Skip to main content

Full text of "Manchester Historic Association collections"

See other formats

Gc "*• J« 

M312 i ' 
1163320 ' 




3 1833 01187 9589 

.'.."•-?. -^f if. 


Historic Association 




Digitized by the Internet Archive 

in 2010 with funding from 

Allen County Public Library Genealogy Center 






^ 'T^HE undersigned hereby associate together to be a corpora- 

^ 1 tion under chapter 147 of the Public Statutes of the state 

of New Hampshire, to be known as the Manchester Historic 

Association, the purpose of which Association shall be to col- 

^\' lect, preserve, and publish whatever may relate to the early and 

^- later history of the city of Manchester and the surrounding towns, 

>J that formed in its early history and settlement one and the same 

«^ community, and to preserve such articles or relics of the aborig- 

7 ines and early settlers of the country, and records of colonial and 

later wars, as may be obtained by the Association. 

^ ^ The first meeting of the Association shall be holden, with- 

"X^ out further notice, on the tSth day of December, 1895, at eight 

\ o'clock in the afternoon, at the rooms of the Manchester Board 

"of Trade, at which meeting, or some adjournment thereof, there 

shall be chosen by ballot, such officers of the Association as shall 

be provided for by the constitution adopted by the Association. 

The annual meeting, qualification of, and condition of 

membership, raising of money, and all other matters necessary 

to be done and performed to fully carry out the objects of 

the Association shall be provided for by the constitution and 

by-laws to be by them adopted. 

The place of business and chief office of the Association 
shall be located in the city of Manchester, county of Hills- 
borough, and state of New Hampshire. 


Witness our hands and place of residence this the i8th day 
of December, A. D. 1895. 













All of Manchester, N. H. 

City Clerk's Office, Manchester, N. H. 

Rec'd Jan'y 2, 1896, and recorded in City Book of Cor- 
porations, Vol. 4, Page 77. 

By me, N. P. KIDDER, 

City Clerk. 


Office of Secretary of State, 
Concord, Jan. 17, 1896. 
Received and recorded in Record of Voluntary Corpora- 
tions, Vol. 8, pp. 314-16. 

[l. s.] Secretary of State. 


Article i. The object of the Manchester Historic Associa- 
tion shall be to collect, preserve, and publish whatever may relate 
to the early and later history of the city of Manchester and the 
surrounding towns, that formed in its early history and settle- 
ment the same community, and to preserve such articles or 
relics of the aborigines and early settlers of the country, and 
records of colonial and later war?, and other objects of interest, 
as may be obtained by the Association. 

Article 2. The Association shall consist of such persons 
as shall be elected by major vote of members present at any 
annual or quarterly meeting of the Association, and who have 
paid the amount of the membership fee provided in this consti- 
tution. The election of members shall be by ballot, except by 
unanimous consent of the members present. 

Article 3. The membership fee shall be the sum of two 
dollars, to be paid at the time of the application, and any person 
who shall be refused membership shall have the amount so paid 
refunded. The annual dues of the members shall be one dollar, 
to be paid on or before the annual meeting of each year. The 
Association may assess taxes at the annual meeting on its mem- 
bers, provided that such taxes shall not in any one year exceed 
the sum of two dollars. Any member neglecting to pay the 
annual dues, or any tax assessed, for the space of one year shall 
cease to be a member. Any person may become a life member 
of the Association on the payment of the sum of twenty-five 
dollars at one time, and any person becoming a life member 
shall be exempt from the payment of annual dues or any tax that 
may be levied by the Association. Such persons, not residents 
of New Hampshire, as the Association shall deem for its interest 
to make honorary members of the same, may become such on a 
vote of the Association at any meeting thereof, and no fees or 
dues shall be required of such honorary members. 


Article 4. The annual meeting of the Association shall 
be held on the third Wednesday of December in each year, at 
such time and place in the city of Manchester as the President 
shall designate, notice thereof to be given through the daily 
press of Manchester. Quarterly meetings shall be held on the 
third Wednesdays of the months of March, June, and September, 
notice of the same to be given as is provided for annual meetings. 

Article 5. Special meetings shall be called by the presi- 
dent, and in his absence by one of the vice-presidents, on ap- 
plication of six members, notice of such meetings to be published 
in the daily papers of Manchester and notice sent through the 
mail to each member at least two days before such meeting, 
which notice shall contain the purpose and object for which the 
meeting is called, and seven members shall constitute a quorum 
for the transaction of business, but a less number may adjourn. 

Article 6. The officers of the Association shall be elec- 
ted at the annual meeting and shall be a president, two vice- 
presidents, a treasurer, a recording secretary, a corresponding 
secretary, a librarian, a historiographer, an executive com- 
mittee of seven members, of which the president and recording 
secretary shall be ex-officio members, a committee of five on 
publication, and such other officers as may be deemed necessary 
by the Association. The executive committee shall be the 
auditing committee and have general supervision and direction 
of the affairs of the Association. 

The officers herein provided for shall perform the duties in- 
dicated by their respective titles, and shall hold their office for 
the term of one year and until others are elected in their place, 
provided the first election of officers under this constitution 
shall be made at such time and place as the Association may de- 

Article 7. This constitution may be amended at any an- 
nual or quarterly meeting, as the Association shall deem expedi- 
ent, by a vote of two thirds of the members present, provided 
that written notice of the proposed amendment be given at the 
last preceding regular meeting. 


THE following pages will attest their own value. With two 
exceptions the articles have been prepared expressly for the 
Association, and it was deemed fitting those should be included. 
The first year of the Manchester Historic Association has met 
with a success which seems to assure it a flattering future. It 
certainly is of the utmost importance that the historic data 
passing away with the decease of our older citizens should be 
obtained and placed on record before it is forever gone. One 
personal statement often makes valueless the hearsays of many. 
The first is history, the other tradition. If such facts as can be 
are gathered from time to time and presented to the Association, 
the printed volume from year to year will be of inestimable 
worth. The valley of the Merrimack is rich in its legendary 
lore as well as history that has been such an important factor in 
the making of the state and nation. If the Association awakens 
the interest of the inhabitants of what was once old Derryfield to 
the importance of preserving those facts, it will have performed a 
mission which following generations will have reason to appre- 
ciate. Said Hon. Edward Everett, "Know the history of your 
own town first, then that of your state and country." 
Respectfully submitted. 


Publication Committee. 



Reminiscences of Manchester, 1841 to 1896, 
David L. Perkins . 

New Hampshire Men at Louisburg and Bunker Hill, 
Rev. IVilliam H. Morrison 

Derryfield Men at Bunker Hill, 

Hon. George C. Gilmore 

Boating on the Merrimack, 

George Waldo Browne . 

Derryfield Social Library, 

IVilliam H. Huse . 

Castle William and Mary, 

Hon. John G. Crawford . 

New Hampshire Branch of the Society of Cincinnati 
Hon. John C. French 

Grace Fletcher, 

Hon. John C. French 

"The Sweet By-and-By," 

S. C. Gould .... 

Old Derryfield and Young Manchester, 
David L. Perkins . 

Semi-Centennial of Manchester, 
Fred W. Lamb 

Election Sermons in New Hampshire, 

S. C. Gould .... 







1841 to 1896. 

An Address by David L. Perkins before the Manches- 
ter Historic Association, March i8, 1S96, 

Mr. President a?id Gentlemen : 

It has been said of us, almost by way of reproach, that we have 
no ancient castles in America ; no stately ruins to remind us of 
mediaeval times; but, on the whole, our transatlantic friends 
must admit that we have got along quite successfully without 
them, and let us hope that the time may never come when baro- 
nial castles shall dot the horizon of our fair land. As for ruins, 
our people are too busily employed in their various avocations 
in building up the new even to think of them, much less to 
lament their absence from our virgin landscape. Our perspective 
is altogether too bright and alluring for that. Some hundreds 
of years hence our successors may cultivate the scars and wrin- 
kles that will serve a purpose in that line ; but at present we are 
full of life, full of resources, full of hope and youth. But it is 
not the present purpose to dwell upon ruins, or castles, even in 
the air; but merely to suggest as best we may, a few milestones 
which in the experience of a single life have brought us to our 
present magnificent estate. 

There are scores among us who can recall a time when the 
present site of Manchester was hardly more than a worthless sand 
bank ; a prolific fishing resort ; and with nothing more sugges- 
tive of thrift or of value in its character and surroundings than 
an obscure little spinning mill at Amoskeag. Later on a manu- 



facturing village grew up on this side of the river ; and as the 
cotton industry throve, the village blossomed into the beautiful 
and far-famed city of to-day. My father came hither in June, 
1 841, as the first male instructor in the public schools of the new 
Manchester, in the new high school building on Lowell street at 
the corner of Chestnut, then almost literally in the woods. There 
were no railroads here, no telegraph wires. Even gas as an illu- 
minating agent was practically unknown. The telephone, elec- 
tric lights, street motor cars, and the modern fire-alarm service 
are of comparatively recent date ; and the steam fire-engine only 
preceded them a very little. There were no street pavements 
here, and the sidewalks were limited to the village needs, — a 
village of about three thousand five hundred souls. I doubt if 
there was a private bath-tub, a domestic heating furnace, a coal 
stove, or an elevator in the town. 

There was little to attract attention south of Merrimack street 
•or north of Lowell, and east of Union street there were no build- 
ings at all until the suburbs were reached. The now elegant 
northeast section, then of uneven surface, covered with little 
patches of feed for cattle, rude granite boulders, scrub oaks and 
pines, not arable, and hardly fit for grazing, was yet used for a 
pasture, and was enclosed with a rough stone wall. The time 
came when the authorities placed a neat wooden rail fence 
around Concord common, then the only park of any pretensions, 
and it seemed almost like a case of metropolitan extravagance. 
The vicinity of Birch and Washington streets, now known as the 
^'Barbary Coast," was wet and marshy, and abounded in alder 
bushes, where the rabbit and the partridge lingered as if regretful 
of the coming change. The territory south of Hanover street 
and east of Union was covered by a heavy pine forest as far out 
as Hallsville ; and through the woods to the south a tract of 
cleared land, comprising some twenty acres or more, was famil- 
iarly known as " the Ryefield." As late as 1850 or 185 1, Daniel 
Webster delivered an address from a raised platform at a fair of 
the New Hampshire Agricultural Society, held in this immediate 
vicinity. He was the "observed of all observers" in a proces- 


sion that marched up Elm street, and from his open barouche, 
with bared head, he bowed, like the god that he was, to the ladies 
on either side of the street, who waved their handkerchiefs. 

A deep glen or ravine extended northeasterly from the Valley 
cemetery, and a brook that rippled down between the heavily 
shaded banks, thence through the cemetery valley, is well remem- 
bered by thousands of our fellow-citizens. This shaded dell 
served us boys as a not too remote Arcadia, where we often re- 
paired of a school holiday with wooden tomahawks, in imitation 
of the Indians. It was only at long intervals that we got as far 
out as the shores of Lake Massabesic, for we had no other means 
of transportation than those afforded by nature. At a point near 
AVest Brook street, where Judge David Cross now lives, the Old 
Falls road, so called, curved around, first westerly and then to 
the north, until the. Amoskeag bridge and the north River road 
were reached. On a high bluff, at its intersection with Elm 
street, a small weather-stained house stood guard for many years ; 
and halfway around the curve, at the foot of the hill, a small, 
ancient, black-wooded schoolhouse was a familiar object. The 
pasture, the outlying orchard, and the adjacent graveyard have 
now disappeared forever. Cows no longer feed placidly along 
the hillside ; the school children of the olden days are gathered 
to their fathers, or scattered far and near ; while the bones of the 
dead have been ruthlessly removed. This ancient burying- 
ground was in the immediate vicinity of, and perhaps included, 
the present site of the Manchester Locomotive Works. The 
father of General Stark was buried here. 

The sand bluff where the Governor Smyth mansion now stands, 
and the one south of it across West Salmon street, then under 
the shade of willows and elms, were rich with the deposit of In- 
dian arrowheads and other aboriginal curios, and many a valued 
collection has been exhumed therefrom. There was a deep ra- 
vine just north of Penacook street, crossing Elm from the old 
fair ground, with its riotous little trout brook now rapidly disap 
pearing from human view. When Smyth's block was built at 
the corner of Elm and Water streets, as late as 1853, it was 


thought by some of the wise heads of that day to be a crazy en- 
terprise, because it was so far removed from the business center 
of the town ; and now even Rock Rimmon bids fair to become a 
huge setting like a gem of nature in the midst of a thriving, busy 
settlement. I have a distinct recollection of a deep ravine south 
of Granite street and west of Elm, where nature had formed a 
charming amphitheater. A platform was erected in this temple 
of nature, where temperance lecturers and Fourth of July orators 
held forth to audiences seated upon benches arranged one above 
another on the hillside, and all under the grateful shade of prim- 
itive trees. Along in the forties a man from over the river was 
found drowned in a shallow pool in this ravine, with a jug of rum 
by his side. In view of this tragic event some of the temperance 
people conceived the idea of giving the town an object lesson ,^ 
and it took the form of "a drunkard's funeral," in which the 
corpse played a conspicuous part. A process'ion was formed, and 
marching through Elm street a halt was made before several 
places where liquors were dispensed, and the "mourners" 
groaned several times in unison. 

Political feeling, then as now, was exciting and absorbing. 
July 4, 1844, a presidential year, the two parties held rival meet- 
ings in Manchester, — the Whigs in this same ravine, and the 
Democrats among the pines in the neighborhood of Tremont 
square. Some fifteen thousand strangers were in town, and no 
end of the militia. Charles Francis Adams, of Massachusetts, 
addressed the Whigs, and George Barstow, the historian, was the 
Democratic orator. 

I caught many a fine brook trout on Hanover common in my 
boyhood, out of an artificial pond that existed there for fire pur- 
poses, supplied by the " Mile brook," so called. This brook 
had its rise on Oak hill, and thence from Hanover square by a 
culvert it supplied another artificial pond on Merrimack com- 
mon, now known as Monument square, and still another small 
reservoir on Concord common, at a point where the fountain 
now stands. These small bodies of water afforded the school 
children of that day excellent facilities for skating, and, alas ! at 


times,- even for drowning; and for the latter purpose several 
adults availed themselves of the little pool on Concord common. 
In recent years these ponds have been filled in and completely- 
grassed over, as they were no longer needed for fire purposes, 
and with an increasing density of population the impure waters 
were thought to be a menace to the health of those who lived in 
their vicinity. I recall with pleasure the sunken barrel on the 
south bank of Hanover common, from which the thrifty house- 
wife, the ruddy maid, or perchance the man of the house, with 
pail in hand, drew a supply of sparkling spring water for family 
use. The children were wont to slake their thirst at this same 
perennial fountain, and occasionally one of them fell headlong 
into the barrel, a fate that once befell the Avriter of these notes. 
From this bounteous spring the public fountain at the corner of 
our city hall is supplied with the pure juice of the rock, and in 
the heat of a summer's day it is an untold blessing to our weary, 
toiling, care-worn masses. Yet Mayor Abbott was unmercifully 
ridiculed for introducing this boon, though if he had done noth- 
ing more, this alone would serve as a fit monument to his mem- 

At the southeast corner of Merrimack common there was a 
low boggy place, where for many years an irregular clump of un- 
gainly trees served as an eyesore and reproach ; but, like the mile 
brook that meandered across Elm street and lost itself in the 
deep glen south of Granite street, they have long since disap- 
peared from view. 

In that day the neighbors around Concord common were ac- 
customed to parcel out among themselves small garden spots on the 
upper or east section, where they raised such vegetables as suited 
their fancy, and he was thought to be a slothful farmer who could 
not supply his tablg therefrom with green peas and cucumbers as 
early as the Fourth of July. We chased rabbits among the scrub- 
oaks, pines, and granite boulders north of Concord street and east 
of Union, for in this whole section there were no houses west of 
Janesville, and one may know now that he is in Janesville or 
Towlesville when the streets run crossways like the great avenues 
in Washington. 


The ground where the Governor Straw mansion stands, north 
of Harrison street and east of Ehn, was occupied by a little blacky 
weather beaten, single-storied farmhouse and barn, and it was 
then away out in the country to us boys. Here we spent many 
delightful hours hunting hens' nests on the haymow, and chasing 
butterflies over the sun-clad fields with a schoolfellow whose 
father occupied the premises. Sweet flag was found here along 
the margin of a little brook. There were picturesque relics of a 
decaying wooden mill of small pretensions on the river road, this 
side of the General John Stark place, and another near the pres- 
ent intersection of Lake avenue and Massabesic street, where 
leeches were found and where we sometimes went in bathing. 

On the west side, from the eddy at Amoskeag to Granite street 
south, a long mile, there were hardly more than a half dozen 
houses, including the Agent Reed mansion, now standing, and 
the Butterfield farmhouse, a district that is now densely popu- 
lated. And who can forget the ancient pound and the pest- 
house on Bridge street just north of our Derryfield park ? The 
colonial buildings on the poor farm over the hill on the Mam- 
moth road presented a stately aspect of thrift and comfort to 
our minds, and Stevens pond, a little farther east in the low 
land, where hornpouts and pickerel were found in abundance,, 
was to us a perpetual joy. Many an old inhabitant would 
think he had strayed beyond his bailiwick if found within the 
limits of " the new discovery." A few years ago this territory 
was a dense jungle under the shadows of Amoskeag hill ; now it 
is a flourishing settlement in the northeast section. In the early 
times Thanksgiving shooting matches were held near a little tav- 
ern stand at the intersection of Bridge and Russell streets in 
Janesville. Very many interesting changes in the topography of 
our city might be noted here, but time and space forbid. In 
preparing a paper like this, where the material is so abundant, it 
is always difficult to know just what to include, and when done 
it is ever a source of regret that something more had not been 
added. Yet something is due to the cause of brevity. Prolixity 
is easy enough, and with the best endeavor a selection of the fit- 
test is not always easy of attainment. 


The character of the pupils who then attended our public 
schools, as I remember them, was vastly different from those of 
today, being largely composed in the higher grades of young 
men and young women, at least they seemed so to me. In those 
days both urban and country teachers were often compelled to 
fight for the right of way, and sooner or later the test was reason- 
ably sure to come as to whether a new teacher could fight as well 
as teach, and frequently the fighting preceded the teaching. 
In the large audience room of the Lowell-street school, where 
nearly two hundred pupils were frequently assembled, an iron 
box stove four feet long was the only heater, and when well 
packed with chunks and well fired it was thought to be a pretty 
safe reliance, though in zero weather the occupants of the back 
seats near the windows may now be pardoned if they entertained 
a different opinion ; but they had the best that the market then 
afforded. In fact, it is only within recent years that modern 
heating appliances have been introduced into our public schools, 
and water was only to be had by going after it among the neigh- 
bors. When I attended the Spring-street grammar school, there 
were two large box-stoves, one on either side, east and west, the 
boys occupying the east half and the girls the west, divided by a 
broad aisle, and there were times when the privilege of standing 
around one of these stoves v^as esteemed an especial favor. It 
was the custom in the early days for the larger boys to take turns 
in the care of the schoolrooms, and it was no idle pastime to 
sweep out and build the fires on a cold winter's morning. The 
dainty pupils of today would think they had fallen upon hard 
lines if required to exchange their luxurious surroundings for the 
meagre school facilities of their parents. And yet, though edu- 
cation is now rendered comparatively easy and pleasant, it can 
hardly be said that Daniel Websters are more plentiful than in 
the frugal early days of the republic. Indeed, it is as true now 
as ever, that we fail to realize the real worth of a gift dollar until 
we have been compelled to work hard all day to earn one hun- 
dred pennies. Corner lots that were then sold for eight cents 
per foot cannot be had now for ten dollars a foot, so changed are 
the conditions under which we live. 


If our boys were to deport themselves like the merry boys of 
the forties, they would soon find themselves in the reform school 
during their minority, but there was no reform school then. 
The adults, too, were often careless of their p's and q's, for the 
primitive little jail at Amherst was hardly capable of holding 
twenty guests. It is within my recollection when a lot of ma- 
chine-shop boys held a policeman by main force while a confed- 
erate went through his pockets for a key to the local bastile, 
with which a comrade was liberated, and it was considered a 
fairly good joke on the policeman, for there were less than a half 
dozen of these noble guardians to preserve the peace in a turbu- 
lent community. The machine-shop boys, some four or five 
hundred of them, were a rough-and-ready crowd, and they came 
near to ruling the town, A trouble signal from one of " the 
gang " was sure to be answered with stalwart vigor, and our po- 
lice heroes well knew the part of discretion. 

The only place in the village, as late as 1841, for the accom- 
modation of public gatherings, was a dingy little affair christened 
with the high-sounding name of " Washington Hall." The old 
building is still preserved, and is now located on Amherst street 
halfway west from Chestnut. It stands in from the street and is 
reached by an alleyway. A private school was kept here at one 
time, and it was my fortune or misfortune to be one of the at- 
tendants. On coming to this side from Amoskeag, the first Bap- 
tist church worshipped in this hall from 1838 to 1840, when their 
new brick church was completed, at the northwest corner of 
Manchester and Chestnut streets. This church, together with 
the Masonic Temple on Hanover street, and many other build- 
ings, was destroyed in Manchester's great fire of July 8, 1870, of 
which I was a witness. Many hot election contests have taken 
place in this old building. 

Concord common was then a crude reservation, and the 
stately trees of today have all attained their present grandeur 
within my time. The only tree of primitive growth now left is 
the old gnarly oak in the southwest corner of the park. The 
vicinity of Concord common was then the aristocratic section. 


judge Samuel D. Bell lived at the corner of Amherst and Chest- 
nut streets, and his comfortable home of that day has been con- 
verted into a corner grocery. Dr. Thomas Brown, very promi- 
nent in his day, lived nearly opposite Vine street, on Amherst, 
and his fine residence, standing in from the street, has long since 
become a cheap tenement house. Hon. Mace Moulton, once a 
member of congress, and said to be the father of sheriffs in New 
Hampshire, lived on Amherst, south side, between Elm and 
Vine. Hon. George W. Morrison lived for a time in the brick 
house at the corner of Vine and Amherst streets, and it has since 
blossomed into a thriving groggery. Warren L. Lane, the third 
mayor of Manchester, lived and died on Pine street, at the head 
of the common ; and for a time Hon. Moody Currier, ex-gov- 
ernor of the state, was his next door neighbor. Hiram Brown, 
our first mayor, lived only a short distance away, on the present 
site of the Hanover street Congregational church ; and Phinehas 
Adams, agent of the Stark corporation, occupied the site of the 
Catholic orphanage. Ex- Mayor E. W. Harrington and Hon. 
Nathan Parker were close by on Hanover street. The latter lived 
where the government building now stands. Alonzo Smith, one 
of our early mayors, lived at the corner of Concord and Union, 
and his house was a frontier post. He was the proprietor, or one 
of the proprietors, of a lumber yard located on the present site 
of St. Paul's Methodist church ; and the lot north of it, the pres- 
ent location of the First Baptist church, was vacant property, 
enclosed with a high board fence. I find by consulting the early 
directories that F. B. Eaton, Herman Foster, Walter French, ex- 
Gov. E. A. Straw, J. T. P. Hunt, A. C. Wallace, and the Rev. 
C. W. Wallace lived in this section of the town. Robert Ayer, 
a well-to-do merchant, lived in a comely vineclad cottage where 
the cathedral now stands, at the corner of Pine and Lowell streets, 
and he had the most attractive garden of shrubs and flowers in 
town. It was quite aristocratic. A double, single storied, and 
white-painted wooden schoolhouse stood in the place of the Uni- 
tarian church of to-day, corner of Concord and Beech. From 
this point southeasterly as far as Towlesville, the ground was low 


and marshy. The Mile brook took its tortuous course through 
this section, and frogs were musical there in the springtime, and 
the busy muskrat was found there in his season. But all is now 
changed. The low places are made even, and tidy streets and 
pleasant homes give no clue to the former low estate. 

I have a vivid recollection of a Fast Day game of oldtime 
round ball, the parent of our national game, that was played on 
Concord common opposite the Central fire station, in 1848, be- 
tween the Ransom Guards of Vermont and some Manchester 
recruits for the Mexican war. The late Col. Thomas P. Pierce, 
afterwards postmaster of Manchester, was one of the contestants. 
The levity of the players seemed strangely out of place to me, for 
my juvenile conception of a soldier's lot ended in his being shot 
to death for the glory of his country and the pride of his pos- 
terity ; and indeed the gallant Col. Ransom met that fate on the 
plains of Mexico, and my conception of the fitness of things was 
thus justified. 

In 1841 the Union building, so-called, now occupied and 
owned by the Manchester National Bank, was the first building 
erected on the west side of Elm street, and in this year there 
were few buildings on the street. Ex-Mayor Harrington told 
me on one occasion that he walked from Manchester to Hook- 
sett to secure the refusal of this building from Hon. R. H. Ayer, 
the builder, in which to carry on his business, and he was entirely 
successful in his mission and in his business. The " Union Dem- 
ocrat " was published here at one time, and "The Mirror" was 
domiciled across the way in Riddle's block. 

The Concord Railroad was opened to Manchester from the 
south July 4, 1842. As late as 1844 my father kept a bookstore 
and small circulating library in Towne's old block near Amherst 
street, next door south of Z. F. Campbell's drugstore, and its 
number was 48 on the old plan of streets. From this fact some 
idea may be had of the changes that have taken place in Man- 
chester in the past fifty years. A stage coach started for Concord 
each week day at 8 a. m., via Bow and Hooksett, William G. 
Hoyt driver. There were also stage lines connecting Manchester 
with Lowell Portsmouth, Gilmanton, Exeter, and New Ipswich. 


On the night of March 26, 1845, Jonas L. Parker, the town's 
collector of taxes, who had several thousand dollars on his per- 
son, was beguiled into the pine forest that extended south and 
east from the corner of Union and Hanover streets, and was 
brutally murdered. The exact spot is believed to be at the rear 
of Dr. Hiram Hill's lot on Manchester street, now known as No. 
327. This was a murder of national celebrity, and strange to 
relate, the murderer has never been revealed, the old adage to 
the contrary notwithstanding. Well do I remember the spot 
where lay the mangled and ghastly remains of the murdered man. 
I was then but seven years old, and I went to the place of the 
murder on the following morning in company with my father 
and with many a horror-stricken citizen, entering the woods by 
a cart road that crossed diagonally through the forest to the little 
hamlet beyond. This whole territory is now densely populated. 
I recall something of the intense excitement that pervaded the 
community, and for several months the good housewife was sure 
to repeat the daily admonition to her menfolk, that there was 
danger in remaining away from home after dark. 

There are many now living who recall a row of Elm trees up 
the middle of Elm street, above Lowell, of which there has been 
no trace for many years, except in memory. At the June session 
of the legislature in 1846, Manchester was incorporated as a city, 
and on the first day of August the charter was accepted by a pop- 
ular vote of 485 to 134. 

The pine grove north and west of the corner where the city 
hall now stands was a favorite resort of the machine-shop boys 
for wrestling bouts and for indulgence in other athletic sports, 
and if the truth were told, many of their pastimes were anything 
but gentle, and I dare say that many a dispute was settled there 
with fists when other arguments had failed. The famous Stark 
Guards, a star military company of that day, also held their an- 
nual field sports here, and I have heard the late Hon. George W. 
Morrison relate that as captain he was expected to accommodate 
the standing man in a wrestling match. He was a skilled wrest- 
ler of that day, and no doubt he was able to fill the bill to the 
satisfaction of his loyal and royal company. 


And now for a few moments let us change our point of view, 
from which it will appear that had the progenitors of our city- 
been gifted with a prevision, they could hardly have improved 
upon their undertakings. There are always men enough in every 
community who are experts at pulling down, but these men were 
gifted with a genius for building up, and they builded better 
than they knew. The Amoskeag Company was incorporated in 
183T, and was capitalized at $1,600,000. Its plant included the 
old spinning mill of 1809, the Bell mill, and the Island .mill at 
Amoskeag. The Island mill was destroyed in 1840, and I wit- 
nessed the burning of the Bell mill, March 28, 1848. In the old 
mill of 1809, yarns were spun from hand-picked cotton, for there 
were no machine pickers then, and these skeins of yarn to some 
extent took the place of currency in local business transactions, 
for our currency was in its infancy and it was a feeble infant at 
that. The enterprise, however, proved unsuccessful, and in 1825 
it passed into more experienced hands. In 1826 the Bell mill 
was added to the original plant, and also the Island mill on the 
island south of the covered bridge. A picturesque foot-bridge 
connected the island with the mainland at a point near the Bell 
mill on the site of the present P. C. Cheney paper mill, and a 
commodious boarding-house on the island survived until after 
the beginning of the civil war. Our fellow townsman, Ephraim 
K. Rowell, lived there nearly seventy years ago. In early times 
the yarn that was spun from the hand-picked cotton was given 
out among the surrounding towns to be woven on hand looms, 
at from two to seven cents a yard, according to quality, and thus 
were the maids and matrons of that day enabled to turn a not 
over nimble penny for themselves. Subsequently tickings were 
woven by machinery at the Island mill, and perhaps to some ex- 
tent in the Bell mill, and they soon acquired a wide reputation 
under the trade-mark of the "A. C. A. Tickings," of which we 
hear even now. Soon after being incorporated, the new Amos- 
keag Company caused a careful survey to be made with a view 
to future operations, from which it appeared that the east bank 
of the river afforded the better facilities for the engineering op- 
erations necessary for the laying out of canals, and in a general 


way for the ui^building of a manufacturing center at this point. 
The next move was quietly to buy up all the available adjacent 
land on either side of the river so as to control the water power 
and flowage as far north as was needful to prevent competition, 
and in this they were measurably successful. It was a part of the 
plan to lease water privileges to other manufacturing companies, 
for whom the Amoskeag Company was to erect mills and board- 
ing houses. As early as 1835 lots were placed on the market, 
but it was not until 1837 that active operations were begun. 
The first cotton mill on this side of the Merrimack river was 
erected for the Stark corporation in 1838, the year of my birth, 
and in this year the Amoskeag Company laid out the site of the 
future city, the main thoroughfare being given the name of Elm 
street, which it has ever since retained. Not only was the first 
cotton mill erected here in the year of my birth, but the name 
of Manchester was adopted in the year that my father was born. 
i8to, so that all these changes have occurred in the brief span of 
a single life. A cemetery, public parks, church and school lots, 
wide streets, and other reservations, were set apart for public 
uses, and a large lot covered with pitch pine trees at the corner 
of Elm and Merrimack streets was dedicated to the use of a tav- 
ern stand, which was availed of by the late venerable William 
Shepard, who erected a famous hostelry thereon, which has but 
recently given place to the Pembroke block of modern times. 
Merrimack common was then covered with pines, birches, and 
alders. The first public land sale was held October 24, 1838. 
The first house, a one-story cottage, erected on land thus pur- 
chased, Avas in 1839, at the corner of Chestnut and Concord 
streets, and it gave place only recently to the People's Tabernacle 

I think it was in 1839 that the first fire engine was purchased 
for the use of the community, a famous hand- tub known as " Mer- 
rimack No. I." In 1840 the Amoskeag Company erected their 
machine shop on the lower canal, where a vast amount of ma- 
chinery was built for new mills here and elsewhere, and subse- 
quently the Amoskeag steam fire engines were manufactured 


here that have found their way into every part of the civilized 
world, originally invented by our fellow citizen, Nehemiah S. 
Bean. In 1841 the Amoskeag Company also built two large 
mills known as Nos. i and 2. 

The east side, therefore, now assumed an air of importance 
that was very distasteful to the old inhabitants at the center of 
the town. They were apprehensive that the pretentions of the 
upstart newcomers in the " new village " would result in swelling 
the tax rate. This feeling was at high tide when we came to 
Manchester, but henceforth, so rapid was the growth of the " new 
village" that the old inhabitants were soon swallowed up in the 
onward march, though for several years they sturdily resisted ev- 
ery effort looking to a development of the future city. In this 
same year the old settlers in the rural districts and at the center 
were exasperated at the action of the selectmen in calling a town 
meeting at Washington hall, thus ignoring the ancient place of 
meeting. They were also bitterly opposed to an article in the 
warrant with reference to a new town house to be located in the 
"new village" at public expense. But the new villagers pre- 
vailed, and it was voted to build the new town house with a loan 
not to exceed ^20,000, and it was accordingly built in the sum- 
mer of that year at an expense of about $17,000. It was sur- 
mounted by a pretentious cupola, an elaborate spread eagle, a 
town clock, and a fine toned bell of twenty-eight hundred pounds. 
They had a healthy habit of keeping within their appropriations. 
But the ill feeling between the old and the new still lingered, and 
finally culminated in an incipient riot at one of the early town 
meetings held in the new town hall. I think this must have 
been as early as 1843. The factions were threshing over the old 
straw when one Copp, an athlete, undertook to enforce his argu- 
ments with his fists, when the fight became general. Judge S. 
D. Bell, the factotum of that day and afterwards our chief justice, 
read the riot act. A deputy sheriff undertook to suppress the 
belligerent Copp, whereupon the boys set upon the sheriff and 
chased him as far as the railroad station, where he crawled under 
a platform to save himself from threatened castigation. But in 


time the old settlers became reconciled to the new order of things, 
and peace again reigned in the Warsaw of the Merrimack. This 
town house stood on the site of the present city hall, and on the 
1 2th day of August, 1844, I was a witness to its destruction by 
fire. At that time it was thought to be a marvel of architectural 

The hamlets outlying the then " new village " were Janesville, 
in the immediate vicinity of the McCrillis carriage shop ; Towles- 
ville, southerly from Janesville, where a slaughter-house was the 
attraction for us boys. Hallsville was on the way out to Man- 
chester Center, where the old meeting-house was located, and 
where the annual town meetings had been held " from a time 
whereof the, memory of man runneth not to the contrary." And 
here at the Center was the ancient postoffice. Youngsville, then 
as now, was out Hanover street and near to Lake Massabesic. 
Goffe's Falls, at the outlet of Cohas brook, was a place of some 
renown in its early history as a fishing resort, and I believe there 
was a sawmill and gristmill there in the old colonial times. It 
is now a thriving manufacturing village four miles to the south 
of our city hall. Bakersville is at the south end of Elm street. 
On the west side of the Merrimack, Amoskeag was a prosperous 
village until her industries were diverted to the east side, and 
Piscataquog to the south was a pretentious place, where lumber- 
ing and flatboat building for the navigation of the Merrimack 
was carried on, and where West India goods and groceries, wet 
and dry, had long been dispensed to the profit of dealers, and to 
the delectation of bibulous rivermen and other sturdy yeomen. 
These two ancient boroughs were annexed to Manchester in 
1853, one from Goffstown and the other from Bedford. Amos- 
keag had long been a celebrated fishing place, first for the In- 
dians and then for the white men who succeeded them. Many 
a thrilling tale of this neighborhood has come down to us through 
Indian legendry, and many an amusing story is related of the 
prowess of our immediate predecessors in their " hustle " for the 
juicy salmon and the elusive lamprey eel. For centuries Amos- 
keag Falls was a favorite resort for Indians. Here they cele 


brated their tribal rites, practiced their wild orgies, and negoti- 
ated treaties with their savage neighbors. A bridle path was 
blazed through the primeval forest to this point prior to 1649 for 
the renowned Eliot, that the gospel of peace might be preached 
to a new world of heathen. But it is by no means certain that 
Eliot preached here, though it is so stated with considerable pos- 
itiveness in Potter's History. Alas, the poor Indian ! 

The island south of the bridge, reached by a little foot-bridge, 
was a sort of fairy land for the boys of my time, and the old 
boarding house, inhabited by bats and swept by every blast, was 
indeed our island castle. Frequently at low water we crossed 
over to our deserted castle upon the rocks in the river bed, jump- 
ing from one to another. At one time Capt. James M. Varnum 
had an extensive bleachery here. The great ledge on the north- 
east border, extending out towards the high bridge, has long ex- 
cited the curiosity of visitors on account of its deep and curious 
potholes. They have the appearance of having been chiseled 
out by the aborigines with infinite care and patience centuries 
ago, in which to secrete their booty captured in fierce warfare 
with other sanguinary tribes. That, at least, was our conjecture. 
Cotton Mather described them as follows in a letter published in 
the "Philosophical Transactions" in London: "There is a 
huge rock in the midst of thestream, on the top of which are a 
great number of pits, made exactly round, like barrels or hogs- 
heads of different capacities, some so large as to hold several 
tons. The natives know nothing of the time they were made, 
but the neighboring Indians have been wont to hide their pro- 
visions there in the war with the Maquas. God had cut them 
out for that purpose for them. They seem plainly to be artificial." 
It is more probable, however, that these deep and curious places 
in the solid rock were formed by revolving pebbles kept in mo- 
tion by a constantly recurring flood of waters. The savants, I 
believe, have agreed upon this as the better opinion. I recall 
one place in particular where a pothole had been worn through a 
shelving rock so that the rush of waters might have been seen 
below, only that a huge boulder had become suspended therein 


by some convulsion of nature. Some of these basins have the 
capacity of a hundred gallons or more, and their sides are as 
smooth and regular as though they had been wrought by the 
cunning hands of a skilled artificer. Youths and maidens of a 
summer's eve were wont to dance upon the island green. Ah ! 
how pleasant are these memories. The little foot-bridge went 
out more than thirty years ago. 

And now in looking back, I linger with pleasurable emotions 
as I recall at springtime the sound of many waters beating upon 
the rocks at Amoskeag, even afar off. It is a curious fact that 
when listening to the familiar sound of the school bell, especially 
if I happen to be in a suburb, or remote from my school district, 
I feel the old longing to bestir myself, lest I be reckoned with as a 
truant. And the evening curfew, sounded from our city hall, 
transports me with a feeling of restfulness to the days of my 

There have been few disturbances in Manchester that by any 
stretch of imagination can be termed riotous, and I recall but 
two that have cast a blur on the fair fame of our beautiful " Queen 
City." One was the anti-Catholic riot of many years ago, and 
the other was the firemen's riot of 1859. Labor disturbances 
have been exceedingly rare, and I recall but two in the whole 
history of our municipality. Indeed, Manchester has been won- 
derfully blessed in this particular, for the policy of our great 
manufacturing establishments has generally been conservative, 
humane, and just. Here the lamented Horace Greeley opened 
his campaign for the presidency almost in sight of his birthplace, 
and many a time have I crossed the old McGregor bridge of 
which he spoke so feeling on that ever memorable occasion. It 
was carried away by a flood in 1851. 

With hundreds of others I have thus witnessed the astonishing 
growth of a sand bank, which at first hardly any one could afford 
to own, into a flourishing city. First it was Tyngstown, an un- 
granted tract, and Harrytown, the latter, perhaps, in memory of 
the mythical " old Harry." Then after September 3, 1751, by 
grant of the royal governor, Benning Wentworth, with added ter- 


ritory from Chester and Londonderry, the whole was known as 
Derryfield, because, it was humorously said, the Derry farmers 
pastured their cattle here. Then it was a fishing resort, near 
which a few hundred pounds of cotton yarn were spun per week 
or month. Now it is a beautiful city of nearly sixty thousand 
people, the wealthiest community in the state, with a valuation 
in 1895 of ^28,861,122, and one of the leading manufacturing 
cities in this great country, where cloth enough is woven every 
week to make a belt around the world. The little hamlets scat- 
tered here and there in the early forties have been united in one 
compact, harmonious, and prosperous whole, with a diversity of 
industries that bids fair at no distant day to yield a population 
of a hundred thousand souls. Years ago the Amoskeag was the 
largest manufacturing company in the world that put its products 
on the market in a finished state, and to-day it has no rival. 
There are in Manchester, at the present time, about 14,000 oper- 
atives, male and female. There are about 20,000 looms and 
600,000 spindles in our thirty-one mammoth mills, capitalized at 
;^8,6oo,Qoo, with an average weekly pay-roll of about $92,000. 
Our broad paved streets are lighted, and our commodious street 
cars are propelled by chained lightning, which we call electricity. 
We have seven beautiful public parks. Thousands of stately 
blocks and elegant private residences adorn our fair city. Our 
people are supplied with an abundance of pure water in every 
house. Our public schools rank among the best in the country. 
Our fire service is without a rival. Our militia is organized upon 
lines of patriotic duty ; and for miles along the river banks there 
is heard the hum of industry, to testify that thousands of toilers 
earn honest bread in the sweat of their brows and by the skill of 
their hands. There are churches and hospitals for all. There 
are homes founded in charity for the indigent and infirm. There 
are Christian institutions that reflect the love of God in the duty 
of man to man, and no one may go astray through want of kindly, 
Christian admonition, and of helpful, loving hands. Such is the 
Manchester of to-day. What will it be even fifty years hence if 
our successors keep pace with the progress that has led us to this, 
our first semi-centennial conclave ? 


An Address by Rev. William H. Morrison before the 
Manchester Historic Association, June 17, 1896. 

Mr. President and Gentlemen : 

I have been asked by our president to talk to you tonight 
about New Hampshire at Bunker Hill because this 17th of June 
is the anniversary of that battle in which New Hampshire took 
a prominent part. It is a curious fact, however, that June 17 
was famous in New Hampshire annals long before the men from 
the Granite hills stood on the heights of Charlestown and taught 
Englishmen how Yankees could fight for their rights. And so 
before I speak of what is in all your minds let me tell you some- 
thing of another event which happened on this same June 17, 
thirty years before the battle of Bunker Hill. Fifteen leagues 
from Cape Roy, the southwestern extremity of Newfoundland, 
lies the cold and rocky island of Cape Breton. Its northern and 
western sides are steep and inaccessible. On the southeastern 
side it is level and indented with fine bays and noble harbors. 

England, by treaty, gave this island to France, and got in ex- 
change Nova Scotia and Newfoundland. On a neck of land 
south of one of the finest harbors on the island France built the 
city and fortress of Louisburg. A wall of stone thirty-six feet 
high and a ditch twenty feet wide surrounded the city. The 
only land entrance to the town was at the west gate over a draw- 
bridge, defended by a circular battery mounting sixteen guns. 
On the west side rose the citadel which, with other batteries, con- 
tained for the defense of this place 148 cannon. 



It had taken France twenty-five years to build these magnifi- 
cent works of defense, and cost her in money $6,000,000. In 
all North America there was nothing to compare with this north- 
ern fortress. When, in 1744, war between France and England 
began, Duquesnel, the French commander at Louisburg, heard 
of it first and surprised and captured the little English garrison 
at Cousean. This called the attention of the colonists to the im- 
portance of Louisburg and inspired a strong wish for its reduc- 
tion. The man who first suggested the taking of this fortress 
was William Vaughan of Portsmouth. He had learned from 
fishermen the strength and situation of this place and conceived 
the design of taking the city by surprise. He was in Boston 
when Massachusetts decided upon the expedition, and on fire with 
enthusiasm, came post haste to Portsmouth to enlist the men of 
New Hampshire in the scheme. 

The assembly was in session when his errand was announced, 
and voted to raise men and money for the work. 

As it turned out, New Hampshire was ready first, and impa- 
tient of delay, its men, under the head of Pepperell and Vaughan, 
sailed in advance of the rest of the expedition. At Cousean 
they were stopped by the ice, and thus they were joined by the 
men from Massachusetts and Connecticut. On the last day of 
April they made their first landing at Louisburg. 

Vaughan, ever ready for any daring adventure, now led for- 
ward the New Hampshire men, first captured and burned the 
naval stores of the place, and the next morning entered the royal 
battery with only thirteen men, which he held until reinforce- 
ments from the main body reached him. It was the taking of 
this battery that gave the colonists their first advantage and 
finally resulted in the surrender of the fortress on the 17th of 
June, 1745. And when the keys of the place were given up, 
Massachusetts, New Hampshire and Connecticut stood side by 
side to receive them. For this splendid victory Warren, who 
commanded the British fleet, and Pepperell, who commanded the 
land forces, were rewarded by England, but the real hero, the 
man who did most to bring about this success, William Vaughan, 
was never rewarded, but died in London, a disappointed man at 


the way the mother country had treated him. Now we are ready 

for the other part of my story, and one that reflects just as much 

credit on New Hampshire as this. 

Thirty years have passed since the tri-color was humbled by 

the cross of St. George on the heights of Louisburg. In spite of 
yahant service done by the colonists, England has become an 
unbearable tyrant, and the men of these colonies rebel. Down 
in Portsmouth harbor there is a fort which brave spirits caotured 
carrying away the guns and powder which is so much needed' 
Boston is garrisoned by 10,000 veterans. Out at Concord 
there are some stores which General Gage, who commands this 
lorce, decides to destroy. 

Paul Revere is watching him, and when the lanterns from the 
steeple of the old North church give the signal he is off" like the 
wind to give the alarm through every Middlesex village and farm 
for the country folk to be up and to arm." 

.h.?' ^fTn^'""'^. °"' '° Lexington, and thus, under the 
shadow of the Church of God, the embattled farmers stand and 
nre the shots heard round the world. 

Massachasetts fought that battle alone, and sent the trained Co- 
nor h of h ;■; "r'' '"'° ''°"°" ^ """"-^ "^^e. But ,o the 
north of her hke hound tn leash, listening for the signal, stood 
her s,ster. New Hampshire. As the shadows of night settled 
over the earth on that ever tnemorable r9th of April, east, west 
north and south, sped the messengers, and like the ga.herng of 

England gra.sped their r.fles and hastened to Boston. 

wrl'^h't"'' ""^ f '^"'" ^"'"' "'"Sed as it was when he 
wrote that nrrmortal poem, might do justice to the scenes that 
took p ace all through th.s valley and around our Gra, h 1 
when the news of Lexington reached New Hampshire • 

scarcely had the clocks in the farmhouses sounded the hour of 
one tn the mornmg of April .o, when sixty men, all armed and 
equ.pped, started from Nottingham common for Boston. In his 
sawmdi at Amoskeag falls was John Stark at work that da ' 
>^hen up the river came a boy on horseback with the news of 


that battle. Leaving his saw in the cut, and in his shirt-sleeves, 
he mounted his horse, and leaving a hasty message for his fam- 
ily, galloped down the valley, calling upon his old comrades of 
the French war to follow him. And here again is a sight for a 
poet. The spectacle of that horseman sniffing the battle from 
afar, riding as fast as his noble steed can carry him, while at his 
back come the hardy frontiersmen, at first in ones and two, then 
in scores, then in hundreds, until, when he rides into Concord 
the next morning, he is leading a thousand New Hampshire men, 
every one of them ready to follow John Stark to the death, if 
need be. The next morning at least 3000 men from New Hamp- 
shire were at the service of Massachusetts, to help her in the 
struggle. John Stark and Enoch Poor were made colonels by 
that colony, and at once proceeded to form these men into regi- 

Stark's regiment was the first formed, as it was also the largest 
in the whole Continental army. Here, as at Louisburg, thirty 
years before, the men of New Hampshire shrink from no duty, 
but do their full portion of driving the British out of Boston. 
June 15 arrives, and with it the news that Gage has decided to 
seize the heights of Charlestown on the i8th. General Ward, 
commanding the colonists, determined to forestall him. 

On the night of the i6th, 1000 men from Massachusetts and 
Connecticut silently occupied Breed's hill, the higher of the 
two eminences, and before morning had thrown up a redoubt 
which sheltered them from the guns of the British ships of war 
floating in the harbor. When the bombardment opened, as 
it did as soon as light, General Putnam, seeing that more 
men were needed, ordered a portion of Stark's regiment to the 
hill. By II o'clock the whole of Stark's and Reed's New 
Hampshire regiments were on their march. At Charlestown 
Neck they found a large body of troops halted by the storm of 
cannon balls which swept their pathway. Stark called upon 
these men to open and let his men through. They did so, and 
the New Hampshire men passed over the Neck and upon the hill. 

When they reached the redoubt they found the Massachusetts 


men, under Prescott, stationed there, while the Connecticut men, 
under Knowlton, held the breastworks on the right. On the 
left from the redoubt to the river was a wide gap, and here Stark 
and Reed, with the New Hampshire men, took their places, be- 
hind a breastwork made up in part of a stone wall and in part of 
a rail fence stuffed with hay. In the meantime the British are 
not idle. Boat after boat is landing soldiers upon the Charles- 
town shore. In the steeple in the North church is a group of 
officers. One of them is General Gage. On being asked if he 
thinks the Yankees will fight, he answered : " If a certain John 
Stark of New Hampshire is there I know they will, for I have 
seen that man fight." At 3 o'clock the British advance. The 
plan is to carry the breastwork on the left and flank the redoubt. 
To do this the best troops in the British army are stationed on 
the right. As they sweep up the slope the patriots hold their 
fire till within point blank range, and then a storm of bullets 
hurls back the whole British line. 

It is certain death to face those deadly rifles, for every man 
behind them can bring down a squirrel as far as he can see it. 

Once more the red line advances and once more it is sent 
reeling back to the shore. Twice have they tried to break 
through the breastwork on the left. Now the British decide to 
change their plan and a third time they move forward, this time 
concentrating their forces upon the redoubt. The Americans 
have made a gallant fight, but now their ammunition is gone, 
and after one volley they have nothing but clubbed muskets with 
which to fight and are soon overpowered and driven out of the 
redoubt. Not so with the New Hampshire men. They still 
held the rail fence and the stone wall in spite of all attacks, but 
when Prescott's and Knowlton's men retreated from the hill they 
must leave, too, or be flanked, and so, falling in behind Massa- 
chusetts and Connecticut, New Hampshire was the rear guard 
that saved the Americans from capture, as well as defeat. 


By George C. Gilmore, before the Manchester Historic 
Association, June 17, 1896. 

Gentlemen of the Manchester Historic Association : 

The subject assigned me for the evening exercises is Capt. John 
Moore's company, Col. John Stark's regiment of Derryfield (now 
Manchester), at the battle of Bunker Hill, fought one hundred 
and twenty-one years ago today. This battle, one of the most 
famous in its results in history, is of especial interest to Manches- 
ter, for eighteen of the men of that band of heroes were from 
here, and we only wish it was possible to know when and where 
they died and are buried. Captain Moore's company at the 
battle occupied the extreme left of the American forces, next to 
the Mystic river, where the British troops made two desperate 
charges to dislodge them, without success. The third charge 
was made on the redoubt, and the result is well known in history. 
One of the singular outcomes of this battle was, there is no rec- 
ord that a single man of this company of sixty-four men was 
killed or wounded, for they were certainly in the thickest of the 
fight. General Devens, in his address at the centennial anniver- 
sary of the battle of Bunker Hill said : " The second repulse was 
terrific." " In front of our works," says Prescott, *' the ground 
was covered with the killed and wounded, many of them within 
a few yards; while before the rail fence the dead, in the homely 
phrase of Stark, 'lay thick as sheep in a fold.' " Ten men of 
this company went with Benedict Arnold on his perilous expedi- 
tion to Quebec, and one of them was taken prisoner by the 



Baker, Benjamin, private, Manchester. 

Boyd, Nathaniel, sergeant, Manchester. Promoted to lieuten- 
ant, June 18, 1775. 

Emerson, Charles, private, Manchester. 

Emerson, George, private, Manchester. 

George, Benjamin, private, Manchester. 

Goff, John, private, Manchester. 

Hart, Arthur, private, Manchester. 

Harvey, Lemuel, private, Manchester. 

Martin, Nathaniel, private, Manchester. With Arnold in the 
Quebec expedition, and was taken prisoner. 

Martin, Timothy, private, Manchester. 

McKnight, David, private, Manchester. 

McNeil, John C, private, Manchester. 

Moore, John, captain, Manchester. J'romoted to Major, June 18, 

Moore, Goffe, private, Manchester. 

Stark, Archibald, private, Manchester. 

Stark, Caleb, private, Manchester. 

Campbell, Hugh, private, Bedford. Discharged July 7, 1775. 

Callahan, John, private, Bedford. Said to have been killed dur- 
ing the war. 

Cutting, Jonas, private, Bedford. 

Dobbin, John, private, Bedford. With Arnold in the Quebec 

Eagan, Luke, private, Bedford. 

Fling, Patrick, private, Bedford. With Arnold in the Quebec 

Hogg, George, private, Bedford. 

Houston, James, private, Bedford. 

Johnson, Calvin, private, Bedford. Died in the service during 
the war. 

Kerr, John, private, Bedford. With Arnold in the Quebec ex- 

Matthews, Joseph, private, Bedford. 

Matthews, Hugh, private, Bedford. 

McClary, Thomas, private, Bedford. 

McLaughlin, Thomas, lieutenant, Bedford. Promoted to cap- 
tain June 18, 1775. 

Murphy, Patrick, private, Bedford. With Arnold in the Quebec 
expedition. "" 

Moore, David, private, Bedford. 

Newman, William, private, Bedford. 

O'Neil, John, private, Bedford. 

Patten, Samuel, private, Bedford. Promoted to corporal June 
17, 1775- 

Orr, James, private, Bedford. 

Allds, John, private, Litchfield. 

Bixby, Edward, private, Litchfield. 

Butterfield, James, fifer, Litchfield. 


Lawler, David, private, Litchfield. With Arnold in the Quebec 

McOuig, David, sergeant, Litchfield. 

Patterson, William, corporal, Litchfield. 

Turner, John, private, Litchfield. 

Hutchinson, Solomon, private, Merrimack. 

McClure, Thomas, private, Merrimack. With Arnold in the 
Quebec expedition. 

Wier, John, private, Merrimack. With Arnold in the Quebec 

Caldwell, Samuel, private, Dunbarton. 

Gage, Joshua, private, Dunbarton. 

Glidden, James, private, Dunbarton. 

Huse, Thomas, private, Dunbarton. 

Johnson, Abraham, private, Dunbarton. 

Mills, John, private, Dunbarton. 

Smith, Jonathan, private, Dunbarton. With Arnold in the Que- 
bec expedition. 

Glover, Henry, diiammer. New Boston. 

Gregg, John, private, New Boston. 

Hogg, James, private, New Boston. 

Hunter, John, private. New Boston. 

Jordan, John, sergeant, New Boston. 

Martin, Samuel, private. New Boston. 

McPherson, James, private. New Boston. 

McPherson, John, private, New Boston. 

Hutchins, Nathaniel, lieutenant, Hopkinton. With Arnold in the 
Quebec expedition. Transferred from Baldwin's com- 
pany, no date given, probably to take the place of Thomas 
McLaughlin, promoted to captain. 

Follinsby, Moses, private, Weare. With Arnold in the Que- 
bec expedition. 

Cyphers, John, private. Residence unknown. 

Gibson, James, private, Bradford. Transferred from Baldwin's 
company to Capt. John Moore's, July 7, 1775. 


Moore, Samuel, private, Bedford. Discharged June 7, I775- 
McMurphy, John, private, Bedford. Enlisted July 16, I775- 
Clay, John, private, Candia. On roll August 7, 1775- 
Capt. John Moore removed in 1778 to Norridgewalk, Maine ; he 

died in 1809. 
David Farmer, of Derryfield, in Goflfstown company. 


A Paper by George Waldo Browne, read before the 
Manchester Historic Association, Sept. i6, 1896. 


No period in the history of the busy Merrimack from the 
morning of July 17, 1605, when it was discovered by de Cham- 
plain, to the present date is fraught with more exciting interest 
than the boating days of the first half of this century and imme- 
diately preceding the appearance on its banks of the iron horse, 
which was to bring such a revolution in the methods of 
traffic. Boston had already become a promising metropolis of 
20,000 inhabitants, while all along the northward course as far 
as Concord, N. H., thriving villages had come into existence, 
demanding increased business facilities and better and cheaper 
means of transportation than were afforded by the slow mov- 
ing ox trains or the desultory rafting on the river practiced to 
uncertain extents at occasional intervals. But before the stream 
could be successfully utilized as an inland maritime highway the 
passage of its falls must be rendered feasible by locks and the 
rocky shallows and devious windings be escaped by artificial 

The first step in this direction was the building of the Mid- 
dlesex canal, which was projected by Hon. James Sullivan and 
begun in 1794, to be completed in 1803. This waterway stopped 
at what is now known as Middlesex village, about two miles 
above Lowell, and was twenty-seven miles in length. Immedi- 
ately upon its completion other companies and individuals, 
aided more or less by the Middlesex corporation, undertook to 
continue the work of making the river navigable by building 



locks, dams, and canals where needed until a point two miles 
north of Concord was reached — fifty-two miles in length — Judge 
Samuel Blodget fitly completing the great scheme of engineer- 
ing by his canal of Amoskeag, which was formally opened on 
May Day, 1807. That part of the system below Amoskeag, 
comprising the dams and locks at Merrill's fails, near Granite 
bridge, and Griffin's falls below, was done by the Union Lock 
and Canal Company, superintended by Isaac Riddle of Bedford. 
To Superintendent Riddle belongs the credit of conceiving 
the possible benefits likely to accrue from river boating, and in 
association with Major Caleb Stark of Dunbarton he constructed 
the first canal boat that ever plied on the Merrimack. The work 
was done at Bedford Center and the boat was so different from 
anything the people had seen as to call forth numerous expres- 
sions of surprise and often of ridicule. The nearest approach to 
its style of construction that we have now is the flat-bottomed 
scow used to bring brick down the river from Hooksett. This 
odd craft, when completed, was drawn to Basswood Landing on 
the Piscataquog, near the bridge, by forty yokes of oxen, and 
launched amid the tremendous cheering of a large crowd of cu- 
rious spectators. This boat, appropriately named the Experi- 
ment, was promptly loaded with lumber and started on its pio- 
neer trip to Boston, where it was hailed with greater demonstra- 
tions than at its starting point, the firing of cannon mingling 
with the shouts of the spectators. The newspaper of the day, 
the Boston Centinel and Federalist, had the following notice 
concerning the arrival of Captain Riddle's boat : 

" Arrived from Bedford, N. H., Canal Boat Experiment, Isaac 
Riddle, Captain, via Merrimack River and Middlesex Canal." 

This was in the fall of 181 2, and Captain Riddle immedi- 
ately found himself beset with orders for the shipment of large 
contracts of lumber and merchandise. His business increased 
so rapidly that in 181 6 a store and boat house was built at Pis- 
cataquog bridge, and two years later locks were built just above 
the island at the mouth of the river. 

It is not apparent that other individuals at that time sought to 
imitate the example of Captain Riddle, but even before his boat 


had made its initial trip the Merrimack Boating Company had 
been organized in Boston to transport freight from that place to 
Concord and way stations through Middlesex canal and Merri- 
mack river. The first boat belonging to this corporation was 
taken up the river in October, 1814, and commenced on regular 
trips the following June. In 181 7 steam power was unsuccessfully 
applied and the project abandoned after one trial. From the be- 
ginning of operations by this company thirty years of uninter- 
rupted and successful boating followed on the Merrimack. It is 
true passengers had to depend, as before, on the stage coaches, 
but all the products of the country were taken to market, and 
such merchandise as was needed brought up on the return trip 
to the places along the route. The granite in Quincy market 
was transported from Concord by these boats. 

The season opened as soon as the river was clear of ice in the 
spring and continued until cold weather. Five days were con- 
sumed in the upward trip and four days in going down the river. 
Twenty tons was considered an average load as far as Lowell and 
fifteen tons above that point, except during low, water, when not 
more than half that burden could be carried. At the beginning, 
^13.50 was the charge for up freight to the extreme landing in 
Concord, and ^8.50 for down transportation ; but these prices 
Avere gradually reduced, until in 1838 only I5 and ^4 were the 
respective charges. The total amount of business done during 
the years 1816-1842 was $468,756, going upward, and $220,940 
downward. Before the boating began $20 a ton was charged by 
the teams for the entire route. 

The Merrimack Boating Company was succeeded by the Con- 
cord Boating Company in 1823, and that in turn gave up busi- 
ness in 1844. The largest number of boats believed to be on 
the river at any one time was twenty. These boats, built to 
meet the peculiar requirements of river navigation, were not less 
than forty-five feet or over seventy-five feet in length, and from 
nine to nine and one half feet in width at the middle. Those 
on the Merrimack were generally of the greatest length, nine feet 
wide at midway but a little narrower toward the ends, flat-bot- 


tomed across the center but rounded up at bow and stern, so that 
while they were three feet deep at mid-length the sides were 
barely a foot high at the extremities. Two-inch pine planks 
were used in their construction, these being fastened to three- by- 
four-inch cross joints and side knees of oak, with cross timbers 
of the same wood at the ends. The seams were calked with 
oakum and pitched. No cross thwarts were needed, but a stout 
plank nailed across from side to side about a foot forward of 
midway served the double purpose of strengthening the boat 
and affording support to a mast raised to carry a square sail at- 
tached to a cross yard, and which under favorable circumstances 
could be made to assist in the propulsion of the heavily loaded 
boat. These spars varied somewhat in length, being from twenty 
to twenty-four feet long and six inches in diameter at the foot. 
A rope running through a single block at the top enabled the 
boatman to hoist or lower the sail at will. 

The main means of propulsion against the current were the 
setting poles in the hands of two strong bowmen, who were as- 
sisted, at such times as his attention was not occupied in steer- 
ing the unwieldy craft, by the skipper in the stern. These poles, 
commonly called pike poles, were fifteen feet long, two inches 
in diameter and made round and smooth out of the best ash 
wood, with the lower end armed with an iron point. At inter- 
vals between the canals, when a favoring breeze made it practi- 
cal, the sail was run up and gave material aid ; but after all it 
was the muscle of the brawny pike men that carried the heavily 
laden barge onward and upward toward its destination. 

The peculiar method of propulsion is thus described by one 
who was familiar with the work : "To propel the boat by pol- 
ing, a bowman stood on either side of the bow, with his face 
toward the stern, and thrusting the pike end of his pole down 
beside the boat in a slanting direction toward the stern until it 
struck the bottom of the river, he placed his shoulder against 
the top of the pole, and, with his feet braced against the cross 
timbers in the bottom of the boat, he exerted the strength of his 
body and legs to push the boat forward. As it moved, he 


Stepped along the bottom of the boat, still bracing his shoulder 
firmly against the pole, until he had walked in this manner to the 
mast board — or, rather, until the movement of the boat had 
brought the mast board to him. He then turned around and 
walked to the bow, trailing the pole in the water, thrust it again 
to the bottom of the river and repeated the pushing movement." 
It must be understood that the cargo was piled along the mid- 
dle of the boat so as to allow of a narrow passageway on each 

The passage down the stream was of course easier and more 
rapid, the men relying principally on scull oars for means of 
propulsion, these oars being about the same length as the poles, 
with six inch blades on the lower portion. The oarsmen stood 
close to either side of the boat and about six feet from the bow, 
each working his oar against a thole pin fastened on the opposite 
gunwale, and, the oar handles crossing, it was necessary that they 
be worked together, which moved the craft evenly on its way. 

The steering oar was nearly twenty feet long, and secured at 
the middle to a pivot on the stern cross timber. The blade was 
about twenty inches in width, and tiiis like the others was made 
of the toughest and strongest ash. The steersman at his post in 
the stern had his pike pole and sculling oar at hand to lend such 
assistance as he could to the bowmen whenever he was not occu- 
pied in guiding the boat along the laborious course. 

The agent at Concord lower landing hired the men making up 
the crews of the company, from ^16 to $26 a month being paid. 
A large proportion of these boatmen were from Manchester and 
Litchfield. Brought up in the knowledge and experience of 
fishing at the Falls and rafting lumber down the river, they were 
superior boatmen. Among them was Joseph M. Rowell, who 
had been a raftsman, and of whom it is related as a specimen of 
what might be required of a man in that capacity, that he rafted 
in one day two lots of lumber from Curtis eddy, nearly opposite 
No. 5 Amoskeag mill, to Litchfield, nine miles, and walked back 
each time with a forty-pound scull oar on his shoulder. For this 
day's double work he got three dollars. Despite the hardships 
of his earlier life, Mr. Rowell lived to a good old age. 


Among the best known of the rivermen was Capt. Israel Mer- 
rill, who had the distinction of being pilot of the steamer that 
made its "experimental" trip up the river in 1817. He was a 
tall, powerful man, of whom many reminiscences of bravery and 
hardihood are still related. He received a gold medal for sav- 
ing two men from drowning in the river, at the imminent risk of 
losing his own life. John McCutchens, afloat on a raft of lumber 
above Eel falls, and finding it getting beyond his control, leaped 
into the water to attempt to swim to the bank. Unable to do 
this he was carried over the dam built just above the falls, but 
managed to catch upon a wooden pin on the top of the planking. 
Captain Merrill, seeing his perilous situation, swam down to the 
place and pulled him to a rock, from which they were rescued 
soon after by some men in a boat. Matthew McCurdy fell into 
Pulpit stream and was swept down against a jam of logs, where 
he clung until Captain Merrill swam to his assistance. It was 
this same redoubtable captain that made the long-talked-of race 
with another boatman from Concord to Boston, coming in at 
the end of this eighty-one-mile stubbornly contested trial a boat's 
length ahead of his rival, who paid for his folly by the loss of his 
life from over-exertion. 

The quickest trip of which there is record was made in 1833 
by Samuel Hall, John Ray, and Joseph M. Rowell, who started 
with a boatload of men from the mouth of Piscataquog river at 
eight o'clock on the morning of June 30, went to Medford, into 
Medford river, back into Middlesex canal and into Boston, got 
a load of goods and reached home on the evening of July 3, 
having been only four days on the trip and return. The last 
boat on the Middlesex canal made its final trip in 1851. 

As a rule travel was suspended at sunset, the men planning so 
as to be near one of the convenient stopping-places along the 
route at nightfall. The passage of the Middlesex canal consumed 
one day ; another enabled them to reach Cromwell's falls, fifteen 
miles this side ; the third took them through Amoskeag locks ; 
and the fourth, everything proving exceptionally favorable, 
found them at their destination. The rendezvous at Amoskeag 


was the old Blodget house, kept respectively by Samuel P. Kid- 
der, "Jim" Grififin, and Frederick G. Stark. 

Samuel P. Kidder was the first agent appointed by the boating 
company to superintend the Union canals and collect tolls, con- 
tinuing until his death in 1822, when he was succeeded by Fred- 
erick G. Stark, who held the position to 1837. The books kept 
by both these agents are now in the possession of Frederick G. 
Stark, of Manchester, a nephew of the first-named. Through his 
courtesy the writer has examined the several volumes and gives 
the following extracts to illustrate the methods and amount ot 

"No. 97 Daniel Jones 18 Shotts. 

"July 8, 1829 

" Bow Canal 103M Pine Lumber and Timber (©34 35-02 

"62M Shingles (a) 03 1.86 

Hooksett Canal 103M Pine Lumber and Timber 

<w 18 18.54 

"62M Shingles (a) 2 1.24 

Amoskeag Canal 103M Pine Lumber and Timber 

(a) 50 51.50 

" 62M Shingles (a) 6 3.72 




"Paid July 28th." 

The amount of business for the month of October, 182 1, was 
^759.80; while for the same month in 1831 it was ^1,598.65, 
having more than doubled in the decade. 

" Amoskeag Canal Work Roll for September, 1825. 

" Israel Colson, James Ray, George Clark, David Young, William 
P. Harwood, Abiel Saunders, Ziba Saunders, Charles Dale. Jacob 
Richardson, Jacob Currier, William Palmer, Adam Gilmore, Viranus 
Webster, Joseph Rowell, Alpheus Stevens, Reuben Kimball, Parker 
Whidden, Nathan Stearns, Joseph Butterfield, Hezekiah Kitrege, 

Isaac Nichols, Blodget, Ebenezer G. Preston, Jonathan Youngs 

Jr., Samuel Jackson." 

Accidents were less common than might have been expected. 
One boat capsized at Goffe's Falls, and Edward Killicut was 


killed. Another was carried over Amoskeag falls, a yoke of oxen 
attached to it being saved from the same fate by the presence of 
mind of Joseph M. Rowell, who rushed into the water and cut 
the rope that held them. 

In the midst of the bustle and hard-earned success of these 
stalwart sons of old-time progress came the announcement of that 
new power which was to rob them of their means of livelihood. 
Naturally this aroused bitter opposition on their part, and as an 
illustration of the reluctance of the spirit of the times to accept 
the new way for the old, the Boston Transcript of Sept. 
I, 1830, said: "It is not astonishing that so much reluctance 
exists against plunging into doubtful speculation. The public is 
itself divided as to the practicability of the railroad." A mem- 
ber of the Massachusetts legislature was on record as saying : 
■*' Railroads, Mr. Speaker, may do well enough in the old coun- 
tries, but will never be the thing for so young a country as this. 
When you can make the rivers run back it will be time enough 
to make railways." The waters of the Merrimack continued to 
run according to the laws of gravitation, but the railroad, in 
spite of all human opposition, came, and, like an avenging Nem- 
esis, followed almost identically in the tracks of the skeleton of 
departed greatness, — the canals, which had made its coming 

There is no doubt that the adventurous lives led by the boat- 
men tended to bring out the rougher element of their natures, 
and a considerable number drank, gambled, and entered zeal- 
ously into the more boisterous sports ; but they were always 
faithful to duty, kind-hearted to a fellow-being in distress, and 
many of them carried beneath their coarse jackets more than an 
average allowance of real manhood. They belonged to a very 
necessary class of citizens in their day, but which in the evolu- 
tion of the swiftly following years has been supplanted by an- 
other, and only a memory of their usefulness remains. The 
shriek of the car-whistle ended the boatman's song, while his 
inspiring watchword as he toiled laboriously toward the upper 
waters of old Amoskeag, " One more stroke for old Derryfield," 


found its death knell in the heartless snort of the iron horse, 
which threw at once those hardy men out of the only employ- 
ment they knew. Here and there some shattered landmark 
dimly remains to remind us of them and their gigantic work, 
but the wooden dams and locks have long since crumbled away, 
the canals have been filled and their banks leveled, while the icy 
floods of spring have played such sad havoc with the granite abut- 
ments that even they fail'to stand as their monument. 


A Paper by William H. Huse, read before the Man- 
chester Historic Association, Decemebr 23, 1896. 

