He recorded the visit of James 
Bryce on behalf of the Schools Inquiry Commission and 
reported results of examinations in Latin, French, German, 
History, Arithmetic, English Composition and Dictation. 

While these efforts were being made to improve the educa- 
tion of the middle classes, still greater efforts were being made 
on behalf of the poor. 

The statistical work which Dr. Kay accomplished 
in Manchester, 1831-1835, 1 brought him at once before 
the notice of Edwin Chad wick, who introduced him to 
Lord Lansdowne, as a man of rare quality and singularly 
valuable experience. Dr. Kay was asked to act as secretary 
to the Special Committee of the Privy Council on Education 
which was appointed 1839. The story of the organisation 
of State assistance to education from this time to 1849 is 
really the life-work of this remarkable man. By persistent 
and quiet endeavour he overcame the self-satisfied ignorance, 
the prejudice, and the calumny and the mistaken zeal that 
were arrayed against him ; he triumphed in finally carrying 
through his work, by which the State gained a directing and 
supervising power over popular efforts for providing general 
education. In 1833, when the first Government grant of 
30,000 was voted for education, the National Society and 
the British and Foreign School Society were made the agents 
for applying it. In 1839 the duty of administering this 
grant was entrusted to the Special Committee of the Privy 
Council. This was the origin of the Education Department, 
though that name was not used till 1856. Reports of 
the Committee were issued in 1839, 1840, 1841, 1842, and 

The policy of State provision and State control of public 
education had been advocated by the Central Association 
formed in London in 1833. It was from the first supported 
by members of both political parties. It received enlight- 
ened criticism in a series of lectures delivered by Rev. F. D. 
Maurice, on ' Has the Church or the State the Power to 

1 Proceedings of the Manchester Statistical Society. 


Educate the Nation ?' published 1839. Some of his observa- 
tions on the ultimate results likely to follow the uncon- 
trolled State education in Prussia and France when read 
to-day seem to possess the prevision of prophecy. State- 
provided and State-controlled education was adopted as a 
policy by the reforming party till the minutes of the Com- 
mittee of the Privy Council on Education, issued in 1846, 
created considerable stir and changed the current of public 
thought by advocating the formation of local committees 
to deal with education. 

This inaugurated an entirely new epoch, during which the 
civic community as such became conscious of its responsi- 
bility, and acknowledged that the public education of its 
children was its own affair, and should be met by local rates, 
and that it could not be delegated to any agency, whether 
clerical or philanthropic . The reforming party now demanded 
that education should be secular in its management and 
control, though it desired active co-operation with religious 
and philanthropic bodies. As a result of a meeting in the 
vestry of Lloyd Street Chapel, Manchester, in July 1847, 
an influential committee was formed, of which Jacob Bright, 
Samuel Lucas, William Ballantyne, W. B. Hodgson, LL.D., 
Alexander Ireland, and Rev. W. McKerrow were members. 

The advocates of publicly provided education for the poor 
now formed two antagonistic parties, one of whom claimed 
that public education had not ceased to be the prerogative of 
the clergy, at least as far as clerical control was concerned, and 
that all publicly managed education was necessarily ' godless ' ; 
while the other claimed that it was only under conditions 
of lay control and management that public education could 
be freed from that subservience to the old traditions 
of classical education which, except as preparatory for 
professional careers, had become limited and obsolete. The 
latter party, so far from having any objection to religious 
training, for the most part welcomed it. They believed in 
a * secular ' management, though not necessarily a ' secular ' 
teaching. The controversy was confused by the growth 
of new traditions of middle class and artisan learning which 
were springing up among the adult members of the com- 
munity in connection with the Mechanics' Institutes and 
the commercial and science classes at the Athenaeum. The 
Free Public Library movement was also supported on 


behalf of the working classes, who formed a separate 
committee and raised more than a quarter of the initial 
funds. 1 

The educational committee formed at Lloyd Street 
Chapel held a public meeting on August 25, 1847, at 
the Mechanics' Institute, Cooper Street, when an associa- 
tion was formed, under the title ' Lancashire Public 
Schools Association for Promoting a General System of 
Secular Education.' Its policy was defined as the provision 
of free day schools for children of five to fifteen years; evening 
school for children ten years and upwards ; infant schools ; 
industrial schools ; administration to be by local authorities 
and finance based on local rates. 

Dr. J. P. Kay-Shuttleworth felt compelled to resign his 
membership on account of its detachment from any religious 
organisation. He regarded clerical control as essential, and 
did not regard clerical co-operation as sufficient. The first 
annual meeting was held January 1849, and its second annual 
meeting January 16, 1850. Dr. T. Relly Beard, whose pam- 
phlet on the administration of the Grammar School had 
prefaced the attack on the feoffees, was appointed Chairman 
of Committee. 

There were three possible methods by which the expense 
of providing education for the poor could be met : 

I. Voluntary benevolence, the plan supported by Lord 
Brougham, E. Baines, and many wealthy philanthropists. 

II. Local rates, the plan supported by those who, having 
experienced the limited value of local effort under denomina- 
tional stimulus, realised how inadequate was the support 

III. State provision, the plan supported by politicians, 
who were enamoured of Continental systems which they 
had only imperfectly studied. 

Each had its advocates, but soon the several groups 
became split up and regrouped according to their support 
or rejection of the control of the clergy over the schools. 
Meanwhile the Lancasterian Schools continued their 
excellent work. At the annual meeting of subscribers, 
held Friday, June 15, 1855, Mr. Alfred Nield not only 
gave a history of their progress during the forty-five years 

1 Credland, Manchester Public Libraries. 


they had been in existence, but also described their 
present condition. 1 

The system advocated by the Lancashire Public Schools 
Association was based on local rates, district Education 
Committees to be appointed over large areas, not parishes, 
with wide powers in the building of schools, the employment 
of teachers, and the curriculum. Education was to be 

The system advocated by the National Education Union 
was based upon a tax on property, to be distributed as a 
Government grant or subsidy to certain District Committees, 
of somewhat narrower scope than the District Committees 
advocated above, and which were to be under the control of 
a central authority. Money for building was to be derived 
from a local rate : money for support by private subscrip- 
tion, and State subsidy. The Committees were to be allowed 
to pay gratuities to deserving scholars to promote their 
further education. 

To check the growing influence of the Lancashire Public 
Schools Association, a Manchester and Salford Committee 
was formed for providing education under the control of the 
Church of England. Of this committee Canon Richson 
was the most active and enlightened member. He was 
supported not only by the local clergy, but by many 
Nonconformists who believed that the resources of volun- 
taryism were not exhausted, and that the religious bodies 
were still able and willing to provide the public with means 
for elementary education. 

Meanwhile the Lancashire Public Schools Association 
brought forward an Education Bill whose object was to 
establish free schools, first in Lancashire, then throughout 
England and Wales, for secular instruction. The Manchester 
and SaJford Committee then brought forward the Manchester 
and Salford Boroughs Education Bill, whose object was to 
provide that all the youths of the three kingdoms should be 
religiously brought up and the rights of conscience respected. 
It abandoned the pure voluntary principle, and sought sup- 
port by rates levied on property for all schools qualified to 
have the parliamentary grant, but refused to allow any part 
of the management to pass out of the hands of the bodies 

1 See contemporary reports. 


which originated the schools. It offered free admission to 
all such schools for all applicants. On the presentation of 
the two local Bills to Parliament in 1852, a Select Committee 
consisting of 

Mr. Milner Gibson Mr. William Miles 

Mr. Peto Mr. Monsall 

Mr. John Bright Marquis of Blandford 

Lord John Russell Mr. Gladstone 

Mr. Heald Mr. Cobden 

Mr. Caldwell Mr. Fox 

Mr. Ker Seymour Mr. Brother ton 

Mr. William Banks 

was appointed by the House of Commons to inquire into the 
education provided within the two boroughs of Manchester 
and Salford. 

The urgency of the need for providing public elementary 
education is shown by the following figures : 

The population of Manchester and Salford in 1851 was 
390,000, 75 per cent, living in houses under 10 a year and 
11 per cent, living in houses between 10 and 18 a year. 
From a religious census taken in 1851 , there were then 2,407,642 
scholars upon the books of the Sunday Schools in England 
and Wales. About three-eighths were in schools of the Church 
of England, the rest divided amongst the various denomina- 
tions of dissenters and Roman Catholics, the largest 
proportion being among the Wesley ans, who had nearly 
half as many as the Church of England. 

The statistics prepared for the Select Committee were 
sharply criticised by the Rev. Canon Richson, who possessed 
both insight and wide sympathy. He drew up and read 
before the Manchester Statistical Society figures alternative 
to those put forward by the Public Schools Association. 
He was not only a thinker, but an active worker, and had 
prepared for the National Society useful text-books on 
school planning and furnishing, and on the teaching of 
drawing, writing, and elocution. He did much to raise 
educational controversy in Manchester above sectarian 

The following quotation represents Canon Richson's 
point of view : 

' Unless the inducement to leave school early by the 


remuneration offered to juvenile labour can be properly dimin- 
ished, the period of education among the working children 
of a district like Manchester cannot be expected to extend 
much beyond the period when children usually obtain em- 
ployment, viz. the age of eight or nine years. At such an age 
no reasonable person can consider their education completed. 
The establishment of Mechanics' Institutions, Athenaeums, 
&c., cannot be regarded as a substitute for schools of purely 
practical science inasmuch as they want that authority and 
control which are necessary to conduct any study to effect.' 

The new trustees of the Manchester Grammar School 
were thus called upon to reconstruct an educational policy 
at a time when educational aims were confused and conflicting 
and when it was difficult for open-minded men to choose 
wisely and temperately between opposing claims, or to strike 
out new ideas which naturally met with the disapproval of 
the extremists of either party. 

In accordance with the plan laid down by the Master 
in Chancery, they had been selected from persons residing 
in the townships of Manchester and Salford. They were 
all merchants of experience and of public reputation, chosen 
from the several conflicting parties in the town. Two had 
been themselves educated at the School, but none were in 
Orders, or had received actual University training, though 
the Dean of Manchester naturally continued to be their 
occasional adviser, as he remained the official Visitor of the 
school. Their names and their qualifications for the work 
are given in the Appendix. 

By the exertions of the * Relators ' the School trust had 
been virtually recovered for the use of the townspeople ; by 
the exertions of the old feoffees it had been saved for the 
purpose of higher education, and no part could be diverted 
to provide elementary education for the poor. It is true 
that the latter was badly needed, but other organisa- 
tions had to be called into play to deal with it. Perhaps the 
colossal expense of the eleven years' Chancery actions was 
not too high a price to pay for this solution of the 
controversy. The new trustees, in addition to witnessing 
the successful completion of the political struggle for the 
repeal of the Corn Laws and the establishment of Free 
Trade, had memories of the fight for the passage of the 
Reform Bill, and had seen how the reformed Parliament had 


shown its interest in education by making the first public 
grant since the grants of the Duchy Court of Lancaster 
in Queen Elizabeth's day. 1 They had witnessed also the 
appointment of Charity Commissioners, of Poor Law Com- 
missioners, of Ecclesiastical Commissioners, of Factory 
Commissioners, and of The Health of Towns Commissioners 
all with the purpose of obtaining information for the 
guidance of Legislature on these subjects. Lastly, the recent 
incorporation of the town in 1839 had established a Town 
Council, whose duty it was to look after the welfare of the 
inhabitants. To them education was one of the processes 
of social amelioration for all ranks of society. 

The outlook of the new trustees was naturally somewhat 
different from that of the relators. They had not been 
protagonists in the struggle, and though the eleven years 
which had elapsed since its commencement had been strenuous 
ones, and many differences of opinion and even of principle 
continued to exist, yet there was a much clearer under- 
standing of opponents' views and a diminution of class 
antagonism. Indeed, all the new trustees were Manchester 
merchants, half being Nonconformists and half Churchmen. 
Most of them had had considerable experience in Local Ad- 
ministration of Municipal or Poor Law, and many had served 
on unofficial public bodies concerned with public philan- 
thropy or public education, such as the Mechanics' Institute, 
the Athenaeum, the School of Design, &c. They therefore 
fully realised that middle-class education could no longer 
be limited to the kind of training still regarded as suitable 
for the so-called learned professions, but that it was necessary 
to include, for boys destined for commercial careers, some 
form of training in mathematics, science and art, English 
history and literature, and the use of modern foreign 
languages. Fortunately the Broad Church movement led 
by Archbishop Whately and others was breaking up the old 
spirit of exclusiveness which had grown up among the Church 
clergy and Nonconformist ministry alike, for Nonconformist 
and Anglican laymen were finding plenty of ground for 
common action in the educational efforts put forth by the 
supporters of the Athenaeum and other philanthropic institu- 
tions. It was, however, noticeable that unless these efforts 

1 See Bainei' History of Lancashire. 


were markedly concerned with religious propaganda they 
were not supported by Anglican or Nonconformist clergy, 
until the recognition of the defective food supply of the 
people caused many of them to share in the work of the 
Anti-Corn Law League. 

The educational scheme proposed by the Court of 
Chancery, which the new trustees had been asked to carry 
out, embraced two hitherto non-related and even exclusive 
aims the one for boys intending a commercial career and 
leaving school at 13 to 14, the other for boys staying till 
18 or 19, and intending a University and professional career. 

The natural leaders of Higher Education to whom they 
turned could offer little assistance. They were, firstly, the 
official Visitor of the School. This was the Rev. Dr. G. H. 
Bowers, who had been appointed Dean of Manchester in 1847, 
the title of Warden having been dropped. Ecclesiastical 
administrative affairs were very engrossing at this time, for 
the See of Manchester had just been created, and changes 
in the Collegiate body were taking place. Dr. Prince Lee, 
though coming fresh from the position of headmaster of 
Birmingham, was too fully occupied with the organisation 
of his diocese to give much detailed attention to the purely 
educational needs of Manchester. Indeed, his experiences 
of the recent reorganisation of the King Edward School at 
Birmingham might have been more of a hindrance than 
a help. 

The other natural leaders were the high master and 
the teaching staff. The Rev. Nicholas Germon was un- 
doubtedly a man of considerable power and attainments. 
He had graduated B.A. from Oriel College, Oxford, 1821, 
when the reform movement within the University, which 
derived its name from that college, was concentrating itself 
on securing increased efficiency of classical teaching, though 
it had not yet entered on a phase of increased width of 
outlook. He had been recommended as assistant master 
to the School in 1825 by Dr. Coplestone, famous for his share 
in raising the efficiency of classical training at Oriel College. 
By successive promotions he had reached the position of 
high master in 1842. He was respected by the boys and 
by the townspeople. He had been incumbent of St. Peter's 
Church, Mosley Street, from 1825, and his congregation at 
this time included many of the wealthy merchant families, 


while other such families, perhaps the most opulent and 
influential in the town, attended Cross Street Chapel, or the 
Scotch Presbyterian Church in Lloyd Street. His church - 
manship is described as being moderately high and dry, and 
it does not appear that he exerted any considerable influence 
on the intellectual and religious life of the town. Though 
St. Peter's was the fashionable church of the town, the income 
attached to it was not a large one, and the salary available 
for the high master from school funds, though considerable, 
was depleted by the pension paid to Dr. Smith. Thus, in 
order to maintain his social position, Mr. Germon was 
dependent upon the additional income derivable from taking 
of wealthy boarders. 

He expected high attainments among his scholars, whose 
limited numbers naturally caused him disappointment and 
anxiety. His experience of the social needs of a city 
school had not been broadened, though it might have 
been softened, by his long association with Rev. Jeremiah 
Smith. His very virtues prevented him from under- 
standing the social and civic changes around him ; 
while the fact that the School funds no longer provided 
scholarships, and wealthy boarders were no longer attracted 
to the School, no doubt considerably intensified any anxiety 
he might have felt about his personal income. Meanwhile 
confusion and dissatisfaction continued among the other 
masters of the Grammar School, who naturally shared 
the feelings of the high master, for they were also sufferers 
under the new conditions. 

The most liberalising leement in the School at this time 
was the second master, Richard Thompson, assistant master 
in the Classical School. He began to reorganise the School 
library in 1845, which still contained a number of old books 
which had probably been in the School nearly 200 years. 
These received a detailed consideration and description by 
the late John Harland in the Manchester Guardian, while a 
further description of the School library at this date appeared 
in Ulula, 1882. The oldest extant MS. book containing a 
list of borrowers is dated 1845, when a number of books were 
taken out in the name of the high master and several pupils. 
The entries seem to have been made once a week, and small 
sums of money are entered up, which indicate that a weekly 
payment was made by those using the books. Books were 


presented by Richard Whately and many others. A number 
of benefactors, among whom was William Slater, presented 
books and sums of money. The whole question was recon- 
sidered about 1855. To the remains of the old library (about 
forty volumes) and the volumes more recently purchased by a 
subscription library, some 500 new volumes were added. A 
catalogue was printed, 1856, and the whole placed under 
the management of Richard Thompson. 1 

The English school might conceivably have been of greater 
importance, but Rev. George Slade was a man of lesser calibre 
than his predecessor, Rev. E. D. Jackson. John Deas Mac- 
kenzie, who came to assist in the English School in 1853, 
though of considerable attainment and influence among the 
boys, only stayed about eight years. I have been quite 
unable to follow his career. He was a great lover of history, 
and had such a particular admiration for Cromwell that the 
boys when in trouble about their work would often deftly 
turn the conversation to the subject of the Great Protector, 
and so mollify any anger. He was evidently highly respected 
in the district, for he acted as hon. secretary at the Athenaeum 
during a period of acute partisanship in 1858. Mr. Mac- 
kenzie's portrait hangs over the fireplace in the Board-room 
at the School, having been presented by his sister. He was 
a quiet man and lived a somewhat retired life at Irwell View, 
Lower Broughton, and used constantly to talk to himself 
as he wandered about. 

The clergy of the district, many of whom had been 
educated at the School, had been accustomed to attend 
regularly on the Annual Speech Day. This had been a 
fashionable gathering held in the English School, previous 
to the Anniversary Dinner of the Old Boys. The University 
examiners, who were frequently old scholars, had generally 
attended both functions. The School meetings had not been 
held since 1847, but the Anniversary Dinners were continued ; 
the University Examiners often attended these and spoke 
more freely than in their reports to the trustees. It is evident 
from the accounts of these dinners that the general policy 
of the School received ample criticism, and that, though 
they cemented old friendships, they also perpetuated old 

1 Richard Thompson's own valuable library was subsequently pre- 
sented to the School by Miss Thompson in 1876. 


prejudices and tended to deprive the trustees of the sympathy 
and co-operation of the old boys in their new task of adapting 
the old School. 

Finally, the trustees might look for guidance to the Pre- 
sident of Corpus Christi College, Oxon, hi whom rested the 
right of appointment of high master. This was Dr. Norris, 
who had been made president in 1843, and who held that 
position during all the stormy years of University reform. 
He is credited with having been of Conservative tendencies, 
but he was certainly the most helpful of all the advisers. 

The prolonged conferences which the trustees held with 
all of these authorities shows how earnestly they endeavoured 
to fulfil their responsibility. In spite of their experience 
of the working of the Mechanics' Institute, the Athenaeum, 
the School of Design, and of the new Owens College, perhaps 
because all these institutions were directed to providing 
training for the adult members of the community, they 
failed adequately to organise the English School or to make 
it an efficient centre of commercial training. Consequently 
the first ten years of their work seemed barren of outward 
results. They, were, however, by no means really so, for much 
experience was gamed of the causes of failure, and many 
problems, if not actually solved, were placed in the way of 
more easy solution when the proper time came. 

On their appointment the new trustees, as business 
men, at once set themselves to inquire into the condition of 
the funds. Sir Elkanah Armitage was appointed chairman ; 
Mr. Oliver Heywood, banker, was appointed treasurer. 
They found all the accounts were kept in good order, and 
there was still a sum of 14,782 10$. Sd. in 3J per cent. 
Bank Stock. They determined to try to increase the 
school income, firstly, by making the business of the mills a 
more efficient and paying concern, and secondly, by making 
judicious arrangements with the rest of their property by 
renting it to the Lancashire and Leeds Railway Company, 
whose extension to Hunt's Bank had been opened January 
1843, and which was now needing more space for an approach. 

They then devoted their attention to the internal 
management of the School and the character of the teach- 
ing. Probably there was a good deal of outward re- 
spec tabihty and decorous behaviour when the boys were 
under observation, which passed for educational efficiency. 


The beadle was a very imposing personage, with his gold bands 
on his coat and his tall beaver hat. Both Mr. Thompson and 
Mr. Mackenzie were men of dignified bearing, and Mr. Germon 
was certainly treated with respect. The curriculum was, 
however, very bad. The masters would often sleep during 
part of the school-time. There were no home lessons, for all 
preparation was done in class, and the boys would gather 
round the master's desk to say their lessons. There were 
maps on the walls, but these were never used. Admission 
to the School was nominally in order of application, but 
practically by favour, for the applications were numerous. 

The curriculum had been settled by the Court of Chan- 
cery. To see how far it was carried out the trustees ap- 
pointed a Committee (December 7, 1849) Messrs. Armitage, 
Peel, Rickards, Barbour, and Hunter to examine the school 
buildings ; to ascertain the number of masters employed ; 
the number of scholars ; the hours of attendance ; the mode 
of admission, about which there had been some suspicion 
of favouritism ; and, finally, the general state and manage- 
ment of the School. The Committee reported that they 
found that there were eight masters employed, and that 
the two schools were kept entirely separate, even possessing 
separate registers. There were 

Four higher classical masters in charge of 130 boys. 

One lower classical master in charge of 73 boys. 

One master of English literature in charge of 150 boys. 

One French master with occasional duties. 

One master of writing and accounts with occasional duties. 

The appointment of a mathematical master, so essential 
for boys intending a commercial career, appeared to have 
fallen into abeyance. The School Committee therefore 
reported that in order to carry out the scheme of studies 
laid down in the Court of Chancery, it would be necessary 
to appoint : 

1. A mathematical master (Mr. Boardman) at a salary 
of 160 a year. 

2. A librarian at 10 a year. 

3. One or more occasional lecturers on Natural Philosophy, 
and to provide proper instruments and apparatus for 
illustration of lectures. 

Before proceeding to carry out these ideas the trustees 
held a conference with the Dean, Rev. G. H. Bowers, and 


the high master, as a result of which recommendations 
3 and 4 were postponed as unnecessary at present for the 
type of boy in the English School, while 1 and 2 were 
carried out. 

While granting a sum of 20 to the high master for prizes 
in October 1850, the trustees requested him to resume the 
custom, which had again fallen into abeyance, of making a 
public distribution of the prizes immediately after the School 
examination. This was particularly advisable, as the 
only other public function associated with the School was 
the Anniversary Dinner held by the old boys, to which the 
new trustees were not likely to be welcome guests, particularly 
as it was the custom to invite the high master and the 
examiners, and to hear from them expressions about the 
policy of the School. 

Whether the Public Speech Days were at once estab- 
lished is uncertain, as no accounts of them appear in current 
newspapers. The Examiners' Reports, however, were regu- 
larly published, and from them we learn that the examiners 
repeatedly pointed out the great falling off in numbers of the 
boys attending the higher classical departments, and their 
lack of proficiency in classical and other knowledge, owing 
to the rapid promotion from the elementary classes to fill 
up vacant places. The examiners did not, however, suggest 
that the number of classes or the subjects of study should 
be diminished. They expressed themselves satisfied with the 
results achieved in the English School, and the presence 
there of some very promising material, but regretted that the 
majority of pupils continued to leave the School in less than 
two years after entry, and before the results of its teaching 
could be fully ascertained. 

In spite of the often too favourable University Examiners' 
reports, the trustees continued dissatisfied and believed that 
the School was capable of doing more for Manchester boys than 
it was then accomplishing. They requested (April 13, 1853) 
Sir Elkanah Armitage, Mr. Peel, and Mr. Hunter to inspect 
the School personally, and, after conferring with the Dean 
and the high master, to ascertain whether the existing course 
of instruction was consistent with the terms and spirit of the 
regulations governing the School, approved by Court of 
Chancery, 1848. The public to some extent shared their 
dissatisfaction. There are a number of descriptions of the 


School at this period ; among others, a very interesting series 
of reminiscences of contemporary school life, particularly 
with regard to its boy nature and boy occupation, was pub- 
lished in the Courier, and republished in Ulula, 1904, by 
Alexander Hulme, who was in the School about 1854. Mr. 
Edwards, who had come to Manchester in 1851 to take up 
the position of Chief Librarian in the newly established Free 
Library in Campfield, thus writes of the School in his 
* Manchester Worthies,' published 1855 : 

4 The Upper, or Classical School, consists of 4 masters and 
nearly 70 boys ; the Lower School in which boys are pre- 
pared for the Upper and also for the English School, one 
master and 70 boys; the English School in which a single 
master has to try to do the impossible task of teaching English 
History, Grammar, Geography, and a multitude of other 
subjects to 150 urchins of 8 to 12 years old ; for an English 
School which forms part of a great and venerable foundation 
in one of the chief cities of the realm, this is no satisfactory 
report. The amount expended in master's salaries is, ac- 
cording to a statement which has been printed, about 200.' 

The backward state of secondary education in Manchester 
in 1855 is also referred to by Professor W. C. Williamson. 
In speaking of the difficulty of finding students adequately 
prepared to avail themselves of the advantages offered by the 
newly established Owens College, he comments : 

' One thing was unquestionable, school education in Man- 
chester was at that time at a very low ebb. Of course the 
schoolmasters of the day ridiculed this explanation ; but 
it was a fact. The students were not prepared for those 
higher standards of education which a collegiate institution 
demanded, and below which its professors could not descend. 
The teachers of the schools retorted by declaring that we could 
not know anything about their teaching because they were 
not such fools as to send their upper students to us. Ere 
long the truth of our assertions was plainly demonstrated. 
At that time the local University Examinations were be- 
coming popular and were being held in a number of the 
larger centres of population. At length one such was held 
in Manchester, and when the usual annual report of these 
examinations was published Manchester stood at the bottom 
of the entire list. But whilst our complaints respecting 
the low standard of Manchester educationalists were thus 


justified, other influences equally unfavourable were at work. 
At that time opinion prevailed widely amongst the merchants 
of the town that if lads were to do any good, either to their 
masters or to themselves, they must enter the warehouses 
very early in life, i.e. by the time they were 14 ; and, having 
done so, they must undertake the most menial of the opera- 
tions which were demanded by the business men of to-day. 
That this conviction was then very widely spread, even 
among the most intelligent portion of the mercantile com- 
munity, I know from my own personal association with many 
such.' 1 

James Heywood, M.P. for North Lancashire, son of Sir 
Benjamin Heywood, and brother of Oliver Heywood, perhaps 
the most active member of Parliament for promoting 
university reform, made a report to the Association for the 
Reform of Educational Endowments in 1856, in which he 
mentions the controversy at the Manchester Grammar School 
concerning the lack of introduction of Modern Languages 
and Practical Science into the curriculum. 

* The appointment to the High Mastership of the Man- 
chester Free Grammar School is vested absolutely by Bishop 
Oldham's Will in the President of Corpus Christi College, 
Oxford. Fortunately at the present time the head of that 
College is willing to act in unison with the Trustees of the 
School in Manchester, and a favourable opportunity is thus 
afforded in the event of any change hi the officers of the School, 
of rendering the range of instruction more extensive, by 
introducing Modern Languages and Practical Science as a 
principal part of the Education. Manchester Free Grammar 
School is connected with Oxford by several Exhibitions, 
and should the matriculation examination in that Univer- 
sity be extended (i.e. should the religious tests be abolished) 
a favourable effect in education would be the result.' 

Rev. Canon Charles Bigg had left the School for Christ 
Church College, Oxford, in 1858, though, owing to his not 
having been five years at the School, he was not entitled to a 
School Exhibition. Preaching the Founder's Day Sermon 
at the Manchester Cathedral in 1903, he remarked : 

1 Well, it is a good thing that there should be that ladder, 
and I know that the School still provides it in liberal measure. 

1 Reminiscences of a Yorkshire Naturalist, pp. 138, 139. 


But all climbing has its dangers. We boys in those days 
came almost without exception I daresay the same thing 
is true still from those homes where there was little luxury 
and not much refinement. There were many ambitious 
boys ; some admirable ones whose example left nothing to be 
desired. The teaching was old-fashioned and narrow, as 
was all teaching in those days. It provided all that was 
necessary for the head, but I found in myself, and often 
noticed in others, how insufficient it was in other ways. There 
was no playground that was one great drawback ; and 
in consequence we saw very little of one another out of school 
and still less of the masters. We were not sufficiently brought 
under any elevating influence ; we saw a good deal of the 
seamy side of the world, and not enough of its brighter 
aspects. I do not doubt that all this has much changed for 
the better. But in my time many a bright lad went up 
to Oxford full of Latin and Greek, but with everything else 
to learn, the speech and habits of Society, knowledge of 
mankind, above all self-control. There they found them- 
selves in a new world with wine at command, and almost 
unlimited credit, and a great range of pleasure good and 
bad. Many went to wreck. They climbed only to lose 
their heads and fall. I could tell you many a sad story, 
and I could tell you many bright ones more bright ones 
than sad.' 

Canon Bigg became head master of Brighton College, 
Regius Professor of Ecclesiastical History, Oxford, Canon 
of Christ Church, and friend of John Mathias Wilson, the 
last of the Benthamites, and was perhaps thereby one of 
the influences which induced F. W. Walker to come to 
Manchester. 1 

The main cause of the difficulties which beset the English 
School was the lack of general enlightenment among the 
middle and industrial classes living in the neighbourhood, 
capable of providing the School with a stream of able, energetic 
and well-prepared boyhood, whose education could be ad- 
vanced into the higher reaches of learning for which the School 
was intended. Such enlightenment was rapidly occurring, 
thanks to the provision of free public libraries, and the activities 
which now centred round the Mechanics' Institute. Though 
the Institute was intended primarily for the members of the 

1 Obituary Notice, Manchester Guardian, July 16, 1908. 


working classes, it was attended by the youth of the 
middle classes, whose school education had been limited, 
and who desired to continue their studies. The lower middle 
classes now contributed a larger proportion of the members 
than did the bona-fide operative classes. Many Manchester 
men who were subsequently well known for their public spirit 
and wide culture George Milner, Charles Rowley, and others 
after having received their school education at Bennett 
Street, Oldham Road, Manchester, during their early business 
career, spent their evenings in study at the Mechanics' 

About 1837 the Manchester Athenaeum, which had been 
opened as the social and intellectual meeting-place for 
members of the middle classes, began to provide evening 

In 1840 the Manchester and District Association of 
Literary and Scientific Institutes was founded, with Edward 
Herford as Secretary, and within three months 2000 people 
availed themselves of the various Lyceums. 

The London School of Design had been established by 
the Board of Trade as a result of the findings of a Royal 
Commission appointed to inquire into the causes of the 
general inferiority that existed in the country, in the applica- 
tion of arts to furniture, pottery, metal- work, &c. Benjamin 
Robert Haydon was sent from London on a lecturing tour 
-through the provinces to arouse interest in the matter, and 
induce other towns to establish Schools of Design in the 
locality. In his diary, 1837, Haydon writes : 

* Manchester is in a dreadful condition as to Art. No 
School of Design. The young men drawing without instruc- 
tion, a fine anatomical figure shut up in a box. The house- 
keeper obliged to hunt for the key. I'll give it them before 
I go.' 

In October, 1837, George Wallis delivered two lectures 
at the Mechanics' Institute, Manchester, on the desirability 
of establishing a School of Design. The result of these efforts 
was such as to induce a number of manufacturers and others 
to take action. James Heywood, banker, F.R.S., M.P. for 
Lancashire, brother of Oliver Heywood, became president, and 
contributed largely to the funds. The Manchester School of 
Design was opened without ceremony in some rooms belonging 


to the Royal Institution, Mosley Street, October 4, 1838. 
On the recommendation of David Wilkie, John Zephaniah 
Bell was appointed head master. A committee of the sub- 
scribers arranged the course of study. George Heys, Warwick 
Brooks, Henry Travis, Francis Chester were prominent among 
the first students, and a few young men from the Athenaeum 
also attended. The school was supported by donations and 
subscriptions from Manchester merchants and others, and to 
a small extent by fees from students. 

On January 15, 1844, George Wallis, on becoming head- 
master, delivered an introductory address. Lectures were 
given to the students twice a week. A definite plan of in- 
struction was drawn up and approved by the local committee. 
Subscriptions soon fell off, and, in order to place the institution 
on a firm basis, the Committee made application to the Board 
of Trade for pecuniary assistance, and for its establishment 
as a recognised Government School of Art. An inspector 
was sent down from the Board of Trade who disapproved of 
the general cultural plan of instruction pursued at the College, 
and insisted, probably acting on specific instructions from the 
Board, that the training should be in immediate practical 
relation to the after career of the pupil. The use of the human 
figure or model was forbidden unless the study of this was 
necessary for subsequent occupation. As the Committee 
felt they were dependent upon Government aid, and could 
not continue the School without it, they adopted the Scheme 
of Study. George Wallis thereupon resigned in 1846, and 
the school continued as a Trade School under Government 

Henry Johnson, the next headmaster, who delivered his 
introductory address, May 6, 1846, only remained a short 

David Cooper, son of Abraham Cooper, was next ap- 
pointed. At this time the school was removed from the 
Royal Institution to Brown Street. 

