The Manchus, or The reigning dynasty of China; their rise and progress

- GIFT OF
MICHAEL REESE

r\

Ming Archer.

THE MANCHUS,

OR

THE REIGNING DYNASTY OF CHINA

THEIR RISE AND PROGRESS.

MAPS AND ILLUSTRATIONS.

Qf T»«

_ UNIVERSITY

BY

REV. JOHN ROSS

Author of " Corea"

PAISLEY: J. AND R. PARLANE.

LONDON: HOULSTON AND SONS.
1880.

K

LONDON, HOULSTON & SONS.

EDINBURGH, J. MENZIES & Co.

SHANGHAI AND HONGKONG, KELLY & WALSH.

YOKOHAMA, .. .. '.. KELLY & Co.

PREFACE.

THE design of this work is explained in the Preface to my
" History of Corea," which is introductory to the present history
as well as illustrative of the past and descriptive of the present
of the Corean people. Interesting though the story be of the
rise and progress of the Manchus, it would never have been
written by me were it not the best nail on which to hang as.
good a picture of the actual condition of the Chinese people
as time, ability, and accessible sources enable me to draw. The
history of the past of China is useful, because among so
conservative a people, with a civilization so ancient, principles
of action have not changed ; and centuries there have introduced
fewer innovations than years in Britain. The active motives of
three centuries ago are the potent motives of to-day ; and the
phases of character appearing in this history are exactly similar
t those seen in the existing state of Chinese society. The main
• \lue of this work is therefore that it represents what does now
i "tually exist ; and gives us in the west an opportunity of
j Iging contemporaneous Chinese, their actual character, and
their possible conduct. To one who knows the past history
of China, her present resources, the intelligence of her people
and their intense nationalism, the natural bravery of her soldiers,
when well led, and the mental ability of her rulers, the future of
that country cannot but be matter of deep interest and solicitude.
The ignorant may laugh at and treat her with contempt ; but
there is a day not very remote when China, if continuing free
from serious internal convulsions, will astonish many. We have
long inferred that China must, from her nature, assume an
attitude of suspicion and defiance towards Russia ; and she has-
long smarted under the humiliation of taxes levied on opium at
the dictation, and under the compulsion, of the British
Government. The Chinese will not always tamely submit to-
that degradation. If we persist in our opium policy, we shall
have to pay for it.

VI PREFACE.

For the ancient history of the Nujun people, i'rum an
insignificant section of which sprang the Manchus, we must
refer to the chapters Liao and Kin in " Corea," where also is
detailed the Manchu conquest of Corea. The size to which the
purely historical portion of this work has Town has compelled
the exclusion of most of niy i' [ ended /.-.. jp:aphical notices, and
the whole of Manchu Customs except very. For the same
reason a chapter on " Literature " is repi .nted only by a few
sentences at the end "of ' the' r" Preliniinai- dissertation" and of
" Officials." The Manchu language -is referred to in " Corea."

Besides the Chinese sources of information mentioned in
" Corea," the author is, in this work, indebted to a late edition
of the "Manchu Laws," which are largely embodied in this
volume ; and which, like all laws, give the- most authoritative
description of the rna ners of the people.. Since his arrival in
this country, ttit aut) or has examined the excellent translation
of the Manchu laws y Sir George Staunton ; who, however,
greatly underrates ti value of "Da Ching Whi Lien" or
Manchu Official Dictionary, which details minutely and clearly
the various duties of all the public offices and functionaries
of the vast empire, and which has been found of great service in
compiling the latter portion of this work.

The author is well aware of the need for a work of this kind.
It remains to be seen whether he has been successful in his
attempt to supply it. With weekly missionary engagements in
various parts of the country, necessitating a good deal of travel
and fatigue, it will not surprise anyone if the literary character
of the two volumes, mostly written and printed within a year, is
not equal to that of writers whose undivided attention, or whose
more lengthened leisure, admits of that polished style which
their severe taste demands. But whatever the literary character
of this work and its predecessor, the author knows that both
are of considerable political importance ; and also that they
present one of. the strongest arguments to Christian men to
exert themselves in quickly extending Christian teaching among
the important people of China.

TE

Page
POLITI ^ PRINCIPLES OF CHINA. xi

INTRODUCTION.
Use of History — The Magpie- -Manjoo

CHAPTER I.— THE NUJUN,

Revenge— Battle of Goolo— Woola— Wise Generosity -E. t of Manchu—
Preparation for War . . ." '. . { .

CHAPTER IL-CONQUEST OF L. iOTUNG.

First Battle with Chinese — Great Excitement — Battle of Sarhoo — Deer Horn
Camp — Manchu Joy— Mental Power — Environment of Manchu —
Emigrating Mongols— Chinese Demoralisation — Manchu Impressment —
Petty Troubles— Important Deserters 23

CHAPTER III. -CONQUEST OF LIAOSI.

Boastful Coward — An Able General — Noorhachu Dies — Condoling Letter —
Chinese Letter — Manchu Letter — Two Whangdi — A Bold Move — Siege
of Peking — Knighthood — Battle of Changshan — Reassuring Measures . 49

CHAPTER IV. -CONQUEST OF MONGOLIA.

Kortsin— Firm Friendship— Chinese Subsidy— Mongol Revolts— Great Raiding
Expedition — Increasing Weakness — Slow Beleaguering — Urgency Declared
— Terrible Collapse — Manchu Haughtiness — Manchus Ambitious — Second
Ruler Dies — Various Laws — Tobacco and Opium— Internal Danger . 75

CHAPTER V.-THE EUNUCHS.

Chinese Government — Minister Expelled — Ministerial Action — Plot Discovered
Silver Mines — Imperial Difficulties — Corrupt Court — Intrigue and Murder
— Serious Charges — Deified Eunuch — Righteous Rebellion . . .107

\

Vlll CONTENTS.

Page
CHAPTER VI.— LI DSUCHUNG.

Land Boat — Geomancy — Famine Horrors — Fortune's Vicissitudes — City
Taking— Rivals— Vae Victis— Difficulties— Fortune-telling— Eye Shot Out
—The Jesuits— Angry Resignation— A Rebel Title— Rebel Army Regula-
tions— Rebel Sappers — Double Happiness — Heavy Rains — Change of
Conduct — A City of Heroes — Confession of Sin — Eastwards — Peking
Exposed— Voluntary Contributions— The Garrison— Close Siege— One
Faithful Eunuch — Peking Captured — Imperial Suicide — Blunder and
Crime— Palaces Entered— Suicides 131

CHAPTER VII. -INTO PEKING.

Sangwei's Letter — The Manchu Epistle — Anxious Commanders — Battle of
Shanhaigwan— A Loving Warrior— Pursuit of Rebels— End of Dsuchung
— A Crazed Aspirant — Mankia Caves— Etiquette — Imperial Reasoning —
Threatening Language — Kofa's Reply — Imperial Succession — Proposed
Alliance— A Faithful Minister— Might against Right .... 195

CHAPTER VIII.— FOO WANG.

Election of Emperor — Military Insubordination — Ministerial Dissension —
Internal Trouble— Court Bickerings — Unpalatable Advice — Court Enter-
tainments— A Traitor — A Drunken Feast — A Daring Soldier — Chinese
Marat— Wholesale Desertion — A Melting Army— The Soldier and the
Man — Hiama Emperor — Nanking Taken — Hangchow Entered . . 231

CHAPTER IX.— TANG WANG.

New Emperor — Chihkiang again Lost — Order of Precedence — Another Emperor
— A Brave Wife — Evil Omens — Obstinate Commandant — Gallant Garrison
— Manchus Reconquer — Cruelty of Soldiers — Szchuen Conquered —
Dsuchung's Remnant Army — Taxes and Contributions — Kanchow
Endangered — Fukien Threatened — Tang's Reign Closes — Kanchow Falls
— Cantonese Emperor — Opposition Emperor— Spoiler Spoiled — Chowshan
—A Precious Litany 267

CHAPTER X.-GWEI WANG.

Gallant Commandant — Stiff Fight— Imperial Fugitive — Hookwang Troubles —
Important Desertion — Forced Labour — Frightful Famine — Universal
Excitement — Blaze of Insurrection — Imperial Apologist — Weak General-
ship— Shansi Recovered — Ho Tungjiao Dies — Gwei Wang's Court —
Chungdoong Drowned — End of Shushu — A Dissolving Kingdom — Miracles
— Imperial Generosity — A New Capital — Sharp Fighting — Internal Discord
— Kowang an Emperor — Suicidal Fighting — Manchus Concentrating —
Crushing Defeat— Clever Stratagem— Unfortunate Emperor— Imperialism
under Difficulties — Emperor Strangles Himself — Last of Yuenyuen — A
Pleading Epistle— Selfishness and Patriotism . . . . . .313

CONTENTS. IX

Page
CHAPTER XI.— CONQUEST OF FORMOSA.

Independent Pirate — The Piraterj3ubmits— Formosa Colonised — Island Emperor
— Pirate Desertions — Reward of Treachery — Defiant Pirates — Sheep
Mountain— Pirates Surprised— Wholesale Transportation— The Dutch
Attacked— Curious Death— The Pirates Continue Free— Pirates again
Active — Manchus Converge on Pirates — Low Birth — Naval Battle . . 381

CHAPTER XII. -REBELLION OFJTHE THREE PRINCES.

Sangwei's Schemes — Disbanding — Revolt — Progress of Revolt — General
Marching — Plan of Manchus — Gigantic Struggle — Desultory Fighting —
Plain Speech — Uneasiness in Foochow — Washing Cannon — Three-cornered
Fight— One Prince Submits— Kwangtung Revolts— Second Prince Submits
—Result of Indecision — Kwangsi Recovered — Sangwei Dies— Rebellion
Waning— Impeachment— Hemmed in— Imperial Post . . . .417

CHAPTER XIII.— CHINA'S ABORIGINES.

Missionaries — Brave Volunteers — Conspiracy — Clouds of Dust — Chinese
Barbarians — Border Troubles — Internal Divisions — Rebels Defeated —
Miao — Yao — Marital Difficulties — Stern Measures — Incompetency —
Injustice Impolitic — Chinese Success — Gold River Subdued — Independent
Savages — Chinese Growth 463

CHAPTER XIV.— MANCHU IMPERIAL FAMILY.

Sacrificial Canonization — Uneasy Ambition — Dreams Rudely Broken — Treason
— Imperial Marriages — Good Intentions — Chinese Hegelianism — Omens —
Credulity— Curious Story— Words and Deeds— Imperial Traveller— Filial
Emperor — Kanghi's Knowledge— Family Difficulties — The Succession —
Propriety — Troublesome Brothers — Fourth Emperor -Imperial Protection r

— Palace Regulations 513

CHAPTER XV.— OFFICIALS.

Tight Reins — Increasing Officials — Division into Boards — Wise Generosity —
Censors — Cheese-paring — Mode of Appointment — Official Rotation —
Retiring from Office — Fining — Impeachment — Curious Charges — Bribery
—Smuggling— Degradation— Connivance -Influential Robbers— Suicide-
Extortion — Guardians — Chinese Canonisation — Salaries — Government —
Provincial Offices— Competitive Examinations ... . 557

X CONTENTS.

Page
CHAPTER XVI. —THE AKMY.

Three Eight Banners— Garrison Soldiers— Oppression by Army— Usurpation
of Lands —Various Northern Tribes— Imperial Guard — A Million of
Soldiers — Soldier's Pay — Exhausting Civil List — Imperial Horses — Military
Talent — Declaration of War — Military Laws — Fire-arms — Pensions . 609

CHAPTER XVII.— TAXATION.

Taxation Standard— Poll-tax— Population— Land-tax— Transport— Penalties-
Tax Remission — Reserve Funds— Measures of Capacity — Salt — Tea — Total
Income — Native Products — Expenditure — Currency — Paper Money— Cash
—Usury 643

CHAPTER XVIII.-SLAVERY.

Origin of Slavery— Runaway Laws — Results of Slave Laws — Relaxation of
Severity — Laws— Present Condition . . . 699

APPENDICES. 721

PRELIMINARY DISSERTATION

POLITICAL PRINCIPLES OF CHINA.

THE method in which a country like China is governed must
command the interest and attention of every thinking man ;
especially when we consider the extent of its varied territory ;
the immense masses of its widespread population ; the peculiar
idiosyncrasies of its diverse races ; and the striking differences in
outward appearance, and in modes of speech, — for the north and
south diverge no less in the character of the people than in their
climate. Yet with all these external differences, physical
dissimilarities, great mountain ranges and enormous rivers
such as in Europe cause the existence of various kingdoms, the
Chinese are one nation, united under one government, .and
possessing manners and customs which, in spite of local
colourings, are of a generally homogeneous nature. No one can
doubt that the continued existence and the ever-extending
influence of the Chinese people imply principles of national
conservation such as have characterised no other race ; and that
existence presents a problem not only curious, but one the
solution and careful study of which would greatly benefit our
modern European statesmen, not a few of whom seem to be
conducting public affairs on principles which have from remotest
ages deluged the world with blood, and have always brought to
an untimely end the national existence of the people most
devoted to them. Consul Meadows, in his " Chinese," correctly
traces the unity of so large an empire as China to mental causes,
which have leapt lightly over rivers many times larger than any
in Europe, and crossed mountain barriers which would be in the
west described as natural boundaries of indepedent kingdoms. It
is to the commanding influence of thought that China owes her
continuous history. It is because mental power is, and has

Xll POLITICAL PRINCIPLES

always been, more highly esteemed than physical force ; because
the sage has been incomparably more highly honoured than the
warrior, and the scholar has had unquestioned precedence of the
soldier, that the Chinese people exists at the present day. Not to
speak of other European races, Great Britain, which boasts so
much of its civilisation, stands sadly in need of learning this
lesson which China has for ages practically enforced ; and it is
only when we have learned it that we can be assured of perfect
safety. For many centuries the Chinese military officer of the same
nominal rank as the civil official, has always been, and still is, far
below him in social standing ; and the emperor who, two centuries
before Christ, endeavoured to establish a military despotism by
destroying all the existing literature of China, overturned his own
dynasty, and left such an example that no succeeding emperor,
however great his power and ambition, whatever his nationality
or origin, ever again attempted to upset the supreme rule of
mind in China, or tried to place the military even on a level
with the civil.

It is generally believed that the civilisation of China, with its
ethical systems, its laws, and its social customs, was somehow
produced at a bound long ages ago, and has been preserved intact
by the *' stupid conservatism " of the Chinese down through all
the generations, none adding to or subtracting from the sum
total of the social and political conditions introduced ever so many
centuries before Confucius. This, however, is a mistake which
no one possessing even a superficial acquaintance with Chinese
history could commit. Civilisations much less advanced than
the Chinese have had to pass through a protracted course of
hewing and carving, moulding and polishing, in their develop-
ment from savage riot to legal order ; and those who sneer
at that curious people forget what our forefathers were no
more than a century ago. The essential elements of the present
social life and political organisation of China can be found in the
writings of Confucius, if they cannot be traced to the life of his
contemporaries ; but there have been considerable political
changes and social developments since his time. China was old

OP CHINA. xiii

six centuries before the Christian era. And the reason why
there has been so little change in more modern times, is because
the main lessons of an advanced civilisation had been learned so
many centuries ago. Even as recently as the introduction of
Jesuitism into China, Europe was lagging behind the Chinese in
several respects, though rapidly marching ahead of her in others.*
Instead of being the stagnant pool which it is often said to be,
we find the history of China full of the sound of battle, the shouts
of the combatants, the crash of falling thrones, the wails of the
vanquished, the paBans of the victors, and the varied and exciting
tumult in which consists the " glory " of Europe. The present
dynasty has secured the longest period of political tranquility with
which China has ever been favoured ; and we do not consider it
cause for regret that the Chinese peasant has so long eaten in
peace the fruit of his toil. Though therefore we earnestly desire
the adoption by the Chinese of every modern western improve-
ment, we have no sympathy whatever with those who ever and
anon cry out for the unhealthy excitement of war, or with those
who long to see in China the hasty, undigested, and frequently
rash and unwise legislation of the new Japan.

Chinese civilisation did not spring up in a moment, like the
fully-armed Minerva, but was the same slow, gradual process, from
savage barbarism to polite civility, as in the west ; and the last
touches have not yet been given. The Chinese speak freely of the
time when their forefathers went about dressed in a fig leaf. From
fig leaves to rich silk dresses and magnificent fur robes, from
ignorance of fire to French cookery, is not a distance to be taken.
at one bound. Nor was it one century which, out of rude customs,
educed an elaborate though simple system of excellent laws. And
it was only the slowly growing wants of a gradually increasing

*When the able Jesuits were professors of astronomy in Peking, and some of
them were even permitted to Kowtow to his gracious majesty, French writers were
in the habit of representing the Chinese as the most peaceable of people, and the
most law-abiding of subjects. Chinese history was therefore long, and even still is,
ignorantly regarded as a monotone of unexciting events, from the Three Emperors
downwards. Hence the well-known lines of Tennyson, — "Better fifty years of Europe
than a cycle of Cathay,"— though the "cycle of Cathay" is only sixty years!

XIV POLITICAL PRINCIPLES.

population which evolved, from a few rough signs on slips of
"bamboo, their highly ornate and beautiful written language, so
philosophical in its character, and in its range abundantly
adequate to express the most intricate ideas of a high state of
intellectual training ; though it is indeed, in its present condition,
very inadequate fully to represent the more correct sciences of
the west ; — the reason being that though China has had her
Socrates and her Platos, her Aristotle is yet unborn, and there
never has been a Chinese Euclid. The fact of that progress is
historical ; the process, the stages, and ages of it must remain for
ever unrevealed.

Socially, China has been the subject of the same slow gradual
changes as the west. A similar course of development from
barbarism to refinement, which appears in the historical
evolution of western society, took place in China also. The
point of departure was the same in each. But while the
civilisation founded by the ethical systems elaborated in Greece
and Rome has been in all cases largely modified, in some cases
forestalled, and in others superseded by Christianity, — the
general principles out of which Chinese civilisation grew up
have continued always the same, and have therefore produced
a civilisation very different in form from that existing in the
west. But though different from ours, it should not on that
account be thoughtlessly set down as barbarism, or ignorantly
denounced as necessarily inferior and incapable of heights equal
to any attained in the west. The last touches have been by no
means given to this development The Chinese have largely
adopted western ideas, and have been apt scholars at the feet of
western science, especially in astronomy and geography ; and they
will readily embrace any western scientific appliances, whose utility
commends itself to them as more than counterbalancing any
dreaded possible evils. If they do not hastily welcome and
gladly amalgamate western civilisation in the wholesale fashion
of the less thoughtful and more fickle Japanese, it is not because
of their oft-decried "stupid conservatism," but from a wise
caution characteristic of the people. The Chinese are much

OF CHINA. XV

more truly national than any other eastern country ; for whatever
note-worthy knowledge the Japanese and other nations possess,
they obtained from China, while she has been always self-
contained. China will not, therefore, merely append western
forms of civilisation, but is sure to gradually assimilate them to
her own constitution. Her present suspicions and caution are
not of recent growth, — nor was it British war which originated
them. And though based on error, the error is one which is very
natural to the Chinese people, with their peculiar past and their
present limited knowledge. The Chinese are slow in adopting
some things, and firm in opposing the introduction of certain
changes, because sceptical of our good intentions. They
oppose the use of railways, because they are not yet able to cope
successfully in the field with the western armies, which, by
means of those railways, would speedily overrun the country.
Missionaries are disliked, because they are believed to be political
agents sent out by their respective governments to create a
foreign party, to make ready for the great day when western armies
are to struggle for possession of the richest country in the world,
and for domination over the patient, tax-paying Chinese. China
has gladly adopted our military manoeuvres, and is rapidly extend-
ing their use. She is purchasing our most approved artillery and
our best attainable rifles. She is adding gunboat to gunboat,
establishing arsenals and building many powder mills ; — and all
in order that she may be able to defend her own borders from
foreign attacks, which all the lessons of her venerable history
teach her to expect, which the never-ending political action
and civic titles of many of the Romish clergy have taught her
to regard as probable, and in which our own and Russian political
action has not induced her to disbelieve. Chinese opposition to
the laying of railways, the institution of the telegraph, the
employment of our science and people in her mines, on her
canals and rivers, is, like that to Christian missions, wholly and
only political. Until, therefore, the Chinese army is thoroughly
reorganised, equipped, and officered in such a way as shall warrant
the authorities to believe it able to meet and fulfil any demands

XVi POLITICAL PRINCIPLES

upon its services ; or until the Chinese government is convinced
that western nations have no serious designs upon their freedom,
we do not expect to see railways and other western mechanical
and steam-power appliances largely employed. The manner in
which some of these improvements have been urged and pressed
upon the government, has defeated the benevolent aim of the
well-meaning politician. The very earnestness of such recom-
mendations, or the warmth of political fault-finding with such
acts as the tearing up of the Shanghai railway, serves to give
further ground of suspicion ; for within the circle of Chinese
political surroundings, disinterested advice is not believed to exist.
The Chinese require to be taught, but their feelings should
sometimes be consulted ; nor, if we desire to gain their confidence
and introduce reforms, should we always ride rough shod over
their prejudices, which, though perhaps ridiculous to us, are
sufficiently serious to them. We might sometimes also question
the infallibility of our own wisdom, and the adequacy of our own
knowledge. It were well for politicians especially to make very
sure that they rightly understand the Chinese people. We
ourselves are subjected by designing or timid men to a
periodical Russian scare ; and surely the Chinese have much
more reason to believe in the ability and the desire of
western powers to injure her. than we in that of Russia to
ruin us.

The intellectual character of the Chinese is of a very high
order. In diligence the Chinese peasant probably excels all
peasantry; and we question whether the peasantry of any
country equals the Chinese in intelligence. Their merchants are
quick to see and ready to seize every opening for trade, while
they are bold and skilled speculators in the markets of China.
Indeed, the Chinese are almost by birth a trading and commercial
people; and their bent of mind is keenly and coolly practical.
This practical nature is characteristic also of their philosophy,
which is absolutely free from the dreamy vagaries of every other
non-Christian philosophy. Mere speculative ideas have never
commanded the attention of any noteworthy men in China ; for

OF CHINA. XVll

their intellectual life is as practical in its aims and teachings as
is their ordinary every-day life.

Yet this matter-of-fact disposition does not exclude the warm
appreciation of the beautiful in nature, both animate and
inanimate. For this practical people is highly cultured.
Poetical pieces are the oldest literary fragments which China
now possesses as the legacy of the remotest antiquity ; and
poetry has commanded a chief place in her literature down to
the present day, occupying a prominent part in the public
examinations for those literary degrees, which must be attained
by any man desiring to occupy the honourable post of magistrate in
his native land, and which are sought by all scholars as the easiest
way to social distinction. The Chinese were singing some of this
poetry when its mixed populations were laying the foundation
stones of old Rome. And if love of nature in its various aspects is
proof of culture, the Chinese were a cultured people more than
twenty centuries before Scott opened our eyes to the grand moods
and the gentle soothing voice of nature, and before the lake poets
sang its praises to an all but sullen audience. Before the time
of Confucius, you find the Chinese observant of and sympathising
with the changing moods of the world in which they lived.
They chanted the praises of the opening peach, of the pink
apricot, and the delicate white blossom of the pear. Chinese poets
teem with references to budding trees and bursting blossom ; to
the brightness and brilliancy of the Chinese sun ; to the gi ntle
light of the clear moonbeams nestling on the bosom of the placid
lake ; to the singing of the birds in the trees, and the rustling of
the leaves in the summer wind. Reviving spring commands
their chief attention, — but the full-blown glory of summer,
their rich-coloured autumn, and the drinking customs of winter,
claim their frequent notice. Ordinary human life is not by
any means overlooked, but is fairly delineated in its grave and
gay, its loving and ridiculous aspects ; though the metaphysical,
introspective poetry of some modern poets can scarcely be said
to be well represented. You will also find Chinese monasteries
occupying the most picturesque of scenery, and perched among

XV111 POLITICAL PRINCIPLES

splendid old trees in some quiet nook of the grandest mountains.
Call the measure of Chinese poetry stilted if you will, the fact
remains that these subjects, — the delineation of common life and
the description and praise of natural scenery, form, and have
always composed, the main body of permanent Chinese poetry ;
those pieces written to flatter a patron or to please a friend
being of the most short-lived description.

We believe it is now generally acknowledged that the west
is indebted to China for the art of printing. The earlier European
travellers into China found the Chinese people printing sheets
off blocks of hardwood, cut into immovable words and lines.
The Chinese printed these for at least five centuries before
Gutenberg was born. The first attempts to print in the west were
from similar blocks ; and this system has been again reverted to
in the modern stereotype. The same early travellers found gun-
powder in use in China, though mainly for fire-works, long
before it was discovered in the west. And it is not unnatural to
suppose with P. Hue, that the accounts of these travellers, of both
the article itself and its manufacture, gave that clue to the English
monk which introduced gunpowder into modern warfare, and
which has contributed largely to the liberty which is now enjoyed
by us. Marco Polo was astonished to see the Chinese making their
fires by burning a black stone ; and it is probable he had never
seen any other fires in the west than those which the forests
supplied. The earliest Romish missionaries were surprised at
seeing a little box in the stern of every Chinese vessel, containing
a piece of iron of unvarying direction, to which the Chinese gave
the name by which the compass is still called : " Needle-fix-the-
south." Nor is it at all improbable that we are ourselves
indebted to the Chinese for the compass as well as for gun-
powder and printing. Playing cards, and spectacles for old and
short sight, were in use among the Chinese long before our fore-
fathers knew anything of the science of optics, or could play a
rubber at whist. We know not for how many centuries the
Chinese were clad in silks and satins before their use was
introduced into fiurope ; and ages before our forefathers knew

OF CHINA. XIX

much of the coarsest pottery the Chinese manufactured beautiful
porcelain. The Chinese of the present day excel our ladies in
embroidery, and at least equal our artistic workmen in ivory.
In agriculture and horticulture, the Chinese labourer is second
to none, and superior to most of his fellows in Europe The
intellectual superiority of the Chinese over our Indian subjects
and their Persian neighbours is so marked. — in the conduct of
their public business, in the character of their legal code, and in
the practical nature of their sound philosophy, — that such
excellent judges as Sir John Davis and Sir George Staunton, do
not think it necessary even to discuss the matter. In their
codified laws especially, the Chinese can be spoken of by those
diplomatists only in contrast to, and not in comparison with,
India and Persia.

The Government of China is the authoritative embodiment of
Chinese ethical philosophy. Their moral teaching makes the
father absolute master in social life. In politics the emperor is
the father of the people. Justice and mercy are the guides of a
father's conduct; justice and mercy are to regulate every
imperial act. The Chinese government is an absolute one. But
its absolutism is like that of no other absolute government ; for
it is absolute only for the ivellbeing of the people.

The government of China, like its customs, is not the sudden
growth of a day ; but the gradual and slow evolution of many
centuries. When we emerge out of the mythical into the
probable in Chinese history, we find the ruler called by the title
of wang or king. That the ruler had but a small kingdom two
thousand years B.C., we must infer from the fact that Yu WANG
is lauded now, as he always has been, because he toiled for years
with his own hands to neutralize a great flood and successfully
opened up channels which drained the waters to the sea.
Between the China whose ruler laboured with his own hands,
and the China whose emperor never or rarely leaves the seclusion
of his palatial city there is less resemblance than contrast. Yet
this present is the gradual evolution out of that past. From the
time of Yu Wang, China has been continually growing in

XX POLITICAL PRINCIPLES

population and always extending her borders. For ten centuries
since the twelfth century B.C., the government of China very
much resembled the feudal ages of Europe, except that the
common people enjoyed more freedom and happiness. There
was during that period a central authority, but it was much
like the rule of the pope in Europe. If the ruler happened to be a
strong one he was able to make his will respected ; but generally
speaking, each " duke " was independent, levied armies and made
war on other dukes at his pleasure. As there was then no
standing armies, war was a pastime to many ; for every soldier
owned and cultivated his own property and furnished his own
commissariat. He ploughed in spring, weeded in summer,
harvested in autumn, and fought in winter. The excitement of
war roused and kept in action faculties which produced the
ethical philosophers whose teachings have become unquestioningly
paramount in China, and have welded its heterogeneous
peoples into a homogeneous empire.

Two centuries B.C., the state of Tsin after centuries of warfare
swallowed up all the other states and founded an imperialistic
China. The ruler changed his title of wang into that of
whangdi, Supreme or Imperial Ruler. He established a standing
army ; and finding that the teachings of the revered sages,
Confucius and his disciples, were militating against his
imperialistic designs, he ordered a general conflagration of all
philosophical books. With the sword and the arrow he had
fought against and conquered all military opposition. He waged
a new war with the torch against ideas ; but though books were
consumable, ideas would not burn. The persecution of many
literary men who endeavoured to save their treasured volumes,
resulted to them irt death, but lost the imperialist his throne.
And ever since, Confucius has had his reign in China, not only
undisturbed, but growing down to the present in lustre and
honour, if not in power. Absolute, irresponsible imperialism
perished in China in the fires which consumed those books.

The government of China, therefore, though nominally an
absolute monarchy, is one whose action is subject to many

OF CHINA. XXI

modifying external influences. This government is like almost
everything Chinese, peculiar to that splendid country and
characteristic of that curious people. In the west the principle
that "the ruler exists for the people, not the people for the
ruler/' is but the growth of yesterday ; and the lesson is yet to be
learned in most continental nations, nor do the British people
seem to have mastered it. But in China that has always been
the theory of government from the very dawn of the historical
period. And it is because this principle is so unmistakably and
forcibly inculcated in the classics that the Tsin emperor was so
eager to burn them all out of sight.

The Chinese believe in the "divine right of kings/' They
believe that the ruler is ordained of Heaven, and raised up to do
the will of Heaven, — hence he is called the " Son of Heaven/'
This will of Heaven is the moral and physical well-being of the
people, to maintain and extend which is the sole duty of the
" Son of Heaven/' If the emperor, by the proper combination of
justice and mercy, exercised with prudence and wisdom, secures
peace, contentment, and plenty for his people, he fulfils his duties.
But if he seeks his own pleasure, and pursues his own private
advantage and profit, to the neglect of his regal duties, he ipso
facto ceases to be the Son of Heaven ; and the rocking of the
land by earthquakes, the rotting of the crops by floods, the
barren aridity by droughts, and the destruction of growing grain
by locusts, are all so many evidences that Heaven is displeased
with the mode of government, and are so many calls to
repentance. These calls, if unheeded, give rise to rebellions.
And rebellions are not in China the heinous crimes they are
considered to be in the west ; but are just and laudable efforts to
unseat from the throne the man whom Heaven has already
declared to be unfit to rule, because he has neglected to care for
the people. The successful rebel proves his right to rule ; and
the right acquired by a success, attainable only by Heaven's
decree, is more valid than any quantity of royal blood in the
veins of the actual ruler. The valid and incontestable title to
the throne of China, is not, therefore, derived from hereditary,

XX11 POLITICAL PRINCIPLES

but is the result of the proper and efficient discharge of imperial
duties. Hence, famines or rebellions always cause alarm to,
and elict a confession of sin against Heaven from, the reigning
monarch ; there are promises of amendment on his own part,
and exhortations to faithfulness, official purity and honesty
to all his ministers. Chinese history is full of such ; and this
volume will furnish examples enough.

The emperor is bound to preserve and further the well-being
of his people, by placing over them ministers and officials of
unselfish character, of honourable principles and of good mental
capacity. This capacity is ascertained by competitive examin-
ations which test the literary talents of Chinese youth ; and
administrative capacity is discovered by the manner in which
these youths perform the duties of the inferior magistracies to
which they may happen to be appointed after attaining their
degrees. If the emperor lives a proper life, and appoints
officials who lead good lives, the people enjoy the fruits of their
own labours in peace and plenty. The manner of the emperor's
life is, however, of greater consequence than any forms of law.
Force is of little or no use in compelling the obedience of a
people to a prince who does not make his own life a good
example. A ruler may rule well, happily and prosperously by
making mercy or benevolence the guide of his government ; or he
may be an equally successful ruler if he is strictly and sternly
just ; but he cannot have other than a troublous reign, and an
unsettled, unhappy people, if his own conduct is not what it
should be. Prohibitive laws, which he does not himself observe,
will not bind his people ; if his own life is vicious, mercy constantly
extended will not attach them to him. " Example is better than
precept/' says the western proverb ; " Example is stronger than
armies, and more authoritative than laws/' says the Chinese
philosopher. He who would be a strong ruler must regulate his
own desires, and watch carefully over his own conduct. When
his "heart is straight," and his " conduct correct/' he is powerful
without armies, and controls all without police. This ruler will
not only be supreme over a gladly willing people, but will be

OF CHINA. XX11I

sought after by the "far and near." "The sage will explain to
me how to increase my treasury and augment my armies/' said
a feudal prince, striving for universal empire, to the philosopher
Mencius ; " Why must the prince speak of profit ? " replied the
sage, who then expounded that a reign guided by benevolence
and justice ensured the greatest profits, the most lasting
endurance, and the widest extent. Order and peace secured by
justice and goodness, cast a halo of glory round a throne ; while
the employment of force for its support is its disgrace.

Having illustrated the theoretical foundation of Chinese
government, my statement will now be understood when I say
that the Chinese is an absolute government, founded on and
guided by democratical principles. For, inconsistent to our
ideas though it may appear, the Chinese people is really one
of the most democratic in the world, as their government is
nominally one of the most absolute. There is no caste in
China. The son of the poorest labourer can freely push his
way to the highest posts in the government. The late prime
minister Wun Siang was the son of extremely poor parents in
Mookden, and his master who saw the talents of the youth and
sent him to school at his own expense, was living in Mookden
when I left it. A tax-collector may occasionally be found bold
enough and bad enough to increase the taxation of the people in
some district ; but the people can have him degraded and
punished. A magistrate may be found more than ordinarily
covetous, but he can be removed, punished by degradation, or even
by banishment. There are occasional cases of hardship of men
who in their litigation are mulcted of their all ; or of men who
are imprisoned under false charges by some powerful enemies.
But these cases are extremely rare in proportion to the great
mass of the population ; and that mass enjoys personal liberty,
lightness of taxation, and freedom from offensive police super-
vision, such as are enjoyed by no people in Europe. Sir Walter
Medhurst, retired from long and good service in China, believes
that China is, in the immediate future, to be swallowed up into the
Russian power, and that such a fate would be for the good of the

XXIV POLITICAL PRINCIPLES

Chinese people. We do not believe that Russia will now be ever
able to conquer China : and we are certain that the Chinese
people would suffer in most things and benefit in nothing, by trans-
ference to Russian rule. The Chinese peasant is infinitely more
happy and contented than is the Russian, because he is incom-
parably less heavily taxed and more free to do his own " sweet
will;" and the Russian peasant will not compare with the
Chinese in education, in intelligence, and in industry. Sir John
Davis, in his excellent work on the Chinese, expresses his surprise
at the amount of freedom possessed by the Chinese people in
being able to meet together to judge upon, to condemn, and to
inform the government of the conduct of magistrates, who have
treated them harshly. Sir John Davis would not have been
surprised at what occurs almost daily in some part of China, had
he fully understood the basis of Chinese government as explained
above.

So thoroughly does the form of government educed from the
teachings of the old days suit the Chinese people, and upon the
whole so equable, simple and just have been the laws founded
upon the same principles, that there has not appeared in the
Christian era any political reformer enunciating novel ideas of
government ; for it is always acknowledged that the existing
form of government, if pure, and the laws actually on the
statute book, if honestly applied, provide for all the needs of, and
secure the utmost liberty for, the people. In all revolutionary
proceedings therefore, there is an appeal, not to some new
principle which will benefit the people ;- but to the old principles,
departure from which has brought misery to the people.
Dynasties invariably become corrupt in China, sometimes from
wickedness, oftener from weakness. And when rebels rise
against a dynasty, they invariably base the justice of their cause
upon the ancient laws and rights of the people, which are
trampled upon by the reigning emperor.

The safety, or at all events the wellbeing of any country,
depends mainly on the character of the man placed in a
position which enables him to control that country's interests ;

OF CHINA. XXV

next upon the ministers or officers employed by him to carry out
his instructions ; and finally upon the soldiers who are the
instruments of his ministers. The ministers may save the
country in spite of their chief; but if a country is to be
saved when the ministers are corrupt or wicked, it must be
effected by a cha,nge of ministry. This change in an absolute
monarchy rests with the ruler, if that ruler is strong enough to
make his will felt ; but if he is weak, the only means of saving
the country is by insurrection and a change of dynasty.
In a free country the voice of the people makes itself heard
without an appeal to arms and revolution. But better the storm
of this revolution, and the loudest crash of arms, than
quietude under the blighting cancer festering in the national
constitution, and devitalizing the roots of the national life.
The worst evil which can befall a nation, is when the ministers
are earnest only in picking the national pocket, afraid only of
dying without a fortune accumulated or an influence acquired by
the most guilty of all guilty means of acquiring wealth, — by the
abuse of public confidence, and the misapplication of public power.
As the trust reposed in public functionaries is of the most
important kind — involving as it does the most sacred interests
of the people — so should the abuse of that trust be accompanied
by the most severe of human penalties, and branded with the
execration of all good. men.

Since the establishment in England of the numerous and great
legal inequalities, instituted by and preserved since the Norman
conquest, every man who intelligently desires the well-being of
his country has necessarily pursued a destructive policy ; for he
demands legal equality and even-handed justice. The same man in
China, and with the same desires, is just as necessarily conservative ;
for such unjust and compulsory inequalities have not existed.
While in England the well-wisher of his countrymen appeals to
change in order to remove powerful abuses long established by
the sword, in China the same man appeals to the ancient laws
and institutions of his country to remove powerful abuses intro-
duced against law. It will be seen in the following history that in

XXvi POLITICAL PRINCIPLES

China the men of the most sterling character, of the most refined
and cultured nature, of the greatest learning and wisdom, are all
but invariably under the influence of conservative principles ; for
Chinese conservatism demands, in certain circumstances, the
most unselfish conduct and the most self-sacrificing devotion.
Though bribed by the party of power with the offers of honours,
place, wealth, and authority, the most earnest efforts failed to
detach such men from the course to which duty called them, and
in which they all from Kofa to Shushu desired to die.

This unselfish conservatism is the necessary outgrowth of the
political philosophy above described. That philosophy declares,
as already stated, that the ruler is for the people, not the people
for the ruler ; and proclaims the certainty of the dethronement
by Heaven of that ruler who neglects his duty to his people, and
his dethronement by insurrection. Yet this same philosophy
commands the minister to support his prince, and to die with him.
The change of dynasty must not be made, or in any way assisted
by the official who has " eaten of the prince's bread/' even though
he knows that prince to be unworthy of his post. As official
employment is the reward of literary merit, every philosopher is
an official. He is free to refuse office ; but after accepting office he
is bound to live and die for his prince. Faithfulness to his prince
is the absolute guide in life and unto death of the Chinese official.
He is bound to point out to the ruler the proper mode of
conducting government, so as to secure the greatest well-being
of the people ; but he must use all his influence in supporting the
reigning monarch, even when that monarch is one of the worst. .
Every revolutionist in China, and every rebel, is and must be
conservative in the sense of appealing to the ancient institutions,
laws, and customs of his country ; innovations upon which form
the only apology for his rebellion. Every literary man, not an
official, is intensely conservative in the same direction. But every
official is conservative in the sense of supporting the existing
dynasty, not merely when there is hope of successful resistance
against rebellion, but after all hope is gone ; for if he can do no
more, he can die, and thus gain for himself the proud posthumous

OF CHINA. XXvii

title of Faithful Minister. Hence conservatism in China is
necessarily unselfish when it is genuine ; though selfish men are
always found on the same side, who can, when it is their supposed
interest, change to the other party. This Chinese conservatism,
this devotion to anciently established principles, demands not only
one's energies, but one's property and life; and we shall see below
that many are true to their profession. This conservatism is
founded upon the well-being of the people. Its guiding
principle is therefore unlike that of British conservatism,
and more closely resembles the spirit of the Whig principles.
Even when the Chinese conservative is called upon to uphold a
state of matters which he knows to be wrong, and which
he has, by constitutional means, tried to correct, he does it by
renouncing his own interests, at the certain risk of his own life,
and entirely from a sense of duty arising from his philosophical
beliefs. We commonly hear Chinese conservatism abused by
men who are ignorant of it, and unacquainted with the good attthe
root of it ; and usually by men who are far from ready to sacrifice
their own temporal interests to any call of duty. The Chinese
honest conservative, the best and noblest type of Chinese official
and literary life, is afraid of being stigmatised as unfaithful ; he is
not afraid to die.

The chapter on " Officials" describes the personnel of the
Chinese government, — the Privy Council, or highest Court of
Appeal, and the six Boards or Departments which superintend
the multitudinous affairs of the eighteen provinces of China. It
shows the inter-relations' of ministers, and explains the machinery
of government. It also illustrates the duties of the emperor,
which consist in a vetoing rather than in an initiating power.
Even when edicts are issued of a positive character, they are
invariably the result of one or more memorials from the higher
officials. P. Hue relates that when the able and discreet M.
Ricci became famous in Peking, and after the emperor had begun
to honour him, some of the chief ministers memorialised the
emperor, asking him to reward M. Ricci for his beautiful
presents, and then dismiss him honourably to Canton, whence he

XXV111 POLITICAL PRINCIPLES

could return to his native land. To this memorial the emperor
made no reply ; and another similar memorial was received by
him with the same silence. The emperor informed M. Ricci of
this desire to have him removed ; but told him that in order not
to infringe upon the laws of China, the emperor could not give
him special permission to remain in Peking without a formal
request to that effect from one of the ministers. That this is a
correct representation of the emperor's legal position can be seen
in the chapter on the " Imperial Family/' where is described the
action of the emperor Yungching towards his own brothers ; and
the chapter on " Officials" gives numerous instances of the same
kind.

To China the greatness of the service done her by her excellent
education is unquestionable. Indeed, the advantages resulting
from education are now generally acknowledged to be very
considerable. There are few, if any, who profess to believe that
universal education is calculated to directly produce any evil
consequences. Education cannot be too widely scattered, nor too
thoroughly instilled into the minds of all classes of the community.
But there is a tendency among many talented literary men,
whose eloquence transcends their knowledge, to over-estimate
the potency of educational influences over the moral life.
Overlooking or forgetting the past, they profess to believe that
education will destroy most of the vices of social life, and
extinguish many of the crimes now prevailing. Men avow
the same sentiments with more or less bluntness, in a good deal
of the popular preaching, and breathe them still more generally
in the popular literature of the day. They praise the beauty of
virtue, and proclaim the nobility of practising virtue for virtue's
sake ; while they hurl their scornful indignation upon those who
combine rewards and punishments with virtue and vice.
They wax eloquent over the wondrous faculties of man, and
their glowing phrases declare their admiration of the powers of
the human understanding. In the boldest language, in the most
brilliant sentences, they declare that man can, by cultivation of
his nature, reach up to the very throne of God. As a theory of

OF CHINA. xxix

what education should do, and the man of culture should be, all
this teaching is very proper and good ; but as a potential rule
applied to the guidance of human life, with its varied passions,
all the ages and generations proclaim such teaching, notwith-
standing its truth and its beauty, but a spider's web in the way
of an angry man. All the main elements of our systematic
ethical teaching were as eloquently proclaimed, and as fervently
belauded in the Porch and the Academy of Greece, as by the
most popular teacher of our day; and the rough tongue of old
Rome rang out the same doctrines in the public Forum. To learn
the practical outcome of all that eloquent and excellent teaching,
examine the history of ancient superstitious, lying, immoral
Greece, ransack the records of proud, cruel, unjust, and rapacious
Rome.

Contemporaneous with the noblest teachers of Greece, were
the moral philosophers of China, who, centuries before the
Christian era, left a noble legacy of positivist teaching, which has
trained the minds of every succeeding generation of Chinese
youth, down to the present day. Communistic teaching by able
theorists, and the duty of universal love, have been taught longer in
China than Christianity in the west; and an able philosopher pro-
pounded, eight centuries ago, undiluted materialism, which since
then has continued to be foisted into, rather than educed from,
Confucian positivism. But this positivism, setting forth man's duty
to man in all his various relations, has remained unchanged. All
the ancient classics of China, some of them older than Socrates, and
most of the modern literature of that literary country, are laden
with this kind of ethical teaching. In language more pithy and
as expressive as that of the best of western philosophers, in
phrases shining with the warmth of lively imaginations, in tropes
and figures unsurpassed for beauty of expression, for correctness
of diction, for appositeness of illustration, for elevation of
sentiment, — the Chinese philosophers have been for more than
two thousand years inculcating the precepts of a pure and
noble morality. And all the mental toil displayed in their
curt aphoristic sayings is for the purpose of "illustrating

XXX POLITICAL PRINCIPLES

illustrious virtue " ; and all the intellectual labour of their
swelling periods is devoted to enforcing the performance of man's
duty to man.

With what result ? Such teaching and training do certainly
impart that literary dilettanteism, they secure that mental
culture and give that external polish, which seem to be the aim
of modern English popular teaching ; and the excellence and
advantages of which we would not, for a moment, be supposed
to undervalue. This training may, and does, sharpen the
intellect and instruct a man how to express his thoughts
eloquently or elegantly, or how to hide them under a cloud of
misty verbiage. Yet though the beauty of systematic moral
teaching gratifies the intellect, as does a difficult mathematical
problem when first discovered, it exercises no control over the
passions. The philosophy of ethics satisfies the understanding ;
it has never yet changed the heart. Chinese intellectual life is
vigorous. Their mental power is of a high order. Their
politeness and etiquette in speech and manner, are all that the
apostle of mere culture can desire. And their training has
produced the ability to exercise a most wonderful external self-
control under the most trying circumstances of fear, or anger, or
novelty ; so much so that those ignorant of Chinese education
proclaim them the most stupid and stolid of peoples. But
though they revere their great teachers and honour moral
teachings in grandiloquent phrases, they absolutely ignore them
in practical life.

The condition of those individuals, who, by study of the
beautiful and the good, hope to attain the perfection of their
nature, is well expressed in the words, Knowledge puffeih up.
In China as in Britain we find the same result. Those cultured
men dilate on the transcendent greatness of righteousness.
They use, as their western brethren use, great swelling words of
vanity, whereby they impose upon themselves and dazzle or
deceive the giddy crowd, who would fain be considered thinkers.
A contemptible pride takes possession of them. And intellectual
vanity and literary conceit are invariably connected with spiritual

OF CHINA. XXXI

coldness, and never far removed from moral faults. Admiration
for the beautiful sayings of the sages of antiquity may and does
often flow from the lips, or fill eloquent pages from the pen of a
man whose heart is closed against the appeals of pity but open to
foul thoughts, and whose life is distinguished only by selfishness
and impurity.

Even in our own country, hedged about as we are with so
many fences in social life, we find that nominal Christianity
is insufficient to shield from the allurements of vice.
Knowledge of arts and sciences will not make or keep a man
honest in Christian Britain. Social refinement is known to be
consistent with lamentable practices. And mere culture is
inadequate always to retain a respectably moral life. Indeed,
modern culture can unreservedly adopt the language of the Latin
poet, Video meliora proboque deteriora sequor. If we follow
our countrymen to heathen lands, we see that all the culture of
modern and sound education, all the polish derived from good
society, the possession of natural talents and almost all gentle-
manly qualities are sadly, painfully unable to prevent them from
falling into the debasing, unmanly vices of heathenism. And if
men fall after receiving the advantages of such training, what can
we expect but revolting immoralities among heathen peoples
which have not the staying powers of Christianity to sustain and
enforce the practice of those moral doctrines which are
theoretically admired? As to the practical influence of their
high theoretical estimate of truth, we may adopt in full that
eloquent description of another nation, Tribuo illis literas ;
do multarum artium disciplinam; non adimo sermonis
leporem, ingeniorum acumen, dicendi copiam; denique
etiam si qua sibi alia sumunt non repugno ; testimoniorum
religionem et fidem nunquam ista natio coluit; totiusque
kvyusce rei quae sit vis, quae auctoritas, quod pondus
ignorant With many noble characteristics which are certain
to gain them a speedy greatness, with much that we must
highly commend and heartily admire, the Chinese are a people
whose inborn falsehood can be uprooted only by Christianity ;

XXX11 POLITICAL PRINCIPLES OF CHINA.

for it alone can enable them to act out their professed belief
that truth is most honourable, deceit -ignoble, and meanness in
word or deed unworthy of men.

Whatever may be said by men whose ignorance of humanity
is equalled only by their self-assertion, who proclaim their
sentiments with an assurance of infallibility as if the whole
world of fact were enclosed within the1 four walls of their study,
who itch for the praise of a tinsel liberality, who denounce
earnestness as bigotry and decry enthusiasm as fanaticism, —
whatever may be said by such men in their wilful blindness
against the commonly received dogmas of Christian belief, that
belief alone is able to subdue the world to righteousness.
Explain it as you will, it is a historical fact, and patent to all who
really know the world, that truth and purity are general in exact
proportion to the intelligent and potential belief in Jesus as the
revealer of the Father, and especially as the Saviour from sin.
No one can think of questioning the truth of this, who is able to
compare, by personal experience, the condition of those peoples
raised by Christianity from barbarism with the condition of those
nations which have had or do now possess all the moral teaching
which human genius can evolve, and which pursue culture with
all the eager earnestness and ability of talented natures, but
which are destitute of those peculiarly Christian doctrines which
the Bible alone proclaims. It was the great Washington who
said, that " of all dispositions and habits which lead to prosperity,
religion and morality are indispensable supports. Morality
cannot be maintained without religion. Both reason and
experience forbid us to expect national morality can prevail
without it, or a state without morality." We earnestly appeal
to our Christian countrymen to awake and bestir themselves to
send this Christian religion to China. Send by the hands of
your bravest and ablest sons, send in the hearts of the noblest
and best of your daughters. Whether we will or not, China is
rapidly becoming a great and powerful nation ; but the reception
of Christianity alone can make the Chinese a moral people, who
will benefit the whole world.

INTRODUCTION.

As soon might we expect the drops of water oozing from a mossy
rock to become a mighty river, bearing on its bosom the peaceful
fleets of all nations, as the few ignorant descendants of the
Tartar Aisin Gioro to become, by their own despicably
insignificant resources, the legislators of a fourth of mankind,
and the rulers of the most populous empire under the sun.

If it was necessary that the movements of the Manchus
should have been regulated by wise bravery, it was even more
essential that reckless folly should misguide their no^less brave
opponents, whether Kin, Liao, Mongol, Corean or Chinese. The
slim but well-knit Manchu barque was set afloat in shallows,
and had to sail along rapids and among narrow gorges where a
touch was destruction, down cataracts and through channels
crowded with innumerable rocks, many of them just seen under
her prow, where the bystander judges escape impossible. Many
a time is the reader of the earlier history of the Manchus tempted
to exclaim, that there is here another than a visible hand, which,
by what seems the slightest accident, now removes the petty
tribe out of a snare ; and again averts on their own heads the
overwhelming destruction with which her foes were prepared to
crush her. Her final triumph is as great and beforehand as
improbable; as if a large ship sailed into New York, after running
down the rapids and plunging into the cataract of Niagara.

It is true, the wisdom of Taidsoo, by unity of purpose and
action, multiplied a hundredfold the courage of his handful of
men. But he would have been only knocking his naked fist
against granite walls, had he not been opposed by weak and
divided counsels, which distracted and alienated the minds of
his wise, and blunted the sword of his brave, opponents. All the

SB INTRODUCTION.

wisdom of the Manchus would never have guided them into
Mookden, if the gates had not been thrown open by the blind
folly of its keepers. Nor could Taidsoo have averted annihilation,
had the most ordinary prudence dictated the policy and regulated
the movement of the then powerful Ming. We must look
therefore no less to the folly of Peking, than to the shrewdness
of Hingking, to account for the strange phenomenon, that a few
rude barbarians, inhabiting a narrow strip of inhospitable
mountains, were able to seize and to hold the dragon throne,
which had such tremendous forces at its disposal, and the
N resources of the richest country under heaven at its command.

This " Rise and Progress " of the Manchus has been compared
by Sir John Davis and others, to the growth of British power in
India. The parallel is incomplete and unfair to the Manchus.
For they and the Chinese faced each other with the same
weapons — the bow, the sword, and the spear ; the Chinese having
the advantage of education, civilization, prestige, and fire-arms
such as they were.

British troops started in India a highly educated race,
conscious of immense mental, moral, and physical superiority,
against opponents equally conscious of their own inferiority.
The Manchus began their wars with the Chinese, ignorant of
letters, without a written language, scarcely reclaimed from the
savage barbarism when they ate raw flesh and dug pits for
houses, against a people highly civilized, who, for every brave
Manchu, could bring a hundred equally brave Chinese into the
, /field. Indeed we search in vain for a parallel, whether in the
well known west or the older east. Alexander started in his
victorious career with a compact, well-regulated kingdom, and
with an army accustomed to triumph; and his wide, loosely-jointed
empire died with the departure of his breath. Rome took seven
centuries of endless warfare, from the time when her three
cantons formed a city, till she could call herself mistress of the
southern half of Europe. The Goths murdered and pillaged,
the Huns sent fire before and left a desert behind them ; but
no trace of an empire was laid by those disciplined hordes of

USE OF HISTORY. .'}

robbers. Noorhachu, with a hundred followers, dared to shake v
his sword in the face of the powerful Ming dynasty, when it
claimed, by divine right, to rule over the whole earth. His
grandson was seated at five years old on the dragon throne in
Peking, whilst the officials of Kwangtung and the literates of
Yunnan, side by side with the chiefs of Mongolia, bowed before
him to the ground, ere his short reign was completed. Some of
the sons of Noorhachu, who fought with him in his first battle,
lived in regal splendour and stately ease in their Peking palaces,
years after the last sword raised in name of the Ming dynasty
had been shivered to fragments.

It was no deficiency in natural bravery, which compelled the
Chinaman to undergo the, to him, unspeakable degradation of
shaving off his long hair ; for, man to man, the Chinese were, to
say the least, the equals of their foes. It was the politic wisdom
of the dwarf, and the senseless stupidity of the giant, which
brought the latter to grief and the former to greatness. The
cunning Jack always kills the giant. Want of head and heart,
not feebleness of arm, terminated the Ming dynasty, and
converted the " Flowery Land " into a charnel house for the half
of its inhabitants. " Righteousness exalteth a nation : but sin
is a reproach to any people." The wise ruler is righteous from
choice, as the foolish is unrighteous ; the one exalts his people,
the other destroys them.

As the lessons of this great revolution are similar to those of
western history, and equally valuable in illustrating the facts, '"^Y
that whole nations are improved and benefited under the guid-
ance of a patriotic man, with a head to plan and a hand to
execute, and that the greatest nation is strangled by red-tape
favouritism and nepotism, — we think no apology is necessary
for presenting a more precise account of the rise of the Manchus
than has hitherto been given, as far as we know, in any language.

In the year 1559, when Europe was universally excited over
the new-found Bible, Noorhachu was born in Hotooala, south-
east of Hoolarihada, the southern extremity of the Long White
Mountains, at the north side of which had appeared his ancestor,

4 INTRODUCTION.

Aisin Gioro Bookooli Yoongshwun, about two hundred years
before.

Noorhachu, like all his successors, gave early indications of
his subsequent greatness. He was a thirteen months' child, had
the dragon face and the phoenix eye, his chest was enormous,
his ears large, and his voice like the tone of the largest bell I
He lost his mother when ten years old, and was placed under
the second in order of the wives of his- father Huen. When
nineteen years of age, his step-mother sent him out with a small
pittance to push his way ; but afterwards, recognising his extra-
ordinary abilities, she offered an increase to his allowance, which
he declined. He was 'known as the Wise Beira.* He was the
seventh generation born heir to the kingdom of Hotooala, the
town of which name was no more than seven miles distant from
the most remote part of the " kingdom."

On one fine day, two centuries before, when three heaven-
descended maidens were bathing in the great lake Boorhooli, at
the foot of Bookooli, a peak of the White mountains, a spiritual
bird (the magpie) dropped a red fruit on the skirt of the dress
of Fo Koolun, the youngest, who, before dressing, picked up and
ate the fruit, — the result of which was that she bore a son, who
was able to speak at his birth, and was otherwise remarkable.
When full-grown, his mother told him he was born of Heaven,
to set to rights the troubled nations ; and having given him the
name Bookooli Yoongshwun, and the surname Aisin Gioro, -f*
she ascended into heaven. J

* Beira, the bird MvngJiwang which flies high ; — man of great distinction.,
f Gold Dynasty.

J A more prosaic account of his earlier years is given by the Chinese of Manchuria,
who report that when Chinese go north to serve the Manchus, they are left in
charge of house and everything in it, including the females. They say that Wang
Gao was a Shantung man, serving in this capacity. Some go so far as to say he
was the father of the child ; others that he was only a most faithful servant who
had care of Fo Koolun and her son. One day he went out as usual to forage for
the woman he served so well, but never returned. She longed and longed for his
return, but in vain. At last when she could restrain herself no longer, a timely
chasm opened in the hill, into which she threw herself, and her son became depen~

THE MAGPIE. 5

Wherever and whatever his origin, it may be true that Aisin
Gioro was elected by the hamlet of Wodoli to be head of the
village. This " kingdom " rebelled against him, putting himself
-and all his sons to death, except Fancha, the youngest, who
escaped. For when pursued by the murderers of his father's
house, a magpie alighted on his head, and as he stood stock-still,
he was taken for a piece of dried wood, and the pursuit given
up. These two stories, whatever their value, will explain why
the magpie is the sacred bird of the present dynasty.

We believe, however, that the Manchus point to Wodoli, or
Odoli, as the birth-place of their dynasty, only because that
place on the north of the white mountains is in the vicinity of
Ninguta, where was the origin of three great and powerful
dynasties, — Mogo, Bohai, and Kin (see Nujun, "History of
Corea.") But the real source of the Manchus was in the small but
beautiful valley of Hotooala, where Hingking now stands, and
which is east of Mookden. The Manchus became a powerful
kingdom before the region of Odoli became theirs. The story of
Fancha is given, apparently, to account for the disappearance of
the Manchu founder from Odoli. Fancha is said to have fled
across the White mountains to Hotooala.* and founded that
kingdom, in a part of which Hingking was afterwards built.

The Emperor Jing-dsoo, grandfather of Noorhachu, was
remarkable for the statesmanship he exhibited in ruling the six
little hamlets, of probably a dozen or two families each,
surrounded by a wall, and called a " city." To the west of him
was a man called Shwosaina, who, with his nine powerful lawless
sons, was the scourge of the great west between Hotooala and
Fooshwun. He was joined by Jiahoo and his seven sons, who,

dent on the villagers ; but the village which supported him was blessed with
ginsheng, which thus originated there. The story is partly corroborated by three
proverbs common in Manchuria : — Pan ni siang pan Wang Gao, " I long for you,
as the longing for Wang Gao ; " Sienji Wang Gao, howji Baishan, " First sacrifice
to Wang Gao, then to the White Mountains ;" Sien Wang Gao, how Hwang ling,
"First Wang Gao, next the imperial tombs." Others, again, state that the famous
Aisin Gioro was a runaway Mongol.

* See Geographical Notes.

0 INTRODUCTION.

when clad in mail, " could overthrow nine bulls/' These men
plundered the country round about. But the Emperor Jing-dsoo
was wise, and his eldest son, Lidun, was brave. Lidun mustered
all the forces of the kingdom, marched against and gained a
complete victory over the eighteen robbers. This victory secured
them five mountain passes, and two hundred li of territory, up
to the very gates of the Chinese Fooshwim ; a territory more
beautiful than productive, for the close-packed ranges of granite
low mountains produce more trees than grain.

This battle, so gravely related by their historians, who trace
the rise of their kingdom to it, is the best evidence as to the
original size of the Manchu kingdom, and the resources of their six
" cities." Another proof is to be found in the fact, that within
one hundred square miles of mountainous country, between
Ninguta on the north and Hingking on the south, there were
eleven independent countries ; Manchu being divided into five,
and each of the others being considerably larger than the five.
Ever since the overthrow of the Kin dynasty, the Niijun were
broken up into many independent parties,* who delighted as
much in fighting as in hunting. To imagine that one of the
smallest of these would first swallow up all the rest, and that it
should, from an army which could afford to boast of defeating*
eighteen robbers, become the ruler of hundreds of millions of men,
was not within the bounds of probability, and certainly did not
enter into the day dreams of the Manchus themselves.
However, so it turned out ; and we shall now relate the cause
and trace the prog L ess of the wondrous event.

The title which Noorhachu assumed for his dynasty has
been variously transliterated in the west ; from the long*
Mantcheou of the old French writers to the Manchu of the
modern English. Yet neither the one nor the other gives to
the ordinary English reader the nearest resemblance to the

* Manchu had five independent clans — Soohooho, Hwnnho, Wangjia, Doongngua,
and Juachun. Changbaishan had two clans — Noyin and Yaloo kiang. Doonghai
was a third "kingdom," Holun a fourth, with districts of Woji, Warka, and
Koorka. Woola, Hada, Yeho, and Hwifa, each had its own king.

MANJOO. 7

manner in which the people themselves pronounce and spell
their own name. The transliteration of the Chinese name for
them is Man-jow; but the proper sound, as written and spoken
by the rulers of China, is that of the English words, — Man and
Jew, — which we might write Manjoo, as being that form of
writing which most nearly represents the sound to English
readers; to prevent confusion we retain the writing Manchit,
drawing attention to the fact that it is pronounced Manjoo.
Other names are written on this same principle, — the b, d, t, y,
k, j, ch, of Manjoo, Mongol, and Chinese, being usually repre-
sented as not divisible into surd and sonant — which representation
we have 110 hesitation in questioning.

The name Manjoo is equivalent to the common Chinese
name, Tsing or Ching, the ordinary dynastic title of the Manchus.
Both Manjoo and Ching mean the "clear "-ness of water, and the
title is doubtless suggested by that of its predecessor, — the
Ming or "Bright," — the "clearness" of the sun. Indeed, the
dynastic titles of China seem to have borrowed from each other
for several dynasties. The Liao or " Iron," which was " strong,"
was followed by the Kin or " Gold," which " never tarnished ; "
again by the Munggoo or " Silver," which was also called Yuen,
or " Original " dynasty. The Ming drove out the Yuen, — and
the Tsing, Manjoo, or " Clear" dynasty, is its successor.

CHAPTER I.
THE NUJUN.

IN the year 1583, soon after the discovery of Siberia by the
Russians, when Holland was rejoicing in her dear-bought, newly-
acquired liberty, when England was trembling at the preparations
made by Philip of Spain and the plots against Elizabeth, and
when all Europe was agitated by schemes to recover to Rome by
shot what she had lost by the Bible, the Chinese set a stone
a-rolling, which ultimately turned back ' upon themselves and
crushed them.

There can be little doubt that the quiet Chinese agriculturist
at Kaiyuen, Fooshwun, Chingho, Kwandien, and other border
lands, was often harassed by the restless, roving bands of Tartar
or Dadsu hunters, who preferred to take the grain sown by their
neighbours to reaping their own. When, therefore, the
ambitious Nikan Wailan of Toolun city, south of Hingking,
prayed the Bai or Count of Ningyuen to help him to a kingdom
which he could not take for himself, Li Chung-liang, the able but
aged Count, readily acceded to the request, and ordered a Fookiang
of Liao-yang to attack the city of Koshaji, which was taken, and
its " king " slain. Nikan now united his men to the victorious
Chinese, and marched against Goolo, the city and kingdom of
Uatai Jangjing, who was married to a daughter of Lidun, the
Batooroo, and a cousin of Noorhachu. The old chief, Hiien,
hasted to the aid of his grand-daughter, taking- with him his
heir, the father of Noorhachu. They entered the city, and
implored her husband to let them remove her in the meantime.
He refused, and the two waited on.

When the Fookiang was disappointed in his hope of being able
to take the city by storm, at the suggestion of Nikan, he sent a

10 NUJUX.

herald to the foot of the wall, to state that whoever slew the king
would himself be made king. The citizens acted on the suggestion,
slew their king, and accepting the invitation of the Fookiang,
went out to meet him, when they were all slain. Among them
were old Hiien and his son.

"""" The sad news threw Noorhachu, then twenty-four years of
age, into the wildest grief for his relations, and anger against
their murderers. Next day he demanded the two bodies for
burial, grants of thirty " letters patent," thirty horses, the title
of loonghoo kianykun, or " general of the order of Dragon and
Tiger," and the credentials of a doodoo or " major-general." It
appears that the murder of his father and grandfather was
unpremeditated, for the Chinese at once gave up the bodies, the
title of " doodoo," ten " decress," and thirty horses. Three years
after he had the title of " Loonghoo Kiangkun " conferred upon
him, with a present of Tls. 800. He asked, besides, for the
surrender of Nikan, in order to wreak his vengeance and appease
the manes of his ancestors. But instead of handing him over,
the Chinese declared that Nikan should be lord of all Manchu,
including, of course, Hotooala. This declaration induced most
of his men to desert him ; and even his relations, living between
Hotooala and Ninguta, sought his death, and ranged themselves
under the banner of Nikan ; and every effort was made to induce
or compel himself also to acknowledge Nikan, but he would
come to no terms with the murderer of his father. Revenge or
death was his motto ; and he could say with his grandson, if he
had known the ancient classic, " that the same heaven could not
continue to cover them both." He sent thirteen mailed * men
to kill Nikan by stratagem ; but as cunning failed, he, in June
of next year, (1584), set out at the head of a hundred soldiers
arid thirty mailed men to attack Toolun. The size of the city
may be inferred from the fact, that Nikan did not dare to wait
the attack, but left Toolun in the possession of Noorhachu.
His thoughts by day and his dreams by night seem to have

* From what I can learn, this mail consisted of many folds of cotton sewed one
above the other, between ten and twenty folds, making the garment arrow-proof.

IlEVENGE. ! 1

been all on revenge, and to attain it, lie seems to have given his
whole attention to training his men for battle ; for we find that
his second cousins, fearing his military prowess, combined to take
his life. They advanced by night against his city, set a ladder
to the wall, scaled it and found him fled ; for he had discovered
their design. Two months after we find him attacking the
refuge of Nikan, who fled from his tormentor. It was while
absent on this expedition, that some of his own relations,
joining the king of Hada, took and plundered one of his
stockades. As they were dividing the spoil in the middle of
the road, two of his officers with twelve men suddenly attacked
and defeated the spoilers, retook the prey and slew forty men.

Then the five independent districts of Manchu were
constantly at war with each other. But Noorhachu, who had the
small valley to begin with, seems to have been gradually gathering
power ; for the Chinese, three years after the murder, handed
over Nikan, who was immediately put to death. They also
paid him Tls. 800, fifteen many or "dragon-embroidered
robes," and made a treaty, by which barter markets were
opened at Fooshwun on the west, Chingho on the south-west,
Aiyang and Kwandien on the south, where the endless varieties
and large quantities of Manchu furs could be exchanged for
Chinese cotton, sugar, or grain.

Next year (1587) Noorhachu built Laochung (8 li south of
Hingking), with a so-called palace in the centre, and a triple
Avail round about : which done, he paid particular attention to
his small state. His few laws were simple, speedy of application
and most strictly observed, while no robber dared approach his
land. His wise, impartial justice becoming known, people^ n j
flocked to his standard, and acknowledged him king. ' His fame
as a legislator, combined most probably with a little coercion,
soon welded the five districts of Manchus into one complete
whole, at the head of which he ventured, in 1591, without any
known provocation, to attack Yalookiang province on the east,
which he annexed to Manchu.

His continually-increasing power disquieted the neighbouring

12

NUJUN.

kinglets, seven* of whom united their forces with those of two
eastern Mongolian chiefs or Beiras, and, in three divisions,
marched at the head of thirty thousand men to crush the
restless young Beira. Their approach threw the Manchus into a

Bust of Manchu Official.

state of the greatest fear and trembling ; but the young chief,
stronger in fame than in numbers, drew up his men advan-
tageously at the foot of the hill Goolo, his rear protected by the
fort of Heijigo.

* Yeho, Hada, Woola, Hwifa, Jooshuali, and Noyin.

BATTLE OF GOOLO. IS

Boojai, chief of Yehp, rode furiously ahead, accompanied by
Mingan, chief of the Kortsin Mongols. Boojai, galloping in
among the Manchus, came against a piece of wood, was thrown
off his horse and slain. Mingan plunged his horse into the mud
and lost his saddle, but struggling out and riding without saddle
or bridle, he galloped away to the north, followed by some of his
men in disorder. Taking advantage of the confusion, Noorhachu
at once attacked the foe, and the example of the Kortsin chief
became general. Noorhachu pursued the flying enemy north- v
wards, slaying four thousand men, taking three thousand horses
and a thousand plaited suits of armour, with Boojantai, younger
brother of the chief of Woola. If he slew four thousand men,
his own army must have equalled that number, — a rapid
improvement on his original army; and this battle which
should have broken his power increased it tenfold.

Wanhan was the seventh generation of the chiefs of HADA,
and of the surname Nala. His father was murdered ; he fled,
and his uncle seized the government. This uncle was also slain;
and his son having avenged his death, recalled Wan to take
possession of his father's inheritance. His exile may have
embittered his temper, for when he returned he began to war on
his neighbours, and with such success that Yeho, Woola, Hwifa
and a considerable part of Manchu were added to his patrimony.
But he was a brave robber, not a wise ruler. His temper was
ungovernable ; and his itchy palm was never satisfied, though he
had it always full of bribes and plunder. His men, following
his example, waylaid and robbed on every highway. His unwise
policy threw away what his bravery had acquired ; for before his
death all his conquests had slipped out of his hands. Had he
acted more prudently, Manchu might never have been heard of.

Munggo Boolso was the third son of Wan, who ruled ; all three
reigning only a few years. His younger brothers rebelled
against him; and Yeho, taking advantage of his weakness,
attacked and defeated him. The Chinese refusing his repeated
prayers for help, in 1599 he sent his three sons to Noorhachu to
plead for urgent aid. Two thousand troops were immediately

14 NUJUN.

despatched to his assistance ; but on their arrival he seized their
leaders, to hold them as hostages for his sons, and attacked the
men who had come to his aid. This breach of faith was at the
instigation of his former enemy Yeho, who probably feared that
the rider after avenging the horse would not get down again ;
and he was not desirous to have Noorhachu as his next door
neighbour. His treachery turned out badly, for Noorhachu,
ostensibly in anger at this bad faith, but really glad to have so
good an excuse, marched against Hada, took all the cities and
stockades of Munggo, and annexed them to Manchu in spite of
the angry remonstrances of the Chinese, who several times
attempted in vain again to set up the kingdom of Hada. And
by relieving the men of Hada from a famine caused by the
frequent inroads of Yeho, Noorhachu secured the affections of
\the people. This conquest so elated him, that he believed
himself strong enough to assert his independence, and ceased
paying tribute to the Chinese ; but continued to trade with
them at the border cities.

On the death of Wangjinoo, chief of HWIFA,* his grandson
murdered seven uncles and took possession of the kingdom.
He defeated an attack by the Mongols of Chahar, and sent a son
to Noorhachu as hostage, arranging a marriage for him. He
afterwards recalled the son, threw up the marriage, and cast
himself into the arms of Yeho. He built a strong double-walled
city, but its increased garrison did not save him ; for in 1G07 the
tail of a comet pointed ominously to Hwifa, and Noorhachu
added it to his kingdom.

Boojantai "f who was taken prisoner at the battle of Gooloshan,

* The first of these chiefs was Ngariggooli Hingjili, from the banks of the Songari,
who agreed to combine his surname with that of a Nalasu from Woola. They
sacrificed seven oxen to Heaven, and made the new sumame Nala Hingjili. The
men of Hwifa came originally from Nimacha on the Wooloo kianf), which I take to
be the Usuri. They, therefore, migrated westwards, probably when the Kin
dynasty had drained those regions for the purpose of ruling in China. (See
" History of Corea/')

-fBoojantai was the twelfth generation and thirteenth ruler of the clan Nala in
Woola, anciently called Hoolun.

WOOL A. 15

was sent home to succeed his brother as chief of WOOLA. When
departing for his kingdom, a relation of Noorhachu's was given
him in marriage. But in 1607, a part of Woola revolted to Noor-
hachu, who sent four thousand men to welcome the new-comers.
Boojantai marched with ten thousand men to prevent the rupture
of his kingdom ; but he was defeated, with the loss of three
thousand coats of mail. Another force of five thousand men was
sent against Boojantai, but he dared not give battle; and thinking
it easier to face a daughter of his able enemy than to face his army,
he prayed for peace. Noorhachu, giving him his choice, sent
his daughter to Boojantai, and withdrew his five thousand men.

Soon thereafter he was again attacked, for he became suitor
for a princess of Yeho, already promised to Noorhachu. In a
family quarrel he let fly a whizzing arrow at the head of his
young bride, Noorhachu's daughter, thus doubly insulting his
father in law. Noorhachu marched against him, took five of his
cities, burnt all his stores, and made a new treaty, which did not
long remain in force ; for Boojantai took the field again with
thirty thousand men. A battle ensued, in which Noorhachu
ran coniderable personal risk ; but he finally gained a complete
victory. The eyes of the flying Boojantai were greeted by the
banners of Manchu waving between him and his own city, for an
ambush had been laid there. Boojantai turned his horse's head
in the direction of Yeho, and was no more heard of ; and Woola
became Manchu territory.

In 1613, just thirty years after his whole army amounted to a
hundred and thirty men, Noorhachu mustered all his forces, and
marched at the head of forty thousand men against Yeho,* the
last and most powerful of the southern or "civilized" independent
Nujun principalities. Now that he was ready, he could find
ca-sus belli sufficient, from the battle of Gooloshan down.

* The founder of the then ruling chiefclom of Yeho vras a Mongol, who had
assumed the surname Nala, because living among that elan. He afterwards
removed westwards and became chief of Yeho ; the state being named
after the river of that name, flowing westward into the Liao, as does the
Hada river on the south ; the Hwifa and Woola flow northwards into the
Songari.

1C NUJUN.

As soon as the country people of Yeho heard of this invasion,
all hurried into the "cities." Messengers were sent with all
speed to Kaiyuen to urge the Chinese to come to the rescue,
with the argument that if Yeho fell, as it was now the only
independent tribe, the Chinese would feel the weight of
Noorhachu's arm. The Chinese sent on a Lieut-Colonel, with a
thousand stand of arms, which did not prevent Noorhachu from
taking seven cities and nineteen stockades. But his rough
wooing lost him his bride, for the princess of Yeho was given to
a Mongolian prince. Nor was he able to retain the places taken ;
V but had to retire to plan and prepare for new campaigns.

The name DOONGHAI (East Sea) was given to all the country
east of the Hoorha and Hingking, between the Songari, the
Amoor, the sea of Japan, and Corea. Several minor expeditions
were sent at various times into different portions of this
country, — then, nominally, divided into three great provinces.
The captives brought back in these expeditions were drilled and
scattered among the various Banners to test them, but they were
found far inferior to the Manchus in fighting capacity. One of
those expeditions, in 1598, was under Chooying, the eldest son
of Noorhachu, who, with a thousand men, took twenty hamlets
and ten thousand captives. In 1608, the chief of Yowfei city of
WAKKA, started westwards, at the head of five hundred families,
to join the Manchus, but was stopped on the way by the men of
Woola, who, however, were defeated by Fei Yingdoong, then on
his way with three thousand men to welcome the new arrivals.
Warka was the name of that province of Doonghai, lying
between the Warka river, which fell into the Yaloo, and the sea
skirting the whole north border of Corea. When the various
clans of Manchu, Changbaishan, and Hoolun, were welded into a
compact kingdom in 1609, a treaty was made with the Chinese,
in which they agreed to order Corea to restore the Warkas who
had gone thither; and a thousand families were sent back.
^When, again, the Manchus, in 1627, marched into Corea, two
I hundred odd families living there revolted to them. In 1635-6,
I two small expeditions ferried a number of prisoners across the
\

WISE GENEROSITY. 17

river, besides innumerable sables, tigers, and shualis (lynx ?).
And yet, once again, several years after, the Coreans went, by
Manchu orders, against deserter Warkas, who had taken up their
abode on " Bear Island," and stamped out the last of Warka
independence. The descendants of Warka men abound among V
the Manchus of the present day.

The district of HOORHA is on the Hoorha river, which springs
in the borders of Woola of Kirin, passes Ninguta, and enters the
Hwuntoong at Banking. The Tang dynasty called this the
Hoohan river, and its source is the original seat of the Kin
dynasty. — (See Niljun, " History of Corea.") The Manchus first
marched into Hoorha, two thousand strong, in January, 1612, X>^
when the city of Jakoota fell, after a three days' siege, with three
thousand men taken or slain. The conquerors brought back to
Laochung five hundred families. Four years after, a petty chief
went south to cast in his lot with the Manchus, at the head of his
hundred families. A body of two hundred men went out to
welcome them with a feast. It would appear that some had
come with grumbling, for the Manchu officers proclaimed
freedom of choice to go or stay. Those who desired to stay,
were asked to go to the left hand, — those who sought to return,
to the right. To each of the eight of the chief men who went
to the left, were granted twenty male and female servants, ten
oxen and horses, silks and dragon-embroidered robes, with
changes of clothing for the four seasons ; fields, houses, utensils,
and ready money, were also given them. This unexpected
generosity decided the waverers, all of whom went to the
left; and the bounty caused them to break out in
exclamations of praise at the "goodness" of him who was
warring with them, not to annihilate, but to make them his
" feathers and his wings." Another expedition, in the following
year, brought back two thousand captives, besides a chief
who came of his own accord, and was treated in the same
hospitable manner as his predecessors. Yet another ex-
pedition, in 1643, just before the Manchus entered Peking',
was required to complete the annexation of the whole of

18 NUJUN.

Hoorha. This expedition penetrated to the Hwuntoong, or
Amoor, and returned with twenty-eight hundred men and
women, besides great quantities of sable, tigers, and
leopards.

Alei, the ancient Hoorha, is 400 li north-east of Ninguta, and
east of it again is WoJi, or "The Forest," a land of forest-
covered mountains stretching eastwards to the sea. In 1610, a
thousand Manchus made a successful foray, bringing back two
thousand captives, and the allegiance of the Hoorha and Hooye
districts. This raid would be on the districts north of Warka,
for the Hooye river is 910 li south-east of Ninguta, and flows
into the Usuri. The districts of Ninguta and Swifun acknow-
ledged Manchu rule without pressure, but they were opposed by
the clan of the Yalan, which was, therefore, attacked by one
thousand men, who had gone to welcome the submitting clans.
The Swifun river is 440 li south-east of Ninguta, and runs
directly into the sea to the north-east of Toomun. The Yalan
rises in the south-east of Changbaishan, 500 li south-east of
Ninguta, and falls into the Toomun. The remaining portions of
Woji, Woorgoochun, and Moolin, fell next year, and the small
seaboard districts gave in their allegiance without compulsion.
The Moolin river is north of the above, 400 li east of Ninguta,
flowing into the Usuri. Thus all north of Corea from Ninguta
to the sea, acknowledged the supremacy of the Manchu
arms.

In 1617, an expedition was sent down the Woolajien river to
SAHALIEN, Sahalyan,* " Black," of Doonghai, which took scores of
villages. The banks of the Heiloongkiang were reached in
September; and though hoar frost had not yet appeared, the
Manchus found the river with a frozen bridge 150 feet wide.
They crossed, and again the river was open. They came to

Sahalyan, ABMvv»wJ "black"; woo?a,X/rfilk/ ' kiang," great river ;

Sahalyan woola— Black River, in Chinese, Heiloong Kiang; it is the Songari,
flowing east. DOONGHAI, or the 4< Eastern Sea" Province, seems to have included
in it all between the Hoorha, Changbaishan, and the sea,

EXTENT OF MANCHU. 19

rvrross, and the ice was again formed. They got to the districts
of Nualo and Sila rivers, flowing, — the former into the
Hwuntoong, the latter direct to the sea; and the dog-employing
districts of Yintahwim and Takoola, all on the south of the
Hwuntoong. The tribe on the Sila was called Chiyaka. The
result scarcely justified such a miracle, for only eleven villages
north of the river fell to the invaders. Next year, a body of
four hundred men sufficed to scour all the country of the petty
clans on the seaside, and in two hundred small boats left not
an island un visited.

In 1626, all the lands east of the Songari, and south of the
Hwuntoong to its entrance into the sea, were Manchu soil;
including the dog-using* tribes of Hoju or Hojin, now under
Russia, and producing, perhaps, the finest sable in the world ;
and the deer-using Chilar and Feiyaha, with the island of
Kooshan. (Saghalien). East to west, this region was " 4000 li ;
north to south, 2000." The island of Kooshan is peopled by
men from Chilar, Feiyaha, and Woohmchwun. Those remote
districts did not nominate Dsolings, nor rank in the Manchu
Eight Banners. They are now all Russian.

A geographical note in the " Holy Wars," states that the
eastern province from Ninguta is composed of, — first, Nualei, or
ancient Hoorha district, on both banks of the Hoorha, and 400
li (north) east of Ninguta ; second, 1000 li east of Ninguta, on
both banks of the Usuri, the district of Shoolun, which, with the
district of Chiya Kala, at the sources of the Niman, 200 li
further east, constituted the ancient Woji. The south province
is Bajirhan Kala, 4000 (?) li from the Usuri, and south-east of
Ninguta, whence fur tribute used to come every second year by
the Niman river. The north province, or circuit, included Hoju
Kala, 1500 li north-east of Ninguta, occupying both banks of
the Songari and Hwuntoong ; 400 or 500 li still further north-
east, where the Usuri falls into the Hwuntoong, and occupying

* The terms Dog-using and Deer-using tribes, are self-explanatory. The former
employs teams of dogs, the latter of deer, to draw their pali or sledges. On
Saghalin and the mainland, are " very hairy " men, who are the Oinos of Japan.

20 NUJUN.

both banks, is the kingdom of the dog-using Hoju ; 700 or 800
li further to the north-east, along the Hwuntoong, is Feiyaha,
stretching to Chilar, which is 3000 li from Ninguta, and
bordering the sea.

1603, Noorhachu removed his capital from the centre of
the plain of Hotooala, to the southernmost spur of the mountains
on the north side of the plain, and called the new city Hingking,
or the " Capital of Prosperity." Moukden or Mookden, in
Manchu, means the same. Before two years had elapsed, events
had so crowded the new city, that it was far too small, and he
was compelled to build an outer wall, with a wide sweep all
round.* In the year 1606, the Mongol Beiras sent him a compli-
mentary embassy, to style him the Shun-woo, the " Intelligent
and warlike." In 1616, the great ministers called him the
"Nourisher of all the kingdoms," and gave him the title of
Ying-ming emperor, the "brave and illustrious." From this
year dates the first of his reign under the style Tien-ming,
" Decree of Heaven," which we shall see was well bestowed.
But the "Holy Wars" date it a year before, and the "Ming
History " two years after.

The rapid progress and thoroughness of the conquests of
Noorhachu, and the great political power which he had attained,
by his rare combination of wisdom in his government, with
bravery in the field, alarmed the Chinese officials of Liaotung,
who had themselves alone to blame ; for it was their tinkering
and botching of the affairs of these petty tribes, which broke the
shell whence had sprung this scourging cockatrice. They had
doubtless brought many a small tyrant to reason before, and
believed themselves able to crash this man whenever they had
a mind to do so. They had once and again sent a handful of
men to assist those who were defending themselves from his
attacks ; which forces however had been inadequate to serve any
other purpose than that of rousing in his mind a bitter enmity
against their meddlesomeness. They made no serious effort to
confine him within proper bounds, till he had become a mighty

* See Appendix, Geographical Notes.

PREPARATION FOR WAR. 21

power, which they could no longer restrain by the means at their
disposal. They were not fully alive to the dangerous character
of that power, and to the necessity of taking prompt and strong
precautionary measures ; and they were ready to be satisfied if
they could hold their own. Judging properly, they preferred to
make the soil of an ally their battle-field, and saw that it was
their interest to aid Yeho, which was determined to offer a
brave resistance against annexation though all the other
independent chieftains had fallen a prey to the revenge or
ambition of Noorhachu. To make this resistance effectual,
Chinese soldiers and firearms were essential. And a large
reinforcement sent to Kaiyuen considerably strengthened their
position. It was this move compelled Noorhachu to relinquish
the captured cities.

Wisdom could easily defend the Chinese power in Liaotung,
and overthrow Noorhachu, who would have been a madman if
he even dared to dream of his becoming ruler of Mookden ; and
wisdom and bravery there were, more than sufficient, at the
disposal of the Chinese emperor. But alas for the wisdom which
has to serve under eunuchs, whether in China or Europe !
Wisdom had to hide its head in the secrecy of private life,
whenever it came into collision, as it generally did, with the
.schemes and interests of the eunuchs.

The defeated battalions of Hada, Hwifa and Woola had learned
to become conquerors under the banners of Noorhachu, who was
determined to gain Yeho. But the freedom of that state could
be wrenched from it only by the defeat of its brave army ;
which again could be accomplished only by snapping the power
of the Chinese in the neighbourhood, or by a decisive and crushing
victory over them, which would end at once their arrogance and
the obstinacy of Yeho. He therefore spent two years in the pre-
paration of engines of war, and in the active drilling of his troops.
He selected with critical eye the best men, and formed them
into picked companies ; thus to be ready for any emergency, and
to seize the first favourable opportunity for hostilities.

In 1617, when he believed everything complete, he drew up a

22 NUJUN.

paper of seven " hates " or grievances, addressed to the emperor
but burnt it to inform heaven and earth and the ancestral temple^
which was certainly more expeditious, and quite as efficacious as
forwarding it to Peking ; for though the Ming emperor " Wan-li "
was of mature years, his wisdom had yet to grow. Most likely
it would never have reached the dragon throne ; for it would be
consigned to oblivion by the faithful eunuch ministers, who
loved truth so much that they wished to keep it all to
themselves and give none to the emperor. Vengeance for his
father and grandfather, murdered thirty-four years before, was of
course the principal reason alleged for his declaration of war
against the Chinese ! But it is scarcely necessary to say, that,
as in almost all Avars of conquests, the true reason did not appear
on that paper, but was to be learned from the two years'
preparations. In his case as in mo&t others-, revenge was a good
cloak to cover ambition, and Noorhach-u knew the state of
Liaotung better than the emperor did.

CHAPTER II.

•

CONQUEST OF LIAOTUNG.

THE Seven Grievances, or "Hates," referred to and on which
Noorhachu founded his declaration of war, were as follows : —

"1. Though my ancestors never took a straw from, nor hurt an
inch of earth within the Chinese boundary, the Chinese were
unceasingly quarrelling, and without just reason, abetting my
neighbours to the great injury of my ancestors.

" 2. Notwithstanding such injuries it was still my desire to be
on friendly terms with the Chinese Emperor, and I therefore'set
up a stone slab on the border, on which was engraved an oath,
that whoever, Manchu or Chinaman, should cross the frontier,
must suffer instant death ; and that if any man aided in sending
back the trespasser, he would himself suffer death instead.
This oath was disregarded by the Chinese, whose soldiers crossed
to aid Yeho.

" 3. At Nankiangan and Beihai on the Ching ho, the Chinese
crossed the river every year, plundering all around, regardless of
consequences. I carried out my oath to the letter and slew as
many as were seen on our side the river. Thereupon the
Chinese annulled the treaty between us, reproached me with
murdering their people, and at our very border murdered my
ambassador to Kwangning, with his nine attendants.

" 4. The Chinese crossed the frontier to aid Yeho, and thus
compelled men and women who were our subjects to return to
Mongol allegiance.

" 5. For many generations we have tilled the lands along the
Chai river, along the tripartite roads at Foongan mountain pass.
The Chinese soldiers came and drove away the reapers when
they went to gather in the harvest.

24 CONQUEST OF LIAOTUNG.

" 6. Though Yeho sinned against Heaven, you continued to
listen to their deceiving speech ; and sent me a messenger with
a letter upbraiding me, railing at and abusing me without
restraint, causing me unspeakable shame.

" 7. Hada of old assisted Yeho in battling against me, who had
only my own resources on which to rely. Heaven gave me
Hada. You of the Ming* supported them, causing them to return
to their own homes. But Hada was afterwards frequently
attacked and robbed by this same Yeho. If these small
kingdoms had obeyed the will of Heaven, they could not but
abide and prosper ; disobeying the will of Heaven they must be
broken and destroyed. Can you preserve in life those appointed
to die ? I took Hada men ; do you still desire to restore them ?
You are a prince of Heaven's appointment. You are the sole
emperor of all under Heaven, why do you envy me the possession
of my small kingdom ? When Hoolun kingdoms gathered
against me to destroy me, Heaven abandoned them and aided
me, because they fought against me without a cause. At that
time you aided Yeho against me, and thus ran counter to the
will of Heaven ; you reversed my right and his wrong, and thus
divided an unjust judgment.

" For all these reasons I hate you with an intense hatred and
now make war against you."

This paper he solemnly burnt with sacrificial rites to inform
Heaven of the justice of his cause, and immediately set his
army in motion.

With the bow and arrow as his principal offensive arm,
Noorhachu marched westwards with twenty thousand cavalry
and infantry, two hundred li against Fooshwun, the first
Chinese city east of Mookden. Before getting to Fooshwun,
the cities of Machow, Gunchow, Daichow, and Taipoo, fell. A
lieut.-col. sent against him deserted to him, and the commandant
of Fooshwun committed suicide. The city was taken and
garrisoned, and the Manchus retraced their steps. They were

* The Ming or Bright Dynasty, established by a monk (see " History of Corea"),
then ruled over China.

FIRST BATTLE WITH CHINESE. 25

overtaken by a force of ten thousand Chinese from Kwangning,
against which they advanced " like the wind," and all but
annihilated them. Immense numbers of Chinese, including
their general, lieut. -general, and a colonel, were slain. The fact
however that half the number of Chinese would undertake to
pursue the Manchus, shows that they believed themselves greatly
the superior. This will help to explain the battles immediately
to be mentioned.

In the autumn of the same year, 1618, he pounced upon and
took the city of Chingho in the south-west, defeating the
Chinese army there, and slaying the incredible number of ten
thousand men with their commander. He was proceeding
southwards with his conquests, got to Jienchang, which he took
and levelled to the ground, but his army clamoured to be led
against Yeho ; probably fearing that if they went much further
south, the men of Yeho would pour in from the north, sack their
city, and destroy their families. This shows the relationship
subsisting between commander and soldier ; for Noorhachu was
compelled to relinquish his pet scheme, and to march northwards
against Yeho, to protect his rear. Of all the neighbouring
Nujun principalities, Yeho alone offered a brave but now very
unequal resistance. Yeho could be successful only by the aid of
Chinese assistance, and Chinese officials were now fully alive to
the evils brought upon them by their tinkering. They were
also well aware that Chinese territory was comparatively safe from
molestation while Yeho stood strong and faithful. It was
therefore their interest to support Yeho with all their might and
do all they could to prevent the Manchus from wrenching victory
out of their brave but out-numbered hands. Wisely judging it
best to make the soil of an ally rather than their own their battle
field, they supported Yeho by throwing a largely increased
garrison into Kaiyuen. This did not, however, stop Noorhachu,
who marched in, determined to annex Yeho. But he had taken
no more than twenty forts and their cattle when he was suddenly
summoned to save his capital, around which was converging a
force of two hundred thousand Chinese soldiers.

26 CONQUEST OF LIAOTUNG.

The great preparations of Noorhachu during those two active
years, could not be unknown to the Chinese officials. The
capture of Fooshwun proved his daring, and the Chinese found
it necessary to bestir themselves to preserve their territory in
Liaotung. As there were then feAV pressing calls on the
resources of the Chinese government, a force of over two
hundred thousand was speedily collected around Peking from all
quarters. Yang Hao was nominated commander with the title
tifjinglo, or "generalissimo" of all Liaotung.

In February, 1619, he received orders to inarch eastwards
immediately and destroy the troublesome little neighbour of
Hingking. In vain did he expostulate against sending him at
the head of a rabble of old men, and with empty coffers ; the
Board of War declared he must march without delay. In low
spirits, he consulted with his fellow-commanders, and on the 1st
day of the 2nd moon (middle of March), 1619, the large army
struck their tents and followed the standard of Yang Hao. The
inarch was not stopped though the standard-bearer saw some
inauspicious omens. On the 20th day they passed through
Shanhaigwan.

Arrived in Mookden, they divided into four armies of fifty
thousand men each; — one under Doo Soong marched straight
east, following the north bank of the Hwun, and entering
Fooshwun, which had been captured and abandoned by
Noorhachu. Ma Lin marched north to Kaiyuen, with the object
probably of encouraging or compelling Yeho to remain loyal.
He marched southwards through Yeho, picking up twenty
thousand Yeho men, and passed on to Sanchakow, or the
Tripartite gully. Li Zoobai marched along the Ching river from
the south-west ; and Liw Ting advanced from Kwandien, after
amalgamating a Corean army of twenty thousand men, who had
come thither. Each of the four divisions was accompanied by a
eunuch, who was a civilian deputed by the emperor to be a spy
and a spur to the commander ; just as the French revolutionary
republic sent deputies to watch over and report their generals.
All this shows that the court at Peking was aware of the danger,

GREAT EXCITEMENT. 27

and proves the ample provision they made to make sure of
success.

If the Manchu Hannibal had had opposed tc/him a Chinese
Fabius, he could have had no resource but to pack up his
valuables and dash with his best men into the eastern wilder-
nesses of Doonghai ; his city would have been razed to the
ground, and the Tsing never heard of; but he was opposed by
eunuchs. When the news of this formidable circle of steel was
communicated to the soldier citizens of Hingking, the greatest
terror seized all hearts ; but Noorhachu did not despair. He
beat a hasty retreat from Yeho, emptied every garrison town,
drained every stockade, summoned in from every road-side the
men able to carry arms, and crowded Hingking with over sixty
thousand well-trained soldiers. Here with bated breath but
cool head, he waited the approach of what seemed a sure and
overwhelming destruction, and was constantly hearing the reports
of his numerous scouts, flying in from all directions.

Being himself a man full of stratagem, when a breathless
scout informed him that the enemy was approaching by the
southern frontier, he believed it was a trick to entice him after
that band, while the main army would rush down like a
whirlwind from the west, and sack and obliterate his city, when
he was fighting in the south. He determined not to be their
dupe. Giving them credit for more wisdom than they possessed,
he promptly ordered every man to be ready to follow him
against the western division ; for that once broken, the retreat
or more easy defeat of the others was secured. He thus decided
to carry out the tactics which gained the victories of Napoleon
the first two centuries after, viz., massing his own troops, and
charging a section of the enemy before the rest could come up
to the rescue ; for man to man the Chinese were quite the equals
of the Manchus, and the latter had no hope but in generalship.
Both sides were determined to conquer or die ; but several of the
Chinese superior officers caused the red flag of victory to be
daily hoisted, for defeat was thought impossible.

Doo Soong, commander of the western army, was a brave

28 CONQUEST OF LIAOTUNG.

soldier who despised the enemy, and was eager to acquire the
glory of finishing the war single-handed. He, therefore, led fifty
thousand men east from Fooshwun, travelling thirty-three miles
that day. Arrived at the foot of the north bank of the Hwun,
along which he had skirted, he found the river much swollen
and flowing with a strong and rapid current ; for it was the
middle of April, and the many mountain affluents of the Hwun
were bearing down the thawed ice and snow of the mountains,
east of Hingking, half-way to Corea. But so impatient was he
to take Hingking, that he would not wait to construct rafts, but
flogged his horses into the river, which carried away many of
them with their riders. His stores on five hundred carts had to
remain on the northern bank. News of this movement reached
Noorhachu before a blow could be struck, he being already on
the march in that direction. His scouts had given him the most
correct information as to the exact position of all the other armies.
Their distance, with accurate knowledge of the difficult nature
of the mountainous road they had to take, warranted him in
drawing off every man from his capital ; and he could face Soong's
fifty thousand with sixty thousand men. He was not far from
Soong when the latter crossed the Hwun on the first of the
third moon.