What treasures are found in parental garrets ! With what de- 
light do children ransack the accumulations of past years and 
live fictitious lives amid the belongings of their ancestors. Oft- 
times are these treasures appreciated more as the boy becomes a 
man and sees their real value. Such has been my experience. 
My delight when a boy, as in my father's attic I played with a few 
old leather-bound books that lay in an ancient bookcase, has 
been replaced by a better appreciation, as I learned that they 
were the remains of the Derryfield Social Library, an institution 
that was the forerunner of our present public library, and which 
was a powerful factor in molding the lives of our fathers. 

The only printed mention of the library I can find is in Mr. 
Potter's " History of Manchester," where he tells us that " in the 
latter part of 1795 the project of a social library was started by 
the inhabitants of Derryfield and vicinity. Those interested in 
the project associated under the name of the Proprietors of Der- 
ryfield Library. January 4, 1796, they bought their first books 
of E. Larken, of Boston, at a cost of ^32.94. On the 12th of 
December of the same year they voted to form a society by the 
name of The Proprietors of the Social Library in Derryfield. 
The number of the first proprietors or their names is unknown. 
The proprietors were incorporated in December, 1799, at which 
time they numbered forty-six, and had seventy-eight volumes of 
valuable books in the library. Additions were made from time 



to time, but the interest in it began to abate, and at length in 
1833 ^''O annual meeting was held, and the library was at an end, 
each proprietor appropriating such books as he chose." The 
ofifice of the secretary of state contains a copy of the act of in- 


£l. s.] in the year of ouk lord one thousand seven hun- 


For incorporating Certain Persons by the Name of the Proprietors 
of the Social Library in Derryfield. 

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives in General 
Court convened : 

That Daniel Davis and Samuel P. Kidder and their Passed, Decem- 
associates, proprietors of said library, and all such as may ber 26, 1799. 
hereafter become proprietors of the same, be, and they Proprietors' 
hereby are, incorporated into a body politic by the name names, 
of The Proprietors of the Social Library in Derryfield, 
with continuation and succession forever ; and in that 
name may sue and be sued, may plead and be impleaded May sue, etc. 
in all personal actions, and may prosecute and defend the 
same to final judgment and execution, and they are hereby 
vested with all the powers and privileges incident to cor- 
porations of a similar nature, and may enjoin penalties of May enjoin pen- 
disfranchisement or fine not exceeding four dollars for aities, etc. 
each offense, to be recovered by said society in an action 
of debt to their use in any court proper to try the same, 
and they may purchase and receive subscriptions, grants, 
and donations of personal estate not exceeding one thou- Hold personal 
sand dollars, for the purpose and use of their association. Estate. 

And be it further enacted. That said society be, and 
they hereby are, authorized to assemble at Derryfield 
aforesaid on the first Monday in November annually, to 
choose all such officers as may be found necessary for the 
orderly conducting the affairs of said corporation, who 
shall continue in office until others are chosen in their 
room, and that said corporation may assemble as often as 
may be found necessary for filling up any vacancies which 
may happen in said offices, and for transacting all other 


business, excepting the raising of monies, which sliall be 

Annual meeting, always done at their annual meeting, and at no other 
time, at which time they shall vote all necessary sums for 

Raise money. defreaying the annual expense of preserving said library, 
and for enlarging the same ; and said corporation shall 

Make By-laws, have power to make such rules, regulations, and by-laws 
for the government of said society as may from time to 
time by them be found necessary ; provided the same be 
not repugnant to the constitution and laws of this state. 

And be it ftirther enacted. That Daniel Davis and Sam- 
uel P. Kidder, or either of them, are hereby authorized 

First meeting, and empowered to call the first meeting of said proprietors 
at such time and place as they may appoint, by posting a 
notification for that purpose at the meeting-house in said 
Derryfield, at least fifteen days prior to said day of meet- 
ing ; and the said proprietors at said meeting shall have 
the same power to choose officers and make by-laws as 
they have by this act at their annual meeting. 


In House of Representatives, December 24, 1799. 

The foregoing bill having had three several readings, passed to be 
enacted. Sent up for concurrence. 



In Senate, the Same Day. 

This bill having been read a third time, was enacted. 

Approved December 26, 1799. Presidejit, 

A true copy. Attest : Governor. 

Philip Carrigian, 


Among the books that now remain is the record book that was 
kept by the several librarians, and although many liberties were 
taken with it by us youthful vandals (I say " us," for I am not 
alone responsible), as many a leaf stub can testify, it is possible 
to get at the names of nearly all the proprietors and patrons of 
the library. The fact that the right to take books was occasion- 
ally sold, would indicate that it was not a public library, only the 


members of the association having that privilege. Compared 
with modern libraries, a large number of the books were religious 
in their character, and the Calvinistic trend of many was plainly 
seen in the lives and creeds of the people. 

It was in the earlier years of the century that my grandfather 
brought up a boy named Moody Davis. He was a queer, 
thoughtful lad, and much given to strange remarks. One day 
there called at the house a man known to all the section as Uncle 
Ebenezer. He spent most of his time calling on his neighbors, 
made it a point to call about noon, never refused an invitation 
to dinner, and usually ate enough to last till the next day. At this 
dinner, for he staid, there was brought on a boiled pudding that 
was not only boiled but boiling. Moody received his portion 
and sat waiting anxiously for it to cool, at the same time intently 
watching the visitor bolt down his without any difficulty what- 
ever. At last the boy's pent-up feelings found expression. " If 
I could eat hot pud'n like Uncle Ebenezer, I'd never be afraid 
of going to hell." 

But all were not Calvinists. Hosea Ballou's Notes on the Par- 
ables were in the library and were read by many. Whether it 
was a result of this or not I cannot say, but even then a liberal 
interpretation of the Bible was occasionally to be found. One 
night a good man was reading to his family the story of Samson. 
As he came to the account of the foxes his wife interrupted him 
with " Hut tut, John, d'ye read right ? " And John read again, 
" And Samson went and caught three hundred foxes and took 
firebrands and turned tail to tail and put a firebrand in the midst 
between two tails." Again he was interrupted. "Hut tut, 
John, d'ye think they were all foxes?" "Well," said John, 
deliberately, "I don't know but there might have been some 
skunks and woodchucks among them." 

The earliest date found in the record book is May 14, 1802, 
and although Mr. Potter states that the library ceased to exist in 
1833, the last date given on which a book was withdrawn is May 
19, 1838. The number of books taken out for several years pre- 
vious to this, however, was small, so that'it is probable that the 
association died a slow death. 



The list of members, as complete as can be obtained in the 
record book, is as follows : 

David Adams. 
Robert Adams. 
Jesse Baker. 
Phineas Baley. 
Lieut. Hugh Boys. 
Jacob Chase. 
Nathaniel Connant. 
Ann E. Couch. 
Daniel Davis. 
Moses Davis. 
Samuel Davis. 
David Dickey. 
John Dickey. 
Capt. John Dwinell. 
Peter Emerson. 
Joseph Farmer. 
William Farmer. 
David Flint. 
John Frye. 
John Gambel. 
James Grififin. 
Lieut. Daniel Hall. 
John Hall. 
Robert Hall. 
Philip Haseltine. 
Asa Heseltine. 
Capt. Moses Heseltine 
Peter Hills. 
Isaac Huse. 
Samuel Jackson. 
Nathan Johnson. 
Samuel P. Kidder. 
Benjamin Leslie. 

George McAlester. 

Samuel McAUester. 

John G. Moor. 

Capt. Joseph Moor. 

Nathaniel Moor. 

Samuel Moore. 

The Widow Moor. 

Eliza A. Nutt. 

James Nutt. 

James Parker. 

John Perham. 

William Perham. 

Phineas Pettingill. 

Stephen Pingry. 

John Proctor. 

John Ray. 

Lieut. Job Rowell. 

Reuben Sawyer. 

Aaron Seavey. 

Benj. F. Stark. 

John Stark. 

Widow Eliza (Elizabeth) Stark. 

Ephraim Stevens. 

Ephraim Stevens, Jr. 

Thomas Stickney. 

William Walker. 

Lieut. Amos Weston. 

David Webster. 

Israel Webster. 

Ephraim White. 

Ruben White. 

Stephen Worthley. 

Jonathan Young. 
A few of the librarians are known. Robert Perham held the 
office in 1814 and John Dwinell from 1815 to 1818. Mr. Per- 
ham's name does not appear on the pages as having taken out 


books, but it is presumable that he was a member. On one page 
we read that John Gambell went out of office December 7, 1S26, 
and on the same page is found the statement that " Daniel Hall 
is libaren and Clark of the Librey for the time to come." 

A few rights were transferred. John Frye sold his right to 
Aaron Seavey. The following item is found on one page : 
"January 19 this Day Capt. Moses heselton Sold his Right to 
leftenant hugh Boys of manchester." 

The bookcase in which the remnant of the library reposed for 
so many years in my father's attic and in which the entire col- 
lection of books was probably kept is a plain case of pine painted 
a dull red, sixty-two inches high by thirty-nine wide, and eleven 
inches ' deep. Two doors fastened by handmade hinges hide 
from view five shelves that show the effects of wear and age- 
Under the shelves is along double drawer with no handles, which 
looks so much like a panel that its existence had been forgotten 
and it was only quite recently that it was rediscovered and found 
to contain a few packages of dry herbs and tax books of the town 
of Manchester for seven years beginning with 1826. The library 
was doubtless kept in the house where the bookcase remained so 
long, for there was the village store with a hall overhead and 
there was the first postoffice at the Center. 

The highest number of any book recorded was No. no. As 
there were sever?.l books without numbers the library probably 
contained one hundred twenty volumes or more. 

There were two columns on each page of the record book for 
fines for detention beyond a prescribed or reasonable time and 
on account of damage. The time fines ranged from two to fifty 
cents. This latter fine was for keeping a book from August 8 to 
November 7, but whether in the same or different years is not 
stated. These are representative fines for damage, — " tearing 
maps, 15 cents," and "tearing 2 leaves 10 cents." 

At first the books seem to have had no numbers for the names 
were given in almost every record. From these names and the 
few books that remain the following list has been obtained : 

Animated Nature, American Gazetteer, American Revolution, 
Arabian Nights, A Fool of Quality, A Bold Stoop for a \\ ife, A 


Christian's Life, A View of Religions, Burton's Lectures, Bur- 
roughs' Memoirs, Burn's Justice of the Peace, Cook's Voyages, 
Carver's Travels, Columbian Orator, Davis' Sermons, Doddridge's 
Sermons, Don Quixote, Dyer's Titles, Exercises on Piety, Ex- 
plicatory Catechism, Erskine's Sermons, Female American, Five 
Points of Christian Doctrine, Flowers of Modern Travels, Frank- 
lin's Works, Farmer's Letters, Gordon's History, Henry Tufts, 
Hickeringill's Works, Hunter's Sacred Biography, Howard's 
Life, Hervey's Meditations, Infantry Regulations, Josephus, 
Lady's Miscellany, Laws of New Hampshire, Letters from Eng- 
land, Life of Washington, Life of Joseph, Looking Glass, Morse's 
Geography, Maria Cecilia, Morse's Journal, Notes on the Para- 
bles, Newton's Prophecies, Pilgrim's Progress, Priest Craft, Paine's 
Writings, Pomfret's Poems, Riley's Narrative, Robison's Proofs, 
Religious Courtship, Rollin's History, Repository, Rasselas, 
Saints' Everlasting Rest, Scottish Chiefs, Sanders' Travels, Spec- 
tator (several volumes). The Deist, The Rising Progress of Re- 
ligion in the Soul, The Mariner's Compass Rectified, Thoughts 
on Divine Goodness, Universal Dialogues, Valuable Secrets, 
Watts on the Mind, Winchester's Lectures. 

Some of the books have interesting features. The author of 
The Mariner's Compass Rectified asserts that the tables " will 
last with Exactness as long as God uphoideth the Order and 
Course of Nature." The full title of Robison's Proofs is " Proofs 
of a Conspiracy Against all the Religions and Governments of 
Europe, Carried on in the Secret Meetings of Free Masons, Illu- 
minati and Reading Societies, Collected from Good Authorities 
by John Robison, A. M." The author, who was English, evi- 
dently connected every effort of the Stuart pretenders and every 
attempt at revolution on the continent with all societies whose 
meetings were not open to the public. 

It was in the volumes of The Spectator that I found in the 
old red bookcase in the attic that I first read that classic, "The 
Vision of Mirza," and made the acquaintance of Sir Roger De 
Coverley. A very few of the books in the old library are now 
read, but most of them have been replaced by others, for " of 
making many books there is no end." 


A Paper by John G. Crawford, read before the Man- 
chester Historic Association, Deceimber 23, 1S96. 

The movement that was inaugurated a few years, ago to erect 
a monument to the memory of General Sullivan, and my admi- 
ration for the grand military and civic record of that noble pa- 
triot, was what led me to investigate the subject in relation to 
the dismantling of Castle William and Mary. To make sure that 
the histories already published giving an account of the explora- 
tions were correct, I devoted much time to the accounts given 
by those who were familiar with these transactions and who gave 
the facts and circumstances in numerous letters and official re- 
ports, all of which were published in the "American Archives." 
The paper I am requested to present to you tonight is the result 
of these investigations, and if I should differ, as I shall, from those 
who have published these accounts, I trust that some other his- 
torian will show wherein I am in error, that in the end the true 
account may be given. 

Historians are allowed to take great liberty with facts, but 
when they record important transactions and state matters which 
are not facts, then that which purports to be history not only 
ceases to be of value but becomes detrimental and misleading. 

The errors which have occurred in all the histories of New 
Hampshire in relation to the expeditions which were planned 
and carried out to dismantle Fort or Castle William and Mary 
are so apparent that they certainly require some correction. 



If the histories in their entire are to be judged from the stand- 
point, as to correctness, of their account of Fort William and 
Mary, then it may well be said " There has been no history of 
New Hampshire yet published." 

Fort, or Castle, William and Mary was one of the line of 
forts established by England along the coast to defend the several 
harbors and ports of entry. Portsmouth at the time of the trouble 
between the colonies and the mother country was, next to Boston, 
the most important port along the New England coast. This fort 
was situated in Newcastle, some two miles down the harbor from 
Portsmouth. After the close of the French and Indian war 
there had been but little use to maintain a large force in it ; 
only sufficient to care for the guns and munitions stored therein, 
and for revenue service. The expense of maintaining the fort, 
in supplying it with men and provisions, was borne by the colony 
of New Hampshire. The troubles which had been brewing be- 
tween the colonies and England ever since the passage of the 
stamp act, which culminated in the War of Independence, made 
the occupation of the fortifications on the coast of great import- 
ance in the struggle soon to follow. 

The house of representatives of the province of New Hamp- 
shire which convened at Portsmouth, the capitol, on Thursday, 
May 26, 1774, voted: "That there be allowed and paid unto 
the captain general of this province for payment of officers, sol- 
diers, billiting, fire-wood, and candles for support of his 
majesty's Fort William and Mary for one year, viz, : from the 
25th of March, 1774, to the 25th of March, 1775, the sum of 
two thousand pounds, lawful money, to be paid in four quarterly 
payments out of the money that is, or shall be in the treasury, 
with advice of council." This vote was sent up to the council 
by Mr. Jennes. The next day. May 27, the secretary brought 
from the board the vote for an allowance for the fort, with a ver- 
bal message from his excellency. Governor Wentworth, that he 
thought the allowance insufficient and desired some alterations 
might be made, by 'allowing a larger sum, or appointing a num- 
ber of soldiers sufficient, with proper allowance. 

The house took immediate consideration of the message from 


the governor, and to show their loyalty to England, voted that 
the captain general be desired to give orders for the enlisting 
three men to be posted at his Majesty's Fort William and Mary 
for one year, commencing the 25th day of March, 1774, under 
such officer as he shall appoint. 

This vote was sent up by Colonel Folsom and Captain Waldron. 
It was returned on the same day to the assembly, with a message 
from the governor, in which he said : " The vote of assem- 
bly for the support of his majesty's Castle William and Mary, 
dated this day, appears to me to be so inadequate that it is my 
duty to inform the assembly that I do not think it safe to entrust 
so important a fortress to the care and defense of three men and 
one officer." The members of the assembly were not disposed 
to vote a large sum or raise much of an army to occupy the fort. 
Already there was a movement to form another government and 
from this assembly were to come those men who were to lead the 
colony in its struggle for independence. 

Committees of correspondence had been appointed in several 
of the colonies to consider the situation of the country, and on 
the next day, after voting three men to defend the fort", the as- 
sembly chose Hon. John Wentworth of the house, Samuel Cutts, 
John Gedding, Clement March, Joseph Bartlett, Henry Prescott, 
and John Pickering a committee to correspond with the com- 
mittees appointed by the several houses of the sister colonies. 

They took into consideration the " great difficulties that have 
arisen and still subsist between our parent country and the colo- 
nies on this continent," and declared they were ready to join in 
all salutary measures that may be adopted by them at this im- 
portant crisis for saving the rights and privileges of the Ameri- 
cans." After choosing this committee and passing the resolu- 
tion they took up the governor's message in reference to the 
support of the castle and authorized the enlistment of five men 
under an officer to be posted at the fort. 

Governor Wentworth saw the tendency of the members of 
general assembly to join with the representatives of the sister 
colonies in appointing a congress of the colonies, and to prevent 


further action he adjourned the assembly from time to time until 
the 8th day of June, 1774, when he dissolved it. 

The provisions made for the fort were carried out, and five men 
under the command of Captain John Corcoran were stationed 
there to defend it. This was the condition of affairs when, on 
the 13th of Decem.ber, 1774, the movement was first put on foot to 
dismantle the fort, and it is this account given by the several 
historians of New Hampshire that we desire to call attention to, 
and to give, as far as the records will permit, a correct version 
of the affair. 

In order to better understand the true history it is necessary 
to copy extracts from pages 298 and 299 of McClintock's His- 
tory of New Hampshire. I am fully aware that McClintock's 
history is not considered reliable in its details, having been has- 
tily gathered, and published without that verification which 
should accompany all histories, yet it stands before the public 
as the history of New Hampshire, and though this generation 
may be aware of its many deficiencies, it may be regarded as cor- 
rect by the generations to come after us. Yet McClintock is 
not alone responsible for the many historical inaccuracies on 
these two pages, for the earlier writers upon this subject, includ- 
ing Mr. Araory, in his Life of General John Sullivan, and 
Headley in his work, Washington and His Generals, made the 
same mistakes. 

" An order had been passed by the king in council, prohibiting the 
exportation of gunpowder and military stores to America. The com- 
mittee of safety received a copy of it by express from Boston the 13th 
of December. They collected a company with great secrecy and dis- 
patch, who went to Fort William and Mary at New Castle, under the 
direction of Major John Sullivan and Capt. John Langdon, confined 
the captain of the fort and his five men and brought oft" one hundred 
barrels of gunpowder. The next day another company brought oft" fif- 
teen of the lightest cannon, all the small arms and some w;a-Iike stores. 

" On the 13th of December, 1774, Paul Revere took hisy^V^V public 
ride. While it may not have been so far reaching in importance as his 
later one, it richly deserves a place in history. It happened in this man- 
ner : The Boston committee of safety had just heard of the British order 
that no military stores should be exported to America. They accord- 
ingly sent Paul Revere on a fleet horse to Portsmouth to apprize the 
similar committee there of the news, and probably to urge them to se- 



cure the powder which was in Fort William and Mary in the harbor 

as reinforcements were expected shortly from England John 

Sullivan was a member of the Provmdal congress that year and had 
just arrived in Portsmouth from Philadelphia Sullivan pro- 
posed the immediate capture of the place, and oiTered to lead the men 
to the attack. A military force was accordingly summoned as secretly 
as possible trom the neighborhood, Sullivan and John Langdon took 
the command and the march was commenced towards the Eiio-lish fort 
It was a hazardous undertaking. There was danger from the fort. If 
the captain became aware of their designs he was sure to turn the guns 
on them and destroy them. But no alarm was given; with a rush 
they gained the gate, captured the sentry, and before a challenge could 
be given had the captain and every man in the fort prisoners. The 
British flag was hauled down, the gunpowder, of which there were one 
hundred barrels in the fort, was immediately taken away and hid in 
the houses the patriots. Sullivan concealed a portion of it tinder the 
pulpit of the Durham meeting-house. A large part of this plunder 
afterwards did good service at Bun/cer Hill. Next day fifteen of the 
lighter cannon and all the small arms were carried away. The o-qv- 
ernor and his officers received no intelligence of the affair until it^'was 

too late to remedy it It was the first act of armed hostility 

committed against the crown of Great Britain by an American." 

The above quotation from one and one half pages of what is 
called history contains no less than sixteen errors, some of which 
I desire to call attention to, that the future historian of our state, 
— and no state stands in need of one more than New Hamp- 
shire,— may not repeat the same in giving an account of these 

The order in the British council, prohibiting the exportation 
of gunpowder, etc., may have been the primary cause for the dis- 
mantling of the fort but not the immediate cause. That order 
was not what the committee at Portsmouth received at the hands 
of Paul Revere from Boston. A gentleman in Boston, who evi- 
dently was informed upon the subject, said in a letter to Mr. 
Rivington in New York under date of December 20, 1774: 

" On Monday, the 12th instant, our worthy citizen, Mr. Paul Revere 
was sent express trom only two or three of the committee of corres- 
pondence at Boston,— of whom no number under seven were empow- 
ered to act— to a like committee at Portsmouth, New Hampshire in- 
torming them ' That orders had been sent to the governors of these 
provinces to deliver up the several fortifications or castles to Gen Gac^e 
and that a number of troops had the preceding day embarked on board 
the transports with a design to proceed and take possession of said 


castle.' This information was delivered by Paul Revere to Samuel 
Cutts, one of the committee at Portsmouth, who immediately called 
together the committee to consider the situation. Action ^yas post- 
poned until the following day. Some of the committee deeming a de- 
lay dangerous, determined to immediately seize the fort." 

There was no secrecy about the matter. Notice of their in- 
tention was openly avowed on the streets of Portsmouth. In a 
letter written from Portsmouth, under date of December 17, 
1774, the writer says: 

" On Wednesday last a drum and a fife paraded the streets of Ports- 
mouth, accompanied by several committee men and the Sons of Lib- 
erty, publickly avowing their intention of taking possession of Fort 
William and Mary." 

Notice of this intention was sent by Gov. Wentworth to the 
commander of the fort. Captain Cochran, who was in com- 
mand, in his report to Gov. Wentworth on December 14 said : 

" I received your Excellency's favor of yesterday, and in obedience 
thereto kept a strict watch all night and added two men to my usual 
number, being all I could get. Nothing material occurred till this day, 
one o'clock, when 1 was informed there was a number of people com- 
ing to take possession of the fort, upon which, having only five effec- 
tive men with me, 1 prepared to make the best defense I could, and 
pointed some guns to those places where I expected they would ent-er. 
About three o'clock the fort was besieged on all sides by upwards of 
four hundred men. I told them on their peril not to enter; they re- 
plied they would. I immediately ordered three four-pounders to be 
fired on them and then the small arms, and before we could be ready to 
fire again we were stormed on all quarters, and they immediately se- 
cured both me and my men and kept us prisoners about one hour and 
a half, during which time they broke open the powder house and took 
all the powder away except one barrel, and having put it into boats 
and sent it off, they released me from my confinement. To which I 
can only add, that I did all in my power to defend the fort, but all my 
efforts could not avail against so great a number." 

This was not Paul Revere's first public ride. He had been 
sent express on important business on at least two occasions pre- 
vious to his ride to Portsmouth. News of the passage of the 
Boston port bill was received in Boston on the iot:i day of May, 
1774. On Friday, the 13th, about noon. Gen. Gage arrived and 
landed at the castle. On the same day, the 13th, a meeting was 


held in Faneuil Hall to consider the edict for shutting up the 
harbor. Samuel Adams was moderator. They voted to invite 
the other colonies to come into a non-importation agreement 
till the act of blocking up their harbor was repealed. T. ey 
voted to forthwith transmit the same to all the other colonies, 
and on Saturday, the 14th of May, just seven months before he 
rode to Portsmouth, Paul Revere was dispatched with important 
letters to the southern colonies. On the 20th of May he arrived 
at Philadelphia and delivered the letters and a meeting was 
called, which was attended by between two and three hundred 
people and the letters read. A committee was appointed to 
answer the same, and on the 2Tst Paul Revere started on his re- 
turn, stopping on his way at New York and Hartford. 

Revere was sent over the sam.e route again the last of Septem- 
ber, 1774, with dispatches to the general congress, and arrived 
October 5, 1774, at Philadelphia. 

John Sullivan was a member of the continental congress which 
met September 5. This meeting could hardly be called a con- 
gress. It was a meeting of delegates from the several colonies 
to consider the situation and devise some measures to have the 
difficulties between the colonies and England adjusted. They 
drafted an address to the king, in which they made their final 
appeal for justice. Peyton Randolph was president. The first 
name signed to the address after the president's was John Sulli- 
van. John Sullivan had returned from the sitting of congress 
and was at his home in Durham on the 14th of December, and 
did not go to Portsmouth until the 15th, as stated by Mr. Ben- 
nett, who is the authority for the statements made in Amory's 
Life of Sullivan. 

The account given by Governor Bell in his History of Exeter, 
as taken from the lips of Gideon Lamson fifty years ago, is so far 
from the accounts given by all others, it ceases to be of any value, 
for any one can readily see the many errors contained therein. 

The errors which have occurred in other histories have arisen 
from the mixing up of the two expeditions, the one on De- 
cember 14, when the powder was removed, which occurred in the 
afternoon of that day, and the expedition on the night of the 


15th, when the cannon and small arms were seized. The latter 
expedition was led by Major John Sullivan, and had the writers 
upon the capture of the fort applied the description to the work 
accomplished on the night of the 15th, they would not have been 
far from the truth. 

On the 14th, when the forces started for the fort and removed 
the powder, expresses were sent to all the surrounding towns, and 
they came in to Portsmouth on the 15th. This is the statement 
of Captain Bennett, who relates his story many years after. He 
says he was at work for Mr. Sullivan, and on the 15th of Decem- 
ber a messenger came to his house in Durham and informed Ma- 
jor Sullivan of the situation at Portsmouth, and Sullivan with 
others immediately started for the latter place. 

In a letter written at Portsmouth under date of December 17, 
1774, from which I have already quoted, the writer says : 

'' On Wednesday last a drum and fife paraded the streets of Ports- 
mouth, accompanied by several committee men and Sons of Liberty, 
publickly avowing their intention of taking possession of Fort William 
and Mary, which was garrisoned by six invalids." 

After describing the capture of the powder, which he fays was 
carried up to Exeter, a town fifteen miles distant, he says: 

" The next day after, while the Governor and Council were assem- 
bled in the Council Chamber, between two and three hundred persons 
came from Durham and the adjoining towns headed by Major Sulli- 
van, one of the Delegates to the Congress. They drew up before the 
Council Chamber, and demanded an answer to the following questions : 
Whether there were any Ships or Troops expected here, or if the Gov- 
ernor had wrote for any? They were answered that his Excellency 
knew of no forces coming hither, and that none had been sent for ; 
upon which they retired to the Taverns, and about ten or eleven 
o'clock at night a large party repaired to the Fort and it is said they 
carried away all the small arms. This morning about sixty horsemen 
accoutred, came into town, and gave out that seven hundred more 
were on their march to Portsmouth, from Exeter, Greenland, New- 
market, etc., and would be in that Town by eleven o'clock ; their in- 
tention, it is suspected, is to dismantle the Fort, and throw the can- 
non, consisting of a fine train of 42-pounders, into the Sea." 

Another writer, under date of December 20, 1774, after giving 
the account of the seizure of the Fort and removal of the powder, 
which agrees with the other accounts herein given, says : 


" Previous to this, expresses had been sent out to alarm the country ; 
accordingly a large body of men marched the next day from Durham 
headed by two generals, — Major Sullivan, one of the worthy delegates 
who represented that province in the continental congress, and the 
parson of the parish [Rev. Mr. Adams most likely] , who having been 
long accustomed to apply himself more to the cure of the bodies than 
the souls of his parish, had forgotten that the weapons of his warfare 
ought to be spiritual and not carnal, and therefore marched down to 
supply himself with the latter from the king's fort, and assisted in rob- 
bing him of his warlike stores. 

" After being drawn up on the parade, they chose a committee, con- 
sisting of those persons who had been most active in the riot of the 
preceding day, with Major Sullivan and some others, to wait on the 
governor and know of him whether any of the king's ships or troops 
were expected. The governor, after expressing to them his great 
concern for the consequences of taking the powder from the fort, of 
which they pretended to disapprove and to be ignorant of, assured 
them that he knew of neither troops or ships coming into the province, 
and ordered the major as a magistrate to go and disperse the people. 

"When the committee returned to the body and reported what the 
governor had told them, they voted that it was satisfactory and that 
they would return home. But by the eloquent harangue of their Z?^- 
vwsthenes they were first prevailed upon to vote that they took part 
with and approved of the measures of those who had taken the pow- 
der. Matters appeared then to subside, and it was thought every man 
had returned peaceably to his home. Instead of this. Major Sullivan, 
with about seventy of his clients, concealed themselves till the evening, 
and then went to the fort and brought off in gondolas all the small 
arms, with fifteen four-pounders and one nine-pounder, and a quantity 
of twelve and four-and-twenty pound shot, which they conveyed to 
Durham, etc. The day following being Friday, another body of men 
from Exeter, headed by Colonel Folsom, the other delegate to the 
continental congress, marched \nio Portsmoict/i and paraded about the 
town, and having passed several votes expressive of their approbation 
of the measures that had been pursued by the bodies the two preced- 
ing days in robbing the fort of the guns, powder, etc., retired home 
in the evening without further mischief." 

The party led by Major Sullivan on the night of the 15th was 
conducted in great secrecy and no alarm was given. The cap- 
ture of the powder on the 14th was in open daylight, there was 
nothing secret about it. They were fired upon from the fort but 
no one was injured. The entry was not made through the gate 
of the fort, but it was stormed on all sides. The four hundred 
patriots overcame the five soldiers and captured for the American 
army one hundred barrels of powder. This powder in the first 
instance was taken to Exeter and from there distributed among 


the neighboring towns for safety. Part of this powder was sent 
to the army on the frontier and sold to towns in the province. 
There is no evidence that any was sent to the army at Cambridge 
until after the battle of Bunker Hill. 

On May 20, 1775, the provincial congress at Exeter "Voted 
the thanks of the convention to the persons who took and se- 
cured for the use of this government a quantity of gunpowder 
from Castle William and Mary in this province." After choos- 
ing a committee of safety, they voted that Nicholas Oilman and 
Mr. Poor be a committee to sell any quantity of gunpowder not 
exceeding four barrels to such frontier towns in this province as 
they shall think most need it. This was the first action taken 
in relation to this powder, and the sale was limited to the towns 
in this province. 

On June 2, 1775, they voted " That the committee on sup- 
plies be desired to apply and obtain the quantity and quality of 
the powder brought from the Fort William and Mary ; also take 
it into their possession and lay the state of it before the commit- 
tee of safety." 

The committee on supplies in making their report, found that 
the powder remaining at that date v/as stored in the following 
named places, viz.: Kingston, 12 barrels; Epping, 8 barrels ; 
Poplin, 4 barrels; Nottingham, 8 barrels ; Brentwood, 6 barrels ; 
Londonderry, i barrel; Exeter, 29 barrels in eleven different 
houses. Four barrels were furnished to Portsmouth on the re- 
quest made in April, 1775. They found stored in these different 
places 72 barrels, but none of it was reported as being at Dur- 

The first powder sent to the army at Cambridge, at least in 
any quantity, was on June 18, the next day after the battle of 
Bunker Hill. On the day of the battle express was sent from 
the army to the committee at Exeter ; he stopped on his way at 
Kingston, where Col. Josiah Bartlett resided, one of the commit- 
tee. He immediately ordered a general meeting of the com- 
mittee, and on the iSth Col. Bartlett wrote to Gen. Folsom saying, 
" Mr. Moreton left Cambridge on the evening of June 1 7 and rode 
all night, arriving at Kingston the i8th. He brought the news 


of the battle of Bunker Hill." The committee immediately or- 
dered the selectmen of Kingston, where some of the captured 
powder was stored, to deliver to Samuel Philbrick six barrels of 
powder, to be by him conveyed to the army. They also ordered 
Major Cilley and the companies of Captains Elkins, Rowe, 
Clough, Adams, Titcomb, Oilman, Wentworth, Tilton, and 
Norris of Colonel Poor's regiment to march to Cambridge to 
join the army. All the companies except Captain Elkins's started 
for Cambridge. 

June 21, there was sent to the army by Nathaniel Gordon one 
cask flints, quantity 3,200; five kegs bullets, weight 113, no, 62, 
123, 220 pounds each ; 30 tents, poles, pins, etc., ten barrels of 
powder 100 pounds each. 

June 23 " the selectmen of Newmarket were directed" to send 
by Nicholas Nichols four barrels of the provincial gunpowder, 
now in their custody, to be dealt out as the public service may 
require. On this order they received only one barrel, and on 
the 26th of June they received one more barrel. 

On June 26 Lieutenant Baitlett was directed to pick out two of 
the largest, strongest, and best cannon taken from Fort William 
and Mary and convey them to Exeter to be sent to the army at 

August 7, 1775, the committee of safety issued an order to 
Major Cilley as follows : 

" Sir : You are desired as soon as possible to apply to the selectmen 
of the several towns in this colony with whom was lodged the powder 
taken last winter from Fort William and Mary, take an account of what 
is now in their custody, and request of them forthwith to convey the 
whole to Col. Nicholas Gilman at Exeter." 

It may have found its way into the powder house at Exeter, 
and we find no further record of this particular powder until the 
report of the committee, made August 24, that they had on hand 
only eight or ten barrels. 

The call of General Washington was made upon August 4 for 
powder, and General Sullivan reported to General Washington 
that he had of powder furnished by New Hampshire to liis 
troops nineteen barrels of one hundred pounds each. Sixteen 


barrels of this was doubtless the six sent from Kingston and ten 
from Exeter. 

Fort William and Mary was not again occupied by any Eng- 
lish soldiers. On May 30, 1775, while the English man-of-war 
Scarborough was seizing vessels loaded with salt and provisions 
to be sent to General Gage's army, thirty or forty men from 
the vessel came ashore and tore down the greater part of the 
breastworks. The day before the Scarborough had seized a ves- 
sel loaded with provisions, and refused to deliver it up, and on 
this refusal between five and six hundred men in arms went down 
to the battery called Jerry's Point and brought off eight cannon, 
twenty-two and thirty-two pounders, all there were there, and 
brought them to Portsmouth. 

Though foreign to the purpose of this address, I feel justified 
in saying in conclusion : The men who conducted the civil affairs 
of the province of New Hampshire had not their superiors in 
America. No colony contained a more patriotic and liberty- 
loving people, and none furnished to the army a grander man, 
an abler general, than that man who went from New Hampshire; 
the " Demosthenes " who inspired patriotism by his eloquence; 
the commander who stood by the side of the great Washington ; 
the orator, the statesman, the jurist, the warrior, — Major-General 
John Sullivan: and not until ore hundred years have passed 
away since he laid off his armor and went to sleep with his fath- 
ers, was the effort made to erect a monument to his memory. 

Others who were less conspicuous in their country's service 
have been remembered by state and nation. The hero of Ben- 
nington stands in bronze to guard the entrance to our state cap- 
itol ; his equestrian statue is, we trust, to adorn the spot where 
rest his hallowed remains, on the banks of our beautiful Merri- 
mack ; and the halls of our national capitol have received an- 
other statue of Gen. John Stark. 

While we would not pluck one leaf from the laurel encircling 
the brow of our own hero, would it not have been quite as appro- 
priate in the selection of the statue for the national capitol to 


have placed there one of him who sat in that first congress and 
by his eloquence called forth the patriotic sons of America ? 

" Leaping from slumber, to the fight 
For freedom and for chartered right." 

The state and nation should unite in the erection of a monu- 
ment that would by its grandeur symbolize the services rendered 
by Gen. John Sullivan. 

When completed, what more appropriate inscription could be 
carved upon its tablet than the words uttered by himself in a 
letter from his camp on Winter Hill to the committee at Exeter, 
when political getierals were using their utmost endeavors to in- 
jure his reputation and destroy his influence ? He said : 

" I call heaven and earth to witness, that thus far the good of my 
country has been my only aim. 

" No private friendship or private quarrels shall take hold of my 
public conduct. 

" I wish we could leave our private resentments in our closets when 
we are acting in public capacities, and consider only the means of pro- 
moting our country's good. 

" I must observe that when they feel motives similar to those which 
actuated me at the time, malice will cease to reign in their bosoms, 
and envy learn to be silent." 

Extract from a Letter from General Sullivan to the 
Committee at Exeter. 

Winter Hill, March 24, 1776. 

Honorable Gentlemen : 

I have an account presented me by Captain Tilton, agreeable to the 
direction of General Folsoni, for payment of seventeen pounds twelve 
shillings and sixpence. 

It consists of six articles : One bill is nine pounds ten shillings, for 
boarding Artillerymen sent from the Army, to your assistance, and 
remained there three weeks without wages, and were carried there and 
brought back at my expense. The next is two pounds ten shillings 
and eleven pence, for Major Cillcy^s expenses ; he was by the commit- 
tee of safety appointed and detained as Mustermaster for your troops, 
and I supposed you would make no difficulty in paying his expenses. 
The next is one pound eleven shillings and one penny, for the ex- 
penses of Mr. Nathaniel McClintock, appointed my Aid-de-Camp, 
while present, and remained as a volunteer with your forces, at the 


request of your commanding officer, when I was absent, and was very 
useful to him ; and his bill if paid, would not amount to the wages of 
a private soldier for the time he tarried. The next bill is for seven- 
teen shillings and nine pence, expenses of the Captain of the Riflemen, 
sent there without my knowledge or consent, with a company to assist 
you if necessary. To crown the whole, is a bill of four shillings and 
sixpence, expended in securing the Tories in your capital when the 
enemy appeared off your harbor, when I was at headquarters and knew 
nothing of the matter. 

This, gentlemen, is a state of the account handed me for payment, 
and which I am ready to pay, in case you think a single article ought 
to be paid by me. 

Gentlemen, I am extremely sorry to find a person pretending so 
much patriotism as Mr. Folsovi does, ever striving to give me pain 
and uneasiness, and this without the least provocation on my part. 
Every day do I hear of his insulting and abusive language, such as he 
well knows he dare not use if I were present. Every step he takes is 
pregnant with malice against me ; and I am sorry to hear his malicious 
endeavors have but too great weight on some other minds; and by 
means of that I am daily censured in your cabinet ; and for what, I 
know not. 

I now appeal to you all, and call upon you to give one instance where 
I have made money at the expense of my country or where I have 
usurped a greater power than was at first delegated to me. What re- 
lations have I promoted or what part of my family have I enriched? 
which of my former friends have I promoted, or which of my former 
enemies have I persecuted with unrelenting fury? No, gentlemen, my 
motives are of a different kind ; no private friendship or private quar- 
rels shall take hold of my public conduct. 

/ call Heaven and earth to witness that thus far, the good of my 
countjy has been my only aim. This I have endeavored to evince by 
my conduct. 

Consider, gentlemen, what sums of money I have already expended, 
and how many days I have hailed, clad with new and threatening dan- 
gers to my life ; how I have refrained from the seat of domestick hap- 
piness, and confined by my country's cause at a distance, heard the 
fatal tidings of sickness and death in my own family, while I was con- 
templating my own dangers here. 

Can all this be, gentlemen, and yet I not be in earnest? And shall 
he who basks in the sunshine of malice, and sleeps serenely in the bed 
of revenge, set my own friends, my fathers in political life, against 
me? Let gratitude, let pity forbid it; and let the heavenly justice 
take hold on the wretch whose sordid soul could never harbor a thought 
but that of gratifying his own malicious disposition, or bringing about 
his own promotion. 

I most' earnestly pray that Heaven may judge between us, and re- 
ward him that is insincere with infamy and disgrace. 

I know, gentlemen, that some of you thought it a great stretch of 
power in me to select officers for a new regiment out of those you sent 
before. Let the enclosed paper witness the justice of the choice, and 
the confidence General Washington has placed in the field officers of 


that regiment, by trusting them with the most important posts, (never 
before entrusted to militia regiments), witness in favor of my judg- 
ment. Sure I am tliat those persons have not in private life been my 
intimate friends, — nay, some of them my most inveterate foes ; but 
/ wisJi we coidd leave 02ir private resetitnients in our closets when we 
are actijig in pnblick capacities, and consider only the means of pro- 
moting onr country'' s good. 

Surely, by my having the choice of thirty-one sets of officers, who 
had been under my immediate inspection, I could have a much better 
opportunity of selecting eight good ones, than you who were not here 
and could not know how they behaved. I made the choice, and the 
officers have done honour to themselves and the Province, and differ 
exceedingly from some of the Captains sent here before, who could 
neither sign a return nor give a receipt for the money they received at 
Head-Quarters, but by making their marks. 


Contributed to the Manchester Historic Association by 
John C. French. 

Some thirty years ago I heard an intelligent old lady describe 
an annual meeting of the Society of Cincinnati, held in Epsom 
in her girlhood days. Since that time I have persistently at- 
tempted to learn something of its organization, its members and 
records without success, until recently. In a memorial volume, 
published by the Massachusetts Society, I found mention of the 
branch in this state, and learned that its records were deposited 
with the New Hampshire Historical Society, and extracts pub- 
lished in the sixth volume of the society collection. On appli- 
cation to that repository of historical data, lo, and behold ! the 
accommodating librarian produced to my astonished vision a 
large, well bound volume containing the records of the New 
Hampshire Branch of the Society of Cincinnati, covering a pe- 
riod of forty years, and I have a complete copy of the same duly 

It commences with a copy of a letter from Maj. Gen. Baron 
Steuben of West Point, N. Y., to Maj. General John Sullivan, 
dated July, 17S3, urging a branch in this state. The first meet- 
ing was called at the house of Gen. Samuel Folsom, in Exeter, 
and the following heroic Revolutionary worthies were present 
and completed an organization. The records show in plain pen- 
manship their signatures and term of service as follows: 







Term c 

>f Service. 

John Sullivan, 



4 years, 

6 months. 

Joseph Cilley, 



5 years. 

6 months. 

Henry Dearborn, 



7 years. 

10 months. 

Jonathan Cass, 



6 years, 

4 months. 

Ebenezer Sullivan 

I, Captain, 


7 years, 

9 months. 

Joseph Mills, 



6 years. 

Daniel Gookin, 


North Hampton 

, 8 vears, 

I month. 

Samuel Adams, 



Josiah Munro, 

Jonathan Cilley, 


Neal McGaffey, 

Michael McClary, 



6 years. 

William Parker, 



3 years. 

4 months. 

Nicholas Oilman, 



6 years. 

3 months. 

Joshua Merrow, 


Amos Emerson, 




5 years. 

John Adams, 

John Boynton, 

7 years. 

Samuel Cheney, 



8 years. 

Francis Frye, 



9 years. 

Z. Rowell, 



8 years. 

Jonathan Perkins, 

, Lieutenant, 


6 years. 

John Harvey, 



4 years. 

Jonathan Fogg, 



3 years. 

6 months. 

Jeremiah Richards, Lieutenant, 


3 years. 

8 months. 

James Reid, 

Brig. Gen., 


8 years. 

Jas. H. McClary. 


John Sullivan. 


North Hampton. 

Joseph Mills. 

John W. Gookin, 

Of forty-two 

meetings, nine were held in 


seven in 

Nottingham, four in Durham, three in Deerfield, fourteen in 
Portsmouth, one in Dover, three in Epsom, and one in Epping. 

Maj. Gen. John Sullivan served as president eleven years j 
Gen. Joseph Cilley, five years ; Major Joseph Mills, ten years ; 
Col. Amos Cogswell, fourteen years, and Gen. Michael McClary 
served as treasurer thirty-nine years. 

The long term of service of the officers will be noticed. The 
first New Hampshire Regiment, with numerous changes, served 
a longer time than any other volunteer regiment in the country. 
Comparatively few of the New Hampshire line officers joined the 
order, and those mostly resided in the limits of what was then 
Rockingham county. 


Only four of the sons of the original members succeeded their 
fathers to perpetuate the order, and after forty annual reunions 
on " Independence Day," with convivial services commensurate 
with the times and occasions, the closing page sorrowfully reads 
as follows : 

Portsmouth, July 4, 1823. 

Present, Michael McClary, Daniel Gookin. 

Proceeded to the choice of officers : 

Amos Cogswell, president ; Bradbury Cilley, vice-president; Daniel 
Gookin, secretary ; Michael McClary, treasurer. 

Examined the treasurer's accounts. There are in his hands one 
hundred forty-three dollars and seventy-eight cents ($143.78). Inter- 
est by him accounted for to July i, 1823. 

Voted, that the treasurer pay to Charlotte Page, daughter of the 
late Joseph Mills, fifteen dollars. 

V^oted that the treasurer pay to the children of John Sullivan, ten 

Voted that the next annual meeting be held at Portsmouth. 



As the society failed to meet in 1824, the interesting question 
naturally arises, Where is the fimd and the accumulated interest ? 

It had been voted to change the fund from state to United 
States securities, and the receipts from interest had averaged 
about ^150 annually for the forty years, but the treasurer's books 
were not rescued from oblivion. 

The secretary's records are in admirable condition, and 
were presented to the New Hampshire Historical Society in 1843 
by the son of Daniel Gookin, the last secretary. 

At the close of the war, the officers of the American army who 
had shared the common danger and whose friendship had been 
cemented by eight years of conflict, desired to combine them- 
selves into a society based on the principles of friendship and 
charity, " to endure as long as they shall endure," or " any of 
their posterity." General Washington was chosen president. 
Out of respect to the Roman citizen and soldier, Cincinnatus, it 
was called the " Society of Cincinnati," the general society to 
meet triennially, and branch societies in each of the thirteen 
states to meet annually on the Fourth of July. 


An officer was eligible to membership who had held a com- 
mission in the army three years, and who assigned a month's pay 
to the fund, and his eldest male descendant could be his succes- 
sor to membership. 

For over a century this honored and revered society has de- 
monstrated its pure patriotism and benevolence, and to become a 
member has been considered of the highest honor. The "her- 
editary succession " feature was early assailed and denounced by 
the politicians and press in the chaotic condition of affairs at 
that time as forming an " hereditary peerage " dangerous to the 

The general society, Hon. Hamilton Fish president, holds 
regular meetings, but most of the state societies have failed to 
continue existence. Massachusetts and New York societies still 
exist, being prominent and wealthy. 

In these booming days, the Sons of the Revolution and the 
Daughters of the Revolution are tracing and perpetuating the 
memory of their ancestry. Why do not the descendants of the 
New Hampshire line officers revive and reorganize the state 
branch of the Order of Cincinnati ? 

The Loyal Legion has the same "hereditary succession " fea- 
ture, while it was the design of the Grand Army of the Republic 
to exist only during the lifetime of those engaged in the Civil 

Gen. (Gov.) Benjamin Pierce, of Hillsborough, was vice-presi- 
dent of the Massachusetts society from 1836 to 1839, and was 
succeeded by his three sons, Col. Benjamin K. in 1841, General 
(President) Franklin in 1852, Henry D. in 1873, ^^^^ his grand- 
son, Kirk Dearborn Pierce, in 1889. 

John B. Varick, of Manchester, as successor of Col. Richard 
Varick, who was mayor of New York city twelve years, is a mem- 
ber of the New York society, and he, with Mr, Pierce, are prob- 
ably the only two members now residing in the state belonging 
to the honorable Order of Cincinnati. 

Major Amos Morrill, of Epsom, who died in St. Albans, Vt., 
in 1810, and several others from this state, joined the Massachu- 
setts society. 


It is said that Freemasonry was an important factor during the 
Revolutionary struggle. Sullivan Lodge, which held meetings 
at Nottingham or Deerfield, was formed by returned officials in 
that vicinity. 

In this connection, is it not pertinent to ask, Is there not a 
serious deficiency in our state histories ? Where can the average 
reader find in accessible books a connected or detailed account 
of the men and events during the stormy times of the Revolu- 

While New Hampshire furnished the largest percentage of 
men, officers, means, of any state to prosecute the Revolutionary 
War, how little is made of these facts in any general history. 
For instance, but little is known of Dr. Henry Dearborn, who 
with fifty-six notable patriots gathered, as a horseman galloped 
on Nottingham Square tooting a horn April 20, with the news 
of the fight at Lexington and Concord, and that they made the 
remarkable march on foot to Cambridge, seventy-two miles, in 
seventeen hours, and paraded on Cambridge common at sunrise 
on the morning of the 21st " spiling for a fight," and his future 
eventful career to commander of the American army in the war 
of 181 2. Then among the heroic families that have character- 
ized the state, "the family of governors," orators, soldiers, and 
statesmen, "the silver-tongued SuUivans." Who rendered more 
efficient service, either as soldier or statesman, in the formation 
of the state and national government than Maj. Gen. John Sul- 
livan, or is more entitled to a statue in the state house yard ? 
Then the McClarys, four of them state senators ; and no monu- 
ment to mark the burial place of Major Andrew McClary, the 
highest officer killed at Bunker Hill, who, with two hundred 
New Hampshire soldiers, was buried at Medford, Mass. The 
eight Cogswell brothers deserve to be remembered. Their united 
service in the army was over thirty-eight years, and each won a 
commission. The Gilmans, the Cilleys, the Harveys, the Gook- 
ins, Reid, and others who rendered meritorious service to the 
state and nation should not be forgotten. Two prominent offi- 
cers who did not survive the war should be kept in memory. 


On that memorable occasion, the most notable soldiers' reunion 
ever held in the state, that at Concord in 1825, General Lafay- 
ette, with French accent and voice tremulous with emotion, 
offered the sentiment, " Here is to the memory of Yorktown 
Scammell and Light Infantry Poor." It is not fair to assume 
that he deemed these officers best entitled to mention. He for 
the first time informed the soldiers that Gen. Enoch Poor was 
killed in a duel by a French officer (Adjutant-General's Report), 
and that a monument had been erected at his grave in Hacken- 
sack, N. J., which he had recently visited. Where can we find 
so prominent illustrations of the saying that one's name and 
fame depends upon his biographers, as in the case of our most 
popular officer ? The biography of the chivalrous, accomplished, 
and beloved Alexander Scammell has not been written. With 
youthful ardor, he was one of the bold patriots that floated down 
the river on a gondola from Durham to Fort William and Mary, 
capturing and returning with the powder and small arms Decem- 
ber 14, 1774, "making war inevitable," and opening the Revo- 
lutionary War. He was promoted for merit, became associate 
confidential private secretary of General Washington, adjutant- 
general of the Continental army, and was barbarously slain at 
Yorktown at the age of thirty-three. He left no family, no 
property, and has had no biographer to'send his " name and fame 
down the ages." His name was honored and fondly cherished 
by his comrades, but it is seldom found in history, while the 
name of the adjutant-general of the British aVmy, Major Andre', 
is mentioned even in school histories, and a monument erected 
to his memory in Tappan, N. Y. 

In fact, a full, connected history of New Hampshire in the 
Revolution has never been written, and only those who have 
made researches from numerous sources have a correct idea of the 
important services of the few sturdy, determined New Hampshire 
patriots in molding the destinies of the state and nation. There 
is plenty of historical data, reminiscences, legends, traditions, 
which, with copies of official records, town histories, manu- 
scripts, sketches, and scraps contained in the useful and honored 


repository of the New Hampshire Historical Society and else- 
where, should enable one with a genius like Sir Walter Scott to 
compile and weave most interesting volumes covering a space of 
two hundred and fifty years ; or some painstaking Belknap to 
write a history of our state worthy of the material now at hand, 
especially of its most progressive, prosperous, and eventful period, 
from 1760 to the adoption of the federal constitution and forma- 
tion of the republic in 1797. 

If this crude communication furnishes information or sugges- 
tions to any one interested in this line of local historical matters, 
I shall be duly grateful. 

Manchester, January 2, 1893. 


Contributed to Manchester Historic Association by 
John C. French. 

While volumes have been written concerning the greatest 
statesman and orator of the English language, Daniel Webster, 
little has been published in regard to his first wife, "Beautiful 
Grace Fletcher," and nothing of her brief life in Pittsfield, New 
Hampshire. Some facts, corroborated by official dates and rec- 
ords, may be of local interest, in this attempt to rescue them 
from oblivion by printed mention. 

Grace Fletcher passed some seven years of girlhood life in 
Pittsfield, and ever after retained an attachment for that pictur- 
esque town, and was later an occasional visitor to her sister and 
friends residing there. She was born January i6, 1781, in Hop- 
kinton, the fourth child of the Rev. Elijah Fletcher, the Congre- 
gational pastor in that town. Her father died in 1786; her 
mother married the Rev. Christopher Page, who succeeded Mr. 
Fletcher as preacher. Mr. Page was induced to leave Hopkin- 
ton and accept the following proposition to settle in Pittsfield in 
1789, when Grace was eight years old. The following, from the 
town records of Pittsfield, illustrates the method of settling min- 
isters of " the standing order " of that period : 

copy of the vote, 1789. 

_ Voted, To give Mr. Christopher Paige a call to settle here as a min- 
ister in gospel order in this town. 

Voted, To give Mr. Page sixty pounds as a settlement, the one half 
in materials to build with, the other half in labor at three shillino-s 
per day. *=• 



Voted, To clear up five acres of land on the parsonage yearly until 
we have cleared twenty acres, and for Mr. Paige to have the improve- 
ment of the parsonage during his ministry in said Pittsfield. 

Voted, To give Mr. Christopher Paige sixty-six pounds yearly as a 
salary, the one third part in cash, and one third part in corn at three 
shillings per bushel and good rye at four shillings per bushel, and a 
third part in good beef at twenty shillings per hundred, during his 
ministry in said town. 

Mr. Page built on the minister's lot a quite pretentious house 
for the time and place, employing and boarding in his family, 
to superintend its construction, Abram French, a young and 
skilful carpenter, who had been engaged in finishmg the interior 
of the first meeting-house. The house is now owned and occu- 
pied by Capt. Asa W. Bartlett. Here was born James W. Page, 
who became an eminent merchant, and was for many years the 
head of the great commission house of James W. Page & Co., of 
Boston. He was an intimate friend of Webster, and one of the 
trustees under his will of the Marshfiield estate. 

The " Fletcher girls" were prominent among the rustic youth 
of Pittsfield. The oldest sister Bridget, married Josiah White, 
of a worthy family, located on a small farm and reared a family 
of children. She lived to old age and died in Pittsfield. 

Grace Fletcher was described by those who knew her well dur- 
ing her life in Pittsfield, as the youngest and brightest of the 
"Fletcher girls," with winning ways, beautiful features and 
complexion, and sparkling eyes, leading an active life as she 
joined in the rough sports or ran and romped with bare head 
and bare feet over the new fields, in search of wild flowers and 

In 1796, by reason of want of harmony, the Rev. Mr. Page 
asked for a dismissal from the church at Pittsfield ; afterwards 
preached in Hopkinton, Deering, Washington, and Roxbury, 
and finally located at Salisbury. He died in that town in 1822, 
and his wife in 182 1. Grace was fifteen years old when the 
family left Pittsfield. The deed, signed by Christopher Page 
and his wife Rebecca, conveying his real estate to Abram French, 
in 1796, is still in existence. Mr. French married at that time, 
— one hundred years ago, — Hannah Lane, and their married 


life continued fifty-four years, rearing to maturity eleven child- 
ren, and maintaining a home of industry, thrift, and hospitality. 

Grace Fletcher had the facilities for acquiring a good educa- 
tion, her school days ending at Atkinson Academy, at the age of 

This institution was one of the academies that early admitted 
both sexes as students. A manuscript book containing several 
poems written by her, showing her penmanship and literary 
ability of that date, has been preserved. 

While making her home with her sister Rebecca, who had 
married Judge Israel W. Kelley, of Salisbury, a town famous for 
noble men, she met Daniel Webster. While this was a sparsely 
settled farming community, here were born some of the famous 
sons of New Hampshire of that generation, among the number 
Ezekiel and Daniel Webster, Joel Eastman, Ichabod Bartlett 
and his four brothers, and across the town line in Boscawen, 
John A. Dix, Nathaniel and Charles G. Greene, William Pitt 
Fessenden, and others, coming statesmen and authors. 

In view of the numerous fairy stories and conflicting dates 
■surrounding her courtship and marriage only one brief quota- 
tion is here given. Lanman, in his "Private Life of Web- 
ster," states that on his last visit to his birthplace Webster 
pointed out to him the spot in Boscawen where, at the age of 
fourteen, he attended school, and where subsequently he first be- 
came acquainted with Grace Fletcher. The acquaintance 
was mutually pleasant, and ripened to reciprocal love. They 
were married in Judge Kelley's parlor, June, 1808, she at the 
age of twenty-seven and he at twenty-six. Trained in similar 
surroundings, religious faith, tastes, and ambition, their married 
life of twenty-one years was one of peculiar affection and domes- 
tic happiness. At the time of their marriage Webster was tall 
and ungainly, inheriting the complexion of his father, which was 
said to be "so dark that it could not be soiled by gunpowder." 
In that community he was often called ''Black Dan." His 
future greatness was not even predicted ; the commanding pres- 
ence, the noble physique, were not yet his ; such titles as the 


''Immortal Daniel," the "Great Expounder," ''The Black 
Giant of the East," the "Godlike Daniel," "The Greatest Man 
of the Age," had not been applied. 

The following is copied from the large and valuable published 
" History of the Fletcher Family": A letter now in the pos- 
session of a granddaughter of its writer has the following : " She 
gives as a reason why she has time for letter writing in the even- 
ing that Cousin Grace Fletcher is trying to entertain a young 
man by the name of Daniel Webster by playing checkers. Father 
and Uncle Chamberlain think him a young man of great promise, 
but we girls think him awkward and rather verdant." Proba- 
bly " we girls" changed their minds before they died. 

Immediately after marriage they established a home in one of 
the historic colonial houses in the prosperous town of Portsmouth, 
where they at once gained popularity and prominence. Mrs. 
Webster, with her superior grace and beauty, inherited ability 
and intellectual accomplishments, was equal to all occasions, 
never discouraged, proud of her husband's success, but not un- 
duly elated. Queen at home, or in the public drawing-room, 
she met the most distinguished men of her time. 

Their first son, Fletcher Webster, was born in Portsmouth in 
1813. He was a gradvate of Harvard, — a lawyer, traveler, and 
author. He was killed at the second battle of Bull Run in 1862, 
while serving as colonel of the Twelfth Massachusetts Regiment 
of Volunteers, — known as the Webster Regiment during the 
War of the Rebellion. 

Grace Webster was born in 1815, and died of consumption at 
an early age. With all their progress and popularity, the fond 
parents were called to deep sorrow by the death in 181 7 of this 
precocious daughter. 

Webster was first chosen a member of the national House of 
Representatives from New Hampshire in 1813, and was re-elected 
in 1815. After their residence in Portsmouth of nine years, said 
by Webster late in life to be "nine blessed years," they re- 
moved to Boston in 181 7, where greater honors were in store. 
In 1818 another daughter, Julia, was born. She inherited her 


father's intellect and her mother's grace, and on reaching matu- 
rity married Samuel Appleton, a wealthy merchant of Boston. 
In 1820 Edwin was born, a graduate of Dartmouth, who died in 
Mexico in 1848, at the age of twenty-eight, while serving as 
major in the U. S. army. In 1821 another son, Charles, was 
born, who died in 1825. The deep sorrow of the parents was 
nearly inconsolable. Brief extracts from two letters follow, 
which indicate their feelings and grief at that time, as expressed 
in verse, as their darling boy was of rare beauty and promise : 


My son, thou wast my heart's delight, 
Thy morn of life was gay and cheery ; 

That morn has rushed to sudden night, 
Thy father's house is sad and dreary. 

I held thee on my knee, my son, 

And kissed thee laughing, kissed thee weeping ; 
But, ah ! thy little day is done, 

Thou'rt with thy angel sister sleeping. 

' Dear angel, thou art safe in heaven ; 

No prayers for thee need more be made ; 
Oh ! let thy prayers for those be given 
Who oft have blessed thy infant head. 

' My father ! I beheld thee born 

And led thy tottering steps with care ; 

Before me risen to Heaven's bright morn, 

My son ! my father ! guide me there. 

The staff on which my years should lean 

Is broken ere those years come o'er me ; 
My funeral rites thou shouldst have seen, 
But thou art in the tomb before me. 

' Thou rear'st to me no filial stone. 

No parent's grave with tears beholdest ; 
Thou art my ancestor — iny son ; 

And stand'st in heaven's account the oldest. 


On earth my lot was soonest cast ; 

Thy generation after mine ; 
Thou hast thy predecessor passed, 

Earlier eternity is thine. 

' I should have set before thine eyes 

The road to heaven and showed it clear : 
But thou, untaught, spring'st to the skies, 
And leav'st thy teacher lingering here. 

■ Sweet seraph, I would learn of thee. 
And hasten to partake thy bliss ! 
And, oh ! to thy world welcome me 
As first I welcomed thee to this." 


Boston, Saturday morning, January 22, 1825. 

" My Dear Husband : I was sitting alone in my chamber reflect- 
ing on the brief life of our sainted little boy when your letter came 
inclosing those lines of yours, which to a " mother's eye " are pre- 
cious. Oh, my husband, have not some of our brightest hopes per- 
ished ! " Our fairest flowers are, indeed, blossoms gathered for the 
tomb." But do not, my dear husband, do not let these afflictions 
weigh too heavily upon you ;_ those dear children who had such strong 
holds on us while here, now allure us to heaven : 

" On us with looks of love they bend, 
For us the Lord of life implore; 
And oft from sainted bliss descend. 
Our wounded spirits to restore. 

"Farewell, my beloved husband! 1 have not time to write more, 
only to say I regret you have lost the pleasure of Mr. and Mrs. Tick- 
nor's society, which you so much need. I fear Mrs. D wight is not 
much benefited by her voyage, so the last accounts appear, though at 
first they thought her better. 

" The children are tolerably well, though not free from colds. 

*' Your ever affectionate 

"G. W." 

During the last of her life Mrs. Webster was afflicted with a 
tumor, and although in delicate health, attempted a tedious 
journey with her husband to Washington, but before reaching 
New York city contracted a severe cold, and lingered in that 
city at the home of an intimate friend for nearly six weeks, daily 


attended in the most affectionate manner by her large-hearted 
and devoted husband. She died January 21, 1828, at the age 
of forty- seven, deeply lamented by friends and the nation. Her 
body was placed in the tomb belonging to her husband, beneath 
St. Paul's church, Boston, and the remains of her two deceased 
children brought to the same resting place. 

Mrs. Webster was much attached to the picturesque town of 
Pittsfield, and both before and after marriage made long visits 
to her sister, Mrs. White. Mr. Webster sometimes accompanied 
her, and while in town called on some of the hardy farmers for a 
social chat, and in accordance with the custom of the times ac- 
cepted a draught of cider or a glass of grog. 

Mrs. Webster's last visit to Pittsfield was in the summer of 
1827, requiring a long tedious carriage drive from Boston, while 
suffering from an incurable malady. On reaching the home of 
her girlhood she remarked that she had cherished a strong desire 
to see the town of Pittsfield once more and visit her old home 
and friends. 

The fact that Daniel Webster, the great expounder, once owned 
a farm in Pittsfield has not before been mentioned in print ; 
the circumstance had long been forgotten and is not now 
known to the townspeople. The fact is in evidence by the 
county record of deeds, where it appears that Daniel Fogg and 
others gave Daniel Webster a warranty deed, December 6, 1825? 
of the premises occupied by Josiah White. In December, 
1838, Webster transferred the same premises by deed to Alfred 

The possession of this farm came about in the following 
manner : Mr. White, a worthy man, was not financially pros- 
perous. His neighbors talked that he was " kept poor by the 
pride and extravagance of his wimmen-folks." Webster, in his 
characteristic prodigal generosity, contributed liberally from 
time to time to aid the family of his brother-in-law, and eventu- 
ally was obliged to assume ownership of the place. The farm 
is situated on the north side of the road leading from the White 
dam to Shaw's pond, near the Barnstead town line, and now 


owned by Martin Sanders. A good field on a fine ridge of 
land is still cultivated, but all traces of the buildings formerly 
receiving as guests the most celebrated man of the age, with his 
family, have long since been obliterated, and no vestige of their 
historic interest remains. 

Gone long since her relatives, but the place and romantic 
scenery remain, the charming features of which were so familiar 
to "Beautiful Grace Fletcher." 


Manchester, N. H. Rewrilten January, 1S97. 


At the quarterly meeting of the Manchester Historic Associa- 
tion, March i8, 1896, Orrin H. Leavitt of this city, being in- 
troduced with appropriate remarks by S. C. Gould, presented the 
Association with a gavel made from the wood of an apple tree 
which grew on the land of Joseph P. Webster, who was a native 
of this town and believed to have been the author and composer 
of the beautiful hymn, " The Sweet By and By." Mr. Leavitt 
opened his presentation speech by reading the following sketch 
from the Concord & Montreal Railroad Pathfinder for 1895 : 

" Three miles in a southerly direction from the passenger station of 
the Portsmouth branch of the Concord railroad at Massabesic, hio-h 
above the graceful curve of the white sand beach, stand six pine 'trees, 
each of them more than a yard in diameter, and probably more than 
150 years old. They have outlived all their contemporaries on the 
shore of the lake, and now remain landmarks of the primeval forest, 
and of a time when their locality was one of the beauty spots of the 
earth. As long ago as when slaves were held in Massachusetts, 
one Harvey, a sea captain of Salem, brought to that town on one of 
his voyages a negro, to whom he gave the name of Cjesar. This ne- 
gro ran away and came to live near these pines in a hut near the lake, 
and from him the strip of white sand shore has taken and retained 
the name of Cxsar's beach. Sloping back to the south is an open 
field, in the foreground of which are the ruins of an old cellar grown 
over by lilacs. Here Joseph P. Webster was born, who was the com- 
poser and a.uthor of that inspiring hymn, ' The Sweet By and By,' 
a hymn which has been a consolation to manv wearied souls, and w'il'l 
be still to thousands yet unborn. Doubtless'the vision of that beau- 
tiful shore of ' the land that is fairer than day,' was but a reflection 
of this picture of his childhood. For many years there was a hotel 
there, which was burned and built and burned again. It was known 
as the Island Pond, but the present owners deeming that name inap- 
propriate, have named it Idolia, in honor of the beautiful butterfly, 
Argymiis Idolia, which is found in great abundance at this place. 
The butterfly was named after Idolia, the fabled home of Venus. " 



The reading of the above clipping calling up some discussion 
in regard to the real authorship of the song, at a special meeting, 
May 5, Mr. Gould again referred to the matter, saying that since 
the last meeting his attention had been called to an interview in 
the Louisville " Post " with Dr. Samuel F. Bennett of Richmond, 
111., who claims to be the author. The " Post " says : 

" The author of ' The Sweet By and By' was Samuel Fillmore Ben- 
nett, M. D., a graduate of Ann Arbor University, Mich., living in Rich- 
mond, 111., and now about sixty years of age ; that the immortal hymn 
was the single song of his life, and written at the age of thirty-one ; 
that he was a newspaper editor on 'The Independent' at Elkhorn, 
Wis., prior to the civil war; that Joseph P. Webster, a musical 
composer, was then living in the same town, and they were warm 
friends and collaborated together. The war intervened and called 
Mr. Bennett as colonel of the Fortieth Wisconsin Volunteers. He 
returned from the service, opened a drugstore at Elkhorn, and resumed 
verse writing. He and Mr. Webster, in 1867, began work on a Sun- 
day school song book, which was called ' The Signet Ring,' and after- 
wards published." 

The "Post" says that not long ago Mr. Bennett related the 
details of the hymn to an interested audience, with his eyes filled 
with tears as he spoke of his friend Webster. 

"I am thankful to do justice to one of the noblest men who ever 
lived, a fine, sensitive soul, v/ith the true artistic feeling. It has been 
said that we are both infidels, and that the song was the ribald jest of 
a carouse. As to my religion, that is my own affair; but the hope 
and longing of every immortal soul as expressed in that song was the 
faith of both of us. To us creation would have seemed a farce if infi- 
nite love and immortality had not overshadowed us and promised a 
life of bliss beyond the grave. 

" Mr. Webster, like many musicians, was of an exceedingly nervous 
and sensitive nature, and subject to times of depression, I knew his 
peculiarities well and when I found him given up to the blues I just 
gave him a cheerful song to work on. One morning he came into the 
store and walked to the stove without speaking. ' What's up now, 
Webster,' I asked. ' It's no matter. It will be all right, by and by,' 
he answered. The idea of the hymn came to me like a flash of sun- 
shine. The sweet by and by. Everything will be all right then. 
'Why wouldn't that make a good hymn?' said I. ' Maybe it would,' 
he replied, gloomily. Turning to the desk I wrote as rapidly as I 
could. In less than half an hour, I think, the song as it stands today 
was written. Here it is : 


" There's a land that is fairer than day, 
And by faith we can see it afar ; 
For the Father waits over the way, 
To prepare us a dwelling-place there. 

Chorus, — 

" In the sweet by and by, 

We shall meet on that beautiful shore, — 
In the sweet by and by. 

We shall meet on that beautiful shore. 

" We shall sing on that beautiful shore, 
The melodious songs of the blest ; 
And our spirits shall sorrow no more, — 
Not a sigh for the blessing of rest ! 

" To our bountiful Father above 

We will offer our tribute of praise, 
For the glorious gift of His love 

And the blessings that hallow our days. 

" In the meantime, two friends, Mr. N. H. Carswell and Mr. S. E. 
Bright, had come in. I handed the verses to Mr. Webster, a little 
tremulous with emotion. As he read it, his eyes kindled. Stepping 
to the desk he began to jot down the notes. He picked up his violin 
and tried them. In ten minutes we four gentlemen were singing that 
song. Mr. R. R. Crosby came in, and with tears in his eyes, said : 
' Gentlemen, that hymn is immortal.' We were all elated and excited, 
Within two weeks the children of Elkhorn were singing it on the 

"In 1868 'The Signet Ring' was published, and the publishers 
distributing circulars to advertise it, and on the streets was ' The 
Sweet By and By.' On the strength of that one song nearly a quarter 
of a million copies of the book were sold. The song was after- 
wards brought out in sheet music, and it has been translated into a 
number of foreign languages. Mr. Bright of Fort Atkinson, Wiscon- 
sin, and myself are the only living witnesses to the origin of the song." 