James Astbury Hammersley, F.S.A., late Art Master 
at Nottingham, who succeeded in 1848, remained till 1862. 
He was allowed to restore the cultural method, for he taught 
landscape-drawing. Clarence Waite was one of his principal 
pupils. The title was now changed to The Manchester School 
of Art. It was during Hammersley 's time that the Great 
Exhibition was held in Hyde Park in 1851. 


The school was visited by John Ruskin in 1859. 

In the spring of 1856 a meeting of Manchester merchants 
was held at which J. C. Deane, P. Cunningham, Thomas Fair- 
bairn, and T. Ash ton brought forward the project of holding 
.an Art Treasures Exhibition in Manchester. A Guarantee 
Fund of 70,000 was raised, and it was decided to erect a 
building similar in plan, but smaller in size than the famous 
Crystal Palace. There were ancient and modern paintings, 
sculptures, and many valuable objects illustrative of Orna- 
mental Art and Handicraft. The Prince Consort himself 
not only secured a loan of collections from the Royal Palaces, 
but visited the Exhibition. Hammersley was president of the 
Artists' Committee, and as such drew up the presentation 

We have already briefly referred to the Owens College. 
In 1846 John Owens, a Manchester merchant having no near 
relations, left a sum of nearly 100,000 in the hands of fourteen 
trustees to establish a University College which should be free 
from the religious tests which prevented many boys from going 
to Oxford or Cambridge. The trustees obtained suggestions 
from the recently founded London University and Durham 
University, and particularly sought advice from the Scottish 
Universities where the classes were attended by young 
men desirous of continuing their school education, but not 
necessarily intending to follow any one of the learned pro- 
fessions. It was recognised that there might be many men in 
Manchester who would ultimately engage in the business of 
commerce, but who would be very glad to study one or more 
particular subjects under competent tuition. A report of 
their conclusions was issued by the trustees to the public, 
Dec. 17, 1850. Premises in Quay Street, formerly belonging 
to Richard Cobden, were acquired and opened October 1851 
sixty-two students attending during the session. The history 
of its early struggles and subsequent firm establishment 
is so fully told in Joseph Thompson's ' Foundation and 
Growth of the Owens College,' and the various depart- 
ments and scope of its work so adequately treated in Dr. 
Philip Hartog's ' History of the Owens College ' that it is 
not necessary to follow it here. From time to time allusions 
will be made to its relation to the Grammar School. 

Valuable as were the educational efforts of the Owens 
College, the Athenaeum evening classes, and the Mechanics' 


Institution, they were in every case restricted by the same 
circumstances, the pupils were unable to benefit properly 
owing to the defects of their previous education, in spite of 
the increasing clarity of educational outlook and recognition 
of the value of sustained regular schooling. Progress was 
slow. It was not limited to the upper middle classes, but 
was extending among the lower middle and artisan classes 
who were attending the voluntary National and British 
Schools. From a report of the meeting of the supporters of 
the old Lancasterian School we read : 

* Until 1849 the system was the old Lancasterian, with 
which the school commenced, and which had become all but 
obsolete throughout the county, being generally superseded 
by that of the British and Foreign School Society which may 
be regarded as its offspring. At first about one thousand 
children of both sexes were collected in one vast room with 
two male and one female teacher for the whole. Anything 
beyond a general superintendence of this great body was of 
course out of their power, and the teaching was necessarily 
of a very unsatisfactory quality. The committee appointed 
in 1849 thought it their duty to endeavour to amend, in some 
measure, the defects of this arrangement, though with much 
reluctance to disturb rudely the existing state of things. Their 
first step was to erect a separate room for the reception of the 
higher classes of boys, with a view to their more thorough 
instruction, and consequently increased efficiency as monitors, 
and this room placed under the charge of a new master, trained 
in the British and Foreign Society School in the Borough 
Road. In 1850 they applied for Government inspection, 
and obtained the apprenticeship of several pupil teachers. 
The early reports of Her Majesty's inspector, J. D. Morell, 
Esq., were necessarily of a qualified character, and in 1853 
urgent representations from him, together with other circum- 
stances to which it is not necessary now to allude, compelled 
the committee carefully to review the position of the school. 
They came to the unanimous conclusion that the attempt 
they had been making to combine the old with the new system 
was endangering the existence of the latter, and they could 
not hesitate in deciding which of the two should be sacrificed. 
They had accordingly superseded the old teachers, and divided 
the large room into four portions better adapted for the exist- 
ing arrangements. The whole boys' school is now under 
one headmaster, Mr. Seddon, and two assistant masters and 
eleven pupil teachers. The present number on the books is 


585 boys, 117 girls, 214 infants total 916. Of these children, 
the boys attend various Sunday schools in about the following 
proportions : 70 per cent. Church of England, 20 per cent. 
Protestant Dissenters, 5 per cent. Roman Catholics, 5 per cent, 
none total 100. 

' The course of instruction includes reading, writing, 
arithmetic, geography, grammar, history, vocal music, 
drawing, and in the higher classes, the elements of algebra 
and geometry. . . . There are in the school the children 
of parents of various grades, some in easy circumstances, 
others in great poverty. The higher fee to the select class 
seems to answer well, and to raise the tone and character 
of the school.' 

From the Report of 1858 we read : 

' About 900 scholars are now on the book. The number 
admitted during last year was 1233, from which, as will be 
seen, the average period of their school attendance is 
but short. . . . Instruction is given in reading, writing, 
arithmetic, grammar, geography, vocal music, drawing and 
other useful subjects, according to the time at the command 
of the scholar. Drawing is taught by a master from the 
School of Art, and thirteen boys have received prizes from the 
department of Science and Art. 

* Besides the headmaster and mistress there are now em- 
ployed in the boys' school (about 450 pupils) three assistants 
and eight pupil teachers ; in the girls' and infants' schools, 
seven pupil teachers.' 

It is evident that two parties with differing ideals were 
striving at the Manchester Grammar School for mastership. 
The one contemplated a curriculum of learning based on the 
old classical tradition, which aimed at preparing the mind of 
the scholar by a course of Latin and Greek grammar before 
allowing him to enter upon a specialised course of training in 
Science or Natural Philosophy, whether at Cambridge or else- 
where. The other, supported by those of the governing 
body associated with the Manchester Athenaeum, Mechanics' 
Institute, &c., desired the so-called practical education which 
had already found expression in the Mechanics' Institutes, 
Schools of Design, Athenaeum, &c., which commenced with 
the study of such modern languages as French and German, 
and attendance at lectures and demonstrations in Natural 


Science. The training of the pupil by means of practical 
experiments in chemistry, and practical measurements in 
physics, had not yet been sufficiently organised for it to 
become part of the School curriculum till a much later date, 
though, as we have seen, Adam Martindale made practical 
surveying a method of teaching mathematics in 1665. Dean 
Bowers, the official Visitor of the school, and the coadjudicator 
with the high master in the award of University Exhibitions, 
believed that, if the classical boys spent more time in writing, 
in studying mathematics and foreign languages, their classical 
studies would suffer. He urged that the standard of examina- 
tions set by the Universities was rising year by year, and 
that the School could only maintain its reputation by increas- 
ing the efficiency of its classics. He also pointed out that 
the Owens College had recently been added to the other local 
educational institutions, and had already provided for the 
alternative and newer forms of training. The fact that higher 
training in Science needed as much school preparation as 
classics did not occur to him. It is because the Grammar 
School was for so many years the seat of such conflict of 
ideals that its history during this period is so instructive 
to students of education. Reconciliation between the two 
ideals was impossible while the outlook of the protagonists 
remained so limited. One preliminary lesson was being 
learnt from the (temporary) failure of Mechanics' Institutes 
and even of Owens College, and that was the need for great 
improvements in elementary training for the artisans and 
the lower middle classes. 

At last we come to a period when the confusion was to 
cease. The turbulent forceful stream of the Irk, which for 
more than three centuries had turned the wheels of the mills, 
and thus provided the power which ground the malt and corn 
for the inhabitants of Manchester, and in so doing had pro- 
vided the means for the higher education of a selected group 
of scholars, had now become a murky, sluggish stream. The 
head-waters were diverted into reservoirs and used for other 
purposes in other districts. The flood of February 2, 1852, 
was the last. What stream remained grew more and more 
unsightly, and more capable of doing mischief than conferring 
benefit on mankind. If the mills were still to grind corn 
and malt, a new force would have to be found. This the new 
trustees were called upon to provide in the form of steam- 


engines and by the use of coal. It involved the outlay of 
large capital expenditure, but it was accomplished and the 
funds from the School mills again became available for school 

At this period, too, the stream of forceful boyhood, seek- 
ing various professional careers, which had been gathered 
from neighbouring counties into the boarding-houses of the 
masters, showed signs of entirely drying up. The reputation 
of the School for high scholarship was falling for want of 
able scholars. How was the vigour of this stream to be 
renewed ? How was the reputation of the School to be again 
built up ? There was plenty of boyhood available, energetic, 
enterprising, capable, but the pathways of commerce led to 
quicker advance than the School. The credit for the change 
in the School curriculum and the School management which 
solved the problem of attracting a new stream of boyhood 
to the School belongs to one man of great initiative, 
amounting to genius, Mr. Walker, the story of whose work 
at the School must be told in a separate chapter. It must, 
however, not be forgotten how well the trustees of 1849 had 
prepared the ground. 

In October 1855, they made a third attempt to get the 
curriculum of the School on a more satisfactory basis, and 
appointed Alderman Watkins, Thomas Hunter, and Mr. 
Robert Barbour to visit the School and examine all its 
departments. In their report, dated April 9, 1856, they 
expressed the opinion that the present separation of the 
English and the Classical Schools, and the practice of the high 
master confining his attention to a superintendence of his 
own class, i.e. to 11 boys out of a total of 200, and not super- 
vising the English or the rest of the Classical School, was 
inconsistent with the design of the scheme, as sanctioned 
by the Court of Chancery, and that the subject was one 
deserving the serious consideration of the Dean and high 
master. The latter was irremovable, even by the head of 
Corpus Chris ti who appointed him. With a view, therefore, 
to secure the high master's active superintendence of the 
whole School, ' they resolved that, considering the limited 
advantages of the Lower School, and the small pecuniary 
means at the disposal of the trustees, it appears very desirable 
to consider with the Dean and high master the expediency 
either of doing away with the Lower School, as preparatory 


to the Classical School, altogether, or of materially reducing 
the salary of the master of that school.' 

Mr. Peel, an old scholar and now a trustee, wished to revert 
to the old custom of allowing masters to take boarders, and 
gave notice of his intention to bring under the consideration 
of the trustees the serious injury which, in his opinion, the 
School had sustained by the masters being deprived of their 
former powers. 

On hearing that Mr. Wadham, the second master, had placed 
his resignation in the hands of the President of Corpus Christi, 
who had the power of appointing the second master as well 
as appointing the high master, it was decided that a depu- 
tation of Messrs. Hey wood, Rickards, and Barbour should 
wait on Dr. Norris, the President of Corpus Christi College 
and patron of the School, and discuss the present state of the 
working of the School with him before any new appointments 
were made. 

On their return they reported that this interview had 
been very satisfactory, that Dr. Norris had expressed a warm 
interest in the success of the School as well as a desire to 
consult the wishes of the trustees in any appointment he had 
to make, and had offered to advertise for a man to take the 
second master's place. He pointed out the difficulties of 
getting an applicant, either for the headship or for the assist- 
antship, on the limited salary the trustees could offer, without 
giving them the privilege either of taking boarders, or charging 
a capitation fee, or giving them some other pecuniary interest 
in the success of the School. He strongly urged the expedi- 
ency of endeavouring, with the consent of all parties, to get 
the Scheme of Chancery so altered as either to authorise 
the masters to take boarders or to receive capitation fees 
for the boys, beyond their fixed salaries. 

On April 13, 1859, a letter of resignation was sent to 
Mr. Barbour by Mr. Nicholas Germon. In the following 
October it was announced that F. W. Walker, M.A., Fellow 
and Tutor of Corpus Christi College, Oxford, had been 
tppointed in the vacant place. 




* Where there's a will, there's a way ! ' Old Proverb. 

F. W. Walker creates new ideals and traditions. He organises a new 
curriculum and incites the trustees and merchants to subscribe 
handsomely for new buildings. 

/Recognition of the need for guarantees of efficiency in the learned pro- 
fessions and in the Civil Service leads to the establishment of qualifying 
entrance examinations Preparation for these examinations affects 
the curricula of grammar and higher grade schools Reforms at the 
English Universities widen the entry and throw open to public com- 
petition many hitherto close scholarships This enables sons of 
many professional and lower middle -class Nonconformist families 
to enter Many Manchester boys take high University honours 
Harrison of Balliol The Schools Enquiry Commission (1864-7) reviews 
English Secondary Education. 

The coming of F. W. Walker to the School His early training ; his quali- 
/ fications for the task in hand ; he solves the problem of the two 
schools by combining classics and modern subjects in one liberal 
curriculum The effect of this apparent at the Oxford Local Examina- 
tions Re -establishment of Speech Day, 1860 Class lists The 
introduction of drawing, of physics, and of chemistry The South 
Kensington Examinations Mr. Walker induces boys to compete for 
Civil Service appointments. 

The Trustees, under his inspiring influence, at length find a way of restoring 
the School to its rightful place as a nursery of learning in the town, by 
obtaining permission to add a number of capitation or fee-paying boys 
to the number of free scholars already on the Foundation, on condition 
of providing the proper buildings and equipment from specially 
subscribed funds Total capital newly raised for extensions and 
endowments, 150,000. 

THE fable of the Phoenix rising from its ashes was now 
about to receive a practical illustration in the restoration of 
the once famous, but now decadent, Manchester School. 



Had the old School traditions of middle-class self-sufficiency 
not been so completely crushed, had the loss of resources 
not been so desperate, the resurrection of the new School 
would never have been so complete. The Classical 
and Mathematical scholarship, which had been high under 
Charles Lawson and Jeremiah Smith, was the scholarship 
of boys of good birth and circumstances, whose parents could 
afford the high fees charged for boarding and for private 
coaching in the houses of the masters, and whose University 
expenses would be well covered by the School Exhibitions, 
reinforced by close scholarships and Hulme Exhibitions at 
Brasenose. Social influence and patronage secured that their 
subsequent claims should not be forgotten nor their merits 
hidden. No wonder that many achieved good social status. 
The time had now arrived when the scholarship of the highly 
placed landowning and prosperous middle classes was to give 
way to the scholarship of the sons of hard-headed, energetic 
citizens of Manchester, often of restricted circumstances. 
Classics and Mathematics were now to share their University 
honours with Science, and to gain, not to lose, by the result. 
The change was accomplished because the grave financial 
difficulties of the School stirred the lion heart and the pene- 
trating insight of one who has been called the Apostle of the 
Day School system, to call forth such generosity on the part 
of Manchester merchants that, within the next twenty-five 
years, all the invested funds that the School had previously 
lost were replaced, and its income duplicated and triplicated, 
while its scholars were multiplied even in larger proportion. 
Fresh University scholarships were founded to take the place 
of the lost exhibitions from trust funds, which were now 
devoted entirely to school purposes, and striving boys of 
good abilities were enabled to make their way in the Uni- 
versities in spite of straitened circumstances. The spur 
of necessity provided them with an incentive often lacking 
in their more easy-going predecessors. 

The substitution of competitive examinations for patronage 
and favouritism in State and Civil appointments was one of 
the valuable legacies of the French Revolution. It had been 
advocated by Jeremy Bentham, by John S. Mill, and still more 
convincingly by Edwin Chadwick, who particularly pointed 
out the disastrous results of patronage in the selection of 
officers for the Indian Army, as shown in the inquiries into 


the causes of the Indian Mutiny. Political economists were 
profoundly influencing current English legislation, not only 
by discovering new political principles, but by pointing out 
the rightful solution of many social problems. It is significant 
to note that the realisation that efficiency was to be obtained 
by the training of those who had shown their superiority in 
competition took place at the same time that Charles Darwin 
and Alfred Russel Wallace were formulating the biological 
principles of progressive development through the struggle 
for existence and the survival of the fittest, as embodied in 
the ' Origin of Species.' It was, however, a long time before 
it was realised how profound was the light that Darwinian 
principles shed on social and economic problems. When 
at last the connection between biology and sociology was 
realised, the earlier attempts to apply principles were crude 
and misleading, owing to a very incomplete recognition of 
the complexity of human nature. Hasty conclusions have 
been drawn, and are still, which have debased the influence 
of competition in human life, yet the wise application of the 
principle of struggle and emulation is the very basis, not only 
of progress, but also of health. 

The first calling for which it was found necessary to 
institute standards of efficiency had been that of teaching. 
The necessity for providing occupational training for those 
intending to be engaged in teaching had begun to be recognised 
in the Lancasterian Schools and National Schools by the 
foundation of Normal Colleges, though the career of teaching 
had not yet risen to its proper level as a profession. So 
largely did Normal Colleges loom in the minds of the official 
classes, that when a few years later the newly founded Owens 
College was threatened with extinction, Government 
Inspectors suggested making it into a Normal Training School 
for Teachers. The College of Preceptors was established, and 
instituted its preliminary examinations in 1846. The passing 
of the Medical Acts of 1858 and 1861 had led to the establish- 
ment of a Medical Council, in 1861, with duty to inquire 
into the qualifications of those practising medicine and 
surgery. The Law Society, established in 1823, also insti- 
tuted its examinations, for none of these three professions 
relied on the English Universities to set standards to be 
demanded of entrants, either of general intelligence or attain- 
ments, or for the provision of a curriculum for the special 


training desirable before qualification and licence. The proof 
of capacity which the governing bodies of the learned profes- 
sions and the heads of the army now demanded of entrants 
was the passing of certain examinations, either those which 
they instituted themselves, or those held by other bodies such 
as the College of Preceptors, the examinations of the Oxford 
and Cambridge Delegacies (O. and C. Local Examinations), 
and the University of London (Matriculation Examination). 
These examinations thus became educational objectives in 
the more progressive and efficient middle-class schools, 
while the successful preparation for them became the best 
guarantee which the parent or guardian could get as to the 
teaching capacity of a school. Up to this time a liberal 
education had been regarded as one without a definite 
occupational objective, though the new examination statutes 
of Oxford, 1850, had recognised Physical Science as a 
branch of academic study. 

In the Oxford and Cambridge University Acts of 1854- 
1855 the question of University Reform was, however, dealt 
with, and Lord Palmerston's Government then turned their 
attention to a consideration of the work which the 
Great English Public Schools were doing for education, 
and their adequacy to supply public needs. A Royal 
Commission, under the Chairmanship of Lord Clarendon, 
inquired into the revenues, management, and curricula 
of the nine chief public schools Eton, Winchester, 
Westminster, Charterhouse, St. Paul's, Merchant Taylors', 
Harrow, Rugby, and Shrewsbury. Their report was 
published in 1864. In the same year another Commission 
was appointed to inquire into other public (Grammar) 
Schools. Dr. Temple and W. E. Forster were members, and 
H. J. Roby (subsequently Chairman of Governors of Man- 
chester Grammar School) Secretary. Matthew Arnold and 
James Bryce (Lord Bryce) both collected evidence. In their 
report the Commissioners dwelt on the fact that there was on 
the part of many parents a desire for higher education in 
advance of the means to secure it. The seventeen volumes 
in which the report is contained are full of matter which 
still possesses profound interest. 

The coming of Mr. Walker to Manchester is described in a 
semi-satirical autobiographical sketch written by one of the 
assistant masters to the School : 


1 One day the whole of the School was thrown into a com- 
motion by the news that the old Germyn (Mr. Germon) had 
resigned, and that we were to have a brand new Headmaster, 
straight from Bosphorus (Oxford). He was only 27, had 
been at Rugby, and had brought all the traditions of that 
great place and of his alma mater with him. He proved 
equal to his reputation. From the moment of his arrival 
everything was changed in the School. It began hence- 
forth to compete with the great public schools of England, 
a hitherto unheard of ambition filled both masters and boys. 
A pass degree was no longer trumpeted forth as a great event. 
Essays, Original Latin Verse, Speech Days, Prize Days, even 
comparative Philology and Sanskrit date from his coming.' 1 

Walker was ambitious, masterful, able, and far-seeing, 
and the stirring events of the times had exerted a powerful 
influence on a nature that was impulsive and generous. He 
was a true son of the people, for his father had come from 
Tullimorein North Ireland, where the family had been settled 
since 1689, when they had taken part in the defence of London- 
derry. He was born in London, 1830, and after receiving a 
preliminary training in St. Saviour's Grammar School, South- 
wark, he had become a day scholar at Rugby, under Tait. 
While there, he won an open scholarship at Corpus Christi 
College, Oxford, in 1849. He gained the Vinerian Scholarship 
in Law, the Boden Scholarship in Sanskrit, the Tancred 
Scholarship in Law, and, after this distinguished career at 
Oxford University, went to Dresden to study philology. 
He was admitted a Barrister at Lincoln's Inn, and joined the 
western circuit with the intent to follow Law as a profession. 
Though strongly urged to come and undertake the reformation 
of the Manchester School by Dr. Norris, the head of Corpus 
Christi, he declined until the case was more strongly put to him 
by John Matthias Wilson, the last of the Benthamites, whose 
influence shone through so much of Walker's work. If his 
combative instincts were great, his human sympathies were 
even greater, and enabled him to maintain his hold on many 
who were otherwise social exiles. He wanted boys and men 
to be successful. Indeed, so overmastering was this feeling 
that he was intolerant of those who could not, or would not, 
succeed, though it was not so much the glamour of success 
that attracted as the squalor of failure that repelled him. 

1 A Son of Belial, by Martin Geldart. 


He was once asked what was his greatest triumph in Man- 
chester. After a long pause for thought, he finally replied 
by relating the incident of a son of a drunkard publican, of 
poor mental abilities and of untrained moral nature, whom 
he had finally settled on a Canadian farm. His University- 
career had made him familiar with new opportunities for 
success which were thrown open by recent reforms. He 
therefore pushed his pupils for all they were worth to strive 
for high University attainment. His Nonconformist ancestry 
led him to watch with some interest the progress of the Schools 
of Design and the Mechanics' Institutes, which were so largely 
supported by the Nonconformists among his governors, for the 
High Church leanings of his early youth had been of short 
duration. In the reorganisation of the School he chose the 
first Art master, Mr. Evans, from the Manchester School of 
Design in 1859, and one of his Science masters, Mr. John 
Angell, from the Mechanics' Institute. The two other 
Science masters he chose from the Owens College. When 
one of the governors of St. Paul's School, London, on his 
application for the post of high master, asked him, 'Well, 
Mr. Walker, what do you do in Manchester ? ' he replied, 
* Oh, I just walk about and hear everything.' 

The method he adopted in planning a school curriculum, 
designed to meet the new educational needs of the middle 
classes and afford scope for many forms of talent, was remark- 
able. It included the throwing over of much evil school 
tradition, as well as the organisation of a time-table. 

The teaching of Modern Languages and of Science had been 
an important part of the scheme drawn up for the Manchester 
School by the Court of Chancery in 1848, but it had never 
been put into execution. At the request of the School 
Committee, Mr. Walker set himself the task of realising the 
continued but hitherto unsuccessful attempts in this direc- 
tion, as well as of assuming personal control of the unorganised 
and ineffective English School. A time-table for both schools 
was drawn up, and all the boys rearranged according to their 
mathematical attainments. He decided that Latin and 
French should be taught throughout the whole school. The 
old method of examinations of the younger boys by Uni- 
versity tutors was discontinued, and the duty relegated to 
local educationalists, though the examination of the advanced 
classes by University specialists was continued. In 1865 


Mr. Walker obtained permission to alter the date of class 
examinations from October to July, immediately before the 
midsummer examinations, so that boys could learn the results 
before leaving. ' Why don't you teach your boys the great 
English classics, Bacon and Locke and David Hume ? ' said 
a prominent merchant to him one day at dinner. Amid an 
expectant and uneasy silence, Mr. Walker slowly replied : 
' If you had read the books, you would not have asked.' 

Previously not only was the English School entirely 
separate from the Classical School, but the several masters 
in the English School were accustomed to work quite in- 
dependently of each other. Different masters taught Writing , 
Mathematics, History, and perhaps Geography and French. 
These subjects bore no relation to each other, and boys were 
sent when it was convenient to the masters, who used the 
afternoons for private coaching. The English literature 
of the English School had nothing to do with the English 
teaching given on the classical side. In the former, it was 
vague and unorganised ; in the latter, Morell's ' Analysis of 
Sentences ' was used as their text-book. The boys in both 
schools were taught some elements of English history, such 
as learning the dates of English kings and English battles. 
Roman and Greek history were quite unknown subjects, 
even on the classical side. There must have been a great 
falling off from Lawson's time, for a number of well-used and 
worn History and Geography books of his date and inscription 
are in the School library. Some of the more advanced boys on 
the classical side were encouraged privately to study a little 
English literature of their own accord, and Mr. Richard 
Thompson was in the habit of setting occasional holiday 
tasks, such as reading some gem of English literature. When 
he was satisfied with the results, he presented the boys with 
a copy of other works of the particular author which he had 
urged the boy to read. So popular and helpful was he that, 
after his decease in 1862, a number of his old pupils and 
admirers collected a sum of money which was invested, and 
provides the annual income which is still devoted to the 
purchase of books for the Thompson History prize. 

Under Mr. Walker's influence, a few boys in the upper 
part of the Grammar School had begun to take Mathematics 
and French in the English School, as these subjects were not 
taught in the old Grammar School buildings, but the lack 


of system in the curriculum was as unsatisfactory to Mr. 
Walker as the lack of unity and control was to the trustees. 
A classical master, Mr. Warburton, was therefore called from 
his own side of the School to take some of the boys of the 
English School and give them some little instruction in Latin 
Grammar, while the French master was engaged to teach 
classical boys, as well as those in the English School. Arrange- 
ments were also made which enabled Mr. Slade to change his 
English classes with the Mathematical and French masters 
at hourly intervals, instead of letting them remain with one 
master during the whole of the school period. A time-table 
had therefore to be drawn up, which was the basis of the 
subsequent division into hourly periods, and ultimately led 
in the later sixties to the complete merging of the two schools. 

The study of Mathematics had been introduced into the 
school curriculum for two widely different reasons. Firstly, 
because an aptitude for calculation and measurement was 
needed in various civil and mercantile employments such as 
book-keeping, surveying, architecture, &c. ; and secondly, 
because since the time of Descartes, Newton, and Leibnitz, it 
had been encouraged at the Universities, especially at Cam- 
bridge, as a method of exact inquiry into natural phenomena 
and the fuller elucidation of human experience. A sharp and 
illuminating controversy about its place in a liberal education 
had taken place between Whewell and Sir William Hamilton 
in 1838. 

Failure to realise the essential limitations of purely academic 
mathematical study in a community lacking general intel- 
lectual enlightenment had nearly wrecked the newly founded 
Owens College about 1855. 1 The Department of Science and 
Art, newly transferred from the Board of Trade to a Committee 
of the Privy Council on Education, offered pecuniary aid in the 
teaching of geometry, with mechanical drawing and building 
construction, in 1859, and set up examinations (South Kensing- 
ton) in 1860. It was, however, probably the offer of Whitworth 
Scholarships to the Grammar School in 1868 that first drew 
Mr. Walker's attention to the matter, for he was ever on the 
look out for Civil Service as well as for University opportunities 
for the boys. To assist them and to enable others to compete 

1 Cf. Joseph Thompson, History of the Foundation and Growth of 
Owens College. 




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for Science Scholarships, F. A. Aldis, of Trinity College, Cam- 
bridge (second Wrangler), and E. L. Balmer, of Magdalen Col- 
lege, Oxon., were invited to the School to organise a complete 
curriculum of mathematics suitable for all classes, as suggested 
by the Schools Enquiry Commission. A Mathematical and 
Physical Sixth was created, whence many boys were advanced 
in the study of engineering, mining, &c. Soon the boys were 
encouraged to enter for South Kensington Examinations in 
Mathematics and for the Oxford Local Examinations. Thus 
both applied and theoretical mathematics came to be acknow- 
ledged as educational objectives in the School. 

In 1865 Mr. Walker gave evidence before the Schools 
Enquiry Commission : * 

' Before the new 1864 Scheme, the School was largely at- 
tended by children of the small tradesmen class, and really 
consisted of two separate schools, an elementary and a 
secondary. The children belonged to a slightly less pro- 
sperous section of the tradesmen. There were many private 
schools in Manchester whose masters were industrious, ener- 
getic, and thoroughly acquainted with their work, charging 
a fee of 14 14s. to 18 18s. a year. At the Grammar 
School, there was no drilling or gymnasium, though this 
was needed. All but the very lowest were learning Greek. 
At least as many boys were rejected as were admitted.' 

In his zeal for efficiency, Mr. Walker soon seized on the 
opportunity afforded by the Oxford Local Examinations 
being held in Manchester. 2 In 1860 the Examining Board 
made Manchester one of the centres. At the first examina- 
tion, several candidates from some of the private schools 
presented themselves, but none from the Grammar School. 
As soon as he had rearranged the school curriculum Mr. 
Walker intimated that he intended that some of his boys 
should compete. Mugleston, one of the assistant masters, 
afterwards of Cheltenham School, prepared a number of 

1 Cf. Times on Manchester Grammar School, June 23, 1865, p. 10, 
column 5 ; column 9. 

* A public meeting had been held in the Mayor's parlour, Town Hall, 
March 11, 1858, to receive the reply of the Oxford delegacy in answer to a 
requisition that Manchester should be made a local centre for the examina- 
tion of candidates. The Dean of Manchester was present, E. R. Lang- 
worthy and other School trustees, representatives of the Owens College, 
and other educationalists. See Manchester Courier, March 13, 1858. 


suitable text-books in history, geography, and other subjects. 
The following table shows the educational success that re- 
sulted from this merging of the two schools and the creating of 
a proper curriculum : 









1863 . 






1864 . 






1865 . 






1866 . 






1867 . 






1868 . 


1 , 









After 1873, for some reason, the boys ceased to compete at 
the Oxford Examinations and began to compete at Cambridge 
Local Examinations instead. In connection with this a public 
prize distribution took place, June 22, 1873, when it was 
announced that six boys had passed. 1 At the examination 
held in December 1874, thirty- three passed in the Junior and 
six in the Senior division. At a public distribution and 
meeting held in the Free Trade Hall, November 27, 1875, 
Professor Max Miiller spoke on the subject of the Local Exam- 
inations. It was during this year that all the upper classes 
of the School began to be examined by the first Oxford 
and Cambridge Examiners' Board, which had been established 
in 1873. Thirty of the boys obtained certificates. 

Much credit for the high standard of classical work at this 
time in the upper part of the School must be given to Rev. 
George Perkins, an old pupil of Nicholas Germon, who had 
passed to Brasenose with a School Exhibition and later held 
a Hulme Exhibition, and had returned to his old School in 
1848 in the humble capacity of junior assistant in the Lower 
School. He was moved into the Upper School as second 
master's assistant on the death of Lorenzo Smith, and suc- 

1 Dean Cowie, Visitor of the School in the Chair. After this the 
two delegacies combined for public prize distribution. 


ceeded Richard Thompson as Second Master, a position in the 
gift of Dr. Norris, of Corpus Christi College, who, no doubt, 
acted on the advice of F. W. Walker. His ability, gentleness, 
and power proved invaluable when the School began to feel 
the effect of Walker's missionary enterprise. He resigned in 
March 1877. An appreciatory notice appeared in Ulula on 
his retirement, March 1877, and again in 1887, at his decease. 

Under the inspiring influence and the capable handling 
of Mr. Walker, whose profound and ample learning seemed 
to have no limits, helped by the conscientious scholarship of 
Mr. George Perkins, the Grammar School boys began to 
assume an entirely new attitude to learning. The first boy 
from the School to compete for and to win an open Balliol 
scholarship was Joseph Wood, who passed a distinguished 
University career, and ultimately became headmaster of 
Harrow. 1 

Of phenomenal interest is the career of Edwin Harrison, 
only son of a mechanic and mill-girl, who at the age of eighteen 
was studying Greek at the Owens College, where Walker 
held evening classes. Walker first met him when the lad 
was occupied in repairing some property. Entering into 
conversation, Walker soon detected the lad's merits, took 
him into the Grammar School at the age of nineteen, and had 
him prepared for competing for a scholarship. Harrison 
was admitted to Balliol, 1867, at the age of twenty- three, and 
became a most intimate friend of Benjamin Jowett. ' The 
best talker I have ever met,' said the Master of Balliol, who 
took him everywhere. He was introduced to A. C. Swin- 
burne, whose appreciation and admiration finds frequent 
expression in his Letters. 2 Harrison unfortunately suffered 
from some brain trouble and never enjoyed proper health. 
* One year of health, and Harrison will make his mark in 
Europe,' once said the master. Unfortunately this was not 
to be. Harrison died May 6, 1899, having left no other per- 
manent remains of his genius than the effect of his con- 
versation on his intimate friends. 