Doo Soong detached thirty thousand men to make an
entrenched camp on Sarhoo hill, and marched with twenty
thousand to invest Jiefan, a hundred and twenty li (40 miles)
north-west of Hingking, and on the north side of the Soodsu,
which washed its southern foot, as it swept past the northern
foot of Sarhoo hill. Jiefan was a city of fifteen thousand inha-
bitants, and had then, accidentally, four hundred soldiers, who
had been sent to build a palace for the fourth Beira, the favourite
son, afterwards the successor, of Noorhachu. The four hundred
lay in ambush in the gorge of Sarhoo, through which Doo Soong
must pass to Jiefan. They permitted the van of the enemy to
pass by, and then suddenly rushed out upon the astonished
Chinese, and drove them on to the ford below Jiefan. There
the Manchus were speedily surrounded, and would soon have

BATTLE OF SARHOO. 29

been annihilated, but just at this juncture the fourth Beira
dashed on the scene to relieve his four hundred men, at the head
of a thousand picked horsemen, two banners (fifteen thousand
men) closely following behind. To this move his father gave a
reluctant consent, he being desirous to attack Sarhoo camp with
his undivided force ; after taking which, the men at Jiefan could
not stand out ; — but he was thus leaving his four hundred to
utter destruction. With the other six banners (forty-five
thousand men), Noorhachu came up in the afternoon to the
Chinese camp at Sarhoo, where he was received with tremendous
volleys of cannon and gingals, which made more noise than
damage, for they were of native manufacture.

The night fell in so dark, that one could not see an arm's
length before him. Speedily torches twinkled all over the
Chinese camp ; but thick darkness enveloped the Manchus, who
from their dark-shielded position let fly their arrows like
showers of rain, every one of which told ; for by their own lights
were distinctly seen 'the Chinese soldiers, who fired away most
vigorously into the dark, bringing down many a willow tree, but
leaving the Manchus without a wounded man. The latter drew
nearer and nearer in the dark, till at last they arrived at the
palisade, which they attacked with a rush, took it, and leapt over in
overwhelming numbers, the Chinese flying in the greatest disorder..

Without a rest, Noorhachu led on his six banners, intoxicated
with success, against the investing body at Jiefan. He sent a
detachment over the hill, which galloped down, attacking the
Chinese in flank and rear. Doo Soong, fighting against such
great odds, was killed by an arrow shot. His men, thereupon,
broke up in wild confusion, and fled across the Hwun, which
they left completely covered with dead bodies, flags and arms.
All the principal Chinese officers were slain, and the survivors
pursued for seven miles.

Ma Lin at Sanchakow, hearing of the disaster, entrenched
himself at the foot of the hill Shangjien, surrounding his camp
with a triple fosse. His artillery he set in position outside the
fosse, with the cavalry drawn up behind. He issued the strictest

30 COXQUEST OF LIAOTUNG.

orders against any man straggling away from his post, This
was in accordance with a plan of Yang Hao, who, besides,
ordered two bodies of ten thousand men each, to occupy two
hills, one on each side of the main camp, and a short distance
ahead of it, to cover the flanks of Ma Lin. One of these was
placed under the eunuch, the other under Nienswi. He also
ordered all three to range their wagons outside their respective
camps, to prevent the inbreak of cavalry; and to make heavy
shields to protect their men from the arrows. They were thus
posted for defence and ready for battle at a moment's warning,
when the fourth Beira, at the head of his thousand picked
horsemen, rushed with resistless vehemence against the flank of
Nienswi. His foot seconded his attack, and a comer of the
camp was soon taken, the wagons cut down, and the shields
destroyed.

The eight Banners were however massed against Ma Lin, two
to one. Noorhachu was ordering some of his men to go round
the base of the hill, scale it behind, and come down on the rear
of Ma Lin, but recalled the orders ; for Ma Lin, probably
impatient, was seen to move his men out beyond the fosse, to
act on the offensive. The Manchus were ordered to dismount
and fight on foot ; but while Noorhachu and his men were in the
act of dismounting, the Chinese were upon him at the run. He
was thus suddenly in the most imminent danger, when the first
Beira, his eldest son, in great fury, galloped headlong into the
midst of the advancing Chinese, closely followed by the second
brother, the third hastening on with two Banners just at their
heels, and the battle became a mel^e. The other six Banners in
their excitement broke their ranks, and each for himself galloped
in pell-mell amongst the Chinese. If that eunuch with his 10,000
in good order were only half a general ! The noise of their shouts
shook the earth, and the Chinese were soon like a tile thrown
to the ground, broken into a thousand fragments. The river at
the foot of Shangjien ran blood ; but the eunuch stirred not.
And when he did move, it was to forsake his ten thousand and
flee alone. Ma Lin escaped with a handful of men, and made

DEER HORN CAMP. 31

for Kaiyuen. The Yeho men fled before they got to the battle
field ; having heard of the defeat on their way.

Yang Hao hearing of this second disaster, sent off an express
to the south and south-west armies, ordering them to retreat.
Li Zoobai of the south-west received the message, and made off ;
but Liw Ting in the south pressed further northwards in perfect
ignorance of what had taken place, and was then only about
50 li (17 miles) south of Hingking. Noorhachu told off four
thousand men to protect his capital, to be ready for the possible
rally of the northern army, or the march of that of Chingho,
and then went south to reconnoitre Liw Ting's position ; who
after he had carefully laid out and fortified his camp, had
sent out detachments, which took a number of stockades and
villages, and five hundred Manchu soldiers. The report of this
incensed the Manchus, who began to believe nothing impossible.
But the scouts of Noorhachu persisted in proclaiming the
impracticability of taking the Chinese camp ; for all was in the
most complete order, and every possible path was beset with
" deer's horns." *

Noorhachu sent some deserters to the camp of Liw Ting,
who apjproached it from the west, pretending to come from Doo
Soong, to say that he (Doo Soong) had already taken the city,
and to urge Liw Ting to advance with all possible speed. Liw
Ting replied that he had heard no firing. The spies hurried
back ; and the Manchu soldiers were ordered to fire off a number
of volleys, which was heard by Liw Ting, who had advanced
seven miles to reconnoitre. The noise of the cannon decided
him. He hastened back to his camp, gave orders to abandon
the "deer's horns," and bewailed his fate that he could not
march with sufficient speed ; fearing the western army would rob
him of all glory. He divided his men into four divisions ; the

*" Deer's horns" are pieces of wood forming St. Andrew's crosses, running at
right angles through a long heavy cross beam, as close as they can lie,— their lower
ends heavy and longer; their upper tapering to a point, half pointing outwards,
half inwards. They are sometimes seen surrounding yamens ; and being ponderous
and diffictilt of removal, are formidable obstacles to man as well as to beast.

32 CONQUEST OF LIAOTUNG.

first two of which contained his choicest troops. The first ten
thousand men drew up in battle order at Aboodaligang.*

The fourth Beira was waiting on a neighbouring eastern
eminence, down which he galloped against them at the head of four
Banners forming the right wing. Outnumbered though they were
by three to one, the Chinese were bent on fighting to the last
man. But while the Manchu right wing was hotly engaging the
Chinese, the left wing (the other four Banners) wheeled round
the base of the hill from the west, flying the banners, and clad
in the armour of the defeated Doo Soong. They got inside the
Chinese camp before the trick was discovered, when, with a
great shout, they struck out right and left. The suddenness
with which the revelation came upon them, when they found
that the men they had permitted to enter as their much needed
succour were their foes, utterly confounded the Chinese ; and it
is not surprising that though brave men, they were thrown into
the wildest confusion. Liw Ting flew back upon his next
division, which was not yet in battle order. Before they were
drawn up, the Manchus were upon them. Liw was slain fighting
valiantly.

Liw's infantry, under Kan Yingchien, the Taotai of Haichow
(Haichung), with the twenty thousand Coreans, was encamped
at Chaju desert to the south. They were now attacked in their
turn. A terrific north wind blowing at the time drove small
gravel, sand, and the smoke of their own guns into their eyes,
and completely blinded them. The Manchus, taking advantage
of the situation, pushed against and leaped over the palisade.
Yingchien was completely defeated, and fled. The Corean
commander with five thousand Coreans and Chinese deserted to
the Manchus; and Hingking sky was fairer than ever, the terrific
thunder clouds disappeared, after harmlessly bursting.

The Ming history relates that three hundred superior officers
and forty-five thousand men perished in the five days within
which these battles were fought around Hingking. The spoils,
— camels, horses, mail armour, weapons of war, native cannon,

*See Geographical Notes.

MANCHU JOY. 33

waggons and army stores of all kinds, were numbered by the
million.*

If the men of Manchu were beside themselves with joy at this
extraordinary deliverance ; so utterly unexpected a defeat threw
Peking into the greatest consternation. Noorhachu, instead of
annihilation, found himself on the pinnacle of glory. But we
think it is absurd for Manchu historians to regard this battle
finally decisive, as to the ultimate triumph of the Manchus and
the complete overthrow of the Ming. It is easy to prophesy
after the event; but the thought of being able to upset the
Chinese dynasty, never entered into the head of Noorhachu,
and he would have been less wise than he has credit for, had he
ever imagined himself equal to the task of overturning the Ming
family. Had Hiwng Tingbi, to be mentioned immediately, not
been recalled, Noorhachu would never have crossed the Liao. And
were it not for the accession of Woo Sangwei, the Manchus
could not have gained greater power than, if so much as, the
Liao or Kin.-f- The Ming dynasty committed suicide ; just as
the Da Tsing will, if they permit lawlessness, licentiousness and
corruption to rule their rulers. The rock on which this formidable
expedition split was similar to that which brought disaster on the
French in their last war. From an arrogant contempt of their
foes, they neglected to observe the most ordinary precautions.
Liw Ting would never have been so hoodwinked, had he been as
vigilant as he was brave. A few scouts could inform him of the
position of the enemy, and the fact that he was ignorant of the
movements of his next neighbour was unpardonable ignorance.
The Yeho men dressed and spoke like the Manchus, and a corps
of them could have been attached to each army to act as spies.
He may be a brave man, but not a wise one, who shoots Niagara,

* I have carefully compared the long account of these battles engraved on the
large slab at Sarhoo, and, though more minute in some unimportant details, the
only item of additional interest gleaned thence was that Noorhachu ordered his
eldest son to ride swiftly to Hingking to bear the good news to his queen, on the day
when Ma Lin fled. He followed himself after he made arrangements for the
attack by his sons on Liw Ting. For position of Sarhoo, see Appendix I.

f See " History of Corea."
C

34 CONQUEST OF LIAOTUNG.

or takes a leap in the dark, or goes with a light heart against an
unknown enemy.

The principal blame is certainly attachable to Yang Hao,
who divided his army without taking any measures for inter-

Old Style Manchu Robe.

communication, whether for mutual support or information.
Hence the brave but blinded Chinese, who, if properly and
cautiously led, were four to one, found their enemy in immensely
preponderating numbers at every turn. The blame and the

MENTAL POWER. 35

praise are to be allotted to the respective generals, the men on both
.sides differing but little ; indeed we feel inclined to say, that the
Chinese were the better soldiers. It is not true that, given good
soldiers, any kind of officer is sufficiently good ; the converse is
more like the truth. Nor is it true that the " people " are or
shall be the guiding force of the future. The people have and
shall rightly retain the power to choose that guiding force, but
they themselves will be impelled by the men they choose. A
people may, as in 1792, seize and imagine it possesses all power,
while it has only changed the name of its guide; and with its
own hands, it will set up and worship the Napoleon who binds
its limbs, and does with it what he will. Mind will guide the
future as it has guided the past, and the more universal diffusion
of education, ensures the more unquestioning submission to mind.
The generalship of Taidsoo * was of the highest order, and can
be favourably compared with that of our great western
•commanders; and Yang Hao was very properly recalled to
Peking, and punished for his abuse of the power he had held.
Taidsoo gave his men only one month's rest before he led them,
while the terror of the last defeat was yet fresh, against Kaiyuen,
the most northerly of the Chinese possessions, which was strongly
fortified and garrisoned. There he found Ma Lin, who had fled
from Sanchakow, pursuing his old tactics ; for his men, probably
survivors of the late baf tie, were divided into four companies,
one outside each gate. Taidsoo sprang with his whole force
upon the division outside the east gate, drove it into the city,
and followed it, seizing the gate. The rest of the army, which
could not push- in by the gate, set up the "cloudy ladders,"
and swarmed up the sides like ants. The men on the wall, too
few to resist, scrambled down, and the city was taken. The
three divisions of Ma Lin outside their respective gates began to
think of flight, but it was too late, for the moat was in possession
of Taidsoo. Three days' registration left unfinished the tale of

* Taidsoo, The Great Ancestor, is the honourable title given to Noorhachu when
his grandson mounted the Dragon Throne in Peking • and by this title we shall
henceforth call him.

36 CONQUEST OF LIAOTUNG.

the captives ; while Ma Lin himself, with a colonel, lieut.-eolonel,
and major perished in the fight.

Because the heat was great, Taidsoo retired only to Jiefan,
the scene of their greatest triumph, where a palace, public offices,
and barracks had been erected ; and Hingking ceased to be the
capital of Manchu. After resting there over a month, Taidsoo
marched northwards and took Tieling, the only Chinese city
standing north of Mookden, defeating the Mongols of Karka who
came to its rescue, and taking their beira captive. From Tieling
he marched eastwards on Yeho, which was by this time entirely
cowed, and the two separate states into which it was divided
fell almost without a blow. Their respective beiras were taken
and hung, for men of their rank could not be beheaded. The
cities of Yeho opened their gates, and the Chinese soldiers who
had been sent thither were all put to the sword.

Thus the original intention of Taidsoo was accomplished ; for
the principal divisions of the Nujun, speaking the same language
and following the same customs, were united into one unit, for
the first time since the Kin dynasty was overthrown. His
kingdom now extended northwards to the Songari, east to the
sea, west to the territory of Liaoyang, and south to Corea.

In July of the same year, Hiwng Tingbi was nominated
jinglo * or " generalissimo " of Liaotung instead of Yang Hao.
By the beginning of winter, he proceeded to Liaoyang, then
and formerly the capital of Liaotung : and in spite of a severe
shock of earthquake in Liaoyang and Mookden, he took prompt
and energetic measures to prevent the further rise of the
Manchu tide. In the teeth of a heavy snow storm, he
hastened from city to town, from mountain to river, to discover
the weak points which might be attacked, and the strong places
which could be easily defended. He disposed a hundred and
eighty thousand troops with inter-communication, in six different
passes, south, south-west, west and north of Hingking, at little
over thirty miles distance from the city, with strict orders, that if
the enemy attacked any post, the men on the spot were to drive
* An office which was finally abolished.

:HB ^

UNIVERSITY ))

_
ENVIRONMENT OF MANCHU.

them back ; but if the enemy was in preponderating numbers,
messengers were to be sent immediately to demand the aid of
the nearest division, and all were to hold themselves in readiness
mutually to assist each other in case of need. He set chains of
patrols, to be always on the move, and ever challenging each
other. The choicest troops were formed into a roving army, to
hover, cloud-like, on the edge of Manchu territory, now here,
now there, harassing and threatening them on every possible
opportunity, permitting them neither to sow nor to reap, and
seizing all comers and goers.

The Hingking country, so mountainous, was unfitted for
bolder measures ; especially as the 'morale of the Chinese army
had to be restored. City walls which he found in ruins were
rebuilt, and forsaken towns again peopled. He found the people
dejected, miserable, all panic-stricken. The inhabitants of cities,
villages, and country, and even the soldiery, were " hiding away
like rats," and none dared travel. For hundreds of li not a
traveller was to be seen, and all tremblingly said that the rich
and populous Liaotung was lost. But his firmness set them
all to work, his energy restored confidence ; and the best proof
of his generalship was, that Taidsoo never attempted to break
through the living wall on his west, for the two years during
which Tingbi was generalissimo. But, unfortunately for his
country, this Fabius was not dictator, and the envious eunuchs
at court never ceased from accusing him of inaction, till he had
at last to resign his command.

The father of one Dsoong Wun, a minister in Peking, died ;
xind, according to custom, the son had to retire from office to
mourn his father. He was, however, eager to be restored to his
post before the legal period of three years had expired, and
solicited the good offices of Tingbi, who refused to interfere.
Dsoong Wun became, therefore, the enemy of Tingbi, and
having no public duties to occupy his mind, he journeyed east-
wards to examine into the state of the army of Tingbi.

Tingbi had reported at Peking the case of a native of
Liaotung, who had lost by desertion half of his division of

.38 CONQUEST OF LIAOTUNG.

seventeen thousand men. The accused became his enemy, and
consorted with Dsoong Wun, plotting to ruin Tingbi. Thus
seconded, the ex-minister returned to Peking, became the com-
panion of the eunuch clique, and once and again a censor was
found to accuse Tingbi of negligence. He had at last to go to-
Peking, and was sent to his own private house pending
investigation. The emperor Tienchi ordered some of the
enemies of Tingbi to go to Liaotung to examine and report.
Friends of justice, after a great deal of wordy and paper war,
got this order cancelled, and a neutral party was despatched
eastwards, who returned after an absence of two months, and
reported that he had found everything in the most excellent
condition, the ruined walls rebuilt, Liaoyang and Shunyang,
(Mookden), which had been bare and empty, now completely
fortified, and all the people tranquilised ; agriculture and
merchandise, which had been stopped, were flourishing without
fear of interruption ; and the officials and soldiers of Liaotung
joined the hundreds of thousands of citizens in praying for the
restoration of Tingbi, whom they declared to "be the only man
for the post. He also reported that when Tingbi was urging
on the building of walls and the digging of moats, every man,,
without exception, had to labour; no amount of literary
knowledge or talent exempted a man. Hence arose a great
outcry against him. Every incompetent official, civil or military,
had been removed, all of whom were become his enemies ; and
he concluded his report by saying that Tingbi was the man to
save Liaotung, and should be reappointed without loss of time
to the post which he had been compelled so unrighteously to
vacate.

While writing, speaking and faction were active in Peking,/
and hot-tempered parties paralysed the hands of the weakj j
emperor, events of great magnitude were transpiring in Liaotung

The man who had succeeded Tingbi, was Yooen Yingtarpari \
excellent minister of state, and a man of great literary abilities, ;
but a poor general. Immediately on his appointment, he had i
to decide a knotty question. All eastern Mongolia was }

EMIGRATING MONGOLS. 39

threatened with famine. Many crossed the frontier to beg
Chinese bread. Yingtai was loth to receive them, but
determined not to suffer these scores of thousands of hungry
able-bodied men to pass into the hands of Taidsoo. He,
therefore, divided them between the two cities, Mookden and
Liaoyang, regardless of advice to beware of treachery. But
instead of showing gratitude, these men were no sooner safe
inside the cities, than they began to take possession of the
houses, wives and daughters, of the inhabitants. The recital of
their barbarity roused the indignation of all Liaotung, not only
against themselves, but against Yingtai. The Chinese civilians
now opened communications with, Taidsoo, who ustd them as
his " eyes and ears." YcjK? UC&V. ^jd^^ »\

Judging that the time had come when he might safely move,
now that Tingbi was a prisoner in his own house and his living
wall of a hundred and eighty thousand men withdrawn, and all
Liaotung enraged against Yingtai, — Taidsoo set his troops in
motion in March 1621, and set out for Mookden. He had the
previous autumn taken 'the small garrison towns of Yiloo and
Pooho, a dozen miles north-east of Mookden, and Fungjipoo 20
miles south-east. He had, therefore, no fear of a surprise when
he encamped against Mookden seven li to the east of the city.
He found the city surrounded by several moats, and outside
these a stockade of firmly fixed, sharp pointed stakes. Fire-arms,
shields, carts, and seventy thousand troops, with every necessary
for a long siege in and outside the city, were in perfect order as
left by Tingbi.

The commandant, Shu Hien, was a brave man, but a
drunkard. Seeing a reconnoitering party of a few score men, he
foolishly gave chase with a thousand horsemen. The spies fled
as if panic-stricken, and drew Shu Hien after them, till he
suddenly came up to a considerable ambush laid for him. He
retreated in good order, constantly wheeling round upon his
pursuers. But when he came to the moat he could not recross
it, the bridge having been removed by Chinese deserters, who
had been sent into the city by Taidsoo to act as his confederates.

""

vO )
J

40 CONQUEST OF LIAOTUNG.

A party issuing to his relief was defeated, and its leader slain ;
and thus easily did that city without a head fall into the hands
of Taidsoo. An army, under a major-general at Hwangshan
ford of the Hwun, marching to save the city, was cut up, its
chief officers slain, and many men drowned in the river in their
flight. Yet another detached army, under three major-generals,
fell with three thousand slain. The frequency with which weak
separate armies were sent forward looks like madness;
combined, they might have been able to do something.

General Toong Joongkwei advanced from the south to retake
Mookden. He set up his camp of ten thousand men at the south
end of the bridge across the Hwun ; * and the local magistrate
Bang Ping crossed to the north side with three thousand men.
But before his earthen rampart was complete, Bang Ping had a
whirlwind of Manchus upon him. He was slain fighting.
Those of his men who could, recrossed the river and entered the
camp of Joongkwei, which was immediately surrounded by
many lines deep of Manchus, who had three or four times as
many men. Joongkwei's cannon did ^reat execution, but his
powder became exhausted, and his men had only side arms to
protect themselves. The Manchus who had retreated during the
firing, now drew near, and showered their myriad arrows among
the defenceless Chinese. Joongkwei and several others dashed
outside their camj^aad sword in hand killed each his ten men
before they were overpowered and slain. The Chinese fought a
bloody battle, but had to retire and were pursued southwards,
along the level country towards Liaoyang. The Manchus rested
at Hoopiyi, as Shiliho was then called.

Yingtai made all expedition to call in his troops from every
direction, to save Liaoyang at all costs. He opened the sluices
on the east of the city to flood the moats, set his fire-arms, and

* This bridge does not now exist, or only in winter when a temporary one is made
of bundles of millet stalk laid across strong wooden beams, which are removed when
the ice has all melted away. It is necessary for the large cart traffic when the ice is
forming and again when it is breaking up. The bridge of the text may have been
of similar construction, for it is never taken away before April.

CHINESE DEMORALISATION. 41

at the head of a considerable army crossed the Taidsu or Teksa
and advanced five li north to oppose the march of the Manchus.
He had speedily to retire defeated. Taidsoo crossed the river
after him, ordered the sluices to be closed up, the moat dyke to
be opened, and the bridges to be seized. He got hurdles and
waggons arranged in front of his men as a shield against the
fire-arms. He camped south-east of the city, which was
immediately north of the present. The fourth beira dashed with
his usual impetuosity against, and broke up the army which had
come to attack them in the act of camping. His right wing
speedily formed a dry path of stones and earth over the moat,
across which he marched and attacked the Chinese, who were
drawn up under the wall. The slain and drowned were
incalculable.

The left wing had meantime, by night, seized the moat
bridge, and under veil of the smoke of the Chinese cannon, they
scaled and took a portion of the wall. They occupied the two
west corners of the city, and standing in battle order with lit
torches, waited the dawn. All was now confusion in the city.
Many officials let themselves down by the wall and fled. Though
the Chinese soldiers continued to fight all night by torch-
light, they were defeated in the early morning. When the right
wing entered the city in the morning, Yingtai said to his second
in command, " I alone am responsible for the city. You flee to
defend the west of the Liao, and leave me here." He then took
his official seal, ascended the tower over the city gate, set it on
fire, and perished in the flames. His second in command,
instead of fleeing westwards, also committed suicide. Tingkwei,
after seeing his two wives and two daughters leap into a well,
committed suicide. This example was followed by most of the
principal officials. But many shaved their heads, adopted the
Manchu " tail," and retained the offices they severally possessed
before. The superior officials who would not desert were
strangled, this being a more honourable death than beheading.

The Manchus entered the city by the west gate, and were met
by many citizens welcoming them with music and holiday attire.

42 CONQUEST OF LIAOTUNG.

Wives and maidens stood in their doors tricked out in their very
best, acting on the suggestion of the deserter confederates of
Taidsoo, and probably overjoyed at their deliverance from the
savage Mongols. The civilians came to meet the carriage of
Taidsoo, burning incense, flying banners, with drums and
trumpets, shouting Wan swi, Wan swi, "Long live the emperor."

The Manchus were, however, apprehensive of designs by the
citizens of Liaoyang upon the life of Taidsoo. He, therefore,
ordered all the Chinese to live outside the north gate ; he taking
up his abode in the palace in the south of the city, surrounded
by his princes, ministers, officers, and army. He opened all the
prison gates, and reinstated whatever official had been degraded.
All the money and valuables taken were distributed among the
soldiers according to their rank and valour. He subsequently
built an octagonal palace north of Liaoyang, across the Taidsu,
where was the seat of government, making Liaoyang the capital.
The fall of Liaoyang brought all Liaotung to the feet of Taidsoo,
for seventy walled cities, large and small, opened their gates to
him, as Haichung, Kaichow, Kinchow, Foochow, Junkiang,
Yaochow, &c. Thus easily fell the large and strong cities of
Mookden and Liaoyang ; and Tingbi was revenged.

While his sons were marching at the head of his troops
against Doonghai, and establishing his rule in Liaotung, Taidsoo
spent his time in his new Liaoyang palace, instructing his
daughters in their wifely duties ; for it is likely the daughters of
Taidsoo considered themselves so much better than their rough
warrior husbands. He taught them not to despise their own
husbands ; and threatened that if they persisted in demanding
their will to be law, in their offensive pride laying no bounds to
their desires, he must visit their disobedience with deserved
punishment !

Frequent expeditions of a few thousand men had been sent
against the several petty chiefs of Doonghai, which is now almost
all Eussian territory. Those expeditions were valuable only for
the men taken prisoners, for these were drilled and incorporated
in the Manchu army. The country was then as now used only as

MANCHU IMPRESSMENT. 43

hunting grounds, and the Fish-skin Tartars,* whether employers
of dog or deer sleighs, were all of a character not much different
from the red Indian, though of much superior mental
endowments. The same reason is sufficient to account for the
Manchu irruptions north and west of Yeho, across the Songari,
and up to the'Amoor. Large numbers of the descendants of
these Fish-skin Tartars exist in Manchuria to this day.

It was easy for a handful of Manchus to take Liaotung from
the Chinese ; but that wide and thickly peopled country could
be retained only by good and politic government. The Chinese
then as now despised as savage barbarians all born outside the
pale of the Flowery land, and this proud spirit found it hard
to endure a barbarian conqueror. Though in the panic on the
fall of the capital, Liaoyang, all the cities opened their gates, a
few months wrought a change, and the colonel of Junkiang with
all his men fled to the afterwards famous Mao Wunloong, and his
example was followed by many. Taidsoo did what he could to
prevent plots, by changing the abodes of the people, removing
the dwellers on the seabord inland, and the inhabitants of one
city to another. Thus in their own land they were strangers
among strange people, and being uncertain of each other, it is
possible that plots were prevented; while we would be apt to
question the policy of tearing people about in this way. Good
laws and wisely just administration, served the purpose much
better; and Taidsoo felt his power consolidated in Liaotung,
and for the first time, the country popularly and erroneously
called Manchuria was held, but by no means peopled, by
Manchus.

Taidsoo was now sixty -two years of age, and thirty-eight had
elapsed since he had fled a fugitive from his own relations
because he would not have any terms with the murderer of his
father. He was now ruler over a country much more extensive
than Great Britain, considerable portions of which too were very
thickly populated.

Liaotung was not wholly at peace however; for Mao
*See Customs.

44 CONQUEST OF LIAOTUNG.

Wunloong, an officer whose name was unknown till Liaoyang
fell and all Liaotung became Manchu soil, gave a good deal of
trouble. In the general desertion, he, though a subordinate
officer, adhered to his native dynasty. The colonel of Junkiang,
an officer superior to himself, but who had followed the general
example of desertion, recovered himself, and with a number of
his men fled to Wunloong, who thus became the acknowledged
centre, round which gathered all those fighting men in the south
of Liaotung who refused to yield obedience to the Manchus. It
was probably by means of that desertion he obtained possession
of Junkiang city, which was made the nucleus of an army to
strike the Manchus in the rear. This Junkiang city is said by
the historian of Liaotung to have been built 100 li south-east
of Funghwangchung. In that neighbourhood there are several
ruins of ancient cities ; and Junkiang city was near the coast,
for its " people were removed from the coast inland." In
December 1621, Mao Wunloong's power had gained such
proportions that an army had to be sent against him. This
army crossed the " Junkiang," and got to the borders of Corea.
It is therefore possible that the mouth of the Yaloo is called
Junkiang, for a small river is called ho, not kiang. Then
Junkiang city, the city protecting the river, would be somewhere
between Takushan and the newly established Andoong. In such
case Wunloong's headquarters would be the narrow strip of land
on the west bank ot the Yaloo ; fenced in by mountains
inaccessible to an army, except by the narrow entrances at
Andoong and the sea. It is more than likely Wunloong would
select that spot, because of its strong position. It has been the
haunt of large bands, sometimes of armies, of robbers from the
beginning of the present dynasty till within the last few years,
when it was cleared ; but not before foreign drilled soldiers were
brought thither from Tientsin.

The Manchu army which got to the Corean border numbered
five thousand men ; and before it Wunloong fled. But Junkiang
seems not to have been retaken ; for in 1622, Wunloong was
created a lieut. -general because he had taken that city. And

PETTY TROUBLES. 45'

he determined to prove himself worthy of the promotion. He
had apparently provided himself with a number of boats ; for
in the summer of 1624, he led an army by Changbaishan
against the original home of the Manchus. He plundered
there till defeated by the officer in charge of the district.
He was free to march as he chose in and out of Corea, which
was still the faithful ally of the Chinese, though many Mongol
tribes had already acknowledged themselves the subjects of their
Manchu cousins. He crossed the Yaloo at Yichow, and took
possession of the island of Twuntien; possibly the long, beautiful,
fertile island in the river opposite Yichow. There he accumu-
lated stores, and apparently gave not a little trouble, for another
expedition was sent against him under a Meirun Jangjing. In
the battle he is said to have lost five hundred men. He was
defeated, his stores were burnt, and the Manchus retreated.
Next year he sent a band of three hundred men by night to
plunder the southern neighbourhood of Yaochow, then a city,
now a village, north of Kaichow, whose lieut. -general drove them
off. That so small a band could penetrate so far inland, shows
that his strength and daring were not small. Just before that
raid, an expedition, under beira Manggoortai, went to the
extreme south of the Regent's Sword Peninsula to attack the
city of Liishwunkow, which had probably been built by Wunloong,
whose strength was more and more bending in that direction ;
for the city of Liishwunkow was at once near Shantung, and
within easy sail of all his chief resorts on the coast and islands.
The beira was victorious over the army opposing him, and pulled
down the city. But if a force under a beira had to go thither,
the power of Wunloong was considerable. .

In February of 1627, a large army of Manchus was sent
eastwards by Funghwangchung against Corea. This army laid
• siege to and took the beautiful city of ISTgaichow or Yichow ; *
then sent a detachment southwards to Tieshan (Iron mountains),
110 li south of Yichow. These mountains were on the coast,
and the head quarters of Wunloong, whose constant depredations

*See "History of Corea" — Geography.

'46 CONQUEST OF LIAOTUNG.

were one of the chief reasons for the expedition. On the
approach of this overwhelming force, Wunloong fled from the
Iron mountain to one of his islands. Henceforth he made
Pidao island, south-east of the " Regent's Sword " Promontory,
his headquarters. His services seem to have been continuous
and effective, for he was made a general. But his end
came in an unexpected manner. For in May, 1628, he was
secretly put to death by Yuen Choongwhan, who was then
gallantly and successfully opposing the Manchus at Ningyuen,
and who, as governor of Liaotung, was Wunloong's superior.
The Doonghwaloo states that this murder was because
Wunloong was believed to be secretly attached to the Manchus.
The Ming history gives the more likely reason, that Choongwhan
Avas jealous ; and the fact that the emperor was extremely angry
would warrant the truth of this supposition. At any rate,
Wunloong's forces were disbanded. Up till 1633, various
expeditions were sent against the old followers of Wunloong,
along the south-eastern coast of Liaotung; but if they could
report their small victories and a few hundred men slain there,
. and a few islands taken here, they had no influence upon the
main root of what was now simply a series of robbers' nests. It
was very likely on account of the incessant raids of those island
robbers, that the city of Siwyen was built and fortified. Not,
however, that now standing, but another whose site is some
miles west of the present. Lanpan and Toongyuenpoo, north-
west of Funghwang city, were also built at the same time, as
well as Jienchang, — all of which are now in ruins, and called
by the natives " Corean cities."

Koong Yoodua was one of the lowest of Wunloong's officers,
whom the latter used to call by a name of contempt. On the
death of Wunloong, however, he and Gung Joongming were
invited across the gulf by the governor of Tungchow in'
Shantung. He created them both Tsankiangs or colonels.
Yoodua was sent at the head of 800 horse to assist the Chinese
when the Manchus were pressing the siege of Dalingho against
Dashow. But when he got to Woochiaohien he fell in with

IMPORTANT DESERTERS. 47

colonel Li Jiwchung, and both united in rebelling against their
native lord. They were few to begin with, but the example was
contagious and the few became thousands, men from all quarters
flying to them like birds in those times of anarchy. In a short
time they were strong enough to march against and take several
district cities, and finally ventured, against Tungchow, inside
which was Joongming with fifteen accomplices, who opened
the gates, and the governor had to flee. They were soon joined
by the commandant of Lushwunkow, who put to death some of
the garrison and fled, as did also the colonel on the island of
Gwangloo. Yoodua became commander-in-chief, Jiwchung
second in command, and Joongming was made a lieut. -general.
They made raids upon all the cities and villages around, and
Shantung was a scene of universal disorder. The brave but
reckless Dsoo Dabi led a considerable army against Tungchow
and was slain in battle. But as Yoodua knew that his fate was
sealed if he remained there, he made a dash along the sea-side.
He was pursued by the commandant of Liishwun, and many of
his men fell in the battle. A number of Coreans hasted to
assist the Chinese army, but just then when Yoodua was nearly
lost, Jirhalang and other Manchu officers appeared on the scene,
and the Chinese and Coreans fled, while Yoodua with every
soul of his family and all his goods were saved by this fortunate
intervention. This battle must therefore have taken place after
he had crossed the sea and was now on the peninsula of
"Regent's Sword." Yoodua was ordered to go to Doongking or
the east capital, as the palace at Liaoyang was called, and had
100 horse given him by the Manchu "emperor." Joongming
was along with him, and both retained the titles which they had
assumed at Pingchow. He was soon after the guide of a
-considerable Manchu army against Lushwunkow, where were
taken over 5,000 captives, nearly 25,000 oz. of gold, over 21,000
oz. of silver, 3,000 odd webs of satin, 24,000 odd webs of cotton,
8 chests of ginsheng, many hundreds of oxen and horses, besides
other spoil. Shang Kosi had been nominated the commandant
of Gwangloo after the above desertion, and he now treated the

48 CONQUEST OF LIAOTUNG.

Manchus in a very friendly manner. He soon after summoned
other two islands, with which and his own he joined the Manchus.
Yoodua, Joongming and Kosi became famous commanders, and
played a leading part in the subsequent history of the Manchu
conquests, in which they are always called the Three Princes,
Koong, Gung, and Shang. Kosi was meantime elevated only to
lieut. -general, and ordered to Haichung, his native place, where
there is at this moment a beautiful temple to his memory. By
the way, these temples in China take the place of stone or
bronze statues in the west; and the worship made there is
merely in honour of the illustrious dead, and has not the
remotest connection with prayer.

CHAPTER III.
CONQUEST OF LIAOSI

IN consequence of the fall of Liaoyang, and with it of all the
rich country east of the Liao, Wang Hwajun was nominated to
succeed Yingtai. The accusers of Tingbi were stripped of all
authority, and degraded to rank with the common people. Three
months after, Tingbi was reappointed generalissimo of Liaotung,
with head-quarters at Shanhai gwan. The weak but well-
intentioned Tienchi was then reigning in Peking, but the real
emperor, the mayor of the palace, was the unscrupulous eunuch
Wei Joonghien, who secured the degradation of every minister
that did not bow at his feet. The frightful corruption and
profligacy of that court could not be surpassed, but it was all
unknown to the silly Tienchi. We mention this now, in order
to make the following history understood, and to show that
whoever was not on good terms with Joonghien or his creatures,
could not hold office.

In December, Tingbi in vain memorialised the Board of War,
that he was generalissimo without a soldier, and that if he went
beyond Shanhai gwan without an army, it would raise to
absolute terror the fears of the people, whom he would be unable
to reassure and calm down ; while he would be the laughingstock
of the enemy instead of their scourge. He had, however, received
his appointment from the emperor, — not from the eunuchs, — and
he had to go, but empty-handed. Before he got to Kwangning,
Wang Hwajun had posted all his men in six different camps
along the west bank of the Liao, and in four other villages, the
protection of which he deemed of first importance. Tingbi
urged the recall of these men, and their concentration on

50 CONQUEST OF LIAOSI.

Kwangning in one powerful army, within a strong camp,
protected by deep moats and high palisades, thus to be ready
for any emergency, and to march anywhere. He showed that if
one of those scattered divisions should be attacked by the
Manchus, who always rode, and who could cross over the frozen
river, it would be annihilated before any aid could be brought
up ; and one destroyed, the other isolated camps would break up
in terror. Instead of so many camps, he recommended to have
bodies of patrols scouring the neighbourhood of the river, who
could see without revealing their own force, while beacons should
be at once erected over the three hundred li between the Liao
and the concentrated army at Kwangning. He recommended
the presence of the marines of Tungchow and Laichow in
Shantung, the preparation of war material in great abundance,
the purchase of horses, and immediate attention to the
innumerable details necessary for defence. But Hwajun, strong
in the favour of the eunuchs, though he should have been
superseded by Tingbi, laughed at him and his suggestions,
bravely exclaiming that with sixty thousand men he would
undertake to recover all the lost ground, and drive the Manchus
back to their mountain wilds. After useless expostulation,
Tingbi therefore departed for his head-quarters without a soldier,
and Hwajun was master of the situation. The president of the
Board of War did what he could to have the nominal authority
vested in Hwajun, who already held the real power.

Knowing the state of affairs, as they always did, the Manchus
crossed the river on the ice west of Liaoyang, and attacked
Siping, one of the carefully guarded villages of Hwajun, who
sent down two detachments to raise the seige. Duagoong, who led
one of these, before engaging with the enemy, shouted, — " We
are defeated," and deserted. Taidsoo sent him on immediately
to Kwangning, where he had been the second self, or " heart and
bowels" of Hwajun. He got to the city very early in the
morning, and proclaimed that the emperor had ordered all the
people and soldiers to take care of themselves, and the treasury
to be opened, for the Manchus were upon them !

BOASTFUL COWARD. 51

A colonel hastened to Hwajun, who was not yet up, roused
him out of sleep and urged him to flee, for he was about to fall
into the hands of the Manchus. The boastful Hwajun lost his
head and trembled for his life ; and while the van of the enemy
was yet more than thirty miles off Kwangning, he followed the
traitor-colonel to the gate, where a horse was ready prepared.
When he got to the gate, the soldiers, more faithful than their
officers, attempted to prevent his passing through, but the
colonel cut a way for him. He mounted his horse and galloped
away, followed by two servants on foot.

The greatest confusion and fear prevailed in the city; and
when the Manchus did come up, the gate was opened by the
traitor Duagoong. The soldiers, deserted by their officers, fought
a vain battle, for the city was easily taken. Some few cut their
way through the Manchus, and one military officer performed
his ablutions, donned his official hat and dress, made obeisance
towards the emperor, and committed suicide. His servant refused
to survive him. Many civilians fled, and the country people in
hundreds of thousands forsook their homes and possessions, and
hurried away to pass within Shanhai gwan; but of every
thousand who fled from the neighbourhood of Kwangning, only
a few passed through the Great Wall. The weak, the old and
the young, men and women, were trampled down, and the road
was strewn with the dead.

Hwajun did not stop his flight till he got to Yowtwun, beyond
Kingchow, where Tingbi had his camp of five thousand men.
When Tingbi saw the tears of Hwajun, he laughed and said,
" Had your excellency massed your troops on Kwangning, you
would not have been in this plight to-day;" but he was mortified
at his own inability to do anything with his five thousand soldiers.
He therefore set fire to all the stores which he had collected,
and brought up the rear of over a million of fugitives* fleeing
beyond the Great Wall.

* This shows how populous must have been that narrow strip of fertile soil from
Kwangning, skirting the sea to Shanhaigwan; for only a minority of the people
would have fled. The land is now again much more thickly peopled than then.

52 CONQUEST OF LIAOSI.

The court recalled both Tingbi and Hwajun, and ordered
them to their homes pending enquiry, which, after great
discussion and angry disputation among the Boards, resulted at
last in finding both guilty, and recommending that both should
be executed. Though the emperor agreed to this unrighteous
decision, it was not carried out for some months, nor before
censor after censor had handed in his memorial, now recom-
mending this, now recommending that; plot and counter-plot
being the daily rule. At last the eunuchs had it their own way,
and Tingbi was beheaded as a common criminal, along with
Hwajun, whom they could not save.

Two days after the undignified flight of Hwajun, forty fortified
cities and towns opened their gates to the conqueror, the largest
of which was Kingchow, — the appearance of a few horsemen
being sufficient to terrify any garrison into submission, and the
Manchus scoured the country from Kwangning to beyond
Kingchow, where they secured many fortified cities, now existing
only as villages. Though so many Chinese fled for protection
within the Great Wall, the large majority still remained in their
houses. These were removed to the east of the Liao, with the
design, doubtless, of preventing a rising, the homes of those on
the east side having been already changed, those on the seaboard
inland, and vice-versa ; and now the east and west of the Liao
were made to change sides.

Wang Dsaijin was made Chinese generalissimo of Liaotun^ff
but he was bent on forsaking the tract of country, still under
Chinese rule, between Kingchow and Shanhai gwan, and retiring
on a strong camp eight li outside that strong border gate;
because, probably, of the ease with which that very mountainous
country could be defended, and the difficulty an army advancing
from the east would have in marching over those loess hills and
narrow glens. On this account Swun Chungdsoong petitioned,
and was permitted to take the place of Dsaijin, and retain all
the outside country up to Ningyuen, which was just as easily
defended ; for no army with a great depth of front could march
over or along those closely-packed lines of granite mountains

AN ABLE GENERAL. 53

and innumerable loess hills. He was strongly urged, however,
to evacuate all the towns and forts between the gate and Ning-
yuen, probably from the fear that the Mongols, who then
inhabited all the towns, villages and country between those two
cities, might prove treacherous. But he determined to hold
firmly all he could, and sent on a trusty officer, the Taotai
Choonghwan, who fortified Ningyuen, and thus secured two
hundred li (seventy miles) of road outside the Great Wall.
Within the four following years Chungdsoong retook all the
cities and country west of the Liao. This we learn only from the
fact that they had to be taken again by the Manchus, the time
or mode in which the Manchus were defeated being unknown ;
for unfortunately for the completeness of history, any or all of the
books I have examined cast the cloak of silence over whatever
might detract from Manchu glory.

He prepared camps and fortified villages and towns, in
addition to the repairing and strengthening of the already-fortified
places. He collected an army of a hundred and ten thousand
men, besides a select band of seventeen thousand. He got
ready an immense number of helmets, arms offensive and
defensive, including bows and arrows, ballistse and stones, and
hide-covered shields of excellent quality; and his ample
protection opened up to cultivation five million mow, or a
million acres of land. The best commentary on his military
character is, as in the case of Tingbi, that the Manchus occupied
themselves during the four years of his rule, in the easy task of
removing the capital from Liaoyang to Mookden (Shunyang),
and there building those palaces and offices, which remain to
this day, with the various additions made in the following reigns.
Mookden was the sixth capital of Taidsoo, and occupied by him
in 1625, forty-two years after the death of his father and grand-
father.

The eunuchs of Peking never desisted from poisoning the
mind of the weak emperor against Chungdsoong, till he was
at last recalled, and Gao Di sent in his stead. The new man
must needs show that he had a policy different from the man

54 CONQUEST OF LIAOSI.

superseded. He therefore loudly protested against holding any
ground outside Shanhai gwan, and retreated with the army,
leaving behind him the enormous stores of all kinds, piled up by
his predecessor. He was followed all the way by wailing
cries of despair, wrung from the hearts of the many myriad
civilians, who had enjoyed such perfect peace and prosperity
under his predecessor, and by their curses which were loud as
they were deep. He also ordered every officer to retire inside
the Great wall ; but Choonghwan swore he would hold out in
Ningyuen and neighbourhood to the death. He was then
Taotai, and his collegues were lieut. -general Mangwei and the
colonel Dsoo Dashow, whose names will appear again.

Taidsoo received early information of what had occurred, and
immediately marched at the head of a hundred and thirty
thousand men to seize the prey. He had previously retaken,
probably on the departure of Gao Di, the seven cities of Dalingho,
Siaolingho, Kingchow, Soongshan, Hingshan, Lienshan, and
Tashan, — the officer in command of them having burnt his
stores and fled. He passed Ningyuen, and formed his camp five
li to the south, right across the high road to the sea, so as
effectually to cut off all aid from the besieged Choonghwan;
who, nothing daunted, with the other principal defenders of
Ningyuen, wrote out an oath with their blood to defend the
place to the death. They were " immovable as a rock " in their
determination, permitted no man to go or come, searched out all
the spies in the city, and slew any soldier leaving his post.

On the next day after their arrival, the Manchus attacked the
south side of the city, advancing under cover of their shields
to the foot of the wall, boring holes to make a breach, and
moved not from their work, though stones and arrows
descended upon them like showers. Choonghwan then ordered
a Fukien man to fire the "terrific western cannon."* It
was fired, and made a track of blood of several li, killing some
hundreds of men. The Manchus retired precipitately. Three

* This is the first time in the history of the wars that the Si yang pao (European
cannon) is mentioned. They were cast by the Jesuit missionaries.

NOORHACHU DIES. 55

days after the attack was renewed, they were again driven back ;
and the siege was raised. Taidsoo took the matter so much
to heart, that he became unwell. But some days after (in
February), he attacked a camp on the ice, beside a small
island near the shore south of Ningyuen, where provisions
were stored up. The camp was defended by holes perforated
in the ice along the north side for several miles. He ordered
his men to skirt the holes, make a circuit, and attack the camp
where the ice was whole. After a vigorous struggle the camp
was taken, with immense quantites of stores. Gao Di and his
general Yang Chi were posted with their army at no great
distance, but made no attempt to save the camp. They were
recalled and replaced. The Taoti Choonghwan was made
governor with the title of Ningyuen. Soon after the office
of jinglo was abolished, and Choonghwan was gazetted general
of the east instead.

Taidsoo never recovered the shock of his repulse before
Ningyuen; and becoming seriously unwell, went to the mineral
spring at Chingho. Not recovering, he took boat to return to
the capital, but died on the way, at a village forty li from
Mookden. This was in September, 1626, in the sixty-eighth
year of his age, and the llth of Tienming* but 42nd of his
actual rule. His tomb is the Foo ling east of Mookden.

Revenge made Noorhachu a soldier, and inspired him with
persevering courage when prudence and mere bravery would
have despaired. It supported him when his affairs were
desperate. Forsaken by all his relations, he still breathed only
vengeance. When those relations turned upon him, and sought
his life with a tenacity more fierce than that of the sluth
hound, he relentlessly pursued the man whom he considered
the murderer of his father and grandfather. He lived only to
see Nikan Wailan slain. But before his vengeance was slaked
in the blood of Nikan, the wonderful success of his unwearying

* There is a discrepancy between my several authorities as to the commencement
of Tienming ; but the Doonghwa loo is followed as the most probable, being by
imperial authority.

56 CONQUEST OF LIAOSI.

perseverance gave birth to an ambition more insatiable than
even revenge. Tribe after tribe, kingdom after kingdom fell
before his well trained archers ; and the powerful wolf can always
find reasons sufficiently satisfactory to himself to pounce upon
the weak lamb. His success brought upon him the terrific
thunder cloud from Peking, which threatened to blast him with
an utter destruction, and for escape from which the most
sanguine could scarcely entertain a shred of hope. Flushed
with the extraordinary success with which he scattered this
great force to the winds, he swept Yeho before him like
a feather. To both himself and his successor it was reason
sufficient for attacking with arrow and sword every indepen-
dent clan between Hingking and the Songari, along its whole
course, that these clans spoke the same language, and rode
and shot the arrow exactly as did the Manchus ; thus satisfying
themselves with the same reason of " similar race " as does the
unscrupulous ambition of modern Europe when shedding seas
of blood ; so completely identical is humanity, and so ready
everywhere to blind its own eyes to the truth, and to lull
conscience to sleep by some specious pretence, which is as
worthless as it is false. For no race in Asia or in Europe will,
in modern times, wage a bloody and costly war merely because
of similarity of race or resemblance of creed.

Revenge made him a soldier, abilities a general, the stupidity
of his opponents a conqueror, and wisdom a ruler and founder of
a dynasty.

The fourth Beira was born on the 25th day of tenth moon
(Nov.-Dec.), 1592, and was, therefore, thirty-four when he was
enthroned. The Chinese, as usual a year ahead, call his age
thirty-five. He had always been the close companion of
Daishan, Amin, and Manggoortai, who, with the other Beiras,
agreed to make him emperor. A flattering letter of condolence
and congratulation was immediately sent on by the chief of the
Kortsin Mongols, and a more cautious one by Choonghwan, the
Chinese governor of Ningyuen, which was supposed to be
forwarded in order that Li Lama, the messenger, might have an

CONDOLING LETTER. 57

opportunity of spying out the land. Advantage was taken
of this circumstance, in thanking governor Choonghwan to
make a second attempt at effecting a solid treaty of peace ;
reference being made to the former overture by the late
Taidsoo, whose document was now returned to the Manchus,
as Choonghwan was unable to decipher the paper, which was
half Chinese, half Manchu !

The epistle from the Kortsin chief was as follows : — " Because
you began with strength sufficient to secure prosperity, you
have, at the present moment, a Prince given by Heaven. We
have heard that the Powerful, the Skilful, the Brave and the
Wise Emperor, is now an ascended guest. Yueba, the Taiji,
therefore, now presents his humble message, to condole with all
the Beiras of all ranks. Of old, Chasirbadunwoo ruled over
all the four corners and possessed the seven precious things,
yet when his time came he had to die. The white lion of
the snow hill, though of enormous strength, must die when
his fated time is arrived. In the deep ocean all precious
things abound, yet what can save King Loongwang (god
of water) from dying? The most precious, firm, and stern
body, death will cast aside as a worthless thing. Your
Emperor was the ruler of all the great kingdoms. He has
now left his beloved wife and dear children. He cannot see
them when looking towards him ; when they cry out he cannot
hear them. Suddenly has he departed. Consider the princes
who have departed from of old, and who. up to the present has
been restored by the grief of weeping friends ! Your Emperor
has gone; but he has left behind customs, principles of
government, and instruction. For the internal administration
of your kingdom, it is your duty to hold manfully the
possessions left you; for external authority, to marshal well
your troops, and to exert all your might in fulfilling the
duties of the Solitary One (Emperor), and the utmost care in
searching out men of virtue for office. The grief at seeing a
young wife made a widow, or the ungratified desire to see
able sons grow up, is not to be for a moment compared in

58 CONQUEST OF LIAOSI.

importance to the giving of one's whole heart to establish
and put to rights a great kingdom" — i.e., your grief is reasonable,
but your duties as rulers demand more attention than your
grief.

What the terms were of the condoling letter of Choonghwan
the Doonghwaloo does not state ; but along with Li Lama, on
his return journey, Fangjina and Wuntashu were sent with an
epistle from Mookden as follows : — " The Emperor of the Great
Manchu sends greetings to the Governor of the Great Ming.
For the present our wars are ceased, you have sent Li Lama
to condole with us on our loss, and to congratulate the young
emperor on his accession. Nor have we any underhanded
purpose to serve. You came in the spirit of propriety, and in
the spirit of propriety we return your visit. We send our
messengers at once to return you thanks, and to establish
amicable relations between our two kingdoms. When our
deceased emperor went to Ningyuen he sent you an official
epistle, to which there never has been any reply. If your
emperor can reply to that letter in the spirit of peace and
harmony, we shall reciprocate that spirit. But whatever is
written should be the honest expression of your real desires and
feelings, and not merely a number of fine set phrases."

Choonghwan had found it impossible to decipher the letter
referred to, as it had been written half in Chinese, half in
Manchu ; both intermixed ! He therefore did not forward it to
his emperor, but returned it by Fangjina, without, however, a
messenger or a letter of his own. When the army was sent
against Corea, Taidsoong sent the above Fangjina and his
companion with another curt letter to Choonghwan, recapit-
ulating the " Seven Hates," desiring friendly relations, demanding
that the Ming dynasty make "presents" yearly, according to
a treaty to be made, that the letter should be at once
forwarded to the Chinese emperor ; and threatening to regard
want of attention to this as a declaration of war.

Doo Mingjoong was sent back with the Manchu messengers,
as the bearer of letters from both Choonghwan and Li Lama.

CHINESE LETTER. 5£

The former wrote thus: — "The Marshal of the Yamun of
Liaotung salutes the Janghia* Again I write a letter to your
shame, informing the Khan (of Manchu) that you must reverence
with devout attention the heaven-appointed dynasty, and then
war will necessarily cease. You should carefully govern and
nourish your own districts, and cherish only those thoughts
which desire to preserve your own people in life. Heaven will
see, and then cause you gradually to become great beyond measure.
As to the seven causes of Hate, now old, I must listen in
silence if you will persist in repeating them. If these causes
are investigated to the root, they are found to be that mean
people on our border strove 'mouth and tongue' with ill-tempered
men on your border. Hence the origin of those calamaties.
The mistake of the Khan is to have forgotten that if the evildoer
escapes the punishment of men, he flees not from the wrath of
Heaven. I wish to write explicitly, for it is difficult to under-
stand in the grave. I do not treacherously desire the emperor
alone to lay aside thoughts of war, it is my wish that the Khan
would do so likewise. For ten years have we already fought,
during which time Yi (eastern barbarians) and Chinese have
bowed their heads to the ground in sorrow. The blood of the
Three Han (Mongol) ran like oil, smeared all the green grass and
stained the desert ground. Heaven grieved, the earth mourned.
The recital of those sufferings caused the extremity of pity, the
acme* of pain of heart. And all this because of those c Seven.'
To be unable to express one's feelings in such case, is it not the
greatest eloquence ? Is there now a Nangwan and a Beigwan?^
Have no more than ten men perished east and west of the river
(Liao) ? Did no more than one aged man flee from his home ?
In your borders of Mookden and Liaoyang, men cannot ingather
the produce of the fields, — and all because of the hatred of the
Khan. Your inclinations have been followed, your desires

r

*The Tent-dweller; applicable to the commander of an army, and therefore a
term of disrespect in contradistinction to Dienkia the emperor.

fTwo stations on the west of Hada and Yeho.

60 CONQUEST OF LIAOSI.

.gratified to the full; but we of the Heaven-ordained dynasty
have had a bitter portion and one hard to bear.

"If now your desire is to act a generous part, what hinders
your returning to us our cities and our land, restoring our
magistrates and people, our men and our women ? Thus would
appear the benevolence of the Khan ; thus would be displayed
his compassion, his fear of Heaven, his love to men. The
-doctrine of Heaven is free from selfishness, the heart of man full
of envy. The right, the wrong, the crooked and the straight will
•of necessity be made manifest. If in your heart arises the one
thought of war, a door is opened for countless deaths under
heaven. If in your heart dwells the one thought of life, you
.are able to produce innumerable blessings. And having said so
much let me add, that you should recall your soldiers sent to
Corea, drop the desire for the interchange of presents, make Li
Lama your instructor in Buddhism and stop the raids by your
soldiers, whereupon we shall be able to establish the most
friendly relations."

Choonghwan had taken two months in considering and
framing his fine but irritating composition. But the Manchu
court, perhaps as unable as unwilling to produce finished
productions, returned the messenger on the next month after
his arrival. The tone and the style may be partly accounted for
by the fact, that meantime news had come of the conquest of
Corea, 'and the treaty of peace there made, so that the Manchu
army was again free.

" The Emperor of the Great Manchu greets Yuen the governor
of the Great Ming. Your letter came desiring me to forget my
Seven Hates. Our wars arose and have continued because your
officials and men have slighted our kingdom, and therefore
we desire now to show plainly who of us is right, who wrong.
We sent a messenger to conclude a treaty of peace with you.
This implied that we desired to forget our Seven Hates. Again,
you say that if we desire to be friendly towards you, we must
restore your lost cities, lands, magistrates, people, male and
female captives. But all we possess has been the gift of heaven,

MANCHU LETTER. 61

not gotten by stealth from you. Your desire to have these
returned proves that you do not truly wish for peace, but desire
to provoke us to fight. Again, you say that such conduct would
prove our benevolence, compassion, &c. This needs no reply. Is
it possible you can be ignorant of the truth ? Again, you say
that the articles asked as presents are not in accordance with
ancient lists of presents ; — the number, more or less, is a matter
of indifference to us. Again, you complain that when at present
we have a little intercourse, our soldiers march on Corea ; and
you hint that our words are false. Could we wage a causeless war
against Corea ? When did we ever say that we would not wage
war against you or your allies ? What word, then, of ours is it
which you call in question ? You can speak fair words ; but
you sent some of your men within our borders to snatch away
men fleeing from a deserved death, and to rebuild cities and
forts which we had levelled with the ground. It is your words
which savour of falsehood ; and our men call your words in
question very much indeed. Again you say, ' Let the sword
and the soldier rest till we deliberate on terms of peace ' ; and
you say what is right. Again : ' Let there be no anger-moving
words in the epistles which come and go, lest they be unfit to be
laid before the emperor ' ; and here you are both right and
wrong. Better speak out plainly now, and friendship will then
be the more lasting. If one's desires are unuttered for fear of
writing wrath-moving words, we fear it will be difficult to come
to terms of peace. In what does the language of slight and
reproach which you yourself have written differ from the slight
and reproach formerly used by Liaotung and Kwangning officials ?
Again, you say that you desire only to serve your emperor,
and ask us to strenuously aid you in publishing the holy attain-
ments of your emperor, by assisting you to form a fixed and
proper boundary. As to the attainments of your prince, set
them forth yourself; what have we, a foreigner, to do with making
ourself acquainted with them ? As to your frontier, arrange it
at your pleasure ; what does it concern us what your frontier is ?
You do not name any terms tending to peace; why is it that,

62 CONQUEST OF LIAOSI.

instead, you write so much to show your light esteem of us ?
You, governor Yuen, are considered a man of understanding
and knowledge ; can you not devise some plan which shall tend
towards peace, and shall profit your own kingdom ? You take
advantage of proposals for a treaty to bring out a lot of words ;
do you think that empty words will gain a victory for you ?

" This reply is written in this style, simply because of the
disrespectful tone of your epistle. But to speak of friendly
relations — you are suspicious of our intentions ; we harbour no
such suspicion. You say that the mutual presents should be
distinctly set forth. Well then, in order to show friendship,
you should present us with 50,000 Chinese Hang or oz. of gold,
500,000 of silver, satin 500,000 pieces, and 5,000,000 webs of
cotton. We, on the other hand, shall present you with ten pearls
from the eastern ocean, two black fox furs, ten red fox furs, two
thousand sables and squirrels, and one thousand catties of
ginsheng; and yearly afterwards you pay me a tithe of the
amounts mentioned, while we give you half of our first present.
On these conditions you can easily establish friendly relations.

"In the letter which you, governor Yuen, sent me, you
honour your emperor as the equal of Heaven : and in Li Lama's
letter our princes are placed below your ministers. This
classification is simply what appears good to your mind, not one
necessarily demanded by propriety. I will, however, place the
matter on a proper footing. Your emperor must be written a
grade below Heaven, we a grade below your emperor, and your
ministers a grade below us ; and according to this style will we
write in future. If you write in a similar style we shall reply,
but not if otherwise. And as we know your spirit of contempt and
falsehood, we shall not send a messenger, nor shall we afterwards
pay any attention to any letter in which your ministers write to
us as our equals."

This correspondence is worthy of note, principally because of
the exception taken by Taidsoong, the new Manchu ruler, to
the subordinate position in which he and his ministers
were placed, — threatening that, if he were again addressed

TWO WHANGDI. 63

in a style which implied his Beiras to be inferior to the
Chinese chief ministers, he would take no notice of the
paper. Perhaps this might be a hint to foreign diplomatists ;
for the Manchus were then much inferior in all respects, except
generalship, to the Chinese. Though at first Taidsoong was
willing to be placed in a position underneath the emperor, he
mended his pace, and would ultimately be satisfied with nothing
short of equality with the Chinese monarch, an equality which
he was not nearly so much warranted in assuming as the
sovereigns of our greater western nations. As to the title of
Whangdi, emperor, the Manchu sovereign assumed it himself,
and granted it to the Ming emperor. From the correspondence
can be seen, too, the usual Chinese pride of race and contempt
for " outer barbarians," which, in the case of Manchu, was not
unwarranted ; for the difference in style between the letters of
Yuen and the emperor of Manchu is as great as could be.
But through the bluntness of the Manchu style can be seen the
self-confident assurance of the successful warrior. As to
honesty, both sides were as honest as the general run of political
papers. But the Chinaman could give a lesson to Talleyrand.

Fine writing began and ended the correspondence, — the
Chinese being as blinded as to how, to what extent, and when
they should yield, as they were unfit to rule, or to choose generals.

As there was no pressing call on the army to the west of
Liaotung, it made a rapid march, in 1627, through Corea,*
taking Yichow, Tieshan, Dingchow, and Hanshan. It crossed
the Gokshan river, and took Anchow, Pingyang, Hwangchow, and
the capital. For this there were several casus belli, but the
chief was the fact that Corea was a most faithful ally of the
Ming dynasty, and a vantage ground for Ming officers and men
to harass the east and north-east of Liaotung. A treaty of
peace followed, which remained in force a few years, but had to
be renewed, at greater expense to Corea ; but a third expedition
has been unnecessary.

An attempt was made by the Chinese to repossess the soil at
*See "History of Corea,"

64 CONQUEST OF LIAOSI.

and beyond Kingchow ; but the bands of men who had come to
defend the fields fled, and the villages were desolated. Repeated
similar attempts compelled the Manchus to erect twenty-one
beacons* from Kingchow eastward, as well as to have strong
bodies of patrols, who attacked and dispersed every budding
colony. Just then several expeditions had to be sent against
the men left by Wunloong, from Lushwunkow and the west, to
Tieshan of Corea on the east, and one even into the mountains
east of Hingking. Island after island was taken, and
Wunloong's lingering name died out.

Choonghwan was anxious to re-establish the old frontiers;
and therefore set a great number of men to work on building a
fort on the Daliang river beside Kingchow ; but in spite of his
haste, rumour carried the story to Mookden. The fort was
attacked while yet incomplete, and its builders had to flee.

In ariger the Manchus again marched on Ningyuen, — the root
of the evil, — determined to take it. They tried and failed, tried
again and failed, — for "Choonghwan was inside. The Beiras
besought Taidsoong to retire, but he replied : " If we attack a
city and fail to take it, and again madly attack and fail to take
it, where is the terror of our name ? " He therefore prepared
to make a desperate effort at close quarters. The army galloped
up to the moat, which was defended by Man Gwei, under the
eyes of Choonghwan. With a great shout they pushed in
regardless of death, and determined to conquer. Most of the
Beiras were wounded, — but Man Gwei stood at his post, though
covered with arrow wounds. The Manchus had to retreat,

* Some of these beacons still remain ; and over all Liaottmg are beacons, or the
ruins of beacons ; — the coast line from Kinchow, northwards, to Haichung, being
full of them. The natives call them " Corean towers," — as they call every ruin a
"Corean" city. Even so intelligent an observer as the late consul Meadows, fell
into the mistake of using this phrase. The Coreans were driven out of Liiaotung
over a thousand years ago ; and those brick ruins, — exactly of the size, form, and
appearance of the bricks used by the Manchus in the beginning of their reign, —
were certainly never made by Corean hands. It is more than likely that the
honours showered by the Chinese court on Mao Wunloong, were because of his
constantly harassing the Manchus in Liaotung, and that these beacons were erected
to give notice of his approach, in order to summon the aid of the army in the north.

A BOLD MOVE. 65

leaving the moat full of dead bodies. They returned to attack
Kingchow ; but the moat was deep, and the June weather hot,
and they retreated after having destroyed the ramparts on the
Daliang and Siaoliang rivers. Choonghwan was the first
Chinaman who taught the Manchus that they were not
invincible. But such a character could not be employed in a
court where eunuchs ruled, who ceased not accusing him to
Tienchi, till at length he was recalled to Peking, in spite of his
warmest remonstrances.

His successor had no time to display his powers, for Tienchi
lived but for a short time thereafter, the last Ming emperor
ascended the throne, beheaded Wei Joonghien, the prince of the
eunuchs, and re-established Choonghwan in the east. He was
sent, on the understanding that he would " employ Liao men to
guard Liao soil, and Liao soil to feed Liao men. He was to
employ great cannon in defending his cities ; if he retained
them he did well ; if he obtained a victory he would perform a
miracle ; and if he made peace, he would be the guardian of the
empire." To a missive sent by him, Taidsoong replied that he was
ready to make peace, that he was ready to forego the right of
coining money, to rank second to the emperor, and to receive
from him the title of khan* but that the lands given him by
Heaven could not be restored ; — and negotiations ceased.

In 1629, Taidsoong, tine to his youthful character, determined
to make a bold move. He had some months before ordered the
Mongol soldiers to be at hand. He now summoned his forces
together and marched at the head of over a hundred thousand
men, with Mongols as guides. He halted at Ching city in
Kortsin, and there revealed his determination to march
through Mongol territory to Peking. His elder brothers
remained with him all night, arguing and remonstrating on the
ground that their retreat would be easily cut off, and their
supplies intercepted. But all to no purpose ; for he hated
Choonghwan, and was determined to be rid of him at all costs.

* The title of Mongol and other Tartar princes owning allegiance to the Chinese
the Ming dynasty ; a title descending from centuries before as kokhan.

66 CONQUEST OF LIAOSL

One portion of his army was sent on by Chahar to chastise the
people on the way, for their desertion to the Chinese. The
other marched up Laoho, or old river. Four Banners were sent to
burst through the Pass of Dangan — great peace ; the other four
with the Mongols, through Loongjing gwan.* Taidsoong, with
his portion passed through Dangan like a tornado, taking three
forts. Loongjing was also seized, Hwiswi gwan entered and the
relieving army scattered. The eight Banners reunited under
the walls of Hanurjwang city, where they were joined by several
bodies of deserters. Hoongshan kow city was taken on the way,
and Tsunhwa was invested, after the defeat of a number of
separate detachments, which advanced under cover of forests,
but which the blind Chinese generals were throwing away.

The following was the order of investment: — the yellow
banner took up its post from north to north-west, the red from
west to north-west, bordered red from west to south-west,
bordered blue from south to south-west, blue from south to
south-east, bordered white from east to south-east, white from
east to north-east, and bordered yellow from north to north-east,
— thus each banner occupied that part of the camp opposite half
of each wall. The city soon opened its gates and the army got
to Kichow.

Choonghwan was soon aware that he had been outflanked, and
taking Dsoo Dashow with him, he hurriedly marched at the
head of his available men through Shanhai gwan, and was at the
capital before Taidsoong. The latter sent on three thousand men
ahead to find some means of crossing the river above Toongchow,
departed from Sanhodien, defeated Man Gwei, who had marched
from Tatoong at the head of a relieving army for Shwunyu hien,
received the adhesion of the garrison of that city, and took up
his quarters at Nanhaidsu,^ south of Peking, from which he

* Gwan and Kow each represents a pass in the north and north-east of Peking.

f The Doong hwa loo very circumstantially mentions the north-east of the north
side of the city as his post ; but it may have been removed from the one to the
other, as it was afterwards removed to the north-west ; but the position of Shaho
gate should determine the first camp.

SIEGE OF PEKING. 67

frequently attacked but never conquered Choonghwan, who was
posted outside the Shaho gate; for no decisive victory was
gained, though now one side, now the other, had the advantage.
Man Gwei was posted at the Duashung gate.

Two of the palace eunuchs had been apprehended, and a watch
set over them, in a room where two officers of Taidsoong's were
seated holding a long conversation in a whisper, but loud enough
for the eunuchs, who feigned sleep, to hear. The subject of their
conversation was, that on that same day the soldiers were to be
drawn away as if raising the siege, in order that they might return
suddenly, and by this stratagem take the guards at unawares and
seize the city. The two men then hastily sprang into their carts
as if to drive away to carry out the plan of which they had been
speaking, when two others suddenly made their appearance, and
looking cautiously around, whispered in the same manner to the
former two, stating that Choonghwan had made a secret compact,
and the city would be taken without any difficulty. The men
departed, the eunuchs were by and bye liberated, and made all
haste to the emperor, who sent an order for the immediate
apprehension of Choonghwan. He was led into the city,
and soon torn to pieces. Taidsoong was thus repaid for his long
and difficult march to the capital, and his stratagem was
completely successful. Dsoo Dashow, the colleague of Choong-
hwan, himself a good soldier, hearing what had occurred, started
for Kingchow at the head of fifteen thousand men, which city
he safely and quickly reached and strengthened.

Man Gwei and Swim Chungdsoong were promoted, but could
not fill the place of the murdered man ; though at the head of
forty-thousand men, two li outside the Yoongding gate, and
inside a barrier of piles. For the Manchus, clad in Chinese
garments and armour, and flying Chinese flags, advanced by
night to that barrier, leaped over it, and furiously attacked the
Chinese, many of whom were slain; and among them Man Gwei
bravely fighting till he felly Many prisoners were taken back by
the Manchus. But as Taidsoong was not eager for continued
warfare, which probably signifies that he could not take the

68 CONQUEST OF LIAOSI.

capital, he sent in two messengers with proposals for peace,
which was not made ; and the first siege of Peking was raised.

In February, 1630, the Manchus, in their retreat, took
Yoongping, Chienngan, and Lanchow, and tried to take Changli
hien, where the magistrate showed a bold front, defeating first the
Mongols, who should have taken the city, then a Manchu force
sent against it by night, and lastly Taidsoong himself, setting
fire to his scaling ladders. Thereupon they retired eastwards,
leaving the Beira Amin with five thousand men to garrison
Yoongping and the other cities taken.

As soon as the Manchu army was gone, a host of two hundred
thousand Chinese, under Dsoo Dashow, Dsoo Daloo, Ma
Shuloong, Dsoo Kuafa, and others advanced against Lanchow, cut
down willow trees and filled the moat, set artillery and tore
down the walls ; whereupon the garrison thought it best to flee
to Yoongping, which Amin believed he could not hold, even if
all his men were collected within its walls. He summoned the
garrisons of the other few cities into Yoongping, and then
deliberately put to death all the men who had deserted from
the Chinese. He fled by night and got to Tsunhwa, the garrison
of which he took with him. Terror-stricken, he did not protect
his rear, and only a remnant of his men saw Mookden again.

Amin, who was a brother of Taidsoo, was imprisoned,
examined by his peers, and found guilty of sixteen great crimes
worthy of death. The sentence was commuted to perpetual
imprisonment, with the confiscation of his family, slaves, and
property of all kinds. The next in command was degraded and
his family taken from him. The other commanders were
punished in proportion to their responsibilities ; — a lesson which
some of our western civilised nations might learn with advantage
to the public service, as the opposite policy ruined the Chinese.
The soldier, Samoohatoo, was the first to scale the wall of
Tsunhwa. After the battle, Taidsoong himself poured out a
glass of spirits, and handed the golden cup to the soldier to
drink, ennobling him and his posterity, and bestowing upon him
the honourable title of batooroo, which was given only to the

KNIGHTHOOD. 69

bravest of the " brave," and seems to have been similar to the
old order of knighthood, received not in a drawing-room, but on
the battle-field. At the attack on the same place, an officer with
twenty-four soldiers rushed through the fire on to the city.
Taidsoong said afterwards of them, that they were the first among
his brave men. They were allowed to company with the Beiras
and great ministers, and their superior officers had strict orders
not to permit them to expose themselves a second time in
the same manner, because he loved them. There were other
similar cases. He ordered the Beiras to remember that they
had been successful, because they had received the aid of
Heaven ; they should, therefore, always act justly and uprightly,
arid never from covetousness, for that thus both Heaven and
men were served ; then if their men followed them from love,
Heaven would bestow still greater prosperity upon them.
After Yoongping was taken, and some deserter officers visited
Taidsoong, he said, — " I am not like your Ming emperor, who
has forgotten to treat his ministers with kindness. All my
ministers can sit down by my side, speak out freely what they
think, and eat and drink in my company."

This reveals the true general and conqueror, the leader of
men ; and was, doubtless, a considerable factor in the formation of
the brave Manchu soldier.

In February, 1631, the Manchus cast their first great cannon,
and called it the Great General, with the title inscribed on it of
" The heaven-aiding, awe-inspiring Great General," to which
was appointed a superior officer. They had field-pieces before,
probably those taken from the Chinese, which they called " red-
coated cannon," because painted red; these are now called
" horse-cannon."

While occupied in setting their internal affairs in order,
intelligence was brought in August that Dsoo Dashow, after
retaking all the cities inside Shanhai gwan, was now employed
day and night in building a fort on the banks of the Daliang
ho, east of Kingchow, in order to recover the old frontier.
As soon as they collected provisions, the Manchus hasted west-

70 CONQUEST OF LIAOSI.

ward from Mookden, and on the other side of the Liao were
joined by the Mongol forces who had been summoned thither.
The combined army advanced on Daliang ho, to find one line of
wall completed and the whole army of Dsoo half finishing a
second.

Fearing terrible loss of life from an attack by escalade,
Taidsoong prepared for a regular siege. The fort was completely
surrounded by a line of Manchus, supported by a second line of
reserves, the Mongols forming a third line to support the
reserves. The "great general" was planted to command the
high road from Kingchow, and every soldier had his post, from
which he did not dare to move. In order to make ingress
and egress all but impossible, a trench ten feet wide and deep
was dug inside the besieging line ; outside this ditch a wall ten
feet high was built with many towers; and inside the ditch,
nearer the city wall, a second ditch was opened, five feet wide
and seven feet and a half deep, covered with millet stalks and
earth. A few outposts were attacked, taken or surrendered. A
body of six thousand Chinese marched eastwards from Soongshan
— Pine hill — and Ajigo was told off to oppose them. A thick
mist fell on both armies as they approached, which rose first
off the Chinese, revealing their position to Ajigo, who, under
cover of the mist, drew up in order of battle to receive them.
The Chinese were driven back to Kingchow.

A relieving army of forty thousand Chinese, under Soong
Wei and Woo Hiang, father of the famous Woo Sangwei,
who was doubtless an inferior officer in the army, came
from the west and pitched camp at Siaoliang ho, west of Kingchow.
Against this army Taidsoong, who had driven back a sally by Dsoo
Dashow, led half his army; but seeing the formidable front
presented, he dared not attack, but retired to his lines.

Woo and Soong marched that same night, encamped at
Changshari kow, within fifteen li of Daliang ho, and beat
off Taidsoong, who attacked them with thirty thousand men.
As defeat was as likely as victory, able men were sent by
the Manchus to ascertain a mode of retreat. Taidsoong then

BATTLE OF CHANGSHAN. 71

massed his whole army against the camp of Soong Wei, — his
right wing being in the van. The noise of the Chinese artillery
shook the heavens, and the right wing made 110 impression.
The left wing next fiercely attacked the same point, but was
driven back with great loss ; and Taidsoong had to retire, leaving
heaps of slain. The left wing then wheeled round and attacked
the east side of Woo's camp with their artillery. A thick cloud
arose at the time, and a strong west wind blew the smoke and
dust into the faces of the Manchus. Woo, who was on the
point of fleeing, took advantage of this weather and vigorously
attacked the Manchus. Immediately very heavy rain fell and
the wind changed to the east; the Manchus had thus the
advantage, and Woo fled, his army following. This cleared
the way for the right wing to attack Soong's camp in flank,
the palisade of which they broke through; and the Chinese,
fleeing in confusion, were utterly broken by an ambush which
had been previously laid. Their mules, camels, and military
equipments, all fell into the hands of the Manchus.

Jang Chwun, who was taken with thirty superior officers,
would not kneel to Taidsoong; who was about to order his
death, but prevented by his eldest brother, who said that Jang
desired nothing else. The prisoner refused food for some days,
and though at last hunger gained the mastery, he was obstinate
in refusing to accept service, and was sentenced to a temple.

Dsoo Dabi, a younger brother of Dashow, pierced the Manchu
camp at Kingchow with five hundred men, missing to cut open
the bowels of Taidsoong's horse only by a hair's-breadth.
Taidsoong gave the brothers the name of the "two madmen."
In the last battle, Dabi, with a hundred and twenty fearless men
who could speak Manchu, changed their clothing, plaited a
"tail," and by night penetrated to the tent of Taidsoong, to
which they were about to set fire with gunpowder, but were
prevented by the awakened terror of all the camps. Dabi was
fiercely attacked, but retreated only with morning light.

In that battle Dashow had not dared to move out of his fort
to attack the rear of the Manchus ; for just a few days before, the

72 CONQUEST OF LIAOSI.

Manchus had fired cannons and pretended to be a relieving army;
thus enticing him out of his fort, and then attacking him.
Fearing that the cannonade of the real battle was also a stratagem,
he remained inactive. His provisions were long exhausted. Of
the civilians, two-thirds had died of famine ; and the soldiers ate
human and horse flesh, and burnt their bones for fuel. He was
tempted by a letter to revolt, but resisted. In desperation he
made an attempt to cut through the enemy's lines, but had to
retreat, as on a former occasion, when hoping to find his way
out by stealth. But as there was no possibility of escape, he at
last sent his son Kuafa to treat. In reply to the Manchus,
Kuafa reported that with the example of the massacred
deserters of Yoongping and Kwangning before them, they
had preferred to hold out in their empty city to the very last.
Dashow at length surrendered, after putting to death an
inferior officer, who objected to the proposed revolt, and who died
with a smile. He pleaded to be sent to Kingchow, where his
wife and family were living; and that there he could act in
concert with the Manchus. Leave was granted, when he again
turned coat and took service under the Chinese. He had stood a
siege for two full months in the small fort which he had so
quickly and cleverly thrown up, but the evil genius of China
fought against him.

After the fall of Daliang ho, Taidsoong attempted in vain to
take Hingshan and Joongdso cities. He retired to Mookden
with his army, where he superintended wrestling-matches, and
gave the title of booJcwei, wrestler, with other long names, to
each of the three Mongols who were of enormous strength and
the best wrestlers in Mookden.

A great social measure was proposed by the Beira Yoto,
President of the Board of War, and agreed to. It was to the
effect, that as the double massacre of Chinese deserters at
Kwangning and Yoongping had the injurious result of making
the Chinese hesitate whether they could come over, it was
necessary to do something to reassure them and recover their
confidence in Manchu wisdom and goodness. He proposed that

REASSURING MEASURES. 73

wives, houses, and land be provided for all the officers who had
surrendered at Daling ho ; — for a mandarin of the first rank a
Beira's daughter; of the second, a minister's. The public treasury
was to furnish the necessary funds, and the Beiras the needful
land. Each retainer of these officers was to have a Chinese
or Manchu woman ; and the merchant class would be provided
for after, if any widows or unmarried women remained at the
Beira's disposal !

The prisoners taken at Daliang ho were distributed among the
Manchu superior officers, from ten to fifty to each officer accord-
ing to rank. To these slaves a thousand Manchu women were
given, and the Beiras were ordered each to provide four or five
women, so that each prisoner might have one. This slave
question cost a great deal of trouble in after years ; — the runaway
slave having been as great a nuisance to the Manchus as to the
Americans in later times, notwithstanding the generosity of
finding them wives. (See Slaves.)

The above will serve to shew the ignominious position which
woman held then and holds now in China, and the whole east.

CHAPTER IV.
CONQUEST OF MONGOLIA.

FROM its geographical position, the extent of its country, and
the numbers and character of its various peoples, Mongolia
would of* necessity very materially affect the interests of the
Manchus, who could not afford to permit the Mongols to remain
foes, and must have contemplated with misgiving the task of
compelling them to become allies; for the Mongols were
immensely more numerous than, and as fond of the saddle and the
bow as the Manchus. But though this connection was one of
such vital consequence to the Manchus, a detailed account of
even the Manchu expeditions into their country falls beyond
our present province.

The name Munggoo, from which we receive the term Mongolia,
is a comparatively modern one, — the "wandering kingdom"
being known by many and changing names in Chinese history.
The first name was the uncomplimentary one of " Gweifang,"
or " Demon-quarter " ; doubtless from the double reason that
the land was in the north, whither all demons fled on departure
from the body, and because the people were wholly uncivilised.
The Mongols were, however, always even nominally free — or,
as the Chinese historians modestly phrase it, in a state of
rebellion — till the Tang dynasty conquered the Too-kue, or
Turks, situated south and south-west of Gobi. Two cities were
then built in this desert of the sandy sea, — this Han-hai, which
was specially created by Heaven to divide the " Middle Flowery
Kingdom" from the rest of the world; these cities being
intended to command the conquered district.

The subject Mongols were not long in asserting their freedom r

76 CONQUEST OF MONGOLIA.

which they retained till the Niijun predecessors of the Manchus —
the Liao and Kin dynasties — established several earthen walled
cities in the south-east of Mongolia, ruling over the peoples then
called the Doong Si and the Si Si, but they did not attach the
regions north of the Yellow river. In order to have control over
the communications between their newly-acquired territory and
their original home in northern Manchuria, it was necessary
for them to establish and occupy these military posts. The Liao
dynasty was overturned by its cousin the Kin, which in its turn
fell before the Mongols, at a time when they were the most
powerful people in Asia.

These Mongols, who gave China the Yuen dynasty, came from
the northern reaches of Mongolia, between the Great Desert and
Russia. They asserted their supremacy, first over their
neighbours south of Gobi, then westwards to Tatoong, conquering
all south and west Mongolia up to the Mohammedan countries
of the Si-yu or Turkestan. The whole of Mongolia was then
first united to China, but as her conqueror, not her vassal ; the
accumulated Mongol forces driving out the Kin from the north,
-and subduing the Soong dynasty in the south of China.- The
Yuen dynasty retained the old subdivisions in Mongolia,
establishing " wangs " and imperial sons-in-law over the various
tribes, the descendants of whom, and of members of the Yuen
family, being princes in Mongolia to this day.

The Ming dynasty, which overturned the Yuen, pursued
them northwards beyond the desert to their old homes, and
always maintained a nominal sovereignty over the whole of
Mongolia, though they found it easier to do so by subsidies
than by the sword; nor did yearly "presents" prevent the
Mongols from making many and formidable incursions into
Chinese territory.

Mongolia is usually divided into four : the Inner Mongols south
of the desert, the Outer north of the desert, Eleuths west of the
desert, and the " Chinghai " or Kokonor Mongols west of Kansu
and Szchuen. We have, at the present stage of our history, to
deal only with the Inner Mongols, divided into forty-eight

KORTSIN. 77

Banners, twenty-four families, and six tribes,* in addition to
other two Banners and one family occupying the cities of
Kweiwha and Toomootei, north of Peking. Four of those tribes
border the west of the whole of Manchuria,-)- from the province
of Hei-loong kiangj on the north to Shanhai gwan on the
south, and extend along the north of Chihli; while the
remaining two border Shansi, Shensi, and Kansuh. The
nearest Mongol neighbours of the Manchus were the Kortsin,
which is one of the largest of the families. It, with Gorlos,
Doorbets, and the Jalaits, formed the tribe of Jualimoo.
But Kortsin gives its name to the tribe more frequently than
not.

From very remote periods, the sword decided the right of
the particular family which was to be head of the tribe ; and
the head of a family frequently not only made himself chief of
his tribe, but extended his sway over neighbouring families and
clans. It was by means of this perpetual internal discord, that
Mongolia fell piecemeal at the feet of the Manchus, who got the
" division " ready made, and had only to " reign." But it was
also by means of this same incessant internal struggle, that the
Mongols made the conquests which agitated the whole world ;
for they themselves had to be conquered before they marched a '
foot beyond Mongolia; and their only cohesive power was a
master mind, which if removed, caused the breaking up of the
compact mass into its original elements, and such a master mind
may again make the name of Mongol as terrible as ever was
that of Hun given to their ancestors.

* Dividing the Mongols into clans and tribes, it is difficult to distinguish the one
from the other; and the word "horde" is inappropriate when applied to a well-
established order. I have, therefore, preferred to call loo, the smaller, a " family,"
and mung, a "tribe," which is composed of so many boo, just like the tribes of
Israel.

f Shing-king or Fung-tien, by which names alone it is known to the Chinese ;
Manchuria being a name improperly given by foreigners.

£ Commonly called Tsitsihar, or Jijihar, which is in reality the name of its
capital.

78 CONQUEST OF MONGOLIA.

Kortsin,* beyond Sifung kow, is from east to west eight
hundred and seventy li ; and from north to south, two thousand
one hundred li, stretching from Shanhai gwan to Solon, on the
Soongwha kiang or Songari, and is still under the rule of the
lineal descendant of Hasar, a younger brother of the founder of
the Yuen dynasty. In the early days of the Ming dynasty,
Wooliangho, chief of Kortsin, was made the principal of the
three Mongol chiefs nominated by the Ming to watch the
frontier. This supremacy was afterwards destroyed, and the
four families of Jualimoo, — all called Kortsin, after the principal
one, — were subjected by force of arms to the head of the Chahar
family.

Chinese territory extended northwards beyond Mookden like
a wedge, till it terminated in a point just outside Kaiyuen, on
the east of which city was that portion of the Niijun, from whom
sprang the Kin dynasty, and on the west the family of Kortsin,
whose head was chief of the tribe. From its position, Kortsin
was the first Mongol family or tribe to come in contact with the
Manchus.

If the Eastern Mongols and Niijun or Manchus are not
physiological or philological brothers, they are very near
relations; their polysyllabic Turanian languages containing so
many similar words, and the many customs they have in
common, seem as distinctly to point to a common origin as to
their mutually wide separation from the Chinese.

As the old Mongol chiefs loved war and plunder, like our own
old barons, tribe against tribe and family against family, so did
the Eastern Mongols often measure swords with their neighbours
the Niijun ; for they were then under the Ming what they are
now under the Manchus, in a state of semi-independence, or
rather resembling the attitude, till lately, of Afghanistan to
India : permitted to settle their own quarrels among themselves,
provided they left the Chinese in quiet. The Mongol and
Niijun chiefs intermarried, and so probably did the neighbouring

* The Chinese call them Kursin ; Mongols call their country west of Manchuria,
Toornaor, and themselves Harchin.

FIRM FRIENDSHIP. 79

peoples under them. Thus when the Nujun, south of Kiriii and
Ninguta, combined to take and destroy Noorhachu in Laochung,
they sent for the aid of the chief of Kortsin, who willingly
marched at the head of his troops, was the first in the fray, and
the first to flee when the whole allied army was routed below
Gooloshan. Afterwards when Woola was attacked, Kortsin
marched to the rescue, but was met, and his horse fled back to
.their own country. As soon as the chief got home, he sent
messengers to the Manchus to make a treaty of peace.

In the middle of the fifteenth century, Totoboowha, chief of
Chahar, was murdered, the murderer assuming the chieftainship.
The son of the murdered man was soon after reinstated in his
patrimony, taking the title of Siaowangdsu, the little king, a
title handed down to his posterity. In the beginning of the
sixteenth century, the Siaowangdsu made himself master of the
Kokonor Mongols, and marched about at the head of a hundred
thousand bowmen. After displaying their prowess all round,
these gradually broke up, moving eastwards and settling down,
except when making inroads on Chinese territory; for China
was the Roman empire of these Goths.

When the Manchus began to make themselves felt in eastern
Manchuria, the Ming empowered Lindan-khan, the then Siao-
wangdsu, to raise an army against them. Doubtless Lindan had
already proved himself a man of war. His first effort was
unsuccessful, for he was driven home. He however raised an
army larger than the first, but instead of attacking the Maiichus,^
he devasted his Mongol neighbourhood, spreading the terror of
his name in all directions. Many of his neighbours fled towards
Kortsin, and, whether from righteous indignation at the atrocities
of Lindan, or from the fear of themselves feeling the scourge of
his arm, or from both motives, — the Kortsin chiejLaad people
bound themselves fast friends to the Manchus, in a friendship
which has up to the present day not been broken. For it was
their chief Sankolinsiii who planned the defences on the Peho
and led the army which opposed the march of the allied troops
on Peking ; and he did only what his predecessors have always

80 CONQUEST OF MONGOLIA.

done when any danger threatened the Manchu government.
His son, who for the father's sake has high rank though small
influence in Peking, is the present chief of the Kortsin, and
continues his father's- bitter hostility to westerns, being one of
the leaders of the anti-foreign party. These chiefs and the
imperial family have therefore again and again intermarried.

Lindan continued his course of war, though not without
opposition; for he was once defeated at the head of forty
thousand men by a combination of Mongol Families. The
Mongols however found they were unable to defend themselves
from him, and therefore implored the protection of the Manchus,
who in 1632 marched against him with their newly-acquired
Mongol tributaries./<A.s it was summer, the Liao was unfordable;
and the Manchus therefore marched northwards by Hingan ling,*
a distance of thirteen hundred li. Lindan desired to make a
• t stand at his capital, but his men broke up, stripped, crossed the
I river and fled whither and with as much of their live property as
they could, most of them finding their way to Kweiwha city.
The forsaken chief had to follow perforce, fleeing alone and never
resting till he got to the marches of Kokonor, where he died of
fatigue ; his former ruthless power, doubtless, making an asylum
f anywhere impossible. The Manchu army then marched on
\ Kweiwha, which they captured with many myriad men. Thus
fell into their hands the key of Inner Mongolia north of Peking.
Soon after the accession of the Ming Tienchi (1621), two
Ming princes, looking after Chinese interests in Mongolia, who
were very friendly disposed to the Mongols, and what is just as
likely, very much afraid of them, agreed to pay a million taels
per annum to the Mongol Shwunyi wang, descendent of one
Nanda, to whom that title had been first given ; for this Mongol
it was who had charge of preventing inroads into Chinese
, territory. The " present " was handed over at the yearly horse

* There is an outer Hingan ling, two hundred and twenty li north-east of Meirgun,
in Hei-loong kiang province, and an Inner Hingan ling, west of Tsitsihar city,
which supplies a considerable proportion of the waters of the Amoor. The
Manchus would therefore march north-west from Kaiyuen.

CHINESE SUBSIDY. 81

fair, when prince Shwunyi presented his tribute of fifty
thousand horses, or three hundred and twenty thousand taels,
as his tribute. Chahar defeated Shwunyi wang, took his place
as border guardian and recipient of the million taels, which he
received, doubtless, in order to retain him in Chinese service.

When Taidsoong caused Lindan to flee, and occupied the city
of Kweiwha, he thought he had as good a right to the subsidy as
his predecessor, and sent letters to that effect to the magistrates
of all the border cities, Huenfoo, Tatoong, Yangho, &c., stating
how much better it would be for the Chinese to pay him this
sum than hand it to the weak Chahar, whose power was
gone with the flight of its chief; for that thus he and they
would become good friends. The governor at Tatoong agreed to
make a covenant with the Manchus, on the ratification of which,
a white horse and a black ox were sacrificed, and arrangements
made for an exchange market at Jangjia kow, or Kalgan. But
when news of this covenant, made by his unauthorised official,
came to the emperor's ears, he was extremely wroth and had the
various parties punished. Thereafter no magistrate dared hold
any intercourse with the Manchus.

As Ningyuen defied the utmost effort of the Manchus, they
made use of Mongolia as a highway into China. In 1626, the
First Beira at the head of a considerable army made a successful
march into Mongolia, taking fourteen Beiras prisoners, with their
men and cattle. In July 1634, Taidsoong advanced from
Hiienfoo to reconnoitre Swochow district, and next month the
army marched in force on Shansi, against Taichow, Swochow, -
and other cities ; but apparently only Chowei was taken before
the army was recalled. Raids were however made on Hei-loong
kiang to the north and Warka to the east, which were more
successful ; for these raids on the more thinly populated Niijun
districts, seemed to have served their purpose when a number of
captives were brought back, many, possibly most, of whom were
soon converted into soldiers.

In 1634 the men of Chahar revolted against Lin Danwoo '
their chief, and deserted in "countless numbers " to the Manchus,

82 CONQUEST OF MONGOLIA.

after seeing the dead body of their former chief. In March of
1635 these men were sent back to their own country along with
a picked Manchu army. Three months after, the main army had
got to Silajoonga on the way to Chahar, at which place Lin's
widow surrendered with one thousand five hundred families.
The Yellow river was crossed, and Nguajua, unprepared to
fight, surrendered with his mother and over a thousand families.
He was created a Chin-wang. The Chahar districts all
submitted during this same year, and Inner Mongolia became
entirely subjected to the Manchus.

But this expedition was remarkable for a richer conquest than
that of men and women. When the last Yuen emperor fled
beyond the Great desert, he took with him the imperial jade
seal which had been handed down from dynasty to dynasty
in China. Somehow it was lost, and was out of sight for two
-centuries ; after which, a certain shepherd was so much discon-
certed at seeing his sheep eat no food for three days, that he dug
the ground to discover the charm, when he found the long-lost
jade seal ! It became the property of his chief Lin Danwoo,
whose widow handed it to the Manchus. On it are inscribed
in ancient characters (jwandsu), the four words, — the " Precious
(Agent) of Rule and Command." It was encased in fanyu*
with a clasp in the form of a scaly dragon, all of a dazzling
brightness ! The possessor of this charmed seal is said to be
.sure of sovereignty over China, which is probably true as long
us he can keep it, and its locality is known. It was, therefore,
fortunate for the Manchus that the lucky shepherd was not
ambitious. No sooner did the forty-nine Mongol Beiras hear of
the news, than they hastened without one exception to
acknowledge the sovereignty of the possessor of the seal.

Chahar has not always been so faithful an ally as Kortsin ;
for when Woo Sangwei revolted in the south-west, Boorni,
younger brother and successor of the deceased Nguajua, refused
to obey the summons of Kanglii for aid ; whereupon he himself
was immediately attacked by a combined Manchu and Mongol
* Which Dr Williams— transposing— supposes to be a " veined agate."

MONGOL REVOLTS. 83

force, which got to Chirhatai, where all heavy baggage was
left behind, so that the men could ride lightly to Daloo, where
Boorni was encamped amid hills and gullies. His ambushes
were first driven in, and then his army defeated. He had . how-
ever another army in readiness, with which he renewed the fight ;
but in vain, for he had to flee with three thousand horse. He
did not flee far, for a Kortsin arrow brought him to the ground.
His land was converted into a common, the survivors of the
tribe banished to beyond Huenwha and Tatoong to the south-
west of Dooshu kow, where his territory had extended north and
north-west of Peking, over a thousand li beyond the outer w.

We have seen how Kweiwha chung west of the Yellow river
was taken. In 1636, a number of Mongols of that district
revolted, flying beyond the Great desert. They were pursued
Woobahai, who had been made commandant of Kweiwha^ «.'•"!
several scores of days no trace of the rebels was obtainable. On
day while some men went to pick up a wild goose which had
been shot by them, they suddenly came upon the rebel camp,
which broke up immediately, continuing the flight northwards.
At Wundo ling pass they were overtaken. Yelei, one of their /) •. *
leaders, raised his bow to shoot his arrow, when a fox which had ' (
risen in front ran against him, and his bow was knocked out of
his hand. He was taken, and on him" was found the seal of (j
Shwunyi wang of Kweiwha. Inner Mongolia however seems to
have taken kindly to Manchu rule, for there has been no such
serious risings as under the Ming and preceding Chinese
dynasties. This fidelity is accounted for partly by consanguinity
and intermarriage ; but chiefly by the large salaries and presents
allowed the Mongol chiefs.

The year 1636 passed over without any important military
operations. A raid was made through Mongol territory into
Shansi, in the end of the preceding and beginning of this
year, which resulted in a total of six thousand Chinese troops
slain and seventy- six thousand two hundred head of human and
four-footed animals taken. A second in summer was followed
by a more serious raid in autum, when the Manchus, again

84 CONQUEST OF MONGOLIA.

marching through Mongol ground, entered Changan, passed
Paoting and got to Aiichow, reporting successful contests in fifty-
six so-called battles, and the plunder of twelve cities with the
capture of a hundred and eighty thousand head of men and
cattle. But from a military stand-point, all this was mere
robbery; for the places taken could not be retained. In the end •
of the year an expedition against the Coreans ended in subduing
that kingdom.

A dream of Taidsoong's is thought worthy of historical record.
He dreamed that he was on his way to Hingking to worship
Taidsoo, whom he saw riding swiftly. Daishan, son of Taidsoo,
laid hold of the bridle, but could not hold in the horse. Then
Taidsoong entered the Ming palace. In the palace was a man
who held out and handed to him a string of coral. The man
seemed to be the emperor Wanli, — long dead. His first thought
was to refuse the coral, but on closely looking at it he saw on it
the images of the Kin dynasty. He accepted it : Wanli saying,
" This is the history of the Kin dynasty." On waking, the
dream was laid before the wise men of the privy council by
this Nebuchadnezzar; and they explained, that as he had
formerly dreamed of going into the Corean palace, and after-
wards took Corea, so now this dreamy entrance into the
palace of the Ming signified that he was to gain possession
of China, and the coral intimated that he was to be entrusted
with the sovereign duty of issuing the imperial yearly book, — as
the almanac is called.