Contributed by David L. Perkins to the Manchester 
Historic Association. 

There is an apt analogy between our little town republics asso- 
ciated together under one state government, and our grand na- 
tional system where the states themselves are so associated, and 
our little town republics came first. The savant and historian 
may well have recourse to this fact. It is also true that ours of 
New Hampshire was the first written constitution among the 
states, or colonies, and it was her ninth vote that ratified the 
federal constitution. It was her general, John Stark, who turned 
the adverse tide of the Revolution at Bennington, and her match- 
less son, Daniel Webster, fashioned the bulwarks of the consti- 
tution, Thrice glorious little state, she is ever proud of her 
children, — John Langdon, Samuel Livermore, John Stark, John 
Sullivan, Daniel Webster, Lewis Cass, Levi Woodbury, Franklin 
Pierce, Salmon P. Chase, Horace Greeley, John P. Hale, Ben- 
jamin F. Butler, William Pitt Fessenden, Henry Wilson, Joel 
Parker, John A. Dix, Nathan Clifford, Marshall P. Wilder, 
Ichabod Bartlettt, Mark Farley, Charles A. Dana, Zachariah 
Chandler, Oilman Marston, Fitz John Porter, Lydia Maria Child, 
Edna Dean Proctor, Celia Thaxter, Constance Fennimore 
Woolson, and others of her family. 

About the year 1750, many of these little democratic town- 
ships were incorporated into the body politic in this section of 
New Hampshire by the royal governor, Benning Wentworth. 
It was the day of the backlog, the flintlock, and the tinder-box. 


In this year the settlers in the vicinity of Amoskeag upon un- 
granted lands petitioned for a charter, but the territory of Harry- 
town did not exceed three miles in its widest part, comprising 
in all about eight square miles. The earliest settlements here 
were made under a Massachusetts charter when that state claimed 
all this territory, including, of course, Tyngstown and Harry- 
town. That the new town might be of respectable dimensions, 
a movement was set on foot to add the then southwest section of 
Chester and a segment from Londonderry, and the petition was 
so ordered. 

The time was opportune, for since 1730 there had existed in 
Chester a feeling of unrest between the English Congregationalists 
and the Scotch-Irish Presbyterians over the question of settling a 
minister. In this connection it may be observed that preaching 
was provided at the town meetings, and the gospel so ordered 
was paid for out of the general tax list. The Baptists were the 
first to rebel against this relic of the old world union of church 
and state, and in good time they won the day. The Congrega- 
tionalists of Chester seem to have been in the majority, and as 
many of the Scotch-Irish minority were domiciled in the section 
that was sought to be disannexed, they were the more willing to 
rid themselves of their persistent co-religionists. The London- 
derry people yielded with less alacrity, but in time they fell into 
the movement, and, as we conjecture, partly out of fellowship 
with their coadjutors of the Scotch-Irish faith. September 3, 
1 75 1, the charter was granted under the name of Derryfield, in- 
cluding about eighteen square miles of Chester territory and 
nine square miles from Londonderry, thus giving to the new 
town an area of thirty-five square miles, irregular in shape and 
diversified in soil. Along the river bank sand dunes were con- 
spicuous, while back and under the compact part of the city of 
today, there was an almost endless network of springs. Much 
of it was pine land. John McMurphy of Londonderry was 
commissioned by the royal governor to warn the proprietors, 
freeholders, and inhabitants qualified to vote, to assemble in 
town meeting September 23, 1751, "to chuse their town officers." 


Accordingly the yeomen of Derryfield made choice of five select- 
men, of whom John Goffe was first, a town clerk, two commis- 
sioners to examine the selectmen's account, a constable, two 
tithing men, three highway surveyors, two invoice men, two 
haywards, two deer keepers, a culler of staves, and a surveyor of 
boards, planks, joists, and timber. The duties of the deer keep- 
ers must be left largely to conjecture, but let us hope that they 
were faithful to their trust, for old Derryfield must have been a 
famous trysting place for deer. 

November i6, at an adjourned meeting, it was " Voted to rase 
twenty-four pounds old tenor, to be rased to paye for priching 
for the present year," the " old tenor " having reference to the 
depreciated bills of credit that had been issued by the province. 
This was a good beginning, however, and whatever may be said 
of the subsequent history of the town, it should be remembered 
that the marvelous fishing facilities at Amoskeag had ever been 
a source of contention among venturesome spirits, and it is there- 
fore no tax upon our credulity to believe that they came hither 
at stated periods to fish, to drink, and to fight betimes if need 
be. It should be borne in mind that the drink habit was then 
well-nigh universal, and even the minister could not be enter- 
tained with becoming hospitality without a mug of flip or a nog- 
gin of rum. Like all communities, there were the ne'er-do-wells 
among them, and an occasional specimen who was afflicted with 
a moral obliquity by reason of which he sometimes failed to dis- 
tinguish his own from the chattels of others. Instances might 
be related, but after the lapse of these many years the task would 
be ungracious, for the poacher and the mutton no longer vex 
the vicinage. But the men of Derryfield were of sturdy stock, 
and it need not be said of them as a class that as pioneers and 
makers of history they were inferior in natural ability and gen- 
eral integrity to any class of people who came to these shores in 
pursuit of civil liberty. And there was royal blood among them, 
too, but royal blood is of little account in a new republic where 
every man is a sovereign, except for family use. 

Several highways were at once projected or completed, and it 


is hinted in Potter's history that an element of Scotch thrift en- 
tered into the fact that John Hall's hostelry at the center of the 
town was a converging point. He had been the agent of the 
town in procuring the charter. At all events the roads were 
built, and it is reasonable to presume that they conserved the 
convenience of a sparsely settled community, for some of them 
are still used. 

It is said that the annual supply of lamprey eels salted for fam- 
ily use by the farmers of Derryfield and adjacent towns, were 
equal to three hundred head of beef cattle, and it is therefore no 
cause of surprise that the fishing privileges at Amoskeag and on 
Cohas brook were of great value to the early settlers. There was 
little or no currency or coin to be had, and trade was largely 
carried on by a system of " truck and dicker," or by an exchange 
of commodities, and the taxes were paid, in part, at least, in 
produce, a liberal discount being made for cash. Some of the 
more venturesome spirits made periodical excursions into the 
wild northern territory, where they engaged in trapping fur ani- 
mals, the pelts being a source of revenue. It was on one of 
these expeditions that John Stark was captured by the Indians 
in 1752 on Baker's river in the territory now known as Rumney. 
There were no newspapers here, and marriage banns, advertise- 
ments, and legal notices were recorded and posted, mayhap at 
the tavern, the store, or on some one's barn door where the 
town meetings were held. It was an early cause of complaint 
that cattle were brought hither to feed upon the Derryfield com- 
mons, and I infer from the following notice that one's neat stock 
was not always safe from a general mixing up with foreign herds 
at the autumn round-up. 


"Benjamin Baker's artificial mark fore nete cattle and shape 
— his — the tope of the right ear cropet, and a hapiney out of 
the under sid of the left ear." 

The fifth article in the warrant of February 12, 1753, was " to 
see what method the town will take to prevent stray cattle being 


brought into the town to eat up our feed on the common land 
or unfenced land." Cattle were frequently taken "damage 
fesant j " and on one occasion Archibald Stark took three colts 
which were duly prized and sold at auction for the cost of pound- 
age. The record is quite voluminous, technical, and exact as to 

At the annual March meeting in 1752 it was " voted that ther 
be three selectmen for the year and now mor," from which we 
infer that the Derryfielders were not in favor of multiplying 
offices. The same old difficulty of settling a minister served as a 
bone of contention in Derryfield, and seems never to have been 
settled. As early as March 5, 1752, it was "Voted, to give Mr. 
mcDouell a Cauell to the ministry, Eather to Joyen with Bed- 
ford or by our selves. Voted, John Ridill, Alexander McMur- 
phey, John Hall, a Comitey to prosequet the given of Mr. Mc- 
doul a Cauell to the work of the minestery to Joyn with the 
town of Bedford or seprat and Distink by our selves," but noth- 
ing came of it. A pound was also voted to " be built at Moses 
Willes," but the pound was a long time in coming. Indeed, for 
many years the pound and the meeting-house were fruitful sub- 
jects of contention, and considering the temporal drift of affairs, 
it is safe to presume that the pound, fully equipped, came first. 
As late as 1764 we find it "Voted, John Goffe have Libberty to 
Buld a Pound for the town at hies own coste and charges near 
the Brig at hies House; " but as the pound had been provided 
for in many previous town meetings, I am by no means sure that 
this was the end of it. Indeed, at the annual meeting, March 3, 
1800, it was voted to build a pound thirty-two feet square and 
seven feet high, on a lot adjoining the never completed meeting- 
house, and this pound was used until about 1830. 

At a meeting held February 2, 1753, it was ''Voted, that 
Benjamin Stevens barn and William McClintos barn be the tow 
placeses of pnblick worship till the money voted at the last 
March meeting be expended. Voted, that the minister should 
be keep at William McClintos." 

March 4, 175-^, they "Voted one hundred and fifty pounds, 


old tenor, for this year for preeching, and charges arising there- 
by, and that John Goffe Esq' is chosen to obtain preeching till 
said money is Vie," for likely enough by this time the "old 
tenor" bills of credit had so depreciated that, like the Confeder- 
ate money in the late war, it took a large sum to procure a little 
comfort. An article in the warrant of August, 1754, was " to see 
what spott they will Pick upon to Sett there said meeting House 
upon betwixt y^ fore mentioned Will'" Mac Clintock and James 
Umphrey ; " and it was voted September y" 5"' " that y^ meeting 
House for Publick worsep in Derryfield be bult upon the Publick 
Road as is mentioned in y'^ Second article of y^ warrant," but at 
a meeting March i, 1755, the above vote was reconsidered. 

Derryfield was the victim of untoward events, and as a com- 
munity they can hardly be said to have been prosperous or pro- 
gressive. They were heroes together in the wars, but they were 
no less contentious among themselves in time of peace. Even 
their local advantages seem to have involved them in misfortune, 
for many of them devoted their time to the fisheries at the ex- 
pense of their farm work. While other towns flourished Derry- 
field languished. The Scotch-Irish Presbyterians and the English 
Puritans were uncongenial, and a bitter feud grew up among 
them over the location of a meeting-house that lasted for many 
years, and gave the town an unsavory reputation. To this fact, 
and their lack of zeal for the public school, may be attributed 
nearly all the evils that afflicted the town for more than a half 
century. If a meeting-house site was chosen by these militant 
heroes, it was soon revoked. If the money was voted, the vote 
was rescinded. First one party prevailed, and then the other. 
As early as 1754 it was voted to build a meeting-house near 
Lieut. John Hall's tavern. Then thirty voters petitioned the 
selectmen for another meeting, and this being denied, they ap- 
pealed to Joseph Blanchard and Matthew Thornton Esquires, 
two justices of the Province, who righted their wrongs. At a 
meeting September 2, 1758, in John Hall's barn, it was voted to 
build a meeting-house on John Hall's land, and John Hall was 
placed on the building committee. They proceeded far enough 


to erect a frame, but the o])position became so bitter that taxes 
and labor were withheld, and they proceeded no further. July 
15, 1759, money was voted to board and shingle the house, and 
November 15 an examination of the committee's account was 
ordered. It was also "Voted not to underpin our meetinc; lious 
at present, but to make one door this year." December 3 it was 
"Voted not to co'lect any more money from the town this year 
towards the Meeting House j " and it was also voted to borrow 
money to pay off the committee, which was afterwards rescinded. 
It was voted to use the meeting-house money for town purposes. 
In August, 1760, the selectmen were authorized to underpin the 
house and put doors in the same. In December, 1761, a com- 
mittee was chosen " to call John Hall to account for the money 
that he received." This controversy resulted in a vexatious law 
suit, in which our protean friend Lieut. John Hall seems to have 
had the best of it. In 1764 the controversy was carried to such 
a pitch that no money was raised for preaching ; but in the fol- 
lowing year the opposition rallied and carried things with a high 
hand. March 31, at an adjourned meeting, the Hall party 
elected town officers before their rivals came upon the scene, 
aided, it was alleged, by the votes of minors and others not 
qualified to vote. John Hall was chosen moderator, town clerk, 
and selectman. An adjournment was then had to John Hall's 
tavern. The opposition then held their meeting, and chose a 
rival set of town officers. Fmally the legislature interfered, and 
the tangle was unraveled. June 27, 1766, it was "Voted to Re- 
pear the meeting House in part theis year." It was also " Voted 
to Lay a good flor in the Meeting House and make three Good 
Dores and Hinge them one Said House and Shout upe the Under 
Windows and a Comraadate the Meting House with forms Suita- 
ble for to Sit on." Yet from this ebulent spirit little was done 
to render the meeting-house habitable against wind and storm 
until after the Revolution, when in 1790 the pew ground was sold 
at vendue. And after all it may not be accurate to say that the 
people of Derryfield were irreligious above other communities, 
for those in the south part of the town who felt the need of reli- 


gious service worshipped in Londonderry, and those of like mind 
along the river front fellowshipped in Bedford. As regards the 
meeting-house and the public school it need not be denied that 
the men of Derryfield were remiss. Yet preaching was supplied 
in an itinerate or desultory way. We may at least console our- 
selves with the thought that religious feuds, unaided by race prej- 
udice, have wrought more havoc in the world than fell to the lot 
of Derryfield. But even if these men were not intensely religious, 
they were at least intensely patriotic, and from no town in New 
England did there go forth to the French and Indian wars, and 
to the war of the Revolution, more men in proportion to their 
population than from old Derryfield. All but two men capable 
of bearing arms followed Stark to Bunker Hill, and there was 
not a Tory among them. Any town might well felicitate itself 
on a list of heroes such as Col. John Goife, Capt. John Moore, 
Benjamin Kidder, Sergt. Ephraim Stevens, William Gamble, 
Michael McClintock, John McNeil, Archibald and John Stark, 
Judge Samuel Blodget, and others of like character. The en- 
vironments of this people were vastly different from our own. 
They were pioneers in a new country, inured to the hardships 
and privations of frontier life, and to the perils of war, and far 
removed from the arts and allurements of civilization. The con- 
ditions were not calculated to propitiate the graces. The fisher- 
men at Araoskeag and the flatboat rivermen were no carpet 
knights. There were no vicarious warriors among them. This 
much may be conceded. Yet it is a source of regret that the 
sturdy, virile, self-reliant men of Derryfield had not given more 
of their attention to the practice of religion and the encourage- 
ment of education. But who can say with complacency that we 
of today would have been more circumspect if our conditions 
had been reversed. 

With reference to schooling little is found in the early records 
until the warrant of February i6, 1757, when the fifth article 
was, "to see if the town will raise any money for scholling, 
or how much," and at the March meeting it was "voted to dismis 
the fifth article and not to use eaney money for scoUen for this 


year." We need not criticise the orthography, and if the spell- 
ing book had been more in evidence these quotations would 
have been less quaint. If there was a lack of facility there was 
at least a directness of statement that is refreshing in this age of 
subterfuge and inordinate conceit. Evidently the epigram of 
Talleyrand, that language was invented to conceal thought, was 
not known to their moral code. With all their faults we believe 
that a renascent spirit was a part of their quality. We find that 
in 1783 the town was divided into four school districts "for the 
benefit of scooling their children," and doubtless other, though 
scant provision had been made at earlier meetings for the meager 
education of the young. It has been said "that for nearly a cen- 
tury after the settlement of the town, there was neither lawyer, 
physician or minister among its permanent inhabitants," and it 
may come near the truth to say that the schoolmaster should be 
added. And yet there were educated men in Derryfield. The 
first schoolhouse, the little black wooden one on the old Falls 
road near the Amoskeag bridge, is said to have been built by 
private subscription in 1795. Frederick G. Stark of the West 
side, of the Staik lineage, and born on the old Stark homestead 
on the north river road, remembers to have heard John Stark, Jr., 
his grandfather, and Abby Stark, relate their experience in 
attending school over the hill, out Lake avenue, but whether it 
was a public school, query. There were other schoolhouses 
here, ordered by the town, about 1798. 

And now as tending to show the solicitude of these stern men 
of war for their individual, corporate, and political rights, I will 
submit a few extracts from the early records which will perhaps 
be worth the perusal. From the following protest we may be 
assured that elections did not always satisfy the defeated electors 
even in the good old times. 

" We the subscribers making a demand that non but qualified 
voters as the law directs should votte in the choise of town offi- 
cers, and such as was not worth one shilling besides the poll of 
rateble estate had the privilage of votting. We enter our desant 
against the procieding of their choice. Witines our hand March 


y^ 5' 1753- ]^^^'^ Goffe, Archibald Stark,. Benjamin Hadley, 
Moses Welles." 

As has been heretofore observed, the fisheries were of great im- 
portance to the early denizens of Derryfield. The first menace in 
this section to the unimpeded run of salmon, shad, alewives, and 
lamprey eels from the sea to our inland waters was in Cohas brook, 
and it was probably the dam of a saw or grist mill that evoked the 
action of the town. As this was the forerunner of conditions that 
resulted in the Manchester of today, the narration may be of inter- 
est. I have abridged the record so as to retain the gist or gravamen 
of their plaint. At a town meeting as early as March 4, 1754, it 
was set forth that obstructions existed in Cohas brook, so called, 
"whereby the elewives are much hindered in their passage into 
Massapissack Pond," and it was voted to remove them, and " if 
some method be not speedily taken in order to remove and 
amend such incumbrance, it is altogether likely it will wholly 
stop the corse of said fish, which will be a vast damage, not only 
to s"* Derryfield but to all the adjacent towns." .... Then 
the penalty, for if any person or persons shall refuse or neglect 
to remove said obstructions in said brook while the elewives are 
running they shall forfeit and pay the sum of forty shillings for 
every day, " one half moiety to the use of the poor of the town, 
and the other half to the complainant." . . , And all persons 
were forbidden to fish with nets in said brook within fifteen rods 
of the Merrimack river. There were other grievances some- 
what ambiguously set forth in a town meeting held April y'= 20, 
1758, when it was "Voted on the forth article in the Waront to 
take the Waront and List out of Benjamin Hiddaley's hand for 
the falling reesings — that some Pipeal are Deed, and some re- 
moved out of the town, & others come into the town that would 
enjoy Privigles wothout Piayen their equeall Preporeshen." 

That a public office was held to be a sacred public trust, and 
not to be wantonly declined is clearly set forth March 5th, 1759, 
when it was '•' Voted that Thomas Russ shall peay the fienn as 
the law Diriecks for not quilifien him self a cording to law 
to serve a Connstable in the town acording to the Vote ofs'* 


town." After that I am inclined to exclaim, "happy land of 
Derryfield vv^here the office-seeker's itch was unknown." Oct. 29, 
1764, it was "Voted, John Goffe and John Stark to setel the 
accoumptes thies year that is Betwixte Constable James Peteres 
and the inhabitants of Derryfield," and in the absence of lights 
we refrain from drawing an inference not creditable to the in- 
tegrity of said Peteres. 

If the men of Derryfield were warriors in time of war, it may 
also be said of them that they were statesmen in embryo in 
time of peace, as witness the following : In the warrant for 
town meeting of August 29th, 1783, it was provided " i'^ to 
choos a moderator to regulate said meeting. 2'^, to see if the 
town will vote to except of the Plan of Government especially 
that Part that is not yet Confirmed by the Convention, or what 
vote they will Pass. 3, to see if the town will Vote to give their 
Representative instructions in an especian manner with respect 
to the Eighteth Article in the Confederation of the United 
States, and whether the town will vote to comply with the 
recommeration of Congress for altering the same." At the 
meeting September i6th, it was "Voted, General John Stark, 
Esq'', moderator. Voted to choose a Committy to Consider of 
the Plan of Government. Voted that said Committy consist of 
seven. Voted that General John Stark, Major John Webster, 
Lieut. John Hall, John Goffe, Jun', Lieut. John Perham, Ensign 
Samuel Stark, James Gorman be said Committy. Voted to 
refer the consideration of the third article of the Warrant 
respecting the 8th article of the Confederation to said Committy 
before mentioned. 5""'^, Voted to adjourn this meeting to 
Tuesday the 23^* Day of this instant at one o'clock, afternoon." 
At the adjourned meeting the report of their " Committy " was 
accepted, and it was "Voted that the clause in the Eighth article 
of Confederation stand as it now is." It will be observed that 
the warriors of Derryfield were the leading civilians. 

I would like to say something of the vernal maids and prolific 
mothers of Derryfield, but it must suffice that they were given 
in marriage, and that their progeny speaks for them in many a 


thrifty and honored family, for the descendants of Stark, Goffe, 
Stevens, Kidder, Huse, Dickey, Webster, Harvey, Walker, 
Merrill, Weston, Hall, Nutt, Gamble, and many others still abide 
among us. 

For Derryfield it may well be said that " The stone that the 
builders rejected has become the head of the corner." As with 
communities so with individuals, for in a republic like ours, the 
children of strong, rough sires often become gentle, cultured, 
and honored citizens. At this late day we need no Talmud, or 
astral rays, or visual shekinah in order to estimate these men of 
iron blood. We need not claim that Derryfield was a Nazareth 
or a Valhalla. Her sons did not set themselves to extirpate sin, 
but they were shrewd enough to know their rights and brave 
enough to fight for civil liberty. The town seems not to have 
suffered very extensively from the Indians. John Stark suffered 
a term of captivity, and Ezekiel Stevens was scalped and left for 
dead, but he recovered and lived to a good old age. John Mc- 
Neil and Archibald Stark are believed to be the first of the 
Scotch-Irish stock to take up their abode in the vicinity of 
Amoskeag. The name of Derryfield was changed to Manchester 
in 1810. The first child born in the new town was Rodnia Nutt, 
and he was the father of the famous dwarf known on both sides 
of the Atlantic ocean as Commodore Nutt. 

After the Revolution signs of prosperity began to dawn, and 
in 1792 the Amoskeag bridge was built, probably at the foot of 
Bridge street. In the olden time the designation of " Amoskeag 
Falls " included the riverbed from Merrill's falls at the site of 
the old locks south of the Granite bridge, to the present dam at 

There is a conflict of authority as to the location of General 
Stark's historic sawmill, the one that he abandoned so abruptly 
on hearing of the battle at Lexington. In Potter's history we 
find it stated, p. 419, that Stark was at work in his sawmill 
at the head of Amoskeag Falls when he heard the news, and 
without a moment's delay he shut down the gate of his mill. . . . 


He also mentions, p. 528, a " sawmill at the head of the falls 
which stood just above the Amoskeag bridge," owned in com- 
mon with Judge Blodget, which was built prior to the Revolu- 
tion. Query, was this the Amoskeag bridge at the foot of 
Bridge street? Col. Kidder recollects climbing over the decay- 
ing timbers of an old mill just belov/ the bulkhead at Amoskeag 
Falls south of the gate house on the river bank. Just back of 
the mill a basin was formed by the angles of the rocks and prob- 
ably fortified with human labor, where water was stored. From 
this basin came the hydraulic power for this mill. This was 
seventy-five years ago. Potter also mentions, p. 528, a saw and 
grist mill at this point, supplied with water power from a basin 
about ninety rods long and from four to six in width. It " was 
intended to answer the purposes of a canal and mill pond." 
This basin was a part of the Blodget canal, and the Blodget 
canal was not constructed until 1794 and after. There was an 
old mill on this site. Potter says, p. 663, that he had reason to 
believe that the second or third mill in this vicinity was built 
on Ray brook by Archibald Stark, probably in 1736, located a 
few rods west of the Hooksett road ; that it was in existence in 
1756 in a somewhat dilapidated state, and that "four'years after, 
in 1760, Mr. Stark had built a mill at Amoskeag Falls." 

Per contra, our esteemed fellow citizen, Henry W. Herrick, 
in a recent publication, gives us the benefit of his careful and 
painstaking research, as follows : 

" Early in life he erected a mill for sawing lumber on Ray's 
brook at the present site of Dorr's pond, and it was this mill that 
was so suddenly stopped at the news of the battle of Lexington, 
and permitted to rot and rust during the eight years of the Rev- 
olution. The remains of the old dam are yet to be seen at low 
water. After the Revolution Stark, in common with Judge 
Blodget, erected a saw and grist mill on the east side of the 
Amoskeag Falls, near the present entrance of the company's large 

Some years since Mr. Herrick consulted those who were con- 
temporary with Stark, those of the neighborhood and of the fam- 


ily guild, and they gave the Ray's brook location as the proper 
one. It seems strange to us that there could be even a suspicion, 
or a shadow of doubt, as to the identity or location of this his- 
toric mill. The weight of authority would seem to be with Mr. 
Herrick. Even if we take Potter's dates, the Ray's brook mill 
would have been but forty years old when the battle of Lexing- 
ton was fought. It could hardly have been "dilapidated" 
twenty years before, in 1756, and we are confirmed in this view 
of the case when we consider the enduring fibre of the old growth 
timber of which this mill was doubtless built. 

And now, after a lapse of years, let us enter upon a field of 
inquiry that more nearly concerns us. It is a trite saying among 
the cullers of historic lore that traditions and the quick early 
memories of the wise whose mental faculties are unimpaired, 
are important adjuncts in pacing out the lines of human pro- 
gress. With this thought I have had recourse to Colonel John 
S. Kidder, who was born in Manchester May 31, 181 1, a lineal 
descendant of General Stark, a resident within the limits of the 
ancestral estate for all but about twelve years of a thrice honored 
career, whose memory is clear, and whose genial personality and 
unspotted reputation are like the north star to all who know him. 
The interesting features with which this paper will conclude 
should, therefore, be accredited to Col. Kidder, First with ref- 
erence to the freeholders and houses within a couple of miles of 
our city hall just prior to 1838, when the first cotton mill was 
erected on the east side of the river — for Amoskeag and Piscata- 
quog were not annexed until 1S53. We will begin, then, in the 
vicinity of Amoskeag Falls. 

Col. John Ray' s farm of about one hundred acres, includ- 
ing the Riverside or Col. Eastman estate, was originally a part 
of the Stark estate of about three hundred acres. The State In- 
dustrial school land was also a part of the Stark farm. 

Frederick Kimball o^wtA and occupied a small piece of land, 
including the ola tavern stand on the north river road, a couple 
of acres or so, where he kept tavern at one time. The house 
still remains. 


Johti Stark, Jr., lived for a time, at least, in the little wood- 
colored house at the southeast end of Amoskeag bridge. It was 
built about the year of 1747, and is now one hundred and fifty 
years old. Frank Stark, the General's son, lived here at one 
time and here Abby Stark was born. The old house still 
remains to remind us of the past. Mr. Stark had about fifty 
acres (a part of the original Stark estate) extending back from 
the river nearly to Union street. 

Samuel P. Kidder. The house of Samuel P. Kidder, the 
father of Col. John S., Samuel B., and our widely known fellow- 
citizen, Hon. Joseph Kidder, stood just over the Amoskeag upper 
canal of today, nearly opposite the Locomotive Works on Canal 
street. The farm of over one hundred acres extended back from 
the river to Oak hill. It was formerly known as Heathhen hill 
from the fact that a species of heath hens with tufted heads were 
plentiful there, and they annoyed the farmers by scratching up 
the early corn. The approximate bounds of the Kidder farm 
north and south were Harrison and High streets. The house 
was a substantial one of the colonial period, and is now known 
as the Campbell house. It stands on Canal street south of the 
Locomotive Works. 

Frederick G. Stark. The house where Frederick G. Stark lived 
was erected and occupied by Judge Blodget while engaged in 
building his historic canal. It came to the possession of one James 
Griffin, of whom Judge Stark purchased it. It was on the west 
side of the old Blodget canal at the foot of the falls, by the pres- 
ent lower canal where the old locks were located. These old 
locks are now nearly or quite obliterated. The house stood 
within three or four rods of the lower locks of the upper canal, 
and was torn down many years ago. Judge Stark kept a coun- 
try store here, and furnished meals and lodgings for the river 
men. He afterwards kept store in Piscataquog for many years. 

Jotham Gillis, the father-in-law of Judge Stark, lived in a 
small house of F. G. Stark, near the old grist-mill on Mechanics 
row, so called, and long since gone. He was advanced in 
years and of feeble health. In 1 810-13 he was clerk of the 


Amoskeag Cotton and Wool Co., of which Judge Stark was 
afterwards the agent. He came from Woburn, Mass. 

Samue/ B. Xidder's house is still standing just south of the 
gate-house at Amoskeag Falls. It is reached by a little bridge 
that crosses the railroad track from upper Canal street. Mr. 
Kidder was for many years gate-tender and time-keeper at the 
falls, and there was no better authority as to high and low water 
marks and the flow of the Merrimack. 

James Ray was just below the S. P. Kidder house, east side of 
the Blodget canal, and north of the old McGregor bridge. He 
had five or six acres near the corner of the old River road and 
Bridge, now Canal and Bridge streets. 

Joh7i Gamble owned a house ?,nd country store near the junc- 
tion of the old Derry River road, near the corner of Canal and 
Bridge streets of today. 

Henry B. Barrett lived near the corner of Granite and Canal 
streets, about where the Concord railroad track now stands. 
He was a carpenter and farmer, and had a few acres of land where 
the Concord railroad station stands. 

Betijamin Stevens was a farmer with about thirty acres, and his 
house stood a little this side, or north of the gas works, at a 
turn of the old River road and the Parker ferry road. 

Samuel Hall. Next came Samuel Hall, a farmer on the old 
Ferry road between the Benjamin Stevens house and the river. 
He had charge of the ferry across the river to what is now knowri 
as Ferry street. There were from forty to fifty acres, and the 
house is probably no longer in existence. 

Hezekiali Young lived in the large wood-colored house since 
occupied as " The Women's Aid and Relief Home," at the 
lower end of Elm street. It is still standing and is owned by 
the Amoskeag Company. The farm contained about one hun- 
dred acres and extended half way out to the Center. 

Nathaniel Baker Ywtd. on the River road south, in what is 
now known as Bakersville. His farm extended back from the 
river, and the buildings are no longer standing. 

Joseph B. Hall. The Joseph B. Hall house was on the Ferry 


road to the Center, about half way from the river, on a farm of 
perhaps one hundred acres, extending out as far as Halisville. 
The house is gone. Coming back to the Amoskeag bridge we 
find the little black-wooded schoolhouse on the old Falls road, 
on tlie bank of Christian brook near the bridge. It was the 
only schoolhouse along the river. 

Andrew French occupied the little house on the bluff at the 
intersection of the old Falls road and Elm street, where Judge 
David Cross now lives. He was a farm hand and river man. 
The house is gone. 

Job Rowell. The Job Rowell farm of about one hundred acres 
from the river back included the present site of the Governor 
Straw estate, at the corner of Elm and Harrison streets. It 
was bounded north by the Christian brook and south by land of 
Samuel P. Kidder. 

Z>a;?/<f/ i?<?a/^// owned a small place near the corner of Pearl 
and Union, of the Rowell farm, an acre or so, and he was a farm 
hand, and perhaps a river man, 

John Hall was on the brow of the hill up Bridge street on the 
old road from the Falls over Bald hill to the turnpike. It was a 
little black-wooded house where N. J. Whalen now lives, corner 
of Bridge and Hall streets. It was under the shade of two 
mammoth willow trees. The farm contained from seventy-five 
to one hundred acres, extending as far south as Lowell street, 
and north to the S. P. Kidder land. The west bound was near 
the foot of the hill, and it extended east to the Moses Davis 

Moses Davis. The Moses Davis house, painted red, was on 
the same road east of John Hale's, and in later years it became 
the pest-house. There were about seventy-five acres. 

David Stevens. Next east was the David Stevens place on 
the old Bridge-street road, near the Mammoth road, where 
Hiram Turner lives. The old house is no longer there. 

Capt. Ephraim Stevens. South of that and on the Mammoth 
road was the Capt. Ephraim Stevens place of about two hundred 
acres. It is now known as the poor-farm, and is owned by the 


city. A famous hostelry flourished there after the Mammoth 
road was built. Capt. Stevens was the father of our esteemed 
fellow-citizen, Joseph L. Stevens, who served as postmaster in 
Manchester from Feb. 21, 1S70, to May 15, 1886. 

Robert Stevens. Then came the Robert Stevens farm, near 
Hanover street, between the Mammoth road and the old road. 
The house is still there and is occupied by his son, Robert I. 

ThQ James Ifa/t house is still standing on the old road leading 
to the Center south of the Robert Stevens place. He was a 
farmer and had thirty or forty acres. The house stood near 
the Robert Wilson place, from whom Wilson's hill derived its 

Daniel Hall. Next south came the Daniel Hall place at the 
corner of the Candia road and the Derry road, just north of the 
present residence of Isaac Huse at the Center. There were a 
few acres. 

Samuel Jackson lived on the premises where Isaac Huse now 
lives at the Center, and the postoffice was located here for many 
years. The fine old house is still standing. 

Quifnby 6" Dwmnells kept a tavern stand on a small tract at 
the Center, and south of the Jackson place. The house was 
burned down years ago. 

Gilbert Greeley lived in the house where George Porter lived 
and died at the Center. It was a milk farm of about fifty acres, 
and at one time Mr. Greeley kept a country store there. 

Philip Stevens. Let us now return to the vicinity of the 
McGregor bridge, and we find that Philip Stevens lived just 
back of Smyth's block of today, then on the Derry road from 
the bridge to the Center. He had about one hundred acres 
from the River road southeast, as far out as the Ryefield, 
bounded north by the S. P. Kidder land to the Sam Hall place. 

Jesse Saunders. Next on the Derry road southeast was the 
Jesse Saunders house. He had an acre or so south of Massabesic 
street, or south of the brook where the old mill way stood. It 
was near the point where the Portsmouth Railroad crosses the 
Derry road. He had no stated occupation. 


Lizzie B. Stark lived on the North River road and the house 
is still there. It was formerly owned by John Stark, Jr. She 
was a great grand-daughter of the general, and has but recently 
deceased. There was a small group of houses near the Jesse 
Saunders place, including one or two small country stores. 
There were also other ancient houses here and there of which 
no trace is left, but the foregoing practically includes all the 
houses within two miles of the city hall on the east side of the 
Merrimack river at or just before 1838, when the future city of 
Manchester was laid out by the Amoskeag Company. 

Colonel Kidder and a comrade named Harwood were accus- 
tomed to fish at Amoskeag, and upon one occasion they took 
upwards of seven hundred lamprey eels in a night. This great 
take was made at a place called " the eel gut." Originally, and 
before the water was held back by the dam, there were three 
streams below the bridge, and the " eel gut " was on the east 
stream. It is said that the eels would sometimes fasten them- 
selves to the rocks in the river by their mouths, and they were 
then taken in great numbers by hands covered with woolen 
mittens. The east stream is now blocked by the wall south of 
the east end of the stone dam. One result of the dam was to 
obliterate many famous fishing-places, and there is no visible sign 
of the " eel gut." It was just south of the bridge and is prob- 
ably covered by twenty feet of water The fishing season was 
from the last of May and extended into July. Some of the fish- 
ing stands were owned by individuals, and others, open to all, 
were formed by the angles of rocks and by eddies in the stream. 
There was a place called " the slash hole," where many salmon 
were caught. It was on the east side of the center stream a few 
rods below the bridge. Another valued place was on the west 
side of the center stream where eels were taken, known as " the 
Dalton place." Salmon and shad were also caught in great 
numbers between the "Dalton place " and the bridge. At the 
Dalton place an eddy was formed by the water into which nets 
were cast. A platform was built out twelve or fourteen feet, and 
the privilege of the platform was often held, night and day, for 


two or three weeks before the fish began to run. It was an un- 
written law of the platform that if the holder abandoned his 
possession for ever so brief a time, a new comer acquired the 
right by turning a plank or slab, and of course frequent con- 
tentions arose over their respective claims. One might hold the 
right in person or by an agent, but there must in either case be 
a continuing personal presence on the platform night and day. 
On the west stream there was a desirable spot called " the eel 
trap." Its location was on the rocks or ledge on the east side 
of the west stream below the dam, and about half way to the 
eddy. Just below the "eel trap" was "the salmon rock," 
where that succulent fish was taken in great abundance. The 
fishermen scooped them with strong nets. Another desirable 
place was just below, or south of the P. C. Cheney paper-mill 
plant, where salmon and shad were caught, called " the setting 
place." It was a shelving ledge to the water of some ten feet 
or more, on which there was a solitary point where one could 
sit and fish. The first comer was entitled to the privilege until 
he caught a fish, when he was expected to yield to the next one 
in waiting, and there were often a dozen or more anxious waiters 
who took the right in the order of their coming. This law of 
the rock was well understood and was strictly observed, though 
we may easily conjecture that many disputes were liable to arise 
over the question of priority. The old rock doubtless still holds 
its place as in the olden time. A few rods south of this was a 
famous place called " the maple stump," for atone time there 
had been a maple tree there. It was several feet up from the 
water, and from this vantage-ground the salmon were taken with 
dip nets. Old Mr. Hardy usually held this place, for he was a 
famous fisherman of that day, and his son Reuben followed in 
his footsteps. At the eddy on the west side they drew seines for 
shad and they were caught almost by the ton. 

Philip Stevens was widely known for his success in snaring 
pigeons at the corner of what is now known as Beech and 
Merrimack streets, near the present location of the free mission 
church. Pie had another stand near his house, probably near the 


Universalist church on Lowell street. They were baited with 
oats and rye, or still better with buckwheat. The grain was 
scattered over a bed about fifteen feet square, and a large net 
was so arranged that when the birds w^ere busily feeding he pulled 
a rope that drew the net over them. It was supplied with hooks 
that held to the ground, and in this way they were made captive. 
They were sold for a shilling per half dozen, tied together in 
half dozen bunches through the natural holes in their bills. 
Great clouds of these birds filled the sky in the harvest season, 
and there seemed to be no end of them. William Parker of 
Merrimack accumalated a snug fortune in this way, and for many 
years he was familiarly known as Pigeon Parker. James Harvell 
of West Manchester, who died about 1870, claimed a record of 
twenty-eight and one half dozen at one pull of the net.* 

Before the Mammoth road was built the main thoroughfare 
from points north to Boston passed down the Merrimack valley 
through Hooksett, Amoskeag, Piscataquog, Merrimack, and 
Nashua, then known as Dunstable. Those were lively times in- 
deed, for the turnpike was full of teams laden with all kinds of 
country produce, fish, game, and peltry for the Boston market,, 
and return loads were brought from thence to supply the up- 
country trade. There were often from fifteen to twenty double 
teams together, and four and six horse teams were on the road 
continually. The inevitable tavern-stand dotted the way on an 
average of about two miles, and many of them were full of 
guests overnight. There were two of these hostelries in Hooksett. 
The Farmer stand at Amoskeag is still remembered, and is still 
standing. Then there was the McGregor tavern on the Butter- 
field place on the west side, where the Amoskeag stable now 
stands. There was one in Piscataquog on the rising ground 
south of the A. C. Wallace lumber mill and the Chandler hos- 
telry on the River road in Bedford. There were two or three in 
Merrimack, one just outside, or north of Nashua, the Riddle 
place at Souhegan, and one at Bean hill. Another at Reed's 
Ferry was kept by Pigeon Parker. There was one at Thornton's 

*So stated by John K. McQuesten. 


Ferry and another just below. Joe Mitchell kept a place on the 
west side of the river in Hooksett, and so on through the entire 

We may be sure that there were innumerable rollickings, and 
jousts, and piquant stories without end around the old open fire- 
place, with plenty of flip and grog to cheer them on that we 
wot not of. I wish some one could give us a vivid picture gar- 
nished with stories that were rich, rare, and racy, and with 
incidents of that period. Col. Kidder is the oldest fireman in 
Manchester, for as early as 1829 he belonged to a hand-tub 
company in Piscataquog, handled by eighteen men; John Parker 
was foreman. The little red engine-house stood about where 
West Hancock street intersects with South Main. In 1831, at 
the age of twenty years, Col. Kidder kept a country store 
on the site of the A. C. Wallace mill, in which he succeeded 
Gen. William P. Riddle. He was appointed postmaster by 
Gen. Jackson in 1834 and held the office for about six years, 
and he was also a member of the first city government in 1846. 
" Squog " was then a hamlet of considerable importance, for 
there was a tavern there and four country stores, and it was the 
head of navigation on the Piscataquog river. For many years 
there were from one .to three lawyers located there, notably James 
McK. Wilkins, John Porter, and Jonas B. Bowman. In 1836 
Hon. George W. Morrison opened an office on the west side in 
a small wooden schoolhouse near where the Amoskeag new mill 
now stands. There were locks in the river, remnants of which 
may still be seen near Riddle's island, and boats came up as far 
as the Wallace mill, where goods were unloaded into Mr. 
Kidder's store. These old river boats were sixty-five feet long, 
seven and one half feet wide, and three feet deep at the mast- 
board. By these boats a vast amount of merchandise came from 
Boston and was distributed in Bedford, Goffstown, Derryfield, 
Merrimack, Dunbarton, Weare, Hooksett, Hopkinton, Haverhill, 
Chichester, Bow, Concord, Sanbornton, Salisbury, Boscawen, 
Chester, and other points both near and remote from the river. 
A boat with a crew of three men made a round trip each week. 


carrying about fifteen tons, and the down cargoes were largely 
made up of choice lumber for the Boston market. Frederick G. 
Stark, Esq., has a valuable official record of the river traffic at 
this point as early as 1 816-17, giving rates, cargoes, owners of 
boats, consignees, and other valuable information. We may 
well believe that the sturdy rivermen were no enthusiasts on the 
subject of the iron horse propelled by steam. 

Remnants of the old canal, where these boats came to and 
from the locks, may still be seen on the east side of the river 
along the west wall of the Print Works. 


Contributed to Manchester Historic Association by 
H. W. Eastman and Fred W. Lamb. 

One of the most interesting features of the semi-centennial 
celebration of the incorporation of the city of Manchester, held 
on September 7, 8, and 9, 1896, was an historic and industrial 
exhibition held in The Kennard under the joint auspices of the 
Historic Association, the Art Association, and Electric Club. 
The exhibition was free to all, and thousands of visitors availed 
themselves of the rare opportunity to inspect an elaborate col- 
lection of relics, household utensils, and various articles, ancient 
and modern, illustrating the progress of Manchester during its 
fifty years of existence. 

The Manchester Historic Association accepted an invitation 
from the city authorities to join in the exhibition, and its dis- 
play was especially interesting and instructive. 

Under the direction of President John C. French, E. P. Rich- 
ardson, David Perkins, George F. Willey, and John Dowst, 
committee on exhibit, the loan of historic curiosities was solic- 
ited, and a generous response resulted. The committee 
appointed Mr. F. W. Lamb as general clerk and representative 
of the Association, who was ably assisted in the work by Presi- 
dent French, H. W. Herrick, E. P. Richardson, F. B. Eaton, 
and others. 




I. The " Molly Stark Cannon." This cannon is of brass 
and was cast at Paris, France, in 1747- It was brought to 
America as a part of the armament of the French army in Cana- 
da, commanded by General Montcalm, and it was captured at 
the battle of Quebec on the plains of Abraham by the English 
under General Wolfe. When General Burgoyne invaded the 
Colonies in 1777 the old gun was a part of the field artillery 
taken along, and when he sent Breymann to the aid of Baum at 
Bennington, the cannon was taken with him. When Breymann 
surrendered at Bennington, August 16, 1777, the gun came into 
possession of General John Stark. By him it was presented to 
the New Boston Artillery Company, then attached to the Ninth 
Regiment, New Hampshire Militia. It is a four-pounder and is 
three and one fourth inch bore. The following is the inscription 
on the gun. "Taken at the Battle of Bennington, August 16, 
1777. Presented to New Boston Artillery Company, Ninth 
Regiment New Hampshire Militia, by General John Stark." 

2. The " Old McGregor musket." This musket is exactly 
six feet long and was carried in the siege of Londonderry, Ire- 
land, in 1688, by the Rev. James McGregor, the first pastor of 

3. S. B. Kidder exhibited a cannon ball picked up at Fort 
Ticonderoga, N. Y. 

4. Harrie M. Young exhibited a powder and ball pistol for 
percussion caps, a flintlock pistol, a Colt's navy revolver and a 
pirates boarding hook. 

5. A. D. Scovell exhibited an old knapsack of horsehide 
captured from the British in the war of 181 2. 

6. Among the relics of General John Stark were a pair of 
saddle buckles worn by him at the Battle of Bennington, a pow- 
der horn presented to him by one of his soldiers and handsomely 
engraved, four old order and field accounts, a flask picked up on 
the battlefield of Bennington by him, a large iron camp kettle 
and a flintlock musket captured by him at the old French and 
Indian war. 


7. George Emerson exhibited an old flintlock musket cap- 
tured at Crown Point, November 7, 1760, by Jonathan Emerson. 

8. John K. McQuestion exhibited an old sword captured in 
the French and Indian war by Mr. McQuestion's greatgrand- 

9. Joseph Sawyer had a six-pound cannon ball that was 
plowed up at Bemis Heights. 

10. H. O. Dudley exhibited the revolver, holster, and belt 
which he took from Major-General Roger A. Pryor when he 
captured him on the picket line, November 26, 1864. Also the 
sword he wore at the time. 

11. Harrie M. Young exhibited the sword, scabbard, and 
flintlock pistol used by General Wilkinson during the Revolu- 
tionary war. He served under Arnold in the North, was at 
Trenton and Princeton and was appointed by Gates adjutant- 
general in 1777. In 1778 he became secretary of the board of 
war presided over by Gates. He resigned in 1779 in conse- 
quence of a quarrel with Gates, but was soon appointed clothier- 
general of the army. In 1791 he was appointed to the United 
States infantry and led an expedition against the Wabash In- 
dians. He commanded Wayne's right at Maumee Rapids and 
was appointed general-in-chief in 1796. He was governor of 
Louisiana in 1805 -06, given command of the Mississippi de- 
partment in 1808, three years later he was court-martialed, but ac- 
quitted of complicity with Aaron Burr and of being in the pay 
of Spain. In 1813 he was made a major-general and sent north. 
His campaign was unsuccessful, mainly on account of Hampton's 
disagreement with him, and he was superseded. A court of in- 
quiry exonerated him in 181 5. The same year he was dis- 
charged from the army then being reorganized. The rest of 
his life was spent in Mexico. 

12. John J. Bell estate of Exeter exhibited the pistols and 
holsters^ carried through the war of the Revolution by Major- 
General John Sullivan. He was a member of the first Conti- 
nental Congress and through the darkest periods of the Revolu- 
tionary war he ranked among the ablest leaders of the American 


armies. In the siege of Boston he was next in command to 
General Lee. When in the battle of Long Island, in 1776, Gen- 
eral Greene was disabled by sickness, Sullivan was selected to 
command his division of the army. Serving afterward under 
the immediate supervision of Washington, General Sullivan was 
distinguished for his discretion and valor in the battles of Tren- 
ton, Princeton, Brandy wine, and Germantown. In 1778, Wash- 
ington and Count D'Estaing arranged for the French fleet to at- 
tack the British near Rhode Island, and Sullivan was sent with a 
large force to co-operate in besieging Newport. On the day ap- 
pointed for the combined attack, a violent storm so shattered the 
French vessels that they withdrew from the contest. After de- 
feating the English in one engagement, the American forces re- 
tired from Rhode Island. In 1779, Sullivan was sent with a 
large force into western New York, to take vengeance upon the 
hordes of Indians and Tories, who, besides other atrocities, had 
massacred the inhabitants of Wyoming and Cherry valleys. 
The savages were dispersed, many were killed, and their villages 
destroyed. In 1780, Gen. Sullivan resigned his commission, 
and returned to New Hampshire. He was afterwards governor 
of this state. He died at Durham. 

13. D. Breed exhibited an ancient revolver, 

14. Mrs. Luther S. Proctor exhibited a sword carried through 
the Revolutionary war. 

15. H. W. Herrick exhibited the bugle of the First N. H. 
Light Battery, which was used through the civil war. 

16. John H. Cilley exhibited the handsomely engraved sword 
used by Col. Cilley during the Revolutionary war, and also the 
elegant pair of flintlock pistols presented to him by vote of the 
New Hampshire legislature, for meritorious action during the 
war. I append a few extracts from his life by Gov. William 
Plumer, and published by Bradbury P. Cilley in 1891. 

" In 1758 he enlisted as a private soldier under Captajn Neal, 
who was attached to Major Rogers's battalion of Rangers, and 
marched to the northern frontier and Canada, and was then ap- 
pointed a sergeant. He continued in the service more than a 


"In 1774, when the political controversy between this coun- 
try and Great Britain ran high, he publicly and zealously es- 
poused the cause of his country ; and in the close of this and the 
beginning of the succeeding year, before the British had actu- 
ally commenced hostilities, but after it was reduced to a moral 
certainty that the contest would terminate in war, he, with a 
number of others, went to the British fort in the harbor of 
Portsmouth, dismantled it, and removed the cannon, arms, and 
ammunition to places of safety in the country, which afterward 
proved of great value to the American army. 

" As soon as intelligence reached him of the skirmish at Lex- 
ington of the 19th of April, 1775, he marched at the head of 
one hundred volunteers to headquarters at Cambridge, and 
promptly tendered his services to his country. He was appoint- 
ed lieut. -colonel in the Revolutionary army, and in April, 1777, 
colonel of a regiment, and held the command during the war. 
Though he was a strict disciplinarian, his constant, unremitted 
attention to the comfort and care of his soldiers secured him 
their confidence^and esteem. He was with the northern army, 
and fought bravely in the actions of the 19th of September and 
of the 7th of October, 1777. In the battle of Monmouth, in 
August, 1778, he displayed such bravery as merited, and he re- 
ceived, the approbation and thanks of the commander-in-chief. 
He distinguished himself in the perilous action, under Gen. 
Wayne, in storming and taking Stony Point. On the 20th of 
March, 1779, the New Hampshire House of Representatives 
unanimously presented him with an elegant pair of pistols, as a 
token of the intention of the state to reward merit in a brave officer^ 
and on the 19th of June, 1781, the legislature appointed him a 
commissioner in behalf of New Hampshire, to repair to Rhode 
Island on the 25th of that month, to meet such commissioners 
as might be appointed by the other New England states, to agree 
upon a method of regularly sending supplies to the army during 
that year. 

" After peace was established in 1783, he returned to his fam 


ily, and was afterwards appointed first major-general of the mil- 
itia. He died in August, 1799. 

17. Hiram Forsaith had a powderhorn dated 1763. 

18. S. L, Flanders had a handsomely engraved powderhorn. 

19. H. W. Herrick had two powderhorns of the dates of 1843 
and 1845. 

20. Ex-Gov. Frederick Smyth exhibited a small powderhorn. 

21. Geo. W. Wilson had an old powderhorn which was car- 
ried through the French and Indian war. 

22. Mrs. E. P. Richardson exhibited a powderhorn which 
was carried by her grandfather, James Harradon, at the battles of 
Lexington aud Bunker Hill. This horn has attached to it a 
broken suspender, used as a string to hold it in place at the 
wearer's side, and was attached to it on that morning in the long 
ago when James Harradon, a lad of sixteen, secured his father's 
musket, powderhorn, and bulletpouch, and left his home with- 
out his parents' knowledge, to take part in the battle of Lexing- 
ton. He afterwards joined the Continental army in Boston, and 
assisted at the Battle of Bunker Hill. 

23. W. L. Spaulding had one-half of a barshot picked up on 
the battlefield of Wilmington, South Carolina. 

24. Miss Martha Poor Cilley exhibited the camp chest used 
by Col. Cilley at Valley Forge for medicines, etc., and carried 
through the Revolutionary war. Also, the orderbooks of Col. 
Cilley and Brig. -Gen. Enoch Poor at Valley Forge, and a small 
silver cup presented to Brig.-Gen. Enoch Poor by Lafayette. 
Enoch Poor was one of the foremost of the patriots of the state 
of New Hampshire during the dark days of the Revolution. He 
was appointed to command one of the three regiments sent out 
by the colony, joining* the Continental army shortly after the 
battle of Bunker Hill. He took part in the Canadian movement 
in 1776, and then joined Washington with the main army in 
New Jersey. In 1777 he was promoted to the rank of brigadier- 
general. He took part in the battle of Stillwater, and led the 
attack at the battle of Saratoga. After the surrender of Bur- 
goyne, he joined Washington near Philadelphia, and took part, 


the next summer, in the battle of Monmouth. He was chosen, 
just before his death, to command one of the two light infantry- 
brigades under Lafayette, but he died in September, 1780. 


1. Capt. John N. Bruce exhibited his army sword, belt, sash, 
and hat with two bullet holes through it just where it came above 
his head, and his modern Templar sword. 

2. Dr. C. W. Clement exhibited a flintlock gun, a. d. 1728. 

3. J. R. Bruce exhibited three guns, among them being a 
Springfield and an Enfield rifle, one pistol, sword, and spear, 
used during the Mexican war, war club, two haversacks, two can- 
teens, and a cartridge box. 

4. E. P. Richardson exhibited a rebel lieutenant's sword and 
belt. The belt was made of card clothing, which shows how 
badly off the Confederacy was for leather. 

5. H. W. Herrick exhibited one old gun, one powderhorn, 
and a surgeon's dress sword used during the civil war. 

6. J. G. Lane exhibited Capt. Anderson's sword, dated 1840, 
belt, silk sash, and a flintlock gun of 181 2. 

7. Herbert Dunbar exhibited a Colt's cavalry revolver car- 
ried from 1 86 1 to 1865. 

8. Adjutant-General Ayling exhibited the Krag Jorgenson ri- 
fle, which is the new rifle just being issued to the United States 
army. Its caliber is 30, and it is adapted to the use of the new 
smokeless powder and a steel jacketed projectile. This projec- 
tile, when fired from this rifle with service ammunition, develops 
a speed of 2,000 feet per second, and its trajectory is so 
flat that for practical use as a military arm, no change in sight 
is necessary up to 400 yards. Its range is 2,000 yards, and with 
other explosives than a smokeless powder, the excessive fouling 
of the bore makes the arm unreliable, if fired without cleaning. 
In appearance, the weapon is unwieldy and awkward, and being 
of the bolt breech mechanism and box magazine type, has not 
yet, nor is it likely to, become a favorite with the infantry of the 
United States. 


9. F. G. Walker exhibited an old flintlock gun, an old flint- 
lock- pistol, a pistol of five barrels, a canteen, powderhorn used 
in the Mexican war. Also, the sword used by Dick Barnes. 

10. W. A. Spaulding exhibited one old Harper's Ferry flint- 
lock gun of 1822. 

11. William Heath exhibited one old Mississippi flintlock 
fowling piece, 

12. Louis Bell Post, Grand Army, exhibited a large case of 
relics of the civil war, collected by members of the post. 

13. Abner Hogg exhibited an old Revolutionary flintlock 
musket of 1776, and a bayonet of 1779. 

14. The War Veterans exhibited guns and pistols. 

15. Geo. W. Webster exhibited one of the 40,000 army mus- 
kets made at the Amoskeag shop in 1863, and also one of the 
two pistols made there. 

16. Joseph B. Sawyer exhibited a machete, a knapsack 
saved from the fire when the old town house burned, and which 
belonged to the famous Stark guards, a belt, bayonet, and car- 
tridge box. 

17. Edward I. Partridge exhibited a Sharp's rifle. 

18. S. H. Perry exhibited a knapsack used during the civil 

19. W. H. Carpenter exhibited a Murland magazine rifle fir- 
ing 18 shots. 

20. Arthur C. Moore exhibited a Sharp's rifle, two spurs 
found at Gettysburg, two bayonets, two pistols, and a magnifi- 
cent collection of 17 swords, embracing cutlasses, hangers, clay- 
mores, rapiers, cut and thrust and dress swords, and a fine speci- 
men of the old Roman short sword, the use of which made the 
name of the Roman soldier feared throughout the then civilized 

21. A. M. Scott exhibited a small piece of a silk flag carried 
through the war by him as sergeant and color-bearer in a Maine 
cavalry regiment. The battle-scarred piece of silk, bearing the 
colors of " Old Glory," was carried through many a hot action 
by Mr. Scott, and, as he says, he held it aloft on two diff"erent 


occasions in passing across the city of New Orleans, La., during 
the dark days of '61 to '65. 

22. There was also exhibited the flag which Ex-Gov. Smyth 
hung out in front of Smyth's block when Abraham Lincoln came 


1. Will H, Heath exhibited a fine collection of Indian 
relics, consisting of a large board, about two by three feet, com- 
pletely covered by small arrow and spear points, one glass case 
of very small points, an obelisk covered with imperfect points, 
and a number of loose stone implements in another case, among 
which were two very fine totems, or charms, scalping knives, and 
tomahawks, gouges, and skinning tools, and a very fine, large 
black polisher. 

2. S. B. Kidder exhibited a very fine collection of small ar- 
row points on five large cards, an Indian bow and two arrows, 
and an Indian bowl. 

3. Ex-Gov. Frederick Smyth made a very fine exhibit of 
arrow points, implements, and pottery, picked up at the "Wil- 
lows." His collection is very rich in Indian pottery, there be- 
ing many fine specimens on exhibition. 

4. E. P. Richardson made a magnificent display of Indian 
relics, etc. This collection was picked up around Manchester, 
and embraces many fine specimens of pestles, war clubs, axes, 
hammers, polishing tools, etc. There was one very fine Indian 
pipe in this collection. He also exhibited two old Indian corn 
mills of stone. One is very large, being about a foot in diame- 

5. Nate M. Kellogg exhibited a very fine war club eighteen 
inches or more in length, which was plowed up on North Union 
street a few years ago. 

6. W. H. Huse exhibited one small glass case containing 
some very fine arrow points. 

7. The John J. Bell estate, of Exeter, made a fine exhibit, con- 


sisting of six cards of arrow and spear points, and several large 
axes, war clubs, chisels, etc. 

8. Gertrude H. Brooks exhibited an Indian pipe and six col- 
ored Indian drawings. 

9. Mrs. Grafton had an interesting exhibit, consisting of a 
gun cover which belonged to Chief Joseph, and several poisoned 
arrows from the Custer battlefield. 


Contributed to The Manchester Historic Association 
BY S. C. Gould. 





1784 Samuel McClintock, 

D. D. 


Jer. xviii. 7-10. 

1785 Jeremy Belknap, 

D. D. 


Ps. cxliv. 11-15. 

1786 Samuel Haven, 

D. D. 


Matt. xxiv. 45-47, 

1787 Joseph Buckminster, 

D. D. 


James i. 5. 

1788 Samuel Langdon, 

D. D. 

Hamp. Falls, 

Deut. iv. 5-8. 

1789 Oliver Noble, 


1790 John C. Ogden, 

A. M. 


Neh. V. 19. 

1791 Israel Evans, 

A. M. 


Gal. V. I. 

1792 William Morrison, 

D. D. 


Rom. xiii. 3. 

1793 (No sermon preached). 

1794 Amos Wood, 

A. B. 


Isaiah ix. 7, 

1795 John Smith,* 

A. M, 


Isaiah xlvii. 8. 

1796 William F. Rowland, 

A. M. 


2 Sam. xxiii. 3. 

1797 Stephen Peabody, 

A. M. 


Ex. xviii. 21. 

1798 Robert Gray, 

A. M. 


Gen. xii. 2. 

1799 Seth Payson, 

D. D. 


Eccl. ix. 18. 

1800 Noah Worcester, 

D. D. 


Judges Hi. 11. 

I 801 Jacob Burnap, 

D. D. 


:^s. Ixxxvii. 4-6. 

1802 Joseph Woodman, 

A. M. 


Hosea, vii. 9. 

1803 Aaron Hall, 

A. M. 


2 Chron. xix. 6. 

1804 Nathaniel Porter, 

D. D. 


I Chron. xii. 32. 

1805 Reed Paige, 

A. M. 


Rom. xiii. 4, 

1806 James Miltimore, 

A. M. 


Job xxix. 14. 

1807 Nathan Bradstreet, 

A. M. 


Luke vii. 4-5. 

1808 Asa McFarland, 

D. D. 


2 Peter i. 19. 

1809 William F. Rowland, 



Gal. v. 14. 

18 ID Roswell Shurtleif, 

A. M. 


Rom, xiii. 1-5. 

1811 Thomas Beede, 



John vii. 1-5. 

The sermon preached in 1795 was never printed. 



x8i2 Moses Bradford, 

A. M. 


I Tim. i. 15. 

1813 John H. Church, 

D. D. 


2 Chron. xv. 2. 

1814 Peter Holt, 

A. M. 


Dan. ii. 44. 

18 1 5 David Sutherland, 


Rev. i. 7. 

1816 Pliny Dickinson, 


2 Chron. xxiv. 2. 

18 1 7 Daniel Merrill, 

A. M. 

Nottingham W. Matt. vi. 10. 

1818 William Allen, 

A. M. 


Joshua i. 8. 

1 8 19 Nathan Parker, 

D. D. 


John viii. 12. 

1820 James B. Howe, 

A. M. 


John ix. 29. 

1821 Ephraim P. Bradford 

, A. B. 

New Boston, 

Isaiah xxi. 11. 

1822 Jonathan French, 

A. M. 

No. Hampton 

, 2 Chron. i. 10. 

1823 Daniel Dana, 

D. D. 


Prov. xiv. 34. 

I 24 Bennet Tyler, 

D. D. 


Gen. XX. 11. 

1825 Phineas Cooke, 

A. M. 

Ac worth. 

Matt. xxii. 21. 

1826 Ferdinand Ellis, 

A. M. 


Ps. Ixxxii. 6-7. 

1827 Nath'l W. Williams, 

A. M. 


Matt. vi. 10. 

1828 Nathaniel Bouton 

A. M. 


Luke xix. 13. 

1829 Humphrey Moore, 

A. M. 


I Cor. xii, 21. 

1830 Jaazaniah Crosby, 

A. M. 

Charlestown , 

Deut. xxviii. i. 

1 83 1 Nathan Lord, 

D. D. 


I Cor. xiii. 5. 

1861 Henry E. Parker, 

A. M. 


Jer. xviii. 7-10. 

No sermons were delivered 

between 1831 

and i86r, and none 

after 1861. 


The names of three men in the foot notes, page 34, of the address de- 
livered by George C. Gilmore, were accidentally omitted in copying, viz. : 

McGilvary, William, Merrimack. 
Moore, James, Merrimack. 

Hutchinson, Alexander, Londonderry. Transferred to the artillery, 
June 7, 1775. 




Samuel Blodget, or Bloggett, as the name was then spelled, 
was born in Woburn, Mass., April i, 1724, at a time when the 
American colonies^ in addition to the privations and hardships 
of founding their scattered homes in the wilderness of a new 
country, were entering on the last half of what might not inap- 
propriately be styled a Hundred Years' War, covering the most 
eventful period in the history of New England from the suprem- 
acy of King Philip, in 1662, to the Conquest of Canada, which 
ended the French and Indians Wars and brought the Peace of 
Paris, in 1763. 

The old house in which his parents lived was torn down 
years ago, and no sign is left to tell where it stood, though 
there are sufficient records to denote nearly the site, which was 
on what is now known as the "Dow Farm," situated on the 
north side of Railroad Street, easterly from the central point 
of the city and a little more than five minutes' walk from the 
Public Library building. The Blogget estate at that time con- 
sisted of between thirty and forty acres of fertile land. 

If one's progenitors count for aught the subject of this biog- 
raphy was especially fortunate, for it is difficult to find stronger 
branches of ancestry than those forming the tree of 



1. Thomas Bloggett, who is the first of the family of whom 

we have a clear record, was born in Western England, 
probably in County of Cornwall, in 1605, married Susan 

or Susanna , born in 1598, and came to America 

in the " Increase from London," 1635, with his wife and two 
sons, Daniel and Samuel. He was a glover by occupa- 
tion and settled at Cambridge; died in 1642, leaving, be- 
sides the sons named^ a daughter Susanna, born June 
1637, and a son Thomas, b. 7th August, 1639.* 

2. Samuel Bloggett, 2d son of Thomas, was born in England, 

in 1633, and was brought to this country by his parents 
when he was 18 months old. He married, Dec. 13, 1655, 
Ruth Iggleden, of Boston ; died July 3, 1687, ^"d his wife 
d. Oct. 14, 1703. Their children were (i) Ruth, born 
Dec. 28, 1656; (2) Samuel, b. Dec. to, 1658; (3) Thomas, 
b. Feb. 26, 1 66 1, who married Rebecca Tidd, Nov. 11, 

1685 ; (4) Susanna, b. , m. to James 

Simonds, Dec. 29, 1685 5 (5) Sarah, b. Feb. 17, 1668; 
(6, 7) Martha and Mary, twins, b. Sept. 15, 1673. Martha 
m,, in 1696, Joseph Winn. 

3. Samuel, Jun., b. Dec. 10, 1658, m. April 30, 1683, Huldah, 

daughter of William and Judith (Hayward-Phippen) Sim- 
onds, b. Nov. 20j 1660. (Huldah was a sister to the James 
who married two years later Susanna Bloggett.) Samuel, 
Jun., who became known as Ensign Bloggett and who rep- 
resented Woburn in the General Court, in 1693, <^is*^ Nov. 
5, 1743, and his wife died March 14, 1745-6. Among their 
children was 

4. Caleb, b. Nov. 11, 1691, m. (ist) Sarah Wyman (3), b. Jan. 

17, 1690-1. She was a sister of Ensign Seth Wyman, who 
was in "Lovewell's Fight" and in command of the company 
after Captain Lovewell was killed. Their children were 
(i) Seth S., b. Feb. 20, 1718; (2) Caleb, b. Dec. i, 1721; 

* His widow married James Tiiompson, of Woburn, 15tli February, 1643-4; 
and his daughter Susanna m. Jonathan, son of the above-mentioned James Thomp- 
son, sen. Jonathan died 20th Octobor. 1691, and his wife 6th of February, 
1697-8. (?) This couple had eight children, the 2d, Jonathan, Jun., b. 2Sth Septem- 
ber, 1663, in, Frances Whittemore, by whom he had nine children, the 6th being 
Ebenezer, b. 30th March, 1701, m. 37th September, 1728, Hannah Conyerse. They 
had four children, the eldest being Benjamin, b. 27th N ovember, 1729, who mar- 
ried Ruth Simonds of Woburn, whose son Benjamin, b. 26th March, 1753, became 
in after years widely known as Sir Benjamin Thompson and Count Rumford. 
The father of Sir Benjamin died 7th November, 1755, in his 26th year, while he 
(Sir Benjamin) died at his villain Auteuil, near Paris, August 21, 1814, in his 
63d year. James Thompson was a member of the first board of selectmen ^ot 


(3) Samuel, b. April i, 1724; (4) Susanna, b. June 19, 
1727. Caleb m. (2) Elizabeth Wyman,* 2d cousin of 
Sarah, by whom he had a daughter, Elizabeth, b. Oct. 27, 


1. Lieut. John Wyman was born in England, but was a sub- 

scriber at Charlestown to Town Orders for Woburn, Mass., 
Dec, 1640, and was taxed at Woburn, 1645, married Nov. 
5, 1644, Sarah, daughter of Myles Nutt, dying May 9, 
1684. Among their children was 

2. Seth, born August 3, 1663, m. Dec, 17, 1685, Esther, 

daughter of Major William Johnson (3). He, who was 
known as Lieut. Seth Wyman, d. Oct. 26, 17 15. Among 
their children wasf 

3. Sarah, born Jan. 17, 1690-1, who m. Caleb Bloggett (4) 

and was the mother of Samuel Blodget. 


1. Captain Edward Johnson, born in England, 1599, married 

Susan, or Susanna , who was b. in England, in 

1597. He died at Woburn, Mass., April 23, 1672, and she 
in 1690. Among their children was 

2. Major William, born in England, 1629 or 1630; died at 

Woburn^ May 22, 1704. He m. at Woburn, May 16, 
1655, Esther, daughter of Thomas Wiswall, a ruling elder 
of the church at Newton, Mass. They had 

3. Esther, born April 13, 1662 ; m. Dec. 17, 1685, Lieut. 

Seth Wyman (2) she being Samuel Blodget's grandmother. 
She died March 3, 1742. 

{Note. Authorities consulted for these genealogies : Sewall's History of Wo- 
burn; Wyman's Charlestown Genealogies and Estates ; Woburn Kecords.) 

The heroic part, performed by the Wymans in the early his- 
tory of the colonies is too well known to need mention here, 
while the Johnsons were not less distinguished for their bravery 
and mental capacity. It was to one of them, Edward Johnson, 
belonged the authorship of that notable narrative, "Wonder- 
Working Providence of Zion's Savior in New England/' which 

* Daughter of Thomas Wyman (2) and granddaughter of Francis Wyman (1) 
who was a brother of Lieut. John. 

t Ensign Seth Wyman, as he became known, was a son of this couple, b. Sept. 
13, 1686; died in September, 17-25, from effects of blood poison. (See Kidder's His- 
tory of Lovewell's Fight.) 


has been so frequently quoted by the writers of colonial days. 
He was a representative from Woburn for twenty-seven years, 
and a Speaker of the House in 1655. Nor were the Bloggetts 
behind these families as earnest and efficient defenders of the 
settlements against the depredations of the prowling beasts and 
savage denizens of the wildwood, or as upright, far-seeing citi- 
zens in those brief intervals of peace, which came so rarely like 
rays of sunlight struggling through the clouds on a rainy sea- 
son, helping to lay the foundation and rear the pillars of that 
self-government which was to be the strength of a nation in 
after years. 

Ensign Samuel Blogget was a man of prominence in the 
affairs of his time^ having served one year in the General Court, 
as has been mentioned. One of his sons, William, an uncle to 
the subject of our sketch, was a soldier under Major William 
Tyng in his expedition to Canada during the summer of 1709.* 
Caleb Blogget, the father of Samuel, was a Captain of the Mili- 
tia and a man of importance in town, which is shown by his 
appointment as one of the three trustees chosen by Woburn to 
receive and portion out its share of the $60,000 loan raised by 
the State to remedy the scarcity of money then prevailing. 
Captain Caleb Blogget was active in securing grants allowed by 
the Massachusetts court in New Hampshire and he was among 

* Mass. Archives, Military, 1704-1711 . Vol. 71, page 635. 