The annual Speech Day, which had been dropped since 
1848, was resumed, Saturday, October 4, 1860. Canon Clifton 
presided, R. N. Philips, R. Barbour, trustees of the School, 

1 Biographical notice, Times, November 4, 1898. 

1 Letters of A. C. Swinburne, T. Hake, and A. RicTcett, 1918; also Life 
and Letters of Benjamin Jowett, 1897 ; Manchester Guardian, May 12, 1899. 


being present, also Professor Greenwood of the Owens College ; 
Rev. Nicholas Germon alluded to some of the causes which 
had led to its discontinuance. It seems to have been held 
in the Grammar School, and not in the English School. 1 

On the following Speech Day, the chair was taken by Canon 
Richson, who, after the decease of Dean Herbert, was the 
most prominent educationalist among the Church clergy in 
Manchester, and as such was asked to preach the sermon in 
the cathedral on the occasion of the second visit to Manchester 
of the British Association on October 4, 1864. 2 The meetings 
continued to be held in the School till 1872, when they were 
first held in the Free Trade Hall. In 1876 the custom of 
inviting some distinguished visitor to speak to the boys 
reappeared, a custom associated with the prize distributions 
for the Oxford and Cambridge Examinations. Dr. James 
Eraser was the first so invited. 

I am unable to trace the origin of ' Founders' Day ' Sermon 
at the Collegiate Church, now the Manchester Cathedral. It 
was probably a very old institution and took the place of the 
* obits ' for the souls of Hugh Oldham, Anne Bestwick, and 
the other founders. The earliest exact information I have 
refers to the sermon preached in 1872 by Rev. Thomas Marsden, 
Hulsean Lecturer and an old scholar. 

An early innovation of great interest was the printing and 
publishing of the class lists, with each boy arranged in his 
proper place in form. Soon after Mr. Walker arrived, one of 
his staff showed an old Eton class list, which an old Etonian 
had picked up from a second-hand bookstall and perused with 
great interest, as it reminded him of his golden school days. 
The possibilities of thereby developing and cementing school 
life were at once apparent to Mr. Walker, and so strongly 
appealed to him that, in 1860, there began the issue of the 
Grammar School Class Lists, which, in 1870, culminated in the 
Green Book of Midsummer and the White Book of Christmas. 
The Honours Boards hung up in' the Drawing Hall, recording 
University successes, also date from 1860, and were the gift 
of E. R. Lang worthy. 

The increased national attention which had been 
given to Art subjects since the Great Exhibition of 1851, 

1 ' Saturday's Proceedings,' Manchester Courier, October 6, 1860. 

2 Speeches reported in Manchester Guardian. 


and the activity of the Society of Arts, which had instituted 
examinations in Arts in 1853, and had subsequently trans- 
ferred them to the Science and Arts Departments of the 
Committee of Education of the Privy Council, had aroused 
the interest of many educationalists and had no doubt been 
still further stimulated by the Art Treasures Exhibition 
of Manchester in 1857. Rev. Canon Richson collected a 
large number of writing and drawing books, with the intention 
of using them in the National Schools. Finding most of them 
unsatisfactory for the purpose in view, he compiled fresh copy 
books and drawing books of his own. One day he brought 
some of the drawing books before the notice of Mr. Walker, 
who, passing them on to Mr. War burton, asked him to dis- 
tribute them among the boys and to see what power in this 
direction the boys possessed. The only manual employment 
at this time consisted in the wearisome writing lessons given 
to elementary boys by the assistant English master, other- 
wise the boys were employed in learning by rote dates in Eng- 
lish history, or reciting their lessons during the din of school. 
It was, therefore, a considerable relief to the boys to have some 
change of employment. They entered keenly into the new 
subject, and showed such zest and spirit that their drawings 
were collected together by Mr. Walker and brought before 
the notice of the Governors of the School, who were willing 
for an experiment to be made on a small scale. They offered 
a small salary, which Mr. Walker and Mr. Thompson sub- 
sidised from their own pockets, and in March 1860 Mr. Evans 
from the School of Art began to attend three hours a week 
to give instruction in drawing to the boys of the Upper School. 
The work of the boys was collected and sent up to South Ken- 
sington, and prizes awarded. The experiment was so successful 
that the Governors allowed the teaching to be extended. In 
1865, John Ruskin, who for the third time was lecturing in 
Manchester and was on intimate terms with Sir Elkanah 
Armitage, C. H. Rickards, Richard Johnson, and other 
governors, visited the School and gave an address to the boys. 1 
In 1869, Mr. Zachariah Pritchard 2 was appointed Art teacher. 
In order to increase his salary he was allowed to have evening 
students, and the Drawing School of the M.G.S., both day and 

1 See collected writings of John Ruskin. 

* Obituary notice, Ulula, December 3, 1883. The Pritchard Art 
Prize founded to perpetuate his memory. 


evening classes, then became recognised by South Kensington 
as a Government Art School. It soon became, and continued 
to be for many years, one of the most notable Schools of Art 
in the North of England, and only surrendered its evening 
classes when their continuance was thought to be injurious to 
the prosperity of the Manchester School of Art in Grosvenor 
Street. A long series of awards of gold medals and certi- 
ficates attested the high attainments of the pupils, though it 
must be remembered that these were largely evening students 
and not boys actually in the School. One of the early argu- 
ments for the extended use of drawing as a school subject, 
was that, by it, boys might learn control of the finer movements 
of the hand in case they took up such handicrafts as surgery. 
This would particularly apply to the Grammar School, for 
surgery was a career which had always attracted a consider- 
able proportion of the scholars. 

The master mind of F. W. Walker can also be seen in 
the method of his introduction into the School curriculum 
of physics and chemistry subjects of which he knew and 
cared little. The teaching of physics or natural philosophy 
had long retained signs of its dual origin. On the one hand, 
there was its relationship to mathematics. This it 
derived from its University associations. On the other 
hand, there was its connection with popular educational 
movements, such as Mechanics' Institutes, which were 
endeavouring to arouse the interest and intelligence of the 
artisans and of the general public in the principles under- 
lying their commercial and industrial occupations. The one 
method of study was disciplinary, and so was readily adaptable 
to the old ideas of school training ; the other method, though 
still instructional, depended on the existence on the part of 
the pupil of a desire to understand more fully the outward 
circumstances and affairs of common daily life, a point of 
view to which few scholars or even schools had then arrived. 
The mathematical point of view included the study of the 
principles of mechanics. It was taught by two mathematical 
masters. The popular enlightenment was entrusted to Mr. 
Angell, who had been trained in the school of educational 
reform associated with such pioneers as William Ellis, Dr. 
Birkbeck, and George and Andrew Combe. It might 
well be described as Economic Realism, for it concentrated 
attention on the outward realities of daily life, especially 


those of Physiology and that part of Political Economy which 
we now call Civics. Mr. Angell has often described his method 
of teaching as Socratic. He was in the habit of taking up 
some matter of common experience, e.g. vision, sound, res- 
piration, &c., and, by means of questions, stirring the interest 
and reasoning capacities of the boys. When he had succeeded 
in eliciting some general statement or principle, he would 
illustrate this further by a practical experiment. The de- 
scriptive method of teaching science still appears to be the 
best way of teaching such subjects as Physiology, Hygiene, 
&c., where the performance of individual experiments by the 
pupil appears difficult or unsuitable. A recent attempt has 
been made to teach some portions of Hygiene by individual 
experiments on the senses, particularly those of touch, 1 but 
the method of Birkbeck, Ellis, and Coombe still appears most 
suitable for school teaching in Physiology and Civics. As 
regards the teaching of Physics, the descriptive and illustrative 
method was abandoned on the retirement of Mr. Angell in 
1882, and replaced by the experimental method organised 
under Mr. Holme. 

In 1867, i.e. two years before the appointment of Mr. 
Angell, Dr. Marshall Watts, previously lecturer at the 
Owens College, had been appointed Science Master. He 
soon found his time was fully occupied in organising the 
teaching of chemistry, and the only provision for teaching 
Natural Philosophy was that of the mathematical masters 
preparing boys for University examinations. Consequently 
Mr. Angell had been appointed to undertake the teaching of 
Physics. Dr. Watts left the School in 1872 to become 
Science Master at Giggleswick. He was succeeded by Mr. 
Francis Jones, who after forty-seven years' service, during 
which many boys have passed through his hands to occupy 
various posts of distinction and usefulness, still remains at 
the head of the department. He had studied at Edinburgh 
and Heidelberg Universities. He brought to the School the 
exact disciplinary method of teaching science by each indi- 
vidual pupil performing his own experiments, which was 
common in Germany but hitherto only adopted in England 
at the Owens College, Manchester, and the School of Mines, 
London. The text-book of practical chemistry which he drew 

1 The Gateways of Knowledge, T. A. Dell, 1912. Many other mental 
tests could be tried in class. 


up in 1870, and which embodies his method of teaching, has 
proved the standard book for nearly two generations, and 
has directed the footsteps of many youthful scientists in the 
pathways of exactitude by following which signal success 
in science can alone be achieved. In 1874, several classes 
were grouped together so as to form a c Science School ' 
which should be under the control and direction of Govern- 
ment inspectors. 1 In the same year four Science and Art 
Scholarships were offered by the Committee of the Privy 
Council for boys in the School. 

Mr. Walker was a great administrator as well as a great 
teacher, and as such was ever on the look out to further the 
interests of the masters as well as the boys. 

The Science and Art Departments, which had been formed 
by the Board of Trade at the instigation of the Prince Consort, 
had been transferred to the Privy Council in 1858, though 
still constituting a department separate from that which dealt 
with Elementary Education. This duality remained till the 
formation of the Board of Education in 1899. In 1861 the 
Science and Art Department began to hold public examina- 
tions for students, and to make grants to the teachers and 
award prizes to the scholars. As these examinations grew in 
number and importance, and as the School became better 
organised, Mr. Walker took advantage of them, not only to 
encourage the special science teachers to present boys for 
physics and chemistry, but to encourage other masters to hold 
voluntary tutorial classes to prepare boys for other subjects. 
Thus Mr. C. F. Bourne started classes in biology, and, pur- 
chasing a microscope, became a keen naturalist and thus 
sowed the seeds of the School Natural History Society. 
Another master took up the study of geology and procured a 
collection of geological specimens ; but, either from imperfect 
preparation or confusion of mind, he allowed the different 
specimens to be mixed up by some mischievous pupil, and 
thereby suffered such humiliation that the class was abruptly 

In December 1872, when Mr. Walker was in need of a new 
mathematical master, he received some 247 applications. 
From these he chose Mr. Start, who, in addition to his other 
qualifications, was able to teach book-keeping, shorthand, and 

1 Ulula, 1874, p. 59. 


the mechanism and use of the steam-engine as extra out- 
of -school subjects, from which boys might compete at the 
Science and Art examinations. The steam-engine Saturday 
morning class was designed for boys intending to become 
engineers and was not discontinued till 1900, when Mr. Start 
retired from active work. 

When the science classes at the School, which included 
for this purpose the mathematical classes, became an 
* organised Science School ' under the department at South 
Kensington, all the teaching, apart from that of boys 
preparing for University Scholarships, had for its 
natural objective the passing of the South Kensington 

The organisation of science teaching at the* School proved 
very successful. On Speech Day, 1874, Mr. Walker 
announced that 960 certificates and 320 prizes had been 
awarded as the result of the South Kensington examinations. 
On March 23, 1875, Col. Belfield, the official inspector of the 
Science and Art Department of South Kensington, met the 
trustees of the School and discussed the whole bearing of 
the Science and Art teaching then taking place at the School, 
more particularly as the Drawing Hall had been opened as 
an evening school in 1872 to qualify it for special grant. 
The educational value of these examinations has been severely 
discounted, but if we are to estimate them properly, the time 
at which they were instituted, and the prevailing attitude of 
the public towards education, should be taken into account. 
If their value as criteria of advanced mental discipline was 
small, the same could not be said of their value for mental 
enlightenment, and there can be no doubt that they were the 
cause of a general humanising of the curriculum in many 
schools. They prepared the way for the more exact methods 
that naturally followed when boys were better prepared to 
receive scientific training during their school life. In looking 
through the lists of medals and certificates gained from 1874 
onwards, one is struck with the appearance in the Honours 
List of the names of many boys who subsequently became 
recognised science workers in various parts of the world, and 
who probably owed the early recognition of their particular 
talents to the Science and Art examinations. 

The estimation in which Mr. Walker was already held by 
the educational world is indicated by the fact that in 1865 


he was summoned to give evidence before the Schools Enquiry 
Commission. 1 

In the report of the Commissioners it is stated : 

* The success of the School both in the Oxford Local 
Examinations and in obtaining Honours at the Universities 
deserves special mention. In three years, 87 juniors and 29 
seniors passed at the Local Examinations, making an average 
of 29 juniors and nearly 10 seniors. In May 1867 there were 
39 undergraduates at Oxford and Cambridge, and of this 
the extraordinary proportion of 20 were holding open scholar- 
ships or exhibitions. As much as this cannot be said of 
any other school in England, and it is all the more remark- 
able because this School is purely a Day School. This success 
must be partly attributed to the ability and exertion of the 
Head Master, but partly also to the system of admission 
which fills the School with the boys who are best able to 
profit by the teaching.' 

In an article appearing in the London Times, January 3, 
1868, the following appears : 

' The Manchester Free School has during the past seven 
years sent up 70 boys to the Universities. The great majority 
of these have gained open or other scholarships. The School 
has offered a most extended course of instruction to those 
who are able to engage in commercial pursuits, and its 
immense success in passing boys at the University Local 
Examinations is a proof of this.' 

During the time of Jeremiah Smith, a very strong 
class division between the well-to-do boarders and the 
majority of the day scholars had grown up, owing to 
the fact that the sons of well-to-do Manchester merchants 
were generally sent to boarding-schools away from the town, 
and even the sons of the less prosperous trading classes, who 
possessed clear ideas of the proper subjects and character of 
school education, attended the more modern day schools, 
unless they were prepared for a University career or other- 
wise needed training in classics. This left in the School a 
large residue of aimless boys content to accept the methods 
and opinions of the classes above them without any inquiry 
into their utility. This was hardly the kind of boy who 
would impress a school with new democratic ideas. 

1 See also above, p. 331. 


The English eighteenth century middle-class home had 
never made any attempt to organise the upbringing of any 
but very young children. Owing to the superior advantages 
the boarders possessed from living in the houses of the masters, 
and from the definiteness of their aims, they monopolised the 
School Exhibitions and Brasenose Scholarships. The rare 
exceptions when day boys received such awards were loudly 
trumpeted forth to support the claim that the School was 
really very democratic in its policy, but the rarity of these 
occasions was itself condemnatory of the value of the system 
in remedying the social injustice of poverty. The occasions 
on which wealthy boarders received pecuniary assistance 
were too frequent to arouse comment. On the opening 
of the English School, however, a new form of caste spirit had 
appeared, which became more intense as the boarders became 
less numerous, so that the old social distinctions were less 
marked. The boys in the Classical School now regarded 
themselves as of superior intellectual and therefore superior 
social merit. ' The great majority of the boys are, and always 
have been, the sons of persons in the middle ranks of life, 
well-to-do tradesmen, upper clerks, clergymen, lawyers, 
&c.' * Intellectual snobbery had taken the place of social 

There were always two or three times as many applicants 
for admission both to the Classical and English Schools as there 
were vacancies, and consequently many boys who were capable 
of benefiting by a stay of several years at a good school were 
kept back at an early age, and were deterred from seeking 
admission later by a knowledge of the comparative useless- 
ness of a short stay. Boys from neighbouring districts 
who particularly desired a classical training were frequently 
sent to lodge in Manchester, and so to qualify for admission 
to the classical department. Some of these would stay 
till they reached the upper classes, but they constituted a 
minority, for the majority left school at an early age. The 
upper classes of the School had become therefore very small 
indeed. During the early part of Mr. Walker's time the 
number of applicants who had to be refused each year 
amounted to 150. The age of admission tended to rise steadily 
from 10 or 11 to 12 and even 13, and, what was equally 

1 Statement of trustees in favour of proposed charge of capitation fee. 


disadvantageous to school benefits was that the age of leaving 
continued to be 14 or 15 as before, so that the period over 
which traditions of study or intellectual purpose could act 
remained too brief to be of permanent value. This disad- 
vantage was increased by the lack of discipline due to the 
large number of boys who were placed under the care of a 
single master. The problem of efficient teaching under these 
circumstances was very difficult. Much of the teaching in 
the English School was reduced to learning by rote from 
books of questions and answers, which enabled the master 
to keep some outward show of order, but the babel of 
voices of other classes and masters in the same room soon 
rendered lessons in reading aloud impossible. Consequently 
the major part of the time was occupied in ineffective prepara- 
tion and time to test acquirements was necessarily limited. 
It therefore excites little surprise that the imperfection of the 
teaching in the English School was frequently pointed out 
by the University examiners in their annual visitations. 
Such inefficiency was extremely distasteful to men of any 
high ideas. This, combined with the inadequacy of the 
salaries which could be paid out of school funds to all except 
the high and the second master, caused frequent changes in 
the teaching staff, and the retention only of such as were of 
limited attainments or efficiency, or who could supplement 
their stipends by holding incumbencies or performing other 
duties. The constant recurrence of proofs of inefficiency and 
of failure again forced the governors to take action. On 
October 9, 1862, it was resolved that : 

' Sir E. Armitage, Mr. Oliver Heywood, Mr. Philips, Mr. 
Barbour, and Mr. Langworthy be appointed a committee 
to consider and report upon the desirability or otherwise 
of an application being made to the Charity Commissioners 
in order to obtain their sanction to the establishment of a 
capitation fee to be hereafter paid by the boys attending 
the School, and under what regulations such fees should be 
paid and applied, and that the Headmaster be respectfully 
requested to attend the meeting of such committee and to 
afford to the members the advantages of his knowledge 
and experience.' 

They conferred with Mr. Patrick Cummin, Inspector of the 
Endowed Schools Commissioners, and Mr. Hare of the Charity 




Commission, while the incidental talk which Rickards had with 
the Charity Commissioners in 1849, and the report of the 
deputation to Dr. Norris of Corpus Christi College in 1856, were 
recalled. Finally, in April 1863, the trustees decided to make 
application to the Charity Commissioners, who had been 
appointed under the Charitable Trusts Act of 1860 to deal 
with such matters, to be allowed to charge 1 Is. a quarter 
to all boys, with the exception of fifty free scholars. They 
were advised that this course would be less expensive than an 
application to the Court of Chancery, which could only grant 
an order against which any opponents might appeal. 1 

As soon as the application was announced, a meeting of 
old scholars, who were not in sympathy with the new spirit 
of progress at the School, was summoned. Messrs. Leresche, 
Sowler, John Clough (surgeon), Walmsley, Adam Fox, 
T. H. Guest, and Samuel Cottam met and conferred with 
the trustees, May 16, 1863, and when they failed to secure 
their object they drew up a memorial to the Charity Com- 
missioners. They claimed that the existing funds were quite 
adequate for the work to be accomplished, since 1713 had 
been saved in ten years to pay off past loans. They urged 
that a capitation fee even of 1 Is. a quarter would affect 
not only the poorer parents, but also the clergy, professional 
classes, tradesmen and many widows, who sent their sons to 
the School. Large numbers of the local inhabitants who were 
very imperfectly acquainted with the difficulties of the 
management, signed the memorial, though, in many cases, 
their own children had been excluded on account of lack of 
space. The list of signatories was a long one, and contained 
the names of some boys actually in the School. Signatures 
were also probably obtained by past members of the teaching 
staff who were strongly opposed to Mr. Walker. In June 
1863, the matter was brought up in the Town Council. 
Alderman Goadsby moved that the Council memorialise the 
Charity Commissioners against the proposed capitation fees. 
The Council subsequently referred the matter to its Charitable 
Trusts Committee. 

1 The School was still encumbered by its mixture of a preparatory 
branch and a grammar school proper. In the first draft scheme the trustees 
proposed one -eighth of the free scholars to be between five and eight, four- 
eighths between eight and ten, two-eighths between ten and fourteen and 
one-eighth over fourteen. 


A counter-requisition was prepared by those favourable 
to the scheme, and a request made for calling a public town's 
meeting. This meeting was held October 15, 1863. The 
majority present declared themselves adverse to the policy 
of the trustees, who were further embarrassed by the news 
that Mr. Walker had decided to apply for the headmastership 
of Charterhouse. While they could not help expressing 
their regret on behalf of the School, they felt that he deserved 
to occupy a much more extended sphere of power and of use- 
fulness, and that it was unlikely they could offer him sufficient 
inducement to remain. Fortunately for the town, however, 
Mr. Walker did not leave at this time. 

On March 28, 1864, the Charitable Trusts Committee 
of the Town Council, who had delayed their report in the 
hope of securing agreement between the two parties, made 
their full statement. They suggested a compromise by 
which the money of the Foundation should be reserved to 
support as many free scholars as were at present in the School, 
viz. 250, but that power should be sought by which the 
trustees could undertake the instruction of a further number 
of capitation scholars at a charge of 12 125. per annum. 
Unfortunately, so much personal and political animus, directed 
particularly against Mr. Walker, had now been imparted to 
the matter that agreement was impossible. The Town 
Council refused their support to the suggestion of their own 
Committee, though they do not appear to have taken further 
action. On October 30, 1864, the trustees made an applica- 
tion, amended in accordance with the new suggestions, to 
the Charity Commissioners. 

Another public meeting was held, January 25, 1865, at 
which Dr. John Watts proposed and Mr. W. R. Callender 1 
seconded a resolution to support the application of the 
trustees. Mr. Samuel Cottam and his supporters made 
strenuous efforts to oppose, but the principal motion in 
favour of the scheme was carried. The public controversy 
was continued in the newspapers, and though a good deal 
of bitterness still remained, the public were becoming 
enlightened, and the School was advertised in a very 
extraordinary manner. Three of the trustees, Thomas 
Hunter, Thomas Armstrong, and J. C. Harter, junior, resigned. 

1 Hon. Secretary to the Athenaeum, who died June 7, 1872. 


W. B. Watkins had died July 1864. Four new feoffees, James 
Chadwick, Murray Gladstone, Richard Johnson, John Morley, 
were elected, more determined than ever, if possible, to secure 
the refoundation of the School. On January 11,1 865, applica- 
tion was made to Vice-Chancellor Wood. On February 15, 
1865, a new scheme was presented by the trustees. In 
November 1865, the Vice-Chancellor delivered judgment. 
This was passed by Order in Chancery, December 11, 1865. 
The change of Ministry, which occurred in 1866, encouraged 
the opposition to make a further appeal in the House of Lords, 
April 27, 1867. Finally, the Lord Justices of Appeal suggested 
some minor modifications, and, in addition, decreed that the 
funds requisite for the erection of any additional room needed 
for the accommodation of the proposed 150 fee-paying boys, 
and for the payment of the additional masters required, must 
not come out of the funds of the trusts, but must be publicly 
subscribed. This had always been the intention of the 
trustees, for they were as willing to support their public 
action with their purse as with their time. 

On the receipt of this decree, public notices were issued 
in the three Manchester newspapers, announcing twenty- 
five vacancies for free scholars and the new provision for 
the admission of paying scholars. There were one hundred 
and nine applications for the vacancies. Each candidate 
was required to name three references and afford informa- 
tion as to pecuniary circumstances. Sir Elkanah Armitage, 
Mr. Langworthy, and Mr. Callender attended at the School 
to elect the scholars for admission. 

The next matter was the provision of funds for the new 
buildings required. 

On April 8, 1868, Mr. Langworthy offered the trustees 
a suitable site in Long Millgate, valued at 1000, which he 
had bought to be in readiness for the extension of the School, 
together with 4000 towards the building expenses. This 
was gratefully accepted, and the other trustees present sub- 
scribed a further 3600. The high master was requested, 
November 17, 1869, to confer with Mr. H. J. Roby, then 
Secretary of the Endowed Schools Commissioners, with re- 
gard to making further desirable changes in the teaching 
curriculum, so that the School might be conducted on the 
most up-to-date methods. 

Plans of buildings,? which included a central hall (now 


the Drawing Hall) and class-rooms above, were soon drawn 
up and decided upon. It was at first intended to make an 
immediate public appeal for further funds, but the issue of 
this appeal was delayed owing to anxieties about trade. 
Mr. Langworthy was, however, so determined the scheme 
should go through that he subscribed another 5000. A public 
meeting was thereupon called for May 10, 1870, in aid of the 
Building Fund ; Dr. James Fraser, the newly appointed 
Bishop of the Manchester Diocese, took the chair. 

To provide immediate accommodation for the influx of 
boys which resulted from the adoption of the new scheme, 
temporary arrangements for extra class-rooms were made 
by taking buildings at the corner of Cannon Street and Cor- 
poration Street, at a rent of 100. Other temporary school- 
rooms were erected between the English School and the 
schoolmaster's house (now the Cathedral Hotel). These 
were planned so that they could be utilised subsequently 
as stock-rooms by the tenant of the hotel a purpose to 
which they are still devoted. 1 

The new buildings were ready for occupation in 1871. 
They not only provided accommodation for 500 boys, and 
gave ample opportunity for the remarkable development of 
the Art teaching which now took place under Mr. Pritchard, 
but they also increased the efficiency of teaching by enabling 
the classical and mathematical classes to be held in separate 
class-rooms, instead of several of them being crowded together 
into large single rooms. The new class-rooms had the further 
advantage that they set free the old 1776 building. This 
was now fitted up as a chemical laboratory by Dr. Marshall 
Watts. Rooms were found for Mr. Angell in the English 
School. Mr. Pritchard had at length the satisfaction of 
seeing the teaching of drawing extended to all but the highest 
forms in the School. In 1872 he was allowed to establish 
evening classes for drawing, and their complete success was 
shown by the large number of his pupils who distinguished 
themselves in the examinations of the Science and Art 

The opening of the 1870 buildings was celebrated by a 
banquet at the Town Hall on October 25, 1871, at which 
the then Prime Minister, the Earl of Derby, presided. 2 In the 

1 Of. Murray Gladstone, Speech Day, 1870. 
a Manchester Guardian, October 1871. 


course of his speech, he mentioned that out of the total cost of 
28,000, one single donor, E. R. Langworthy, had contributed 
10,000. Dr. Benjamin Jowett, of Balliol College, Oxford, was 
a guest, and spoke in the highest terms of all that Mr. Walker 
had done for the School. He showed, however, a curious lack of 
knowledge that the School had any important history previous 
to the coming of Mr. Walker, a lack of knowledge the less 
harmful because the Chetham Society had already under- 
taken to publish the School registers of 1730 to 1837, with the 
valuable biographical notes collected by Mr. Finch Smith. 
Another speaker at the banquet was Harrison Ainsworth, 
the novelist, who had been educated at the School. He 
was singularly qualified to speak of the many illustrious men 
who had benefited by their education there, since he himself 
owed to the School much of his antiquarian tastes, and 
incorporated in his famous historical novels much of the 
material he had acquired when studying in the Chetham 

In 1861 a number of gentlemen who felt an interest in the 
Manchester Grammar School, and also in the Owens College, 
and who were desirous that some bond of union between the 
two should be established, had undertaken to collect by sub- 
scription an amount sufficient to found one or more exhibitions 
which should enable boys from the Grammar School to continue 
their studies at the Owens College free of any expense on 
account of college fees. The sum of 1060 having been 
subscribed, three exhibitions were accordingly founded. 
These exhibitions, under the title ' The Manchester Grammar 
School Exhibitions,' were to be awarded, one in each year, 
on the nomination of the Principal of Owens College, the 
high master of the Grammar School, and the Recorder of 
Manchester, or any two of them, and were each tenable for 
three years. The first of these scholarships was awarded 
in 1861, and for a considerable number of years the holders 
used them to obtain University training in order to compete 
for London University degrees. With the amalgamation 
between the Manchester Medical School and the Owens College, 
which occurred at the opening of the new buildings in Oxford 
Road in 1870, the direct influence of London University on 
the Manchester Grammar School became for a time very 
marked. The natural approach to the higher ranks of the 
medical profession was now through a preliminary training 


in science, and was no longer dependent upon a literary 
training at Oxford or Cambridge, and, in spite of great tempta- 
tions to popularise it, a high standard of instruction in science 
was maintained by the professors in the Owens College, and 
the equally high standard of efficiency demanded by the 
London University, even for a pass degree, at once called forth 
strenuous effort from some very able scholars, to whom 
Oxford and Cambridge Universities offered little attraction. 

As soon as the Civil Service appointments were thrown 
open for competition, Mr. Walker began to encourage his 
boys to compete. It was resolved by the Governors (April 
1869) that the Chairman write to Mr. Bailey, M.P., requesting 
him to use his influence in the proper quarter to obtain 
permission for boys in this School to compete for clerk- 
ships in Government offices and to place nominations in 
the hands of the trustees. The Civil Service Form at Man- 
chester Grammar School was created in 1869. Boys were 
encouraged to take special classes at the Owens College, 
in the case of subjects such as geology, mining, and engineer- 
ing. An illustration of this occurred in the career of 
Edw. Crabb, C.B. Being too old to prepare for a University 
career, he began to study at the School, and subsequently 
at the Owens College, with a view to training in mining 
engineering. He showed such ability that he was induced 
by Walker to enter the Post Office, where he attained a high 
position. He was present at the dinner of the London Old 
Mancunians Association with other prominent Civil Servants 
of the Crown. He died December 16, 1914. Whitworth 
Exhibitions of 25 were offered in 1868 to youths under 
twenty-two years of age to enable them to prepare for the 
more valuable Whitworth Scholarships of 100 a year. Eight 
were tenable at the Owens College, two at the Manchester 
Grammar School, three at each of the Universities of Oxford, 
Cambridge, and London, and one each at thirty-five other 
educational institutions throughout the country. 

Plenty of able, keen, and ambitious boys were at 
this time entering the School, and another direction in which 
the master mind of Mr. Walker found expression was in pro- 
curing such financial assistance as would induce clever boys 
of limited means to remain at school after the usual wage- 
earning age of fourteen. Walker was well able to secure that, 
for to him was entrusted the duty of examining the candidates 


for admission, choosing from them those whom he regarded 
as the most suitable, and recommending them to the Governors 
for the vacancies as they occurred. How wisely he used 
this power is indicated by the subsequent careers of many 
of the boys chosen. Regard was generally paid to family 
circumstances, and special comment was often made on 
deserving cases. Such free schooling, however, was not 
enough. Business prosperity constantly caused employers 
of clerks and warehousemen to offer tempting situations to 
bright boys of fourteen years of age, consequently even when 
family resources did not necessitate the withdrawal of boys 
from school at this age, the force of social tradition led the 
majority of parents to consider further schooling after fourteen 
as unnecessary, while, where family resources were limited, 
as was so often the case, and early departure from school was 
unavoidable, some pecuniary assistance to the poorest boys, 
and some counter-attraction to others on the border-line of 
need, had therefore to be found. One of the earliest methods 
of help consisted in employing senior boys to help the 
masters in the correction of exercises, or other paid clerical 
work. A striking instance of the value of this has been 
publicly narrated by one of the scholars who has recently 
received the recognition of knighthood l for public services 
at the hands of the Crown, and who, at one of the old 
boys' annual dinners, described his early struggles. Lazarus 
Fletcher entered the school at the age of eleven as a foundation 
scholar from the elementary school attached to St. Mark's 
Church, Hulme. He proceeded through the School to the 
Classical VI, when family circumstances rendered it necessary 
for him to commence earning at once. Mr. Walker was 
consulted, and gave the boy paid clerical work, which 
enabled him to remain. As quick progress towards earning 
was necessary, Walker encouraged his study of science, 
and the boy was brave enough to endure temporary degrada- 
tion to a lower form on the science side and the loss of certain 
school privileges. 2 He soon exhibited his powers in the 

1 January 4, 1916. 

2 In 1874 the high master sanctioned a plan by which all scholars who 
obtained scholarships at Oxford and Cambridge, or who obtained the 
certificates granted by the O. and C. Schools Examining body, should wear 
a commoner's gown while at school. Fortunately this does not appear 
to have been acted up to, for it indicated a separation between Sixth 
Form and other boys. 


new direction and was made paid part-time helper in the 
chemical laboratory, the rest of the time working hard at 
mathematics.' He earned one small scholarship at the School, 
and soon after earned an exhibition at Balliol. His subse- 
quent success fully justified the early efforts put forth on 
his behalf. He was elected member of the Council of the 
Royal Society, 1910 ; Hon. Fellow of University College, Oxon, 
1911 ; Wollaston Medal of the Geological Society, 1912. 1 The 
career of Lord Sumner, though less dramatic, was also in- 
teresting. He entered the School as A. J. Hamilton in 1870 
with a foundation scholarship, and soon distinguished himself 
by winning prizes and exhibitions, including the Lawson Gold 
Medal. He went up to Balliol College, Oxon, passing first class 
in the Classical Schools, 1881-2 ; and was president of the 
'Oxford Union. He was called to the Bar 1883, and joined the 
Northern Circuit. In 1901 he was made K.C. He was 
appointed Judge of King's Bench Division of the High Court 
of Justice 1909, and Lord Justice of Appeal 1912 ; received 
the title Baron Sumner, Oct. 20, 1913. 