North of the Great desert, stretching away to Russian Siberia
for three thousand li, and bordering Siberia east to west five
thousand li, is Outer Mongolia ; at that time under three chiefs,
the principal of whom was Karka in the east. When Chahar
was annexed, Karka sent messages of concord to the Manchus,
who presented the envoys when departing with sable robes, court
pearls, bows, swords, gold and silks. The envoys brought as
"tribute" in the following year, strange beasts, celebrated horses,
armour, sables, the diao or "great vulture" (monachus),
matchlocks made by the Russians, bow-bags from Whiboo, and

GREAT RAIDING EXPEDITION. 85

saddles and hatchets from Urmasu. Black foxes, white squirrels,
and robes were given them in return. They afterwards presented
every year a white camel and eight white horses, which was
called the " tribute of the nine whites." But they were not
always such good friends ; for Taidsoong had to march against
and defeat them in 1638.

The possession of Mongolia was useful to the Manchus only as
the one road open to them into China; for they would never
have been able to pass through the fortified Shanhaigwan,
however brave they were, or however foolish their opponents.
And they were not slow in making use of the circuitous route,
for in September, 1638, Dorgun, the Zooi chin-wang, was
nominated chief commander and sent with a body of men, while
Yoto was at the head of another, both to act against the Chinese.
Yoto marched by the valley of Chiangdsu ling, and taking a
city of that name, passed 011 by four different roads. By the
way, he came upon a body of six thousand Chinese, under Woo
Ahung, governor of Ki and Lkio,* who was a confirmed
drunkard ; and as he was, therefore, wholly unprepared, he was
easily defeated in a valley, called by the Mongols Dajiboola.
Dorgun broke down a ruined portion of the Great wall east of
Doongjia kow and west of Chingwan shan, through which he
passed. The two brothers united their armies at Tungchow,
below Peking. Arrived at Chochow they separated, and
marched by eight roads in as many divisions, — one by the hills*
one by the Ywun-ho, or " Grand canal," or Transport-river, and
six between these two.

The Ming general Loo Siangshung, and the president of the
Board of War, were on bad terms ; hence, though Loo had the
title of commander-in-chief of all the troops, he had under him
scarcely twenty thousand men, the bulk of the men of Kwanning
being under Gao Chichien. Of his men, Loo Siangshung placed
half under Chun Sinjia, and with the remainder he marched 011
Paoting. He fought a most severe battle against Chinese rebels
at Chingtu, where many were slain and wounded on both sides ;

* Ki Liao indicated the north-east of Chihli, and what remained of Liaosi.

86 CONQUEST OF MONGOLIA.

and then advanced 011 Yinloo-swo, where he found he had lost
half of his divided force. Here, with five thousand men, he had
to encounter several score thousand of Manchus, who came
upon him after he had driven off his former foes, and surrounded
him three deep. He kept the Manchus at bay for two days,
though Gao Chichien, at the head of the main army about fifty
li distant, would not move to his aid. After his last grain of
powder was gone, he threw himself, sword in hand, into their
midst, and slew over a dozen men before he was cut down.

Believing that the Chinese would draw men from Ningyuen
and Kingchow,* as soon as they knew of the march of the two
Manchu armies into the interior of China, Taidsoong resolved to
keep those men where they were. He, therefore, sent several
detachments of Mongols to occupy the road between Ningyuen
arid Kingchow, and some of the Manchu rear-guard with
Mongols, to that south of Ningyuen and north of Chientwun.
He himself led an army by Yichow. The three recent deserters,
who had meantime been created wangs, Gung, Koong, and
Shang, were entrusted with our old acquaintance the " Great
general," which battered down the walls of two fortified villages.
Thus the object of the move was thoroughly realised, for the
Chinese dared not draw on those garrisons to the north of
Shanhaigwan. At the same time the plundering armies, under
Dorgwun, reached Linching chow in Shantung, crossed the Grand
canal, took Tsinan foo, and captured Dua wang, a near relation
of the Ming emperor. They took in all fifty walled cities, besides
eight which opened their gates. They seized above four hundred
and sixty thousand captives, and carried away over a million
taels of silver.

Returning next spring by Tientsin, they found the canal
much swollen and unfordable. Some Chinese officials proposed
to cut off their retreat, but the Chinese generals dared not act ;
so that after some days they crossed in safety. Another
unsuccessful attempt was then made by Taidsoong to bring

* Pronounced Jinjow or Jinchow by the Chinese; but as the incorrect name
Kingchow is given in all maps to that large city of Liaosi, it is retained here.

INCREASING WEAKNESS. 87

about a treaty of . peace, but no notice was taken of his
proposal. His terms were, doubtless, as unreasonable as ever,
and they well might be so now. For the hands of the last Ming
emperor had been for years becoming more and more paralysed
by the gigantic scale to which robbery and rebellion had
attained. So that China was now like a water-logged or
stranded vessel, surrounded by wreckers. She could not possibly
act on the offensive, could not even successfully repel every
attack, while every moment made her weaker. The well-
meaning, but weak, emperor found all things against him. The
Manchus on his east successfully resisted his attempts to keep
them within bounds ; a hungry populace filled the provinces of
his empire with fiendish robbers; a greedy, selfish, blinded
ministry, occupied his council chambers, disregarding whatever
tended not to their own immediate private advantage; and a
famine, almost chronic, over all the northern provinces, not only
converted poor men into robber-bands and rebel armies, but
disheartened his friends by giving proof that Heaven was wroth
with and had forsaken him. The Manchus could, therefore,
choose their point, mode, and time, of attack or retreat; and -we.
need not be surprised if Taidsoong's terms for a treaty were
exorbitant, nor yet that being exorbitant, they were met with
a silent refusal on the part of the Pekinese authorities, who
would find it impossible to implement such terms, if they did
agree to them.

In the spring of 1639, Taidsoong marched against Hingshan,
in Liaosi, which he hotly besieged. The three newly created
princes, Shaug, Koong, and Gung, with two Manchu officers, had
each his special post assigned him, from which he was to pour shot
upon the city from his field-pieces — " red-coats," at present called
"horse-cannon." The city parapets and much of the wall,
were battered down, — the second in command, Jin Gwofung,
remaining inside all day. At sunset the Manchus retired to
rest, and to prepare for attack through breach and by escalade
in the morning. But when daylight appeared, they found the
walls as high as ever, the breaches having been repaired with

88 CONQUEST OF MONGOLIA.

corded beams protected by earth. The attack of the Manchus
was, therefore, easily repulsed, and their "cloudy ladders"
helped to raise men to the wall, only to be hurled back to die.
Attempts to mine the walls in three different places were
discovered and defeated, and the siege had to be raised.
Detachments sent against the neighbouring forts of Tashan and
Lienshan, were equally unsuccessful. In revenge the country
round Kingchow was harried, and the villages utterly destroyed.
Several minor expeditions kept Kingchow and Ningyuen
occupied all the year. In one of these the brave Jin Gwofung,
who had been created lieut.-general of Ningyuen, was slain with
two of his sons. When Hoong Chungchow, the governor of Ki
and Liao, heard of it, he said : " At first when Jin Gwofung was
alone at the head of three thousand men, he successfully defied
the Manchu armies. As soon as he was made a great leader
with a myriad men, he was defeated; the reason evidently
being, that though nominally chief, he was interfered with;"
a truth, the many evidences of which had not yet ensured a
wiser policy in Peking, for eunuchs ruled in every camp.

In April, 1640, Jirhalang was ordered to restore the ancient
city of Yichow, almost direct west of Liaoyang across the Liao,
touching the south-east border of Mongolia : this was to prevent
the Chinese to the south of him from cultivating the ground.
Cavalry were always on the road ; and if not successful in prevent-
ing the Chinese from sowing in the Kingchow districts, did the
reaping themselves, in some cases cutting down the half-grown
crops. In July, Dorgwun the Zooi chin-wang was sent to watch
Kingchow, and to divide his men into two wings, one to be ready
to oppose any movement of the enemy's troops, and open the
way for deserters ; another to look after all the crops, to have
them cut down and carefully stored up, in two strong places,
along with the straw and corn already cut. In October,
Jirhalang was sent to relieve Dorgwun, who was reproved for his
lack of plan. Desultory, frequent, but indecisive engagements
had taken place between bodies of his men and the Chinese ; and
wishing to strike a blow just before leaving, he sent men to

SLOW BELEAGUERING. 89

tempt out the garrison of Soongshan, whence a body of cavalry
soon issued at great speed only to be driven back. A second and
a third time did they charge, when they were pursued up to the
very gates, losing many men. The newly-arrived army also laid
-ambushes, seized night convoys of grain, and kept the enemy on
the qui vive. And in December, Dorgwun was sent back again
to relieve Jirhalang.

Thus were the Chinese forces in Liaosi always kept occupied
and harassed, and everything done to shorten the provisions in
the Chinese garrisons, when in April, Dorgwun gave home-leave
to the mailed soldiers, and moved his camp away from Kingchow
thirty li to Gwowang-bei towards the Yichow road. The news
of this retrograde move enraged Taidsoong, who had given orders
that Kingchow should be gradually approached, for he was
determined to take it ; and it had now been besieged a whole
year. His troops had devastated Shantung and Shansi, taking
many cities and could have taken all, but not a foot could he
retain, because of the strong post of Shanhai gwan in his rear ;
and Shanhai gwan could be approached only after the fall of the
four strong cities north-east of it, the principal and nearest of
which was Kingchow. As he had so frequently been baffled in
his designs on those cities, he adopted the plan we have been
describing, to keep or make them short of provisions, and prepare
for an easier conquest when his plans were completed. He was
now enraged because the temporary withdrawal and weakening of
the troops, and permitted Kingchow to lay in a stock of provisions.
The guilty princes were recalled, and Jirhalang was ordered to
press the siege against the southern garrisons. The recalled
army was ordered to halt at Shulita,* and no man permitted to
enter the capital. Ministers were sent out to examine and
punish every man guilty of dismissing as many as five men.
The Zooi chin-wang and his subordinate brother Soo chin-wang
acknowledged their fault, and were both degraded to kun wangs t

* Now called Tawan, twelve li outside Mookden, on the west road.

t The term wang originally signified in Chinese what king did in the west, and
there was then of course only one wang. But shortly before the Christian era, the

90 CONQUEST OF MONGOLIA.

besides being heavily fined ; the inferior officials were punished
in proportion to their power and guilt, and then all were
permitted to enter the city.

Jirhalang was ordered to surround Kingchow and to keep the
road from Soong and Hingshan, to prevent succour thence. In
besieging the city, the attacking party set up eight camps, before
which a deep trench was dug, and along this ditch side walls
were built. Between the camps and nearer the city another
trench was dug, beside which watchmen beating gongs kept
incessant guard.

Kingchow was a double city. Inside the outer wall was a
colony of Mongols, who railed at the watchmen, saying, — " We
have provisions inside the city for two or three years ; do you
think you can take us by sitting before the walls ? " The watchmen
replied, — " If you have provisions for four years, what will you
eat on the fifth ? " The reply terrified the Mongols, who learned
from it the determination to have the city at all costs, and their
allegiance wavered. Two Mongol chiefs sent a secret message,
saying that they would surrender the city if soldiers were sent
on a certain given night. But commander Dsoo Dashow,
whom we have seen turn coat twice, and who was now
under his first flag, heard of the proposed treachery three days
before the given night. He went out of the inner city to seize
the Mongol chiefs, who resisted. The Manchus hastened to the
foot of the wall, attracted by a great tumult purposely raised by
the Mongol soldiers. There they found ropes dangling from
Mongol hands by which they scaled the walls and drove the

successful competitor for the throne of China adopted the term ivhangdi or emperor.
Thenceforth wang, though still the title of "king," such as he of Corea, always
signified a vassal king. The sons of the emperor and men who made themselves
famous warriors, had the title of wang given them. But all could not be equal in
rank. Hence Chin and Kun divided them into two great classes, the Chin being
Family wang, indicating the rank nearest the emperor; Kun, being Prince
wang, denoting an inferior prince. Prince Kung is of course a Chin Wang; so
also is Bo wang, Prince of Kortsin, because his father Sankolinsin deserved
so well at the hands of the government. But the great majority is
kunwang.

URGENCY DECLARED. 91

Chinese into the inner* city. The outer city was thus taken, and
eighty-six Mongol officers and six thousand two hundred men.
and women joined the Manchus. The news caused the greatest
joy in Mookden ; Taidsoong inviting the populace to a theatrical
performance in the palace.

Intelligence was speedily sent to Peking, and "urgency"
declared.^ Preparations were forthwith made on both sides for
more serious work. The wangs, Koong and Shang, were sent
off in May to increase the ranks of Jirhalang, and small
bodies of Chinese from Soongshan and Hingshan were
met and driven back ; but a large force was being collected
under the governor of Ki and Liao, Hoong Chungchow, and
eight lieut.-generals, of whom Woo Sangwei was one. This
force, amounting to a hundred and thirty thousand infantry and
forty thousand cavalry, got to Ningyuen with a year's provisions.

Dsoo Dashow sent messengers from Kingchow urging them
not to fight blindly, but to rest in fortified camps, and to advance
with caution, — advice which coincided perfectly with the
judgment of Hoong himself; for as the provisions were so bulky,
and the carts so numerous, he resolved first to get them on from
Tashan to Soongshan, then from Soongshan to Kingchow, setting-
up camps at every step to prevent all possibility of surprise.
But the president of the Board of War had sent on the vice-
president, Jang Yolin, — as usual, to spy the commander, — who
acted like a madman, ceasing neither day nor night from
reporting fighting ahead. His conduct at length compelled
Hoong to abandon his first resolution, and to march ahead with
sixty thousand men, leaving the provender at Ningyuen,
Tashan, and Bijiagang, just beyond Tashan. The rest of the
army followed him. His cavalry surrounded three sides of

* The outer cannot have surrounded the inner city, but must have been on one
side, as that of Peking-, and similarly situated ; for the only traces of an outer
enclosure in the present splendid city are on the south side, beside the shallow
"river" Siaoling ho.

f It is remarkable to find the exact phrase used in the French convention
occurring here, and often subsequently.

92 CONQUEST OF MONGOLIA.

Soongshan, the infantry occupied Zoofung gang north of the
city, pitching seven camps between the two hills, Soong and
Zoofung, before which they dug a deep ditch.

Taidsoong heard of the march of this formidable army in
September, and issued orders immediately, commanding every
man and every horse in all the Manchu districts to gather at
the capital. On the fifteenth day of the eighth moon they
started from Mookden, leaving Jirhalang the Jun chin-wang to
protect the city. He marched day and night, and in six days
his forces occupied the high road from Nanshan to the sea,
between Soongshan and Hingshan, thus cutting off communi-
cation between the enemy's army and his provisions. A
detachment was told off forthwith, which defeated the men left
in charge of the provisions at Tashan, and took the stores at
Bijia gang, where there were thirteen great heaps of grain.
This skilful move dealt a terrible blow to the Chinese commander,
who had marched against his own better judgment.

Taidsoong knew that the enemy had small store of provision,
-and predicted that within five days they would retire. He
therefore planted ambushes at Tashan, Hingshan, Siaoling ho,
and by other roads wherever the enemy might possibly march.
These divided forces were ordered to fight the advancing enemy
if of equal numbers ; but if superior to let them pass, and strike
them in the rear. He also set a strong body over the grain at
Bijia shan to prevent its being taken by a dash. He had
guessed correctly ; for on the second day, soon after nightfall,
Woo Sangwei and five other lieut. -generals began their retreat
in excellent fighting order. But the men of one of the divisions
broke up in disorder and fled. In the darkness it was
impossible to re-form, and all made for Tashan. The Manchus
pursued, striking down the rear, the ambush doing what they
could to put the van into confusion. The Chinese marched
slowly, now marching, now fighting; but at last they all broke,
and fled into Tashan. Parties of fugitives were met on all the
roads ; but so panic-stricken were they that the least show of
Manchu opposition scattered them into disorderly flight.

TERRIBLE COLLAPSE. 93

Lieut. -general Tsao Bienjiao, with, the commander Hoong
Chungchow, and about ten thousand men, got into Soongshan.
Thence they made five unsuccessful sallies ; Bienjiao pushing
his way with some of his men to the very gate of the quarters
of Taidsoong. As the principal officers were away elsewhere,
the greatest terror prevailed inside, lest Taidsoong should be
overpowered. But the gate was defended by Balikwun alone
till troops came up, when Bienjiao was wounded, and retired.

Taidsoong, believing that the hosts of men shut up in the-
small fort of Tashan were sure to flee immediately for the large
city of Ningyuen, set ambushes at Gaochiao and SanggarjaL
They had not long to wait ; for Woo Sangwei and the others-
marched out ; and their men, now thoroughly demoralised, ran
and most of them perished in the sea. Sangwei and another
general escaped alone. Jang Yolin, the principal cause of
that terrible disaster, fled in a boat and proved the man he was-
hy joining the rebels under Li Dsuchung, then so powerful all
over China, and again soon after by deserting to the Manchus.
He was, doubtless, afraid of facing the emperor again.

Of the Chinese, fifty-three thousand seven hundred and
eighty-three then perished, and seven thousand four hundred and
forty-four horses, sixty-six camels, and nine thousand three
hundred and forty-six coats of mail were taken. Most of the
lost were drowned as they had been fleeing by the sea-shore.
The sea was covered with the floating bodies, as if with in-
numerable " wild geese or ducks." The Manchus had ten men
wounded that night.

We have seen above (p. 88, 89) how anxiously the Manchus
were preventing the ingress of provisions into the fortified cities
of Kingchow and neighbourhood. Soongshan, which was
therefore short of provisions before, was soon in great straits by
the additional men shut up there, while all hope of relief from
without was destroyed ; for a deep ditch was cut round the city,
which was closely invested, Hoong Chungchow not daring to
sally. Next month a large force was sent against Kingchow.
Taidsoong returned to Mookden, and some provisions were

D4 CONQUEST OF MONGOLIA.

•smuggled into Soongshan, which, had come by sea from Tientsin.
They were of little service, however ; for the second in command
sent his second son secretly into the city, who managed to open
the gates. Hoong Chungchow was taken alive. Tsao Bienjiao
and other officers were slain fighting.

Dsoo Dashow had defied the Manchus in Kingchow ever since
his retreat from Peking. Orders were now sent to Jirhalang to
closely invest Kingchow, — to cut down even the grass which grew
between the wall and the trench. But as soon as the terrible
and crushing defeat at Soongshan and the fall of that city,
became known in Kingchow, the hearts of all failed them.
Dashow, therefore, whose resources had long been exhausted,
and who had done all a brave man could, opened his gates to
the Manchus, by whom he was well treated. But every Mongol,
and the men outside Dsoo's contingent, were put to death. An
•army sent on to aid Kingchow dared not pass Ningyuen, where
Woo Sangwei was governor. He, though he could not save
the country around from plunder, kept his city.

In consequence of the terror caused by the fall of the cities,
and a succession of terrible losses on the field, Chun, the
president of the Chinese Board of War, memorialised the
emperor on the matter; but apparently presented an entirely
wrong version ; for the emperor replying in his own hand, wrote
that his memorial stating that " Liaoyang and Mookden were
eagerly desirous for peace, had been received;" that the
emperor and his family were amenable to reason and were will-
ing to carry out the will of Heaven above in saving life alive ;
and that peace would be easily granted on the restoration of the
lands which " our merciful and righteous forefathers " left ; but
with this general direction the emperor handed over the matter
to the president. Verily, red-tapeism was strangling China, half
of which was then in rebel hands, the other half little better ;
and the cost of the war in Liaosi was in itself reason
enough for peace. The Manchu emperor objected to the
style of this despatch. If the letter was really intended for him,
why was the president " ordered " ? and if " ordered," why

MANCHU HAUGHTINESS. 95

employ the imperial official seal, which however was not the
true seal ? The letter besides treated Manchu with supercilious
contempt. He therefore replied to the president that it was
evident the Chinese were not in reality desirous of friendship.
But as to the mind of the Wangs and Beiras of Manchu it was
truly reported of them that they sought peace.

Soongshan and Tashan cities were then levelled with the
ground and Hingshan soon followed. Woo Sangwei was the
lieut. -general commandant of Ningyuen, and a worthy successor
to Choonghwan. Every fortified city to the north of him had
fallen, and he was now face to face with the Manchus. Repeated
efforts were made by missives from the Manchu " emperor," and
by letters from various chief officers lately deserted to the
Manchus, all well known to Sangwei. All tempted him to
revolt, but though he turned a deaf ear, they familiarised his
mind to the idea and bore fruit before long.

Whether or not the Chinese emperor was aware of the whole
truth in regard to Liaosi, he knew sufficient to make the thought
of peace desirable. He was himself of a gentle, well-disposed
character, but unable to govern unruly men, or control the strong-
willed but selfish ministers about him. In June however he sent
four officials and a retinue to make serious attempts for peace.
The Manchu emperor sent a corresponding embassage 20 li
outside the city of Mookden to meet and welcome them with a
feast. The Chinese messengers performed, " one kneeling and
three kowtows," thus acknowledging the power of the Manchus.
The epistle which they bore from the Ming emperor as their
credentials, was to the effect that as the former epistle directed
to the president of the Board of War, referring to the cessation
of hostilities and the dismissal to their homes of the soldiers, was
yet without any reply, the officials named above were appointed
a special mission to ascertain the true position of affairs and to
report.

Next month the messengers were sent back with a reply as
follows : — "The DACHING emperor (wkangdi) writes to the Ming
emperor (whangdi) to say that all the wars have been the

96 CONQUEST OF MONGOLIA.

result of causeless injuries inflicted on our ancestors, of despising1
us and of seeking our lands. It was on these accounts our
deceased ancestor Taidsoo informed Heaven and Earth and went
in person to attack your kingdom. We afterwards made
repeated overtures to come to terms with you, but up to the
present there has been only war and confusion.

" By the will of Heaven we succeeded to our father's position.
We started from the shores of the north-east sea " (of Japan)
"and have now come to those of the north-west sea " (Salt Lakes
of western Mongolia) ; " within those limits the dog-and-deer-
employing kingdoms, the lands of the black Tiger and the black
Sable, the tribes who know neither sowing nor reaping but live
by the hunt and the fish-net, up to the western Eleuths, have
all acknowledged us as their sovereign. The Mongols and
Coreans are down on our map. Because we have proclaimed
only truth to Heaven and Earth, we had a name* conferred
upon us, and have been made honourable. Our kingdom was
styled Da Ching, and the style of our reign changed to
Choongdua — Eminent Virtue. Whenever our men have
entered your borders, they took every city attacked, they won
every batttle fought ; yet we have never ceased to seek peace,
to preserve in life whom war destroys. If both kingdoms are
but sincere in the desire for peace, the old causes of hate will
be effaced ; and why strive merely to ascertain who is greatest ?

" If you are sincere we shall soon come to an understanding ;
if double-minded, difficulties will arise. If you send a messenger
to us we shall see him in person ; if we send one, you should
see him face to face, lest otherwise there should be any
misunderstanding. Thus a lasting peace may be secured. On
great occasions of joy or sorrow, messengers of congratulation
or condolence should be mutually sent. You shall send us
yearly ten thousand oz. of yellow gold, and one million of silver ;
and we shall send you a thousand catties of ginsheng, and a
thousand sable skins. The earth hills between Ningyuen and
the village of Shwangshoo shall be the limit of your honourable

* " The most Compassionate, Virtuous, and Wise Emperor."

MANCHUS AMBITIOUS. 97

kingdom, Tashan that of ours ; Lienshan and the space between
shall be neutral ground for a barter market. If you desire to-
conclude peace let a messenger be sent speedily with a letter
of peace, and another containing an oath ; then we shall return
similar letters to you. If you do not accede to terms, you need
send no messenger, despatch no letter."

These terms of peace show that the Manchu conqueror,
triumphing over his gigantic but now enfeebled foe, was not
very anxious to conclude a peace, and also that he was at last
aiming, not merely to secure a free and independent kingdom
of Mongols and Tunguses, but to strike for the Dragon
throne. That soaring ambition was now practicable, for he was
strong and Peking weak ; and it was manifested in his remarks to
his princes, " that Peking was like a large tree, which must be cut
all round, when it would fall of itself." This expressed a desire
to cut off all external communication from Peking. It was,
however, because of the formidable proportions to which Chinese
rebellion had attained, that the Manchus were not at all anxious
for the peace which they would have welcomed some years
before ; and the negotiations fell through.

The Chinese contingent of the Manchu army became so
numerous by desertions, that they had to be divided into eight
Banners. Some of them now urged Taidsoong to march direct
on Peking, which in the present state of Chinese terror could not
but fall. He, however, thought it was the best policy to harass
and plunder the country in the neighbourhood of Peking, which
would thus by and by fall of itself, like a tree which has been
cut all round the outside. There can be little doubt that he
might then easily have taken Peking, which was seized next year
by the rebels; after which the chance of the Manchus was hanging
in the balance. To carry out his policy an army was again pre-
pared to raid China, which set out in November. The left wing
broke down the Great wall at Jieshan, and passed through;
and at Taitow ying fought and slew two thousand five hundred
men of Tatoong foo. The right wing found the gullies so narrow
and the roads so rough, that they had to ride singly. A Chinese

98 CONQUEST OF MONGOLIA.

official was seized, who told them that twenty li outside of
Whangyen kow was a very narrow road at Yenmun gwan, while
the gate was of stone and protected by cannon and powder
mines. Men were sent on by night, who seized the cannon, and
withdrew the powder charges. The gate, with another further
on, was taken. The wing divided into two before Whangyen
kow, attacked, took it and passed through chang-chung as the
" Great wall " is called. The two wings united at Kichow, the
inhabitants of which had all fled to the hills, leaving grain and
cattle behind. A Chinese detachment coming up to aid the city
was broken.

Before starting, Taidsoong had exhorted his men to act as
good soldiers, and not as ruffian robbers ; telling them that no
old man should be killed without grave reasons, no man's wife
should be seized, or his property destroyed, and none beaten, as
had been done during the last invasion, because they failed to
give up their silver. The advice was good, and, apparently,
intended to conciliate the conquered people; but we can
scarcely hope that any attention was paid it ; for in July of next
year (1643), the army returned from Shantung, reporting thirty-
nine victories, and three foo, eighteen choiv, and sixty-seven
hien cities taken, besides six which opened their gates. They
brought back twelve thousand two hundred and fifty taels of
gold, two million two hundred and five thousand two hundred and
seventy taels of silver, four thousand four hundred and forty
taels of pearls, fifty-three thousand two hundred and thirty
pieces of satin, furs and coats of mail in abundance, three
hundred and sixty-nine thousand human beings, and over three
hundred and twenty-one thousand head of cattle. A number of
high Chinese officials concerned committed suicide.

The Yiikun wang Dodo, probably sick and tired of this carnage
and cruelty, began the new year of 1643 by advising that the
example of the ancients should be followed, — who fought only
when war was unavoidable ; — for that Heaven would certainly
punish the people who trusted to their own power and acted
unrighteously. He recommended that the soldiers should be

SECOND RULER DIES. 99

disbanded, and that the officials should well regulate their internal
affairs, customs, and agriculture which was of prime importance
as the source of food and clothing. His advice was not at all
likely to be carried into action ; though Taidsoong recommended
his great ministers to be sure to entrust all important business
connected with war to men of wisdom, who, if carrying out
successfully whatever task was imposed upon them, would be
permitted to send their men to dig ginsheng ; while those would
be forbidden, whose failure proved them incompetent, and it
would be criminal for them to be jealous of their betters.

Next month, September 1643, this able son of a more able
father died at the age of fifty-two. A long title was given him,
and his body rests in the Jaoling, north of Mookden, before
which is the finest pailow I have seen. But both his tomb and
that of his father's are sadly in need of repair.

At the new-year of 1634, Taidsoong seated himself in the
" Reception Hall," and ordered the new Chinese adherents
Koong Yoodua and Gung Joongming to present themselves, along
with the Beiras and high ministers to pay their new-year's
compliments. The high place and rich rewards given these men
had doubtless a good deal to do with the desertion from the
Ming cause of Shang Kosi the major-general of Gwangloo island
off Pidsu wo ; and paved the way for many similar desertions.
After the reception there was a grand wrestling match, at which
one Ursalan raised all competitors off the ground and received
the name of " Marvellous Strength." The Reception Hall is an
octagonal building, handsome even in its old age, and must have
been very beautiful when built and when its finely carved wood
work was covered with its freshest paint. It stands just outside
the east wall of the Palaces, in a large enclosure of its own. It
is necessarily at the north end of a long brick paved area, so as
to face the south. It is flanked by five fine detached houses oil
each side of the spacious quadrangle. These houses seem to have
been for the use of the princes or guests. The south gate
leading into the quadrangle is in a directly east line from the
large east gate of the palace wall.

100 CONQUEST OF MONGOLIA.

It was possibly the accession of those worthy deserters which
elevated the mind of Taidsoong to such a pitch that he called
Mookden the "Heaven-aiding capital," and Hotoola, the
"Heaven-aided prosperous capital (Hingking)." The word
Mukden or Mookden is the Manchu for "prosperity." Then, too,
the first examination was held for the degree of M.A., in Manchu,
Mongol and Chinese literature. Sixteen candidates passed, who
were each presented by the monarch with an embroidered suit,
and each had exempted from military service four men of his
family subjected thereto ; while the Board of Rites feasted the
sixteen at a public banquet.

In 1636, Taidsoong assumed a new style for his own reign,
and the name of Gking or Tsing, " clear," for his dynasty. This
is the Chinese of Manjoo, and by it the Manchu government has
been ever since designated. He also adorned the memory of hi&
remotest ancestors, the petty hend-men of Hotoola with grand
names, and his deceased father had a long string of magnificent
adjectives prefixed to his posthumous title, while his tomb, on
the nearest small, beautifully wooded eminence east of Mookden,
was called the Foo Ling, or Happy Tomb. The " empress " also-
lying there had a nearly equal and equally appropriate number
of epitaphs. The Beiras, or sons of Taidsoo, were all created
wang, a title which could be given then only on the supposition
that Taidsoong was a proclaimed competitor for the Dragon
Throne.

The Secretariat was divided into three grand divisions, the
whole called Nei San Yuen, " The Inner Three Halls." There
was the Nei Gwoshu Yuen, Inner History Hall ; the Nei Mishoa
Yuen, Inner Private Secretariat; and the Nei Hoongivun Yuen,
Inner Despatch Office. Boards had been established sometime
before, and in 1638, each of the six boards had six members,,
each with his particular duties clearly defined. An additional
board was found necessary to look after the interests and affairs
of the numerous Chinese Bannermen, in 1644. It consisted of
two members. Another, a Board of Works, in connection with
the Chinese contingent of the army, was also added and composed

VARIOUS LAWS. 101

of an officer for each banner. Then, too, an additional Da Siao
Su or Grand Secretary was added to each of the three
secretariats.

The first president of the Board of Rites seems to have been
.a humane man. He presented a memorial praying that wives
or maidens, placed by the fortunes of war within the control of
the army, should be preserved from ill-treatment. He was
examined and rebuked, because " though his body was with the
Manchus, his heart was with the Chinese," and he was told that
he was no better than a spy and deserved death, — which how-
ever was not inflicted.

Taidsoong issued an order through the Board of Rites, some-
what more conformable to humanity, to the effect that any person
found wearing clothes of the Chinese fashion, retaining their
hair, and binding the feet of their children, would be severely
punished. This was of course directed against all Chinese
within the jurisdiction of the Manchus. Several edicts
threatening severe penalties were issued against cramping the
feet of children, but all in vain. It is a curious fact that of the
three customs forbidden, those two belonging to men, — the
enormous sleeve whose width nearly touched the ground, and
the full crop of hair — were easily abolished ; but the one belonging
to women, though one would suppose the most serious of all, has
been persisted in to this day in spite of the threats and laws of
successive Manchu emperors. Is the Chinese woman more
obstinate or conservative than her husband ?

In the beginning of 1633, Taidsoong had to urge the farmers
to be diligent in the cultivation of grain, and be careful to plant
trees. The soldiers were also ordered to exercise their archery
more assiduously, as it was by it they had obtained their kingdom;
while the officers were forbidden to harass the common people,
or to employ them on unrequited government labour. The first
flush of youthful exuberant activity had gone, and the Manchus
were inclined to follow the easy life of their sedate neighbours
the Chinese, and were, like every people left to itself, content to
let the future look after itself. But had they then permitted

102 CONQUEST OF MONGOLIA.

their military harness to rust, they would have, in all probability,
been driven back again into their original wilds. The reigning
son was, however, worthy of his father, and gave his men
employment. One brother he sent to build Siwyen, half way
between Newchwang and Funghwangchung ; another to build
Lanpan, 240 li west of Funghwangchung; a third to build
Toongyooen poo, 100 li north-west of Funghwang ; and a fourth
to restore Jienchang, 120 li south of Hingking. Except the
first, since rebuilt, all those " cities " are now in ruins, and called
by the natives " Corean " cities.

Again, in 1641, he expressed disapproval at the report handed
in with the census. This census had been sometime established
to give the numbers of individuals in every Niroo, whether
Manchu or Mongol, with the number of human beings, and of
cattle in each family, and a sort of " income " census, by which
rich and poor could be distinguished. On the last score, the
census gave him dissatisfaction, and he called before him and
reprimanded the Niroo chiefs and higher magistrates, whose
business it was to look after the poor, charging them with the
increased poverty, because of their love of "good food and
drink," and consequent neglect of magisterial duties. He
blamed the highest of all, the Wangs, Beiras, and chief
ministers, because they did not faithfully see for themselves that
their men diligently practised archery. He ordered them to set
a good example, by teaching their own younger brothers to bend
the " ox-horn bow," and fly the winged arrow, and to instruct
their boys in the use of the wooden bow and willow arrow ; and
again, they were reminded that their position was acquired by
the bow, neglecting the constant practice of which was criminal.

It would appear that tobacco was introduced about this time,
and that penal laws had been issued against its use, as vain as
those of king James. For the monarch said to his assembled
grandees : " Though we strictly forbade the smoking of tobacco,
how could the people be restrained when you smoked in
private ? " Taidsoong then set the crime of tobacco smoking
against that of neglecting archery and husbandry, and declared

TOBACCO AND OPIUM. 103

that while the former might be condoned, the latter could not be
overlooked. Is opium smoking to pass through the same stages
as tobacco did, and both under the Manchus, the one at the
beginning, the other at the end of their reign ? So far the
parallel is complete ; for both were strictly prohibited, and the
laws in each case nullified, because the magistrates and
dignitaries set the example of slighting them. In the innermost
circle of the palace, and on the highest ministerial benches, the
opium pipe is daily lit. Full one half of the male adults are
said to smoke, and the evil is deepening and becoming more
sad when the vice has taken root in the nervous system of large
numbers of the women. Women and children of three years
old smoke the long ebony-stemmed tobacco pipe. Fortunately
opium is too expensive for such universal use.

In the chapter on the Customs of the Manchus, reference
will be made to their religion. When they left the eastern hills,
their religion was of the crudest and the coarsest. Buddhism
seems to have made rapid strides among them ; for when, in
1636, Taidsoong had conferred rank, with golden knobs and
pearls, to be fixed on the hats of all who had the blood of
Taidsoo in their veins, he made a serious attempt to overturn
the influence of Buddhism. He proclaimed in public that the
"Lamas',' confined their food to vegetables, pretending to be
holier than ordinary mortals, only the better to be able to
impose upon and deceive the people ; for that if they regulated
their food, they did not restrain their unruly thoughts, but
coveted, cheated, and did nothing but deceive. He lamented
that the Mongols were such implicit believers in the lama
exhortations, and in their doctrine of speedy transmigration,
promised to such as perfectly attended to those exhortations.
He strictly forbade the use of the "Wheel of Transmigration,"
and the cloth " Soul-Ladder," used by Lamas and Buddhist
priests at funerals. The former is not now in use ; it was
possibly extinguished then: the latter is still borne by a son
before the coffin of his deceased parent. From all this we may
infer that Taidsoong was a man of sound judgment, as he was

104 CONQUEST OF MONGOLIA.

one of impetuous disposition and dashing bravery. He wisely
continued the policy which had retained for his father what the
sword had won; and he, therefore, not only extended but
consolidated the kingdom of the Manchus, and made their
future empire possible.

The child who was elected to succeed Taidsoong was his ninth
son. His mother's temple name may be given as a curiosity,
along with the distinguishing marks which pointed him out as
future emperor. Jaoshungtsushowgoongjieunganyijangching-
dwuniuhiwunjwangkanghua empress, before the birth of her
child, used to be surrounded by a red flame, and when the
terrified servant maids rushed forward to smother it> lo ! it
disappeared. In addition to other wonders, a lock of hair on the
crown of his head was, at his birth, longer and different from the
rest. During the day of his birth a red flame surrounded his
mother's palace, and a delightful fragrance moved slowly about
like the soft flowing of water. His mental capacity was above
that of ordinary children from his birth, and daily increased. He
was extremely fond of learning at six (five according to our
calculation), when he was nominated to the throne by Daishan his
oldest uncle, all consenting. All the Wangs, Beiras, and great
ministers wrote an oath of allegiance, which was burnt, to inform
Heaven and Earth. Jirhalang the Jun chin-wang and Dorgun
the Zooi chin-wang were nominated guardians; and another
written oath was burnt.

The succession was not established however without some
commotion. Adali or Uadali, a kun wang, secretly promised
to abet prince Dorgun if he claimed the throne. Shoto, a
Oooshan Beidsu, sent Woodan to the same prince to state, that
he and a number of ministers were prepared to support him.
Adali and Shoto then went with Lolohoong to Li chin-wang
Daishan, who was confined with a bad leg, and said that every-
body was ready to proclaim Dorgun emperor ; and they blamed
him (Daishan) for negligence in not taking active steps to
prevent such a thing. Daishan saw Dorgun his brother face to
face with his accusers. Adali and Shoto were condemned to

INTERNAL DANGER. 105

death for the crime of instigating civil war, together with the
mother of the former and the wife of the latter. The family
register of Adali was given* to Daishan, that of Shoto to
Dorgun. Because Woodan and Lolohoong knew not what they
did, they were forgiven. The grand secretary Ganglin was
imprisoned, but his crime pardoned, as he had informed the
privy council that he would not be in the plot. Fan Wunchung,
another grand secretary was degraded into the Bordered Yellow
banner. All this shows the serious nature of the danger then
threatening the internal peace of Manchu.

This storm, of whose origin Dorgun doubtless knew more
than he cared to gay, having blown over, Jirhalang was ordered
off to Kingchow and against Ningyuen. Bands of men were
sent towards Hei-loong kiang and Koorka to seize men to fill
the ranks. And in May, the degraded Fan Wunchung addressed
a memorial to the guardian princes, stating that if they wished
to establish a reputation and secure an inheritance, the enormous
proportions which robbery had assumed all over China made it
an easy matter, while delay or inaction now would cause endless
regrets hereafter; and recommended that a village be strongly
fortified as a halting place for troops passing to and from the
Chinese capital. The princes were not more willing than their
predecessors to rest satisfied with an empire bounded by Mongolia,
therefore Dorgun ordered the march of two thirds of all the
Manchu and Mongol soldiers, with the Chinese Han army under
the Three Princes to Ningyuen. They got to the Liao river,
when they heard that the Ming emperor and empress had hanged
themselves, and that Li Dsuchung had proclaimed himself
emperor, taking the title of Dashwun and for his style
Yoongchang ; and thus Peking was lost to the Manchus and was
become the capital of a robber, the founder of a new dynasty.

* Wives, concubines, children, slaves and cattle, were all included ; the register
being the title-deed to such property.

CHAPTER V.
THE EUNUCHS.

THE wisdom of the monk who became the founder of the Ming,.
who drove the descendants of Genghis Whan far into their own
Mongol deserts, and imposed upon them a Chinese yoke,,
disappeared from his dynasty soon after himself. The deteriora-
tion of imperial families in China is much like the former
deterioration of kingdoms further west. For the diligent
Chinese being the wealth producers of the east, have been the
bone of contention while one dynasty after another rose and
fell in China, each on the ruins of its predecessors, each in the
same way, and each eager to rule over the tax-paying Chinese.
The founder is necessarily and invariably a man of more than
ordinary abilities. His son equals if he does not excel him, and
both gather about them the ablest men ; or, perhaps, the storms
of civil war bring the best men to the surface, and their worth
is more readily recognised in revolutionary rebellions than in
the conservative established government. While these ablest
men rule, or live to guide the state by their wisdom, all goes
well. Sons or relatives succeed them because of the father's, not
of their own talents. And the weak monarch must have, not
the men most capable of conducting state affairs, but those who*
are skilful flatterers and fawning favourites. These gradually
secure all the best posts in the government for themselves and
their friends ; who care not for the duties but for the emoluments
of office, and for what they can directly or indirectly squeeze out
of it. Rottenness thus begins at the centre, and in a few reigns,
sometimes in a few years, it extends to all the provinces.
Exorbitant and illegal taxation, unbridled living, and the

108 THE EUNUCHS.

shameless and open sale of legal sentences gradually alienate the
hearts of the people, till at last some able patriot or ambitious
upstart, a Cromwell or a Napoleon, appears in an obscure part
of some province, and by stubborn resistance against injustice,
or by successful robbery and pillage, increases the number of his
followers, and widens the field of his operations, till the reigning
dynasty is crushed out of existence, and he founds a new one to
carry out the same process, and to perish more or less rapidly in its
turn. Although terrific slaughter accompanies all such political
volcanoes, the bulk of the Chinese people remain, for they are
in reality the prize at stake.

The government of China is a huge machine for grinding out
taxes, and the men in charge become fat and flourishing. There
has hitherto been in China no revolution for any other object
than that of gaining possession of this tax machine. There
never has been a change in China for freedom of thought, as in
England in 1688 ; nor an unsettling of the old principles of
government by a rising of the people, as in France in 1792. In
China " the good old rule, the simple plan," is both ancient and
modern ; for the only title to the Dragon throne is the ability
to keep it. The man who begins his career by robbing his
neighbours, and sacking the nearest cities, proves himself the
emperor ordained by Heaven if he can unseat the reigning one ;
and the defeat of the latter is proof that Heaven has forsaken
him. Every revolution in China is based, not on some new
liberties which the people crave for, but on the desire or
professed desire to return to the ancient principles of govern-
ment, which have been neglected by the reigning house. Any
change is therefore backwards and not forwards, it is
" Conservative " not " Liberal " ; for in China there are no great
wrongs imposed on the shoulders of a groaning people by the
laws of a military minority. The most ancient principle of
government in China is that the ruler is for the people, not the
people for the ruler ; and though the ruler is absolute, he is real
ruler only while he acts out that principle. As soon as he
forsakes it, robberies, insurrections, famines, and droughts

CHINESE GOVEKNMENT. 1(M>

proclaim Heaven's anger. If he is wise he repents. If he does
not repent Heaven abandons him and his house, and raises up a
new David to serve Him by dealing justice to the people.
Hence rebellion is not only not criminal, but is proper : for the
ruler ceases to be ruler when he oppresses the people ; and if the
rebel ousts him, it is because Heaven has irremediably condemned
him.

This process of corruption had been going on for long in the
empire of the Ming, when a series now of floods, now of droughts,
and again of locusts, made starvation and famine a chronic
condition of the northern provinces of China. And as a bad
harvest is always regarded as the sign of the anger of Heaven
against the ruler, and not against the people actually suffering,
men's minds were more than ripe for a change of dynasty ; only
the proper man, who by success proved himself the chosen of
Heaven, did not seem to be forthcoming. The Manchus, under
an excellent and fairly just government and good discipline, had
grown up on the north-east into a powerful kingdom; which
was knocking with hard blows at the gate of China, and more
than willing to change the dynasty. But Chinese pride
rebelled against the thought of men ruling over them, who, if
not still, were recently but rude savages. Perhaps not one
Chinaman in official or private life would willingly exchange the
weak, worthless, and corrupt native dynasty of the Ming for the
young, vigorous Manchu. But the battering blows of the
Manchus on the east much accelerated the rate of weakness of
the Ming.

It was in these circumstances that the last Ming emperor
ascended the throne, himself an amiable and well meaning
young man, reminding one forcibly of Louis XVI. of France, — like
whom he would have made a good ruler in quiet times. In
1628, the year of his accession, arose bands of famishing or lawless
men, who were plundering a remote district in Shensi, but who
exercised a powerful influence on the life and death of this
emperor. But before detailing the career of robbers, it is well
to glance at another most important factor in the downfall of

110 THE EUNUCHS.

the Ming. This was the EUNUCHS, thousands of whom lived in
the palace, whilst thousands more swarmed over the provinces,
and filled the larger proportion of lucrative offices there. To
understand their position, power, and mode of working, we must
go back sometime.

The Ming dynasty had reigned over China for two centuries,
when by the death of the emperor Moodsoong (1573), the child,
.afterwards called Shundsoong, the period of whose reign was
called Wanli, ascended the throne, at the age of nine years.
The guardianship of the young emperor and the empire was
entrusted by the late emperor to the three ministers of the
Privy Council, Jang Jujung, Gaogoong, and Gaoyi, in conjunction
with the chiefs of the eunuchs, and the two empresses.* Jang
was eager to seize all power ; but this he could not do without
first ruining Gaogoong, an honest minister and an able man,
with a strong will of his own. Fung Bao, the head of the
eunuchs, was just as anxious to hold the reins of power in his
own hands.

Soon after the proclamation of the late emperor's will, and the
enthronement of the young emperor, an imperial mandate was
sent to the Privy Council from the palace by the eunuchs.
Gaogoong angrily objected to this procedure, and declared it would
not be tolerated ; for no such mandate should be issued until
.all the guardians should have been consulted, as the emperor
was too young himself to issue such a paper. He said that this
was the work of the eunuchs, whom he would have driven out
•of the palace. On this speech being reported to Fung Bao, his
countenance fell in fear, and he made the determination, if
possible, to get rid of Gaogoong. The latter was ostensibly
supported by Jang, whose dignity had also been offended, but
who was too glad to get Gaogoong out of his way, and therefore

* The Chinese emperor, besides his numerous wives and concubines, has three
•empresses. The chief one is in the Central Palace; she who is mother of the
emperor is in the Left hand, or East Palace ; and the third in the Eight hand or
West Palace. The first is dowager empress, and always in cases of minority is
•Co-Regent with the emperor's mother.

MINISTER EXPELLED. Ill

quietly let Bao know he might be relied on, — thus playing a
double game. Gaogoong was afraid that Bao would gradually
assume all power, and consulted with his two colleagues as to
the possibility of expelling him. But Bao and Jang began to plot
against Gaogoong, who soon lost his title of Grand Secretary.
AboTit half a month after, Gaogoong was waiting at the door for
audience with the emperor, just before daybreak. Jang ordered
all the ministers to proceed to the gate Hwiji, he himself to
follow after. This concourse of ministers led Gaogoong to
believe that he was again in favour, and that Bao was about to
be driven out. But Bao soon made his appearance, with a
mandate from the empresses and the emperor, stating : " This is
to inform you of the Privy Council, of the five foo and the six
Boards, that the day before the late emperor died, he called the
three Privy Councillors into his presence along with us three, to
receive his Testament ; but now the Grand Secretary, Gaogoong,
aspires to all power, assumes an imperial air, and desires to be
lord, unwilling that the emperor should rule. Day or night we
cannot rest for fear. Let him, therefore, return whence he
came, and his office be vacant ; let him not remain here." That
same clay Gaogoong left the palace, and departed to his own
home in an ox-cart. Gaoyi some days after sickened* and died,
and Jang was left sole guardian. But Gaogoong, though
banished, still haunted him and his friend Bao, who eagerly
sought his death, but could form no reasonable plan for
accomplishing their desire.

The emperor was one day coming out of the Chienching
palace, when a beardless man with naked sword "f" was seen
hurriedly advancing towards him. Bao knew him, and asked :
" Southern soldier, Wang Dachun, whence have you come ? "
" From the soldiers of Chi Jigwang," was the reply. Bao sent
secret information to Jang, who quickly appeared, and said in

* Bao could explain that sickness, which often comes opportunely when a
political rival stands in the way and is the weaker party.

t It is criminal to have any arms in palace, from an " inch long- edged weapon '
upwards.

112 THE EUNUCHS.

Bao's ear : " Duke Chi has lately obtained supreme command of
the army ; it is dangerous to meddle with him. Let us make
use of this man to accuse Gaogoong."

Wang had been a soldier under duke Chi, and placed in a
small command ; but refusing to serve, he was left behind in
the capital. Jang recommended kind treatment, as he seemed a
smart man and ready of speech. He instructed him to profess
to be a native of Woochin hien, sent by Gaogoong to murder
the emperor. To give colour to this story, a chamber-boy was
sent by Bao with a dragon-embroidered robe, a spear, a pair of
two-edged swords, the handle of each enriched with "cat's eyes" *
and other precious stones to Dachun, who, adorned with these,
was led as a prisoner into the Chang. ~f* The emperor was then
asked to send men to examine him, while Jang wrote a memorial
of import similar to that by Bao, but in appearance independently
of him.

Bao was commissioned to examine the criminal. But he first
sent the chamber boy to tell Wang, that when examined, he
should reply : — " Gaogoong is enraged against the emperor, and
sent me to kill him," promising Wang that if he thus replied,
his real crime would be pardoned, he himself receive office with a
thousand taels ; but if otherwise he would be beaten to death.
The criminal was also instructed to implicate all the relations of
Gao as his accomplices. To all of which instigations Wang
agreed, and Bao hurriedly sent off five lictors to apprehend Gao's.
servants.

Formerly Jang made a memorial to the effect, that the speech
of the capital was different from that of the provinces, instancing
Gao as an example. Fearing that the present plot might be
wrecked by that memorial, as the man Wang who was to profess
to have come from Gao's place spoke the dialect of the capital,
he secretly sounded Yang Bo, president of the Board of Revenue,
on the subject. He was answered, " If you persecute this man

* A precious stone, dark with a streak of light, like cat's eyes.

t " Storehouse," " mint," but here apparently the headquarters of the eunuchs.

MINISTERIAL ACTION. 113

you may expect great trouble, for the gods above are wise, holy,
and righteous. It is true that Gao is of a terribly hasty temper,
but heaven and the sun above are witnesses that he is incapable of
such crime." Jang went out displeased. The assistant chief
censor, Go Showli, said to Bo, " It is your duty, prince, to accuse
publicly whoever is guilty of wrong." Bo replied that he had
already spoken. Showli said, " You, prince, (by your office) say
you neither slay nor flatter, (yet silently permit Jang to murder
Gao). Great trouble is sure to arise, and how can you prove
that you have acted up to your public duty ? "

They then departed both together to call on Jang, to whom
they spoke their minds very plainly. Jang boldly replied that
Gao had already been accused at the east Chang ; and that on
the arrival of his accomplices the emperor would be asked to
punish him. Showli said, " Had I a hundred heads in. my family,
I would venture them all as security for the integrity of Gao."
Jang was silent, and Bo said, " I am anxious, prince, that you
examine this matter in a righteous manner ; " — at which remark
Jang became angry, went into the palace, whence he returned with
a paper containing the accusations from the Chang, put it into
Bo's hands and said : " Was this written to me without sufficient
grounds ? " But he had changed four characters in the paper to,
"there is proof for each charge." This change, which he had
forgotten, was seen at a glance by Showli, who knew Jang's hand
well ; he smiled and put the paper up his sleeve. On seeing this Jang
suddenly recollected the change and said, " The paper was drawn
up by a man ignorant of law and I changed a few characters."
Showli replied, " This private change is of the gravest consequence,
and should not by any means come to the ears of the emperor,
or of the public office. As for us two, we cannot believe that
you desire the death of Gao; and that he live is impossible
without you, prince." Jang replied with a bow and thanks, and
asked, " How can I save him ? " Bo replied, " by getting to act
as judge a man of unquestioned character and unassailable power,
either one of hereditary rank or one related to the emperor."

Jang was probably afraid of that paper, and recommended the

114 THE EUNUCHS.

emperor to appoint Fung Bao, Showli, and the Doodoo Joo Hihiao,
to act together in investigating the matter. From his surname
of Joo, the last was of the imperial family. He enquired of Bo
how he should act, and was recommended to send privately one
of the emperor's messengers, a good detective, to the prison to
enquire of the prisoner, " whence those swords, the double edged
swords, and his speech ? How came he to be mixed up with the
servants of Gao, who were so numerous? Whether he could
distinguish them ? Where he had seen Gao, and where was Gao at
present ? " A skilful examiner was sent, who soon ascertained
that Wang came from Bao, who had dictated all the words he
had spoken. The examiner asked, " Were you not aware that the
crime of entering the palace to murder the emperor is punished
with th§ extinction of all the relations of the would-be murderer ? "
But ad<Jed that he would be pardoned on making a full confession.
Wang wept and said : " He who first sent me is guilty of great
crime; but how* could I speak the truth, when my head was to
be safe and office bestowed on me ? "

The servants of Gao arrived in great terror, but Joo had them
secretly instructed that they were in no danger, and when they
had assumed their natural looks they were placed before Wang,
among the emperor's messengers ; but the prisoner could not
distinguish them. Wang was brought out and beaten before a
question was asked. To this he objected, saying bluntly, "you
formerly promised me great wealth, why now beat me ? " Bao
asked who employed him ; he replied, " you employed me, why
do you ask me ? " Bao in great wrath asked, " What was it you
formerly said about prince Gao ? " to which he replied that he
had spoken only what had been dictated to him ; for how could
he be acquainted with prince Gao ? Joo now asked whence
those robes and swords ? to which he answered that they were
given him by the chamber boy. Bao was terrified, closed the
examination, sent Wang back to prison, where he caused to be

* This difficulty in speaking truth in such circumstances is characteristic not of
Chinese only, but of all nations which have not heard Christianity ; and of all who,
though they know, do not practise Christianity.

PLOT DISCOVERED. 115

given him the raw juice of the lacker or varnish tree to drink
in spirits, which deprived him of the power of speech, and
privately informed the emperor that Gao had sent that man
to murder him.

An old eunuch of about seventy years of age, said to the
emperor that Gao had always been a faithful minister, and could
not possibly be guilty of the imputed crime ; and turning to Bao
said, " Gao the bearded is a most upright man, and Jang is
envious of him. Why should we of the eunuch clan aid him ? "
At which Bao was much displeased. The emperor ordered the
Board of Punishments to enquire ; and Wang was beheaded.

Five years after, the father of Jang died; but instead of
retiring to mourn according to custom, he continued to wear
scarlet clothing, and transact business as formerly. Four
ministers accused him of lack of filial duty and of covetousness.
Others expostulated with him, but he got them off in a comico-
tragical way. The four ministers were soon thereafter, contrary
to law, severely beaten ; two were dismissed the palace, none
daring to say "good-bye," — one man alone expressing his
sympathy by appropriate presents and addresses. The other
two were fettered, manacled, imprisoned, and after three days
banished. An official of the Board of Punishment memorialised
that it was illegal to beat officials. A few days after he was
himself beaten and banished to Kweichow.

The minister who expressed his sympathy was Hii Wunmoo,
who sent the present of a jade cup to one of the dismissed, with
a letter as follows: — "We weep not for cracked jade. How
excellent and noble was the anger of Lin ! This vessel, which
has been cut out by my son, I send to you ; a mark of esteem
for Woo Joonghing." The first sentence expressed his belief in
the integrity of the dismissed magistrate, and refers to the
following story : —

Two thousand years ago, when China was divided into a
number of really independent kingdoms, Hia Ho, a native of
the kingdom of Tsn, came upon a stone enclosing a jade. He
knew it enclosed the jade, because he had seen a Funghwang

116 THE EUNUCHS.

alight on it, and on no other stone will this wonderful bird deign
to sit. This stone he presented to Woo Wang of Chao. Woo
Wang appointed a jade worker to examine the stone, and the
workman pronounced it a common stone. The king believed
he was being tricked, and ordered Ho's left foot to be cut off.
When Wun Wang ascended the throne, Ho again brought the
stone to present it to his majesty, and the subsequent similar
examination and decision cost him his right foot. Chung Wang
succeeded, and Ho could now only embrace the stone and weep ;
but he wept tears of blood. He was asked the reason of his
bitter grief, and replied that he wept not because he lost his
feet, but because his priceless jade was called a stone, and
himself, a scholar of reputation, was branded as a deceiver.
The new king heard of this, had the stone broken open by a
jade-worker, and sure enough there was a very precious jade
inside. It was afterwards called the priceless jade of Ho.

In the time of Mencius, Chao Wang of Tsin promised to give
up fifteen cities to the king of Chao for the above " Ho gem."
The king sent it to the court of Tsin by the hands of Lin
Hiangyoo. The king of Tsin took the gem into his hand, but
Lin at once discovered that there was no real desire to fulfil the
contract by giving up the cities. As soon as he made himself
sure of this, he said, "Please your majesty, the gem has one flaw;
will you permit me to point it out ? " The king handed it him.
Lin having seized it in a firm grasp, went and stood beside a
pillar, and in a rage which made his hair raise his hat, said,
"I perceive you "have no intention of restoring us our cities;
this I will therefore take home again. If you attempt to take it
forcibly, I shall scatter my brains at the foot of this pillar." He
thus got back his gem. The application of both stories is evident
enough.

To the other official he sent another cup made of rhinoceros'
horn with a letter, saying, " This is but as the hollow of a
sheep's horn and of a dirty black colour. But it is a token that
I am ready to pluck out my heart to prove my love for you ; and
if it be necessary for your welfare, I shall not refuse to break

SILVER MINES. 117

my head. I hope you may live a long life to drink out of the
cup."

In 1600, Fungchi, a vice-president of the Board of Rites,
complained that none informed the emperor of the troubles all
over the empire on account of taxation, which was entirely in
the hands of eunuchs. In Yunnan the people rebelled against
the taxgatherers, the eunuch receiver-general acting with
unbounded avarice and cruelty. The governor-general of the
Kwangs disembowelled himself because of risings for the same
reason. The people of Lianghwai, between the Yellow and
Yangtse rivers in Kiangsu and Nganhui, burnt and plundered
the Yamens ; those west of the Liao cut up into pieces the body
of an official, and sacked his house. The wind had torn up a
large tree in the grounds of a wealthy man of Yingtien, making a
deep hole. Fung Bao accused him of opening silver mines, and
though the truth was told his majesty, Bao was permitted to
plunder the man.

In 1598, Fung Bao opened silver mines, a proof that the
government was short of money, else it would not have permitted
the ravaging of the bowels of the earth, which is contrary to
Chinese notions of right. In 1604, an order was issued to stop
all silver-mining, and liberate all who were in prison for non-
payment of taxes for silver-mining. This was the result of
another memorial by Fungchi, who declared that the hardships
consequent upon the opening of silver mines were greater than
those of war ; and that the mode and amount -of taxation were
more terrible than silver-mining. This was only one memorial
of many ; for year by year the frightful oppression of the people,
exercised by the eunuchs in charge of mines which never did
anything like pay working expenses, was freely and painfully
made known to the emperor, to whom a word from the eunuchs
was of more consequence. The mining profits all went into the
pockets of the eunuchs. And more mines were opened, resulting
in universal restlessness.

There was an earthquake that year in Liaotung; another
which sounded like thunder in Kansu; Kiangsi and Fukien

118 THE EUNUCHS.

were flooded, and several hundred thousand lives lost ; Shansi
was scourged with drought, and Shantung with drought and
locusts. For over three hundred miles the earth was perfectly
bare of every growing thing about Chunting and Paoting.
Taxation riots went on, and famine became more prevalent.
In 1617 the capital suffered from drought; Chihkiang, Shan-
tung, and Shansi, were afflicted with both drought and locusts.
The locusts in Hookwang darkened the sky; in summer
there had been drought, and floods in autumn. Kiangsi and
Fukien were drowned with floods. Next year two black spots
were seen in the sun fighting; — "a dark sun soon after
obscured the sun, and there was no light." All this proved
the anger of Heaven, and greatly increased the prevailing
uneasiness.

In 1615 an unknown man rushed up against the East palace,
wielding a huge staff with which he knocked down the door-
keeper. He was soon surrounded by other eunuchs of the
palace and seized. Memorials daily flooded the emperor from
his ministers. Some endeavoured to prove the man mad, others
after having made minute enquiries, demanded a public
examination of the man who had ventured to take the life of the
heir apparent ; and the utmost excitement prevailed. Suspicion
at last pointed to a brother of one of the inferior wives of the
emperor, who was believed to desire the death of the heir
apparent, in order to have one of his sister's sons proclaimed ;
but it was early discovered that the eunuchs were the principal
agents, and they fell in all the more readily with the scheme of
the secret plotter, because the heir apparent was no friend to
them. The excitement was doubtless increased by the knowledge
that the emperor had starved to death the empress, mother of
this heir, whose life was now threatened, because she had an
affection of the eye, which caused him to hate her. Her son
loved her dearly and saw her ere she died.

The matter was hushed up in the following remarkable
manner. The emperor went to Tsuning Goong (palace), and
invited thither all the high officials. They were all thence con-

IMPERIAL DIFFICULTIES. 119

ducted by the eunuchs to the grave of the emperor's mother,
where they performed the " Yi bai san kow" *

The emperor sat down in a low seat at the left door pillar, the
heir apparent stood at his right, his three grandsons in a line at
his left. He then spoke out in a loud voice saying : " Within
the court there are many groundless rumours afloat because of
the madman who attacked the East palace. You are all fathers,
you all have sons ; why desire to estrange us and our son ? We
have seen the result of the examinations by the Board of Punish-
ment, and the men implicated shall be put to death. But no
innocent man must suffer, lest the peace of heaven be disturbed,
and the ghost of our empress mother tremble with fear." Then
taking the hand of the heir apparent, he said ; " This son has
been most filial, and we love him dearly." He then, stroking his
son's body with the other hand, said, "Since you were an infant
I brought you up, till now when you are a full grown man.
Had I any desire to injure you, I could have done it long ago ;
why harbour any doubts? Moreover the Foo wang")* is now
many thousands of li hence ; if I summon him not, can he fly
hither?" He then ordered the eunuchs to set his three grand-
sons J on the stone steps in front, so that all could see them
distinctly, and said : " These my grandsons have grown up ; what
need of further talk ? " And turning round to the heir apparent
he wished him to speak out without reserve if he had anything
to say. He said: — "As to this madman, let him be put out of
the way ; why hunt up others ? We father and son mutually
love each other. You of the outer court have great discussions,
but if you desire to act as unfaithful ministers, do not seek to
make me an undutiful son."

Then the emperor led his son to the ministers on the right,
and asked if they saw how the matter stood. They thereupon
bowed down before the emperor, thanked him and retired. Thu

* One salutation and three bows to the ground while kneeling.

f Probably him in favour of whom the attack had been made, then at Lo-yang.

i Sons of the heir apparent, who would naturally succeed him.

120 THE EUNUCHS.

would-be murderer was beheaded on the execution ground ; his
two uncles, who had urged him on, were banished ; the two
inferior eunuchs, who had managed the affair, were put to death
in the palace ; and the principal agents escaped.

In 1619, the large army which fared so disastrously at
Hingking was sent eastwards ; and next year the emperor died,
apparently heart-broken at the calamities of his people, brought
on principally by his own foolish weakness, and the bottomless
avarice and unscrupulous ambition of the eunuchs.

On the very day of his death, the new emperor, whose life
had been threatened, issued an order to cease silver-mining, and
recalled all the eunuchs employed. He also sent off to the
army all the money in the treasury, amounting to a million taels.
But after little more than a month, the emperor took seriously
unwell. First one physician then another administered pills.
He died in his second month's reign. His death was ascribed to
poison, which is probably true ; for the eunuchs would not be
put down without a blow. This poisoning gave rise to serious
strife in the palace, crimination and recrimination being universal.
But hotly worded memorials and excited examinations then
and after, ended three years later only with banishment of one
physician to Nanking, and the other was freed, to the still
greater commotion of the patriots.

The successor was sixteen years of age. Questions of etiquette,
precedence, women and eunuchs, filled all minds, while the
empire was in danger of crumbling away for want of a head, —
reminding one forcibly of France before 1788.

In 1621, Hiwng Tingbi, the cautious general of Liaotung, was
several times accused of negligence and deception, and at last
recalled. This again revived the disputes between the eunuchs
and the patriotic party, the latter at last prevailing so far as to
get a commission appointed to go to Liaotung and report. The
report, in 1622, was highly nattering to Tingbi, but while it
was being read and debated, the Manchus had taken advantage
of Tingbi's absence and seized all the cities and country of
Liaotung.

CORRUPT COURT. 121

It is questionable whether much good is derivable from
particular reference to the unsavoury details of a court where
polygamy reigns ; but we have believed it necessary to present
at least as many facts as will explain, if they do not fully
picture, the inner life of the imperial palace.

The history of the eunuch Wei Joonghien will, better than any
number of general details, reveal the condition of the Chinese
court at Peking, and show its utter effeminacy and corruption.
As a youth, Wei was fearless, daring, and strong. He gambled
with youngsters, drank deeply, and delighted in riding fleet
horses and in archery ; he could hit any desired spot with an
arrow. But his native place became too hot for him about 1589,
and he fled, became a eunuch, and entered the eunuch service in
Peking. He was most attentive and kind to the emperor's
grandson, afterwards the emperor Tienchi, taking him wherever
he wished to go. The boy was therefore very fond of his
company.

Wei Chao, another eunuch, introduced Wei into the palace to
prepare good food for the mother of Tienchi In the same
palace lived the empress Ko, milk-mother or wet nurse of
Tienchi, with whom both these so-called eunuchs were too
intimate.

On account of the disturbance consequent on the etiquette of
enthroning Tienchi, an order was issued to slay all the eunuchs
and servants in the principal palace (Chienching). Among
these was Wei, who with tears besought Wangan, another
eunuch of good character and great influence, to save him.
Wangan did so. Soon thereafter Chao and Wei were struggling
and making a noise in Ko's room, both the worse for drink.
The emperor heard the disturbance, made enquiry, and was told
they were there with Ko waiting his majesty's pleasure ; and
his majesty was naturally satisfied. But Ko hated Chao and
loved the other, and therefore secretly moved the imperial mind,
till at last Chao was dismissed, sent to Fungyang and there
strangled. There was now no rival to Wei, who ruled Ko, and
Ko ruled the emperor, and "misery was at its height." An

122 THE EUNUCHS.

attempt was made to break the power of these two. A censor
reported that it was illegal to have Ko in the principal palace,
petitioning to have her removed to another. The emperor
agreed, and also sent Wei to Wangan to be examined. Wangan
reproved and dismissed him, exhorting him to act more wisely
in future. At night Ko returned to the palace again, and never
rested till she got the emperor to remove Wangan from being
chief of the eunuchs, the post being given to a friend of Wei's.
But not satisfied with having Wangan degraded, Wei got him
removed to Nan haidsu,* under charge of the Tidoo, or marshal
of that place, where Wangan was compelled to commit suicide.
It was illegal to carry arms of any kind inside the palace
grounds; but Wei instituted a corps of a "myriad" eunuchs,
who drilled daily inside the imperial city, all clad in mail, and
the noise of their drums and cymbals filled the " forbidden " city.
He seriously reprimanded the censor who opposed this infringe-
ment of the law. A eunuch practising with a bomb in the
emperor's presence, got his hand badly wounded by the bursting
of the bomb, which nearly killed the emperor.

Li Hiien, widow of the late emperor, was not on good terms
with Ko and Wei. She was ordered to commit suicide.
Arranging in order all the presents by the late emperor, she
strangled herself. Jang, an inferior wife of the emperor,
conceived, and according to custom the fact was publicly noted.
Empress Ko, probably fearing her own term of favour might be
shortened, accused her of improper conduct, whereupon she was
condemned to be starved to death. She was confined in the
" Fasting-room." -f- Some time after it rained. She crawled out,
and holding up her hands caught and drank some mouthfuls of
water falling from the eaves, and then died. Fung, a concubine,
urged the emperor to stop the drilling of the eunuchs. Ko and
Wei hated her. The emperor sentenced her to death. Li, another
inferior but favourite wife of the emperor, besought him not to

* A lake immediately south of Peking.

f Probably locked up in her own quarters, as was the mother of the preceding
emperor, after entering which not a particle of food was given her.

INTRIGUE AND MURDER.

kill Fung. Ko got her also condemned to starvation. But Li,
knowing how Jang had died, had prepared for such a fate, by
hiding away every day small portions of food in different parts
of her rooms, on which she now lived. Her two enemies were
enraged at her living so long and had her degraded to be a menial
in the palace. When the emperor was on one occasion gone to
sacrifice, they drowned a concubine, the lady Hoo, and on his-
return reported her to have taken ill and died. One censor, who
had dared to remonstrate at an early stage, was reproved,
another who spoke warmly of danger to the state was degraded.
The senior vice-president to the censorate, Yang Lien, was at
last constrained publicly to accuse Wei of twenty-four capital
crimes, — the murder, degradation, banishment, or dismissal of
faithful ministers, and the establishment of his own creatures,
his oppression of the people, his assumption of imperial authority
and state, his whole conduct opposed to the letter and spirit of
all the laws and customs of the Ming, being the principal.*

* As the twenty-four Counts of that memorial give a fair picture of the state of
the Chinese court at that time, they are given below. This paper is given in full,
as it will illustrate better than any definition the peculiar functions of the censor ;
whose duty it is to memorialise his majesty on any fault observable in or beyond
the court, and of course to make his case as strong as he can : —

"1st. Joonghien was, to begin with, a man of no reputation or sense of shame.
When about thirty years of age he became a eunuch, and wormed himself into the
palace. Because he was at first found by the emperor faithful in unimportant affairs,
he was appointed to high office; from which time he became a most daring
conspirator. He upset the ancient customs, and so managed that no minister was
appointed, no affair transacted, but according to his pleasure ; and all mandates
have proceeded from his will,— a crime against the customs of two centuries.

"2nd. He dismissed Liw Yijing and Jow Jiwmo, two aged and able ministers;
and, according to law, not even the emperor has the power to dismiss the officials
appointed by his predecessor.

" 3rd. The late emperor was on the throne only one month; and it was well known
that when he was taking medicine he hated the administrators. Swun Shun knew
how to apply to traitors the doctrines of the ' Spring and Autumn Annals ' ; and
the censor, Dsow Yuenbiao, coiild dare to accuse them. Both were by Joonghien
dismissed from office. He also protected the man who had beaten the emperor's
mother, and presented him with dragon robes and a jade girdle. He has been the
friend of robbers and the enemy of honest and faithful ministers.

" 4th. Wang Ji and Joong Yijung were two able ministers, promoted on account
of their excellent characters. He got a servant to revile them, and had them
dismissed.

124 THE EUNUCHS.

Wei was terrified when he heard the memorial read, and went
weeping into the presence of the emperor, who, at the instigation

" 5th. He slighted the casting of lots, than which the Ming consider nothing of
greater importance. He made the lots proclaim whatever he desired.

" 6th. When men were appointed to office whose praises were everywhere sounded,
he had assistant officials placed at their sides from among men of the most
•equivocal characters, so that having such colleagues, the good men were compelled
to resign.

" 7th. When his present majesty ascended the throne, the court was crowded with
good men. Immediately after, nine most faithful ministers were dismissed. The
emperor, afterwards discovering them to be good men, reappointed them. But
Joonghien opposed their entrance on office, and as often as they were nominated,
he prevented their entry, — so that Changan said : ' The wrath of the emperor is
easily averted, but the wrath of Joonghien is unappeasable.'

' ' 8th. The emperor had a most faithful wife, of whose honesty Joong was afraid.
With his accomplices he, therefore, plotted against her, and spread the report that
she was dangerously unwell and could not recover. He then had her drowned.
And the emperor could not save his own wife.

" 9th. One of the emperor's wives was pregnant. This was published, and all
rejoiced, — each telling the other. Joong could not get on with her, and again plots
were laid, and the emperor could not save his own empress.

" 10th. When the son of the chief empress was weaned, amid great rejoicings,
Jooiig consulted with the * Holy Woman,' and the emperor could not save his own
son.

" llth. When the late emperor was forty years of age, but then in Chinggoong
palace, he was greatly distressed because of Wangan, striving to save him; but
Joong hated him, and had him drowned in Nanhaidsu.

" 12th. He pulled down men's houses and homes, in order to build a pai to his own
glory, — building it sky high, with ornamentation of Funghwangs and Dragons.
His father's tomb he had enclosed and prepared like that of an emperor.

" 13th. To-day he appoints Secretaries to the Boards, with hereditary succession;
to-morrow he will do the same with the superior officials. He appoints men to
-official position who are ignorant of the rudiments of education, — such as his own
relations, five of whom are Hoio (marquises), and seven, inferior wives of the
emperor.

" 14th. He caused imperial servants to carry the Kang, and threatened to destroy
men who were by marriage relations of the emperor. He attempted to overthrow
the three empresses, — and though they were supported by all the Privy Council,
the greatest disturbance was caused.

" 15th. Jang Shikwei, a literary man of Liang hlang, near Peking, opened a coal
mine, which was supposed injuriously to affect the tombs of Joong's family. The
literate was put to death on the false charge of having stolen a handful of earth
from Changling Imperial Tombs, and of having opened silver mines. And as no
one dared contradict Jao Gao, the eunuch of Han, when he said, while out hunting
with his emperor, that the deer he saw was a horse,— so the coal-pit of the literate
is made a silver mine, and none dare open his mouth.

"16th. Woo Sujing and Hoo Dsundao cultivated a small portion of the waste

SERIOUS CHARGES. 12->

of Ko, paid no attention to the memorial, though the accusations
were signed by a hundred great officials. Four months after,

pasture land belonging to Joonghien, and for this trifle were sent to prison and
executed, with as little thought as one has in cutting down the heads of grass.
Their unburied bodies were covered with blue lights, and all literary men were
enraged, — for both were graduates.

" 17th. For fear of him the Board of Appointments dared not enquire into the
character of those nominated to office, nor had the censorates courage to accuse the
criminal.

"18th. Liw Chiao was not one to murder another to please any man, but he never
spared the guilty. Joong was determined to get him out of office, because he would
not torture a man into confessing an unreal guilt. It was permissible to violate the
laws of the Great Ming, but it was not permissible to violate the laws of Joonghien.
"19th. Wei Dajoong was nominated a superior official (Kochun), and arrived at
his post after receiving the emperor's mandate. The Banqueting Office, Hoongloosit,
drew up a paper immediately, giving reasons why he should not be permitted to be
a minister. The Board examined into the matter, and all the honorary officials
agreed to combine together to oppose his majesty's commands. The words of the
emperor, which are bright as the light of Heaven, are thus nullified morning and
evening ; and what will posterity say of his majesty?

"20th. The East Chang was, when officially employed at all, anciently used to
ferret out treachery and to trace up conspiracy. It was never allowed to trample
upon the people. But since Joonghien was appointed to be its chief, even dogs and
hens are not secure from molestation! The ignorant savage, Foo Yinghing, is
always on the move, and his tongue and lips are never done ejecting accusations
against people. He lavishly scatters his praises of Joonghien, and pries into what
people say of him. Thus was Wang Wunyen, a secretary of one of the Boards,
thrown into prison without a warrant, even without the knowledge of the Privy
Council. Just thus were the faithful ministers of the Sung Chetsung cast into the
Toongwungwan prison, the doors closed, and they crushed to death ; and in the
time of the Sung Hwitsung, one hundred and twenty faithful ministers, among
whom were Su Magwang, Lii Goongjoo, and other famous men, were falsely
accused, and the emperor incited to have their names engraved as traitors over the
door of the Board of Rites. In the same spirit and manner this Yinghing and his
fellows rest not day nor night from accusing the innocent. And Joonghien is even
more powerful than was even Wang Ju of the former West Chang, who was all and
his emperor nothing.

" 21st. The rebel, Han Dsoonggoong, got secret entrance into Changan to spy out
its defences and condition. In his goings and comings he put up at Joonghien's
house, and he was ordered to hide away elsewhere only when the fact became public.
"22nd. Our ancestors, for excellent reasons, never admitted armed men into the
imperial quarters of the capital. Joonghien has been the first to establish an army
there and to make the palace a drilling-ground, to be as ' feathers ' to him and his
accomplices. Who was aware of what great crimes these could be guilty ? Who
could fathom the deep plots that may be laid ? The hearts of all men of under-
standing are cold. There were men would dare death for Joong'a friends, and his
associates were the intimate fellows of the great ministers.

126 THE EUNUCHS.

the censor himself and his friends were all dismissed. Wang
Wunyen was degraded to the rank of the common people ; for
he could not be tortured while an official. He was then
imprisoned, and day after day examined under torture, to make
him say something by which those officials, and especially
Hiwng Tingbi, could be sentenced to death. But "to the death"
he remained firm against accusing the innocent. The worthy
Wunyen neither saved himself nor his friends, for he and Yang
Lien perished in prison. Another censor also perished with
several others and Tingbi was beheaded in the place of execution.

This blow silenced the patriots. The Boards and Yamens
were remodelled, Wei filling all the posts, his friends displacing
his foes. He had a seal given him with the characters,
" Defender of the Imperial Mandates ; " and his paramour had
another, with, of all titles, " Holy woman."

In 1626 the emperor agreed to a proposal made by Wei's
flatterers, that a temple be erected on the Siboo lake at

" 23rd. When Joonghien went to burn incense at Chochow of Peking, he had the
roads levelled for him as if for the emperor. Returning in a chariot with four
horses, he ordered his driver to go slowly. He had peacock-tail-feather curtains
and an imperial azure banner before him. On each side was a body of guards and
a wider circle of guards kept off the people. In all of which he acted as the
emperor.

" 24th. The greater the favours shown him the more soaring became his pride ; the
more notable the clemency, the more complete his anger. This spring when riding-
close to the emperor, his majesty shot his horse dead with an arrow instead of
shooting himself. Joonghien was not afraid because of the crime of which he had
been guilty, nor did he ask for merited death ; but he had anger stamped on his
face. When he entered the imperial presence, and when going out, he ceased not
from publishing his wrath ; morning nor night did he forget his rage because of the
insult.

" Of old, when rebellious ministers and sons of robbers manifested themselves, it
was by means of some one thing over which they brooded with their unbridled
thoughts, till they could no longer contain themselves. Why feed a tiger or a wild
bull at your elbow ? He should be sliced down to inches. Joonghien is, and never
will be satisfied. All these his crimes are seen evident as foot-prints, but there is
no voice from right or left. The Outer Court knows them all, but dares not speak.
They are well known to all the Inner Court, but there is the 'Holy Woman,'
shielding and abetting him. Both inside and outside the palace it is known there is
a Joonghien; that there is an emperor nobody knows. Any business to be laid
before his majesty, however great its urgency or importance, must wait the leisure
and be settled at the pleasure of Joonghien."

DEIFIED EUNUCH. 127

Hangchow, in honour of this worthy eunuch, and an official
appointed to keep it in good order. From all parts of the
empire presents came flooding in to fit up the magnificent
temple in a manner worthy of his holiness. The people's lands
were taken to endow it, their houses pulled down and their
trees destroyed to build it ; and there was no one to " peep or
mutter." The image of Wei was of fragrant lign-aloes, the head
and all the members being fitted on, so as to move as if living ;
the heart and intestines were made of gold, jade, pearls, and
gems, — the clothing of the finest hair. At the special desire of
the emperor, a small hole was left in the top of the head to have
four kinds of fragrant flowers inserted. The head happened to
be too large for the hat, the artist in terror began to pare off
part of the head, but the weeping and horrified priest restrained
his hand from the sacrilege.

Next year the greatest dread fell upon the palace, and Wei was
specially terrified, and ceased not to sway his body to and fro,
for the emperor took seriously unwell. The emperor called in
his younger brother, Sin Wang, who was to be his successor,
advised him to be a good ruler like Yao and Shwun, and in
order to be so, to pay particular attention to what Wei
Joonghien advised. The Wang went out and the emperor died.
He died after his weakness of character had dealt a death blow
to his dynasty. He desired to do right, he believed he was
doing the right ; but he was easily deceived and led by designing-
people.

Wei was the first to seek out Sin Wang, to inform him he
was now emperor, but the Wang avoided him, and, unfortunately
for China, it was fear and not manly anger which moved the
new emperor. He would taste no food in that palace, nor would he
have an audience of the ministers, but kept himself entirele
alone, for he feared foul play. Soon after the enthronement,
Wei, seeing he had nothing to hope for and much to fear in the
palace, besought leave to retire from his public duties into private
life. His petition was refused; and Ko was dismissed from the'
palace. But at the first audience a sad song was heard in thy

128 THE EUNUCHS.

heavens — the swan-song over the last of his race. For some
time none breathed freely enough to dare to publicly accuse Wei,
because of his influence ; but two months after he was sent to
Fungyang and his estates confiscated, one official accused him
of ten crimes. Soon thereafter he and his paramour were put
to death, when it was discovered that she was pregnant and the
eunuch no eunuch. The emperor, enraged at the discovery,
had a general investigation, when a great number of false
eunuchs, friends of Wei's, were discovered, and every one of them
slain. The head was cut off Wei's dead body; and Ko's dead
body was cut to pieces, amid a nation's rejoicing.

The result of another petition was the removal from the Boards
of the " five tigers and five leopards," relations of Wei's, who had
been rulers of their respective Boards; their property was also
confiscated. Gradually did the weeding process go on, some
being slain, some dismissed. The heirs of Yang Lien, Tingbi,
and the others slain by Wei, were exempted from the payment
of the sums demanded of them in name of payment for misappro-
priation of imperial monies by their slain fathers The official in
charge of the building of Wei's temple was degraded, the temple
levelled with the ground, and one built to Wang An instead.

Thus auspiciously did the last of the Ming emperors begin his
reign. It was however an easy matter for this Louis XVI. to
dismiss or execute the worthless men whom he found in power,
and with whose doings he was intimately familiar before he be-
came a public man; but the man who could weep before his
ministers when complaining of their disobedience to him, was
not the man for the helm of state when the ship was labouring
and straining in every seam, as he found her. When he ascended
the throne, he found a people ground down to the dust
by the avaricious and heartless eunuchs who swarmed over the
land, and filled all the paying offices, or those which by cruel
exactions could be made to pay. For notwithstanding the
frequent droughts which killed the budding spring, the locusts
which devoured the full-grown summer, and the floods which
year after year blasted the hopes of autumn, the preceding

KIGHTEOUS REBELLION. 121>

emperor was no less wroth than his eunuch master, when any
minister proposed a reduction of taxes. No wonder if discontent
became universal, and if the bonds of society became loosened in
China, where bad years are regarded as the sign of Heaven's-
anger with their emperor, and desertion of him ; and where, if
Heaven forsake him, rebellion is no crime.

CHAPTER VI.
LI DSUCHUNG.

THE enormous influence and preponderating power possessed by
the eunuchs in the Ming dynasty has been set forth in the last
chapter, where can be seen the selfish and unworthy manner in
which that power was exercised. Able ministers fell before the
undermining of the eunuchs, who always had the private ear of
the emperor. Honest ministers and good men were so harassed
that they could not remain in office; or if they would still
remain, they were driven out. This alienated the literary classes
all over the empire, for office could not be, as it should have
been, obtained by literary abilities and moral worth. On the
other hand, the compulsory working of silver mines, which killed
the people to fatten the eunuchs, together with the extortionate
taxation ground out of the people by the eunuchs, roused the
bitter anger of the common people, who were oppressed more
than they could bear. This state of matters, with eunuchs
everywhere at the head of affairs, opened the most inviting field
for the ambitious man desirous to found a new dynasty. But
that man did not appear. The eunuchs were in Peking, therefore,
exactly what Romish ecclesiastics are everywhere; men, in
general, with ties to nothing beyond self, unless it be to their
own order. There have been among both the eastern and
western eunuchs worthy exceptions, who did desire the benefit
of their country as apart from their order, but the exceptions
were not numerous. And both eunuchs and priests have ruined,
and will always ruin, those countries which were wholly or
mainly under their guidance. But to return from this digression.
An enemy more terrible than even the eunuchs appeared all

132 LI DSUCHUNG.

over the north of China, where a succession of famines carried off
myriads by starvation, and myriads more by a pestilence, the
invariable consequent of famine. It was hunger which raised
up the Shensi robbers or rebels, who completed the work begun
by the eunuchs. But before going into Shensi, we shall notice
one insurrection, which however was more the offspring of
ambition than of hunger. In the end of 1621, levies were
raised throughout the empire to put down the Manchus.
Among others forward in collecting troops was Shua
Tsoongming, an official of Szchuen, who never failed to
perform any duty with which he had been entrusted; but who,
though of externally decorous deportment, had the disposition
of the bird of prey, — seeking solitude and independence. He
memorialised the emperor to the effect that his son was busy
levying troops for Liaotung. In addition to those raised by
father and son, he sent two officers to the governor for more men.
The governor probably distrusted him, or could not easily
spare his men; for he handed over only his weak and his old
soldiers, without provender or money.

Once collected together, the two officers, who thus had grounds
enough to incite the men to rebellion, attacked and murdered
the governor, and were speedily joined by Tsoongming and his
troops in investing the provincial capital, which was long and
bravely defended by a censor. It was reported in the city by
men who had been seized by the insurgents and escaped, that
the rebels were to attack the city in " dry land boats," as all
their previous attacks had been defeated. Next year, in
February, Joo Sieyuen routed the rebels with great slaughter
outside the city gates. He was created governor. At length
the robbers, many thousand strong, rushed out of the forest
with a great shout. Among them appeared an immense thing
like a boat, several stories high, and five hundred feet long, both
sides of which were hidden from view by a covering of matting.
On the level top of it stood a man with his long hair untied
floating in the wind, a naked double edged sword in his raised
hand, and beside him a waving flag made of feathers. It was

LAND BOAT. 133

drawn by many hundred oxen, and inside were many hundred
men, each with a ballista or bow with which burning material
could be thrown all over the city ; for the top of this " boat " was
higher than the city wall. The appearance of the boat caused
great commotion in the city ; and Sieyuen seeing it, said it was a
Lugoongchua* and could be successfully resisted only by a
Boshu, which is made of an upright beam of strong wood, in the
top of which is inserted a wheel, by means of which a stone of a
thousand catties can be raised to the top and let fly as easily as
if it were a pebble. These stones falling upon the " boat " would
break it to pieces. But before the engine of destruction approached
near enough to test his gigantic ballista, he sent out a
detachment of his most fearless men with ballistas to hurl great
stones to terrify or kill the oxen. So well did these behave that
the cattle turned back and fled; and amid the consequent
confusion of the robbers, they were fiercely attacked and driven
back.

This rebellion extended to Kweichow province, and long con-
tinued to tax the energies of the officials of those provinces, now
smouldering now blazing; but it never could be said to be
extinct, though the principal leaders were slain and the armies
scattered in 1629.

In December 1628, Wang Jiayun, a native of the district of
Foogoo hien of Yenan foo of Shensi, began, at the head of a band
of men, to rob the neighbourhood rather than perish of a famine,
which had become chronic there. He was soon joined by Jang
Hienjoong of Yenan; and if starvation did not originate, it
speedily flooded the band into an army. Hienjoong was surnamed
the Ba da Wang, the Equal of " Eight Great Princes," which
shows that he had distinguished himself. He was a Mahommedan,
of whom there have always been very large numbers in Shensi,
and they have never let slip an opportunity of mingling in the
fray when China has been in political disorder. But soon after
the head was cut off the eunuch, Wei Joonghien, in the last

* The " Carriage of Duke Lii," probably being the name of the inventor, whom
we have not been successful in tracing out.

134 LI DSUCHUNG.

month of the first year of the last Ming emperor, — our January,
1629, — appeared one of the greatest, if not the chief robber
who ever burned Chinese villages.

Li DSUCHUNG was the son of poor parents, and was born in
the district of Michih of Yenan. He was a capital horseman, a
good archer, and was employed as a government post runner.
So says history ; but romance has woven numerous incredulous
stories about him, one of which may be related, as it will help
to explain the powerful hold which Fungshuri, or Geomancy,
has over the Chinese mind.

Young Li, when a child, was one day standing before the
house of a wealthy man in the neighbourhood, who had called in
a geomantist to discover the best site of a grave by the aid of
the Eight Diagrams, the Tiger and the Dragon. The best site
was found to lie in a certain room of the rich man's own house ;
for, said the geomantist, in the boy's hearing, " the descendants
of the man who will be buried in that room are sure to rise to
high official rank." Young Li went home and related the story
to his father. The boy was ambitious, and the father was willing
to sacrifice himself for the future of his son, and to die on the
spot ; but he could think of no way, after death, of getting buried
in that particular room. The dutiful son proposed that the
father should go to the door of that rich man's house, there
commit suicide, and leave the rest to him. The affectionate
father did what his clever son suggested. Now in China, if a
person commits suicide before the house of another, law holds the
latter guilty of murder, on the supposition that none could or would
commit suicide, unless he had suffered terrible wrongs, which he
was unable to avenge or get punished in any other way ; — such
suicides do therefore occur in China, where the weak or the
poor are unable to get justice through the ordinary channel.
As soon therefore as old Li committed suicide, the son, who was
in readiness, raised a piercing howl of lamentation. The owner
of the house was soon on the spot, and seeing the body of the
suicide there, was thrown into the greatest terror; for he was well
aware of the consequences. Young Li accused him of the murder

GEOMANCV.

of his father, and when his wild paroxisms of grief permitted
him to speak, he uttered forth the wildest execrations and the
most terrible threats against the rich man, whom he would at
once accuse to the District Judge, — a pitiless fate in any age of
Chinese history for the man who can be squeezed. The rich
man offered a sum of money to the apparently poverty-stricken
youth before him ; but every increasing sum was scornfully
rejected. When at last the man was thoroughly frightened into
a mood in which he would grant anything, Li mentioned that
one thing would satisfy him in revenge for his father ; this was to
have the dead body buried in a certain spot, inside the house,,
which he would point out. This was eagerly accepted ; old Li
was buried there, and young Li went home to wait the time
when he should rise to greatness.

Dsuchung became leader of a robber band, but soon after his
name became noted, the various robber bands drew together and
formed into an army, which was completely defeated by Hoong
Chungchow, who was then Tsanjung, or Councillor in the Court
of Appeals. Dsuchung was seized in the battle, but escaped the
death of a robber in the beginning of his career, by slipping
away among the mountain defiles. But the losses by the attack
of Chungchow were more than compensated to the robber ranks-
by the famine whose dark shadows thickened in 1630, and
largely reinforced the robbers. But they had a more important
addition to their numbers, and one calculated to do more damage
to imperialism, in the mutiny of a body of ten thousand
soldiers, at the head of whom Gung Yooji was marching from
Shansi to the capital. Yooji was governor of Shansi and, in
response to a summons from Peking, which was then quaking
at the approach through Mongolia of the Manchus, got as far as
Cholo, when his men mutinied, broke up and scattered among
the mountains of Shansi and Shensi, where Dsuchung was-
then hiding. They were again collected, and nominated Gao
Yinghien their commander, under the title of Chwang Wang or
" Leaping King," which might imply that his attacks were
sudden. Dsuchung was elected second and named Chwang

136 LI DSUCHUNG.

Kiang or " Leaping Leader." Seven years thereafter Yinghien
was defeated and slain and Dsuchung became chief.

Wang Jiayun was still at the head of his bands, and took
several cities in 1630-1, but was then defeated and slain; his
army nominated Wang Dsuyang as successor. To cope with
these various large and small armies of robbers, Chungchow
appears to have been the only able man. His services were so
noteworthy, that he was first made governor, and soon after
viceroy. But so great was the power of the robbers, and so
venal or weak the various judges and magistrates, that these
latter gave the chief robbers passports or written engagements,
securing them from capital punishment. Robbery had Shansi
and Shensi at its feet, and the evil was greatly increased by the
rapacity of dishonest magistrates, who demanded taxes equivalent
to a third of the remaining wealth of the people, in name of
putting down robbery. Thus " for every robber slain, ten honest
families were ruined," and the people were driven for sheer
protection into the ranks of the robbers. Chungchow was more
faithful, however, and checked and defeated the robber armies
as much as he could. In the autumn of 1631, he defeated and
slew king Can-Fly-to-Heaven, whom king Sweep-the-Earth
was unable to save.

The army of the Mahommedan Hienjoong was mainly com-
posed of co-religionists. He several times suffered defeat, and
at last thought he would be safer if he surrendered. He there-
fore joined the imperial ranks; but in 1634 he again united with
Dsuchung. The combination was, however, defeated by Chung-
chow, and the two rebels had to betake themselves to the
mountains of Hingping. Dsuchung surrendered himself, but
the amount of his sincerity was proved by his sacking the city
of Tungchung of Singan foo, the very next month after his
submission. The authorities were then so paralysed, that they
dared not execute him or his kind. His friend Hienjoong had
so many Mahommedans flocking to his standard, that he set up
an independent army, and that army defied all efforts to break
it up for over twenty years. Hienjoong and his army were

FAMINE HORRORS. 137

defeated in 1636, and found their way into Honan, where they
plundered the villages and sacked the cities, and whither we
need not follow them at present. Dsuchung also marched into
the same province by a different route ; so that Shansi had so
many robbers the less in it, but its sufferings were such as
scarcely to admit of alleviation. It had not yet gathered a full
harvest in any of its districts, and in many not a grain of corn
was secured ; so that even in 1634 many kept themselves in life
by the bodies of those who had died of hunger. It was probably
the want of grain which sent the robber armies into Honan ;
and in 1636 cannibalism went further, and Nanyang mothers
killed their daughters, while any stranger caught was sure to be
led to the shambles. Human flesh was then, and not infre-
quently before and since, undisguisedly sold for so much the
pound. These horrors are simply beyond the power of pen to
describe, or of heart to imagine, and are better left to their own
nakedness. They show to what a state human existence had
fallen in those famine regions. The love of life apparently
increases with the difficulty of living ; and though we imagine
that human beings should die rather than live by cannibalism,
the history of shipwrecks shows what our fellow-countrymen,
when famishing, can do. And those wretches in Shansi and
neighbouring regions were like the crews of so many myriad
wrecked ships ; for though large numbers could find their way
out of the famine regions, not one in ten could do so except by
joining the robbers ; but almost no woman was able to move out
of the devoted region. The misery was slightly alleviated in
the year 1636, by the total overthrow and dispersion of the
original robber army, whose leaders, Wang Dsuyang and others,
were beheaded, their heads exposed, and their bodies cut to
pieces on the execution ground. The fact of the executions
shows that the defeat was complete, or the authorities would
not have ventured to such extreme measures.

Dsuchung was besieging Kooshu of Yooning foo in Honan,
when an officer of Dso Liangyu's came to the rescue. They
faced each other for six days, when they fought, and Dsuchung

138 LI DSUCHUNG.

had to flee towards Tungfung of Honan foo, and Michien of
Kaifung. He continued his retreat into Shensi and turned
upon his pursuers at Lojiashan, where he completely defeated
them. He then marched on Yenswi and besieged Swita. The
lieut. -general in charge of Yenswi fell upon him before he
attacked the city, but was drawn into an ambush and himselt
taken. The garrison of Swita joined Dsuchung, who then
marched up to and took Michih. The garrison of Swita were
all Yenan men, and now clad in rich silk garments, visited their
relations. Those same relations were all in want of the
commonest food, and it required little persuasion to cause them
to swarm to the camp of Dsuchung, where food was abundant.

The south western provinces, though free from famine were
overrun with robbers. A few years before Dsuchung got back
with such pomp and power to his native place, the five south-
western provinces had to unite their armies before they could
cope with An Bangyen ; but if he was defeated and slain, his
scattered forces retained their hold on the country and we shall
meet them again years after. Thus with the Manchus in the
north-east, Peking must have been at its wit's end, for that
would not take it far. One sage minister proposed that only
men of sterling character should be employed at Court, and that
all mean men should be dismissed the government offices. Who
was to be the judge ! The silver mines of Pingyang and
Fungyang were opened to aid the government ; notwithstanding
the former experience of their working.