Keceived sept : 25, 1709, Twenty Shillings of Mr. Samuel Blogget of Woburne 
ouaccount of his son William Blogget who lay sick in the Queens Service at the 
house of Mr. Bond in Watertown under the command of Major Tyng. I say 
received by mee. PHILIP SHATTUCK, 


Mass. Archives, Vol. 71, page 735. 

To his Exelency The Governour, Her Majesties Councill and Repi'esentatives 
In General Court assembled. 

The petition of Samuel Blogget of Woobourn Humbly Sheweth that your peti- 
tioners son of William Blogget was taken Sick at wattertown while he was in 
Her Maiesties Service under command of Majr : William Tyng in the Expedition 
lor Canada ye last sumer. Viz 1709 and after he had lain Sick sum time there, Majr 
Tyng was pleased to order me to take my son whonie to my house : and thinking 
he might be better lookt after there than where he was :, so J took him whome 
And found nursing and watchers for him for the space of three weeks and J paid 
Doctor Philip Shattuck twenty shillings for Physick for my said son while he was 
Sick at water Town ; for which J have had no Consideration, as yet, which is the 
Occasion of my moving at this time for such allowance as may be thouglit proper 
for me in the Matter the which being Granted will ingage me as J am In duty 
bound to pray &c. : for you 

Your humble petitioner and servant SAMUEL BLOGGET. 
June ye 7th 1710 

This May Certify whome it may Concern that William Blogget a souldjer De- 


the grantees of the township of Washington^ which, however, 
failed to prove very profitable to the early proprietors. He 
was also concerned in the claims of a grant of land in the Mer- 
rimack valley partly covered by Tyng Township, and he was 
afterwards prominent in the affairs of this unfortunate grant.* 

Coming of such stock and reared amid the rugged scenes of 
those trying times, it is little wonder that Samuel Blodget gave 
early promise of those sturdy qualities which were to make him 
an important factor in the development of the natural resources 
not only of his native town but of that belt of productive coun- 
try from whence the busy Merrimack receives its vast power, 
and which it has returned to its employers with wonderful 
increase^ largely due to his inventive genius and untiring energy. 
Aug\:st 23, of the year of his birth, that memorable assault was 
made by the colonists of northern New England under the lead- 
ership of Captains Moulton and Harman, of York, Me., upon 
the Jesuit stronghold at Norridgewock, when Pere Rasle, the 
priest, and So of his Indian followers were killed and the mis- 
sion destroyed. Though the Indians continued their predatory 
incursions against the settlers, often with fatal results, for 
another year^ this overthrow of the Jesuits, followed by Love- 
well's expedition against the Indians and rout of the Pickwac- 
kets, culminated in the treaty of peace signed by the Abnaki 
chiefs at Boston on December 15, 1725,! thus giving to the 
overtried colonists the longest interval of comparative rest from 
contest that they knew during that century of conflict. 

It was during this period of cessation from hostilities that 

tained in Her Majesties Service, under my Command in ye year 1709 being Sick at 
Watertown, was by my orders Comiiied lo liis Jatlier Samuel Blogget of Wo- 
buru; who Carried hime whom to his house, and provided a nurse and watcherst 
for him for the space of three weetts. 
June ye Sth 1710 Wm TYNG. 

Jn the House of Representatives June 28 : 1710. Read and Comitted & Jn answer 
to the within Petition. 
Resolved That the sum of flfl'iy Shillings be Alowed and Paid out of the pub- 
lick Treasurey to Samuel Blogget the Petitioner 

Sent up for concurrence 
Jn Councill JOHN CLARK Speaker. 

June ult. 1710. 

Read and concur'rd JAS ADDINGTON Secry. 

* State Papers, Vol. XXIV, page 15S; Proprietors' Records of Tyng Township. 

t Mass. Archives. 


young Blodget passed his boyhood days. For the first time the 
inhabitants of Woburn had been able to give thoughtful atten- 
tion to the matter of schools, and he received the rudiments of 
his education while the moving school system of the town was 
in its most popular stage, if a method intended to satisfy all and 
meeting the full expectations of none could be called "popular" 
at any period of its existence. But it was the best that could be 
done under the times and circumstances, and by its arrange- 
ments the town was enabled to have an average schooling of 
about two months in each of its half dozen districts. Samuel, 
when in his teens, was thus brought under the instruction of 
those well-known and popular Masters of the Three Rs (to say 
nothing of the fourth, the Rod), James Fowle and Ebenezer 
Flegg.* The latter was afterwards the noted pioneer minister 
of Chester, N. H. There can be no doubt of his aptness 
as a scholar, or that he improved every opportunity to acquire 
an education, thus obtaining more than an average knowledge of 
mathematics and philosophy, with a proficiency in penmanship 
that few could equal. Naturally of a studious, speculative bent 
of mind his application to study did not cease with the passing 
of his schooldays but continued through life, his text-book the 
great volume of observation and his master that stern discipli- 
n arian — experience. 

If the treaty of the Abnakis remained inviolate by them — 
and who knows of a covenant that they broke — the trouble 
between the English and the French began to foment, breaking 
out afresh in 1744, in what became known as "King Georges 
War," during which the New England colonists, on June 17, 
1745, ^'O" that remarkable military surprise the capture of 
Louisburg, that French stronghold on the island of Cape Bre- 
ton styled respectively by friends and enemies as the Dunkirk 
and Gibraltar of America. 

In this active campaign the name of Samuel Blodget appears 
for the first time in public papers, though until the rolls of the 

* With the Chester records the spelling ol' this name, which had been Flegg 
until then, became Flagg, and has so continued since. He was settled in Chester 
as minister, June 23, 173(3. 


gallant men who conceived and carried out the audacious un- 
dertaking have been found and consulted, the capacity in which 
our hero served must remain in conjecture.* It seems to be 
the impression of those who have written of him that, judging 
by his subsequent career, he was connected with the commis- 
sary department. t As he was never what could be strictly 
termed " a fighting man," this deduction seems very plausible. 
Still it should not be forgotten that he was barely past his 
twenty-first birthday, with the " fire of youth " in his veins, and 
that he was not lacking in those qualities which would incite 
him to more active duties and the storm of battle, that taking 
into consideration the fact that thirty years later he stood mus- 
ket in hand with the bravest of the brave on the sanguinary 
field of Bunker Hill^l: is it not more than probable that by the 
side of his friends he scaled the ramparts of Louisburg ? 

Upon his return from the Louisburg campaign, having then 
reached his majority, he naturally looked for some means by 
which to earn his livelihood. He was not needed at home, and 
seeking the excitement of new fields, he went to Haverhill, 
Mass., where he engaged in traffic on the Merrimack between 
that city and Newburyport. 

Samuel Blodget's business must have proved quite profitable, 
for at the last sale of land lying between what is now Water 
Street and the river, in 1751, he bought a lot for a wharf. 
The same year he also bought a farm in what was then Goffs- 
town, but which later became a part of Manchester, N. H. 
This farm, which contained 317 acres, was situated on the south 
bank of Black Brook and about two miles west of Amoskeag 
village, between the Dunbarton and Goffstown roads. The 

* Several Woburn men, among them Jonas Wyman, a relative, who died dur- 
ing the siege of Cape Breton, were in the company of Captain Stevens of 

Andover, 2d (?) Mass. Reg. commanded by Col. Samuel Waldo, and it seems very 
probable that Samuel Blodget was with them. This, unfortunately, is one of the 
companies whose records cannot be found. SeeHon.Chas. Hudson's list of sol- 
diers published in the N. E. His-Gen. Reg. XXIV, 357-380; XXV, 249-269. From 
Mr. Hudson's list 1 find that Samuel's brother Caleb belonged to the 9th Mass. Reg., 
Col. Joseph Dwight commander, 9th company, Gershom Davis, Captain. A Nathan 
Blodgett belonged to the 8th compahy of this regiment. Captain Peter Hunt. 

t An idea originating with Judge Potter and adopted by others. 

t Chase's History of Haverhill, Mass. 


house was one of the first built in town, and was a large, old- 
styled farmhouse standing under a row of stately elms in later 
years. This historic residence eventually became a prey to fire, 
and the second dwelling raised over its cellars was also burned, 
July 6, 1885. The site of these houses are still plainly seen, 
though the old elms are gone. Just what attracted him to this 
place is not known, but no doubt his speculative mind had 
anticipated the profit likely to accrue from dealing in the pine 
lumber which grew so bountifully in this vicinity. There was 
no mill in Goffstown at that time and we soon find him plan- 
ning to have one constructed. 

December 29, 1748, he married Miss Hannah White, daugh- 
ter of Nicholas White of Plaistow, N. H., but then situated in 
the Haverhill District. Mr. White had served in the Louisburg 
expedition, and was a man of considerable prominence at the 
time. His brothers-in-law, Obadiah and John Ayers were 
among the proprietors of early Concord, N. H. 


1. William White, b. in England in 1610, came to Ipswich, 

Mass., in 1635, "lOved to Newbury the same year. In 
1640 removed to Haverhill, being one of the first settlers of 
that town, and was one of the grantees of the Indian deed 
of Haverhill, dated November 15^ 1642, said instrument it 
was said was both written and witnessed by him. He 

married Mary , who died February 22, 1681. He 

died September 28, 1690. 

2. John, only child of William and Mary White, was b. 

1640; m. in Salem November 25, 1662, Hannah French. 
He died January i, 1669. She m. {2) Thomas Philbrick 
of Hampton, N. H. 

3. John, Jr., only child of John and Hannah (French) White, 

was b. March 8, 1664 ; ^- October 24^ 1687, Lydia, dau. of 
Hon. John and Elizabeth (Treworthy) Oilman of Exeter, 
N. H., and a granddaughter of Edward Oilman, who came 
from Norfolk, England, 1638, with five children, to settle 
first in Hingham, Mass., second in Ipswich, and then, 
1650, in Exeter. Captain John White owned and com- 
manded a garrison house in Haverhill, Mass. He died 
Nov. 20, 1727. 

4. Nicholas, the sixth of the 14 children of John, was b. in 


Haverhill, Mass., Dec. 4, 1698 ; m. (i) Hannah, dau. of 
Samuel Ayers, who was killed by Indians in 170S. She d. 
January 25, 1732. He m, (2) Mary Calfe of Ipswich, and 
d. April 7, 1782. 
5. Hannah, 2d child of Nicholas and Hannah White, was b. 
in what is now Plaistow, N. H., September 8, 1726, m. 
Samuel Blodget December 29, 174S. 

With their second child a baby of a few months of age, he 
and Mrs. Blodget moved to their new home in a comparative 
wilderness soon after its purchase, though he did not abandon 
his interests in Haverhill. This was about four months before 
the granting of the Derryfield charter, though his farm did not 
come within the territory of the new township. 

It soon proved that he had chosed an unpropitious time to 
begin farming, if he had any serious intentions of making that 
his occupation, for he had barely got his family settled here 
before the period of peace the pioneers had been enjoying end- 
ed, and what became known as the French and Indian War 

Always among the tirst to offer his services he joined the 
New Hampshire regiment of five hundred men under Colonel 
Joseph Blanchard of Dunstable, and upon the organization of 
the expedition against Crown Point in 1755 he became sutler. 
In passing it is worthy of note that this regiment consisting of 
three companies commanded bv Captains John Goffe and John 
Moore of Derryfield, and Robert Rogers of Starktown (now 
Dunbarton) was raised in this vicinity. The last named com- 
pany, in which John Stark was a lieutenant, was chiefly em- 
ployed in ranging and reconnoitring and soon became known as 
"The Rangers," being the original of what evolved into that 
redoubtable battalion of Indian fighters widely known as "Rog- 
ers' Rangers," and without which a different fate must have 
awaited the New England colonists. 

While this expedition through a series of singular circum- 
stances failed to accomplish the object of the campaign, the 
gallant defense against the attacks of the French and Indians 
under Baron Dieskau on the shore of Lake George and the 


complete tout of the allied foes, raised the sinking hopes of the 
colonists and revived the courage of the English at home. 

In the autumn Colonel Johnson, after having erected what 
was called Fort William Henry, disbanded his forces, with the 
exception of 600 men retained to guard the works, Rogers and 
his Rangers being among them. 

The battle between the English and the French took place 
Septembers, and it would seem that Samuel Blodget must have 
come home soon after, for we then find him engaged in trade in 
Boston, as well as the projector of a little enterprise connected 
with the recent engagement at Lake George. In the issue of 
The Boston Gazette^ or Country journal oi December 22, 1755, 
we find the following advertisement : 


And sold by Samuel Blodget, at the South End of Boston, 
near the Sign of the Lamb, and opposite to Capt. Smith's. A 
prospective plan of 2 of the Engagements the Engtish has 
with the French at Lake George, on the 8th of September, 1755 ; 
exhibiting to the Eye a very lively as well as just Representa- 
tion of them; together with a Part of the Lake, the Camp, the 
Situation of each Regiment, with the Disadvantages attending 
them: The Appearance of the Canadians, Indians and Regu- 
lars, as they made their Approach to the Brest-works ; the 
Form of the Land and the Enemy ; together with the Advan- 
tage they had in their Ambuscade against Col. Williams. As 
also a Plan of Hudso?i' s River from New York to Albany; with 
such Marks as will be of great Service to Navigation: Likewise 
the River and Waggon Road from Albany to Lake George ; to- 
gether with a plan and Situation of each of the Forts that have 
been lately built. All which is carefully and neatly struck off 
from a large Copper Plate. 

N. B. There will be sold with each Plan a printed Pamphlet 
with Explanatory Notes, containing a full, tho' short History of 
that important Affair from the Beginning to the End of it, 

m^^The above Map, together with the Pamphlets, may be 
had of the Printers thereof. 

The pamphlet referred to was a quarto of six pages, entitled 
"A Prospective Plan of the Battle near Lake George, on the 
Eighth Day of September, 1755. With an Explanation thereof; 


Containing a full, tiio' short History of that important Affair, 
By Samuel Blodget, Occasionally at the Camp, when the Battle 
was fought. Boston ; New England. Printed by Richard 
Draper, for the Author. MDCCLV."* 

An edition of this pamphlet was hroughtout in London by T. 
Jeflerys in 1756. But it must soon have become scarce here, 
for in Thomas' "History of Printing" (second volume, second 
edition) it is stated that " Blodget's plan is rarely met with." 

A second expedition being planned for the capture of Crown 
Point in 1757, Mr. Blodget again enlisted and was attached to 
the New Hampshire regiment under Colonel Goffe, who, after 
making his memorable march through the wilderness by the 
way of old Number Four (now Charlestown, N. H.) to join 
General Webb at Albany, N. Y., was stationed at Fort William 
Henry under the command of Colonel Munro of the British 
regulars and the Provinicial troops. The important duty of 
sutler of the garrison was assigned to him immediately upon 
his arrival, and he held the position until the unfortunate clos- 
ing of the defense of the garrison. 

The importance of possessing this post, which was the key to 
the battlegrounds of that part of America, had already awak- 
ened the Marquis de Montcalm, commander of the allied 
forces of the enemy, to active plans in that direction. The win- 
ter before an unsuccessful attack had been made, its failure be- 
ing due to the alertness and effective action of Rogers and his 
Rangers. But Lord Loudon had so far withdrawn his troops 
from the proper defense of the colonists that the auspicious 
time for the French commander to act seemed to have come. 
Quick to improve an advantage he proceeded up the lake 
toward Colonel Munro's little garrison. • With the customary 
pusillanimity or cowardice of the British commanders in Ameri- 
ca at that time, General Webb, who then commanded the army 
in the region of Lake George, actually retreated to Fort Ed- 
ward, leaving the objective point of the French and their allies, 

* A copy of this rare pamphlet is now in the possession of the Massachusetts 
Historical Society, which also has another pamphlet with a fac simile of the plan 
and explanatory remarks by Samuel A. Greeu, M. D., to whom I wish to acknow- 
edffe my indebtedness for these facts. 


both numbering fully eight thousand men, defended by less 
than one-fourth of the number of the enemy. 

Still, with full confidence that Webb, who was less than fif- 
teen miles away with 6000 men, would come to his assistance 
in ample time to save him, Col. Munro prepared as best he 
could for his defense. Montcalm came, and for six days the 
brave Scotchman in command of Fort William Henry made a 
resistance as only he could have done supported by such men 
as came recruited from the clans of the Frazers, McKenzies, 
the Campbells and Grants, with the heroic Rangers of the 
Merrimack under the lead of Rogers. Disheartened but not 
daunted by the prolonged failure of Webb to appear, the inevi- 
table was submitted to with as good grace as possible, until the 
last grain of powder had been burned, cannon bursted and the 
fortress no longer tenable. Montcalm, with that gracious man- 
ner so natural to him, promised the broken spirited Munro that 
he should be allowed to depart in peace with his men, on the 
condition they should not take up arms for 18 months. Noth- 
ing else could be done, and the battle-worn veterans marched 
out of the garrison, stocked their guns, and in an orderly man- 
ner started toward Fort Edward to seek refuge with their un- 
faithful commander. 

So far Montcalm had acted the part of a magnanimous com- 
mander, but even he had not counted on the result. He had 
gained the consent of his red allies to accompany him by prom- 
ise of shares in the plunder. Then, the moment they saw they 
had been robbed of their reward, they began to manifest an un- 
easiness. One more greedy than prudent rushed forward to 
snatch a shawl from one of the women, and then another 
sought to get possession of a soldier's cap. Resistance was 
made, when in the midst of the struggle a painted chief leaped 
upon a stump in the centre of the clearing and gave the wild 
warwhoop of the Huron ! Its echo had not died away on the 
distant hillsides before the unarmed troops were attacked right 
and left. In vain Col. Munro called and emplored for protec- 
tion from his French conquerors. If Montcalm had acted a 
noble part in the terms of capitulation, he showed the opposite 


now. Perhaps he knew better than the others his helplessness 
to succor the hapless men and women, who were slaughtered 
like dumb creatures on every hand. 

It so happened that the New Hampshire men were in the 
rear and thus received the brunt of the massacre, dying like the 
brave men they were. Of the two hundred eighty fell victims 
to this inhuman treatment. The stories of the escapes of those 
who were fortunate enough to save their lives equalled in 
startling interest the inventions of the boldest romancer. 

Among the unfortunates was Samuel Blodget, and like his 
companions having no means of defense he improved an oppor- 
tunity to break through the yelling horde and reach the shore 
of Lake George, when he concealed himself under a batteau, 
until he deemed it safe to leave his place of concealment. 
Silence had settled upon the awful scene, where the dead lay 
strewn like driftwood on the banks of some overflowing tor- 
rent, but it proved the cunning red men still lingered about the 
desolate grounds. It may have been in the hope of finding 
some of the fugitives, for the moment he showed himself he 
was pounced upon by several Indians and quickly overpowered. 

In their eagerness for plunder the savages swiftly tore the 
clothes from his person, intending then to put him to the tor- 
ture. But the captors had counted "'without their host," The 
captive slipped from their clutches, and running swiftly to the 
edge of the lake sprang into the water before they could recov- 
er so as to give effectual pursuit. After swimming a long dis- 
tance, and then making a painful journey through the forest, he 
finally reached Fort Edward on the third day. 

One of Mr. Blodget's biographers,* who has been largely 
quoted by all others in speaking of him, was inclined to the 
belief that soon after his escape from "the Massacre a t Fort 
William Henry" he established himself in business at Boston. 
He was there for a short time, but returned to the army the fol. 
lowing spring, and he remained at Fort Edward for nearly a year^ 
as witness the following order, the original of which is in Wo- 

* Judge Potter. 


burn, Mass., Public Library, contributed to it by Dr. Samuel 
A. Green, Librarian of the Massachusetts Historical society: 
"Camp at Lake George, 

" October ye 4th 1758 

Pleas to Deliver to Ephraim Severns a soldier In my 
Company In Col. Nichols Regiment, to ye Value of four Shil- 
lings, Lawful money out of your S'.ores, which I Promise to 
Stop out of his Pay on the Rools for you, for which this Shall 
Be your Voucher. 

"To Mr. Samuel Blodget, Qr. Master. 
"19s (Endorsed) 

This shows that he held the commission of Quartermaster at 
the time, while the following statement from the Diary of 
Lieut. Samuel Thompson and Woburn Men in the French and 
Indian Wars shows the esteem with which he was looked upon 
by his fellow men : 

"I Isaac Merriam at Fort Edward fell in sick Some Time in 
July & had a permitt to Com Down to albany In Company with 
a Number of other sick and at my arrival Did Apply to Com- 
asary of the Kings Hospital for my Self & others was Refused. 
But Mr. Blodget arrived at Albany we all apply to him who 
Supplied us with Nessariys we wanted to our Great joy & Sat- 
isfac'n and did continue so to do Till I Left albany the 20th of 
October and of the Opinion that Great numbers would have 
suffered had it not ben for Mr. Blodget Supply, their being for 
Sum Time Neither Doc or Oflfiicer to Do anything for us & the 

Sick Sent almost every week and in Great Numbers — & for 

Near a Month Before I came away had Recovered so far as to 
becom helpful for Coming Necesssry to the poor helpless Creat- 
ures and always found m Blodget Ready & willing to Supply 
me with sutch things as I went for. 

"Suffolk SS. Boston March 14 1760. 

"The above Named Isaac Marion Personaly appeared and 
made Solemn oath that the above declaration by him Sub- 
scribed is Just and True. 

" Coram John Phillips 

"Just. Pacis." 
It is shown by the above papers that he was on the frontier 
as late as October, 1758, but it is probable that soon after he 


returned to his home^ where he remained that winter. But the 
following spring he appears in Boston, engaged in the ready 
made clothing business, as shown by a receipt signed by Messrs. 
Chase and Russell, in May, 1759.* December 10, 1759, from 
an advertisement in the Gazette we learn that he was a trader 
on Marlborough Street, where he sold English goods, sugars, 
hats, etc., and also where " Officers and soldiers who have 
lately been discharged, may be supplied at the lowest Price, 
till their Muster-Roils are made up/' proving that he had rela- 
tions still with the army. 

Having seen enough of military life to satisfy him for a time^ 
at least, he now gave his undivided attention to business, enter- 
ing at once upon that career of success which won for him a 
wide-spread acquaintance and confidence of people. Not satis- 
fied with doing one thing at a time, with that versatile capacity 
of his which seemed almost unbounded in its scope, he started 
into other branches of business, starting in September of the 
same year that he went to Boston one of the first '' pot and pearl 
ash works" in the country at Haverhill, Mass., on the bank of 
Mill Brook. Taking in as a partner Mr. John Greene, of Ha- 
verhill, and finding the works extremely lucrative, he extended 
the business to Goffstown, New Boston and Hampstead, N. H. 
Haverhill was becoming a trading centre and foreseeing the 
profit likely to come from furnishing supplies to his workmen^ as 
well as to the public at large, in 1765 he established a general 
store at Haverhill, and placed it in charge of Mr. Nathaniel 
Walker, Jr. This store was continued for seven years, or until 
1772. Already he had begun in the lumber traffic and finding 
that profitable, January 10, 1765, he built a saw mill at Black 
Brook so as to manufacture his lumber himself. Buying a little 
later in the year large tracts of timber land in Goffstown and 
Hooksett, he soon after opened a general stove in the former 
town. Still retaining his clothing business in Boston he may be 
said to have been at the height'of his success as a business man. 

At this time we find that he had interests and influence in 


Still another direction, for in 1764 his name, with those of his 
sons, then all minors, Samuel, Jr., Nathan, Calebj and William, 
were among the grantees of Franconia. 

In addition to the branches of business already mentioned he 
entered quite successfully into the fur trade, making large and 
frequent shipments to London of furs, pot and pearl ashes^ Sir 
William Baker, Lord John Havergal and others of equal note 
being among his customers. His merchandise was exchanged 
for these commodities and thus he realized a double profit on 
all he handled. His lumber found a ready market in Haver- 
hill and Newburyport, whence he moved it by river transit, run- 
ning it over the falls at high water, or drawing it past those 
places by team. At this time, bearing the extra cost of this 
way of transport, he doubtless foresaw the great benefit likely 
to come from a system of canals on the Merrimack, though 
there is nothing to show that he contemplated then that which 
was to prove the master work of his long and energetic life.* 

Speaking of him at this period Judge Potter said : "He 
became widely known throughout the country as a merchant of 
energy and great probity, — and by means of such extensive 
acquaintance was able afterwards to accomplish undertakings 
beyond the means of ordinary men. The people of Boston 
placed great confidence in him, and he was on terms of inti- 
macy with some of the most distinguished citizens." 

The truth of this wholesome flattery was borne out by the fact 
that he was chosen chairman of two committees of importance 
at a meeting of its voters of Boston, in Fanueil hall, March 
14, 1768. 

In 1769, after ten years of business in Boston, with the ex- 
ception of about ten months in 1764 when he was in Medford, 
he sold out there and moved his family back to Gofifstown, 
where he continued to carry on his other enterprises with re- 
newed vigor. It is easy to imagine that he at once obtained a 
high place in society, and from his genial, courteous, enthusias- 

* Mr. Everett, in his sketch of Samuel Blodget, says : "The idea once grasped 
by him became the ruling passion of his later years. But the breaking out of the 
B evolution prevented the consummation of his scheme at that time, though it was 
eimply postponed, not abandoned." 


tic manner became very popular. He was among the rich- 
est, if not the richest man, in this vicinity, and with interests so 
broad and widely scattered, for those times, took his natural 
position as a leading citizen. 

In 1770 the governor appointed him Collector of the Excise 
of the Province of New Hampshire, and notwithstanding the 
general disfavor from the people that these officers met else- 
where, he retained the confidence and friendship of the public 
through two terms of the ardous duties of the position. Some 
thing of the straightforwardness of his character, as well as his 
method of procedure, is illustrated by the following petition, the 
original of which is still among the state papers : 

Province of New Hampshire. 
To his Excellency, John Wentworth, Esquire, Captain Genera 
and Commander in Chief, in and over His Majesty's Prov 
ince of New Hampshire, and to the Honourable, his Ma 
jesty's Council for said Province : — 

Humbly shews Samuel Blodget collector of the Excise of the 
said Province of New Hampshire for the present year. That 
during the last year he was collector of the Excise and that 
sundry persons who had sold spirituous liquors, drew out their 
Accounts in a very loose uncertain manner and made applica- 
tion to Richard Jenniss, Esquire, who administered oathes to 
them in such a loose way that the oath only included what they 
had sold during eleven months of the time without mentioning 
what had been sold by other persons by and under Them, and 
afterwards deducted Twenty per cent, out of what they had 
sold which makes near Eighty per cent, allowance for wastage, 
&c. instead of the twent per cent, allowed by law; and one of 
these persons so sworn before said Jenniss and paid the Excise 
accordingly : by means of all which, Your Petitioner Humbly 
apprehends if the said Jenniss is suffered to continue swearing 
Those Sellers of Spirituous Liquors that his Majesty's revenue 
will be greatly Diminished and the Excise of the Government 
Rendered of very little value, wherefore your Petitioner most 
Humbly prays that your Excellency and Honors would take the 
matter under your wise consideration and Recommend to said 
Jenniss not to administer the oath to any person respecting 
their Excise for the present year, or to make such other order 
or determination thereon as to your Excellency an 1 Honors in 


vour great wisdom, shall seem best and your petitioner will ever 
^ray, &c. SAMUEL BLODGET. 

Portsmouth, March the 13th 1771. 

Governor Wentworth carrying into effect, in lyyi.his plan 
of dividing the province into five counties, named Rockingham, 
Strafford, Hillsborough, Cheshire and Grafton, all so called in 
honor of dignitaries of the old country, Samuel Blodget re- 
ceived a commission as Justice of the Inferior Court of Com- 
mon Pleas for the County of Hillsborough, which he held until 
the end of the king's power over the province and the conse- 
quent dissolution of the provincial courts of justice. At this 
distant day it is difficult to realize the feeling of prejudice the 
colonists were then beginning to bear against those who held 
offices under the crown, and therefore we cannot fully appreci- 
ate the generous conduct of him who could treat boih sides 
with such fair mindedness as to retain their respect and confi- 
dence. Judge Blodget did that, even accepting a more per- 
plexing trust and discharging its arduous duties with that 
never failing tact which always gave him friends and ardent 

The following letter was written by him about (his time, the 
orio-inal of which is in the possession of the Woburn (Mass.) 
Public Library — i — 97 : 

Inscription JAMES FOWLE, ESQR. 

in Woburn. 

Goffstown, Aug. 26, 1771. 

My uncle Benj will shortly pay you a visit. You must not 
expect me to pay anything for him ; as he has left me and has 
Reported abought this Town that I had agreed to Give him 
Large wages — But poor old man will shortly feel the effect of 
his Ingratitude and abuse of my family ; he might have lived 
with me to the end of his life, provided Truth and Gratitude 
had been his guid ; this he is a stranger to, you are not a 
Stranger to occasion of my Taking of him— paying his Debts 
&c but more of this when J have the pleasure of seeing you in 
meen time J am your 

friend and humble Servant 



This James Fowle will be remembered as one of his school- 
masters, and shows that he had kept in touch with him through 
all of those years. It also gives us a glimpse of the kindness 
and solicitation of his nature. We come now to one of the 
most trying situations of his life. 

Benning VVeniworth was succeeded as Governor of the Prov- 
ince of New Hampshire by his nephew under an appointment 
of August II, 1766, and in addition to his commission of the 
office of his predecessor he was made Surveyor of the woods in 
North America, with the object' of putting into execution the 
acts of parliament for the preservation of " the king's woods from 
trespass & waste and for the additional raising of revenue." 
This proved one of the most unpopular acts of the old country 
and tended to stir up contention wherever it was attempted to 
be carried out. Governor Wentworth ckose his deputies 
wherever pines abounded, and these officers were the source of 
trouble and bitter feeling on every hand. Under the provisions 
of this act the owner of land growing pines must have one of 
the deputy surveyors survey his trees and mark all reserved for 
the king before he could fell one ! The royal totem was a 
broad arrow carved in the bark of the tree or blazoned on the 
log if found cut down. Inability to meet the expense of this 
marking was no excuse, and whoever was found guilty of this 
offense had his logs confisticated immediately. Be they still in 
logs at the mill, hewn timber for house or barn, the deputy 
placed the king's mark upon them, when no one dared to touch 
them ! The property was advertised and sold at public auc- 
tion, the proceeds going into the royal treasury. All white 
pines ranging from fifteen to thirty-six inches in diameter were 
included in this reserve for the English navy. 

Seizures were of common occurrence wherever pines abound- 
ed and mills had been built. In the winter of 1771-2 intense 
excitement was caused in this vicinity by an extensive visita- 
tion from the governor's deputies, nearly all of the mill yards on 
the Piscataquog being found with logs coming within the sizes of 
^he king's reservation. The broad arrow was blazoned on every 


one claimed by royal authority and the natural owner notified to 
appear in court and show if he could why he should not 
forfeit them. The citation at this time was published in the 
New Hampshire Gazette of Feb. 7, 1772, and read as follows: 

All persons claiming property in the following WHITE 
PINE LOGS, seized by order of the SURVEYOR GENERAL 
in Goffstown and Weare, in the Province of New Hampshire, 
may appear at Court of Vice Admiralty to be held at Ports- 
mouth, on Thursday the 27th instant at Ten of the clock a. m 
and shew cause why the same should not be declared forfeited, 
agreeable to all information filed in said Court. 

200 White Pine Logs from 15 to 30 inches diameter lying at 
Richard's mill in Goffstown. 

250 Ditto from 15 to 35 inches diameter at Patty's mill. 

35 Ditto from 36 to 20 ditto at Dow's mill. 

140 Ditto from 30 to 18 ditto at Asa Patty's old mill. 

270 Ditto from 36 to 17 ditto at Clement's mill in Weare. 

154 Ditto from 36 to 15 at Job Rowell's mill. 

Also 74 bundles of Clapboards at Merrimack River. 
Portsmouth^ Feb. 5, 1772. 


Finding themselves in this unpleasant situation, and know- 
ing that their chances would be improved by having some influ- 
ential person confer with the governor's officers, Samuel Blod- 
get was unanimously selected for the purpose. Accordingly he 
went to Portsmouth and succeeded in effecting a compromise, 
whereby the offenders were to pay a moderate compensation 
for the transgression of the law, when information against them 
was to be withdrawn. Judge Blodget was appointed the agent 
by the governor to settle with the offenders. At the same time 
he was appointed Deputy Surveyor for 34 towns in the Merri- 
mack Valley. The following is a transcript of his commission : 

To Samuel Blodget of Gofifstown, in said province 

(L. S.) Esq. 

Whereas, His Majesty, by his Royal Commission, dated the 
16th day of July, 1766, hath been graciously pleased to appoint 
me Surveyor General of all His Majesty's woods, in North 
America, with power to appoint deputies and under officers^ 
to carry the said service effectually in execution ; 

I do, therefore, by virtue of authority vested in me by said 


commission, appoint and depute you, to preserve the King's 
woods from trespass or waste, and to put in execution all the 
acts of Parliament, and Statutes enacted for that purpose, and 
to do and perform all acts and things whatsoever, to the said 
office appertaining, in the following f)istricts, viz: — Goffstown, 
Bedford, Weare, Pembroke, Allenstown, Bow, Dunbartown, 
Merrimack, Amherst, Litchfield, Chester, Concord, Boscawen, 
Hopkinton, New Boston, Sanbornton, New Salisbury, Canter- 
bury, Methuen, Wilton, Peterborough, Temple, Plymouth, New 
Chester, Alexandria, New Britian, Meredith, Lyndborough, 
Henneker, New Amesbury and Camden, all in the aforesaid 
province, and also Haverhill, Andover, Dracut, Chelmsford, 
and Ipswich, in the Province of Mass. Bay; Hereby authoriz- 
ing and requiring you, the said Sam. Blodget, to forbid and 
prevent, by all lawful means, to violation of said acts, and to 
seize and Mark for his majesty's use, all pine timber that you 
may find cut and hauled from the King's woods, without license 
first had and obtained from me, and all offenders aforesaid, to 
prosecute and to punish, as to law and justice appertains. And 
you, the said Sam. Blodget, are hereby required to return to 
me an exact account of your proceedings herein, quarterly, 
from this date, or oftener, if occasion shall require, and for 
your encouragement to exert yourself with diligence and fideli- 
ty in ihe duties of the said office, you will receive such com- 
pensation for your services, as your merit shall appear to me to 
deserve, out of the fines and forfeitures only, that may accrue 
or be levied by your means. This warrant to be in force dur- 
ing pleasure only. Given under my hand and seal, at Ports- 
mouth, the nth day of Februarv, 1772. 

Samuel Blodget, Esq. 

To be Assistant Deputy Surveyor of the woods. 

Upon his return from Portsmouth, Mr. Blodget sent a copy 
of the following letter to each of the offenders : 

Goffstown, Feb, 24, 1772. 
Sir; — The late seizure of White Pine Logs, has caused me a 
disagreeable journey to Portsmouth, at the special request of a 
number of my friends, to solicit the Governor in the behalf of 
them who have unnecessarily trespassed in cutting the King's 
timber, &c. His F,xcellency thought fit to deputise me one of 
his Majesty's Surveyors of the King's woods in this Western 
District, thereby authorizing me to carry The King's laws into 
execution. As they are very severe, I shall be very loath to 


prosecute unless obstinate or notorious offenders force it upon 
me; of which I give you this early notice, at the same time, 
acquaint you his Excellency has pleased to put it in my hands 
to make the matter easy to you, 


Mr, Blodget's efforts were rewarded by a soeedy settlement 
with all of the trespassers, who then obtained possession of 
their logs, with the exception of the owners of the logs at 
Clement's mills in Weare, at what is now called the Oil Mills. 
These parties resisted and when the sheriff came to serve a 
warrant on them he and his assistants were routed after being 
unmercifully beaten by the indignant inhabitants of the vicin- 
ity ! Of course this conduct was rank treason and the affair 
produced extreme excitement far and near. Again Judge 
Blodget was called upon to use all of his persuasive powers to 
conciliate matters. Future events proved, if his conduct did 
not then, that his sympathies were with the oppressed colonists. 
It is true they were defying the law, but it was a law without 
reason or justice. As iniquitous as were the stamp act and the 
duty on tea, this was equally so, and though bearing it as well, 
or better, than might be expected, it served to get the province 
into a turmoil. Governor Wentworth soon saw his mistake in 
trying to enforce such an odious measure, but not till the seeds 
of discontent had been sown which was to bring a harvest of 
patriots of the pines which became whirlwinds to the red-coated 
soldiers of King George on the battlefields of Bunker Hill and 
Bennington. A writer* in speaking of this matter has said : 
" It is strange Mr. Blodget should have accepted an office to 
which was attached such disagreeable duties; stranger still that 
he could perform such duties and still retain the respect and es- 
teem of his neighbors as he seemed to do." He was conversa- 
tive enough in his views and aims to realize that an obnoxious 
law could be administered by kindly argument where a more 
arbitary officer would raise fierce dissension, by which nothing 
.could be gained by precipitation ; and they knew it was the law 
and not its upholder in this case which was wrong. When the 

* Heury Everett. 


Struggle came, as it did in a short time, he was found among 
the first with the loyal sons of the Merrimack valley at the 

At the time of the battle of Lexington, his term of offices 
under the king having expired, he was engaged in trade at 
Goffstown.* But no sooner had the news of this opening of 
hostilities reached him than he again entered the service of his 
country. He was actively engaged in the Battle of Bunker 
Hill,t though belonging to the commissary department of the 
Continental army, later being appointed sutler of Gen. Sulli- 
van's brigade, stationed upon Winter Hill. Mr. Blodget was no 
alone caterer to the common soldiers, but the following items 
selected from the accounts of the Commissary General Trum- 
bull we find : 

April I, 1776, By Bread to Brig. Maj. Scammons, 435 

General Sullivan's Table 249 

B'g Q. M. G. Frazier 156 

Genl Lee's Table 96 

Upon the removal of General Sullivan's Brigade from Boston, 
Judge Blodget returned to his interests in Goffstown, having 
concluded that he had seen enough of conflict. He was then 
in his fifty-third year, and though not an old man by any means, 
nor broken in health, had less desire for the stirring scenes of 
war than in his younger years. But he never hesitated to lend 
his assistance in every other way to the cause and his pocket 
book was always open to its benefit. If he was not in active 
service the family was certainly to do its part, for he had two 
sons at the front. 

At the raising of the three Continental Battalions his second 
son, Samuel, Jr., volunteered his services and November 7, 
1776, was commissioned Captain of Company 8, in Colonel 
Enoch Poor's regiment. Nathan Hale of Rindge having been 
Colonel at time of muster, Colonel Poor afterward promot- 
ed. These were three years' men, but in December, 1777, for 
some reason unknown. Captain Blodget resigned, and went in- 

* Potter. 

t Chase's History of Haverhill, Mass. 


to trade in Exeter, which proved a failure the following year, 
by which his father was involved to the extent 42i9lbs-8s-2d. 
This amount Judge Blodget afterward paid with his usual good 
grace, the following statement being found at the front of the 
page containing his son's accounts : 

"Boston, Oct. II, 1788. This act, though attended with 
great loss is given up and a receipt given in full discharge; it 
being consented to by the children then present, viz. : Nathan 
Blodget, Abigail Stickney, Polly Oilman and Caleb." 

Caleb, the second son, only sixteen, was appointed an ensign 
in the Continental Army in 1779, and promoted to Lieutenant 
and Quartermaster in 1781. He was described in the enlisting 
papers as Caleb Blodget of Goffstown, light complexion, blue 
eyes, 16 years old, 5 ft., 6 inches tall.* 

Something of Judge Blodget's generosity and public spirit 
may be learned from the following proclamation issued by him 
in 1777; fo'' th^ purpose of encouraging the growth of wool and 
flax in town : 


March the ist, 1777. 

Whereas Wool and Flax are scarce articles amongst the In- 
habitants of Goffstown they not raising a quantity equal to 
their own consumption, and is probable theire wants will En- 
crease ; as a small Incouragement to sd Inhabitants ; I do 
promise to give the following bounty on the above articles of 
flax ; and on Lambs for the increase of wool, and I do promise 
to give Every Freeholder and an Inhabitant of Goffstown in 
the State of New Hampshire the Following bounteys upon the 
Following condition ; that is to say ; two pence per head upon 
any number between ten and Twenty, and three pence per head 
upon any number between Thirty and forty, provided the 
Lambs survive the first day of next August, at the which time 
the bounty will be paid with this proviso ; that they neither 
Kill or sutler to be Killed, any sheep or Lambs either for sale 
or private consumption, between the last day of May and the 
first day of the aforesaid August ; the breach of this last pro- 
viso ; will be considered as a bar against the above bounty; and 

* War iiolls, Vol. I, p. 552. Ditto, p. 664, Vol. Ill, April 5, 1780, Captain Blod- 
pet attests to a soldier's certificate as a substitute in the sum of 200 lbs. for Mr 
Moses Eastman. 


as Bears in this quarter ; often destroy the sheep and Lambs, 
the aforesaid Inhabitants are Intitled to twenty shillings per 
head for every grown Bear they shall kill within the bounds of 
said Goffstown between the month of April and the month of 
October following ; provided the head of sd Bear or bears be 
presented and delivered to me at my house in Goffatown within 
twenty-four hours after sd Bear is killed; — also a further 
bounty on Flax ; that any Inhabitant aforesaid shall be Inti- 
tled to two pence per pound upon any quantity of well dressed 
flax above five hundred pounds ; that he shall raise this present 
Season and upon his own farme within the Town aforesaid ; 
provided he apply between the month of November next and the 
first day of March following; — be it Remembered, in case 
the several number of Lambs, the Quantity of Flax ; and the 
Beares, according to the several Bounteys, shall not exceed the 
sum of one hundred dollars ; the First applyance will have the 
preferance — N. B. the donor Esxludes himself from any part 
of the aforesaid Bounteys. 

As the above Bounteys are given with a Real design to En- 
crease the growth of wool and flax amongst us, the donor hopes 
no one will apply unless he is really Intitled to some of the 
aforesaid Bounteys according to the true intent and meaning of 
this Instrument, and willing to answer any Reasonable Ques- 
tion on oath that may be asked. 

Dated March the ist, 1777. 

N. B. The Flax is expected to be dressed according to the 
usual custom of this place. 

We have found no records to show who competed for these 
prizes. If none did so, or if he paid the full amount stipulated, 
it shows the generous nature and the public spirit of the man. 
That his popularity was general is shown by the fact that at the 
first session of the Honourable House of Representatives held 
at Exeter on the third Wednesday of December (16), 177S-9, 
Judge Blodget represented Goffstown and Derryfield, which 
were classed together.* 

In 1780 he served as Town Treasurer of Goffstown, and the 
year following he was elected one of the Selectmen, and dur- 
ing his remaining stay in Goffstown he was continually in office, 
serving as Moderator several years. Besides being called up- 

* From original volume in Secretary of State's office labeled "Members, etc. 
1775-81." State Papers, Bachellor, Vol. VIII, p. 820. 


on to do the bubiness at home he was often appealed to from 
all over the county, was often the referee in important cases, 
Judge of Probate, before the County courts or the Legislature. 
A man of energy and character he was looked up to by every 
one. This may truly be said to have been the most prosperous 
period of his life, and quite as certain the most happy one. 
Those giant schemes which were to be productive of so much 
good and make his name more widely known, but which were 
to despoil him of his well earned fortune and break him down 
in health still slumbered in the chambers of his mind. But it 
must have been soon after^ it not at that time, when he was 
studying upon his invention' for raising ships or sunken bodies 
from the bottom of rivers, seas and other parts of water. His 
friends tried to discourage him in what they considered a fruit- 
less expenditure of time^ and his enemies poohed at the visions 
of an old man. (He was then 58.) But his nature was not 
one to be turned from its purpose, and laboring night and day, 
with such anxiety as only an inventor can know, he completed 
his "diving tongues," as the machine was called, in 1782. It 
would seem as if the golden opportunity to test the work was 
at hand, for the following year a vessel went down of¥ Plymouth 
with a valuable cargo. 

Judge Blodget lost no time in entering into such preparations 
as were necessary to test his invention. Reaching the spot in a 
small vessel he for the first time put his machine to use. After 
some delays and vexations he succeeded in raising the sunken 
ship intact ! Besides receiving a goo^ sum as reward he at 
once put himself in a way to insure a handsome competence. 
But he was not one to be satisfied with ordinary success. It 
was not enough that he should command. " A common man," 
says Judge Potter, "at the age of nearly three scores jears, 
would doubtless have been content with a first success, particu- 
larly when favored with a competence ; but Judge Blodget was 
an uncommon man, and at his advanced age of life he deter- 
mined upon visiting Europe, to bring the value of his invention 
before the people of the old countries." 

Accordingly he began to arrange for a trip across the ocean 


at once. The better to carry cut his plans, he formed a part- 
nership with Mr. John Stoughton of Haverhill and Mr. John 
Codmanj Jr., of Boston, Mass., furnishing one-half of the capi- 
tal himself, the first of his partners one-third, and the other one- 
sixth. He had heard of a Spanish government ship which had 
been wrecked off the coast of Portugal, having for a part of its 
cargo a large amount of coin, he resolved to seek the oppor- 
tunity to put his diving tongues to another test. Accordingly 
armed with papers of recommendation from the most distin- 
tinguished men of New England, among them the Governor of 
Massachusetts, he set forth on his uncertain voyage, accompa- 
nied by Mr. Stoughton. Upon the margin of his passport, 
bearing dale of June 20, 17S6, was written in the governor's 
own hand the following: 

I do hereby certify that the said Blodget is by good Judges, 
reputed to have great knowledge in ye mechanical powers, and 
he has distinguished himself by recovering from vessels 
wrecked, and sunk in deep waters, the goods and cargo with 
which they were laden, and that he is a gentlemen of good 
education and character. 


Leaving Boston on the 25th, he and Mr. Stoughton eventually 
arrived at Lisbon, to find that they were too late to display their 
invention upon the Spanish government ship, as its treasures 
had been mostly recovered and the ship " gone to pieces." But 
upon being advised of a vessel having sunk off the Spanish 
coast, going down with a cargo of bars of copper, they resolved 
to repair thither, under the direction of General Munzo, to 
whom they had been introduced by the Ambassador of Spain, 
Here they would have been successful but for a quarrel among 
their Spanish helpers, and desertion of a part of their num- 
ber. Finding that their efforts were likely to go unrewarded if 
successful, the two men then returned to England, out of the 
pocket and with but poor promise ahead. However, Judge 
Blodget soon conceived the idea of raising the English naval 
ship Royal George, which had gone down with such dramatical 
effect several years before. His invention had met with a fav- 


orable report, and finally successful in bringing the matter be- 
fore the Lord Commissioners of Admiralty, he received the 
courteous invitation : 

Admiralty Office, 23d Nov. 17S6. 
Sir: — Having communicated to my Lords Commissioners of 
the Admiralty, your letter of the i3ih inst, informing them of 
your having discovered a mode of applying fastenings to bodies 
under water, by which means you can take up ships from any 
depth, not exceeding twenty five fathoms ; I am in return com- 
manded by their lordships to desire you will attend them at 
this office next Tucbday at 12 o'clock, 
I am. Sir : 

Your very humble servant, 

To Samuel Blodget Charlton Si. 

At this meeting Judge Blodget was shown every respect 
possible, but Lis offer to raise the hulk of the Royal George 
was refused upon the rather peculiar ground that " she was 
not needed." A new vessel already christened by that name 
was in process of building, and it would be awkward to have 
two Royal Georges on hand. As there was no other opportu- 
nity for the inventor to prove his claims, he was forced to re- 
tire, his experiment having proved a costly venture. Unwilling 
to return under the cloud of his failure, and somewhat broken 
in health, he spent the following seven months in sight-seeing, 
visiting many parts of the Kingdom, It was during this^ the 
first and only vacation of his life, that he wrote home the fol- 
lowing memorandum : 


London, May 16, 17S7. 
Hon Sir 

Please to write as often as may be convenient & to be very 
Particular respecting my children.* 

If Billy should be in Boston when you arrive there Please to 
advise his being sent to me as soon as may be convenient, tak- 

* Judge Blodgel's graiulcliildren and his wards. 


ing the necessary care in providing for him every essential to 
make his voyage comfortable. 

Also I am sure everything will be done by M Oilman to for- 
ward the Education of my litttle Girls. Yet I should like to 
have your opinion of the Genius, situation & the Progress they 
make in Learning to read, write, draw, Dance, &c., &:c. 

Dancing I believe to be very essential to give them confi- 
dence and a graceful deportment, as well as to their health. 
Therefore I wish they may be sent to the Best schools in Bos- 
ton. In short I would have no reasonable expense saved for 
in comparison with the general advantage which may be gained, 
By their constant application to useful Learning, a little money 
can be no object. 

& Pray let their day be divided into Particular hours so as to 
allow a sufficient time for each employment. They may work 
with their needle 2 hours, write 2 hours, dance 2 hours, play on 
the Guittar or piano forte 2 hours, & so on through the day & 
let their hours be fixt by a weekly arrangement, so that they 
may know what to do before their time comes. — In fine weath- 
er let all the little children that may be in Town go into the 
common together either early in the morning or in the after- 
noon. This will give them a free enjoyment of the air & con- 
tribute much to their health. I would have the Children 
dressed neatly & clean, but not fine. I mean not in Rich or 
Gaudy colours. In London the Girls all wear white with Blue 
or Pink sashes & have no other Colours in their dress — Boys 
are dressed in Green or Scarlet & this method of Dress pleases 

I am an advocate for particular attention to Children & wish 
my little girls to be treated as if they were women and never to 
have them Punished if it is Possible to flatter them or reason 
them into their duty, nevertheless I am willing to leave Mrs. G. 
to her own method, which I dare say will be in most respects 
similar to mine. 

Above all things I would have them love each other & con - 
sider Betsey Gilmau & the Little Stickneys as Brothers and 
Sisters for this must be of great Importance at some future 
time. Therefore anything that may tend to increase their af- 
fection & friendship for each other must not be neglected. 

I have no particular directions for the Boys, but to have 
them employed every hour at something, when they are not at 
school. Pray insist on their Playing, but do not be very rigour- 
ous in anything except when you command them not to be 
idle. You may let them choose their employment whether at 


work or play as often as may be proper for them they will see 
that they are among friends & contract a degree of love and re- 
spect for you. Pray don't neglect to make all the Children 
sensible that their own good is the Principle or only object in 
all your conduct toward them, for if they are fully convinced of 
this Important truth, they will (by Imitation) contract the 
most amiable habits & be forever what we all must wish they 
will be Beloved and respected by every one who may be hon- 
oured with their acquaintance. 

You will please not to mention any thing you have seen or 
that I have told you respecting our embarrassments to any Body 
(Caleb & Mr. Oilman excepted) It requires but a small extra 
exertion to relieve me &: they surely will not neglect me when 
they know our future fortune depends on their exertions. 

This memorandum may be shown to Mr. Oilman Mrs. Gil- 
man & Caleb if you please but not to nobody else — 

It will be a great mistake if I am not Immediately relieved in 

the manner pointed out Nothing but absolute madness can 

Prevent my being placed in a very different situation from that 
I have remained too long 

But as I know Mr. Oilman has done everything he thought 
Prudent, I bear every disappointment patiently for I consider the 
evils I have suffered as unavoidable — But they may be pre- 
vented in future, & will be I am sure, as I know Mr. Oilman 
will not fail to exert himself to the Purpose 

Tell Mr Oilman that my health is much better than for i8 
months Past that I hope soon to be Intirely recovered 

I wish you to send a few foxes flying & Oray Squirrels, yel- 
low Birds & wood Ducks, &c., &c. — for which I will pay 
whatever they may cost in trouble, &:c., as several Persons wh3 
have befriended me in my distress have a right to expect some 
return^ and I am very anxious to make them a pres:int as soon 
as I havean opportunity. I should like to begin by Presenting 
them withsome Curiosity of our Country. Cushing, Davis, Bar- 
nard orany friend of ours will bring them for me. 

Pray let your letters to me be as full as Possible as the small- 
est occurrence whether Political or of whatever nature — the 
smallest trifles are Important to me. In Particular remember 
all our domestic concerns of every nature. Jf you should write 
Nathan remind him of his neglect to write me or remit me — 
ask him what I have done to forfeit his friendship. 

After giving an estimate of a bridge across the Merrimack 
River at Haverhill to Newbury, and a few minor items refer- 


ring to accounts with others, he closes his Memorandum with 
the following : 

With respect to our American Paper I should be glad to hear 
from time to time of its value & with you to have the opinion 
of Mr Gilman on the Propriety of a considerable speculation. 
I wrote to Mr. Gilman on the Subject but told him not to men- 
tion it to any Body. He may how ever consult who he Pleases 
as I mean to be entirely governed by him in all the measures 1 

take * 

V Returning from his trip abroad in the summer of 1787, he 
opened a general store in Haverhill, Mass., Sept. i, 1787, soon 
after supplying his son William, who was still running the store 
at Goffstown, with a bill of goods. He continued in this store 
for three years, though his active mind would not allow him to 
confine himself exclusively to trade. In 1788^ he established a 
stage line between that town and Boston, which was run regu- 
larly for two or three years, under his control. This appears to 
be the first coach line in that vicinity and one of the first in the 
country. Meeting with good success in that venture, he with 
others established another line, connecting Haverhill with Con- 
cord this state, though this did not become permanent. 

In the three years in trade there he had so far recovered his 
shattered fortune as to start a duck manufactory in 1790. That 
was the same year that Slater and his company of pioneer 
manufacturers were establishing their cotton mills at Pawtucket, 
though little dreaming of the countless number of men, women 
and children their industry was destined to give employment. 
It is worthy of note that it was this year, 1790, that the inven- 
tion by the English divine. Dr. Cartwright, of the power loom, 
which was to be such a potent factor in the development of 
Manchester, was first tried in that city for which it was named, 
and the invention destroyed by an exasperated mob, but labor 
saving machinery was sure to come, and the power loom fore- 
most in the list. 

Judge Blodget was successful with the making of duck, and 
respected by the people at large, he was elected representative 

* The original of these memorandums is now iu possession of Mrs. Eunice K. 
Brown a descendant. 


to the legislature from Haverhill in 1791. He was again at the 
height of prosperity, but his restless, ambitious spirit was not 
satisfied. The proposition of the Middlesex canal, which had 
originated with Hon. James Sullivan, was an absorbing theme of 
conversation everywhere in business circles. That was a period 
of rapid improvement. Boston was becoming a thriving town 
of twenty thousand inhabitants, and there were suburbs that 
only needed the stimulus of trade to give them place and pow- 
er. The valley of the Merrimack, far up into New Hamp- 
shire, even the country into Vermont, if sparsely settled, prom- 
ised a rich harvest of trade to the centres which could draw it. 
Better means of communications was thus the great question of 
the day. Turnpikes, under the control of corporations, were 
the main arteries of business. Moved by slow-going ox-teams, 
over these priced highways, the transportation of the country 
produce, lumber, firewood and building material became at 
once tedious and costly. Once such a maritime highway as the 
Merrimack offered was opened and producer and the consumer 
must both be benefited by the result. Judge Blodget realized 
that the Middlesex canal was a foregone conclusion, and he be- 
lieved it was time for him to carry out the pet project of his 
life. Though he had arrived at that age when most men are 
laying aside the cares and responsibilities of business, he 
formed his plans with the sanguineness of a young man with 
the world all before him. In fact it was his happy belief that 
he was yet in his prime. He had lived a perfectly abstemious 
life, and with a careful husbanding of his strength he confi- 
dentially looked forward to a hundred years of activity. 

In 1793 he moved back to Amoskeag, taking up his residence 
on the east bank of the Merrimack. He purchased the land 
about the Falls and laid every calculation toward performing 
his herculean task, confident it could be done within his own 

May 2, a date worthy of remembrance, along with that of 
another May-day thirteen years later, he opened work upon his 
canal, making considerable progress during the season in blast- 
ing and constructing a dam to afford a pond. Work was not 


begun upon the Middlesex canal until September loth, of the 
same year, so he was over four months ahead of Sullivan's en- 
terprise. In September of 1794, he leased his "Duck Factory 
standing in a lane near Kimball Carleton's in said Haverhill to 
David Blackburn of the same town, weaver, James Alexander late 
of Newburyport, weaver, and Isaac Schofield of Newburyport, 
weaver." This lease was for two years, but he continued to let 
this property until 1799, when his affairs became so deeply in- 
volved it was set off on execution in favor of Samuel Parkman. 
of Boston. With the leasing of his business in Haverhill 
Judge Blodget may be said to have concentrated all of his- 
energy and capital in pushing the work on his canal. On May 
i8th, 1795, he had so far advanced with the stone work that 
Colonel William Adams of Londonderry, a skilled carpenter, 
was employed to begin upon the woodwork. 


During the year of 1795, with every prospect of a successful' 
endiiig to his work on Amoskeag canal, Judge Blodget proposed 
the scheme of making the Merrimack navigable to Lake Win- 
nepesaukee, thus preparing a direct highway, or rather water- 
way, of commerce through the then most populous section of 
New Hampshire, affording a direct intercourse with Boston. 
The plan seemed to meet with favor wherever it became known, 
and it was so far developed that Col. McGregor of Goffstown, 
and Major Duncan of Concord consented to construct the locks 
and canals around Hooksett Falls, while other equally relia- 
ble men of this state and Massachusetts were to complete 
the work above that place. In order to satisfy himself of the 
perfect feasibility of the project and to prove the same to oth- 
ers, accompanied with two or three others, he made a trip of 
examination. Happily he kept a journal of the journey, with 
his deductions of same, of which the following is a copy : 
blodget's journal to winnipissioke pond, 1795, 

Oct 4th 1705, Began my Journey to Winnipissioke Pond 
from Canal at Derryfield, 

From S B Canal to Isle Hooksett is 8 miles the fall is 40 
Rods about 20 feet fall, to be Canal'd by Esqr. McGregor and 


Majr, Duncan. To the next falls, which are called Garvins 
falls is 4 mills, 80 Rods in length & 25 feet falls, must be 
canal'd. Turkey River fall is ^ mile above but need no Canal- 
ling. From thence to Concord is 4 miles and Smoother water ; 
from Concord to the Crotch of the River, is 18 miles, but two 
pair of falls in this distance which will need no canaling. From 
this Crotch of the River we ran up the East Branch towards 
Winnipisioke Pond — the First Mills we came to was a grist 
and saw mill i mile from said Crotch, on the north side of the 
stream the property of Jeremiah Sanborn and others; their dam 
Extends but half across the stream which is about 3 mill water 
running in it, and about 6 Rods wide, so that a sett of mills and 
the canal may be placed on the south side of the stream & do 
excellent service without doing any damage to these other 

mills by the advantage of a canal running up the stream 

fifteen or Twenty Rods fifteen feet head may be obtained. 
Here is a long fall of water for more than two miles & is by far 
the greatest on this stream. In this distance I presume the 
distance is near 100 feet fall — here I remark that whether I 
have Judged well on the fall of water or not — yet I am well 
assured of some very good privileges — there is 3 or 4 hundred 
acres of land well cloathed with Tall White pines & to be sold 
lay adjoyning to these Rapids — the proprietors of it are Capt. 
Clark, his Br ther and others ; they are very urgent that this 
canal should be opened & as an Incouragement, offer to give 
gratis five Rods of their land on each side of the stream for 
the use of the canal, this I find is the case with many others. 

At the head of these falls is still water for one mile which 
reaches within a few rods of Hancock's and other mills, they 
consist of one grist and one saw mill standing on the south side 
of sd stream, the Priveledge good but the mills bad. 

About \ mile above Handcocks mills & on the north side 
of the stream stand a grist and saw mill, the property of Ebr 
Morrison and others. Both mill and Privieledge are poor. 

Half a mile Farther up stands on the south side of the 
Stephen Chace's Fulling mill. He offers his landing freely 
for the use of the canal, which adjoins to Sandborn Bridge the 
stream continues the same. 

4 miles further up stands Jacob Burfords & other Grist, saw, 
and fulling mills. They stand on the north side of the stream, 
about one mile of this is shole & small rappids the other is a 
Bay. These mills have from 7 to 8 feet head and fall. About 
half a mile up the stream stands Smarts Grist & saw mills with 


the same head & fall, & on the same side of the stream — be- 
tween Bumfords & Smarts mill, the bottom smooth, graveley 

Bottom Interspersed with Loose stone all these mills are 

poor things scarce worth owning ; here I observe on the south 
east side a canal may be opened without doing any damage to 

the above mill & their owners and take advantage of 13 or 

14 feet fall for a valuable set of mills, the land on the east side 
being the property of Gen'l. Badger, who I presume will cheer- 
fully give the land for the use of the canal. 

Smart's mill dam flows and mostly covers the rocks and 
sholes of ^ mile till it reaches Sandbornton Bay which is very 
large and spacious — 57^ miles across the south end of this Bay 
brings us to the narrows and rappids, on which stands a Grist, 
saw and fulling mills, the property of Collo. Sam'l Ladd all 
standing on the south side of the stream. From sd mills to the 
before mentioned Bay, is about 60 Rods, a smooth, Graveley 
Bottom, a few small loose stones, a gradual descent of abt 8 
feet fall & i to 2 feet deep. About 80 Rods above these mills 
is another large Bay between which and the aforesaid mills is 
Rocky & shole ground, but the dam may be flowed so as to 
cover these Rocks I observe. 

The canal may be carried very easily by Colo Ladd's mills 
(which by the way are miserable) without doing him the least 
damage & make a very good sett of mills. He is the owner of 
the land but seems to be disposed on the whole to Incourage 
the business. 

One mile and a half above said Rocky shole, carries us 
across the sd Bay to the narrow stream again, & Rappid, for \ 
mile, on the north side of which stands a Grist mill & saw mills 
the property of Abm. Foulsom & have abt 8 feet fall. These 
Rapids have a smoothe graveley Bottom interspersed with loose 
stone — here a canal can be opened on the south side without 
doing any damage to the owners of these mills. 

One mile and a half from these Rappids, brings us cross 
another Bay to another and last Rapid being abought ^ mile 
more brings us into Winipisioke Pond — these Rappeds are a 
descent about 5 feet & 12 to 14 Rods wide from i foot to 18 
inches deep. The Bottom graveley & considerable stjny, but 
few of them large, not more than two ot them will require 
power to move them. I rode my Horse across stream at the 
out let of the Pond — it appears by the large rock in the pond 
that the pond does not at the highest water exceed two feet. — 



I farther observed that by the banks of the stream at any place 
the highest water does not exceed 3^ Feet, 

In a summary he estimates the distance in an entry in the 
journal as follows : 

Octr. 4th 1795. 
A 6 days Route to examine the River from my Canal to Wini- 
pisioke Pond. 

From S. B Canal to Isle Hookset 8| 

From Isle Hookset to Garvin 4"^ 

From Garvin to Turkey R fall oi 

From Turkey R Falls to Concord 4^ 

From Concord to the Crotch of the River 18 


From Merrimac River up The East Branch into Winipisioke 


From the Crotch of the River to J Sandborns mill oi 

From Sandborns mill to Handcocks mills 3 

From Handcocks to E. Morrisons do o^^ 

From Morrisons to Chases do o|- 

From Chases to Jere Bumfords do 4 

From Bumfords to Smarts do o^ 

From Smarts to Colo. Ladds do 5-1- 

From Ladd to Abm. Foulsoms do i|- 

From Foulsoms to the Pond i| 


The following is the association paper, with the list of sub- 
scribers : 

We the subscribers agree to associate for the Purpose of 
clearing the Fall u on the Merrimac River from Isle of Hook- 
sett Falls to the entrance of the east branch of said River and 
from thence to construct such Canals up the East Branch of 
said River to Winnipissioke Pond, as shall make the Naviga- 
tion for Boats and Rafts safe and convenient from said Pond 
to Isle of Hooksett Falls aforesaid. The Fund for the Under- 
taking to be divided into three hundred shares, & subject to 
such Regulations as the Company of associates shall hereafter 


agree upon. And we reciprocally promise each to the other to 
take Respective Shares annexed to our names. 

May 4 


Saml Blodget fifty shares 50' 

Saml Phillips Kidder Ten Shares 10 

William Blodget Ten Shares 10 

Benjm. Blodget Ten Shares 10 

Peter Oilman, Twenty Shares 20 

His Honor Moses Gill Esqr five shares 5 

Thomas Russell Twenty shares 20 

William Tudor Ten Shares 10 

James Sullivan twenty shares 
Abiel Smith fifteen shares 
Perez Morton Twelve shares 
Nathan Bond Ten Shares 
Wm. Harper Esq Sandbornton Five shares 
Nathan Hoitt, Esq. — Moultonborough one share 
Joseph Barrell twenty five shares 
Willis Hall three shares 
Robert Fletcher Five shares. 

According to this paper two hundred and thirty one shares 
were sold, or within sixty nine of the full number desired. But 
as his work at Amoskeag soon demanded all of his attention 
and means, Judge Blodget was obliged to abandon the project. 
As he was the soul of the enterprise nothing further was done, 
except that a few years later the river was rendered navigable 
for boats as far north as East Concord. At that time the mat- 
ter of opening the way as far as Judge Blodget had planned 
was discussed, but sufficient funds were not forthcoming and 
the project again collapsed. 

According to Judge Potter, in his biographical sketch, " A 
line of dams were constructed from rock to rock, upon the east 
side of the channel of the river, from a point about fifty-seven 
rods above Amoskeag bridge, down the river, very near upon 
the line of the stone dams and bank wall of the stone basin of 
the Amoskeag Company, a distance of about thirty-three rods 
below the Amoskeag bridge to a point nearly opposite the house 
now occupied by Samuel P. Kidder, Esq.; thence it was ex- 
tended east to the shore, making a basin about ninty rods in 


length, and from four to six rods in width. This basin was in- 
tended to answer the purpose of a canal and mill pond. On 
the west bank of the basin, and about half-way of the same, 
stood the mill ' Industry,' having a grist mill below it, and above 
it a saw mill belonging to William Blodget. Out of the south- 
west corner of the basin, the water passed through a slip of 
three hundred feet in length by twenty feet in width, to the 
lower canal, commencing above, and running immediately west 
of the ' Blodget house,' which part of the canal is now entire — 
to a point just below said house. From thence the canal fol- 
lowed the shore of the river down to a point just above the 
'boiler shop' of the Amoskeag Company, where it passed into 
the river. The west embankment of the canal from the Blod- 
get house downward, was of cobble work, filled with stone and 
covered with a spiling of plank. At convenient distances along 
this canal check gates were placed, so as to raise the water 
above them, a foot or so, making as many slight reservoirs as 
there were check gates." 

Here comes in the invention of the judge's which cost him in 
its failure a sheer twenty thousand dollars and the labor of four 
years, but for which he might then have seen his way clear 
to a success which would have won him a good return for 
his expenditures and accomplished the dream of his life. 
Rather than blame him, however, we should admire him for the 
resolute energy which could rise above such a disappointment 
as few men meet, and in his old age cause him to begin anew. 
But for the explanation rather than the anticipations. These 
check gates described were fastened by a hasp and opened 
down stream. He had calculated that the raft or boat passing 
through the stream from the reservoir would gain a velocity suf- 
ficient to open the gates and pass on through the entire length 
of the canal unaided. But the project proved a failure. The 
velocity which he had counted upon as an assistant was his de- 
stroyer as well. The speed attained by the rafts or boats was 
such as to sma^h the one and " stave up " the other. The 
merchandise on the boats was scattered along the banks, while 
the logs had to be re-rafted. It was decided that the trouble 


lay in the great velocity of the courses. To remedy that two 
locks were to be made where there had been but one, and an- 
other season occupied in doing the work. "The upper one, of 
one hundred and fifty feet in length, was built upon the surface 
of the ground. The posts at the sides were tenanted into the 
cross sills, while their tops were held together by cross cap-tim- 
bers, and were still farther secured in their places by braces, 
extending from near the top of each post to the cross sill be- 
neath.'" Confident that the extra precaution would insure 
them success this time, the projector and his engineer. Colonel 
Adams, announced the day for the trial, when a large crowd of 
spectators gathered to witness the novel sight. But again man 
had erred. The water now entered the canal with a power 
which tore the locks from their fastenings and tossed them on 
its foaming current ! Worse than before, the work of a year 
was a wreck! This was late in the autumn of 1798, and the 
following June, an unusually high freshet completed the ruin of 
nearly five years' labor and the loss of $20,000 by washing ofif 
the canal below the locks. 

His own fortune now depleted, and his years of anxious 
planning and working come to naught. Judge Blodget must 
have been an uncommon man to have found the heart to still 
persevere. But he was not one to give up. It was the ambition 
of his old age, stronger perhaps than it would have been in the 
prime of his manhood, when it was not too late to seek some 
other enterprise. In December, 1798, after the destruction of 
his locks, he obtained a charter for his canal, in order to more 
readily dispose of stock to secure the necessary capital to go 
ahead. He also employed a surveyor to select the- most feasi- 
ble route and to estimate the cost of completing the work. Col- 
onel Loammi Baldwin, who superintended the construction of 
the Middlesex canal, made the survey, and evidently in sympa- 
thy with the project made a favorable report, placing the pro- 
spective cost at $9000. He recommended a route farther re- 
moved from the river's bank, in order to escape the high fresh- 
ets, and what was of equal importance, if something of a sting 
to the man in his disappointment, that "there were certain es- 


tablished principles which it would be well not to depart from, 
nor presume much on new theories, or to introduce works of 
speculation into canalling." 

Judge Blodget published the report of his surveyor, and 
immediately began to try and raise the money to proceed. He 
was so successful that he sold of stock and raised from other 
sources $7000. In December he had secured from the legisla- 
ture of New Hampshire the power to raise ^9000 by lottery for 
the purpose of completing " Blodget's canal," on which he 
raised $5000. These amounts making $12,000 he expended in 
work on the canal, without being able to finish it. In this di- 
lemma he was granted in 1802 authority to raise $10,000 by 
another lottery. But the previous lottery, while it had been 
instrumental in raising him over half of the sum it was expected 
to afford, brought him trouble and embarrassment. 