Casual and perhaps uncertain and insufficient support was 
not enough for Mr. Walker. He induced his merchant friends 
to found scholarships and bursaries tenable at the School. 
The kind of argument Walker used in persuading his wealthy 
governors to assist him may be illustrated by a story which 
one of them, Mr. C. F. Beyer, was not unwilling to relate. 
Mr. Beyer was at the time in actual conflict with his own 
employees. In the course of the discussion, Mr. Walker 
pulled a sovereign out of his pocket, and placing it in front of 
his opponent's eyes so as to block the line of vision, exclaimed, 
' That's what prevents you seeing the position of the men.' 
So thoroughly did Mr. Beyer appreciate the force of the 
argument that, in addition to the large sum he gave to the 
Owens College, he left 10,000 for the Grammar School, 
and his thoughtfulness is commemorated in the name given 
to the chemical laboratory. 

The School Exhibitions, originally awarded out of surplus 
school funds to boys leaving for the University, which had 
been part of the original foundation, had long been seriously 
curtailed before Mr. Walker came to the School. One had 
been given in 1859, two in 1860 to James Marshall and W. H. 

1 Of. Manchester City News, Jan. 11, 1896, and Ulula, November 1911. 


Keeling, and two in 1861 to W. J. Birch and Millington ; 
after this they seem to have been stopped altogether. 
This naturally by no means satisfied the impetuous fervour 
of Mr. Walker, who not only seemed to possess an unerring 
eye for a scholar, but cared for his love of learning above 
all social qualifications. A mother who came to him for 
information as to the class of boys who frequented the School, 
received the following answer, * Madam, so long as your son 
behaves properly and the fees are paid, we shall ask no 
embarrassing questions about your social status.' 

Walker now set about getting help to send boys to the 

The Manchester merchants at this time were flushed 
with their success in obtaining a repeal of the obnoxious 
Corn Laws. While demanding opportunity for their own in- 
dividual advancement in wealth and social position as the 
result of energy and enterprise, they willingly made generous 
provision for the advancement of the less socially fortunate 
of the lower middle and artisan classes on the same terms. 
The general diffusion of benevolence which supported this 
was in part due to the continued spread of evangelical 
Christianity which had now thoroughly permeated Church- 
men and Nonconformists of all shades of opinion alike. Its 
direction was guided by the great Lancashire sanitarians 
and educationalists, J. Phillips Kay-Shuttleworth and Edwin 
Chadwick, who were now directing the course of Parliamentary 
reform. Walker was surrounded by this influence, for his 
father-in-law, Richard Johnson, was a prominent member 
of Dr. Maclaren's congregation. 

In 1869, in recognition of the public services of Mr. C. H. 
Rickards, governor of the School, a number of his friends and 
well-wishers presented him with a sum of 1100. He there- 
upon wrote to his co-trustees at the School and requested 
that the sum should be invested to found a scholarship in 
classics, tenable either at Oxford or Cambridge. The first 
Rickards scholarship was given to J. R. Broadhurst, 1 who has 
so long and so worthily served his old School and trained 
generations of scholars. 

In 1870 Miss Brackenbury transferred 4000, subse- 
quently increased by 2600, L. & Y. Railway stock, to 
found scholarships and exhibitions tenable at Oxford. 
1 Died July 21, 1919. 


Four scholarships, of which two are of the value of 20. 
and two of 7, were founded to encourage the study of the 
English language and literature. They are available for 
boys under seventeen, and are tenable for two years, of which 
one must be passed at the School, and the second may be 
passed either at the School or at some other approved place. 
An exhibition was also awarded by the Early English Text 
Society. In 1872, 10,000 was left, free of legacy duty, by 
E. R. Lang worthy to found twenty scholarships to enable 
clever boys to remain at school over the age of fifteen. Six 
were to be awarded for boys under seventeen, seven for 
boys under eighteen, seven for boys under nineteen ; their 
value was 20 a year. None but the successive high masters 
of the School can fully realise what these have meant to 
striving boys ' of pregnant wits ' for whom Hugh Oldham 
originally founded the School, many of whom are now occupy- 
ing high positions in Church and State, who otherwise could 
never have found proper opportunity for the development 
of their talents. In 1874 the Philip Wright Scholarships 
were founded out of funds left in the hands of the executors 
of George Thorley. 

On October 14, 1874, Mr. Richard Johnson, as Chairman, 
suggested as a matter for consideration at a future meeting 
whether it would not be advisable to offer, after a suitable 
examination, a free education in the School for three or four 
years to two or three of the best scholars from some of the 
elementary schools in Manchester, and to offer in addition 
an annual grant of 10 as an inducement to their remaining 
in the School. He intimated that he would be prepared to 
provide such allowances out of his own private funds. Some- 
thing on these lines must have been attempted, for the School 
Receiver was instructed (November 30, 1874) to obtain from 
the clerk of the Manchester and Salford School Boards a list 
of the public elementary schools recognised by them, and 
the names of the principal teachers. The establishment 
of the first scholarships to enable boys of the elementary 
schools to continue their education elsewhere, by private 
subscription of members and friends of the Manchester School 
Board, followed in 1876, the first three School Board scholars 
to enter the Grammar School under these provisions being 
J. Bewsher, Percy Morton, and A. J. Sutton, all of whom 
subsequently took distinguished positions at the University. 


Between 1874 and 1878 twenty-seven scholarships were 
founded at the School (Speech Day, 1898). 

The last of the private ' University Examiners' reports,' 
which had been begun in 1840, was -made in 1872, when 
R. B. Somerset thus expressed himself : 

' I may perhaps be permitted to congratulate the trustees 
on the evidence given by my personal examination that the 
great extension in the course of studies in the School which 
has been effected since my first visit as classical examiner 
1861 has not been purchased by the sacrifice of the older studies 
by which the School has so long maintained its great repu- 
tation, and by which so many of the scholars have of late 
years gained high honour and promotion in the University 
and elsewhere.' 

After 1873, these examinations by private individuals 
were discontinued in favour of examination by the Oxford 
and Cambridge Universities Examination Board, whose first 
report was received in October 1874. 

Although the efforts of Mr. Walker were all primarily 
directed towards securing the personal advancement of his 
pupils in whatever walk of life seemed to offer success for 
great as was his ambition, it was always an ambition for 
others rather than for himself yet the effect of these efforts 
was by no means confined to the boys themselves, but 
extended to the whole intellectual life of Manchester. The 
mere fact of the aggregation of many keen purposeful scholars 
caused many instincts and capacities to seek expression, 
many questions to come under discussion, many ideals to 
receive criticism, analysis; and purification, which could never 
have happened if the social exclusiveness and self-sufficiency 
of the past had remained. For social exclusiveness is largely 
fed upon ignorance and misunderstanding, and when different 
classes are brought into social intercourse, much of their 
antagonism and discontent disappears and their energies 
become united in a common aim. A sleepy school, or a sleepy 
community, is full of cliques and castes ; an active busy school 
may be full of diverse and even opposing activities, emula- 
tion is rife, but antagonism has no time to crystallise into 
permanent prejudices. 

Although endowed with an indomitable will and inde- 
fatigable in his efforts, there was another and tenderer side 



which Mr. Walker showed only to a few. Soon after coming 
to Manchester he had become a privileged guest at the 
home of one of the governors, Mr. Richard Johnson, an 
active worker and deacon at the Union Chapel, Oxford Road. 
Always courteous and gentle to womanhood unless aroused 
by bigotry, he became attached to one of the daughters, and 
was married at the Cathedral Church in 1867. His married 
life, however, was a very brief one, for Mrs. Walker died after 
a very short illness in 1869, leaving an only son. The blow 
was a heavy one, but the only reference to it that I have come 
across is a single remark he made on returning to the School : 
* I have never preached morality to you, but I urge you to 
remember that there are many things which we regret when 
it is too late. Never do or say anything of which the 
recollection may cause you sorrow.' As a memorial to his 
wife he presented a handsome pulpit to the newly erected 
church, of which others of her family were members. On 
the pulpit is the following inscription : 


Scholae Mancuniensis Archididascalos 

In Memoriam 

dilectissimae conjugis Mariae 
quae tenera adhuc aetatula 
in societatem hujus Ecclesiae recepta 

studio et caritate 
candore animi morum innocentia 
usque ad extremum spiritum comprobavit 
quanto esset momento ad omnem virtutem 
religio vere Christiana. 

The inspiring influence that Mr. Walker exerted on many of 
the boys of the upper classes of the School was also shown by 
their varied out-of -school activities. As early as 1860 he was 
concerned with Mr. Rickards in procuring the use of a cricket 
field. A gymnasium instructor was first appointed in 1868. 
From 1873, we have a continuous record of the School activities 
in the pages of the School magazine Ulula. There had 
been two short-lived predecessors. The first appeared 1839- 
1840 and was called The New Microcosm ; the other appeared 
in 1845, and was called The Grammar School Miscellany. 


Neither contained school news or revealed any corporate 
activity, but both consisted of essays, poems, and an 
occasional letter descriptive of travel. In Ulula, on the 
other hand, we read of the attempts at the formation of foot- 
ball and cricket clubs, of a swimming and rowing club, of 
a musical society, together with general discussions on such 
contemporary questions as City v. Country School Life, the 
Danger of School becoming a mere Workshop of Knowledge, 
the Need for a Gymnasium, &c., the latter being strongly 
supported by an Oxford Committee, who had seen the work 
of Alexander Maclaren. A sum of 104 was collected in July 

1874 for erection and equipment of a gymnasium at the 
School. Throughout all, there shines the vigorous personality 
of the high master. ' The chief requisite for success is a 
determined will, without which genius itself is powerless, 
but, armed with which, the dullest boy may achieve success,' 
was his message to the boys on Speech Day, 1873. What 
wonder that when twitted on his small stature but resonant 
voice, he replied, ' What I lack in inches I must make up 
for in sound ' ; or, when presented with an unexpectedly 
large bill for chemical apparatus, he humorously replied : 
' Science is very expensive ; I believe in Latin grammar 
and the cane. They are cheap and efficient.' 

On Speech Day, 1873, it was reported that the numbers 
in the School were over 500. In 1874 they rose to 570 ' in 

1875 to 700 ; in 1876 to 750. Still the reformer was not 
satisfied. He had put his whole soul into a new branch of 
social progress, viz., Education. 

' The School Boards of Manchester and Salford were deal- 
ing with the difficulties of Elementary Education with energy 
and success. Secondary Education was not making a com- 
mensurate advance. Instead of one Grammar School, there 
ought to be in this city and environment, four or five, as 
large and important as their own. That had been the waking 
dream of his life for the past ten years. He cherished the 
hope that he had in some degree been preparing the way 
for its accomplishment, and he trusted that Manchester 
energy and Manchester munificence would one day convert 
the dream into reality.' 

Meanwhile the financial difficulties were increasing as well 
as the size of the School. The high standard of teaching 


demanded an expensive equipment. This was generously 
provided, but the balance-sheet gave new cause for anxiety. 
The year 1869 was the only one when income met expenditure. 

A meeting of the trustees was held at which Mr. Fearon, 
one of the Endowed Schools Commissioners, attended to 
explain the views of the Commissioners and to confer with 
the trustees as to the best method of remedying the difficulty 
in which the trustees were placed by deficiency of funds. This 
difficulty, Mr. Fearon stated, the Charity Commissioners were 
anxious to overcome so far as practicable. They considered 
it must be done either by increasing the endowment of the 
School or by diminishing the number of free scholars, or by 
a combination of both. The Commissioners had before them 
two important claims in Manchester besides the Grammar 
School, viz., those of the lower middle classes and the educa- 
tion of girls. Mr. Fearon further stated that the Charity 
Commissioners desired to have only one governing body for 
the three trusts of William Hulme, Humphrey Chetham, and 
the Manchester Grammar School. Failing the union of the 
three, thereby making adequate provision for the higher educa- 
tion of the district, the Charity Commissioners wished to amal- 
gamate the Chetham Hospital and the Grammar School trusts. 
This suggestion the Chetham feoffees refused to entertain. 
A discussion took place as to the claims of other lower middle 
class schools, already existing in various parts of the town. 
Mr. Fearon then said that the Commissioners wished to keep 
up a first-class education at the Grammar School, and 
proposed to reduce the number of free scholars to 100. 
Several of the trustees, and Mr. Walker himself, considered 
this inadvisable and unnecessary. 

In March 1874 the Conservative party again returned to 
power, and, as usual, the change in ministry involved a change 
in educational outlook. This manifested itself in the proceed- 
ings towards the Reports of the Endowed Schools Com- 
missioners. 1 A new Endowed Schools Bill was brought 
before Parliament in July 1874. A meeting of trustees was 
called to consider the effect which this Bill would have on 
the interests of the School, and, as it was thought that some 
of the provisions, if not altered, would be prejudicial, Lord 
Sandon was requested to receive a deputation from the trustees 

1 See H. J. Roby's evidence before the Secondary Schools Commission, 


in order that they might lay their objections before him. 
After considerable discussion, a scheme was agreed upon by 
which the governing body of the Charity was extended and 
the number of boys on the Foundation became limited in 
accordance with the income available from the Foundation 
funds, and, to avoid a repetition of the variance which 
existed in Germon's time, the future high masters were to 
be appointed by the governors instead of by the President 
of Corpus Christi. 

The antagonism against the new spirit evidenced by the 
opposition to the 1864 scheme had not entirely ceased, and 
a number of old boys of the preceding generation were still 
ready to take alarm at any further change. Consequently, 
when the scheme was presented to the Charity Commissioners 
in 1876, ' a meeting of the gentlemen interested in the sub- 
ject ' was held at the Mitre Hotel, May 28, and a requisition 
was signed to request that a town's meeting be called. Such a 
meeting was held in June. It reflected little credit either 
on the organisers or their adversaries. An appeal was made 
for funds to extend the School buildings, dated August 5, 
1876, but the Town Council, contrary to the advice of Sir 
Joseph Heron, the Town Clerk, resolved to petition against 
the scheme. A fresh series of letters appeared in the Press 
during August, and finally on August 31 a petition against 
the scheme was drawn up for signature. Fortunately, with 
greater knowledge, better counsels prevailed, and on April 
12, 1877, Mr. Croston stated at the Town Council that, before 
the deputation of opposers went to London to lodge their 
protest, they had had an interview with the governors of the 
School and found that they w r ere entirely in accord with the 
Town Council, and that mistakes had arisen from attributing 
to the governors certain objectionable clauses put in by the 
Charity Commissioners, which the governors were themselves 

In July 1876, Mr. Walker decided to apply for the head- 
ship of St. Paul's, London, and on December 13 a farewell 
meeting was held in the School at which Bishop Fraser took 
the Chair. The function was double, for it was also the 
leave-taking of Rev. George Perkins. There were many of 
the most prominent educationalists of Manchester present at 
the meeting. The opinion expressed by the governors on 
this occasion was to the following effect : 


* Mr. F. W. Walker has been for seventeen years the able, 
energetic and successful Highmaster of the Manchester Gram- 
mar School. When he was appointed in 1859 by the President 
of the Corpus Christi College, Oxford, there were on the foun- 
dation not more than 250 boys, all free. A comprehensive 
scheme of instruction ordered by the Court of Chancery in 
1849 remained almost a dead letter. Spirit and power were 
wanting to give it effect. Mr. Walker breathed a new life 
into the School, and while zealously urging the advantages 
that would surely follow upon the consent of the Court of 
Chancery to the admission of other than foundation scholars, 
he at the same time inspired the trustees with confidence 
to erect new buildings which are now crowded with 750 boys . 
Mr. Walker's success in training pupils for the Universities 
is proved by testimony stronger than can be expressed in 
any words of ours. 

' To the teaching of science, of modern languages, of Eng- 
lish literature, he had devoted an attention not less careful 
and assiduous than that given to the study of classics and 

' It is not possible to speak too highly of what Mr. Walker 
has done for the School, and it is only just to state that his 
work has been accomplished in the face of many difficulties 
and at a cost of personal anxiety and toil for which the trustees 
have never been able to offer any adequate reward. It is 
a pleasure to add that their intercourse with him has 
always been of a most friendly and cordial character. The 
assistant masters of the School have recorded in their 
own words the opinion they entertained of their Head. 
With the boys Mr. Walker was deservedly popular. Their 
physical comfort and well-being had always been objects 
of his constant consideration. 

' The trustees cannot too strongly express the sense of 
the loss the School would sustain by the removal of Mr. 
Walker. They are unable willingly to contemplate such 
an event, but his long and invaluable service demands from 
them the highest testimonial which it is in their power to 

Mr. Walker wrote the following reply : 

' DEAR MR. HEYWOOD, I desire to tender my warm 
acknowledgments to the trustees for the generous testimonial 
they have been kind enough to accord me, and to thank 
you personally for appending your signature, an honour 
which I value highly. What may become of my application 


I do not know, but of this I am sure, that wherever I go I 
shall never find a body of gentlemen from whom I shall 
experience the same personal kindness or who will exhibit the 
same disinterested earnestness in the cause of education as 
the trustees of the Manchester Grammar School. 
' With sincere regards and acknowledgments, 
' I am, dear Mr. Heywood, 
' Yours very truly, 

' FRED. W. WALKER.' 1 

1 The bust of Mr. Walker^t present in the School is a copy of one by 
Bruce Joy, and was presented by Colonel M. Clements in 1907. See also 
obituary notices, Times, December 14, 1910, and Ulula, February 1911. 




* Yet because in time to come many things may and shall survive and 
grow . . . which at the making of these present acts and ordinances were 
not possible to come to mind . . . the above named feoffees and others 
hereafter to come, where need shall require, calling unto them discreet 
learned counsel and men of good literature . . . will have full powers and 
authority to augment, increase, expand and reform all the said acts, 
ordinances, articles, compositions and agreements ' School Statutes, 1524. 

The trustees, guided by Mr. Walker's ideas, plan the extension required 
for the gymnasium, chemical laboratories, lecture theatre, and class- 
rooms The new board of governors, sanctioned by the Endowed 
Schools Commissioners in 1876, secures the representation of various 
public interests : this involves an alteration in status of future 
high masters The new buildings favour the growth of a public 
school life and traditions The creation of a separate modern 
side The housing and reconstruction of the School Library The 
foundation of Victoria University induces more parents to enter 
their sons at the Owens College for further study This coincides with 
an increase rather than with a decrease in the number passing to 
Oxford and Cambridge The foundation of Higher Grade Board 
Schools, on a Continental plan, establishes new educational traditions 
in the city towards technology, and at first diminishes the number of 
able boys coming from elementary schools to compete for the founda- 
tion scholarships at the Grammar School Efforts to increase the 
applicants by further subsidising selected boys Value and limitation of 
selection by examination at such an early age The establishment 
of the Hulme Grammar School Resignation of Mr. Samuel Dill. 

AFTER the resignation of Mr. Walker, the progress of the 
School, though less volcanic, was no less certain. His inspiring 
influence and clear-cut ideals had impressed themselves so 
deeply on the governing body, and their approval of them 



was so whole-hearted and complete, that they determined to 
do all in their power to secure the realisation of his plans. 
The course was the more difficult as the governors had to work 
against the opposition to all active progress which had come 
over the country in 1874, and which was expressed in the 
altered political opinion that had placed Disraeli and Lord 
Derby in power. Many of the reforms in higher education 
which had been suggested by the Schools Inquiry Commission, 
appointed by Gladstone in 1864, and which had been so 
favourably reported on in 1867, were quietly put aside. 
Among them was the project for the amalgamation of the 
three great educational charities of Manchester, the Hulme 
Trust whose phenomenal growth had already caused it 
to be the subject of several Acts of Parliament the Chetham 
Trust, and the Manchester Grammar School. Owing to the 
failure to secure co-operation, all three educational move- 
ments suffered a set-back in ideals. The Grammar School 
ceased to maintain the prominent position it had previously 
held as a ' seed plot ' for the clergy, who thereby lost that 
intimate contact during adolescence with boys intending 
to follow other callings which is so necessary in a demo- 
cratic community. Thus both their religious and scholastic 
teaching became prematurely specialised. Nor does it appear 
that until the pupil-teacher system was evolved there was 
any compensation for this in an increased association with 
other forms of public teaching except perhaps that of the 
Nonconformist preachers who now found a high level school 
without tests or traditions of exclusiveness. Hulme Trustees, 1 
it is true, made a donation to the funds of the school. They 
founded and equipped two other Grammar Schools, one at 
Alexandra Park, Manchester, and one at Oldham, and 
they undertook to set apart 1000 annually to the funds 
of the Owens College, which the authorities devoted to the 
support of Professorial Chairs in Greek and History, but they 
made no provision to secure co-operation and to prevent 
overlapping. All these projects left secondary education 
in the district scattered and not a little of its resources 
wasted a condition which remains even to this day, 
if we are to judge by the proportion seeking higher 
training subsequent to school life. The Chetham feoffees 

1 Reformed under a new and liberal scheme about this time. 


also missed the opportunity of carrying out the full 
educational aims of the founder, Humphrey Chetham, who 
included in his vision the oversight of the training of his 
boys beyond the age of thirteen and fourteen and throughout 
their apprenticeship. Changes in industrial methods had 
practically abolished apprenticeship to an individual master 
as a complete method of learning a skilled trade, but it would 
seem to have been the natural prerogative of the Chetham 
Trust to lead the way in founding a high-level Craft School, 
associated with the liberal education which the Grammar 
School was affording to other poor boys from the elementary 
schools of Manchester, Bolton, &c., who were already com- 
peting for the foundation scholarships. Had an under- 
standing between the charities been reached at this time, some 
of the technological efforts to be described in the next chapter 
might have been materially expedited by experience gained 
from the working of a clearly thought-out educational policy, 
and might have had a much ampler and more satisfactory 

The creation of a new governing body l at the Grammar 
School was the expression of a new principle in English 
legislation by which attempts were made to arouse and 
preserve general interest in charitable and educational 
endowments by providing for the representation of outside 
authorities on the governing body. It secured such endow- 
ments from the danger of exposure to sudden gusts of 
temporary and ill-informed public opinion, to which they 
might be subject if they had been placed solely under the 
control of a public not fully acquainted with their value 
and importance. It undoubtedly had a great effect in securing 
for the advanced secondary education of the district a very 
prominent part in the public educational schemes, and in 
enabling the Grammar School to maintain its standards of 
learning amid circumstances which threatened its stability, 
by interfering with the sources from which its scholars came. 
These dangers were still more completely removed when 
the School was formally related to the local organisation in 
the national system of public education put forward in 1902. 
The scheme also involved the altered status of the high master, 
who no longer held a life tenure of his position, but was 

1 The names of the new governing body are given in the Appendix. 


removable by the decision of the governing body. Hence- 
forth he became the chief officer, with wide executive powers, 
whose duty it was to carry out their agreed policy. 

Sir Elkanah Armitage, who had so successfully dealt 
with the opposition organised in the Town Council against 
the 1867 scheme, now resigned his post on account of failing 
health. Mr. Oliver Heywood, who since 1849 had acted as 
Treasurer, was appointed Chairman in his place. This 
position he occupied till his decease in 1892. His active 
benevolence was manifested everywhere, while his courtliness 
and charm of manner enabled him to tide the School over 
the new difficulties which now began to surround it. The 
public appreciation of his numerous services to Manchester 
has been commemorated by the erection in Albert Square of 
a statue to his memory by his fellow- townsmen. E. R. Lang- 
worthy, who might be called the second founder of the 
School, had died in 1874, and Robert Barbour had retired 
on account of age. 

Abraham Haworth 1 was appointed Treasurer ; Richard 
Johnson, Vice-Chairman. Among the many important repre- 
sentatives of public bodies added to the Board of Governors 
at this time no one was more helpful in maintaining the high 
state of efficiency in the School training than H. J. Roby. 
He had already gained a unique educational experience by 
serving as secretary to the Endowed Schools Commissioners 
from 1865 to 1872 and subsequently as one of the Commis- 
sioners from 1872 to 1874. The Rev. James Eraser, Bishop 
of Manchester, had visited the school as examiner in 1847. 
He also possessed a great experience in educational adminis- 
tration. Many other governors worthily upheld the past 
traditions of the town, for Manchester merchants had always 
taken an interest in the School. The Bestwicks had shared 
the expense of its foundation, the Mosleys had furnished it 
with scholars, and one at least had left legacies to assist poor 
scholars to the Universities. The Chetham family had 
provided it with a high master, several feoffees, and many 
scholars. A number of the Byroms had been educated 
there, and the celebrated Dr. John Byrom, though not a 
scholar, was the personal friend, though occasionally the 
critic, of its high master, William Purnell. William Hulme 

1 ' A tower of strength to the School.' F. W. Walker. 


had left endowments for its scholars to continue post-graduate 
studies at Oxford, and, at a much later date, C. H. Rickards 
and John Peel, after being educated at the School, had 
served on the governing body. It was natural, therefore, 
that the mayors of Manchester and Salford should be included 
among the ex-officio governors. Presumably Justices of 
the Peace were elected to see that no malversation of funds 
took place. Herbert Birley and Richard Radford were also 
of great value in maintaining the channel of supply from the 
elementary schools, for they were the representatives of the 
Manchester and Salford School Boards. 

The first duty which confronted the new governing body 
was to find the funds necessary for defraying the cost of the 
new gymnasium block of buildings, the plans of which had 
already been passed at an estimated cost of 30,000. The 
liberality of some of the citizens of Manchester towards educa- 
tion at this time, as shown by their contributions to the 
Owens College and the Grammar School, seemed inex- 
haustible. It was only equalled by the increase in number 
of scholars and students attending these two institutions, for 
the direct and indirect effects of the Public Elementary 
Education Act of 1870 and its successors had begun to tell 
on the mental outlook of the community. 

A public meeting was held at which the following speakers 
urged the claims of the School. Bishop Eraser moved the 
first resolution. It was seconded by Alderman Joseph 
Thompson, who was elected to represent the Manchester 
Town Council and was also a Governor of the Owens 
College and subsequently the writer of ' Its Foundation 
and its Growth.' Joseph Heron, Principal Greenwood, and 
Dr. John Watts were also among the speakers. An exten- 
sion committee was formed to raise the money. Mrs. 
Langworthy, who had previously contributed 5000, now 
offered another similar sum. A timely legacy of 10,000 
from C. F. Beyer, and a donation of 5000 from Richard 
Johnson and a similar one from Thomas Wrigley, of Bury, 
afforded very material help towards meeting the cost of the 
extension, which ultimately amounted to 52,000. 

The new chemical laboratory, which was named after 
C. F. Beyer, at first caused some anxiety to one of the 
governors, who was interested in the Owens College, lest 
there should be some educational overlapping, but this anxiety 


was not shared by its official representative. The munificent 
gifts of Edward R. Langworthy caused the governors 
to associate his name with the new gymnasium. Perhaps 
it was owing to personal wishes that the names of Richard 
Johnson and Thomas Wrigley were not connected with other 
portions of the new buildings. 

Mr. Walker's resignation took place before the new scheme, 
which included the duty of appointing a new high master, 
was in operation ; consequently his successor, Mr. S. Dill, 
Dean, Senior Tutor, and Fellow of Corpus Chris ti College, 
Oxford, was selected by Dr. Fowler, the patron of the School, 
who followed the usual course of previous conference with 
the trustees. Under the new scheme of administration the 
high master became the executive officer of the governors. 
On him devolved the duty of organising the entire School 
curriculum and appointing or dismissing assistant masters. 

The new buildings were opened for school work in October 
1880. The high master held a public reception in them, on 
December 10, 1880. The gymnasium was one of the best 
in the country. It was 120 feet by 135 feet and 30 feet high. 
The floor consisted of a 6-inch layer of sawdust overlaid with 
a foot of hair, and covered with one huge sheet of canvas. 
The apparatus equipment consisted of 100 pairs of dumb- 
bells, varying in weight from 7 to 24 lb., also 100 bar-bells 
and other fixtures, including a ladder, prepared walls for 
climbing, horizontal and parallel bars, horses, &c., and a large 
dressing-room. Both equipment and curriculum of physical 
training were thoroughly thought out in accordance with 
the views held by leading authorities of that time. The 
gymnasium was able to accommodate 500 members of the 
school at one time for mass physical training. 

On Speech Day, 1883, Mr. Dill referred to the marked 
tendency of the School towards modern languages and science, 
and reported that out of 940 boys, 400 were on the modern 
side, 295 attended classes in which chemistry was being 
taught practically, and 158 attended classes in physics, while 
50 were in classes devoting the greater part of their time to 
science. Mr. Dill added : 

' It is in this direction that the recent expansion of the 
School has mainly taken place, and it is here that there is 
still the greatest room for fresh effort and adaptation. The 
classical system, in schools as old as ours, rests on a tradi- 


tion of more than three and a half centuries. During that 
time the teaching has been conducted by a succession of 
highly educated men who communicated or improved upon 
the training they had received themselves. That system 
has justified itself by results. It needs no defence, pro- 
vided that it does not, in the altered circumstances of our 
time, claim any exclusive rights ; but the needs of the great 
commercial societies like our own, with ramifications ex- 
tending all over the globe, and the increasing number of 
subjects which claim attention, now imperatively require us 
to provide for a large number of boys an education which, 
while it does not sacrifice the training of the faculties, shall 
have an immediate and direct bearing on e very-day life. 
To shape and develop such a curriculum is the task of the 
schoolmaster in the great industrial centres. Very much 
has to be done. Many years of effort and experiment must 
pass before perfect adaptation and completeness are attained. 
In the meantime, that we at the Grammar School are 
making real progress will, I think, be clear to you, when 
I read you the judgment of two eminent examiners in modern 
languages who have just reviewed the work of the higher 

* Dr. Buchheim, professor of German in University College, 
London, writes : " I consider the result of the examination at 
your school in both French and German most satisfactory, far 
more satisfactory than is generally the case at large public 
institutions. I was particularly struck by the uniform good 
work of the boys, and I may mention as a proof of the effici- 
ency of the instruction that, out of 83 boys, only 28 failed 
to obtain 50 per cent, of the maximum marks allotted for 
their performance in French and German." Mr. York Powell, 
who has examined the modern side for three years, permits me 
to say, " I wish first to note the fact that a very distinct ad- 
vance is being made in the subjects which come under my 
tests In each form. Believing as I do that these subjects, if 
properly treated, afford a most excellent educational training, 
I look for a really good outcome being attained in this 
school on the modern side first because I see the care 
with which they are taught, and secondly because I am sure 
that a clear and steady progress has been going on in them 
ever since I was first able to look into the work three years 
ago. Manchester School in my opinion bids fair to have 
the most complete and best organised modern side of any 
school in England." 1 

1 Quoted in Ulula, October 1883. 


The rapid increase in the number of boys, particularly on 
the modern side, necessitated a complete change in the 
existing time-table and a large increase in the teaching 

' The many difficult problems that consequently arose 
in the recasting of the curriculum Mr. Dill faced and settled 
one after another by his clear-sighted intelligence and his 
marvellous grasp of detail, and that indomitable capacity 
for hard work for which he had already gained a name at 
Oxford. Nor in any of the alterations which he introduced 
did Mr. Dill ever show rashness, or a disposition to make 
changes simply for the sake of change. Where an old custom 
could be retained, he retained it. He often acted with a 
quickness which to some might seem rashness, but those 
who knew him well knew there could not be a more cautious 
man. If his action was quick, his deliberation was long, 
and he had fully estimated even the remote consequences 
of every change he made. From Lent term, 1879, to Mid- 
summer, 1888, the numbers of the modern side rose from 
279 to 411. The Modern VI form was established out of 
the old Civil Service form, and arrangements were made for 
this part of the School to be included in the regular examina- 
tions conducted by the Universities Board.' i 

In his speech at the prize distribution in July 1886, 
Mr. Dill said : 

' There is nothing in the period of my connection with the 
School which I regard with so much satisfaction as the steady 
improvement in scholarly habit and range of knowledge 
among the senior boys of the modern side. They have the 
best training we can procure for them in French and German , 
History, English Literature and Philology, Mathematics 
and Physical Science. The courses have been carefully 
planned to meet the growing demands of modern commercial 
life. If we have not succeeded fully, I still believe that 
success is only a matter of a few years, and that you will 
soon have in Manchester what has long been regarded as 
unattainable, a modern education which shall be at once 
thorough as a discipline and complete as a preparation for 
commercial life.' 