Dsuchung discovered that the mining of city walls produced
immensely more silver than the imperial mines, and he advanced
as far as Chingyang to pillage. Sanyuen and Singan were
thrown into a state of terror; and to add to the confusion,
another robber army took the city of Liwho, and besieged
Tienchang. So great had now become the fame of Dsuchung,
that the scattered bands of robbers of Shensi were attracted to
and joined his army. A Disturb-the-Heavens prince also
acknowledged Dsuchung as his superior ; but he was defeated in
spite of his defiant name. But if Dsuchung commanded a host

FORTUNES VICISSITUDES.

of men, he soon discovered that he was not invincible ; for
Chungchow attacked him at Chitoong hien of Paoning, and
completely broke up his army, with the exception of a few
thousand men, with whom he fled to the neigbourhood of Singan.
His old friend Hienjoong had again joined the imperial ranks>
and Dsuchung was at so low an ebb of fortune that he proposed
to surrender himself into his friend's hand ; but he discovered in
time that Hienjoong had designs on his life, probably from
jealousy of the superior fame of Dsuchung. The latter, therefore,
set out for the Mahommedan camp in the district of Chuachuen
ofHonan. He travelled 600 li without rest; and his exertions
brought on a sickness which prostrated him for six months in
the Mahommedan camp. When somewhat recovered he left,,
and with a few hundred men, began his career over again for the
third time. His great foe Chungchow was called to save Peking
from the Manchus. He marched with fifty thousand men
through the famous Toongkwan, and his approach raised the
siege of the capital ; for the Manchus did not wait to test hi&
strength. He was made viceroy of Liaotung, as we have seen
above. One instance of devoted bravery may be here noticed.
Swun Chungdsoong, president of the Board of War, was in
Kaoyang when the Manchus laid siege to it. The city was
entered; and Swun, with ten sons and grandsons, fought
together defending the city, and fell one by one in the hopeless
fight.

Honan was so much overrun by robbers, that the governor
either could not or would not take efficient steps to meet them.
He was therefore degraded. The governor of Shantung, because
he had not prevented the Manchus from taking so many cities-
and so much spoil in Shantung, was summoned to the capital,
where he was beheaded. And other such instances proved that
the government was severe in certain cases. But all this touched
not the root of the evil ; indeed, that root had gone too deep for
any ordinarily remedial measures. Chihli and Shantung were
the only northern provinces which were undividedly imperial,
and they were stripped of almost all their wealth. The south-

140 LI DSUCHUNG.

eastern provinces were faithful ; they had not suffered as had the
northern and south-western provinces, though many small robber
bands infested every province in China, and thus cut off
communication between many places ; yet they were so far from
the capital that they could not, if they would, render efficient
aid. The great Chinese empire, though nominally what it
always had been, was then in reality confined to the capital and
its province, for the other provinces had enough to do to look
after themselves ; and more than half the income of the imperial
exchequer was employed in checking the Manchus.

We now turn to Hienjoong whom we have found a second
time taking service under the imperial government, and leaving
his Mahommedan army to look after itself in Honan. He was
stationed in Koochung, and had asked censor Lin Mingchiw to
recommend his transference to Hiangyang; and because the
request was refused, he murdered the censor and by this act
again cut, and forever, his connection with the imperialists. He
then killed the District Judge, fired the city, and departed west-
wards to join the band of Lo Yootsai. Liangyu, who had gained
a decisive victory over the robbers in Honan after the arrival of
the new governor, sent a detachment in pursuit of Yootsai. In
the eagerness of pursuit this detachment fell into a snare, in
Lohowshan of Fanghien ; and though they fought with desperate
valour in their attempts to cut through the circle surrounding
them, they all perished. Liangyu was degraded in rank, and
ordered to recover his honours by renewed and distinguished
bravery. It was afterwards found that Liangyu's superior in
command was responsible for the disaster. Wunhi, this com-
mander, was ordered into Peking and beheaded. Eunuchs were
apparently as responsible for that as for so many military
disasters in Liaotung, for they were recalled to Peking from the
various military stations in the south. Liangyu's conduct
procured him rapid promotion ; for with the support of many
revolted robbers, he went from victory to victory.

But Hienjoong had collected a large army among the mountains
of Manao of Taiping, a district of Ninggwo. There he was attacked

CITY TAKING. 141

by Liangyii in February, 1640, completely defeated, ten thousand
of his men slain, and he compelled to flee with scarcely one
thousand horse. Liangyii occupied the hills in the districts of
Hingan and Pingli, his camps stretching over an extent of 100
li. He caused diligent search to be made for Hienjoong, but in
vain. And not only was Hienjoong in such good hiding, but he
speedily had around him a larger army than ever ; so that when
he was discovered, the imperialist army sent against him dared
not approach. With his large army he marched upon and took
the city of Tachang, in Szchuen. He then crossed the river,
passed Basi or Paoning, and took Chienchow. He coalesced
again with Yootsai at Kaihien, but in February, 1641, general
Fierce-as-a-tiger attacked them with fury and broke them up.
They fled to Tsorhan and Tachang, but so thorough was their
disorder that they had to flee to the hills of Hingfang. Hien-
joong continued still to move away and marched towards
Yichung, in Hookwang.

By means of spies Hienjoong was made aware that the
prefectural city of Hiangyang was badly garrisoned. He sent off
twenty well mounted robbers, who approached the city gate at
night, under imperialist colours. The weak guard was only too
glad to admit even twenty men: but as soon as they were admitted,
they fell with a shout upon the gate-keepers and put them all to
the sword. They were speedily joined by a hundred robbers who
had previously hidden themselves in the city, and rushed to the
centre of the city making the greatest noise, to draw attention
from the gate through which the main army now came pouring in.
The city was in the utmost confusion, and there was no opposition
to the robbers, for there was no head to take charge. The prefect
cut his way through the robbers and fled. The prince
Hiang Wang was seized in his palace, which was then burnt
down. Hienjoong was seated in a private dwelling of the
prince's when the latter was a prisoner before him. Hienjoong
sat over against the prince as his equal, and taunted him with
his past conduct. He said, taking a flagon of spirits in his
hand, that he had hoped to have taken the head of Suchang, a

142 LI DSUCHUNG.

president of one of the Peking Boards, but as he had fled far
into Choo (Honan), he would have to borrow the head of the
prince instead, but would give him a cup of liquor first. It often
happened during those wars, as it often occurs now, that the man
to be put to death was first rendered insensible by deep
potations. The prince did not refuse to drink himself drunk;
and was then executed. Hienjoong took possession of all the
ladies of the palace; and scattered 150,000 taels among the
famishing populace. Though Liangyu was making all speed to
save this important city whose weakness he well knew, he was
not only too late, but had to learn, when he arrived there, that
the robbers had crossed the river and taken Funchung on the
Hankiang, after which Kwangchow and Sinye had to open their
gates; and the fortune of Hienjoong was in flood. He took
Swichow in Hookwang soon after. But at this juncture he and
Yoostai quarrelled; the latter moved his division northwards
to Tungchow of Nanyang, and put himself into communication
with and under the orders of Dsuchung, who had been
compelled by Liangyu to move northwards from Nanyang,
though he had then half a million of men under his command.
Liangyu was thus posted between the two great robbers, and
the flank movement of Yoostai passing from Hienjoong to
Dsuchung, proved that the two could have coalesced if they
had been eager to do so. But it is more than likely that the
designs of each prevented such a combination as long as it was
not necessary for self defence. But Liangyu, after he pushed
Dsuchung northwards, wheeled south and dealt such a blow to
Hienjoong, weakened by the defection of Yootsai, that he took
10,000 of his horse, and scores of thousands of the defeated army
deserted to him on the battle-field of Sinyang. Hienjoong had
to flee with only a few followers to the hills, among which he
found his way to the camp of Dsuchung. But his reception
was not of the warmest, as he would be satisfied only
with a place of equality with his great rival ; for his reputation
was greatly increased since he had taken Hiangyang, and he
had, as we have seen, at one time been Dsuchung's superior.

RIVALS. 143

Dsuchung was angry at the presumption of the man who had
come as a fugitive, and determined quietly to get rid of him.
Yootsai warned the ambitious fugitive of his danger and gave
him 500 horse, with which he escaped eastwards and again
joined the old Mahommedan camp.

In June 1642, Hienjoong was on the south of the Yangtsu.
Some of his men went into the prefectural city of Loochow,
professing to be candidates for literary degrees. They entered
the city with books in their hands, and arms under their
clothing ; others got in as merchants, and all went to live in the
inns.* After their plans were completed, they rose one night
and set fire to some houses in several parts of the city ; and in
the consequent confusion, opened the gates to their comrades.
Hienjoong cut an arm off every man and woman whom he left
alive, and then marched on Liwngan. He defeated Liangyu
when marching to the rescue ; and the city fell notwithstanding
its very high walls and very deep moat. Liangyu had his
revenge in November at Nganching, where he took 5000 horse,
and freed over a myriad of Mahommedans compulsorily held by
Hienjoong. But the defeat was not crushing, for Hienjoong
was soon again at his old trick of surprising cities. He rode
vapidly towards Hwangchow in a thick fog, and rushed pell mell
into the city as the gates -f- were opened in the uncertain light
of the early morning. The assistant censor, Fun Weiching, was
seized, and Hienjoong did all in his power to get him to desert.
The censor would give no other reply than abusive language ;
and the anger, which he purposely kindled, raged so much that
they pierced his breast, and he died a patriot's death. The
palace of Whangchow was repaired and accepted by Hienjoong,

* It is possibly from such tricks that every inn is subject to a nightly visitation
by the city guard, which looks in at every room ; takes down the name, surname,
dwelling-place, and business of every guest; and if there is the least suspicion
roused, the guest has to open out and lay before the guard every box and package
in his room.

t All Chinese cities are walled ; and the strong gates are closed every night at
sundown in summer, and never later than eight in the winter. They are opened
again at dawn or sunrise.

144* LI DSUCHUNG.

who assumed the title of Si Wang, or " Western Prince." But
he had not yet a settled authority over lands sufficient to warrant
him to assume such a title, and he took little time in trying to
extend his power.

In May, he marched westwards towards Woochang in
Hookwang. Choo Wang was then in that city, and was in debt
to the city authorities to the amount of over a million taels.
The prefect prayed him to distribute a few hundred thousand
taels among the troops to raise their spirits and courage. But
he was true to the character of all the other princes of his
imperial family; and his selfish blindness would not spare or
repay a single tael of silver. Hienjoong found therefore no
opposition on his way to Hanyang. This city was south of the
Han river, and north of the Yangtsu. As he was nearing that
city, the prince and many others clamoured to have the forces
which were stationed on the Yangtsu at once removed within
the city of Woochang. Colonel Wun Yoong declared that it
was of far greater consequence to retain command of the Yangtsu
than to enter and protect Woochang ; and that the best policy
of all would be to defend the river Han, and prevent the passage
to Hanyang of the robbers. His advice was overruled in all
points, and Hanyang had to open its gates. Hienjoong there-
fore moved down the river towards Woochang. The waters of
the river were so shallow that they scarcely reached the horses'
belly ; yet the army which should have contested the crossing
of the river was ordered into Woochang, to the very gates of
which Hienjoong marched unopposed. He attacked the gate
Wooshung, where Wun Yoong made a gallant resistance, cutting
down the robbers in great numbers. But the army connected
with the palace opened another gate, and went out to invite the
robbers in ; for the prince was eager only to save his own person
and wealth. When Wun Yoong saw this treachery he leaped
his horse among the robbers, and killed three of them before he
was himself slain. When the grand secretary Fungchung, at
his station on the Wooshung gate, found all was lost, he retired
to his family, hurried them — twelve persons in all — on board a

VM VICTIS. 145

boat, after he had clothed himself in his official robes and court
hat, and made two profound obeisances towards the imperial
palace. He then pushed the boat out into the lake, scuttled it,
and with his family died the death which Chinese patriotism
demands of its officials. A note to the history states that his
body was found one hundred and seventy days after, and bore
no trace of decay. One Hiaoyen had his left arm cut off in the
fight ; but he stood in the gate, and cut down twenty robbers
before the exhaustion of his strength made him the prey of
the robber's sword. The prince of Choo had the proper reward
of his treason ; for the robbers seized in his palace the enormous
sums of the public money which he had absorbed ; and though
they impressed several hundred carts to take.it away, they could
not carry it all.* After they had taken away that for which
he had sold his country, the robbers tied up the unworthy prince,
and flung him into the Sihoo lake. Many myriads of the people
were cut down, and permission was given to as many as would,
to depart ; but after they had gone, iron-armed horse were sent
after to cut them down. What with suicides, and what with
those heartless deaths, the river was covered for ever so great a
distance with floating dead bodies; and for some time it was
impossible to eat the fish of the Yangtsu. Of the people
remaining in that enormous city, it is said that there was not
one unmanned : one had a foot, another an arm, cut off; some
had the nose sliced off, and some an eye gouged out. And after
the city was thus made a desert, Hienjoong made it his capital,
established in it Six Boards and Five Palaces, cast cash in the
name of Si Wang, and made district judges. This proves that
he was now hoping to be able to make a bid for empire, for
otherwise he would not have instituted Six Boards.

Whatever opposition, effectual or unavailing, was made to the
progress of the rebels, there was not a single instance of a bold
resistance by a member of the imperial family, though its
wangs or princes were to be found in all the more important

*A11 money then and now if not of copper cash was of silver ingots; and a
million taels meant 100,000 Ibs. weight of bullion.

K

146 LI DSUCHUNG.

cities of the empire. The interesting and romantic history of
Gwei wang, who had greatness thrust upon him, we shall learn
at a later date of our history ; but he makes his debut at this
period by fleeing with his relation, prince Whi, from the
prefecture of Hungchow, when Hienjoong advanced against it.
He fled to Yoongchow in Hookwang, leaving his palace in the
hands of Hienjoong, who had all the materials removed to
Changsha, to be used in building his own palace there.
Hienjoong then moved on Yoongchow. He was encountered by
Liw Hi, the admiral of the fleet there, who had hurried away
the two princes, together with the prince of Yoong city, under
an escort, to Kwangsi; but his determination never to yield
availed him not. The city gates were opened by traitors, and
the admiral himself seized. The rebels employed every
argument to have him join them ; but though they kept him a
close prisoner for three days without food, with bandaged eyes,
making promises and using threats, he remained unmoved.
Three further attempts were made to gain him ; but when they
held a naked sword to his throat, he only reviled them the more,
and he got the death he sought. All the ancient kingdom of
Choo was, therefore, now in rebel hands, and Hienjoong attained
to the pinnacle of his greatness. But by the end of 1643,
Dsuchung had so enormously outgrown him, that Hienjoong
acknowledged himself his vassal ; and he informed the Mahom-
medan messengers sent by Dsuchung to Kingchow, that he
occupied that city for Dsuchung; he also sent messengers to
cultivate the friendship of Dsuchung. This is proof of the
greatness to which the latter had grown, and we now retrace our
steps to glance at the mode of that progress.

We left Dsuchung starting with a few hundred men from the
Mahommedan camp, after his recovery from a severe half-year's
illness. His name was a sufficient roll-call, and he was soon
surrounded by a considerable band whom he led to plunder and
to wealth. But after those men had ravaged to their heart's
content, and had by their atrocities made themselves sufficiently
formidable to be worth the buying, they deserted in large numbers

DIFFICULTIES. 147

to the imperialists, whom they joined in pushing out Dsuchung,
who fled to Hanyang, where he was hard pressed by the Shensi
army on his north, and found his southern march cut off by
Liangyii, who was in Woogwan of Shangchow. He was thus
completely shut in, and his provisions began to be scarce. As
the easiest way out of his perplexities, he several times
attempted to commit suicide, but was always prevented by his
adopted son, Li Shwanghi. He therefore gave orders to have
every captive put to the sword, and with 50 men made a dash
against the southern lines of his besiegers, cut through to
Yunyang, among the mountains where he "fed his horses." But
this occupation was not for a long term ; for the famine which
still wasted the north laid its biting hand on Honan, and soon
rallied an army of several scores of thousands of hungry men
around him.

Just when Hienjoong was taking Tachang and Chienchow,
Dsuchung took Yoongning of Honan foo by storm, and put every
soul to the sword, including a prince then in the city. He set
the city on fire, and afterwards broke down forty forts. The
robber chief "One-Measure-Grain" and others joined him, and
with these as guides he took the city of Yiyang with a spring.
Needy men now swarmed to his banner from all corners, and he
was speedily master of several hundreds of thousands, whom he
quickly converted into soldiers. This increase was however
wholly caused by the famine which continued to rage more or
less severely over the provinces of Chihli, Shantung, Shansi,
Shensi, Honan, Chihkiang and Kiangsu. Next year (1640),
many people in all those provinces lived only because they
resorted to cannibalism.

After he got his men converted into an army, Dsuchung
marched against the prefecture of Honan in 1641. The siege
was desperately pushed, but the defence was for once vigorously
sustained, and though after a long siege great cannon were
brought against the walls, Dsuchung would have to raise the
siege but for the never-failing treachery which everywhere
betrayed the Ming cause. Traitors opened the gates, Dsuchung

148 LI DSUCHUNG.

pushed in, set fire to the palace of Foo Wang and then killed
that prince, after upbraiding him with his cruelty and oppression
of the people. So bitter was the hatred of the soldiers against
him, that they ate his flesh cut into mince. This explains the
treachery which opened the gates. A retired president of the
Board of War was also slain. ; but the other officials were saved
alive. Such was the condition of the country around, that
miserable human wretches preyed upon those fallen in battle ;
and though the grave-digger had no work, neither the wolf, the
dog, nor the raven had any share in the ghastly meals. Dsu-
chung distributed great quantities of grain and silver, hoarded in
the city, among the famishing. He then assumed the title of
Chwang Wang or "Leaping Prince," and his power thence-
forward so rapidly grew, that when Hienjoong was stealthily
creeping upon Hiangyang, he was bold enough to attack the
large city of Kaifung, the capital of the province. He was
repulsed however in that attempt. Yet Honan had now come
to such a pass that when Li Hienfung opened the imperial
document appointing him governor of that province, he
committed suicide. Commander Yang Suchang also committed
suicide because he had failed to prevent Dsuchung from taking
the city of Kweita. Liangyii had just then come from paying
a visit to the capital, and fresh from the presence of the emperor
drove Dsuchung northwards, from Nanyang to Looshu of
Yoongning. It was while here that Yootsai (p. 142) joined him,
and another more important acquisition was made in the person of
Niw Jinhing, a Juyin graduate of Paofung, who, fleeing from the
consequences of some crime, found shelter and honour from
Dsuchung, who took one of his daughters to wife. His name
became more and more prominent in the future history of the
rebellion. Another sharp man, three feet high, and skilled in
palmistry, saw and studied Dsuchung. He gave his oracular
decision that ''Eighteen sons should become master of the
vessels of the gods." * This fortunate utterance so gratified

*The character Li is made up of three characters, "ten," "eight" and "son"; the
vessels of the gods " are the sacrificial utensils which belong only to the emperor.

FORTUNE-TELLING. 149

the rebel that he made the fortune-teller one of his
generals.

Though Liangyii had broken up the army of Hienjoong, and
compelled him to seek safety by solitary flight into Dsuchung's
camp, he was unable to face the latter, who had half a million
men under his orders. The court at Peking was, therefore, in
great straits ; the Manchus in the east setting all north China at
defiance, and Dsuchung to the south laughing to scorn all
ordinary means of opposition. To deal satisfactorily with either
of these scourges, was equal to the full extent of the resources
of the Ming dynasty ; and what could they do with both ? It
was determined to deal with Dsuchung, as his was the most
pressing case ; for he was already in the heart of China, with
increasing numbers of Chinese flocking to his standard, while
the Manchus were yet beyond Chinese soil; and when they
ravaged it, they failed to gain a single adherent even among the
famishing. So far they judged wisely ; but their conduct did
not savour of equal wisdom. When struggling for life with
rebellion, robbery and famine, as they were, they should have
made peace with the Manchus at any price, and so tied their
hands for a few years. Instead of doing so, they trusted to luck
or laziness, and drained the five northern provinces of their
armies, over whom they sent Wun Yao, viceroy of Chihli, and
Dsoongloong, viceroy of Shensi, to march against and crush
Dsuchung. Thus the way was left open for an inroad by the
Manchus, if they thought proper. The viceroy of Chihli, in
October 1641, crossed the river on a floating bridge and joined
the viceroy of Shensi at Hiangchung of Kaifung. Dsuchung
also crossed the river higher up, and concealed his men in a pine
forest. Past this forest the combined army was loosely marching,
entirely ignorant of the whereabouts of Dsuchung ; and, as they
had no scouts to scour their route, they seemed to have thought
him far away. Without a note of premonitory warning the men
in the forest rushed out upon the disorderly army. Yinloong
and Gwochi, two Shensi generals, led the van, and they with
their men fled northwards in the greatest precipitation. The

150 LI DSUCHUNG.

Paoting army next broke up and fled, and Yaowuii retired by
night into Hiangchung. Dsoongloong alone stood his ground,
and hurriedly built ramparts about his immediate followers,
where he defended himself though surrounded by several deep
of the robbers. He knew it was hopeless to remain there to
renew the struggle on the morrow, and therefore in the second
watch, or between nine and ten p.m., he led out his men and
burst through the lines of the besiegers. But once beyond the
rebels, his men broke loose and scattered " like the stars." He
marched on foot with as many of the broken infantry as he could
rally around him, fighting as he went. Next day he got to Hiang-
chung, and so did the robbers, who seized him just outside the
gates. They brought him, with his banner flying, to the gate,
and cried with great shouting, " I am the viceroy of Shensi, the
commander of the army ; please open the gate to receive the
viceroy." As soon as his voice could be heard, he also spoke out
as loudly as he could, and said, " / am the viceroy of Shensi ;
and I command you to keep your gates shut. On all sides of
me are robbers, whose voice it was which first addressed you."
He then reviled the robbers bitterly in order to anger them
into slaying him ; and he had his wish, for he was killed below
the city walls. Before the fierce attack of the rebels the
city fell almost immediately, and was put to the sword in
Dsuchung's usual style. Dsoongloong had the highest honours
of Tai Dsu and Tai Bao conferred posthumously upon him by
the emperor; but Yinloong was executed by the next viceroy.
Yinloong had been brought to notice by slaying many robbers
when in a very subordinate position ; and as he was their terror
when he served under others, he was greatly feared when he got
a command for himself; but surprise cut short his career to the
great joy of the rebel army, who drank each other congratula-
tions, now that the " son of the wind was gone."

In the following January, Dsuchung again attacked Kaifung,
hoping perhaps that his overwhelming success against the
imperialist army would open the gates to him, by terrifying the
garrison. But he was mistaken, for lieut. -general Chun Yoong-

EYE SHOT OUT. 151

foo was both a brave and an energetic opponent. As Dsuchung
was pressing the siege, Yoongfoo covered him with his bow, shot
an arrow and gouged out his left eye. So great was the pain
that the rebel leader ordered his men to draw off from the city ;
and he camped at Choohien. Yoongfoo determined to do what
he could to harass the rebels ; and opening the treasury exposed
stores of silver to the soldiers and citizens and proclaimed, " One
hundred taels for a living robber, fifty taels for a dead one, and
fifty taels to the family of the man who dies fighting with the
robbers." This produced enormous losses to the robbers, who
were compelled to move off; but even in defeat they were
successful, for they took Neihiang, Pingtang and Sinye cities.
And next month, Dsuchung returned to the siege of Kaifung,
determined to take it by breach. When the mine exploded and
a breach of only a few feet was made, it was called a "Small
discharge ; " when of several jang* and with a noise to shake
the heavens, it was called a " Large discharge." Dsuchung
prepared to make the latter. The pick of his horse covered the
workers operating under a large extent of the wall. The powder
inserted into the mine amounted to several scores of thousands
of catties ;t and removed a short distance from the mine were
men in complete armour, who were to rush in as soon as the
report of the bursting wall was heard. The miners withdrew,
the torch was applied, a tremendous explosion followed, and a
large piece of the wall was thrown down. It was thrown down ;
but when the smoke cleared away, it revealed great numbers of
the attacking party laid low for ever ; for the wall instead of
bursting upwards or inwards, fell outwards among the assailants,
and left an inner peel as hard as stone, and as unbroken as if
there had been no mine and no explosion. The rebels regarded
this as a miracle, and raised the siege; but were more successful
next month, for they took Chunchow, putting immense numbers
as usual to the sword.

They again invested Kaifung, but because of their former

* One jang is ten Chinese feet, or about twelve English feet.
t A catty, in Chinese kin, is 1£ English Ib. avoirdupois.

152 LI DSUCHUNG.

losses they drew their lines of regular siege at a distance from
the city, with the design to starve it into surrender. The city
was invested for five months, when a lieut-general, come to
raise the siege, camped over against the rebels. But after
fighting with them for three days in succession, he was compelled
to retire. Yet though in straits for provisions, the city had no
thought of opening its gates. But an unfortunate accident did
what the rebel army could not do. The governor of the province
had, before the last siege, opened a canal from the Yellow River,
ten li north of the city, in order to flood the city moat and to
inundate the rebels. Just after the lieu t. -general mentioned
above had to retire, the Yellow river rose suddenly, a flood of
waters rushed down upon the rebel camp, drowning over ten
thousand men. The flood then dashed " like a mountain twenty
feet high" against the walls of the city, which it flooded.
Hundreds of thousands were drowned; and the surviving
hundreds of thousands got out of the city in some way. The
governor escaped in a small boat, as did many of the chief officers,
though some of them too were drowned. The army got to a distance
from the city, and camped on high ground. But the rebel army
seized all the boats within accessible distance, entered the city
and pillaged at their leisure. They then, without obstruction,
went to Nanyang, which they retook, and, as in every recapture,
they put all to the sword.

When Liangyii's hands were quite full looking after Hienjoong
(p. 142), and the Manchus were pouring through Chiangtsu
ling passes down upon Kichow, the viceroy of Chihli, Wun
Yao, was occupied with a greater danger, for he was opposing
Dsuchung, who was pushing in to take Yooning prefecture.
The viceroy was posted with Paoting troops west of the city, and
Koong Chunhwi, at the head of Szchuen troops, was stationed
on the east. Both were attacked by the rebels, who broke up
the Szchuen troops ; and the Paoting men were unable, there-
fore, though acting their part bravely, to keep the rebels off
the city. They were compelled to enter and join the garrison.
The rebels ceased not day nor night from fighting and scaling ;

THE JESUITS. 153

and though enormous numbers of them fell by the stones and
arrows showered from above, they persisted in pushing up, and
at a hundred points gained the top of the wall. Wun Yao was
seized on the wall ; he imitated the example of the viceroy of
Shensi, his former comrade in arms, and like him fell before the
swords of the angry rebels. One officer, who was on the wall,
got the name of Wang the Iron-eared, because he would not
move, whatever the storm from the assailants. The usual
slaughter took place of captured soldiery and civilians.

Just then there arose great disturbances at the centre of
government on account of the Jesuits. These had first got
into China and had been received with eclat, as long before our
story as the Yuen dynasty. There was not a continuous stream
however, but some time before this period of our history, they had
been received with great honours by the Court in Peking, as
men of science and especially as astronomers ; a science of which
the love of the Chinese has always been greater than their
accuracy. Adam Schaal, whom the Chinese call Tang Yowang,
had been some time engaged on astronomical duties; and
though in a very subordinate position, he came in contact with
the emperor. It was doubtless because of the descriptions
of western camion, given by that able Jesuit, that the emperor
ordered him to cast some cannon, and to teach their use. We,
Avho know the clamouring rage which employed the leisure of
the Court of James I. against the Scotch, and the more or less
intermittent irritation against the Germans employed in England
since 1688, can understand the opposition which would
necessarily arise in the Court of the isolated and conservative
Peking, when unknown foreign adventurers, as they would
appear to be, received so much imperial favour. When therefore
Schaal proved by success that he was able to cast such cannon
as China had never before seen, the opposition, which would
have silently smiled with satisfaction over failure, now spoke
out against success. The censorate is necessarily conservative,
and is bound to object to anything which it believes or
can profess to believe to be contrary to the ancient law and

154 LI DSUCHUNG.

usage of China. The censorate therefore approached his
majesty on this subject. It was the chief censor, Liw Dsoongjow,
who, in a memorial, remonstrated with his majesty against the
use of fire-arms which were never heard of before the time of
the Tang and Sung dynasties.* The emperor calmly replied
that the only hope for China was in fire-arms. He then ordered
Dsoongjow to go outside, and spoke warmly to the other ministers.
Dsoongjow returned while the emperor was speaking in anger,
and again remonstrated against the emperor's habit of always
listening to the advice of the eunuchs; adding that if he
continued to act by the eunuchs' advice he would have reason to
regret it. This roused the emperor's wrath; but to hide his
passion, he fixed his eyes on the roof when replying that the
emperor should be able to judge what was for the commonweal,
and to distinguish between that which was for the public
interest and for private profit. Dsoongjow was so persistent in
his arguments and so warm in his manner, that a fellow censor
found it necessary to explain that Dsoongjow had no other
object than the public safety, for the action he had taken. This
apology increased the displeasure of the emperor, and Dsoongjow
then took off-f his hat, made acknowledgment of error and
retired. The emperor then sentenced both censors to an
inferior post and degraded them several degrees in rank.
Against this sentence all the ministers prayed but in vain ; and

*In " Chambers's Cyclopaedia," under the article "Fire-arms," a British officer,
who visited the Great Wall north of Peking, is quoted inferring the existence of fire-
arms in China two centuries B.C., because this wall was built then, and because
there are loop holes in it. A wall was certainly built then ; but any one, and
especially a military officer coming from Britain, where solid walls had been built
by the Eomans not so long ago as two centuries B.C., should know that any wall
built twenty centuries ago, could not possibly exist at this date, with its loop-holes
and embrasures intact. The Great Wall has been, not so long ago, rebuilt, and has
been often repaired. If the loop holes are three centuries old, they have certainly
done well ; better than any other in China

fin ordinary circumstances it is disrespectful to take off the hat in company in
China ; but inferior officials are said always to stand bareheaded before the emperor.
Dsoongjow was therefore acknowledging himself a small official, instead of a great
minister.

ANGRY RESIGNATION. 155-

as no attention was paid to their entreaties, the president of the
Board of Punishment resigned his post. Thus we see that if the
new emperor had placed new men in office he had his own
difficulties with them. He silenced the opposition against the
western cannon-founder however. It is possible that the favours
conferred upon Schaal caused envy ; but we think the warmth
of the discussion between the emperor and the chief censor can
be learned from the discussion itself. We know that Schaal then
occupied a very subordinate post, and the Jesuit who had the
highest post ever attained by that order in Peking occupied but a
very secondary official position ; hence the rivalry between the
ministers and the eunuchs was the real cause of the animosity
against the Jesuits; for we learn from the above that the
eunuchs were the chief if not the only support of the Jesuits,
and they used them and their learning as good pawns in their
playing against the ministers. Schaal we shall meet again, but
we must leave the wrangling of courts for the crashing of swords.

In January 1643, Hiangyang fell to Dsuchung. The
governor fled from Kingchow to Hiangtan of Changsha,
taking with him prince Funghwi. The inhabitants opened the
gates of Kingchow to Dsuchung as soon as he presented himself;,
doubtless fearing the massacre always following the capture of a
city by storm. The petty robbers, infesting all the districts
under Kingchow, rose towards the great rebel like clouds of bees.
The governor of Honan was therefore recalled, and censor Wang-
Han appointed. But Dsuchung shaped his own course as he
choose. He directed his army towards Chungtien, now called
Anloo Prefecture of Hookwang. Governor Soong got timely
warning, and was urged to make his escape, as resistance was
hopeless. But if he could not stem the torrent he could perish
in it. He resisted therefore with desperation till all his men were
killed, fled, or made prisoners; and he continued to fight,
surrounded by the rebels, till he was cut down. The prefect
opened the city gates, and Dsuchung marched quietly in.

One incident connected with this raid is worthy of attention,
as it shows that even Dsuchung's character was not, as no man's-

156 LI DSUCHUNG.

is, utterly bad. Siao Han, the district judge of Choonghien, was
seized by Dsuchung's men and brought to the rebel chief.
Dsuchung had previously issued a proclamation, that the soldier
who would kill that good man would meet an inevitable death,
and punishment would follow any insult offered him ; such was
Han's reputation for justice and uprightness. The prisoner was
sent to a Buddhist monastery, where every argument was
employed to get him to acknowledge the rebel as his master ;
and the authorities of the monastery were threatened with death
if aught ill befell Han while in their hands. This conduct,
so different from the ordinary procedure of the " robber," must
have touched Siao Han. But his final answer was, " You have
your laws and customs, which are different from mine : I must
go to the end of my road ; " and he committed suicide, — for such,
as we have several times had to say, is the consummation of
integrity, or the " end of the road " of the official in China who
would be faithful to his trust. But such officials were fewer
then than even now. The provincial judge, Li Chunshung,
welcomed the rebels, and claimed family relationship with the
-chief; for they were both of the family " Li." * And his claim
was of course gladly reciprocated ; he therefore came and went
to the robber camp as 'he chose. The robbers went to the
imperial tombs of Hienling to break them open; but so
tremendous was the noise, that the hills shook, and the terrified
robbers fled and dared not again prosecute the work of
desecration.

But it was apparently supernatural agencies alone which could
inspire the rebel with any terror ; for lieut.-general Fang Gwongan
was compelled to retire on Hankow, and Liangyii retreated to
Woohoo. Nor was there a man in all the provinces who would
then dare look Dsuchung in the face on the field ; all retired on
the cities. And many of these latter opened their gates in
terror; for Dsuchung invariably massacred the inhabitants of

*If it has not been noted before, it must be understood that the surname comes
first in Chinese to honour one's ancestry, the name comes last because it is one's
own.

A REBEL TITLE. 157

the city which dared to close its gates against him. It was
estimated that in the cities of Honan alone he had put to death
a full million of the inhabitants. It was possibly the fact that
he had now no opponent who could meet him on equal terms,
but was able to choose his time and route of march, which
influenced him to henceforth adopt the role of a conqueror and
not that of the robber. He assumed the title of the Heaven-
ordained, Upper Great Chief of Civil and Military authorities.
Yootsai was entitled, Vicar of Heaven Aiding the People,
Virtuous and Terrible Great Commander. Hiangyang was
called the capital; and Dsuchung gave new names to all the
cities under his jurisdiction, appointing magistrates and judges
over them. He rebuilt the palace of the prince of Hiangyang.
The three princes Jaoling Wang,* Paoning Wang, and Siaoning
Wang who were in the city, acknowledged Dsuchung, and were
named his councillors, but their titles were changed to Bai or
count. He then marched upon and took Chiswi.

The enormous army under Dsuchung was not wholly collected
by himself; there were other leaders who had brought large
bands, over which they still commanded under the chief
leader. He now divided the army into four great divisions —
1st, The Mahommedan army, which he sent to hold Chungtien
or Anloo ; 2nd, Yootsai, whom he left in Hiangyang ; 3rd, Go
Gwoyen, whom he sent towards Hwangchow, whither his rival
Hienjoong was then inarching, unknown to Dsuchung ; and
4th, his own tried troops, of which he retained command. With
this division he marched against and attacked Chiahien. His
appearance before that city was the signal for a desperate fight ;
for the district judge led out his men, and a fierce encounter
took place, which continued for a whole day and night, the
rebels losing enormously. The citizens made common cause
with the soldiers ; but the brave magistrate, Li Jun, was seized
as he fought in the thickest of the melee. Instead of being put
to death he was tied up to a tree by his clothing, with the

* A wang is always called after a prefectural city, as in England a duke is called
after a county.

158 LI DSUCHUNG.

apparent intention of starving him to death. While hanging
there he ceased not to address the rebels in a loud voice in
language calculated to irritate them, as — " Why put a magistrate
to death ? All the people are determined to resist to the last
man ; " or he jibed the aspirant for empire — " The high emperor
truly possesses great powers ; I shall certainly inform Shangti
{God)." His tongue was then cut out, and he died as he desired.
His mother and wife perished also for his sake.

Dsuchung had now come to a crisis in his history, and
determined upon a thorough change of policy and aim in his
warfare. This change it was which Li Jun mockingly referred
to; but it was a serious one to Dsuchung and to others, for
believing that those who had been his fellow-commanders and
almost his equals, might be more troublesome than useful in his
future career, he had Yootsai, Gwoyen, and Dso Jinyu, put to
•death ; he himself taking absolute control of all the divisions.
This happened just when Hienjoong leaped to his highest in
taking Hanyang and Woochang, and instituting his Six Boards.
Dsuchung had himself attacked Hanyang, but in vain; jealousy
made him, therefore, extremely angry with his rival, and he
publicly offered a thousand taels for Hienjoong's head. The fall
of Woochang made him more angry than ever, and he said that
the " honourable Mahommedan had once already fled to him for
refuge; but he must remind him of the fate of Yootsai." This
and similar language showed that he considered Hienjoong now
as a serious danger in his way. Hienjoong heard of this
threatening language, as it was intended he should, and he was
afraid ; for though he was riding on the crest of the wave, he
knew not what might be on the morrow. One thing he
•determined, to keep as well out of the way of Dsuchung as
possible. He also sent a number of messengers with large sums
of money, as a solatium to Dsuchung's wounded feelings. The
latter took the money and also retained the messengers; and
this insult made Hienjoong very wroth. Both the rebels had
flattering overtures made to them by the Peking court ju&t
then, — Dsuchung would be created a marquis, and have a salary

KEBEL ARMY REGULATIONS. 159

of ten thousand taels a year, if he ceased from hacking the
empire ; Hienjoong was offered half that salary and a high office,
which would be made hereditary. Neither of them had made
any overtures to the Peking court, the Manchus had ; and they
treated the overtures of the court as it treated those of the
Manchus, — with silence. And the weak vanity of the struggling
court, like an over-weighted swimmer, splashed wearily in the
deep waters, with land invisible.

Dsuchung had large ships of war built at Kingchow and
Hiangyang, and sent the Mahommedans against Changta. And
here we may give a summary of his laws since he became
absolute lord of the army. He had twenty-nine great com-
manders, each of whom he posted in a place demanding ability,
caution, and faithfulness ; for on these men he could rely. His own
immediate army he divided into five camps of two thousand
horse, and fourteen sao or companies of foot, each three thousand
men; thus each camp had forty-two thousand foot and two
thousand horse. Liw Dsoongmin was general of the foot, and
Baiwang of the horse, in his own army. In camping, the body
of horse connected with one camp kept careful watch, while the
other four rested ; each taking watch in turn. The watch beat
time both day and night. None could possibly desert ; for if one
attempted to flee, it was impossible to escape, so careful was the
watch, which pursued and brought back the deserter, who was
immediately beheaded. His rules were of the strictest, and his
discipline most severe.

His soldiers were forbidden to possess heavy baggage. Each
had a wife or concubine, but if a child was born, it was thrown
away, the mother being forbidden to nurture it. Boys above
fourteen, or men below forty, were seized and appropriated by
the army, each soldier " adopting " one or more as his son. No
city fell without the capture of several myriads of such youths,
and a soldier could adopt as many as twenty. These did all his
menial work for him ; and when suitable, were made to fill in
gaps in the ranks. In this way his army often numbered over
a million of men. His coats of " mail " consisted of numerous

160 LI DSUCHUNG.

layers of padded silk wadding in folds numbering from a few
dozen to as many as a hundred, which rendered a garment
impenetrable to arrow or bullet.

His horses received, if possible, greater attention than even
the men. The stabling of the west is unknown in China.
Horses, mules, and donkeys are exposed to the greatest
summer's heat and the depth of winter's cold, and have no
protection from the rain or the snow, or at the utmost only a
roof above. But in winter Dsuchung had the clothing of the
people in his neighbourhood collected and thrown down to keep the
horses' feet off the cold ground. Bodies of dead men were scooped
out to form troughs for the horses to drink out of; and when the
horse was thirsty, a captive was brought to this horrible trough,
his ear slit and his blood let drop into the water below the
horse's eyes. The horses became so accustomed to this that
they whinnied on seeing a man ; this practice also inured the
horses to blood and wounds, and nothing frightened them. His
beasts of burden were mainly camels.

No one in the camp of Dsuchung knew when or in what
direction they were to march. Dsuchung himself gave the
order to get ready for the march, and at whatever time, whether
at cock-crow or day-break, this order was issued : a very few
minutes sufficed to allow each man to swallow a piece of meat and
leap into the saddle. The direction of march was known only by
seeing Dsiichung's horse ahead. Each man had a bag, which
when nearing a river he filled with earth and threw into the
river, till, however deep, wide, or rapid, the waters were so
dispersed that a bridge was made across.

In drawing up for battle, horses with iron breast-plates, three
deep, formed the first line. The man who turned his back to
the foe was put to death on the spot. If this line was not
successful in breaking the enemy, it drew off by the flanks,
opening up to let the infantry advance ; and as soon as the
infantry got to the front, this iron-horse division took up
position on each flank of the infantry, and gradually spread out,
till by a short circuit they could rush upon the enemy's rear.

REBEL SAPPERS. 161

These tactics were almost always successful in deciding the
battle in the rebel's favour. Though his army, with followers,
amounted to a million of men, he would not divide it, but always-
kept it one army. He never carried any provisions, but made
his followers scatter over the neighbourhood and find their meals
where they could, in the kitchens of the rich or cottages of the
poor; and as a matter of course they always exacted the best of
everything, thus carrying out the system pursued in the
dragonades of the holy mother church in France and England.
But the system, if convenient, often ensured short commons of both
food and salt, especially when in a mountainous country or when
closely watched by the imperialists. Every cavalry soldier had
two or three horses, which he constantly changed when fighting ;
thus, though the fight lasted a whole day the cavalry always
rode fresh horses. — This practice was easy enough when we
remember that each soldier had his own personal attendants or
" adopted sons."

When Dsuchung attacked a city, his own dwelling was always
a long crooked tent, which from its shape was called Chiwngloo;
he never trusted himself to a house. He divided the day into
three portions of eight hours each ; during one portion a certain
number of men rested, and a certain number were on the watch.
Breast-plaited horse protected the rear and flanks of the men
who were employed in mining the city. Of these sappers, the
men nearest the wall had iron helmets and iron mail. Each
had a hatchet with which he dug into the wall. When a man
got out one brick he retired, and another instantly took his
place ; the work thus went on in quick relays, so that no man
had so much work as to weary him. The same rule was still
carried out after a hole was dug large enough to admit a
man inside. The mined wall was supported by strong posts at
every fourth foot, and to each post a long rope was fastened.
When a hundred or more feet were thus cut out, all the men
were called off; the ropes were simultaneously pulled at, and
down came the wall with a great crash. Dsuchung's law was,
that if a city opened its gates at once there was neither burning

162 LI DSUCHUNG.

nor slaughter; if after one or two days' fighting, thirteen or
fourteen were put to death ; but if the siege lasted five or six
days, the city was put to the sword. Patrols of men were
posted along the outside of the moat all round the city, to cut
down all who tried to escape by flight over the wall, so that not a
soul could evade his fate. The bodies were fired at night to give
light instead of lamps, and this was called " The Great Light."
When all the inhabitants were put to the sword, the walls were
at the same time levelled to the ground.

Horses and mules were considered the best booty ; military
weapons came next ; silks, satins, and valuable pearls followed ;
and gold and silver were either thrown away or converted into
balls or bullets. On the fall of a city, the surrounding towns,
villages, and hamlets were summoned to acknowledge the
conqueror, however remote from the city. Messengers were
hurried round with a pai, — a board with a proclamation pasted
or written thereon. If the village submitted at once, the pat
went on to the next village ; but if any time was lost, more or
less mutilation of a number of persons followed forthwith, and
a certain proportion would lose hands, arms, feet, ears, according
to the pleasure of the pai bearers. It was a daily occurrence to
scoop out eyes, chop off fingers, cut out the heart, or cut up the
body into fragments.

Niw Jinhing was Strategist. He daily studied one chapter of
the Yi King, and some book on the strategy of the ancient
warriors of China. When some serious action was to be
taken, all the chief officers were summoned to a council. Each
had to give his judgment on every important point. But
Dsuchung spoke not a word either during deliberation or after,
but used the plan which best commended itself to him ; and his
highest officers knew what it was only when' he called upon them to
execute it. He was called the " Impenetrable." In camp or on
the march, his table was of the simplest. He ate the plainest
food, and refused all dainties. He had one wife and one
concubine, both old. He had no son, nor did he desire any ;
nor would he have any servants. He adopted Li Shwanghi

DOUBLE HAPPINESS. 163

(" Double happiness ") ; and this fierce man gloated over
more slaughter, and shed more blood than even the great
robber himself. Dsuchimg made several attempts, in his palace
in Hiangyang, to coin cash, but failed in all. He, therefore,
put to death the artist into whose hands he had entrusted
the work. He then ordered several scholars to consult the
Eight Diagrams, and to discover by divination the best way to
correct the coining defects. Whether or not they feared a
similar fate, their findings were always unpropitious. As this
seemed to show that the fates declared him one who was not,
and never would be emperor, he nominated Shwanghi heir-
apparent, with the title of Hoongji, or Flourishing Foundation.
But an effort to coin in the new title was as great a failure as
the former.

He had to renounce his abortive efforts at coining ; for just
then the Shensi viceroy was moving towards him with a large
army; and the available imperial troops all around were
summoned to concentrate against the rebel. The army of
Toongkwan was set in motion; and the lieut. -generals, Niw
Chunghoo and Gwangdsoo, vmited below Loyang with the
Honan lieut.-generals, Gwa Dsoongji and Chun Yoongfoo.
Liangyii advanced from Kiwkiang via Yooning. Major-general
Gao Lin, from Shanglo, commanded the reserves ; Bai Gwangun,
lieut.-general of Liaosi, and the lieut-general of Szchuen, were
ordered southwards to move inland, as supporting reserves. The
commander-in-chief of the moving hosts was Swun Footing, who
commanded the main army from Toongkwan. The rebel
leaders, Su Tienjoo (Four lords of Heaven) and Li Yangchwun
(Nourisher of Purity), surrendered to Footing without a blow ;
after which he pushed on to Paoftmg hien, which he pressed
closely with his combined army.

Dsuchung left his family and a strong garrison in Hiangyang,
and with his best troops marched to raise the siege. He was
encountered, east of the city, by Gwangun, Lin and Gwangdsoo,
who drove him back. Next day, with a largely reinforced army,
he again moved westwards, but was a second time thrust back

164« LI DSUCHUNG.

Footing, fearing that the garrison and the rapidly increasing
robber army might be too strong for him, determined to force
open the city at all costs and at once. He therefore, at the
head of his own division, led the assault in person, attacked with
fury, took the city, put Dsuchung's magistrate and several
thousand robbers to the sword;* and then pushed on to
Tanghien of Nanyang, where all the wives of the rebel army
were collected. Though the rebels sent off their choice troops
without delay, they were too late; for Tanghien had already
fallen and all the wives of the rebel army had been put to the
sword. When the army which should have saved the city
heard of this disaster, one loud, universal wail of grief escaped
them; but this was succeeded by as loud cries of vengeance
against the army which had murdered their wives. Whatever
we may think of the policy of putting so many harmless women
to death, we can explain it by the burning desire of the
imperialists to wreak their vengeance against those who had
slain such large numbers of inoffensive citizens; and though
unutterably cruel to our notions, such has been and is the law of
war in China, where the terror inspired by it renders the policy
a successful one. Dsuchung was again defeated with great
slaughter, in an attempt to raise the siege of Chiahien ; and
Footing bade fair to checkmate him. At all events, the rebel
had to flee back to Hiangyang; with his men somewhat
demoralised.

While on his march southwards, Footing fell in with frightfully
bad weather, rain falling heavily and without interruption for six
days, after which the cart ruts became so muddy and deep that

* It is as uncommon in the east as in the west for the commander to push to the
front in this way. The present order of Manchu warfare, which is handed down by
the ages in conservative China, is that the commander is located at a very safe
distance from the place where the actual fighting is going on. He is in the centre
of the three most honourable of the eight banners, bordered yellow, yellow, and
bordered white. He is never outside of these ; and the post of honour is also the
post of safety, — explaining a good deal in Chinese modern warfare. The commander
is, however, always expected to support his first lines if they are driven in ; and he
is highly honoured if he fall sword in hand. His three banners, or life-guards, may
therefore be considered a reserve.

HEAVY KAINS. 165

the provision carts could move only thirty li per day. The
arrny*went*therefore far ahead, and men and horses were in
want of food. Some general officers advised a march back
towards their provisions, but he said, " After advancing so far, .
why go back ? Better take a city." It was then they pounced
upon Chiahien; but though they took the city, their food supplies
were still inadequate, even with the free-will offerings of the
people, which were gladly given to the extent of their poor
ability. Shansi was ordered to feed the imperialist army, which
was promising so well. Dsuchung appeared with ten thousand
horse and foot, but had opposed to him not only the original
army but many deserters from himself; for the men of Gwoyen
and Jinyu, whom he had put to death, had deserted to the van
of Footing's army. He ordered his younger brother Number-One
Tiger to begin the attack. Thrice did he fly at the army of
Footing, and thrice was he driven back with heavy loss.
Dsuchung fled to Hiangching of Kaifung, where he was soon
besieged, and the aspect of his men told the besiegers of
the hunger which prevailed among the rebels.

Meantime rain continued to fall in torrents, and little comfort
had Footing and his men for fully a dozen days. A body of
troops which he had left at Yoochow to forward his provisions,
deserted to the rebels ; a course which one of his generals was
secretly inclined to follow. He consulted with Lin and Gwangun
as to what should be done. Lin advised an immediate and warm
attack, but Gwangun objected that the infantry was already
scattered garrisoning important points, and that thus weakened
they were not a match for the robbers. Footing, fearing the
rebels would escape him, replied, " What kind of plan is this of
the general's ? Better to adopt the advice of general Gao."
Gwangun was therefore angry and drew off his eight thousand
men.

The van of the rebels was divided into three divisions, one
with a Bed Banner, one with a White, and one with a Black ;
each numbered seven thousand two hundred men. As Footing,
acting on Lin's advice, was leading the attack against the van,

166 LI DSUCHUNG.

he fell into an ambush and was thrown into confusion. The
rebels pressed upon him, and Gao Lin, instead of supporting him,
began to retreat with his men. His example was followed by
the various companies, who slowly retreated westwards. They
were warmly pursued by the rebels, and the retreat became a rout.
On that one day, they fled 400 li and lost forty thousand men in
slain and dispersed ; while, in their eager haste, they dropped
almost all their fighting gear. They fled toMungjin or the Ford
of Munghien of Hwaichung, where Lin collected some thousands
of the scattered horse and crossed the river northwards. A division
of the rebels took Yoochow. Dsuchung himself made for
Toongkwan, but suffered defeat at the hands of Gwangun. Footing
was also on the way to Toongkwan, marching his remaining forty
thousand men as best he could. Number-One Tiger, whose
proper name was Li Gwo, took Funhiang, and pressed hard
on the heels of Footing, whom he overtook. He gained possession
of the great Imperial standard of Footing, and hoisting it, hasted
to Toongkwan, the garrison of which, seeing the imperial standard,
opened the gates, and large numbers of the rebels were inside
that strong fort before the mistake was discovered. While the
garrison was fiercely assailing these, Dsuchung led a body of men
by an unused path behind Toongkwan, and furiously attacked the
garrison in the rear. This put an end to all resistance, and the
important pass and strong fort of Toongkwan was in rebel hands.
Number-One Tiger, without resting, marched upon and took
Hwayin, compelling Gwangun to retreat on Weinan of Singan.
But that city too fell immediately before a force of several hundred
thousand of rebels. The gallant Footing fell in the fight, and
ended a career which, with greater caution, might have destroyed
Dsuchung. Weinan was put to the sword. Dsuchung took
Shangchow, and put to death the Taotai, and Lintoong fell after.
The commandant of the terrified Singan marched out against the
overwhelming forces of Dsuchung, but was defeated, seized, and
put to death, because he refused to desert. A considerable
proportion of the officials, seeing no hope of successful resistance,
jumped into wells or took other modes of suicide. Many more

(MANGE OF CONDUCT. 167

were put to death by the, rebels, because they would not desert ;
but the cruel details had better remain untold. The surrounding
cities could offer no resistance, and the judge of Poochung took
his official seal and with it jumped into a well. This was to
prevent the official seal from falling into the hands of rebels.

Footing and his generals, with the large army which they had
painfully collected, did not terminate the career of the arch-
rebel. Their prudent, united auction would have utterly defeated
him,but they did not even temporarily check his progress, and their
disunion had now raised him to a greatness he had never known
before. If he had dreamed of an ambitious destiny before,
his wildest desires seemed probabilities now. Jinhing had
advised a march on Peking instead of one on Singaii ; but other
generals urged, with more wisdom, that before marching on
Peking, they should possess a stronghold to which they could
retreat in case of defeat. These urged besides that, if Singan
fell, Dsuchung should there assume the imperial title and set up
his throne, without waiting to take Peking ; for Shansi, added to
what he already held in his hands, would make him master of
two-thirds of China. He could then march at his leisure against
Peking, without any anxiety as to his rear. The rebel leader
wisely followed the latter advice ; wisely, for though he might
have fared better at Peking than the Manchus in their two
attempts, he was uncertain what might happen there ; and with
Shansi in adverse hands, a repulse might be destruction.
Jinhing was also an unceasingly warm advocate of more
gentleness towards the defeated, and especially of non-interference
with those whose occupation it was not to fight. Henceforth,
and not too soon, the rebel soldiers passed and repassed through
towns and villages without their usual wanton slaughter and
unnecessary pillaging, and tried to gain the respect and good-
will of the people by marching without molesting them. The
great success of the modern Taiping rebels must have arisen
from the strict discipline kept in their ranks ; for, to begin with,
and while the followers went from victory to victory under their
chiefs, non-combatants never had any cause for fear, as every-

168 LI DSUCHUNG.

thing was payed for which was asked from them. So the
soldiers of Dsuchung were compelled to act as the followers of
him who was to be the " father and mother " of the people. He
changed the name of Singan to that of Changan, the name of
the capital of the numerous kingdoms which had risen and
fallen in those regions — (See " History of Corea;" passim).

When the emperor heard of the fall of Toongkwan, and before
any further news had reached him, he ordered Hti Yinggwei,
vice-president of Board of War to viceroy the three borders of
Shensi, collect all the troops and attack the rebels. Yinggwei
wept and prayed to be excused ; but was still commanded, as, no
excuses could be received ; and in reply to his question about
finances, he had fifty thousand taels handed over to provide for
the army. The news awaiting him, on the bank of the Yellow
river, and the state of matters around, so terrified him that he
dared not cross westwards.

Dsuchung took Yenan in December. Gao Lin was hiding in
this city ; and when he heard that the rebels were approaching,
he fled eastwards without a blow, and crossed the Yellow river
into Shansi. It will be remembered that Yenan is the prefecture
in which was the district of Michih, Dsuchung's birth-place. As
soon as the prefectural city was in his hands, he proudly displayed
his immense army over the road towards his native place, where
he sacrificed to the manes of his ancestors. He then sent five
hundred horse to demand the prefecture of Funghwang to open
its gates. But the commandant enticed them inside, and slew
every man. This enraged Dsuchung, who marched his army to
the city, took it and put all its inhabitants to the sword.

When Yenan was about to be besieged, lieut. -general Wang
Ding, then inside, drew off his men to Ylilin, which was then a
strong fort among the aborigines of Shensi. After Funghwang
fell, Dsuchung besieged Yiilin ; but such was the gallant defence
made by the garrison, that over a myriad rebels were slain, and
for half a month there was no impression made on the city.
Then the rebels collected heavy carts, which they placed all
round the walls, and under shelter of those they mined several

A CITY OF HEROES. 169

hundred feet of the wall. They rushed in at the breach, but
not unopposed ; for though the commandant and many of the
chief officers committed suicide, many more preferred to die
sword in hand, and it cost the rebels thousands of men to get
into the city. Not a soul in the city joined them, and they had
no slaughtering to do ; for even the women and girls committed
suicide rather than fall into the rebel hands : and not a single
soldier was made prisoner. The historian notes that the
inhabitants of Yiilin are famed as the best soldiers in the
Chinese empire. The fall of Yiilin, in spite of its desperate
defence, induced the lieut. -general of Ninghia to open the gates
of that city to the rebels, and to join them himself. Thus fell
the last considerable city of Shensi ; the Ming had not a foothold
left there, and Dsuchung had all danger removed from his rear.
He, therefore, could afford to march eastwards. He took the
city of Tsingyang, and put the garrison to the sword. In the
city he seized Hang Wang. Thus was he carrying all before
him, while consternation reigned in Peking. The emperor, not
knowing well what to do, permitted grand secretary Jow
Yowchow to commit suicide. It is possible the crimes laid to
his charge were well founded ; but the true cause of so many
disasters did not lie entirely on his shoulders.

This was in January 1644 ; and Dsuchung's name became
so great in China, that Hienjoong just then sent messengers
acknowledging the one-eyed rebel as his emperor. The latter
took Pingyuen ; the prefect of which fled into Taiyuen, but the
people and magistrates acknowledged the rebel. Gao Lin
retired further east ; and Dsuchung, in the pride of his heart,
sent a proclamation through Shansi of the "most outrageous
character," which must mean that he was now demanding all the
honours due to the emperor. Had he established a dynasty,
such proclamations would have been in every way proper and
worthy documents, full of heroism and nobility.

In February began the seventeenth year of the last Ming
emperor, and the first of Shwunchih of the Manchus. The year
began in Peking with a terrible dust storm ; and a diviner by

170 LI DSUCHUNG.

the eight diagrams said that the wind was from chien (i.e., N.W.),
and indicated the rise of terrible soldiers to break up the city.
An earthquake at Fungyang helped to index the political storm,
as if further proofs were necessary. A greater sign of that
tempest was that Dsuchung called himself a Wang * in Singan,
and assumed the imperial style of Joongchang. He ravaged
the districts east of the river, the river-fords (Ho-jin), Kishan,
Yoongho, and Kiangchow. The emperor was in the greatest
grief, went to court, and, with a heavy sigh, asked if nothing
could be done. Grand secretary Li Jientai said that seeing the
emperor was in such grief, they could not but exert themselves ;
he himself was a Shansi man, and had some property, which,
with that of his father's family, might support an army for a
few months ; and if this would suffice, he and his were at the
emperor's disposal. This greatly pleased the emperor, who
promised to escort the willing minister on his way. But what
could this one man, however willing, do against the omens
which divination found crowding on the public notice ?
Astrology had a saying, that " when a star enters •(• the moon,
the middle kingdom is to be broken up, and the prince to perish";
and a star had " entered " the moon. Soon thereafter astrology
declared that the Imperial or Polar StarJ was seen to move
downwards; and, worst of all, there was a sound of wailing heard
proceeding from the tomb Hiaoling, near Nanking, where the
founder of the Ming dynasty was buried. All these proclaimed
that vain was the help of Jientai. Yet he marched, after the
emperor had by sacrifice informed the ancestral temple of the new
expedition. After sacrifice, the emperor took a cup of spirits
and handed it to Jientai, saying, that according to ancient
custom this was as if the emperor went in person. Jientai
kowtowed, and started immediately. But a great wind arose,
which blew quantities of dust and sand; again the diviner

* He could not assume the style Whangdi till he had been enthroned, and this
would be in Peking.

t Crosses in transit.

JThe representative of the emperor, round which all cluster.

CONFESSION OF SIN. 171

prophesies that the army will effect nothing. The pole of
Jientai's chair broke down, and the diviner urged him not to
inarch that day. But Jieiitai did march, though slowly. He
was no sooner beyond the bounds of the capital than he
heard that all Shansi was in a blaze of rebellion ; for it had been
impossible to learn anything inside the capital, now that
matters had come to a crisis. He learned too that his own
family was broken up and his properties dispersed ; hence the
source whence he hoped to support his army was gone. He got
to Chochow, but, destitute of all resources, he could not hold
out.

On the first day of the second moon, the emperor summoned
all the officials to a council. In the midst of their early
morning's talk, — for deliberation there was not, — a messenger
appeared from Dsuchung with a proclamation couched in the
most outrageous terms, stating that " Dsuchung would in the
fifteenth of third moon appear before his majesty." As soon as
the ministers ascertained the nature of the document, they became
pallid with fear, and not a soul of them was brave enough to
respond to the questions of his majesty, who asked for a plan of
defence. He therefore dismissed the Court, and did not again
summon them to his presence, but let things take their course.
Weak monarch; if good man ! How could an empire be retained
now by such an emperor and with such ministers ? He soon
after issued a manifesto, a " Confession of Sin," which will be
understood when the doctrine already explained is remembered,
that the good conduct of the emperor is the cause of good
fortune to his people, and their sufferings are the result of his
criminality in the sight of Heaven ; that the emperor is for the
people, not the people for the emperor. The emperor confessed
his sins, the source of so much misery to his beloved people. He
called to mind the goodness of Skangti (God), for the past
seventeen years, and recalled the merit of his ancestors. He saw
the great miseries around, and was aware of the wicked
endeavours of crafty people to alienate the affection of the people
from their prince. He was the father and mother of his people,

172 LI DSUCHUNG.

yet they were not now under the shadow of his wings. His
people were his naked infants, yet he was unable to embrace
and to cherish them. This unnatural condition was entirely
owing to his sins. People died of famine, of water, of fire, — died
in ditches and roadsides because of his sin. There was no grain
for the people, nor fodder of any kind for animals, on account of
his sin. The using of taxes to support the army a year before
they were due was his sin. Converting the dwelling houses of
the people into barracks, and the wide circle of fire and smoke
everywhere ascending was his great sin. The sun and the moon
declared his sin, and the drought and the flood published it. The
concord between earth and heaven above was broken, and the
rampant hate universal among men below was his sin. The great
ministers appointed to office heeded not the land; inferior
ministers were given over to covetousness ; the censors, who
should speak out against every form of evil, withdrew their
heads like rats into their holes ; and in deliberative assemblies
no man spoke out his mind undisguisedly ; and the men of war
were proud, vain, but cowardly and unable to gain a reputation, —
and all because of his departure from the doctrine.* Hence-
forth, therefore, good men only were to be put in office ; for it
has been always known from ancient times that only when
worthy men held office could the country prosper. Proper men
were to be placed over the Boards, whose aim would be to
nourish and not to prey upon the people ; ministers known to
be guilty of malpractices would be dismissed, and the honourable,
faithful, upright, true, and the able would be set over affairs,
whether civil or military. Bobbers were to be pursued and
destroyed, — the repentant would be pardoned, the hardened
punished till all returned to their allegiance; if they all
repented and returned to their allegiance, all would be pardoned,
but they must atone for past misconduct by delivering up the
traitors, Dsuchung and Hienjoong ; and the man who should
perform that good service would be rewarded by a marquisate.
This was to let all the people know the imperial will.
* Dao — road, path.

EASTWARDS. 173

Dsuchung was not so purposeless as the emperor ; for when
the latter was dismissing his officials in weak and angry vexation
at their pusillanimous selfishness, he took Poochow and Funchow,
and Foo Wang fled from Whaiching. The governor of Taiyuen,
who had but a weak garrison, sent out a band under two officers
against the advancing rebel host. One of the two was wounded
in the beginning of the action by a cannon ball, the other fell
later on in the day. Of the men who went out of the city
that morning, not a soul returned ; and the weak garrison was
greatly weaker. Dsuchung, taking advantage of a great dust
storm, pushed on his men to scale the walls. Foity-six of the
higher officials committed suicide, arid the city was in Dsuchung's
hands. The cities of Lichung and Linchin were taken at the
run ; and when the emperor was publishing his confession, the
rebel van was at Tangan ji. It was now become not a question of
how much was to be paid for Dsuchung's head, but what
possible measures would save the capital. For Dsuchung had
almost no serious obstacle opposed to him. He attacked the
lieut. -general of Taichow, who had fallen back on the pass of
Ningwoogwan. The prefect of Chunting sent his family out of
the city for safety, and was therefore imprisoned by viceroy Hii
Biao. But a subordinate of the viceroy's murdered him, and
liberated the prefect, who opened the city gates to the first small
band of rebel horse which appeared at the gates. The rebels
were now within 800 li of Peking, where, however, no man knew
the position of the rebels or their doings ! This shows what
the surrounding people thought of the central government,
when not a soul was found willing to post in and give information.
Many of the higher officials, among them one president of the
Boards, found their way out of the capital to Tsining of Shantung,
where they hoped to be able to see what took place without
suffering in their own persons. The emperor, at this eleventh
hour, issued a proclamation, summoning all the soldiers of the
empire to march to the defence of the capital. Some of his
ministers showed that his stay there, isolated as he was from the
greater part of his empire, was conducive of no good, and urged

174 LI DSUCHUNG.

him to move to Nanking ; for the south and east were all his,
and he could easily make a stand there, and from that southern
capital gradually recover the country again. To his weak mind
this looked like cowardly flight from his post, and he angrily
asked what the worth was of their universal professions of
devotion, if no minister was found willing to prove his faith-
fulness by dying with his prince for his country. He asked
them whether they were not aware that when the Shuaji* were
gone, the prince ceased to exist. One plan was advocated by
the senior secretary of the Board of Appointments, for which
there was not too much time. This was to summon from
Shanhaigwan Woo Sangwei, who was then fully twice, nearly
three times, as far from the capital as the rebel host. But as
the plan involved the throwing up of all the lands of Liaosi, up
to the gate of Shanhaigwan, it fell through. A Highland
proverb says, with more truth than grace: "By licking the
drops on the bottom, the ladleful is lost."

The plan was not forgotten by the emperor, for he was
compelled in desperation to fall back upon it soon after.
Dsuchung had besieged Ningwoogwan, and gave notice that if
within five days the gates were not opened, every man would be
put to the sword. But this threat did not alarm the commandant,
Gow Yiiji, who fired his great cannon against the robbers for
three days, doing terrible execution. When the powder of the
garrison failed them, the commandant, in his council, said that if
the havoc they had made in three days was so great, what could
they not do if every soul was faithful and upright ? He therefore
ordered a general sally, rushed out upon the rebels, and put
several thousands to death with the sword. So great a dread
had he thrown over the rebels, that /they drew off and were
about to raise the siege, when some one said, " Supposing ten of
us die for every one of his men, the place must fall within M
couple of days." This drove them back to their posts, and whei i

* Shuaji, gods of land and grain or national lares, secondary to the imperial lare* ,
or ancestors of the emperor, but the worship of which is performed by the emperor
only; hence to " lose the Shuaji," is to lose the empire.

PEKING EXPOSED. 1?5

they fought again, the rebels pretended to flee, drawing the
garrison after them. Dsuchung threw off his felt hat so that he
could not be distinguished. When the warmth of pursuit threw
the sallying garrison into disorder, the flying rebels turned round
upon them ; at the same time an ambush, which they had passed
in the race, rose in their rear, and the garrison was completely
defeated. The commandant got into the city, and burnt his house
over himself and family. Others ran themselves through, and
not an officer survived to acknowledge, or be slain by, the rebels ;
but the city was put to the sword. Dsuchung lamented the fate
of the commandant, saying truly enough that if all officers and
officials had been equally faithful, he himself would not be that
day where he was. The fall of Ningwoo brought down Tatoong,
where large numbers of officials committed suicide. Peking was
now exposed, and Li Jientai wrote urging the emperor to go
south to Nanking, and if agreeable, to send the heir apparent
as regent before him. A censor objected strongly to this plan ;
for a son of a Tang emperor, in similar circumstances, proved
false to his father and became emperor himself ! All the ministers
now agreed with the censor, probably because they had no course
to adopt. The emperor then asked them whether or not they
could or would do anything ; whether they would fight or not.
They all spoke at once, and in a rambling manner, but not
one to the purpose in hand. His majesty sighed and said, " The
destruction of the empire lies not on the emperor's shoulders ;
the ministers are all guilty of their country's ruin."

He then resolved to summon Sangwei from the east, as his
only hope. He conferred upon him the title of Ping si Bai,
Count Queller of the west. He created Liangyu, Ningnan Bai,
Count Pacifier of the south ; Whang Duagoong, Jingnan Bat,
Count Clearer of the south ; and Tang Toong, Dingsi Bai, Count
Fixer of the west. He was creating these titles while Dsuchung
was moving on Paoting, watched by the new count Toong, who
had only eight thousand men under his command. Jientai
was in the city with his army, but unwell ; when therefore the
robbers came, his men leaped over the wall and joined the rebels ;

176 LI DSUCHUNG.

Jientai himself was seized. A censor obstinately defended the
west gate till he was seized and taken to the Temple of the Three
Emperors, where he leaped into a well. His wife followed his
example ; and a nephew went on the wall and transfixed a number
of robbers with his skilful bow, before he was seized, along with
a grandson. The censor's mother and his daughter-in-law of
seventeen jumped into a well, as did most of his family.
Duschung lost no time in marching on Huenfoo. The
commandant of that city had been out on some public business.
When he returned the gates were closed, and not a single soldier
came forward to acknowledge him. This hurt him exceedingly.
Thrice he kowtowed to the ground, asking his people to open the
gates, but their only reply was to point a gun at him. He said,
" If you use that properly, one fire may kill ever so many rebels,
but if you kill me, I do not consider it a matter to call for
vengeance." As they would not listen to him, he raised himself
over the wall, took a sword from the nearest soldier, cut his own
throat and died. The gates, which were closed against him,
were opened to the rebels, and the usual suicides followed.

The capital was now within easy reach of the rebels. The
imperial exchequer had been drained empty by the extraordinary
claims of war and famine for so many years. Shansi and the
west and the south-west of China were entirely cut off from
Peking. Chihli and Shantung were still free and loyal; but the
famine had been so sore there that both places had received large
sums from the exchequer. The taxes were eaten up a year
before due, and there was no hope of raising finances in the
ordinary way. China has only yesterday learned the western
art of borrowing money on national securities, and is not yet a
forward pupil in the art. Ordinarily when the resources of the
revenue fail to meet current expenses, though even of the most
extraordinary kind, the dynasty has been easily iipset.
Extraordinary demands are sometimes met by calls for donations,
and by the sale of degrees both literary and magisterial, though
both are of course only honorary, and are carefully distinguished
from the real degrees. This source is soon dried up, and then

VOLUNTARY CONTRIBUTIONS. 177

the dynasty can only expire. To such a pass had the Ming
dynasty now come, and the emperor nominated the eunuch Hii
Gaoyii and count Jiading, collectors, to go round with subscription
lists. Some officials gave money, others, the most numerous,
refused, and asked, " What could money do in the state of affairs
come upon us ? " This subscription amounted to ten thousand
taels, which the emperor thought very small and wished increased.
Two eunuchs made it up to fifty thousand taels; and Wang
Jusin, a wealthy man, who the emperor believed would give
ten thousand taels, gave a hundred and fifty thousand taels.
They collected in all five hundred and twenty thousand taels, or
£150,000, with a few hundred thousands in pearls and silks.

Having secured this voluntary contribution, the emperor
nominated the eunuch Wang Chungun, marshal of the Inner and
Outer Capital, and the eunuch Tsao Hwatswun, commander-in-
chief of the city. Garrisons and great cannon were planted
at each of the nine gates. Each private had a hundred cash,
or about fourpence per day. The emperor was again urged to
flee to Nanking ; but the advice only made him angry, and he
upbraided his ministers with cowardice, for their speech was
loud when danger was far, and they were now terrified when it
had come near ; he urged them to resolve to perish rather than
suffer the city to be taken. To the Board of War he said that
there was a large supply of officers, and asked whether it was a
matter of such difficulty to collect soldiers sufficient to garrison
the city so as to make capture impossible. He threatened strict
legal punishment against the man found sending his family out
of the city.

Such was the mismanagement and abject fear on all hands,
that it was the messenger of Dsuchung, with an epistle to the
emperor, who informed the court that Changping was in the
hands of the rebels. The pass of Liwgow was so strong by
nature and art, that a hundred good men could stop it against
all odds. But there was no Leonidas to take his post there.
Tang Toong and his over-seeing eunuch, who were in charge of
the pass, deserted; and lieut.-general Mai Dai killed his wife
M

178 LI DSUCHUNG.

and children to keep them out of the robbers' hands, and fled
eastwards to Sangwei. After the pass was in possession of the
rebels, all heart was taken out of the cities west of Peking, not
one of which could muster courage to offer a vigorous resistance;
nor was it much wonder, for they had no hope of succour from
Peking. Three armies were, however, mustered outside the
Chihiva gate ; but of all the armies, officials, and messengers
sent out against Dsuchung, not one attempted resistance ; a few
officers committed suicide, the great majority deserted to the
rebels. And just when Sangwei with his fugitive-encumbered
army was entering Shanhaigwan from Ningyuen, Dsuchung was
firing the twelve imperial tombs at Changping, and sending a
detachment eastwards, which passed Peking and plundered the
neighbourhood of Toongchow, which had twice seen Manchu
armies. There is a pass about a score of miles west of Peking ;
but the eunuch in charge had fled, and left it open ; — eunuchs,
eunuchs, everywhere ! Dsuchung had been gradually and slowly
moving eastwards, and not a soul, either for shelter or patriotism,
made for the capital to give information ; and but for the insult-
ing message of Dsuchung, neither the emperor nor his ministers
would have known anything of the rebel's whereabouts ; and the
purport of the last message was inferred by the ministers only
from the pallid face of his majesty, who dismissed them without
a word. Dsuchung had got to Shaho, whence he set out with his
main army after nightfall, and his presence was made known to
the Pekinese by the blazing heavens which appeared before dawn
over the western suburbs outside Pingdsua Gate; for he had
applied the torch freely to give notice of his arrival. (See Map.)
The city of Peking has been for six centuries much what it
now is. In the " History of Corea," (passim), we said that the
city and district of Yowchow have existed for thousands of years.
But it was the Kitan, under the name of Liao, who made it first
the capital of an extensive empire. Since the time of Liao it
has continued, except for a brief period in the beginning of the
Ming dynasty, the capital of China ; and if all accounts be true,
its period of greatest prosperity, population, and wealth, is not

THE GARRISON. 179

this nineteenth century. The city is now, however, we believe,
virtually the same as when Li Dsuchung set its suburbs
a-burning; and the accompanying sketch map will show the
position of each of the Nine gates, — the number by which the
capital is distinguished from all other cities. The suburb which
he set on fire was outside the Pingdsua gate, the more southern
of the two western gates of the Central or Main city, — what is
now called the Tartar city, because occupied by the Manchus.
It will be observed that the Imperial city, surrounded by high
thick walls and gates of its own, is within this Central city ; and
that the palaces, enclosed within a third wall, occupy the
centre of the Imperial city. As far, therefore, as walls and
strong massive gates afford security, Peking should never have
been taken, when artillery made more noise than damage.
There was an army of one hundred and fifty-four thousand
enrolled for the defence of the Nine gates, and the miles upon
miles of wall which had to be defended. There was that
number of soldiers on paper, and pay was drawn or due for so
many able-bodied, well-trained, and reliable men ; but instead of
that number, there were actually no more than from fifty to
sixty thousand, mostly old men, whose soldierly qualities were
confined to drawing one hundred cash, or less than sixpence per
day. As we might expect where so much money could be
stolen from the state under false pretences, an eunuch was at
the head of this army. And the grand formalities of a stately
etiquette pronounced it entirely beneath the dignity of imperial
majesty to search out truth for itself, or busy itself with the
petty details of this mortal life ; and the weak emperor, and his
similarly-minded predecessors, preferred to have red-tape bands
tied round their hands, and their feet too ; and red-tape had now
brought him to this.

The ministers assembled at dawn as usual, to meet his majesty
in council. He told them that information had come of the main
body of the rebels having passed Loogwo cldao bridge : that the
van had already attacked the suburbs at the gates Pingdsua and
Jangyi; and that the three great camps stationed outside to

180 LI DSUCHUNG.

check the rebels had broken up and deserted, their cannon being
now turned against the city which they should have defended.
He had scarcely done speaking when they all had proof enough,
for, with the rising sun, the activity of the bombardment shook
the " whole earth."

Li Gwojun, count of Hiangchung, rode outside the gate, and
at sight of the bold daring bravado on that side, and the cowering,
quaking fear paralysing the inside, his heart sunk and he said,
" To what a pass have we come ! There is now no more to be
done than that prince and ministers keep each other countenance
and die united." He informed the privy council that the
garrison was composed of men so weak that only when the whip
was applied would they rise, and they lay down as soon as the
whip was off their back ; and no wonder. For five months the
garrison had been on short commons and in arrears of pay; a
state of matters which could be explained by the eunuch
commander, and his officers who were now slinking away ; most
of the officers of even the imperial guard following their example
and hiding for safety. The emperor emptied the imperial public
and private treasuries and divided two hundred thousand taels
among the few thousand troops remaining. As he had no more
money to give, he handed away pieces of silk to some of the
common people, who were weeping outside his palace gates.
Thus, when he should be inspiriting his men by his presence,,
stirring up the lazy, shaming into duty the timid, and directing
and encouraging the many men around him who were even yet
willing to be active, or summoning courage himself to act and
move eastwards to the camp of the advancing Sangwei, — his
womanish fears and gloomy countenance were infectious and com-
municated themselves to many who would be men, if he but acted
one; and the aimless apathy of his grieving weakness could not but
damp the little ardour remaining in the few brave men about him.

Next day the fire against the thick wall was unintermittent,
and the rebel arrows shot over like showers of rain. The rebels
spoke fiercely to those on the wall, saying that if they did not
open the gates every soul of them would be slain ; and those

CLOSE SIEGE. 181

guardians, worthy representatives of their master, instead of
replying with eager shot which should make the rebels quake,
and open lanes in their thick and near ranks, fired blank charges,
and even these only after giving the rebels notice ; thus deluding
the people inside into the belief that they were being defended !
The wide moat was rapidly filled in by the compulsory labour of
the suburban people, and as soon as a dry path was made, the
rebels brought forward and fired the captured cannon " equal to
oppose ten thousand men," and the first shot killed or wounded
several scores of the defenders of the wall. This was apparently
one of the cannon cast by the Jesuits ; at all events that shot
extinguished the last little bit of self-command which the
garrison possessed. They broke away, many of them sliding
down the wall and joining the rebels amid the howling lamen-
tations of the people. With little fear of opposition, ladders were
now placed against the gates, Pingdsua, Siju and Duashung.
A newly created Tai chang Shaoching, hasted to the Siju
gate, and had it heaped up and filled in with earth on the
inside; he then rode to the Sian gate of the imperial city,
to report, but he was refused admittance, as the vice-president
in charge had orders to " admit no one." He scrambled over the
wall, and met one of the chief eunuchs, to whom he said that the
defenders on the wall were wholly inadequate and should be
increased. He then moved to the Woo gate of the palatial city,
when he encountered and was stopped by grand secretary Wei
Dsaodua, who, in reply to his anxious words, said pettishly, that
the Board of War was looking after its proper work, that money
enough had been expended, and what more could be done ? There
was no reason for doubting that he knew what to do. He forbade
him to go into the emperor's presence. And this man who
tried to act his duty instead of talking about it, suffered himself
to be led away by the grand secretary, weeping bitter tears as he
went ; for he could see nothing else but ruin for the prince who
was served by such men. That prince had an inkling of what
he should do ; for he, on that same day, created Lin Dsaiching
the Doongping count, and sent him to ascertain if a successful

182 LI DSUCHUNG.

•
stand could be made at Linching, as that city was near and

Sangwei far. But that move came to nothing. The emperor
also appointed a censor to guard the gate Jungyang ; but when
he went to take charge, the officials within refused to admit him.
Such was the majesty of the ruler of the universe within the
precincts of his own capital and even of his own palace !

Dsuchung was himself posted outside the gate Jangyi with
Tsin Wang and Tai Wang, one prince at each side of him,
seated on a mat, and the chief eunuch, Doo Him, at his feet.
This eunuch cried out to the garrison, " I am Doo Hun ; dont
fire, but send down a man to parley." The garrison offered to
send down a hostage if he came upon the wall. The invitation
to go up he accepted ; but he would not have a hostage, as the
two princes were there already. He was then taken up, went
to his majesty, and said that the rebels were in immense
numbers, and his majesty should therefore take care of his own
safety. The eunuch who had been in charge of the tombs at
Changping, and had there deserted to the rebels, had also gone to
see the emperor ; and addressed him, saying that the robbers had
succeeded because his majesty had forsaken Dao, or The Path ;
he should therefore now vacate the throne. The ministers
reviled this impertinent eunuch, and urged the emperor to
imprison Doo Hun, who quickly replied that the two princes of
Shansi and Shensi would suffer if any harm befell him. He was
therefore allowed to depart, to prove the utter powerlessness
of the " Son of Heaven."

The president of Board of War reported that affairs had fallen
into a desperate condition. He had gone to the city walls to
see how matters stood, but the eunuch in charge forbade him
to go on the walls. When reporting this, he also mentioned a
rumour, that the marshal and commandant of the city had gone
down the wall to the rebels along with Doo Hiin, and he naturally
inferred treason. The emperor ordered him on the wall to
ascertain the truth of the matter. He went, and was again
refused admittance by the eunuchs, until he had convinced
them that he was there by his majesty's command. In reply

ONE FAITHFUL EUNUCH. 183

to his query, he was told that Doo Him " had come up the wall
yesterday, and gone down early this morning." This answer he
reported to the emperor, who said that it was of no consequence
what Doo Hun did, or where he went ; what he wished to know
was the place where the Shansi and Shensi princes were, and
why they were not returning ; and he soon discovered that they
too had deserted. Commandant Hwatswun had gone down and
returned. He changed his clothing to disguise himself, so that
he could hide undiscovered ; whereupon his men on the walls
became a mere disorderly rabble, fit for nothing but noise and
their hundred cash per day. One officer, Wang Jiayen, reported,
with flowing tears, that the camp was breaking up, and the
men fast joining the rebels ; he could scarcely command one
man for fifty cubits of wall under his command ; and the greater
half of Li Hiangchung's men had disappeared. He was
apparently reporting to the eunuch Chungun ; and while he was
yet speaking, a great shouting was heard beneath the wall.
Chungun fired a cannon with his own hand, and killed and
wounded several men. This one shot stopped the shouting, and
proved what an easy matter it would have been to defend that
large city with its enormous walls. Jinyen rode to the gate of
the imperial city, wishing to consult with the emperor, but was
refused admittance. The emperor ordered his son-in-law
(Fooma) to take his household troops, and march southwards to
Nanking with the heir apparent, — a measure we have seen
recommended by a faithful minister while Dsuchung was yet far
from Peking: but which was then postponed by the indolent
emperor, who began to build a dyke only when the flood-
tide was already at his knees. The Fooma replied that
his men had disbanded, except some old and weak men utterly
unfitted and incompetent for such a service; that had there
been men fit for active service, they would have been out to the
front before now. Chungun, one faithful eunuch, had been sent
by the emperor to prepare the army, for his majesty to lead in
person, and lo ! there was 110 army. Thus was discovered that
the armies of hundreds of thousands of men for whom the imperial

184 LI DSUCHUNG.

exchequer was yearly paying large sums of money had melted
away; and the collapse of the power of the Ming was
unexampled, — a soap bubble pricked by a needle. The few
incidents quoted serve to show how complete was the collapse.
And it is, as it was in Liaotung, eunuchs, selfish, self-seeking
eunuchs, who did not know that the best way to save oneself
was to sacrifice one's interest to the public well-being ; and that
the surest way to lose one's own possession, in a state of affairs
such as then existed, was to sacrifice public well-being to private
interests. Had those eunuchs behaved like ordinary men,
Dsuchung would not be where he was, nor would Mookden then
be the capital of the Manchus. The obstacles placed in the way
of the few men who tried to right matters were all the work of
the eunuchs, who were then already determined on their course ;
and if no others, emperor or minister, had a plan, they had, and
one which they were to execute immediately, in what they
conceived to be their own interests. Selfish officials they were,
sucking the life-blood of the nation, as has been and is being
done by almost every imperialistic power in Europe. Imperialism
has always in the past and will inevitably in the future bring
calamity and disgrace to the people, out of which it sponges
material means and mental energy.

Hwatswun, who had such high command given him, out of
which he had tried to make what he could for himself, had
already turned traitor, and waited till the shun hour, after
sunset, when he opened the Jangyi gate to Dsuchung, who
entered, plundered, and slew on every hand. But what was
that to Hwatswun, as long as he believed his treachery would
preserve him his ill-gotten gain ? News of the entrance reached
the emperor immediately, and he asked the ministers if they
had heard that the southern city had fallen ? They had not.
He said : " Now is the crisis come, and what is to be done ? "
They all replied: "If his majesty is fortunate, well; if not, we
shall all die with our emperor."

After the ministers had all retired, the emperor was left alone
with his anxiety, and was unable to lie down or to rest. Late

GATES OP PEKING

(pp 178-190)

MOUTH C ITY

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I T Y

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p. Tic

OOUTH G

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PEKING CAPTURED. 185

in the night he heard the noise of the great rushing of men in
the Inner or Central city. He went to the door, and asked a
man whom he saw there, " Whither Li Gwojun was going with
the great camp army ? " The reply was of a piece with all the
melancholy tragedy everywhere enacting : " The great camp
army has been sometime broken up and scattered." The
emperor was about to ask some other questions, but this man,
too, hurried away from the doomed presence; nor would any
calling bring him back. The emperor then summoned Chungun,
with whom he went out of the palatial city north to the
pavilion-crowned Wanswi or Meishan hill, from whose beautiful
summit he had often, with pardonable pride, looked over all his
great city, and whence he now beheld the whole heavens lit up
with the wide-spread flames of his blazing capital. This sight
completely crushed out what little energy he had; and the
sufferings of his people paralysed him so, that any action on his
part was now impossible. He had discovered, besides, that the
'' great rushing " was the tread of the myriads of Li Dsuchung,
who had entered the Central from the Southern city. He
returned to Chienching, or the "Heaven-Clear" palace, the
chief of all the palaces, where resides the principal of the three
empresses. After writing a letter, ordering duke Chunggwo
and all the ministers to muster all the men they possibly could,
and to defend the East palace, where the heir-apparent and his
empress mother lives, he ordered in liquor to drown his profound
sorrow in drink. He drank much and long, continuing to sigh
and say, " Alas ! for the miseries of my people." The emperor
told the empress and the many ladies around, to take care of
themselves. They did so by bursting out into a fit of weeping.
The empress bowed her head in grief and said very bitterly,
that for eighteen years the soldiers had never listened to his
commands; — and is this speech of hers, uttered in bitterness
against the unfaithful soldiers, not sufficient to show how he had
now come to possess not a single soldier ? His young daughter,
a princess of fourteen years old, was brought to the emperor,
who knew too well the fate in store for her within perhaps a

186 LI DSUCHUNG.

few hours ; he, therefore, burst out weeping, and said : " Alas !
why wast thou born in my house ? " And taking a sword in his
right hand, while covering his face with his left, he struck at her
with the sword to kill her. It was no wonder that he gave a
misdirected blow and cut off her left arm, instead of inflicting a
mortal wound, nor could he muster courage to strike again. A
favourite wife of the emperor's, the lady Yooen, attempted to
strangle herself, but did not succeed. The emperor put an end to
her sufferings, as he did to several others of his favourite wives,
to prevent them falling into rebel hands. He dismissed
all his attendants but Chungun, with whom he again drank
deeply. He changed his shoes and every article which might
identify him, and went out with Chungun, followed by a few
dozen men, each with a hatchet in his hand, and all riding.
They went out to the east by the Doonghwa or East Flowery
gate of the palatial city, intending apparently to attempt flight
in the direction of Sangwei. But the guard, afraid of a rising
in the city, shot arrows and stones after them. After passing out
of the imperial city, the small company made for the Chihwa
gate in the east wall of the central city, but they found the gate
carefully watched and there was no egress that way. He directed
his steps to Anding gate in the north wall, but it too was as fast
as the others. As therefore there was no possibility of passing-
through in his disguise, the emperor returned to the palace,
where, as it was the usual time for his officials to meet at his
gate for their sun-rise audience, he had the bell of audience rung
to summon them into his presence. But not a soul of those
heard, who a few hours before were all to die with him, or if
they heard, not one answered that bell. He then, accompanied
still by his faithful Chungun, went forth once more, out by the
north gate of the palatial city, to his favourite and beautiful resort
Wanswi shan, which he ascended. He was clad in tattered
garments, his left foot was bare, and his right covered with a red
shoe ; thus, with dishevelled hair, he entered the newly erected
pavilion of Showhwang Ting, and ended his earthly sorrows with
his life. Chungun would not outlive his master.

IMPERIAL SUICIDE. 187

The emperor Kanghi, speaking of taxation, in the year 1709,
mentioned that when the capital was besieged there were several
scores of thousands of eunuchs in the palaces of the Ming
emperor ; that the emperor took a few of these with him and
fled to the house of count Hiangchung, but as the outer gate
was closely barred, the wildest knocking was not heeded, nor the
loudest calls answered, and the strong bar still remained unmoved.
The emperor then found his way to Wanswi shan, where he
proposed and sought plan after plan; but the eunuch Wang
Chungun showed him that his only plan of flight was sure to-
hand him into the power of the rebels and to end in unbearable
shame. Suicide was inevitable. Kanghi added, that the greatest
fault of the Ming emperor was an irresolution of character, which
would not permit him to act, lest people should speak ill of him.

When his body was at last discovered, a document was found
upon it stating that, " after he had reigned for seventeen years,
rebels took his capital ; but though his own worth was small, the
fall of the empire was caused, not by him, but by the unwilling-
ness of his ministers, to hear his words ; he dies ' without face or
eyes,'* so that he cannot look on the face of his departed
ancestors, now underneath the ground ; he therefore throws away
his crown and covers his face with his dishevelled hair; his
body may be torn to pieces by the robbers, but he prays that no
harm befall even one of his poor people." Another letter stated
that he had written an order to the privy council to guard the
East palace, had gone into the council chamber to deliver it, but
found no man there, — all had fled, even the highest ministers.

Thus miserably perished this monarch of what was then far
the largest, most wealthy and most powerful nation on earth.
The account given of his suicide by the emperor Kanghi, differs
only in slight details from that given above from the Ming
history. His judgment of the character of the unfortunate
suicide agrees entirely with what we have said of him, and is
proved by the study of his life's reign from the first hour when
he began it in terror of Joonghien, to the last, when he was not
* " Without face " is Chinese for deepest shame, which makes a man cover his face.

188 LI DSUCHUNG.

able to summon his own servants to his side, and when suicide,
the resort usually of the coward, was his only course out of the
difficulties which his weakness had brought upon him. This
character was, perhaps unwittingly, explained by the empress in
her bitterness when lamenting that his soldiers had never listened
to his voice ; it was exhibited in that " confession of sin ; " and
the paper found upon his dead body, if it showed his goodness of
heart, manifested his weakness of character, and is of a piece with
his reign, which was so miserably terminated ; not because he was
an evil ruler, but because he was no ruler. If he could not
control the ministers always in his presence, much less could he
extend his governing arms to the provinces, where every man
did that which was right in his own eyes. His ministers who
were wont to hasten at the summons of his bell to do him
honour and bow their heads to the dust before him, hid away in
their holes when that bell was rung for the last time at his
command. But they all speedily found their way to the palace
when the bell was next sounded by robber Li, welcomed him as
their new lord and accepted reinvestment of their former offices
at his hands.

But with all due respect to them, we beg to differ from the
opinion of the philosophic writers of China, who declare, as
explained in the beginning of the last chapter, that a change of
dynasty is always the direct punishment of Heaven against the
reigning monarch, for grievous sins of his against the will of
Heaven. History nowhere gives ground for such an opinion;
for the private, personal character of the man who is thrust off
his throne may be, and often is, good enough. History does very
largely show that whom deus vult perdere prius demented.
How frequently does it happen that the founder of a dynasty
is an enormously greater criminal than the loser of it ? It is not
the most sinful or criminal man, but the weak one, who loses
empire ; though, on the other hand, the weakness of a monarch
conjoined with the ability of patriotic ministers never lost a king-
dom, certainly not from civil war. It is when an absolute monarch,
however amiable and well disposed, is served by self-seeking men

BLUNDER AND CRIME.

whom he cannot control, that the foundations of his throne are
sapped, and he or his successor is thrust off that throne.
Turkey has fallen, and the Kussian dynasty without reform will
as inevitably fall, from the cause which changes dynasties in
China, and did change reigning families in England. The strong
monarch, though himself a wicked man, is able to check the evils
which self-seeking officials always create; but the weak one,
though a good man, is not able so to curb strong-minded men,
whose patriotism consists in picking the public treasuries, and
making large fortunes out of their offices. The weak monarch,
not the criminal one, is hurled off his throne. This is doubtless
the meaning of the western political axiom that a " blunder is
worse than a crime ; " for a blunder is the act of a man of
inferior intellect who has been overreached; a crime may be
committed by the able but unprincipled man, who sees through
every political move, and checkmates every political adversary.
A blunder proceeds from weakness, a crime often from strength.
Might then is again right ; and the force of character which,
with a wise foresight, ensures success by daring everything for itr
proves virtue and goodness ! Let men say what they will, nine
tenths of the political life of this nineteenth century is just this
heathen doctrine, and savours little more of Christianity than it
did two thousand years ago. If such is the state of politics in
Europe after so many centuries of Christian teaching, which
goes to show that goodness, even when crushed to the ground
and broken in the dust, is grander and better, more noble and
more desirable, than the most gaudy conquests of mere might, —
need we be astonished that the Chinese people worship success
as the mark of Heaven's favour, and consider temporal misfortune
as the sure indicator of Heaven's wrath ? It is certainly not the
Chinese alone who worship the successful man as Heaven's
special favourite ; nor is the belief that blasting misfortune, and
especially deep poverty, warrants us in affecting righteous
contempt or indifference, confined to heathen peoples.

We may, before bidding farewell to the last monarch of the
Ming dynasty, give an anecdote of him, again quoting Kanghi,

190 LI DSUCHUNG.

who, in speaking of the enormous personal expenditure of the
Ming emperors, mentioned that there was a laughable story of a
large piece of stone which, for a certain purpose, was brought to
the Woo gate, in the south wall of the Palace city. The stone
was far too large for the entrance, and the eunuch in charge of
the work wrote, saying : " This stone is unwilling to go in by
the Woo gate ; " and the emperor ordered the stone to be bound,
.and to have sixty blows given it. Speak of Caligula and his
horse after that ; for the monarch was far too earnest a man to
crack such a joke ! He gave another story, saying that this
same Ming emperor was learning to ride. Two men held his
horse's bridle, two men the stirrups, and two held the saddle.
Yet after all, the horse seems to have given some trouble to his
imperial nerves ; for after the ride the emperor ordered the horse
to have forty blows, and sentenced him to hard post-labour.
•" Now supposing," concluded Kanghi, " that the horse had some
knowledge, what can be thought of acting to a stone as if it too
had ' knowledge ; ' was it not conduct such as to make all men
break out into uncontrollable roars of laughter ? "

When the third morning after the rebels had seen Peking
•dawned, there was some rain, followed suddenly by snow. But
this did not stop operations. They had entered the Doongju
gate on the east, killing the gate-keepers ; the vice-president,
in charge of the gate, finding refuge in a private house. Crowds
of rebels rode in, shouting to the people their orders to " bring
out all their mules and horses." But when they were passing
the elephant-house bridge, the elephants raised a voice of
lamentation, and their tears fell like showers of rain ! Another
body rode in by Toongjung gate, proclaiming to the people that
if they remained in their houses, closed the gates, and wrote the
characters, " Obedient People," over their doors, not one would
be slain.

Li Dsuchung entered the Imperial city at mid-day, clad in a
robe of light-blue silk, and riding a piebald horse. Niw Jinhing
was no less proud that day, for, as prime minister, he rode after his
master, followed by four presidents of Boards, and other officials,

PALACES ENTERED. 191

who were yesterday to die with the emperor. The entrance of
a few rebels, walking in with their horse's ruins over their arm,
threw all the inmates of the palaces into the wildest confusion ;
and the numbers who were out in the courts, wandering about
in their restless fear, fled within doors and shut themselves
in. The lady Wei, one of the emperor's wives, saw the robbers,
and screaming out, " The robbers have penetrated the innermost
courts"; adding that she would carry out the plan she had already
formed, she jumped into the Imperial river, where she was
drowned. Over two hundred ladies followed her example. But
as the successful rebel knew that now all the capital was in his
power, none of his men just then entered any of the palaces ;
for they could do so at their leisure.

Dsuchung was however unaware of what had been going on

all morning. The suicide of the emperor he had not discovered,

nor was he aware that when a servant from the emperor went to

the empresses to give information of the suicide, he found the

East and West palace empresses already dead. The chief empress

called on both, and finding them already gone, she went on foot

to the palace of Duke Chunggwo, disguised by a black robe

thrown loosely around her person so as to cover her head and face.

On arriving, she discovered the maimed princess lying on the floor.

With the aid of the duke's people she had her killed outright. A

younger princess said, " My father, the emperor, granted me to

die, how dare I live ? " But as she was only a child she was led

away at once to another palace, for the rebels were already within

the buildings of Chunggwo's palace.