As has already been shown the temperament of Judge Blod- 
get would not allow his ambition to be circumscribed. It was 
not enough that he should build a canal around the falls, but 
he must add to the enterprise with an invention of his own, 
which he fondly believed was to improve the situation. Even 
while working this scheme he was not so hedged by its accom- 
plishment as not to foresee the broad and expansive result that it 
must in time bring. Not only would it afford an easy way of 
getting merchandise up and down the river, but it would assist 
in compassing the great hydraulic power afforded by the falls 
in the interest of man. " In his mind's eye, this site was des- 
tined to be the 'Manchester of America,' and he could see the 
brick upon the canal as plainly, if not as substantially, as we, 
who occupy his place half a century later." Proof of this is 
apparent in the fact that he bought at Hooksett a large lot of 
land containing clay beds, for the purpose of building factories 
at Amoskeag. It is still another curious fact that these clay 
banks have since furnished a large proportion of the brick used 
in the construction of our buildings.* 

In 1795 he built him a fine residence, since known as the 

These clay banlcs were afterwards owned bj' Richard H. Ayer. 

S O 

2; K 

11 iii''( I iiiiiiiiBiii 1 


Blodget mansion, and standing by the side of the canal in the 
rear of the Amoskeag Ax Company's buildings. It was a two 
story, old-fashioned farm house, with a front entrance on the 
east side, and a bulkhead on the south. In later years a barn, 
connected by a shed was built on the north end, and an open 
shed and one story building on the south. This last was the 
famous red store and was a scene of activity during the boating 
days. A highway at the time ran from the Falls road bending 
to southwest and after passing two houses, in one of which Mr. 
S. B. Kidder afterwards lived, came to the Blodget house, 
where the judge lived during his trying period of work on his 
canal, and where he died. It was also the birthplace of Samuel 
B. Kidder, December 26. 1806. The old house was torn down 
in I870 by the Amoskeag Company, it being then occupied by 
the eccentric " Cy" Warner, who refused to vacate until the 
building was pulled down over his head. Judge Blodget had 
another house, which he called his sleeping house, and which 
he had probably lived in until his new one was completed. 
This stood a few rods east of the other, until it was finally 
moved to the bank of the canal and converted into a mill. 
Drinking water was obtained by this little group of houses from 
a spring bubbling up where the upper Langdon mill now stands, 
the water being carried to the dwellings in logs. A row of 
Lombard poplars stood in front of the house. 

His speculation in clay beds, his acquisition rf lands about 
the scenes of his operation and the building of this commodious 
dwelling gave those who were jealous of his possible success an 
opportunity to declare that he was using funds raised for an- 
other purpose and to his individual gain, that he was neglecting 
work on the canal and locks to advance his personal profit. 
Unfortunately the management of the lottery had fallen into 
unfriendly hands. As has been shown only $5000 had been 
paid him from its proceeds, where he had expected much more, 
and what was even worse the managers had paid this slowly 
and refused to explain why the rest was not forthcoming. 
Thus the legislature in granting him a seond lottery, 1S02, ap- 


pointed a committee to look after the settlement of the first, 
granted in 1798. 

If the managers of the lottery and his enemies outside ac- 
cused him off misappropriating the money that should have 
been applied to the furtherance of the canal, he as boldly and 
unhesitatingly charged them with gross mismanagement of 
affairs. He declared that, while the legislature had allowed 
them to receive ''reasonable charges" for conducting the draw- 
ing of the lottery they had charged five dollars a day as their 
regular pay ; that they had charged for expense during the 
drawing at the rate of three dollars a minute ; that they had 
shown two sets of accounts differing from each other ; that their 
lists of prizes were false and misleading; !hat they refused to 
let him see the books ; that they had burned many of the books 
and lottery tickets, so as to make an investigation impossible. 
Serious charges in all truth, and warranting an investigation on 
the part of the state. But the committee chosen to look into 
the matter did not attend to that duty until a short time before 
the meeting of the legislature in June, and then while Judge 
Blodget was away from home, and without sending him notice 
of even their appointment. As a result they learned only one 
side of the question — that of the managers of the lottery, and 
their report accordingly did not afford the meed of fairness be- 
longing to the defendant, who had ever desired a settlement by 

In reply to this report he repeated his grave charges, and on 
December 6, 1803, 8^^^ ^ public statement of the situation 
from his point of view, showing in detail the progress of work 
on the canal, using in part the following language : 

" It has been a misfortune, that within a few weeks past, the 
interruptions by rocks and ledges, from the Head of the Falls 
to the Canal, has had such an effect upon strangers, that they 
dare not venture into it without the aid of a pilot. The proprie- 
tors have therefore been to an expense of cutting a new canal 
from the head of the Falls in the old canal, by the eastern bank 
of the river and nearly parallel with the same. This work is so 
well executed, that the waters shoot directly into the old 


Canal ; and such are the natural monuments on each side of this 
channel, that the stranger cannot fail, and will enter with ease 
and safety into the Canal. 

" There has also been erected, at a very great expense, dur- 
ing the last season, below the second guard gate, a Basin to 
receive all loose logs, drift stufif, &c., so that a stranger, without 
the aid of a pilot, can pass from the head of the Falls directly 
into the Basin below the mills, without interruption, and in less 
than half the usual time. From this Basin to the lower Canal, 
are two locks of loo feet each, through which we pass in twen- 
ty minutes. About thirty rods below these locks, there is a 
gate erected for the conveniency of stopping the water, by 
which we expedite the passage through the locks at half the 
usual time. By these alterations, business is done with great 
despatch, besides the saving of much labor, and the expense of 
a pilot. The last rafts that passed the Canal, have experienced 
all this. The Canal below the last mentioned gate is every 
way complete, as far as the slip through which the lumber 
passes in the Merrimack River again. From this slip to the 
river, requires four locks to be put down, of 9 feet lift, and 100 
feet in length each, including that which must be placed in the 
river. Three of these locks are of 100 feet each, are framed, 
and have lain at the spot over two summers, and are unavoida- 
bly in a mouldering condition, 

" At the time I petitioned to the Legislature of New Hamp- 
shire, for a Lottery, to raise nine thousand dollars, my sufi'er- 
ings proved much more : for by taking a new route, which was 
recommended to me, and complied with, out of this 9000 dol- 
lars, exclusive of necessary charges, I have received only 5000 
dollars ; all which ; with many thousands more, have been actu- 
ally expended on the Canal, besides 1300 dollars of toll re- 
ceived the last season : so the reports now circulating, of my 
being indifferent whether I complete the canal or not, and that 
I have made use of a Lottery money to build a house, &c., are 
both false and without foundation. So far from making use of 
the money I received from the Lottery, I have expended more 
than 7000 dollars upon the Canal, besides the 5000 dollars 


received by the Lottery. This I am ready to prove when 
called upon on." 

Anxious to utilize the water power at the falls, he improved 
every opportunity to meet that object. He had built a saw 
mill in connection with John Stark soon after the Revolution, 
probably 1782, upon these falls just above Amoskeag bridge, 
the large rock or ledge there remaining forming a part of the 
western side of the canal, being the foundation of the west side 
of said mill. This mill was purchased by Judge Blodget 
and the privilege flowed out, in forming the pool or pond for 
his canal and for his "great mill, the Industry," which was lo- 
cated upon the river bank a few rods below the " guard locks " 
of the Amoskeag Manufacturing Company. 

Judge Blodget's saw mill "Industry " ran three gangs of 
upright sa",'Sj circular saws being unknown then. William 
Blodget, his Son, had built a saw mill about one hundred feet 
north of this, and nearly west of the house where Samuel B, 
Kidder lived so long. Near to his big saw mill on the south 
the judge had a grist mill. 

At this time there was or had been on the west side of the 
Falls, in Goffstown, a mill owned if not built by a Mr. Patter- 
son, and known as the " Patterson mill." This mill probably 
stood upon the same place where afterwards was built the Pol- 
lard or Harvey mill. It is not known which was built first the 
Patterson or the Stark mill, A man by the name of Whittaker 
erected the third mill at these Falls, long known as the Whitta- 
ker's saw mill, and which stood just below the Blodget house. 

With the inevitable result that his far-seeing mind could 
realize he always had in view the future possibilities, and was 
impatient to see begun those enterprises of manufacture so soon 
to follow. He secured control of the land about his canal, and 
pr«)jected the establishment of a nail factory, and thought to 
use a building which he was then utilizing as a store house, and 
which was afterwards made into a barn. He tried to interest 
Boston capitalists in the scheme. Among others that he 
sought was the Hon. William Gray, better known as " Billy " 


Gray. The following is the transcript of a letter to him.* 

Haverhill, Sept, 24th, 1803. 
Pear Sir : 

I have never had the happiness of being particularly ac- 
quainted with you, if I had, I cannot say whether it would have 
been advantageous to both, or neither of us ; but it does not 
follow but that even at this late hour of life with me, I may be 
able to show you some wordly good, or at least show you a 
project that if put into execution will terminate agreeably to 
your interest, if pursued on a large scale. It is a business 
which you are well acquainted with; it is the nailing busine s I 
mean, If you were here with me I should expect to be asked 
a few questions, and something like these. Where is the place 
you propose the nailing to be erected ? At Amoskeag Falls, at 
the Canal. Have you a convenient place to set the slitting 
mill and other water works ? A good fall and a plenty of 
water at all seasons of the year, with wood cheap and plenty. 
Have you ore in plenty in the vicinity of the place where these 
works are to be erected ? What is the distance from Amos- 
keag to Boston ? Sixty miles via Middlesex Canal. What 
vent do you expect for the nails? The traders and other inhab- 
itants on the ease and the west side of the Merrimack River, 
together with the inhabitants of a considerable part of Ver- 
mont state. Their pay will be in lumber, beef and other pro- 
duce. Are there any nail works now erected in this great 
country ? None of any consequence. It is presumed that 
nails can be transported by water from Amoskeag, v/a the 
Middle canal, to Boston, cheaper than they are transported 
from Bridgeport into Boston. But the wood at either of these 
places, costs more than three times the sum at Amoskeag. 
But it is not necessary to say much more on paper. 

Sir, whatever has been my study and examination into the 
business, you are the only one that I have communicated it to 
in writing. If this sheet contains anything in worthy of your 
attention, I should be happy to hear from you, and meet with 
you upon the subject at Amoskeag Falls, upon the premises, 
which are twenty eight miles from Haverhill Bridge, laying in 
the town of Derryfield. 

Yours, &c. 

S. Blodget. 

There is nothing to show that Mr. Gray took any notice of 

According to Potter. 


this suggestion, and Judge Blodget's troubles pressing so thick 
and fast upon him, he was obliged to abandon all attempts of 
improving the water power, though he never lost a chance to 
expand upon the benefits likely to come to him who should do 

From this plain statement it appeared that not only had he 
expended the $5000 afforded by the lottery, but he had actually 
used $7000 besides, which had been put in from his own prop- 
erty and the subscriptions of friends. If crippled in his own 
mean? and at odds with those who had in a considerable meas- 
ure his fortune in their hands, the public was in ijympathy with 
him In fact, however visionary his schemes may have seemed, 
however obstinate his enemies may have been againt him, and 
however straitened his circumstances, the common people were 
always his friends. They advocated his project now and every- 
where sounded his praise. For him to fail would, in their 
minds prove a public calamity. If New Hampshire was indi- 
rectly against assisting him, the legislature of Massachusetts, 
realizing that that state was going to receive great benefits from 
trade through the completion of Blodget's canal, voted in March 

1804, the grant of a lottery to raise $10^000 to be expended 
under the direction of Colonel Baldwin, who had made the sur- 
vey for the new route in 1798. The following June the New 
Hampshire legislature passed " An act to extend the time which 
was allowed Samuel Blodget for drawing a lottery," granted 
July 18, 1802. It now began to appear certain that Judge 
Blodget had fallen into the hands of those who hoped to profit 
by his failure, men who hoped through his age and many set- 
backs he would be obliged to give up his project, and leaving it 
in an unfinished condition, make the way for them to get posses- 
sion at a low rate. They had misjudged their man. While the 
Massachusetts lottery gave slow and uncertain returns, allowing 
Col. Baldwin to make slow pro<;ress through the year 1805, the 
judge kept persistently and everlastingly at ir. September 45 

1805, work had to be entirely suspended, but he roused new in. 
terest that winter by the publication of a document setting forth 



in convincing terms the good to result from the completion of 
his canal in the following comparison with the business of the 
Middlesex canal : 

" It will be acknowledged by all enquiries into canaling busi- 
ness, that the canals are and will soon be of inconceiveable ad- 
vantage to the public at large, especially when the Blodget 
Canal, so called, by his charter (but by an old Indian name 
Namoskeag) is completely finished; here are the locks that 
command an immense property of a great and a goodly coun- 
try of many hundred miles in circuit, round the lakes and heads 
of streams, that empty into and form the Merrimack before 
they reach the locks at Blodget Canal ; this goodly country 
abounds with beef cattle upon a thousand hills and all kinds of 
produce, and lumber in abundance, with wealthy inhabitants 
suitably interspersed all over it, who wish a commercial inter- 
course with the prospering inhabitants of the commonwealth of 

"As the committee of the Middlesex Canal has published the 
particular articles, that passed through their canal the last sea- 
son the amount of which was 9405 tons of various articles, the 
toll of which amounted to 11,832 dollars, it may not be amiss to 
inform the public the particulars and the quantity of each article 
that passed through the locks and slip at Blodget's caiial t he 
last season, which is as follows, viz : 

941,647 feet pine boards, 
1,333 feet oak boards, 
49,88] feet 2 inch oak plank, . 
13,000 feet 5 inch pine plank, 
13,800 feet 2 inch pine plank, 
15,250 clapboards, 
343,500 shingles, .... 
116,430 hogshead staves, . 
35j75o barrel staves, 
122,578 hogshead hoops, . 
1,513 tons 3 feet oak timber, 
1,434 tons 27 feet pine timber, 

62 tons 20 feet ash and elm timber, 
240 empty hogsheads, 

1184 tons 

3 " 
249 1 " 

7S " 

SS <' 

L-?5 " 

68 " 

204 ^' 

35 " 

245 " 

526 " 

1230 " 

62 " 

12 " 


1,030 empty barrels, .... 25 tons. 

294 shocks ..... 5 " 

2 empty boats for the Middlesex canal 60 " 

Amounting in the whole to 39S9 tons 

"Eighth tenths of the above lumber was carried through said 
canal and slip, in two months, viz., from the 5th of April to the 
5th of June, 1805 — after which a very small quantity of Lum- 
ber passed through the canal, owing to a failure of water and 
the Dam that is to be built to turn the water into the head of 
said canal not yet being erected — the Toll amounting to only 
1082 dollars being fixed at the low rates of sixteen cents per 
ton for pine timber and other articles in proportion which, is 
done to encourage the business, the locks at the lower end of 
said canal, being yet in an unfinished state, those people who 
come down the river with lumber are obliged to break up their 
rafts in order to pass through the slip and then re-take said 
lumber, which not only subjects them to an extra bill of cost, 
but often detains them so long that they are obliged to haul up 
their rafts and wait until another rise of water, before they can 
proceed down the river to the Middlesex canal, — it is worthy of 
observation that the whole amount of every article that passed 
through the Middlesex canal both up and down the last year was 

9405 tons 
The whole amount of every article that passed 
Blodget's slip at Amoskeag the last season 
was 3989 " 

Deduct the articles of wool and cider which was 
carried through the Middlesex in boats 
amounting to 5405 

Then there passed through the Middlesex canal only ten 
and a half tons more than passed through Blodget's slip the 
last season. — What may be expected when the Locks are com. 
pleted at Blodget's canal — how must the merchants and the 
people of all descriptions in the country and in Boston and its 
vicinity rejoice to see that day? " 


The result was most satisfactory. March 14, 1806, the Mas- 
sachusetts legislature granted a second lottery in aid of the 
Blodget canal. Active men taking hold this time the avails 
of this summer were sufficient, with what had been raised by 
the New Hampshire lottery, to warrant the resumption of work 
in the latter part of the summer. Encouraged in every respect 
work was pushed with such vigor that a few days before Christ- 
mas, in December, 1806, Blodget's locks and canals were a 
reality ! After twelve years and almost eight months of such 
trials, hard work, expenditure of money and disappointments as 
few men, younger than he, could have battled so bravely to the end 
Samuel Blodget had triumphed over enemies and such obstacles 
as must have crushed a less determined and enthusiastic spirit. 

As it was then too late in the season to open the canal. May 
Day of the coming year was set for the happy affair. During 
the winter he busied himself with straightening his accounts 
and in preparations to meet the managers of the first New 
Hampshire lottery by a board of arbiters. Thus he was allowed 
no rest, though he was borne up by the thoughts of that day 
which was to witness the public acknowledgment of his triumph. 

The morning of May ist, 1807, the proudest day of Judge 
Blodget's long and eventful life, and the grandest day in the 
history of our proud city, came with the smiling sky and gen- 
ial atmosphere of the fairest season of the year. At an early 
hour the people began to collect about the scene, eager, curious, 
expectant. Those came out of mere curiosity to see the man of 
whom they had heard so much for and against, those came to 
see the wonderful locks and the canal which he had devised to 
set at defiance the great laws of Nature, those came to scofif 
and to jeer at the visionary schemer who had squandered his 
own patrimony and sunk in an enterprise as vain as it was wild 
of conception the money of friend and stranger, those came 
to praise and admire the brave, courageous promoter of the 
public welfare and prosperity, and to laud his name to the sky 
should his dreams at last prove true, few came with a dim, 
vague gleam of the swift, marvelous transformation the match- 
less perserverance of one man was to bring to the unpromising 


scene about them, many came to cheer when convinced by their 
own eyes that it was not all some mad hoax, as many came to 
express their contempt in yells of derision should it after all 
prove a failure. 

In the midst of the impatience of the spectators, the venera- 
ble projector of the great work, showing traces of the care and 
trouble through which he had passed, but with head erect and 
an eye undaunted, a man with a wonderfully vigorous bearing 
for one in his 84th year, Judge Blodget rode upon the scene in 
his old-styled, two-wheeled carriage. There was a general un- 
covering of heads, as he drove to the head of the canal, and 
alighted. Then, a deep silence fell on the crowd, while he 
stepped upon the raft with a few friends. The gate was 
opened, and while friend and enemy looked on with spellbound 
interest, the rude craft with its human freight glided safely 
down the passage-way and out upon the river below. The si- 
lence then was broken, tumultous applause rang on the air, the 
most adverse unable to withstand the happy outburst of spirit, 
until the huzzas fairly drowned the roar of old Amoskeag ! 
Modest in his triumps, yet with a heart overflowing with 
thanksgiving, Judge Blodget rode down to his home, saying as 
he stepped down from his chaise : " I am well paid. My 
canal is complete. I have but one object to live for now. 
Let my difficulties with the managers be settled before the ar- 
biters, and I die content." 

The settlement of his accounts with the lottery managers was 
to take place in Haverhill, July i, and until then he kept as 
busy as ever getting ready to support his claims. On that day 
he appeared before the arbiters as keen and firm in his manner 
as ever, to be met with the respectful attention that he de- 
served. But it w^is his last appearance in public. Riding 
home on the third, the weather being extremely cold for the 
season and he thinly clad, he took a severe cold, so that upon 
reaching his home he was obliged to seek his bed. As this 
was the first severe illness of his life, so was it his last, for on 
September i, 1807, he sank into that sleep which he had so 
well earned. His funeral according to his own request was 


simple, after which he was borne to the ancient cemetery near 
the Falls, his grave marked by a plain headstone. Later, 
when the encroachments of a growing city required it, the re- 
mains were removed to a place of sepulture in the south-west 
corner of the Valley cemetery, a plain, enduring granite mono- 
lith marking the spot. On its west face is this inscription : 
To the Memory of 
Born at Woburn, Mass., 
April I, 1724. 
Died at Manchester, 
(Then Derryfield,} 
Sept. I, 1S07. 

The north face has this : The Pioneer of internal Improvements 
in New Hampshire, The Projector and Builder of the Amos- 
keag Canal. 

The south side has this explanatory note : Erected by His Great- 
Grandson, Joseph Henry Stickney, of Baltimore, Md,, 1868. 

The children of Samuel and Hannah (White) Blodget were 
an active and noted family. 

Sarah, born in Haverhill, Mass , October 27, 1749, married Cap- 
tain Stephen Perkins of Amesbury, where she lived and died. 

Abigail, born in Haverhill, Mass., April 20,1751, married 
Thomas Stickney, of Haverhill, where they lived and died. 
Their son, Thomas, managed the Blodget estate after the death 
of the judge, and no doubt would have carried out the business 
at the canal successfully had his health permitted. 

Nathan, born in Goffstown, N. H., February 9, 1753, was for 
a time a merchant in Boston, in company with a brother-in-law, 
but afterwards went to Philadelphia, where he died. 

Mary, born in Goffstown, December i, 1754, married Samuel 
Gilman, who was in business with Nathan, 1780-90, in Boston. 

William, born in Goffstown, July 6, 1756, died in infancy. 

Samuel, Jr., born in Goffstown, August 28, 1757, married for 
his first wife Dorothy, daughter of Gen. Nathaniel Folsom. 
After a brief military career he went into business in Exeter, 


N. H., but which did not prove successful. He next engaged 
in the East India trade in Boston, which proved profitable, and 
in 1789 he moved to Philadelphia, where his wife died the fol- 
lowing year. Here he established the Insurance Compan)'^ of 
North America, and in 1792, married Rebecca, a daughter of 
Rev. William Smith, D. D., Provost of the Philadelphia Univer- 
ith. In 1 791-2, he bought a large tract of land in the future 
territory of Washington, D. C, building in 1795, ^^ ^^e same 
time his father was building his mansion at Manchester, the 
first house in Washington, and which was occupied for a time by 
President Adams and family while the White House was being 
completed. He also built another house of historical note, 
which he named the Union Pacific Hotel, which stood on the 
site of the present Post Office department, and which was bought 
by the government in iSio and used as a '^' general post-office, "^ 
until 1836, when it was burned. After the burning of the capitol 
by the British in 1814, Congress met in it for a time. He was in- 
terested in many schemes to benefit the National Capital and gen- 
erously gave a large fortune to help build up the future city. He 
died in 1814, leaving a large property in trust for his family. 

Caleb, born in Goffstown, August 17, 1759, served as En 
sign in the Continental army in 1779, and Lieutenant in 1 781 ; 
was lost overboard from a " Gunning float near Hogg Island,' 
August 9, 1789, and was buried in Boston. He was unmarried 

Elizabeth^ born in GoiTstown, January 12, 1761, died unmar 
ried, December 23, 1778. 

William, born in Goffstown, December 18, 1762, married Sa 
rah, daughter of Major General John Stark. 

Benjamin, born in Goffstown, Juiy 6, 176S. He was con 
cerned with his brother Samuel in the Washington purchase : 
died at Derryfield unmarried. 

Upon the death of Judge Blodget, his grandson Thomas 
Stickney, a promising young man then living in Boston, came 
to Derryfield to complete the work of opening the river to bet- 
ter facilities for navigation. In 18 10 the New Hampshire leg- 
islature granted a lottery for the benefit of the Blodget heirs 
that they might finish the work begun by him. Thomas Stick- 


ney started the first manufacturing industry, other than the saw 
and grist mills, on the Merrimack at this place, and in 1810 
was chairman of the committee to change the name of Derry- 
field to Manchester, out of respect to the oft repeated prophecy 
of his grandfather that this would be the " Manchester of Amer- 
ica." Had he had his health and lived to carry out his inten- 
tions, he might have realized some of the benefits likely to 
accrue from the efforts of Judge Blodget, but he was suffering 
from an acute disease which terminated his life in 1814, July 
13, and he was buried in Granary Burial Ground in Boston. 
This left no one to look after the family interest, and the canal 
passed into the possession of the Merrimack Boating Company 
organized in Boston. Its first boat came up in October, 1814. 
In summing up the life work and character of Samuel Blod- 
get we must take into consideration, to do him entire justice, 
not only the result of his long and arduous toils and trials, but 
the peculiar condition and circumstances of his surroundings. 
Capital was not easily found to advance any enterprise of the 
most simple order, the spirit of progress had not been awak- 
ened in the hearts of a people which had not fully recovered 
from such a period of struggle for their civil rights as had neces- 
sarily put in the background all thoughts of bettering their 
financial condition. The art of mechanics was not understood 
and engineers were lacking to attempt a work of the kind. 
There had been no undertaking of the sort worth mentioning in 
the country, and those naturally looked with askance upon it 
who did not understand it. What modern resources, with 
modern knowledge of mechanics have done, with modern cor- 
porations to carry on the work, Samuel Blodget, alone and 
unaided, with such capital as he had individually accumulated 
in a time when big estates were unknown, set himself reso- 
lutely to do. If he was a visionary schemer, as his enemies 
delighted to style him, he was of that nature which has given us 
all of our great pioneers of progress. If a dreamer he was of 
the kind of Gouvernor Morris, who in 1S06, suggested the Erie 
canal, scarcely of more importance than the Amoskeag canal, 
nor of greater magnitude of enterprise when the time of its 
construction and the wealth behind it are placed in comparison 


with Blodget's project. If he was ambitious of success, it was 
that ambition which made him a public benefactor without re- 
dounding to his personal greed or gain. In the light of later 
ideas of the fitness of things, some have tried to detract from 
his honor and the glory of his motives, by the means which were 
employed to procure the money necessary to accomplish his 
plans. Again must we place ourselves in the asssociations of 
that period. The lottery seemed the legitimate, and it might 
as truthfully be said, the only way of raising money for public 
enterprises. It had the sanction of church and state, and all 
classes of people patronized it. Says James Parton on this 
subject : " Chatham street. New York, was almost entirely 
occupied by lottery offices, the flaming bills of which made a 
great show on both sides of the way. Every device was em- 
ployed to dazzle and lure the passer by. On certain days in 
the weelc, the drawing took place publicly in the space behind 
the front office, where a little girl, clad in spotless white, blind- 
folded, stood upon a platform, and drew forth the tickets in the 
presence of a breathless crowd." Every large city in America 
and Europe had at that time its Chatham street. In London, 
the sacred precinct of the west gate of St. Paul's cathedral was 
chosen as the place of drawing. The agent to do this was one 
of the smallest and prettiest of the Blue coat School boys, se- 
lected from drawing to drawing, to remove the tickets, one after 
another, from the revolving wheel, and hand them to another 
little bright-eyed innocent, who passed them on to the mana- 
ger, who announced their numbers in a high key of voice. 
There are plenty of instances to show how prevalent this cus- 
tom was down to 1833, when Massachusetts abolished such 
methods and other states soon followed. The legislature of 
Massachusetts in 1786-7, in trying to encourage and stimulate 
the starting of the first cotton manufacturing in this country at 
Beverly, did not hesitate to resort to prohibitory duties, Eastern 
land grants, lotteries and the like, granting six tickets in the 
land lottery of 17S7. Again in 1789 the legislature granted 
500 pounds to be paid in eastern lands and invoked congress to 
assist by a national lottery. Nashua, this state, in 1745 or 6, 
petitioned to the General Court for privilege to raise money by 


lottery to build a bridge over the Nashua river. As late as 
1811, the New Hampshire legislature inaugurated a lottery 
scheme to raise money to build the road through Dixville 
Notch. But Samuel Blodget needs no vindication of this kind. 
The record of his whole life is ample evidence that he never 
wronged any one. In fact if he had a fault, if that which bor- 
ders upon a virtue can be styled a shortcoming, it was in plac- 
ing too much confidence in others. In his own open, free- 
hearted, hospitable nature, he believed others to possess the 
honesty of purpose which was the ruling star of his life. He is 
described as having a sturdy figure, a little over five feet and 
nine inches in height, a fullj round countenance inclined to 
fioridness, blue eyes and brown hair, a fluent talker, genial in 
his intercourse and a man of strong personal magnetism, which 
never failed to draw about him a large circle of warm friends. 
He was rigidly temperate in his manner of living, using no 
ardent spirits, active in his pursuits, and usually lodged in a 
large room with windows open on both sides of his bed, re- 
gardless of the weather, and was always sanguine of success in 
whatever he undertook. By following these simple rules he 
believed he should live to be one hundred years old. No 
doubt they did sustain him through his arduous work, but that 
scantiness of clothing in which he believed was one cause of 
catching cold on his last ride from Haverhill, which in his 
over-taxed condition of body and mind, resulted in his death at 
a time when he was on the eve of seeing realized the prophecy 
of his dreams. But if others were to carry out the work he 
had planned, to reap the harvest of the field he had sown, it was 
his far seeing brain, his long life of devotion to the laying of its 
foundation, his accumulated means, his undaunted spirit which 
made it all possible. The golden years of his life were a sacri- 
fice for our beautiful city ; his memory should be reverenced in 
every heart that has love for our growing institutions his name 
should be fixed imperishably with her history ; and his sturdy 
figure in bronze or granite stand on one of our public squares 
as a perpetual reminder of him who has been fitly described as 
the Pioneer of Progress. 




The origin of the American Indians has been a question of 
much doubt and speculation. The claim that they were of 
Asiatic extraction was strongly believed in by those who first 
landed on our shores. One reason for this belief was the sim- 
ilarity of the language spoken by the Aborigines to the Greek 
and Hebrew. More recent investigation has led to the belief 
that the primitive man had his abode on this continent, 

Mexico and the South American states retain the evidence 
that at a most remote period in the world's history there existed 
in these countries a race of people whose records as shown on 
monuments and ruined temples antedate any records found in- 
the old world 

The discoveries recently made in Yucatan would indicate 
rhat the people of Asia were the descendants of the race that 
inhabited this country at the time, and long before the destruc- 
tion of the continent of Atlantis, From this country, they 
emigrated to the east, and a portion of them in after years 
reached this country by way of the Behring straits and their 
descendants are the present native inhabitants of Alaska. 
Those who remained in Mexico and other southern countries^ 
at the time of the eastern exodus, had a written language ex- 
pressed in hieroglyphics which have been interpretated, and 


from these writing much has been learned of this, now almost 
extinct people. 

From their ancient seat, they migrated to the north and east, 
and became the mound builders and cliff dwellers of other 
parts of this continent. 

As they drifted away from their seat of learning they gradu- 
ally lost their written language, and when the discoverers of 
America found the red man in New England, which for want of 
knowledge they called Indians, which name has been since 
retained to designate the Aborigines, it was found they pos- 
sessed only a spoken language and that of a very limited char- 
acter. When the English first settled in New England, and 
the French in Arcadia they found numerous tribes inhabiting 
this section of the country, divided into several minor tribes, 
each tribe located at different points, and under its own 
chiefs. These tribes, having no written language, their vocab- 
ulary was not only limited but as various as the tribes them- 

Some words in use were common to several tribes, but in the 
main their spoken language was different and it was with diffi- 
culty that one tribe could communicate with the others, though 
living a short distance of each other. This fact is affirmed by 
Roger Williams, who devoted much time to the nomenclature 
of the Indians of Rhode Island. 

What language they were able to speak, was confined in a 
measure to the common objects of nature, and to convey to 
each other the necessary information to supply their limited 

When the whites came among them, their vocabulary was 
extended, and in the effort to civilize and educate them, the 
whites undertook the task of giving them a written language. 
Catching the sounds, and giving the same force to their words 
as was given by the whites, they were able to construct a lan- 
guage that could be used in their education. 

The orthography given by the English to the language in 
Massachusetts and Rhode Island was as different from that 


given by the Frencli in Maine and Arcadia, as the difference in 
the French and English as used to-day. The sounds of the words 
and letters was in the one case English and in the other 
French, and this fact is what has caused so much dispute over 
the names of localities bearing the Indian name. 

The Indians that inhabited Maine and Arcadia and extended 
across New Hampshire, and which gave the names to most of 
our mountains, lakes and rivers, were those who had their lan- 
guage written by the French Missionaries, and when we at- 
tempt to interpret these names from the English orthography, 
we find oarselves in error in most cases, and thereby we have 
failed to retain or to preserve the true meaning of those locali- 
ties butbearing the names the Aborigines applied to them. 

What the names thus given really meant, may not be of much 
interest to the present generation, and whether the true deriva- 
tion has been correct, may be of but little importance, but there 
should be some agreement that the discussion of the question 
may not be longer continued. IMr. Potter in his History of 
Manchester devotes much space to the discussion of the deriva- 
tion and meaning of the localities in this state and in Maine, 
which have retained something of their Indian orthography, but 
the mistake he made, not being familiar with the construction 
of the language, was in trying to apply the Massachusetts dia- 
lect to the New Hampshire Indian language when the two 
were as different as the nationalities speaking two tongues. 

The meaning and pronunciation of Indian names can not 
be given correctly, unless some attention is paid to the con- 
struction and force of the language spoken by them. In order 
to do that, we must not forget that the orthography was given 
by the French, and not by the English who settled in Massa- 

In the work of making a written language from their vocabu- 
lary and catching the sound of their spoken words, it was- 
found that in the construction of an alphabet the letters neces- 
sarily used, were all the English, with the exception of the let- 
ters f-q-r-v-x-y. 


In the old original Abnakis the letter — r — was used, but 
after the enlargement of their vocabulary, when they came in 
contact with the whites, the harshness of the sound of that let- 
let and the great difficulty in pronouncing the same — they giv- 
ing the same as the Chinese do at the present time — the 
sound of the letter — 1 — this letter has been entirely supplanted 
by — 1. Aremos, dog, old ; Alemos, modern. 

The letter — o — had two sounds, the usual and the nasal 
sound, which nasal sound was indicated in the written word by an 
apostrophe after the capital and circumflex over the small letter , 

The fifteen consonants are sounded as in the English with 
the exception that b and d final being always sounded respect- 
fully as p and t : take the word David, this word would be 
Tabit. Asib, a sheep, is Azip= 

G is always hard ; Ch has a softer sound than in the Eng- 
lish, J is sounded like ch, the word Kabij, cabbage, is pro- 
nounced as if spelled kabich. Ph is not sounded as — f — for 
that letter is not in the language. The Indian name for women, 
phanem, which is articulated as if it was spelled pe-ha-nem, 
expressed in two syllables — p'ha-nem, the apostrophe after 
the p shows the nasal sound. 

All consonants must be sounded ; there are no exceptions. 
When a letter is doubled, either a consoant or vowel, the two 
letters are sounded as one, the sound being prolonged. The 
-vowel sounds are about the same as in the English with the 
exception of — u — which is sounded as u, in union, except i, 
when it occurs alone, 2, when it is first in a word, 3, when it is 
preceded by — i — . When u is preceded by a consonant, 
other than g or k^ it is sounded like e. 

The plurals were formed by the termination -ak-ik-ok-k-al- 
il-ol-l-. There are substantives, two kinds, animate and inan- 
imate, and anim.ate and inanimate adjectives and verbs, which 
are made to agree with the substantive. The termination of 
the plural in the animate is — k — in the inanimate — 1. 

The plural of the adjectives is — t — for the animate and k 
tor the inanimate. When a noun terminates with the letter d 


or t, it must be changed to — j — before the annexation of the 
plural ik. 

When a word ends in — w — preceded by g or k; as gvv-kw-, 
the final w must be suppressed before the annexation of the 
plural — ol . The termination of two syllables, wo-gan, is a 
substantive, being suppressed, changes the expression into the 
Indicat. pres. 3d. per., sing., of a verb, as Y^eXozowogan — 
speech — by suppressing the wogan it would be He Speaks. 

Their adjectives were not only invariable and single but va- 
riable and contracted. Their simple adjectives signified noth- 
ing when standing alone, but when prolonged by some other 

Wli-good, gentle, wligo, he, she is good. Wobi, white ; 
wobigo, he is white. Wligen, it is good ; wobigen, it is white ; 
the termination — go — was the personal pronoun, he or she, 
as they had no word to indicate sex ; the termination — gen — 
was the pronoun it. 

There were prefixes and suffixes that meant the same, as Mam- 
law, a prefix which denoted largeness or abundance. Lake Mem- 
phremagog,j derives its name from the prefix Mamlaw^ abund- 
ance, and baga, a particle denoting water, and the termination 
of the letter k, which gives it in local term. The suffix denot- 
ing plenty is — ika — this termination to a noun as sen, rock, 
stone ; senika, would mean, there are plenty of, or many 
rocks, it is rocky. Moniika, there is plenty of money. 

The termination indicating the plural of animate nouns, 
when used as terminations of inanimate objects, indicated the 
preposition at, to, from ; wajos, a mountain of middling height, 
with the termination ek, means at the mountain. This is the 
name of Mount Wachusett, in Massachusetts, and from this the 
state derives its name, with (he prefix Massa^ which means 
large or great — The state of the great mountain. 

The word moni or mona, was derived from the whites who, 
when they came among them had only silver for money ; the 
Indians hearing it called money applied that name to all silver. 

Wajos, or Wachos, was one name for mountain. They had 


also a name for mountain which was used in composition ; this 
was, aden. 

From this we have the name of mount Monadnock, Mona- 
aden-ok ; from Mona, silver, aden, mountain with the termina- 
tion, ok, which as stated before has the force of the preposi- 
tion, at, At the silver mountain. 

The variations of their verbs, and the transposition of words 
and of some of their affixes would be an interesting study, to 
those who have an interest in this work ; but my purpose, at this 
time is to give some opinion as to the orthography and etymol- 
ogy of some of the localities within our own state, that those 
who may write of them hereafter may have some authority for 
what they may have to say in regard to th's matter. 

At the lower end of our state we find that some of the names 
of the several localities bear the names given from the Massa- 
chusetts Indian dialect, yet most of them are from the Abenaki 
who occupied this territory. 

The name Abnaki was first applied to the Indians in Nova 
Scotia, but afterwards was applied to all the tribes who resided 
east of the Massachusetts. The name comes from " VVobana- 
ki, " land or country of the East, from Woban, day break, and 
ki, earth, I'and or rather Akij which is a term employed in com- 
position for land, ground, place. It means also an Indian from 
where the daylight comes. The plural makes, wobanakiak. 

Pawcatuck is from either the woid for shaking river, or per- 
haps from pogwkategw, the shallow river. 

Pawtucket, from pawtagit, who shakes himself : which shakes 
itself : a figurative sense applied sometimes to falls. 

Piscataqua, by the standard dictionary is said to mean great 
deer river. Father Aubury in his manuscript vocabulary of the 
language of this tribe says it comes from the word Peskata 
which means dark or gloomy. 

Ammonoosuc, from O'manosek, the; fishing ground, or better 
the small or narrow fishing river. Some pretend that it comes 
from pagonozik, at the walnut tree, from pagonozi walnut tree. 


The absence of walnuts in that locality would go to confirm the 
name as from O'manosek 

Aroostook, in Maine, from Wlastegw, good river. There were 
two words which meant river, sibo or sipo, and tegw ; the latter 
was used in composition and the word sibo when the word riv- 
er was used alone, 

Awasoswi Menahan, the name of Bear Island in lake VVinne- 
plesaukee is from Awasos, bear, and menahan, island; the loi 
which terminates so many of the Indian words does not seem 
to have any particular signification, and is usually omitted in 

Connecticut, from Kwenitegw, long river ; Kwen, or Kwuni, 
long and tegiv, river. The Massachusetts used the letter Q 
where the French used K. Qwin, is for long in the Massachu- 
setts dialect. 

Great Falls was known as Kchi Pontegok, at the great falls. 

Housatonic, from awasadenik, beyond the mountain ; over the 

hill; from Awasi . . . beyond, aden' mountain or hill (only in 

composition) and ik, one of the suffixes which gives the name 

in local term. 

Katahdin^ from Ktaden, the big or high mountain. 
Kearsarge, from Kesarzet — old Abenakis — as it will be no- 
ticed that the letter r is retained — the proud or selfish. This 
mountain standing out proudly alone gave the name Kesarzet. 
Merrimack; from Morodemak (old Abenakis) deep or pro- 
found river. 

Nashua, from Nansawi . . . between, and most likely took 
its name from the Indians who resided on Wachacum lake near 
Lancaster, Mass. They were thus called for the reason that 
they were located between the coast Indians and those who oc- 
cupied the Connecticut river valley. Wachacum in the Massa- 
chusetts Indian dialect was sea. The original name of the 
Nashua river was Watagua, which meant pickerel, as the river 
was a great place for this fish. 

Massabesic, from Mase, large, nebe, lake, water, with the 


suffix, ik, which gives it a locality. At the great or large lake 
or pond. 

Cohas, this brook is the Massachusetts orthography for pine 
tree, Coa, or Koa was pine tree, Coas^ the diminutive, and 
means little pine tree. The full Indian name if applied to the 
brook would be the diminutive of the word sibo river, viz., Coas 

Uncanoonuc is a name given by the Massachusetts Indians, 
and is the plural of the word Kuncannowet — breasts. 

Amoskeag, from Namos, a fish — ki — a place — at the fishing 
place. The ki, is the contraction of aki, or aukee, which when 
applied to a location on a river the a or au was suppressed^ 
and the preposition, k, — at the fishing place. 

Penacook, from the Massachusetts word, Penayi, crooked, 
and tegw, river. 

Suncook, from senikok, at the rocks. From sen, a stone, 
with the termination ok, at. If applied to the river it would 
be, sentegw, stone river. 

Winnepesaukee, or as sometimes spelled Winnepesaki, is 
from Wiwininebesaki, a lake in the vicinity of which there are 
other lakes, or better, lake region. It is from, Wiwin, abbrevi- 
ation of wiwniwi, around, in the vicinity, nebes, a lake^ and aki, 
land region, territory. 

Winooski, Vt., from winos, onion^ and ki, land. Onion land. 

The White mountain region was called Wawobadenik, 
Wawob, white, aden, mountain, ik, at, at the White mountains. 

Megantic, from namagwottik, which means, lake trout place. 
Namagw, means salmon trout, while Mskuamagw, was salmon. 

Passumpsic, from pasomkasik, diminutive term which means, 
river which has a clear sandy bottom. 

Saco, comes from sokwai, which means from the south side, 
southern, hence the name sokwaki — modern sokoki — southern 
country^ Indians from the south. 

Ossipee, from Osibi, a lake formed by the enlargement of the 

Moosilauke is from moose, or the French orthography moz 


and aki, or aukee, region or land. The letter 1 does not prop- 
erly belong in the word, and is thro'vn in simply for euphony. 
The correct pronunciation of the word would be Moose(l)au- 
kee. Its meaning is a place or region where there are moose,, 
and undoubtedly applied to the whoL-* region, and finally be- 
came applied to the mountain now bearing that name. 

Coos, from the diminutive of Coa, pine tree. 

Alascoma, the name of a lake in Grafton county has met 
with great change since the Indians gave it a name. I am in- 
formed that one of the earlier settlers said that the lirst white 
man who had heard the name from the Indians called this lake 
Masquane, and if that was true, which is most likely, it would 
be Birch-bark lake, from Maskwa, birch bark, and ne, from 
nepe, lake or water. Places bearing these names were localities 
where could be found bark or other material required in their 
rude condition. 

Baboosuc, brook or pond in Amherst, is from Papposuc, the 
termination, sue, was often used by the Massachusetts In- 
dians when applied to a person, or the final ok, at. 

Pemigewasset, from Pamijowasik, diminutive of pamijowak, 
which means the swift or rapid current, Pamijowasik, the nar- 
row and shallow swift current. 

Mount Washington was called Kodaak-wajo, the hidden 
mountain, so called because the top was so much hidden in the 

In concluding this article I append a limited 


Awan, air ; Kzelomsen, wind ; Soglonbi, rain water ; Nbisonbi^ 

mineral water ; Sobagw, the sea, ocean ; Kchi alakws, morning; 

or evening star ; Pili kisos, new moon ; Tka, cold ; Pekeda, 

smoke ; Siguana, last spring ; Nibena, last summer ; Pebona, 

last winter ; Nebi, water ; Pibganbi, muddy water ; Kisos, the 

sun, moon, month ; Wloda, heat ; Skweda, fire, flame ; Siguan 

spring ; Niben, summer ; Pebon, winter ; Taguogo, autumn, falL 

It will be noticed that the termination, a, when applied to 



seasons, is equivalent to the word last, while by changing the 
final n to g, retaining the a, it is equivalent to the word next, 
as Nibega, next summer ; Peboga, next winter. The termina- 
tion iwi, is the preposition in. Paboniwi, in winter; Siguaniwi, 
in spring; Nibeniwi, in summer. 

The common animals found in this state, were known as 
Aremos, modern Alemos, a dog ; Molsom, wolf ; Wbkwses, a 
fox ; Tmakwa, a beaver. By the addition of the letters ia or 
iia, it indicated meat of the animals. Nolka^ deer ; Nolkaiia, 
venison or deer meat ; Mago ibo, a caribou ; Magoliboiia, car- 
ibou meat. The termination, awa, to the name of the animal 
was the equivalent to the word skin, Magoliboawa, caribou 
skin ; Akigw, a seal ; Akigwawa, seal skin. 

The diminutive was formed by the termination of s, is, or sis, 
as Nebes, a lake ; Nebesis, a pond ; Sen, a stone ; Senis, a peb- 
ble ; Wokwses, a fox ; Pakesso, a partridge ; Mateguas, a 
rabbit; Mikowa, a squirrel; Wobikwsos, a mouse; Mos- 
kuas, a muskrat ; Mosbas, a mink ; Planigw, a flying squi- 
rrel ; Kogw, a porcupine ; Saguasis, a weasel ; Segogw, a 
a skunk , Awasos, a bear ; Anikwses, a striped squirrel ; Asban, 
raccoon ; Agaskw, a woodchuck ; Sips, a bird , Sibsis, a little 
bird ; Mgeso, an eagle ; Kokokhas, an owl ; O'basas, a wood- 
pecker ; Kwikueskas, a robin ; Mkazas, a crow; Kchimkazas, a 
raven, the prefix Kchi, great, makes the raven the great crow. 
The crow takes its name from its color, Mkazawi, black. 
Ahamo, a hen, by adding the diminutive, is, it becomes Ahamois, 
chicken ; Nahama, turkey. 


Namas, a fish ; Kabasa, a sturgeon ; Mskuamagw, a salmon ; 
Namagw, a salmon trout ; Kikomkwa, a sucker ; Nahomo, an 
eel ; Watagua, a pickerel ; Molazigan, a bass ; Skog, a serpent , 
a snake ; Chegual, a frog ; Maska or Mamaska, a toad ; Skoks, 
a worm ; Sisikwa, a rattlesnake ; Mamselabikaj a spider ; 
Pabigw, a flea ; Alikws, an ant ; Kemo, a louse ; Mamijola, a 
butterfly ; Wawilomwa, a bee, a wasp ; Wjawas, a fly : Pegues, a 



Anaskemezi, an oak ; Wawabibagw, a poplar ; Manlakws, 
an ash ; Maskwamozi, a birch ; Kokokhoakw, a fir-tree. 
The fir-tree evidently derives its name from Kokokhas, 
an owl, and literally is the owl tree. Saskib, an elder; 
Molodagw, a cedar ; Chignazakuam, a thorn-tree ; Mask- 
wazimenakuam, a wild cherry-tree ; Pasaakw, a red pine ; 
Masozial, ferns. The final al is the plural. Asakuam, moss ; 
Walagaskw, bark ; Awazon, (plu a/) fuel, firewood ; Mskak, 
black spruce; Sasogsek, sarsaparilla ; Anibi, an elm; Waj- 
oimizi, a beech ; Senomozi, a maple ; Wdopi, an alder-tree ; 
Kanozas a, willow. Kansas takes its name from Kanozas. 
Wigbimizi, bass wood ; Moskwaswaskw, the sweet-flag ; Alni- 
sedi, a hemlock ; Msoakw, a dry tree, decayed wood ; Kawa- 
sen^ a wind-fall; Maskwa, (pronounced Masqua\ birch-bark; 
Msazesso, (plu ak), whitespruce ; Pobnodageso, tamarac. 

Men or min was berry and was used as a termination in such 
as Mskikoimins, strawberry, (plu ak};Pess\men, currant, ( pi ur-^/.) 

Abazi, a tree, was not used in composition, but the termina- 
tion akuam was tree, Azawanimen. A plum; having the final ?Hen, 
being classed under the head of berry, when applied to the tree 
became Azawanimenakuam, a plum-tree ; Adbimen, a cherry ; 
Adbimenakuam, a cherry-tree. 

The termination of mosi was bush ; Sgueskimen^?/^^ raspber- 
ries ; Sgueskimenimozi, a raspberry bush ; Sata, blueberry ; Sat- 
aniozi, blueberry bush. 

Those who in their younger days delighted in the conjugation 
of the familiar verb^ to love, may be interested in the conjuga- 
tion of the Abenaki verb, Kazalmomuk, to love. The letters N 
and K were used as personal pronouns, as abbreviations of the 
words Nia, I or me ; Kia, thee or thou. In the plural N' was 
used for Niuna, us, we, when they did not include those to 
whom they spoke, and K', Kiuna, us, we, when those to whom 
they spoke were included ; the apostrophe denoting the nasal 

The conjugation of the passive verb, Kazalmegwzimuk, to be 


loved, Indicative Mood, Present Tense. This would stand : 

N'kezalmegwzi, I am loved. 

'Kezalmegwzo, He is loved. 

N'kezalmegwzibena, We are loved. 

K'kezalmegwziba, You are loved. 

'Kezalmegwzoak, They are loved. 

That race of peculiar people who roamed over our hills and 
paddled their light canoes upon the beautiful waters of the old 
Granite State, have nearly disappeared. The small remnant 
that remains have become, to a great extent, mixed by inter- 
marriage with the white race, but their language and their 
names, as applied to many localities, are yet retained. Let 
them be cherished in everlasting rememberance of that race, 
which fell before the advancing columns of a cruel civilization. 



Just over the Londonderry line, near the road to Derry, are 
the ruins of several mills, once noisy with the whir and buzz of 
millstone and saw, and the centers of industries of importance 
in former days. Now the water flows quietly by, nourishing 
fish and batrachian unhindered by wheel or dam, and feeding 
beds of glorious cardinal flowers unmolested save by some 
passing admirer. 

The brook that turned those wheels rises in Chester, mean- 
ders through the southern part of Auburn, wanders over the 
line into Londonderry, and finally, fed by numerous rivulets 
and swamps, adds considerable to the volume of the Cohas 
brook, a few rods below the pumping station. Dry seasons 
materially reduce its size, though they seldom, if ever, com- 
pletely stop the flow of water. It is known as the Little Cohas 
or Manter brook. 

When the town of Londonderry was settled the proprietors 
sold the lot about the falls, where the mills alluded to after- 
wards stood, to Robert and Hugh Wilson, reserving the falls 
and some land for flowage. The papers bear the date of Jan- 
uary 9, 1729. Nearly five years later John Douglass bought 
the falls and two acres of land. The original deed reads as 
follows : 

"The proprietors of the town of Londonderry in considera- 


tion of ten bills of credit to us in hand before the delivery here- 
of lay out to John Douglass two acres of land situated near ye 
Great Falls on Cohass brook together with the right to build 
dam or dams, mill or mills together with the right to flow ye 
stream from time to time from ye sth day of September to ye 
Sth day of April and so on forever, with power of attorney. 


Before ye Justice 


'' Ye Sth day of November, 1733." 

Douglass built a house near the falls, the cellar of which can 
still be seen. In September, 1746, he sold his interest to one 
William Battey, who erected a house on the road leading to 
Amoskeag falls, now a part of the Derry road. This house 
was used as a tavern for a number of years. The cellar hole 
can still be seen with a large pine growing in it. 

In 1747 Battey deeded one half of the saw lill that Douglass 
had built to James Wilson The deed reads, "one half interest 
in ye John Douglass sawmill, one half ye stream, one half ye 
dam, one half ye mill, one half ye mill saw, one half all her 
trackings, together with the right to use ye path that leads from 
ye mill to ye highway." 

The deed was signed by William Battey and Robert Patter- 
son. In 1767 Battey sold his half to John Pinkerton. In 
1768 Andrew Jack acquired an interest in the property. Suc- 
cessive owners were John Smith and John McDuffee. McDuf- 
fee rebuilt the original mill and erected one s^me distance low- 
er down the brook. 

He was more than ordinarily ingenious and enterprising, for 
without any capital but his hands and heads he made every- 
thing about the mill except the saw anc" the shaft. These he 
could not make, and he had no money wherewith to buy, but his 


enterprise was not exhausted. In Deacon Pinkerton of the 
village, now Derry Village, he found a friend who supplied hin:> 
with the necessary articles, and was renumerated in boards at 
$6 per thousand. Sometime, probably not much later, a grist 
mill was built on the opposite or left bank of the stream. 

The lower mill was sold by him to James Hunter and was 
long known as the Hunter mill. The upper mill or mills he 
sold to Gilbert Pierce about 1800, Pierce operated them until 
1S08, when he sold them to George Manter, who came to Lon- 
donderry from Plymouth, Mass. Mr. Manter owned and used 
all three mills. The lower mill, which stood on the north bank, 
was removed about 1820. All that now remains of it is a hole 
in the bank and a few stones of the old dam, with one of the 
millstones in the bottom of the brook. Mr. Manter, with his 
two sons, Francis and Samuel, used the upper two mills till 
1840, when the sons took entire charge. When both gristmills 
were in operation and the water was low, the two were used al- 
ternately. The upper one would be used first, and while the 
grain was being ground the water flowed down to the lower 
pond. When the upper pond was empty the miller went to the 
lower mill, where customers were usually waiting, and the water 
in the pond there would be utilized. Then the same arrange- 
ment would be repeated. 

In winter, Francis Manter, then a young man working for his 
father, would usually skate from one mill to the other, often 
taking his rifle with him, and occasionally shooting a muskrat 
that ventured to show his head through an air hole. 

In i860 Francis rebuilt both mills, putting them together on 
the site of the grist mill on the left or southwest bank of the 
brook. The sawpit and remains of the rollway may still be 
seen on the right bank. About the time of the remodeling a 
box mill with machinery was added, and from this time a rush- 
ing basiness was done. A fall of eighteen feet gave abundant 
power and the mill was run day and night. 

Francis Manter, the manager of the business for so many 
years, was a man of remarkable energy and great ability. He 


received his education in the district schools of the day. In 
the war of 1812 he took part; was connected with the militia 
for a long time, holding the state commission of colonel for 
eight years, and was appointed inspector-general, but declined 
on account of his private business. 

In 1S20 Colonel Manter married Harriet Crowninshield of 
Salem, Mass. By her he had three children; George W. Man- 
ter, M. D., who practiced medicine in Manchester in the sixties, 
Mary F., who married George W. Platts, and Harriet M., 
widow of James M. Platts, and who lives in this city. In 1830 
he began the manufacture of shoes, being the first to begin this 
business on an extensive scale in this region. The shoes were 
sent to Boston by way of the river and the Middlesex canal and 
in ox teams. He also owned a cooper's shop, shipping his bar- 
rels to Cape Cod, where they were sold to fishermen. In addi- 
tion to these he managed a blacksmith shop and a store, and 
dealt in real estate to a large extent. He alvva3's managed his 
own business and kept his own books. He was frequently 
called upon to take part in the business of the town. He died 
in 18S9 at the age of 91. 

About 1868 the gristmill was discontinued and the stones 
taken out. The building was leased to Thomas L. Thorpe, 
who put in machinery for cleansing mill waste, using both 
water and steam power. After a number of years the mill was 
again leased to John P. Lord, at one time superintendent of the 
print works, who put in a new set of machinery and manufac- 
tured shoddy. 

After this the stones were again put in and some grinding 
done. Then in 1S82 James H. Ryder, formerly superintendent 
of the Fessenden mills (now the Annis mills) of North London- 
derry, leased the mill, rebuilt it, put in a turbine wheel, raised 
the dam two feet and filled in a large hollow southwest of the 
mill. Machines were put in for sawing boards and making 
boxes and kits. In a short time James M. Platts, son-in-law to 
Mr. Manter, took charge of the property, retaining Mr. Ryder 
as superintendent. This arrangement lasted until 1890, when 


Clarence M. Platts, to whose memory and private papers I am 
indebted for these facts, assumed control and managed the mill 
for several years. Towards the latter part of this period the 
principal business was the making of boards tor the New York 

In the fall of 1890 there was a division of the property, and 
the mill privilege, right of flowage and a part of the mill were 
sold to Charles E. Cousins, who still owns them. The new 
part of the mill was removed soon after the sale, and now all 
but the part that covers the saw has been torn down, and little 
of its former appearance remains. 

In connection with these mills should be mentioned a small 
one located on a little brook that flows into the Little Cohas 
some distance below, near a '' great rock " that is one of the 
historic landmarks of the locality. It is as large as a small 
house, is one of the town bounds, and is mentioned under the 
name given above in nearly every deed of land in this vicinity. 
The mill was built and owned by Daniel McDuffee, brother to 
the John mentioned above, and in it he had a turning lathe and 
made wooden bowls, mortars, etc., with which the neighboring- 
housewives were supplied. Many of these are still in existence 
in families that formerly lived in that vicinity. Daniel was as 
ingenious as his brother, and besides his other work made 
cradles for reaping grain and at one time was employed by the 
town to make bullets. This mill was known as " McDuffee's 
Turning Mill." It is now but a memory. 

When the last of the three Manter mills was torn down, the 
last mill run by the Little Cohas disappeared. At some future 
time the power of this stream may be utilized for the production 
of electricity, but at present, where once half a dozen or more 
mills were humming, all is silent, and the water ripples idly by. 
Man has come and man has gone but the brook " flows on 



There are three biographies of Gen. John Stark published in 
book form, two issued in Concord, N, H ; one in 1831, another 
by his son Major Caleb Stark, in i860, and a third in Spark's 
American biographies, written by Edward Everett, and pub- 
lished by Harper & Bros, in 1S54. These are carefully pre- 
pared and complete from a military point of view, as this phase 
of the old hero's life is of the greatest interest to the public. 
We think of him as a successful and patriotic fighter in two 
wars, and his victories lend a fascination and charm to every 
recital of his campaigns. 

There is, however, an interesting field of research in the ac- 
count of Gen. Stark's life in time of peace, while resting from 
the hardships of war, that has been but slightly explored, and it 
is this that we propose to consider. It will undoubtedly lead 
many readers to have an entirely new idea of the man, and may 
change their views as to some of his characteristics. 

He is regarded by the average reader of American history as 
a bluff, picturesque, and somewhat hard old soldier, rough in 
his treatment of all subjects in public and social life, carrying 
his purpose with a tenacity of will that would admit of no dis- 
pute, or compromise. To a limited extent this is true. He 
was like the shag bark walnut tree of his native Nutfield, often 
rough on the surface, but within, compact, fine and enduring, 
with those qualities that we all admire and associate with our 
highest conceptions of true manhood and patriotism. 


In an analysis of character of one whose life has been so 
long in the past, we have largely to judge of his qualities by in- 
cidents, rather than from the estimates of persons who were 
contemporary with him. With Stark we have from both of 
these sources, abundant material from which to form, without 
bias, a clear judgment of his domestic, social and business 

The influence of Gen. Stark in his capacity as citizen, was 
not confined even in early life to local affairs, for his enter- 
prise and adventurous spirit was known beyond the bounds of 
the frontier settlements. Though his education would not be 
endorsed in these latter days as liberal and complete, his ad- 
vantages in this direction surpassed those of most families in 
his vicinity. His father's early training in the University of 
Glascowgave him a decided prominence in the settlements, and 
the son manifested in his public and military life, the result of 
his domestic training. The ofificial letters and friendly corres- 
pondence embodied in his biography, show a power of terse 
expression, and deal with the subjects in hand clearly and 
forcibly. When in camp, and burdened with all the cares and 
oversight of the innumerable questions coming for solution to a 
commander, he personally attended to his correspondence. 
Only once do we find him asking for a military secretary. 
Henry Parkinson acted in this capacit}' in the years 1775-6. 

Gen. Stark united in a large degree the bluff, decisive man- 
ner of address of his ranger surroundings, and the observant, 
cautious dealing that intuitively stopped short of assumption 
and curtness. We do not find in all his history a contention 
with brother officers, admonition or rebuke from military super- 
iors ; neither in subordination or mutiny in his command. This 
is somewhat remarkable, when we recall the trying conditions in 
which he was often placed as commander of untrained masses 
of men, brought together from all parts, and organized without 
the most common supplies for a soldier's life. We account for 
this only by his great popularity with the crude militia, and his 
willingness to share every hardship and privation of the service, 
with his men. 


The militia of the period were men with good judgment of 
the merits of their commanders, and a martinet with pretention 
and pomp, could have little military control of the rank and 
file. Stark was a man to scorn covert measures to obtain a 
pair of epaulets and a title ; he took only such as came to him 
voluntarily, as a recognition of merit, from his country. He 
modestly went through his entire service of the revolutionary 
war, with the rank of Brigadier, receiving in 17S5 the compli- 
mentary title of Major-General, by brevet, and the full recogni- 
tion of a commission in 1817, when his friend and comrade at 
Trenton, James Munroe, came to the high honor as President 
of the United States. 

As a business man in private life, or managing in his military 
capacity the finances of the commands under him, there was ex- 
hibited the same skill, faithfulness and economy. 

The financial account to the House of Delegates of New 
Hampshire for the Benningten contest, has been stated to 
amount for mustering, mileage, commissary stores, wages and 
incidental expenses to be $82,000 in the depreciated paper cur- 
rency of the time, or less than $2,500 in gold. No stain or sus- 
picion ever rested on his integrity in business, and he was too 
generous to indulge in niggardly over-reaching in business 

In the proposed military winter expedition to Canada, in the 
winter following the Bennington and Saratoga victories, Stark 
was selected to act with Lafayette and Gen. Conway, but the 
project was for some reason quietly abandoned. In this matter 
Stark was intrusted with money and supplies in full confidence, 
and in his administration of the northern department, we con- 
tinually find him engaged in detecting and bringing to punish- 
ment, culprits and robbers of the army's supplies. 

After the battle of Bennington his methodical business habits 
were in evidence the day following the action. He had, previ- 
ous to the engagement, promised the troops, in event of victory, 
the supplies they so much needed. Promiscuous looting was at 
once arrested by guards, the captured supplies were carefully 
collected and an inventory made ; after which, the whole prop- 


erty was sold at "vendue,'' the auction term of those days^ and 
he proceeds divided equitably among the troops. 

The few presents to the states, represented in the battle, 
were reserved, with the four cannon. The two small pieces of 
ordinance were transferred upon petition, in 1S48, to Vermont 
by congress, and the two larger ones were never officially con- 
ferred by congress to any state. These guns were in use 
through the war of 1S12, and two of them were captured at De- 
troit by the Canadians, and recaptured at Fort George by the 
Americans. The gun at New Boston is one of the larger pair, 
captured in the sun set battle, from Breyman. 

After the war, the interests of his farm and an extensive 
trade in lumber and tracts of woodland, divided his time and 
labors. At this period, he owned, with two partners, the pres- 
ent township of Dunbarton, then called Starkstown, and oper- 
ated largely in pine lumber and ship timber. The facilities for 
getting logs and manufactured lumber to market were greatly 
increased by the completion of the Blodget canal in 1807, and 
Stark's property in timber tracts received an upward appraisal. 
He did not die a rich man, as we understand the term in mod- 
ern phrase ; he had for those times, however, a large compe- 
tence, which gradually accumulated under his prudent and ener- 
getic management, and gave him power to show a generous 
hospitality to the numerous visitors and war veterans who came 
to his home. 

There was a pleasant and tender side to the character of our 
old hero, that was manifest to his family and intimate friends, 
and which seemed reserved for his cherished home life. In his 
later years it was a pleasure for him to have at the old home- 
stead in the autumn days, his annual "harvest-home." This 
was simply a festival of good-will and merry-making, in which it 
was his ambition and wish to have present the families of the 
vicinity and his old friends in adjoining towns. If a poor fam- 
ily, or any invalid, was from misfortune absent, he provided for 
conveyance or clothing. " On earth peace, good-will to men," 
was the sentiment of his heart, after his life's career of storm 
and battle. His kindness was not confined to man, however ; 


it extended with noticeable results to every animal and pet on 
his farm. His barns were filled with flocks and herds, noted 
for their sleek, well fed condition. He was emphatic on this 
point. His favorite horse, old " Hessian," was a large, round, 
bay animal, cared for by his master, as if a pet child. And we 
are told that Hessian reciprocated the fondling, and would let 
his owner, or the young people of the household, play all man- 
ner of tricks about him with impunity. An extra large sleigh 
was provided for the big horse, and the winter rides would 
sometimes show a pyramid of grandchildren piled in for a hap- 
py time. This love for his farm pets extended even to his poul- 
try. One who was an attendant of his old age said many 
years since, that the general's love for his poultry was equal to 
that of a modern chicken exhibitor at a state fair. Sitting on 
the sunny lawn, he would occasionally get his feathered flock 
about him, and with pride "show them off " to visitors. Call- 
ing the great patriarch of the flock with a handful of corn, he 
would feed him from the hand, and then order the bird to perch 
on his cane, and crow for Jim Madison, or Jim Munroe, This 
would bring a response from the well-trained fowl, and the 
political caucus was adjourned. 

A vein of humor was ever present with the old veteran. He 
manifested it in the pet names affixed to nearly all of the chil- 
dren and members of his family. This characteristic was com- 
mon to the Scotch Irish of those times. One little fellow would 
go by the name of Chippie and another was Chubbie, and oth- 
ers responded to VVinkie, Pinkie or Chuckle. Ever Mrs. Stark 
(Elizabeth) ^was called Molly by the General, and his grand- 
daughter, Mary Babson, was known only as Polly. These 
whimsical names of the household circle, and the love for pets, 
give us an insight into the real nature of the man. One can- 
not be either coarse, brutal or unloving, whose heart goes out 
to pets, and who finds pleasure and recreation in fondling them. 

Gen. Stark possessed a taste for reading a high order of lit- 
erature, and in the leisure of his declining years indulged much 


in this his faverite pastime. The histories of the "thirty years' 
war," and the biogranhies of Alexander and Charles XII, the 
Swedish King, were favorite bool<s. The Scottish poets of the 
eighteenth century he much enjoyed. 

In summarizing the personal qualities of the General^ men- 
tion should be made of the self-command he usually exhibited 
in times of trial or danger. Though of a most sensitive and 
responsive nature, he concealed his feelings in trying ordeals, 
by a quiet, almost stoical facial expression. Yet, when suffer- 
ing from a sense of wrong or injustice, he could at times be 
vehement and terribly in earnest, both by voice and action. 
The ignominy cast on his good name by some enemy, when his 
name was withdrawn from the list of honor, before Congress 
for promotion, aroused a tempest of wrath ; and though Sullivan 
and Poor, in sympathy with him, sought friendly intervention, 
he declared that an officer who would not defend his own rights 
was unfit to be entrusted with the defence of the rights of his 
country. He proposed to give congress an opportunity to re- 
view the matter voluntarily, and at iis leisure, with no petition 
or remonstrance from him. Gov. Everett in his biography of 
the old hero, has a noble and fitting illusion to this lofty and 
spirited position of the soldier. The sting of an invidious and 
undeserved slight was remembered when the time came for 
sending official reports of Bennington ; for, observes Everett, 
" though he sent a report to Gen. Gates, he forwarded none to 
Congress, thus disdaining to make his success the instrument 
of a triumphant accommodation." Yet there soon came the 
apology and restitution from Congress, by its voluntary act, ex- 
tending the thanks of that body to the general and his troops, 
and oflering by hand of its honored president, John Hancock, 
its congratulations, and enclosing a brigadier's commission in 
the continental army. Historians have generously concealed 
the name of the jealous rival who would thus act toward a 
worthy companion in arms, but the unanimity of Congress, and 
the acclaim of popular sentiment, left no ground for envy to 
carry opposition farther, and the disagreeable incident was 


consigned to oblivion, except that it is referred to as illustrat- 
ing the high sense of honor and spirit that prompted the action 
of Stark. 

The General was a constant and reliable friend, knowing 
nothing of the fickle changes, observed in some intimacies in 
soldier life. His friendships included most of the commanders 
in the American armies, and Lafayette when in New Hamp- 
shire three years subsequent to the death of Stark, mentioned 
with much show of feeling, his regret and grief, that his old 
companion in arms had gone on before. His end was peaceful 
and resigned. Paralysis of half of his body came the last of 
April, 1822, and about two weeks of suffering and enforced 
abstinence from nourishment closed his noble career, May 8th, 
following. Lafayette survived him eleven years, and Gen. 
Sumter, ten years, the latter being the last surviving general of 
the Revolution. The simple inscription carved on the granite 
shaft erected in 1S29 at his burial place was : 


aged 93 years, S months, 24 days.'' 





President John C. French, in his address of welcome at a 
union meeting of the Manchester Historic xlssociation and the 
New Hampshire Historical Society, said : 

By request it becomes my pleasant privilege to extend cor- 
dial greetings and welcome to you and the members of the old, 
useful and honored New Hampshire Historical Society to the 
"Queen City ot the Merrimack," appreciating as I do, in com- 
mon with all present, that our worthy host, inspired with patrio- 
tic impulses, historic lineage and generous hospitality, invited 
the two societies to the former ground of the heroic Stark at 
this your annual field day. Without any attempt to display or 
extend the program, but desiring to aid in perpetuating the 
memories of the past relating to the heroes of the Revolution 
who honored our state by their valuable services, we call atten- 
tion to the duty of New Hampshire to erect suitable monu- 
ments to the memory of our Revolutionary heroes. The 
United States senate has on two occasions voted $50,000 for 
an equestrian statue of General John Stark, to be located at his 
grave in Stark park, but the bill each time failed to be ap- 
proved by the house of representatives, as is well known. The 
New Hampshire legislature has caused to be erected in the old 
town of Durham a monument to General John Sullivan, and we 
must submit at this time of patriotic work of historic societies, 
the erection of monuments be devoted to the memory of " Light 
Infantry Poor," and " Yorktown Scammel" and Gen. CiUey. 
Manchester cannot claim many places of historic interest or 
ancestral homes. Passaconnaway, as a leader of the Pena- 
cooks, tradition says, had a wigwam near the Amoskeag falls 
near the present site of the home of ex-Governor Smyth, and 
annual festive field-days were held in that vicinity._ Feasting 
and high carnival were annual occasions. Whittier, in many of 


his charming poems, describes most delightfully the places and 
scenery of New Hampshire, Among other charming verses 
are those describing the banquet at Amoskeag on the wedding 
day of the " Bride of Penacook :" 

.steaks of the brown bear fat and large, 
From the rockj' slopes of the Kearsarge ; 
Delicate trout from the Baboosic brook. 
And salmon speared from the Contoocuok ; 
Pike and perch from the Suncook taken. 
Xuts from the trees of the Black Hills shaken , 
Cranberries picked from the Sqamscot bog, 
And g)-apes from the vines of Piscataquog. 