On July 23, 1887, the high master reported his intention 
1 Ulula, 1888. 


of opening evening classes in foreign correspondence, modern 
languages, precis writing, commercial geography, book-keep- 
ing, shorthand, commercial arithmetic and writing. 

The long list of honours won by the School at Oxford and 
Cambridge not only indicates the excellent training of the 
boys in classics, mathematics, and science, but also the signal 
success of the method of attracting large numbers to the 
school and selecting the best by repeated tests, subsidising 
those who needed pecuniary help and sending them forth 
to the older Universities. Their high records in subsequent 
University tests show the mettle of which they were made. 
The successes obtained by science pupils and the record of 
subsequent high scientific work, which is, after all, the true 
measure of the success of any training, afford eloquent 
testimony of the value of the method of combining practical 
with theoretical instruction as adopted by Mr. Francis Jones, 
first in the chemical laboratories which had been set up in 
the 1776 building by Dr. Marshall Watts in 1870-71, when 
the Drawing Hall building was opened ; and more fully 
developed (by Mr. F. Jones) on the opening of the Beyer 
Laboratory in the gymnasium buildings in 1880. It had 
very forcibly impressed Mr. Dill with the need for making 
provision for practical instruction in physics. He decided 
to use part of the old English School, built in 1835, for a 
physics laboratory, as it had now been vacated by Mr. Hall, 
who had taken charge of the Hulme School. The planning 
and furnishing were entrusted to an old pupil of the 
school, W. W. Haldane Gee, B.Sc., demonstrator and assistant 
lecturer in physics at the Owens College, in whose ' Text 
Book of Practical Physics,' published 1887, a description 
of the recently erected Physics Laboratory at the Grammar 
School appears. The organisation of the teaching and 
curriculum was placed under the care of another old pupil, 
A. E. Holmes, later headmaster of Dewsbury School. 

The effect of the opening of the roomy buildings and 
the wider outlook of the curriculum on the actual life of 
the boys was very striking. 

The ample space provided by the new gymnasium and 
the new lecture theatre, for the first time afforded scope for the 
natural creative instincts and activities of boyhood to manifest 
themselves. The social gathering which took place in the new 
buildings on December 10, 1881, was intended to inaugurate 


this new era of school life. All the organised school societies 
into which the past informal gatherings of boys had now 
developed were represented. The Debating Society planned 
part of the entertainment. The Philosophic Society, organised 
among the science boys, perhaps in emulation of the title of 
the Manchester Literary and Philosophic Society, showed 
chemical and physical experiments. There were exhibitions 
of drawings by pupils of the School and a gymnastic display 
by a squad of twenty boys. A Natural History Society 
was also formed from among the boys who attended 
Mr. Willis's classes in botany. It still maintains an active 
existence. 1 Arrangements were made in Michaelmas term, 
1882, for the delivery of public lectures in the new theatre, 
which was calculated to hold 600 people. To these parents 
were invited. The first was given in March 1883 by Pro- 
fessor Boyd Dawkins on the * Dawn of History.' 

Athletic life became more vigorous by the holding of 
swimming contests on October 7, 1881. A Rifle Corps was 
formed with fifty-eight members, a cricket field was rented 
at 30 a year, and the question of a special school recreation 
ground began to be mooted by the Football Club in 1882. 
The Glee Society was formed, which gave concerts at the 
annual school soirees. To develop still further the cor- 
porate school life, these were continued by the high master 
on December 11, 1885, and December 10, 1886; while in 
order to satisfy the new and increasingly desire for 
unity, a Junior Old Boys' Dinner was held in 1884. It 
was followed by a second, held on December 23, 1885. 
Subsequently the committee which managed it amal- 
gamated with the dinner committee of the boys of an 
older generation. Nor were amusements and recreations 
the only bonds of union that began to spring up. A 
movement was set on foot to establish a Working Lads' 
Club in Ancoats. It was the expression of the awaken- 
ing consciousness of responsibility towards the neglected 
artisan youth of the city, whose rioting and scuttling 
and savagery were at this time prominently before 
the public. As the financial difficulties and need of 

1 This is now (1919) replaced by Nature Study classes under Mr. F. A. 
Bruton, under whose care an exceedingly valuable Natural History Museum 
is growing up in the School. 



permanent interest and support came up for discussion, some 
one suggested that if the Manchester Grammar School boys 
would take the matter up and support it, not only with money 
but with the personal interest of its boys, some of the diffi- 
culties would be solved. Mr. Alexander Devine, the originator, 
consulted Mr. Dill. A letter appeared in Ulula, June 1887, 
asking for help. A public meeting of governors, old boys, 
and present scholars was held January 18, 1888, in the lecture 
theatre. Mr. Dill, from the first, took a very active interest 
and aided the scheme by his sympathy, advice, and money. 
He felt its evident power for good, not only to the working 
lads but also to the Grammar School boys. It was therefore 
decided that a club for the working lads of Oldham Road 
and Rochdale Road be established on lines suggested by 
Mr. Dill, and that it should be worked as far as possible by 
Old Mancunians and friends of the Manchester Grammar 
School. A suitable building was found in Livesey Street, 
Oldham Road, and the club was formally opened, as one of 
a group of working lads' clubs in Manchester, by H.R.H. 
the Duke of Clarence, on October 20, 1888. 

Another expression of school activity that took place in 
the new building, though of high initial purpose, was for several 
reasons of less striking immediate as well as ultimate result 
the rehousing of the School library. Perhaps the relation 
of a school library to a complete school life varies from time 
to time. In an age of reflectiveness and individual study, great 
use is made of its books for reference. In an age of hurry 
and bustle and outdoor activity, the needs of the more 
reflective and less active boys are apt to be overlooked, and 
a school library becomes neglected, especially if its housing 
is cheerless, and its comforts limited. We have already 
mentioned the seventeenth-century volumes whose inscrip- 
tions reveal some of the thoughts and occupations of our 
Puritan predecessors. We have also noted the eighteenth- 
century library collected by William Purnell and the later 
collections by C. Lawson, and how his distinguished pupil 
William Arnold, the senior wrangler of 1766, left 100 to be 
expended on the purchase of books. 1 We have observed 
the prominent position assigned to the provision of books 

1 Cf. NicolTs Literary Anecdotes, vol. i. p. 579 ; vol. ii. p. 704 ; vol. 
vi. p. 499 ; Grammar School Register, vol. i. 


by the 1833 Chancery scheme. In 1876 Miss Thompson 
presented to the School 1900 volumes which had belonged to 
her brother, Richard Thompson. About this time also the 
Rev. Finch Smith, son of Jeremiah Smith, the former high 
master, presented a large number of portrait prints of old 
scholars, feoffees, and friends of the School, together with a 
number of works written by old scholars. They had been 
collected by Jeremiah Smith and had been extensively 
referred to by Finch Smith in editing the School register. 
Unfortunately, for some years prior to 1882, the library had 
been little used. Many of the books had fallen into dis- 
repair, and valuable sets of books had been broken- up and 
lost. Largely at the instigation of Mr. Henry Lee, one of 
the governors, a large attic at the top of the new gymnasium 
buildings was appropriately furnished. Mr. Oliver Hey wood, 
the treasurer, gave 1000, Mr. James Chadwick, vice-chair- 
man, gave a donation of 500, and for some time, attempts 
were made by the sixth form boys to use the room as a nucleus 
of school life. Mr. Joseph Hall, the master of English 
literature, undertook the post of librarian, but, soon after 
his departure, the library again began to fall into disuse and 
neglect, and its books into disrepair, owing to its position and 
lack of adequate control. Complaint was made in the pages 
of Ulula that the library was practically non-existent, except 
as a place of reference for a few of the masters and sixth 
form boys. The growth of special form lending libraries, 
with their many modern works and novels, also withdrew 
school interest, while the Old Mancunians' Association, which 
might have taken an interest in the preservation of the works of 
past scholars, had not at this time been called into existence. 
The valuable books described by John Harland in the columns 
of the Manchester Guardian x are fortunately still in the School 
library and have been carefully preserved and re-bound 
by the present librarian, Mr. J. R. Broadhurst. The whole 
question of the relation of this valuable school asset to the 
current life of the School, and its influence in preserving 
school traditions, needs fresh consideration. 

We now come to the consideration of the effect which 
the power of conferring University degrees, granted to the 
Victoria University, with which the Owens College was now 

1 Manchester Guardian, August 19, 1856. 


incorporated, had upon the progress of the School. Though 
the original charter of incorporation was granted in 1880, the 
power of granting medical degrees was reserved till 1883. 
Provision for the housing of the Manchester School of Medicine 
had been made in the Owens College buildings opened in 
Oxford Road in 1873. The combined institutions thereupon 
offered greatly improved professional, as well as scientific 
and other training, to boys who, for various reasons, would 
not have passed into the older English Universities. Many 
boys began their studies at the Owens College, and qualified 
themselves for competing at the London University examina- 
tions, or, after a brief period of study, passed to Edinburgh, 
Glasgow, and elsewhere. Others, intending to follow the 
career of engineering, consulting chemist, &c., sought special 
training in geology, physics, &c. With the rapid develop- 
ment of the Owens College that followed the opening of the 
new buildings, the number of boys passing from the Grammar 
School greatly increased. Some idea of the relative number 
of those following the learned professions in Lancashire may 
be gained from the ' Court Guide ' for 1884, which contains 
the names of 1211 clergy, 133 barristers, 1417 solicitors, 
55 notaries, 1481 practitioners of medicine, 727 actuaries, 
402 architects, 289 civil engineers, and 322 surveyors, out of 
a total population of three and a half millions. 

On Saturday, June 19, 1884, an important conference 
of educationalists, professors, and others, was held at the 
Owens College, to see how far the local schools could be 
brought into more intimate relationship with the new 
University. This was held with the more confidence in that 
the application for a charter had been signed by repre- 
sentatives of the chief schools in Lancashire and Yorkshire. 
Dr. Greenwood, the Vice-Chancellor, remarked : 

' It was unnecessary to say that they neither expected 
nor desired, and they would regard it as nothing less 
than a calamity, that the ties between the old School and 
the older Universities should be weakened, but experience 
showed that there was a large number of men who could not 
go to the University unless there was one identified with 
their own district as in Scotland and abroad. The Victoria 
University would be at a great disadvantage because of the 
lack of endowments. Aberdeen had 250 entrance scholar- 
ships and exhibitions, tenable for four years, of the annual 


value of 4500, so that more than 60 were offered each 
year. The Owens College had a few entrance scholarships, 
but the Victoria University was entirely without any.' 

Professor Roscoe pointed out the difference between the 
teaching University which was established in Manchester, 
and the examining University of London. Professor Ward 
spoke of the Courses of Studies. There was a preliminary 
entrance examination for those who desired to prepare for 
courses of study in Arts, Sciences, and Law, which was intended 
to be somewhat higher than the entrance examination 
demanded of other students, but it was of such a nature that 
any boys of good school education could pass. There were 
to be pass degrees and eleven Schools of Honours. 

Mr. Dill was present at this meeting, and on the following 
Speech Day, July 30, 1884, stated that friends of the Grammar 

' would observe with pleasure that they were establishing a 
close connection with all departments of the Owens College, 
especially the scientific and medical departments, and that 
a fair proportion of Manchester boys occupied places of 
distinction in the first-class lists of Victoria University.' 

An attempt has been made to estimate the number of 
such boys in order that they might be compared with the 
number who passed to Oxford and Cambridge, and also to 
classify them according to the special courses of study they 
followed, in order to gain some impression of the ultimate 
result of the work of the School. 1 

Although the fuller consideration of the provision made in 
Manchester for technical education will be left to the next 
chapter, it is necessary, if we are rightly to understand the 
progress of the School at this point, to make some reference 
to the Technical Education Commission, which was appointed 
in 1880 and which issued its report in 1884, and also to the 
work which Mr. Mundella was accomplishing as Vice-President, 
1880-1885, of the Committee of the Privy Council which 
dealt with education, for both these events were indirectly 
the cause of some concern to the Grammar School. The 
work of the Manchester and Salford School Boards, under 
the enlightened chairmanships of Herbert Birley and Richard 

1 See Appendix. 


Radford, had revealed in many Board Schools the presence of 
a considerable number of boys of such ability and keenness 
that it seemed desirable to make provision for their further 
educational advance than was included in the six standards. 
Consequently a seventh standard was established in 1882 
and was soon followed by an extra-seventh. Prominent 
among the schools where many of these scholars were found 
were the Peter Street School and the Lower Mosley Street 
School. 1 These schools had long competed in friendly rivalry 
for the palm of excellence, and for many years both had sent 
many of their most promising pupils to compete for founda- 
tion scholarships at the Grammar School. The Manchester 
School Board decided to merge these two schools into one, 
and to accommodate the pupils in an entirely new building, 
capable of holding 1200 children, with special provision 
for the teaching of Art and Science. There was to be a 
drawing studio for 200 pupils, a lecture theatre for 120 pupils, 
and a chemical laboratory for 80 pupils, and an ample and 
well-equipped gymnasium. It was to be called the Manchester 
Central Higher Grade School. 

Mr. Mundella, whose business firm had established a branch 
factory at Chemnitz, had in his early life made personal and 
close study of the German system of technical education. 
He must also have been brought into touch with Manchester 
needs by his association with Professor Henry E. Roscoe and 
A. J. Slagg in the Technical Education Commission, and have 
realised the desire of the Victoria University to be brought 
more closely into touch with the public system of education. 
He accepted an invitation to come to Manchester on July 5, 
1884, (1) to open thenew Museum at Queen's Park, Harpurhey, 
(2) to open the new Central School. The occasion was taken 
to present to Manchester men some of the new educational 
ideals. In his speech, Mr. Mundella also drew attention to 
the contrast between the English and Scotch attitude towards 
national education, and gave point to his speech by describing 
the fears expressed by the Scotch peers in the House of Lords 
lest their own national system of education should be dragged 
down to the level of English public education by English 

' They won't have the term elementary education men- 
1 See p. 248. 


tioned in connection with Scotland. In their poorest schools 
they claim the right to teach Latin, Greek, and mathe- 
matics, and hundreds of men are sent direct from the public 
schools of Scotland to the Universities year by year. It is 
to that fact that Scotland owes her pre-eminence.' 

Mr. Herbert Birley, Chairman of the School Board, added : 

' They might reasonably hope that many of the elder boys 
would compete, as successfully as before, for the foundation 
scholarships at the Manchester Grammar School ; but the 
principal and perhaps the most important part of the instruc- 
tion to be given would be such as would prepare the pupils 
for the highest and more precise instruction, perhaps in the 
Technical Schools, or for responsible posts in the commercial 
and manufacturing establishments in the city and neigh- 

The establishment of higher-grade schools in 1882 led to 
an extension of school age beyond 14 at the Public Elemen- 
tary Schools, which extension was now organised as a ' Science 
School ' under the supervision of South Kensington, as was 
also the Science, Mathematical, and Art teaching already 
carried on at the Grammar School. The passing of Standard 
V was regarded as a minimum for entrance to the higher- 
grade schools which were opened at Ardwick, Hyde Road, 
St. Luke's (ultimately Cheetham Hill Higher Grade), Waterloo 
Road, Cheetham Hill ; Birley St., Beswick ; and Ducie 
Avenue (1885). The numbers of elementary school pupils 
who used these schools were : 

In 1884-5, 1106 children in standards VII and Extra VII. 
1887-8, 1543 

(over 500 being in Extra VII). 

The teaching of higher grade subjects in the Board Schools 
was a serious matter to the Grammar School, for it threatened 
to dry up the stream of the most promising boys entering 
from the elementary schools, as the number of such boys 
ready at this time for secondary education was very limited, 
though the number of middle-class boys desiring a liberal 
education was increasing. Probably this was the cause of 
Mr. Dill saying on Speech Day, 1885 : 

1 The School hardly succeeded in winning from the general 
public and from the leaders of public opinion in Manchester 


that measure of support and solicitude for its future which 
it might fairly claim on the ground of its connection with 
the general well-being of the district . . . yet there were 
many signs of late that its place in our educational system 
was little recognised and its capacities for service to the com- 
munity were quietly ignored. ... It rested with them (the 
leaders of public opinion) to say whether the School should 
become the property of a single class, or remain the meeting- 
ground of all classes ; whether it should be cramped and 
crippled, or have further scope for the development of its capa- 
cities for usefulness. It would be lamentable if, under the in- 
fluence of well-meaning but narrow theories, existing agencies 
should be ignored and splendid resources wasted. This 
city was great and rich and powerful, but its educational 
authorities might yet find that it was easier to pull down 
than to build up an institution which had done honourable 
and useful work for nearly 400 years, and which had at once 
the associations of antiquity and the energies of youth.' 

There can be no doubt that the original intention of 
Hugh Oldham had been to provide the highest form of educa- 
tion available, free to all, rich and poor alike. 1 For 150 
years this free education consisted entirely in a training in 
classical languages. As soon as it was evident that other 
subjects, such as mathematics, were equally essential, extra 
teachers were privately employed by parents and privately 
paid to give lessons out of school hours. In 1833, the Court of 
Chancery decreed that all school tuition was to be made free, 
and it was to include several other subjects. When the funds 
proved inadequate to provide teaching for all applicants for 
admission, as it speedily did under Mr. Walker, a selection 
of the applicants had to be made. It was made by the 
governors with the assistance of the high master. Such 
selection was capable of abuse, and it is believed that mer- 
chants of established position occasionally exerted influence 
on the governors to secure recommendations for their sons. 
There was no definite financial bar to the holding of a founda- 
tion scholarship, and, though the governors could exclude 
any boy whose circumstances seemed to render him an 
unsuitable recipient, it was difficult to refuse these recom- 
mendations, particularly when made on behalf of a promising 

1 ' The State does not want poor men, but able men, whether they are 
rich or poor.' Educational Commissioners' Report, 1852. 


boy. An entrance examination of all candidates was held 
to see if they were fit for the School. This became utilised 
for the selection of the better candidates, and was finally the 
sole method adopted. There is no reason to believe that the 
selection made was other than perfectly fair and according to 
merit, and it is certain that the School benefited very pro- 
foundly by the selection of the ablest boys for foundation 
scholarships. There were indeed a few instances in which 
parents expressed their desire to pay the school fees after their 
boys had achieved the honour of winning a scholarship in open 
competition, but the number of scholarships was limited, 
and it is highly probable, particularly at certain periods, that 
many deserving boys of restricted means and limited social 
influence did not always obtain the educational assistance 
which they both needed and deserved, at the hands of the 
school authorities. The fees derived from the capitation 
boys under the 1867 scheme, had enabled the governors to 
pay better salaries to masters, and so retain the services of 
the more highly trained men, but they did not pay for an 
increased number of free scholars. When in 1875 it was 
evident that, in spite of the capital cost of the 1870 building 
having been defrayed by public subscription, the income of 
the School from all sources would not meet expenditure, it 
became necessary to restrict the number of foundation scholar- 
ships to such a number as could be paid for out of the existing 
foundation funds, that is from 250 to between 150 and 160 
boys. The Court of Chancery stipulated that half of them 
should be preferably offered to boys of public elementary 
schools. The first election of foundation scholars under the 
new scheme took place early in 1878, when there were already 
600 capitation boys in the School, and as there were 154 
candidates for 24 vacancies for foundation scholarships, the 
competition was keen. In the following September there 
were 144 candidates for 21 vacancies. 

The restriction of half the scholarships to boys from 
elementary schools was evidently an attempt to redress any 
adverse educational balance against poorer boys that may 
have been created by social position. Its possible drawback 
was that boys of inferior merit might be preferred to abler 
ones as a consequence. This, however, very rarely occurred, 
for, as a matter of actual fact, a considerable majority of the 
foundation scholarships had, from their first creation in 1867, 


been awarded to boys from public elementary schools, because 
several elementary schools provided an education distinctly 
in advance of that provided by most private venture schools, 
and such elementary schools were often frequented by many 
boys already possessing good family traditions, including 
that of the appreciation of higher education. Among such 
schools the Peter Street and the Lower Mosley Street Schools 
ranked high, and there were others of considerable merit. 
Had such an adequate preliminary training at good elementary 
schools not existed, the restriction of half the foundation 
scholarships might have resulted in lowering the intellectual 
standard of the School. There is, on the contrary, every 
indication that it raised it considerably except at the 
particular period which now comes under consideration. 

On Speech Day, July 1886, the high master, Mr. Dill, 
reported that the competition for the restricted scholar- 
ships had, within the last three years, seriously fallen 
off in quality, and that the best boys from the elementary 
schools were no longer competing for them. He reported 
that the governors, thinking that the offer of a free educa- 
tion alone was not strong enough to induce the parents of 
such scholars to allow their children to prolong their educa- 
tion at school, and so forgo the benefit of the wages they 
would have earned if they went early to business, had 
decided to obtain the necessary powers to offer bursaries of 
12 125. in addition to the free education, even though this 
would necessitate diminishing the total number of restricted 

In order to understand the scholarship system of the 
Manchester School Board, which had now come into com- 
petition with that of the Grammar School, it is necessary 
to retrace our steps and study the early phases of its 
growth ; for as soon as the injurious effects of the competi- 
tion were realised, measures were adopted to harmonise the 
two systems. 1 

In 1875 the members of the Manchester School 
Board, in order to obtain eligible candidates for subse- 
quent apprenticeship as pupil teachers, formulated a scheme 
for establishing a fund to enable promising scholars in public 
elementary schools to continue their studies in more advanced 

1 Of. Chap, xv, p. 416. 



schools. These exhibitions were not only ample enough to 
pay school fees and provide books, but a] so included a money 
maintenance grant. Special advantages were offered to 
those exhibitioners who intended to become teachers. One 
condition was that candidates should be between eleven and 
thirteen years of age, and should have attended a public 
elementary school for at least two years. The first three 
exhibitions were awarded in 1875, and all the winners entered 
at the Grammar School : 

James Bewsher, admitted at Balliol College, Oxford. 
Percy Morton, admitted at Exeter College, Oxford. 
Alfred Hughes, admitted at Corpus Christi College, Oxford, 
and late Professor of Education, Birmingham. 

Between 1876 and 1886, thirty of these exhibitions were 
given by the School Board, and were mostly held either at 
the Manchester Grammar School or at the Manchester High 
School for Girls . At the end of the period , half of the recipients 
were either actually engaged in teaching, or were preparing 
to do so. 1 In 1887 it was reported that since 1875 the 
Manchester School Board had awarded 37 exhibitions of the 
annual value of 25 for three years tenable at the Grammar 
School and at the Girls' High School ; 45 of the annual value 
of 15 a year, and 120 of the annual value of 10. These 
exhibitions were also tenable at other centres of higher 
education. R. L. Taylor, who had been assistant to Mr. Jones 
at the Grammar School, was placed in charge of the science 
teaching at the Central Schools, which now became very 
efficient. Consequently many boys preferred to stay at the 
higher-grade schools rather than enter the Grammar School 
or the High School for Girls, and this process naturally 
became more marked as the scholarships rose in value. 

The Science and Art Scholarships of the School Board 
developed out of the School Board exhibitions when they 
had been augmented by grants. The Science and Art Depart- 
ment of South Kensington offered to subscribe an equal sum 
for every 5 subscribed by living donors. This condition 
was added to rule out the use of old charities. The new 
scholarships could be held either at the higher grade schools 

1 Cf. Watts, Fifteen Years of School Board Work, Manchester 
Statistical Society. 


or elsewhere, and were open to all children from publio 
elementary schools. 

In 1887 the rules of the Science and Art scholarships were 
altered, and a new scheme introduced, which raised the total 
value to 9 for the first year, 12 for the second, 15 for the 
third. Of the total sum the Government contributed 4, 
7 and 10 respectively. This certainly retained many of 
the best boys at the higher grade schools and other educa- 
tional centres, and the Grammar School was now regarded 
by the working classes mainly as an entrance to the professions 
and universities, an object which few boys from elementary 
schools then had in view. 

In order to overcome some of the difficulties associated 
with the rival systems of scholarships, an arrangement was 
made between the Grammar School authorities and the School 
Board to hold a joint examination for the School Board 
scholarships for boys aged twelve to sixteen, and for the 
Grammar School scholarships for candidates aged ten to 

The first joint examination was held December 1887, the 
last in April 1889. While there were 250 candidates for the 
School Board scholarships available at higher-grade schools, 
there were only 100 candidates for the Grammar School 
scholarships, which seemed at this time to possess insufficient 
attraction for parents of the classes who had hitherto sent 
their children to the School. Consequently the suggestion 
was made that bursaries of 7 105., 10, and 13 10s. 
successively should be given from the Langworthy funds to 
holders of the Grammar School foundation scholarships, so 
as to render them equal in value to the School Board Science 
and Arts scholarships. The following rule was finally adopted : 

* Bursaries not exceeding thirty-six in number may also be 
maintained out of the foundation, and may be awarded to 
foundation scholars on the results of the examination for such 
scholarships. Each holder of a bursary shall be entitled to 
such money payments, not being less than 10 or more than 
15 per annum, as may be determined by the governors. In 
the award of the said bursaries and of one-half of the founda- 
tion scholarships, preference shall be given to boys who are, 
or have been, not less than three years scholars in any 
elementary school. The governors shall make such arrange- 
ments for the election to the scholarships and bursaries to be 


so preferentially awarded as seem to them to be best adapted 
to secure the double object of attracting good scholars to the 
School of the said foundation and of advancing education at 
the public elementary schools.' 

The difficulty was not yet overcome. A larger volume 
of well-prepared boys was needed as well as a curriculum 
of training more suitable for boys intending to enter a 
business career. The success of any process of selection 
of scholars by examination at such an early period of life 
say under twelve or thirteen depends upon a variety of 
circumstances, among them the health and vigour of the 
boy, his previous intellectual training, the earning capacity, 
social position, moral qualities, and family traditions of his 
parents, and the effect of these in arousing at an early period 
the desire of the child to make use of educational oppor- 
tunities. Moreover, before it could be decided whether the 
educational training at the Manchester Grammar School 
would suit the ultimate as well as the immediate interests of 
a child from the elementary school and would therefore be 
in the best interests of the community, it was necessary to 
know the general conditions of the children attending the 
elementary schools of the district. It was quite possible 
that the time of the pupil might be more usefully employed 
in some other school than in beginning a course of training 
in the Grammar School, and prematurely cutting it off before 
a definite stage of attainment had been reached. No doubt 
as to the value of the free-place system ever arose, as far 
as the Manchester Grammar School itself was concerned, until 
the establishment of the scholarships at the higher-grade 
schools diverted the stream which had hitherto provided 
the Grammar School with many of its best pupils, and threw 
its particular scholarship system into confusion. It was at 
first intended that the Grammar School should represent 
an intermediary stage, and that the course of national 
education should be from elementary to secondary 
school, and from secondary school to schools of science and 
design. The higher-grade schools carried the education of 
the brighter boys of the elementary school to a seventh and 
an extra-seventh standard, and passed boys direct to the 
local University, which thus occupied the place of an occupa- 
tional technical school. This rendered necessary a clearer 


understanding of the essential difference of educational aims 
between the Grammar School and the higher-grade schools: 
The establishment of the higher-grade schools was a distinct 
educational gain to a certain type of child, for it carried his 
training along a line which gave immediate success. The 
training provided did not, however, include a knowledge of any 
foreign language or even of any considerable amount of 
English literature. A pupil was thus able to make consider- 
able progress along the few lines of a limited education, but if 
he did seek admission to the Grammar School, at the age of 
thirteen or over, his linguistic deficiencies placed him at a very 
decided disadvantage. At first neither pupils nor parents, 
nor even the masters of many elementary schools, realised the 
educational advantages of the Grammar School system of 
humanistic studies, and it was this that caused the numbers 
and attainments of the candidates for the restricted scholar- 
ships at Manchester Grammar School to fall so very materially 
about 1885-1888, when the restricted scholarships had to be 
given to boys who, neither by personal ability nor by family 
tradition, had any other object than an early entrance into 
a business career at fifteen years of a,ge an object for which 
the curriculum of the Grammar School was not suited. 

We must now briefly review the methods adopted to enable 
clever poor boys to remain at school sufficiently long to be 
able to compete for the ' open University scholarships.' We 
have seen that Mr. Walker had made great efforts to secure 
financial assistance of various forms to enable clever boys 
to remain at school till they were ready for the Universities, 
who otherwise would have been compelled to become wage- 
earners before they had received the full benefit of school 
opportunities, and that in 1874 twenty Lang worthy Scholar- 
ships were founded with this object. In announcing the 
foundation of the Walker and the Armitage Scholarships 
on Speech Day, 1878, Mr. Dill, who had caused a com- 
plete list and description of the scholarships tenable 
at the school to be drawn up and published (see Ulula, 
November 1878), mentioned that new scholarships had been 
added to the list of scholarships already existing, making 
a total of 54 scholarships now tenable either at the School or 
University, exclusive of the 162 free admissions. The total 
value of the 54 scholarships was 1750 a year. Twenty- 
nine of these could be held in the Grammar School, and 25 


were tenable at the University or some place of higher educa- 
tion. Forty of these had been founded since 1862 that is, 
within the last fifteen years, and 27 had been founded in the 
last four years. 

Mr. Dill pointed out that the School was open to all classes 
and creeds in the kingdom, and by means of these scholar- 
ships any boy of distinct ability and good conduct might 
make his way from the humblest elementary school to the 
oldest University. He believed that Grammar Schools did 
much more in this way to popularise education Wo hundred 
years ago than forty years ago, but they were all now turn- 
ing to the Grammar Schools, as the principal means whereby 
they could follow out in spirit the wishes and intentions 
of those old founders to whom they owed so much. 

The question of the disposal of the accumulated excess 
funds of the Hulme Trust also came up for reconsideration 
about this time. A summary of the history of this trust 
had been given to the Charity Commissioners in 1833, and in 
1852 by Mr. Alexander Kay to the Committee of the House 
of Commons which was appointed to report on provision 
for education in Manchester and Salford. We have men- 
tioned the attitude taken towards it by the Charity Com- 
missioners of 1867-74. A scheme for the disposal of its 
further accumulations was produced about 1876, and the con- 
sideration of this scheme came before the Governors of the 
Manchester Grammar School in April 1879. A deputation 
consisting of the Bishop of Manchester, the Chairman, Vice- 
chairman, Mr. Richard Johnson, Mr. Roby and Mr. Haworth 
waited on the Charity Commissioners to request them to 
revise the scheme so as to make the boys' school or schools 
which they contemplated preparatory to the Grammar School, 
rather than make them of a similar level. They pointed 
out that by endowing a rival school with an annual in- 
come of 1000 it would compete unduly with the old 
Grammar School, which was financially handicapped by the 
necessity of providing 150 free places out of its limited funds. 
I have not the means of knowing how far the divergence of 
opinion between the two bodies was a factitious one created 
by the legal advisers of the Crown, or how far it was due to 
divergence of local opinion, but it is necessary to remem- 
ber that some of the Hulme Trustees regarded their fund 
as belonging entirely to the Established Church, and that 


therefore ' representative ' governors on behalf of the public 
educational interests would be out of place. For some 
undeclared reason, they declined to take over the Com- 
mercial Schools, established in 1847 by the Church of England 
Educational Society. It might have seemed a dereliction 
of their duty for the Hulme Trustees to amalgamate with the 
Grammar School, though it is not evident why they would 
not support the Commercial Schools, which were sinking 
from the lack of endowment. Perhaps they thought they 
could best serve the interests of public secondary education by 
purchasing ample grounds, and erecting such good buildings as 
would attract a full stream of well-to-do boys from a more 
prosperous middle-class suburb, as, after considerable dis- 
cussion, they ultimately decided to build a large school at 
Alexandra Park at the south side of Manchester to accom- 
modate 300 or 400 boys. Dr. Joseph Hall, M.A. (Dublin), 
who had been a most valuable lieutenant to Mr. Dill, parti- 
cularly in organising the English part of the school, the 
gymnasium, and the library, was invited to take charge. 

The development of this school has a very profound 
interest to all connected with the Manchester Grammar 
School. Although quite an independent organisation, it was 
called upon to do somewhat similar work in the provision of 
high-class education among a population favourable towards 
education, but not discriminating in its aims. Many of the 
problems which confronted this school were, and still remain, 
similar to those which have always faced the governors of 
the Manchester Grammar School. Both institutions, though 
endeavouring to meet public needs, were necessarily at times 
considerably in advance of public demands in their strivings 
to supply a liberal training when many parents wanted a 
purely technical one. This must be a condition of all first- 
rate institutions. They are bound to lead the way and to 
forestall public opinion. They educate the community. 
In this, as in so much else, supply actually creates demand. 
Their justification comes when they have shown how 
thoroughly the school training they provide combines with, 
and completes, the work of the home, in affording an adequate 
preparation for the deeper problems of life that await the 
scholars after leaving school. Only so can the directors of 
the school expect to meet with the appreciation and under- 
standing they deserve. Probably even then, only the most 


thoughtful of the community will fully understand their 
aims, but fortunately public opinion is based on the instincts 
of the herd and follows its leaders somewhat blindly. The 
Hulme Grammar School, with its ample buildings, generous 
provision of playgrounds, its healthy atmosphere, its 
admirably equipped science department, and its guidance 
by an able headmaster, at once attracted a number of sons 
of well-to-do residents in the south part of Manchester. 