When Dsuchung, bow in hand, went in by the west Ghangan
gate of the palace, he looked up to the heavens with a great
laugh of triumphant pride, and put an arrow on his bow-string.
Walking south to the Chungtien gate, he saw above it the
character joong, or " middle." Drawing back his bow-string he
said, " If I hit his joong in the middle, it is a sign I have
gained the whole empire, as the empire is joong" the " Middle
Kingdom." He let fly, missed the mark, near though it was, and
hit below it. He was much surprised, and enquired of Jinhing,

192 LI DSUCHUNG.

who had just come up, how he could have missed. Jinhing was
courtier enough to explain that the incident proved a division
of the empire ; part of it to be his. The reply pleased Dsuchung,
who threw away his bow with a laugh.

Eunuch Wang Duahwa, at the head of three hundred officials,
great and small, had met Dsuchung at the Duashung gate. He
ordered them to retain their former offices ; and to every official
who presented himself, Dsuchung made the promise to retain
him in his post. He selected a hundred of these officials to
accompany him through the palaces, and meantime dismissed
the others, who dispersed. When at length he asked for the
emperor, whom he believed to be in his power, the strictest search
over all the palaces discovered no trace of him. This was very
annoying to Dsuchung, who had spent so much time wandering
about, doubtless in order mentally to determine how he should
act, and what he should say to his illustrious prisoner. One
high minister said that the emperor must be hidden away among
the common people, and could therefore be found by offers of a
handsome reward, and by threats of severest punishment against
any one hiding him. A proclamation was at once issued,
offering ten thousand taels and a countship to the man who
brought forward the emperor; and threatening the utter
extermination of the family and relations of the man who would
harbour him. But still he came not ; and we can well under-
stand the chagrin of Dsuchung, who could not but fear that his
majesty had slipped out of his hands, and was hiding safely, or
had fled to raise an army and contest the empire elsewhere.
The heir apparent was, however, discovered in his hiding-place,
and brought to Dsuchung ; who spared his life, and made him
Soong Wang, appointing him one of the palaces. This prince
had fled before sunrise to the palace of prince Jow Kwei, who
was unwell and not astir. To the repeated and loud knockings
of the early visitor, the gate continued therefore closed up. He
then fled to to the house of one of his own servants, outside the
palace walls, where he took refuge, and where he was discovered.

Greatly annoyed at the escape of the emperor, Dsuchung went

SUICIDES. 193

into the Whangchi Hall ; and Jinhing issued a proclamation,
ordering all the officials to present themselves " at court " on
the 21st ; and not one was absent ! Dsuchung, with Jinhing,
went into the inner palaces, conducted by Hwatswun and other
principal eunuchs. He upbraided them for their desertion, and
said they deserved to be beheaded. Hwatswun replied that it
was "not they, but Heaven had abandoned him." But
Chinaman though he was, Dsuchung sneered at this salve to the
uneasy conscience so common in the east and west, and
dismissed them with anything but complimentary language.

The concubines of the emperor were given away to the chiefs
of Dsuchung's army, thirty to each chief man. One of them, a
lady of great beauty and only fifteen years old, jumped into a
well; but it contained only mud, whence she was extracted.
She cried out that she was the princess, and if her captors did
anything that was wrong, she would inform their chief. She was
believed, and brought to Dsuchung, who discovered from the
eunuch that she was not what she professed to be. He therefore
handed her over to his general Jiao Lo, to whom she persisted in
saying that she was of a truth of the heavenly yellow; but
promised she would be true to him if he acted honourably
towards her and made her his wife. Lo was overjoyed, and in
his delight drank himself drunk, when she, with a sharp knife
she had previously secreted, first cut his and then her own
throat. When Dsuchung heard of the tragedy he was terrified,
probably fearing a similar fate, — and ordered them both to be
buried. Of the immense numbers of suicides, the dramatic
manner in which many officials and servants followed their
late master by sword, rope, fire and water, with the hundreds or
thousands belonging to them who followed their example, it is
unnecessary to say more than that they were composed of the
most able and most faithful of his majesty's followers, who had
strained their energies in fighting against the robbers without,
and the more terrible and destructive enemies the eunuchs
within. Nearly half a volume is occupied with the names and
offices of those who thus committed suicide; but though not of the

OF THK

UNIVERSITY

194 LI DSUCHUNG.

highest rank, the story of Li Gwojun, count Hiangchung, is the
most interesting. He had been taken by the rebels east of the
Doonghwa gate, where he was shedding bitter tears, his hat off
his head, and his hair covered with mud. He was brought to
Dsuchung's presence, where he again wept and lamented, and
struck his head against the wall, till the blood began to trickle
down his face. He was forcibly held to prevent his injuring
himself, and Dsuchung spoke most kindly to gain him over to
acknowledge the new ruler. This he at last consented to do on
three conditions: — 1st, That the imperial tombs at Changpingbe
restored ; 2nd, That the emperor should be buried as it became
an emperor to be; and 3rd, That the heir-apparent and the
prince, his brother, should receive no harm. And so valuable
was the acquisition of the count, the friend of the late emperor,
that Dsuchung agreed to all the conditions. The count was
himself the only mourner at the emperor's funeral. He followed
the body to the grave of the honourable queen Tien, wife of the
emperor, who had died before him and had received proper
burial. At the grave he composed numerous verses to express
his grief; and when he had lamented sufficiently, he went back
to the empress' palace and there committed suicide.

The discovery of the dead body of the emperor had pacified
the uneasy thoughts of Dsuchung, who was now certain of the
throne. He ordered the immediate overthrow of the Tai miao,
or Imperial Ancestral Temple, where the emperor worships his
ancestors who died in the imperial yellow. But he was again
unsuccessful in his attempt to cast "Yoongchang" cash. He
was enthroned emperor in Peking on the ninth day from the fall
of Peking, and the twelfth from the day on the night of which
he arrived before the West wall of Peking. He reigned one day
and then fled westwards, losing, before he passed Loogwochiao
bridge, half of the enormous amount of plundered treasure, and
half the numbers of captive women in his train.

CHAPTER VII.
INTO PEKING.

Woo SiANG was at one time lieut.-general at Kingchow in Liaosi.
He was one of the general officers in charge of the army at
Soongshan, which came to such frightful grief. He had altogether
acted so badly or unfortunately, that he was degraded and thrown
into prison.

He had a son, Sangwei, said to have been born in Kingchow,
who from boyhood was so fond of soldiering that he invariably
followed his father into his battles, though he had then no
commission. He, however, forced himself into recognition, and
won position by his bravery. He had so distinguished himself
by the time Choonghwan ceased to be commandant of Ningyuen,
that he was soon nominated to that vacant but important post.
Kingchow was then in Manchu hands, and Ningyuen was the
Ming outpost. He was so successful in checking the Manchus
there, though his victories are unrecorded by Manchu historians,
that he was considered the only man capable of saving the
capital from Li Dsuchung. The emperor had been urged again
and again to summon him to the defence of Peking, but always
delayed, like all men of his character, till it was too late.
When Dorgun was marshalling the Manchu troops in order to
scour and secure all the lands east and north of Shanhaigwan,
and if possible to push through that narrow and formidable
gateway into Chihli, the Ming emperor sent Wang Yoongji with
power to treat with the Manchus, as the robbers were now
drawing near to the capital. Sangwei was created Pingsi Bai,
count " Tranquillising the West"; and ordered at once to
abandon all the land beyond Shanhaigwan, and to march to the

196 INTO PEKING.

help of the terrified capital. He inarched ; but unfortunately for
him and his main errand, he marched with a following of over
half a million of people who had been protected by him on their
estates on the rich loess valleys and hillsides of Ningyuen, and
were now clinging to his skirts for shelter. This multitude of
fugitives compelled him to move slowly. He took sixteen days
to get through the border gate, and it was the twentieth day
when he got to Fungyun hien. There he heard that Peking had
fallen, the emperor had committed suicide, and Li Dsuchung
had been proclaimed emperor. His soldiers were terror stricken,
and he stood still to watch events.

When Sangwei was created count, his father, Woo Siang, had
been liberated, and nominated marshal of the barracks of the
capital. He was no more slow than the other officials in
acknowledging Dsuchung as lord. But when this lord heard of
the westward march of Sangwei he was afraid ; and ordered the
father to write a letter to Sangwei, commanding him with a
father's authority to acknowledge the new emperor, as the
condition of saving that father's life. This proves that had the
advice of the censor been acted on when he urged the emperor to
summon the hero of Ningyuen, Peking never would have fallen.
Dsuchung also sent a messenger with forty thousand taels, and
a force of twenty thousand choice men to garrison Shanhaigwan.
The money was accepted by Sangwei, who was the only man
possessing power who had not acknowledged Dsuchung, and the
only man needed to firmly establish the new empire.

Sangwei had scarcely marched out by the South gate of
Ningyuen, ere the ever- watchful eyes of the Manchus saw, and
their ever-ready arms were stretched out to take for nothing a
prize they had so long fought for in vain ; and he was scarcely
beyond the Great wall before the Manchus were in possession of
the evacuated and hitherto impregnable city, and preparing to
push further on.

Hoong Chungchow had previously reported to his new master
that Li Dsuchung had assumed imperial rank; and knowing
well, as an educated Chinaman of rank, what the disgust of his

SANGWEl'S LETTER. 197

fellow-countrymen would be at having not merely a new dynasty
—for to this they could submit — but one founded in the nefarious
manner in which Dsuchung had behaved himself throughout his
robber-career ; he, therefore, wisely urged the Manchus to
appear as the avengers of the murdered emperor, the guardians
of law, the protectors of the people, and to issue a proclamation
to that effect without delay, inviting the Chinese soldiers to
unite with them in rooting out the atrociously wicked robbers.
He also mentioned that the number of mules, horses and camels,
in Dsuchung's hands, could not be under three million, while the
wealth in his possession must be simply incalculable. He
advised secrecy and caution in the movement of the troops,
so as to keep Dsuchung ignorant of their intentions ; for while
he was sure to march against, in hopes of crushing, Sangwei,
if he heard of a probable combined attack by Manchus and
Chinese, he would decamp from the capital after pilfering,
and then burning all the palaces, and would leave an empty city
to reward the toils of the army. More advice, which was excellent,
he gave in the same epistle, but all was rendered unnecessary by
the subsequent conduct of Sangwei.

Two days' good marching from the Liao river, west of Mookden,
brought the Manchu army under the guardian Zooi Chin wang
to the village of Wungchow, memorable as the spot where the
following letter of Woo Sangwei's gladdened the heart of the
prince and all his followers : —

" Sangwei, weak as a mosquito, is holding Shanhaigwan. He
had intended to act as a bulwark to the empire in the far east,
and thus fortify the capital. He had not conceived the possibility
of a robber entering the palace, nor did he imagine it possible
that a host of ministers would turn traitors, and open^ the city
gates. The preceding nine emperors are now in misery, for the
temples to their memory are burnt to the ground. At the
present Heaven is wroth and men indignant, while the minds
of all are unsettled, not knowing whither to look. They wait
for deliverance, — for our kingdom has yet stores of brave men
and virtuous. Hope is, therefore, not quite extinguished.

198 INTO PEKING.

Among the governors of provinces there are sure to be men
like Jin Wun* and Han Woo,f and some man is certain to
appear as deliverer. Sangwei has had exceeding great favours
bestowed upon him by his emperor. His mind is bent on
revenging his master's death, but his place (means) is narrow
and his men few. With tears of blood he, therefore, entreats
the prince to aid us, and prays that the upright words of the
only remaining faithful servant of the deceased emperor may
not be unheeded, when he beseeches the prince to send on his
best soldiers. The prince will march with his men, Sangwei
with ours. We shall combine, reach the gate of the capital, and
exterminate the robbers out of the palace. And if you, the
kingdom of the north, aid my kingdom, can we offer you only
money and goods ? Yea, the very skin of our foreheads we
shall be willing to cut off and throw at your feet. We dare
not lie."

In reply to this delightful epistle the prince immediately sent
off the Han;£ army, with the "Red-Coat" cannon, towards
Shanhaigwan, while he next day penned the following from the
camp of Silatala : —

" From the beginning, it was my desire to be on good terms
with the Ming, and despatches conveying my good intentions
were constantly sent to the court at Peking. Had your court
addressed us in the friendly terms of your letter just to hand,
our soldiers would never have been called out to fight ; and our
one aim even at the present moment is to restore tranquillity to
the empire, to ensure the prosperity of the people and to put an
end to war. Since I heard that the robber took possession of
the capital and caused the suicide of the emperor, no hair is left

* Jin Wun's father sought his death in Lie gwo. He fled. His brothers, &c. ,
put the father to death. Jin returned and became king.

f The father of Han Woo was murdered by his father-in-law, Wang Mang. Woo
fled, but afterwards returned and was made emperor.

I That branch of his army, wholly composed of Chinese of Liaotung, who had
joined him. Their descendants are distinguished from the ordinary Chinese to this
day, and by the same name of Han.

THE MANCHU EPISTLE. 199

on my head nor nails on my fingers, and the men I am now
leading in the same spirit are determined to exterminate the
robber, and to rescue the people out of the ' water and the fire.'
I rejoice exceedingly that the count has sent me this letter,
and in response I am now leading on my men. The count is
praised as a most faithful and upright minister, and if you, count,
desire to revenge the insult to your master, the count must
determine not to live under the same heaven * as the robber.
Though the count was formerly mine enemy, there is no reason
because of bygones to harbour suspicious thoughts. Gwaijoong
of old fighting against him, fixed an arrow in the belt of Hwan,
who, when he attained the kingdom, afterwards employed Gwai,
treating him as a father. If the count join me with his forces,
he shall be made Jinjiao Fan Wang — vassal king — of his native
place. Thus in the first place he can avenge the wrongs of his
master, in the second his own, and the rewards of wealth and
honour will continue like the mountain and the river."

The latter portion of both letters of course implied that the
Manchus were to aim at the throne, which till lately they could
not dream of attaining, and which, with the influence and
prowess of Sangwei against them, combined with the hordes of
the robber, they would find it difficult to seize and impossible to
retain. The hearty co-operation of Sangwei was half the battle
gained, for the accession of the one man most trusted in the north
of China, would make the adherence of the people a matter of
certainty ; and in such haste were the leaders of the Manchus to
strike at once, that they reached Shanhaigwan on the eighth day
after their rest on the western bank of the Liao, a distance of
700 li, which ordinarily would take them from ten to twelve days.
Sangwei marched out of the impregnable stronghold of
Shanhaigwan to meet and welcome them and to make arrange-
ments for action, as not a moment was to be lost ; for the huge
army of Li was almost within shot, — as eager as the Manchus
not to let slip a moment. Li's approach was the greatest boon
to the Manchus, for Sangwei was compelled to throw himself into

* An old classical phrase for the extreme of revenge ; one of the two must die.

200 INTO PEKING.

their arms unconditionally, and he had no time to reconsider
and resile from his position. It was now impracticable for him to
do otherwise than act as the betrayer of his country. He therefore
had no alternative but to submit to the Manchu barber, who shaved
off the hair of the fore-part of his head, plaiting the hair of the top
and back of his head into the Manchu and Mongol queue, or "tail"
as it is commonly called ; and thus the head of the most important
man in the north of China that day received the badge of slavery
to a foreign yoke. He was ordered to stitch a piece of white
cotton on the shoulder of all his men as a distinctive mark.

The Manchus pitched their camp 10 li east of Shanhaigwan,
probably on the hill where the ruins of an enormous fort, embank-
ments, and ditches remain to this day, on the side of the second
line of low granite hills, whence they could see, though themselves
invisible, from the city. At the very time when the Manchus
were pitching their camp, twenty thousand of the choicest cavalry
in the van of Dsuchung's army marched past the walls to attack
the east gate, and distract the attention of Sangwei, while Li
himself drew up a living wall of his two hundred thousand picked
troops in a line from the north hill to the sea, passing close by the
western gate, and occupying the whole valley betwen the Great
wall and the sea.

Sangwei implored the Manchus to enter the city, but they
retained their position. He marched out by the east gate and
fell on the twenty thousand men there, speedily drove them
back upon their main army, and his rear was clear.

The eastern and the western robbers are now on the point of
meeting face to face, both confident of success and flushed with
the moral courage of a course of all but uninterrupted victory.
Dsuchung especially had latterly seen all opposition melt away
before him like snow in May; but he laboured under the
disadvantage of ignorance, for he was aware of the presence of
only Sangwei, the Manchus having the advantage of full
knowledge. The eastern and western robbers have now to
decide in one grapple who is henceforth to be called the robber
and who the ruler of the world by Divine right ; for meantime

ANXIOUS COMMANDEKS. 201

the justice and injustice of the respective armies are trembling
in the balance, and victory must decide, as in the case of the
chivalrous knights of old in the same circumstances, who is right
and who wrong; for the strong must needs be right, and the
successful cannot be unjust.

Zooichin wang Dorgun was aware that his opponents were
not to be despised, and therefore decided to act with the utmost
caution, paying no heed to the earnest entreaties of Sangwei for
a junction, but ordering him to begin the fight with his own
men. Was he thinking of the possibility of defeat, and the
desirability of being unshackled in case of flight ? At any rate he
refused to move into the narrow and long street forming the
citadel of four independently defensible cities into which
Shanhaigwan is divided. If defeated, he acted wisely ; for the
army of Li could easily prevent the exit of the Manchu army
from the city, and any number of men might be brought from
Peking, who could surround the city several deep and starve the
combined garrison. Defeat in the city, or to the west of the city,
with a line of flight or retreat through the city, would simply be
the annihilation of his brave army and the overthrow of his
newly acquired kingdom.

Dsuchung is also cautious, for he is aware of his bad fame among
his fellow countrymen ; and this last remnant of the Ming dynasty
standing at bay on the last foot of soil still acknowledging that
dynasty, will destroy him if it is not broken. For if detained
some time before the gates of this city, there would be opportunity
for other cities and armies to rise and obliterate him. He has
raised a house of cards, and it only wants the last card to complete
it; but a shakiness of the hand in placing this last card will throw
it all down. Hence he too is cautious, though unaware of the
glaring eyes of the lion ready to spring upon the crouching tiger.
He therefore has Sangwei's father beside him on the west hill, to
work upon the feelings of the son. He has the heir apparent of
the late emperor, in order to weaken the hands of those who
appear to be fighting against their lawful sovereign, and above
all he has Yuenyuen in his train. By these moral restraints he

202 INTO PEKING.

makes sure of victory, for his army outnumbers the troops of
Sangwei by ten to one.

The next morning after the retreat of the twenty thousand,
Sangwei received orders to march out by the west gate and strike
right before him, into the very centre of the enemy. Zooi Wang,
with Ying and Yli Wangs sat on horseback on the east hill, to
watch the battle, themselves unseen, while Hoong Chungchow,
Dsoo Dashow and the princes Koong and Shang deployed their
men westwards and southwards between the city and the sea, so
that their right could, when brought into action, touch the left
of Sangwei; but both armies would scarcely cover half the
opposite line.

Sangwei and his men pushed in with a will, and every man
was instantly engaged. A wild Chihli north wind blew dust
and small gravel into the faces of all the combatants, while it
made a noise like thunder. On till mid-day did Sangwei's band
fight fiercely, determined to conquer or die, though surrounded
by several lines deep of the foe. They continued to fight and
shout so as to shake the earth around, though every man had his
wound and showed blood. The unequal contest could end in
only one way in spite of valour; for the portion of Dsuchung's men
engaged, did not show the least sign of weariness, when at
mid-day the Manchus with three great shouts rushed forward by
the south of the city, the wind going down at the same time.
The two princes Ying and Yii galloped in the van at the head
of their twenty thousand iron-breast-plaited horse. The
attention of the men of Dsuchung was so rivetted, and their nerves
already so tense with excitement by the prolonged fight, that
the appearance of an unsuspected foe, the sudden charge, the
Manchu breastplates and tails, threw them into complete
confusion, and the furious charge broke them to pieces. The
fight was now a flight, Dsuchung himself being the first to
turn his horse's head. The pursuit was carried on for 40 li not
only by the fresh army but by the almost exhausted troops
of Sangwei, and the slaughter was awful. The booty in camels,
horses and precious articles was immense ; Dsuchung's homeless

BATTLE OF SHANHAIGWAN. 203

men, as a matter of course, carrying their valuables with them
wherever they happened to go.

As soon as the wearied men returned into Shanhaigwan a
proclamation was issued to have every male's head shaved and-
queued ; and the thorough nature of the defeat can be imagined
from the fact that Zooi wang ordered Sangwei to pursue the
fugitives with twenty thousand horse and foot. Thus fell into the
hands of the Manchus the strongly fortified city of Shanhaigwan,.
Avhich had prevented them retaining a foot of the country
trodden or cities taken inside that barrier.

Dsuchung rested first in Yoongping, where he collected the
remnant of his fine army and whence he sent our old acquaintance
Jang Yolin, his officer and an old friend of Sangwei's, with
overtures of peace to the latter, proposing to elevate the heirs of
the late emperor to the throne. Sangwei refused to come to any
terms, believing that the offer was insincere, or if sincere scarcely
to his own advantage, especially hampered as he was by his
unconditional submission to the Manchus. Dsuchung therefore
hastened to the capital, put all the spoil of the rifled palaces in
great waggons, on camel, horse and mule packs, burnt the palaces
to the ground, and fled ; not however before he executed every .
person belonging to Sangwei's family, thirty six souls in all, as well
as the Ming princes, in the execution grounds. There was one
however of Sangwei's connections who escaped the general
destruction. This was Chun Yuenyuen, whose romantic history
proves that " truth is stranger than fiction."

The last Ming emperor was a good hearted man, extremely
anxious to do the right and deeply depressed by the ruinous
anarchy which was spread like an uninterrupted cancer over the
people he loved. But not among his provinces alone was
discord universal. It found its way into the bosom of his family,,
for his " three palaces," i.e. his three empresses, were not free
from jealousy. The "Central palace" or principal empress was at
a loss how to gain the heart of her lord from the "Western palace,"
the third in rank of the empresses, with whom he spent a great
part of his time. She hit upon the expedient of searching out

204 INTO PEKING.

the most beautiful girl procurable and getting her into her own
palace at any cost. Search was made by count Jiading, a friend
of hers, and the lovely Yuenyuen was discovered, brought to her
and bought with the certainty that the emperor would now
frequent the secondary palace less than before, and womanly
jealousy would be exultant. The emperor saw the beautiful
girl of seventeen (eighteen in Chinese), asked who she was,
praised her exquisite beauty, and passed on, never more referring
to her, his mind being too deeply saddened by the state of his
empire. The empress was foiled and disgusted, and therefore
re-sold her to count Jiading.

Sangwei had pushed himself on to rank and fortune by sheer
bravery, without the aid of all-powerful favouritism, making his
way from the lowest offices to that of general; and so
conspicuously brave above the brave was he, that the emperor
chose him as the only man who could stem the Manchu torrent.
He had, in more subordinate positions, kept off or driven back
the Manchus before, and he was now elevated general of
Shanhaigwan and the east, and was in the front rank of those
highly esteemed by the emperor. When he was ordered off to
Shanhaigwan, he was of course feted by those who honour
prosperity and court the powerful; among others by count
Jiading, the friend of the empress, who provided him a splendid
feast and an accompaniment of beautiful singing girls. Sangwei
carelessly cast his eye over the performers, and his attention
suddenly became riveted on one whose beauty was surpassingly
enchanting. This was Yuenyuen. He refused to eat any more
food and drank no spirits, saying to the count in the most agitated
manner, that he must have that girl for his wife; and on
learning her situation he prayed the count to give or sell her
to him. The count liked beauty himself and refused to part
with her ; and Sangwei went away more in grief than anger.

As soon as he was gone, the friends of the count advised him
to send her to him, stating that as Sangwei was all-powerful at
court, and could command what he pleased, it was unwise to
rouse an enmity in his bosom which was sure to break out when

A LOVING WARRIOR. 205

he returned from the east. The count therefore sent word to
Sangwei that he might have her. Sangwei had a parting
audience with the emperor on the following day, when he
received a present of three thousand taels. In his gratitude to
the count, he sent him a thousand ; but as his business demanded
haste, he left Peking before the girl was given him. She was
therefore sent to the house of Woo Siang, his father, according
to Chinese custom.

While Sangwei was successfully defending the east, Dsuchung
got possession of the capital. Almost all the ministers joined
him rather than die at his hands, and among the rest Woo Siang.
A rebel officer who was searching Woo Siang's house was struck
by the exceedingly great beauty of Yuenyuen, and took
forcible possession of her.

As soon as Dsuchung had time to realise his own greatness,
his glory, and his danger, he made Woo Siang write to his son
Sangwei, informing him that it was now no use fighting against
Dsuchung, especially as the Ming dynasty had proved itself
incompetent to keep the power given it by heaven, while the
new master of the capital dealt generously by all who
acknowledged him, concluding with a prayer that Sangwei should
immediately acknowledge the usurper, for otherwise the writer's
life was forfeited, as well as the lives of his whole house.

This letter reached Sangwei's hands when he was at Fungyun,
half way to Peking on his way to save the capital from this
same Dsuchung. Knowing his own inability to cope with the
upstart, and probably hoping the new would be quite as generous
as his late master, he agreed to save his father's life on the terms
proposed. After this agreement, in conversing with the messen-
gers he asked about Yuenyuen; and when he learned that she was
in the hands of a robber, whom his father permitted to take her
away, his passion knew no bounds. He wrote to his father on
the spot, renouncing him for ever. He marched his troops back
to Shanhaigwan, and wrote the letter to his old enemies the
Manchu princes, which is given above. Love is powerful in
China as elsewhere, and this beautiful young Helen was the ruin

206 INTO PEKING.

of the cause of him who seized her ; for Sangwei could have held
the Manchus at bay as he had done before, and his army, with
Dsuchung's, would drive them at least across the Liao again.
But the seizure of Yuenyueii cost Dsuchung a throne and
ultimately his life. When Dsuchung returned from Shanhaigwan,
.after his terrible defeat, knowing that Sangwei was the sole
cause of his ruin, in his rage he executed the father and family
of Sangwei, and would have executed Yuenyuen, who calmly
said, " You had better not : if you kill me, he will pursue you
with all the greater fury. If you send me to him, he may cease
pursuing you." She was preserved alive, but not sent to him ; for
the robbers took her with them in their retreat from Peking.

Sangwei never wearied in pursuing, fighting, and slaying the
robbers of his beloved. He pressed them as hard as they could
fly into and out of Shansi, knowing nothing of Yuenyuen till
at Kiangchow. When he was about to cross the river, he saw
her on the opposite bank, recognised, saved, and married her, and
in his joy the robbers had a respite of some days.

Immediately after the decisive battle of Shanhaigwan, which
opened the gates and palace doors of Peking with its untenanted
throne to the Manchus, Woo Sangwei, the king-maker, was
presented with an imperial court-dress, a dragon-embroidered
robe, a jade girdle, a sable robe, a magnificent horse with a
splendid saddle, a quiver, bow, arrows, and other valuables, with
the title of Pingsi Wang, " king pacificator of the west," all of
which, however, was but an earnest of good things in store. A
proclamation was issued on the spot by the guardian wang — for
Zooi wang, the younger, ignored the eldest brother ever since
they were both made guardians — stating that his " army was
here to exterminate robbers, to sweep away the terrible and to
restore perfect peace ; " while another to the soldiers " forbade
the slaying of any person without arms, the seizure of men's
property or the destruction of their houses ; any one disobeying
these orders would be treated as a wild beast."

One day's rest after the battle completed the arrangements
and plans for pursuing the robbers, and with a stroke of policy

PUESUIT OF REBELS. 207

worthy of his great father, the guardian placed the Chinaman
Sangwei over the attacking army, for no Chinaman would wish
other than well to his fellow-countryman thirsting for vengeance
on the murderer of his emperor, and his father, though there was
a still more powerful motive appealing to himself. No one
would therefore oppose his march; and only the cities where the
faithful friends of the rebels held guard would close their gates
against him ; while the march of an army with a foreign and
despised barbarian Manchu at its head might have to work its
way through a sulky, disaffected people, and to force open the
gates of every city on its march. As the robbers had already
fled, and had the advantage of a few days' start, Sangwei did not
enter Peking ; but passed on in rapid marches, fast gaining upon
them ; for they were heavily laden with the rich booty of the
capital, as well as that of several provinces. He therefore had his
van soon up with their rear, and cut them down daily as the one
fled and the other pursued. The pursued several times turned
round and obstinate fights and stubborn battles took place, but
the only thing Dsuchung ever gained was a little time for his
baggage to go ahead.

Sangwei and his fellow commanders were in all the greater
haste pursuing these five hundred thousand men of Dsuchung's,
fearing that he would be able to flee into Toonggwan, and have
time sufficient to make that all but impregnable pass altogether
impregnable and defy them ; or that he would take the scarcely
less objectionable route to the west, and cross Shansi into Kansu,
among whose interminable mountains he could always evade
them, and secure the countless treasure now in his possession.

The forces against him had therefore to be divided, Sangwei,
with the princes Ajiga and Shang, taking the route westwards to
Tatoong, in order there to cross the border, summon all the
Mongol troops of that neighbourhood to their standard, prevent
Dsuchung's escape into Kansu, and march down through Yiilin,
Yenan, the west of Shensi, and press him in Toonggwan from
the north ; while the Soo prince Dodo, with prince Koong,
advanced into Honan, whence they would attack the Gwan from

208 INTO PEKING.

the south. The Manchu soldiers had to swear before starting
that they would slay no innocent person, burn no man's house,
and destroy no man's property. To allay public fear, proclamations
were published of a similar import.

On the twelfth moon, Dodo crossed the river at Munghien at
the ford of Mungjin, drove off a rebel army at Loyang, took the
forts and barricades on the river banks, entered Shenchow, broke
up a rebel army at Lingbao, and took up his position some
distance south of Toonggwan ; and as the heavy artillery was not
yet arrived, the only movement he was able to make was to force
on a body of three thousand men to snatch possession of a village
30 li south of the Gwan, and to camp in its streets. Dsuchung had
already posted a strong force on the south side of the hill at no
great distance hence. The commander of this force immediately
surrounded the village, investing it for three days ; but owing to
the watchfulness of the men within, he got no opportunity of
taking them at unawares, and was not bold enough to attack
them openly.

Next month, the main south army arrived, when Dsuchung
issued out of his stronghold with his large army, fought valiantly
and obstinatly, but vainly ; for a band of three thousand horse
suddenly appeared in his rear, — a move which was always the
Manchu tactics, — and galloping in among his men threw them
into the greatest disorder. He had therefore to retire, as again,
in a night assault. As soon as the heavy artillery arrived, the
Manchus pressed in to the very mouth of the pass, where they
were opposed by deep ditches ; but their cannon fired far. The
army in the gorge was so large that there was scarcely room
enough to move. They sent some hundreds of fleet horsemen
as ambush into a side gully, who attacked the Manchu flank,
while another picked infantry force fell upon the rear; both
however were broken by the Manchu light horse.

Just at this time Sangwei, who had pursued and had fought
conquering battles with the rebels on the way from Peking,
came up with his augmented army, having crossed the river oil
rafts at Paote chow, taken the cities of Yenan and Linchow,

END OF DSUCHUNG. 209

passing north of Singan, and was now advancing towards the
north of the Pass. Dsuchung, seeing himself about to be
invested at both ends of the pass, drew off his men to Singan,
leaving a strong garrison in the pass. But its commander with
his seven thousand men surrendered. Thus Toonggwan fell; and
two days' march, after a rest, brought the combined army to the
gates of Singan, which they found deserted by the rebel army
after the palaces and public buildings had been burnt to the
ground. They heard that the rebels had marched into
Hookwang, with the reported intention of falling on and seizing
Nanking, where Foo Wang, a representative of the late dynasty,
had been proclaimed emperor.

From February 1645 till August 1646, Dsuchung, with
between two and three hundred thousand men, was pursued by
the combined army by land and water. He was hunted up
at Tungchow, Chungtien, Tuangan, Woochang, Foochukow,
Sangjiakow, Kiwkiang, and defeated in eight great battles. He
fled with the greatest precipitation to Kiwgoong shan, difficult
mountains 90 li south of Toongshan hien of Woochang. The
hills were searched for him in all directions but in vain, till at
last a deserter reported that Dsuchung and tweny of his foot
followers were surrounded by the villagers, and seeing no way of
escape, had strangled himself. When the body was discovered,
it was beyond recognition. Thus ignobly as he deserved ended
the wonderful career of one of the most remarkable robbers —
for to the end he was a robber — which the world has produced.
His remaining two hundred thousand men, under Number-One
Tiger, crossed the lake and joined Ho Tungjiao, the Ming
viceroy.

When Sangwei drove Dsuchung to the border of Shansi he
gave up the pursuit at Tutu, after having frequently beaten him.
He then returned with his army into Peking for the first time,
and the young, newly installed emperor prepared him a feast and
made him a present of ten thousand taels. He again, by imperial
orders, marched his army into the capital after Dsuchung was
found dead, and was there some months, when another present

210 INTO PEKING.

of twenty thousand taels was made him. Again in 1651, before
starting for Yunnan, he was invited to see the emperor, who
gave him a gold coat of mail.

After the battle of Shanhaigwan, Dorgun the regent entered
Peking, on the 1st of the fifth moon (June), and found the object
of his highest ambition within his grasp. He at once decided to
remove the capital from Mookden to Peking, and sent high officials
to escort his nephew, the child of five years old, who had been
selected to succeed his father, and who became the first Manchu
emperor of China, though the uncle was the real ruler, and an
able one. He also sent swift messengers with despatches to the
Mongols and Corea, intimating the change that had taken place.
The news of the fall of Peking put into his hands the keys of all
the cities north of Paoting, which with Taming and Chunting
still acknowledged Dsuchung. Shantung and Honan cities
rose upon and murdered the grarrisons of Dsuchung, but held the
cities for Foo Wang. As soon as Dorgun was in full charge of
Peking, he sent out armies in all directions : — Princes Ajiga and
Sangwei, by the west route; and prince Dodo by the south,
marching through Honan, with secret instructions to cross
Yangtsu river and sack Nanking. Both these armies were
primarily to pursue and destroy Dsuchung. Yechun was sent
through Googwan to restore order in Shansi; and Bahana to
recover Shantung.

Because of the universal and destructive anarchy subsequent
on the death of the late emperor, Footing, Tatoong, and the
west, elected Dsaochiang wang, a relation of the late emperor's,
to the vacant throne. He was all the more ready to accept his
elevation as he was unaware of what treatment he and the
imperial family would receive at the hands of the Manchus.
The regent immediately issued two proclamations; a general
one to the effect that all who submitted to the newly established
regime would retain the rank, influence and emoluments
belonging to them under the late dynasty ; and another special,
announcing the imperial displeasure at the elevation of this
wang to be emperor, stating that the rank which he previously

A CRAZED ASPIRANT. 211

held would still be his; but that to assume the power of
conferring new ranks, or of rearranging public matters, civil or
military, was an infringement of the law which could not be
tolerated.

In six months Yechun could report " tranquillity " in Honan
and Shansi, he having driven out the isolated bands of robbers,
most of whom joined Dsuchung; and he took or received the
keys of nine Foo, twenty-seven Chow, and one hundred and
forty-two Hien cities. Paoting and the other cities of Chihli
fell before the governor of the province, and the governor of
Hiienfoo restored order in his district, defeating the robbers and
slaying their apprehended chiefs, as a sacrifice to revenge the
late emperor.

The governor-general of Shensi reported to Peking that a
crazed or "possessed" man set up a "_/oo," — a very long slip of
wood with a prayer or incantation written upon it, thrown high
in the air to ascertain the will of Heaven. He called himself a
duke, assumed the title of emperor, and had many myriad men
to follow him. The governor first heard of it as he was seated
in his office, and on going outside found crowds in the most
excited state, and confusedly shouting that ever so many dragons
had been seen to come down from heaven. The headman of the
village where this was said to have taken place, sent in by order
that which had appeared to be a dragon, and it was found to be
a volume of incantations.* The duke was, thereupon, appre-
hended and beheaded, and tranquillity was restored ; for the
" mesmerised " multitudes quietly dispersed.

Though the Shantung cities declared against the robbers, they
were far from desirous to open their gates to the Manchus ; and
had the emperor south of the Yellow river possessed more sense,
he could easily have retained a powerful empire in the south, as

* The most marvellous stories are circulated and universally believed by high and
low in China of the power of secret societies, who by their magical incantations
can equal the witches' broomstick, and attract at pleasure specie and women from,
any distance ! All the world is kin ! They too believe that this sorcery has no
power over very good people.

212 INTO PEKING.

the Sung dynasty did when the Liao and Kin dynasties (see
those dynasties in " History of Corea "), also from northern
Manchuria, seized the north of the Yellow river. But though
the cities asserted their liberty, the country was overrun, and
many villages wholly and strongly occupied by the bands of
robbers ; for the life-blood had been sucked out of the province, —
first by the Manchus from Mookden, then by the rebels from the
west, — whose occupation caused the people to sink into the most
abject misery of absolute poverty. So much so, that when, in
the end of 1644, a remission of one-third of the taxation was
proclaimed for the empire, the acting governor-general prayed
that the two-third tax should be collected only for cultivated
ground; for if the tax were imposed on the acreage of the
province formerly cultivated, it would imply not a decrease, but
an enormous increase; inasmuch as scarcely one acre in ten,
certainly not one in five, was now under cultivation ; and the
families remaining in the country consisted each of only one or
two individuals. Though prince Haogo, with Abana, had been
there nearly a year, the province was as far from being occupied
as when they went. The prince was, therefore, " relieved " by
prince Abatai. Hoto, the Meirunjangjing, reported that a band
of rebels marched towards Tsingchow, with banners flying and
drums beating, to submit to the authorities. The vice-president,
Wang Aoyoong, gladly welcomed them; but they were no-
sooner inside the city than they took possession, slew Aoyoong,
and remained masters. Hoto laid siege immediately, took the
city, and slew the leader of the robber band.

The governor-general and Taotai of the " River " or " Canal,"
reported, in 1645, that in a large district of Shantung, occupying
the whole territory within the jurisdiction of four Hien cities,
covering an area of 200 or 300 li in circumference, there were
over a thousand caves, the most noted of which were called
Yangshan, Kinshan, Taiyiji, Huajiaji, Sangkwoji, Lokiaji. The
whole district was known by the name of "Mankia caves."
These were occupied by many poor people during the ceaseless,
troubles there under the Ming dynasty ; and when the robbers.

MANKIA CAVES. 213

who were plundering and firing property, were defeated by the
governor-general last year, they fled into these caves. On the
arrival of Abatai, he directed his whole energies at once, and
with success, against those caves, most of which he took and
filled up. There were, however, two with several entrances,
narrow and protected by many fire-arms. These long defied him,
for no man dared approach them. At length he took possession
of the path by which the robbers carried their water, cutting
•o T their supplies. Some time after, the inmates were all found
strangled. Thus the last resistance to Manchu rule was crushed
in Shantung, the cities, unable to make any resistance in favour
of the southern emperor, who neglected them, — having all ere
now been received under the Manchu banner.

When the regent, now absolute if not nominal master of
the Manchus and their power, arrived in Peking, he received the
same submissive and universal homage which had been given by
the same officials to Dsuchung. Fungchuen, one of the chief
members of the Hanlin College, required an invitation before he
appeared. The literary officials immediately occupied themselves
for some months in writing infallible prescriptions for the
recovery of the ruined empire, all of which were good enough.
The first advised attention to seven matters : To make a register
of all good men known; to search out those good men now
hiding in the provinces; to exterminate the robbers; to issue
proclamations to allegiance ; to establish peace among the people
and speedily to disband the army; and to punish the many
covetous and extortionate officials. Others followed in constant
succession, harping very much upon the same points, and
apparently as anxious to display their power of wielding the
pencil as their desire of reforming the state. One minister
urged the necessity of carrying out the ancient law compelling
farmers to plant trees; and to recall those families which had
fled from their native place.

Status was another vexed question demanding serious
attention ; as well as the publication of certain fixed rules laying
down the qualifications for office. The governor of Peking,

214 INTO PEKING.

while urging, this latter point, declared that the policy which had
guided the past, indiscriminately replacing in their former offices
all who had been dismissed by the late government, was neither
a safe nor a prudent one; for many had been degraded for
malpractices, such as co-partnery with robbers ; and because of
the action of that policy bad men were fearless.

To all these the regent replied that he had only begun to
govern " all under heaven," but his one aim was to protect and
cherish the people ; that as to the magistrates already invested,
it would be improper to investigate into their antecedents, but
that any future applicant found guilty of crimes would be
beheaded, and that examination and punishment would be
according to the laws of the late dynasty. It is possibly because
of official action contrary to that statute of forgetfulness, that
the emperor agreed in the end of the year to the prayer of a
memorial, that if after an amnesty any official should re-accuse
a man of a crime perpetrated before that amnesty, he should
be declared guilty of rebelling against the emperor.

He thus inaugurated the wise policy which has retained the
dynasty so long on the throne of a people a thousand times more
numerous than his own. He felt the weakness of his sword if
he had to trust to it alone, and therefore went as far as he dared
and much further than many of his kinsmen and clansmen
desired, in his efforts to reconcile a proud and civilised people to
the rule of men just reclaimed by their arms from a semi-
savage life; forming in some degree a parallel to the Roman
conquest of Greece. The same policy induced him to send
Fungchuen to sacrifice at all the tombs of the Ming emperors,
ultimately to raise a tomb and make sacrifice to the last of them,
and to postpone the shaving of the head and the adoption of the
Manchu cap and clothing till a more convenient season. He had
to take action of some kind on a memorial sent in by the
governor of Shantung, who stated that formerly etiquette and
music were cultivated by officials to prove them men of literature ;
that official hats and raiment discriminated them from the
common people. He complained that neither of these was

ETIQUETTE. 215

attended to by those officials recently appointed to Shantung, and
prayed that they be ordered to appear in the collarless robe and
the two-flapped official cap of the Ming dynasty, for that men's
minds were ill at ease, fearing they had been sent as military
rather than as civil officials. The regent replied that war was
only just over, but that proper attention would be at once given
to etiquette, music and the other matters mentioned ; and that
meantime those officials would be requested to wear Ming
costume.

The question of etiquette caused a great sensation on the
reception of the child emperor in October, when he arrived from
Mookden. The cause of it is thus given by the censor who drew
imperial attention to it :

" Of old those who had suffered the unspeakable degradation
of having to become eunuchs, were employed to sprinkle water
on and to sweep the floor, and were incapable of appearing face
to face with, as the equal of, an official. Because of the great
love of the Ming emperors for them, they had them set over the
stores — ckangwei. That love was rewarded by three of the chief
eunuchs opening the gates of Peking and welcoming all the
misery inflicted by the rebels. Because our government was
grieved at their conduct, the chief of them were beheaded,
and the money and grain — changwei — handed over to proper
custodians, and the far and the near rejoiced. But on the great
reception day, when the emperor prepared a feast for all his
ministers, men of that sort, eunuchs, rushed forward and were
the first to welcome the emperor, thus affronting his majesty and
shaming the ministers. I therefore pray the emperor to prevent
the entrance of these men in future along with the ministers on
reception days." And the emperor granted the prayer of this
apparently Manchu minister ; and up to the present time the
eunuchs have never regained a shadow of their former power.

But most important of all was the act of transforming the late
brother and father of the regent into gods (shun), and introducing
them into the ancestral temple specially devoted to their use and
honour. Without this temple, and these ancestral gods, no

216 INTO PEKING.

emperor can be. Sacrifices were then offered to Heaven and
Earth, to each of which there is a magnificent temple and altar
without images, enclosed in very extensive grounds to the south of
the capital. The former is dedicated to the invisible Heaven, the
Supreme Ruler Shangdi, to whom the emperor alone is permitted
to sacrifice twice each year — in the beginning of spring and
autumn. The visible heavens, or rather the great generator, the
sun, has got mixed up in the Chinese mind with the invisible, —
the earth being also regarded as a living being, and the mother
of all things living. The Chinese notions on this subject are
much more pantheistic than materialistic. Besides these there
are other gods, also strictly imperial. They are the Shuaji, or
National Lares, representing the gods of Grain and Fruit.
Hence losing the Shuaji is synonymous with losing the empire,
and acquiring the Shuaji is equivalent to gaining the empire ;
while the importance attached to these gods may be estimated
from the saying which frequently occurs in the writings of able
men, — that the interests of the people are of main consideration,
those of the Shuaji of secondary, i.e., the people first, next the
emperor.

A successful hunt was made in all the provinces for unearthing
every man who had scholastic ability, and lists were presented
to the proper authorities, with the caution that there might be
some among them with bought titles, who desired to find means
to satisfy their covetousness, and some who could use the pen
well, but might employ it to extort money by threats of making
false accusations. Vice-president Wang Aoyoong had been sent
into Shantung to discover the " hiding men of merit." Like all
others engaged in this hunt, he was successful ; but though he
forwarded a letter from Joo Yooli, a Ming prince, proposing
submission, he reported very unpalatable news from the south, —
that Foo Wang was declared emperor in Nanjoong (Nanking) ;
that he had assumed the style of Hoonggwang for his reign,
and had made Shu Kofa privy councillor, while the lieut.-
generals Liw Dsaiching, Liw Liangdso, Hwang Duagoong, and
Gao Jie, had been ordered northwards to protect the northern

IMPEKIAL REASONING. 217

provinces. He prayed that a high minister should be ordered
to examine into and settle this southern difficulty. His
memorial was received in Peking in August, 1643; but the
regent had already sent the following despatch to Shu Kofa by
the hands of a major-general who had joined the Manchus from
the south :

" Your son,* while yet at Shunyang, was well aware of the
condition of Yenking.-f- After passing through the Barrier, and
breaking the power of the Robber, I became acquainted with the
literary men, though some of your younger brothers J I had known
in the ranks of the Ching, to whom I committed many important
trusts, — among them that of sending letters revealing our entire
heart desirous of peace, and I was grieved because there appeared
no definite time when we could come to know each other. It is
now reported that tattling travellers prattle about the elevation
of an emperor in Kinling, — Golden Tombs or Nanking. But the
enemy (who has murdered one's prince or father) cannot live
with him under the same heaven. § The teaching of the ' Spring
and Autumn' Annals is that 'rebels unpursued prevents the
obsequies of the lately deceased prince, or the elevation of a
successor.' The first duty of all, therefore, is to punish the
rebelling minister, and crush every robber's son. The ' Bolting '
robber Dsuchung, bent on overturning the kingdom, destroyed
the prince. China's ministers and people have not heard of
your sending one arrow against him. But Woo Sangwei, on the
eastern frontiers, bitterly lamenting the fate of the throne, deter-
mined to display his faithfulness and uprightness as an official ;
which spirit we greatly praised, forgetting the little differences
we formerly had. We were therefore ready to summon our men
at his entreaty, and take upon us the character of the bitter
enemy of this ferocious robber. And on entering the capital, our

* Expression of humility, indicating the writer.

t Ancient name of Peking ; Shunyang is the Chinese name of Mookden.

£ Men of learning inferior to Kofa.

§ Classical quotation— one of the two must die in demanding vengeance.

218 INTO PEKING.

first care was to bury the emperor and empress in Shanling
(mountain tomb) in accordance with the traditional imperial rites.
All officials and ministers under the rank of prince and com-
mander were retained in the respective offices and ranks formerly
held by them ; while both civil and military officials have been, in
many instances, raised in rank. Fear is banished from farmer
and merchant ; and there has not been political storm enough to
ruffle a harvest feather. Men's minds are now tranquillised to
the happy medium of autumn weather.

" A commander has been ordered to the west to restore order
there ; but instead of an army, we send an epistle to the south
of the Kiang, to summon you to unite your forces to ours at
Hoswo,* and there, with one heart, to become the common
avengers of prince and kingdom ; and thus shall be demonstrated
the virtue occupying our throne. Who knows how brief a space
of security you princes of the south can count on ? Your peace
may be destroyed any morning or evening. Do you not perceive
that the present is your opportunity? If you consider only
those matters important which are at your doors, is not the
name of prince an empty title ? This is sleepily to have forgotten
real danger. I cannot understand you.

" We came into Yenking, but took it, not from the Ming
dynasty, but from a robber who had overthrown the temples of
the Ming emperors and put all your ancestors to shame. Our
men fear not battle, whether the easy victory or the terrible
combat ; and how should the filial son and the man of integrity
repay our generosity ? You remained at your ease in the south,
while we were slaying and driving out the rebellious robber ; and
when we had driven him out, you set up as heroes in Kiangnan,
seeking nothing but your own personal gratification.')* Consider
whether this is correct conduct. In my opinion, you are
attempting the impossible; for you cannot cross the Road of

*Name of the regions bordering the Yellow river in Shensi and Shansi, — the
river sources, or its higher reaches.

t Literally, "the fisherman's profit," which is small and uncertain.

THREATENING LANGUAGE.

Heaven (Milky Way), nor can you stop a river by throwing a
whip into it. That robber was but the foe of the Ming family ;
he had done nothing to cause him to be regarded as the enemy of
our people. Your cause of hatred against him is like the Yangtsu :
ours is but shallow. We seek only to make our righteousness
manifest to all. But if you desire to erect an empire, then
1 heaven has two suns,' * and you must be regarded as a hostile
nation. Our men may be recalled from the west, and marched
towards the east. The robber we may pardon and employ
as vanguard and guide against you ; and thus surround you, like
a pool of water, with all the power of China. Do you really
think you can found a kingdom in a little corner •(• on the left
of the Kiang ? It requires no calculation to know who shall be
victor.

" We have heard that the superior man loves because of virtue,
the mean man because of small favours. Every superior man
understands the times, and knows from events the decrees of
heaven. You should constantly remember your former lord, and
love with a deep affection your virtuous (deceased) ruler ; and
you should exhort your new master to lay aside his title, come to
us and receive endless prosperity. The throne is ready to
receive him as an honoured guest, to make him liberal gifts and
confer upon him both mountains and rivers, and to place him in
rank above all the princes and nobles. You will also thus enable
the throne to carry out its original design, to crush rebellion,
to put all the robbers to the sword, and to restore and put in
order what they destroyed. Thus too when we get to Nanking
we shall be able to gift lands to your dukes, your marquises and
all your nobles according to their rank. You have Pingsi wang
as an example, following which you will find the only profitable
plan. Those literary men and magistrates who come to us late,
love to have their names elevated on high trees as upright men,

*In allusion to the saying of Mencius that "Heaven has not two suns, nor a
kingdom two rulers."

f Nanking lies on the south of the Yangtsu in the "corner," after it winds
away to the north.

220 INTO PEKING.

but their thoughts are not all for the welfare of the people.
When there is an important national business, each has his own
house to build.

" The ancient Soong officials wrangled and debated ; but were
yet undecided what to do when the enemy * crossed the river.
The history of the Yin dynasty, and the part of the various
literary actors in it should serve as an example. It is best at an
early stage to follow the custom. But whether to sink or swim,
to be saved or lost, to obey or oppose, it is well to come to an
•early and a determinate resolution; for when our soldiers march,
it is uncertain whether it shall be for the east or the west.
The future peace or danger of the southern kingdom hangs on
your present movements. We are anxious that all you princes
should march together with us against the robbers ; we entertain
better hopes of you than this opposition.

" We have heard it said that only the man of virtue can bear
extreme words. All our very bowels and heart are laid bare
before you, in order to make instruction perfectly intelligible.
Our hopes of you are however very great.")* We are waiting on
the tiptoe of expectation. This epistle falls far short of our
intentions to befriend you."

The regent was perhaps quite correct in his belief that if he
gained Shu Kofa, the south of the Kiang would fall to him, at
least as easily as the north was being annexed by Sangwei. But
Kofa, if not equal to Sangwei as a soldier, was greatly his
superior as a man ; and while Sangwei threw himself at the feet
of the Manchus to gratify private revenge, no consideration of
any kind, private or public, would induce Kofa to retreat from
a cause of whose stability he must have had grave suspicions at
that very moment. In reply, therefore, to the skilful but
.sophistical letter of the regent, he sent the following epistle, at
least as skilful, while more artfully artless in parrying that

* The Yuen or Mongol dynasty, which in Mareo Polo's time took the capital of
the Soong dynasty.

f Literally ; the "Kiang (Yangtsu) and Heaven are in my hopes."

KOFA'S KEPLY. 221

sophistry, than the regent was carelessly artless in parading his-
threats.

" Of the great Ming empire, the commander-in-chief and
president of the Board of War, the grand secretary Shu Kofa,
kowtowing replies to the great Ching imperial regent, the dweller
under the palace. We of Nanjoong have most respectfully received
your excellent letter. According to propriety we should have
sent a messenger to enquire into the conduct of the great
commander Woo;* but we were not so unceremonious as to
rush-)- into your presence, for we could not treat you as we
would a country boor. Truly an official is without thought of
private gain, according to the teaching of the Annals. We are
at present in confusion, and your letter came a glittering
precious gem, as if direct from heaven. Several times over
have I studied it most carefully, to discover all its meaning.

"That rebellious robber does certainly deserve the extreme
vengence of Heaven; and your honourable kingdom grieves
with us. For you I have only gratitude, and for myself shame*
I much fear those around me do not investigate the truth of the
matter. You state that we princes and people of Nanjoong in
desiring to set up an empire on the left of the Kiang forgot our
duty to prince and father, and the vengeance demanded at our
hands; I will therefore place the matter plainly before your
honourable kingdom.

" Our departed great emperor feared Heaven, and reverenced
his ancestors ; he carefully attended to his imperial duties, and
loved his people. He was indeed a worthy successor of Yao and
Shwun.J But incapable ministers mismanaged the national
business, and hence the affair of the 19th of 3rd moon.§ I was

* Sangwei, probably intimating that he was still regarded as a Ming commander,
f Literally, " Push through the officials on your left and right (hand)."

J The two emperors of China first in honour as in time ; — who were themselves
paragons of virtue and loved to see all virtuous. Yao is said to have begun his reign
B.C. 2357; and because his own son was other than virtuous, Yao disinherited him
and gave his kingdom to Shwun, along with his two lovely daughters.

§ The death of the emperor.

222 INTO PEKING.

then in the south because of my sins, and in my endeavour to
save the capital got to the river Hwai with my army, when we
heard the fiercely cruel news. It was as if the earth was broken
up and the heavens rent asunder ; the mountains were scorched,
and the sea wept. Alas, alas! what man is there without a
prince ? If it could save the throne I would be cut in pieces on
the execution ground ; but would my death in the least serve to
.set forth the excellencies of him who is underneath the sod ?

" At that time the officials and people of Nanjoong mourned
and lamented as for a father. And there was not a man who
did not gnash his teeth and clench his fist and vow vengeance
on the murderer, while all demanded that the armies of the
.south-east should at once be set in motion to destroy the robber.
But two or three aged ministers said, ' The kingdom is broken
up ; the prince is perished ; the ancestral manes are of the first
importance. Our chief duty is to consult together to discover a
successor. The present emperor is the ' heart ' of China and
the world ; and the descendant of no other than the reigning
family of China, and was as the elder brother of the departed
emperor. His reputation was excellent and his speech correct.
Heaven smiled upon him, and men acknowledged him a real
ruler. On the 1st of 5th moon his imperial carriage got to
Nandoo* The myriad families lined the road, and the shouts
of joyful welcome were heard over several li. When all the
ministers and officers pressed around urging him to accept the
throne, he with an air of sorrow again and again declined, but was
at length prevailed upon, and on the 15th day he was enthroned.
Just before, a phoenix was seen to alight, and the muddy river
became transparently clear. Other auspicious omens occurred
very frequently. When he went to the Ancestral Temple a
purple cloud hung over his head. When the paper with prayers
was burnt it mounted up high into the air, seen by myriad eyes,
who rejoiced at the happy omen. The Kiang in a great flood
brought down many tens of myriads of pieces of wood to build

* Nandoo and Nanking mean the same thing, viz. , southern capital ; contradis-
tinguished from Peking, the north capital.

IMPEKIAL SUCCESSION. 223

the palaces and imperial residences. Does not all this clearly
display the will of Heaven ?

" After a few days, I was ordered with the army north of the
Kiang to march westwards and give an account of the robbers,
when I suddenly heard that our great general Woo Sangwei had
asked for the aid of your honourable kingdom, and had broken
and was pursuing the rebellious robber ; and that our departed
emperor and empress had been buried with the proper ceremonies,
the palaces swept out, and the people protected ; while the law
compelling them to shave their heads was repealed, with the
evident desire of preventing them from forgetting their native
dynasty. All this was of such distinguished excellency that
among moralists ancient and modern, not one could do other
than praise ; and all the Ming ministers kowtowed towards the
north. Not only thus, according to the Ming saying, did we
* praise your goodness and wish (you) well ; ' but in the eighth
moon we had come to the conclusion to forward messengers with
presents to your army, to consult with you as to the settlement
of the empire, and to unite our men with yours in crushing the
western robbers. And on our way we got to the Hwai river,
where I received your letter severely disapproving of my
conduct and applying the teaching of the Annals to reprove me.
And how wonderful is the wisdom of the sentiments of that
reproof ! But setting aside the words, we find the facts of the
Liegwo * to have been that on the death of any prince, the heir
should at once succeed, and his officials would not voluntarily die
while there were unpunished rebels in his territory. But if the
emperor should die, and if the heir and his brothers because of
their deep grief refuse to have the throne occupied, the great
doctrine of propriety is rendered unintelligible."!*

* Liegwo, "separate kingdoms," a term given to the small kingdoms of northern
China nominally acknowledging the Chow dynasty, which was too weak to make
its authority felt beyond the palace, like the Indian Moguls. It is the history of this
period which is known as the "Spring and Autumn" (annals) written by Confucius.

f For there must always be an emperor, as the westerns say, "the king never
dies ; " but there would be no emperor if the throne were vacant during the three
years of mourning demanded by Chinese etiquette, when every official mourning his
parent is compelled to retire into private life.

224 INTO PEKING.

*

"China was like a boiling pot, — fire without and turmoil
within ; and troops were incessantly on the move. How could
men's minds be knit together seeing that of 'faithful and
upright/ only one remained ? The teaching of the Annals is
that though Mang * took possession of the imperial Han
incense-tripod, Gwangwoo afterwards regained possession. The
emperor Hwai and Min f lost the empire ; yet emperor Yuen
was proclaimed (A.D. 317) long before he put down the rebels
infesting the empire; and the Sung emperor Gao J was proclaimed
(A.D. 1127) though he never put down the rebels. Though all
these took the throne, before they had secured more than a small
portion of the empire from the rebels, history does not in the
remotest manner hint at any impropriety in their conduct, —
while it does always maintain that the dynastic line should be
preserved unbroken. While the Yuen emperor Juyooen was
still on the throne in his capital, the heir of Szchuen ascended
the imperial throne at Lingwoo; and though the officials
discussing the matter thought it a mistake, none pronounced it
an error ; for the light was replaced on the old lamp, founding
the Ming dynasty. This our native Ming dynasty had sixteen
emperors, each the lineal descendant of his predecessor, or the
proper heir of his family. Their benevolence and mercy
extended everywhere. Your honourable kingdom in former
times was the vassal of our former dynasty and several times
received investiture at its hands. Have you not heard of it

* Wang Mang, an able man and father in law of the emperor Ping of the Han
dynasty, who began to reign A.D. 1, and was soon afterwards murdered by his
father in law, who was a short time regent for the child-brother emperor Ping, but
soon became nominal emperor as well as real ruler. A civil war broke out which
dethroned and killed him, and Gwangwoo became emperor in A.D. 25, — though the
original splendour of the Han was never recovered. The burning of incense, &c., to
Heaven, is the peculiar duty of the emperor who is great high priest.

f Tsin dynasty, A.D. 313.

J.The Sung dynasty which had ruled over all China was driven out of the north
by the Kitan who were known as the Liao dynasty ; and across the Yangtsu by the
Kin dynasty, of the same stock as the Manchus, when the southern Sung dynasty
was founded in Nanking by Gao, whose example Shu Kofa and his colleagues were
trying to imitate. See " History of Corea."

PROPOSED ALLIANCE. 225

in the Record-house of Treaties and Covenants? At present
you lament over the hardships of the native dynasty, and have
driven out the traitorous robber. Your conduct may indeed be
called great uprightness, and is worthy of a place in the Spring
and Autumn annals.

" Formerly the Kin kingdom was in perfect accord * with the
Sung dynasty (A.D. 1120—1234), but was exempt from paying
tribute, both exchanging a certain sum of gold. When Hwi Ho
assisted the Tang dynasty it was not with the desire of taking
possession of their lands.-f* Your honourable kingdom has
certainly been actuated with a sincere desire to do well to the
world. Your armies have marched in a just cause, and myriad
generations shall look back upon your noble deeds, and criticise
the manner in which you will now act. If, taking advantage
of our troubles, you, by marching as an enemy against us, throw
away the good reputation already secured, you will be judged
as having accepted the hem of her garments for the whole of
virtue ; you will have begun in seeking justice, you will have
ended by pursuing profit ; and you will thus give the lawless
robbers reason to laugh in secret. J Is it possible for your
honourable country to act so ?

"The departed emperors sought always the welfare of the
country, and could not utterly destroy even offenders, and we
axe all spared to the present. Our new emperor, with his
heaven-gifted bravery and warlike spirit, is constantly meditating

* There was a good deal of fighting before the Kin dynasty drove the Sung across
the Yangtsu, each afterwards ruling over half China ; but while the Kin gave the
Sung a certain amount of gold, far more than the value of that gold was repaid by
the Sung in silks ;— a sort of black-mail, which Chinese rulers have always known
how to pay. The picture is highly coloured by Kofa, but his object is evident,—
there may be now as then two independent empires.

f Hwi Ho, after changing from one Kokhan to another, became one of the most
powerful of the Mongols, and the principal rival of Sieli the Kokhan of the eastern
Tookiie who made the Tang emperors tremble. He was as often the plunderer of
Chinese soil as its friend, but saved the dynasty from destruction by opposing and
often defeating the Tookiie or Turks.

J Because the ' ' virtuous " indignation which pursued them, was but the cloak of
the same principle of plunder which actuated themselves.

226 INTO PEKING.

revenge, making the ancestral temple his one thought. Our
ministers are of one mind in seeking the welfare of the state, and
the mail-coats are standing tear in eye and hand on sword, — all,
people and soldiers, faithful and true, ready to die for their
country. All are of one mind that the Heaven-abandoned,
Bolting-robber, should not have lived till the present. There is
a saying that, 'To establish a good reputation, you must
strive your best to cherish it ; to put away evil, you must exert
yourself to end it.' The rebellious thief has not yet received
his reward from heaven. We know only that he is escaped to
Shensi. But we are eager to be revenged. Not only have we
the hate against him, which will not allow us both to live under
the same heaven, — but we know, and depend upon the knowledge,
that your honourable kingdom grieves that the evil is not yet
obliterated. We, therefore, bowing to the ground, pray for a
strongly cemented union with you, so that together we may
complete the work you have so nobly begun, — unite our armies,
press in, and on Shensi ground judge the guilty of his crime.
Let us both unite to cut off the head of the robbers, and appease
our common wrath, which has gone up to heaven, thus blazing
forth to thousand generations the splendid justice of your
honourable kingdom. The native dynasty can no more than put
forth its utmost strength to demand vengeance. And ever after,
our two kingdoms shall swear eternal friendship. As to the
'ox-ear' covenant,* ambassadors have been long since despatched
from our court, who should arrive in Peking any day, with whom
a treaty of friendship can be made, according to your wishes.

" I look towards the north, to the tombs and the temples of
my departed prince. I have no tears left to shed. I feel a
criminal who should die, and whose crimes deserve a myriad
deaths. But I am compelled to live to have a care for the
living dynasty and the national lares. The Chronicles state

* In Liegwo, when a solemn covenant was made by two parties, each took hold
of an ear of an ox, placed bound between the two. Thus they swore to the
covenant, after which the ox was killed, and his blood sprinkled on the covenant,—
intimating that so would Heaven serve the man who infringed on the covenant.

A FAITHFUL MINISTER 227

that ' all the vigour of my kingdom is bent in the direction of
faithfully performing my duty.' I am ready for my fate, — but
till that fate is exhausted, I am a minister bound to repay, with
grateful service, the kindnesses of my former master.

" Let the dweller under the palace carefully consider."

Scarcely less interesting than the original letters is the
following addendum, also literally translated. The author of
Doonghwaloo writes : —

" According to strict etiquette, duke Shu's letter should not
have appeared on these pages. The original was laid away
among the Privy council papers, till the reigning emperor
(Kienlung) ordered it to be searched out for examination. On
reading it, he wrote comments with his own hand in red
characters, — twenty in a line, and four lines on a page, — and
stamped at the beginning with an imperial seal. I reverently
place below the imperial comments." Then follows this imperial
writing : —

" The Ming minister Shu Kofa's reply to Zooichin Wang : —
' When I was a boy, I used to delight in hearing read the letter
of our Zooichin Wang to the Ming Shu Kofa ; but the letter
itself I did not see till yesterday, when I ordered the imperial
family to search it out, and then I was able to study it. I
discovered that it laid down most righteous judgment ; and I saw
it was according to the principles of correct doctrine, using the
teaching of the Spring and Autumn Annals to expose the error
of the secessionists.* I saw that his general scope was right,
his style awe-inspiring, and I was delighted. The reply of Kofa
was said to be of so stubborn a character, that it could not be
placed upon the Records. But Kofa was a Ming minister. If
he did not stoop, he was right. If his words fail to be placed
on the Records, is not the mind of a faithful minister lost ?
Moreover if not placed on the Records, men will in future
wonder why it is not there; and in ignorance of the facts,

* Power is always right on all continents and kingdoms, whatever the views or
desires of those dissenting from the powerful. We find exactly the same sentiments
as these in some of our own leading newspapers ; and enunciated by powerful officials.

228 INTO PEKING.

may hate the writer. This is what cannot possibly be
permitted.

" I, therefore, command the scribes to record the letter, without
change, in a book, and to place it in the Library, — the original
to be restored to the safes of the Privy council. It is now,
therefore, for the first time made accessible for study.

" How sad to think that Kofa was the only faithful minister ;
and Foo Wang is an object of compassion, who had such a
minister and would not trust him, but permitted a traitor
minister to pierce his arm, so that he died. Up to the present
his memory has been lost. Had Foo Wang but trusted Kofa he
might have retained the Long river (Yangstu) and re-established
an empire after the example of the ancient Sung. But it is now
difficult to determine. He was, however, but as a swallow in a
hall destitute of deep plans and unable to think of the remote,
causing his soldiers to run short of provisions and to exhaust
their strength. The faithful minister could only weep, let his
feet sleep, and sigh, unable to find opportunities of exerting
himself. He could but die to show his gratitude to his dynasty.
Is his not a most pitiful fate ? " Then follow remarks by the
historian : —

"Kofa's letter did not, from the very first, contain any
exceptionally disrespectful language. Though in his heart
he must have been terrified because of Zooiwang, yet in treating
with him he ceases not to show a lofty independence. He was
in brief a Ming minister, and as such honourably and faithfully
true. I have considered his a paper which not only might be
published, but which should not be left unpublished. There is
besides the imperial command to have it published. He was
indeed another Wun Tiensiang,* and it would be entirely wrong
to omit his name out of the history. It is said that his mother
dreamed she saw Wun Tiensiang just before Kofa's birth.

*The only faithful and able minister of the southern Sung, who preserved his
dynasty some years from the Mongols, but was at last defeated and died in
captivity, because he would not forsake the cause of his former master to serve a
new one.

MIGHT AGAINST EIGHT. 229

Though he was like Baidsu * grown in the desert, if his example
were lost, it would be a loss to all."

If the letter of Kofa seems to us somewhat inflated, we must
not forget that in all Chinese historic times it is the duty of a
minister in serving his prince to close his eyes to all faults of
that prince when speaking of him ; and falsehoods in diplomacy
are not considered greater crimes in China than elsewhere.
Yet Kofa is not to be severely blamed when trying to shield, not
his own character, but the fame of the man who was chosen
emperor over him, though against his wish. But skilfully parried
as were the charges against Kofa, and thoroughly exposed as
were the sophisms of the regent, Kofa must present harder
arguments than good logic, and heavier metal than noble
sentiments and beautiful morality, to keep back the Manchu
hosts, who not only ended but began by seeking profit and
nothing else. For the naked and savage Manchus began their
career and continued its course in pursuance of their own
interests, and sent to their graves or to the wolves millions of
their fellowmen, whose interests did not coincide with theirs, or
who defended their own property and territory against them.
Though the Manchus were not hypocritical enough to cloak
their ravages under the plea of extending the benefits of
civilisation, — a plea reserved for western destroyers. Kofa is
facile princeps with the pen ; he knows, however, that the real
issue is to be tried by the sword. Just a year after the date of
Kofa's reply, in November 1644, prince Dodo was ordered
southwards across the great Kiang, with the title of Dinggwo
Da Kiangkun, " the great commander-in-chief establishing the
kingdom." But we shall now look back to what was meantime
doing in the southern capital.

* Baidsu is a poor variety of small millet, eatable, but chiefly used to feed birds.
The meaning here is that Kofa was outside the Manchu cultivated field and of a
different kind of grain from the chosen people.

CHAPTER VIIT.
FOO WANG*

THE Manchus found it a comparatively easy matter to crush
the robber Li and his predatory bands, as sympathy would
accompany them at every step of their way; for once under
settled rule, every village would feel secure and every city safe
from illegal and cruel exactions. And the way was all the more
easily opened up that a Chinaman and not a Manchu was the
chief acting commander.

A much more difficult task remained before them of annexing
the south and south-east provinces, — a task which could easily
have been rendered impossible had a spark of patriotism
remained in the breasts of the men then in power in the south.
For though the Ming emperor had perished and his capital had
become the seat of a barbaric dynasty, his family was still widely
spread ; and the tenacious conservatism of the Chinese clung to
the name of the native dynasty. Had the Joo family only
had one able member to take the helm of state, he could have
retained at least a large half of the empire in his hands ; for not
a village would welcome, not a town would open its gates to the
Manchus, except by compulsion; while all would rally with
enthusiasm around the banner of an able dynastic representative.
Though famine had long devasted the northern provinces and

* Many particulars in this and the following two chapters on Tang Wang and
Gwei Wang are culled out of the Ming Mo Ji, history of the end of the Ming,
discovered — like many another book whose author is uncertain of the manner in
which the authorities will receive it in Shanghai — in 1862, and it is of course of
unknown authorship. It has however an air of truthfulness about it which induces
me to use it freely in tracing the action, motives, and character of the Wangs and
their retainers and supporters which cannot be gleaned from books under imperial
authority

232 FOO WANG.

eaten up all the accumulated treasure of generations, the southern
provinces were wealthy, — all the more wealthy because of the
northern poverty. They could therefore furnish ample means
in men and money, and did furnish both in more than sufficient
quantity ; but what is an army without a general ? And what is
a state without a head ?

When Peking was taken, some officials fled southwards and
halted only at Nanking, where Shu Kofa was minister. Shu
Kofa became censor with rank of governor of a province under
the last Ming emperor, retired from court for the period of
mourning for his parents, — strict etiquette demanding a
retirement of three years, and from the thoroughly conservative
and conscientious character of Kofa he was likely to adhere to
the letter of the ancient custom. He returned however, and was
made president of one of the Boards in Nanking, where his
eminent learning gained him the esteem of all classes, while
every one trusted his artless character and his perfectly honest
and single desire to serve his prince and his country with all his
might. Some from patriotism, some from example, most from
self-interest, composed in all a goodly company averse from
the change of dynasty which had been made in the north ;
and not a voice was anywhere heard advocating Manchu rule
till Manchu swords prepared a way for the barber, and the long
knotted hair of the Chinaman disappeared, leaving a plaited
queue behind. It was difficult however from among many
aspirants to chose the right man for emperor, and the eyes of the
people were directed towards Shu Kofa, the excellent scholar and
upright official of Nanking.

The Ming emperor, styled Wanli, had five sons, the eldest of
whom succeeded him; the second was made Foo Wang, the
third Zooi Wang, the fourth Whi Wang, the fifth Gwei Wang.
Foo Wang was sent to rule the ancient Loyang at a very young
age and remained there for many years. He was in reality kept
there by a court cabal which feared his ability — (see p. 119).
In Tienchi's reign Foo Wang sent more revenue than any
other into the imperial coffers. In 1641 Dsuchung took Loyang

ELECTION OF EMPEKOR. 233

and put this prince to death. His son, however, survived and
succeeded him.

When, three years after, Dsuchung was besieging Peking, Kofa
led an army to its rescue. While on the march, news arrived of
the fall of the capital and the death of the emperor. His officers
resolved to march against the rebels. Foo and Loo Wangs,
because at hand, took active measures to press the rebels by
water at Hwaian. Loo Wang, though the most distantly related
to the deceased emperor, was the favourite of the people and the
patriots ; for Foo Wang, though nearest in blood, had alienated
all by his vices.

Ma Shuying had two good friends, Hwang Duagoong and Liw
Liangdso. At Kwachow they became acquainted, and soon
friendly, with Gao Jie and Liw Dsaiching, who had retired
thither from the north; Gao Jie having fled from the rebel
army with a beautiful woman, who had been taken by Dsuchung.

Forming his plans in concert with these men, Ma sent a
private messenger to Kofa, requesting that there should be
no haste in proclaiming an emperor; for he must be selected
because of his virtues ; while the candidates should be confined
to the relations of the late emperor. With this suggestion Kofa
agreed all the more readily that the first condition excluded
Foo Wang, whose character he denounced in his reply. He was
soon thereafter officially informed of the arrival of Foo Wang at
Loongkiang gwan, and he discovered that he had been " sold " *
by Ma. He was compelled however to go out and hail the man
whom he had denounced as unworthy, with "wan swi, wan
swi ; " — " Myriad years, or Long live the emperor."

When news arrived of the total rout of Dsuchung by the
Manchus at Shanhaigwan, Kiangnan declared for Foo Wang, who
entered his capital of Nanking on the 1st of 5th moon, convert-
ing a foo into a palace ; and it was observed that " two yellow
stars fought and disappeared in the heavens." A censor
memorialised to the effect that meantime Foo Wang should be
made guardian of the kingdom to keep it in name of the son of

* Literal translation, and strange coinsidence with English slang.

234 FOO WANG.

the Ming emperor, who might possibly appear ; but if not, that
Foo Wang himself should inherit. A counter memorial was
presented, praying for the immediate enthronement of Foo
Wang; but the voice of the great majority was with the censor.

The following year was to begin the style Hoong Gwang, and
Kofa, with two others, were elected privy councillors. Of the
three, Kofa was the only pure minister. Other officials were
nominated; some by Kofa, some by Ma, who was soon left
with the control of all affairs in his hands by the northward
march beyond the Yangtsu of Kofa, at his own request. He
filled up all the offices ; and the character of the men gave the
people hope.

Kofa and the other military commanders had already
deliberated on the advisability of forming four strong military
posts north of the river. Dsaiching was now set over that
of Hwaihai, including Hai, Kan, Pei, and other eight chow cities
of Kiangsi; besides superintending Shantung, which had
declared for Foo Wang as soon as the retreat of Dsuchung
westwards incited them to rise upon his garrisons, and put them
to death. Gao Jie was set over fourteen chows, — Kai, Kwei,
&c., in Honan. Liangdso was general over Chun and Chi, south
of Kaifung in Honan; Whang Duagoong over Loochow and
other ten cities in Hupeh. Each of these four posts, held
by friends of Ma, who was formerly commander-in-chief, was to
have two hundred thousand dan of rice, four hundred thousand
taels per year, and thirty thousand men ; and each was to be
independent of the other. Duagoong was also made a marquis,
the others counts.

Gao Jie, who had fled with his beautiful paramour from Li
Dsuchung, afterwards gained a good reputation as a soldier by
defeating the rebels. The old roving spirit not having quite
died, he determined to abandon Toonggwan, where he had been
located ; and with twelve lieut.-generals under him, and four
hundred thousand men who had crowded round him — probably
most of them refugees from Li Dsuchung's oft-defeated bands —
he moved southwards across the river. One officer dared in vain

MILITARY INSUBORDINATION. 235

to resist his progress ; and Wan Yooenji, a Board secretary, was
bold enough to go in about his quarters, and, while professedly
bringing some presents, to expostulate with the men because
forsaking their post, which was tantamount to insurrection.
Gao Jie replied that the north of the river was poverty-stricken,
while Yangchow, both the old and new cities, revelled in plenty.

As soon as the men of Yangchow heard that Gao was making
for them, general terror seized them. A graduate went alone
to discover the real intentions of Gao ; who was glad to see him,
feasted him with meat and drink, and sent him away loaded
with presents of gold and silks, with the message to the men of
Yang that he had come to protect and not to injure them.
When the graduate displayed the presents given him as proofs
of the pacific disposition of Gao, the populace roared out that
he had "sold" them, and that the city could stand only by
the fall of his head ; and he was murdered accordingly. Gao
hearing of this occurrence was angry in the extreme, and
determined now to march on Yangchow.

Kofa had already been alienated from the chiefs of the four
military posts, the friends of Ma, and had retired to Yangchow.
Hearing of Gao's approach, and of the ravages accompanying
his march, Kofa went out to meet him at the head of three
thousand horse ; and along with the officials of the city, gave
Gao the most hearty welcome, as if his southward march had been
under orders. Gao demanded that the leader of the men who put
the graduate to death should be beheaded, and the city gates
thrown open to his troops ; to which, however, Kofa objected,
and the discussion became so warm that Kofa was confined in a
temple, and his retinue dispersed among Gao's men. Friends of
Gao's were constantly beside Kofa drawing swords, and thrusting
at, as if to murder him ; but he only smiled, showing not the
slightest indication of fear. He wrote out a document, however,
stating that Gao might make his headquarters at Kwachow;
then changing his clothing, managed to escape. Gao had to be
contented with Kwachow, and professed the warmest friendship
for his recent prisoner.

236 FOO WANG.

A lieut. -general of Lanchow and Tungchow in Shantung,
desired to visit Yangchow, but fearing to be waylaid by Gao,
sent on a message to Duagoong, to send an escort of soldiers to
meet him. Duagoong went with three hundred men. Gao,
hearing of this, was very angry, believing a plot laid against
himself; for he and Duagoong were not on good terms, while
their armies were " like water and fire," ready to destroy each
other. He, therefore, commanded one thousand men to seize
Duagoong, but gave them orders to take him alive. Duagoong
happened to be off his horse and away from his men, when the
ambush came upon him. He mounted amid a shower of arrows
and galloped off. Seventeen of the pursuers overtook him.
He had seven arrows, with each of which he killed a man ; and
cutting his way through the rest with his sword, he got up to
his own three hundred, most of whom must have fallen at
Toochiao, where this adventure occurred ; for it is related that
afterwards Gao agreed to replace three hundred horses.

Matters having assumed this aspect, all looked for internal
war. Ma Dai drew up his troops, and laid his cannon in order
before the city of Yangchow, which when Gao saw he dared not
approach. Duagoong was furious on account of this affront at
Toochiao, and getting Liangdso to side with .him, he declared
that Gao or he must fall. Another officer, to prevent the total
ruin of the cause, drew up his men between the two armies,
while attempts were made at reconciliation.

Duagoong's mother died just then. Kofa went to condole
with him, and urged him to forbearance and to pardon the insult
of Toochiao, and the loss of his three hundred horse. Kofa sent
a messenger to Gao saying, " Why should a great cause be lost
for three hundred horses ? You send as many to Duagoong."
These were sent, but old and sick, most of which died. Kofa
winked at the character of the horses and sent a present of
three thousand taels to Gao, ordering him to send one thousand
to Duagoong for mourning expenses. There was thus a peace
patched up between the two; which, however, left them no
better friends than they had been before.

MINISTERIAL DISSENSION. 237

Gao had some faith in priests, if in no other ; for coming in
contact with a Buddhist priest, he asked him as to whether misery
or prosperity awaited him. He was told that meantime he was
in open rebellion, for it seemed insufficient to him to have been
from a flying rebel made a Chinese prince; if he would act
according to what Kofa called the Holy Doctrine — of Confucius —
or what the priest calls " Poosa " (Buddhism), he would be sure of
prosperity; but of misery if otherwise. Hing, his beautiful
eloped wife, also urged Gao to pay particular attention to the
instructions of Kofa, who when he heard there was a woman in
the camp endeavouring to influence Gao, was glad and had
hopes of a safe settlement. He now proposed to Gao to make
some changes in his staff and that then he might remain on the
south of the river. Gao determined to have a footing in the city,
said all he wanted was to have a home for his wife. The citizens
were however still afraid that if he once got any place inside, his
men would find their way in ; and they therefore persistently
objected to give a house. The local magistrates sent Gao word
that no palace was yet finished, and it was impossible to find a
suitable house inside. Kofa, however, said there was a foo
outside the city on the east which might be had. Hing ordered
her soldier attendants to go thither.

If the bellicose commanders were so much inclined to cut each
others' throats, and were with difficulty prevented from scuttling
a cause which required union alone to easily ensure complete
success, it is not to be wondered at that a less bloody but more
disastrous strife threatened to extinguish the cabinet. The
elements of strife were latent from the very first; for there was a
patriotic and a selfish party, and the selfish party ruled in
cabinet and court.

Shunyen, president of Board of Appointments, nominated
three men to office, whom the hereditary Bai or count Liw
Koongjao declared to be unworthy of any situation ; and he at
the same time called in question the integrity of Shunyen to
his very face. A censor warmly replied. Gao Hoongtoo vainly
endeavoured to cast oil on these troubled waters; and next

238 FOO WANG.

day Koongjao sent in a memorial, the kernel of which was that
Shunyen must be dismissed or he relieved of office. He was
supported by other ministers, who urged that Koongjao was
indispensable. The mutual charges and recriminations became
so general and bitter that Hoongtoo, who advocated attention to
his own business by each minister, gave notice that as it was
impossible to carry on government under such conditions, he
begged leave to retire from office. From that day forward no
effort was made by the ministers to seek out and punish the
rebels ; for their own dissention paralysed them, dispelled the
energy which union would have concentrated and invigorated,
and compelled a negative and a halting policy, instead of a
positive and aggressive one.

After a gold seal had been made for the new government, both
Ma and Kofa recommended that Woo Sangwei should be created
Jigwo Goong,* and that the title be hereditary because of his
exploits against the rebels, whom he was mercilessly pursuing.
There were forwarded to him one hundred thousand dan of rice,
and five hundred thousand taels for the use of his army, as they
were avenging the death of the Ming emperor. A vice-
president of Board of War was at the same time sent to Peking
with very friendly letters from the government of Foo Wang.

About the same time an effort was made by the guardian
prince in Peking to detach Kofa from Foo Wang's side ; for all
reposed the utmost confidence in that upright man and splendid
scholar. The two letters are given above in their entirety at
the end of the preceding chapter. The letter of Kofa, besides
being beautifully simple in style, was modest in a remarkable
degree ; but declared with such firmness as to need no repetition
that his choice was made ; that he will live with the prince of
his native dynasty, or die for him.

It was then also that Shantung and many other northern
places rose against the magistrates appointed by the now
defeated rebels, putting them all to death ; but these places all
declared for the representative of their native dynasty, and not

* Duke of the kingdom of Ji or Ki north-east of Chihli, where he gained his first
victory over the robber chief.

INTERNAL TROUBLE. 239

for the party by which they were freed from the robbers.
Though Kofa had more of the patriot and of the scholar than
Woo Sangwei, he had not the force of character which made the
latter the conquering soldier, else he could have made it
impossible for the Manchus to march southwards, — the people of
all the provinces being eager to establish their own native
dynasty. But Kofa laboured under the disadvantage of serving
a prince who did not value or understand him, who perhaps feared
his honesty and hated his good character, and had to work with
ministers who envied his reputation and thwarted his plans;
while Woo Sangwei had the full confidence of a court ready to
strain all its energies to support him, and which incited his
valour by showering rewards and heaping honours upon him.
The circumstances of the two men were so essentially different,
that it is difficult to make any fair comparison between them.

The southern people, seeing such dissensions among generals
and ministers, and a policy of inactivity reigning in the court
instead of one of energy, feared the total and speedy ruin of all,
and therefore rose to arms themselves and equipped an army of
one or two hundred thousand men of undoubted courage, who
could be relied on, and whose fame soon spread everywhere.

It is believed that Ma Shuying aimed at acting the faithful
minister, but the manner in which he had deceived Kofa in the
matter of proclaiming an emperor caused him to be regarded
with universal suspicion. As soon therefore as Kofa went north
at the head of his troops, both people and ministers began openly
to abuse and oppose Ma. As his bad luck would have it, Ma
just at this time nominated a Yooen Dachung to Foo Wang as
an excellent soldier. Yooen was known to the other ministers,
who declared him a thoroughly incapable man. Notwithstanding
their opposition, Foo Wang conferred a " hat and a girdle " upon
the nominee of his favourite. Hereupon arose the greatest
confusion, begun by the apparently honest Hoongtoo, who had
not been permitted to retire. He complained in a reasonable
manner that the name of Yooen was not first sent to the nine
"ching," — the various boards of government, according to

240 FOO WANG.

accustomed form. When Ma could not see the necessity for
such formality, Hoongtoo urged that he objected, not from any
desire on his part to exclude Yooen from office, but to comply
with invariable custom; for that if worthy of his post, his
character would be all the more illustrious by receiving the
general consensus of all the Boards. Ma could see no reason to
question the illustrious character of his nominee ; and as
Hoongtoo saw no way of properly performing his duties as
a minister under so high-handed a chief, he formally prayed for
liberty to retire. Memorial now began to crowd on the heels of
memorial, till almost all the principal ministers delivered their
minds as against the admission of Yooen, and by implication
against the absolute conduct of Ma. It was all waste paper,
however, for though supported only by Ma, Yooen was made
vice-president of Board of War. But the strife did not end ; for
Yooen complained that though he desired to act as a faithful
minister, his fellow ministers would not give him the oppor-
tunity,— and Jang Shunyen followed Hoongtoo into private life.
Dsoongjow, a nominee of Kofa, declined the office of censor,
naming himself the orphan or solitary minister. He presented
a memorial strongly worded to the effect that the weal or woe
of the state depended on the dismissal or retention of Yooen.
He advised that Foo Wang should himself take the head of the
armies. He saw no way at present for preventing Dsuchung from
over-running the southern capital and its neighbourhood, and
was preparing for flight, by sending his family away further
south. He soon again presented an energetic memorial stating
that the rebels were being pursued from the north into Shansi
and the north of Honan, and were certain to march on the
south-east, and complained that he had not heard of preparations
to send a single man or horse against them ; — the ministers were
careless and should be put to death ; the army was motionless ;
the border-officers supine, and should be slain. He mentioned
in all four-fold causes of death in the ministers, advising that
Chun Juloong be ordered north from the eastern sea ; for he
was then and long after at or about Formosa or Fukien. It

COURT BICKERINGS. 241

appears from this memorial also that there had been no mourning-
for the late emperor. Such plain speech could not be tolerated
by the guilty or negligent parties concerned, and the four
military outposts combined against it ; while a memorial by
Duagoong for concord was retained by Ma on its way to the prince.

Though almost solitary, and all but powerless, Kofa's voice
was raised in behalf of his friend by praying Foo Wang to
employ all the ministers only to discuss the "outs and ins'r
of questions, and to order the border officers to prove their
merit or faults by their deeds. And thus quiet of a kind was again
brought about by the efforts of this noble man. But rottenness
was in the camp, and the council chamber was crumbling to pieces ;
at a time too when unity was indispensable for the continued
existence of both. Some urged, but in vain, that action should be
taken from the south against the rebels, while Sangwei was
crushing them in the north. All were not equally dead to
approaching danger ; for some wealthy men bared themselves of
everything to help to save their country. And their uneasiness was
not causeless, for Dsuchung had at one time come to the resolution
to escape from Sangwei by crossing the Kiang and taking Nanking.

In the general uneasiness, Ma continued an object of hate,
and two officials from Hookwang presented memorials purposely
to be able to have an opportunity of declaring their mind about
him. So bitter were they that he dared not show himself, but
pretended to be unwell. They declared so vehemently that the
safety of the state depended on Ma's dismissal, that in fear he
brought a eunuch to go and praise him to Foo Wang, who
ended by saying, " Who is able to take Ma's place ? " And the
prince agreed with him. One of these two memorialised the
prince on ten subjects, amongst which was an earnest advice to-
strictly search out and discover those who were guilty of crime
deserving death ; for that if they were punished, it would be an
easy matter to put or keep down the rebels ; but that meantime
the people suffered so much from the soldiery, that they would
continue to swell the ranks of the rebels as soon as these
appeared. He was quietly ordered back to Hookwang.
Q

242 FOO WANG.

In July the Manchu government forwarded despatches to all
the principal officials in Shantung, ordering them to open their
gates, when Woo Sangwei would be sent to establish order; and
threatening that if they refused, the great army which was being
prepared to march against the south, would go through Shantung.
A month after, replies were forwarded intimating acquiescence in
the government demands. But the intimation was worth no more
than idle breath to gain time ; for the commander-in-chief sent
from Nanking was gladly received, and had those in office in
Nanking been worthy the name of ministers, the inevitable
conflict with the Manchus could have been fought in Shantung.

The soldiers of Chihkiang rose upon and slew their officers,
believing they had as good a right as the armies of the four
outposts to plunder the people. Kofa was sent to restore order.
Just then Gao reported that the river should be crossed and the
north of the Kiang defended ; but he was addressing madmen,
who paid more heed to their own petty squabbles than to the
fact that the Manchus were moving down on the Yangtsu with a
large force carefully selected, well equipped, and prepared for the
conquest of the southern provinces. Liangyii in his district had
a brush with, and defeated, a band of rebels driven south by
Sangwei; while a Board secretary collected men in Szchuen
and scattered another rebel band there, taking and slaying a
leader. As Yunnan was also threatened, a censor was sent
thither with an army and fire-arms.

The rebels in their retreat had got to Szchuen and Kweichow,
and had taken Peichow, Loochow, Choongching, and the capital
of the province. They cut off the nose and ears of the strongest
men taken, setting them free afterwards and proclaiming that
every official who did not open his gates would be similarly
served. They made rapid progress. Many of the principal
officials and two princes were slain by them. One general
saved himself by joining the rebels, notwithstanding which Ma
continued to praise him as a most worthy man.

A secretary of Appointments complained that he saw many
men receiving honours, though the deeds warranting such

UNPALATABLE ADVICE. 243

honour were invisible; that he heard of general officers
fighting for private ends, but of none who fought a battle for his
country ; that there were many refusing their official appoint-
ments to the field, while none was found volunteering. To
remedy the existing chaos and prevent utter ruin, he advised the
emperor to go to the front himself and take charge of his armies;
a step which implied no personal risk, for he need not be in the
fight ; yet a step which would restore discipline and increase a
hundred-fold the courage of the men. No advice could be more
imsavoury to the sottish Foo Wang, who much preferred to
receive, whether he read or not, a ceaseless shower of memorials
on all subjects. The purists were meantime becoming weaker
and weaker, though many of the new nominees were as unwilling
as the men dismissed to carry out all the pleasure of Ma.
Jiao Yuegwang was accused and dismissed, because Ma was
his enemy. When taking his leave of his sovereign, he urged
public business as demanding the first and best thoughts of the
emperor; to which sentiment the latter agreed, but which
irritated Ma, who asked whether he was acting the rebel ? The
response was not flattering; and when Jiao left the imperial
presence, he was followed by Ma into the court, where the
succeeding brawl disturbed the whole palace.

Gao Jie reported the approach of the rebels on their southern
march ; but the court was too much occupied in memorial
writing, reading and deliberating, to pay any attention. The
rebels came upon and defeated Jang Jinyen, viceroy of Honan,
who attempted to commit suicide. He was unsuccessful however
and therefore fled. But when the rebels heard of his flight, he
was pursued and overtaken. There were two faithful attendants
who would not part from him. He was imprisoned in Sinhiang.
Taking advantage of the absence of the commandant out of
town, and fearing foul play, he gave orders to Yifang, one of his
attendants, who slew a robber and took his horse. He was
immediately joined by others: and his following increased so
rapidly that all the leaders of the rebels in the town fell into
his hands.

244 FOO WANG

General Liangyli was not on good terms with Ma, but found
it now expedient to come to terms; for Ma was all-powerful.
His lieutenant, Dachung, had been busily employed abusing all
ministers not well disposed towards Ma; and the faithful
Biaojia, bitterly hated by Ma, was accused of treachery and had
to resign. Liangyii presented Ma with three thousand taels
(ounces) of gold and twelve singing girls, on receipt of which Ma
smiled, saying, Liang might now be made " Si Bai." * But Ma
was not the only man who needed gold. The army expenditure
in the south-east amounted to five hundred thousand taels ; and
for the camps north of the river, it was three million six hundred
thousand taels, or one and a half million sterling. Partly to meet
this great drain, but chiefly to meet more personal wants, Ma
provided that the preliminary examination for degrees in the
chow and hien cities might be dispensed with, on payment of
from three to six taels ; while any scholastic appointment, and
any degree the possession of which ensured a yearly grant, could
be had for sums of from three hundred taels for the lowest, up
to ten thousand for the highest. A corollary was practically
attached, by which any honour could be had for money, so that
rhymes and puns on the subject became universal, such as that
doodoos filled the streets, Jienjis were numerous as sheep,
Jufang common as dogs, &c. ; and all the silver of the kingdom
went into the horse's + mouth. Another vigorous rhyme
terminated with the information that the emperor could do
nothing but drink wine. A private person more seriously
disposed prayed for the beheading of Ma and Koongjoo on the
public execution grounds.

Meantime portents sufficient occurred to rouse the sleepers, if
anything could. A great "western" cannon burst without
apparent cause ; stars with four horns, five horns, like knives and
swords, appeared in the east; an astrologer predicted to his
private friends that from the position which the constellation,

* Chow Wang imprisoned Wun Wang. The ministers of Wun forwarded
presents of beautiful women and horses to Chow, who liberated "Si Bai."
t Ma means "horse."

COURT ENTERTAINMENTS. 245

Taiyi, would occupy next year in relation to Jiaokwng in the
east, great calamities, which he dared not fully reveal, were sure
to happen; and to sum up, while brass was being melted to
make "Hoogwang" cash, a temple gate caught fire and was
burnt down. Fungyang, the tomb of Hoongwoo, one of the first
Ming emperors, was thrice shaken by an earthquake in one
day, — the sun was like fire and the earth all blood-red.

Foo Wang's thoughts were on other matters, for he spent his
whole time with women and wine; sometimes dining his
ministers, and entertaining them with low street ballad singers.
He was one evening very sad. A eunuch endeavoured to
comfort him ; and, after doing so in vain, thinking the mournful
state of affairs was beginning to tell upon him, he asked the
cause of grief, when Foo wang sadly replied that there was now
no good theatrical performer ! All his ministers gave him the
title of the " reverend spiritual genius ! " Such things, however,
are not confined to China, nor need England and perhaps other
countries go far back in history to find parallels. But this
" father and mother " of his people gave no heed to the loud and
constant complaints he was daily hearing of the increasing
oppression by Gao Jie and his brother generals, and of the
consequent general dissatisfaction; and he was unmoved
even by the wholesale resignation of his most worthy
ministers.

Foo Wang was married in early life, — to a wife who died. He
married a second time, — the second also died. He was sometime
living with another man's wife, who bore him a son, now six
years old. She sought out the father of this child, who refused
to see or acknowledge her ; and she was imprisoned. She drew
up a paper, giving the most circumstantial history of their
connection, — he threw it from him without looking at it. Many
of the officials were delighted at the discovery of this son ; and
all the people began to have hopes of him. Therefore memorials,
begun by his favourite, the all-powerful Ma, began to pour upon
him, to none of which he paid the least attention. And the
lady sickened and died in prison.

246 FOO WANG.

The fate of a man like this, with an irresponsible minister like
Ma, could lead only to one result ; when unity and energy were
combined against him. For the Manchu troops were now at last
approaching, and all eyes were directed to Kofa as the only man
on whom any reliance could be placed, whether for war or for
treaty. This man, who had to depend on his own resources,
advanced to Baiyangho as soon as he heard of the approach of
the Manchus, who were marching on Hiichien; but his move
caused them to retreat.