In behalf of our worthy host we take this occasion to call at- 
tention to Gen, Stark and his surroundings, and ask Mr. Her- 
rick to give further information, other than found in printed 
works, which may be interesting to the honored guests present, 

Mr. Henry W, Herrick first spoke of the respect in which 
Gen. Stark was held by the early residents here, as shown in 
their naming for him the first large corporation built in this 
city, likewise the first street built to lead to it, the city's first 
military compan}', the Stark Guards, and one of the first fire 
engine companies. Since that time dozens of societies and or- 
ders have been named for him. The holding of this historic 
field-day in October, he said, and at such a spot, was a most 
appropriate thing, but was only a repetition of what Gen. Stark 
himself did in the last years of his life^ when in October of each 
year he held what he called a harvest home and merry making, 
inviting his neighbors, and poorer people of the town, to attend. 

The facts which he gave regarding General Stark's life^ Mr. 
Herrick said, he gathered thirty or more years ago, when many 
adults who had known the general well were still alive. 

The discipline of the French and Revolutionary wars gave 
Stark a brusque, bold and resolute manner of address. His 
was a strong, decided character, loyal to his friends anci his 
country. To this disinterested and unselfish trait is referable the 
popular esteem in which he was held by his troops and the public. 

He is regarded historically as of Scotch-Irish descent, but a 
noted member of our State Historical Society is sure that Ire- 


land should be known as the ancestral home of the Stark family 
because the general's father emigrated from that country. But 
the family traditions of our subject give his descent as of 
German or Teutonic origin. The significance of the family 
name substantiates this view. Gen. George Stark, late of 
Nashua, asserted that the name was derived from the German 
word Starr, signifying a rough, bold, vigorous character ; but a 
few days since I asked a German lady for the word in he t 
language denoting what is strong and vigorous, and she said 
Starck. She spelled the word like ourselves except that she 
added the letter c before the final letter k. This genealogical 
matter is of some historical interest, for we find traits of both 
the Scotch and German as well as the Irish in the character of 
Stark. The general always had a fancy for the Hessians or 
Brunswickers in the English army. They were strong, brave 
and good natured, and he expressed this fancy by bringing with 
his troops quite a contingent of his prisoners when he returned 
to our state. Several of these soldiers settled in Weare and 
Merrimack, where their descendants are yet to be found. 

Caleb Stark, the general's eldest son, died in Ohio in 1S38, 
at the age of about 80 years. The government had ceded a 
tract of land in that state to him in 1S2S for military services, 
and this tract was ultimately named Stark county. Canton, 
the home of President McKinley, is the most prominent of its 
cities, and is very near INIassillon, the county seat. This Dun- 
barton branch of the family has been noted in the military and 
naval annals of the country. Four of the male descendants 
have been officers in our navy, the last of whom, John Ancrum 
Winslow, captain of the Kearsarge, received the honorable title 
of rear admiral, for sinking the Alabama in 1864. This branch 
of the family still holds the old homestead at Dunbarton, for- 
merly Starktown, and Caleb Stark, Jr., soon after his father's 
death, wrote the extended memoir of his distinguished ancestor, 
which was published in Concord at the period of commence- 
ment of our late war of the rebellion. This includes volumi- 
nous military records of the period of Stark's public services. 

If General Stark was descended from a German ancestry it 


was 200 years or more that his ancestors were in Scotland be- 
fore they emigrated to this country in the troublous times of 
George the First, for we are told by family tradition that some 
of the soldiers of the force raised in Germany by the Dachess of 
Burgundy in 1495 to resist the enthronement of Henry VII. 
were at the close of that unfortunate campaign settled in Scotland. 
Several soldiers of the name of Stark were in this army of invasion, 
A trait of General Stark, not always found in a victorious 
commander, was his readiness to ascribe his success to the val- 
or of other officers and soldiers. He never enlarged on his 
own achievements, and took a manly and noble pleasure in 
praising the soldierly qualities of others. This is shown in his 
hic^h estimate of the qualities of Robert Rogers, his ranger cap- 
tain in the French and Indian war, and also in the friendly 
relations he sustained with brother officers in the continental 
army. During the campaign at Trenton he formed an intimacy 
with James Monroe, then an officer in a Virginia artillery. 
After years had passed and Monroe was president, in 1S17, one 
of his first acts was to secure a major-general's commission for 
Stark, and the same was forwarded with an autograph letter, 
expressing his friendship and respect. 

The popular interest in the life record of Stark increased as the 
year's passed ; for the principal traits of his character, and his 
life work, were so noble and genuine, that distance of time only 
gives us a better perspective view of them. Perhaps the vic- 
tory of Bennington in its great influence in turning the fortunes 
of war to the defeat of Burgoyne may account in some degree 
for this popular interest in Stark, yet the intrinsic worth of the 
man bears out and sustains this attraction. Nearly a hundred 
different publications issued in this country and in London, 
o-iving biographical or historical narrations of Stark, constitute 
the biography of the old hero. These are in history, essays, 
biography and poems, and represent solid volumes, periodicals, 
pamphlets, newspapers and other forms of publication, collected 
by the industry and perseveronce of our esteemed bibliographer, 
Mr. S. C. Gould. May this collection have an honorable niche 
in the future collection of our young, local historic association. 

Bibliography on Major-General John Stark. 


Barstow, George. John Stark and his militar}' career 
" History of New Hampshire," Portrait of Stark. Con- 
cordj N. H., 1842. 

Bartlett, Charles H. Oration of Hon. Charles H. Bartlett 
at the dedication of the Stark Memorial Park, Manchester, 
N. H., June 17, 1893, Pp. 25. Manchester, N. H., 1893. 

Bartlett, Samuel C. Centennial oration at Bennington, Ver- 
mont, at the laying of the corner-stone of the Battle Monu- 
ment, August 16, 1877. Pp. 27. Rutland, Vt., 1879. 

Brown, Eunice Kidder, John Stark. Memoir and exploits 
Two portraits and other illustrations. Portrait of Nathan P. 
Kidder, a great grandson of John Stark ; a portrait of the 
author and her daughter, descendants of John Stark. In 
The New Race ^ Vol. H, September, 1897. Chicago, 111. 

Browne, George Waldo. "The Woodranger." Boyhood of 
Stark. Boston, 1899. 

Battle of Bennington. In Harper's Weekly^ Vol. XXI, 
August 25, 1867, p. 670, illustrated, p. 660. New York. 

Bliss, Charles M. Birthplace of John Stark. In Granite 
Monthly, Vol. II, November, 1878. Concord, N. H. 

BoLYSTON, Edward D. Brief Sketch of the Life and Character 
of General John Stark. In the New Hampshire Magazine, 
September, 1843. Frontispiece, Stark's Tomb. Man- 
chester, N. H. 

Butler, James Davie, (and George Fred Houghton). Ad- 
dresses on the Battle of Bennington, with memoirs of Col. 
Seth Warner, before Legislature of Vermont, in Montpelier, 
October 20, 1848. 8vo. pp. 99. Burlington, Vt., 1849. 

Chapin, Edwin H. Poem at the annual Celebration of the 
Battle of Bennington, August 16, 1837, in Bennington, Vt. 


Chase, Francis. Anecdotes from the Life of General Stark. 

Pages 15S-166 in "Gathered Sketches from the Early 
. History of New Hampshire and Vermont.'' Clare- 

mont, N. H., 1856. 

Colby, Fred. Myron. Stark Place, Dunbarton, N. H. In 
Granite Monthly, Vol. V, December, 1881. Concord, N. H. 

CoBURN, Frank W, Centennial History of the Battle of Ben- 
nington ; compiled from the most reliable sources, and fully 
illustrated with original documents and entertaining anec- 
dotes. Col. Seth Warner's identity in the first action com- 
pletely established. 1777-1S77. Portrait of Stark. Plan of 
Bennington Heights. Pp. 72. Boston, 1877. 

Cross, Allen Eastman. John Stark. Poem at the dedication 
of the Statue of Stark, Concord, N. H., October 23, 1890. 
Published in the volume of Proceedings on the occasion. 
Also, in Daily Mirror, October 24, 1890. Manchester, N. H. 

Diary of John Stark. A manuscript volume of about sixty 
pages. This was in the possession of Jerome B. Stark, a 
great grandson, who died October 8, 1896, in Manchester, 
N. H. It is now in the possession of Mrs. Susan P. Abbott, 
a cousin of Jerome B. Stark. Manchester, N. H. 

Dodge, Levi W. Along the John Stark River, from Agrioco- 
chook to the Connecticut. In the Granite Monthly, Vol. V, 
August, 18S2. Concord, N. H. 

Drake, Samuel G. Memoir of General John Stark. In 
N. E. Historic- Genealogical Register, Vol. VII, p. 201. 
Boston, 1853. 

Durnford's (Lieut.) Map. Map of the Battle of Bennington, 
as furnished to Burgoyne, his commanding officer. In Jen- 
ning's " Memorials of a Century." Boston, 1869. 

DuYCKiNCK, E. A. & G. L. General John Stark. In "Na- 
tional Portrait Gallery," Vol. I, p. 166. New York, 1856. 

English, Thomas D. The Battle of Bennington, August 16, 
1777. Poem. Portrait and one illustration. In Harper's 
New Monthly Magazine, Vol. XXI, August, i860. 
New York, i860. 

Everett, Edward. Memoir of John Stark. Spark's Ameri- 
can Biography • First Series, Vol. I. Boston and London, 
1S34. Harper's edition, pp. 116. New York, 1854. 


Fassett, J. H. General John Stark — Colonial Life in New 
Hampshire. Chapter VII, pp. 96-119, Boston, 1899. 

Frothingham, Richard, Jr. History of the Siege of Boston, 
and the Battles of Lexington, Concord, and Bunker Hill. 
Services of John Stark. 16 maps and engravings. Boston, 
1S49 ; second ed. 1S51. 

General John Stark. Biographical Sketch of John Stark, 
Farmer and Moore's Historical and Mi^cellaneous Collec- 
tions. Vol. I, pp. 92-116. Concord, N. H., 1823. 

General Stark at Bennington. General Stark and his Gal- 
lant Command at Bennington. In the Bennington Weekly 
Banner, July 4, 1883. Manchester, Vi., 1883. 

General John Stark. Statue Erected by the State. The 
Statue erected by the State of New Hampshire in honor of 
General John Stark. Sketch of its Inception, Erection, and 
Dedication. Oration by Hon. James W. Patterson. Frontis- 
piece, Statue of Stark. 4to. Cloth ; pp. 62. Man- 
chester, N. H., 1890. 

Gilmore, George C. Roll of New Hampshire Soldiers at the 
Battle of Bennington, August 16, 1777. Compiled by George 
C. Gilmore. Portrait of Maj. Gen. John Stark from the orig- 
inal sketch made by Miss Hannah Crowninshield, Sa- 
lem, Mass., May 31, 1810. Cloth^ 4to. pp. 56. Man- 
chester, N. H., 1891. 

Gilmore, George C. Captain John Moore's Company of Col. 
John Stark's Regiment, at Bunker Hill. Paper read before 
Manchester Historic Association, June 27, 1896. In "Man. 
Hist. Asso. Collections," Vol. I, p. 32. Manchester, N. H,, 
1897. I" JVotes and Queries, Vol. XV, May, 1897. Man- 
chester, N. H. 

Glazier, William B. Heroes. Poem. Hallowell, Me., 1853 , 

Gould, S. C. Bibliography on Gen. John Stark. Books 
pamphlets, memoirs, papers, poems, etc., on John Stark • 
First edition. 65 titles, published in IVotes and Queries, Vol. 
XV, October-November, 1897. Second edition, 75 titles, pub- 
lished in Vol. XVII, May-June, 1899. Manchester, N. H. 

Hall, Hiland. Sketch of the Battle of Bennington, prepared 
for and contained in the Memorial Volume of the Centennial 
of the Battle of Bennington, August 16, 1877. 

Halleck, Fitz Greene. New England Men. A poem in 
Halleck's Works. "'Or Molly Stark's a Widow tonight,* 


— It was done." Also, in the Iris and Literary Souvenir, 
Vol. II, December, 1842. Manchester, N. H., 1S42. (Also 
reprinted in many publications.) 

Headley, Joel T. Washington. and his Generals. Vol. I, p. 
200. New York, 1S57. 

Heath, Clara B. Poem by Mrs, Clara B. Heath, read by 
Frank S. Sutcliffe, at the patriotic exercises, at the Stark 
Memorial Park, July 5, 1897. Manchester Datly Mirror, 
July 6, 1S97. 

Herrick, Henry W. Tomb of Stark. Poem in the New 
Hampshire Magazine, September, 1843. Also reprints : In 
"Gems for You, a Gift for All Seasons," p. 19, Compiled 
by Frederick A. Moore. Published by William H. Fisk. 
Manchester, N. H., 1850. In " Memoir and Official Corre- 
spondents of John Stark/' p. 106. By Caleb Stark. Con- 
cord, N. H., 1S90. In "The Poets of New Hampshire," p. 
61. Compiled by Bela Chapin. Claremont, N. H., 1885. 
In Granite Momthly, Vol. HI, May, iSSo. Concord, N. H. 
In Notes and Queries, Vol. XII, August, 1894. Man- 
chester, N. H. 

Herrick, Henry W. General Stark and the Battle of Ben- 
nington. Harper's New Monthly Magazine, Vol. LV, Sep- 
tember, 1877. Portrait of Stark and seven illustrations. 
Pp. 10. New York, 1874. 

Herrick, Henry W. Memorials and Anecdotes of John 
Stark. In the Granite Monthly, Vol. Ill, April, 1S80. 
Concord, N. H. 

Herrick, Henry W. Stark at Bunker Hill, at Bennington, 
and at Home. Portrait and fifteen illustrations. Chapter 
in the Centennial Book of Manchester, N. H. 4to. pp. 292- 
310. Published by George F. Willey. Manches- 
ter, N. H., 1S96. 

Herrick, Henry W. General Stark as a business man ; his 
public, social, and domestic life. Address before the Man- 
chester Historic Association, September 15, 1897. Published 
in the Manchester Daily Mirror, September 16, 1897. 

Herrick, Henry W. Address at the union meeting of Man- 
chester Historic Asssociation and N. H, Historical society at 
Manchester, October 6, 1898. Mirror, October 8, 1898. 

LeGrand, Dr. Louis. John Stark, the Wood-Ranger of the 
North. In " Men of the Time of '76," published in Saturday 
journal, No. 182, New York, 1882. 


Life and Military Services of John Stark, Reminiscences 
of the French War : containing Rogers' Expeditions with the 
New England Rangers under his command as published in 
London in 1765 ; with notes and illustrations. To which is 
added an account of the Life and Military Services of Gen. 
John Stark ; with notices and anecdotes of other officers dis- 
tinguished in the French and Revolutionary Wars. Cloth ; 
i2mo. pp. 276. Concord, N. H., 183 1. 

Life of John Stark. The Hero of the Backwoods. In Boys 
Own Paper, Vol. VI, Nos. 6, 7 and 8. London, 1882. 

Lodge, Henry Cabot (and Theodore R oosevelt). Hero 
Tales of American History. General Stark at Bunker Hill 
and Bennington. Cloth ; pp. 335. Boston, 1S95. 

McHugh (Rev.) Richard J. The Hero of the Hills. A 
Tribute to John Stark. Pronounced before the New Hamp- 
shire Club^ in Boston, Mass. Published in the '-Poenij and 
Prose Words of Rev. Richard J. McHugh,"' edited by Denis 
Augustine Holland. Pp. 191-201. Manchester, N. H., 1S96. 

Narrative of Lieut. Click, a Hessian Officer, connected 
with the British torces at Bennington. Published in Germany. 

Nesmith, George W. New Hampshire Men at Bunker Hill. 
In Granite Monthly, Vol. II, June, 1S79. Concord, N. H. 

Nesmith, George W. Letter of James Madison to Gen. John 
Stark, and his Answer. In Granite Monthly, Vol. IV, Sep- 
tember, 1881. Concord, N. H. 

Parker, Francis J. The Battle of Bunker Hill. Col. Wil- 
liam Prescott the commander. A monograph. Stark and 
Reed's command. Boston, 1S75. 

Parton, James Life of John Stark. In New York Ledger 
October 3, 1891. New York. 

Potter. Chandler E. Biographical Sketch of General Stark. 
Ixi Farmer's Mofithly Visitor, Vol. XII, Jan., 1S52. Manchester, 

Potter, Chandler E. Gen. John Stark and the Revolution- 
ary War. Chapters XIX and XX in " History of Manches- 
ter, N. H," pp. 414-493. Manchester, N. H., 1856. 

Potter, Chandler E. Tribute to John Stark. In address 
before Amoskeag Veterans, Manchester, N .H., February 22, 
1855. Also Tribute to Stark, in address before the Amos- 
keag Veterans, February 22, 1859, quoted from " Memoir 
of Stark," p. 99, by Caleb Stark, i860. Manchester, 
N. H., 1855 and 1859. 


Powers, Grant. Memoir of General Stark. In " Historical 
Sketches of the Discovery, Settlement and Progress of Events 
in Coos County and Vicinity, between 1754 and 1785." 
i2mo. cloth. Haverhill, N. H., 1841. 

Rodman, Thomas P. The Battle of Benniigton, August 16, 
1777. Poem in the "Rhode Island Book." Reprinted in 
Memoir and Official Correspondents of John Stark, p. 104, 
By Caleb Stark, Concord, N. H., i860. 

Sanborn, Edwin D. Tribute to John Stark. Oration, New 
Hampshire at the Centennial, October 12, 1S76, at Philadel- 
phia. Pamphlet compiled by Jacob Bailey Moore. Man- 
chester, N. H., 1876. 

Sargent, Jonathan E. Baker's River — Capture of John 
Stark by the Indians. In Granite Monthly, Vol. II, Decem- 
ber, 1878. Concord, N. H. 

Smith, Mrs. Isaac W. General Stark, the Hero of Benning- 
ton. Paper before the Old Residents' Association, Manches- 
ter, N. H., September 8, 1897. In Daily Mirror, October 
16, 1897. Manchester, N. H. 

Staples, Charles J. Historic Stark Memorial Park. Patrio- 
tic address, July 5, 1897. Address and proceedings in the 
Manchester Daily Mirror, July 6, 1897. 

Stark, Caleb. Memoirs and Official Correspondents of Gen. 
John Stark, with notices of several other Officers of the Rev- 
olution, Also a Biography of Capt. Phinehas Stevens ; and 
of Col. Robert Rogers, with an account of his services in 
America during the " Seven Years' War." By Caleb Stark. 
Portrait of Gen. Stark. Cloth ; 8vo. p. 496. Con- 
cord, N. H., i860. 

Stark, Caleb. Poem. Lines addressed to Major-General 
Stark at the age of 93, one of the only two surviving Ameri- 
can Generals of the Revolutionary Army. (First published 
in a Boston newspaper in 1821). Reprinted in the Farmer^ s 
Monthly Visitor, signed "V," Vol. II, September, 30, 1840, 
Concord, N. H. Reprinted in JVbtes and Queries, Vol. XII, 
August, 1894. Manchester, N. H. 

Stark, George. John Stark. In Granite Monthly, Vol. X, 
April, 1S87. Concord, N. H. 

Stark, George. Origin of the Stark Family of New Hamp- 
shire, and a list of Living Descendants of General John 
Stark. Pp. 13. Manchester, N. H., 1SS7. 


Stark, John, Portrait. Portrait of General John Stark by 
Samuel F. B. Morse, in local Art Exhibition, Manchester, N. 
H. Account, with portrait, in Manchester Daily Union, 
October 14, 1897. 

Statues of John Stark and Daniel Webster. Proceedings 
in Congress upon the Acceptance of the Statues of John 
Stark and Daniel Webster, presented by the State of New 
Hampshire. Addresses on General Stark by Senators J. H. 
Gallinger and William E. Chandler and Representatives H. 

• M. Baker and Henry W. Blair, of Manchester, and others. 

Stoddard, Richard A. General John Stark. In National 
Monthly, Vol. XH, p. 4S1. 

Swett, S. Who was the Commander at Bunker Hill ? With 
remarks on Frothingham's History of the Battle. Stark and 
Reid's regiments. Boston, 1850. 

Thatcher, James. John Stark of New Hampshire. In a 
'^Military Journal during the American Revolutionary War, 
from 1775-1783. To which is added an Appendix contain- 
ing Biographical Sketches of sevvTal General Officers. Svo. 
pp. 603. Boston, 1827, 

Thyng, J. Warren. General John Stark. A memoir, illus- 
trated with portraits of General Stark and his wife " Molly," 
and ten others, in six and one half columns. In Manchester 
Daily Union, ]une 17, 1893. 

Trumbull, Henry. John Stark. "In Indian Wars," chapters 
IX and X. Boston, 1846. 

Whiton, John M. Periods, 1775-1784, 1784-1805, from the 
commencement of the Revolutionary contest in 1775 to the 
commencement of Gov. Langdon's Administration in 1805. 
In " Sketches of the History of New Hampshire," pp. 125- 
175, chapters IX and X. Concord, N. H.., 1834. 

WiTHERELL, J. Letter of Judge Witherell to General John 
Stark, dated Detroit, Mich., 26th May, 1811. In Farmer's 
Monthly Visitor, rYo\. XIII, August, 1853 Cp. 247) Man- 
chester, N. H., 1853. 

Worcester, Samuel T.New Hampshire Soldiers at the Battle 
of Bunker Hill. Paper before the New Hampshire Histori- 
cal Society, June 14, 18S2. Vol. I, pp. 353-364. Con- 
cord, N. H., 1888. 

(75 titles.) 



During the Colonial Period of America there is found often 
mention of bills and obligations being ordered paid in what was 
then known as Proclamation Money, and the question has 
been asked, "What was Proclamation Money?" 

On December the 25th, 1704, the Council of the Province of 
New Hampshire held at Portsmouth, at which was present John 
Hinker, Robert Elliott, Samuel Penhallow and John Plaisted, 
members of the council, took action as follows, viz. : 

"Pursuant to his Excellency's Letter of the iSth, instant, 
setting forth her Majesties Command to proclaim the Procla- 
mation about the coyne (coin) in a most solemn manner - 

"Ordered, that the Justices and sheriffs attend the publication 
of said Proclamation this present day at Portsmouth and also 
at New Castle some day this week as the weather will permit ; 
and accordingly the said Proclamation was proclaimed at Ports- 
mouth, the Justices, Secretary and Sheriff attending the same 
in a serious and solemn manner." 

This proclamation was put forth to promulgate the proclama- 
tion of the queen fixing the relative value of the foreign coins 
then in circulation within the several provinces in America. 
Acts of Parliament were promulgated by a proclamation of the 
Sovereign of the Nation, and these proclamations were pro- 
claimed by the Council of the Colonies on command of the 
several governors. 

On January 20, 1708-9, the council at Portsmouth passed the 
following order : 



"His Excellency's letter dated Boston lolh. January current, 
relating to two Acts of Parliament to be proclaimed with the 
usual solemnity, to wit : 

" An Act for ascertaining the rates of Foreign Coins in her 
Majisty's plantations in America, which was ordered to be 
proclaimed as usual in such cases." 

This act above referred to passed Parliament 170S, was pro- 
claimed in New Hampshire, January, 20, 170S-9, and as 
follows : 


An act for ascertaining the Rates for Foreign Coins in Her 
Majesty's Plantations in America. 

Whereas for remedying the inconveniences which had arisen 
from the different rates at which the same species of foreign 
silver coins did pass in her Majisty's several colonies and 
plantations in America, her most excellent Majesty has tho't fit 
by her royal proclamation, bearing date the eighteenth day of 
June, one thousand seven hundred and four, and in the third 
year of her reign, to settle and ascertain the currency of the 
foreign coins in her said colonies and plantations, in the man- 
ner and words following. 

We having had under our consideration the different rates at 
which the same species of foreign coins do pass in our several 
colonies and plantations in America^ and the inconveniences 
thereof, by the direct practice of drawing the money from one 
plantation to another ; to the great prejudice of the trade of 
our subjects : and being sensible, that the same cannot be oth- 
erwise remedied, than by reducing of all foreign coins to the 
same current rate within all our dominions in America ; and the 
principle officers of our mint having laid before us a table of 
the value of the several foreign coins which usually pass in 
payments in our said plantations, according to their weight; 
and the essays made ot them in our mint, thereby showing the 
just proportion which each coin ought to have to the other; 
which is as follows ; viz : Sevill pieces of eight, old plate, sev- 
enteen penny-weighc twelve gxz.\ns,four shiiiings and sixpence ; 
Sevill pieces of eight, new plate, fourteen penny-weight twelve,, four shil/irigs z.nd six pence \ ^tv\\\ pieces of eight, new 
plate, fourteen penny-weight, three shillings seven pence one farthing; 
Mexico pieces of eight, seventeen peny-weight twelve grains, 
four shillings and sixpence; Pillar pieces of eight, seventene 


peny-weight twelve grains, four shillings and six pence three 
farthings ; Peru pieces of eight, old plate, seventeen peny-weight 
twelve gx^\v\%,four shillings and five pence, or thereabout; Cros 
dollars, eighteen peny-weight, /^«r shillings and four fence three 
farthings; Ducatoons of Flanders, twenty peny-weight and twen- 
ty one grains, yfz'^ shillings and six pence ; 

Ecu's of France, or silver Lewis, seventeen peny weight twelve 
grains, four shillings and sixpence ; Crufadoes of Portugal, 
eleven peny weight four gr dims, two shillt??gs and ten pence one 
farthing ; Thxet Gilder pieces of Ho llaml, twenty peny weight 
and seven grains, ;fz'^ i-z^/Z/Zw^j- and two pace one farthing ; Old 
Rix Dollars of the empire, eight peny weight and ten grains, 
four shillings and sixpence: The halves, quarters and other 
parts in proportion to their denominations, and light pieces in 
proportion to their weight : We have therefore thought fit for 
remedying the said inconveniences, by the advice of our coun- 
cil, to publish aud declare, that from and after the first day of 
January next ensuing the date thereof, no Sevill, Pillar, or Mex- 
ico piece of eight, though of full weight of seventeen peny 
weight and a half shall be accounted, received, taken or paid 
within any of our said colonies or plantations, as well those 
under proprietors and charters as under our immediate com- 
mission and government, at above the rate of six shillings per 
piece current money, for the discharge of any contract or bar- 
gains to be made after the said first day of January next, the 
halfs, quarters, and other lesser pieces of the same coins to be 
accounted, received, taken or paid in same proportion :And the 
currency of all pieces of Peru dollars, and other foreign pieces 
of silver coins, whether of the same or baser alloy, shall after 
the said first day of January next stand regulated, according to 
their weight and fineness, according and in proportion to the 
rate before limited and set for the pieces of Sevill, Pillar, and 
Mexico; for that no foreign silver coin of any sort be permitted 
to exceed the same proportion upon any account whatsoever. 
And we do hereby require and command all our governors, 
lieutenant governors, magistrates, officers, and all other good 
subjects within our said colonies and plantations, to observe 
and obey our directions herein, as they tender our displeasure. 
And whereas notwithstanding the said proclamation, tlie 
same indirect practices as are therein mentioned, are still car- 
ried on within some of the said colonies or plantations, and 
the money thereby drawn from one plantation to another, in 
prejudice of the trade of her Majesty's subjects: Wherefore 
for the better enforcing the due execution of her Majesty's said 


proclamation throughout all the said colonies and plantations ; 
and for the more effectual remedying the said inconveniences 
thereby intended to be remedied ; 

Be it Enacted by the Queen's most excellent majesty, by and 
with the advice and consent of the Lords spiritual and tempor- 
al, and Commons in this present parliament assembled, and by 
the authority of the same, That if any person within any of the 
said colonies or plantations, as well those under proprietors and 
charters^ as under her Majesty's immediate commission and 
government, shall after the tirst day of May, which shall be in 
the year of our Lord, one thousand seven hundred and nine, 
for the discharge of any contracts or bargains to be thereafter 
made, account, receive, take or pay any of the several species 
of silver coins mentioned in the before-recited proclamation, 
at a greater or higher rate than at which the same is hereby 
regulated, settled and allowed, to be accounted, received, taken 
or paid, every such person so accounting, receiving, taking or 
paying the same contrary to the directions therein contained, 
shall suffer six months imprisonment, without bail or main- 
prize : Any law, custom or usage in any of the said colonies 
or plantations to the contrary hereof in any wise understandino-. 

And shall likewise forfeit the sum of ten pounds for every 
such offence ; one moiety thereof to her Majesty, her heirs and 
successors ; the other moiety to such person or persons as shall 
sue for the same : to be recovered with full costs of suit, by 
action of debt, bill plaint or information, in any of her Majes- 
ty's courts of justice of the charter or proprietary governments 
where such offence shall be committed. 

Provided, nevertheless, and it is hereby declared, That noth- 
ing in the before-recited proclamation, or in this act contained, 
shall extend, or be construed to compe 1 any person to receive 
any of the said species of foreign silver coins, at the respective 
rates in the ^dJid proclafnation mentioned. 

Provided also, and it is hereby further declared, That nothing 
in this act contained, shall extend or be construed to restrain 
her Majesty from regulating, and settling the several rates of 
the said species of foreign silver coins within any of the said 
colonies or plantations, in such other manner, and according to 
such other rates and proportions as her Majesty by her royal 
proclamation for that purpose to be issued, shall from time to 
time judge proper and necessary ; or from giving her royal as- 
sent to any law hereafter to be made in any of the said colonies 
or plantations, for the settling and ascertaining the current 
rates of such coins within the said colonies or plantations but 


that such further regulations may be made, and such assent 
given, in as full and ample manner, to all intents and purposes 
as the same might have been done in case this act had not been 
made, and no otherwise : Any thing herein before contained 
to the contrary hereof in any wise notwithstanding. 

The colonies provided for the coinage of .subsidiary coins, 
the copper or other metal being provided by the colonies and 
the same were coined at the mint in London, these coins were 
also put into circulation by the proclamation of the King. 

Proclamation Money, was the coins used in the colonies, 
other than the coins of the Realm, the value of which was fixed 
by Parliament, and proclaimed by the Proclamation of the King, 
or Sovereign of England. These coins being issued and used 
on a different basis than the ones of the Realm, and not being 
legal tender for the payments of debts, except to a limited ex- 
tent, and being more convenient to the colonists, in the dis- 
charge of their obligations, provisions were therefore made for 
these payments in Proclamation Money. 

This money was declared and made lawful money by Procla- 
mation, and to distinguish it from the English coinage was 
called and known as Proclamation Money. 




The Scientific American a few years ago gave an engraving of 
an enormous syringe carried upon trucks. The water was 
poured or ladled in through a funnel at the top. It would con- 
tain a barrel of water and by turning a crank the piston was 
forced forward which projected the water with considerable 
force. The cut and description were taken from " Besson's 
Theatre des Instruments," and the apparatus was said to date 
from 156S, This is the earliest mention of a practical fire en- 
gine which I have been able to find. 

In 1615 a hand fire engine appeared in Germany. It was 
merely a pump, without hose of any sort. About 1700 Van 
der Heide of Amsterdam invented flexible hose, both for suc- 
tion and as a substitute for the fixed inflexible gooseneck or 
pump nozzle with which the old engines were equipped. It 
was not until nearly a century later, however, that this inven- 
tion was made available. 

Shortly after 1700, Richard Newsham, of England, built the 
first fire engine that became of practical utility. Water was 
carried to the engine by hand and pumped by hand through 
hose or a gooseneck, as the case might be. In 1731 the city of 
New York purchased two of Newsham's engines. These im- 
ported engines were worked exclusively by treadles and the 
water was brought in buckets and poured into the tanks from 
whence it was pumped through a gooseneck. In 1808 Sellers 

7 217 


& Pennock of Philadelphia made the first riveted hose and soon 
came the hose reel. India rubber hose came from England in 
1827 and canvas hose came later. 

About this time "old handtubs," so called, began to be built 
by various manufacturers and improvements in hand fire en- 
gines became numerous. The most prominent manufacturers 
in this country were the Agnew, Button, Howard & Davis, Jef- 
fers, Thayer, Roberts, and last but not least the famous Hunne- 
man Company. 


From Potter's " History of Manchester," I glean the following 
account of the beginning of the Manchester Fire Department : 

"At a town meeting called by the selectmen the 26th of 
October, 1839, on motion of Mr. Bell it was voted that an act, 
entitled an act, defining the powers and duties of firewards, and 
other persons in certain cases, passed December i6th, 1828, 
and an act entitled an act, in addition to an act, defining the 
powers and duties of firewards and other persons in certain 
cases, passed December i6th, 1828, passed July 3d, 1830, be 
adopted and in force in the town of Manchester. 

" Provided, however, that such inhabitants of said town of 
Manchester as live remote from the compact part of said town, 
that is to say, more than one mile from the corner of Amherst 
and Elm streets, shall be exempted from the operation of the 
(10) tenth section of said first-mentioned act. 

" Voted that the inhabitants of the New Village have the 
privilege of nominating firewards. Chose accordingly, John H. 
Maynard, George W. Tilden, Amory Warren, William P. Farm- 
er, Isaac N. Ford, Hiram Brown, Timothy J. Carter, David A. 
Bunton, James Wallace, Henry S. Whitney, Mace Moulton, 

" Voted on motion of Mr. Bell that the selectmen and fire- 
wards be authorized to borrow not exceeding $1000 to purchase 
engines and apparatus for extinguishing fires, provided the 
same can be obtained on reasonable terms and extended credit." 

The Board of Firewards organized with Amory Warren as 
chairman forthwith and agreeable to the vote above purchased 
a Hunneman tub and apparatus for the same at a cost of 
$631.25. This was the first step towards our present efficient 
fire department. 


Prior to this there had been an engine in the Stark yardjbut 
it was owned by that corporation and this one now purchased, 
"Merrimack, No. i/' was the first engine owned by the town. 
As early as 1818 there was a fire engine in Piscataquog, now a 
part of the city, then a part of Bedford. This engine was ob- 
tained through the influence of Isaac Riddle and the company 
was incorporated as the Piscataquog Village Fire Engine Com- 
pany in 1820, approved December 13th, 1820. The incorpora- 
tors were Isaac Riddle, Jr., Jonathan Palmer and Mace Moul- 
ton. Col. George C. Gilmore belonged to a handtub company 
at one time, joining October 20, 1843, which was located in 
Gofifstown under the name of Amoskeag Fire Engine Company, 
No. I. This company was also incorporated, the incorporators 
being Mayo Pond, Charles Morgan and John T. Morgan. The 
incorporation was approved July 3d, 1827. The company con- 
sisted of eighteen men. 

The late Col. John S. Kidder belonged in 1829 to this Pis- 
cataquog Village Handtub Company, which was handled by 
eighteen men, John Parker being foreman. The little red 
engine house stood about where West Hancock street inter- 
sects South Main street. 

In a recent interview in the Mirror with George Elliot and 
Charles K. Walker they tell quite a number of interesting inci- 
dents in connection with this engine. Mr. Elliot served as a 
torch boy in one of the old-time companies and recalls that the 
old machine was not fitted with suction hose but had a tank, 
which being kept full of water by the bucket brigade, provided 
water to be thrown by the pump through the hose. 

Mr. Walker says that the old engine house was never locked 
and was roughly finished inside. For seats there was a row of 
benches made of boards supported on uprights, and extending 
around the four sides of the room. Moody Quimby was clerk 
of the company and its members were volunteers, and at that 
time each man was supposed to be provided with a fire-bucket, 
and on an alarm of fire all turned out and, hustling the old 
handtub to the nearest water in the vicinity of the fire, all 


would pitch in and by passing the buckets along a line would 
fill and keep the tank full of water, so that the engine could be, 
of use. When quite a small boy, Mr. Walker remembers that 
this engine was in use when the " Island Mill," on the Amos- 
keag, just below where the P. C. Cheney Company's Paper 
Mills now are, was burned. This fire occurred in May, 1840. 
Shortly after the old " Goffe " place near Bowman's Brook was 
burned and this engine was used there. 

Later this old machine was used up, and in his school days 
at the old academy, then located where the South Main Street 
Church now stands, Mr. Walker remembers that the boys used 
to go down and haul this old handtub out of the engine house 
up to the Milford Street watering trough, and filling the tank, 
would amuse themselves throwing water over each other. 

This old machine had a record of throwing water over the old 
church spire that towered no feet in the air. The late Col. 
George W. Riddle finally secured the old machine and for 
years kept it in his barn as a relic of former days. The old 
leather fire buckets then with the machine were also taken 
charge of by Mr. Riddle and years after were distributed by him 
among friends as relics of days when they ran with the machine. 

At the second annual meeting of the Board of Firewards 
held March 30, 1840, Mace Moulton was chosen chairman, and 
T. J. Carter, clerk. The same rules and regulations as gov- 
erned the former board were adopted and the following one 
added : That in selecting fire engine men, the firewards will 
give a preference to such persons as are able bodied, laboring 
men, likely to be permanent residents in the place and that 
they will not give a warrant to the members of any engine com- 
pany unless it shall be one of the regulations of the company, 
that the members shall meet once each month, from March to 
November, and exercise their engine and see that such engine 
is in complete order for use." 

The following committee was then chosen to take charge of 
organizing companies: Joseph M. Rowell, No. i, Merrimack; 
James Wallace, No. 2, Manchester ; and T. J. Carter, No. 3, 


Bennington Company. Another committee was also chosen to 
make '^ respectful application " to the Amoskeag Company for 
a donation of a suitable plot of land for the erection of an en- 
gine house for the engine recently purchased. 

At a meeting of the board April i8th a constitution was 
adopted to be presented to the several companies that might be 
formed, and soon after or at the same meeting eighteen names 
were submitted as members of Engine Company, No. i. These 
were accepted, but the board thought the number too small and 
added twenty-two more to the list. 

On the 28th of the same month Walter French was chosen 
chief engineer of the department. It was at that time and for 
several years after only an honorary office with no salary. At 
the same time Mace Moulton, Isaac C. Flanders, J. T, P. Hunt 
and T. J. Carter were chosen to form lines at fires, James Wal- 
lace and Joseph M. Rowell to procure water, and Foster 
Towne, W. P. Farmer and Dustin Marshall to remove goods, 
etc. An engine house for the new engine was built the same 
year on Vine Street " not to exceed $ioo in cost," and which, 
according to the records, was accomplished at a cost of $90. 
A new hose carriage was also procured the same year. 

At the organization of the board for the year 1841, George 
Porter was chosen chairman, and Walker Flanders, first engi- 
neer ; Isaac C. Flanders, second ; and George Hall, third. The 
Machine Shop Engine Company, No. 2, was formed in the early 
part of this year and the list of members, as reported, adopted 
by the Board of Firewards. The officers of the company were : 
A. Brigham, foreman ; O. W. Ainsworth, assistant foreman ; 
Edward Griffin, hose master; S. G. Patterson, assistant; J. H. 
Knowlton^ clerk. The Stark Mills Engine Co., No. 3, was soon 
after formed with George Perry, foreman ; David Ricker, assist- 
ant ; Orlando Bagley, hose master; and Horace Gordon j assistant. 

At a meeting of the board held April 30th, 1841, it was voted 
" the firewards deem it very necessary that a hook and ladder 
company should be formed to act in concert with the other fire 
companies in Manchester, and that a request should be made 
to the selectmen for funds to procure the necessary apparatus." 


That this request was complied with is evident from the fact 
that the board accepted the names of and organized a hook 
and ladder company with W. Boyd, foreman ; A. B. Morrill, 
assistant, and seventeen others as members of the company. 
They also accepted a list of ten names for Hose No. i. 

The first muster of any account occurred on the 2d of 
August, 1841. The companies met on Concord Square to 
operate their engines and apparatus. In 1842 John A. Burn- 
ham was chairman of the board and also chief engineer. In 
1843 the late Moody Currier was chief with J. B. Congdon as 
director of Engine No. i, Ira Bliss of No. 2, R. G. Smith of 
No. 3, W. L. Lane of Hose and Ladder, No. 3, and Ezekiel 
Blake of Hook and Ladder, No. i. 

In 1844 John S. Kidder was chief, Edward McQueston 
director of No. i, D. W. Grimes of No. 2, Gilman Riddle 
of No. 3, S. P. Greeley, Hook and Ladder, No. i, and E. C. 
Foster of Hose and Ladder, No. 3. In August of this year the 
old Town House was burned. Potter says, speaking of this 
fire : "On Monday the 12th day of August, 1844, the new Town. 
House was destroyed by fire. Smoke was discovered issuing 
from the bell deck about half past ten o'clock A, M., and in a 
few moments was forcing itself through every crevice and cran- 
ny of the roof. Shortly after the flames burst out of the north- 
west corner of the roof and in an hour the whole structure was 
a heap of smoking ruins. The fire took in the armory of the 
Stark Guards from a lighted piece of paper carelessly thrown 
upon the floor. This doubtless, through some grains of pow- 
der scattered upon the floor, communicated to shavings be- 
neath, between the floor and Hall. Here it was confined and 
had been burning sometime before the smoke and flame found 
vent. Upon breaking out at the northwest corner of the build- 
ing, the fire seemed to spread at once all over it. Taking in 
the attic and being thus underway no effort could save any part 
of the building. Most of the goods in the stores and cellars 
were removed as also the contents of the Postoffice, but the 
printing office of Mr. J. C. Emerson in the third story, and the 


effects of the Stark Guards and Granite Fusileers in their armo- 
ries in the attic, were almost entirely destroyed. The loss to 
individuals and the town was about $30,000, of which $11,000 
was covered by insurance. At the time of the fire Mr. Charles 
Chase of this city was standing on the street in front of the 
Riddle Building. He was one of the first to respond to the 
alarm and went into the building and up into the armory of the 
Stark Guards before the fire which was burning below, between 
the floors, had reached the armory. 

" A town meeting was called immediately to be held on the 
30th day of August, to take into consideration the rebuilding of 
the Town House and other matters for the protection of the 
town against fire." At this meeting it was " Voted to build the 
Town House as good or better than the old one and put a clock 
and bell on the same." They also appointed a committee to 
take charge of the building of the Town House. " Another 
committee was raised consisting of Messrs. Samuel D. Bell, 
John A. Burnham, Walter French, Ezekiel Blake, E. A. Straw, 
Isaac C. Flanders and ]Moody Currier to examine the different 
sources from which water might be obtained for the purpose of 
extinguishing fires ; the selectmen were also directed to pur- 
chase two fire engines with the necessary apparatus and author- 
ized them to borrow a sum of money not exceeding $20,000 to 
meet the expenses of the Town House, bell, clock, and engines. 
The meeting adjourned to September 17th then to hear the 
committee on the subject of water. In accordance with the 
above vote two engines were purchased immediately, Massabe- 
sic, No, 4, being made by Thayer at a cost of $855.50, and 
Torrent, No. 5, being made by the Hunneman Company at a 
cost of $780. Companies were formed for the two new ma- 
chines with William Shepherd as foreman of No. 4 and I. C. 
Frye as foreman of No. 5. The report of the committee on 
water made on the 17th of September, stated that a full sup- 
ply of water could not be obtained short of bringing the water 
of Massabesic Lake into the town by an aqueduct. Upon this 
report being made the meeting dissolved. A new meeting was 
organized and the following votes were passed : 


" Voted that the Board of Firewards be authorized to 
construct a new reservoir on Pine Street, near the culvert, and 
a reservoir on Lowell Street^ near the School House, to com- 
plete the reservoirs now commenced on Union Street, to deep- 
en and improve the reservoir in Concord Square and to make 
necessary arrangements to render the Pond which is expected 
to be made by the Amoskeag Manufacturing Company, on 
Merrimack Street, useful in case of fire. 

"Voted that the sum of $1000 be appropriated for the forego- 
ing purposes and that the selectmen be authorized to hire the 
sum on the credit of and to give notes in the name of the town. 

"Voted that the Firewards be authorized to procure if possi- 
ble the land necessary for a reservoir on Union Street, of such 
height that the water may be distributed thence to other reser- 
viors in the Village, and make report at the town meeting to be 
held in November next, with an estimate of the expense neces- 
sary for that purpose. 

" Voted that the selectmen be authorized to establish such a 
watch as they may deem necessary for the protection of the 
town against fire. " Voted that the selectmen be authorized to 
build two or more engine houses for the use of the town. 
" Voted that the selectmen be authorized to procure by pur- 
chase or otherwise at such place as the Firewards shall direct, 
lots of land for the erection of engine houses. 

" Voted that the selectmen be authorized to borrow on the 
credit of the town, $1000 for the purpose of procuring lands 
and erecting engine houses thereon. "Voted that the select- 
men prohibit as far as possible the digging in the streets to the 
injury of the reservoirs now built or that may be built at any 
time hereafter." 

" In accordance with these votes the various reservoirs were 
enlarged, new ones were built, the ponds on Concord and Mer- 
rimack squares were made available as reservoirs and the pond 
upon Hanover Square was so fitted up as to afford an abun- 
dant supply of water at all times to most of the reservoirs below 
Pine Street. Also a night watch was established. Lots were 
purchased and engine houses were built upon them, one on 
Chestnut Street for Massabesic, No. 4, and one on Pine Street 
for Torrent; No. 5. 

In December the Board of Firewards was re-organized with 
Daniel Ciark^ chairman, and 1= C. Flanders, assistant. 


The Department was again re-organized in the early part of 
1845, a board of engineers taking the place of the old Fire- 
wards This board consisted of Daniel Clark, chief, and Wil- 
liam Shepherd, R. G. Smith, W. C. Clarke, Walter French, 
David Gillis and J. G. CiUey, assistants. There was a little 
trouble among the members of No. 5 at this time and the com- 
pany was disbanded and a new one formed. At a meeting of 
the board on October 29, 1845, "otice was given of the dis- 
bandment of No. 4, and the apparatus was placed in charge of 
Mr. French until a new company could be formed. At the 
annual town meeting, March 10, 1S45, it was voted to pay the 
firemen 10 cents an hour for actual service at fires. 

In 1846 O. W. Bagley was recommended by the board as 
chief and they also recommended that twelve assistants be ap- 
pointed. But I find by the city report for 1846 that W. C. 
Clarke was chief in that year. This year the companies were 
ordered out for inspection on Concord Square and they held 
quite a muster. Complaint was made by No. 4 Company that 
their apparatus was in bad condition ar.d unless something was 
done they should disband. As a consequence a new engine 
was purchased for this company at a cost of $887 and the old 
machine was sold. The old hook and ladder truck was also 
sold this year and a new one purchased. 

In 1847 W. C. Clarke was chief. In 1848 W. C. Clarke was 
again chief. In this year the " Old Mill " and " Bell Mill," so 
called, were burned on March 28th. These mills occupied the 
site of the P. C. Cheney Company's Paper Mills. They were 
completely destroyed. 

In 1849 Isaac C. Flanders was chief. After the city was in- 
corporated in 1846 the appointment of the chief engineer was 
placed in the hands of the mayor. 

In 1850 W. L. Lane was chief. In this year old Merrimack, 
No. I, was repaired in Boston and returned to the city as good 
as new. Right here it might prove interesting to narrate a lit- 
tle incident which occurred to the old Merrimack after she was 
moved across the river which is quite amusing. It happened 
at the fire at Dan Palmer's and was the first run the boys were 


called out on. It was about half a mile away and the boys got 
there in good time, and put their suction hose into a cistern 
but could not get a drop of water. The suction was taken up- 
and examined and again put in with no better result. It was 
taken up again and unscrewed and behold the trouble ! A 
large turnip was taken out. The suction hose was then put in 
again and worked all right. 

On the i6th of March, 1850, a destructive fire broke out in 
No I Stark Mill, which destroyed the upper story of the north 
wing (the second mill built) and did considerable damage to the 
machinery in that wing and also the rest of the building. The 
loss was $30,000. 

In 1851 Jacob F. James was appointed chief engineer. During 
this year the engineers were provided with speaking trumpets. 

Daniel Clark was chief in 1852. Fire on July 5th burned 
Baldwin & Company's Steam mill where Varney's Brass Foun- 
dry now is, and several adjoining buildings. 

In 1853 John H. Maynard was appointed chief, and J. A. 
Stearns, John B. Clarke, R. D. Mooers, Charles S. Brown, C. 
Duxbury, W. B. Webster^ J. Q. A. Sargent, Harry Leeds, and 
J. L. Kelley, assistant. On September 22, about 5 o' clock in the 
morning, the main building of the Manchester Print Works was 
discovered to be on fire and in less than an hour was in ruins. 
The fire caught in the dry room, near the center of the build- 
ing, and having been subject to a high temperature for years, 
ceiling and timbers had become of the most combustible nature. 
By the greatest exertions the counting, engraving, and store 
rooms were saved and the Madder Dye House and Boiler 
House. Loss was estimated at $125,000, and fully insured. 

In 1854 John H. Maynard was again chief and his salary was 
$50. This year there was some trouble again with No. 5, re- 
sulting in the disbandment of the old company and a new one 
being formed. Assistant chiefs were the same in 1854 as in 1853. 

In 1855 Jacob F. James was appointed chief. This was a 
very important year in the history of the, Manchester Fire De- 
partment. Engine No. 7 and hose carriage was purchased this- 
3'ear and cost $1250. This machine went by the name of Pis- 


cataquog, No. 7, or A. C. Wallace, No. 7. It might be well 
here to give a list of the engines in the department at this time, 
each of which was a Hunneman : 

Merrimack, No. i, located on Vine Street, where the central 
station now is ; Niagara, No. 2, located on Canal Street in the 
building still standing, used by the Amoskeag Company as a 
remnant store ; Stark, No. 3, located in the Stark Corpora- 
tion yard ; Massabesic, No. 4, located on Chestnut, between 
Lowell and Concord Streets ; Torrent, No. 5, on Manchester 
Street, where the battery building now stands ; Manchester, No. 
6, in the Manchester Mills yard ; A. C. Wallace, No. 7, in 
Squog, on South Main Street. 

Besides these there was the Excelsior Hook and Ladder, No. 
I, located on Manchester Street, where the battery now is, and 
the Hose and Hydrant Company. Each handtub, with the ex- 
ception of the Niagara, had fifty members, while the latter had 
a working force of sixty men. The handtubs in the corporation 
yards were owned by the corporations and were loaned to the 
city in case of fire. The Hose and Hydrant Company disband- 
ed'in 1859 and from it grew the present Pennacook Hose Company 

July 5th, 1855, one half of the largest Manchester Mill was 
destroyed by fire. I give a condensed description of this fire 
and the one on the street at the same time from the Daily 
American Extra of July i6th, 1855 : 

"The first fire took in the south end of No. i mill on the 
Manchester Corporation at 20 minutes before i o'clock. It 
took in the carding room, The watchman was passing through 
the room with a lantern in his hand and the bottom dropped ofif 
and rolled into a pile of roving which immediately took fire. 
He attempted to extinguish it before giving an alarm and the 
alarm was not given until the flames had reached the ceiling. 
The water from one of the hydrants was soon brought to bear 
upon the fire and it was somewhat checked, but three other 
hose were put on, which so reduced the head that the fire 
gained again. The water was drawn out of the canal at the 
time to permit the workmen to put in the 'connection' with 
No. 5, Amoskeag Mill. The engine companies were promptly 
on the ground and played manfully but it was found impossible 
to arrest the progress of the fire and it was not checked until 
about 4 o'clock. The loss was estimated to be $271,353. 


"The fire department was all at the Manchester Mills and 
some one on top of the burning mill told the crowd that there 
was a ' fire on the street,' and soon the bell confirmed the fact. 
It was about 3 A. M. When first discoveied it was in a small 
building between Manchester and Hanover Streets, opposite 
Brown & Colley's Paint Shop in the rear of Elm. The flames 
immediately communicated to adjoining buildings, spreading 
until they reached Manchester Street on the one side, Hanover 
on the other, with Elm on the west end, and extending east as 
far as the Rundlett Block on Manchester Street and the Mc- 
Crillis Shop on Hanover Street. The Barnes & Putney Block 
and Postoffice building at the corner of Elm and Hanover 
Streets alone being saved. 

'• The buildings burned were, with the exception of L. Ray- 
mond's and T- N. Brown's^ of wood, and so quick were the 
flames in accomplishing their work, that at sunrise the ruin was 
completed. The loss on the south side of Manchester Street 
was very slight. The Franklin House was injured to the amount 
of about S200, a part of the roof being burned badly and the 
paint somewhat charred. Had the Franklin House burned 
nothing could have prevented it seems, the whole square 
bounded by Chestnut, Merrimack, Elm and Manchester Streets, 
from a fate as fearful as that now in ashes. 


"J. A. Perry, apothecary ; Lyman Raymond, grocer ; Raymond 
& Thomas, buildings ; J. B Hoitt, millinery ; D. Clark, D. J. 
Clark, J. G. Cilley, Putney's Block ; F. H. Ellsworth, millin- 
ery ; William A. Putney & Company, dry goods;. William H. 
Elliot, jeweler; Pressey & Jones, millinery; M. Currier, build- 
ings; A. Branchy harness maker; Raymond & Walker, shoe 
dealers; H. Batchelder, hosiery; Mrs. Wright, boarding house; 
C. A. Putney, millinery ; Straw & Tewksbury, jewelers; J. W. 
Mitchell, millinery ; C. M. Putney, confectionery, 


" Brown & Colley, paint shop ; J. M. and G. A. Barnes, 
buildings ; Neal & Holbrook, carpenters. 


"S. James' stable, some eight or ten horses. 


" Postoffice building, city bank, some six or seven houses. 
About thirty families have been driven from their dwellings. 
The loss at the first on the street was estimated to be $40,000." 

The fire on the street covered a territory of about two acres 


in extent. The origin of fire was thought to have been incendiary. 

In 1856 John H. Maynard was again appointed chief. On 
February 5th Patten's Block was burned, destroying the City 
Library, three newspaper offices, etc. Loss about $75,000. 

In 1857 Peter S. Brown was chief. It was in September of 
this year that the Torrents had their memorable victory at the 
muster at Worcester, Mass., when out of fifty-four companies, 
they took the first prize of $300. A few days before the muster 
Mr. Orrin E. Kimball, the foreman of the hose, went down to 
the Stark Mills and procured a quantity of heavy duck which 
he tore up into narrow strips. With these strips he double 
wound four hundred feet of hose which was to be used in the 
contest at Worcester. The procession was three miles long. 
At I o'clock in the afternoon three guns were fired as a signal 
for the trial to commence. The pole to be played at was iSo 
feet high and the companies were required to play through four 
hundred feet of hose and through hoops attached to the pole. 
Fifteen minutes was the amount of time allowed for arranging 
hose and play. The Manchester boys were not looked upon as 
winners and their machine never looked in a worse condition, 
all the paint having been worn off. Then their hose being 
wound with the stripes of duck gave them the name among the 
other companies of the Rag Hose Company. 

"You aint a going to work that machine, are you? " inquired 
a member of Yale, No. i , of South Reading, Mass., of Mr. 
Kimball. The latter gentleman said it was all the boys had 
and they were going to try it. " Why," said the South Reading 
man, "you can't get water through four hundred feet of hose 
with that machine." 

The Torrents were the sixteenth on the list and not only 
did they reach the top of the pole but twenty-one feet higher. 
When the judges made their report it said : "First prize, $300, 
Torrent, 5, Manchester, N. H., 180 feet." On the morning after 
the great day in Worcester the Torrents gave an exhibition of 
fine playing on the common. The Rag Hose was none too 
good for the Worcester people then. On their way home they 
halted in Nashua and were banqueted and received with 


speeches and a general good time. The mayor and aldermen 
of Manchester voted in the afternoon to meet the boys at the 
depot and at 7 o'clock they were there, together with engine 
companies Massabesic, Merrimack, Manchester and Piscataquog 
Miss Ann Melissa Stevens stepped forward from the crowd as 
the Torrents came off from the cars and handed the foreman, 
Mr. B. C. Kendall, an elegant bouquet. They were then es- 
corted through the principal streets and were given a collation 
in the City Guards armory, after which they were escorted to 
Smyth's hall, where rousing speeches were made by Hon. Jacob 
F. James, Col. John B. Clarke, Peter S. Brown, Eben French, 
George W. Morrison, David Cross, Capt. J. N. Bruce, and oth- 
ers. The young ladies presented them with an elegant banner 
inscribed, " We go where duty calls." 

This year Baldwin's Steam Mill in Janesville was burned and 
a man named Horr was killed by falling walls. 

In 1858 Peter S. Brown was again appointed chief. 
In 1859 J. T. P. Hunt was chief. One of the three largest old 
time musters ever held and the last one of importance was held 
in this city September 15, 1859. There were fifty-two engines 
participating in the muster in this city. I condense a descrip- 
tion of the muster and the riot which preceded it from an account 
written by Frank M. Frisselle for the Mirror some years ago 
" All day long on the 14th the fire companies were aniving 
on all the incoming trains. The majority occupied temporary 
camps on the common. There were fully two thousand red 
shirted firemen in the city. The gambling fraternity which then 
existed in this city in too great a number for the city's credit 
was reenforced by large numbers from Boston. Elm street was 
their principal hunting ground, while others made the old 
American House their headquarters. Two rooms in E. P. 
Offut's building, together with his auction rooms at 29 and 31 
Elm Street, were let to gambling hall proprietors for this occa- 
sion and here in this auction room began the trouble which 
resulted in the worst riot this city ever witnessed. At a little 
before 11 o'clock a dispute arose between an out-of-town fire- 
man and the proprietor relative to some change which the lat- 
ter paid the former and which the former claimed was counter- 
feit or else not so much as it should have been. The proprietor 


and his confederates added more fuel to the flames by charging 
the fireman with stealing $32 from them which resulted in a row 
in which the gamblers used firearms, fortunately with no serious 
effects. The firemen victims were run or thrown out by the 
gamblers, who outnumbered them. The firemen then in the 
city were at once acquainted with the situation of affairs and as 
if by magic commenced to assemble on Elm Street, and pro- 
ceeded to clean out the den where the trouble had taken place. 
Their approach was a warning to the proprietors who made 
good their escape through a rear entrance. This place was 
sacked in a few minutes and the infuriated firemen turned their 
attention to the other gambling resorts and started on a cru- 
sade to clean them all out^ which during the ensuing four hours 
they succeeded in doing. The police force consisted of thirty 
men, I. W. Farmer, marshal, who were powerless to check the 
mob, although they were quieted by an address from Marshal 
Farmer, who advised them to retire, assuring them that justice 
would be done those who offended any of their number This 
caused a temporary lull, but only for a few minutes, when the 
clearing out work was again in progress. The Elm House be- 
neath which the Revere saloon was located was assaulted, but 
-when assured by one of the proprietors, Samuel B. Perkins, that 
they were on the wrong scent they left with only slight damage 
being done to the lower stories. The American House was 
sacked from top to bottom and greatly damaged. The resort 
of William Martin on Elm Street, the old museum building 
and numerous other places were raided and the city freed for a 
time of the gamblers who infested it. There were over three 
hundred gallons of liquors also destroyed. Mayor Harrington 
appeared on the scene about 2 o'clock and addressed the riot- 
ers, promising them that justice would be done the gamblers, 
which checked and soon terminated the riotous proceedings, but 
not until the firemen had accomplished their purpose and done 
what the city was unable to do, driven the blacklegs out, for 
which they were afterwards given due credit. 

'^ September 1 6th was a most excellent muster day. At 9 
o'clock the procession formed and paraded the principal streets. 
The line reached the common at 11.30 and dispersed for din- 
ner. The playing commenced at 12.40 and finished at 6. The 
rules of playing were for each company to draft its own water 
and through four hundred feet of hose play a perpendicular 
stream up a pole which was spaced off into feet and numbered 
with figures sufficiently large to be seen by the judges, who 
were stationed in the belfry of the old church opposite Merri- 
mack common. Ten minutes were allowed for each company. 


"The judges were Hon, Jacob F. James, Col. Bradbury P. 
Cilley, Israel Dow, Isaac C. Flanders, and Col, Thomas P. 
Pierce. The prizes were six in number, $400, $200, $150, 
$100, $50, and a patent hose washer. The Manchester compa- 
nies did not compete. The winners were as follows : 

First prize, 170 feet^ Alert, i^ Winchendon, Mass. 

Second prize, 166 feet, Yale, i, Wakefield, Mass. 

Third prize, 156 feet. Cataract, 2, Clinton, Mass, 

Fourth prize, 154 feet, Jacob Wesbter, 2, Woburn, Mass. 

Fifth prize, 152 feet, Gaspee, 9, Providence, R. I. 

Sixth prize, 151 feet, Tremont, 12, Boston, Mass, 

A trial of two Amoskeag steam fire engines, the Amoskeagr 
No, I, and the Machegonne were among the most interesting 
features of the day.'' 

The day following the muster the Manchester companies 
took their turn under the same rules with the following result : 

Merrimack, i, 150 feet, broke plunger ; Niagara, 2, 160 feet; 
Stark, 3, 148 feet ; Massabesic, 4, 158 feet ; Torrent, 5, 151 feet ;. 
Manchester, 6, 185 feet ; A. C, Wallace, 7, 140 feet. 

The Manchester handtubs went out of service gradually as 
steam engines were purchased. The first steam fire engine 
purchased by this city was the Amoskeag, No i, purchased in. 
1859. The Manchester handtubs went to the following places: 
Merrimack, No. i, to Bennington, N. H. 
Niagara, No. 2, to Hooksett, N, H. 
Stark, No. 3. to Franklin, N. H. 
Massabesic, No, 4, to Groton, Mass 
Torrent, No. 5, to East Rochester, N. H. 
Manchester, No. 6, to Bradford, N. H. 

The Manchester Veteran Firemen's Association was formed 
in 1890 and now has 232 members, and is in a flourishing con- 
dition. They purchased the old Torrent, No. 5, from East 
Rochester, N. H., for $400 and it has lately been repaired 
and is almost as good as new. 

In the preparation of this paper I am greatly indebted to Or" 
rin E. Kimball, James R. Carr, George C. Gilmore, Chief 
Thomas W. Lane, Frank M. Frisselle for imformation and I 
have freely quoted from Potter's history, " Fire Service of Man- 
chester," and newspaper extras and interviews in both the 
Union and the^ Mirror. 




MARCH 15, AND JUNE 2 1, 1899. 

It is not easy to gain a correct idea of any man, his life, his 
character and his place in history without a knowledge of the 
times and circumstances in which he lived. The subject of our 
sketch was a man distinctly the product of the most stirring 
period of English history and without some appreciation of the 
historical events which must have been t > him the familiar 
topics of family discussion and tradition we cannot under- 
stand the mold in which his youthful impressions were formed, 
nor know in the true sense the quality of which he was 

The circumstances and surroundings in which he lived must 
also be borne in mind, and by an effort of the imagination we 
must picture the locality of his home, not as it appears now at 
all, but as it was when he lived there. 

This is no easy task. He has been dead 119 years. It is 
200 years since he was born. The place where he lived would 
now be to him as strange and unnatural as the planet Mars 
would be to us. 

The mode of our lives would be as strange and impossible to 
him as the lives of people in another world. A railroad, a 
steam boat, a factory, a spring carriage, a telephone or tele- 
graph instrument, a trolley car, even an ordinary lucifer match, 
he not only never saw but never heard of. 

The clothes we wear, the food we eat, the things we read of 
were never even dreamed of by him or his contemporaries. 

Col. John Goffe, as we shall call him, was the son of John 


Goffe and Hannah Parrish. He was born in Boston in 1701, 
and was baptized in the Second or North church on March 23 
of that year. The then minister of this church was the cele- 
brated Dr. Increase Mather, who was at the time President of 
Harvard college. The colonel's grandfather was also named 
John Goffe and he appears to have come to this country in 
1662 or '63. In 1676 he was a member of the old North 
church, in which, as I have said, his grandson was baptized in 
1701. We shall remember that it was in the belfry of this 
church that the lantern was hung as a signal to Paul Revere of 
the intended surprise by the British in their march to Lexington 
and Concord at the outbreak of the Revolution. There has al- 
ways been some question among Colonel Goffe's descendants 
as to the exact relationship between John GoflEe, the emigrant 
who came to Boston in 1662 or '6^, and from whom Colonel 
Goffe was descended, and William Goffe, the regicide. There 
seems to be an adherent probability that some relationship ex- 
isted for there is a noticeable similarity between the names of 
William Goffe, the regicide's brothers and sisters, and those of 
John Goffe, the emigrant's sons and descendants to several 
generations. The names Stephen and William and John ap- 
pear with great regularity and persistency. There is also the 
tradition among Colonel Goffe's descendants to the same effect. 
His great granddaughter used always to maintain her descant 
from Goffe, the regicide. This Goffe, the regicide, was a man 
of some note in his time. He was the son of Stephen Goffe, 
rector of Stanmore in Sussex, and two of his brothers were 
named Stephen and John respectively. Stephen was a Roman 
Catholic priest and confessor of Henrietta Maria, queen of 
Charles I, and John was a Presbyterian minister. In early youth 
William was apprenticed to one Vaughan, a salter in London, 
and a zealous Presbyterian. But when his time as an appren- 
tice was nearly out "he betook himself to be a soldier," as his 
biographer says, " for the righteous cause and instead of setting 
up his trade went out as a quartermaster of foot and continued 
in the wars until he forgot what he had fought for. At length 


through several millitary grades he became a colonel, a frequent 
prayer maker, preacher and presser for righteousness and free- 
dom, which in outward show was expressed very zealously, and 
therefore in high esteem in the parliamentary army. In 164S 
he was one of the judges of King Charles I, sat in judgment 
when he was biought before the high court of justice, stood up 
as consenting when sentence was passed upon him for his de- 
collation and afterwards set his hand and seal to the warrant 
for his execution. Afterwards he was the man with Col. Wil- 
liam White who brought musqueteers and turned the Ana- 
baptistical members that were left behind of the little or bare- 
bones parliament out of the house A. D. 1654. Complying 
thus kindly with the design and interest of the said General 
Cromwell he was by him when made Protector, constituted 
major-general of Hampshire, Sussex and Berks, a place of 
great profit, and afterwards was of one if not of two parlia- 
ments ; did advance his interest greatly, and was in so great 
esteem and favor in Oliver's court, that he was judged the only 
fit man to have Major Gen. John Lambert's place and com- 
mand as Major-General of the army of foot and by some to have 
the protectorship settled on him in future time. He being thus 
made so considerable a person was taken out of the house to 
be a lord and to have a negative voice in the other house and 
the rather for this reason that he never in all his life (so he 
says) fought against any such thing as a single person, or a 
negative voice, but to pull down Charles and set up Oliver, etc., 
in which he obtained his end. 

" In 1660, a little before the restoration of King Charles II, 
he betook himself to his heels to save his neck without any re- 
gard had to his majesty's proclamation, wandering about, fear- 
ing every one that he met should slay him and was living at 
Louisanna in 1664, when John L'Isle, another of that number, 
was there, by certain generous royalists dispatched. He after- 
wards lived several years in vagabondship but when he died or 
where his carcass was lodged is as yet unknown to me.". 
Governor Hutchinson in his History of Massachusetts says : 
" In the ship. Captain Pierce, which arrived at Boston from 
London, the 27th of July, 1660, there came passengers Colonel 
Whalley and Colonel Goffe, two of the late king's judges. 
Colonel Gofife brought testimonials from Mr. John Row and M. 
Seth Wood, two ministers of a church in Westminster. Col. 
Whalley had been a member of Mr. Thomas Goodwin's church. 

" Goffe kept a journal or diary, from the day he left West- 


minster, May 4, until the year 1667 ; which together with sev- 
eral other papers belonging to him, I have in my possession, 
almost the whole in characters, or short hand, not difficult to 
decypher. The story of these persons has never yet been pub- 
lished to the world. It has never been known in New En- 
gland. Their papers, after their death, were collected, and 
have remained near an hundred years in a library in Boston. 
It must give some entertainment to the curious. They left 
London before the King was proclaimed. It does not appear 
that they were among the most obnoxious of the judges ; but as 
it was expected vengeance would be taken of some of them, 
and a great many had fled, they did not think it safe to remain. 
They did not attempt to conceal their persons or characters 
when they arrived at Boston, but immediately went to the gov- 
ernor, Mr, Endicott, who received them very courteously. 
They were invited by the principal persons of the town ; and 
among others they take notice of Colonel Crown's coming to 
see them He was a noted Royalist. Although they did not 
disguise themselves, yet they chose to reside at Cambridge, a 
village about four miles distant from the town, where they went 
the first day they arrived. They went publicly to meetings on 
the Lord's day, and to occasional lectures, fasts, and thanksgiv- 
ings, and were admitted to the sacrament, and attended private 
meetings for devotion, visited many of the principal towns, and 
were frequently at Boston ; and once when insulted there, the 
person who insulted them was bound to his good behaviour. 
They appeared grave, serious and devout ; and the rank they 
had sustained commanded respect. Whalley had been one of 
Cromwell's lieutenant-generals, and Goffe a major-general. It 
is not strange that they should meet with this favorable recep- 
tion, nor was this reception any contempt of the authority in 
England. They were known to have been two of the king's 
judges ; but Charles the second was not proclaimed, when the 
ship that brought them left London. They had the news of it 
in the Channel. The report afterwards, by way of Barbadoes, 
was that all the judges would be pardoned but seven. The act 
of indemnity was not brought over until the last of November. 
When it appeared that they were not excepted, some of the 
principal persons in the government were alarmed ; pity and 
compassion prevailed with others. They had assurances from 
some that belonged to the general court, that they would stand 
by them, but were advised by others to think of removing. The 
twenty- second of February, 1661, the governor summoned a 


court of assistants, to consult about removing them, but the 
court did not agree to it. 