In 1887 Mr. Dill resigned his position of high master 
at the Grammar School. The governors expressed their 
appreciation of his services by presenting him with the 
following testimonial : 

' The governors hereby place on record their high appre- 
ciation of the zeal and ability with which Mr. Dill has for 
eleven years performed the important duties of the highmaster- 
ship of this School. They are glad to recognise in the 
numerous successes obtained by the scholars in University 
and other examinations proof of the excellence of the teach- 
ing and discipline maintained and developed by Mr. Dill 
and his assistants, and they have pleasure in acknowledging 
that the agreeable relations which have existed between 
the high master and themselves have greatly assisted them 
in the discharge of their duty as governors.' 

In his farewell address, July 1887, the high master thus 
spoke : 

' You must not estimate our work merely by the numbers 
and importance of successes in competition. Great develop- 
ments in music, athletics, literature, and social life have 
taken place, the full result of which can only be seen after 
some time. If these schemes prosper, as they seem likely 
to do, the change in tone and character of your School in 
the next ten years will be more striking than any change 
you have yet seen. The position of the School as a com- 
petitor in examination is already assured. Its great weak- 
ness, the absence of a common life outside the class-room, is 
in process of being ended. If you can overcome the difficul- 
ties completely, the last reproach against day-school life that 
it fails to form the boy's character will be wiped out, and 
your Grammar School will stand even higher in its influence 
and in its distinction than it does to-day.' 





First therefore, among so many great foundations of Colleges in Europe, 
I find it strange that they are all dedicated to professions, and none left 
free to Arts and Sciences at large.' Advancement of Learning, Book II. 
6, 8. 

' The ultimate end of education is not a perfection of the accomplish- 
ments of the school, but fitness for life.' Pestalozzi to T. P. Greaves. 

Music restored to its former place in education Gradual recognition of 
some of the limitations in education National movement for im- 
proving Technical Education in England Royal Commission on 
Technical Instruction, 1880-1884 Formation of the National Associa- 
tion, 1886 T. H. Huxley in Manchester, 1887. 

Mr. Glazebrook, 1888-1890, introduces development in Arts and Handi- 
craft The Proctor Bequest Sir Henry Irving and the School drama- 
tics The Gymnasium Increased attention to Modern Languages, 
Mathematics, and Science results in increased number of high 
University honours The Teachers' Guild, established in 1887, causes 
the profession of teaching to receive more public recognition Masters' 
Pension Fund founded at the Grammar School The Mechanics' 
Institute becomes a Technical School, 1888 J. H. Reynolds Director 
(1879 to 1912). 

The Technical Instruction Acts of 1889 and 1891 create new Educational 
Authorities and educational overlapping results The Manchester 
Concordat Reasons why the technical scholarships failed to attract 
the more highly educated boys. 

J. E. King (1890-1903) Royal Commission on Secondary Education, 1894 
F. E. Kitchener's evidence concerning the School. Re -organisation 
and amplification of entrance scholarships at Victoria University en- 
courage more boys to attend the local University Opening of the 
New Central Schools by the Duke of Devonshire, October 15, 1900, 
and opening of the new School of Technology by A. J. Balfour, Octo- 
ber 15, 1902 Resignation of Mr. J. E. King. 

GREAT as were the intellectual benefits conferred on national 



life by the establishment of Grammar Schools in the sixteenth 
century, there was at least one serious drawback : it empha- 
sised the separation which had already begun to spring up 
between book learning and handicraft as a means of mental 
cultivation. The evil results of this separation have lasted 
in this country for centuries. Not only has the proper 
development of our civilisation on its artistic and imaginative 
side been arrested, and no small proportion of the incentives 
to learning lost, but many unnecessary and still unrecognised 
obstacles have been placed in the way of a national system of 
education by limiting its fullest benefits and honours to boys 
and girls of one particular type, and neglecting, when not 
actually discouraging, the creative artist and craftsman. 

The incentives to all forms of creative activity lie deep in 
the imagination and often do not appear till later adolescence. 
Artistic capacities are therefore often more difficult to 
recognise at an early age than are linguistic or mathematical 
capacities; yet the cultivation of the creative imagination, 
and the training of incentives, are far more satisfactory proofs 
of the permanent value of education, to the individual as well 
as to the State, than the obtaining of school and University 
honours. A further restriction of the physiological amplitude 
of learning, owing to the increased use of manuals, occurred 
with the extension of cheap printing in the nineteenth 

While speech and song constituted the predominant part 
in Grammar School education, the major appeal of the school- 
master was to the ear and the subject-matter of knowledge 
was auditory. Of all the senses, hearing possesses the most 
profound emotional associations. It follows that the imagina- 
tion of a large proportion of human beings is more readily 
stirred through the power of sound and the spoken word 
than through sight and the written page. One illustration 
of this is found in the high value of the cultivation of music, 
dialogue, and declamation in Elizabethan and early Puritan 
times, while another illustration is found in the power of the 
preacher and the orator a power which, when used upon the 
ignorant, is greatly liable to abuse. When, therefore, owing 
to the cheapening of printing, text-books became general, 
their indirect appeal to the imagination was made through 
the medium of sight. They favoured the growth of a special 
sensitiveness to language often described as taste or refine- 


ment, which did not eventuate in action. 1 Oral teaching 
was for a time displaced, though, to some extent, ultimately 
restored by the ' direct ' method, and the difficulty of stirring 
the imagination of those who could not readily translate 
written words into thoughts was frequently forgotten or 
unobserved. With such pupils, school progress was more 
limited than it need have been, and the proper development 
of the intelligence was left to the chance effects of after-life. 
Such ' audiles ' constitute a large proportion, if" not the 
majority, of ordinary boys. No doubt some gain in accuracy 
has resulted from the change, for the practice of written 
composition, like all training of activities, increases the power 
of discrimination ; but there has also resulted a restriction 
in the number of successful scholars, as well as a limitation 
in the scope of school education, for the proportion of those 
capable of responding quickly to visual verbal appeal and 
replying in action is smaller than those capable of responding 
quickly to an audible appeal. 

Reading maketh a full man, 
Speaking maketh a ready man, 
Writing maketh an exact man. 

Some restoration of balance of training frequently took 
place after school life, and, though other forms of art 
languished for long periods in our history, music at least 
never became entirely neglected. In 1680 the fellows of the 
Manchester Collegiate Church made a grant of 100 for the 
purchase of an organ, and in 1685, the organist was instructed 
to make arrangements for teaching music to boys. The 
beginning of the eighteenth century is generally regarded as 
the period when school and college education was lowest, 
yet it was the period when English books were first placed 
in the school library and humanitarianism appeared. In 
1733, E. Betts, then organist at the Manchester Church, 
published a book of Instructions for Singers. Concerts and 
musical gatherings were held in the buildings of the Manchester 

1 The cultivation of visual imagination by pictorial art and by the 
study of the concrete is also a return to fundamentals of physiological 
mental growth. As regards school life its scope seems to embrace the in- 
creased power of discrimination, memory, and judgment rather than the 
cultivation of the will, by impelling action and habit and so creating 


Exchange, erected in 1729, and, though there are no books 
on music mentioned in Charles Lawson's library catalogue, 
Finch Smith notes that more than one of PurnelTs scholars 
became distinguished musicians (e.g. Joah Bates). In 1824 
the first public concert was given in Manchester. 

The reappearance of music as a school recreation under 
Mr. Dill was therefore of considerable moment. It implied 
the recognition of another educational movement which had 
been aroused by the attack on the formalism and exclusiveness 
of the old classical learning by writers in the Edinburgh 
Review at the beginning of the nineteenth century, and 
which had received unexpected and powerful democratic 
support from George and Andrew Combe (1788-1858). Im- 
pressed with the efforts of Spurzheim and Gall to find some 
interpretation of the real capacities of individuals by an actual 
study of the brain, while sympathising with the general 
agitation in favour of popular education that was then 
universal in England and in Scotland, the brothers Combe 
desired that education should take into account many valuable 
human faculties which the prevailing methods of education 
either simply ignored or actually suppressed. 1 The artificial 
phrenological classification of faculties which they adopted 
quietly disappeared before increased knowledge of the real 
character and use of the brain, but their services to general 
education were very great and enduring. At their own 
expense they caused many generous educational experiments 
to be conducted and many mechanics' institutes to be founded, 
which created some new educational traditions as potent 
arid as helpful to the artisan classes as She renaissance of book 
learning in the sixteenth century had been to scholars. 
Their early influence in Manchester has already been indicated. 
They were now to receive fuller attention. 

An important deficiency in English education had been 
pointed out as early as 1867 by Dr. Lyon Playfair, who had 
directed the attention of the Schools Enquiry Commissioners 
to the matter. After the Franco-Prussian War of 1870, many 
observers began to realise that, though England still retained 
the possession of most of the instruments and machinery of 

1 The Constitution of Man in Relation to Natural Laws, by George Combe, 
1828 ; The Principles of Physiology applied to the Preservation of Health and 
to the Improvement of Physical and Mental Education, by Andrew Combe, 
M.D., 1838. 


manufacture, yet the training of her mechanics and artisans 
was being neglected in the elementary schools as well as in 
the workshops, and that our commercial supremacy, already 
challenged, was being seriously threatened by other nations 
who were taking more pains to secure the proper educational 
training, efficiency, and inspiration of their workers. Inter- 
national and other exhibitions had been held in England, but 
the Government had failed to apply the lessons they taught. 
At the International Health Exhibition held in London in 1884 
considerable space was devoted to educational exhibits. The 
French Government were able to show what great efforts it 
was making in regard to the application of new views to 
education, and issued a handbook full of wise descriptions 
of their practice. The Belgian Government also figured 
prominently. The English Royal Commission (1881) appointed 
1 to inquire into the Instruction of the Industrial classes 
of certain foreign countries in Technical and other subjects 
and the means of improving the Education of the corre- 
sponding classes in England, 5 in their Report, published in 
1884, recommended that technical education, instead of being 
regarded as the sole concern of artisans and mechanics, and 
following an ordinary elementary school training, should re- 
ceive its natural place in secondary education. They insisted 
that increased training in the scientific and artistic principles 
that underlie industrial occupation should be accompanied 
by increased training in mathematics, modern languages, 
history, and geography. From this time onwards the 
term ' technical instruction ' was extended to cover the 
whole field of mathematical and physical science and some 
departments of history and geography. 1 They also recom- 
mended that scholarships should be more liberally founded, 
so that pupils from the higher elementary schools should 
be able to proceed to higher technical schools and colleges. 
As we shall see, these scholarships were not at first under- 
stood, and it was some time before their proper influence 
was noticeable. 

The National Association for the Promotion of Technical 
and Secondary Education, founded in 1886, was an educational 
missionary society ' to encourage educational reforms that 
would improve capacity in the broadest sense.' Lord Harting- 

1 Technical Education Commission Reports, vol. i. p. 43. 


ton was the President, and T. H. Huxley undertook to act as 
one of the secretaries in order to promulgate its aims. Its 
main objects were ' to develop increased dexterity of hand 
and eye in the young seriously threatened by the decay of 
the old apprenticeship system, to encourage the principles 
of Art and Science which underlie the industrial work of the 
nation, and to encourage the effective teaching of foreign 
languages.' It proposed to stimulate public opinion on 
these matters by consultation, discussion, conference and 
other forms of meetings. It started a propagandist move- 
ment throughout the country of great force and effectiveness ; 
and on November 29, 1887, at a time of family bereavement, 
Professor Huxley paid a visit to Manchester. 

' I am glad I resisted the strong temptation to shirk the 
business. Manchester has gone solid for technical in- 
struction, and if the idiotic London papers, instead of giving 
half a dozen lines to my speech, had mentioned the solid 
contributions to the work announced at the meeting, they 
would have enabled you to understand its importance.' x 

Michael Glazebrook, who succeeded Mr. Dill, was the 
first high master to be appointed by the representative 
governing body. He thoroughly realised that the new move- 
ments did not aim at merely occupational training, but desired 
to exert a humanising influence, and although no purely 
technological training was then, or subsequently, undertaken 
by the School, considerable modifications were made in its 
curriculum. They began in the following way. 

Soon after taking up his work as high master, Mr. Glaze- 
brook noted that one of the boys, through being second in 
his form, became ineligible for a foundation scholarship for 
which he applied, though he would have been very notice- 
ably first if mathematics or any other of his subjects had 
been taken into account as well as Latin. Mr. Glazebrook 
therefore requested the governors to allow him to make 
such alterations in the examination of boys for scholarships 
as would enable him to judge them on their general merits 
rather than the single subject of classics. The governors 
thereupon awarded a scholarship to the boy in question, and 
asked the high master to report on the prominence and value 

1 Letter to Sir M. Foster, December 1, 1887. 


to be assigned to the several subjects of examination in 
both entrance and Langworthy school-maintenance scholar- 
ships. As the result of his report, mathematics, modern 
languages, and English literature were assigned a more 
important part in the school curriculum, and a system of 
assigning appropriate values to each several subject was 
initiated. Discussion led to a general revision of the form 
places, and brought into prominence the need for reconsidera- 
tion of the educational value to the School of the certificates 
gained in such large numbers by the boys in the South Ken- 
sington Science and Art Examinations. Mr. Glazebrook 
also introduced the method of assigning places by means of 
fortnightly lists, and arranged that each boy should take 
his fortnightly report with the mark of his master to his 
parents and have it signed by one of them. 

Mr. Glazebrook established regular masters' meetings for 
the discussion of the internal organisation of the School, and 
encouraged the form masters to accept responsibility for 
boys and to interview parents, a privilege previously rather 
jealously regarded as the prerogative of the high master. 
He arranged for form masters to have some general super- 
vision over all the home work of the boys, and an attempt 
was made to break down the overwork which often resulted 
from each boy being accountable to four or five independent 
masters. He brought modern language classes under the 
Oxford and Cambridge Examinations Board, and appointed 
a chief modern language master to supervise the whole of 
the modern language teaching : even an Old Mancunian 
Modern Languages Society was formed. He allotted special 
form masters to the several forms on the modern side, similar 
to those on the classical side, and he broke down the isolation 
which separated the sixth form boys from the rest of the 
school. Previously they had had prayers in their own 
room : now they were induced to mix freely with the rest of 
the school, and Glazebrook chose a number of prefects from 
among them to take special duties. A distinct school cap 
was adopted. He also made some attempt to introduce 
literary and religions training into the science forms. By 
organising the punishments and arranging a handbook of 
Customs and Curricula for the masters, he was able to claim 
that the discipline improved while the punishment diminished. 
He had some share in developing still further the School 


athletic ground, for, in his time, some 400 was collected to 
level the piece of ground already rented for the School, and 
which was subsequently purchased for the School during the 
time of his successor. The School Harriers Club and the 
Hockey Club were started. Ulula entered upon a freshly 
invigorated term of its existence. The Cambridge Old 
Mancunian Society was revived under the presidency of Mr. 
Barnes-Lawrence, formerly assistant master at the School. 

Mr. Glazebrook's influence was particularly marked 
among the junior assistant masters, many of whom subse- 
quently carried out some of his ideas in other schools. Alfred 
Hughes became assistant master at Liverpool Institute, and 
subsequently Professor of Education at Birmingham, Lancelot 
became master at Rochester and Liverpool College, Watson 
at Maidstone, A. T. Pollard at the City of London School, 
Harrison at Newcastle-under-Lyne, Holmes at Dewsbury, 
Urwick, head of the Pupil Teachers' College at Durham, and 
H. L. Withers at Isleworth, and subsequently at Victoria 
University. During 1890 Mr. Glazebrook introduced ambu- 
lance work and hygiene teaching into the School, Dr. G. 
H. Darwin undertaking the work. 

Apart from these school activities, Mr. Glazebrook took 
an active interest in the progress of the Hugh Oldham Lads' 
Club, of which he was chairman of committee, his lantern 
lecture at the club on ' A Visit to Norway ' being much 
appreciated. He also shared in the work of the Manchester 
branch of the Teachers' Guild, which was formed in 1888 
with the object of promoting and safeguarding the interests 
of the teaching profession. Four hundred members were soon 
enrolled, and the meetings, which consisted of social gatherings, 
conferences, and debates, soon became very popular. He was 
President in 1890, when he gave an address on ' The Universities 
and Specialisation ' and entertained the members at an ' At 
Home ' so as to give teachers of different types opportunity 
of meeting each other. 1 

In 1889 the trustees of the late Daniel Proctor desired 
to make a donation of 2000 to the School funds, and con- 
sulted Mr. Glazebrook as to the most suitable form for the 
gift to take. He suggested that it should be devoted to : 

1 See also ' The Teaching of English Literature,' by M. G. Glazebrook, 
in Thirteen Essays on Education. 


The encouragement of reading by the establishment of 
reading prizes. 

The foundation of prizes for the modern side of the School. 

The proper equipment of the physical laboratory, recently 
instituted by Mr. Dill. 

The purchase of a school organ. 

The establishment of a workshop for instruction in manual 

To these suggestions the Governors readily agreed. Con- 
siderable impetus was also given to the study of music at the 
school, both instrumental and vocal, as well as to the other 
subjects. Early in 1889, the Rev. R. M. Parkes of Harrington 
offered to the Governors for the School Library some seventy 
volumes of music, which had previously belonged to his 
brother, the late R. J. Parkes, formerly a member of the 
School. About this time Mr. H. Stevens, Mus.Bac., Cam- 
bridge, organist, was appointed to instruct the younger boys 
of the School in singing. Mr. John Farmer, the famous 
organiser of school music at Harrow, paid several visits to 
the School between April 1889 and December 1891, and 
helped very considerably in arranging the work for the Glee 
Societies. He was also present at the School Speech Day 1899. 
Mr. Glazebrook collected a number of school songs, some of 
which (e.g. ' Dr. Gym ') he wrote himself. They were set to 
music by John Farmer, who was definitely appointed director 
of the school music in 1890. Foremost among all those who 
rendered service to school music was Mr. George Broadfield, 
who, with the assistance of Mr. Alfred Hughes, Mr. J. R. 
Broadhurst, and Mr. Florian, maintained the school singing 
and orchestras at a high level for many years. 1 A public 
recital was given May 1, 1891, by Mr. W. Rowley, to celebrate 
the formal opening of the Proctor organ. 

We may continue our study of the progress of musical 
education and the development of fine art and of the drama 
at the School in this place, though it extends beyond the 
period of Mr. Glazebrook's high mastership. 

On May 9, 1894, the School Glee Society was sufficiently 
strong to undertake, under Mr. George Broadfield and Mr. 
Hughes, the performance of the first part of Mendelssohn's 

1 Some record of Mr. Broadfield's 'Ten Years' Work,' Ulula, 1901, 
p. 275, and 1905, Oct. 5. 


' Elijah.' In 1894 the Orchestral Society started, and sub- 
sequently both musical societies participated in School 
concerts and soirees. This activity in the School was a 
reflection of the musical activity in the city outside. 

As soon as the desirability of standardising attainment in 
music had become recognised, various institutions had begun 
to hold local examinations. On January 11, 1880, Trinity 
College, London, had begun to hold musical examinations in 
Manchester, and attention was drawn to them in the current 
number of Ulula. The establishment of local examinations 
by the Royal College of Music and the Royal Academy of 
Music, founded in 1850, soon followed, and it was to raise 
funds for the extension of the latter that H.R.H. the Duke of 
Edinburgh visited Manchester in 1883. The Proctor school 
organ showed the spread of the movement in the School. 

The Royal Manchester College of Music was established 
in 1892 by Sir Charles Halle. It was a teaching institution, 
providing a three years' curriculum which prepared for such 
careers as that of organist, music teacher, instrumentalist, &c. 
It awarded a Diploma of Association after a three years' 
course of training. There are a few special, but no municipal, 
scholarships, though municipal support is given to the whole 
expenses by way of a grant to the* College. For particularly 
gifted students, scholarships for further study are awarded 
both at the Royal College and the Royal Academy of Music 
in London. As there is no qualifying entrance examination 
in general knowledge, even for the London scholarships, in 
any other subject than music, no organic connection has 
hitherto existed between the College of Music and centres 
of secondary education, such as the Grammar School, yet 
there can be no doubt that a preliminary general education 
of a liberal character would be of as great value to a musician 
as to any other professional man. In 1900, E. W. Horrocks 
gained an organ exhibition at Pembroke College, Oxon., and 
in the same year, E. M. Isaacs gained the Halle Memorial 
Scholarship of the Royal College of Music, Manchester. 

We have seen how art training was restored to a place 
in the School curriculum, after the Manchester School of 
Design had outgrown the narrow utilitarian purposes of 
teaching designers for calico printing and pottery by the 
rule of thumb, which was at one time imposed upon it by 
the Committee of the Privy Council, and which only at a 


much later date had begun to recognise its cultural possi- 
bilities. John Ruskin's missionary zeal in this cause had 
brought him to the Grammar School to speak to the boys in 
1864, and his address is printed in the collected volumes of 
his works. His conversation with Mr. Walker no doubt 
influenced the latter in his introduction of drawing to an 
important place in the School curriculum. 

From 1874, annual exhibitions of the work done, by day 
and evening pupils, were held at the School before the work 
was sent up to South Kensington to be adjudged. These 
exhibitions were largely attended, and spread the fame of the 
day school. In 1879, the Art School held at the Grammar 
School stood first in the number of individuals successful in 
the second grade, Birmingham School of Art being second. 
On July 11, 1883, the School governors voted a further sum 
of 100 for the purchase of more plaster casts. About this 
time Mr. Pritchard, chief art master, was elected Associate 
of the Academy of Fine Arts in recognition of his services 
to Art education. In September 1883, the Council of the 
Royal Institution of Manchester offered special Art prizes 
of 10 to be competed for by the students of the School 
of Art at the Grammar School. Having further funds 
at their disposal, they repeated their offer in 1889. Art 
questions were again receiving much attention in Manchester. 
In 1878, Ford Madox Brown had been commissioned to paint 
the frescoes for the New Manchester Town Hall. The Royal 
Jubilee Arts and Treasures Exhibition at Old Trafford had 
been held in 1887. It had done much to arouse further 
interest in Art, and the promoters and guarantors devoted 
a generous sum of 8000 for the building of a Museum of 
Art in connection with the City School of Art. A further 
grant from the Whitworth trustees enabled Art teaching 
in Manchester to be put on a firm footing. The School 
of Art was taken over by the City Council on the advice 
of the Technical Instruction Committee and opened as a 
Municipal School of Art in 1890. In 1892, the governors of 
the Royal Institution of Manchester presented their Art 
collections, together with their buildings, estimated to value 
about 80,000, to the city on condition that the Council 
should spend an annual sum of 2000 for twenty-five years 
in enlarging the collection. 

The Art classes of the Grammar School continued to be 


maintained at a high level. In 1892, a special room was pro- 
vided for teaching the boys to model in clay. At the following 
South Kensington examination, five first class and eight second 
class certificates were awarded to boys in the School for pro- 
ficiency in this particular subject, the greatest school Art 
triumph being the occasion when J. Knight received a National 
Scholarship at South Kensington, being fourth out of 500 
competitors. At this time Mr. Lilley, an old boy, who had 
been assistant drawing master at the School between 1881 
and 1893, left on receiving the appointment of head master 
to the Poole Art School. Mr. J. Knight now came to assist 
Mr. Jackson in the Art teaching at the School, helped by 
three student teachers. Mr. Fred Garnett, who had left the 
school in 1894, came to work as an assistant in 1897. In 1901 
Mr. C. C. Marsh, an old boy who had become a student teacher 
then a natural outlet for artistic ability in the School 
obtained the silver medal in the National Art Competition. 

Hitherto the only recognised * Art Masters' ' certificates 
had been those granted from 1852 by South Kensington. In 
1902, the Royal Manchester College of Art began to award 
diplomas. In 191 1 , the Board of Education issued ' Teachers' 
certificates ' for Art students, who, after giving proof of such 
preliminary general training as the possession of the school- 
leaving certificates, &c., had passed through a three years' 
course of Art training, and showed their proficiency. Thus, 
although the successful prosecution of Fine Art demands a 
high standard of general culture, and professional artists of 
the highest attainments have generally shown evidence of 
liberality of training, it was Applied Art in the form of Art 
teaching which first assumed the status of a learned pro- 
fession. Art scholarships of the Technical Education Com- 
mittee of the Manchester City Council were now frequently 
awarded to successful candidates, particularly those who 
wished to follow such careers as that of Architecture or the 
Fine Arts. 

We have noted that dramatic performances had been 
given by the boys at the annual Christmas soirees held in 
the gymnasium and other buildings. They were a revival 
of the Commemorations of 1641 and the plays of 1724-31 ; 
a few ordinary rehearsals, one dress rehearsal for the boys, 
and one public performance were regarded as affording 
sufficient exercise for their talents. Some additional zest 


was imparted when, on December 9, 1891, Sir Henry Irving 
came to the School, offered suggestions to the players, and 
spoke to the boys. On December 7, 1894, Mr. F. R. Benson 
showed similar interest. 1 After a time the performances 
increased in number. This involved greater preparation, 
and a school stage was erected and equipped, though the 
School Dramatic Society was not founded until some years 
later. This Society was the outcome of an effort to keep 
together during the winter all those who were interested in 
dramatic art, with a view to reading plays and papers on the 
Drama. Among the recent dramatic writers the following 
old boys, Stanley Hough ton, Harold Brighouse, Gilbert 
Cannan, L. du G. Peach, and H. Bestwick, had some awaken- 
ing of their Art at the School, while B. Iden Payne, for some 
years director of the Gaiety Theatre, Manchester, made his 
debut on the School stage. 

A very important part of any liberal training in crafts- 
manship depends on the proper use of the hands, yet manual 
work in schools is generally relegated to a subordinate position. 
The successive efforts to make it a cultural subject at the 
Manchester Grammar School are of interest. 

The cultivation of these artistic and other activities at 
the School was not accompanied by any failure to cultivate 
the more severely intellectual pursuits. They seemed rather 
to act as an incentive if we are to judge by the records of 
boys at Oxford and Cambridge. 

The School had long enjoyed a high reputation for the 
excellence of its teaching in mathematics, and we have noticed 
the reorganisation that took place under Mr. Walker in 1868. 
In the development of the teaching and in the preparation 
of boys for Oxford and Cambridge, foremost must be men- 
tioned Rev. John Chambers, who came to the School in 1871, 
and remained on the active teaching staff till his resignation 
in 1890. It was then said of him that he had kept an accurate 
record of the mathematical progress of every boy in the 
School during the whole time of his stay there, and that 
it was continued for some years after he left. On his 

1 Many great actors have shown their interest in the efforts of school- 
boys to delineate character by dramatic art. On March 27, 1847, Mac- 
ready wrote to the boys his deep regret that he could not redeem his 
promise to come and see them perform. See Manchester Guardian, April 3, 


resignation, a farewell meeting of past and present members 
of the Mathematical Sixth took place, at which Mr. Chambers 
was presented with a theodolite, an instrument which he 
kept frequently in use till within a few days of his death, which 
took place some seventeen years later, when he was seventy- 
seven years of age. 1 

The place of master to the Mathematical Sixth was next 
taken by Mr. Joseland, and the mathematical successes at 
Oxford and Cambridge became even greater than before. 
Owing to the reorganisation of the scholarships at the Victoria 
University, clever mathematical boys were also attracted 
to the Manchester University and showed their grit and 
training there also. Mr. Joseland continued at the head 
of the mathematical department until 1897, when he was 
appointed head master at Burnley. He was succeeded 
by Rev. A. Taylor. The following indicates some of the 
successes at Cambridge : 

1888. R. H. D. Mayall, of Sidney Sussex, 2nd Wrangler, 

1888. H. Hirsch Kowitz, of Gonville and Caius, 14th 

Wrangler, 1891. 

1889. R. Sharpe, of Christ's, 2nd Wrangler. 

1892. E. T. Whitaker, of Trinity, 2nd Wrangler, 1895. 
1895. J. R. Corbett, 20th Wrangler, 1895. Astronomer- 
Royal for Ireland. 

1897. Percy Fogg Lever, of Christ's, 1900. 
1900. H. Bateman, of Trinity, bracketed senior wrangler, 

We have mentioned that Mr. Glazebrook proposed that 
some of the Proctor bequest should be used for further equip- 
ment of the physical laboratory, and for a time a number of 
boys distinguished themselves in that subject at the Uni- 
versities. Mr. Holme, physics master, left on being appointed 
head master at Dewsbury. One of the junior physic assis- 
tants of the physics department, Mr. Parrott, was sent to 
Sweden to study the Sloyd system of manual training. On his 
return this system of manual training was adopted, and for 
a while a voluntary class served as the basis for the training 
of young boys in the use of tools. It was extended to benefit 

1 Cf. Ulula, October 1890. 


a larger number of boys as a ' carpentering ' class under Mr. 
King, but though of some value for boys under thirteen, it 
was subsequently found to be not sufficiently developmental 
to be applicable for boys of older growth, for Swedish 
manual training, at this time, apparently corresponded to 
the grammar or accidence stage which formerly was the 
beginning of a classical education. The whole system of train- 
ing was reorganised, and further extension had to be devised 
in order to enable it to become more virile. Owing to the 
generosity of Sir William Mather, a metal workshop 
department has recently been added, the ultimate relation- 
ship of which with Learning seems to lie partly in the 
direction of further Art training and partly in elementary 

The level of classical and of modern language scholar- 
ship at this time also continued high. The former was 
kept up by J. R. Broadhurst, who has proved such a worthy 
successor to Mr. Perkins. He was helped by men of energy 
and enterprise such as Wilkinson, while modern language 
training attained an ever-increasing value under the direc- 
tion of Mr. Morich, the first head of the modern language 

The following extract from Mr. Glazebrook's speech on 
Prize Bay, 1890, illustrates the University successes achieved 
at this period : 

' It is also worth mentioning that nine first classes at 
the Universities of Oxford and Cambridge is greatly above 
our average, while eleven open scholarships and exhibitions 
is exactly our average for the last ten years. Almost all 
these and other distinctions have been won by boys who 
were originally placed on the classical side of the School. 
Ten years ago the classical side was twice as large as it is 
now, for slowly and steadily the modern side has been 
gaining, and is now considerably the larger of the two. It 
is obvious, if this state of things continues, many of our 
ablest boys being excluded from University competition, 
we cannot expect to maintain the average of University 
distinctions. Now what are our feelings about this pos- 
sible change ? No doubt it is a schoolmaster's greatest 
pleasure to teach boys who have a talent for science or litera- 
ture, and the honours of his pupils are his most tangible 
reward. But the main business of a school like ours is, after 


all, to do the best for ordinary boys to train them to be 
good and useful citizens, and if our commercial side (for 
that is what our modern side really is) is successful in turning 
out youths who can play their part well in the commerce 
and manufactures of this great city, then I for one shall 
be consoled if there should then be a shrinkage in our list 
of honours. During the past year we have devoted much 
time and thought to the development of the modern side. 
Of course the effect of our changes cannot be felt at bnce, 
but already there has been a distinct improvement in the 
work done in that part of the School, and a diminution of 
punishment. The energy and ability of the Form Masters, 
together with the admirable organising power of Mr. Morich, 
who is the director of the Modern Language teaching, has 
already done much, and will in two or three years produce 
still better results. Nor must I omit to mention another 
cause which has contributed to this improvement, and which 
I earnestly hope will continue to do so in an increasing degree . 
Many of you will remember that last year I made a special 
appeal to you that the home might co-operate with the school, 
that we masters might feel that we had the support and 
sympathy of you who are parents. To-day I thank you 
for the generous spirit in which very many of you have 
responded to my appeal.' 1 

The reforms instituted by Mr. Glazebrook during the 
short time he held office have had a permanent influence on 
the School, though he did not remain long enough to see 
their results. His standard of work was high, and he had 
the courage to institute the practice of rejecting a number 
of candidates for admission to the School when, owing to the 
competition of the Higher Grade Schools and the Hulme 
Grammar School, Alexandra Park, the total number was 
already falling. Thus there were in the School in July in 
1887, 815; in 1888, 815; in 1889, 781 ; in 1890, 761, at 
which latter date he reported that ' the decrease was more 
than accounted for by the rejection of thirty boys ' a novelty 
in practice but ' required by the scheme and necessary in the 
best interests of the School.' He was distressed at the long 
railway journeys many of the boys took, and encouraged 
the improvement of Grammar Schools in the neighbouring 
towns to obviate this, though such might seem against the 
immediate interest of his own School. His last service to 

1 Ulula, 1899, p. 100. 

D D 


the School was his invitation to his old head master at 
Harrow, Dr. H. Montagu Butler, then Master of Trinity 
College and Vice-Chancellor of Cambridge University, to 
distribute the school prizes. Dr. Butler gave an address 
to the boys ' On the Need for the Preservation of Greek 
and Roman Thought in School Life by means of English 
Translations.' He urged that if the English nation had 
woven the thought and ideals of the Jewish nation so 
thoroughly into their lives by translations of the Hebrew 
Scriptures as to give an impress to their national character, 
there was no reason why the lucidity and nobility of the best 
that was in Greek and Roman thought should not also be 
available for the same purpose by English translations, 
particularly for those who would never study classical authors 
in their original language. 