This happened on the twelfth day of eleventh moon ; and two
days after Gao Jie, now roused to action, marched across the
river north to Hiichow, against which city a division of the Manchu
army was on the march. Gao found the Manchus, nominally
two hundred thousand, really seven or eight thousand men.
But few or many, he was determined to show he was not an
ungrateful recipient of imperial favours. The Manchus crossed
the Yellow river in January 1645, and were received with open
arms by all the villages. Major-general Hii Dinggwo, wishing to
be sure of a safe retreat, sent messengers to secretly inform the
Manchus of his good will. He was then holding Chiichow in
Honan south of the Yellow river. He and another Shantung
worthy had been stimulated into levying bands and opposing
the rebels by the successful example of Jinyen (p. 243). They
had at first refused the honours offered from Nanking; but
Dinggwo seems to have become less enthusiastic after his
promotion. Ma laughed when he heard the Manchus were to
cross the river, saying that if they did they would be looked after.
Gao forwarded a letter to the Manchu Soo Wang praising
their bravery against the rebels, stating that his one aim was to
fight by their side till every rebel was destroyed, when he would
be willing to shave his head and retire as a monk to the
hills. Soo Wang declined him as an ally, but would be glad
to present the brave Gao to his emperor in Peking. Gao
however had no inclination to desert. He had indeed already
declined to be tempted by an officer, who had himself deserted,
aud urged Gao to forsake a course which all were leaving to its fate.

A TKAITOK. 247

Chung Siaoyii had been a man of great ability, and much
feared about Hiichow. He was accused as a robber to the army
officials by whom he had been seized and was to have been
" sacrificed " by Ma, who was the commander, when news came
of the fall of Peking. Siaoyii escaped, and in self protection
took to the hills of Wootoongshan, where he collected a band of
men about him ; but though compelled to be a robber, he would
not join the rebels. Gao Jie was now ordered to Hiichow, where
Siaoyii surrendered to him and was put to death ; his men being
incorporated with Gao's. The Manchus had by this time got to
Hiachun, marched south by Chining, and passing by Loyang
attacked Haichow and surrounded Peichow. A few days after,
the messengers who had been sent to Peking from the Nanking
court returned, but to their urgent prayer that men should be
sent north of the river to meet the approaching Manchus,
the brave Ma angrily replied that there were four outposts ; and
when the commandants of those outposts prayed for reinforce-
ments they were not listened to. The spring of 1645 found no
improvement in Nanking affairs, though the rapid progress and
increasing power of the new Manchu government should have
roused the most inert, especially as the Manchus did not in the
least degree attempt to conceal their design of annexing province
after province till all the south should be reduced to them, as
formerly to the Yuen dynasty.

The Manchus without were even yet further away than the
rebels within, and Gao went with twenty thousand against some
of his old comrades ; while Dinggwo was raising himself to fame
by his slaughter of robbers in his native place. He had formerly
been imprisoned for some reason after he had been made lieut.-
general. He was liberated, gathered an army about him, and
was sent to hold Swichow.* His ambition to receive an honorary

*The annals state that Dinggwo sent his son from Yiichow (south of Yellow
river) to Haogo, urging the Manchus to aid him as the robber G-ao Jie was
advancing against him with five thousand men. But Haogo refused as his
commission did not extend so far. Dinggwo was therefore quite ripe for treason by
that time, while the former message sent by him proved that his present conduct
was not from the impulse of the moment.

248 FOO WANG.

degree like the other great commanders was not gratified, and to
relieve his spleen, he accused by memorial Gao Jie, who was
Hingping Bai or count, of being a rebel and a robber. Gao
therefore became his sworn foe and declared he would have
Ding's life ; yet he had sometime before sent Dinggwo a thousand
taels and a hundred pieces of satin because he was so good a
soldier.

After this incident, Kofa ordered Gao, who had already
prayed for the main army, to Kweite, under whose prefectural
jurisdiction was Swichow. Gao was to look after the border, and
prepare for the Manchus. Gao's approach terrified Dinggwo,
who wrote to Kofa remonstrating. His messenger brought back
the reply that it was the necessities of the government, not love
to Gao, which led to this movement ; and that Dinggwo should
save himself by flight.

The troops of Gao soon made their appearance, and instead of
fleeing, Dinggwo went 10 li outside the city to meet his foe, and
welcomed him kneeling. This humility quite won Gao's heart,
and he expostulated with him, a lieut. -general, for kneeling.
Seeing Dingwo's men, Gao expressed his ironical surprise that
Dinggwo was not made a wang. Next day he met Dinggwo
again and asked how it was he didn't flee, for he must know his
life was not safe there. Bowing low, he said he knew of Gao's
wrath, but was ignorant of a fault to incur such displeasure.
Gao asked whether calling him a robber was not fault sufficient ?
Dinggwo replied that he could not write a character, that he had
employed a man to write, but was ignorant of all the man had
written ; that the writer had fled when he heard of Gao's anger
and that he should scarcely be made responsible for that writer's
fault. The explanation was apparently satisfactory. Gao
expressed his pleasure, and his desire was to treat Dinggwo as a
brother, for he is said to have been a " guileless man," and if so,
there are few Gao Jies in China. Some one told Gao to beware
of Ding ; but Gao was indignant, ordered the man to have sixty
blows before the army, and to be sent to Ding to be put to death.
A beautiful woman sent him by Ding was however sent back,

A DRUNKEN FEAST. 249

with the message that times of war were not times for pleasure,
with the hope that Ding would take good care of her till his
return as a conqueror.

Gao's army was posted 20 li east of Tsuchow ; but wherever
he went he had three hundred men at his heels. These accom-
panied him to a feast which Dinggwo had provided in his
honour. Ding was himself in another room entertaining a
number of guests with wine and women, while his younger
brother acted host to Gao. One of the guests whispered in
Gao's ear, that he feared, from the excited manner of this brother,
that all was not right. With a motion for silence, Gao replied,
°" he dare not," and all, including the three hundred men, drank
themselves drunk.

Gao was aroused from his subsequent slumber by a noise as if
on the roof. He got up, opened his door, and found some scores
of men under arms. Guessing their object, he went to where he
had left his iron staff, but it was not there ; he felt for his sword,
but it was gone ; and he was forthwith surrounded and seized.
His three hundred men had been murdered in their drunken
sleep, with the exception of one who had been sleeping under a
bed. Ding soon made his appearance, his shoes clotted with
blood. He sat looking south,* and said, " for three days I have
had to submit to your insults, which are now at an end. What
would you?" Gao laughed and said, "Have you got any liquor ? "
He drank himself drunk, and was murdered, t

Next day the city gates were not open at mid-day. Li Bun-
shun and other of Gao's generals broke open the east gate, and
discovered the murder ; but could not find Dinggwo, who had
•early fled across the river, and had joined the Manchus on the
north side. As many of Swichow people as found it possible,
also fled ; but the rest, as well as all within a large radius, were

* The position of the emperor.

f When killing enemies who were prisoners of war, it was quite a common custom
to give them spirits with which to drink themselves drunk. This is very frequently
done now to criminals of all kinds who are to be beheaded, — all receive more or less
spirits by imperial orders.

250 TOO WANG.

all ruthlessly murdered by the maddened soldiery of Gao.
Dinggwo meantime boasted of his deed, and urged the Manchus
to send their army across at once.

Kpfa, the best, most able, and least influential of all the
principal men of the southern court, had long and bitterly
mourned over the petty personal feuds of the army leaders, and
their cruel treatment of the people ; yet long and painfully saw
that the hope of his sovereign's establishment rested on that
same passionate, reckless, but brave Gao, perhaps the most
unprincipled of the lot. For he was a brave officer, and had the
largest army, which was deeply attached to him ; all the more
perhaps, because he took good care that they should have every
necessity, though the country protected by them should be made
a desert. Kofa therefore, with great lamentation, cried out,
that now Gao was gone, there was no hope of re-establishing the
throne. But the people of Yangchow, who could not forget
their former great danger, out of which Kofa alone could have
saved them, were overjoyed, and drank to each other in mutual
congratulations.

Hing, the able and beautiful dame whom Gao had made his
wife, was nominated by Foo Wang to take charge of Gao's army.
Kofa petitioned that Bunshun, who had burst open the gate of
Swichow, should be appointed commander, but Foo Wang
objected, stating that Gao had a son who would succeed him.
To this son the Wang presented a satin dress and other things.
But Kofa did not need this new proof to shew him that his
influence had vanished.

Whang Duagoong, with a whip in his hand, went at one time
to Shantung as a merchant. He came across a band of robbers
there ; and also a pair of donkey's legs with the hoofs on. Seizing
one of these in each hand, somewhat unlike Samson, he stood
alone, opposed the band, and defeated them. His fame was at
once made and his name given him by the people.* He was
afterwards made Jingnan Bai (count Pacifying-the-south), and
one of the four chief commanders of the forces north of the river.

* Duagoong, " achieved merit."

A DAEING SOLDIER. 251

At Fangling of Chienshan he encountered and defeated Jang
Hienjoong, taking him prisoner, and slaying over ten thousand
of his troops. He was of a simple and upright character, and
had about thirty thousand troops under him. He was always
first in every fight, pressing with all his might into the thickest
of the foe.

He had one young officer of his own spirit whom he greatly
loved. That officer, Lin Baogwo, was beset when passing by
an ambush of robbers, who, after a struggle, slew him and
sent his head to Duagoong, who was deeply grieved. In his
rage he mounted his horse, galloped to the very centre of the
rebel camp, slaying on both hands as he went. He then struck
down and slew the " tiger " commander of the rebels to avenge
his friend. But as his blows fell thick and heavy the enemy
began to move uneasily ; many flying just as the Russians did
under the charge of the "six hundred." The confusion was
becoming general before the irresistible blows of this unassailable
single foe, when a brave young leader cried out, " Stop your
flight, and look on while I fight." He advanced to meet
Duagoong, who rushed upon and seized him with one hand,
dragged him upon his horse, held him on by one hand, while
guiding his horse with the other.

When he and Gao were on inimical terms, and when the
latter sought to enter Yangchow, he happened one day to be
drinking with his officers. It was common then, as at the same
time in Christian England, to test a man's ability by his capacity
for holding liquor. But Duagoong and his officers ate as well
as drank ; for quantities of raw pork were eaten along with their
potations, which would cook the meat in the internal kitchen. At
length a young officer declared his inability to quaff another cup.
Such weakness enraged his chief, who ordered him out to be
beaten. An older officer burst out a-laughing; and replied as to its
cause : " Dont you see the youth's legs are less substantial than
a walking-stick, and you would beat him because he can drink
no more ! " Duagoong also laughed ; and the youth escaped his
bambooing. The cup went round merrily, and mirth was

252 FOO WANG.

uproarious, when a scout reported Gao's army 10 li off.
Duagoong said, " What about that ? " and the drinking went on.
A similar reply was given when the army was 5 li, and again
when 3 li ; though Duagoong knew well Gao's intention to
storm the city. But when he was told that the enemy was
under the walls, he left his cups and got on his horse. A soldier
handed him a bow, which he held in one hand ; another, a lance,
which he fixed to his arm ; a third, an iron bludgeon, which he
bound under his left foot ; and a fourth, a triangular truncheon,
which he tied under his right foot ; while behind him came five
horses, each with a quiver, and in each quiver a hundred arrows.
Thus prepared he departed, let fly his arrows like a shower of
rain till they were exhausted, when he threw away his bow, and
attacked with his lance, overthrowing four horsemen before the
lance broke. Seizing his iron bludgeon and his truncheon —
probably one in each hand, like his donkey legs — he belaboured
all around him, till their flesh was sodden and he was triumphant.
He then returned into the city, and sat down to his cups as if
nothing had happened.

Now that his rival, Gao Jie, was gone, he demanded to be
made first commander; moved his troops away from the
"begging" country, where he was quartered, to the richer
pasturage occupied by Gao's army ; saying that he saw no reason
why Gao should have been so honoured. Kofa, as usual,
interfered in the interests of his country ; and said that Gao had
been mildly treated from necessity, for otherwise he would have
rebelled and ruined the country; besides, his army was the
largest, and therefore demanded some consideration. The Wang
this time interfered in support of Kofa's advice ; saying that if
Duagoong did advance against and drive Gao's army across the
river, he would be fighting for the enemies of his country ; that
he should consider first the public welfare, and afterwards his
private quarrels. He therefore retreated to his former quarters.
A crazy priest, Dabei, knocked at one of the palace-doors one
night, in a loud voice demanding admittance, for that he was
the emperor. He was seized, and found crazed. But Yooen

CHINESE MARAT. 253

Dachung, who had been made President of War, thought this a
good opportunity for beheading the few remaining patriots, and
accused them of endeavouring to raise an insurrection by the
aid of this priest. But Ma, the Kobespierre of this Marat,
though not squeamish in taking life, objected to wholesale
murder ; — even when, at a solemn sacrifice to the late emperor,
Dachung again furiously demanded their death as the only
gratifying sacrifice to the emperor. Already so many officials
had been put to death, that the people said there were eighteen
Lohans, fifty-three Tsan,* and seventy- two Poosas. Dabei,
however, was put to death.

The Manchu regent had long been aware of the state of
matters south of the Yellow river. He had early laid his
schemes for taking advantage of that anarchy, and making a
great effort to combine all China under the Manchu sway.
When therefore he ordered Sangwei against the robbers of the
west and south-west, he sent a large and well-furnished army
under Ylichin wang to Honan, nominally to co-operate with
Sangwei and Ying chin wang, but really with secret instructions
to make all possible speed to Nanking. We find him severely
censuring this commander for whiling away his time in Honan,
and openly ordered his march on the southern capital. His
orders were the more imperative that Ying chin wang was now
perfectly capable of looking after the safety of the rear of the
Nanking army, as Shensi was all but completely conquered.
This was in March 1645, after Sangwei had entered Singan, and
Manchu officials could move freely throughout Shensi.

During the second month after, Ying chin wang could report
the march southwards through Honan of his army in three great
divisions, — one under his own eyes, through the Pass of
Hoolaogwan; another under the Banner Chief (Goosa ujun),
Baiyintoo, through Loongmungwan Pass ; and the third under
president Handai, via Nanyang, — all to reunite at Kweite foo
on the south bank of the Yellow river. The unprincipled

* No significant translation in Williams of tsav, for that it must be a kind of
divinity is evident from its connection ; the other two being titles of divinities.

254 FOO WANG.

selfishness of Ma and his dishonest or blind colleagues made it
the easiest conceivable matter for these divisions to cross the
Yellow river.

But by the time the Manchus got to the Yellow river, over a
hundred inter-communicating stockades were thrown up by the
people between Kaifung and Yooning, of which Liw Hoongchi
was commander. Siao Yinghun was over some scores of similar
forts around Nanyang, and Li Jiyii over as many more at
Loyang. Each of these commanders had from forty to fifty
thousand men under arms. Hoongchi was the bravest and most
faithful of the three, and had repeatedly done good service in
cutting down robber bands. Chun Chinfoo, the governor of
Honan province, warmly commended Hoongchi to Foo wang;
and recommended to bestow on him the title and authority of
Kiangkun (commander), and to assign to him the north of
Honan as his station. Foo Wang was, however, bent on refusing
to accept the hand of those who could save him, and he declined.
"We thus infer that those were volunteer armies raised for self-
protection; but such proof was scarcely requisite to show the deep
•dislike of the people to rank themselves under the Manchus.

Liw Joong, a junior secretary of Board of War, raised a
volunteer force of his own, with which he retook Lintsing and
Tsining in Shantung, and then united with the various bands
collected by literary men around Techow. He also formed a
naval force at Miaowan of Chiaochow, and petitioned to be
officially permitted to retain that country for the Ming. Thus
actively was effective volunteering going on, but without the
recognition of a smile or a kind word from the court, in whose
interest they acted. The four great camps so frequently referred
to, of Whingan, Kwachow, Yichung, and Showchwun, had
sometime formed the resolution, that by retaining what they
held, they would have well performed their duty ; and they were
down protecting the Yangtsu, nor did they consider it proper to
move further north.

A former president of Board of War in Peking, who had
fled south to Nanking, was made viceroy of Shantung; and

WHOLESALE DESERTION. 255

Chun was replaced by a relative of the new viceroy, as governor
of Honan. This one act disorganised the volunteers who
were ready to lay down their lives to keep the Manchus on the
north side of the Yellow river. Just then the main army of
the Manchus got to the neighbourhood of Swichow, Dinggwo
murdered Gao Jie, fled across the river, and joined the Manchus,
from whom he had a big title, and by whom he was employed
as guide to the army. Li Jiyii deserted at the same time, and
the example was widely followed. The murder of Gao Jie
hopelessly paralysed the body politic, which was gone out of joint
far enough before that event. Every city, therefore, large and
small, by which the Manchus marched in Honan, opened its
gates, for the incurable anarchy within, manifested at last in so
many desertions of men who should have been a bulwark against
the foe, made any attempt at resistance appear as hopeless as it
seemed useless. Hoongchi alone remained faithful ; and though
alone, he defied the foe up till August, when he was defeated and
slain at Yooning. It is hard to say what would have been the
fate of that campaign, had this solitary faithful volunteer been
properly supported.

There was now no obstacle worthy of the name between the
southern capital and the Manchu army, save the four great camps.
Of these Duagoong was far the ablest general, the bravest
soldier, and the most loyal citizen; but his army was much
inferior to that of either Gao Jie or Liangyii. But each of the
four was independent, and jealous of the other; and no
commander-in-chief, with proper authority, controlled them;
for Kofa's authority was wholly a moral one, as he had no support
from court. On account of the gradual weeding out by resignation,
dismissal, or execution of the ministers who sought the safety
of their country; and by the usurpation of all power by Ma,
through means of his lieutenant, the four camps became worse
than ever. There was not only no unity of purpose, but the
men of Liangyii and Duagoong had come to hard blows in the
west, and the armies of Gao Jie and Dinggwo were at bitter
feud in the north.

256 FOO WANG.

.*,

The Manchu army therefore went forward as if parading on
their own grounds, one great division marching on the south side
of the Hwai, another on the north. The latter had marched
through Shantung and was under general Jwunta. In June they
got to the advanced post of Gao Jie's army, under the afterwards
famous Li Chungdoong at Hiichow. Instead of opposing, he
deserted to them. They defeated and pushed in a portion of Liw
Dsaiching's men at Hiichien, and then marched on Tsing ho, at the
junction of which with the rivers Whai and Whang, Dsaiching had
his headquarters with over a thousand vessels and forty thousand
men. The most of his vessels were sunk by a heavy cannonade,
and a body of Manchus crossed the river higher up, attacking his
cavalry and infantry in the rear, and he had to retreat. The
Manchus again united and pursued him to Hwaingan. He
collected as many of his men as he could and sailed to the open
sea, whereupon Toongchow and Taichow fell. Yu "Wang led in
person the division on the north of the Whai river, marching
from Kweite to Suchow. On his arrival at the river bridge, the
Ming officer in charge set it on fire and fled. The Manchus
crossed that night.

Kofa had thirty thousand men under his command at Yangchow,
the gate to Nanking. He had sent out detachments to points which
he deemed of importance ; and when the Manchus approached,
he marched out with the main portion of his army against them.
But just at that juncture Gao Jie was murdered \ and the news
compelled Kofa to retire, receiving a hundred thousand of Gao's
men into his army. He heard immediately of the siege of
Suchow and was at Chunghu on the way to raise the siege when
he heard of its fall. Whaiyang now prayed for help, which he
was willing to give; but when preparing to send relief, there came
the orders of Foo Wang to make all speed to the capital to save
it from Liangyii, who had marched upon it ; — for what reason will
be explained below. Obedient to orders which should never
have been given, he had got to Pookow when the order was
countermanded, and he sent back to Yangchow. His plans were
thus all broken through, and he saw himself in the coils of the

A MELTING ARMY. 257

Manchu boa. He issued instant orders to recall and concentrate
the various detachments, for the limbs were of little account
when the heart was threatened. Only a small proportion joined
him, as the summons came too late. Kofa had complete control
over the minds of the army of Gao, but Ma, fearing the influence
of the commander if such a number of men were directly under
his orders, induced Foo Wang to reject the brave Bunshun as
commander of the remaining hundred thousand men, for he was
the nominee of Kofa. The infant son of Gao was nominated
commander instead, the real command being meantime
entrusted to the brave widow of Gao. But this army heard a
baseless rumour that Dinggwo, who had murdered their chief,
was bent on further vengeance and was leading the unbroken
force of the Manchus against them. A panic was the conse-
quence. Some fled north, some south; but the army melted
away, for it hated Ma. Its flight was accelerated by the attack of
Hoongkwei, and most of the fragments found their way to the
Manchu ranks.

When Kofa found that his march to relieve Suchow was
ineffectual, he hastily retreated on Yangchow, leaving great
quantities of mail, armour, powder, and immense stores of grain
under a guard. He now sent on twenty thousand men under
Liw Jowyi, to protect those stores. He thus considerably
weakened himself at the moment when Yii Wang was concen-
trating all his forces around Yangchow, marching by land and
water from Tienchang, and pitching his camp 20 li from the
city; for his heavy artillery had not yet arrived. Kofa was
advised to open a canal from the river, which would swamp the
Manchu camp. He refused, on the ground that more civilians
would perish than Manchus, and "first the people, next the
dynasty." * He held his post during a fight of seven days and
nights, cutting short the career of many hundred Manchus with
his heavy artillery. Yli Wang was enraged both at the obstinacy

* The sentiment that the ruler is for the people, not the people for the ruler, was
in Kofa's time scarcely breathed in Europe, but was two thousand years old in
China.

258 FOO WANG.

of the defence, and the great mortality of the attack. He
ordered off, therefore, the picked cannoneers of the camp to
break down the north-west corner of the city, which they brought
down with a crash which sounded like thunder. But the
detachment in charge of that portion stood like a living wall
within, and no efforts of the frantic besiegers could move them.
The mortality of the Manchus can be estimated from the fact
that the survivors piled up the bodies of their dead comrades
against the wall ; and by this ghastly ladder, scaled the wall and
entered the city. The resistance was desperate; but though
every inch of street had to be fought for, the defence was
inadequate in numbers, and Yangchow fell. For ten days the
infuriated Manchus wreaked their vengeance on the innocent
civilians, who a short month before drank to the death of Gao
Jie ; and after the city was swept clear, the Manchus marched
southwards, reaching the banks of the Yangtsu kiang on the
fifth day of the fifth moon (June), exactly one month after their
start from Kweite, on the Yellow river.

The greatest loss suffered by the capture of Yangchow, was
that Kofa perished in the unequal fight. From the beginning
he had no chance, for his opinions were always thrust aside when
not in unison with those of Ma, whom the brainless Foo Wang
retained as his master, to do his thinking and ruling for him.
Kofa was a man as superior to Sangwei in moral character as he
was in literary attainments ; but it is questionable whether he
was a match in the field for the most prominent Chinese subject
and the ablest general of the northern court. The two fought
under exactly opposite circumstances. The northern Chinaman
was loaded with favours, and honours came crowding upon him
from his grateful sovereign. The southern Chinaman was
stinted in his very necessaries, and thwarted in almost all his
plans by the hating fear and trembling jealousy of his principal
colleague, who detested the greatest reputation for talent and
integrity existing in the southern court ; and he was betrayed
and sacrificed by an ignoble master, whose beastly nature was
incapable of appreciating the faithfulness and utter self-forgetting

THE SOLDIER AND THE MAN. 259

devotion of his best minister. Hence the ranks of Kofa were
allowed to thin away without an effort to stop their gaps ; and his
provisions were allowed to run short, though he was standing as
the bulwark of the capital. No wonder that Li Chungdoong .
moved away southwards to save himself, and listened not to the
entreaties of Kofa when Suchow fell, and Yangchow must stand
the brunt of war. He was greatly undermanned when the
Manchus drew up before Yangchow; but his frequent and
earnest prayers for adequate support might as well have been
addressed to the street swine as to his prince. Even had he
attempted to cross the river and successfully thrown himself within
the walls of Nanking, he could not have saved the capital ; and
Ma would much rather sink throne and nation, than retire from
the post which he filled so badly. Kofa was an infinitely better
man than Sangwei. He was possessed of a much more elevated
mind. He was as brave a soldier. But he never had the
opportunity of testing whether he was as good a general. Our
impression is that he was not possessed of that quickness of
perception and promptitude to order others to carry out his
rapidly formed military judgment, which would make him,
ceteris paribus, the equal of Sangwei in the field. His intense
conservatism, which made him the noble character he was, was
a dead weight in the way of his instantaneously forming new plans
in unheard of circumstances, which ability always distinguishes the
military genius from the military doctrinaire. He would fight
as obstinately as Sangwei at Shanhaigwan, but his character
would scarcely lead us to infer that he could move as skilfully.
It is one thing to be a good soldier and die at one's post ; it is a
very different thing to be a good leader and a skilful general,
But of all the men who perished in a deservedly unlucky cause,
his fate is most to be pitied, as his character stands forth the
brightest.

The heartless rapacity, the unblushing corruption, the
undiluted selfishness, the fierce and bloody cruelty exercised
against the patriot ministers by Ma and his willing subordinates,
excited the fears of all the people, and roused the wrath of the

260 FOO WANG.

Girondist old leaders of the armies, which were once willing to
do anything for him. And as matters became daily worse, Dso
Liangyii could no longer restrain himself, but declared he must
march into the capital to purge the ministry. Ma was terrified,
declared Liangyii a rebel, and endeavoured, though unsuccess-
fully, to rouse the wrath of Foo Wang against him ; for in the
paper setting forth Liangyu's grievances and intentions, Foo
Wang saw nothing so very terrible. But Ma had already ordered
southwards the northern army under Kofa ; using the name of
Foo Wang therefor. Foo Wang was opposed to that movement,
as the State had much less to fear from Liangyii than from the
Manchus. He therefore opposed the withdrawal of the northern
army, and Kofa had written to the same effect ; for all in and
outside the capital knew that only Ma and his corrupt clique
were aimed at. But after his sovereign had expressed his will,
Ma, whose head was in danger, cried out angrily, that "Whoever
is heard again to object to, the southward march of the army
shall be instantly put to death." His sovereign ceased to object,
and betook himself to his favourite occupation, that of hunting
out fair women.

Liangyii had meantime marched to below Anching, and Kofa
was sent back notwithstanding the wrath of Ma. Liangyii went
on ahead of his troops, and found the city with its gates closed,
its guns pointed, and its troops all under arms. He enquired
against what enemy these preparations had been made ; and
his mortification was so great when he heard it was against
himself as a rebel, that he burst a blood vessel, and died vomiting
Blood. His army marched up to the capital, and took it with
little trouble ; and the measure of their wrath can be guaged by
the fact, that they put to death only the family of the wicked and
cruel Dachung, who wished he could have acted as guide to the
Manchus to introduce them into the capital, and murder the
family of Liangyii. The army then retreated to their post ; and
hearing that Yangchow had fallen, became an easy conquest
to the army of Duagoong, who had wisely joined the Manchus ;
for there was now not a single man in the southern court capable

HIAMA EMPEROR. 261

of supporting the throne. Duagoong was created duke Jinggwo,
which proved the gratitude of the Manchus for that he did not
compel them to conquer him.

Ma, now freed from fear of his own dastard life, urged his
sovereign to flee to Kweichow ; but that sovereign knew neither
how to fight nor flee. He sent men out everywhere to search
for hiama, — a kind of small frog, an infallible remedy for
women's illness; and he- was henceforth called the Hiama
emperor. His antecedents prevent us from the charitable
inference that he was acting a part to blind Ma and the other
ministers.

When the Manchus touched the northern bank of perhaps the
richest river in the world, they found the southern bank occupied
by Jung Hoongkwei, cousin of the famous Jung Juloong, father
of " Coxinga." He was a lieut.-general, and had a fleet under
him; but of what utility may be judged from the fact that
parties of Manchus crossed where, when, and how they pleased.
Kinshan or Gold island was recently fortified and mounted with
heavy guns ; a vice-president being commandant. It was just
then Gao's army broke loose from its brave female leader ; and
in its southward movement was, perhaps properly, driven back
by Hoongkwei, who slew ten thousand of them, and drove most
of the rest to take service in the Manchu ranks.

For three days these armies confronted each other, one on
each side of the river, at the very gates of Nanking. Both were
watchful, knowing the importance of the stake to be ventured
for by the one and defended by the other. On the fourth night
the Manchus prepared a number of rafts and floats, letting them
drift in the centre of the river, each with a few lamps lit on it.
Believing this an attempt to cross en masse, the soldiers of
Hoongkwei opened a furious cannonade about midnight, which
they continued till the morning sun revealed that a hoax had
been played upon them. That day and the following night they
had no other disturbance than the sound of their own dancing
and merry making. But in the darkness of a thick mist two
hundred Manchus landed on the shores of Kinshan, without

262 TOO WANG.

lanterns, and suddenly appeared in the temple. The main army
crossed further up; the boats being under command of the
Meirunujun Li Shwaitai. Day had not dawned before the left
wing drew up 15 li from Kwachow, the headquarters of
Hoongkwei. The headless soldiers opposed to them fled at sight
of the Manchu banner displayed at their side by the rising sun, and
Chinkiang gates tremblingly opened to the sound of the Manchu
horn. Hoongkwei drew off eastwards without striking a blow ;
and the Manchus marched from Tanyang and Gowyoong, and
set up their camp on the north side of the Temple of Heaven.

This was on the 10th of the 5th moon, and they heard that
Foo Wang had fled with some eunuchs and women, departing
three days before by the Toongchi gate for Woohoo. In the
history of the Three Ming Wangs we find it stated that early on
the 10th * the city gates were ordered to be kept closed. There
was then a great wind and frightful rain. Foo Wang had
theatricals in the palace in the afternoon, with which and
drinking he occupied the time till 9.30 p.m., when, with two
eunuchs and no attendants, he slipped out into the camp of
Whang Duagoong set up to defend the city, and moved off
immediately for Woohoo. Ma was unaware of this until he
presented himself to make his obeysance to his protege' at
sunrise next morning, when lo ! there was no emperor to be
found. The truth was at once known. The emperor had fled.
Ma was not to remain to be taken a prisoner by the Manchus
or to be murdered by infuriated citizens ; but made his escape at
once to a general Fang Gwongun, who, with twenty thousand
men, fled into Chihkiang. Those ministers who did not wish to
submit to the Manchus fled their several ways, and Hoongkwei
found his way by sea to Tang Wang in Fukien.

Jao Juloong put to death all those who had been the
instruments and subordinates of Ma ; but the two chief male-
factors, Ma and Dachung had escaped. Jao then opened the gates
and went out to welcome the Manchus when they came up to

* There is a discrepancy in the dates, and the 10th should be the 8th ; for we
imagine that in the matter of dates the annals should rule.

NANKING TAKEN. 263

the city two days after (10th). He was created a duke and
received valuable presents. Gao Yooenjao, son of Gao Jie,
surrendered with over a hundred and twenty thousand men,
showing that the enormous army of Gao Jie was not yet all
melted away. Liangdso and his army of over a hundred thousand
men also laid their arms at the feet of Yii Wang; the two
forming a body of two hundred and thirty-eight thousand three
hundred cavalry and infantry, which, in the hands of Kofa, or
any other worthy the name of general, would have kept the
Manchu banners north of the Yellow river, or on its southern
side, would have crushed to atoms the army of Yii Wang.

Yii Wang kept his army outside the city for ten days. And
of some soldiers who began to pillage, he put ten men to death
to ensure the good will of the people. It was with the same
design he at once ordered the erection of a temple in honour of
Shu Kofa. This indeed has been Manchu policy from the dawn
of its history in China ; hence it has continued so long to act a
historic part. When the army did move in, it occupied the east
and north cities as quarters, the central, west and south cities
not having been vacated by the people. Hence Nanking was
then divided into five independent cities.

Foo Wang made for the city of Taiping foo to make a stand
there; but the inhabitants wisely shut their gates on the
unworthy fugitive. He made for Woohoo, pursued by Nikan
the Dodo Beira, while Toolai was hurried off to the river mouth,
lest an attempt should be made to escape to sea. Foo Wang
had not sufficient energy for such a step, and his own lieut.-
generals deserted to the pursuers at Woohoo, handing over the
dregs of an emperor; but Whang Duagoong was shot in the
throat with an arrow and committed suicide. Yii Wang insulted
Foo Wang, upbraiding him for his coarse drunkenness and bestial
sensuality ; but he answered not a word. He was sent a prisoner
to Kiangning hien. Officials not a few committed suicide rather
than acknowledge the Manchus, and great numbers of the people
drowned themselves in the river ; but most of the officials, great
and small, marched out in full court dress to meet Yii Wang,

264 FOO WANG.

who received them facing south. Some however refused to
adopt the Manchu queue and were put to death.

While the superlative fatuity of Foo Wang made the fighting
of Yli Wang a triumphal march, Ying Wang was equally
successful in the west, though with much harder fighting. For,
if the robber Dsuchung was an infinitely abler ruler than Foo
Wang, he was opposed by Sangwei. When Yii Wang was
receiving the keys of Nanking, Ying Wang was at the district
city of Tungliw of Kiwkiang (the " Nine Rivers "). There he
received the submission of Munggung, son of Dso Liangyu, with
a hundred thousand men. But the commandant of Kiwkiang
was put to death as he would not consent to wear a "tail."
Ying Wang sent Jang Tienyu with the deserted general Jiw
Shunghung to annex Kiangsi, detachments to hold Kingchow
and Woochang, and after annexing the whole of Hoope, he
marched his main army back to Peking.

The cities all around him were meantime sending their keys
to Yii Wang, who, not perfectly sure of the commandants, sent
garrisons into them all. He sent Wang Yang, formerly a censor
in the court of Foo Wang, with several other officials, each with
three thousand men, to take a correct census of the cities
submitting, — Anching, Ningkwo, Chang, Soo, Soong kiang, — all
foo cities. When Jiating got to Soochow, he was slain by
Wundsoong, the vice-president commandant of Gold island, who
then moved into Chihkiang.

Chang Fang, the Loo Wang whom Kofa had desired to see
emperor, was in Hangchow ; and on the fall of Foo Wang}
agreed to accept the responsibilities of empire. But on the
third day of his majestyship, the Manchus, after a rest at
Nanking, knocked at his doors. The various cities which had
been passed on the route needed no siege to open their gates ;
and a division sent in the direction of Soongkiang and Taichang,
came up with the infamous Ma, who was as dastardly on the
field as he had been vicious in the cabinet. He fled across the
Chientang kiang. The Manchus camped on the river bank, and, —
to the great jubilation of the Hangchow folks, — below high water

HANGCHOW ENTERED. 265

mark. But when flood came, instead of drowning them, to the
utter bewilderment of the good people, the water refused to rise
so high as the Manchu camp ; and when this happened for three
days running, the people said that it was the evident design of
Heaven that the Manchus should rule. Loo Wang, doubtless
nothing loath, permitted the gates to be opened, and the
Manchus were masters of the city, by the special interposition
of the gods ! This incident is from the " Holy Wars." Chang
Ching, the Hwai Wang, submitted at the same time, and the
family of Jow Wang was taken with Hoochow; throwing all
western Chihkiang into Manchu hands. Maodi, one of Foo
Wang's ministers, was taken in Hangchow, and had his head off
because he would keep on his hair. His was not a solitary case.
And very many committed suicide, rather than submit to the
degradation of head shaving. So much for the power of custom,
and the supposed callous indifference to all things of the Chinese
race; indeed, only ignorance of the people can charge them
with want of feeling.

Yii Wang changed the name of Nanking to Kiangnan
Province, its ancient title. He retained in their respective
posts all the officials of the cities which had opened their gates,
including all under governor in Kiangning (Nanking) and
Anching. These were in all three hundred and seventy-three
officials. He was then relieved of his task, recalled to the
capital, and the Beira Luakudukwun, as Great commander
Leveller-of-the-South, with general Yechun, was ordered to
replace him, while Grand secretary Hoong Chungchow was sent
as viceroy over all the south to pacify men's minds ; and more
important still, a garrison of men from one or other of the Eight
Manchu Banners, was sent to garrison Shwunte, Tsinan, Techow,
Lintsing, Hiichow, Loongan, Pingyang, and Poochow, forming a
continuous line of communication with the north.

Aspirants to the vacant Ming throne were not wanting ; but
never again was there such an opportunity as that which Foo
Wang, more sottishly than madly, threw away. For his native
land it has been perhaps as well that he was unfit to make a

266 FOO WANG.

profitable stand ; for China's history, written with gore on every
page at its best, is many times more bloody when there is more
than one ruler among the black-haired race; and upon the
whole, from first to last, the Manchus will bear favourable
comparison with any former Chinese dynasty of whatever
nationality or origin.

CHAPTER IX.
TANG WANG.

THOUGH the residue of the Ming imperial family turned out but
miserable shadows of rulers, the Manchus could gain or retain
possession of only as much land as was under the tread of their
horses' hoofs, and in which was heard the defiant tones of their
military horns. Though Foo Wang was a prisoner, and Nanking
a Manchu city, the Chinese, beyond the immediate sweep of
their arm, were as averse as ever from acknowledging the
Manchus their superiors ; and they clung with the tenacity of the
proverbial drowning man to the feeble straw, which now one
and now another of the Ming family held out to their eager
grasp. A large proportion, perhaps the majority, of the widely
extended descendants of the imperial Ming was already in
Manchu hands, but the south of China contained many still ; and
if the greater portion of Chihkiang had opened its doors to the
Manchu barber and taxgatherer, Fukien was yet virgin soil ; the
Kwangs had not seen the Manchu tail, and Yunnan rested
securely in its distance. Those provinces were swarming with
men, and well stocked with money and grain ; and both the one
and the other were thrown at the feet of some man with Ming
blood flowing in his veins, with the hope that imperial blood was
too precious to be overcome ultimately by the plebeian, or rather
the savage, blood of the Manchus. But the Chinese made the
same mistake which England made a thousand times, is making
now, and will make again: they forgot that it is brain and
not blood which counts when great issues are at stake. Though
hands were numbered by the million, money by the trillion, and
exhaustless stores of grain could be counted on, the Ming was
vanishing, spectre like, for want of a head.

270 TANG WANG.

Tang Wang therefore began with a good heart, and all that is
necessary for the establishment of his empire is a strong will to
carry out, in spite of selfish ministerial opposition, the dictates of
his nature. But two rivals made empire a difficult acquisition
for him ; the chief of these, GWEI WANG, in the west, we shall
meantime leave out of count. But of great influence over the
destinies of Tang Wang was his rival in Chihkiang.

When Hangchow fell and Loo Wang surrendered, Jang
Gwowei, formerly president of Board of War, with Joo Dadien,
raised an army in Kinhwa ; secretary Hiwng Yoolin and Swun
Jiaoji collected a band at Shaohing, and Chien Sialo, an inferior
member of Board of Appointments with the adventurer Jang
Whangyen and a Siwtsai Wang Yu, occupied the neighbourhood
of Ningpo. The naval forces under lieut. -general Wang Juyin
and the captain of Shupoo Jang Mingchun, united with the
former bands. They put to death every Manchu official sent to
those districts, proclaimed another Loo Wang Regent of the
empire, and moved off all the ships and boats from the west to
the east bank of the Tsientang (Chientang) river, along which
they distributed their armies. They strongly fortified Fooyang,
where they massed large numbers of men to watch the
Manchus, and they set a strict guard on the road from Taihoo
lake to the sea. They thus possessed themselves, in the name of
Loo Wang, of all eastern Chihkiang. Yarious Ming officials,
great and small, raised larger or smaller bands on the Soongkiang,
at Wookiang, Yihing, Taihoo, Chungming, Kwunshan, Kiating,
Kiahing, Kiangyin, Hwichow, and Ningko, mostly in name of
Tang Wang, from whom those who had elected him emperor
received commissions. The fact seems to have been, however,
that those nearest Loo Wang applied to him for the authority
which was necessary legally to plunder the country; — for the utter
want of unity and of purpose would favour the hypothesis that
these men levied armies for themselves and their own purposes, and
convenience decided the master under whom they chose nomin-
ally to serve ; though, at the same time, they were all united in
detestation of the northern intruder. They could muster a

CHIHKIANG AGAIN LOST. 271

hundred thousand men along the Soongkiang. They might be
termed volunteers, for they were not included in the regular
army of Tang Wang. But we can readily understand the moral
effect upon the people, whose energies should have been united,
when Loo Wang in Chihkiang and Tang Wang in Fukien,
regarded each the other as a usurper. It was that division
made it possible for the governor of Soochow, the marshal of
Soongkiang and the lieut. -general of Woosoong, each to set up
for himself, with the army under his control. And besides
other difficulties, there was a formidable power to be crushed in
the bands of robbers who delighted in, and considerably increased,
the troubles of the peace-loving citizens. The city of Wooping
fell before an army of robbers from Kwangtung, and immense
numbers were put to the sword.

These then were the circumstances under which Tang Wang
had to build up his throne; — difficult, perhaps, but not by
any means insuperable ; for the Manchus were compelled to act
on the defensive now. All that is wanted is the clear head and
the determined will; — exactly the qualities in which the excellent
Tang Wang was lacking. Perhaps from this same reason has
arisen that maxim of statesmen in the west, which is extremely
questionable to the moralist, — that " a blunder is worse than a
crime ; " for a blunder is the result of want of head, which want,
in perilous times like those which originated the maxim, leads
to national ruin, — whereas a crime arises from want of heart,
and is in statesmen most generally associated with a head
which can plan, and a hand which can execute.

If Tang Wang nobly waived his right to a grand palace, and
preferred to want gold and silver plate and jade vessels, rather
than impose those taxes upon the people, — all his subordinates
were not actuated by the same delicacy ; and though they all
could desire heartily that the Manchu kingdom would be
overturned, and the Ming restored to original splendour, their
mental condition much resembled that of him whose goodness
the Bible displays as consisting in warm wishes that the hungry
should be fed, and the shivering clothed, — but not at his expense.

270 TANG WANG.

Tang Wang therefore began with a good heart, and all that is
necessary for the establishment of his empire is a strong will to
carry out, in spite of selfish ministerial opposition, the dictates of
his nature. But two rivals made empire a difficult acquisition
for him ; the chief of these, GWEI WANG, in the west, we shall
meantime leave out of count. But of great influence over the
destinies of Tang Wang was his rival in Chihkiang.

When Hangchow fell and Loo Wang surrendered, Jang
Gwowei, formerly president of Board of War, with Joo Dadien,
raised an army in Kinhwa ; secretary Hiwng Yoolin and Swun
Jiaoji collected a band at Shaohing, and Chien Sialo, an inferior
member of Board of Appointments with the adventurer Jang
Whangyen and a Siwtsai Wang Yu, occupied the neighbourhood
of Ningpo. The naval forces under lieut. -general Wang Juyin
and the captain of Shupoo Jang Mingchun, united with the
former bands. They put to death every Manchu official sent to
those districts, proclaimed another Loo Wang Regent of the
empire, and moved off all the ships and boats from the west to
the east bank of the Tsientang (Chientang) river, along which
they distributed their armies. They strongly fortified Fooyang,
where they massed large numbers of men to watch the
Manchus, and they set a strict guard on the road from Taihoo
lake to the sea. They thus possessed themselves, in the name of
Loo Wang, of all eastern Chihkiang. Various Ming officials,
great and small, raised larger or smaller bands on the Soongkiang,
at Wookiang, Yihing, Taihoo, Chungming, Kwunshan, Kiating,
Kiahing, Kiangyin, Hwichow, and Ningko, mostly in name of
Tang Wang, from whom those who had elected him emperor
received commissions. The fact seems to have been, however,
that those nearest Loo Wang applied to him for the authority
which was necessary legally to plunder the country; — for the utter
want of unity and of purpose would favour the hypothesis that
these men levied armies for themselves and their own purposes, and
convenience decided the master under whom they chose nomin-
ally to serve ; though, at the same time, they were all united in
detestation of the northern intruder. They could muster a

CHIHKIANG AGAIN LOST. 271

hundred thousand men along the Soongkiang. They might be
termed volunteers, for they were not included in the regular
army of Tang Wang. But we can readily understand the moral
effect upon the people, whose energies should have been united,
when Loo Wang in Chihkiang and Tang Wang in Fukien,
regarded each the other as a usurper. It was that division
made it possible for the governor of Soochow, the marshal of
Soongkiang and the lieut.-general of Woosoong, each to set up
for himself, with the army under his control. And besides
other difficulties, there was a formidable power to be crushed in
the bands of robbers who delighted in, and considerably increased,
the troubles of the peace-loving citizens. The city of Wooping
fell before an army of robbers from Kwangtung, and immense
numbers were put to the sword.

These then were the circumstances under which Tang Wang
had to build up his throne; — difficult, perhaps, but not by
any means insuperable ; for the Manchus were compelled to act
on the defensive now. All that is wanted is the clear head and
the determined will; — exactly the qualities in which the excellent
Tang Wang was lacking. Perhaps from this same reason has
arisen that maxim of statesmen in the west, which is extremely
questionable to the moralist, — that " a blunder is worse than a
crime ; " for a blunder is the result of want of head, which want,
in perilous times like those which originated the maxim, leads
to national ruin, — whereas a crime arises from want of heart,
and is in statesmen most generally associated with a head
which can plan, and a hand which can execute.

If Tang Wang nobly waived his right to a grand palace, and
preferred to want gold and silver plate and jade vessels, rather
than impose those taxes upon the people, — all his subordinates
were not actuated by the same delicacy ; and though they all
could desire heartily that the Manchu kingdom would be
overturned, and the Ming restored to original splendour, their
mental condition much resembled that of him whose goodness
the Bible displays as consisting in warm wishes that the hungry
should be fed, and the shivering clothed, — but not at his expense.

272 TANG WANG.

He showed his good feeling at a later stage, by refusing to adopt
the suggestion of his officials that ten cleanly maidens should be
brought for hire, not by force, into his kitchen. He refused on
the ground that the joy and the grief of his people were his.

He had a hundred thousand men in garrison, and as
many in the field, to meet the daily necessities of which hosts,
the ordinary taxation of Fukien and the two Kwangs was
inadequate. To meet the deficiency, Jung Juloong* recommended
an appeal for voluntary subscriptions, — the Chinese for which is
yi, also meaning "Faithful, upright." He recommended that
an official be appointed to look after those subscriptions, and that
over the door of every man who failed to contribute, should be
written the two characters, Boo yi, " not contributing." But
when the " not " stands before yi, it means " unfaithful," and is
one of the ten unpardonable crimes of which a citizen of China
can be guilty. Legally it means mutiny and the murder of his
officer by a soldier; or sedition, combined with the murder of his
magistrate by a civilian. The object of Juloong was, of course,
to terrify every man into giving something by hanging the
menace of this disgraceful Boo yi over his head. But instead of
causing terror, it roused a storm of indignation over all the
south-east of China, and alienated at a blow the hearts of the
people. Nor can we be surprised. Another proposal of his,
that every criminal should be allowed to redeem his crime with
silver, was rejected by Tang Wang; but the man who made it,
was supreme chief of the new court, and the people knew and
felt it. So great was the power of Juloong, and so well was he
aware of his importance, that he would not rise to receive the
body of ministers who went to consult him, nor see them to the
door when they went away. His conduct so affected the people
that they who but a brief month before regarded the Manchus
with the greatest detestation, ceased to fear them as enemies,
and began to wish for their appearance as deliverers.

Tang Wang, with righteous abhorrence, had refused even to see
the man who brought disgrace on the reign of Foo Wang ; but
*For whose antecedents see "Formosa."

ORDER OF PRECEDENCE.

9'

he welcomed another Ma, under another surname, to his own
court, and made him Mayor of the Palace. Probably, inasmuch
as he did not possess the mental power necessary, he could not
help himself; nor perhaps could he at first detect the true
nature of the man ; but he should have thrust him out, — if he
could, — when he did discover him. He prepared a feast for his
ministers; and Juloong, as a marquis, demanded precedence of the
grand secretary and prime minister, Daojow. This was strenuously
opposed by the other ministers, for it was never heard of in China
that the minister of War, or any other official directly connected
with the military affairs of the empire, should have precedence of
the civil minister. Juloong was very wroth ; and some friends of
the powerful man formally accused Daojow of incapacity, and
therefore unworthy of the precedence demanded for him. Tang
Wang, doubtless afraid of offending his powerful minister, referred
the matter for discussion to the proper Boards; which could,
however, decide only against Juloong. Had he the requisite
learning, as he had not, he would doubtless throw up his office,
and compel Tang Wang to give him the portfolio of the prime
minister, for he already wielded the power. His brother
Hoongkwei was one day fluttering his fan in the palace before the
emperor's face. He was reprimanded for1 this breach of etiquette
by Ho Jie ; and both he and Juloong were extremely angry at
the interference. So much so that Ho found they could not all
remain in the same court, and felt compelled to tender his
resignation. A vain attempt was made to reconcile the parties ;
but the " emperor " had to accept the resignation, saying to Ho
that as soon as the regions south of the Yangtsu were recovered
he would be again summoned to court. He was scarcely a dozen
miles beyond the city, on his way home, when men of Juloong's
fell upon him, and cut off one of his ears !

Losing all hope of energetic efforts on their behalf by their
native prince, the cities of the west were one after another
opening their gates to the Manchus, who were enabled to act on
the offensive because of the weakness of Tang Wang. Kanchow
alone stood out; its commandant, Wan Yuenji, having had

274 TANG WANG.

orders to hold out at all costs. Gwanshung therefore urged
Tang Wang to move to the border, and to take command in
person of the army to defend Kanchow, whose position made it
a point of the last consequence, as the key into various provinces ;
for its west was towards the two Hoo provinces, its east opened
into Fukien and Chihkiang, while south of it stood the Kwang
province. An energetic defence of Kanchow would also serve to
show the people that Tang Wang had a plan of operations, which
he was to try to carry out, and would inspirit all with the hope that
they would be sustained in their resistance, and would warrant
them to energetically rally round and support him. He
acknowledged the force of this reasoning, and was all eagerness
to at once carry it out, but he was not his own master, and had
to consult his court. Juloong however emphatically objected on
the ostensible ground that there was not sufficient provision
for the army. The true reason, doubtless, was his fear that Tang
Wang once gone, his own power would crumble to dust ; whereas
in Tang Wang's palace he was all powerful. Tang Wang was
therefore compelled to decline taking that action which on his
accession to the throne he believed essential, and which he was
now again earnestly told was essential to the salvation of the
country. Gwanshung therefore retired discomfited, and doubt-
less disheartened, and Tang Wang saw him to the door. About
the same time the commmandant of Nanchang had to flee from
the city alone, after ordering the literates and people to make
peace with the Manchu army which appeared before the city; for
spite of his prayers he was left wholly without adequate measures
of defence. Thus Juloong bade fair to tread in the footsteps of
the infamous wretch Ma.

As Tang Wang could not himself move to the front, he
ordered Daojow to go with the army. Daojow expressed his
readiness to go where and do what he was ordered even single
handed ; but warmly urged the emperor to lead a second army
by another route towards Kanchow; for while it stood the
Manchus would not dare move south of it. Juloong however
objected to Daojow as commander, and refused to provide any

ANOTHER EMPEROR. 275

funds. Daojow supplied a month's rations and pay out of his
own property ; but Juloong continued to keep closed the public
purse strings. One minister, who was an astrologist, endeavoured
to rouse Tang Wang to make the resolution to go to the front,
arguing sagely — whether sincerely is questionable, — that the
various positions and relations of certain stars and constellations
augured most favourably for the presence of the sovereign at the
head of the army. But the voice of Juloong was more potent than
that of the stars.

The son of Juloong by his Japanese wife was called Chunggoong,
" Acquired Merit," by Tang Wang, who had made him comman-
dant of the city troops and commander of the guard. Chunggoong,
the Coxinga of the Dutch, therefore knew, and informed his
father of everything done or to be done by the "emperor." And
no minister could raise his voice, for Daojow was another Kofa
in the field ; and the difference between Juloong and Ma, was that
the former did not put any of the ministers to death. He was
too powerful to require it. Whang Fei, count Jing, was more
worthy of his title, for he repeatedly defeated the enemy in
Chihkiang, and received a silver seal as reward.

In the period Tienchi of the Ming, one Hung Lai assumed the
title of Wang or prince of Kwangsi. Several men went to Peking
to accuse him. But as he was early informed of the opposition,
he had powerful friends made in Peking by a free distribution
of silver ; and when after a length of time the case came off, it
was to find him a true Wang, and the title of Jingjiang was
given him, while his accusers were thrown into prison for their
pains. The three cJiow cities of Chlien, Yung and Lien, were then
in the hands of the robbers, but neither governor nor prince
dared to inform the emperor. On the fall of Nanking, prince
Jingjiang took steps to ascend the throne, making lieut.-
general Yang Gwowei commander of his forces. Tang Wang
lost no time, however, in summoning him to support the throne
at Foochow ; but as he was bent on raising one at Kweilin, he
paid of course no attention.

Chu Shushu was then governor in Woochow, whither Jingjiang

276 TANG WANG.

found it necessary to direct the movements of his army. But
Shushu was long aware of the prince's intention, and early sent
trusty friends to Kweilin to do all in their power to dissuade
him from taking the irrevocable step. He had been opposed to
the elevation of Tang Wang, as Kofa formerly to that of Foo
Wang ; but the deed being done, he urged the most energetic
support of the Fukien prince ; for that with all their united and
earnest efforts they would have quite enough to do to hold
their own, while division was the inevitable wrecking of all.
When therefore the wang with his army got to Woochow,
Shushu still deprecated division, and urged him to abstain from
the step he meditated, as it would simply ruin the common
cause. The wang in reply ordered Shushu to Kweilin, but he
refused to move. To the order to meet the wang in court dress,
he replied that it was unnecessary to appear in court dress in
the presence of a wang ; and do what the wang could, Shushu
would never acknowledge him as any other than Jingjiang
Wang. He refused to hand over the governor's seal ; and when
a sword was thrust to his throat he smiled and said, " Think you
that with a naked sword you can force from me what the
emperor gave." In this position a man threw his arm around
Shushu's neck to protect him, and a squabble ensued, — some
desiring to slay, some to save him. But he was impassive, and
conquered ; for they dared not kill him, as he was a universal
favourite. The prince then sent for the seal to Shushu's house,*
the messenger informing the wife of the latter that he had been
sent by her husband. The messenger doubtless wore the
official Yamun clothing; the seal was handed over, and it
and Shushu were brought to Kweilin, — the latter a prisoner.

* A remarkable circumstance is that the seal of the magistrate is always in the
hands of his chief wife, who hands it over to the messenger from her husband when
he wants it to seal any official document. We know that it is so in Mookden from
the governor down to the district magistrate, and an important document could not
be got stamped on one occasion, because the chief wife was confined, and the seal
was under her mattress. Probably this is for greater safety, as the women's quarters
are sacred from visitors ; and the magistrate's family usually lives on the official
premises.

A BKAVE WIFE. 277

He was confined in the palace, but refused to eat or speak with
the people.

His wife was weeping day and night, probably sorrowing most
for her mistake ; but she was not content with mere grief. She
sent messengers both to the viceroy at Kwangtung and to Tang
Wang, both of whom had been already apprised by Shushu of
Jingjiang's intentions. She explained that matters were in an
extremely critical condition; the city of Choohiwng was in a
state of complete lawlessness ; and she knew that if Shushu were
put to death, Kwangsi would be hurled upon Kwangtung.
The viceroy Ding Kweishoo was therefore in readiness when
Jingjiang marched eastwards to the frontier, and drove him back
with an impetus which compelled him to flee to Kweilin. The
supporters of the prince were now afraid that Kwangtung would
march west against them while they were yet unprepared. They
at one time coaxed, at another threatened Shushu, to have him
order out the " Wolf" troops, whom he had already forbidden to
support the wang. His sole reply to all their importunity was that
he could easily starve himself to death. But this was a consum-
mation which terrified them still more. They therefore
changed his quarters to the outside of the city walls, and
returned to him his official seal. They also prayed him to go
back to his capital and office ; but he asked how one guilty of
crime as he was, could return ? When he was left at perfect
liberty he fled to another city, where he staid some time, and
whence he was again prayed to go to his own city. This was
doubtless because of disorder arising on his account in
Woochow; for that the city was in a great ferment is known from
the fact, that after he entered it by night tranquillity was at
once restored. He was joined immediately by Jia Lien, one
of Gwowei's officers, who began to see that he was in an evil,
i.e., a losing cause. This man was made commander of an army
with which to march against Jingjiang. He got to the walls of
Kweilin, managed to get ropes thrown down the wall, his men
up, and Gwowei apprehended that night. With dawn he
marched on the palace, giving out everywhere that in order to

278 TANG WANG.

restore peace no more was wanted than the possession of the
person of the prince. He thus easily secured the wang and his
chief instigators, some of whom were put to death. This prepared
the way for the proclamation of Tang Wang as emperor, which
ceremony took place in the end of the year.

Thus the Kwangs were secured ; but a more difficult task was
to bring the insane or the selfish of Chihkiang to task. Loo
Wang had his headquarters at Taichow, with an independent
sovereignty. Against him an army was despatched under
Whang Binching, via Fooning, Ningshao, and Kinchli. He was
a Footien man, who had made his fame as a naval officer;
probably as a pirate. Jia Yii was the name of a youth who had
raised a band to oppose the robbers when Peking was sacked.
He was defeated and captured; but, contrary to their wont,
saved alive by the robbers. He managed to escape ; and was
presented to Tang Wang by Hoongkwei, who was a friend of
his. He, however, took an independent position at court ; and
endeavoured to move Tang Wang to go at the head of an army
to prepare the way for viceroy Ho Tungjiao, who, from his Hoo
provinces, was moving down at the head of an army said to
number three hundred thousand men, but who was meantime
intercepted by the Manchus.

The main army had been ordered to advance by Sangwaii
to save Ying and Chien cities, and to support Binching. This
movement necessitated a sacrifice to heaven and earth and the
imperial ancestors. To do proper honour to the ceremony, the
Board of Works was ordered to get made four silver hatchets,
each like a dragon ; the head to represent the dragon's head,
and the handle its body and tail ; and on the handle was carved
another small dragon in gold. In the open mouth of each
dragon was a pearl. This dragon was five feet long. Along
with them were tablets proper to the occasion presented and
exhibited on the platform of the altar. Hoongkwei was
comander-in-chief, and Jung Tsai his second; the emperor
himself marching at the head of the army clothed in mail.
When they passed over Hoongshan chiao bridge the emperor

EVIL OMENS. 279

returned ; and he had not finished doffing his coat of mail before
a tremendous storm of wind and rain beat down the tablets and
the dragon hatchets, breaking the latter in two. The fall of the
tablets representing the two founders of the Ming dynasty
caused the greatest consternation, which was still further
increased by the fall of a horse in the first ranks. For omens
were and are of great account in the east as they have been in
the west.

Tang Wang was not idle, for he sent censor Lin Lanyow into
Kiangsi to secure the people there, and Hii Jow, a Szchuen
man, was to summon Szchuen to his standard. In the despatch
sent by the latter, Shan Jiechwun was nominated governor of
Szchuen, on account of his bravery in taking the capital from
the rebels. When this messenger arrived at his destination, the
people, guessing that the despatches would contain an order for
the arrest of their governor, whom they greatly loved, refused
to permit the opening of the despatches. But the governor, a
faithful and law-abiding subject, informed the messengers that
he was ready to go with them. They set off at night; and
when outside the city opened their commission to arrest him,
and bring him to Foochow ; whither he was brought a prisoner,
and there put to death. Of this measure Tang Wang afterwards
expressed his disapproval, saying to the Board of Appointments
that ex-governor Show should not have been put to death. He
presented the son with three thousand taels to perform the
necessary funeral honours to his father, and appointed him to a
magistracy to atone for the governor's death.

Finding that military affairs were not prosperous, notwith-
standing the popular feeling everywhere in favour of his reign,
Tang Wang at last resolved to go in person to the army which
he had sent away. His brothers he nominated guardians of the
empire, and left Juloong to look after and provide supplies.
And here we leave him to ascertain what the Manchus were
doing in the face of this Ming revival. But we may first glance
at the condition of Yunnan in the far west.

We saw Kwangsi taken from the prince who desired there to

280 TANG WANG.

set up a throne, and handed over to the Tang Wang. Szchuen
was saved from the rebels, and acknowledged the same master.
Yunnan was still in the background ; for it had been really, if
not nominally, under the control of rebels for several years.
Sha Dingjow was then the rebel chief in Yunnan. He was at
one time a district magistrate at Linngan, and rose as follows to
his high pre-eminence. He had been employed formerly under
Soo Shungming and Woo Pikwei to subdue the robbers of
Kiangsi. Shungming was so successful that his ambition became
too great for his office, and he was utterly dissatisfied with his
minor post; nor was he willing again to return to routine
magisterial duties. When, in 1632, the sub-governor, Jao
Hoongfan, arrived at his destination, Shungming received and
welcomed him in such a haughty manner that he made
Hoongfan his enemy. He had orders sent him, but regarded
them with contempt. Imperial authority was at last under
the necessity to order troops of three provinces against him.
He was defeated, and pretended repentance and submission. He
petitioned for the post of governor of Kwangsi; which post was,
however, given to Jang Jimung, whom from that day Shungming
sought to destroy. The new governor was aware of the designs
on his life; and when Shungming appeared with a few men,
apparently to establish a nominal friendship, Jimung was over-
joyed, and prepared tea to welcome his guest. But the guest very
politely, and according to strict etiquette in China, where the
superior drinks first, refused to taste till the host had first tasted.
The host tasted, and while moving the cup from his lips let drop
into it some poison out of his hand, unnoticed by Shungming, who
drank and died. His beautiful widow had no son, and took
command of the army herself. She was a Shayuen lady, and was
very intimate with several of her officers, Shayuen men. Dingjow
was one of the youngest of these ; and the others were one by
one got rid of, and he reigned supreme. This " army " was then
in Kweichow.

In December 1645, Dingjow moved into Yunnan; the capital
of which fell into his hands by means of confederates within.

OBSTINATE COMMANDANT. 281

Tienbo, the duke of Yunnan, whom he wished to displace, fled ;
but his mother, with others of his family, burnt themselves to
death, and two of his brothers were slain. Tienbo fled to
Choohiwng, whither Dingjow pursued him. He thence fled
further west to Yoongchang ; his friends urging him to go rather
than make a stand which would unite all the robbers against
.and overwhelm him. But Choohiwng would not open its gates
to Dingjow. This civil war was that referred to above by
Shushu's wife, as the state of matters to be dreaded in Kwangsi.

In the beginning of 1646, Dingjow again marched against
Woochiwng ; whose commandant, Yang Weiju, sat on the tower
over the gate, — a good mark for Dingjow's muskets. But when
the smoke of their shots cleared away, there the rebels saw
Weij u sitting exactly as before ; and suddenly, believing him a
god, they moved away in fear, when he descended, ordered out
the garrison, and did great execution on their rear. Dingjow
next attacked Sniping ; also in vain. He then marched against
Ningchow, which fell ; and his success inspired him again to try
Woochiwng. Meantime Loong Dsaitien fled with his detachment
from Shiping to Talifoo. But though Dingjow divided his men
into seventy-two camps around the devoted city, dug a trench,
and built a strong rampart, determined to take it by a regular
siege, Weiju was too obstinate, and he had to raise the siege to
encounter the four lieut. -generals, Swun Kowang, Li Dinggwo,
and two others, who completely defeated him. Tang Wang was
utterly unacquainted with the state of Yunnan ; and those four
men had acted on their own responsibility, marching from
Kweichow determined to end the career of the robber. Dingjow
was so closely pressed that he fled by night after putting to death
a grand secretary. Thus Yunnan and Kweichow were mean-
time paralysed, and counted nothing in the game of war which
Tang Wang had, nolens volens, to play.

When the main armies of the Manchus returned to Peking (p.
264) all Kiangsi had not fallen into their hands. The Ming Yi
Wang occupied Chienchang, the Yoongming Wang (of whom
more anon) held Foochow, and Kanchow was under Yang

282 TANG WANG.

Yenlin,* formerly a vice-president of Board of War. Each of these
summoned to his standard several myriad Man savages from the
Wooling (five passes) caves; and Kiangsi was commanded by
them. Jin Shunghwan, who lately deserted from the Ming,
was ordered by the Manchus against Kiangsi, to restore it to
order ; and he did so by scattering destruction on all hands of
him and leaving a desert behind his track.

The forces at the disposal of the Manchus were a few myriad
men in Nanking, and a few myriad more in Hwaingan, with
over one hundred thousand men, retained by them of the
deserters from the armies of Foo Wang. These too had their
heads shaved in conformity with the recent proclamation; —
which proclamation, we have said elsewhere, had a very great
deal to do with the rising in favour of Tang Wang, when Juloong
had driven the people into disaffection. This rising was entirely
a popular movement, led by the conservative literates, at the
head of untrained volunteers, who rose up in all quarters, cut off
Manchu communications every where and isolated every post.
But for the possession of the left bank of the Ching Kiang river,
not a step could have been taken southwards by a Manchu
soldier into Chihkiang or Fukien. But those multitudes were
collected without discipline or rules, without mailed armour,
weapons, provisions or money. And we have already seen what
Tang Wang's court and cabinet could do. Half of the Manchu
army was in Nanking under the Jinglo, generallissimo or
dictator, Hoong Chungchow; vice-president Bashan being
commandant. The other half was under the orders of the Beira
in Hangchow ; Li Yenling was sent to garrison Soochow ; Woo
Jaoshung and deserter Li Chungdoong to look after the coast.

In July, Woo Jukwei sailed with his naval force, from
Yanghoo against Soochow, seconded by Hwang Fei from Taihoo.
Soochow garrison consisted then of one thousand cavalry soldiers
of desperate valour. Yenling and Gwobao had their head
quarters in Foohiao palace. As soon as they heard of the

* There is no discrepancy between this and the above account from the " Ming
Mo Ji "; for, as will appear below, Wun Yuenji was also a commander here.

GALLANT GARRISON. 283

arrival of the armies against them, they ascended a gate tower
to reconnoiter, ordering out a hundred good horsemen, each with
a flag, to march at a little distance from each other on the road
from Nanking, to pretend to be a Manchu army coming thence.
A few hundred of Jukwei's van pushed in by the Sii gate,
penetrated from four to five li into the city without meeting a
single soldier, when they were suddenly surrounded and attacked
from all sides, — not a man escaping. The besiegers, though
ignorant of that disaster, retreated to a distance, the city gates
were closed, and a proclamation was immediately posted in all
quarters of the city, intimating that the man who refused to
have his head shaved would have it cut off. In a few days there
was not a living unshaved male head in the enormous city of
Soochow, — and the executioner seems to have been as busy as the
barber ; for it is related that all the accomplices of the enemy
were beheaded. This put an end to the siege of Soochow, for
the enemy withdrew before the terrible thousand.

In August the Beira marched south from Nanking, detaching
Ma Lasi and TJngutoo with their divisions against Hwang Fei,
whom they defeated at Changchow, and then broke up the army
of Dsotsai at Kwunshan ; Yihing and Changshoo cities fell as
the result. Liw Liangdso was sent against Kiangyin, and
Chungdoong burst into Tsoongming, put to the sword every soul
in Kiating, and then united with Yaoshung to attack the army
of Fei and Jukwei on the Woosoong river. They attacked on
one side, while the Soochow contingent seconded from the other.
Fei's fleet was then at Chunshun poo ; and as the tide was low
and the vessels large, and fast in the mud, they were burnt down.
Both Fei and Jukwei were seized, and the victorious army at
once rushed to the siege of Soongkiang. Chungdoong hoisted
the Banners of Fei, at sight of which the gates were opened,
Chungdoong entered, and the city was his.

In the same month a counter move was made by Sianggwan,
who, with twenty thousand Yihing and Liyang men, penetrated
to the neighbourhood of Nanking. Chungchow at once seized
all suspected persons, and put to death those known to be

284 TANG WANG.

dangerous. He discovered that these had agreed on a signal, at
sight of which the enemy was to enter by a gate to be opened
for them. This was a fire by night over the Shunchu gate.
The signal blazed forth as was agreed "upon ; but large bodies of
Manchus had been sent out by Taiping and Chaoyang gates to
march towards the blaze, while a third body was lying in wait
inside the Shunchu gate. The sudden and unexpected attack of
these three divisions staggered, bewildered, and routed the
besiegers, and the prince of Yooichang was seized at Maoshan.
Sianggwan withdrew with the few who held together, and entered
Taihoo, where he joined with Golin and Chishung, camping on
Sishan hills. Here Chishung's men behaved so cruelly to the
people around, that they acted as guides to the Manchu admiral
Jaoshung, who came suddenly upon him and burnt his vessels.
Chishung fled to Fukien, where he was welcomed by Tang Wang;
but was degraded as soon as the truth was known. A fleet
appeared to assist the remaining portion of Sishan camp, but the
vessels of Sianggwan and Golin shared the fate of those of
Chishung.

Wooyi commanded on Taihoo with a disciplined body of men,
and Yingyuen held Kiangyin with another. After the fall of
Sishan, Wooyi defeated the Manchu lieut. -general of Kiating,
who had fifty-four ships at Pingwang. He defeated Jaoshung,
taking twenty of his ships at Loongan, and thus effected a junction
with the troops of East Chihkiang. Yingyuen defied Chung-
doong's impetuosity for two months.

Just then the Beira Boto, leaving Luakuduahwun to look after
the border of Chihkiang and Fukien, and viceroy Jang Dsunyin
to hold Hangchow, marched northwards, taking Kiahing foo.
Dividing his army, he retook Kiashan and Pinghoo, marched on
to Wookiang, united with Jaoshung, and occupied all the routes
to the ports. Then taking advantage of a heavy rain, the combined
army annihilated Wooyi, and immediately pressed the siege of
Kiangyin, keeping up a heavy cannonade unremittingly by day
and night. Another heavy rain brought down the riddled walls,
and the city was all put to the sword. ....

UNIVERSITY

MANCHUS RECONQUER. 285

Chungchow sent Yechun, and lieut. -general Jang Tienloo, to
attack Hwichow and Ningko, defended by Jin Shung, who had
so planted thirteen camps under thirteen major-generals along
the sloping sides of the difficult mountains surrounding the
cities on all sides, that attack there was hopeless. There was
one side less difficult of access, — that of Chisi, whence it was
possible to attack, and there Jin himself defended with the main
portion of his army. His men were all volunteers, drawn by
himself to the hills of Anhwi. He was posted at the pass of
Tsoongshan gwan, and for two months received the attacks of the
Manchu arms without the least impression, while he was deaf to
the many efforts made to induce him to desert. But in all parts of
China there are always men enough ready to do anything for a
consideration ; and bribery induced some natives to show the
Manchu troops a way, by unfrequented and unsuspected paths
on Jingduasinling Pass. This gave them easy access to some of
Jin's thirteen forts, ten of which fell before they got to Chisi,
where Jin himself defended, and which they could not take ; for
though he had to fight night and day, he was obstinate as the
hills around. But in October, one Whang Shoo, who had
deserted to the Manchus, but had not yet shaved his head, put
on his former old-fashioned Chinese clothing, and at the head of
a body of troops went to the gates, pretending to have come to
aid in the defence. He was welcomed by the gallant Jin, who
found he had received a Greek horse. The gates were instantly
opened, and the Manchus poured in and seized the gallant Jin.

Because Jin refused to shave his head, Chungchow ordered
his execution; and thus he died. Ten persons of his family
committed suicide. When Chungchow went into his Yamun,
there was Jin before him, sitting and staring him in the face.
And he rushed terrified into his house, and dared not go outside
for days after.*

* "Well done, old Mr Jin," cried an enthusiastic and fine old Chinese Jiiyin,
who read this passage with me; and added, " He was a first-class scholar, and we
read his Treatises to this day." This is the mind of all literary China, which is
intensely conservative, forgets all the evils belonging to native dynasties, and sees only
degradation in the compulsory presence of foreigners, whether Manchus or British.

286 TANG WANG.

The progress of the Manchu army was rapid ; and it was of
such a nature that the "Holy Wars" refuses to record it
further than to make the remark that the armies, whithersoever
they went, " left not a hair " remaining, — the country in their
track being as if "washed out"; and the sufferings of the people
consequently beyond description. Jang Tienloo, a former officer
of Kofa's, but now in Manchu service, was the only general officer
who manifested any concern for the people. He camped on the
hills around Hwichow, and issued the most peremptory orders,
forbidding any of his men to enter the city. Even though it
rained in spring for scores of days together, and the older men
of the city entreated him to enter the gates, he would neither
go himself nor permit his men to move. The citizens shed tears
of joy in gratitude for his care; and a grateful government,
hearing of his humanity, made him a commander.

Chinese military officers are as often as not illiterate, coarse
men ; and the sight of blood does not tend to refine them. The
sentiments expressed by the civil magistrate are such as imply
the utmost humanity. Sometimes also military officers are men
of thorough education and of refined sentiment ; and sometimes
men of warm, soft hearts, who have risen from the ranks though
without education, would be an ornament to the official military
of any country, as far as their conduct to the people is concerned.
But as a rule military officers act towards the civilian population
among whom they happen to be quartered, or through whom
they have to march, as if they were conquerors passing through
a people overcome with arms in their hands ; and the cruelty of
these officers to vanquished foes can be compared to nothing but
the ferocious delight of a tiger over its bleeding victim. And
the worst relic of savagery in China is the almost constant
massacre of all the inhabitants of a city which has defended
itself from the Chinese army. And if any Chinaman reads this
book, we earnestly beseech him to do all in his power to remove
this foul blot on his country's fame ; and to endeavour to bring
about a public feeling which shall never rest till those soldiers,
guilty of these fiendish deeds, be cashiered from the army, and

CRUELTY OF SOLDIERS. 287

their names branded with infamy. China is perhaps the only great
nation under the sun which practices thu Roman Catholic dogma,
that faith need not to be kept with enemies. But the company
in which she finds herself does not make her conduct in this
respect the less infamous; and she should by this time have
learned what she must learn before she can be really great, that
honesty is the best policy. Colonel Gordon, to whom China
owes so much, could tell a tale the reverse of honourable, of one
who now stands out as one of the most prominent men in China.
This should not be. And men guilty of bad faith and of
unnecessary cruelty should be dealt with according to Chinese
law and not according to Chinese custom. With the education
and philosophy so common in China, such a thing as a razed
city, or the slaughter of any person without arms in his hands,
should not have been heard of; and such wicked cruelties are
the more inexcusable, that they are at utter variance with such
education and with the sentiments of the philosophy most
highly honoured in China. The story of Robespierre has been
age after age repeated in China ; but the squeamishness which
led to his retirement from the bar was not a healthy, manly
principle, which would dare danger and death in enforcing it,
but a sentimental egoism which gave way at the first approach
of personal danger. And it is for want of this deep principle
that China is what she is, that her history is stained with great
blots of unnecessary bloodshed; and not till she has learned
what one of her own philosophers has beautifully taught her—-
to fear to do wrong rather than fear to die — can China be what
she should be among the nations. But she will not in the
future more than in the past be able to practice this principle, by
leaning on her own systems of philosophy ; nor can she acquire
it from the sentimental, unpractical humanitarianism of Rousseau
and his followers, nor from the shallow humanity of the loud-
tongued and empty-handed modern Secularism. She can learn
it only where the few truly noble statesmen among British and
other nations of the west learned it, — at the feet of the Man
who laid down His life for the well-being of others.

288 TANG WANG.

Chungchow ordered Ma Jingoong against Chang Tsai the
Fanshan prince, whom he seized at Chienshan, and Chang Chi
made prisoner Gaorgan prince at Wooyuen. Shunghwun sent
Wang Tijoong, who took Tsienchang; and Wang Duayin retook
Foochow, — the Yi Wang being so completely defeated that he
fled to hide himself. The other cities did not stand a siege and
the whole course of the Yangtsu was again entirely under
Manchu rule. But so bitter was the hostility of the con-
servative peasantry to the change in their head and neck dress,
and so dangerous the hatred roused by cruelties and exactions of
the soldiery, that the viceroy of Chihkiang found it necessary to
petition for a reduction of taxation to restore the goodwill of the
people lost by the proclamation of the edict about hair-shaving.
He also condemned in strong language the cruelties of Chung-
doong and Jaoshung, who should be brought to examination for
the riotously wicked character of their armies. But what could
be expected of men fighting only for the money it brought ?
They differed from the professional robber in that the latter
robbed in defiance to the law, and they in support of the law, —
but each with equally contemptuous indifference to all personal,
family or social rights.

Immediately after the Chinese new-year of 1646, Haogo the
Manchu Soo Chin Wang was ordered to snatch Szchuen out of
the hands of Jang Hienjoong, who had risen^to greatness on the
ruins of Dsuchung, at first his friend afterwards his rival and
superior. Boto was sent back to take East Chihkiang; along with
general Toolai and the Beidsu Tunchi.

Soo Wang arrived before Singan in April and found that
fighting had been going on before. Former lieut. -generals of the
Ming, had raised forces at Hingan and Hanchung, with which
they frequently defeated the robbers. They took Fungyang and
beseiged Singan, receiving honorary titles from Tang Wang, in
whose name they fought, and in whose cause they had the
universal sympathy of the people. But though many of these
joined, it did not avail them, for the Manchu viceroy several times
defeated them and retook from them the cities Weinan, Poochung,

SZCHUEN CONQUERED. 289

Woogoong, Toongchow, which they had just taken from the
robbers. Thus the Manchus fought a double fight, — one against
the robbers in possession, another against the Ming striving for
possession; but as the same was true of both the robbers and the
Ming, the double contest was after all but a single one, for each
of the three had two foes. When Soo Wang arrived at the scene
of action, he pressed in with even greater vigour, pushing before
him, slaying or scattering all the robber armies of Funchow,
Chingyang, Yenan. In June he broke up Ho Jun's army at
Kitow gwan on the way to Hanchung, and raised the seige of
Hanchung and Hingan. He then marched the greater portion
of his army into Szchuen, leaving the Beidsu Manda to protect
Hanchung against the Ming. Hienjoong was completely
defeated in winter at Singan. And this great robber, second
only to Dsuchung, was taken and beheaded. Over one hundred
and thirty robber forts and camps were taken; and Szchuen
was included in the Manchu provinces. But in this recital,
Sangwei the real conqueror is not even once mentioned, and
we are left to discover elsewhere that it was he who subdued
Hienjoong and annexed Szchuen, as it was he who had hunted
down Dsuchung and covered Shensi with the Manchu tail.

We now return to tjie court of Tang Wang, who was emperor
of so wide a region, which he managed so inefficiently to rule.
We find that meantime his best minister, Daojow, had been
entirely neglected and no money or provisions sent to his army.
He was under the necessity, — which he lamented, — of giving
notes of hand to the people instead of money for the where-
withal to feed his army ; and it is said of him that the people
gave more readily than they would have given to Tang Wang.
He was then at Hwi and Chii chows, " pressing for soldiers who
were not sent, praying for provisions which were never given."
In his weakness the Manchus had pounced upon him at Woo-
yuen, seized him and sent him to Nanking, " rejoicing over the
capture of this one upright man more than at the fall of ten
Prefectures." He and Chungchow were natives of the same
village, and the Dictator was afraid to go into his prisoner's

290 TANG WANG.

presence lest the latter should upbraid him as a traitor to his
native people. He therefore sent a subordinate, but Daojow
refused to speak. Thus the western Foochow army was gone,
and the army which went north, after their terror at the fall of the
horse, marched 400 li, and returned ; — the commanders giving as
their reason the want of provisions. Tang Wang was therefore
in despair. He saw no hope from his own men and his own
armies. He sent messengers south to Annam to bring
soldiers thence. It is stated that when the men of Annam
brought tribute to Peking during the Ming period, they dressed
exactly like the Chinese; a statement most likely to be true; for
Annam and all the nations surrounding China had borrowed
civilisation from her.

At the new-year 1646, Tang Wang accused himself of Three
Crimes against Heaven, ate coarse food and clothed in cotton
(sack-cloth), ordering his ministers to do the same. A more
statesmanlike act was sentencing Hia Shangjin, a commissariat
commissioner, to pay a fine of ten thousand taels ; — which could
be only for malversation. For fortunes have always been made
in all countries by starving the soldiers and stuffing the pockets
of the commissariat officials.

Ma Shuying was at last successful in getting an asylum. He
had again and again knocked at the doors of Tang Wang's
palace, and had made overtures of friendship and support to Loo
Wang, but neither the one nor the other would have anything
to do with him; even though Juloong and general Fang
Gwongan, whom he claimed as former dependants, were willing
to be bail for his good conduct. Perhaps Tang Wang felt that
it would be satisfactory if their own conduct was such as it
should be. Gwongan gave him an asylum in his army, however,
and he remained there, Tang Wang replying to his too-powerful
officials, that Ma would have office when Hangchow was taken.
Tungjiao was also promised great things. He would become a
count when he took Kiang, a marquis when Nanking fell, and
created a wang when Peking was occupied. So that hope was
not yet extinct. He was also urged to refrain from countenancing

DSUCHUNG'S REMNANT ARMY. 291

any other claimant to the throne, for the cause was that of all
the wangs or princes of the Ming family, who were all one flesh
and bone. Tungjiao soon after received an enormous increase
to his army. Li Dsuchung had met the fate he deserved ; and
his nephew, Li Jin, was commander of the nominal three
hundred thousand men remaining. He too was harassed by
styled Sangwei, and moved southwards as best he could. He was
" Number One Tiger." He found himself so straitened between
Sangwei on the north, and Tungjiao on the south, that he
considered it best to chose to serve Tungjiao. He crossed the
Tungting Lake, and united his troops to those of Tungjiao.
He was created a marquis and a Dragon-tiger commander.
Tungjiao also received the degree of marquis, though Nanking
had not fallen.

Tang Wang was then crowded with memorials ; — one censor
so warmly and pathetically arguing the expediency of the
" emperor's " presence at the head of his army immediately, that
the wang was quite melted by the good-will displayed to his family.
But while agreeing that the course recommended was the best,
he continued stationary. Memorial followed memorial, — which
we will not quote, — all harping on the same string ; and at last
Tang Wang decided to go, and the Kiangsi officials at once and
in joy got ready to welcome him. But trifling had not yet
ended. Still memorials poured in, some upbraiding and accusing
certain ministers who were obstacles, — others calling upon the
wang to go as the last hope. But if he did not yet bestir himself,
he sent fifty thousand taels to Tungjiao, to help him to retake
Kiang and Peking. The "rebel" wang of Yunnan was with
Gwowei brought a prisoner to him at Kienning, whither he had at
last moved. Jingjiang Wang was sentenced to be a common
subject, and to be severely punished by the district magistrate
if he became troublesome. But a few days after he " sickened
and died." Gwowei was executed ; Kweichoo was made count
Pingyooe ; and Shushu vice-president of the Board of War, in
spite of his refusal.

Tang Wang got to Yenping, whither Kwangtung sent one

292 TANG WANG.

hundred thousand taels for his army. Loo Wang, now seeing
the political sky brewing dark thunder, made overtures of peace
to Tang Wang ; and just then a priest, pretending to be Foo
Wang, was put to death after trial. Ma also made another
unsuccessful attempt to be received by Tang Wang, whose
power was by no means a shadow ; for the king of the Loochoos
sent messengers with tribute to beg a treaty, which he would
scarcely think of doing if Tang Wang were weak enough to be
contemptible.

Boto reached Hangchow in April, and found that Fang
Gwongan had fled in the most disorderly manner across the
river. Ma with his shadow, the vicious Dachun, had crept into
the camp of Gwongan, his former dependant ; and was smarting
under the repeated and recent insult offered him by Tang Wang
in refusing to see him, and in giving the border sentries orders
to forbid his entry. He therefore instigated Gwongan to put to
death a messenger from Tang Wang. Besides the regular
armies, the enthusiasm of the Fukien men found expression in
large bodies of volunteers and voluntary subscriptions to support
them ; so earnest was their objection to shaving their head. All
the legal taxation of the three eastern Fukien prefectures went
direct and without abatement to the support of the two armies
of Gwongan and Juyin. Under Ma's advice, not only was all
this money expended on these armies, but Gwongan took charge
of all the voluntary contributions raised in those districts for the
volunteers, and used it up for his own purposes. Thus Ma
caused the volunteers to regard the regulars with detestation ;
and Boto found the work of destruction going on in Fukien by
internal combustion. The volunteers had been started by two
graduates, ignorant of the art of war ; who had, when they had
raised scarcely one thousand agriculturists and beggars, placed
themselves under the orders of Gwongan and Juyin ; and they
continued subject to them after their numbers had greatly
increased. Neither the regulars nor volunteers were located
with a view to efficient drill, nor in strategical points ; but were
centred in cities where provisions were easily obtained. The

TAXES AND CONTRIBUTIONS. 293

two commanders discussed the question of provisions ; but could
agree only in deciding that the volunteers should be dependent
on voluntary contributions. These, however, were found by a
junior secretary of Board of War to be very uncertain and
wholly inadequate, because there was no proper mode of
collecting them. His proposal that voluntary contributions
should, with the regular taxes, go into the Board of Revenue to
support both regulars and volunteers, was objected to by the
two commanders. And all the arrangements of every department
of Government were entirely at the mercy of Juloong; into
whose hands the taxes of the Kwangs passed, as well as those of
Fukien. The same mistake was again made here which Kofa
had lived to regret, — each army was permitted to command and
to utilise the taxes of the lands placed under its protection.

Boto sent his army by the Tsientang river, but Jang Gwowei
and Wang Juyin took advantage of a south-east wind, bore down
upon and defeated them, sinking many of the Manchu vessels.
Following up his victory, Gwowei pressed in to the gates of
Hangchow, but retreated after an unsuccessful attack. The
Manchus however retrieved their name by land ; for next month
they battered down the camp of Gwongan with heavy cannon,
and compelled him to flee with a few myrid men. Loo Wang
had therefore to retire from Shaohing to Taichow. The Manchu
army was at the river bank, and distressed because they could
not cross, for the river was over 10 li wide. But as the summer
had been a dry one, the water was shallow and many sand banks
appeared. The stream was also sluggish, and as there was no
tide, trial was made, and the water found to reach only to the
horses' belly. In the beginning of the hot July weather, the
soldiers on the south bank were bathing in the shallow water,
and wandering hither and thither in aimless disorder, which was
seen by the ever- watchful Manchus. Some scores of thousands
both of infantry and cavalry marched up the river some distance
and crossed, wading with their clothes on. The rambling army fled
as soon as ever the Manchu banners appeared on the south side,
without even an attempt at rallying or fighting ; and Ma, the

294 TANG WANG.

Ming evil genius, with his sub Yuen, argued Gwongan into
agreeing to hand over Loo Wang to the Manchus as a propitiatory
offering. But Loo Wang was wiser than Foo Wang, and
escaped in time to sea. Juyin was drowned, and his family
perished after they got to Nanking. The result of this blow
was the fall of Shaohing, Ningpo, Wunchow and Taichow.

Joo Dadien still held out in Kinhwa ; and Gwowei in Yiwoo,
which was immediately attacked, taken, and Gwowei slain.
Kinhwa was not so easily captured, but the scoundrelly traitor
Yuen Dachun, who knew that the south-east corner of the
ramparts were but recently thrown up and not very strong,
hoping to receive a proper acknowledgment, offered to be guide
to the Manchus. The city fell, was razed to the ground and
every soul slain. The perfect of Kuchow had refused to
acknowledge Loo Wang ; but the higher degree of merit from
Tang Wang was no defence against the Manchus, who took his
city, and in it both Soo Wang and Longan Wang. With it
the whole of Chihkiang was under Manchu colours. And the
army was free to march into Fukien.

In the west affairs were of a mottled character. Tang Wang's
plans were by his officials prevented from attaining any good
result. Daojow was lost and fell for want of support. And as is
usual elsewhere, Juloong now petitioned to have posthumous
honours paid him. A temple was erected to his name in his
native village, and another in Foochow with the title of Minjoong,
"Merciful and Faithful." And the power of Tang Wang in
Kiangsi, was acknowledged only inside the walls of Kanchow,
where Wun Yuenji was determined to stand.

Between Tingchow and Shaochow are the mountains of
Damaoshan, in the caves of which live many of the Man tribes.
The Ming troops had often attacked them but in vain, till
prince Yoongning induced them to submit. He summoned them
to his standard after the Manchus took Foochow, and with their
aid he recovered the city. The Manchus besieged it in the
spring, but were compelled to raise the siege by three divisions
from the camp of Jung Tsai at Kwangsin. When these withdrew,

KANCHOW ENDANGEKED. 295

the Manchus again formed siege, and as Jung Tsai remained still,
the city fell, Yoongning Wang was slain and his Man soldiers
scattered. Tsai was degraded and sentenced to do penance.
In May the Manchus took Chang. Just when the Manchus were
got to Dsaokow in the vicinity of Sinchung, Juloong gave out that
the three provinces could not possibly raise the million and half of
taels necessary to support the army; and pronounced affairs to be
desperate. The movement of the Manchus compelled Yuenji to
enter the walls of Kanchow, whose inhabitants in their terror
sought safety in sudden flight; a week after Knachow was
invested. Yunnan sent a body of troops to aid Kanchow, but
after reaching Nankang they came to a halt and staid there.
Yang Yenlin marched from Yiitoo with forty thousand men who
got to Kanchow, but only to increase the bulk of the garrison ;
for he did not dare to face the Manchus. Kanchow was therefore
isolated, and in it were twenty thousand volunteers from the
neighbourhood, forty thousand of the Cave Man, and several
thousands from Kwangtung. And though the Yunnan army
did not press in, they to the number of five thousand men
frequently defeated the Manchus of Nanchang, took and
occupied Kingan, where they greatly increased in numbers.
The two Jung commanders, Tsai and Hoongkwei, withdrew to
the mountains when Yenlin and Yuenji fell back on Kanchow.
Yuenji at that time received the title of Shoohien, "The
superior man," from Tang Wang, who degraded Liw Gwangyin,
governor of Kiang, for retreating. Kwangsin was uncovered
by the hasty flight of Jung Tsai without a battle, and was
immediately invested by the Manchus. An army sent to raise
the siege kept at a safe distance, and the city fell.

Changsha was then occupied by Tungjiao with thirty
thousand men, and communicated with the former quarters of
Liangyii. Yochow was defended by Ma Jinjoong and Wang
Jiaochung with several myriads of men. Li Jin and other
officers formerly under Dsuchung had one hundred thousand
men of Dsuchung's in Changte. Others of Dsuchung's officers
joined Tungjiao, raising his forces to one hundred thousand men.

296 TANG WANG.

It was immediately after this that the fate of Dsuchung was known
over the south. Tang Wang in his joy over the death of the
rebel who overturned the Ming dynasty, offered sacrifices to
make known to his deceased ancestors the glad news. Tungjiao
was crowned with the honours of a count and soon after of a
marquis. Li Jin was named Chusin or the "single-minded,"
and Gao Yidoong was named Bijung, " certain-to-be upright."
They with others not necessary to be named were made lieut.-
generals, each with a station, forming in all thirteen jun or
military outposts in Hoonan and Hoope, over against the central
armies of the Manchus stationed in Woochang and Kingchow.
But here again there was the same difficulty which made East
Chihkiang so easy a prey, — jealousies and strugglings over the
commissariat; for the elements of these thirteen armies were
even more heterogeneous than those of Chihkiang had been.

Thus notwithstanding the extent of country calling Tang
Wang emperor, he was compelled to rely on Fukien resources to
meet the crowding and increasing united Manchu troops. He
had been pressed by Tungjiao to go to Hoonan, and there
establish his capital ; and the commandant of Kanchow invited
him to Kiangsi, while central Chihkiang prayed him to make
Kiichow his headquarters. He had long discovered that Juloong
was not capable of supporting the weight of empire, and was
desirous to get to Tungjiao by way of Kanchow. But Juloong
feared the " emperor's " removal, and got a lot of soldiers and
civilians to surround Tang Wang, and cry out that he must not
leave them. But if Juloong was eager that Tang Wang should
remain in Foochow for his sake, he was by no means ready to
lay down his life for Tang Wang; and with the fall of East
Chihkiang and the flight of Loo Wang, the Manchu chiefs
received the secret adhesion of Juloong in answer to their
flattering overtures. On pretence of putting down piracy, he
removed all the troops stationed in the land and river posts
commanding the entrance into Fukien at the Hienhialing Pass,
leaving the pass without a single defender. News had mean-
time arrived of the recovery in Szchuen of the two prefectures

FUKIEN THKEATENED 297

of Choongching and Kweichow, with three sub-prefectures and
twenty-three district cities, and of the utter rout of several
myriads of Manchus in Hoonan and Hoope by the Taotai
Jang Kwang, after a terribly bloody fight ; though Li Chusin
had not dared to face them.

The brothers Jung were made dukes, though for what reason
it is difficult to say, unless with the hope that it might stimulate
them to patriotism and bravery. But the hope was not well
grounded, for Hoongkwei soon after, in tones of terror, reported
the approach of the Manchus to the frontier, which he was
defending, after they had taken the Chihkiang cities bordering
Fukien. There was a useless diversion made in Leichow, where
the Manchu prefect was murdered, — and in Kaochow, where the
soldiers put their officers to the sword, and declared for Tang
Wang. The commandant of Kuchow, Mingjun, flew through
Hienhiagwan Pass. The prince was very angry, ordered the
imprisonment of his son, a government official, and the appre-
hension of Mingjun in Kienning foo. This terrified the coward,
and he kept his promise to return to his post. Juloong was now
eager to have Tang Wang back again in Foochow, promising a
sum of four million taels for the army, if Tang Wang desisted
from his project of going into the Kwangs. The " emperor,"
once rid of Juloong, was unmovable however, and would not
turn back, though the Manchus were threatening Kwanmun of
Fukien, and though Juloong sent his mother to Tang Wang's
queen to prevail with her to turn her husband back.

The Manchus had meantime started in two divisions from
Kwangsin and Kuchow, and got easily and without resistance
over the undefended mountain passes, — avoiding Hienhialing,
where an army had been again posted to receive them. Jung
Weihoong, a doctor graduate, or Jinsu of Yangchow, commanded
in Poochung hien, and though the people prayed to have the
gates opened to the Manchus, he refused their repeated
entreaties and held out, but in vain, for the city soon fell. He
was taken, brought before the Beira, who, recognising more than
ordinary ability in the man, was anxious to gain him over to the

298 TANG WANG.

Manchu side ; but emphatically, though quietly, he objected to

have his hair off. A sum of money was demanded of him as

ransom. He had none. The people to whose prayers he had

not listened, honoured him so greatly that they offered to

ransom him. He refused to accept the money from the poor ;

and to put an end to the play, he reviled the Beira to his face

to such a degree, that the proud Manchu could endure it no

longer, and ordered his execution. Mingjun also met a similar

fate in this city, whither he had fled from his post. When

Poochung fell, Yenping was attacked, standing but a brief siege.

Tang Wang fled with a few followers, several of whom, however,

found it convenient to fly each his own way; and thus his

ministers became scattered. An army was raised by some

graduates, but the raw volunteers were soon cut to pieces. A

band, under a Yoongfoo deserter, cut their way through the

mountains, and laid themselves at the feet of the Beira. And

the march of the Manchus caused two parties to form ; the one

for, the other against them. It was then the saying originated

in Fukien, that the man who saved his hair lost his head ; and

a coffin retained in the house, ensured its downfall. This latter

is worthy of note, to show the state of society then on the matter

of burial, for every house had its one or more coffins, which the

relations affectionately retained in the house, but which the

Manchus ordered out to burial, as inducing bad health. The

coffins were, of course, as now over all China, air-tight ; yet,

doubtless, they were in many instances only nominally so. It is

recorded that " all the cities of the province removed their coffins

outside the city gates," according to order ; but the inhabitants

followed them, and the "cities were as if they had been washed!"

On the twenty-eighth of eighth moon (September, October),

Tang Wang, under the escort of five thousand men from

Tungjiao, got into Tingchow, the Manchus in pursuit being

at Kienning, whose prefect, with the Taotai of Yenping,

submitted. Wang Gwohan, the commandant of Tingchow, was

terrified, and his lord had him beaten ; with the result however

that the "emperor" was left without an attendant ! He refused

TANG'S KEIGN CLOSES.

to rest at Shaochow when passing, and he was hard pressed by the
Manchu pursuers who hoisted Ming banners. They pursued
seven days and nights, overtaking and defeating his lieut-general,
who had twenty thousand men. A dozen men knocked at the
gate of Tingchow, demanding admittance as the body guard of
Tang Wang. And so they were to be; for on entering they
made prisoner Tang Wang, who, a month before, commanded
over half a million of soldiers. The fact shows how completely
cowed were the Chinese supporters of Tang Wang, when a
miserable handful of men could seize and carry him off out of a
large city. They brought him prisoner to Nanking, and gave
out that he refused to eat and thus died. It was afterwards
found to be a false report, at least when first proclaimed ; but it
had the desired effect, for all the defenders of his throne were
paralyzed and their arms fell out of their hands. The body of
his adherents fell to pieces, and some literary men formed the
usual posthumous title for him.