" Finding it unsafe to remain any longer, they left Cam- 
bridge, the 26th following, and arrived at New Haven the 
seventh of March, 1664. One Captain Breedan, who had seen 
them at Boston, gave information thereof upon his arrival in 
England. A few days after their removal, a hue and cry 
as they term it in their diary, was brought by the way of 
Barbadoes ; and thereupon a warrant to secure them issued, the 
eighth of March, from the governor and assistants, which was 
sent to Springfield, and other towns in the western part of the 
colony ; but they were beyond the reach of it." 

The governor adds in a long marginal note, " they were 
well treated at New Haven by the ministers, and some of the 
magistrates, and for some days seemed to apprehend them- 
selves out of danger. But the news of the king's proclamation 
being brought to New Haven^ they were obliged to abscond. 
The twenty-seventh of March they removed to Milford, and ap- 
peared there in the day time, and made themselves known ; but 
at night returned privately to New Haven, and lay concealed in 
Mr. Davenport, the minister's house, until the thirtieth of April. 
About this time news came to Boston, that ten of the judges 
were executed, and the governor received a royal mandate, 
dated, March 5, 1660, to cause Whalley and Goffe to be se- 
cured. This greatly alarmed the country, and there is no doubt 
that the court now were in earnest in their endeavors to appre- 
hend them ; and to avoid all suspicion, they gave commission 
and instruction to two young merchants from England, Thomas 
Kellond and Thomas Kirk, zealous royalsts, to go through the 
colonies, as far as Manhados, in search of them. They had 
friends who informed them what was doing, and they removed 
from Mr. Davenport's to the house of one Jones, where they 
had hid until on the thirteenth of April, into the woods, where 
they met Jones and two of his companions, Sperry and 
Burril, who first conducted them to a place called Hatchet 
Harbor, where they lay two nights, until a cave or hole in the 
side of a hill was prepared to conceal them. This hill they 
called Providence Hill : and there they continued from the fif- 
teen of May to the eleventh of June, sometimes in the cave, 
and in very tempestuous weather, in a house near to it. Dur- 
ing this time the messengers went through New Haven to the 
Dutch settlement, from whence they returned to Boston by 
water. They made diligent search, and had full proof that the 


regicides had been seen at. Mr. Davenport's and offered great 
rewards to English and Indians who should give information, 
that they might be taken ; but by the fidelity of their three 
friends they remained undiscovered. Mr. Davenport was 
threatened with being called to an account, for concealing and 
comforting traitors, and might well be alarmed. They had en- 
gaged to surrender, rather than the country or any particular 
person should suffer on their account ; and upon intimation of 
Mr. resolved to go to New Haven and deliver them- 

selves to the authorities there. The miseries they had suffered, 
Davenport's danger, they generously and were still exposed to, 
and the little chance they had of finally escaping, in a country 
where every stranger is immediately known to be such, would 
not have been sufficient to have induced them. They let the 
deputy governor, Mr. Leete, know where they were ; but he 
took no measures to secure them ; and^the next day some per- 
sons came to them to advise them not to surrender. Having 
publicly shown themselves at New Haven, they had cleared 
Mr. Davenport from the suspicion of still concealing them, and 
the twenty-fourth of June went into the woods again to their 
cave. They continued there, sometimes venturing to a house 
near the cave, until the ninteenth of August — when the search 
for them being pretty well over they ventured to the house of 
one Tompkins, near Milford meeting house, where they re- 
mained two years, without so much as going into the orchard. 
After that they took a little more liberty, and made themselves 
known to several persons in whom they could confide, and each 
of them frequently prayed, and also exercised, as they termed 
it, or preached at private meetings in their chambers. In 1664, 
the commissioners from King Charles arrived in Boston. Up- 
on the news of it, they retired to their cave, where they tarried 
eight or ten days. Soon after some Indians in their hunting, 
discovered the cave with the bed ; and the report being spread 
abroad, i't was not safe to remain near it. On the thirteenth of 
October, 1664, they removed to Hadley, nearly one hundred 
miles distance, traveling only by night ; where Mr. Russell, the 
minister of the place, had previously agreed to receive them. 
Here they remained concealed fifteen or sixteen years, very few 
persons in the colony being privy to it. The last account of 
Goffe, is from a letter, dated Ebenezer, the name they gave 
their several places of abode, April 2, 1679. VVhalley had been 
dead some time before. The tradition at Hadley is, that two 
persons unknown were buried in the minister's cellar. The 
minister was no sufferer by his boarders. They received, more 



or less remittances every year for many years together, from 
their wives in England Those few persons who knew where 
they were, made them frequent presents. Richard Saltonstall, 
esq., who was in the secret, when he left the country, and went 
to England in 1672, made them a present of fifty pounds at 
his departure ; and they took notice of donations from several 
other friends. They were in constant terror, though they had 
reason to hope, after some years, that the enquiry for them was 
over. They read with pleasure the news of their being killed, 
with other judges, in Switzerland. Their diary for six or seven 
years, contains very little occurrence in the town, church, and 
particular families in the neighborhood. They had indeed, for 
five years of their lives, been among the principal actors in the 
great affairs of the nation : Goffe especially, who turned the lit- 
tle Parliament out of the house, and who was attached to Oliver 
and to Richard to the last ; but they were both of low birth and 
education. They had very constant and exact intelligence of 
every thing that passed in England, and were unwilling to give 
up all hope of deliverance. Their greatest expectations were 
from the fulfillment of the prophecies. They had no doubt, 
that the execution of the judges was the slaying of the 

They were much disappointed, when the year 1666 had 
passed without any remarkable event, but flattered themselves 
that the Christian era might be erroneous. Their lives were 
miserable and constant burdens. They complain of being ban- 
ished from all human society. A letter from Goffe's wife, who 
was Whalley's daughter, I think worth preserving. After the 
second year, Goffe writes by the name of Walter Goldsmith and 
she of Francis Goldsmith, and the correspondence is carried on 
as between a mother and son. There is too much religion in 
their letters for the tastes of the present day ; but the distresses 
of two persons, under their peculiar circumstances, who ap- 
peared to have lived very happily together, are very strongly 

Whilst they were at Hadley, Feb. 10, 1664-5, Dixwell, anoth- 
er of the judges, came to them ; but from whence, or in what 
part of America he first landed, is not known. The first men- 
tion of him in their journal, is by the name of Colonel Dixwell ; 
but ever after they call him Mr. Davids. He continued at 
Hadley some years, and then removed to New Haven. He 
was generally supposed to be one of those who were obnoxious 
in England ; but he never discovered who he was, until he was 


on his death bed. I have one of his letters, signed James 
Davids, dated March 23, 16S3. He married at New Haven, 
and left several children. After his death, his son, who before 
had been called Davids, took the name of Diswell, came to 
Boston, and lived in good repute; was a ruling elder of one of 
the churches there, and died in 1725, of small-pox by inocula- 
tion. Some of his grand-children are now living. Colonel 
Dixwell was buried in New Haven. His gravestone still re- 
mains with this inscription : ' J. D. Esq., deceased March i8th 
in the 82d year of his age, 1688.' 

It cannot be denied, that many of the principal persons]Jn 
the colony greatly esteemed these persons for their professions 
of piety, and their grave deportment, who did not approve of. 
their political conduct. Mr. Mitchel, the minister of Cam- 
bridge^ who showed them great friendship upon their first arriv- 
al^ says in a manuscript which he wrote in his own vindication : 

"' Since I have had opportunity, by reading and discourse,, to 
look a little into that action for which these men suffer, I could 
never see that it was justifiable.' 

" After they were declared traitors, they certainly would have 
been sent to England, if they could have been taken. It was 
generally thought they had left the country ; and even the 
consequence of their escape were dreaded, lest when they were 
taken, those who had harbored them should suffer for it. Mr. 
Endicott, the governor, writes to the Earl of Manchester, that 
he supposes they went towards the Dutch of Manhados, and 
took shipping for Holland ; and Mr. Bradstreet, then governor, 
in December, 1684, writes to Edward Randolph, 'that after 
their being at New Haven, he could never hear what became 
of them.' Randolph, who was sent to search into the secrets of 
the government, could obtain no more knowledge of them than 
that they had been in the country, and respect had been shown 
them by some magistrates. I am loth to admit an ancedote 
handed down through Governor Leverett's family. I find Gjflfe 
takes notice in his journal of Leverett's being at Hadley. 

" The town of Hadley was alarmed by the Indians in 1675, 
in the time of public worship, and the people were in the ut- 
most confusion. Suddenly, a grave elderly person appeared in 
the midst of them. In his mien and dress he differed from the 
rest of the people. He not only encouraged them to defend 
themselves, but put himself at their head, rallied, instructed, 
and led them on to encounter the enemy, who by this time were 
repulsed. As suddenly the deliverer of Hadley disappeared. 


The people were left in consteroation, utterly unable to account 
for this strange phenomenon. It is not probable they were 
ever able to explain it. If Goffe had been then discovered, it 
must have come to the knowledge of those persons, who de- 
clared by their letters that they never knew what became of 

Governor Hutchinson's house in Boston was burned at the 
time of the Stamp act riots, and with it, all the papers, letters 
and manuscripts of Goffe, including his diary, so that the price- 
less memorials of the man are lost forever. 

"General Whalley died about the year 1678, and General 
Goffe the year following." 

Potter's History of Manchester has this to say : 

" It has been claimed that John Goffe of Londonderry was a 
grandson of General GofTe, but this is altogether improbable. 
The connection, if any, must have been collateral. True, Gen- 
eral Goffe had one or more sons, but there is no evidence 
showing that a son of his was ever in this country. Unening 
circumstances show to the contrary. 

" The retreat of the father was well known to his family, cer- 
tainly to his wife, and as the utmost pains had been taken to 
apprehend him on the part of the royalists, it is not at all pro- 
bable that his son would have been permitted to come to the 
country, openly bearing his father's name, and almost in daily 
contact with those who would have been glad to have destroyed 
the regicide, lest the presence of the son should have led to the 
apprehension of the father. And it is not at all probable that 
either of his children came to his country ; on the contrary, it is 
evident from a letter, written by General Goffe to his wife, in 
1674, that his son was then in England. Now John Goffe, of 
Londonderry, came to this country in 1662 or 1663 and was a 
member of Dr. Increase Mather's church in 1676. Thee facts 
show that he could not have been a son of General Gofife. Yet 
he may have been a nephew, and the fact, that his immediate 
descendants continue the family names of Stephen, John and 
William, would seem to indicate that he might have been a de- 
scendant of Rev. Stephen Goffe, of Stanmore, who had those 
names in his family. 

" John Goffe came to Londonderry as an agent for the 
Scotch-Irish emigrants. He was a man of some considerable 
business capacity, and performed his stipulated duties to the 
satisfaction of his employers, as is shown by the fact that he 


had a special grant in the charter for his 'good service in pro- 
moting the settlement of the said town.' The closing stipula- 
tion of the charter reads thus : 

To Mr. McGregore, 250 acres. 

To Mr. McKeen, 250 acres. 

To Mr. David Cargill, 100 acres. 

To Mr. James Gregg, 150 acres. 

To Mr. Goffe, 100 acres, 

for good services, and to the last two mentioned, namely Gregg 
and Goffe, a mill stream within the said town for their good 
services in promoting the settlement of said town."' 

Mr. Gofife was the first town, or rather proprietor's clerk. 
He was chosen in 17 19 and served in that capacity until March, 
1723, having been chosen town clerk at the organization of the 
town under the charter of 1722. Soon after the organization 
some difficulty ensued betwixt him and a portion of the proprie- 
tors, in relation to his acts while agent and clerk. It was 
alleged that his son John Goffe, Jr.'s name was introduced im- 
properly among the grantees and that a " transcript of land " 
was improperly recorded in his own favor. The subject of the 
alleged improper record was referred to a committee, March 5, 
1731, with directions to commence a suit at law against him, 
but it does not appear that the committee had any action upon 
the subject, or that a suit was commenced against him. This 
fact would seem to show that upon investigation, there was no 
cause of action. The difficulty however in relation to the in- 
sertion of his son's name in the schedule attached to the char- 
ter, continued, and the town refused to lay out any land to John 
Gofife, Jr. Upon this he brought a suit against the town. This 
action was brought some time prior to May 18, 1731, as on that 
day a warrant was posted calling a town meeting to act upon 
the subject. This was the first notice of the matter on record. 
The town defended the suit stoutly, but after six years of liti- 
gation Mr, Goffe obtained a judgment against the town, and in 
1738 they adjusted the matter with him by laying him out a 
home lot of sixty acres, and paying his costs, amounting to 
twenty-six pounds and eight shillings. The result, coupled 


with the fact that the committee to prosecute the father, never 
took any action in the matter, shows pretty conclusively that 
the whole charge against John Goflfe, Sr., had no foundation in 
substance. Yet his enemies made the most of the matter and 
succeeded in keeping him out of any public employment. 

Mr. Goffe's farm in Londonderry proved to be next to worth- 
less, as upon making a clearing, his position was such, that it 
was subject to frosts, and he could not succeed in raising In- 
dian corn^ to him a Massachusetts man, an indispensible pro- 
duct. Upon this, his son, John Goffe, Jr., invited him to move 
to the Cohas Brook, and live with him, where he had plenty of 
good land for corn and other purposes. He accepted the 
invitation, taking the principal charge of the farm of his son, 
who from his connection with public affairs, had little time to 
devote to farming. This was probably in 1722, as before 
suggested. He resided with his son until his death, Aug. 9, 
1 748, at the age of 69 years. 

John Gof¥e, 2d., called John Goflfe, Esq., the oldest son of 
Emigrant John Goffe, and father of the subject of this sketch, 
was born Sept. 18, 1679, married Hannah Parrish in 1700, and 
moved to Londonderry, N. H., the same year. His wife was 
the daughter of Robert Parrish, who had a garrison house in 
the southern part of Nashua, N. H. He, Parrish, his wife and 
one of his daughters, were killed by the Indians in an attack on 
their home made somewhere about the year 1691. Their two 
youngest children, girls, hid under a hogshead in the cellar and 
were saved. One of these girls, Hannah, was afterwards 
married to John Goflfe, Esquire, as above stated. 

He was town clerk of Londonderry, and as we have seen, a 
man of some consequence in the settlement. His name is 
found in the list of military ofificers of the Province, who took 
the oaths of allegiance, supremacy and abjuration on the 
accession of George II, and in 1729 he was a member of the 
provincial assembly. His family of children were all brought 
up to a life of industry and frugality. They were not of the 


same race as the rest of the settlers^ among whom they lived, 
but were of English antecedents. 

On Oct. i6, 1722, at the age of 21 years, Colonel Goffe, the 
subject of our sketch, was married to Hannah Griggs of 
Roxbury, Mass. Their children were ten in number: Hannah, 
born Jan. 16, 1723, married, first, Thomas Chandler; second, 
Capt. John Bradford ; Esther, born Feb. 15, 1725, married James 
Walker of Bedford ; John, born Feb. 17, 1727, married Jemima 
Holden ; Mary, born June 12, 1730, died young and unmarried ; 
Ebenezer, born Feb. 7, 1732 ; Margaret, born Nov. 26, 1734, 
married Maj. John Moore ; Sarah, born March 26, 1737, married 
the Rev. John Rand; Elizabeth, born Aug. 17, 1739, married 

; Rebecca, born Dec. 15, 1724, married Samuel 

Moore (brother to Margaret's husband) ; Mary, born Dec. 20, 
1744, married Nathaniel Martin. 

In 1724, the locality where Colonel Goffe lived and where 
we now are, was the remote frontier. It was situated on a great 
waterway near Amoskeag Falls, then the famous fishing place 
well known to the Indian.*^, not only of the locality, but also to 
members of distant tribes who resorted here to obtain a supply 
of fish for winter. There was a white settlement at Nutfield, 
or Londonderry, and another at Dunstable, now Nashua, or 
near Nashua, but other than these two places the whole coun- 
try westward to Lake George and Albany and northward to 
Montreal and Quebec, was a vast unbroken forest, whose paths 
were known only to the trappers and scouts as savage as the 
Indians they lived among. Cohas brook is the outlet of Massa- 
besic lake and on its southern bank near where the stream 
empties into the Merrimack river, at what we now call Goffe's 
Falls, stood the home of the young frontiersman and his wife. 
Until recently the foundations of his house could be seen near 
that of Nathaniel Moore. Near him lived his brotherin law, 
Benjamin Kidder and Edward Lingfield, and these three were 
the only white men who lived within the limits of what we now 
call Manchester. 

At that time, 1724, although there was nominal peace be- 



tween King George I of England and the Regent Orleans who 
ruled in France during the minority of the young king, Louis 
XV, yet there was always in existence a more or less acute con- 
dition of hostility between the French settlers in Canada and 
the English settlers in New York and New England. Their 
main and real cause of discord arose over the boundaries of 
their separate provinces, but in spite of nominal peace with the 
French there was always present in the minds of the English a 
well grounded fear of attack from the Indian allies of the 
French incited by the French provincial government. On the 
remote frontier these incursions were of almost yearly occur- 
rence and sOj while at times it could not be truly said that the 
French and English were at war with one another, it was also 
true that the English frontier settler lived in daily and hourly 
dread of Indian war parties whose deeds of horribly cruelty 
and barbarity it is difficult now to even read about. In the year 
1724 two men, Nathan Cross and Thomas Blanchard, crossed 
from nether Dunstable to the north side of the Nashua river, 
and were engaged in making turpentine. While at their work 
a party of Indians seized them, stove their casks of turpentine 
and hurried them towards Canada as prisoners. Feeling sure 
they would be followed by the friend? of their captives they lay 
in ambush all one day to receive them. When night came and 
Cross and Blanchard did not return to their sleeping place, a 
sawmill on Salmon brook, their friends at once imagined the 
reason and the alarm was given through the neighborhood. A 
party of ten men started at once. When they reached the 
place where the workmen had been captured they found the 
barrels cut open and the turpentine slowly spreading over the 

They inferred that the Indians were not far off and decided 
oh instant pursuit. Their route was up the west bank of the 
Merrimack. At the brook near Thornton's Ferry they were 
waylaid by the savages and the larger part of them instantly 
killed. A few fled but were overtaken and destroyed, with one 
exception. He, Farwell by name, managed to escape and re- 


turned to Dunstable with the news of this second disaster. The 
greatest excitement prevailed. Three men of approved skill 
and courage were selected to organize an expedition and the 
general assembly of Massachusetts was petitioned for aid in the 
undertaking. In answer the Legislature gave permission to 
raise a company " to range, and to keep out in the woods in or- 
der to kill and destroy their enemy Indians," and voted a 
bounty of ^loo per scalp. 

With such encouragement the borderers soon raised a com- 
pany and chose John Lovewell as their leader. In it was in- 
cluded our hero, John Goffe, afterwards known as Colonel 
Gofife, but then a young man of but 23. With him were two of 
his brothers-in-law, Benjamin Kidder and Edward Lingfield. 
Their home was on the opposite side of the Merrimack river 
about five miles north of the ambush in which the year before 
the Indians had destroyed so many of their neighbors. They 
were but recently married and must leave wife and babies at 
home while they hunted the savage to his lair and grappled 
him to the death. But they were not men to hesitate, and 
joined the expedition at once. Eighty-seven men were mus- 
tered at Dunstable on the 29th of January, 1725. The destina- 
tion was the main village of the Pequakets, the remnant of the 
once powerful confederation of the Pennacooks, whose home 
was in a section of country north and east of Lake Winnepe- 
saukee. Their main village was in a bend of the Saco river 
near what is now Fryeburg, Me. About midnight on the 20th 
of February they found a party of Indians. They were asleep 
round a large fire and by the side of a frozen pond. Determin- 
ing to make sure work Lovewell placed his men in convenient 
position and at the signal they fired. In a few moments all 
were destroyed and some attempt against the New Hampshire 
frontier prevented. 

For as Penhallow in his " Indian Wars" says : " Their arms 
were so new and good that most of them were sold for seven 
pounds apiece and each of them had two blankets with a great 
many mocassins which were supposed to be for the supply of 


captives they expected to have taken." The party returned to 
Boston and received the bounty out of the public treasury. 

Such was their delight at their success that they resolved to 
try again and this time to attack Paugus, the great war chief of 
the Pequakets, in his home. Paugus had frequently been to 
Dunstable and was personally known to most of the hunters of 
the valley of the Merrimack, as a bold and wily chieftain, who 
at the head of his warriors had taken part in many of the at- 
tacks on the frontiers. The second expedition started April 
16,1725. Young Goflfe and his brothers-in law were again 
am'ong the numbers, this time consisting of 47 men. At Ossi- 
pee lake, Benjamin Kidder fell sick and building a small fort 
and leaving him with the doctor and eight others, the remainder 
pushed on. On the 8th of May, about lo o'clock in the morn- 
ing, while at prayers they heard a gun across a pond near 
where they then were. Soon they saw the Indain who had 
fired it. Shortly after they fell in with the main body of the 
Indians, Paugus among them, and the famous " Lovewell's 
fight " ensued. It will not be necessary for our present pur- 
poses to describe it. Suffice it now to say that it resulted in 
the death of Paugus, the utter defeat and destruction of the In- 
dians, and is, perhaps, the most famous of all the many bush 
fights of this frontier. Soon afterwards, in 1726, a treaty was 
made by the Province of Massachusetts with the Eastern In- 
dians, and for a long time its provisions were faithfully ob- 
served. Indian depredations in this neighborhood ceased and 
young Goffe seems to have taken up his ordinary routine of 
life on a farm in the wilderness. His main occupation seems 
to have been hunting, for in some deeds he is spoken of as 
'' Hunter John Goffe." This would bring him into frequent 
contact with Indians and give him a knowledge of their lan- 
guage and manners, and customs, besides making him— as he 
was— an excellent marksman. His family increased and he 
began to accumulate property. Numerous deeds to him of land 
in Derryfield, Starktown or Dunbarton, Gofifstown and Bed- 
ford, are extant, and among other things, he became the owner 


of Uncanoonuc mountain. Such land was at that time and in 
such a neighborhood practically the only form in which wealth 
existed, we must conclude that John GofTe, Junior, as he was 
then known, in distinction from his father, John Goffe, Esquire, 
was a man of property. His house had been already formed 
into a garrison for the convenience of safety of his family and 
neighbors, and near it he had erected a mill for grinding corn) 
the power for which was supplied by the Cohas brook and is 
the same power which now turns the Devonshire mills at Gofife's 
Falls, His nearest neighbors were the Scotch-Irish settlers at 
Londonderry. They were a class of colonists distinct from the 
English Puritans, who had originally settled at and near Boston 
and between the two little sympathy existed. The English re- 
garded them as little better than Papists, would neither marry 
with them nor live among them on any terms of peace, denied 
them a location for their settlement and regarded the Presby- 
terian form of worship and church government to which the 
Scotch-Irish were devotedly attached, as a pestilential heresy. 
They classed them with Quakers, Baptists and Unitarians, and 
denied them all welcome to the more protected settlements of 
the colony. Accordingly the Scotch-Irish sought the remote 
wilderness for their homes and choosing the district of Nutfield 
as it was called they made their homes there. They were a 
hardy race. For the sake of their religion they and their fath- 
ers had endured the horrors of the siege of Derry in Ireland 
and now they had come here to this new country prepared to 
hew out a home in the forest and to live their lives and bring 
up their families in their own way, Gofife was of English de- 
scent and so was his wife. It may well be supposed therefore 
that he shared to some extent in the prejudices of his English 
connections against the Scotch-Irish. There had been the suit 
also between the town of Derry and himself regarding his right 
to a hundred acre lot which has been above referred to and so 
when the province of Massachusetts opened the town of Bed- 
ford or Narragansett, No. 5, for settlement, he bought land 
there and interested himself in its development and growth. 


His land in Bedford was also on a brook — he seems to have 
had an eye to water power — and soon after he built a dam and 
erected a saw mill and grist mill there. His farm lay on the 
River road, as we now call it, or as it was then known — the 
road from Souhegan falls to Amoskeag. 

Land titles in this neighborhood were in those days in a 
chaotic condition. Massachusetts claimed titles and granted 
townships in Londonderry, Derryfield and at Amoskeag. The 
province of New Hampshire did the same thing in the same 
place. The Masonian Proprietors had a good title to all the 
territory included in these provincial grants and back of them 
were the grants from various Indian chieftains. No man 
therefore could feel absolutely sure of undoubted ownership in 
his farm. Goffe claimed his land at Cohas brook by right of 
grant from the township of Londonderry. But his title was dis- 
puted by a collateral relative named Elizabeth Rand, as appears 
by her petition, to the Masonian Proprietors as follows : 

(Petition of Elizabeth Rand, 1749.) 
(Masonian Papers, Vol. 6, P. 121.) 
Province of 
New Hampshire 

Portsmouth 12th April 1749. 
The memorial and Petition of Elizth Rand of Harry's Town 
Widow of Ri'bert Rand Deceas'd Humbly Sheweth 

To the Honourable Theodr Atkinson Esqr & and the other 
Gentn Purchasers & Proprietors of Capt John Tufton Mason 
his Right in Lands in the Province of New Hampshire — 

That the General Court of the Prove of the Massachusetts 
Bay held at Boston April ye loth 1734 upon Consideration of 
the Eminent Services done by Thomas Gofife Esqr Great Uncle 
to the Said Robert Rand, in Advancing the Settlement of their 
Late Colony, Did Grant unto the Said Robert One Thousand 
Acres of Land in Said Harry's Town, which one Thousd Acres 
is Commonly known by the name of Rands Farm & Scituate 
on the Eastward side of Merimack. About fourteen years past 
one Ephrm Bushell built a Frame of a Dwelling House upon 
the premises, but upon Information of the title of Said Rand to 
the Land, he quitted. Said Rand paying him for his frame, 
which afterwards he finished and Dwelt therein with his Family 


about eighteen months — And one Mr Duncan of London Ber- 
ry about the Same time, enclosed about Three Acres & Cleared 
& broke up about half an Acre near Sd House which Improve- 
ment he Surrender'd to Said Robert, and John Goffe Esqr Im- 
proved between 4 & 5 Acres of Said Farm on the Westerly Side 
of Cohas Brook just by Merimack River & built a Log House 
thereon, who held possessi >n of the Same. So tha'. the Said 
Robert by the Assistance of his Brother Doctr Wm Rand Sued 
Sd Goffe for Sd Land who promised to Go off the premises if 
Said Robert would Drop his Action against him therefor, who 
Removed himself and Family, but paced his Father thereon & 
one Robert Walker & James Walker had Enclosed near One 
hundred Acres of Said Farm, and Improved about E'ght Acres 
by planting which parcell of Land is Lying Contiguous to the 
Improvement of John Goffe aforesaid westerly & by the River 
Merimack Southerly — About 12 years since, the Said Robert 
Rand Demanding of the Said Robert & James Walker this 
Land, the Said James Walker being under age. Said Robert 
Walker, his Brother Engaged for him Vizt. that they would 
quit their Said Possession and Improvement upon Condition Sd 
Robert Rand would pay them for their Improvement in Said 
farm which the Said Robt Rand Agreed to And Accordingly it 
was Referr'd to Men mutually Chosen by the Said parties to 
Judge what the Said Robert Rand Shou'd pay to the Sd Robert 
& James Walker For their Said Improvement, & that according 
to the Report of the Said Referees, the Said Robt Rand paid 
the Said Robt & James Walker money for iheir Sd Improvemt 
& Sd Robt Walker quitted Said Improvement to the Said 
Robert Rand, thereupon applied to Coll 1 Blanchard for Advice 
for Further proceeding (who is well acquainted with the" Affairs 
Relating to Said Farm) and Afterwards James Walker agreed 
to quit upon Consideration of Reaping Two Thirds of the Crop 
then on the ground — and that one Smith Fenced and Improved 
about 4 Acres of Said Farm Joining upon Said Walkers Im- 
provements, and by the River Merimack who Gave the Said 
Robert Rand Six Bushels Corn for his Improved & quitted. — 
And that Your Petitioner has a Daughter a Widow with Four 
Small Children who lives on a part of Said Farm Containing 
about Forty Acres joining upon the Land Improved by the 
Robt & Js Walker — Tho' the Said Robert promised her his Sd 
Daughter 100 Acres of Sd Farm, and also promised your Peti- 
tioner on his Death bed One hundred Acres more of Said 
Farm — And that your petitioner (upon the Removal of the Sd 
Rt & Js Walker) Settled with the Said Robt Rand her has- 


band, upon the Said one hund d Acres and Dwelt there for 
about five or six years when he Died & was buried — And when 
the Southern boundary Line between the Provinces of the 
Massachusetts bay & New Hampshire, the whole of Said Grant 
from the General Court of the Massacusetts Bay, fell within, by 
which Acident your Memorialist Apreherds the Greatest part 
of Said looo Acres falls alls) wihin Londonderry Charter 
Bounds, and the Said John Goffe Esqr who only improved 
about 4 or 5 Acres, has Since Enclosed and Improved a Large 
Farm out of your petitioners Grant and Since the Commence- 
ment of the warr, your petitioner Improved part of the Said loo 
Acres f' r Two years & Continued in the peaceable possession 
thereof till about a fortnight past your petitioner Removed to 
Said place to Dwell there and after being there Eight Days 
John Goffe Esqr aforesaid hath Enc'osed the whole loo Acres 
your petitioner is possessed of and am fearful with an Evil In- 
tention of Circumven ing & Defrauding your petitioner of that 
part of the looo Acre Grant, more Especially as he did in a 
formall manner before 8 or g witnesses warn your petitioner to 
move out of Said premises (Claiming the Same as his property 
for that he had a Conveyance therefor from you the proprietors 
of masons Right &cr — Wherefore your petitioner humbly prays 
that as the Said Robert Rand Deceas'd my Late Husband was 
at the time of the Grant of the General Court of the Massa- 
chusetts Bay of the thousand acres of Land : in Good Circum- 
stances having full & C mstant Employment at his trade of Sail 
making which Employment he quitted to settle and In. prove 
this Land So Granted to him as aforesaid but by Reason of the 
molestation of Persons who were Trespassers on Said Tract. 
The Running of the Oividing Line between Sd Provinces, so as 
that the Grant aforesd Conveyed no Real Title to the Premises. 
And the Grant to London Derry Proprietors Comprehending 
the Greatest part of Said looo Acres, And the Attempts of 
Sundry persons to Get into P ssession of and to Obtain Grants 
from your honours the proprietors of what parts of the looo 
Acres of Good Land aforesaid is not within any Township or 
that Some Persons have without Leave or Licence made Some 
Improvements in, And more Especially John Goffe Esqr his 
Attempts or Aims of Supplanting yr petitioner of that small 
piece of Ground that was Enclosed as aforesaid by which 
means the Substance of the Sd Robert was Diminished before 
his Death & under went much Fatigue & Difficulty by Reason 
of his Endeavoring to settle & Improve the Premises before his 


Decease, & Since your Petitioner is Exceedingly Reduced by 
means aforesaid, having no Means or place of Living but on 
the premises which affords at Best a very small subsistance, be- 
ing thus Reduced to Such Needy Circumstances I humbly pray 
you would take into Consideration my Deplorable state & of 
that of my Widow Daughter and her Fatherless Children and 
Grant us what Relief and favour in the premises you shall think 
meet — And Your Petitioner Shall Ever pray &cr — 

The Mark of Elizath E Rand- 
She claimed title through her husband who received the 
grant from the province of Ma sachusetts GoflFe, however, 
replied that at a suit at law in Massachusetts had in 1735, ^^" 
tween him and Dr. William Rand, the husband aforesaid, he, 
GoflFe, recovered judgment against Rand and had been in pos- 
session ever since. The Masonian Proprietors recognized Goflfe's 
title as paramount, but granted to Elizabeth Rand, the widow, 
sixty acres, and to Elizabeth Secomb, her daughter, forty acres 
of the tract. The entire parcel was 1000 acres. 

Province of 
New Hampshire 

Portsmouth November ye 5th 1748 — 

To the Gentlemen Purchasers & Proprietors of Capt John 
Tufton Mason Esqur his Right in Lands within Said Province — 

I the Subscriber in behalf of James Walker and myselfe 
represent that ye tract of land included within ye above Plan 
was claimed by Doctor William Ran by virtue of a grant from 
ye Province of ye Massa Bay about which a Suit at law was had 
in ye Prove of ye Massa Bay between ye said Ran and ye Sub- 
scriber for ye Property of Said Tract — against whom ye Sub- 
scriber Recover'd a Judgement upon ye Premises against said 
Rann in or about ye year 1735 — ^"^ ^^ ^^^^ Tract is within 
your Right we pray your favour that as ye Said Walker and 
myselfe are in ye Possession & improvement of ye said Tract, 
namely of about two thirds thereof — that you would grant our 
Possession & improvement to us and the other third thereof 
reserve to your own Use & Disposall your Compliance herein 
will very much oblige said walker in whose behalf I am and 
also your most Hum : Servt JOHN GOFFE 


I insert a letter of Col. Blanchard to the Proprietors bearing 
on the subject. 

(Joseph Blanchard to Proprietors, 1748.) 
( Masonian Papers, Vol. 6, p. 23.) 


at the Importunity of Capt Gof!e Relating his Expected 
Grant at Cohas the East Side Merrimack river. Who Com- 
plains that One Dunkin Unfairly, tryes to Defeat his good In- 
tention of Setting up a mill under pretence that he had posses- 
sion there I ha>e this nere thirty Years bin knowing of those 
Lands, and know that that Stream has never properly bin in 
possession of any but Capt Goffe, there was, a nomber in a 
frenzy both of Derry & of the Massachusetts People Without 
any Order each of them Separately Lotted all the Lands on the 
River and Rediculously dugg holes in the turffe and planted 
some Corn on Most of the Lotts and )n Severall places fell 
Some trees in Course, Where a fence might be Built but all a 
Sham from first to Last, Some persons did one or two Years 
plant a Small bit of the Land South of Cohass, and When 
Capt Goffe Entered there no house had bin Built nor Since no 
person Improving, in that time it was Lay'd out to One Robert 
Rand, by the Massachusetts I at his request often treated with 
all then In possession or making pretence. I never heard for 
ten Years or more the Least Intimation of Claim of this Dun- 
kin Goffe in fact has kept Settlement there, and maintained 
Something of a Bridge And be very Serviceable to a great 
many people in keeping boats and Canoes to help people both 
Over that And the Great River Merrimack without ever being 
one Quarter paid to all these things I am knowing. And many 
Other facts in his favor might be Intimated & provided no Re- 
gard be had to Rand. Capt Goffe for that trate by the Small 
River and the Conveniencys of Both Sides to the Great River, 
for about half a mile is the Only man that can Honestly pre- 
tend Any Couler to a grant from this Society — Those Are the 
true facts, the Relating them Excuse me In, And Accept the 
very Hume Service of your most Obedt 

J Blanchard 

Londondonderry 29th of Novr 1748 

To the Honl Proprs of Masons Grant 

P S Gentn We are in Expectation yt Capt Goffe will this 
Journey finish his township I have Quieted with his help Sever- 
all proprs who perhaps Would have Wrangled As much As any, 
but now be Stanch frinds to the Affair I Hope Honest Capt 


Colburn Will be Remembered in Starks town And be Eqrally 
He'pful as Capt. Gofife has bin and if any Hindrance Happens 
to Slarks tis pitiy but Goffes town now Getts through that peo- 
ple may See tis more than a fiction Yrs 

ut Supra J B 

When Goffe moved to Bedford is not exactly known. The 
petition of Mrs. Rand, above referred to, states that he moved 
himself and his family from Cohas brook farm, but left his 
father there behind him. 

In Feb. 2, 1739, he and others presented to the Governor 
and council a " petition touching the Parrishes in Londonderry 
as it is entit ed." So it would seem as if he was then resident 
there. But in 1744 his name is found in a list of the inhabi- 
tants of Souhegan East, as Bedford was then called, and on 
April II, 1748, an order was made by the Governor and coun. 
cil directing Capt. John Goffe to hold the first town meeting in 
Bedford and to give fifteen days' notice thereof to the inhabi- 
tants of the town. 

We know that in 1748 J )hn Goffe, Esquire, th« colonel's 
father, died, for he is buried in Bedford, and so while the exact 
date of the first change in the colonel's residence cannot be 
fixed, there seems no reasonable d 'ubt that s )mewhere about 
1740 he had moved his liome from one side of the river to the 
other and had established himself on the farm which since that 
day has descended practically intact to his lineal descendant, 
the present owner. La er he removed again to Derryfield and 
seems to have retained his residence here until old age. It is 
not known whether he died in Derryfield or in Bedford, but he 
is buried in the latter place between his father and his son and 
with his wife by his side. 

In 1744 war broke out between England and France. What 
its causes were we need not here elaborate. They were far 
enough removed from the interests of the frontiersmen, who 
were the most active participants in it and whose exploits we 
now take pride in recalling. Here the war was known as King 
George's war. At once the dread of Indian attacks on the 


frontiers awoke. U'ar parties from Canada appeared. The 
settlers were again in hourly fear of their lives, and being so 
far from the seat of Government must protect themselves as 
best they could. 

At Boston the Louisburg expedition was set on foot and re- 
sulted most successfully. Here Governor Shirley organized 
what was known as the " Canada expedition," but it came to 
nothing. In 1744 a regiment was raised and John Goflfe be- 
came the captain of the Eighth company under Joseph Blanch- 
ard as colonel. In the summer of 1745, two men from Bed- 
foid, James McQuade and John Burns, went to Pennacook — 
now Concord — to purchase corn for their families. They were 
waylaid by Indians and one of them, McQuade, killed. Burns 
escaped. In October, of the same year, the Indians appeared 
Howe near Great Meadows — now Walpole — and took Nehemiah 
prisoner and killed David Rugg. These mtrages and others 
not here necessary to detail roused the Government. Orders 
were issued to Colonel Blanchard to take the field and he de- 
tached Captain GofTe to scour the woods for the enemy. 

As the men selected for such work were those only who had 
some reputation for sagacity and courage, it seems a fair infer- 
ence that their leader must have possessed these qualities to a 
marked degree. Preparations were made in December of 1745 
and in January following a " scout" of twenty men started up 
the Merrimack on snow shoes. While on this expedition Goflfe 
wrote the following letter to Governor Wentworth : 

5 May, 1746. 
May it please your Excellency — I got to Pennycook on Sat- 
urday early in the morning, and notwithstanding I sent the 
Monday after I left the Bank yet my bread was not baked ; but 
there was about 250 pound weight which supplied 20 men, 
which I sent to Canterbury as soon as I got them — ind I kept 
the baker and several soldiers to baking all Sabbath day, and 
prop 'sed to march on Monday, as soon as possible ; but about 
midnight two men came down from Contooko jk and brought 
the unhappy news of two men being killed ; and the two men 
that came down told me that they saw the two men lie in their 


blood and one man more that was missing. And hearing I was 
here, desired me to assist in making search, so that I am with 
all expedition going up the Contookook and will do what I can 
to see the enemy. I shall take all possible care for the protec- 
tion of the frontier and destruction uf the enemy. The Indians 
are all about our frontier. I think there was never more need 
of soldiers than now. It is enough to make one's blood cold 
in one's veins to see our fellow creatures killed and taken upon 
every quarter, and if we cannot catch them here I hope the 
general court will give encouragement to go and give them the 
same play at home. The white man that is killed is one, 
Thomas Cook, and the other is Mr. Stevens, the minister's 
negro. These are found and one Jones, a soldier, is not found. 
They have but few soldiers in the fc^rt, and have not as yet 
sought much for him. I am going with all possible expedition 
and am 

Your Excellency's most humble and most dutiful subject and 

servant, JOHN GOFFE. 

Pennycook about 2 o'clock in the morning, May 5, 1746. 

The attack on Contoocook was made on Monday, the 4th of 
May, 1746. The Indians made one prisoner, Elisha Jones, and 
with him they made directly for Canada. G 'fife and his com- 
pany followed in pursuit but without success. They were gone 
about two weeks returning about the 20th of May. Reporting 
to his superior officer, Gofife, with thirteen others, set out at 
once again and was gone ten days on another " scout," as these 
expeditions were called, but without success. The Indians and 
their prisoners escaped to Canada. 

He seems to have been on similar service prior to this time 
also, for the assembly of the province voted to him and his as- 
sociates in varying numbers from year to year, their pay for 
scouting and guarding the frontiers from the Merrimack river 
westward to the Connecticut in the years 1744, '45 and '46. In 
1747 he petitions the Governor and council for men to guard 
the towns of HoUis and Souhegan East (Bedford) and his peti- 
tion was granted. In April, 1747, Hopkinton was attacked by 
Indians and Samuel Burbank, his sons, Caleb and Jonathan, 
and David Woodwell, his wife and three children were mur- 
dered. Soon after two men were killed near Keene and one 


carried away prisoner. Goffe was ordered to Hopkinton with 
fifty men at once, but arrived too late to prevent the massacre. 
The raising of fifty men was not the work of a day in those 
times, but that number of fighting men could more easily be 
raised at Amoskeag than at any other section of the province. 
The attack on Hopkinton took place April 27. The company 
of fifty men was raised and Captain G ffe was twenty miles on 
his way at their head on the 3d of May, following, all in the 
space of six days. Attacks by the Indians were frequent 
through the whole of 1747 and garrisons to protect the inhabi- 
tants were established at Dunstable (now Nashua), Monson 
(now Milford), Souhegan (now Bedford), Derryfield, Suncook, 
Pennacook, Contoocook and Ca.iterbury. The garrisons at 
Mi ford, Bedford and Derryfield were under command of Cap- 
tain Goflfe as appears by his muster roll of men under the com- 
mand of Captain John Goffe employed in scouting and guarding 
the Souhegan, Monson and Stark garrisons, anno 1748. He 
seems also to have had a double command at this time, for there 
is extant a muster roll of his men of names different from those 
of this last muster employed in scouting and guarding the front- 
ier, anno 1748, and it is doubtless owing to his vigilance and 
activity that this immediate frontier suffered no more than it 
did during this war. The attacks on the settlements along the 
Connecticut river and near Rochester and Somersworth were 
both more frequent and more bloody than here. But in 1748 
peace was declared between France and England and the 
Provinces had relief from these forays of the savage allies of 
the most Christian king. 

With the close of the war Goffe returned to his farm. We 
have seen that he had been appointed by the Governor to sum- 
mon his fellow-townsmen in their first town meeting and in 1750 
he presented for them a petition for their incorporation as a 
town. This was granted. 

He seems to have resumed his practices as a hunter for nu- 
merous stories are extant of his adventures at ihis time in 
hunting catamounts and bears in Bedford and elsewhere in the 


neighborhood. One of them seems worth repeating. Goflfe 
was once returning from a hunting excursion up the Piscata- 
quog valley when he discovered a catamount upon his track. 
He immediately cut a part of a quarter of a buck he was bring- 
ing home and throw it in his track in hopes that his hunger 
satiated, the animal would leave his track. He could see the 
catamount threw the deer's leg into the air as if in play and 
soon after he lost sight of him. Tired and jaded he camped on 
a small brook that empties into the Piscataquog from the north 
below Goffstown Center. Here he slept till sunrise, when up- 
on waking up and looking upon a tree nearly over him he saw 
his companion of the day before viewing the group in the 
camp. Without moving from his position he jostled his dog 
near him asleep, which jumped up and commenced barking- 
The catamount upon this leaped upon an adjacent tree but 
soon returned to its first position lashing itself into a rage. 
Upon this Gofife raised his gun and fired ; the catamount fell 
near to the camp and was soon skinned and carried home. 
Since then the scene has been and is now called Catamount 

Although a treaty of peace between England and France had 
been signed in 1748, the settlers on this border were not, in 
consequence, relieved from fear of Indian attacks. It was the 
settled policy of the French government to assert for them- 
se ves a more extended dominion westward and southward from 
Quebec and Montreal and to shut up the English to a narrow 
strip of Atlantic seaboard. 

To this end they began the construction of a chain of forts 
from the great lakes to New Orleans and to this end also their 
Indian allies were continually urged on expeditions against the 
English frontier af er sca'ps. So that although peace had been 
officially declared in 1748 war between the French Indians and 
the English settlers hardly ceased at all. Their attacks did 
not concentrate here, however, to any great extent. The 
streams were the highways in those days and the easiest and 
speediest road from the French capital Quebec to the main 


English settlements was up the St. Lawrence from Quebec to 
the river St. Francis, which is the outlet of Lake Champlain. 
Then up Lake Champlain to Lake Geor2;e. At the head of the 
latter the distance to Albany is short and the road easy. And 
at Albany the French believed a more effective attack by or- 
ganized force or English power could be made than any where 
else. Accordingly forts were built at various intervals from the 
St. Francis river southward. The principal ones, however, 
were that at Crown Point, a jutting promontory in Lake Cham- 
plain, and that at Ticonderoga, the narrow strait at the foot of 
Lake George, where its waters descend into Lake Champlain. 
At these two points the French erected at enormous expense 
extensive works calculated to receive in garrison any where 
from 10,000 to 15,000 men, and from here as- bases, the inten- 
tion was to move to the head of Lake George and so to Albany 
in force. Thes preparations of course alarmed and excited the 
colonial governor. 

A treaty between New York, Massachusetts, Connecticut and 
South Carolina was concluded with the six nations of Indians, 
as the Iroquois of the Mohawk valley were called. A confer- 
ence of colonial delegates met at Albany and to them was sub- 
mitted by Benjamin Franklin a plan of union of all the colo- 
nies, but it was rejected. 

The purpose of their meeting was to plan for mutual defence 
against the Indians but they accomplished li'tle if anything. 
At last in 1755 the petty attacks from Indian scalping parties 
had become so frequent and so unendurable that war was for- 
mally declared between the two countries. It is not desirable 
here to enter into any extended account of the French and In- 
dian war as the ensuing conflict is called in history. This is 
merely a hasty summary of the important occurrences in the 
life of a New Hampshire borderer whose place in the great 
drama to be enacted on Lake George and Ticonderoga was but 
small. Since the close of the former war he had been busy 
mainly at home although we find that in 1753 he was making a 
survey and plan of Winnepiseogee pond and vicinity as he 


calls it. But the mutterings of coming war grew louder and in 
May of the next year the Indians were on the war path again 
and Goffe was mustered in once more. At first as a lieutenant 
in one of the companies of Col. Joseph Blanchard's regiment 
posted on Merrimack river. The next year he was ranked as 
major of the same regiment. There is extant a letter of Cap- 
tain Goflfe showing the harassing and wearisome nature of the 
Indians' attack to which the settlers were ;ubjected. The 
alacrity and frequency with which the colonial legislature re' 
sponded to the demands for men and money made on them by 
the crown can be traced to the deep determination of the colo- 
nists to end these Indian attacks at any cost. 

Contoocook, Sept. i, 1754. 

Sir: I arrived at Pennicook at 12 o'clock on Thursday, 
where I met the troops who came down to guard 10 or 12 horses 
to mill and I took their places and they went home and I got 
safe to the fort at Contoocook with all those that went to mill 
and have given the people I believe good satisfaction since I 
have been here considering the few men I have. Those that 
went to Hillsborough not being yet come, but expect them to- 
morrow. We have done considerable in guarding the people 
whose hay was cut before the mischief was done has lain ever 
since till we came and a great deal more hay and grain we must 
guard them to get or they will lose it and shall do what we can 
for them as soldiers, for they are here more concerned than 
ever I knew them any time last war. and durst not go anywhere 
without a guard. I have not been to Stevens town (Salisbury, 
N. H.) yet and it's tho't dangerous to attempt without any 
more men. There is nobody there but I am informed that 
there is a good deal of good corn there which is a pity that 
should be lost, but four or five or the inhabitants will go back 
to stay and then not without 20 men at least as soldiers with 
them. The Indians are certain y about, they are traced and 
guns heard every day almost in the woods. I went with my 
scout to a number of the inhabitants. 

I heard up to the westward when I was four miles out of 
town 2 guns very phin. Upon Saturday last we made a con- 
siderable scout and went near to Hopkinton, marched down 
Contoocook river and so to the fort. We saw fair moguson 
tracks in several places, some new and some older. I pray you 
would send me express what I should do about going to Stev- 



enstown if I have no more men. If I go I must take them all 
with me and I don't see but Contoocook must lose or sell or 
kill most of their cattle for they have got but very little hay 
since the mischief was gone and have a great deal to get. All 
their pease almost in the field unhooked and loosing every day, 
and abundance of them there is. Mr. Lovejoy's garrison are 
all moved off but three familys and he told me that he would 
not stay any longer without he had some souldiers — and if he 
had several famiys would come to them which if that fort 
weaks up they can grind none to Contoocook, and must be 
forced to go to Eastman's mill on Turkey river (12 or 14 miles, 
a dangerous road), and it will be much more dangerous to go 
to Pennicook. Please to take their things into consideration 
and send me what I shall do. I am ready to obey if you will 

The scout must go up to Stevenstown to take care of their 
effects and stay a night or two and I believe if I was ordered to 
go once in a week or ten ten days up there it might possibly 
have this effect to daunt the enemy or find 'em or fight 'em. If 
you think it best to go and live at Stevenstown, I am ready to 
do it and heartily willing but they have no provision but salt. 
I must buy an ox and drive up and kill there which will be 
costly, and to carry meal so far will be bad luggage. Pray your 
advice by the bearer, but if I go there pray your interest for 
Contoocook and Lovejoy's mill and Eastman's mill that there 
may be an addition of soldiers, etc. J. GOFFE. 

P. S, The most of Contoocook people desire me to acquaint 
you that they are destitute of any military officers and by that 
means nobody will watch or ward but such as see cause and by 
that means some are oblidged to do duty and some none at all 
and they think it ib owing to their living at so great a distance 
from Colo. Smith to whose regiment they belong that they have 
none and desired me to acquaint you that it is their desire to 
be annexed to your regiment as they joyn upon it and think 
they shall be taken better care of if they were and pray your in- 
terest to get it done and pray also that if they can't be in your 
Regiment you would recommend Mr. Steven Gerrish for their 
chief officer, and I assure you that there is necessity that some 
thing be done in that respect soon. I am, etc. J. G. 

I have my full comp'nt of men and I think one more, pray 

your advice in that as I was sealing up this, Rec'd yrs 

relating to No. 4. Shall follow your directions. J. G. 

I came down with a guard with two teams to Lovejoy's mill 


and to relieve my soldiers from Hillsborough who, it seems, did 
not care to come alone. J. G 

(Eastman's mill was on Turkey river, near where St. Paul's 
school is 1 icated.) 

The British government determined to render effective aid to 
the colonists and in 1755 General Braddock was sent over with 
two regiments of regulars to operate against the French. He 
was utterly defeated at Fort Du Quesne and was killed. We 
will not extend the details here. And the expedition was sent 
under Geneial Shirley to Lake Ontario, but it accomplished 
nothing. A third under General Sir William Johnson was 
more successful. In June his forces met at Albany to the num- 
ber of 6000 men. General Lyman of Massachusetts command- 
ed the New England contingent and under him was Colonel 
Blanchard of Dunstable (Nashua) with 500 men. Of these, 
three companies were raised in Derryfield, one commanded by 
John Goffe, one by John Moore, his son in law, and the third 
by the afterwards celebrated Robert Rogers. Their duty was 
mainly that of scouting or ranging as it was called and here we 
may quote from Parkman's description of them. " These 
rangers wore a sort of woodland uniform which varied in the 
different companies, and were armed with smooth bore guns 
loaded with buckshot, bullets or sometimes both. The best of 
them were commonly employed "ti Lake George and nothing 
can surpass the adventurous hardiho )d of their lives. Summer 
and winter, day and night, were alike to them. Embarked in 
whaleboats or birch canoes they glided under the silent mo »n 
or in the languid glare of a brea hless autumn day when islands 
floated in dreamy haze and the hot air was thick with odors of 
the pine, or in the bright October, when the jay screamed from 
the woods, squirrels gahered their winter hoard and co gre- 
gated blackbirds chattered farewell to their summer haants ; 
when gay mountains basked in light, maples dropped leaves of 
rustling gold, sumach glowed like rubies under the dark green 
of the unchanging spruce, and mossed rocks, with all their 
painted plumage lay double in the watery mirror ; that festal 
evening of the year when jocund nature disrobes herself, to 
wake again refreshed in ihe joy of her undying spring Or, in 
the tomb-like bilence of the winter forest with breath frozen on 


his beard the Ranger strode on snow shoes over the spotless 
drifts; and like Duver's Knight, a ghastly death stalked ever at 
his side." 

Colonel Blanchard's regiment had its rendezvous at Stew- 
artstown, now Salisbury. Thence they marched to Charles- 
town, or No. 4 as it was called, on the Connecticut river, and 
thence to Albany. They were posted at Fore Edward on the 
road from Albany to the head of Lake George. General John- 
son was at the lake making preparations for an advance to 
Crown Point when word came of the approach of a French 
force against Fort Edward, behind him. 

This force was under command of Baron Dieskau, a veteran 
of the European wars and a good soldier But his troops 
were mainly composed of French colonists and half breeds with 
a large contingent of Indians. As they approached the fort 
they became panic-struck and refused to attack it. They were 
willing, however, to attack Johnson at Lake George, and hav- 
ing no alternative Dieskau turned back for the purpose. John- 
son, hearing of his approach, sent a force to meet him, under 
Colonel Williams, from whom Williams college was afterwards 
named. They wereambusd^d by the French and Indians about 
four miles from Johnson's camp, and retreated to their main 
camp on the shore of Lake George where Johnson had com- 
menced a rough breastwork afterwards known as P'ort William 

Here Dieskau attacked him, but was beaten off after an all- 
day fight. At its close the English and their Indian allies 
leaped the breastworks and drove the French in utmost confus- 
sion. Colonel Blanchard, at Fort Edward, hearing the firing, 
marched his men in its direction. They fell in with the re- 
treating French and though much inferior in numbers, dis- 
persed them utterly. All their baggage and many prisoners 
were taken. Upon the approach of winter Johnson's army was 
disbanded with the of exception of small garrisons at Fort Ed- 
ward and another at William Henry. Goffe and Moore and 


their companies returned home, but Rogers and his company 
remained. Their exploits through the winter are a history in 

The next spring another expedition was organized against 
Crown Point, by General Shirley and a regiment was raised 
here for the service. It was commanded by Colonel Meserve. 
Goffe was its major and his son went as an ensign. The regi- 
ment was put in charge of Fort Edward, and from it were en- 
listed an independent command of Rangers under the orders of 
Robert R< gers. Whether Gofife was among these or not is not 
known. The year 1756 was one of inactivity in military affairs 
and according to the custom of the limes, the soldiers were 
withdrawn into winter quarters by October, and active hostili- 
ties were at an end. This, however, did not apply to the Rang- 
ers. They continued upon scouting duty all winter as well as 
all summer. The fortification at the head of Lake George 
which Gen. William Johnson had completed in 1755, and which 
was known by the name of Fort William Henry, was a constant 
source of chagrin and irritation to the French ; and Montcalm, 
their commander in-chief, determined to destroy it. So as early 
as March of 1757, he made his first attack upon it, but it was 
defended by the Rangers so stoutly that he was obliged to with- 
draw, though his force numbered some 1500 men. With the 
opening of summer of 1757, the English commander in-chief, 
the Earl of Loudon, prepared for an attack on Louisburg. 
Troops were called for from the colonies and New Hampshire 
raised 1000 men. They were placed again under command of 
Colonel Meserve and John Goffe of Derryfield was commis- 
sioned lieutenant colonel. The regiment was divided. One 
battalion, under command of Meserve, joined the expedition 
against Louisburg. The other, under Goffe, marched from 
Charlestown to join General Webb at Albany, and was placed 
by him with other contingents, at Fort William Henry, under 
command of Colonel Monroe. 

The French hearing of the intended attack on Louisburg, 


determined on a counter attack in force on Fort William Hen- 
ry. An army of 8000 men started from Ticonderoga at the end 
of June and guided by their Indian allies, concentrated at the 
head of Lake George for the attack. General Webb, though 
commanding a force adequate to cope with the French, with- 
drew to Fort Edward and Albany, leaving Colonel Munroe with 
but 2000 men to resist an army of 8000. Among the garrison 
was the battalion of 200 men from the New Hampshire regi- 
ment, commanded by Goflfe. Besides these there was a ranger 
company commanded by Richard Rogers, brother to the famous 
Robert Rogers. The story of the siege and capture of Fort 
William Henry is a moving one. I shall not here go into it in 
detail. Enough to say that after repeated calls for aid and re- 
enforcements from Webb which were refused, after their ammu- 
nition had been completely exhausted so that cannon and mus- 
kets lay useless on the ramparts, after an intercepted letter from 
Webb had been sent into the fortress by Montcalm, the French 
commander-in-chief, advising Munroe to capitulate upon the 
best terms obtainable, then and then only was the place surren- 
dered. But even then Munroe would yield only upon terms, 
and these were, that the garrison should march out with the 
honors of war, with their arms, baggage and a field piece and 
that they should be protected from the outrages of the sav- 
ages. On these terms they yielded and the evacuation began- 
The stipulation of protection from Indian outrage upon help- 
less captives and upon the women and children in the fort was 
the more necessary because only the year before such an agree- 
ment had been made at the surrender of Oswego, and yet in 
gross violation of it twenty English prisoners had been delivered 
by Montcalm into the hands of the savages for torture. But at 
William Henry, before the English had left the fort, the In- 
dians, in search of plunder, had broken into the spirit room, 
stove the rums casks and were drinking themselves to frenzy. 
The evacuation began. The garrison with the women in the 
center marched out. The New Hampshire contingent was in 
the rear. They had gone but a short distance when by a pre- 


concerted signal the savages rushed upon them all, sound- 
ing the war whoop and brandishing their tomahawks. No 
guard had been furnished by Montcalm. There was not a sin- 
gle round of powder among the surrendered garrison and only 
the regular troops had bayonets. They were in advance and 
were not molested. But the provincials and the women were 
attack by the savages with the utmost ferocity. They were 
killed in scores, and those who were taken prisoners were re- 
served for torture worse than death itself The exact number 
of the slaughtered can not be ascertained, but it is estimated at 
from 500 to 1500. 

The whole transaction sent a shudder of horror through the 
country and remains till now an indelible stain on the honor of 
its responsible author, the Marquis of Montcalm. 

Of the 200 New Hampshire soldiers 80 were killed or made 
prisoners' and among them Benjamin Kidder, whom we may re- 
call was Colonel GoflFe's brolher-in law and who lived with him 
at Cohas brook, and John Moore, his son in law. Kidder was 
carried to Quebec, thence sent to France as a prisoner and 
died in prison at Rochelle, France, Moore, likewise taken pris- 
oner to Quebec, was carried to Brest in France and served in 
the galleys, thence he escaped to England, sailed to Boston, 
was impressed there for the royal navy and after being two years 
at sea, at last reached home. The losses of Colonel Gofife 
were stated by him at £1^8 15s., and this sum was reimbursed 
to him by the New Hampshire Legislature the next year. 
From his experience in such occurrences we can gain an idea of 
how he and others like him must have regarded a Frenchman, 
and how they enjoyed apparently to the utmost the continuous 
war against them in which they were engaged. 

The expedition against Louisburg ended in complete failure, 
and so the year 1757 ended with the English hopes at their 
lowest. But in the next year, 1758, William Pitt, Earl of Chat- 
ham, was at the head of the English foreign office and a differ- 
ent temper was diffused through all the public service. Louis- 


burg capitulated in July. An army of 15,000 men was assem- 
bled at Albany for the recapture of William Henry and the re- 
duction of Ticonderoga ; 6000 were regulars and the remainder^ 
provincial levies. Besides the companies of Rangers which had 
been enlisted almost exclusively from the former New Flamp- 
shire regiments and which numbered now some 500 men under 
various subordinates but all under Robert Rogers as their 
chief, the province furnished a regiment of 800 men under Colo- 
nel Hart of Portsmouth, and John Goffe of Derryfield was 
commissioned again as lieutenant-colonel. 

His son was a lieutenant in one of the companies. Fort 
William Henry had been burned and abandoned by the French 
after its capture. Nothing was left but its charred ruins when 
the English arrived in the spring of 1758. They moved down 
Lake George toward Ticonderoga with bands and artillery in 
more than a thousand boats and rafts, and the sight must have 
been both imposing and grand. The nominal head of the ex- 
pedition was General Abercrombie and second in command 
was Lord Howe. He was killed in a skirmish as the expedi- 
tion approached Ticonderoga and with his death all the cour- 
age, enthusiasm and promise of success departed. After an ob- 
stinate attack the English were beaten off, and here might be 
noted a singular instance of the dogged resistance which the 
British commanders so often exhibited to ideas and suggestions 
from the colonial commanders, their subordinates. John Stark 
was with the expedition, knew the fort and knew how it might 
be captured. He suggested to his commanding general the use 
of his artillery and declared the place could be battered down 
in an hour. But General Abercrombie, had the report of his 
superior engineer officer that this could not be done and or- 
dered an assault. The result was defeat. And again the next 
year, 1759, the campaign against Ticonderoga was undertaken, 
and again New Hampshire sent her regiment. Again John 
Goflfe of Derryfield was its lieutenant-colonel, but this time the 
commander-in-chief was General Amherst, a very different 
man from any of his predecessors. During the winter of 1758 


and '59, he was actively engaged in preparations at Albany and 
the Rangers were kept on duty scouting and skirmishing 
against the enemy all winter long. The first of May, 1759, the 
army was organized for the field ; the 21st of July 11,000 men 
embarked on Lake George for Ticonderoga, the New Hampshire 
regiment among them. On the 26th, after many skirmishes 
and a galling fire on the fort kept up night and day, the French 
blew up the magazine and abandoned the place. They re- 
treated to Crown Point. Amherst followed them. On the ist of 
August the French abandoned that place also and withdrew to 
the fort of Lake Champ'ain, where it emptied into the Riche- 
lieu River and the River St. Lawrence. After following them 
there, but being unable to make any impression, Amherst with- 
drew into winter quarters at Crown Point. 

The principal service in the campaign had been rendered by 
the Rangers and they were recruited almost entirely from men 
at Amoskeag and Derryfield. While Amherst had been busy 
at Ticonderoga and Crown Point, General Prideaux had re- 
duced Niagara and in September came the news that Wolfe 
had captured Quebec. Little was left of French power on this 
continent, but such as there was, centered now at Montreal. 
The English only waited for the opening of spring to invest the 
place. General Murray was in command of his majesty's 
forces and the colonies were called upon to furnish levies. 
New Hampshire furnished a regiment and this time John Goffe 
was commissioned its full colonel. A singular order pub- 
lished by him is preserved : " Collo. Gofife recommends it to 
the officers to examine the state of the men's shirts, shoes and. 
stockings and further acquaint them that they are to be an- 
swerable that the men shirt twice every week at least, that such 
as have hair that will admit of it must have it constantly tied, 
they must be obliged to comb their hair and wash their hands 
every morning and as it is observed a number of the men ac- 
custom themselves to wear woolen night caps in the day time, 
he allows them hats. They are ordered for the future not to be 
seen in the day time with anything besides their hats on their 


heads, as ye above mentioned custom of wearing night caps 
must be detrimental to their health aud cleanliness, the men's 
hats to be all cocked, or cut uniformly as Collo, Gofife pleases 
to direct." The regiment was marched up Souhegan river, 
through Amherst, Milford, Wilton, over the Pack Monadnock 
to Peterborough up the Contoocook and down the Ashuelot to 
Keene. Thence up the Connecticut river to Charlestown, 
thence across Vermont to Crown Point, where it joined the 
main army. Thence down Lake Champlain and the Sorel river 
to Montreal, where they arrived on August 8, 1760. September 
8, Montreal capitulated and French power in Canada was at 
an end. 

The war was over but not the actual employments of the 
man in public affairs. In fact all his life long he was busy in 
one way or another in the public service of the community in 
which he lived. 

He seemed to have been a man of means also. In 1758 he 
was a member of the committee to build the Londonderry 
meeting house and was the largest individual contributor to the 
work. In 1761 the town of Goffst wn was granted by the Ma- 
sonian Proprietors and was incorporated by the Governor and 
council, receiving its name from John Gofife, in appreciation of 
his public services. In 1766 he was the largest tax payer in 
Derryfield. In 1761, 2, 3, 5, 6, 7, '70, i, 2, 3, 4 he represented 
Amherst and Bedford in the Provincial Legislature In 1771 
he was appointed judge of probate of Hillsborough county, and 
continued in the office until 1776 and took ihe oaths of alle- 
giance and obligation. In 1764 the town of Piermont was 
granted to him outright, and in 1766 the town of Jeflferson was 
granted to him and 63 others by the name of Dartmouth. The 
customary dispute over the location of the meeting house, which 
seems to have absorbed a large part of the energies of our an- 
cestors, began in due time in Derryfield. In New Ipswich 
things went so far that the inhabitants petitioned the Goverm^r 
to locate their meeting house for them, and in aco>rdance with 
their wish, Col mel Goffe, John Hall and James Underwood 


did so. The French war interrupted the dispute in Derryfield. 
But at its termination the quarrel began again. John Goffe 
was eagerly interested to have the meeting house located near 
the river ; John Hall to have it somewhere else. 

The Governor and council were finally petitioned to amend 
the action of the regular town meeting, which had decided the 
question, and to appoint another for the purpose. The peti- 
tion was granted and leave was given to bring in a bill for 
vacating the action of the town. The bill passed. In accord- 
ance with it the inhabitants were warned to hold another meet- 
ing which they did. The GofTe party was entirely defeated and 
the meeting house was located in the place the Hall party had 
chosen. Hall was the committee to build it, and in order to do 
so found it necessary to borrow some money to finish the job. 
This the town refused to refund. He sued the town for it. 
Goffe and William McClintock were chosen agents to defend. 
But the suit was settled after the town had been thoroughly 
stirred up over it and all the bad blood possible engendered 
by it. 

At the outbreak of the Revolution Colonel Goflfe was a man 
74 years old and not fit for service in the field. His son was 
at Bunker Hill and at Bennington, but the colonel was too old 
for military service. Command of his regiment was given to 
his son-in-law, John Moore, and the old man could only for- 
ward the cause by precept and example. He signed the asso- 
ciation test in Bedford and in 1776 represented Derryfield and 
Goflfstown in the Provincial assembly. In 1777 he was again 
in the legislature and sat on a military board of inquiry into 
the conduct of Col. Nathan Hale at the battle of Trenton. In 
1778 he was a member of the committee of safety of his town, 
Bedford. A letter written by him to his son indicates the feel- 
ings of the man, 

Portsmouth, Sept. 24, 1777. 

Sir : — Colonel Bellows goes off today to head as many vol- 
unteer as will push off to reinforce General Gates. Our army 
is now in possession of Ticonderoga. In order to cut off Bur- 


goyne's retreat, who was on the 17th of this month within four 
miles of Stillwater, with his main body as we are assured by 
General Stark's letter of that date, pressing the State to exert 
every nerve and to march at least half the militia of this State, 
and now is the time to cut of? the whole army. And if we do 
but all go without hesitation, I verily believe it will put an end 
to the war. And if you could go yourself for a fortnight or 
three weeks, I believe it would encourage many. Every man 
will have to pay as the last militia had. But it must be done 
without loss of time. And if your brother-in law, Samuel Moor, 
would be forward in this affair, it would be to his everlasting 
honor. Pray show yourselves friends to the country this once. 
I am your loving father, JOHN GOFFE. 

To Major John G ffe. 

Pray let Captain Moor read this after you have read it. 

Colonel Goffe was a religious man. The place where he 
lived was the remote frontier and a savage wilderness. Until a 
meeting house had been built and a place provided he was ac- 
customed to conduct public worship in his own house on the 
Sabbath. People from Bedford, Goffstown, Merrimack and 
Litchfield resoned here, and Colonel Goffe preached the dis- 
course. His grandson, the Rev. Joseph Goffe, thus speaks of 
him : " My grandfather was a man of some eminence in his 
day as a military man, and commanded a regiment when Can- 
ada was surrendered to the British and Colonial arms. Besides 
his military commission, he held a variety of civil offices in the 
State, such as judge of probate, justice of the peace, often a 
member of the state Legislature and was an intimate friend of 
Governor Wentworth and Colonel Atkinson and other public 
men of that day. But what is infinitely more for his honor, he 
was a man of distinguished piety and did much for the promo- 
tion of religion in the new settlement amund him. I can re- 
member him well. He was rather above the middle stature, 
not corpulent, but of a commanding presence and aspect." 

Colonel Goffe was a man of marked character and for sixty 
years was identified with all the stirring scenes of the most ex- 
citing period of our country's nistory. From Lovewell's fight in 


1725, through the Indian and French wars and the war of the 
Revolution, he was almost constantly in the public service, and 
how well he acted his part has been related in the preceding 
pages. Through all the military grades, from private service in 
the field, he sustained the offices up to colonel, and in all of 
them in actual character of an energetic and courageous sold- 
ier, receiving on all occasions the hearty commendations of his 
superior officers. In civil life he was equally distinguished for 
energy of character. He was a close friend of Governor Went- 
worth and Theodore Atkinson. One of his grandsons was 
named Theodore Atkinson Goffe, but when the time came for 
choice between ihe Patriot party and the Tories, his decision 
was made on the instant. When Colonel Goffe told the Gov- 
ernor of his mistake in endeavoring to control the Legislature 
against the will of the Revolutionists, Governor Wentworth lost 
his temper and abused the old man roundly. In spite of his 
years, the colonel seized his former friend, tried to throw him 
out of the window, but friends interferred and ended the scene. 
He was an experienced Indian fighter when John Stark was 
born, as was most natural in view of the fact that he was twen- 
ty seven years his senior. He was the military instructor of 
the Rogers, the Todds, the Havens and Starks^ and the account 
they gave of themselves in the French and Indian war, and the 
Revolution did ample credit to their teacher. He died Oct. 
20, 1781, leaving a large family of daughters and one son sur- 
viving, and is sleeping in Bedford old burying ground by the 
side of his wife and among the friends and neighbors who knew 
him and respected him in life. We in turn cannot read the 
story of his deeds without a feeling that here was a man, strong, 
simple, silent, a power for good, a terror to evil doers in his 
day and generation, and a trusted leader among the honest, 
faithful men and women who cleared this wilderness an hun- 
dred and fifty years ago. 