On the resignation of Mr. Glazebrook in 1890, Mr. J. E. 
Bang was appointed high master. He had been educated at 
Clifton College and Lincoln College, Oxford, of which he was 
appointed Fellow in 1882. He had served as assistant 
master at St. Paul's School, London, under Dr. F. W. Walker, 
and he had been appointed tutor of his old college in 1890. 
He was therefore singularly well able to maintain the high 
reputation for scholarship the School had attained. In 
addition to this, he was called upon to face an extraordinarily 
confused, yet very active stage of educational development, 
whose centre was in Manchester, where the movement in 
favour of increasing the public opportunities for technical 
training for industrial and other classes had become very 
active. New educational authorities had been created with 
little experience of educational administration, though with 
intimate knowledge of industrial requirements. These 
authorities had large sums of money at their disposal and 
they were full of zeal in the new cause. During the second 
administration of Lord Salisbury (June 1886-1892), the 
authorities at Whitehall had been stirred into fresh activity 
by the realisation of the enormous industrial efficiency of 
Germany and France. They began to make efforts to recover 
their lost ground and to cultivate friendly relationships. 
The Emperor William II visited England and became a 
guest of Lord Salisbury at Hatfield in 1891. Sir Philip 
Magnus, one of the Technical Education Commissioners, had 
successfully organised the City and Guilds of London Institute. 


Sir Henry Roscoe, Professor of Chemistry at the Victoria 
University, had entered Parliament to promote the cause. 
Huxley was willing to put forth every effort to serve it. 
The most enlightened of the merchant classes also took active 
interest in the matter. The Whitworth Trustees placed funds 
at the disposal of the proprietors of the Mechanics' Institute, 
which had been reconstituted in 1887 as the ' Whitworth 
Technical Institute.' It had been steadily growing in scope 
and influence under the direction of an enterprising and able 
committee and the leadership of Mr. Reynolds, who, after 
having received some very rudimentary instruction in the 
old ' English School ' of the Grammar School, received the 
real inspiration of his life at the Lower Mosley Street School 
and later as an evening student at the Mechanics' Institute, 
of which he subsequently became director. The Technical 
Instruction Act of 1889 gave local authorities the power 
to levy a small rate for technical instruction in addition to 
their rate for elementary education, and the Act of 1890 
placed 800,000 (whisky money) at the disposal of local 
authorities throughout the country for the same purpose. 
Unfortunately the governing bodies to which it was entrusted 
knew little about education, and much competition and 
confusion resulted. In Manchester the new committee 
appointed the Technical Instruction Committee soon re- 
ceived offers from the Whitworth (Technical) Institute and 
the Whitworth School of Art 1 to place their institutions at 
their service, an offer they gladly accepted, and wisely co-opted 
on to their own committee the members of the old committees, 
who were qualified by experience and position to advise on the 
matter. The Whitworth Trustees thereupon offered a valuable 
site in a central part of Manchester, consisting of 6400 square 
yards, to enable a suitable building to be erected. To this the 
Corporation added another 900 yards. The first sod was turned 
July 20, 1895. A celebration was held October 15, 1902, at 
which Mr. Balfour took part, and the buildings were opened 
for use July 20, 1903. The history of the organisation of this 
work, contained in the reports of the Committee between 
1890 and 1903, constitutes a striking chapter in the spread 

1 The Whitworth Technical Institute was the outcome of the old 
Mechanics' Institute and was steadily rising in efficiency and requirements of 
its pupils. The Whitworth Art Gallery had succeeded the Manchester 
School of Art and was making great efforts to rise to higher levels of work. 


of Technical Instruction in England. The reports record 
Continental visits, numerous conferences in Manchester and 
elsewhere, the establishment of scholarships to attract able 
scholars, informal meetings and discussions with various 
educational bodies, including the leaders at the Manchester 
Grammar School where the scholarships were not as eagerly 
competed for as had been anticipated ; indeed, every form 
of intellectual activity which manifests itself when a 
democracy seeks to find methods of self -education. Mr. 
Balfour, who represented a Manchester constituency, then, 
as always, in close touch with Manchester interests and 
Manchester needs, no doubt received a great deal of help 
from these conferences in the elaboration of his plans for 
the 1902 Act. Whether the founders and supporters of the 
National Society for Promoting Secondary and Technical 
Education were the originators of Government action or 
not, they certainly enlightened and very profoundly stirred 
up public opinion by their conferences held in London, 
September 11, 1896, and at the Owens College, Manchester, 
on July 9, 1897, and again on December 3, 1899. 

In spite of much good will and desire to co-operate with 
other bodies, the creation of a new and independent educational 
authority was for a time the cause of some confusion, over- 
lapping and even distrust. The Technical Instruction Com- 
mittee of the Manchester Corporation, which was formed on 
April 2, 1890, was primarily entrusted with the duty of dis- 
tributing the ' whisky money.' It made grants to several 
centres of Secondary Education, including the Grammar 
School (250), the Owens College (1000), &c., and, in 
addition, offered scholarships tenable at secondary schools. 
It further offered four day scholarships of 60 a year, tenable 
at the Owens College, in order to encourage boys from 
Manchester Grammar School, the Hulme Grammar School, 
and the Higher Grade Schools of Manchester. They were 
particularly planned for those scholars from the last-named 
schools who were entering for the National Scholarships 
restricted to those willing to study at the Royal School of 
Science and the School of Mines in London. Sir Henry 
Roscoe had made unsuccessful efforts to persuade South 
Kensington to allow these to be tenable at Owens as well as at 
London, for the Victoria University w r as developing its tech- 
nology. So well were the boys of the Central Schooli trained 


that of the first four city scholarships offered, they secured 
three, and, being well equipped in French and mathematics 
and science, were able, with a few weeks' extra study in English 
literature and history, to pass the Matriculation Examination 
in September, which allowed them to enter for University 
courses. The total number of applicants for these city scholar- 
ships was at first limited ; this caused considerable disap- 
pointment, which is confessed in the evidence subsequently 
given to the Royal Commission of Secondary Education 1894, 
by Sir James Hoy and Mr. Reynolds. Probably the Grammar 
School boys who were intending to follow skilled industrial 
and textile pursuits passed into business life directly they 
left school. If they desired further technical instruction, 
they attended evening classes in special subjects instead of 
taking day classes. There was as yet no tradition of boys 
preparing for highly skilled industrial careers by a previous 
training in technology. The fact that the Grammar School 
by means of scholarships continued to pass its best boys to 
Oxford and Cambridge was rather adverse to their competing 
for local technical scholarships. There was also at that time 
no demand from employers for highly trained experts, and 
there was no desire on the part of the parents for their sons 
who were not intending professional careers to remain at 
school till they were adequately prepared to take advantage 
of the scholarships offered by the newly established Technical 
Education Committees. A new intellectual outlook among 
employers, parents, and pupils needed to be created, 
perhaps a new generation needed to arise, before it became 
generally recognised that careers in the applied arts and in 
manufactures needed to be prepared for by a systematic 
course of study in scientific principles. 

Another factor which for a while limited the popularity 
of technical training as an objective for those leaving the 
higher-class schools at this time was the increasing popularity 
of the teaching profession, owing to the encouragement of 
residential and day training colleges by Sir William Anson 
at the Committee of Education at Whitehall, as a result of 
the findings of the Royal Education Committee, 1886-1888. 
Professor Bodington of Leeds University, who had at one 
time held a post as assistant master at the Manchester 
Grammar School, and was familiar with the new problems, 
brought forward a scheme for the affiliation of training colleges 


to local Universities, since the training for this profession 
was readily grafted on to educational methods already in 
existence. The local branch of the Teachers' Guild, 
established in 1888, under Glazebrook's encouragement 
became the centre of some missionary activity, and the active 
support first given to it by Mr. Glazebrook was continued 
by Mr. King. The Owens College opened a Day Training 
Department in 1890 for 25 men, and in 1893 another depart- 
ment for women, offering diplomas in teaching for those 
who, after having passed an intermediate examination in 
Arts or Science, had attended certain specified courses on 
Logic, Psychology, Ethics, Method of School Management, 
&c., and showed their proficiency on examination. This 
department was constituted a complete Faculty of the 
University a few years later. Pupil teachers' centres provided 
a more elementary training for the teaching profession, and 
many students passed from them to the Universities to 
qualify for degrees. 

In 1890, a pupil teachers' centre was opened at Roby 
Chapel, Grosvenor Street, where evening classes had been 
held from 1876, and in 1893 a second centre was opened at 
the old Commercial Schools, Stretford Road. There were 
then 392 pupils, of whom 80 were boys. Ten years later, 
on the opening of the Municipal Day Training College, which 
took the place of these two pupil teachers' centres, there 
were 801 pupils, of whom 135 were boys. This new move- 
ment at once exerted a stimulating effect on Secondary 
Education, particularly as pupil teachers' bursaries were 
given to children of the age of 14 to induce them to remain 
in secondary schools till 16, and then to present themselves 
for qualifying examination and become Queen's Scholars, 
with annual subsidy of 25, to enter the centres and be 
prepared for matriculation or other further qualifying 
examinations for teaching. 

That the early stages of this movement succeeded so 
well, not only in increasing the number of scholars seeking 
higher education, but also in linking up the secondary and 
elementary schools, and thereby accomplishing social aims 
of exceptionally high value, was largely due to the energy 
and activity of the Manchester branch of the Teachers' 
Guild and the way in which it was supported by all local 
educationalists. It was a powerful missionary agency. 


The causes which led to the complete failure of so 
promising an educational movement as the connection of 
elementary school teaching with the Grammar School, and 
the diversion of a stream of earnest, intellectually keen and 
enterprising boys into other employments, will be considered 
in the next chapter, where figures will be given to illustrate 
the force of this movement, and the period and causes of 
its decadence. 

In September 1891, the Annual Conference of the 
Guild was held in Manchester 1 under the presidency of 
Professor Wilkins, and discussions on general problems 
connected with Secondary Education took a prominent 
place. In 1892, when Mr. J. E. King served as president, 
Sir Henry Roscoe gave an address explaining the aims of 
the Technical Instruction Commission, and on November 4 
a reception and social gathering was held at the Grammar 
School. Many subsequent meetings were held to consider 
bills in Parliament, details of the various educational schemes 
and school problems. In April 1897, another conference 
was held in the Grammar School. On March 3, 1898, 
Mr. J. E. King again being president, Mr. J. H. Reynolds 
opened a discussion on Technical Education. 

We now come to a consideration of the exact nature of 
the opportunities offered by the Grammar School to those 
who were carried forward on the rising flood. Perhaps it is 
best expressed in the words of H. J. Roby (1830-January 
1915), educational reformer and administrator, scholar 
and teacher, author of works on Jurisprudence and Latin 
Grammar, cotton-spinner and Member of Parliament, who 
as chairman of the governors of the School, 1893 to 1905, 
gave evidence before the Royal Commission on Secondary 
Education in 1894. He seems to have regarded Secondary 
Education as a social adornment or equipment available for 
members of the middle and upper classes who were willing 
and able to pay for it. Other classes, with less economic 
status, had naturally less money to spend on education and 
would have to do without such a luxury. If, however, a boy of 
exceptional ability and industry appeared among the artisan 
or lower middle classes, then it was only right to lift him out 
of his class. ' I should be most sorry that any boy who really 

1 SeefJournal of Education* 


had the capacity and industry should not obtain a very high 
education, but I do not think such boys are very common.' 
* Educational ladders,' advocated by Huxley, were regarded 
as sufficient instruments for removing any existing social 

The same idea is expressed by the high master ( J. E. King) 
on Speech Day, 1892, who took occasion to speak of the 
intermediary position of the Grammar Schools of England 
between the elementary schools and the Universities and 
technical schools, and of the advantages they offered to 
clever boys : 

' The chief distinctions in the University lists [from Man- 
chester Grammar School during 1891-2] had been gained by 
scholars who had come to them from the elementary schools 
of the district. ... If the best pupils from the elementary 
schools went to the Grammar Schools, a larger future was 
open to their industry and ambition than would otherwise be 
the case. Grants had been made to various educational insti- 
tutions in aid of Technical Education. Hereafter this School 
had the opportunity of serving as a link ; first came the 
elementary education, then the more general training in 
languages, mathematics, and the principles of science, and 
lastly the more special technical training. In this way all 
the chief educational institutions of the city would have an 
opportunity of playing the part for which they were severally 
fitted. The place of the School stood midway.' 

It was Gladstonian liberalism, inherited from the 
benevolent Whigs of the eighteenth century who had done so 
much for education ; it was also the political doctrine of the 
Manchester School. As a principle of social organisation it 
had done, and was destined to continue to do, great things, 
but it was incomplete as a measure of social amelioration, 
for it paid no heed to those who did not happen to be quick- 
witted and precocious enough to outstrip their fellows at an 
early period of life, or did not happen to have the favouring 
early surroundings which stimulated intellectual growth, 
or whose independence of mental outlook prevented them 
submitting to a course of educational training that was not 
adapted to their method of thought. Higher education 
was to be had for those who could pay for it. It was to be 
as efficient as school committees and high masters could 
make it, but there was no need to provide for it out of 


public funds. Private benevolence and old endowments were 
sufficient to look after the deserving poor. H. J. Roby, when 
giving his evidence at the Secondary Schools Commission, said : 

' I do not think that the desire to have it [superior educa- 
tion] is a test of the utility for the public supplying it. Even 
the education provided by the Higher Grade Schools should 
be kept in check by a central authority. The fees already 
charged were too low. Such schools had their proper place, 
and there was no reason why those scholars who proved 
themselves capable and hardworking should not pass from 
these schools direct to the Universities, but the study of the 
humanities was more likely to unfit them for their future 
sphere than to help them to rise out of their present sphere.' 

The ' Secondary Education ' which was offered by the 
Grammar School at this time was undoubtedly both generous 
and highly efficient. It continued to send to the older Uni- 
versities a stream of boys, self-contained and self-restrained, 
who took high honours at the examinations and conferred 
distinction on their School, and whose intellectual equipment 
was of the highest order, as is shown by their successes at 
the older Universities. 

Between 1878 and 1894, that is, in sixteen years, the 
School had gained at the older Universities : 

8 Fellowships. 
16 University scholarships. 

5 Prox. accessit. 
117 First classes. 

186 Open scholarships and exhibitions. 1 
The table on p. 410 also illustrates the use made of the 
4 Education Ladder ' by boys at the Grammar School about 

Between 1888 and 1894 the entries into the Manchester 
Grammar School were as follows : 

From Public Elementary Schools . 688, i.e. 40 per cent. 
Endowed Schools . . 201 
Private Schools . . .741 
Private Tuition . 60 


Cf. St. James' Budget, July 20, 1894. 


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Since, however, scholarships were offered by the Tech- 
nical Education Committee of the Town Council (Technical 
Education Acts, 1889-1891) and tenable at the School, the 
high master endeavoured to make some special provision 
for them. 

' Boys came to the School with scholarships under the 
new technical instruction scheme, and the School received 
a grant from the Technical Education Committee of the 
Manchester Corporation. They were therefore extending 
their workshop (from 16 benches for voluntary workers, 
to 32 benches, to become an organised part of the School 
curriculum) and they had further this year fitted up the old 
and disused chemical laboratory as a room for teaching 
modelling in clay. In different ways then, by their work- 
shop, their modelling and drawing classes, and their chemical 
and physical laboratories, they would be able to give a 
general training, consistently with the scheme and character 
of the School, which would serve as a preparation for sub- 
sequent special extension.' 

Another matter that materially affected the flow of 
boyhood to the Victoria University was the reorganisation 
of its Entrance Scholarships. 

' No fewer than ten scholarships at Owens College had been 
won this year by Grammar School boys, and six of them 
were entrance scholarships. This was interesting as showing 
that without, he hoped, lessening the number of those who 
proceeded to the old Universities they would also find scholars 
who would go with distinction to the University College 
of Manchester. Another pathway to the local educational 
institutions was provided in the technical scholarships and 
exhibitions offered by the Lancashire County Council and 
the Manchester Corporation. Since the last prize-giving, 
five science, six commercial, and three art scholarships 
and exhibitions had been won by boys from the Grammar 
School. He was glad to say that these scholarships had 
been won with but little preparation and without disturbance 
of the regular school course. It would be a misfortune if 
preparation for the examinations had a tendency to cramp 
a boy's general education, by turning him to special studies 
before the proper time, particularly when he was intending 
to proceed to a University College. The number of the 
technical scholarships which the School had obtained, as 


well as the Owens College Scholarships, and the long array 
of distinctions in the Victoria University lists afforded, so 
he thought, good proof that they were playing their part in 
that co-ordination of the work of the Educational Institutions 
in Manchester of which they heard so much.' l 

In 1894 also, just after the reorganising of entrance 
scholarships, Principal Ward and Professor Wilkins stated : 

* We are of opinion that poor and meritorious boys may 
without difficulty pass from the public Secondary Schools 
and the highest classes of Board Schools, into the University, 
with a prospect of covering their expenses, so far as classes 
are concerned, by scholarships gained on entrance. There are, 
however, occasional instances where maintenance is beyond 
the power of young men at this College, but this cannot be 
remedied except with the aid of special funds. 2 As to students 
requiring technological instruction, the correlation has hitherto 
remained inadequate, and we are very decidedly of opinion 
that a more satisfactory correlation might be secured if the 
grant of technical scholarships by the interested public bodies 
were confined to persons who give evidence of passing satisfac- 
torily through courses of technical sciences definitely laid down 
and pursued. A fair proportion of our graduates, both in 
Arts and Science, take up the work of teaching in Secondary 
Schools after graduation.' 

The numbers actually proceeding from the School to the 
various Colleges and Universities for further study, arranged 
in quinquennial periods, are as follows : 







1893-1897 . 






1898-1902 . 






1903-1907 . 






1908-1912 . 






While the several subjects for which students entered 
with a view to completing a full course at the local University 
were as follows : 

1 UMa, Speech Day, 1895. 

1 Evidence before Secondary Schools Committee, 1894. 





Science, includ- 
ing Technology. 











































The entry for commerce and teaching accounts for most 
of the increase 1906-10 ; also the new regime at the Grammar 
School. The last quinquennial total is very incomplete on 
account of the deficiency of records. 

Another way of showing how slow were the stages by 
which the Grammar School was linked on to the scheme 
of technological education is shown by the small proportion 
of its candidates who gained the scholarships. Between 
1891 and 1899 the Manchester Education Committee awarded 
272 scholarships, available either for Higher Secondary 
Schools or for technical or University careers. Of these, 
108 were awarded to pupils from Higher Grade Schools and 
assisted them in their further study at the University, while 
only 67 were awarded to those who entered from other schools. 1 

Out of 100 scholarships to the Technical School which 
had been awarded before June 1894, only 18 had been 
awarded to candidates from local Grammar Schools, 11 from 
the Manchester Grammar School, and 7 from Hulme Grammar 
School. The reason for this failure was possibly in part 
the prejudices of the middle classes, who confused the new 
policy of the Technical School with that of the old Mechanics' 
Institute out of which it had sprung. They did not yet 
realise that both the Technical School and the School of Art 
were now preparing for careers which required a higher 
standard of preparation than the elementary schools afforded. 
They now offered preparation for future high-level employ- 
ment, in which neither technological, art, nor musical training 
by themselves could take the place of a liberal prepara- 
tion at school. The reason for the failure of the Higher 

1 School Board Gaxttte, November 1900. 


Grade Schools to provide the number of candidates expected 
of them was shown by Mr. Wyatt to be the limited 
number of scholars who remained in them till fifteen, 
which was the age of entry demanded by the Technical 
Schools. Prolonged stay at the Higher Grade Schools spoilt 
many of these boys for the humanistic forms of secondary 
education and did not inspire them to pursue the higher 
branches of technical education. Moreover, commercialism 
and the prospect of immediate wage-earning still tempted 
many parents to withdraw their children too early from 
school, for the enormous business prosperity of Manchester 
caused merchants to make tempting offers of well-paid im- 
mediate occupation to the brighter boys and diverted them 
from continuing their intellectual training to a higher level, 
the advantages of which they had not sufficient knowledge to 
see. An analysis of the subsequent careers of the boys from 
these Higher Grade Schools shows that the majority became 
imperfectly trained clerks and employees of the Manchester 
warehouses, few really attaining a complete knowledge of 
any art or trade which amounted to a mastery. They 
no doubt helped the merchants to make the money which 
they did not share. 

It was particularly in the Modern and Science sides of the 
School that increased expansion in numbers and efficiency 
of work became most noticeable, where those who passed to 
the Owens College were helped by the Dal ton, Hulme, Kay- 
Shuttleworth, and many other entrance scholarships after 
these had been placed on a satisfactory footing. The study 
of Chemistry continued to be pursued with vigour. This 
is shown by the fact that in 1893, in the list of Fellows of 
the Chemical Society, there occurred the names of twenty- 
three old scholars. Of these all but five were graduates of 
a University. 

At the Old Mancunians' Dinner in 1896, Dr. Lazarus 
Fletcher stated that, since the accession of Mr. Jones to the 
Chemistry department, i.e. during twenty-four years, no 
fewer than ninety-two open scholarships and exhibitions in 
science had been won at Oxford and Cambridge. Forty-four 
Mancunians had been placed in the first class in science, 
fifteen in the second, and only ten in the third. Nor was 
Art neglected, each boy receiving on an average three hours' 
instruction in drawing per week. 



The following table shows the extended use of the Science 
and Art facilities throughout the School at this time : 







Gross total of Students 

under instruction, 1898 . 




No. of separate Students 

presenting themselves for 

examination . 




1899 gross total 





No. for examination . 





1900 gross total 





No. for examination . 






Meanwhile every effort was being made officially to 
prevent the wasteful overlapping. To clear up the confused 
mass of conflicting opinion, and to establish definite principles 
for the guidance of educational authorities, the Prime Minister 
induced the Crown in 1894 to appoint a Royal Commission 
of Enquiry into Secondary Schools. Manchester was again 
well represented. Dean Maclure, who had entered the 
School 1844 and was now Deputy Chairman of the Governors, 
was one of the Commissioners. The Lancashire evidence 
was collected by F. E. Kitchener, who stated : 

'The Manchester Grammar School stands far ahead of 
any other Secondary School in my district. The advanced 
character of the education given, the largeness of the area 
from which it draws its boys, and the extraordinary number 
of boys which it sends up annually to the Universities, not 
only distinguishes it from other Lancashire schools, but 
give it a foremost, and in some respects, the foremost place 
among the great Day Schools of England.' 

Other Manchester evidence was given by Sir James Hoy, 
Chairman of the Technical School ; J. H. Reynolds, Director 
of Secondary and Technical Education ; Professor Ward, 


Vice-Chancellor of the University ; Mr. Wyatt, Director 
of Elementary Education, and H. J. Roby, Chairman of 
the Board of Governors of Manchester Grammar School. 
Michael Glazebrook, though he had left the School four 
years previously, evidently used much of his Manchester 
experience when describing his views of the relation of a 
school to its local University. 

A conference of School Boards was held in Manchester 
in 1893, of which a full account was given in the School Board 
Gazette. In 1894-95 a conference was held between the 
Manchester School Board, the Technical Education Committee, 
and the Manchester Grammar School, the latter being repre- 
sented by Oliver Heywood, H. J. Roby, and the high master. 
They drew up what was known as ' The Manchester Con- 
cordat.' * In 1896, the several positions of the Manchester 
Grammar School, the School Board, Higher Grade Schools, 
the Technical School, and the University were further defined, 
and the Manchester Concordat was adopted. On July 10, 
1897, a public meeting was held at the Owens College still 
further to clarify the issues. 

In 1896 the movement for the actual purchase of the 
playing fields, then only rented by the School, took form. 
A fund was opened with a donation of 500 and with two 
others of 50. It was thereupon decided to form a committee, 
with Sir William Bailey, an old scholar, as chairman, and 
to make a public appeal for funds. A public meeting was 
held on April 30, 1896, Sir William Bailey in the chair. It 
was decided to raise the sum of 10,000 for the purpose of 
purchasing two playing fields for the Manchester Grammar 
School boys, one field to be on the north and one on the 
south side of the city. A committee of old boys and friends 
was formed to raise the money. The boys themselves raised 
650. By January 1, 1897, the total which had been raised 
only amounted to 4500, so it was decided to restrict the 
scheme to the purchase of one field on the Clowes estate 
on the north side of Manchester, the purchase price being 
2500 in cash, and a promise to pay a further 1200 

1 Memorandum of arrangements (a) between the Manchester School 
Board and the Municipal Technical School, (6) between the Owens College 
and the Municipal Technical School, with regard to technical instruction 
adopted by the City Council, January 8, 1896. 


in four years. The ground was drained, levelled, and 
sodded at a cost of 782, and a pavilion erected which 
cost 1125. The committee, however, realised that, owing 
to the unexpected popularity, the ground was often in- 
conveniently crowded. They urged that it was desirable 
to purchase a further and adjoining piece of ground, 
necessitating an increased outlay of 950, but, as there was 
already an outstanding liability of 1923 on the field, and 
the fund had been practically stagnant for two years, the 
committee felt considerable anxiety about increasing their 
liabilities. The grounds were formally opened on August 1, 
1899, by the Lord and Lady Mayoress of Manchester, who 
were welcomed by Sir William Bailey. The outbreak of the 
South African War now entirely diverted public attention, 
and the story of the full completion of the scheme must be 
left to the next chapter. 

In the spring of 1903, J. E. King, on his appointment to 
the post of head master of Bedford Grammar School, placed 
his resignation in the hands of the governors, who thereupon 
recorded the following resolution : 

' The Governors recognise his scholarly attainments, his 
insight into the needs and conditions of every department, 
his unfailing zeal and tact, the value of his personal influence 
on the teachers and scholars which have done so much for the 
success of the School during his term of office.' 

At the 108th Old Boys' Dinner, held April 16, 1903, Mr. 
J. E. King gave a valedictory address, and stated that in his 
opinion the success of the School in the past had depended 
on three things : 

(i.) Its freedom to all comers, (ii.) Its adaptability to 
changing conditions, maintaining its classical traditions while 
giving attention to modern languages and the teaching of 
science, (iii.) Its aims : the pursuit of learning and good 

Articles appeared in the Manchester Guardian, July 17, 
1903, giving a summary of the work which the School 
had accomplished in building up the ladder of education. 
And another article, in the Saturday Review, June 11, 1904, 
stated : 



' No Secondary School in the country is doing so much 
to bridge over the gulf between the Board Schools and the 
University. Its successes are not selfish and individual. 
They are genuine democratic triumphs, which, if we may 
be allowed to employ a much abused word in its broader 
and truer sense, possess social and political, as well as 
scholastic importance.' 



' A heart to resolve, a head to contrive and a hand to execute.* 

Unification of educational aims under the Board of Education (1899) con- 
firmed and extended by the Education Act (1902) Local Authorities 
called upon to make more adequate provision for higher education The 
Manchester Grammar School enters the national scheme and reserves 
15 per cent, of all its vacancies for * free -placers,' or selected boys from 
elementary schools It secures its channels of supply of middle-class 
boys by establishing a preparatory school in the suburbs J. L. Paton 
appointed high master : he creates a new attitude He modifies 
the curriculum at the request of the Board of Education, which had 
succeeded the Endowed Schools Commissioners as supervisors of 
Trust Funds, and the Education Committee of the Privy Council as 
supervisors of the character of its Science, Mathematical, and Art 
teaching in all forms except the sixth Advantages and disadvantages 
of the Board of Education thus exercising control over all forms of 
instruction at the School Further development of corporate life 
at the School by encouragement of all forms of public service School 
camps, social gatherings, rambles, scout meetings Photographic 
and Natural History Societies Formation of the Old Mancunians 
Association Appointment of School medical officer The Call to 
Arms and the Public Schools Battalion. 

TOWARDS the end of the nineteenth century many of those 
who had been closely observing the growth of English educa- 
tion had begun to realise that the so-called ladder from the 
elementary school to the technological college and the Uni- 
versity, provided by scholarships and bursaries, was far too 
narrow. They realised that favouring social circumstances, 
good health, home interests, and good family traditions at 
an early period of school life, had so much to do with school 
capacity that the selection, by scholarship examination at 
thirteen, or even later, failed to catch many whose after 



careers showed they would have greatly benefited by more 
thorough school training than they had gained at the ele- 
mentary schools. They urged that boys and girls must be 
admitted to the secondary school not by right of exceptional 
capacity, but by right of desire for knowledge. It was 
evident a wider understanding of adolescence had yet to be 
found. As regards Manchester, Hugh Oldham had founded 
the School for the industrial lower middle classes, not for the 
specially clever nor for the specially favoured, but because 

'he had often taken into consideration that the youth, 
particularly in the County of Lancaster, had for a long time 
been in want of instruction . . . and that the bringing up 
in learning, virtue, and good manners of children in the 
same county is " the key and grounde to have good people 

By the Education Act of 1902 the obligation of making 
adequate public provision for higher as well as for elementary 
education was placed on the local authorities. The nature, as 
well as the adequacy of such provision was to be decided, 
after consultation, between the Board of Education, which 
had been created in 1899 and the local committees. Both 
nature and provision varied greatly in different districts. 
From the national point of view, the new Bill required a very 
greatly increased supply of educational opportunity for all 
classes. With the increased supply, there soon arose an 
increased demand. The demand was primarily in the 
direction of seeking the preparation needed for teaching in 
public elementary schools, for it was evident that teachers 
must be educated in advance of their pupils. In addition 
to this the lower and middle classes, inspired by the Workers* 
Educational Union and similar movements, had shared in 
the progressive general enlightenment due to the multiplica- 
tion of libraries, art galleries, concerts, cheap popular news- 
papers, &c. A new spirit of responsibility and a recognition 
of need for further social service was abroad. It was conse- 
quently generally realised that school education, conducted 
through the period of adolescent life, was as beneficial and 
desirable for the child of the artisan and small tradesman as 
for the child of the merchant and professional classes. In 
the presence of an advancing wave of public reform, it is 
easy for critics to point to particular drawbacks, and illustrate 


these by quoting a number of cases where such higher school 
education during adolescence was probably less valuable than 
apprenticeship to some skilled handicraft. Some drawbacks 
of this character will appear later. At present we are only 
concerned with chronicling the events so as to understand 
the new conditions created. These may besummed up in the 
statement that the educational ladder from the Board School 
to the University created by scholarships and bursaries, 
and available for a few selected and exceptional children, 
had now become so crowded that it needed to be replaced by 
a highway open to all who could show their ability to make 
proper use of it, and whose guardians were willing that their 
children should surrender the tempting benefits of immediate 
wage-earning for the sake of the ultimate moral and material 
advantages to be obtained by availing themselves of the new 
opportunities. For some, the Technical and Technological 
Schools became the objective. For the rest some other, 
perhaps new, educational objective had to be created. An im- 
portant one was found in training for the teaching profession. 
Although, with the exception of drawing, it has never 
been the duty of the Grammar School to train pupil teachers 
in the technique of their ultimate life work, yet many 
educational authorities have recognised that it would be a 
great advantage if their intending teachers gained some 
experience of the life of a large public school with great 
traditions. The Manchester Education Committee early 
offered bursaries tenable at secondary schools to a number 
of scholars in their elementary schools who signified their 
intention of subsequently entering the teaching profession. 
Pupil teachers' bursaries were also granted by the Education 
Committees of Salford, of Lancashire, and of Cheshire. 1 In 
November 1904, application was made to the Board of 
Education for the recognition of the School as providing pre- 
paration for bursary holders of these Education Committees. 
I have endeavoured to discover their number. 

1 In order to attach the School still more closely to the public bodies 
which were sending boys to it, application was made to increase the number 
of representative governors by adding two from the Lancashire and two 
from the Cheshire Education Committees, and additional ones from Man- 
chester and from Salford, thus increasing the total number of governors 
representing Local Education Authorities from nine to fifteen, in addition 
to the four University representatives, one ex-officio and eight co-optative 
governors, making a total of twenty- eight. 










ment Man- 























































A considerable number of the above were assisted by 
the Thomasson Trust of Bolton. I have not been able to 
get the figures for Lancashire and Cheshire. 