Chiienchow was taken immediately after Tingchow, and
Foochow was entered by the north gate a fortnight after. It
was found to contain scarcely a tithe of its inhabitants, so
thoroughly adverse to the Manchu rule were they. All the
chief literary men and officials who could, fled to the hills. One
solitary president, whose name was not worth recording, remained
behind, and presented himself to the Beira on his knees, in
which posture he was allowed to remain most of the day and
then dismissed with contempt. A proclamation was immediately
posted ordering all to shave. Jao Mao, a man of thirty-six, and
who had three sons, provided fish and liquor to feast his old
father and mother, when he reverenced them in the usual
manner. After they slept, he ordered his sons to be diligent
with their studies. He then got a pen with which he wrote
that he was unwilling to cut off his hair, but was willing to die ;
and having written it, he strangled himself in his own hall.
Tsao Siaochuen was a Juyin at the early age of seventeen, and
a Jinsu at twenty. He shaved off all his hair and retired as a
monk to a mountain monastery. An aged official of seventy-

300 TANG WANG.

three strangled himself in his hall ; and the example thus set
was followed by crowds upon crowds ; for nowhere was the
proclamation commanding the wearing of the Manchu queue
received with such determination of hatred as in Fukien ; and
the last to receive the Manchu cut were Fukien men.
Changchow opened its gates, and its officials were therefore
allowed to retain their posts. As soon as the Manchu army
had gone, the civilians rose upon and murdered the " traitor "
officials. And though the Manchus entered Chiienchow, they
found it empty of valuable plunder ; for it had been harried by
Jung Jubao, who took possession of all the silver and hired five
hundred men to burn down the palace. He retired only when
the Manchus appeared at the gate, retreating to Anping, where
his brother Juloong had a large army and five hundred to six
hundred large ships, and which was almost impregnably fortified
with large cannon whose never ceasing echoes shook the "heaven
and the earth." Thither the Manchus did not think it
convenient meantime to go.

We left Yuenji besieged in Kanchow by Shunghwan, ever
since he took Kingan in May. A body of five thousand men
marched from Kwangtung, which compelled the Manchus to
raise the siege to give them battle. They were, however,
defeated at Lijia shan, and the siege again pressed. Yuenji
depended mainly on the Man soldiers, who however latterly
behaved in a brutal manner in their murder and extortion of the
people; and as he treated the levies from Yunnan and the
Kwangs with sterness, they became demoralised. In August a
force of forty thousand men from the Kwangs marched to the
relief of Kanchow, and demanded to be led against the Manchus.
There were some seamen available, but Yuenji declared he
could not attack without the four thousand seamen left in
Nangan. But as the river was shallow the Manchus burnt the
vessels and those seamen never appeared. After news of the
loss of the Ming fleet, the Manchus forced the camp of the
Kwang men, and next day took the Yunnan camp; and
Kanchow was left naked, besieged by a large army and defended

KANCHOW FALLS. 301

by a few thousands. When the over worked garrison heard that
Tang Wang was captured they lost the only inducement they
had to fight, and their arms fell listless to their sides. But so
strong were the natural defences of the place, that it was all but
impossible to take it, till, in November, a man let himself down
by a rope from the wall to escape, was apprehended by the
Manchus, compelled to act as guide, and led them in by the
small east gate, and the city was theirs. To save his own life
he guided the Manchus, who left not a soul alive in the city.
Yuenji drowned himself, and many officials committed suicide
rather than fall into Manchu hands.

In June 1647, Li Dinggwo marched on Linngan of Yunnan
and took it, calling it Amichow, after a deceased robber. He
was declared a robber and a traitor by the good governor Weiju,
who shortly afterwards defeated the four generals, taking
Dinggwo. His three brother generals interceded for him,
praying for his release on the ground that they were all working
in the same cause, that of extirpating robbery under Dingjow.
Weiju agreed to their proposal to become his allies, on these
conditions : — First, That no false (private) colours be displayed ;
second, That none of the civilian people should be slain ; and
third, That women should be sacred. In October the four
generals marched to Haoching and Likiang, whose prefect did
not wish to resist them ; but Tienbo, who was there, though
possessing the letter of Weiju ensuring his safety, could not
trust himself to them. He therefore sent his son to their camp
to ascertain their object, and to say that he desired only to be
left unmolested in Yoongchang. General Liw Wunsiw said :
" This is the duke's heir, and his coming serves the same purpose
as if it had been his father." He was therefore well treated,
and sent back with an escort of twenty men, and taking
with him all the family valuables which had been plundered by
the army under Dingjow. The duke was delighted at this
unlooked-for good luck, and immediately set out with the
generals to the capital of Yunnan. Wunsiw marched against
the remains of Dingjow's old army, in which was the notable

302 TANG WANG.

Black Tiger, who fought with a double-edged sword in his
mouth, and an enormous one in his hand. He was of the Man
tribe, as were his followers. Wunsiw failed to defeat him ; and
only on arrival of Dinggwo was Black Tiger conquered and slain.
Dingjow's men had betaken themselves to the caves and
mountains of the Man after their great defeat. Linngan had
fallen to Dinggwo with great difficulty, and only after serious
trouble. Even after the guns had shattered the walls to pieces,
Dingjow made a desperate resistance within. Dinggwo was so
roused to fury, that he put to death every soul he met in the
city; and seventy thousand fell before him, besides those
who committed suicide. The cities of Kwunyang, Kinning,
Chunkung, Kweihwa, suffered in the same terrible manner, and
hundreds of thousands were put to the sword, though all fled
who could. Only those cities under the care of Weiju escaped
the general ruin, as Talifoo, &c. ; and the gratitude of those
regions was so great, that the people worshipped him, and have
continued to the present day to worship him as a god. So
fierce was the attack of Dinggwo and his colleagues, that all in
the caves and mountain defiles at last surrendered, and among
them were Dingjow and the lovely widow of Shungming, who
was the inciting cause of all this bloodshed ; as Dingjow, but for
her,, would have yielded long before. Great therefore was the
curiosity to see the beautiful cause of all this desperate fighting
and slaying ; and when a black, ugly hag appeared, those who
saw and heard roared with laughter !

Yu Ngao was the fourth younger brother of Tang Wang,
whom the latter created Tang Wang, when he himself was
elected Emperor. When Tang Wang was captured the men of
Yii Ngao fled ; and he and Whi Wang made their way by sea
to Kwangchow or Canton, accompanied by the grand secretary
Soo Gwanshung. Bangyen and Gwanshung had consulted
together as to the course proper to be pursued. Bangyen had
been at Chaoching and seen Gwei Wang, and to Gwanshung he
said that as all the people were in favour of making a stand
and of electing Gwei Wang to be emperor, the sooner the Wang

CANTONESE EMPEROR. 303

was enthroned the better; and Gwanshung agreed with him.
Bangyen went to Gwei Wang, who was enthroned in Chaoching
a fortnight after. He was then sent as a senior secretary to
Canton to proclaim the enthronement of the new emperor, but
when he approached Canton he found that Yu Ngao had already
been proclaimed emperor. He dared not go within the city, but
sent a message to Gwanshung, urging him to unite with viceroy
Kweichoo, and not ruin the weak cause by civil war. But
the double election was in reality the result of the unfriendly
terms existing between Kweichoo and Gwanshung, and he would
not now resile from his new emperor. Yii Ngao had been
enthroned in December 1646, in his capital of Canton, assuming
the style of Shaowoo for his reign. Gwanshung was nominated
commander-in-chief, besides being, with the other principals
concerned in the election, made grand secretary. After the
return of Bangyen, Gwanshung received a letter from Shushu,
demanding his aid in establishing the new kingdom, as it would
be a ruinous policy to divide into two parties at the moment
when Fukien was lost on the east, and the Manchus were
pouring in on the west. He concluded by asking if the cause
were shipwrecked what would posterity say of Gwanshung?
Gwanshung was so angry on receipt of this letter that he put
the messenger to death and prepared to march against
Chaoching; thus warranting the question of Shushu. Gwai
Wang to prevent surprise, ordered viceroy Lin Jiading to
Sanshwi, and Chun Jitai marched from Canton against him,
but soon marched back again completely defeated. Lin
pursued Chun's men who were crossing in boats at Haikow.
Chun fell in with a band of pirates which he engaged to fight
for him. They got to windward of Lin's fleet, he sailing on
ignorant of the change in the character of the vessels, till a
number of fire ships was sent off among his vessels by the
pirates, which caused the greatest consternation on board his
fleet. Men and horses jumped out of the vessels into the river
and became fast in three feet of mud. They were attacked in
this defenceless condition and all but annihilated.

304 TANG WANG.

Li Chungdoong was then on his way from Fukien. He
reported the victory at Canton and gave in his submission to
the new emperor, and Gwaishung was overjoyed at both events.
Canton and its neighbourhood were then overrun with bands or
armies of robbers by land and fleets of pirates by sea. Wha
Shenyen was the chief robber ; and the principal pirates were
the heads of the houses, Hii, Shu, Ma and Jung, all of whom gave
in their allegiance to the new emperor ; for of course they could
still carry on their former trade. One Jie Ngao refused to
submit, and murdered citizens at mid-day in the streets, the
authorities not daring to interfere ! It was in these circumstances
that Li Chungdoong made his submission to the emperor, who
cordially welcomed him in court dress. While the imposing
ceremony was being enacted, a breathless messenger informed
Gwanshung that the Manchus were come. " It's a lie," shouted
the grand secretary, ordering the messenger's head off. This
was no sooner done, than a sound as of rushing waters was
heard, and the word went abroad that Hwashan robbers had
come. Still the red flags continued to pour into the city ; for
not a soldier was armed. The emperor laid aside his imperial
robes, and the audience was over. But Chungdoong still
remained with the emperor, who sent out a messenger to learn
the true cause of the street noises. The messenger returned.
Chungdoong smilingly offered his majesty, now his prisoner,
some food, which however his majesty refused to accept, saying
that if he lived, he could not face his ancestors when he " went
below." He strangled himself. The conceited Gwanshung was
at last aware of the truth of the information given by the
breathless messenger. He wrote nine characters, to say that
the " Great Ming faithful ministers and upright soldiers, must
all die;" and then strangled himself. His body was cut to
pieces, and sixteen of Yu Ngao's men put to death. Most of
the chief officials acknowledged the Manchus. Jao Wang,
in Hoochow, preferred to shave off all his hair to wearing
a queue, and retired to a monastery. The prefect
submitted to the Manchus. And thus ended Gwanshung's

OPPOSITION EMPEROR. 305

attempt at making an empire, leaving the Manchus masters of
Canton.

We have more frequently than once come across Loo Wang,
who had most unwisely set up an opposition " empire " in East
Chihkiang, instead of supporting Tang Wang. He was the
tenth generation from the first Ming emperor. His father had
committed suicide in Yenchow of Shantung, where he was prince,
when the Manchus poured in their plundering hosts from
Mookden and took Yenchow and many another Shantung city.
The son succeeded to the wangship, but fled south when Peking
fell. He was ordered by Foo Wang from Kiang and Kwang to
take up his official abode in Taichow. When Nanking fell, Ma
fled with the mother of Foo Wang to Hangchow, where the first
Loo Wang soon surrendered to the Manchus. Chi Biaojia
drowned himself; and a censor, who had petitioned meantime to
pass the crimes of Ma in silence, starved himself rather than
obey the "shaving" proclamation. Foo Wang's mother ordered
Ma into Shaochow, where the fate of Foo Wang was unknown.

As soon as Loo Wang was proclaimed regent of the empire in
East Chihkiang, he proclaimed ten crimes of Ma's, who therefore
dared not present himself. But Gwongan was made a marquis,
as well as Juyin. Others received high sounding titles, and
were posted for defence along the river and elsewhere, and East
Chihkiang contributed six hundred thousand taels for the
commissariat. But the army of Sinngan Wang disbanded itself,
and the viceroy's camp contained only a few hundred men. So
that Loo Wang was thrown on the support of volunteers and
voluntary subscriptions to garrison the cities. Gwongan defended
Yenchow with spirit from the Manchu attack, till Gwowei came
up, defeated the Manchus, and compelled them to withdraw.
In November a terrific storm of wind and rain stopped pursuit
and flight, and the Manchus entered a wooden city on the river
bank. It was then Ma and Yuen (p. 292) stole into Gwongan's
camp. Internal division arose on account of an attack by Wang
Jungjoong on lieut. -general Chun Woo, who, when defeated by
the Manchus, crossed the sea and plundered his own people.

306 TANG WANG.

Chun was slain, and two hot parties arose, — the one accusing,
the other defending Wang's attack.

Juyin was eager to assume the offensive, saying he was willing
to die fighting, while soon he would have to die unable to fight.
Immediately after, he defeated the Manchus on the Tsientang.
It was then that Ma urged Gwongan to murder the messenger
of Tang Wang. The Manchus then crossed sea, took Hanpoo,
and attacked Hangchow, but were repulsed. But Gwongan,
after an attack on their camp, declared it was vain to attempt
to fight against them, and advised flight into Kweichow.
They therefore moved southwards and the Manchus entered
Hangchow on a bright moonlight night. Juyin took to sea;
Gwowei alone wishing to stay and fight it out. Juyin
however told him, weeping, that he had no ships; that had
Gwongan remained they could keep the Manchus at bay, but
that his departure had wrecked the " Empire." Gwowei
therefore retreated after Loo Wang. We have already (p. 293)
described the dispersal of this army on the river bank.

Gwongan and Ma united their remaining men and fled to
Tientai. They were ahead of their men among the mountains
at Whangshuyen, and finding their way by enquiries directed to
the villagers. They came to a stone bridge, where they halted
for the arrival of their men ; but fearing the Manchus might come
upon them, they broke down the bridge, underneath one of the
slabs of which they saw written " When the armies of Fang and
Ma reach this spot, all is over." They were terrified at the fate
thus written of them ! And while pondering over it, Gwowei
overtook them. But those two were not inclined further to fight
against fate, and therefore stayed where they were and sent their
faithful Yuen Dachun to the Manchus, to make terms. The
Beira received him gladly, sent a kind message which delighted
the two worthies, who, not to go empty handed, sent on an
express to the commander of Loo Wang's body guard, desiring
him to prevent the escape of the prince. Fortunately for the
prince he was acting commander himself, for his officer was unwell.
He therefore escaped by boat to sea, entrusting to Gwowei the

SPOILER SPOILED. 307

defence of the four cities still his. But Gwowei could only die,
which he did at Chilishu after the fall of Yiwoo, and after he
urged his second in command to flee, as he had parents depending
upon him.

Ma, foiled by Loo Wang's escape, did not think it wise just then
to surrender to the Manchus. And as Tang Wang would have
nothing to do with him, he cropped his hair and entered a
monastery in the neighbourhood of Taichow ! He was, however,
afterwards captured and brought to Hangchow along with
Gwowei, and treated liberally by the Manchus; and they deserved
well at the Manchu hands, having been better to them than a
couple of hundred thousand men. We have seen Yuen acting
as guide to Kinhwa. He was afterwards sent to attack Fukien,
and when passing Hienhialing, his horse stumbled and the wretch
got his neck broken, only a great deal too late.

A vice-president of one of the Boards was a relative of Ma's.
He got 200,000 . -els out of the treasury at Soochow, with which
he hoped to spend an agreeable life with the Manchus. One
Tien Yang also made for the Manchus, sending privately several
carts' load of satin as presents for the Beira. Those two went
together with four hundred men each in their train. When they
got to the camp, the Beira ordered the two several parties to be
separated, after commanding them to disarm. On the morrow
Yang and every one of his men were put to death.

Jang Mingjun fled to join Loo Wang at sea and made for
Chowshan, the head quarters of Whang Binching. This island
was anciently called Yoonggowdoong, and the Manchus changed
its name later on to Tinghai. Binching was created a count and
commandant of Chowshan by Tang Wang, who sent Jow
Chiaoju to support him. Jow was at one time a pirate, had
visited all the " thirty-six " Japanese islands and was acquainted
with almost all their princes. He was nominated general by
Tang Wang, and went to Japan to the commander-in-chief, with
whom he was acquainted, to ask for the loan of an army. He
was promised thirty thousand men and went back delighted.
Not so Binching, who believed Jow was acting the part of

308 TANG WANG.

Sangwei, in inviting the Japanese, who would come, but would
not go away again. Jow, in his anger, went away to Juloong,
and discovered him making overtures to the Manchus. Jow was
very indignant, saying that a small officer like himself might
possibly be pardoned for submitting, — but a great official like
Juloong ! It was the extreme of disgrace ; and even he could
not bring himself to imitate the baseness. He therefore cut
his throat in the presence of Juloong, who moved away. The
cut-throat got better again and made for Chowshan. One
officer was defeated by the Manchus and took to plundering the
people as his easiest work ; but he was defeated by Binching who
was the people's friend. The Manchus sent a fleet against
Chowshan with five hundred capital archers on board. For
three days the fight went on without advantage gained by
either side, till Mingjun, who was acquainted with the pirate
Yuen Jin, got four large vessels from the pirate, pierced through
the Manchu fleet and broke down a number of their vessels with
the pirate's heavy guns.

Loo Wang fell in with Jung Tsai on the high seas, and was by
him brought, first to Chowshan, then to the mainland of Fukien,
just when Juloong was joining the Manchus. Juloong sent a
message, sincere or otherwise, to press his brother and relations
to join the Manchus ; but not one would do so. His son Chung-
goong took charge of fleet and army, and a formidable war was
waged, all the east of Fukien falling into the hands of the Jung
family, in name of the Ming dynasty. Jung Tsai was urged to
offer Loo Wang to the Manchus, but instead of doing so he got
a south barbarian (Annamite ? ), resembling Loo Wang in
feature and person, to clothe in the prince's garments, to represent,
and if need be to die for him. Loo Wang was hidden away for
fear of danger. But the Manchus marched north with their
prize Juloong, believing him more valuable than Loo Wang, and
the " barbarian " was not called upon to die.

Among the numerous minor events of cities taken and re-taken,
of jealousies and strifes and meannesses, it may be mentioned
that Binching, now under Loo Wang, for Tang Wang was gone,

CHOWSHAN. 309

commanded every youth above fourteen to enroll into the army ;

every widow was compelled to marry again, and her former

husband's property was seized in behalf of the army ; and every

man above sixty had to give up his property to the "state," which

fed him in return. Thus two-thirds of the property under his

protection belonged to the army and one third to the civilians.

By April 1648, Loo Wang was master of all Fukien except

Ninghai and Foongan, and the Manchus were compelled to mass

their troops from Kiang, Kwang and Chihkiang to save the

province. They were at first defeated, and it took a full year

for all the forces they could muster to drive the pirates out of

the Fukien cities into their stronghold of Jientiaoswo, where they

were so hard and long pressed by the Manchus that the garrison

was famishing. Yuenjin, who was commander, sent to Binching

a pressing message for immediate help; but he would not move a

man, and Yuenjin had himself to compel the Manchus to raise the

siege. Loo "Wang therefore ordered an attack on Binching, because

he was nothing but a pirate. He was defeated by Yuenjin,

acknowledged his crime and prayed forgiveness, which was

granted only to be again attacked, defeated and drowned. His two

wives drowned themselves to follow him. After this Loo Wang

made Chowshan his headquarters. Here he was attacked in

1650 by the Manchus, but drove them off. A more powerful

enemy was Mingjun, who at length saw the folly of dividing the

energies of those who were fighting against the Manchus, and

recommended Jung Tsai to join him in overtures of friendship

to Chunggoong (Coxinga), who held office under Gwei Wang.

Tsai refused, and his reserves were scattered by the combined

forces of Chunggoong and Mingjun. Chowshan commandant

would not join Mingjun, who therefore attacked and slew him

when unprepared to defend himself. In October 1651, the

Manchus at last gained possession of the island, when the slain

and suicides were numerous as usual. It was snatched from

them in 1654, and a year after they took it again, converting it

into a desert, when enormous numbers were drowned. It was

thus they were gaining their naval experience. After this

310 TANG WANG.

capture in 1651, Loo Wang fled to Kinnrnn — Gold Gate — or
Amoy, where in 1653 he renounced the title of guardian of the
empire. He then summoned Chunggoong to Kinmun; but
Chunggoong hated him too intensely, and instead of welcoming,
sent a band of men who seized and drowned him.

There is one remarkable link between this Fukien war and
the western world. We mentioned above the attempt of Jow to
get allies from Japan. In 1648, another attempt was made to
borrow Japanese troops, when the messengers were informed by
the weeping Japanese ministers, that they were then unable to
send a single man. In November they heard that the Roman
Catholics, for political reasons, were massacred in enormous
numbers in Japan. Their ships were burnt at Junjiaho.
Their " brass-plate engravings of the Lord of Heaven " were all
trampled under foot ; and every Japanese possessing any foreign
article was put to death. Foreign vessels of war (Dutch ?) then
opened their terrible guns, and the Japanese were compelled to
make a treaty ; since which the Japanese were in constant terror
lest the westerns should come in greater force. They were,
therefore, unable to send a single soldier. Japan had then no
mint of its own, but used the cash of the Ming first emperor,
which accounted for the enormous proportion of the cash of that
reign in Chowshan.

A priest, Jun Wei, came at that time from Japan; and in
reply to the anxious queries of Yuenji regarding the long-hoped-
for troops, said that neither silver nor silk would move the
Japanese to send aid ; but if the Japanese king would but
receive the Tibetan Chants and Litanies given to Pootoshan
monastery by the merciful empress (of the Ming), an army
would be gladly sent. Having secured the litanic treasure, the
priest and Yuenji's officer sailed ten days to Woodaoshan island,
where they saw two miraculous red fishes ; and other twelve days
brought them to Shanto on the Corean border, whence they
turned south and soon touched the Japanese island of Yesso.
They were boarded by the customs officers, who sent information
to the king that here were ships asking for an army. The king

A PRECIOUS LITANY. 311

was glad of the approach, of the ships, but could not understand
how Jun Wei was on board.

Jun Wei was a Chinaman and a man of some culture, because
of which the king was very fond of him. He was one of the
three principal priests in Japan, and his was the " North " Temple.
Just because of his learning, and because of the favour shown
him by their king, the people feared him ; feared lest he should
become like the Roman Catholics, and grasp at civil power.
They therefore sought his death. To gain the good will of the
people, he went in search of the famous Litany. But the king
of Japan informed the commander of the expedition that he had
not authorised the priest to go in search of the Litany, which
was handed back to the Chinese commander, who had to return
crest-fallen, feeling he had been "sold" by the priest; for
he returned with the litany instead of an army.

CHAPTER X.
GWEI WANG.

YOWLANG, the Yoongming Wang, was the fourth son of a
grandson of Wanli, and therefore not very distantly related to
the last Ming emperor. He was stationed in Chuchow when it
fell in 1643 into the hands of robbers, who were then far more
powerful than the regular armies and constituted authorities.
He, with Choo (Tsu) Wang, fled thence into Kwangsi, where he
took or received the title of Gwei Wang in Kweilin in September
1646, two months after Tang Wang was proclaimed emperor in
Fukien. When it was known that Foochow could not stand,
Ding Kweichoo, viceroy of the Kwangs, sent secret messages to
Ho Tungjiao, the viceroy of Hookwang, Shushu governor of
Kwangtung, and others, to meet together to nominate Gwei
Wang as Regent of the empire. He was proclaimed in
Chaoching, in December 1646 ; and in spite of the remonstrances
of those who raised him, now a strong party, Gwanshung had
Yii Ngao nominated in Canton a few days after. We have already
seen with what result his efforts were attended. Kweichoo was
made president of the Board of War, and Shushu of that of
Appointments. And the almost immediate disaster which
befell their army at the hands of the pirates threw all the Court
into a state of terror.

The clever capture of Canton by Chungdoong frightened
Chaoching still more, and in spite of the remonstrances of
Shushu, who urged the protection of the difficult mountain passes
from Kwangtung, Gwei Wang fled westwards to Woochow, leaving
Joo Jutien to hold Chaoching. Chungdoong was knocking at
the gate of Chaoching as soon as he settled Canton, and took

314 GWEI WANG.

and plundered Kaoleilien. Gwei Wang hastened away from
Toongchow to Pinglo ; Jutien retired and Chaoching was in
Chungdoong's hands. He did not rest there, but pressed on to
Woochow, Gwei Wang retiring on Kweilin notwithstanding the
warmly worded warnings of Shushu, who condemned this flying
from place to place, when there was little room to fly in. But
Gwei Wang was under the influence of a eunuch who guided
his steps and now recommended him to go to Hookwang to
Tungjiao. This step was strenuously opposed by Shushu, who
showed that Yunnan and those western regions were already
depopulated and waste, by the fearful carnage which had been
going on for years, while Kwangsi was still powerful. But if
Gwei Wang would go, Shushu prayed to be permitted to remain
in Kweilin and keep the city or die. This latter prayer was
granted !

This was in the spring of 1647, and Kweichoo had by that
time forsaken Gwei Wang. With forty vessels heavily laden
with his immense treasure * he submitted to Chungdoong, who,
however, loving plunder wherever or however obtained, saw no
reason why he should save this one life, when by taking it he
could secure so much booty, and Kweichoo breathed his last.
The commandant of Woochow, whence Kweichoo escaped,
submitted to Chungdoong. Indeed it was no common bravery
which could withstand the contemptible example set by each
pretender to the Ming throne. The bluest blood is apt to be
coldest. Yet Gwei Wang was extremely wroth when Chun
Bangchwen forsook Pinglo, leaving it to the Manchus. Surely
the man on account of whom others are called upon to spend
money and lay down their lives, should be at least above the
charge of cowardice, for shame if for no other reason. He retired
to Wookang however ; but Shushu was left in Kweilin, before
whose gates appeared the impetuous Chungdoong in April. A
few score Manchus rushed in by the open Wungchang gate, and

*This amounted to 200,000 Chinese ounces (liang) of gold and two and a half
million of silver. Twelve of these ounces are eq\ial to one Ib. avoirdupois ; and the
value of the whole would be about two millions sterling.

GALLANT COMMANDANT. 315

climbed on to the tower over the gate. Shushu happened to be
below, and shouted for lieut. -general Jiao Lien who was comman-
dant. Hastily replying to the summons, with some men who were
rapidly increasing in numbers, he went to meet the Manchus run-
ning in by the gate. He stopped the tide, shut the gate and then
turned on those who had already got into the tower ; they leaped
down and fell back on the main body. Jiao then with three
hundred men, all who had as yet collected, opened the gate, and
with a shout galloped towards the Manchu camp. His men quickly
increased to tenfold, and so fierce was their charge that several
thousand Manchus were slain. They had by that time formed in
battle order, but with a shout he pushed into their very centre.
Shushu was not idle, for he collected and led out to second the
gallant commandant every soldier and civilian capable of carrying
arms, and the Manchus were driven away in the greatest confusion
for several li, and great numbers of them slain. This disperate
sally was sufficient; and the Manchus retreated on the cities
already in their hands. But a larger army now appeared before
Kweilin from Honan; and under the famous three princes Koong,
Gung and Shang. But Jiao prepared western* muskets,
opened his gates and sallid out boldly against the formidable
Wangs. The fight raged from early dawn till mid-day, — the
Manchu troops not being able to understand that they should
now retreat, after an uninterrupted course of victories ; while the
zeal of Shushu and the fire of Jiao made their soldiers
enthusiastic in their determined attack. When the wearied
soldiers at last retired within the city, they found hot steamed
rice ready for them by the forethought of Shushu, who himself
distributed it. No wonder if the troops began to feel like soldiers.
Next day another sally was made with equal spirit, Shushu
having previously prepared an ambush, and the Manchu army,
attacked in front and flank, — their own old tactics, — gave way

* There were Roman Catholic priests then on both sides, forging cannon and
muskets ; some in Peking for the Manchus, some in Kwangsi for Gwei Wang, whom
they represented as actually, or about to i,be, the founder of a "Christian"
kingdom.

316 GWEI WANG.

in disorder and was pursued and cut down for 20 li. The result
of this victory was that Pinglo fell, and Shushu stimulated the
soldiers by sharing all their hardships.

Just then censor Loo Kojia took west Foochow, and commu-
nicated with Jiao, which compelled the Manchus to fall back on
Canton, when with the fall of Woochow all Kwangsi was again
waving the banners of Gwei Wang. Shushu was created
Taidsu tai shwai, and Jiao nominated a count. But Kwangsi
was so easily and speedily recovered, not merely because Shushu
converted the army into real soldiers, but because of events which
had transpired at Canton. Jin Loong, formerly a pirate, had gone
with over a myriad men to aid Kanchow. When it fell, his
occupation was gone and his men scattered. When Chungdoong
marched westwards against Shushu, graduates of Kwangtung
raised parties of men, and Jin Loong followed their example.
These, though not strong to begin with, were so vexatious, that
Kweilin was left in peace. In August, a former grand
secretary, Chun Dsujwang, raised an army at Kiwkiangtwun of
Twanchow ; Chun Bangyen, formerly senior secretary, collected
another at Kaochow; Jang Jiayii, formerly vice-president of
War, a third at Tungwan. These plotted to take Canton.
They secured some officials of the city as accomplices ; they got
three thousand of Whashan robbers to go into Canton, feigning
submission to the Manchus; and with these holding the East
gate, the combined armies were to march in at the third watch
of the seventh of seventh moon (August). But Toong Yangjia,
the Manchu commandant and recently created viceroy, dis-
covered the plot, executed the official accomplices, put the three
thousand to the sword, and then, as the garrison was anything
but strong, mounted the gate tower to see such hosts of foes
assembled as made him cry out, " Our last day has come ! " But
his men around said, "Better die fighting than sitting."
Thereupon he led out his garrison, battered the vessels of
Dsujwang, whose early arrival on the fifth led to the discovery
of the plot, and compelled him to retreat. With a north wind
he pressed after the retreating foe, completely defeating him at

STIFF FIGHT. 317

Bainguatan. Chungdoong, who had driven Jang Jiayii from
Sinngan on Bolo, now came tip at the summons of Yangjia, and
Bangyen had to retreat. Chungdoong soon after employed the
pirates, Jung, &c., as guides, and took Kaoming, and in it the
unfortunate Dsujwang, who was sent to Canton and executed,
calling upon the two first emperors of the Ming. He then
attacked Bolo, which had been taken by Jiayii, when he ceased
to fly. He excavated earth, raised mounds, set his cannon, and
Bolo was again under Chungdoong. Jiayii was from boyhood
an excellent swordsman, and now cut his way out to the hills,
where his scattered men soon gathered around him. He attacked
and took Tsungchung, but was dogged by Chungdoong, who told
off two officers against the three detached camps of Jiayii outside
the city, where he was well protected, as the mountains were
steep and the waters deep. But his ten thousand men were
attacked by a force several times as numerous, and his men were
surrounded by several lines deep. Jiayii pushed through the
line of siege, and a fierce and bloody contest took place, neither
being inclined to yield. Thousands fell on both sides, till Jiayii
saw his men become quite feeble, and crying out " lost," dropped
into a well, on the tenth day of the fight. Chungdoong, then
at the head of twenty thousand seamen, took Tsingyuen city,
put Bangyen to death; and all Kwangtung was again quiet
under his sharp piercing sword and swift footstep.

We left Lokuduakwun at Nanking, whence in January of this
same year he proceeded by ship into Hookwang. In February
he got to Woochang, whence he had to send a division against
lieut. -generals Ma and Wang, who were proceeding from
Yaochow to assist Tungjiao. He defeated them ; but heard
that Kingchow was besieged by the army of Li Jin from across
the river. He attacked the besiegers by night, defeated, and
divided into several divisions to pursue them. Li Dsu, a
younger brother of Dsuchung, submitted with • five thousand
cavalry and infantry. But though successful, he was not perfect;
and was recalled to Peking, probably to answer for dilatoriness,
and the pursuit of the fugitives was entrusted to the Three

318 GWEI WANG.

Princes. They got to Yaochow in April, defeated Jin Tsai at
Changsha, and Whang Chihuen at Hiangtan. Tungjiao had to
retreat to cover Hungchow. Prince Koong took and beheaded
Chihuen, and sent Joongming back to Changsha by water. He
defeated the enemy outside the city and drove Jang Gwangli
into Paoching. With another division he compelled Doo
Yinsi to flee into Yoongting Wei, while Li Jin was broken up
and fled to Kweiwoo ; Jinjoong and Yootsai retreating into
Woosi. Thus the thirteen outposts were driven in. The Three
Princes united again in September, besieged and took Paoching,
where Joo Ding, another Loo Wang, was taken and slain. They
pressed in upon Wookang, whence their approach drove the
hunted Gwei Wang. They took the city ; and Lin Chungyin,
after his defeat, submitted with seventeen lieut.-generals and
twenty-eight thousand men. Joongming took Chiyang, putting
to the sword a lieut. -general and seven thousand men.

From Wookang, Ma Jisiang followed Gwei Wang, who fled
with his three " empresses." They put to the sword the men
who kept the custom's barrier (gwan), and hurried through.
Two of Gwei Wang's sons were thrown from their horses, and
such was the haste, that their followers did not know of it.
Jisiang followed on foot for three days without a morsel of food,
till they came to the house of a literary man, who was then
employed in worshipping the image of an ancestor, whose features
exactly resembled those of Gwei Wang. The literate had a
dream the night before that a "god" and two grand secretaries
came from heaven to visit him. He welcomed Gwei Wang, fed
the party, and the village provided carts, provisions, and a convoy
of armed men, money and arms, — all in consequence of the
scholar's dream, for Gwei Wang took the utmost care not to
reveal himself!

Chungyin, who had surrendered to the Manchus, was
meantime sent to pursue the fugitive in hot haste, and when he
was only 3 li distant, or one English mile, his attendants urged
Gwei Wang to flee alone. They stood still for the pursuers, and
fought till the last man fell dead. Even thus he could not feel

IMPERIAL FUGITIVE. 319

safe, and he fled on foot for 30 li, not daring to wait so long as
to take some food. He was all but dead with fatigue when
How Hing came up to meet him with a few men. Day nor
night would the fugitive eat, but pressed on till at Lokiadien,
when danger was over, he made How a How (marquis). He
entered Kwangsi on horseback, and was apparently so overcome
with terror, that he would flee beyond Kwangsi ! For Shushu
is again found earnestly reasoning against going into the ravaged
provinces of Yunnan or Kweichow.

Chungyin who was pursuing repented of his apostacy, and next
year again attempted to reach Gwei Wang to support him, but
the Manchus overtook and beheaded him. If Chungyin had
pursued Gwei Wang rapidly, prince Shang marched on more
leisurely with his army. He took Kweiyang, went by Taochow
defeating Gwangbi, took Chingyuen, then Liping foo, where Min
Wang, Jwan Wang and others to the number of over twenty of the
imperial Ming family fell into his hands. They got to Kweilin
again, after Shushu and Jiao with the other principal men made
an oath before the gods to fight to the death. They found that
the army which had driven them off before was gone, but
Shushu was left behind and Tungjiao had replaced the army
with men of his. The princes therefore made certain of seizing
Kweilin. After the oath of Jiao and Shushu they marched out
against the advancing Manchus, came up with them at Ch lien-
chow and completely routed them, slaying large numbers,
taking celebrated horses, with camels, mules and other booty in
great quantity; then returned to Kweilin, whence they were
moved away in February 1648, three months after they drove
the Manchus back into Hoonan. As soon as the Manchus heard
of the departure of the Kweilin troops they advanced against
the city, against three gates of which they posted strong
detachments. Jiao, on seeing the enemy outside, gathered his few
men, passed out by the Wunchang gate, and with a shout set upon
the besiegers, who however speedily surrounded him, several
deep. Tungjiao was at the head of his men who had replaced the
former army. He had taken a different route from Jiao, but

320 GWEI WANG.

seeing his danger, sped to the rescue. The sally became a
general battle, and was most stubbornly contested on both sides,
till the Manchus again gave way and were pursued northwards
for 20 li. Shushu was again highly complimented; for it was by
his stubborn will alone that Kweilin had been left properly
garrisoned. Gwei Wang was not there, apparently terrified at
the distant echo of a battle-field. He was in Nanning. Shushu,
Tingjiao and Jiao, with Jao Yinhuen and Hoo Yiching, spread
their men in thirteen main divisions, over a continuous inter-
communicating line of 200 or 300 li. They took the offensive,
and as Shushu paid particular attention to have always on
hand an adequate supply of provisions, the Manchus were
driven far back, and Gwei Wang could again breathe freely in
Kweilin, whither Shushu introduced him in the following
January.

Before describing an entirely new phase of the war south of
the Yangtsu, arising from a thorough shuffling of the military
cards, we may glance at the north of the main battlefields.

In December 1646, an army had to be despatched into
Mongolia, which was threatening to take advantage of the
manifold troubles of the Manchus. In Shensi, Haogo's army
was so active during that year in taking cities, defeating,
pursuing, slaying and capturing the robbers, that the regent
ordered them to be handsomely rewarded. Hanchung had been
besieged by the " rebel " Hwojun, who had already taken the
suburb of Kitoogwan when Nikan hurriedly marched upon him
from Singan, defeated and pursued him so as to change the flight
to a disorganised rout. Number-two Tiger, Swun Showfa, had
attacked Hingan, but moved off when the army approached.

In January of 1647, Joo Changhiao, the Gweisi Wang, headed
a formidable rising in Hoonan, which compelled the Three
Princes to exert themselves. It was summer before they could
report satisfactory progress and cities taken. We have seen
above that they were latterly completely successful in subjugating
the whole of the province, though they took a year to finish their
work.

HOOKWANG TROUBLES. 321

In February the viceroy of Hookwang reported that there was
anciently a man, Chun Yowliang, with a set of sons who
turned out badly. Their descendants were divided into the two
family surnames or clans of Ko and Chun. They lived in Kiangsi
chiefly in the neighbourhood of Wooning, in Hookwang in the
neighbourhood of Hingkwo, giving great trouble in both places.
Elsewhere they were early got rid of; but in Hoogwang their
dominancy of three centuries was still an active scourge. One of
these styled himself a Wang. He made Chun Whangyii his
commander in chief and attacked Hingkwo, and put the district
magistrate of Woochang to death. The viceroy was now however
able to declare his power at an end, the army broken and the two
men slain. But in summer Gwangdai Wang of Hookwang
assumed imperial style, though the army sent to Yunyang, his
head quarters, could find no trace of him. They came upon him
in November however, drove him out of Yunyang, pursued him
to Fanghien, slaying over ten thousand of his men in the pursuit.
He fled into Szchuen, when the army returned and rooted out
his accomplices in Yunyang. Just before the flight of this
" emperor," a bandit chief acted as guide to Hie Yii, who took
Tsuchuen of Shantung, and in it Jusie, president of the Board of
War, whom they cut in pieces. Indeed there was no province
without its troubles, for Kansu governor was murdered by rebels,
who, however, were soon scattered ; and the marshal of Szchuen
fell in battle with his foes at Yunyang, and his death implies
the victory of the " robbers."

Though the emperor offered sacrifice at the tombs Fooling and
Jaoling at Mookden, to inform his ancestors of the annexation
of Fukien and Gwangtung, a few months later saw most of Fukien
again in the hands of Loo Wang. Some Manchu officers fled
panic-stricken out of the cities held by them, and they were
degraded and sent to Peking for "examination." There was also a
clever trick attempted to bring Chungchow's aged head to the
grave. A spy was sent from an old Ming marquis, offering to make
terms with Loo Wang, and on the person of the spy, who was
intended to be seized, was a paper stating that Chungchow was

322 GWEI WANG.

about to join the Ming cause. But he was above suspicion in
the Manchu court ; and the trick failed.

While the few able men about Gwei Wang were beating back
the Manchu floods from east and north, with headquarters at
Chiienchow, an officer rebelled in Kweilin, and began robbing the
citizens, compelling Tungjiao to retreat from Chiienchow to
save the capital. The three princes, formerly held in check by
Chiienchow, now prepared to take advantage of the Ming
internal discord to crush the cause at one blow ; but were
interrupted by the first serious revolt of their own men which
had yet taken place, and which restored both Kwangtung and
Kiangsi to the rule of Gwei Wang.

Jin Shunghwan, like so many of the principal actors in the
bloody drama now performing in every portion of China, was a
Liaotung man. He was originally under Liangyii, and deserted
to the Manchus at Kiwkiang. He rapidly rose to fame in
Fukien in 1646 and subsequently, till he was made a marshal.
Another officer, Wang Duayin, who had been under Dsuchung,
never lost a battle, and was eager to obtain the rank of lieut.-
general, which Jin refused to give; and the two were on bad terms.
But towards the end of 1647 Duayin was progressing towards
Kienchang, when Jin gave him the coveted rank. Whang
Yinloo was commander under Jin of the division composed of
Honan, Szchuen, Shensi and Shantung soldiers. Jin was himself
at the head of the Kiangsi army, and the whole province was under
his control. We have already seen Jin and Chungdoong constantly
mentioned together. They were repeatedly accused at Peking of
fierce cruelty towards the people ; and at last the old Liaotung
officers, Jang Tienyii and Toong Yangjia, were sent to supersede
them in rank, while they were still left general officers. Tienyii
was made governor of Kiangsi, and Yangjia viceroy of the
Kwangs. Jin and Chungdoong were naturally disappointed, for
they had taken those provinces. They were placed under these
two men, and left with their old rank; the one a marshal, the other
a lieut-general. The two, who were as excellent as soldiers as
they were merciless as robbers, were extremely disgusted ; and

IMPORTANT DESERTION. 323

the indignation of Jin reached its height when the worthless
deputy-governor was nominated superintendent of military
affairs. This was more than he could bear ; and he therefore
murdered the superintendent in spring, seized the new governor,
and, with his second in command, Wang Duayin, declared for
the Ming, taking all Kiangsi with him. Kanchow however,
under Gao Jinkoo, nephew of Gao Jie, held out for the Manchus,
as it had formerly done for the Ming. It was immediately
attacked by Jin. Three of its sides are inaccessible, the south
being of a great perpendicular height ; but it had provisions for
only ten days. The commandant sent to Chungdoong for
urgent aid, and especially for provisions ; urging that if Kanchow
stood Canton was safe, while Canton could not stand after the
fall of Kanchow. And how was the message answered by the
hot-tempered Chungdoong, — the Taker of Cities ?

He was, as we have said, discontented at the elevation over
his head, and over the country he himself conquered, of Yangjia,
who was no equal for dash or force of will of the brilliant but
heartless lieut. -general. Yangjia was therefore doubtless jealous
of his subordinate, as he would naturally feel a little in awe of
him. It was probably on account of this jealousy that he almost
invariably changed the officials left by Chungdoong in the cities
taken by the latter. This was another sore added to the
previous, one, and Chungdoong was in a dangerous mood when
he heard of Jin's desertion. He said to the viceroy that they
too should save themselves in time by pretending to join the
Ming, for they could not oppose the large army of Jin. But the
viceroy did not relish the suggestion. Soon thereafter there was
a theatrical performance, at which both the military officer and
the viceroy were present. Chungdoong praised the Ming
fashions as presented on the stage, and saying he would follow
those fashions, he cut off his Manchu queue with his sword,
and invited the viceroy to do the same. The great official
refused meantime, but in his fear at the manner of his subor-
dinate, he said he would "think about it." But the hour of
sweet revenge had struck for Chungdoong, who would have no

324 GWEI WANG.

thinking, and the viceroy had to follow the example. The "tail"
of the soldiers and their clothing followed. They too were dressed
according to the Ming fashion ; and Chungdoong laid Kwangtung
at the feet of Gwei Wang, soon after Kiangsi had joined him.
He had taken many an official seal in the numerous cities he
had captured, and among them one of a viceroy, which he
adhibited to a proclamation tending to pacify the excited and
fearing minds of the people. The grateful Gwei Wang made
him a marquis and the viceroy a count. Each of the revolted
generals had fully a hundred thousand men under his command.
They prepared to battle down the Manchu power with the
same energy which they had displayed in propping it up. And
Nanking was, as well it might be, in the greatest dread.

Meantime Tantai, a Goosa, was marching to relieve Kanchow.
But instead of going direct to that city, he turned aside and
besieged Nanchang, which was poorly defended, as Jin had all the
best men with him. Jin had not pressed the siege, hoping that
Gao, whose abilities he admired, would yield to his representations
and join him. Though therefore he kept the closest watch to pre-
vent any ingress or egress, he did not take active measures to pull
down the city. But his hopes of capitulation were vain ; and when
he heard of the attack on Nanchang, he at once raised the siege as
the Goosa had calculated. He defeated the latter, compelling
him to withdraw ; but the Kanchow garrison attacked his rear,
slaying several thousands of his men. His younger brother had
entered Kanchow a few days before, pretending to desert, but
was put to death by Gao's orders. Jin turned again, defeated
the Manchus at Pesha, taking three " western " cannon ; but he
had to enter the city as his opponents became too numerous. The
Goosa had his camp formerly in that neighbourhood. He had
a ditch dug, and an earthen wall built round about. He sent
the natives to the mountains to cut down the old trees there
and pulled down many houses in order to form a bridge across
the Changkiang river and the bad ground. The holes and mud
in the road had to be rilled in with stones, over which the piles
of the bridge were laid. Many myriads of the country people

FORCED LABOUR. 325

died of fatigue under the great heat, myriads more perished by
the hands of the soldiers, and were swept away by the rapid
current ; and over a myriad soldiers died in camp of their
insatiable libertinism, the fuel for which had to be supplied by
the wretched families of the neighbourhood : and this is stated
by the history of Gwei Wang to have been the cause of the
revolt of Jin.

Wang Duayin was also a Liaotung man, and formerly one of
Liangyu's army along with Jin and Gao Jinkoo. His hair was
of " five colours," or variegated, and all at his birth foretold that
he would yet become a wang. When Jin determined to march to
the aid of Nanchang, Kanchow was at its last gasp, as it had
been surrounded for one hundred days. Duayin strenuously
advocated the stay of the army before Kanchow, which must fall
within three days ; and that thus the Manchus would be com-
pelled to raise the siege of Nanchang, and come to the aid of
Kanchow. But Jin's wife was in Nanchang and he would listen
to no argument, but at once left Kanchow. He cut through
the besieging army and got inside the city. Duayin with Jin
had just before taken Kiwkiang, and their siege of Kanchow
was preparatory to their proposed march on Nanking ; but their
plan was frustrated by the obstinate defence of Kanchow, and
the march of the Nanking army on Nanchang, which in spite of
Duayin's counsel had the effect the Manchus desired. Duayin
broke off his division from Jin, and persisted in carrying out his
own plan of cutting the Manchu communications by occupying
Kiwkiang, the " throat," as he called it, of the " Long river " ;
his design being to compel the retreat of the Manchu army of
two thundred thousand men. He was on the way, when he
came across the Manchus at Chilikiai, where he defeated them
with great slaughter. He was always feared by them, even when
he was defeated. Though he was summoned back to the aid of
Nanchang by Jiang Yuegwang, he persisted in his own plan,
saying that his was but a small army (twenty thousand) and
would count nothing against the huge Manchu host, while
Kiwkiang was not only of immense strategical importance,

326 GWEI WANG.

commanding the provision route of those hosts, but was a small
city, and just the place for a small army like his which was quite
sufficient to protect it against any attack. But spite of his
reasonings and his opposition, no less than fifteen messengers
reached him in twenty-four hours, and he at last yielded, saying,
" It is only to die with them." He had to fight every yard of
his way to Nanchang, and just before he got to the city he came
across the main army, which he attacked with fury, and being
seconded by the garrison, he easily cut his way into the city.
A few days after, Kiwkiang was laid waste by the Manchus,
Nankang and Yochow, attacked by land and water, fell, and the
garrison of Kanchow in their jubilant liberty sallied out, attacked
and took Kingan ; Yuegwang's vessels were at the same time
destroyed by Lohwi, who looked after the river ports. And
Nanchang stood alone, all the deserted armies being within, and
hedged around by enormously disproportionate odds.

The city had six gates, three towards the hills and three on the
river bank. The Manchus built a long wall along the hills, and
crowded their ships along the river bank, leaving no loophole of
exit or entrance, and rice sold by and by in the city for tls. 80 or
over £20 per peck. The plan of the Manchus was therefore
completely successful, and the love of Jin made all the armies of
Kiangsi prisoners where they were unable to fight. Duayin, who
was there so much against his will, behaved most riotously and set
an example only too universally followed by the garrison. He
would not sally out, but day and night feasted, danced and made
merry, marrying a daughter of one of the people. Jin was in
deep grief, for no one listened to him, every one following the
example of Duayin. He wrote a formal letter to Yuegwang,
upbraiding him, a president, with following the evil example
instead of setting a good one, so that now the people prayed for
the speedy destruction of the garrison, instead of supporting
them with their good wishes. Rice then sold at six shillings per
peck. One subordinate officer, whether truly or with design,
reported that he had dreamed in the temple of the god of war,
that a horse had been given him on which he rode out and

FRIGHTFUL FAMINE. 327

defeated the enemy ; but whatever his object, the leaders said it
was impossible to do anything without the support of an army from
without. Rice rose rapidly, and many starved who had money
enough, but could buy nothing eatable. All the rats in the city .
were eaten, and the roots of grass and trees. The soldiers began to
kill the citizens for food, and the citizens acted similarly towards
the soldiers and to each other ; parents killing their sons, sons
their parents, husbands their wives and wives their husbands, in
the agony of their hunger. And no great wonder if the citizens
became disaffected and wished for the entry of the Manchus, to
whom they at last became as " eyes and ears." The Manchus
knew of the extremity of the distress and sent 20 pecks of rice
beneath the wall, probably in mockery, but Jin exchanged one
hundred catties of silver for it, hoping possibly that the
enormous sum would tempt further exchanges; but the Manchus
were pretty sure of the silver without the bargaining, for there
was not a hand in all Kiangsi raised to relieve the city in which
grim famine ruled so terribly.

We may now again glance at the situation from the Manchu
side. Soo Chin Wang returned to Peking in 1648, after he had
overrun the west and then the north of Szchuen, and taken the
south and east by a subordinate officer and a detachment of his
army. Lieut. -general Li Gwoying he left to act as governor,
and as Chungtu was in a frightfully damaged condition, and
incapable of defence, the seat of government was moved to
Paoning. Sangwei and general Li Gwohan were stationed in
Hanchung, communicating with northern Szchuen ; but they had
soon to move into Shensi, where one Jiang Hiang was fighting
among the mountains so furiously arid successfully, that a
number of old Ming officers raised troops, in the east and
south of Szchuen, and declared for the Ming dynasty. Gwei
Wang commissioned Chien Bangchi as governor, and Lli Dachi
as commander-in-chief, of Szchuen. And he whom we found
lately fleeing in such haste as to have failed to miss his own two
sons, was now lord of seven provinces, — Yunnan, the two Kwang,
Kiangsi, Hoonan, Hwichow, Szchuen, to which Fukien might be

328 GWEI WANG.

added. But if his empire was an extensive one, it was not like
that under the Manchus, welded into one ; but was composed of
heterogeneous elements ; nor was his the mind and the will to
fuse into a compact whole the many hot-headed patriots and
zealous self-seekers who led the movement. He was no more
than the sign on their banners. But having such a territory,
Gwei Wang drew his snail head out of his Yunnan shell and
crept to Chaoching, where he began his reign, though against
the advice of Shushu to make Kweilin his permanent capital.

Shensi was kept alive by the fierce fighting of Hiang among
the mountains. Shantung was not wholly free from excitement,
for bands of robbers combined to be powerful enough to take
Tungping chow, putting its prefect to the sword. Tsingyun was
taken by local bandits, and the magistrate murdered ; and
Pachow was so harassed by robbers, that an army had to be sent
under a Meirunjanyin. The governor of Fungyang seized a
"rebel" viceroy, Whang Yiichi, on whose person he found an
official seal and a volume of "seditious" odes. The prisoner
confessed he was on his way to join the " rebels " north of the
Yangtsu under Hue Jijow, to second those on the south of the
Yangtsu ; and he disclosed the names of a number of officers then
in Manchu service, who were pledged to rise at a given date.
These were all apprehended before they knew of the revelation
of the plot. The governor was ordered from Peking to put to
death all those named and to thoroughly investigate the
ramifications of the plot and to punish the guilty.

Fukien, long under the control of Chunggoong, was beginning
to waver towards the Manchus, and the career of the pirate
chiefs had passed its meridian before the siege of Kanchow
was raised or that of Nanchang began. Nor were the chiefs of
the movement in favour of Gwei Wang disposed anywhere to
march beyond their own province, Shushu and Tungjiao being
the only really patriotic men of note under Gwei Wang's
banner.

The Manchus had however to strain every nerve ; and but for
the manner in which Chinese armies generally live, it would have

UNIVERSAL EXCITEMENT. 329

been difficult to feed the large bodies of men they had to move in
all directions. Tan Tai was commissioned to march with general
Ho Lohwi from Nanking on Kiwkiang to unite with the princes
Gung and Shang against Kiangsi and Kwangtung. Prince
Jirhalang, with Lokuduahwun, was commanded to join prince
Koong against Hoonan and Kwangsi. Bolo and Nikan, two
princes, were sent against Hiang to Tatung of Shansi, Sangwei
and Gwohan into Shensi ; and Chungchow was ordered to remain
still in Nanking to look after the sea coast provinces.

Just then the' affairs of the Manchus looked desperate enough.
Excitement reigned everywhere, and no province was free from
commotion. The governor of Chihli reported that the bandits
of Tungming numbered hundreds of thousands under a man who
assumed the imperial style of Tienjung ; but the multitude was
dispersed by the provincial military. In Tientsin a "crazed"
woman gave herself out to be the widow of the second last Ming
emperor, and with a male accomplice got a jade imperial
seal cut, made an imperial " Flag of Fate," the possessor of which
has power of life and death. She was seized and put to death ;
but Ying Wang had to go into Tientsin in autumn to smother
the local rising and fermentation there. Another large force
had to be sent to Hokien to put down a rising there, and a
vice-president of Revenue was degraded, because, pretending
to be a herald, he went to the rebel camp and drank with them.

Besides the officers mentioned above as stimulated by the
revolt of Hiang, the Mahommedans rose in Shan si and Kansu
and took several cities. Mung Chiaofang the viceroy defeated
them however at Koongchang, and retook several of their cities —
Lintao, Lanchow, &c. They then placed themselves under the
leadership of prince Yenchang of the Ming family ; but in July
1649, he was defeated, taken and beheaded, like so many of his
doomed family. In this month a great pitched battle was fought
.at Lanchow, which broke their power ; but they kept the viceroy
employed till the end of 1650. Kansu Mahommedans gave up
the struggle in March 1650.

As early as the summer of 1645, one Liw Baisu, while digging

330 GWEI WANG.

came across a stone box * containing a volume of odes, which
none could read, which enabled the possessor to become a god or
shun ; and a jar containing the seal of a Commander-in-chief.
The emperor is considered the pole star and the ministers some
greater or lesser star surrounding him. The finder of this
treasure assumed the modest title of Ursa Major, but was seized
by the governor of Hlienfoo and put to death, ere he was able to
make good his right to the title.

In December 1649, the Ying Chin Wang was sent with a
large army to the neighbourhood of Tatung, in the north of
Shansi ; for Kochoohoor of Karka was reported to have come to
that neighbourhood to hunt, and in the disturbed state of the
Manchu empire, he was believed to have other game in view
than the deer, wolves, and foxes of the Mongol plains. Jiang
Hiang, the lieut. -general of Tatung referred to above, closed his
gates, and the prince hearing of it besieged him two days after.
At his request Bayen was marched westwards with the " red-
coat cannon." Hiang gave out that he believed the prince had
come to seize the city, and put himself to death ; and the regent
believing the statement to be a sincere one, wrote him an
autograph letter to allay his fears. The letter stated that
" because the emperor had business with the northern Mongol
was the army sent, having no concern whatever with the affairs
of the lieut. -general. If the emperor did seek the life of his
officers, as ' all under heaven ' belonged to the emperor, no one
could ever credit him with attempting to gain an object by
trickery, even if he really did practice deceit ; and the statement
of Hiang must surely have been caused by the words of some
lying traitor. If however he repented the insult offered to his
majesty's representative he would be forgiven as if it had not
happened." But the "emperor" had to forward other pro-
clamations in February, both to Tatung and to the people and
officials of Shansi generally, to contradict the reports set afloat

* The trick of the founder of the Mormons is a very ancient one in China, and
practised to this day; one of our authorities in this work, "The history of the End
of the Ming," being thus found.

BLAZE OF INSURRECTION. 331

by Hiang that the emperor was to put all the officials to death,
declaring that such language was but a fabrication of Hiang's to
induce a general rebellion.

Hiang's plans must have been previously well laid ; and the
appearance of Ying Wang was doubtless only provocative of an
earlier rising to prevent a collapse by discovery, if the Manchus
entered the city. While he was besieged in January by the
" Red-coat " cannon and the men of Ying Wang, he despatched
detachments of his men, who took Tsinchow and Sochow.
Wan Lien, a Ming old officer, collected an army on the borders,
took Ningwoo, Chilan, and Paote, uniting with Hiang. Liw
Chien raised a force with which he marched through Yenmun-
gwan, took Taichow, and camped at Wootai shan to support
Hiang. Taiyuen in terror cried out for help. Yoongchiang, a
Ming officer, seized Yenan; Liw Dunglow deserted from the
Manchus and occupied Yiilin ; Ding Gwodoong, the leader of the
Mahommedan rebels in Kansu, with the cities of Hosi, Chao Min,
&c., sub-prefectures and districts, declared for Hiang. The
Mahommedans threw Singan into hysterical cries for aid. Other
old officers seized Pingyang, cutting off Manchu communications
with Toonggwan, and a recent deserter occupied Taiping. Thus
there was a chain of rebellion from Tatung to Tsailoo ; and the
whole north was in a blaze of insurrection.

This serious rising, as we have seen, compelled Nikan to move
into Taiyuen ; and affairs looked altogether so ominously black, as
if the whole land were rising to vomit forth the northern barbarians,
that the regent made a long statement to the Board of War, after
his return from a hunt at Chadao, whither he had doubtless gone
to ascertain the truth about the Mongols, and whence he had
sent detachments from each of the Eight Banners to the aid of
Ying Wang. " My one desire," he says in name of the emperor,
"is to see perfect peace established within the bounds of the
empire. This is my day's thought and my evening prayer ; and to
attain this object my labours are endless. Robbers have all these
years created much disturbance. Murder and oppression carried
away the magistrate and weighed down the people. When we

332 GWEI WANG.

came within Chinese borders, it was to extirpate robbers, and to
save the people out of ' fire and flood.' Who could have thought
that for these years so many of this people would refuse to
adhere to us ? And not only so, but that some could be found
preaching groundless charges against us, causing doubt and
perplexity to fill the minds of the people, so that they know not
whither to look nor whom to trust ! This perplexing doubt can
exist only because the people are even yet ignorant of the truth;
their ignorance making them the dupes of the malicious, who
urge them into rebellion. And no sooner is one such set put
down than another springs up. If the ignorant people are always
to harbour this doubting spirit, when can peace be secured ?

"We have heard it said that, 'Not the man delighting in
bloodshed can rule all under heaven.' The ' Historical Classic '
says that, ' If men have no ruler, how can they exist ? If the
minds of the people are not with the ruler, how can he reign ? '
The ruler is the father, the people his children. That father
does not exist who has pleasure in oppressing his children.
If men now suffer death, it is only because they are criminals.
How can it be conceived that we desire to slay the guiltless ?
From the first day of our reign to this moment, the line of
malicious slanderers has continued, — yet during all those six
years, where is the blameless man who has been injured ? If
the people are but willing to consider this one fact, their minds
will become clear as ice and their doubts disappear.

" We have long believed that though the speech of Han and
Man (Chinese and Manchus) is unlike, their hearts do not differ.
And in this world there is no man — peaceably disposed in his
own house, and loving his own occupation — who can ever
become a robber, or delight in oppressing the people to the
death. Underneath all this restlessness, therefore, there must
be some unlawful desires. To my mind the thought sometimes
presents itself, that the various viceroys, governors, treasurers,
deputy-governors, may not have been the proper men, and
that the subordinate officials may be such as prefer 'fish and flesh'
to the proper performance of their duties, thus causing discontent

IMPEKIAL APOLOGIST. 333

among the people, difficult to be restrained from breaking out into
breaches of the peace. Or is this fermentation occasioned by
the tax-gatherers cruelly exacting the old amount of taxation in
spite of our proclamations of abatement ? These possible
reasons we hint at ; but we believe the causes of trouble are not
thus exhausted. The officials and magistrates of the capital are
bound to deliberate together, to carefully investigate whether
there are malpractices among them, and to discover the surest
modes of ensuring prosperity to the people, and an increase to
their comforts. When this advice is thoroughly carried out,
we shall know how to address the people."

It is not at all impossible that the Manchu regent, like the
International, and every other society which aims at power, was
blinded to the fact, that on the principles so truthfully and
naively set forth, he should be hunting the deer and the wild
boar on the mountains of Hingking, instead of commanding-
hundreds of thousands of Chinese soldiers, with millions of
Chinese money. Every man thinks it wrong for any other than
himself to possess or strive for what he has himself acquired by
striving and force; and every man striving for it, thinks it
wrong in that man to possess it ! The Manchus cut their way
into Peking, over millions of dead men, — but Gwei Wang was a
robber for aspiring to the same distinction ! And is not might
the only rule of right in England now as in Peking then ?

Again in June the regent had to make a somewhat similar
address to the Board of War, saying that Man and Han are
equally his people ; nor did he make any difference in his treat-
ment of them from the beginning : they had always been equal
in law. Nor was the present war of his seeking, for he desired
nothing less than to harass the blameless people. He ordered
the Board to determine how much and what kind of grain and
provisions each marching army was to have ; and to see that the
pots, pans, straw-knives,* and horse-troughs, used by the army

* There is no hay in China ; the succulent straw of the Yellow Millet being used
instead. But this straw is stout, as that of wheat, and tough. It has, therefore, to
be cut into very small pieces, in a machine composed of a heavy piece of hard wood,

334 GWEI WANG.

on their march, be restored to their proper owners, whenever the
feeding was over ; and the Goosa and Jangjings were commanded
strictly to look after this matter. It was also ordered that if a
soldier took away forcibly any one article he should be executed
and the head of his family and his next superior officer punished,
as they should have prevented him. Beheading was to be the
fate of the soldier who went in his armour beyond his ranks
to plunder, making no distinction between friend and foe. The
Board was ordered to publish this abroad. It was inevitable
that marching armies, so large and so frequent, should cause
grievous suffering to the people ; and the only safe policy for the
Manchus was that proclaimed by the regent, which, however, if
fully carried out, would have considerably diminished the number
of the living heads in the armies.

It was then he agreed to the suggestion of the Board of
Revenue, which had its hands full in trying to make ends meet.
This was to sell several literary and magisterial titles, as also
the titles of Abbot in Buddhist and Taoist monasteries or
temples, both in the capital and the provinces; to convert
sentence of banishment into a fine; to abolish the office
of governor of Tientsin, of Fungyang, of Nganhwi, and the
<jensorate of Hunkiang, with the military cashier Taotai of
Tientsin, — the surplus from which increased revenue and
decreased expenditure might suffice to meet the additional drain
caused by the immense armies. But the selling of " abbot " or
any title to a priest or monk was, on the death of the regent,
decreed to be disgraceful. So simony finds no countenance in
China !

After the speeches of the regent he went westwards in person
and occupied Yoong gwan, entered Yuenchow, thence threaten-
ing Tatung, but offering pardon on its submission. Nikan was

in the end of which is fixed the point of a long, heavy steel blade, moved up and
down by hand. The tough straw is placed by an attendant on the hard wood, and
the sharp edge of the knife cuts right through ; for there is a narrow groove running
the whole length of the wood, into which the knife is imbedded, without bringing
the edge into contact with the wood.

WEAK GENERALSHIP. 335

more active from the south ; for he marched from Taiyuen and
took Chinchow. Bolo also defeated an army of six thousand
men, one thousand of whom were the men of Hiang and all
under his orders. This took place immediately north of Tatung.
But though thus threatened on all sides, though his formidable
friends the Mahommedans of Kansu were broken up and their
leaders slain and those of Shansi rendered harmless, the leader
of that revolt was as proudly defiant as ever, and again the
regent marched westwards to crush him. But when he got to
Goorban Kow,* he was compelled to march north by Jangjiakow
(Kalgan), and summon all the " inner Mongols " to his standard,
as Showlei, the Khan of Karka, was reported only ten days'
march from Peking, at the head of a large army of infantry and
cavalry. When he got to Chasirtoo on Chahan naor, both men
and horses were worn out with fatigue, and weak from loss of
flesh; so he turned again towards Tatung, in April took
Yuenchow, whence he again sent messengers to Hiang offering
him pardon on condition of submission. This was certainly not
a very dignified course of action, when Hiang knew as well as
the regent that it proceeded from weakness ; and it deserved the
reply it got in the form of a letter stating that both soldiers and
people under Hiang were in a desperate fury against the
Manchus and their minds as fixed, straight and inflexible as an
arrow, determined to die rather than yield ; and concluding with
a prayer that the regent might cease any further allusion to
submission and might kindly point out some other modus rivendi,
else Hiang had no alternative but to meet him outside the city
walls at the head of his army. This insulting reply naturally
irritated the proud regent into a state of fury ; but he was unable
to reply, for already his army had wheeled round towards Peking,
where the regent's full brother, Yii Wang, was suffering from
small-pox. This prince, whose name was Dodo, was the fifteenth

* Goorban is three, so that it is the " Third Pass." Jangjiakow or Kalgan Pass,
200 li north of Peking, may be the first, south of it is Sifungkow, 100 li or more ;
and south of that Heifungkow, which may be the same as Goorban. These gates
are all in the Great wall — Chahan, white, naor, lake, probably because it produces
salt.

336 GWEI WANG.

son of Noorhachu, and was but lately nominated Assistant
Guardian Uncle. He was 35 years of age when he took ill, and
before the regent got into the city he died. The regent heard
of the death while at Kiiyoong, and hurried into the capital to
mourn. In May, Ying Wang reported the capture of Tsowei,
but he too had to make all speed to the capital, leaving his
troops in the hands of Woobahai, Tunchiha and Babootai.
Bolo was nominated commander-in-chief, and Nikan his second.
The regent then again wrote to Hiang, saying that he did not
reply to the letter received, because its language was so
rebellious, but that Ying Wang on his return reported repen-
tance ; and as the regent was anxious to save the lives of the
people, Hiang would still be pardoned if he submitted ; but it
would be wise in him to repent from afar (and not wait the
despatch of an army to the neighbourhood).

In June and July, Bolo reported the capture of Tsingyuen,
Kiaochung, Wunshwi, Hiikow, Chihien, Pingyang, Funchow,
and Siaoyi of Shansi. But Tatung continued deaf to the dove
voice of the regent, who therefore again donned his mail and
marched westwards in August, sending Mandahai and Wakda,
two princes, against Sochow and Ningwoo. He reached
Uloosibartai, and again changed his mind, — ordered his men
back to the capital, which he re-entered in September. As will
appear elsewhere (see Imperial Family), his mind was busy
with higher objects than Hiang; but he set his generals a bad
example by this dilly-dallying. He again marched against
Karka, and got to Chooshoo. Mandahai was more attentive to
business, taking Sochow, Mayi, and other cities. He was soon
rejoined by Ying Wang, and Tatung was again pressed. In
August the besieged city suffered from famine, and was in great
straits. As there was only one possible termination to the siege,
lieut.-general Yang Junwei plotted with other twenty-two
officers, and put Hiang and two of his brothers to death, going
with the three heads into the Manchu camp. The Manchus
moved into the city without opposition. The regent, on hearing
the news, sent orders to preserve alive all those concerned in

SHANSI RECOVERED. 337

the death of Hiang, with their families ; but every other officer,
soldier and civilian, was ordered to the sword, and he commanded
Ying Wang to break down the city wall by five feet all round.

This virtually terminated the Shansi revolt, for Mandahai soon
took Funchow, putting to death the governor appointed by Hiang.
Pingyao, Taiku and Miliaochow, fell in rapid succession; and
Tunliw, Hiangyuen, Yiilin, and Woohiang opened their gates.
His success was so complete, that he was ordered into Peking ;
Wakda being left to smother the embers of the Shansi rebellion.

It was just before the fall of Tatung that the regent informed
the Board of War of the rumours that robbery was so rampant
and still growing, because the civilians were forbidden to carry
arms. They were now permitted to use the three-barrelled gun,
— which was of iron, scarcely a foot long, and useful only to make
noise, — fowling-pieces, bow and arrow, spear and sword, with the
use of a horse ; but they were still forbidden to possess or use
cannon. The arms which had been already confiscated on entering
Peking, were therefore now all handed back to their original
owners.

In March 1649, Sangwei saved alive some prisoners taken in.
battle, and the fact was reported to Peking. The emperor said
that " where peace was secured every man giving in his allegiance
must be preserved alive to show the imperial clemency ; but the
obstinate must be put to death to show our justice, causing all
men who fear death to yield. But those preserved by Pingsi
Wang were taken in battle, and while the war is still raging,
leading the enemy to infer that even the obstinate rebel may be
saved after he is taken. This will tend to prolong the war ; for
no one will feel any necessity to lay down his arms. This
clemency is ill-timed, and is inconsistent with correct principles
of government. The Board of Punishment is ordered to transmit
to our Pingsi Wang and to Morgunhia the imperial sentiments."
Alas therefore for prisoners of war ! In that same month Sangwei
defeated and slew the prince Joo Sunfoo. But Yoongchiang had
successfully attacked and taken nineteen cities, Tingan, Yulin,
&c. He attacked Toonggwan and Tingpien; the army at
w

338 GWEI WANG.

Hvramashu joining him, and his ranks being swollen by numbers
of the people goaded into fury by the conduct of the imperial
soldiers. In reference to this oppression, Nikan reported that
the soldiers of Kolami stole boys, girls, and cattle from the people.
Orders were sent down to have the matter thoroughly inves-
tigated, the guilty punished, and the property restored. Nikan
also seized and put to death the governor Jiahwi sent by Gwei
Wang ; while Yoongchiang put to death Li Jungju the Manchu
governor with the intendant. The magistrate of Kikun hien
locked his doors and hanged himself.

But in the end of April, Sangwei reported the capture of
Yikun and Toongkwan hien cities ; and more important still,
the complete defeat of Yoongchiang, who lost fully seven thousand
men. In June he took Yenngan foo, Yenswi and Chunchung
in August ; and Yulin and surrounding cities fell after severe
fighting. Mandahai and Wakda cleared the regions of Loongan
and Tsaichow, beheading Li Jientai at Taiping, completing the
conquest of both Shansi and Shensi ; and the north of the river
left the Manchus again free to march southwards. Bolo and
Nikan were created Chin or Family Wang. Sangwei was
ordered back to Hanchung, whence to operate against Szchuen.
Princes Shang and Gung were sent from Kiangsi against
Kwangtung. Some Chin and Kun Wangs of the old Ming,
apprehended, were sent into Peking, where they were supported
by the government. Officials under commander were made
superintendents of customs, while the openly and persistently
rebellious were ordered to be mercilessly executed. Fear was
now giving way to the anger of thwarted power and returning
authority.

Whether Jiang Hiang hoped to become an emperor himself,
or whether he intended to support Gwei Wang, his revolt had
removed the terrible pressure on the Kwangsi forces, and
Tungjiao had not been slow to take advantage of the change and
to press into Hoonan. Li Jin had so powerful an army, that he
believed he had as good a title to the imperial title as any man. He
proclaimed his deceased uncle Dsuchung an emperor, and himself

HO TUNGJIAO DIES. 339

the successor. He nominated the proper officials and created ten
counts ; after which he advanced on and took Kiangtan, putting
the city to the sword. Changsha was terrified, but successfully
resisted his immediate attack. Hii Nan had three thousand
men in Changsha. He cut a road under ground, came upon the
enemy, and slew over a thousand men. He built high towers
whence " flying " arrows and stones flew incessantly. He sent a
large number of his men, each to raise a flag on a small vessel ;
and when Jin's men saw the enormou ' fleet coming to raise the
siege, they fled in terror.

Tungjiao attacked Yoongchow, which was under command of
a Jinsu Shaodsoo, who defied Tungjiao. But a son of his fell
into Tungjiao's hands, was spared, and the grateful father opened
his gates. He was upbraided by Shushu, who attained his Jinsu
degree in the same year as Shaodsoo, — with having forsaken his
native dynasty; and his reply was that when all were submitting,
what could he a solitary man do ? Tungjiao then marched against
Changsha, which he was besieging, when the pacification of the
two northern provinces set free the Three Princes to march south
again. Jirhalang and Koong entered Hoonan in March 1649.
They attacked Jinjoong in Changte. He set fire to the city and
fled to Wookang. Li Jin had to follow on his rear going west-
wards. Doo Yinsi and all the other commanders and officers in
charge of the district and other cities followed Jinjoong' s example;
burning, flying, plundering and laying waste as they retreated,
leaving a desert in their track and making for Kweilin. Tungjiao
marched in to hold the empty city of Hiangtan. A division of
the Manchu army marched from Nganloo, and crossed the
Changsha Kiang by night under Hii Yoong. When Tungjiao
awoke in the morning he found his camp empty : his generals,
Ma Jinjoong, &c., had marched all their men out by night
and joined the Manchus. Tungjiao was completely stunned
at this reward of his faithful services, and it was an easy
matter to seize him. The Manchu commanders did all in
their power to detach him from the Ming cause. But
he terminated the trial by refusing to eat any food, and

340 GWEI WANG.

died on the seventh day. His wife and children were
slain.

We must now return to Chungdoong and his besieged friends
of Nanchang. In August 1648, Shushu memorialised his
emperor to move into Kweilin, but met with no response. A
few days after Gwei Wang was on the way from Nanning to
Chaoching, where he was welcomed by Chungdoong, who pre-
sented his lord with ten thousand taels, and was in return made
viceroy of seven provinces ! Chungdoong was alarmed at the fate
impending over Nanchang, and advanced to attack Kanchow,
whose brave commandant Gao was an old comrade. He hoped,
but in vain, that Gao would submit to him ; but his hope, like
the similar one of Jin, induced him to besiege without assaulting.
While lying before the city, his men apprehended a spy who was
sent from his former chief Yangjia, and on whom was found a
letter to Gao urging him to hold out. Chungdoong was not
slow in returning with the letter, and he secretly accused the
writer of treason to Gwei Wang. Yangjia was examined, found
guilty and beheaded. His submission, as we have seen, was not
a voluntary one. Suspecting him from the very first of no very
friendly intentions, his three thousand men were sent to
Woochow on pretence of garrisoning the place. Their food was
daily distributed to them in front of a large temple, and within
its compound. They went in singly by one door, and out singly
by another in the opposite wall. One day, when going out
as usual, they were one by one seized and put to death, —
reminding one of the similar " freedom " given to prisoners by
the French Revolutionists. It was in revenge he sent the letter
to Gao ; which resulted in his own death at Woochow.

Chungdoong was not successful against Kanchow, and his
various attempts on Kienyang were equally fruitless. His
victorious career ended with his revolt. His opponents, when
he was under the Manchu banner, were smitten with the Ming
paralysis ; but when he became a Ming officer, he was opposed
by the stubbornness of the Manchu, or of the Manchu-
inspired Chinaman. He crossed the Annam frontier in

GWEI WANG'S COURT. 341

January 1649, saying he would look after the regions beyond
the border.

The seat of government in Chaoching was then in the hands
of cabals. There was a Kwangtung clique, and a Kwangsi
clique, and others formed a third clique. Li Yuenhow was an
adopted son of Chungdoong's. He was commmandant of
Chaoching; and he soon usurped all governmental authority,
while Chungdoong was master of all outside of the court.
Yuen Pungnien was called by the people the tiger's head;
Hiangko, tiger's skin ; Shukwei, tiger's tail ; Jinpoo, tiger's
claws; and Mung Jung, tiger's feet: and combined they made
the "five-tiger." Chungdoong was sailing with his vessel on
the river when he fell in with the count Wang Chungun
in February. He invited the count on board. They feasted
and drank; and when the count was drunk, Chungdoong
had his throat cut and murdered him. Gwei Wang nominated
a Fukien man to be a cabinet minister. Chungdoong had not
approved of him, seized and put him to death. Bangchuen was
made a marquis for distinguished services and Chungdoong a
duke. A commandant had been set over Hiinchow by Gwei
Wang on his eastern journey, against whom the tiger raised
vehement objections. Bangchuen supported his sovereign, and
the sixteen officials thereupon made the greatest uproar,
threatening to resign in a body. Gwei Wang spilt his tea in his
terror, and the result of it all was that the commandant retired
from his post. From these incidents we can easily read the
capacity of Gwei Wang, and perceive the rottenness of the
southern court ; while at Peking everything was done with the
regularity of clock-work, because there was a man at the head of
affairs.

Chungdoong was however not unmindful of Nanchang, and
passed over Yii ling pass to strike a blow at Kanchow. Gao, to
gain time, sent messengers with overtures to surrender; and
this caused Chungdoong to retire his men on to the pass again.

The dreadful famine in Nanchang had meantime carried off
almost the whole of the civil population, and had decimated the

342 GWEI WANG.

military, while, worst of all, it had gnawed away all the courage
which they had possessed. A great cannon, made by the " red
barbarians " (Dutch), was brought to bear upon the walls, and
its echoes filled the surrounding valleys for 100 li. The officer
holding the west gate offered to turn traitor and open his gate.
To veil the move, a furious cannonade was opened on the east
side, while a body of men darted in by the west gate ; and as all
spirit had died out of the garrison, the city fell at once. Jin,
well aware that his men could not stand an assault, put on his
silver mail and leaped into a well. His family was all burned to
death. Duayin, even yet true to his nature, dashed with his
men into the Manchu ranks. Thrice he cut his way to the spot
where the Goosa rode, but he was not recognised. He was at
last slain. Yuegwang, who was to a great extent responsible for
the useless suffering, drowned himself in his official robes. Many
of even the officers and civil officials had been eaten ! About
the time when Nanchang was falling, vice-president Choongsi
was starting from Chaoching with an army to raise the siege.
He found he was too late, and was defeated at Chunhiang.

The Manchu army now marched to the roll of the drum — no
man raising a finger in opposition — to raise the siege of Kanchow.
Had Jin taken Duayin's advice, waited a few days longer, and
taken Kanchow, as the Manchus had stuck to Nanchang, there
might be still a Ming dynasty reigning in Nanking. But people
who were eager to spend money and life, found] all was^thrown
away because of incapacity or selfishness ; and no wonder if they
did gradually cool down and become indifferent to a dynasty
represented by the weakness of Gwei Wang and the cruel
covetousness of his officers. Gwei Wang had long ago ordered Li
Jin from Kingan, against Kanchow, and commanded Chungdoong
to march down from Yuling and press the siege. But Li had
his own purposes to serve ; and Chungdoong was engaged for
months parleying with Gao, who angled him most skilfully,
keeping him on the Pass, on the heights of expectation, till his
provisions ran done; and his men became at last so weak that when
he did march, many fell on the road and were too feeble even to

cilllNGDOONG DROWN I'll).

crawl out of UK; way to die. He moved down only in
November, wlirii Nanchang made another piteous cry for help.
Ho got down to the vicinity of the.; city, and Gao, knowing the
condition of his army, issued out with his whole force, before the
weary men had time to rest or taste a morsel of food. Their defeat
and flight fallowed as a matter of course. They drew away in
(•nn fusion, and he move. I them into Sinfung. The Manchus were
now drawing near this city from Nanchang, and he determined to
make a, stand hero; but as soon as his men heard of the arrival
of the Ma.nc.hus, they began to glide away, and do what he would
he could not persuade them lo remain. They knew somewhat

of want; they had I ieard of Nanchang, and they doubtless feared

a. repetition of I lie dismal .scenes which had occurred in that woeful
city. Me, however, took their departure so ill thai he drank
himself drunk before setting out. He started; and that evening
an iron man and horse were, observed to enter the river, and

Chungdoong was never seen again. Thus was terminated tin-
revolt which had given Gwei Wang so much territory, which
had shaken with a moral earthquake the Manchu power, and
had threatened io topple it over.

In the west, Yinsi and Yiching wen; driven off by the Manchus
at Hungchow, and .linjoong stood alone in Wookang. Tsao
.lujien was in Yungehow, and Jintsai held Tsingchow. Jnjicn,
then in Ta.ochow, was the first attacked by prince Koong.
At iirst he was defeated; but showing his men two hundred
thousand tael; -,, he ;;aid th.-i.t each man who slew a, Ibe would
have a. "button" (from one to four taeJs). The Manehu:; ha,d
to retire. Prince Koong, — whose men, as well a:; those of his
two fellow princes, wen; allowed to have their families with
them, — got to II uiiij'chow, sent a, division against and defea.l.ed
the enemy a.t }'t"ii<f,Kii 'ivo, while lie defeate(J a.n a.rmy of several
myriads at Yungchow. He despatched a division to attack the
rear Of Jljien, While he attacked in front. lle^-amed a complete
victory a,t Loonghoogwaii ; fifty thousand of Jijien's men

submitting.

After the fall of 1 1 iangtaii, the Manchus marched for Yunghing.

344 GWEI WANG.

A body dashed in by an open gate, and the city was taken by
surprise with its lieut. -general. Li Jin, hearing of the approach
of the Manchus, forsook Chunchow, — not acting in conformity
with his formidable name of "Number-One-Tiger." Jinjoong,
with the cognomen of " Breaker-up-of Ten Myriads," and his
colleague, Jintsai, were attacked and defeated by Nikan, and
Paoching fell in consequence. Number-Two-Tiger, and his
colleague, were also defeated, and their ten camps along the
Hoongkiang broken up. Defeat followed defeat in all directions,
till Jinjoong had to abandon Wookang, and Chingchow fell,
opening up the road to Kweilin. Completely breaking up an
army sent by Shushu to Chuenchow, Koong marched for Kweilin.
When Koong's army got up to Kweilin, it found the garrison
utterly demoralised. The soldiers broke up in the greatest
confusion, flying in all directions. The former " rebel " Jingjiang
Wang fled, his two eldest sons strangling themselves in the
palace. General Hoo Yichung, one of the officers sent by
Shushu to stop or impede the Manchu march, rushed into
Shushu's presence, nervously shouting, " They've come ! they've
come ! " and called for horses. " Whither ? " asked Shushu, and
said, "better drink and die." The coward fled; Shushu
remained and called for drink. He was soon joined by a similar-
minded official, and both drank and sat still, clad in their official
robes and facing south, — representing the ghost of a majesty
which was vanishing. In this position they remained when the
Manchus burst in upon them, but they sat like two statues,* not
moving a muscle or bending an eye; and the Manchus were
terrified, thinking them "gods"; and it was only after some
thousands had gathered round, that they dared approach, lay
hands on and seize the two. Prince Koong was eager to save
the life of a man whose ability was unquestioned, and whose
fame was spread abroad. He first of all reasoned with him, in

* This same characteristic has been ridiculed as indicating great stupidity, or
ineffable conceit. But wheth'er in circumstances of danger or novelty, it is to the
Chinese gentleman the perfection of bravery and the essence of politeness, to appear
as if wholly indifferent; and the self-control we admire in the ancient Spartans,
we need not despise in the modern Chinaman.

END OF SHUSHU. 345

order to get him to desert ; using as his strongest argument,
that it was now clear as day that Heaven's will had given China
to the Manchus. Failing in that line, he urged him to become
a monk ; but also in vain. For forty- two days did this struggle
go on, — the one seeking to save the life of the other, who sought
to die the death of a faithful minister. Shushu complained
bitterly that he was left so long in this condition, and at last
" reviled " the prince into an irritation so great, that he said,
" To-morrow you shall die ;" nor did either of the two officials
change colour, when the soldier executioners cut their throats
next day. But far and near was mourning made for the people's
favourite. This was in December ; and the end of this man and
the fall of Kweilin, warranted the recall of Jirhalang and his
army to Peking ; an attempt by Jiao Lien in the beginning of
1651 to recover lost ground being abortive.

Ever since the siege of Kanchow had been raised, the men of
Jin, and of the camps of Jang, Hoong, Tsao, and Li Jin, had
dispersed among the mountains of Fukien and Kwangtung.
Choongsi and Foo Tingchuen collected them again, and the for-
midable Yiiling Pass was occupied with the greatest watchfulness
by Kwangtung men. But all this praiseworthy care was of no
avail; for Shangjoong, an officer of the Ming, offered himself as
guide, and led princes Shang and Gung from Kiangsi over
unoccupied mountain paths beyond Yiilinggwan. The Manchus
took Narihiwng, driving out the commandant, who fled into
Kweilin, where Kwei Wang ordered his execution. Shaochow
fell into Manchu hands in February 1650, its lieu t. -general
submitting. Next month Canton was surrounded, the viceroy
Doo Yoongho being inside. Fan Chungun was commandant.
Gwei Wang therefore, seeing the Manchus crowding his east,
and prince Koong pushing rapidly south from Hoonan, — once
more pitched his moving tent, left Chaoching under Li Yuenyin,
and flitted into Woochow.

Canton was well prepared for defence. On its west — the
threatened side — a masked battery had been erected and a wooden
wall. Three ditches dug deep admitted the ebb and flow of

346 GWEI WANG.

the tide; the silt caused by which made so deep and soft a mud,
that the Manchus found it impossible to cross it. They therefore
drew a wide line round the city, to starve it into surrendering.
The weather too fought for the city, for the summer was an
exceedingly rainy one. The bow-strings of the Manchus lost
their elasticity, and an epidemic broke out among the soldiers
of so severe a character, that the commanders were about to
order the raising of the siege, when another of those endless
" accidents " happened, which were determined to ruin the Ming
cause, and establish Manchu rule.

Canton had some time before sent a demand for aid, which
Gwei Wang at once prepared to send. An army was collected,,
which however first marched on Woochow, demanding the heads
of the " Five Tigers," some of whom were slain and the others
punished. After this purgation, the army marched ; but two of
its generals quarrelled by the way, and sought to exter-
minate each other. It was, therefore, an easy matter for the
large Manchu army to scatter the ten thousand who appeared,
though Ma Bao was among them. That victory sealed the fate
of Canton, for it raised the spirits of the besiegers. The viceroy
about that time escaped from the city by sea; but on being
reprimanded by Gwei Wang, he returned, and was created a
marquis !

Liwchi was ordered off to summon the surrender of the cities
Chao and Hwi, and Chaoching commander dared not move to
the rescue of the threatened posts. Just then a large reinforce-
ment of fresh troops from Kiangsi joined the plague-stricken
Manchus. Prince Shang ordered them, while still fresh, to dis-
mount, and wade on foot through the mud. They advanced amid
showers of arrows and stones, and cut down the wooden walls.
Artillery was then brought to bear upon the north-west corner
of the city, and under cover of their cannonade the Manchus
scaled the walls and took the city. The viceroy commandant
and many other officers submitted ; but a scene of cruelty
unsurpassed was enacted by the maddened Manchu- Chinese
soldiery (see Army). Canton fell November-December, 1650,

A DISSOLVING KINGDOM. 347

having stood a siege of nearly a year. Thus the capitals of
Kwangtung and Kwangsi fell about the same time, and Kwei
Wang had his locks sadly shorn.

The actors in the first and second phases of Gwei Wang's rule
have now all disappeared. The best of them are in their graves,
the less worthy have joined the Manchus, or fled to the
mountains to live by plunder. Whether he thought it or not,
Gwei Wang had at least as good reason as the lovely but
unlovable Mary, to say that all who loved him must die. Had
Shushu been Gwei Wang, the war would have had a very
different issue, or had Gwei Wang been a man of some mental
calibre he would have found it to be to his and his people's benefit
to listen to the advice of Shushu. But every George III. will
have his Aberdeen.

It was against the advice of Shushu that Gwei Wang fled
from Chaoching to Woochow. But now that Kweilin is fallen,
probably from lack of that hearty support which Gwei Wang
was doing all he could to throw away, he found Woochow too
near the Manchus ; and under cover of a heavy rain he got into a
boat and made for Hunchow, then for Nanning, but destitute of
money. Bangchuen had deprecated flight from Woochow, and,
unlike Shushu, when he found Gwei Wang gone beyond his
influence, he put to the sword as many ministers as he could lay
hands on. The new year of 1651 Gwei Wang passed in Nanning,
whence he sent grand secretary Wunngan, as commander-in-
chief, into the Hoo provinces, to endeavour to recover them.
The Manchu government had certainly committed one mistake
in recalling their army while the Ming cause was only "scotched
not killed." But they were doubtless compelled for the want of
funds to decrease the enormous forces which they had been
compelled to send into the field ; and they believed that the
armies left were sufficient to terminate the dying struggles of
the fallen tiger. And we come now to the third scene in this
drama.

We have had already to notice the state of Yunnan, and we
have seen why it was compelled to take no part in the great

348 GWEI WANG.

struggle going on outside, as it had a life-and-death struggle on
its own account; and Kweichow shared the fate of its big
neighbour. The four generals had meantime all their own way,
after the extermination of Dingjow and his remarkable love.
They feared no man and acknowledged no prince. But in 1649,
Swun Kowang believed it might serve his purpose better if he
had a title from Gwei wang ; and on his application, a title was
given him, rather than permit him to become an enemy. In
September next year, he sent three hundred men with a tribute
to Gwei Wang of ten thousand taels and a hundred excellent
horses. Soon after, he sent forty thousand ounces (Hang) of
gold. Pi Hiwng of Kweichow was suspicious of Kowang's
designs. The latter sent him a letter to reassure him ; but the
letter had the contrary effect. Wang Hiang therefore marched
against Kowang with between sixty and seventy thousand men,
in thirty-six divisions. He was completely defeated, and his men
joined Kowang. In disgust, he took up his official belongings
and made off; but was pursued by a hundred men, and, when
about to be overtaken, cut his own throat and died. Thus did
these worthies uphold their dynasty ! But when Gwei Wang got
to Nanning, Kowang, — doubtless hoping thus to acquire supreme
power, as so many worthless men had done under that prince
before, — sent some lieut.-generals, with their men, to guard
Nanning.

Gwei Wang was apparently too nervous to sit still ; so April
saw his three empresses in Tienchow, where one of them
immediately sickened and died. Kowang was meantime forcing
himself higher and higher up the political horizon, when he
discovered that the title of wang, which he had received and
been sporting some time, was after all a false one, — the official
stamp having been given by an underling, and not by Gwei Wang,
who was opposed to granting him the title. He was angry at
the discovery, but said it mattered little, for he was wang all the
same. He, however, sent Jia Jiwyi privately to discover who
among the ministers had opposed him. It was found that Yang
Tingho was the chief opponent; and Yang was secretly

MIRACLES. 349

assassinated. Yen Chihung was also implicated, and he was
drowned. Some days after, a fisherman reported that a tiger
had come from the hills, dragged the body of Chihung out of the
water, scratched out a hole with its claws, where it placed the
body. Jiwyi sent men to prove the accuracy of the story, and
there, sure enough, was the tiger beside the body ! And Jiwyi
was startled and terrified. Yang Weiju, a native of Shensi, was
the first Juyin of his year, and held in high honour by Kowang.
He was nominated Grand Secretary by Gwei Wang, to whom he
had been recommended by Kowang. He refused the honour,
but it was thrust upon him; and he tried to act up to its
responsibilities. When Jiwyi returned to Kowang, he reported
that Weiju was not to be depended on, and thus led Kowang to
suspect him.

At length the gold seal of a prince was sent to Kowang, who
was extremely glad, went far to meet it, and wrote a letter full
of gratitude, but written in such a style that the ministers said,
"If he does not rebel, it shall be well." He then invited or
commanded Weiju into Yunnan, and angrily rebuked him for
accepting office on the terms to which he had agreed. No
excuses or explanations were satisfactory, and Kowang ordered
him away, for that " he must be slain." He was led out, when
some of the officials reasoned with Kowang that Weiju should be
kept alive ; for the business in which they were engaged was one
of the greatest gravity, and Weiju was indispensably necessary.
He saw they were right, sent out a messenger to release him,
but the messenger found him already dead. Kowang was
deeply repentant and said it was now impossible to effect their
great purpose : — of raising Gwei Wang to the throne of all China.
Seeing all power slipping into Kowang's hands, Bangchuen
joined the Manchus in October, and his desertion threw Gwei
Wang into a state of the most confusing terror ; ignorant what
to do, not knowing where to look or to"go. The unsettled minds
of the people were reflected in the Cabinet, and ministers
advised, some this course some that. He had already been
invited into Yunnan, but he seemed still to be unwilling to be

350 GWEI WANG.

the tool of Kowang, and refused. Some urged flight into
Kweichow, others would go into Yunnan notwithstanding the
dark and overshadowing figure of Kowang. In November
Jiwyi came with an army from Yunnan to escort Gwei Wang,
who however still hesitated and doubted. Jiwyi angrily ordered
an immediate start, or he would go alone. And he left, taking
his men with him. This terrified Gwei Wang, who sent a
messenger after him desiring him to stay for a time, when the
emperor would go with him. But there was no response. His
ministers were equally irresolute and nothing could be decided ;
but the advance of the Manchus compelled some decision, and
Gwei Wang departed for Laitwan.

When Canton was besieged, Gwei Wang moved out of
Chaoching, leaving the army under Yinhuen and Yiching,
making the former a duke and the latter a marquis, to help
them to the better protect his rear and fend off the Manchus,
who could not but soon march against him. He knew well
enough the fate awaiting him at their hands ; for hitherto every
member of his unfortunate family taken was put to death. In
reference to this subject, we may quote the emperor, who, in
addressing the Board of War in April 1651, said, that "the son
of Yutien Wang of the Old Ming, had recently collected an army
and sacrificed* to his Flag at Chingchow. The rebellious
commanders, Wang Yuen and Ma Dua, murdered the governor
of Shensi and meditated a junction with Ching Wang's grandson.
Because of this, many of the Ming family lost their lives. We
have much pitied them. At the present we are rulers over all
places and persons, with the firm resolve to preserve all the
people in their homes in peace. Are the sons and families of the
Ming alone beyond the reach of our care ? Henceforth wherever
in any province or city a Ming Chin Wang or Kun Wang is
taken or found wandering homeless, let the viceroy or governor
see that he is with his family immediately escorted to Peking,
where adequate provision shall be made for them according to

* It is by a sacrifice of sheep, &c., to the god of war that a collection of men is
constituted into a fighting army.

IMPERIAL GENEROSITY. 351

their rank. All are our people. There shall be no distinction
in taxation or office between the peoples ; and you of the Ming
family are bound to cast aside suspicion, and look to the throne
which desires only to save men alive." From this we learn what
the fate was of the numerous members of the Ming family who
had previously fallen into Manchu hands; — into the hands of
those who pretended even yet to have entered into China to
revenge the death of the last Ming emperor ! Hence too arose
the numerous "rebellions" of the doomed family all over the
empire ; for events proved that there was not a single warrior or
statesman among the widely extended family ; and had the lives
of the first members taken been spared, little resistance would have
been offered by the mentally weak but numerically large family.

Prince Gung Jingjoong, for some unknown reason, committed
suicide at Kingan on the march from Kiangsi into Kwangtung.
His son Jimao succeeded to the title and command of his father.
He and prince Shang were ordered to occupy Kwangtung, and
prince Koong to hold Kwangsi. Before prince Shang, the
prefectures of Kao, Lei, and Lien soon fell, and Yuenyin was
taken prisoner at Chinchow. Prince Koong was not inactive,
for Woochow and Liwchow were soon occupied by a lieutenant
of his; and the gates of Showchow were opened by Chun
Bangchuen, who first murdered Jiao Lien and then deserted.
He sent by three routes into Kwangsi, three divisions under the
marshal Sien Gwongan, lieut. -generals Ma Siwng and Chuen Ji.
Yinhuen and Yiching were defeated and fled notwithstanding
their titles ; and Sungun, Nanning and Chingyuen, prefectures,
fell. Sangwei had marched into Szchuen, and happened
to go in at a time when the Ming generals were as usual
quarrelling over their oyster, and tearing each other's throats.
Hence Sangwei found no great difficulty in pushing forward,
many of the enemy joining him ; and with the easy fall of
Changtu, Choongching, and Siichow, Szchuen was at his feet.
Five of the seven provinces were now again flowing the Manchu
tail, and Gwei Wang was once more driven into a hole.