'^ While we their children gather as our own 
The harvest that the dead have sown .'' 


(second paper.) 

read by fred w. lamb before the manchester historic asso- 
ciation, september 20, 1899. 


In 1829 the first steam fire engine was built, foreshadowing 
the complete overthrow and disuse of the system of hand en- 
gines, except for small towns. The model, however, was not 
very practical and few steam fire engines were built until about 
1852, Meanwhile various attempts of a similar nature had 
been made in America. Capt. John Ericsson built a steam fire 
engine in New York in 1839-40. It would throw 10,824 pounds 
of water a minute, 166 feet in the air, through a 2^ inch nozzle, 
drawing four lengths of hose. A stationary boiler from which 
hot water could be transferred to the engine boiler was kept in 
the engine house. The machine proved cumbrous, heavy and 
expensive and was discarded. The prize gold medal, offered 
for the best plan of a steam fire engine by the Mechanics' In- 
stitute of New York, was awarded to Ericsson for this engine. 

In 1852 A. B. Latta and Abel Shawk of Cincinnati built a 
steam fire engine that could throw a stream of water 170 feet, 
and afterwards Latta built another capable of throwing four 
streams 200 feet, or six streams 175 feet, through a f inch 
nozzle. This engine weighed ten tons and went by the name 
of "Uncle Joe Ross," and required four horses for transporta- 
tion. Its excessive weight was its most detrimental feature, as it 
was with its two successors, the " Citizens' Gift," of Cincinnati, 
and the "Miles Greenwood," of Boston. Its boiler finally 


exploded when out on trial, Dec. 6, 1851;, killing its engineer. 
The firebox not being properly stayed was the cause. 

In reply to the question as to what are the merits of steam 
over hand engines, asked by a committee from another city, 
Chief Greenwood of Cincinnati replied, " First, it never gets 
drunk ; second, it never throws brickbats, and the only draw- 
back connected with it is that it cannot vote." There is on 
record a report made by the Chief of the New York Fire De- 
partment, before the introduction of the steam fire engine, that 
"steam fire engines would do more damage with water than 
could possibly be done by fire." The " Latta " engines are 
now known by the name of their successor, the " Ahrens," 
Among the various steam fire engines manufacturerd may be 
mentioned the " Silsby " and "American," of Seneca Falls, N. 
Y., and Cincinnati, Ohio ; the "La France " of Elmira, N. Y. ; 
" Button," and last but not least the famous " Amoskeag" built 
by the Manchester Locomotive Works, who purchased the busi- 
ness from the Amoskeag Manufacturing Co. 

In 1857 N. S. Bean was working as a locomotive machinist 
in the machine shop at Lawrence, Mass. There were a num- 
ber of old fashioned hand tubs there and Mr. Bean belonged 
to one of its companies. Mr. Bean had for some time pon- 
dered over a better means of fire fighting and had wondered if 
steam could not be used advantageously to that end. He com- 
municated his ideas to Thomas Scott, a fellow mechanic of con- 
siderable ingenuity, and together they managed to construct in 
the winter of 1857 and 1858, the first steam fire engine ever 
built in New England, which they named the "Lawrence." 
This machine was sent to Boston, where it was tested on Bos- 
ton common, together with machines from Cleveland, Cincin- 
nati and Philadelphia. The Bean machine was superior in its 
boiler and pump, but in the general arrangement, the Philadel- 
phia machine was the better. Boston finally purchased the 
Bean machine for $3,500. 

Neither Mr. Bean nor his companion had ever seen any early 


engine of this kind and they worked on their own ideas. In 
1859 he returned to this city and built the '' Machigonne " and 
" Amoskeag, No. t," and then entered upon the manufacture of 
the Amoskeag Steam Fire Engine for the Amoskeag Manu- 
facturing Co. This engine, now built by the Manchester Loco- 
motive Works, is unexcelled by any manufactured and has been 
sold and is in use all over the world, 


In 1859 on a petition of N. S. Bean and others for organiza- 
tion as a steam fire engine company, the city purchased the 
Amoskeag, No. i, a first-class rotary pump, at a cost of $2000 
from the Amoskeag Manufacturing Co., and it was delivered to 
the city in August, 1859, and continued in service until Octo- 
ber, 1876, when it was replaced by a first-class double plunger 
engine, made by the same company. This engine has taken 
part in several musters and took first money at the trial at 
Providence, R. I, The company was organized July 6, 1859, 
with the following officers : S. G. Langley, foreman ; J. C. 
Ricker, assistant foreman; N. S. Bean, engineer; H. W, Rit- 
ner, assistant engineer ; J. S. Batcheldor, assistant engineer ; 
David B. Varney, clerk. 

At' a meeting July 11, 1859, Charles Dunbar was elected a 
member of this company. May i, i860, John R. Bruce and 
Arthur N. Hall were elected torch boys. In this year Hand 
Engine Co., No. 6, disbanded. This year, J. T. P. Hunt was 
chief, with Phinehas Adams, Samuel Parsons, Eben French, 
Benjamin F. Martin, A. C. Heath, Daniel W, Fling, John 
Moulton, Samuel G. Langley and Alpheus Branch, assistants. 

In i860 Albe C. Heath was chief, with D. W. Fling, A. 
Branch, Israel Dow, C. H. G. Foss, J. C. Young, B. S. Flan- 
ders, assistants. In April Fire King Steam Fire Engine, No, 
2, a first size double plunger, round tank engine, was delivered 
to the city by the Amoskeag Manufacturing Co., and in June 
the E. W. Harrington, No. 3, a second size single U-tank en- 
gine was delivered. In April .hree hand engines, Nos, i, 2 


and 3, the two later owned by the Araoskeag and Stark corpor- 
ations, were discharged from service Steamer Fire King was 
placed in No, I's house. In July A. C. Wallace, No. 7, was 
discharged and no record has ever been found of what became 
of it. Steamer E. W. Harrington was placed in its house. The 
first of October Massabesic, No. 4, was discharged .and the ma- 
chine was sold to Groton, Mass., for $450. This year horses 
were introduced into the department for the first time. 

On the ist of April, 1861, Torrent, No. 5, on Manchester 
street, was discharged from service and the machine was sold 
to the town of Rochester, N. H., for $500. A. C. Heath was 
chief this year. 

In 1862 Daniel W. Fling was chief, with Charles H. G. Foss, 
Israel Dow, E. W. Harrington, N. S. Bean, assistants. This 
year old Merrimack, No. i, was sold for $425, and a hose car- 
riage was purchased at a cost of $535. May 19 a fire broke 
out on Manchester street, about half way between Elm and 
Chestnut streets, which burned across to Hanover street, de- 
stroying a number of tenement houses and causing a loss of 

In 1863 Albe C. Heath was chief, with Ezra Huntington, 
Israel Dow, Moses O. Pearsons, Daniel W. Fling, N. S. Bean 
and Freeman Higgins, assistants. 

In 1864 A. C. Heath was again chief. As the city hall bell 
was rung for all purposes it was almost impossible to distin- 
guish an alarm of fire. A bell was accordingly purchased of H. 
N. Hooper & Co., at a cost of $853 65 and weighing 1026 
pounds and it was placed on the Vine Street Fire Station. They 
divided the city into five districts and rung the number of the 
district and did not ring this bell for any other purpose. 

In 1865 N. S. Bean was chief, with Ezra Huntington, M. O 
Pearsons, B. C. Kendall, D. W. Fling, Israel Dow and Free- 
man Higgins, assistants. A hook and ladder truck was pur- 
chased this year at a cost of $1175, from C. E. Hartshorn. 
Dec. 20 fire broke out in the State Reform school building on 
the River road about two miles from city hall. One steamer 


reached there after some delay and finally the steamer from 
P scataquog, but the greater part of the building was consumed. 
The inmates were quartered in the old Stark mansion and in 
1866 it was also destroyed by fire. This year the Amoskeag 
Co. built the Dr. Dean, a second size, single, harp tank engine 
for the Manchester Print Works. 

In 1866 N. S. Bean was again chief, with Ezra Huntington, 
Freeman Higgins^ B. C. Kendall, D. W. Fling and Israel Dow, 

In 1867 Israel Dow was chief, with E. P. Richardson, B. C. 
Kendall, Elijah Chandler, G. H. Kimball, assistants. In No- 
vembtr of this year the city purchased of the Amoskeag Manu- 
facturing Co., N. S. Bean, No. 4, a second size, double plunger, 
straight frame engine. 

In 1868 Israel Dow was again chief, with B, C. Kendall, E. 
P. Richardson, Elijah Chandler and Wilberforce Ireland, 

In 1869 E. P. Richardson was chief, with B. C. Kendall, 
Elijah Chandler, Wilberforce Ireland, George Holbrook and 
Andrew C. Wallace, assistants. August 29, this year, a fire 
which started in the carding room of the stocking mill on Me- 
chanics' Row, occupied by John Brugger, caused a damage 
of $15,000. 

In 1870 E. P. Richardson was again chief, with B. C. Ken- 
dall, Elijah Chandler, Wilberforce Ireland and Andrew C. 
Wallace, assistants On July 8, at 2 30 o'clock in the morning, 
the largest fire which this city ever experienced started in a 
building in the rear of Merchants' Exchange and rapidly gained 
ground. From an article in the Manchester Mirror and anoth- 
er from the Manchester Union I condense the following de- 
scription of this fire : 

" It is not definitely known just where the blaze originated. 
Some facts go to show that it took in the room occupied by 
Drake and Carpenter, spice and coffee dealers. The testimony 
shows that it must have caught in the engine room and sought 
egress through the coffee room. In close proximity and con- 
nected with it was the brick building in which was located the 


Steam printing works of the Mirror and the presses upon which 
the Daily Union was printed. This was soon on fire and the 
presses destroyed. 

'' From this point the fire spread in all directions, the wind 
blowing a gale all the time. North was the wooden building 
occupied by paint and carpenter shops. The fire then moved 
east, taking the wooden buildings in its course, until it reached 
Masonic Temple, which was a large three story block. Still 
further east it took Johnson's block, Brown & Coiley's block, 
and all the tenements east to Chestnut street. On Manchester 
street was James' stable, Bartlett's block, Harrington and John- 
son's bl' ck and the First Baptist church at the corner of Man- 
chester and Chestnut streets. 

" On the south side of this street was the Farmers & Me- 
chanics Hotel, otherwise known as the old ' American House,' 
the scene of the famous firemen's riot of 1859, and many shops 
and tenement houses between Elm back street and Chestnut 
street. The Post Office on Hanover street next to Elm back 
street was in great peril, and was several times on fire, as was 
also Merchants' Exchange, then the largest block in the city. 
The whole area burned over was from five to six acres. The 
amount of property destroyed was not far from $250,000 on 
which there was about $125,000 insurance. About 200 families 
were thrown out of homes." 

The water which came from the pond in Hanover square 
failed at a critical time. The old First Congregational church 
suffered, its surface being somewhat scorched and the old trees 
which stood in front of it being ruined. The engine from the 
Manchester Print Works and the Amoskeag corporation ren- 
dered valuable aid. There not being any fire alarm telegraph 
it was a long time before the engine in Piscataquog could be 

Among the old residents who well remembers the big fire is 
David O. Furnald, who was in the photograph business in 
Merchants' Exchange. In speaking of the fire, he said he con- 
sidered that Col. A. C. Wallace and himself were the men who 
saved the central and southern portions of the Exchange. 

" In the middle of the roof," said Mr. Furnald, " was a con- 
duit to carry away the water. By scraping the dirt on the roof 
into this hole we stopped it up and made a pond out of the wa- 


ter played upon the roof by the engines. Then we took brooms 
and wetting them in the water, extinguished the fire as fast as 
it burned al'mg the coping. In this way we kept the southern 
end of the Exchange from going. 

" I saw the flames breaking out of a window about midway 
of the block and called the attention of Col. Wallace, who was 
a member of the board of engineers, to it. He procured a few 
men and sought the room, which appeared to be on fire. When 
the door was opened the whole interior of the room was found 
to be in a blaze. Soon the fire here was drowned out and this 
portion of ihe building was practically saved, 

" The fire was so hot that efforts to check its progress were 
well-nigh fruitless. All hope of saving the First Congregational 
church was given up. Fortunately, however, a shower came up 
and the wind changed, blowing the flames back over the burn- 
ing district and the Hanover street church was saved." 

J. J. Abbott, who was in the paint business in the rear of the 
place where the Big Six is now located, and who was burned 
out, well remembers the fire. He says it was discovered by a 
man coming out of the notorious Waverly Rooms, a gambling 
resort in Masonic Temple, " It was almost incredible,'' said 
he, " how rapidly the flames spread. The water supply was 
contained in reservoirs in the streets; supplied by springs, and 
the ponds in Hanover and Merrimack commons. These reser- 
voirs were called fire plugs. One of these fire plugs was lo- 
cated at city hall, and another at the corner of Hanover and 
Pine streets. These were supplied by the pond in Hanover 
square. Owing to the fact that the man whose duty it was to 
open the gate in the pond failed to do so there was a scarcity 
of water and so the progress of the fire was unimpeded. 

" The wooden buildings at the corner of Chestnut and Man- 
chester streets are survivors of the conflagration. The First 
Baptist church on the northwest corner of Manchester and 
Chestnut streets was about the last building to go. It was a 
magnificent sight when the steeple blazed up. The Head 
Guards were on duty to protect property in the burned stores, 
but in spite of this many of the storekeepers lost some of their 
goods. The Amoskeag Steam fire engine was disabled through 
the destruction of one of its flues and so could not render very 
efficient service. A relic of this fire may still be seen in the scars 
upon the big trees in the yard of the Buck property on Hanover 
street just above the old post otfice block.'' A list of those who 


suffered losses will give some idea of the extent of the conflagra- 
tion and also of the business men on the street at that time. 

" Among them were Drake and Carpenter, coffee dealers ; M 
W. Gove, bonnet bleachery ; Independent Order of Good Tem- 
plars ; James' stable ; James M. Clough, grocer ; Colley and 
Brown, landlords ; Colley and Blackmer, painters ; W. B. John- 
son and Sons, dry goods; First Baptist church; W. S. Hill, ma- 
chinist , Masonic Temple ; Scott and Jewell, grocers ; Waite 
Bros., dry goods ; G. W. Hunkins, landlord ; Thomas Sullivan, 
house and barn ; Abbott and Kelley, painters ; Mrs. Theodore 
French, landlady ; Barton and Co., dry goods ; Charles S, Fish- 
er, city sexton; J. Q. A. Sargent, gas pipe fitter; N. S. Clark, 
dry g lods ; Dr. Jones ; John Custalow, barber ; A. Bunton, en- 
graver ; Capt. John N. Bruce, painter ; City bank ; Amoskeag 
bank; P. B, Putney, confectionery; the Misses Howard, milli 
ners ; Joseph Mitchell, hotel ; E. W. Bartlett, landlord ; Thomas 
Smith, landlord ; Fearing store ; Jackson's store ; Shepard and 
Piper ; Merrill and Aldrich, joiners ; G. S. Holmes, hosiery and 
fancy goods ; E. O. Abbott, confectionery ; W. E. Moore, prin- 
ter ; Neal and Holbrook, carpenters ; John Connelly, house; 
Stephen James, landlord ; Sheridan Guards' armory ; Misses 
Shattuck and Fairfield, milliners ; Moore and Knowlton, lodg- 
ing house ; New Hampshire Fire Insurance Co. ; S. C. Richard- 
son, shoe maker ; Miss E. M. Taggart, confectionary ; the C/nion 
and the Mirror." 

In 187 1 B. C, Kendall was chief, with Wilberforce Ireland, 
A. C. Wallace, Elijah Chandler and W, T. Evans, assistants. 
This year the salary of chief was raised from $50 to $100 and 
the salary of the assistant chiefs from $25 to $50. 

In 1872 B. C. Kendall was again chief, with Wilberforce Ire- 
land, A. C. Wallace, W. T. Evans and A. H. Lowell, assistants. 
Two new hose carriages were purchased this year and placed, 
one at Goffe's Falls and the other at Amoskeag. A new hook 
and ladder truck was also purchased this year. The Gamewell 
system of fire alarm telegraph was put into service in this city 
at a cost of $12,042.24 for 29 boxes this year. The old bell 
tower in the rear of Parson and Ricker block, at Prospect 
street, was erected to place the Vine street engine house bell 
on for the fire alarm telegraph. In the old days the city hall 


bell was rung and the firemen had to find the fire if they could, 
says Capt. Joseph E. Merrill of the Penacooks. Once the city 
hall bell was rung for a fire on Amherst street and somehow the 
firemen got the idea that it was for a fire in Piscataquog and 
across the river raced the men. 

In 1873 B. C. Kendall was again chief, with Wilberforce 
Ireland, A. C. Wallace, A. H. Lowell and Freeman Higgins, as- 
sistants. The year the salary of the chief was raised from $ioo 
to $115, and that of the assistants from $50 to $65 per year. 

In 1874 B. C. Kendall was again chief, with Wilberforce Ire- 
land, A. H. Lowell and Freeman Higgins, assistants. This year 
the waterworks were substantially completed and the city was 
furnished with a perfect hydrant service. This year the Amos- 
keag Manufacturing (. o. built the T. Jefiferson Coolidge, a first 
size, double plunger, straight frame, steam fire engine, which is 
still connected with their private^fire department and is housed 
in the mill yard, in the lower canal building, just opposite No. 
S mill. 

In 1875 A.. H. Lowell was chief, with Wilberforce Ireland, 

B. C. Kendall, Freeman Higgins and A. C. Wallace, assistant!. 
The Penacook Hose Co., No, i, was organized April 7, 1858. 
The company ran as a hand hose company from the time of its 
organization until April of this year, when it was furnished with 
a horse hose carriage and was reduced to twelve men. This 
year the Massabesic Hose Co , No. 2, was organized and lo- 
cated on Maple street. On June 2 of this year the Granite 
Flour mill was destroyed by fire causing a loss of $25,000. 

In 1876 James F. Pherson was chief, with John Patterson, 
Patrick Sullivan, Daniel H. Young and George H. Dudley, as- 
sistants. Amoskeag, No. i, was replaced this year by a first 
size, double plunger, crane neck frame engine. 

In 1877 A. H. Lowell was chief, with Thomas W. Lane, A. 

C. Wallace, B. C. Kendall and Sam C. Lowell, assistants. 

In 1878 A. H. Lowell was again chief, with A. C. Wallace, 
Thomas W. Lane, B. C. Kendall and Sam C. Lowell, assistants. 


In 1879 T^homas W. Lane was chief, with A. C. Wallace, B^ 
C. Kendall, Sam C. Lowell and Orrin E. Kimball, assistants. 
Thomas W. Lane has been elected continuously ever since. 

In 1880, 1881 and 1882 the assistant chiefs were the same as 
in 1879. At an alarm of fire on Dec. 11, for a fire on Milford 
street in Piscataquog. the Penacook Hose met with an accident 
at the canal bridge, in responding to the alarm. The driver, 
A. B. Gushing, was severely injured. He was not to blame for 
the accident. A new one horse hose carriage was built to 
take the place of the injured one. The N. S. Bean steamer al- 
so collided with the bridge, damaging the steamer to the extent 
of $257.75. 

In 1881 the salary of the chief was raised from $115 to $300, 
and that of assistants from $65 to $100 per year. 

On June 26, 1882, at a fire in the Museum building, several 
persons were severely injured by jumping from the third and 
fourth story windows to the pavement below. 

In 1883 the assistants chiefs were Orrin E. Kimball^ James 
F. Pherson, B. C. Kendall, Frank Hutchinson, resigned, and 
A. C. Wallace elected to fill the vacancy. A new hose carriage 
was purchased this year and placed in service with a company 
of 12 men on July i. It was known as Merrimack Hose, No. 4, 

In 1884 the assistants chiefs were Fred S. Bean, Orrin E. 
Kimball, James F. Pherson and Ruel G. Manning. 

In 1885 the assistant chiefs were Fred S. Bean, Orrin E. 
Kimball, James F. Pherson and Horatio Fradd. A new hook 
and ladder truck was purchased this year. The old Fire King 
was exchanged this year for a new steamer. 

On August 7 fire was discovered by Gapt. George E. Glines 
and Officer Goodwin at 10 40 p. m. in the Webster block on 
Elm street, occupied by a large number of tenants upstairs and 
the Amoskeag Ice Co., William Raynor's bottling works, the 
Boston laundry, A. S. Heath, proprietor, and Perkins' cafe on 
the ground floor. Captain Glines and Joseph Blanchard en- 
tered the building and warned all the persons they could find 
out of the building. Joseph Blanchard warned 15 or 20 per- 


sons. The Amoskeag and N. S. Bean steamers were soon pour- 
ing great quantities of water upon the burning building, but the 
more water that was thrown on the fire, the more it seemed to 
gain. Another alarm was rung in, bringing all the apparatus 
it was possible to spare from other sections of the city, and 
soon the firemen began to get control. At one time there were 
ten streams olaying upon the fire. The entire front of the 
building was swept away on the top floors and the loss was es- 
timated at $15,000. Eight lives were lost by suffocation. They 
were Mary Ann O'Brien and child, and Philomine Campeau, 
Justine Parent, Olivine Campeau, Prospire Campeau, Elize 
Parent and Leonard Parent. The last six were crowded into 
a clothes closet and were suffocated. Capt. Orrin E. Kimball 
had charge of the fire in the absence of C'uef Lane. Oie of 
the fnnny incidents of the fire was that ot a lady at -one of the 
third story windows of the block who was trying to keep cool 
by the vigorous use of a fan. She was observed to engage in 
the packing up of her effects for a few moments and would then 
seat herself at the window and fan away. These movements 
were continued until the woman could hold the fort no longer, 
her escape being made by means of a ladder. 

In 1886 the assistant chiefs were Fred S. Bean, Orrin E. 
Kin;ball, resigned, James F. Pherson, Ruel G. Manning, elect- 
ed to fill vacancy, and Horatio Fradd. This year a brick en- 
gine house was erected on North Main street, 'Squog, and the 
Fire King steamer, No. 2, was placed in this house and the 
company was organized Jan. i. On the first of April, a new 
Babcock chemical engine of two sixty gallon tanks, was pur- 
chased at a cost of $2250 and placed in commission. It has 
demonstrated its availability in extinguishing numberless small 

In 1887 and 1888 the assistant chiefs were Fred S. Bean, 
James F. Pherson, Orrin A. Manning and Eugene S. Whitney. 
This year the call members' pay was increased from $75 to $100. 
The salary of the chief was raised from $300 to $1000, and that 
of the assistants from $100 to $125 per year. In responding to 


an alarm Nov. 23d steamer No. 4 overturned in rounding the 
corner of Concord and Vine streets, which damaged the engine 
considerably and injured the driver^ Frank J. Dustin, slightly. 
No blame was attacked to him. Merrimack Hose, No. 4, in re- 
sponding to an alarm from box 32, on Dec. 31, owing to the icy 
conditions of the streets, overturned at the corner of Lake ave- 
nue and Maple street. The apparatus was damaged very little, 
but the clerk of the company, W. P. Emerson, who was on the 
reel, was injured in the knee quite severely. At a fire on the 
30th of November, Mrs. Margaret Fahey was struck by the 
horse of hose No. 4, at the laying of a line of hose, and was killed. 
No blame was attached to the driver, as the evening was dark, 
and she was evidently crowded out into the street by the throng 
on the sidewalk and was not seen by him until struck by the 
horse. In August the city purchased of the Manchester Loco- 
motive Works, Merrimack, No. 3, a second size, double plung- 
er, craned-neck frame engine. On May 21 Mrs. Ellen Knight 
was filling a kerosene lamp at 24 Spruce street when the lamp 
exploded, burning her so severely that she died in a few hours. 

In 1888, on Fi.b. 8, the Merrimack Hose, No 4, was changed 
to Merrimack Steam Fire Engine Co., No 3. The city had 
built a substantial brick engine house on Lake avenue for its 
reception at a cost of $11,005.23. In March, the city pur- 
chased of the Manchester Locomotive Works, General Stark, 
No. 5, a third size, double plunger, crane-necked frame engine 
at a cost of $3,657; and a hose carriage at a cost of $1000, and 
the company was organized April 5 in the new brick engine 
house on Webster street, which was built in 1887 at a cost of 
$4,285.16. On Jan. 29 fire broke out in the house of Col. Ben- 
jamin C. Dean, owned by the Manchester Print Works, and oc- 
cupied by him as their agent. The fire was caused by a defec- 
tive chimney, and obtained considerable headway in the parti- 
tions before being discovered. The total damage was $13,892. 
fully covered by insurance. 

In 1889 the assistant chiefs were Fred S. Bean, Cluence D. 


Palmer, Ruel G. Manning and Eugene S. Whitney. On Fri- 
day, Nov. 8, at 10.56 a. m., at a fire in Bedford on the River 
road just across the city line, the house and barns belonging to 
S. W. Dunbar were destroyed. Two children perished in the 
flames. On Thursday, Dec. 26, at 6.44 a. m.^ fire was discov- 
ered in the cottage house at No. i Wilson road owned by An- 
nie S. Head and occupied by Charles A. Savory. The fire or- 
iginated in a closet, probably from matches, and was first dis- 
covered by outside parties. Before all the inmates could be 
aroused, Mrs. Savory was found suffocated and two children 
nearly so, though they subsequently recovered. The house and 
contents suffered little damage. 

In 1890 Fred S. Bean, Clarence D. Palmer resigned, and 
Clarence R. Merrill elected to fill the vacancy, Ruel G. Man- 
ning and Eugene S. Whitney were the assistant chiefs, and all 
held their positions till 1898. On Wednesday, May 14, at g.15 
p. m., fire broke out in the Elliot hospital building. It origi- 
nated in the kitchen or pantry adjoining, from some cause not 
definitely known, but as Chief Lane thinks probably from the 
explosion of a kerosene lamp. Mrs. Daniel Harriman, who oc- 
cupied a room directly over the kitchen, was suffocated in the 
early stages of the fire, and it was impossible to rescue her body 
«ulil the flames were almost extinguished. The building and 
contents were damaged to the extent of $2,600. 

In 189 1 the salary of the chief was raised from $1,000 to 
$1,125. ^^ 1S92 the salary of the chief was raised from $1,135 
to $1,300. On Sunday, Feb. 7, at 2.51 a. m., fire broke out in 
John B. Varick's immense hardware store at 809 813 Elm 
street. Two alarms were immediately pulled in. The fire 
spread into some of the adjoining buildings before it could be 
extinguished. The enormous amount of water which had to be 
used to subdue the flames damaged the stocks of a great many 
stores in the square. The total damage footed up to $100,377. 
Insurance paid amounted to $80,432.50. 

A list of those damaged follows : Mrs. Georgietta Chamber- 
lin and John B. Varick, owners of Varick's building ; Mitchell 


and Truesdale, owners of Mitchell and Truesdale's block ; A. & 
W. S, Heath, b' ots and shoes ; George Benoir, boarding house j 
Straw block, owned by Mrs. Hannah F. Straw; Manchester 
One Price Chthing Co. ; William H. Mara, custom clothing; 
John C eworth, owner of Granite block ; J. F. Dignam and Co., 
drugs ; R. E. McKean, custom clothing ; R. G. Sullivan, cigars ; 
Catholic Total Abstinence society hall and West< n and Hill 
Co., dry goods. The Amoskeag Manufacturing Co. loaned the 
city the use of T. Jefferson Coolidge steamer. Several causes 
are assigned for the origin of the fire but Chief Lane's opinion 
is, that it was caused by electric wires. On Feb. 18 fire broke 
out in the new building of the Benedictine college in Bedford, 
which was nearly completed. It was totally destroyed. On 
Wednesday, June 15, Mrs. Margerita Eismann had a kerosene 
lamp explode in her hand and was so severely burned that she 
died from her injuries in a few hours. On Sunday, July 24, fire 
was discovered in what was known as the East Manchester 
Laundiy on Belmont street. It was caused by the explosion of 
a can of gasoline. The flames spread so rapidly as to prevent 
the removal of any of the contents of the building. The occu- 
pants, except Mrs. Nancy Sargeant, escaped. She was so over- 
come by the smoke and heat that as a ladder was raised to her 
assistance, she fell back into the flames. The total damage 
was $3,850. 

In 1893 the city purchased of the Manchester Locomotive 
Works the N. S. Bean, No 4, a first size, double plunger, crane- 
necked frame engine at a cost of $4,200, and the old N. S. 
Bean, No. 4, was transferred to MrGregorville and placed in the 
new engine house; which was built at a cost of $13,219.57, un- 
der the name of Walter M. Fulton, No. 6. A new ladder truck 
was also purchased this year for this company. On Monday, 
Dec. 4, fire was discovered at 10.39 P- ^- i" ^^^ John Robbie 
Co.'s dry goods store in Ferreu's building. The total damage 
was $43,490.75. The insurance paid amounted to $35,069 98. 
The city also purchased this year a Babcock Aerial truck at a 
cost of $3,500, and it was turned over to Hook and Ladder 


Co., No. I, for their use. At this place it might be well to give 
a short sketch of the Hook and Ladder Co., No. i, which I will 
quote from " Fire Service of Manchester :" 

"The Hook and Ladder Co., No. i, or as it is now known, 
Aerial Truck Co., No. i, was first organized in 1844 as a vol- 
unteer company, serving without pay until 1852, at which time 
it was reorganized with forty five men. The members were 
paid a salary of $5 per year, 20 cents for each alarm, and 40 
cents an hour for actual service. The carriage at the time of 
the reorganization consisted of four heavy wheels, attached by 
strong timbers, with arms on each side to prevent the hooks 
and ladders from falling off. This organization existed until 
1856 at which time the salary of the members was fixed at $io 
per year with no extra pay for alarms or by the hour. In July, 
1861, the pay was again raised, this time to $25 a year and the 
number of men reduced to thirty. Jan. i, 1862, the number of 
men was further reduced to twenty-five. In 1866 a new car- 
riage was purchased. This carriage was in use until 1872, the 
number of men having in 1870, been increased to thirty. In 
1872, a new carriage was received by the city and turned over 
to the company. In December, 1877, the company was re- 
duced to twenty five members, at which time important changes 
were made in the carriage and a pair of horses supplied for fire 
service. In July, 1885, a new carriage of modern make and du- 
rability was procured for the company's use. It was built by 
Galen M. Bowditch of Boston, Mass. In July, 1888, the com- 
pany was reduced to twenty member^. Jan. 27, 1894, the 
Aerial Truck went into commission and the company was 
reduced to fifteen men." 

One Tuesday, Oct. 2, 1894, at 1.18 a. m., fire broke out in a 
four-story brick block, 37 to 43 Manchester street. The fire 
started from some unknown cause in an arched partition over 
Conner's saloon, and extended to the tenement upstairs. In the 
early part of the fiie an explosion of hot air or gas occurred, 
burning Driver Walter Blenus of the Penacook hose so severely 
that he has been unable to do any work since, and Hoseman 
Patten and Ladderman Edgar, who were burned quite seriously 
about the face and hands. 

In 1895 the city purchased a new ladder truck. On Monday, 


July I, at 9.38 a. m., fire was discovered in a back entry of a 
two story tenement block at 83 Orange street, owned and occu- 
pied by Mrs. Sarah E. Fisk. The fire originated from a leaky 
gasoline stove, doing little damage to the building but burning 
Mrs. Fisk so that she died in the afternoon. 

In 1896 the salary of the assistant chiefs was raised to $175 
and the salary of the call members was raised from $100 to 
$150 per year, Thomas E. Gorman, lieutenant of Engine and 
Ladder Co., No. 6, was thrown from the truck at Clapp's 
Corner while responding to an alarm, and instantly killed. 

In 1897 on Feb. 13, at 4.33 a m., fire was discovered in the 
two-story wooden dwelling at 168 Milford street, owned and 
occupied by Mrs. Amanda Sargeant. The cause is unknown. 
It was first discovered by neighbors. Mrs. Sargeant, the only 
occupant, perished in the flames. The damage was $2250, with 
no insurance. On Monday, March 15, at 6.48 p. m.^ the explo- 
sion of a kerosene himp at 112 Central street caused the death 
of Miss Emma Garceau. On Thursday, July 8, at 5.33 p. m., 
Mrs. Galvin of 259 Pine street was lighting fire with kerosene 
when the oil can ignited, burning Mrs. Galvin so seriously that 
she died from her injuries. 

In 1898 the assistant chiefs were Fred S. Bean, Eugene S. 
Whitney, Clarence R. Merrill and Frank M. Frisselle. On 
Thursday, May 12, at a fire in the boarding house. No. 1161 Elm 
street, kept by J, Miner Sargeant, Mr. John Concannon, one 
of the roomers, was so overcome by smoke as to be unable to 
get out of the building, and lost his life. On Saturday, Dec. 
24, Mrs. Margaret Griffin, living at No. 416 Laurel street, 
was >o severely burned by dropping alighted lamp, that she 
died shortly afterwards from injuries received. 

In 1899 the assistant chiefs were Eugene S. Whitney, Clar- 
ence R. Merrill, Frank M.. Frisselle and John Montplaisir. On 
March 3, in the evening, fire was diseovered in the Trefethen- 
Stearns house at the corner of Hanover and Wilson streets, and 
before it could be distinguished practically gutted the house. 
In the early stages of the fire, a hot air explosion took place 


which blew several firemen out of the door of the building, 
severely burning and injuring them. 

On Thursday, April 6, in the evening, fire was discovered in 
the residence of John C. McKeon at 289 East Spruce street. 
Mr. McKeon was alone at the time, and it is supposed that he had 
a shock and in falling from his chair, knocked over the light 
and so set fire to the room. He died soon after from injuries 
which he received. The damage to the building was slight. 

On Sunday, May 14, in the morning, a threatening fire was 
discovered in the Kennard building. It started in the base- 
ment of the clothing store occupied by a man named Custin, 
and swept up the main stairway and walks, doing considerable 
damage, until it reached between the third and fourth floors, 
where it was finally extinguished with a loss of about $10,000. 

On July 6 a fire started in a woodyard on Spruce street. A 
high wind blowing at the time, it spread rapidly and practically 
all of the fire apparatus of the city was called out, including 
the steamer from the Manchester Locomotive Works, the Abe 
Lincoln. It burned out four houses, and caught on not less 
than thirty different roofs before it could be extinguished. 
Damage was estimated at $10,000. 

On Oct. 12 an old fashioned " firemen's muster " was held by 
the united efforts of the Manchester Board of Trade and the 
Manchester Veteran Firemen's association with twenty-three 
" handtubs " participating. The prizes were won as follows : 
First prize, $400, Goffstown Handtub Co., 206 ft 6| in 

Second prize, $200, Neptune, Newburyport, Mass., 205 ft lo^in 
Third prize, $125, Eagle, Lynn, Mass., 202 ft i in 

Fourth prize, $100, Conqueror, So. Weymouth, Mass., 194 ft 4I ill 

The affair was a great success and had perfect weather for a 
muster. The playcut was held on Merrimack common, (the 
site of the famous '59 muster), after a lengthy parade about the 
town. Playing was commenced about 1.30 p. m. and finished 
about 5 p. m., ten minutes being allowed for playing time. The 
Goffstown Tub, the D. A. Taggart, winner of the first prize, 
was made by the Hunneman company. The prize of $50 for 


the best appearing company on parade was awarded to the 
Neptunes of Newburyporr, Mass.. and the prize of $50 for the 
company coming the longest distance was awarded to the Con- 
querors of South Weymouth, Mass. 

On Nov. 15, at a fire in the Nason Hall block on Pine street* 
at 3.50 p. m., a man by the name of John Morrison was burned 
severely and died at the hospital a few hours later 

At the present time there are in the department 160 men, 
consisting of 33 permanent men and 127 call members. There 
are now 724 hydrants and 65 boxes in the fire alarm telegraph. 
A storage battery system has taken the place of the old jar bat- 
tery at the central station. A steam fire gong has been added 
and attached to the boiler at the gas works. Today Chief 
Thomas W. Lane stands at the head of one of the finest, if not 
the very finest, fire department of the world. In the prepar- 
tion of this paper I have been greatly assisted by Chief Engi- 
neer Thomas VV. Lane, Assistant Engineer Frank M. Frisselle 
and Col. George C. Gilmore. 



Joseph Henry Stickney was born in West Brookfield, Mass., 
August 6, 181 1, and died at his residence in Baltimore, May 3, 
1893. He began his mercantile career in Baltimore, where he 
afterwards continuously resided, in 1834, more than sixty years 
ago. He was seventh in descent from William Stickney, one 
of the earliest settlers who came from Lincolnshire, in England, 
to the Plymouth colony. He was educated at Hopkins acad- 
emy, Hadley, Mass., and when a youth served an apprentice- 
ship to the hardware business in Boston. Owing to the pre- 
ponderance of English manufacturers at that time there was 
much hesitancy on the part of hardware dealers about estab- 
lishing the sale of American hardware as a distinct branch of 
business. Mr. Stickney formed a partnership in November, 
1834, with N. E. Noyes to conduct an American hardware busi- 
ness in Baltimore. The manufacturers were scattered through- 
out the northern states and were difficult of access, as private 
conveyances were in general use. Baltimore being farther 
from the factories than many other cities, many agencies were 
required. Mr. Siickney's firm represented more than one hun- 
dred and thirty manufacturers, and made sales in two-thirds of 
the United States, largely developing the hardware trade. 

About 1840, at the age of 29, Mr. Stickney turned his atten- 
tion to the production and sale of iron and Cumberland coal. 




He was agent for several companies, in which he was part 
owner. His firm held agencic*s for two thirds of the blast fur- 
naces in Maryland and for many bar, plate and sheet iron mills 
in Maryland, Virginia and Pennsylvania. The firm also engaged 
in the importing of iron, and represented different steel and 
iron manufacturers in England and Scotland. In 1852 and 
1853 Mr. Siickney went to Europe in the interest of his busi- 
ness. He was president of the Avalon Nail company from its 
organization until he sold his interest, a short time before the 
works were swept away by the flood of 1868. He was presi- 
dent fur many years and principal owner and founder of the 
Stickney Iron company, whose works are on the north side of 
the Patapsco river, in Lower Canton. He was also a director 
in the Merchants' bank, the Merchants' Mutual Insurance com- 
pany and other institutions. In 1876 he withdrew from busi- 
ness and lived a retired but not inactive life. 

Mr. Stickney was much impressed with the advantages of the 
township system in the eastern, middle and western states, and 
distributed a pamphlet in Maryland explaining the system. 
Many publications ".-ere also distributed at his expense on co- 
lonial and Congregational church history. Pilgrim hall, at 
Plymouth, Mass., which contains the relics of the Mayflower, 
was remodeled and made fireproof at his expense, at a cost of 
about $25,000. He was vice president of the New England 
Pilgrim's society, having declined the honor of an election as 
president to succeed ex Gov. Long, now secretary of the navy. 
When John Hopkins university was temporarily embarassed in 
1889 Mr. Stickney contributed to the emergency fund, subscrib- 
ing $5000. He also contributed largely for church work and 
helped to build several churches. To this city he gave a mon- 
ment to his ancestor. Judge Blodget. He also built a monu- 
ment to the memory of William and Elizabeth Stickney, his 
emigrant ancestors, at Rowley, Mass. 

The gifts from his estate, which was estimated at over a mil- 
lion, were munificent. Seventy six bequests appear in his will, 
including one of $150,000 to the Congregational Home Mis- 


sion society, and one of about $200,000 to the Church Building 
society, which by the methods of loans will thus be able to 
help in the erection of several hundred new churches in the 
West every year. 

Mr. Stickney was descended from the best of New England 
Pilgrim stock and on the paternal side was related to Major- 
General John Stark, whose daughter Mary married B. F. Stick- 
ney, a near ancestor. The Stark farm adjoins the estate of 
Samuel Blodget at Amoskeag Falls; and in adjusting the ma- 
terial and financial interests of Judge Blodget, his grandfather, 
who died in 1807, Thomas Stickney, the father of our subject, 
moved to Manchester and settled with his young family in the 
old Biodget homestead. His mother, Mary Ward, of West 
Brookfield, Mass., married Thomas Stickney in 1778, and 
though that town was the native place of Joseph H. Stickney, 
the home of the family was for many years in Manchester, and 
here the canals and farming interests of Judge Blodget occu- 
pied Thomas Stickney for a time. 

To be iiumbered among the millionaires of the country at the 
age of eighty, with no help from inherited wealth, is proof of 
great business capacity and persistency of purpose. Fifty years 
of mercantile life did not spoil the fresh, youthful attachments 
of his younger days, or his ability for enjoying social life. His 
iastes and habits of expenditure were kept reasonable and sim- 
ple, that he might form a Christian standpoint, and uplift and 
cheer humanity wherever his influence could be felt. The lega- 
cies left in his will — seventy six in number — do not comprise 
all his liberal gifts ; these extended through all his life, in the 
building of churches and helps to deserving and needy educa- 
tional institutions. Many of these benefactions are so well 
known by the public that it is needless to enumerate them here. 
He had great love for historical and genealogical research. 
Monuments have been reared and historical collections accu- 
mulated by his liberality. Of such men the world has too small 
a number ; but, verily, when they are taken from us, " they do 
rest from their labors, and their works do follow them." 

Bibliography on Stark. Addenda to p. 211. 

FiSKE, John. The American Revolution. Sketches, Reminis- 
cences, Relics etc. Cambridge, i8g6. 

Head, Natt. Adjutant-General's Report of New Hampshire, 
VjI II, Military History of New Hanpshire. Concord, 1866. 

Houghton, George Frederick (with James D. Butler). Ad- 
dresses on the battle of Bennington, and memoirs on Colonel 
Seth Warner, before Legislature of Vermont, Montpelier, 
October 20, 1848. 8vo. pp. 99. Burlington, Vt., 1849. 

Impartial History of the War in America. Chapter on the 
part of New Hampshire and her Generals. London, 17S7, 

Irving, Washington. Chapter on John Stark in his " Life of 
Washington." Vol. I, p. 471. New York, 1S56. 

John Stark. British Gun captured by John Stark, probably at 
Bennington. The gun to be placed in Stark Memorial Park. 
In Daily Mirror, November 9, 1897. Manchester, N, H. 

John Stark. A biographical sketch in The Metropolitan, Man- 
chester Semi Centennial Number. P'ull page portrait. Pub- 
lished by the MetropDlitan Life Insurance Company, New 
York, 1896. 

John Stark. The Hero of Bunker Hill and Bennington. Por- 
trait and Illustrations. In Daily Union, March 4, 1893. Man- 
chester, 1893. 

Kent, Henry O, Tribute to Genera! Stark. Address before 
the New Hampshire Society of Sons of American Revolution. 
In Daily Mirror, April 25, 1896. Manchester, 1896. 

Kidder, Frederic. History of First New Hampshire Regi- 
ment. Chapter on John Stark. Pp. viii-f-184. Albany, 1868. 

Lossing, Benjamin J. Field-Book of the Revolution. Battle 
of Bennington. 1857. 

Morrison, William H. New Hampshire Men at Louisburg 
and Bunker Hill. Address betore Manchester Historic Asso- 
ciation, June 17, 1896. In Man. Hist. Association "Collec- 
tions,' Part I of Vol. I, p. 25. Printed in Notes and Queries, 
Vol. XV, May, 1897. 

Potter, Chandler E. Military History of New Hampshire, 
1623 to 1861. Concord; 1866. 

Stark, Gen. John. Sketch of Reprinted from " New Hamp- 
shire Patriot," on four folio 2-column sheets. (87 titles.) 

Stark's First Fight with the British. 


After Stark had been stationed at Medford there were sev- 
eral expeditions set on foot by the patriots to seize the supplies 
of live stock and hay which had been gathered on the islands 
in Boston harbor. One of these, and the most memorable, oc- 
curred on the 27th of May, 1775, at which time considerable of 
an engagement took place. Col. Stark was sent with a detach- 
ment of three hundred men to drive the cattle and sheep from 
Hogg and Noddle's Island, (now East Boston), across Chelsea 
Creek, which could be forded at low water. While engaged in 
this task they were discovered by the British guard of marines. 
The British admiral hoisted a British flag at the main mast 
head and an armed schooner and slocp were sent up Chelsea 
Creek to cut off the return of the patriots. A force of grena- 
diers was sent to aid the marine guard on Noddle's Island and 
Stark was obliged to withdraw to Hogg Island, (now Breed's), 
and then to the mainland. He succeeded in carrying off a 
large part of the live stock. The schooner continued to fire at 
the Americans after they had reached Chelsea Neck, but Gen. 
Putnam, who fortunately came up with reinforcements, opened 
a brisk fire in return. The British were unable to get the 
schooner out of range, and the crew being forced to abandon 
her, she fell into the possession of the Americans with all her 
stores and equipments, four six pounders, twelve swivels, and a 
few small arms. The Americans had three or four wounded. 
The British loss was greatly exaggerated at the time. Cage 
stated in his official report that " two men were killed and a few 
wounded." The New Hampshire Gazette, of June 2, 1775, 
said that " 'Tis said between 2 and 300 marines and regulars 
were killed and wounded, and that a place was dug in Boston 
twenty-five feet square to bury their dead." One man stated 
that he saw sixty-four dead men landed at Long wharf from, 
one boat. This occurred before the Battle of Bunker Hill and 
should, I think, be accorded a place as the second fight of the 
Revolution, Lexington and Concord being the first actual clash 
of arms between the English and American troops. 

Anecdotes of General and Molly Stark. 


When John Stark received the news of the Battle of Lexing- 
ton he was working in his sawmill. He did not stop to go 
home, but jumped upon his horse in his shirt sleeves and rode 
furiously down the valley of the Merrimack, calling upon his 
old friends and neighbors to follow him. He sent to his wife 
for his uniform. She at once packed up his clothes, mounted a 
horse and followed him, but did not overtake him until she 
reached Medford, Mass. Here she gave him the clothes, 
stopped over night and then returned over the lonely way 
through the unbroken forest to her home and family at Amos- 
keag Falls. 

One morning while dressing, Molly Stark heard the dogs 
owned by the family making an unusual noise in the woods not 
far away. She hurried down stairs, secured a gun and ascend- 
ed a hill where she found that the dogs had treed an immense 
bear which lay upon the limb of a tree. She shot and killed the 
bear, returned home and sent the boys with a horse and they 
hauled him home. The family had bear steak for dinner that 

Once when John Stark was encamped near Ticonderoga the 
weather being cold, the soldiers badly clad and poorly fed 
Stark grew disheartened. To make matters worse smallpox 
broke out among them. Mrs. Stark immediately sent word to 
him to send the sick home to her. She made a hospital of her 


house and performed the varied duties of nurse and physician 
and did not lose one of the twenty odd patients. 

At the Battle of Bunker Hill, when his volunteers were fac- 
ing the best soldiers in the English army, some one ran up and 
told General Stark that his young son, who was in the battle, 
had been shot and killed. General Stark's answer was, " This 
is no time to talk of private affairs, get back to your post." 
Fortunately the report was erroneous. 

At one battle during the Revolution an officer who had never 
been under fire ran up to General Stark and said, ''General, 
the enemy are upon us, what shall we do?" The General an- 
swered him quietly as follows, " Take a pinch of snuff and go 
back to your duty." 

Just before the Battle of Trenton, General Stark^ not liking 
Washington's methods, told him that " your men have long 
been accustomed to place dependence upon spades and pick- 
axes for safety. If you ever mean to secure the independence 
of the United States you must teach them to rely upon their 
firearms and their courage. Washington's reply was, " This is 
what we have agreed upon ; we are to march tomorrow upon 
Trenton. You are to command the right wing of the advance 
guard and General Greene the left." Stark said in reply, " I 
could not have been assigned to a more acceptable position." 
History tells the result. 

Stark was prevented from making an immediate attack on 
Baum at the battle of Bennington by a furious rainstorm, dur- 
ing which Stark was joined by the militia from Berkshire, Mass. 
They were anxious to engage the enemy at once and their leader. 
Rev. Mr. Allen, approaching Stark, said, " General, the people 
of Berkshire have often been called out to no purpose ; if you 
don't give them a chance to fight now they will never turn out 
again." Stark answered smilingly, " You would not turn out 
now, while it is dark and raining, would you ? " " Not just now," 
was the answer. " Well," said Stark, " if the Lord should once 
more give us sunshine, and I don't give you fighting enough, 
I'll never ask you to turn out again." 

John C. French. 



These brief sketches are compiled with the view to preserve 
in accessible form such facts as are now to be obtained in the 
lives of our deceased and much lamented associates. Time 
fades or destroys the memory even of the most widely known 
and influential among men and it is only with the hope that in 
after years these records may prove to be of interest to the citi- 
zen whose historic studies should begin at home, that they are 
recorded in this volume. 

For any who may desire to know more of the local sentiment 
or to read eulogies or editorial comments we have preserved 
extracts from the daily press which may be seen at the library 
of the Manchester Historic association, and are accessible to 
all members. 


John Gate French, son of Enoch and Eliza (Gate) French, 
was born in Pittsfield March i, 1832. His father was a car- 
penter and farmer and the son,, the second of five children, spent 
his boyhood on the farm where his advantages for education 
were very limited. His life, was one more proof of the truth of 
the saying " where there's a will there's a way." He made such 
good use of the free public schools of the town^ that he was soon 
able to teach winters. With the money earned in this way and 
what little he received for farm labor from his neighbors he 
managed to pay his expenses at the academies in Pittsfield, 
Gilmanton and Pembroke. At the age of 21 he was engaged 



by the well-known firm of J. C. Colton & Co. to solicit orders 
for their mounted maps. In this business requiring so much 
tact and perseverance his success was so great that his em- 
ployers gave him the Boston agency for '' Colton's Atlas of the 
World." In 1855 he was appointed New England agent for 
the sale of Colton's school publications and was afterwards in 
the employ of Brown, Taggart & Chase and of Charles Scribner 
& Co. in bringing out their publications. During this time he fre- 
quently visited his parents on the old homestead in Pittsfield. 
In 1866 Mr. French established his residence in Manchester, 
having been appointed state agent of the Connecticut Mutual 
Life Insurance company. Three years later, having satisfied 
himself of what might be done along insurance lines, he organ- 
ized and set in operation that now famous institution, the New 
Hampshire Fire Insurance company. Some of the best known 
and most reliable business men of the city and state were at- 
tracted to this enterprise by the reputation Mr. French had al- 
ready acquired. He was appointed general agent. The assets 
of the first year's business amounted to $134,568, with surplus 
or net profit of $8029. At the close of the year 1899 the gross 
assets of the company amounted to $3,163,880.05 and the net 
surplus was $946,783.34. The business which was done by the 
aid of one clerk in a modest office in Merchants' Exchange now 
occupies a fine building of its own erection on land held by 
a long lease and requires the services of twenty-three clerks and 
reaches the sum of one and one-half millions annually. In 
1895 Mr- French was made president, succeeding ex-Govs. E. A. 
Straw and James A. Weston. Mr. French was a great reader 
and had marked literary tastes. He was a member of the New 
Hampshire Historical society, one of the founders and presi- 
dent of the Manchester Historic association and a trustee of 
the public library. He was thoroughly versed in the early his- 
tory of the state and presided over the discussions which arose 
in our local society, with a grace and easy dignity which added 
greatly to the interest and value of the occasion. Although his 
extreme modesty made him very reticent about public speaking 



he always had some interesting remark or suggestion to make 
at the sessions of the association, and he has contributed one 
paper of peculiar interest to this volume (p. 73.) Mr. French 
was ever loyal to his native town and ready to help on any 
enterprise which promised to promote its welfare. Thus he 
heartily advocated the building of the Suncook Valley railroad, 
and assisted in raising the money necessary for its completion. 
To this end he established the Suncook Valley Times a weekly 
paper, and for two years contributed to its columns historical 
and biographical articles which attracted wide notice and were 
often copied into other papers. While his great and growing 
life work of necessity demanded most of his thought and time 
he would not be debarred from his favorite studies. On the 
publication of a certain town histoiy a few years since, he 
remarked to the compiler of this sketch that he had set up all 
night to read it through. His interests and thoughts, however, 
were by no means confined to one channel. All public affairs 
of city and state received his intelligent attention. He was a 
constant attendant at the Franklin Street church and was presi- 
dent of the society. He was a member of Trinity Commandery, 
Knights Templars, a 32nd degree Mason and a director of the 
Merchants' National bank. On May 7, 1899, Mr. French and 
his wife were out driving in the town of Peterborough. The 
horse proved unmanagable, the carriage was overturned and 
both Mr. and Mrs. French were severely injured. This accident 
is thought to have brought on, or at least hastei.ed, the devel- 
opment of Bright's disease of the kidneys, of which disease Mr. 
French died on Monday, Jan. 8, 1900, at his residence, corner 
of Bay and Webster streets, at the age of 67 years, 10 months 
and 7 days. On the following Thursday services were held at 
the home by the Rev. Dr. Lockhart, pastor of the deceased, at 
II a. m. From noon until i o'clock the body lay in state at the 
Franklin Street church, during which time a guard of honor 
from Trinity commandery. Knights Templars, was in attend- 
ance, A large audience assembled to hear the eulogy pro- 
nounced by Dr. Lockhart. There was singing by the Herbert 


Johnson quartet of Boston. A wealth of floral tokens attested 
the regards of family and friends and the impressive funeral 
rites of the Uniformed Rank of the Knights Templars concluded 
the services.. 

Mr. French married in 1858 Annie M., daughter of Levi B. 
and Miribah Tilton (Seavey) Philbrick of Deerfield. He is 
survived by his widow, two daughters, Lizzie A., wife of 
Frank W. Sargeant of Manchester, Susie P., wife of Benjamin S. 
Brown now of Nebraska, and one son, Geoige Abram French, 
of Manchester. 


Herbert Walter Eastman, son of Ezekiel Webster Eastman 
of Moultonborough and Livonia Choate (Bean) Eastman of 
Boscawen, was born in Lowell, Mass., Nov. 3, 1857. He 
attended the public schools of that city until 1870, when he 
found employment in a large mercantile establishment in Boston. 
In 1873 he removed to Manchester and graduated at the Lin- 
coln grammar school in the class of 1874, taking the highest 
honors in penmanship and drawing. Soon after he began work 
in the Mirror office, meantime studying wood engraving and 
making illustrations. In 1875 ^e entered the employ of Camp- 
bell & Hanscom of the Union where he continued for six years, 
when ill health compelled him to relinquish his position. He 
had arisen from the press room through every department of a 
daily paper — reporter, proofreader and city editor. With 
numerous and prolonged interruptions from sickness he did 
some business at job printing in connection with Mr. Frank H. 
Challis and later with Mr. Challis purchased the Weekly Budget^ 
for which he had acted a while as city editor and to which he 
had contributed numerous articles on historical and industrial 
subjects. March 5, 1888, Messrs. Challis and Eastman started 
the publication of the Daily Press of which Mr. Eastman was 
the city editor. In 1891 he disposed of his interest to his part- 

Herbert W. Eastman. 


ner and was made secretary of the Board of Trade. His ad- 
ministration of this office, to which he was annually re-elected 
until 1898, was eminently successful. Expenses were dimin- 
ished and membership increased. He started the publication 
of the Board of Trade Journal devoted to busisness interest 
which is now issued once a week with numerous illustrations of 
local public buildings and portraits of prominent citizens. He 
also wrote and published a history of the semi-centennial cele- 
bration, for which his position as secretary and treasurer 
of the general committee gave him peculiar fitness. Mr. 
Eastman was a past grand of Wildey lodge and a member of 
Mt. Washington encampment, I. O. O. F. ; Arbutus lodge, D. of 
R. ; Hillsborough council, Order of United Friends : Amoskeag 
Grange, P. of H ; an 'ex-president of the Manchester Press 
club ; secretary of the Manchester Historic* association and 
president of the Manchester Cadet Veteran association. He 
was a Republican in politics, active in the exercise of his politi- 
cal duties and eager to assume all the responsibilities of a good 
citizen. His wide acquaintance among professional and busi- 
ness men made him universally respected for the evident 
sincerity and honesty of his intentions and loved for the unas- 
suming goodness which characterized his nature. He cherished 
worthy and noble ambitions. He did his best against the great 
odds which fettered his progress, and he leaves an honored 
name. He was an attendant at the Unitarian church. Jan. 9, 
1890, he was married to Nellie Clough (Eaton) daughter of 
George E. and Lucinda (French) Eaton of Candia. Mr. East- 
man is survived by his widow residing in this city, by a sister, 
Mrs. D. L. Hill of BostoUj and a brother, George W. Eastman 
of Maiden, Mass. 

Almost from boyhood Mr. Eastman had been subject to 
attacks of rheumatism, often severe and prolonged. On 
Wednesday, Dec. 22, 1897, he was obliged to take to his bed 
with the last and fatal onset of his old foe and notwithstanding 
affectionate care and medical skill died on the loth of the fol- 
lowing January, aged 40 years, 2 months and 7 days. 



Moody Currier, the 43d governor of New Hampshire, was 
born in Boscawen April 22, 1806, of lowly parentage, but nature 
was prodigal to him in other ways. He was gifted with good 
health, a retentive memory, a worthy ambition, and he was heir 
to the rugged training New Hampshire gives the sons of whom 
she designs to make strong men. At 7 years of age he was put 
out to work on a farm and from that time onward earned his 
own living. From the district school he entered Hopkinton 
academy where he was fitted for Dartmouth college from which 
he graduated in 1834, delivering the Greek oration. After 
graduating he taught school one term in Concord, during which 
time he edited the Literacy Gazette in company with D. D. Fish 
and Asa Fowler. He then became principal of the Lowell, 
Mass., high school until 1841 when he removed to Manchester, 
and having pursued the study of law in connection with his 
school work was admitted to the bar. After a partnership of 
two years with George W. Morrison he continued in his profes- 
sion until 1848, when upon the organization of the Amoskeag 
bank he was made its cashier, which position he held until 
1864 when the Amoskeag National bank was incorporated and 
Mr. Currier was made president, which office he resigned on 
account of failing health in March, 1892, Mr. Currier's repu- 
tation as a wise and successful financier was such that he was 
chosen to many places of trust. He was treasurer and presi- 
dent of the Amoskeag Savings bank, a director of the People's 
Savings bank and of the Manchester mills. He was treasurer 
of the Concord railroad in 1871-1872, was treasurer and direc- 
tor of the Concord and Portsmouth for many years, president 
of the Eastern railroad in New Hampshire since 1877, director 
of the Manchester Gas Light company, of the Blodget Edge 
Tool company, director and treasurer of the Amoskeag Axe 
company and treasurer of the New England Loan company. 
In politics Mr. Currier was a Democrat until 1852, and for a 

Moody Currier. 


time editor of the Manchester Democrat. He was clerk of the 
state senate in 1843 ^844. The anti-slavery movement found 
him in the ranks of the Free Soilers and he continued an active 
and influential member of the Republican party from its incep- 
tion. He was a membtr of the state senate in 1856 and 1857 
and its president the latter year. In 1S60-1861 he was a mem- 
ber of the governor's council and chairman of the committee 
for raising the troops required to fill the state quota in the War 
of the Rebellion. In 1876 was one of the presidential electors 
who cast the vote of New Hampshire for Hayes and Wheeler. 
In 1884 and 1885 he was governor of New Hampshire. In all 
these places Mr. Currier had discharged his duties with abso- 
lute fidelity and to the great acceptance of all concerned. He 
was a great lover of nature, a dilligent student of the natural 
sciences, and his neighbors around Tremont square will remem- 
ber his beautiful flower gardens and his solicitous care for the 
trees on the common. Beginning with his Greek oration at 
college, in his later years he was familiar with the French, Ger- 
man, Italian and Spanish languages. In 1880 he published a 
volume of poems. It is understood that there is in press a vol- 
ume containing his official speeches, messages and poems. For 
several years Mr. Currier was president of the Manchester Art 
association. He was a charter member of the Historic asso- 
ciation and although his failing health prevented his presence at 
our meetings he was the first to afiix his signature to the arti- 
cles of incorporation. Up to and beyond what is considered to 
be the alloted age of man Mr. Currier's health continued good, 
his mental powers unimpaired, his interest in affairs of state 
and nation unabated and his attention to business exacting. 
The inevitable time came, however, when he had withdrawn 
from the activities of the street and the banking house, to pursue 
his favorite classical studies at his home, where he died from 
diseases incident to old age Aug. 23, 1898, having lived 
ninety-two years, four months and one day. His funeral 
took place from the Unitarian church and eulogies were pro- 
nounced by the Rev. Charles J. Staples and Rev. B. W* Lock- 


hart of the Franklin street church. Mr. Currier was three 
times married and is survived by a widow but by no living chil- 
dren. Moody Currier received the degree L. L. D. from his 
Alma Mater and from Bates college. 


David Lane Perkins, son of David P. and Lydia C. (Lane) 
Perkins, was born at Pittsfield March 2, 1838. His mother 
died in the following October and soon after the family re- 
moved to Manchester where the father was teacher of the first 
high school and where David received his education, supplement- 
ed by a course at the New Hampshire Institute. He studied 
law with the firm of Morrison, Stanley & Clark and was admit- 
ted to the bar March 22, 1862. Meanwhile his father having a 
position in the pension bureau at Washington, D. C, he was of- 
ten in that city in government employ and in 1858-1859 was 
private secretary to Stephen A. Douglass. From 1865 to 1869 
he resided at Henniker and returning to Manchester was city 
solicitor in 1875. On the election of Mr. Cleveland he re- 
ceived a position in the treasury department which he held for 
four years. At the expiration of this term he again returned 
to Manchester and resumed practice of the law in the office 
with his father, who after a varied experience in teaching, book 
selling, office holding, acting as government detective in cases 
of pension frauds, etc., had found time to study law in the 
office of Hon. Moses Norris and settled down to whatever 
practice his profession might bring him. In politics Mr. Per- 
kins was a Democrat. In July, 1864, he served for a short 
time as a volunteer soldier during the threatened investment of 
Washington by the Confederates. He was the first agent in 
Manchester fcr the Associated Press and did considerable 
work of a literary nature. He expressed himself well in plain 
English. He had a fund of interesting reminiscences of Wash- 
ington life and a taste for historic research. As a member of 
this association he was an interested attendant on its meetings 

David L. Perkins. 


Andrew Bunton. 


and ready to do whatever lay in his power that might properly 
be done to promote its interests. He contributed two valuable 
and entertaining papers which were read before the association 
and are published in Part I of this volune. It was apparent- 
ly his intention to furnish other papers. About the time of the 
semi-centennial of this city he published under his own signature 
a brochure entitled " Manchester to Date," Mr. Perkins was 
interesting in conversation, of courteous and friendly demeanor 
to all, and so unusually cheerful that nothing in his outward 
seeming suggested his sudden and tragic ending on the 6oth 
anniversary of his birth, March 2, 1898, at the Clifton House, 
Massabesic, the fatal bullet being discharged by his own hand. 
A paper was found on his desk in his office with this title, "My 
Sermon When I Die," It disclosed thought and ability on the 
part of the writer, but bore unmistakable traces of mental aberra- 
tion; Portions of it were read at his funeral, the services of 
which were observed at the People's Baptist Tabernacle. 

" Luck has befriended me only in spots. I have been no 
child of fortune, but rather of misfortune," 

" Why wait until I have become moribund, and like Job 
learn to curse my fate." 

" With me the past is past, and looking forward I can only 
hope, but hope is better than despair," 

These sentences from the paper referred to above may fitly 
close this brief notice of our departed associate. 


Andrew Bunton, son of Andrew and Lettice (McQuesten) 
Bunton, was born in Manchester August 6, 1842. He was ed- 
ucated in the public schools of the city, but before completing 
his course at the high school entered the employ of Cheney & 
Co,'s express at the age of 14 years. Here he was industrious, 
reliable and so thoroughly devoted to his work that he soon 
acquired a knowledge of its details and upon the death of Col. 


James S, Cheney in February, 1873, he was made agent for 
Manchester, a position he held for sixteen years, when he was 
appointed superintendent of the New Hampshire division of 
the American Express Co. His close confinement to the duties 
of his office had somewhat impaired his health, but he contin- 
ued to discharge the duties of superintendent to within a short 
time of his death, which occurred on Friday, June 18, 1897, 
He had discharged his manifold duties faithfully and with 
promptness, and had brought affairs in his division to such a 
prosperous state that the business had not only held its own 
but had made a net gain during the severe depression immedi- 
ately preceding his decease. Mr. Bunton became early affili- 
ated (1865) with the Masonic orders, and arose through their 
successive grades, was Worshipful Master of Washington Lodge, 
eminent commander of Trinity Commandery, Knights Templar, 
in 1877-78-79, grand master of the grand lodge of New Hamp- 
shire in 1880, grand commander of the grand commandery of 
New Hampshire in 1883, and grand scribe of the grand chap- 
ter in 1883, He was a member of all the Scottish Rite bodies 
in the Valley of Nashua from the fourth to the thirty-second de- 
grees, and in September, 1885, was given the thirty-third de. 
gree in the supreme council northern jurisdiction. He vtas one 
of the two active members in New Hampshire of the supreme 
council, of which there are but fifty or sixty members in the 

While Mr. Bunton never sought or held public office he was 
notneglectful of his civic duties, served on the grand jury of 
Hillsborough county and was one of the most efficient of com- 
mitteemen at the semi-centennial anniversary of Manchester in 
1896 At the time of his death he was a trustee of the Gale 
Home for Aged and Destitute Women, a trustee of the Mason- 
ic Orphans' Home, a director of the New Hampshire Fire In- 
surance company and a director of the Merchants' National 
bank. He was the first member of the Manchester Hi-.tor- 
ic Association to be removed by death. He was a mem- 
ber of theB oardof Trade and a director of the New Hampshire 


Trust company. In his personal relations Mr. Bunton was 
a very agreeable and social companion, a favorite among his 
associates and of a distinctively cheerful and optimistic tem- 
perament. He married Mary Elizabeth, daughter of Jefferson 
and Abigail Batchelder Knowles of Manchester, who died some 
years since, by whom he had one son, Arthur Stanley. He is 
survived by a sister, Miss Nancy Bunton, for many years a 
teacher in the public schools of Manchester, and by the son. 
He was an attendant at the Unitarian church, where his im- 
pressive obsequies were held on Monday, June 21, 1897. 
Prominent Masons were present from this and neighboring 
states. Religious services were conducted by his minister, 
Rev. C. J. Staples, and the Knights Templar service was per- 
formed by officers of Trinity Commandery. 

Illustrations and Portraits. 

Firemen's Muster on Merrimack Common, Sept. i 

5. 1859, 283 

Homestead of Hon. Samuel Blodget, . . . . 121 

Portrait of Hon. John C. French, 


Hon. Samuel Blodget,. 


Herbert W. Eastman, . 


Hon. Moody Currier, . 


David L. Perkins, 

. 306 

Andrew Bunton, 


Joseph H. Stickney, . 





Anecdotes of General and Molly Stark, 
Bibliography on Major-General John Stark^ 

Boating on the Merrimack, 

Captain John Moore's Company, 

Castle William and Mary^ 

Colonel John Goffe, 

Derryfield Men at Bunker Hill, 

Derryfield Social Library 

Election Sermons in New Hampshire, .... 

Grace Fletcher, 

Home Life of Major-General John Stark, 

Indians of New Hampshire. Etymology of their Language, 

Joseph Henry Stickney, ...... 

Manchester Fire Department, . . . • 217, 
New Hampshire Branch of the Society of Cincinnati, . 
New Hampshire Men at Louisburg and Bunker Hill, . 
Old Derryfield and Young Manchester, 

Proclamation Money, 

Reminiscences of Manchester, 1841 to 1896, 

Samuel Blodget, the Pioneer of Progress in New England, 

Semi centennial of Manchester, . 

Sketches of Deceased Members, . 

Hon. John C. French, 

Herbert W. Eastman, 

Hon. Moody Currier, 

David L. Perkins, . 

Andrew Bunton, 
Stark as Citizen and Soldier, 
Stark's First Fight with the British, 
The Manter Mills, 
" The Sweet By and By," . 






Browne, George Waldo. 

Boating on the Merrinfiack, 35 

Hon. Samuel Blodget. Pioneer of Progress in N. E. 121 

Crawford, Hon. John G. 

Castle William and Mary, 51 

Indians of New Hampshire. Etymology of Language. 177 
Proclamation Money, . . . , . . 212 

Eaton, Francis B. 

Sketches of Deceased Members, .... 299 

French, Hon. John C. 

Address of Welcome at Meeting of Historic Societies, 201 

Grace Fletcher, 73 

New Hampshire Branch of the Society of Cincinnati, 66 

GiLMORE, Hon, George C. 

Derryfield Men at Bunker Hill, Capt. John Moore's Co. 32 

Gould, Sylvester C. 

Bibliography on Major-General John Stark, . 205, 295 
Election Sermons in New Hampshire, . . . 117 
" The Sweet By and By," 81 

Perkins, David L. 

Old Derryfield and Young Manchester, ... 84 

Reminiscences of Manchester from 1841 to 1896 ,. 9 

Morrison, Rev. William H. 

New Hampshire Men at Louisburg and Bunker Hill, 27 

Herrick, Henry W. 

Home Life of Major General John Stark, , . 194 

Joseph Henry Stickney, ..... 282 

Stark as Soldier and Citizen, .... 201 

HusE, William H. 

Derryfield Social Library, ..... 44 

The Manter Mills, 189 

Lamb, Fred W. 

Anecdotes of General and Molly Stark, . . 297 

Manchester Fire Depariment, . . . 217, 273 

Semi centennial of Manchester 112 

Stark's First Fight with the British, . . . 296 

Woodbury, Gordon. 

Colonel John Goffe, 233