The figures represented in the last two columns have 
been extracted from the admission registers of the Manchester 
Pupil Teachers' Centre and the Education Department of the 
Manchester University, and give the number of boys who 
had received their previous training at the Grammar School 
and might be supposed to be able to do something towards 
breaking down the barriers between primary and secondary 

The existing buildings of the Grammar School had been 
erected in 1881 with a view to accommodating 1000 boys. 
There were only 720 on the lists in July 1903. The Municipal 
Secondary School in Whitworth Street was opened in 1904. 
It made provision for 500 boys as well as 400 girls. The 
Salford Secondary School made provision for 300 boys and 
300 girls ; the Hulme Grammar School, Alexandra Park, for 
300-400 boys. The Lever family had restored the old 
Grammar School at Bolton, and had equipped it with ample 


playing fields and all modern needs. Other neighbouring 
towns, such as Bury, were extending their own secondary 
schools, or were erecting new ones. For the more opulent 
middle class, private and public boarding schools were also 
rapidly multiplying. Many of them gave high-class training, 
and were admirably adapted for providing that moral and 
intellectual stimulus and training in class tradition during 
adolescence, which the upper middle-class home had ceased, 
if it had ever been able, to provide, and which it did not care 
to entrust to the public day schools. 

How long would the Manchester Grammar School be able 
to retain the high position it had acquired from its long tradi- 
tion of good scholarship, its staff of able masters, its well 
equipped laboratories ; from its perfected organisation as an 
instrument of higher education ; from its admirable scholar- 
ship system arranged for the selection and retention of clever 
boys of limited means, and for securing their advancement 
to the Universities ? All these things might be of little avail 
if there was no sufficient stream of boyhood to fill the School. 
If it was to hold its own under the new conditions created 
by the 1902 Act, it needed to be alive at every point of modern 
life. Were its traditions sufficiently clearly established and 
appreciated by the public for the School to retain its hold on 
the middle-class boy of a good home, whose parents desired 
an earnest and strenuous life for him ? And were they 
sufficient to stir the imagination of the increasing number 
of boys from the elementary schools to whom university 
honours, established social status and social obligation, meant 
little, but who desired learning, and whose parents were 
willing that they should postpone the period of their wage- 
earning till certain advantages had been fully assured ? 

To answer this we must study the channels of supply. 

Within a few years of its inclusion under the Board of 
Education, the School again became filled, even to the 
extent of overcrowding. Its hold on the middle-class boy, 
seeking professional or high-level commercial training, was 
made more secure by the rapid growth of its preparatory 
schools, which had originally been established in order to 
obviate the necessity of sending, at an early age, young 
boys by railway or other long journey into Manchester, or 
boys who were inadequately prepared for the somewhat 
strenuous intellectual curriculum which it was always 


intended the Grammar School should offer. The Chorlton 
High School a middle-class preparatory school established 
in 1839 by Dr. Merz, and carried on in Dover Street by Mr. 
Adams and Dr. Hodgson and Mr. Fuller successively, had 
been removed to Withington some years previously. It 
was taken over in 1897 by a special committee acting in 
association with the governors of the Manchester Grammar 
School, and opened in January 1898 as a preparatory school. 
The connection between it and the Manchester Grammar 
School gradually became more intimate, though it was some 
little time before the new traditions sprang up, which caused 
it to become a natural feeder for the central School. Another 
preparatory school was opened at Higher Broughton in 
1905 by well-wishers in the district and placed under the 
care of Mr. Dennis, who had already served twelve years as 
assistant master at the Grammar School. At the request of 
the Cheshire County Council the Sale High School was 
taken over as a third preparatory school in 1908. All the 
buildings and goodwill of these schools were, with the con- 
sent of the Board of Education, made integral parts of the 
Grammar School property in 1908. 

On February 7, 1906, Mr. Fuller reported to the governors 
that there were 117 boys in the South Manchester Preparatory 
School, that 40 were new boys and 17 had been passed on 
to the Grammar School during the year, two of whom 
had gained Foundation Scholarships. On March 18, 1908, 
he reported that during the preceding ten years 126 boys 
had proceeded to Manchester Grammar School. 

The following table of the number of boys attending 
the preparatory schools from 1908 (Michaelmas) to 1916 


North Man- 
chester School. 

South Man- 
chester School. 

Sale High 






































(Lent) also gives some indication of the growth of the 
preparatory schools which were now taking their place as 
natural feeders to the central Grammar School. 

Free Secondary Education, assisted in some necessitous 
cases by bursary or maintenance exhibitions, was, however, 
provided on the School Foundation for 150 boys, half the 
places being restricted to boys from elementary schools and 
the other half open. A number of maintenance bursaries 
were also given by outside authorities to pupils who expressed 
their intention of preparing for the teaching profession, and 
who, in return for their training, undertook to serve the 
community by engaging in teaching in elementary schools 
for a certain length of time. It was decided that the 
number of Foundation scholars, now largely consisting of 
Free Placers, i.e., of boys from elementary schools, with a 
privilege of free education during the whole of their school 
life should be increased till they amounted to at least 15 per 
cent, of each year's admissions. If both Foundation and 
Capitation boys remained at the School for the same 
length of time, there would then be 150 Foundation 

Experience soon showed that the Foundationers were 
more serious about their education than the capitation boys, 
and as they often came at an earlier age, the average length 
of their stay at the School was longer. 1 The lengthening 
of their school life caused their proportion to increase, and, 
though they were only 15 per cent, of entrances, they gradually 
amounted to 25 per cent, of the total number of boys actually 

Every boy who does not hold a scholarship, whether he 
comes from an elementary or other preparatory school, pays 
15 a year, if entering under 14. This fee by no means pays 
the full cost of his education, for the buildings and equip- 
ment were given by public subscription. The fee has not 
been an absolute bar, though it has probably acted to some 
considerable extent as a deterrent to the boy from an 
elementary school who fails to secure an entrance scholar- 
ship. In 1894 they constituted 38 per cent, of the School 
that is, there were 285 boys from elementary schools out of 750, 

1 The Physiqut of the Modern Boy, Manchester Statistical Society, 
December 1912. 


and at the Hulme Grammar School, Alexandra Park, with 
300 boys, there were at the same time about 36 per cent, 
from elementary schools. There were 160 Foundation 
Scholarships. 1 If all the Foundation Scholarships had been 
awarded to boys from elementary schools, there must have 
been at least 125 more such boys paying fees. In 1915, 
with over 1000 boys, there were 750 capitation boys, of 
whom 250 were fee-paying boys from elementary schools. 
It follows there was an increased number of parents of 
children attending elementary schools who were able to 
pay the school fees. It would, however, be unwise to 
deduce from this that the economic factor is not a serious 
deterrent in many cases, for it is a remarkable fact that 
40 per cent, of the capitation boys were ' only sons,' and 
only 38 per cent, of the scholarship boys have no brothers. 
In lower middle-class families, it is to be feared that the 
failure to obtain a Foundation Scholarship has in some cases 
served as a deterrent from entering the Grammar School. 
Such deterrence may be expected to increase in times of 
bad trade. 



Free Places. 
























































The free placer of the Manchester Grammar School 

1 Every boy whose education is paid for out of public funds, whether 
elected as a Foundation scholar at the School or supported from other public 
funds, if he comes from a public elementary school, is a free placer. He has 
a right to attend the complete course of training at the School unless his 
behaviour is such as to earn dismissal 


generally comes from a home which, in spite of somewhat 
restricted economic circumstances, possesses moral and intel- 
lectual traditions of no mean order. A comparison between 
the free placer and the capitation scholar at the Man- 
chester Grammar School brings out several suggestive facts. 1 
In order to avoid misinterpreting these facts, we need to re- 
member that the free placer (a term which is synonymous 
with the foundation scholar from an elementary school) 
is now, though he has not always been, a highly selected 
boy, since between ten and twenty are chosen out of 200-250 
candidates. He is of quick apprehension, and his early child- 
hood, though devoid of luxury, has usually been singularly 
free from such retarding or devastating influences as frequent 
colds, sore throats, rheumatism, and infectious illness, 2 and 
bad health in early life is a serious handicap to school progress 
before adolescence, though its influence steadily diminishes 
after fourteen. He is therefore generally of good physical, as 
well as of mental, stability. He generally comes from a home 
which possesses a moral though tfulness. The capitation boy 
is usually also from a good home, generally with wider 
opportunities for social enlightenment and unfortunately at 
times for social luxuries as well as dissipation of energy, 
but he is less highly selected from his companions as regards 
his intellectual abilities, for the qualifying entrance examina- 
tions which all boys must pass is not a stiff one. Any 
intellectual difference between the capitation boy and 
the foundation scholar on entrance is constantly being 
accentuated with each successive year of school life, because 
each year a number of the best capitation boys, owing to 
their school attainments, get school exhibitions and so get 
placed on the Foundation list ; while the less able (or less 
precociously intellectual) capitation boy does not obtain a 
Foundation Scholarship, and remains to accentuate the 
intellectual difference between the Foundation and the 
Scholarship holder. The test of ability and attainments 
at an early age on entrance examination, though valuable 
as a test of innate power of discrimination amplified by 
proper training, has serious drawbacks. The different organic 

1 Manchester Statistical Society, December 1912 Some Physical Factors 
necessary in Higher Education, North of England Education Conference, 
Bradford, January 1914. 

* Transactions of the Clinical Society of Manchester, February 1912. 


systems of which the human body is composed are the nervous, 
the osseous, the muscular, the cardio- vascular, and the nutri- 
tive and digestive systems. Each of these passes through 
several stages in its growth, and the rate of development 
of one system is not necessarily the rate of another, so that 
a boy may be mentally precocious and muscularly delayed, 
&c. The width of this range of variation to be detected 
among these boys is as much as four years, so that one boy 
of ten is frequently as matured as another of fourteen. More- 
over the social conditions which profoundly influence mental 
and bodily growth, such as hours of retiring to bed at night, 
opportunity of social diversion, and even dissipation of energy, 
differ in different homes, and so affect the attainment previous 
to and during school life. 


Free-placers who are either Foundation Scholars or 
boys sent from Elementary Schools by other Educa- 
tional Authorities or Charities who pay the School 

Capitation or Fee- Paying 



































24 1 6 1 14 

Total 48 

Total 44 

At a Conference on Secondary Education held at Victoria 
University 1897, Mr. King had pointed out the harmfulness 
of the uncertain position in which the School stood, owing to 
the fact that some parts of its curriculum Science, Mathe- 
matics, and Art were under the Science and Art Depart- 
ment of the Privy Council (South Kensington) and the others 
Classics, Modern Languages, and English subjects still 
under the Endowed Schools Commissioners who had succeeded 

1. X. (i 

2. S. DILL. 

3. F. W. WAI.KKR. 

4. J. L. PATON. 

5. 31. (i. GlAZKBftOOK. 
G. J. E. KING. 

Six recent High Masters. 


to the educational work of the Charity Commissioners. In 
1900, the first part of the School organisation passed under 
the Board of Education which succeeded the Science and Art 
Department of South Kensington: administratively it be- 
came a Secondary School, Division A, Science and Art 

After the passing of the 1902 Education Act, the whole 
question of the relation of the School to the national scheme 
of education came up for further consideration. One of the 
last acts of Mr. King as high master was to forward a letter of 
application, dated February 16, 1903, to the Board of Educa- 
tion asking for complete recognition under Division B (all 
subjects) . This meant such modification of its school teaching 
as would provide a three or four years' curriculum satis- 
factory to the Board of Education. The new curriculum 
involved the practical displacing of Art teaching in favour 
of increased elementary science and mathematical teaching, 
the displacing of the teaching of English literature in the 
higher forms above the thirds in favour of increased teaching 
in French and German. There were also some other less 
important changes. It was at this time that Mr. J. L. Paton 
was appointed as high master. After much correspondence a 
new curriculum was finally drawn up January 11, 1904, which 
embodied the desires of the Board : this is, in a general way, 
the scheme still in use. During the latter part of the year 
1904, on the reconstruction of the Consultative Committee of 
the Board of Education, J. L. Paton and Albert Mansbridge, 
General Secretary of the Workers' Educational Union, were 
appointed new members. 

The School of Art at the Grammar School, which had 
first received recognition in 1869, ceased to be a special depart- 
ment October 1905. It had completely lost its former premier 
position, and this was accompanied by a loss of touch with 
the higher aspects of pure and applied Art. It is true it gained 
some freedom by being released from the limitations imposed 
by South Kensington, but it also lost the stimulus of being 
in touch with a great centre of progress. It is to be regretted 
that, in spite of the great development of the Proctor work- 
shop and the development of Dramatic Art at the School, so 
many boys leave school without having their imagination 
stirred by a love of creative Art. This is a problem for to- 
morrow, and the inclusion of handicraft and drawing among 


the qualifying subjects for the school-leaving certificate of 
the Northern University Board should have great effect. 
Dramatic Art has made considerable progress as an out- 
of-school subject, and seems capable of very considerable 
further development, particularly in association with the 
Proctor reading prizes, for it appeals to certain boys who 
have no book memory, or book imagination, or poor visual 

Consultation with representatives of the Manchester 
Educational Committee was held July 3, 1907, on the question 
of overlapping and possible conflict of aims. It resulted 
in the Manchester Education Committee supporting the 
application of the Grammar School for a full place 
in the general local scheme. It passed the following 
resolution : 

' That the Board of Education be informed that, in the 
opinion of the Manchester Education Committee, the Man- 
chester Grammar School is required as part of the secondary 
school provision of the city and that article 24 of the regu- 
lations may be waived with advantage on its behalf, subject 
to the condition that the Governors of the School agree to 
the proportion of free places for scholars from public ele- 
mentary schools being not less than 15 per cent, of the 
scholars admitted.' 

This co-operation of the civil educational authority was 
no doubt greatly assisted by Dean Maclure, Chairman of 
the Manchester School Board till his death in 1906, and Mr. E. 
J. Broadfield, who had served as Chairman of the Manchester 
School Board in 1878, and under the 1902 Act had been 
Vice-Chairman, and became Chairman of the Educational 
Committee established by the new Act of 1902 in succession 
to Dean Maclure. Both were active governors of the 
Grammar School. 

The increased financial resources secured by the change 
enabled the Board of Governors to increase the sum devoted 
to assistant masters by nearly 2000 and it now approached 
the sum formerly paid in Mr. Dill's time. A timely grant 
to School funds by the Hulme trustees on April 22, 1910, 
and continued yearly, enabled the Governors to increase the 
Masters' Pension Fund. 



































































The changes in the curriculum had the effect of increasing 
the number of boys who remained at the School during 
adolescence, while the further attempt to restore the School 
to its original position of being open to all comers by the 
now fully acknowledged position of the free-placer, rendered 
obsolete the class feeling which separated the boy of the 
elementary school from the boy of the secondary school. 
Two factors contributed to its disappearance : (1) Change 
in the traditions of the School itself ; (2) Change in the type 
of boys obtaining scholarships. The social exclusiveness of 
the Victorian middle-class home was crumbling before the 
new spirit of social service, which was heralding a new epoch 
in the brotherhood of man, before which social snobbery and 
intellectual priggishness became ridiculous. This spirit of 
social service had to be harnessed to concrete facts. The 
need was at hand. The imagination of the boys was stirred 
by the great extension of school lectures and addresses given 
by distinguished workers and thinkers Dr. Wilfred Grenfell 
of Labrador, Lieut. Shackleton, Captain Scott, and many 
others. The boy in the middle of the School received as 
much honour for work faithfully done as the distinguished 
graduate at Oxford and Cambridge : 

* [One] left SB last year to go to the School of Technology. 
Besides gaming many prizes for home work and sessional 
examinations he won a Cheshire County Council scholarship 


to be held at the School of Technology. . . . "The old 
Grammar School did well for him," writes his father, and we 
thank the father for the kind thought which prompted him 
to send us his letter.' 1 

The project for erecting a memorial in the School to 
commemorate the patriotism of the sixty-three old boys 
who had taken part in the South African War, which had 
languished, was again revived. A committee was appointed 
in November 1903 under the chairmanship of Dean Maclure, 
an old scholar and now Chairman of the Governors. Sub- 
scriptions were called for, and after a little further delay a 
memorial tablet was erected for those who had fallen, which 
was unveiled in September 1904 by two old boys, Colonel 
J. Wright, R.A., D.S.O., and Captain H. S. Nickerson, 
R.A.M.C., V.C. 

Lacrosse, football, athletic sports, musical and orchestral 
societies were now increasingly used as a means of social 
intercourse, by which the influence of masters might act on 
the boys, while constant companionship with the boys 
humanised the attitude of those masters. Whitsuntide 
holiday camps for working-class lads had become very 
popular. Fifteen such, many with 500 boys, left Manchester 
each Whitsun week. Four or five Sixth Form boys began to 
assist as orderlies, at the one held among members of the 
Hugh Oldham Lads' Club. 2 In 1904 a holiday camp was 
held on ground lent by Lord Stanley of Alderly. In order to 
satisfy the intellectual curiosity of the boys attending these 
camps, and to stir up a love of inquiry, Mr. F. A. Bruton, 
who had already made valuable contributions to archaeology 
by his excavations and records of the Roman Fort at Castle- 
shaw, of that at Foothill and Melandra, and of the Roman 
Fort at Machele, drew up some very helpful notes for campers 
on Natural History and Geology. The establishment of 
scout troups began in 1912. 

We have noted the establishment of a Biology class by 
C. J. Bourne. Various geological and other collections 
had been given originally to the School Philosophical Society 
on the advice of Dr. Lazarus Fletcher, and were often studied 
by boys who possessed some little knowledge of chemistry, 
and were intending to follow such careers as mining, engineer- 

1 Ulula, October 1903. Sea Ulula. 


ing, &c. A Natural History Society was formed in February 
1885, under the auspices of Mr. Earl, Mr. Willis, and J. G. 
Milne, and succeeded in attracting some juvenile entomologists. 
After a number of miscellaneous collections had been gathered, 
a reconstruction of the Museum took place in 1905, when a 
committee of masters, members of the Natural History 
Society, and old boys, were invited to co-operate. Lessons 
on Botany by Mr. Willis were followed by Nature Study by 
Mr. Bruton. Five cases of birds presented by the Manchester 
Museum authorities and a series of Palaeolithic specimens 
given by Mr. Sutcliffe of Littleborough formed a basis of an 
anthropological and archaeological collection which is now 
steadily growing. These collections are also used for the 
voluntary classes held in connection with the Scout Move- 
ment. Not a few boys have discovered the direction of their 
own tastes and inclination by these means, and the future 
developments in agriculture with the need to understand 
bird and insect life which is so intimately associated with its 
scientific study, would indicate the advisability of extending 
this branch of school work. 

The Old Mancunians Association was formed Sept. 7, 1904, 
firstly, for the benefit of boys who had recently left, or were 
about to leave, the School ; secondly, for the past generation ; 
and, thirdly, for the city and community, so as to secure re- 
newal and continuance of friendships between schoolfellows 
and masters by reunions and cultivation of mutual interests, 
literary, social, and athletic. The first annual meeting was 
held November 3, 1905, with 278 members, J. L. Paton, the 
president, taking as the subject of his address, * Each for all 
and all for each,' illustrated by the combining of loyalty to the 
School with loyalty to the city, and * Be just to the Poor/ 
as expressed in the need for increased educational oppor- 
tunities to enable every citizen to become and to do the best 
that is within him, since the ultimate cause of all social 
evil lay not in difference of material wealth but in violent 
contrasts of educational opportunity. 

On December 19, 1903, 200 working lads of the Hugh 
Oldham Lads' Club were invited to meet the boys of the 
Grammar School and to share in their interests. A return 
visit of the Grammar School boys to the Working Lads' Club 
was paid the following March. This exchange of visits became 
annual. Hugh Oldham of Livesey Street again rubbed 



shoulders with Hugh Oldham of Long Millgate, and some 
social prejudices received a shock. 

The Natural History Club and the Photographic Club had 
for some time been Field Clubs with organised plans of 
country excursions. 

' The excellent teaching of such experts with the camera 
as Mr. Parrott and the late Mr. Sykes, and the practical 
lectures organised throughout the year by the Society are of 
inestimable value, but we must remember that boys in a day 
school have more leisure for such pursuits than those whose 
school hours are always compulsorily occupied.' l 

When the Ruskin Exhibition was held in the City Art 
Gallery in Manchester, 1904, the boys were sent, under the 
charge of the Art Masters or of Form Masters, as part of their 
school work. Pictures began to appear on the bare walls 
of the School, and Mr. Charles Rowley presented a series of 
photographs of figures drawn by Frederick Shields for the 
Church of the Ascension, London, in 1908. The Music Study 
Circle was formed November 1909, with the help of Mr. 
Sydney Nicholson. 

To stimulate capacity for social service, the Ambulance 
Lectures, started in 1890, became increasingly practical by 
the addition of instruction in ambulance drill. Boys were 
encouraged to qualify themselves to obtain the St. John's 
Ambulance Certificate. A Swimming and Life-saving Class 
was established, and in order to popularise it a demonstration 
was given by a champion team from the Royal Schools for 
the Deaf and Dumb, Old Trafford. Individual prizes at the 
Athletic Sports were abolished in favour of marks, which were 
credited to the form rather than to the boy, so that success 
in sports competitions counted like success in football or 
competition in cricket. 2 

While the larger proportion of boys come from homes 
whose restricted circumstances in no way imply restricted 
moral or social outlook, or lack of adequate parental guidance 
and inspiration, yet there is always a small proportion of 
boys, quite as often from secondary as from elementary 

1 Ulula, 1909, p. 111. 

Cf. ' Sports without Prizes,' School World, 1906, by A. Pickles, of 
Trinity College, Cambridge. 


schools, whose homes are less favourably endowed ; where 
social failure has crushed effort ; where ineffectiveness finds 
constant expression in querulousness ; where overbearing 
manners have dried up the natural wells of sympathy ; where 
money-making has been pursued at the price of commercial 
honesty ; where carping criticism is regarded as a sign of 
social superiority ; or where servility is regarded as the sign 
of good manners. Fortunately these homes and these ideas 
are the exception. Their presence must be considered if the 
school is to carry out its work fully and the oncoming genera- 
tion is to be better than the last. Attempts are made in the 
high-class boarding-schools, which have monopolised the 
term Public Schools, to moderate social exclusiveness by 
arousing a sense of social responsibility. The Public Schools 
of the democracy are called upon to repair deficiencies of 
home training by devising new ideals of personal and of 
/social service. 

The most effective way of keeping both capitation and 
scholarship boys under the influence of the great traditions 
of the school is by their personal association, both before 
and during adolescence, with masters who themselves fully 
recognise such influence and express it in their daily life. 
Companionship between individual boys and individual 
masters had never been absent in the past, but now masters 
were called upon to give most of their recreation and leisure 
time to the boys. So freely and generously were these services 
given, particularly by the junior masters, that there was at 
one time a danger of its being forgotten that they had been 
tendered as a voluntary gift and must not be regarded as 
an obligation, and that only single men, or those possessing in- 
dependent means, could afford to render them, for the salaries 
of assistant masters were quite insufficient to allow them to 
maintain a family at their own social level, and those who 
were married men were compelled to seek additional work 
outside the school hours to make an income adequate to 
support a household. This extra work often impaired their 
freshness and efficiency, and prevented them from partici- 
pating in, and furthering, the social and intellectual activities 
of the city to which they were entitled by tastes and education, 
and the cultivation of which is so important in the highest 
interests of the School. The urgency of the question of more 
adequate remuneration for the assistant teaching staff has 


been acknowledged by the prominent position given to the 
matter in the appeal associated with the fourth centenary 
celebrations. 1 

School Conversaziones, by bringing parents and masters 
together, had done something to break down the conventional 
barriers which had separated the interests of the School from 
those of home. The personal responsibility of form masters 
for the boys under their particular care and the granting of 
opportunity for the discussion of difficulties with parents 
had done much more, but there was still a considerable gap 
to be filled up before any complete understanding could 
occur. ' Parents' Social Evenings ' were therefore estab- 
lished in 1906, at which parents were definitely asked to meet 
the assistant masters, who placed themselves- at their disposal 
for the consideration of any difficulties that either might have 
met with, clearing up any misunderstanding as regards con- 
duct or work, and often offering advice as to lines of future 
conduct. The first part of the evening was devoted to in- 
dividual conference, the latter half to a general conference 
at which matters of wider and more public interest were 
brought forward and discussion invited between parents and 
School authorities. These have been regularly continued 
with mutual benefit. Here the School explains its aims. 
Here the parents can state their grievances or difficulties or 
get enlightenment and understanding, guidance and assistance 
on matters which must closely affect their method of training 
the children. Of the right of the School to speak upon all 
such matters and spreading its ideals, public testimony is 
not lacking. Mr. Walter Runciman, in distributing prizes 
at the Manchester Town Hall, September 17, 1910, remarked : 

' The Manchester Grammar School occupies an almost 
unique position in English education, as it is not only one 
of the largest of our great schools, but it is also one of the 
greatest. It is very nearly 400 years ago since the School was 
founded, and I venture to say that never throughout its 
long career were its attainments so great, its record of scholar- 
ship so high as to-day, and I hope that Manchester realises 
how much it owes in that regard to the services and the 
scholarship of the high master.' 

1 I.e. in 1914. The question has been dealt with since by Mr. Fisher's 


A barrier also tended to exist between the boy from a 
secondary school and the boy from an elementary school. 
This was largely broken down by the change in type brought 
about by the greatly increased competition for scholarships 
and consequently the higher selection value. The free-placer 
so frequently distinguished himself, that the scholarship- 
holder became regarded with respect. The percentage of boys 
from elementary schools rose within a few years of the change 
from 38 per cent, to 55 per cent., but it is doubtful whether 
the increased proportion represented any material change of 
social status of the scholars. The disappearance of the 
too often somewhat ineffective private academy had com- 
pelled the middle-class parent to choose between an expensive 
boarding school, without traditions of learning, and a public 
elementary school, whose teaching efficiency was rapidly rising 
and where many keen boys were attending. Nothing shows 
more clearly the disappearance of the old prejudice against 
the public elementary schools than the number of boys from 
elementary schools who, after passing through a full course 
of study at the Grammar School, entered upon a course of 
university or technological study which involved considerable 
pecuniary outlay. 1 The elementary school was fast becoming 
the national school for the majority of lower middle as well 
as for industrial class boys. 

With the popularisation of national education, greater 
attention began to be paid to all phases of child life 
and child welfare, which were likely to help in remedying 
inequalities of opportunity, or removing disabilities. An 
unexpectedly strong expression of public opinion caused 
the Liberal Government in 1907 to tack on to its Edu- 
cational Administrative Provisions Act a clause requiring 
local authorities to make arrangement for medical in- 
spection of the children in their elementary schools. The 
reports of the various medical officers appointed under this 
clause soon revealed such a mass of preventable illness inter- 
fering with the efficiency of teaching, that steps were taken 
by many progressive local authorities to extend greatly the 
teaching of hygiene and, later, even to provide medical treat- 
ment under their own auspices where such could not be secured 

1 Cf. the evidence given by H. J. Roby in 1894 before the Secondary 
Schools Commission. 


elsewhere. So helpful did managers and teachers in ele- 
mentary schools find these medical reports in the organisation 
and development of curricula, that a number of secondary 
schools appointed medical officers, so as to obtain fuller 
consideration of the physical conditions underlying higher 
education. In September 1909, the governors appointed a 
medical referee, and in the following July he was styled 
medical officer. 

His duties were : 

Status. To be purely advisory. The medical super- 
vision to consist in detailed suggestions to the high master. 

Duties in General. To inquire into and report upon all 
matters affecting the general health of the boys and the 
hygiene of the School. To draw up an annual report to the 
Board of Governors to be presented through the high master. 

Duties in Particular. To inspect all the general sanitary 
arrangements, such as lighting, heating, ventilation, desks, 
cleaning, lavatories, drainage, &c., and the general hygiene of 
the School premises. Also the arrangements for cooking and 

Medical Inspection. To examine all new boys as to their 
physical condition, and to examine from time to time such 
old boys as are reported by the assistant masters, through 
the high master, as being physically unfit for the strain 
involved in their school work or school games, gymnastics 
or other athletics. 

Attendance. To attend the School regularly at stated 
hours and to be available for particular reference when special 
circumstances arise which cannot be dealt with at the stated 

Relation of School Doctor to Parents and Guardians of 
Boys. All reports upon the health condition of boys to be 
confidential to the high master, who shall, if he think fit, 
report in full, or in part, to the parents. 

The need for securing greater physical efficiency among 
the general population had been brought before those respon- 
sible for the defence of the realm by the enormous number 
of rejects among those who had presented themselves at the 
recruiting stations during the South African War, 1899-1902. 
A Royal Commission on National Degeneration was appointed 
to consider the matter, and, at the urgent solicitation of the 


War Office, 1 attempts were made to introduce instruction in 
military drill in elementary public schools, which most un- 
fortunately resulted in supplanting the carefully graded 
and much more suitable systems of physical training which 
many educational authorities had already adopted. Scotland, 
with its usual caution, desired to make proper inquiries first, 
and another commission was therefore appointed to inquire 
into the opportunities already available. The inquiries 
extended to the physical condition of the people and were 
extremely valuable. They enabled the Scottish educational 
authorities to avoid the pitfall of confusing military drill 
with physical training into which the English authorities 
had stumbled when they issued a model course in 1901-2 
based on exercises already out of date for the English Army, 
exercises which completely ignored all the principles of 
Swedish drill, and were in other respects singularly inappro- 
priate for growing children. It was confessedly an attempt 
to provide recruits for the Army and was a conspicuous 
failure. France had made a similar attempt after 1870 
by the establishment of ' bataillons scolaires,' which, 
after a brilliant beginning, had fallen into discredit on 
account of the excessive cost in money and time out 
of all proportion to results. By familiarising boys with 
the semblance of military habits, without their inspiration, 
it had disgusted them before the appeal of duty became clear, 
and had induced boys to affect the manners and language of the 
barracks and drill sergeant. Moreover, the regular officer of 
the army found that the precocious specialisation actually 
interfered with subsequent training. The last of such 
' bataillons ' was therefore suppressed in 1890, and a system 
of graduated exercises adopted, based on the Swedish system, 
and applicable to the young adolescent as well as to the 
adult. With a change in the English Government, there 
occurred a change in the policy of the Board of Education. 
The ' Model Course ' was withdrawn, the help of the Scotch 
Commissioners was sought, and a * Syllabus of Instruction ' 
was drawn up, based on physiological principles and having 
close relationship with the teaching of hygiene now advocated 
by the Board of Education. 

1 See a series of articles on Physical Training and National Deteriora- 
tion in Manchester Guardian, 1902-3. 


With the creation of the Volunteer Territorial Force in 
1908 as a special reserve to replenish the Expeditionary Forces 
in the event of a prolonged campaign, a condition of affairs 
arose which demanded new standards of physical efficiency. 
School Cadet Corps and University Cadet Corps became 
Officers' Training Corps. A section of the Old Mancunian 
Society was formed, September 1909, to maintain the mutual 
interests of the old scholars who were serving in various regi- 
ments. Sir William Bailey presented a challenge cup for shoot- 
ing to be competed for among the members. A movement also 
arose to form an Officers' Cadet Corps among the senior boys 
in the School itself. Inquiry was made by the War Office 
as to the number of boys who, after leaving School, had taken 
up Commissions in the Army and Navy. The number was 
found to be much larger than was anticipated, among the 
more recent being Captain Nickerson, V.C. The idea was 
discussed at a parents' meeting, March 1910, and so strong was 
the expression of opinion in its favour that the high master, 
in making his statement to the governors, was able to say 
that it was the unanimous wish of the parents who attended 
the meeting. The formation of a School Corps was finally 
sanctioned by the War Office, May 1910, and enrolment began 
on the reopening of the School in the following November, 
Lieutenant (now Major) C. Potts, who had largely been 
instrumental in getting the movement started, being appointed 
Officer Commanding. The corps started with 56 members, 
and rapidly gained strength, for its appeal was to that spirit 
of corporate responsibility which the School had done so 
much to foster. In 1911-12 there were 106 ; in 1912-13, 118 ; 
in 1913-14, 124. Sixteen passed the A certificate before the 
outbreak of war. Consequently, the Government's call for 
assistance was readily acknowledged, and many old boys 
either took up commissions or presented themselves at the 
recruiting stations to join the ranks. Within less than one 
month, a list of 125 boys who were serving with the Colours 
was drawn up. 

On September 3, a more or less informal meeting was 
held at the Manchester University to consider the pro- 
posed formation of a special corps of old Public School 
and University men, who were willing to enrol as private 
soldiers without waiting to obtain commissions. The meeting 
was short and to the point. The next morning, posters 


appeared outside both the School entrances. The gymnasium 
was used as an examining station, and the drawing hall as 
an inquiry office. The School Scouts acted as orderlies, 1 
and many old boys volunteered to act as examining doctors. 
Within a few days 1023 men were enrolled, and a first draft 
of 300 was sent off to London to be attached to the Royal 
Fusiliers (City of London Regiment). The numerical result 
was startling, but still more impressive was the quietude and 
fixed faces which showed the high resolve of the new recruits. 
Many had voluntarily thrown up lucrative and responsible 
positions, others had jeopardised important prospects. All 
were serious and realised the price they might be called upon 
to pay. Whatever their position in school or form had been, 
they had all learnt to play the game, and in after life had 
realised that the games of school were but the prelude to the 
struggle of life. In the world of nations a compact made for 
the protection of the weak had been ru