We have already seen Gwei Wang started from Nanning in

352 GWEI WANG.

the south of Kwangsi, and safe in Laitwan, pursuing his flight
against the stream of the river. Nanning fell soon after he left
it, and many officials were slain in it. Sien Gwongan was on
the track of Gwei Wang with a choice body of troops. Gwei
Wang, up the river, heard that the Manchus had already passed
Sinning chow, distant only 100 li. The boats were therefore
driven ashore, burnt, and abandoned. The greatest terror seized
the fugitives, ministers flying hither and thither; and one of
Gwei Wang's wives was left behind in the confusion ! Gwei
Wang left the main road and fled by bye-roads for Yunnan.
Gwongan never lost the scent however, and was at one time so
close that the dust raised by his horse's hoofs was swept by the
wind past Gwei Wang's carriage. Just then the pursuer came
across an old grey-headed man and asked whether Gwei Wang
had passed that way. "Oh, yes," replied the grey-head, "he
passed this spot some time ago, and is now 30 li ahead on his
way to the Toosu * beyond the border." Believing the old man,
and fearing he might not be welcomed by the Toosu, he called a
halt to bivouac. An officer expostulated that if the fugitive
were only 30 li ahead he might yet be overtaken. Gwongan
replied that his orders were to take Gwei Wang in Nanning ; and
it was too serious a risk for him to go beyond his orders, lest his
men came to grief; for he had no orders to fight a Toosu.

At the border of Yunnan, Kowang had a guard ready to escort
Gwei Wang, who since his narrow escape had lived in the wilds.
In February 1652, he journeyed via Foochuen, Shatow, and
Siyangkiang, reaching Kwangan on 16th of Chinese 1st moon.
Thither Kowang sent messengers to welcome him, and recommend
his journey to Anloongswo in that corner of Yunnan touching
Kwangsi and Kweichow. After a rest of nine days, the fugitive
emperor therefore went as he was bidden, passing Toongboo,
Tsaili, Nanien, resting some days at Chutang, then through
Hooma, Bienshan, Banchiao, and Toongsha to Anloong, which

*See Aborigines. It will be observed that all this is taking place just on the
border of China, close to those aboriginal tribes, nominally dependent on China,
which skirt the north of Burmah.

A NEW CAPITAL. 353

was converted into a prefecture, and garrisoned by Jangshung, a
general of Kowang's, — who was there however rather to overawe
and command Gwei Wang than to defend the place. Kowang
expressed a desire to visit the emperor, but an officer of his
dissuaded him, saying that " the Master of the Empire had better
not go ; it was not well that two Dragons * should look each
other in the face." At the desire of Kowang, Yingko was made
Marshal of Anloong ; and he presented a memorial stating that
the " emperor would have two hundred taels and six hundred dan
of rice per annum ! " The prefect of the city who had to endorse
the memorial added that "the emperor is an official of Kowang's!"
The latter took no notice of the sarcasm. As the emperor had
now nothing for himself or his ministers to do, he occupied his
time in gardening. Pity he had not always employed his talents
in the same peaceable and gentle employment.

But just when this emperor could call not an inch of Chinese
soil his own, when all hope was extinguished, a powerful party
sprang up again out of the ground, to measure strength with
the Manchus, and hurl themselves boldly and bravely on the
well tempered swords, and in the face of the arrows of the long-
tailed barbarians; and the Manchus seemed to be under the
doom of having dragon's teeth to the end of time.

Of the four commanders, Kowang was only one. The others
seem, for a time at least, to have been eclipsed by him. But
some of them again asserted their individuality. Li Dinggwo
was he who persistently dogged Dingjow to the death; Liw
Wunsiw and Nai Nungchi, were the other two. Bai Wunhiien
and Fung Shwangli were generals, but under the four. Each
now appears on the scene. Kowang's design was manifestly to
use Gwei Wang as a stepping-stone to imperial rank. He had
early sent Bai Wunhiien into Szchuen ; but he fled back into
Yunnan before Sangwei. Kweichow was thus threatened on
the north; and prince Koong, with a picked body of seven
hundred horse, went to Hochi, near the southern border of
Kweichow, his main army being still in Liwchow.

* The Dragon is the Imperial Coat of Anns in China.
X

354 GWEI WANG.

Kowang had gone with Nungchi's army into Kweichow,
sending Dinggwo and Wunsiw against the Toosu Shadinggwo at
Tidoong, who had revolted from the Ming. He took Tsunyi,
where he planted a garrison to stand instead of Choongching.
After Dinggwo's successful mission, he was again, along with
Shwangli, sent with eighty thousand men by Wookang against
Chuenchow and Kweilin ; Wunsiw and Wunhiien being ordered
.with sixty thousand men by Hiichow and Choongching, against
Chungtu. Both Dinggwo and Wunsiw had been by this time
made princes, and Dinggwo was smarting under the superiority
'over him of Kowang. He was joined on his march from Liping
by Ma Jinjoong. He therefore put Shadinggwo to death,
saying that there was now an emperor ; he also became the
friend of duke Tienbo.

In 1652 Wunsiw defeated Sangwei at Hiichow, and imme-
diately surrounded him several deep. After desperate fighting
Sangwei cut his way out, and retired on Sienchow. Two
generals Bai were defeated and captured by Wunsiw at Choong-
ching; the victor marching from Kiating took Chungtu, the
capital of Szchuen, and besieged Sangwei in Paoning. His
camp was 15 li in length; Jang Gwangli, a recent recruit,
commanding the west, and Wang Foochun the south. Both
camps were elated beyond measure, and well they might be, at
the success which had attended them. But they should not have
forgotten who commandecf in the city. Sangwei had a constant
watch set ; and seeing one day the men of Gwangli straggling,
he instantly put himself at the head of a picked body of horse,
made a sudden charge, and broke the men of Gwangli, who
began to retreat, then to flee into Foochun's camp. Sangwei
immediately galloped among the fugitives into Foochun's camp,
whose men were thrown into disorder by the sudden rush of the
fugitives; and though they made a gallant defence, the siege
had to be raised. Foochun's was the most terrible arm in that
fight ; and when all was giving way, he stood stock still, slew
several pursuers, and seeing he was about to be surrounded, he
cried out with a loud voice, " A prince of reputation cannot be

SHARP FIGHTING. 355

taken alive," — then, to the terror of the Manchus, cut his own
throat. Such was the effect produced by the prowess of
Foochun, that Sangwei did not think it advisable to pursue the
retreating army. Wunsiw did not retreat far. And Sangwei,
leaving a garrison in Paoning, fell back on Hanchung, leaving
the west, south, and east of Szchuen, in the hands of Wunsiw ;
who, on his part, did not think it wise to hurry the retreat of
Sangwei. But Kowang was much displeased that Wunsiw had
not displayed the bravery of Foochun.

In May 1652, Prince Koong could proudly report that all the
important cities of Kwangsi were "down in his map," — his
greatness culminating with the death of Jiao Lien, the faithful
and brave second of Shushu. But three months after, he hanged
himself in the bitterness of his spirit at seeing his work undone
far more rapidly than he had built it up. Gwongan, Ma Siwng,
and Chuen Ji, had been sent by him to occupy Nanning,
Chingyuen and Woochow. They had not completed their
arrangements ere Dinggwo came upon them like a whirlwind,
took Yuenching and Wookang at a rush ; and Yoongjoong,
who had been sent to Yuenchow, now cried out for help in
Paoching. Responding to the call, prince Koong sent off a large
proportion of his men from Kweilin; but before their arrival
Yoongjoong was compelled to retreat to cover Hiangtan.
Dinggwo, wiser than to follow the retreating main army, leaped
aside, and laid siege to Kweilin, whose garrison had been weakened
to aid Yoongjoong. Couriers flew in all directions from the capital
of the province to demand Manchu aid, which came, but after
Kweilin was again flying the Ming flag ; — and then Koong, in
his vexation, hanged himself. He had an only son whom
Dinggwo seized and put to death in Yunnan. Bangchuen was
also taken, sent to Kweichow, where he was beheaded and Jiao
Lien avenged. Koong had an only daughter, a mere child, who
was brought into Peking, brought up in the palace with the
empresses, and called a goongjoo or princess. We shall meet
her again in the still more desperate struggle of the Manchus in
the great rebellion of those same provinces.

356 GWEI WANG.

At the sight of Dinggwo, Liwchow willingly opened its gates.
Ji and Siwng combined their forces at Woochow, but they were
no match for Dinggwo, who broke up their army. When
Dinggwo marched to the neighbourhood of Hungchow, Hoo
Yiching, Ma Bao, and other officers, who had fled to the
mountains on the fall of Nanning, gladly swelled his ranks.
Kowang at the same time with fifty thousand of the Lo and Gwo
savages, placing a line of elephants in the front line of battle,
attacked Hii Yoong, who perished ; his men fled, and Kowang
entered Chunchow.

Nikan, the Jingjin prince, with Twunchi were ordered into
Hoonan and Kwangsi; and Chungchow, who had been so
successful in the east, was made dictator of Hookwang, Yunnan,
Kweichow and the two Kwang, with head quarters in Changsha.
Nanking was left in charge of general Jobootai ; Chuntai, great
commander, was ordered to Kingchow ; and Li Shwaitai made
viceroy of the two Kwang.

Nikan defeated Jinjoong at Hiangtan, the vanquished retiring
into Paoching. He and Dinggwo then confronted each other for
nearly a month, each watching the other in the neighbourhood
of Hungchow. Dinggwo placed an ambush on a bye road, then
attacked and, after some fighting, withdrew as if defeated, drawing
the Manchus after him in eager haste. Then after he knew of
the appearance of the ambush in the rear, he faced round
and attacked the Manchu pursuers, defeating them with great
slaughter. Nikan was slain in the melde, had posthumous
honours awarded him in Peking, and the Beira Twunchi was
nominated his successor. Dinggwo retired on Wookang, and
latterly on Kweilin. The Manchus attacked Chingyuen and
Wookang; which defied them. They were on their way
back when they came across the army of Kowang, his left
under Shwangli, his right under Wunhiien, he himself occupying
the centre with the dragon standard, and with sounding
drums and blowing horns. The Manchus attacked him at the
run. and the result did not justify his condemnation of Wunsiw ;
for only Shwangli held his ground, which he did so obstinately

INTERNAL DISCORD. 357

that the Manchus retired. Commander Arjin defeated Wunhiien
again at Chunchow.

After Dinggwo's success in Kwangsi he threw off the
sovereignty of Kowang, saying there was now an Emperor.
Kowang was therefore eager to seize the " rebel " and to have
him out of the way. A friend of Dinggwo's apprised him that
Shwangli was on the way to Liwchow to seize him unawares.
He therefore sent a body of men who fell upon Shwangli on the
way and defeated him; his ambush before Liwchow being mostly
put to death. Dinggwo then marched against the Manchus at
Hwiloo and defeated them. He had now conquered a province
for Gwei Wang, and Ma Jisiang and other friends whom Kowang
sent to Liwchow united with him in upholding the old dynasty.
In his anger Kowang sent men who brought Jisiang into
Kweichow. As he had not managed to get rid of Dinggwo
privately, Kowang attempted to ruin him publicly, and got
officials to memorialise against him as a traitor. This memorial
was sent by a messenger from Liwchow. Gwei Wang
said he could not act, as there were so many false accusations
floating about. The messenger, worthy of his employer, angrily
asked how he could know that this one was false; and the
reply was that he had private information. Kowang ascertained
that this information had been given by Jisiang. Kowang had
spies everywhere. As he had no other means of injuring
Dinggwo he got an underling to go to Dinggwo's house in
Yunnan and to seize his wife and daughters to prostitute them
in the army ! He returned at that time from Kweichow into
Yunnan. His mind was now bent on having higher honours, —
or as the history says, his " wang's cap was too small " for him
and he wanted an emperor's.

When Dinggwo was occupied with the Hoonan army, prince
Shang had sent his fleet to support Gwongan and Ma Siwng,
who soon retook Pinglo and Kweilin, defeating Yiching and
Wang Yingloong several times at Hiangchow, and Pinchow,
recalling to Manchu allegiance the Yao and Doong savages of
Yuichuen, and thus recovering all Kwangsi. But with the retreat

358 GWEI WANG.

of the northern army, Dinggwo with forty thousand horse and
foot pierced into Kwangtung, took Kaochow, ravaged the
prefectures of Lei, Hung and Lien, harassed Chaoching and
besieged Sinhwi. Shang and Jimao reported urgency and
prayed for Manchu troops, — probably fearing that Chinese troops
might not be reliable. General Joomala with the Manchu troops
of Nanking were ordered to the rescue. But though combined
with the troops of both the princes, Dinggwo remained before
Sinhwi over the spring, even after he is said to have been several
times defeated. The Manchus camped on the hills but had an
ambush on the Kiang. Dinggwo was at last driven to take
shelter in the mountain gullies where he ranged his artillery and
drew up his elephants. A band of Solon horse pierced his lines
throwing his men into disorder. To counteract that move he sent
down four thousand horse from the hill top to attack the Manchu
flank ; who however faced round and fought both his front and
flank and took his hill. Dinggwo had therefore to retreat, fighting
as he went; and daily suffering defeat. This we must understand
to mean that he always retreated. He was badly defeated at
Hingpoo, and again at Hungchow, and Kwangtung was restored
to peace. The viceroy of the Kwangs was therefore moved to
Woochow.

Wunsiw just then issued out of the Szchuen gorges with sixty
thousand men, and one thousand vessels. He sent Shwangli
with a division against Yochow and Woochang; but he was
driven off by Chuntai and the Kingchow army. Thence he
sailed on Changte. Kinchow and Changsha armies combined to
the rescue. They placed a large ambush outside the city,
permitted a large proportion of the enemy to pass, then cut them
in two, utterly routing them. They fought six battles, in which
Wunsiw lost in slain and captives enormous numbers. Most of
his war ships were burnt, and he retreated with Shwangli to
Kweiyang. Kowang sent him into Yunnan to look after the
province. But his army was now weak, as was also that of
his colleague Dinggwo.

Kowang had now his desire ; for of all the commanders he

KOWANG AN EMPEROR. 359

alone was powerful. Gwei Wang had for some time had his
capital in Anloong city, which he called Hingloong foo, the City
of the Prospering Dragon. Kowang was in Kweiyang ; and to
" shame his lord" put to death a number of the imperial family
there, and then assumed imperial rank, erected an Ancestral
Temple, established a Court Etiquette, nominated officials, &c.
Gwei Wang heard of it, and, as we might expect from his
antecedents, he was thrown into a state of extreme terror. He
nominated Dinggwo Tsin wang, and Wunsiw Annan wang;
commanding Dinggwo to advance to his rescue.

Kowang was terrified at the report that Dinggwo was marching
on Anloong. He therefore sent a large army under Yootsai, an
able officer, to prevent Dinggwo at Nanning ; and Wunhuen was
ordered to have Gwei Wang escorted into Kweichow. Dinggwo,
flying the Manchu banners, defeated Yootsai at Tienchow, and
made towards Anloong, praying Gwei Wang to go to Wunsiw in
Yunnan. The family and ministers of Gwei Wang wept at the
message of Wunhuen, but were comforted with the assurance
that, with the coming of Dinggwo, all would be well. Nor had
they to go to Kweichow ; for Dinggwo sent an officer to Anloong
to pacify the minds of the people, at whose approach Wunhiien
fled. The ministers and people were overjoyed at Dinggwo's
approach. He sent messengers after Wunhuen, who came
back with them, joining him to support Gwei Wang.

Dinggwo sent troops to the Pan Kiang to oppose Kowang,
while Gwei Wang moved from Anloong to Poongan. He
followed a month after with three thousand horse in the van, as
many in the rear, he with Wunhuen in the centre. They
marched by Sinchung, Poongan, to Chuking. Kowang set out
to attack, ordering Wunsiw to defend Yunnan ; but Wunsiw
sent a few horsemen to Dinggwo privately, to say that they
followed Kowang only because they were afraid Dinggwo would
not treat them well. Dinggwo, on swearing by Heaven, had the
satisfaction of seeing Wunsiw join him at Chukiang. Wunsiw
was then left to protect the emperor, and Dinggwo entered
Yunnan. Thence he sent messengers to Kowang, saying that

360 GWEI WANG.

no harm was designed him, if he agreed to support the empire.
Kowang, desiring to murder Dinggwo, replied that if peace were
really sought, Dinggwo might go to him to come to terms.
Kowang's wife was then a prisoner with Dinggwo. The two did
come to terms, and Kowang's wife was sent him. Kowang's
palace in Yunnan city was occupied by Gwei Wang; but he
got crafty command of some of Dinggwo's troops.

Kowang was all the while irritated in the extreme that
Dinggwo had baffled his plans; and in 1657, still harbouring
revenge, he petitioned to be permitted to go into Kweichow with
his army. Leave was granted, and Gwei Wang's son-in-law
convoyed him to a distance. His one burning desire was to crush
Dinggwo, but he feared his men were yet too few. However, on
hearing that Dinggwo was become weak, he determined to act
at once. He moved forward with one hundred thousand men,
leaving Shwangli to hold Kweichow for him, and taking with
him over three hundred fetters to bind the ministers of Gwei
Wang. Kowang was not aware of the defection of Wunhiien,
who as a Kweichow officer was again under his orders.
He did suspect that he was too friendly with Dinggwo, and
had a long conversation to sound him before mentioning his
purpose ; but as the deserter took good care to hide his real
sentiments, he was appointed to command the van. He
and Jinjoong, also commanding in the army, sent secret
information to Dinggwo that they would certainly desert.
When Shwangli got his orders he left Kowang weeping.
Yunnan city was held by Tienbo and Wang Shangbi. It was
discovered that Shangbi was a partizan of Kowang's. Tieribo
therefore seized the army stores and set a watch on Shangbi.

It was the first of the ninth moon (October) when Dinggwo
got to Chuking and camped at Sancha. On the fourteenth,
Wunhiien camped 20 li from Sancha, and with his best horse
fled to Dinggwo, informing him that one battle would scatter
Kowang's army, which was composed of very discordant elements.
Kowang camped on the left bank of the river, Dinggwo on the
right. The former did not wish to fight just immediately, as all

SUICIDAL FIGHTING. 361

his men were not up. But those already forward were much more
numerous than the men of Dinggwo ; and Ma Bao was ordered
with his division to march upon Yunnan and seize Gwei Wang.
Jinjoong and Yuenji commanded the division under Kowang.

Dinggwo ordered breakfast (!) at third watch or midnight, and
the attack at fifth watch (2 a.m.). He himself led a choice body
of horse right into the centre of Kowang's lines, which were
broken by the dashing charge. The other divisions, with a great
shout, revolted to "Tsiii Wang." Kowang fled with his one
division, which speedily dwindled down to three hundred men.
He made for Kweiyang, but found the city occupied in the
name of Gwei Wang, his own family prisoners, and his property
confiscated. He fled for the Manchu lines, was opposed by
Bungao, who got shot by an arrow ; and Kowang got safely to
Chungchow in Hoonan. He was ordered into Peking, where he
received the title of Yi Wang, the upright prince. This was in
November 1657. Fearing trouble in the provincial capital,
Dinggwo marched his army thither after the victory. He was
opposed by Jangshung, who had attempted a diversion in the
capital. Jangshung was defeated, fled to the mountains, was
apprehended when begging bread, and executed. Shangbi, on
receipt of the news of Kowang's defeat, fled in deep grief; but
knowing not whither to flee, he cut his own throat. Both Gwei
Wang and his ministers went out by the east gate, and joyfully
welcomed Dinggwo; and the Yunnan men, now the sole kingdom
of Gwei Wang, composed a song to celebrate their joy at the defeat
of Kowang.

Shortly before that victory, Loo Wang, then in Chowshan,
sent messengers inviting Gwei Wang to combine his forces with
those of the east, and attack the Hoo provinces. But while
unity guided the counsels and union animated the officials of
the Manchus, the petty quarrels of selfish generals reigned
supreme in Gwei Wang's court. Obedience is the salvation of
armies and states, as it is of individual men ; and selfish interests
and self-willedness bring only calamity and ruin.

In the summer of 1658, Dinggwo was left the sole representative

362 GWEI WANG.

of the Yunnan four generals, for Wunsiw was murdered by a
Shensi man, who gained admission into his room as an astrologer,
when the general was lying sick. The court of Gwei Wang had
deliberated seriously on the advisability of making Burma a
Chinese province. Had that step been taken, as it could easily
have been, the history of China for the past two centuries might
have to be told differently. The viceroy of Szchuen was mean-
time in Paoning; Chungchow in Changsha; Arjin succeeded
the deceased Chuntai in Kingchow, where Jolo was general;
Joomala was ordered with his men from Changsha to Peking.
Shang held Chaoching and Canton, whence he had to fight over
a hundred battles with the rebels, gallantly driving them beyond
his borders. Now that Kowang was with the Manchus, they
were made minutely acquainted with the hollowness of the
southern power ; and Sangwei joined Chungchow in praying for
the immediate advance of the main armies into Yunnan to
crush the rotten cause. To a prayer like this the Manchus were
never deaf since the first day of their career. Hence Loto the
Beidsu was ordered at once to join Chungchow, and advance
from Hoonan. Sangwei, as great commander of the west, was
ordered with general Morgun and Li Gwohan, to advance from
Hanchung and Szchuen; and Jobootai, as great commander,
with general Sien Gwongan, to advance from Kwangsi. These
three main armies were ordered to unite in Kweichow.

Chungchow and Loto combined at Changte in March 1658 ;
and in May they started from Chingyuen and Chunyuenr
making for Kweiyang ; Jinjoong and his fellow-officers retreating
as they advanced. Sangwei started about the same time from
Hanchung, ravaged Choongching, took Tsunyi, defeated Liw
Jungwo, took thirty thousand dan of rice, and received five
thousand deserters. He broke up Yang Woo at Kaichow, and
summoned to his standard all the Toosu of Linchow and Shwisi.
Wunngan was still command er-in-chief of the thirteen camps in
the east of Szchuen, which had continued strong, under Tan
Hoong, Tan Ju, Tan Wun, &c., ever since Li Jin their com-
mander was killed at Woochow eight years before. These Tan

MANCHUS CONCENTRATING. 363

officers led a large army against Choongching, and Sangwei was
compelled to retreat to save the city. The other Tans, however,
murdered Tan Wun, and submitted to Sangwei ; those who
would not submit scattering in the greatest disorder. Sangwei
was at Tsunyi in August, by which time all Szchuen was
annexed, and Kweichow overrun by the Manchu arms.

Doni, the Sinkun wang and son of Yu chin wang, was
nominated commander-in-chief, and set out with a body of
Manchus for Kingchow. He got to Pingyue of Kweichow in
October, when he collected the three armies into one. Chung-
chow and Loto were ordered to remain in Kweiyang to look
after the commissariat; and Doni was ordered against Junchung,
as Yunnan city was called. Each of the three divisions
numbered fifty thousand men, and had a fortnight's provisions.
Kweiyang had been occupied by Wunsiw, who, with deserters
from Kowang, made up a total of thirty thousand men. The
roads were of the most wretched kind possible, and irregular
beyond description. Hence it was with great toil the Manchus
marched far into the interior of those unproductive regions.

The report was spread in Yunnan that these formidable
preparations were made by the Manchus to give Kowang the
means of avenging himself; and the report threw all the
province into a state of terror ! Dinggwo early summoned all
available troops for the border. But generals appeared at the
rendezvous without soldiers, and soldiers without officers. He
had besides to subdue two generals who had rebelled; and
though he did advance some generals to the more exposed
frontiers of Kweichow, they retreated on Yunnan before
striking a blow ; and the Manchus entered Kweiyang without
fighting. Dinggwo set his main army in motion in September ;
but at its start rain poured down like a river, and the men
scattered everywhere for shelter ; and when they did start they
could march no more than 20 or 30 li per day.

Arrived at Gwanling Pass, Dinggwo sacrificed an animal
before the army ; pouring out a libation to the spirits, and
making an oath to defend the national lares, and to fight with

364 GWEI WANG.

no other aim. He urged all the general officers to make public
acknowledgment before the gods of the favour of the emperor,
and their gratitude to him. Whereupon all knelt down, and
promised the gods to exert themselves with their whole heart
and strength to recompense the favours of the prince their
father. Then they all pledged to each other, and Dinggwo was
full of joy.

Fung Shwangli prayed for help from Kweichow, in November,
on the arrival of the Manchus ; and Dinggwo was only too
willing to give it. He was hurrying on when he seized a
messenger of Chungchow's to Sangwei with a letter, stating that
for several reasons it was impossible for him to march till
Sangwei's arrival. Dinggwo was caught in the trap, and
believing the letter to be sincere, he moved slowly ahead ; while
the Manchus, in three divisions — by the west side of the river,
by Suchung and by Chuenchung — were hurrying forward. He
soon discovered the truth, and hasted on. He camped on the
North Pankiang.* Wunhiien was already stationed on the
West Water (Sishwi), and Shwangli was sent to occupy the
further side of the Kikung -f- river to bar the central route ;
while Gwangbi was ordered to hold the east route at Whangtsao
Ba or dyke on the South Pankiang, — he himself being at
Tieswochiao bridge on the North Pankiang, to be ready for any
emergency.

Because ChihingJ gwan is an extremely difficult one, Sangwei
made a detour through the Miao lands, crossing the river above
Tienshungchiao. Wunhiien, who had already crossed arms with
Sangwei, fled with the utmost precipitation to Woocha. Ma
Bao, who was on the higher reaches of the North Pankiang,
called Kadoo ho, also fled, and the Szchuen army got to Chanyi.

The Kwangsi army secured the Toosu of Suchung as guide,

* The boundary between Yunnan and Kweichow, also called the Tsanggo Kiang ;
the South Pankiang divides Yunnan from Kwangsi.

t Or Jigoong ; rising in Kwangshwunchow, and falling into the Wookiang, a score
or so of li from Kweiyang.

£ Chihing is the river Lookwang between Pichi and Tatung.

CRUSHING DEFEAT. 365

and passed by unoccupied roads into Anloong, and were about to
cross the river in boats, which they seized on the river bank,
when Dinggwo, hearing of it, hastily marched up with thirty
thousand men to Yenja ho ; and when the Manchus marched up
he beat them back. They, however, returned to the charge
with fury ; their guns rending the heavens ! Dinggwo was
driven out of his camp, and retired to secure the Pankiang. It
is also stated that during the battle the report went abroad that
the Manchus had come to avenge Kowang; and Dinggwo, who
had a number of Kowang's old officers, fearing they would desert
to save themselves, fought despairingly. But without such
despair it was no disgrace for him that thirty thousand men had
to fall back before fifty thousand. The way of the Manchus
was now open by Poonganchow. When Doni came up to
Shwangli, on the central route, the latter had heard of Dinggwo's
defeat, and his disheartened army was easily broken up. They
were pursued to the North Pankiang, which they crossed, and then
burnt the bridge. But the burning does not seem to have been
very complete, as the Manchus restored it in a single night ;
and Doni pushed on to Chuking.

When Dinggwo saw that all was lost he hurried into the
capital and urged Gwei Wang to flee at once into Burma.
Wunsiw had left a will advising flight into Szchuen. But the
prince agreed with the councillors who advised a westward
flight ; — if it was driving him into a corner there was no
immediate risk ! One minister was bold enough to say that
they should all remain, — if not to fight, then to die for the
national lares, the ministers for their prince. But the love of
life at any price was strong in Gwei Wang's court. The city
was thrown into the utmost confusion and terror was supreme.
By Gwei Wang's advice, Dinggwo ordered the soldiers to leave
all the stores intact ; for if destroyed, the Manchu armies would
oppress the people; — and this is the most unselfish thing Gwei
Wang ever did, proving a good heart if a poor head.

By the way, an attempt was made on Gwei Wang's life, but
Dinggwo's foresight prevented its success. Gwei Wang was so

GWEI WANG.

affected by the deep grief of the people manifested all along his
route, that he had decided to remain and die with them ; but
Tienbo was soon seconded by Dinggwo, who galloped up and urged
him onwards till they got to Tali. On Chinese new-year's day
the combined Manchu armies entered Yunnan city, every city in
the east opening its gates without a drop of blood shed. On the
same day the fugitive emperor was confessing his sins to Heaven,
on account of which so great calamities had fallen on his people ;
and Dinggwo prayed the emperor to allow him to disuse his
title of Wang, as he had been unsuccessful in saving the empire ;
but the emperor would not.

Pursuit was ordered in March, after the armies had sufficiently
rested in Yunnan foo. Wunhiien was defeated at Yuloonggwan,
in the neighbourhood of Tali. Dinggwo therefore sent a force
of four thousand men, under a lieut. -general, to escort Gwei Wang
to Tungyue. When Gwei Wang crossed the Loo Kiang, Dinggwo
followed to make a stand at Mopanshan, a mountain range 20 li
south of the river. The entrance into this range is a narrow
gully, 5 li in length, each side being like a wall of high rock, and
so narrow that the men would have to march in singly, while
there was no other road. In this range he laid three ambushes,
the first in Dowming gwan, the second at Wungwei, and the
third at Gwosi, composed in all of six thousand troops. His
plans were based on the supposition that the Manchus having
been so easily victorious when opposed, and having had little of
that opposition, would march forward with the recklessness of
confident superiority. He therefore planted these ambushes of
two thousand men each, with artillery. The first and second
were ordered to let the Manchus pass till the cannon of the third
ambush roused them to action, when they should all appear, and
permit not a single Manchu horseman to escape.

The Manchus were meantime crossing the Lantsang Kiang,
then the Loo Kiang, and marched several hundred li without
meeting a single foe. They believed that Dinggwo had fled to
hide himself among the hills; and his strategy was so far
successful, that when the Manchus began to enter the very gully

CLEVER STRATAGEM. 367

in which his men were waiting for them, they marched in the
greatest disorder, believing him far thence. Twelve thousand of
their men had already penetrated into the valleys, and were
scattered hither and thither, when luckily for them and unfor-
tunately for him, the evil genius of the Ming cause again
appeared on the scene in the person of an inferior official of
Tali, who secretly joined the Manchus and informed them of
Dinggwo's plans. The twelve thousand had already entered the
second ambush before the plan was revealed to them, and they
began instantly to retreat in the greatest haste, abandoning
their horses, in order the better to form to defend themselves.
They had their artillery with them, and with it they began to
pound away at the ambush, in its lurking place among the trees
on the precipitous hill-sides. Their position, when known to
the foe, was so exposed to shot that a third of them perished
before they recovered sufficient self-possession to attack the
Manchus. They attacked however with desperation, another
third of them falling in the fight. Dinggwo, who was seated on
a hill to watch the progress of his plan, was in terror when he
heard the firing where no firing should be ; he smeared his face
with earth and fled. The officers set over the first and second
ambush died a soldier's death with many of their men. The
Manchus also fell in great numbers, but they could afford to lose
more ; and with their organised survivors they pursued the flying
for 120 li westwards, to the very gates of Tungyue. Thus all
China was for the first time under the Manchu flag. Most of
the officers and men of Gwei Wang joined the Manchus, taking
with them their horses, elephants, and mules.*

* The History of Gwei Wang gives a slightly different version. It states that
Gooshan, who had marched at the van of the Manchu army, was put to death with
every soul who accompanied him. A small official of Dinggwo's was seized, and to
save his own life, promised to point out where the ambush was situated. Ming
Wang, one of the officers commanding in the ambush, fearing such treachery,
appeared too soon to fight. The sound of his cannon brought Gwosi out of his
ambush ; but though bravely fighting he was slain. Ming Wang, smarting from an
arrow wound in his eye, cut his own throat. The third ambushes then displayed
itself, and its fire caused Dinggwo to believe that the ambushes had been driven in
one by one, and he fled from the hill whereon he sat rather than wait a useless death.

GWEI WANG.

Most of the troops were ordered back into Peking, while
Yunnan was placed under Sangwei, who had a number of " great
western cannon" situated in the most important posts. Dinggwo
and Wunhuen were hiding among the savages of Munglang and
neighbourhood, on the borders of Burma, into which Gwei Wang
had fled. They were unable to re-enter Yunnan, though Yuen-
kiang Toosu joined them. But Sangwei, eager to have the
control of a large army, and believing it would be a work of the
greatest merit to lay hold of Gwei Wang, petitioned for per-
mission to enrol an army sufficient to seize the fugitive even in
the capital of Burma.

As soon as Gwei Wang heard of the disastrous defeat of
Mopanshan, his ministers fled their several ways and hid among
the mountain gullies. His guard went over to the Manchus, and
Tienbo with about a hundred men remained with him. He too
fled, and in two days got to Nangbun Ho ; and two days more
to Burman territory at Tiebi gwan. Here the Burmese
authorities professed to be afraid to permit armed men within
their borders. Gwei Wang was unwilling to disarm, but by the
advice of Ma Jising all the men threw away their arms.

When they arrived at Manmoo, a Burman high official
presented himself, apologising for not having gone to the border
to welcome the great emperor ; but theirs was a small kingdom,
and with large armies pursuing behind, they dared not outwardly
display the hospitality they desired to give. Tienbo saw their
disinclination to receive the fugitives, and proposed that the
emperor should go alone, while he would remain to watch the
border at Chashan. He also begged to have the son and heir of
Gwei Wang nominated guardian of the empire and left behind,
but the son was too filial, and the plan was declined by Gwei
Wang; whereupon prince and ministers mingled their tears.
And on the first of second moon (March), four boats came by
the Great Gold Sand river (Kinshakiang), to welcome them.
The retinue of Gwei Wang was then six hundred, and
forty-six men and nine hundred and forty horses. On the
eighteenth of second moon they arrived at King-Kun

UNFORTUNATE EMPEROR. 36f>

(Jing-Gun), where the Burmese in vain endeavoured to stop
them.

When Gwei Wang had got to Chashan, on his way to Burma,
Dinggwo moved to Mungliang. He now sent in Wunhuen with
an army to look after the prince. This army got to within 60 li
of the capital Yinwa, (Ava), where they were ordered by the
Burmese to halt. But they pressed on to within 5 li of the
city, where the Burmese rushed on and defeated them, slaying
many, the survivors scattering in their flight. To prevent
further inroads of troops from the frontier, the Burmese
authorities sent orders to the border garrisons to say that the
emperor had already started for Fukien by sea. Tienbo and
others wished to move away from the capital but were forbidden.
The Burmese king then sent his " dragon boat " and messengers
to welcome the emperor, who went in this boat to Ava. Here
they heard of the expedition of Wunhuen, of the capture of
many of his defeated army, of their reduction to slavery by the
Burmese, and of the consequent suicide of many of them.

A straw palace was built for Gwei Wang at Juakung, whither
many men and women went to sell articles. There the harvest
moon found them, and as it is a great day in Burma, the
Burmese have the custom of that day saluting their king.
Tienbo was the first presented to the king. Jisiang and others
were invited to drink. He apparently drank freely, for he called
upon a young lady, belonging to Gwei Wang's relations, to sing
and dance. She refused, asking whether that was a time to be
merry and dance ; whereupon he struck her. Gwei Wang was
sick inside, heard what passed and sighed.

Dinggwo was meantime doing all he could to cluster round
him a force sufficient to support Gwei Wang. He was eager to
have him back on Chinese soil, doubtless thinking this the best
means of rallying the scattered well-wishers of the cause. He
marched therefore with an army to the borders of Burma, but
the Burmese saw, in the complications, a mode of extending their
own frontier, and would permit neither Dinggwo to get to Gwei
Wang, nor the latter to go to Dinggwo. In the beginning of

370 GWEI WANG.

1660 Dinggwo had sent over thirty letters, but never received a
reply ; for not one of the Chinese at Ava would the king allow to
•go away. He however made use of the Wang's imperial seal to
attach to himself the Toosu or petty chief of Yuenkiang. He
whose name was Na Hao proclaimed for them, with the officers
Gaoying and Fungchang, — for they doubtless represented them-
selves as ready to reinstate the emperor, — their real desire being,
if possible, to gain possession of Yunnan for Burma. Dinggwo,
meeting with no success, not even as much as a reply to his
letters, returned from the Burman frontier; while Sangwei,
hearing of the defection of the chief Na Hao, marched against
him from Shiping, besieged his city, opening a trench all round
to hem him in. During the continuance of this siege he
attacked, defeated and slew the chief Ying Fung. Na Hao,
finding resistance impossible, burnt himself to death; and
Sangwei changed his lands into TuenJdang foo.

Sangwei prayed for permission to use a seal, authorising him
to summon to his aid against Burma, the Toosu chiefs of Loong-
chiien, Chienya, Janda, and Chuali ; stating at the same time
that the Burmese were willing to hand over Gwei Wang, provided
Dinggwo, who was then their thorn, were defeated. This prayer
was favourably received, the necessary authority granted, and
Aihinga of the Privy Council sent to second him. Sangwei had
his own purposes to serve, for he could not but know that
Dinggwo was able now to do no harm. Wunhlien employed a
Burmese secretly to give a letter to Gwei Wang, informing him
that there was still an army eager to serve him, but unable then
to move for fear of the Burmese. If however his prince desired
him he would march in. He did go 60 li to Kiafoo kiao, but
dared go no further.

Meantime Gwei Wang was having a sorry time of it at the
capital of Burma. Most of his retainers had gradually
disappeared ; and he was compelled, for want of better material,
to nominate Jisiang grand secretary. The new grand secretary
desired to write a memorial worthy of the occasion ; and his first
was to the effect, that for three days he had not been able to get

IMPERIALISM UNDER DIFFICULTIES. 371

a fire lit ! Gwei Wang was angry at this use of the exalted
post, and told them they might have his jade seal, which they
broke up to purchase necessaries.

One of the retainers desired to kill Jisiang and Gwotai ; but
they discovered his object, and slew him in April. Two months
after, these two worthies went into his "majesty's" presence to
explain the books. Yin Gwosi was angry at this mockery of state,
and said that they should have devised some plan of escape long
ago ; that last year they were asked to " explain the books," and
would not; their time would be now better employed in planning
an escape ; for if the emperor could enter Burma, he could also
leave it. One of these officials on another day went in to
expound, and seated himself. Another went in, but stood ; and
in reply to Gwei Wang's invitation to sit down, replied, "Though
we are in confusion, I dare not act with such great impropriety;"
— a thorough Chinaman he.

In the end of June, the younger brother of the Burmese king
slew him, and took his throne. He went to Gwei Wang to
make terms ; and Gwei Wang had nothing which .he could
present to the new king. In August, the Burmese prayed to be
allowed to " curse by the water " ; i.e., to make oath, apparently
to their new king. The followers of Gwei Wang were asked to
take part in the ceremony on Wanghai low, " Tower overlooking
the sea." While the Chinese were on the way, an ambush fell
upon and slew forty-two men of them, — Jisiang and Gwotai
being of the number. Tienbo had guessed their plot ; but seeing
no way of escape, prepared a weapon, and slew a dozen men
before he was seized, tied to a tree, and shot dead by an arrow.
Almost all the women belonging to the fugitive band had
committed suicide long ago, and there was now left only a
fragment of the thousand or more individuals who had
accompanied Gwei Wang to Ava. There were at least a hundred
of the immediate relations, empresses, &c., of Gwei Wang who
had ended the discomforts of their exile by suicide. Gwei
Wang attempted to strangle himself when he heard of the
murder of his followers, but he was saved. Not so the empress

372 GWEI WANG.

Wang, who perished. Just then a large number of Burmese sur-
rounded Gwei Wang, apparently with the design of ending his life,
but a rider came up, ordering them not to touch Gwei Wang; for
the Manchus, who had already moved, would come to demand him.
That attack had indeed been instigated by Sangwei, who feared
that the exiled followers might murder Gwei Wang, and
Sangwei would lose the glory of his move. He therefore sent
men who incited the Burmese to fall upon Jisiang and the
others.

A few days after the attack a new straw palace was erected
for Gwei Wang ; and to reassure him, he was told that it was
not royal troops who had set upon his men, but a band of
robbers. It was of course useless to argue the matter, however
absurd the statement. Twenty-five men, followers of Gwei
Wang, were now placed in the house lately occupied by duke
Tienbo, and food and liquor provided them.

Dinggwo had again and again attempted to get to, and to free
his lord, but always failed, though seconded by Wunhlien. His
last attempt was in September 1661, when he sailed down with
sixteen ships, and had to pull back with eleven. In the following
January, the Burmese prayed Gwei Wang, with his surviving
retinue, to return to China, which he was overjoyed to do. They
started about midnight, crossed the river, and found themselves
in the midst of Sangwei's army.

We have already seen that Sangwei was eager to gain
possession of the last pretender to the Ming throne. He had
prayed for powers which he had received, and for men who were
sent. In September 1661, an army of Manchus, Chinese, and
border savages, numbering little short of one hundred thousand
men, started from Tali and Tungyue. Fifty thousand under
Sangwei and Ahinga went beyond the frontier by Loongchuen
and Mungmao',* over twenty thousand ma Yaogwan. They
reunited in December at Moobang. He had formerly sent a
band under Ho Jinjoong from Tungyue via Loongchuen and
Yifoo Su to Mungyin, to demand the Burmese to advance and

* Another authority says Mungyin.

EMPEROR STRANGLES HIMSELF. 373

welcome his host. This was in February 1661, and it was long
on the way; for Dinggwo was then fighting against the Burmese,
and stopped their way. The Burmese therefore responded to
Sangwei to welcome him as their deliverer from Dinggwo. The
two Toosu of Loomanmo and Mungmi (or Looman and
Momungmi) threatened Sangwei's rear in the interest of
Dinggwo; and Gwojoo with three thousand men had to be left
at Nandien (south of Yunnan) to check them.

When the army was nearing Moobang, Wunhiien was posted
there. He fled on their approach to Chashan, destroying the
Sibokiang bridge. Fearing that Wunhiien might retreat
towards China, and cut off his communications, Sangwei
appointed Ma Ning to watch him ; while he, with Ahinga and
the main army, marched for 300 li along the river bank into
Burma, — natives acting as guides. Dinggwo had meantime
retired to Tsingchuen.

Sangwei's army got to Lankiwkiang, opposite the Burmese
capital, in the beginning of January, as we have seen, and
to them the Burmese delivered over Gwei Wang, his mother, his
empress and children, together with his surviving retinue.
There are various modes of accounting for the surrender. One
says that the Burmese invited a hundred men over the river,
and handed them the prisoners ; another that the Burmese in
terror brought the prisoners to the camp; and a third, that
mentioned above, — a remark following that Sangwei gave " large
sums" of money. The two former accounts are official and
should have agreed ; the last is unofficial, and upon the whole
is the most likely. The army returned with its prey to Yunnan,
in the capital of which Gwei Wang strangled himself in May,
with a red silk cord. And thus was extinguished with a bit of
string the last of the great Ming family, founded by the monk ;
for great it had been.

Dinggwo and Wunhiien, having lost their chief, felt they were
no longer bound together. Wunhiien started northwards ; and
Dinggwo, fearing his designs, sent his son after him to ascertain
whither. Wunhiien, on seeing the band, was angry ; and was

374 GWEI WANG.

about to order an attack, when Dinggwo rushed up and forbade
his son to fight, saying that he had been sent to look and not to
fight. He added, " We have still a few score men left, let him
go his way." And the readiness to fight showed whither
Wunhiien was bound ; for he remained with the old dynasty long
after hope was gone, and he now joined the new. Dinggwo
moved on to Kinloong kiang, then to Mungla, where many of
his men and horses died, and where he prayed that, if it were
Heaven's will to destroy him, his men might not suffer, but that
he alone should die. He died two months after his former
master. Ignorant of what was happening to Dinggwo, Sangwei
sent commander Jang Yoong with over ten thousand men to
Poor, to watch lest Dinggwo crossed from Tsingchuen by Chuali
to plunder. But Jang Yoong arrived to find Dinggwo dead, and
his son with over a thousand men ready to serve the Manchus.
The army sent to Poor showed the estimation of Dinggwo's
character held by Sangwei, a capable judge. This son, with
Hiien's son, were sent to the capital, where they were warmly
received, and declared heirs to their father's rank and properties.
Kowang, the Mooyi duke, died with the other worthies, his
former colleagues, and his son succeeded to his title.

Sangwei soon after sent armies, which slew the Toosu of
Dafang, which he converted into Tating ; him of Bila making
this Pingyuen ; him of Shwisi creating it Chiensi ; and him of
Woocha, which he changed to Weining. He afterwards estab-
lished Kaihwa foo and Yoongting chow, destroying the Toosu ;
and found that he could dispense with five thousand of his men,
whom he disbanded. He had now attained the climax of his
splendour, and was triumphant over all enemies, and elevated
beyond the reach of envy. He had the title of Tsin Chin
Wang conferred upon him, as if he were of the emperor's flesh
and blood. He had more substantial rewards conferred ; for
Kweichow, from its governor downwards, was placed at his
disposal ; and the viceroy and governor of Yunnan were ordered
to look to him for orders. Appointments, civil or military, were
in his hands ; and the revenues of those provinces were to be

LAST OF YUEN YUEN.

answerable only to him. He added enormously to these, as we
shall see in his later career.

In the height of his dignity, he desired his old love Yuenyuen
to be his chief wife, — or queen we might call her. She however
firmly refused, saying that he had purchased her ; and therefore
though he had dealt mercifully with her, she could not consent,
for she was unworthy to be the chief wife of a prince. He
therefore married another, who proved to be a " braver " woman,
and one able to lord it over this warrior husband. Every pretty
lady likely to draw her husband's attention, she had murdered ;
and she graciously permitted Yuenyuen to live, only because the
latter, faithful to what she believed her duty, refused even to see
the great prince who had bought and loved her. Yuenyuen had
no child of her own, but she had adopted and brought up a girl,
whom Sangwei desired to adopt as his daughter. But the girl-
refused to be anything else than a Taoist nun. A peculiar
family relationship, which might give scope sufficient to the
imagination of the romancist. This girl had, and continued to
exert, great influence over Sangwei ; and her prayer saved any
one whatever who came under his displeasure, however great
that displeasure might happen to be.

While Sangwei was yet on his way towards Burma, after he
had dispersed all the forces nominally attached to Gwei Wang,
the latter sent him an epistle from the capital of Burma thus : —

" Commander, you are the most renowned of all the ministers
of the new dynasty ; you are the most powerful repressor of the
old. In both dynasties you have held high office. Both.
emperors agreed in highly honouring you. Who is able to set
forth the trouble which befell our dynasty by the unbridled
wickedness of the ' Bolting Robber/ when he suddenly appeared
before the capital and destroyed the Shuaji — national lares — •
causing the death of our ruler and the destruction of our men ?
Your inclinations, commander, and desires were to re-establish
the empire, like Woo Dsuhu of Tsin Kingdom, who went to
implore aid from the court of Tsin, with tears in his eyes. You
too prayed for men, and swore to search out the crime and to

376 GWEI WANG.

punish the criminal. Your mind was then untainted. Why
are you now, under the shadow of a great kingdom, acting the
fox, borrowing the tiger's terror; outwardly pretending to be
avenging the act of the enemy (Dsuchung), but inwardly
supporting the new dynasty?

" When the notable Robber lost his head, the lands of the
south had not to be recovered to the Ming.* We, officials of the
south, found it hard to have to acknowledge the utter loss of the
national lares and the Ancestral Temple. We therefore
established the new emperor at Nanyaiig. To what purpose ?
Before we could lay head to pillow, or stretch us on our mat,
war was upon us. Hoonggwang was not long sacrificed to
(i.e., dead), till Loongwoo was slain. At that time, how often did
I decide for death ? And how could I bring myself to offer
sacrifice to my imperial ancestors and the national lares ? The
ministers again and again urged me to become emperor, and
again and again I refused. But at last I consented, because I
could not withstand their earnest wishes. On the first battle
thereafter, I lost Choo (Hunan and a portion of Honan) ; in the
second, I lost Kwangtung. The places to which I have fled, a
trembling fugitive, are without number. Li Dinggwo fortunately
welcomed us in Kweichow, and again in Nanngan. But as for
me, I desire to trouble no man to fight for me with the world.

" But you, commander, have forgotten the great virtue of the
prince-father. You seek the reputation of setting up a new
dynasty. For this purpose you have led troops to Dien (Lake
south of Yunnan foo), to rob me of my rest ; and I was compelled
to cross Shamo •}• to borrow the use of a stable for a home. The
mountains are far and the waters are distant. Who will rejoice with
me if I speak or laugh ? If I sing, it is only to increase sorrow.
The defenders of the rivers and the hills of my father are gone.
If I can only exist among these poor barbarians I am content.
But you, commander, avoid neither difficulty nor danger, but
petition to march to great distances, at the head of several scores

* I.e., they were already under Ming authority,
f A desert land.

A PLEADING EPISTLE. 377

of myriads of men, to pursue a forlorn wanderer. How is it you
esteem the empire so small ? How is it that, of all between the
blue concave above and the surface of earth, you persist in
pursuing to the death a solitary man ? Is it because, after you
have been created a wang, you desire by my death to acquire
greater reputation ? I have been wondering whether there is
not a single corner where wind blew and rain fell, within all the
lands balonging to the High Emperor, where the commander
could not establish a reputation.

"Commander, you have already destroyed my family: you
now desire to take my life. Would you but read the ode
Chuhiao* and could you but have sorrow of heart ! Do you not
remember, general, that you are the descendant of many who
received the salary of the late dynasty ? And are you able so far
to forget the late emperor, that you can show no pity for me ? If
you cannot remember him, might you not recall the many boun-
ties of his predecessors ? If you cannot think of the late emperor
and his predecessors, is it not right to bear in mind your own father
and ancestors ? I do not know what the favours bestowed upon
you, and the merit won towards you, by the great Ching
(Manchu dynasty) ; nor can I comprehend why, general, you
should be mine enemy. You, general, regard your policy as of
great wisdom ; it will yet be seen to be a foolish one : you
consider it is deep; but it will hereafter appear shallow.
Succeeding ages will record your act ; you will be handed down
by history. As what kind of man should you be pictured ?

" At present my armies are defeated, my strength weakness.
I am poor, a solitary man, with only a weak life, which is in your
hands. If you desire to take my head, to break up my bones
into fragments, and to dye the grass with my blood, I am not
able to oppose you. If you can change my misery to happiness,
and leave me a square inch of ground, I am still respectfully at

* This is a fabulous owl, reared by its mother, whose eyes it picks out as soon
as it is grown strong enough to be independent, when it flies away, leaving its
mother to die. The parallel is a very apparent one, and Sangwei is pleaded only to
leave the " blind mother " to die in peace.

378 GWEI WANG.

your mercy. But this I dare not hope for. But perhaps I toor
with the grass and the trees, can share the rain and the dew, by
the permission of the Holy Dynasty. Had I ten myriads of men
at my disposal, they would gladly be all yours, general, to do
your bidding. You, general, are the minister of the great Ching;
but you should not forget the flesh and blood of the ancient
rulers, nor render ingratitude for the great merits of the former
emperors. (This I lay before you to) think and decide."

The above letter shows the writer a most unfortunate choice
for a leader of turbulent men in troublous times. The Ming
family had lost its vigour. It is difficult for a mere western to
judge of the above composition, the force of whose beauty is lost
in a translation. But unless it, with its accompanying
circumstances, tend to excite the tear of compassion from the
heart, which sheds no tears for its own griefs, it will rouse the
scorn of him who despises the lack of manliness in a misfortune
brought upon one's self.

Shwunchih lived to have the satisfaction of seeing the whole of
China and the most of Mongolia, with Corea and all Manchuria
to the Yaloo and the Songari, under the flag which his grand-
father raised seventy-eight years before in the obscure glen of
Hotoola. He then passed away, leaving his large territory in
unchallenged possession to the young boy reputed his son, who
is known in history by his style of Kanghi.

In concluding this portion of his history, Wei Yooenhiien of
Shaoyang says: that in acquiring empire, it is absolutely
necessary to have brave and constant soldiers, and single-minded
ministers. And the reader of the preceding history cannot help
perceiving that his remark is more than a mere truism ; for the
soldiers of the Ming differed nothing from the Manchus, and
from first to last were a match for them; but the Ming ministers
in every instance selfishly betrayed their trust, and ruined the
cause which they pretended to support and for which their soldiers
would fight to the death. We would so far modify the statement
of the Chinese author as to say, that the making of the soldier, if
necessary to the founding of empire, is dependent entirely on

SELFISHNESS AND PATRIOTISM. 37£>

the character of the minister. The utterly selfish Ma Shuying,
who had a good cause and milling hands able enough to support
it, by his self-seeking lost control of the armies. This produced
civil war, and he gained command of the various Boards by
putting to death or throwing into exile every true patriot. His
enormous means of defence crumbled therefore at the first touch.
Chu Shushu, a subordinate civilian, with scarcely a tithe of the
resources of Shuying and with the 'morale of the Ming cause
hopelessly low, brought to a stand, and drove back the hitherto
invincible Chungdoong. But examples crowd on the reader to-
show that from the first brush with the Manchus, or with internal
robbers, the ministers in authority failed their country, and the
soldiers, losing confidence in the integrity of their chiefs,
necessarily fought with a half-hearted bravery, or under the fear
of betrayal. The example of the Ming on the other hand shows
the supreme importance of having a good head at the helm of
affairs. The Manchus were not superior in courage to the
Chinese. They began with only one hundred and thirty men
under arms. As they increased, their ministers showed precisely
the same selfishness, the same haste to be dishonestly rich as
their Chinese neighbours. But they had a man at their head
who, if he could not and did not make them absolutely honest,
restrained their avarice within bounds, and made such examples
of the dishonest, that " honesty " was found to be as a rule " the
best policy."

CHAPTER XI.
CONQUEST OF FORMOSA.

LYING quite close to her shores, Formosa has yet been a terra
incognita to China up till a very recent period of her long
history. For though possessed of so extensive a sea-board the
Chinese have never been a navigating people. Their sailing
ambition was satisfied with coasting trade, — their men-of-war
being an invention but of yesterday. In past Chinese history
the Japanese were the rovers of the sea, and Japan was better
known to China as a pirate-producing land, than as a well
established country, as highly advanced in civilisation as herself.
It was the visits of the Japanese to her shores, not hers to theirs, —
the blazing of her villages, the sacking of her sea-board cities
from Kwangtung to Shantung by Japanese hands, which made
Japan's existence so patent and real a fact. But as Formosa
was thinly inhabited by a number of scattered tribes, deserving
the name of savage so freely bestowed by Chinese authors on all
nations outside the Flowery land, its natives never sought
Chinese shores, and the Chinese had no desire to discover, save
by land journeys, "green fields and pastures new." It was
impossible for the Formosans to be pirates, else they would have
ceased to be savages. For though piracy is almost always
carried on in a savage manner, it cannot be carried on by savages,
as it requires a large capital, not possessed by savages, to build
the ships fitted for piratical purposes ; and piratical expeditions
demand an amount of discipline, which if submitted to by
savages, would prove them no longer savage. The width of sea
therefore, between Fukien and Formosa, which seems a mere
ferry to a foreigner, was sufficient to keep the Chinese . and
Formosans mutually ignorant of each other's existence. Yet in

382 CONQUEST OF FOKMOSA.

the records of the Sung dynasty (A.D. 960 — 1278) it is related
that to the east of Punghoo or the Pescadores, is the kingdom of
Kwunshuna,, which the Chinese now know to be Formosa.

Taiwan, the " sinuous tower," as the Chinese call Formosa,
possibly because of the sinuosities of its coast line, is by Chinese
measurement 2800 li in length, and 500 li in breadth, lying
opposite to the Fukien prefectures of Hing, Chiien, and Chang,
distant from Amoy 500 li and from Punghoo 200 li. Its
mountains rising in Kelung* and running south to Shamachi,
stretch over more than 1000 li. From their east and west base
to the sea, along their length, was a waste plain of rich soil fully
100 li wide, forming the land on which the Chinese began to
squat more than two centuries ago. But as both the original
occupation and the subsequent conquest of Formosa are inextri-
cably blended with the personal and family history of Jung
Juloong, the remarkable pirate, and founder of a remarkable
family of pirates, it is necessary to throw together as many hints
of this man as we can hunt out of various Chinese sources.

Jung Juloong was a native of Nanngan, a district of Chuen
prefecture in Fukien. In Nganping district there lived a Ji Si
who had massed a considerable fortune by constant merchandise
with Japan. His daughter became Juloong's wife, with a dowry
of ten thousand taels. When he died, Juloong connected himself
with a lot of Japanese pirates, who then made Taiwan their
headquarters ; and when Yen Junchiien, the chief, died, Juloong
took command. He sometimes resided in Japan, and there
married another wife, in spite of the law that none marrying a
Japanese woman could afterwards leave the country ; for Chinese
customs then, as now, permitted a man to have a wife in every
port he visited, and as many as he chose. Juloong, the free-
booter, was not to be bound by any law affecting ordinary
mortals, and therefore he stole away with his wife and returned
to his native place. His power gradually increased under the
weak rule of the Ming Tienchi, when Chinese administration

* According to English measurement the length of Formosa is only 237 miles and
average breadth 70, distance from Fukien 90.

INDEPENDENT PIRATE. 383

was daily becoming more rotten, and insubordination, robbery,
and rebellion, more rampant throughout the empire. So great
was that power, that no merchant vessel dared sail the seas
without Juloong's flag flying at her stern ; and for that flag each
large vessel had to pay an annual black-mail of three thousand
taels. No wonder his treasury received a yearly revenue of
ten million taels, or three million pounds sterling ; a sum which
will appear all the greater when we remember that seventy
years after, at the Union of England and Scotland, the income
of Great Britain was only five and a half million pounds, though
it is true the value of money has not during that period depre-
ciated so much in China as in England.

Juloong distinguished himself in 1627, by not only possessing
the sovereignty of the Chinese seas, but by taking the coast
cities of Fukien, and ravaging the country. In order, if possible,
to prevent a recurrence of such land spoliation, when the hands
of the government were more than sufficiently occupied else-
where, the Board of War in the summer of 1628 — the first year
of the reign of the last Ming emperor — came to the resolution of
inviting Juloong to acknowledge the sovereignty of his imperial
majesty. Juloong agreed ; for his submission was asked on the
understanding that at sea no one would have the right to
interfere with him. He was forthwith acknowledged as an
inferior official of the Chinese government ; which, however, was
rather a nominal connection, than a criterion of his power and
influence even on shore. In this capacity he seems to have
done some service; for in 1632 we find him attacking and
defeating the pirate Liw Hianglao, who was ravaging Fukien.
He never did build himself a city of the ordinary sort, for he
believed truly that the waves were the best moat, and flying sails
the surest walls. But he built a palace at Nganping of several
li in length, into a gate of which his vessels could enter. And
the army, with which he occasionally served the Chinese
government, he supported entirely himself. His most effective
services, however, were those rendered at sea ; for the governor
had only to inform Juloong of the escape to sea of any number

384 CONQUEST OF FORMOSA.

of robbers or rebels hard pressed by land, and they would soon
thereafter be handed over to the governor for punishment. He
therefore got himself the honourable name of the " Chang-chung
of the south." * On these expeditions he was very careful of his
person ; for he was not of that almost reckless kind of disposition
which we usually associate with animal courage and fighting
bravery. He therefore had a hundred of his retainers fitted out in
every particular like himself, so that no one could recognise him.
Juloong had three brothers, all of them warriors under their
big brother's flag — Hoongkwei, Juhoo and Jubao; the latter two
younger than himself. When Juloong submitted and became a
Chinese magistrate he had the right to regard all rivals as
outlaws; and Gow Hwi, a notable pirate of Nanngan, but
independent of Juloong, fell before his rival. At Hwingan
the powerful Liw Hianglao, had his head-quarters. He was
extremely wealthy, and was asked by the governor to follow
the example of Juloong. On his scornful refusal, the
governor appealed to Juloong for the execution of justice, and
Juloong, nothing loth, sailed all his fleet against Liw. A
severe battle at Dinghaiswo and Woohoomun was a drawn
one, till the young and brave Juhoo directed his ship towards
that of Liw, threw himself into a small boat, boarded him, and
dashed through his men to the great chief. They were both
men of more than ordinary power and skill in stroke and fence.
So sudden and unlooked-for was the onset, so fierce the attack,
and so loud the clash of their weapons, that the astonished
beholders could only look on at this fight of the two powerful men
in admiration and in fear. The two antagonists, finding each other
perfectly matched in their weapons, threw them aside, and in
wild rage closed with each other with naked fists. They seized
each other, they wrestled, they struggled, they fell. Still
apparently a perfect match, they rolled over and over each other,
till they rolled over into the sea, when both sank in that fright-
ful embrace and neither ever rose again. Juloong lost his brave
brother, but he gained the fleet of Liw, which joined him on the

* Chang, or the " Long," being the common name of the Great wall.

THE PIRATE SUBMITS. 385

spot, — while his government acknowledged his services by
making him colonel !

When the robber Li, the one-eyed, put an end to the
struggling existence of the Ming dynasty, Juloong remained
nominally faithful to the dethroned house. He did nothing
directly to support the first pretender to the throne established
in Nanking, but his brother Hoong-kwei held Kwachow for
Foo Wang. Tang Wang the next pretender, after Nanking was
taken by the Manchus, was set up in Fukien, and Juloong
became, as we have seen, " Mayor of the Palace."

In 1646, when the Manchus seized and put Tang Wang to
death, their commander, the Beira Foolo, like the former
governor of Fukien, invited Juloong to acknowledge the
Manchu emperor. He was wise enough, now that all the north
and north-west were in Manchu possession, to know that
resistance in the field was vain; and as he had immense
possessions in both the Kwangs in over five hundred different
places, he was only too glad to accept Foolo's invitation. He
was not now so young as he was, nor was there any reason why
he should risk what he had ; for the idea of employing any of
his enormous wealth for purely patriotic purposes must have
seemed rather ludicrous to the successful pirate, the weakness
of whose country had made his accumulations possible. It was,
however, probably with secret satisfaction that he found so
strong, lengthy, and bitter an opposition from his afterwards
more famous son, Chunggoong, and his own brothers : for his
son left him in bitter tears, renouncing a father who renounced
his country; and all the army, which he professed to hope would
submit with him, left the alien shore, and took to their
ships again after Chunggoong or Coxinga. Only five hundred
men followed him into the Manchu army; and his Japanese
wife, the mother of Chunggoong, strangled herself.

The letter in which Juloong was invited to submit, praised
his power and ability in being able to set up a wang, and the
skilful energy with which he had supported a cause, the down-
fall of which did not so much prove his crime as Heaven's will.

386 CONQUEST OF FORMOSA.

It concluded by saying that the two Kwangs were still in a
most unsettled state, and that his counsel was greatly needed as
to the measures to be taken and the men to be employed. This
flattering letter Juloong displayed in Chiienchow as he passed
through, to prove that his influence was unabated, triumphantly
declaring that he could secure a place for any man, and he haggled
over terms with many place-hunters. Most sailors are credulous.
He got to Foochow in December, and was met and welcomed by
the Beira, who feasted and drank with him for three days.
After the third day the camp broke up suddenly at midnight,
marching northwards, Juloong's men having been separated
from him, and he was allowed only a personal friend as attendant.
He was also forbidden to hold any communication with his
home ; but he ceased not writing letters, urging his people to
remember the goodness of the Manchus. The historian supposes
these may have been so written to be seen by the Manchus. It
would certainly not be at all surprising if the Manchus regarded
the almost solitary arrival of so powerful a chief with suspicion,
for they cannot be expected to have been able to credit that his
influence, formerly and for long so great, could be at once
annihilated. But in reply to his anxious queries as to how his
rebellious brothers and son could be dealt with, he was told to
make himself easy on that score, for that having him with them
they had little anxiety about the rest; which was a reply more
pleasing to his vanity than satisfactory to his judgment. He
was brought to Peking, and presented to the emperor. Some
of his family followed soon after; and there we leave him for the
present.

Soon after his submission to the Ming dynasty, Juloong had
been consulted by governor Hiwng Wunchan as to what
measures could be taken to alleviate the ravages of famine in
Fukien. And Juloong, who knew Formosa well, — its rich but
waste plains waiting only the hand of the diligent husbandman
to abound in the richest harvests, — recommended a donation of
three taels in silver and an ox to every householder, and to have
as many as possible sent across to Formosa. The suggestion

FORMOSA COLONISED. 387

was adopted, and many tens of thousands were sent across,
forming the first Chinese colony to Formosa. One city was
erected and named Jienchung or Tsienchung. The soil was of
the most superior character, yielding three crops a year, and
abundantly. Once the way was opened up, the men of Chang
and Chiien flocked over like "people going to a market."
These rapidly increasing colonists considered Juloong as their
chief and landlord, and to him they handed over a certain
portion of their yearly crops. Gratitude to him who launched
them across from starvation to plenty was bond sufficient between
them ; and the people afterwards always regarded themselves as
the dependants of the Jung family rather than as the subjects of
any of the Chinese emperors, Ming or Manchu; and in all
circumstances, as far as they dared, proved themselves so.

As a youth, Chunggoong was always with his father; and
apparently became a favourite with the second Ming pretender,
Tang Wang, who gave him his own surname of Joo, and the
name Chunggoong, " Completed Merit." He also created
him Bai, or "Count Faithful and Dutiful." When, in 1646,
Tang Wang was seized by the Beira Foolo, and put to death,
Juloong, who of course owned all the shore possessions of the
family, acknowledged the Manchu emperor; but his fidelity
being of a questionable character, he was escorted to Peking,
retained as a prisoner, though treated like a prince.

Chunggoong, then twenty-two * years of age, was full of the
romance of youth, and of dauntless courage. When his father
joined the Manchus he put to sea, swearing that he would slay
his father to avenge his country. With his uncle Hoongkwei
in Baisha, and his near relations, cousins of his father's, Jung
Tsai in Amoy and Jung Lien in Woochow, he made a solemn
oath to uphold the Ming dynasty; and these various stations
mutually strengthened each other, and commanded all the

* Twenty- three according to Chinese computation, which is always one, some-
times two, years more than ours ; for the Chinese child is one year in the year of
its birth, and on next new-year's day, even if it be on the morrow after birth, he is
two years old.

388 CONQUEST OF FORMOSA.

coast cities. How far these men were actuated by motives of
patriotism, and how far by a desire for lawless liberty, it is
difficult to determine. That there was patriotism of a kind
influencing their conduct there can be no doubt ; for both then,
and for many years after, the Manchus would gladly have
purchased the adhesion of the Jung family on the terms granted
by the Ming, — that the sea should still be regarded their
property. But their patriotism must have been of an entirely
personal character ; for their lack of wisdom was manifested in
their want of union. The Ming cause was represented by three
various aspirants to the throne, — Loo Wang, driven to be
emperor of a small island on the coast of Fukien ; another for a
brief period in Canton ; and Yoongming or Gwei Wang, weak
himself, but surrounded by strong men, and supported by the
powerful south-west provinces. Jung Tsai declared for Loo
Wang and Chunggoong for Gwei Wang. If true patriotism had
existed in the southern provinces at that time — a patriotism
which placed country first, and self next — all would have rallied
round one centre, and could with the greatest ease have
prevented the Manchus from crossing the Yangtsu; and
thus compell them to rest content with the empire of the Kin
dynasty (see "Corea"), which also rose in the north of Manchuria,
and was of the same race as the Manchus. But a patriotism
centred in self made unity impossible, and divided counsels
weakened numbers. The patriotism of the Chinese was based
upon their pride in their own customs, and in the shame of being
plundered by the officials of a barbarian instead of by those of a
native. But that patriotism went no further than "each for
himself," and therefore had to collapse. It is possible that
Chunggoong was in earnest ; for he certainly decided, as a wise
man should, in acknowledging the remote but powerful Gwei
Wang instead of the powerless Loo Wang, who was at his door.
And the enormous expense of keeping a huge army in the field
to seize and protect the cities of Fukien, which he could not get
refunded, and the energy with which he carried on a war wholly
unnecessary for his own immediate purposes, seems to prove

ISLAND EMPEROR. 389

him desirous to act as a worthy subject of the emperor Gwei
Wang.

Of his five brothers, only one, Shujoong, followed him to sea.
To collect their men and form their plans, they stood out to sea
over against the south and south-east of Kwangtung. Loo
Wang had gone to find an asylum in Chowshan island, also called
Wungchow, about 100 li by sea from Ningpo. But his own
officer, Whang Binching, commandant of the pirate fort, refused
him entrance. Tsai and Lien fell in with Loo Wang, and
escorted him to their place, Joong-dso-swo, the then name of the
Amoy district. But Chunggoong was supreme here now ; his
men were far more numerous and brave than those escorting
Loo Wang ; and as Loo and Gwei Wangs had a quarrel of long
standing, Chunggoong refused him a landing place, and the
wandering emperor had to go to Changun of Chihkiang.

Before Foolo returned to Peking, he placed garrisons in all
the cities, and took precautions to protect all the important
posts. On these Chunggoong now began a regular and vigorous
attack. He first attempted Kinchow, from which he was driven
back. He was elsewhere more successful ; for in 1647 he took
Kienning, Shaowoo, Hinghwa, Fooning, with twenty-seven
hiens — Haichung, Lienkiang, Changpu, &c. The garrison of
Hinghwa went out one day on some expedition, and on their
return found the Manchu flag gone, and the Ming flag
flying in its stead. This was a trick played by an old Ming
officer in the city. But the Manchus, believing the city fallen
before an army, precipitately retired, and the keys were handed
over to Chunggoong. Some men inside Kienning raised a fire,
and in the consequent tumult opened the gates to Chunggong's
men. This extraordinary success proves that the Chinese there
believed Chunggoong faithful to the Ming dynasty; for his
father could never, as pirate, have secured any such favour in
the eyes of the people. The news startled Peking also; and
the viceroy of Fukien and Chihkiang, appointed by Foolo, was
ordered to make sure of Chiichow in the south-west; and
Chuntai and Li Shwaitai were ordered to march in upon Fukien

390 CONQUEST OF FOEMOSA.

from Chihkiang and Kwangtung. The viceroy having proved
so, incapable, or so unfortunate, Chun Jin was appointed in his
stead, and showed his activity by seizing this opportunity of
disorder and insubordination among Tsai's men to entirely break
his power. He also, in 1648, retook all the cities lately fallen ;
and drove Chunggoong away from Chuenchow, which he was
besieging after he took Toongan. But he had the advantage
over his predecessor, that he had assistance from Kang-chin-
Wang; for when twenty thousand pirates were sent by Jin
against Foochow, camping along the Woo-long-kiang, Kangchiii
Wang sent Rahada across the river, who, after long fighting,
drove the pirates out of their camps, and chased them 40 li.
Eahada afterwards took the districts of Hing, Chuan, Kiang, and
Chang. Foochow was visited by a severe famine this season,
and the besieged were compelled, as so often in Chinese history,
to live by cannibalism. A band of robbers, under Jin Shunghung
of Kangsi, a man of great talent, advanced along the river bank,
pretending to be gone to cut down rice and wheat, thus enticing
the country people out of their hiding places, when they were
seized and eaten. Li Shwaitai at Kienning, hearing of this
enormity, marched against the cannibals. But the rebels by
night burnt down the bridge of Hoongshan, took and ate a
thousand men, and then fled.

The marshal of Sungkiang rebelled and invited inland the
pirates then infesting the east of Fukien. They came, but when
their fleet got off Yenping, a typhoon blew upon and sank the
most of them. The remnant of this fleet was reinforced, and
took Kien-tiao swo, and again escorted Loo wang into Chihkiang,
Tsai having already thrown him off as a burden. A force was sent
under Wang Chaosien who slew Binching in Chowshan island,
whither Loo Wang retired ; one camp was pitched at Doongchiao,
and Chaosien set up another at Nantien to be "horns" or mutual
protection. Mingchun was the acknowledged chief of all the
Chihkiang pirates, and Chunggoong of those of Fukien, including
Kin-mun, " Gold gate," and Amoy. The main Manchu army of
Chihkiang was then under the viceroy in Fukien, and an attempt

PIRATE DESERTIONS. 391

was made by the people of the prefectures of Wun, Tai, Ning and
Shao, to throw off the Manchu yoke. But the return of the
army from Fukien in 1649', made a successful rising impossible.
Next year Mingchun, in a fit of jealousy, slew the Chowshan
commandant. In their anger the men of the latter left the island,
crossed the sea and deserted to Chun Jin, who then, for the first
time, ascertained the real condition of affairs among the pirates.
He was probably right in proclaiming their support of the late
dynasty a mere pretence to cover deeds which deserved another
name than that of rebellion. He found also that there was a league
between the land robbers and the pirates. When the former
were attacked, the latter ravaged the shore to draw off some of
the troops, or welcomed the robbers to their ships and their
islands ; the robbers joining with the pirates when the latter
went ashore to plunder. And he ascribed the main-spring of
the pirates' power to the connection between the pirates of
Fukien and those of Kwangtung. He requested permission to
attack Chowshan ; saying that with a fair wind, a half day's sail
would carry him across from Ting-gwan, and he could then take
them when unprepared. He received a commission in 1651 to
unite his forces with those of the marshal, but was ordered to
commence operations against the mountain robbers, employing
the hill people as guides. The troops marched in upon the
Suming and other mountains, harrying all the robber nests, and
then crossed the sea by Loto-mun. The pirates sent off fire-ships
to burn down the imperialist fleet and came out to fight at
Hungshwi-yang. But the wind turned round, drove the fire-ships
back among the pirate vessels, many of which, with numbers of
sailors, were burnt. The confusion caused by this unlooked-for
event made him an easy conquest ; a few thousand men were
sent ashore, who marched behind the fort and attacked it most
energetically. In October they dug down the wall by mining,
took the city, putting all the garrison to the sword, and left three
thousand men to hold it. Mingchun, who was then at Woosung
with his main body to take that city and break up the Manchu
army, had never thought of the appearance of a large army at

392 CONQUEST OF FORMOSA.

Chowshan, for he did not conceive it possible for the Manchu
officers to get it across the sea. He therefore left a force of only
six thousand on the island, and was now hurrying back to its aid
when he heard of its peril ; but he was too late.

In addition to the accumulations by Juloong from the shipping,
when he became prime minister of Tang Wang, the million taels
raised in Fukien and Kwangtung in name of army supplies
passed through his hands, a fair proportion remaining there.
All this treasure was stored up in Nganping. Chunggoong went
south in 1650, ravaged the country about Shaochow, and besieged
the city, though unsuccessfully, for the eye of Chun Jin was
upon him. In the north, Jang Hiaoshung, the governor of
Fukien, determined to make a raid upon the nest at Nganping.
He took Amoy and plundered the home of Chunggoong, who
returned immediately thereafter, after being defeated at Chaochow
by general Wang Bang, who was himself slain. At his approach
the Manchu army retired. But in revenge for the insult done
him, he took the cities of Toongan, Changpu, Nanngan, Pingho,
Haichung and Changtai, and laid siege to Changchow. In
August, Hiaoshung and the chief actor in that raid were
summoned to Peking and punished according to their crime ! *
What a state of utter lawlessness and lack of principle does
this one sentence display !

In April 1652 Chun Jin marched to the relief of Changchow,
but was defeated at Kiangdoong-chiao, and fell back towards
Toongan, where one of his slaves entered his tent at night, cut
off his head, going with it as a handsome present to Chunggoong.
Chunggoong was very grateful, rewarded the man handsomely,
and then cut off his head, in order that he might follow his

* Doong-hwaloo gives another version by the new viceroy: "Your minister has
'received the emperor's secret orders to examine the cave at Amoy, commonly
' reported to be the old haunt of the rebel Jung. Hiaoshung, &c., marched to the
' cave, breathed into it, and retiring, cried out that they had conquered. They
' marched elsewhere, destroyed Jung's house, and took his family property.
' Whereupon Jung demanded the restoration of his goods, and all the neighbouring
' cities suffered severely from the consequence of his anger." Hiaoshung, &c., were
therefore degraded of all rank.

REWARD OF TREACHERY. 393

master and attend upon him in the spirit world ! * But in
November, Jin Hwang arrived with an additional army, defeated
Chunggoong, who retired on Haichung to defend it. He was
immediately, closely and vigorously besieged. Over a hundred
feet of the city wall were knocked down, but Chunggoong
obstinately held out, himself constantly surrounded by showers of
shot, stones and arrows. One day, hearing a blank cannon shot
fired, Chunggoong said, " That is a signal cannon. They are
about to storm the walls." He therefore ordered every man to
provide himself with a hatchet, and, on the wall and in the
breaches, await the attack. In a little time, Hwang's men were
swarming up all sides of the wall like ants ; but when they got to
the top, one blow of the hatchet sufficed to send them rolling
into the moat, which became filled with the dead bodies. The
siege was immediately raised, and Chunggoong then withdrew
from the ruined city.

Chunggoong's rival, Mingchun, with a colleague, Whangyen,
was still sufficiently powerful to sail up the Changkiang, " Long
River " or Yangtsu, to Yendsuji of Kinshan. At the mouth of
Woosung they took three hundred ships, but were unable to do
more than pillage. Mingchun died, and his men fell into the
ranks of Whangyen, who rejected many offers from the Manchu
government, whose main energies at the time were bent on the
south-west provinces. Chunggoong was not inactive, for he
continued to ravage the country and to take cities, which he lost
again. Among others he took Chowshan and garrisoned it.
When, two years after, commander Yirda was ordered to retake
it, he replied that it was easy to take, but difficult to keep, and
not worth the trouble ; but if it was to be taken, he prayed to
have a garrison of pure Manchu troops to hold it. In 1654,

* Anciently such a practice is said to have been as common in China as among the
Africans now ; several scores or hundreds having been put to death according to the
Tank of the dead man. Hence probably the modern practice of burning paper men
and horses to accompany the spirit, and the curious practice of sometimes purchasing
a man and a horse, at a goodly cost, throwing them both into a fire, but allowing
them to escape with life, — the horse belonging to the first who catches him after his
•fiery ordeal.

394 CONQUEST OF FORMOSA.

Chunggoong took Toongan and Nanngan ; and when besieging
Chang, had the gates opened to him by a petty officer. Nine
neighbouring cities opened their gates, Loongyen alone remaining
to the Manchus. The imperial court therefore made one other
effort to crush him, sending Jidoo, cousin of the emperor, as a
" great commander " to Fukien. But Jidoo was unfortunate in
his right arm, — the fleet, which was lost under its admiral. And
Chunggoong was only the stronger. He secured next year, with
more or less severe fighting, six out of the seven cities under
Chuenchow. His troops were defeated on their way to
Kwangtung, when going to help Gwei Wang's generals there.
But after sacrificing to the sea, he took Kieyang, Chunghai, and
Pooshing.

Chunggoong, because of his useful services, had bestowed
upon him by Gwei Wang the title first of duke, then of prince
of Yenping ; and if he had not official rank from the Manchu
government, with full liberty to do as he wished by sea, it was
from no fault of his. In 1652, Juloong, who had his wives, concu-
bines, and children already brought to the capital, was requested
by the emperor to write to his son Chunggoong and his brother
Hoongkwei, advising them to submit, when their past offences
would be condoned, they would receive official rank, be permitted
to remain in their own homes on their own properties, and be
employed in hunting down the pirates and looking after foreign
ships. As there was no other response to this friendly commu-
nication than more cities taken and country pillaged, in the following
year actual rank was offered. For Juloong was created Count of
Toongan; Chunggoong, Count Haichung ; Hoongkwei, Count
Funghwa ; and Jubao, senior major-general. As soon as the
messenger with the investitures reached Fukien, Jubao received
him and his own rank, returning with him to Peking ; but the
chief object of all this weak diplomacy, Chunggoong, would have
no Manchu rank, but instead dared the Manchu troops to do
their worst, insulting them by ravaging the country all around.
As neither by arms nor honours could Chunggoong be brought
to submit, the unsteady government tried the plan of appealing

DEFIANT PIRATES. 395

to his affections by threatening his father's life, who was, in
February 1655, thrown into prison on the charge of being a
partisan of his son's rebellious conduct, and his recently bestowed
dignity was taken from him. After eleven months' imprisonment,
which did not in the least alter the policy of his son, he was
released, and again ordered to send a letter to his son calling
upon him to submit. But it had the same effect as the former
communications. The next move was to summon all the islands
to manifest their loyalty by shaving their heads ; but the islands
were deaf. Strict orders were then sent down to the sea-bordering
people, forbidding them, under heavy penalties, to hold any
intercourse with the wicked pirates. The orders remained a
dead letter.

Chung-goong, as if to mark his contempt of the honours
proffered and for the force displayed, marched beyond Fukien
into the south-east of Chihkiang, and plundered the prefectures
of Wun and Tai. This journey was of consequence in a way not
so pleasing to him. On a former occasion he sent his general, Ji
Mao, to take the city of Kieyang to the south. Mao returned
defeated ; and so severe was the discipline of Chunggoong, that
he beheaded him. When he went northwards, he left Whang*
Woo commandant of Haichung ; but with the example of Mao
before him, Woo, in fear, opened the gates to the Manchus : for
if he should be defeated and lose the city, he looked forward to
death by the Manchus in attack, or death at Chunggoong's
hands if he escaped. His treachery was well rewarded ; for he
was made duke of Haichung, and commissioned to hold command
in Changchow. He memorialised the government on the subject
of rooting out the pirates, recommending five measures as
necessary to the successful prosecution of the war. Military
camps should be established along the coast to prevent them
coming ashore ; small vessels should be constructed with which
Joongdso-swo, afterward called Suming-chow, could be taken ;
submission should be made easy and of course profitable;
merchandise and intercourse along the shore should be forbidden
with them; and their graves should be demolished, that

396 CONQUEST OF FORMOSA.

thus all might see the heinousness of their fault. Probably as
the easiest of all those measures, duke Woo was ordered to attack
the graves of the Jung family. This commission he faithfully
carried out, destroying the tombs, overturning the graves, and
slaying the five officials who had charge of them. This wanton
barbarity, and the frequent attempts, on any terms, to have
Chunggoong shave his head and plait a " tail," prove the power
of the great pirate, which was practically displayed in April 1657,
when Jidoo found his easiest and most honourable march was
one to Peking; for then Chunggoong penetrated into the
province, retook Minan, which was taken by Li Shwaitai some
months before, then devastated the neighbourhood of Foochow,
and wheeling round ravaged the prefectures of Wun and Tai,
both of which cities he took ; the officials of Taichow all joined
him. His prince title was thereupon enhanced by the prefix
Kun-wa,ng and the gold seal of a " great comander " was sent
him by Gwei Wang from Yunnan.

Though it was not so with his chief, Chunggoong was now at
the zenith of his greatness. He had seventy-two camps, under
the care of six superintendents, probably in imitation of the six
Boards, and now put forth all his energies, either to make a
considerable diversion in favour of his prince, Gwei Wang, whose
star was waning before the perseverance of Woo Sangwei, or to
make sure of a firm foothold for himself. Connected with his
army and navy he had one hundred and seventy thousand men ;
fifty thousand of whom were trained to fight by sea; fifty
thousand cavalry and archers, and fifty thousand infantry. Ten
thousand were always on the move, possibly a reserve of choice
troops to be ready to strike where most needed ; and there were
ten thousand clad in mail impenetrable to arrows or shot. To
this force was added whatever remained together of Whangyen's
army, which was to act as guide. They swooped down with
their fleet upon Wunchow and Taichow prefectures, carrying all
before them till they got north to Yangshan, " Sheep mountain,"
so called because it was the custom to worship there by giving a
living sheep ; and as it was sacrilege to take any away, the sheep

OF TH E

UNIVERSITY

SHEEP MOUNTAIN.

became very numerous. Chunggoong believed he might venture
with impunity to taste the mutton of Yangshan, and many of
those sheep disappeared among his ships ; for as they were never
molested, they were extremly tame. The pirates, however,
no sooner set sail than they encountered a tremendous storm, —
thunder, lightning, a fearful wind, and a heavy sea ; and as every
vessel carried a heavy cannon, as many as crashed in collision
went to the bottom, and many thousands of men were lost. He
should have let the sheep browse their sacred hill in peace ! So
serious were his losses that he had to return ; but hearing that
the Manchus were fully occupied in Yunnan, Kweichow, and
other places far inland, he made formidable preparations to
penetrate the interior of Kiangnan. In 1558, he sailed up the
Yangtsu by Choongming. The Manchu marshal of Kisoong was
then on the Soongkiang, and Kiangning marshal on Fooshan,
holding the most important passes. On Jwanshan and at
Tankiachow large cannon had been planted, and a strong iron
chain fixed across the river at Kinshan, and Chiaoshan was hoped
to be barrier sufficient against all ships. The prows of Whangyen's
vessels went several times butting against those chains ; but it
was not the chains which were damaged. He therefore ordered
many swimmers into the water to file the chains, which they did
so well that, with a favourable wind and tide, seventeen of his
vessels passed up the river. The wooden- walled city on the bank
was immediately deserted, Kwachow fell, and Chunkiang was
besieged. The mounted rebels dismounted, and fought
desperately on foot at Beigooshan, compelling the Manchus to
retreat within the walls, rushing in after them pell-mell, before
the gates could be closed ; and Chunkiang was in Chunggoong's
hands, with the good-will of the people, who had gone out 50 li
to meet him, before the battle was fought.

Gan Hwi advised the immediate advance of the whole army
on Yangchow to cut off Shantung, and prevent the two Kiangs
from marching in by occupying Kingkow. At the same time a
deputation came from Woohoo, praying Chunggoong to advance
thither to free the people from their hated long-tailed conquerors.

398 CONQUEST OF FORMOSA.

Chunggoong probably believed this policy too rash, at all events
he would not run the risk ; and Whangyen, with Jin Ling and
Hiao Ling, withdrew their detachments in anger, marching
themselves towards Woohoo, and occupied the districts of Hwining
and neighbourhood. The Manchu armies were then far in the
interior of Yunnan, and their necessities there had drained all
the northern cities of their garrisons, so that the region now
pounced upon by the pirates was undermanned Ma Jinbao, the
Soongkiang marshal, was besides secretly well disposed to the
rebel cause, and took no measures to relieve cities at a distance
from him. Hence Chunggoong was free to march where, when,
and how he pleased ; and in a short time 4 foo, 3 chow, and 24
hien cities fell before him.

So rapid and extensive were his conquests, that the great
alarm in Peking determined the emperor to march in person
to drive the pirates into the sea. The people also were
rejoicing in the certainty of freedom from the Manchu " tail."
A Manchu general travelling into the affected country was
dining at a village inn. After sitting down to his dinner he
asked the news. The innkeeper, an old man ignorant of the
character of his guest, clasped his hands together, and raised
them towards heaven, gave thanks and said, " The northern
people are all put to death." The general left his untouched
dinner, flying back as fast as he could. But Chunggoong's
success defeated him. So general were the desertions to him,
and so easy were the conquests he made, that when Lang Ting-
dso the viceroy sent messengers to him agreeing to join the
Ming cause and act in concert with him, he readily believed
him, and led a large body of troops to welcome his new
ally, drawing up in a line of several li against a hill outside
Yifung gate of Kiangning. Governor Jiang Gwojoo, and the
general of Choong-ning, Liang Whafung, marched to the aid of
the city ; the latter occupying high ground to overlook the enemy.
These however did not seem to notice the presence of the
imperialists, and were apparently entirely off their guard. In
the evening therefore a picked body of five hundred horse made

PIRATES SURPEISED. 399

a dash through one of the gates and seized and occupied the

foremost village of the pirate camp at Baitoo-shan. Next

morning by daybreak, before the pirates had breakfasted and

while entirely unprepared for fighting, the main army, joined by

all the garrison, marched in three bodies against the rebel van,

while a body of horse was sent round the hill to fall upon the

rear. Chung-goong himself was then at the head of his fleet,

which had got up to Gwanyin-mun of Kweichow, and Gan Hwi

was in charge of the Kiangning siege army. Whether Hwi was

yet asleep, or for whatever other reason, the signal flag on the

top of the hill gave no sign, and nobody in the camp dared move,

though they saw their enemy pushing upon them. Thus the

various bodies, which were not attacked, and which would if

ordered march on to assist the threatened points, were compelled

to remain inactive. They were therefore broken up at the first

charge ; the wildest confusion ensued ; Hwi was taken and put

to death. Many more of the chief officers were seized and

multitudes were slain. Hwa Fung sent on a body of men

flushed with victory, which burnt five hundred ships. On the

news of this utter rout Chunggoong sailed his vessels down the

stream, pursued by land and water forces. Chunkiang and

Kwachow were retaken. Hwangyen had his army completely

shattered ; he himself escaping to the sea under an assumed

name. Hwa Fung, to whose prompt energy this great victory

was mainly due, was made marshal of Kiangnan. But the

success was partly due to the fact that the Kweichow troops

were free, Gwei Wang having been driven thence ; and a

considerable force, coming down the river to drive back the

pirates, united with the forces already gathered in and around

the besieged city.

Chunggoong had still a considerable army about him, with
which in his retreat he attacked Choongming; but after ravaging
the district, he was driven off by the colonel. His successes
occupied three months (June — August, 1659), and his disaster
fell upon him in the following month. He must have recovered
himself with wonderful rapidity, for in November he was ready

400 CONQUEST OF FORMOSA.

to receive the attacks of two armies. These marched in upon
Amoy, under Li Shwaitai, one via Changchow, the other via
Toongan, the deserters from Kwangtung acting as guides. In
the battle Chunggoong held the standard in his own hand, and
pressed forward into the midst of the foe, of whom thousands
perished in the mud. Shwaitai had therefore to retreat as well
as he could.

In 1660, however, Chunggoong began to fear that his greatness
was about to end, for Sangwei had driven Gwei Wang into-
Burma, and made his chief generals fugitives. Hence the
strain was removed from off the other provinces bordering those
under the control of Sangwei's armies ; and Gung Jimao, then
one of the southern Manchu feudal princes, was ordered from
Kwangtung into Fukien, aided by Loto, a member of the imperial
house, to exterminate the pirates. Then too (in October) was
carried out the extreme measure of driving inland every soul in
Fukien within 30 li of the sea, belonging to the districts of
Haichung and Toongan. Eighty-eight large villages were
at once emptied, and all the agriculturists, and men of any and
every description living outside the walls of those two cities, were
compelled to remove, to the number of several hundred thousand.
This measure caused incalculable suffering; but Shwaitai felt
himself justified in recommending such a course, as the only
mode of cutting off the pirates from the shore ; for no matter
how severely worded were the prohibitions sent from Peking*
against intercourse with the pirates, such intercourse went on
undiminished. Nor was this matter of surprise, as the pirates
were largely composed of the natives of those districts ; and the
traffic of robbery, which brought poverty to wealthy families and
misery and death to untold myriads, threw great wealth into the
pirate head-quarters. Hence it was difficult for the people
there, who were Chinese like their descendants, to renounce a
connection of the profits of which they were assured, though
before now ignorant of its penalties. Hence too we can under-
stand, and in a great measure sympathise with, the government
in taking this apparently cruel step. The Doonghwaloo says, as

WHOLESALE TRANSPORTATION. 401

if with a grin, that the government was pleased to inform those
houseless and homeless people that their taxes would be remitted
for that year. All ships large and small were also prohibited
from going to sea on any pretence, whether of merchandise or
fishing. This measure caused greater misery than the other.
Its effects were perhaps more felt in the large city of Foochow,
where so many depended on fish and salt, than elsewhere. So great
and universal was the opposition on the part of the people to be
transported, that Wangyen strongly urged Chunggoong to make
capital out of it, by removing all the people to the islands ; he
believing that if the measure was carried out by the govern-
ment, Amoy and Kinmun (Gold Gate) must fall. The people
were however driven inland, and the coast for four years was
made a desert, and they called it peace.

Now that Chunggoong was no longer feared, nor his peaceful
submission hoped or much cared for, Juloong, with two sons who
had never joined the pirates, was publicly executed, and all his
family put to death in Peking. There was an attempt three
years before by some officials to- have him executed. The
emperor was willing to banish him to Ninguta, but the govern-
ment dared not then put him to death. Whangyen was taken
prisoner at Hiienngao of Nantien, and the Kwangtung pirates
were put down by prince Shang Kosi, who also removed the coast
people inland.

A less able man than Chunggoong could understand that the
Manchu government, which had trampled under foot every com-
petitor, and executed every robber chief from Kansu to Yunnan,
from Kwangtung to Shantung, and was that moment more
powerful than the late Ming dynasty, even in its early palmy
days, would not permit him to molest it with the feeble impunity
of the latter days of the Ming. As therefore he already saw
clouds of armies converging from south, west, and north of him,
and as Amoy was wholly inadequate as a last refuge, he anxiously
looked about him for some retreat. One day coming across a
ship belonging to the "red-haired western barbarians," his
Annamese interpreter, or business-man, said, "Why not take

A 1

402 CONQUEST OF FORMOSA.

Taiwan — Formosa — which has always been the head-quarters
of the sea-rover, and the ancient property of his family ? " And
Chunggoong appropriated the brilliant idea, and prepared to
drive the Dutch out of his paternal estate.

The Yuen dynasty was the first to establish an officer on
Punghoo — the Pescadores — off the mainland. This official was
removed by the Ming. In Chiaching's reign (1522-67) a
•Chinaman, the pirate Lin Daochien, made Formosa his head-
quarters, till he was driven out by the Loochooans. The latter
were in their turn dispossed by the Japanese, who, during a
great part of the Ming dynasty, constantly ravaged the coast of
China. It was with them Jung Juloong passed his piratical
apprenticeship, and it was while with them he saw the uncommon
fertility of the land then unavailed of, but which was so bene-
ficially utilised by him afterwards.

The " Red-haired Western Barbarians " — the Dutch — were at
that time in the zenith of their trading prosperity in the east.
They petitioned the Chinese emperor, first for possession of Hiang-
shan, "mountain of incense"; failing which they sought Punghoo :
but in vain. They therefore made large presents to the Japanese
and got Formosa. They opened a barter market ; and to beguile
the people into submission, they employed the Roman Catholic
religion.* They then drove out the Japanese, and took
possession. When Jung Juloong left the island after establishing
the colony and building a city, two thousand Dutch occupied
the city ; all the Chinese living in the surrounding districts in

* Lit. translation. It is the universal belief of Chinese that propagandism has
been initiated by the westerns, in order to gain a footing among the natives, by
means of which they can ultimately seize the empire. This belief is founded on the
magisterial status assumed by Roman Catholic missionaries; most of whom so
style themselves that the Chinese take them to be official magistrates of France. In
another portion of his book my author says that but for the Roman Catholic
religion the Dutch would never have entered Formosa. Yet the name given to the
propagandists is certainly incorrect; for it is not at all likely that the Dutch would
permit Jesuits there at a time when Jesuits were using every means, foul and fair —
chiefly the former —to keep the Dutch out of China. The Dutch were Protestant ;
and the preachers were certainly Protestant. The only objection made by the
Chinese to mission work is, that it is a political agency to found a foreign party in
China ; but they detest the humiliating presence of all westerns without distinction.

THE DUTCH ATTACKED. 403

hamlets and farm houses. The Dutch did not seek possession
of the land ; they desired only to make the city their trading
headquarters. They lived on the very best terms (lit., " were
coupled together with ") the agriculturists, and without the least
distrust. When therefore Chunggoong discovered that the days
of his greatness on the mainland were numbered, and set sail for
Formosa, he found two forts in the hands of the Dutch. These
were under the command of Kweiyi Wang. They had a barter
trade with Liisoong, or Borneo, and Janchung in the South
seas.

Shu-chijoo the Doohwi of the city Jienchung, the minister
of the company, was deficient to the amount of two hundred
thousand pieces of silk. Fearing the discovery of a deficiency
which he could not make good, he fled to Chunggoong, and
offered to act as guide. When Chunggoong examined the map
which he carried with him, he exclaimed with a sigh : " This is
surely but the surplus of the Outer Seas."

In 1661, therefore, Chunggoong sailed to Punghoo with one
hundred ships, and then got to Loor mun. But as the shore for
several score of li is nearly level and the water very shallow, he
could not push in with his deep sea ships. The Dutch had,
besides, sunk large vessels in the channel. But an unusually
high tide raised the depth to over ten feet, and several hundred
vessels got to the shore. The Dutch soldiers did not stand fire ;
therefore Chukan chung fort was at once taken and Wang chung
attacked. The walls of this city were made of pieces of stone
piled up in layers and cemented with stone-burnt lime.*

*The text would be better translated, by stating that the "piled up stones were
converted by fire into lime ! " Another authority says : The Dutch built cities
Taiwan, Keloong, Tamsui, besides " earthen forts some score. Taiwan was the
best ; a stone wall several tens of feet high and ten feet thick. They used fire to
convert the stone into lime for cement. " This is of course Wang chung or " capital. "
Davis in his "Chinese" shows there was a good deal more fighting than is here
represented. The Dutch body faced the four thousand Chinese who landed ; but
instead of driving away these as they had expected, they had to flee themselves,
leaving their captain and half their men in the hands of the Chinese. These latter
soon landed to the number of twelve thousand, divided into three bodies, — the first
with bows and arrows, the second with swords and shields, the third with back

404 CONQUEST OF FORMOSA.

It was therefore a " stone " city, and cannon balls fired
at it for a whole half year made no impression. The
natives then informed Chunggoong that the water supply
of the fort came from a high mountain outside, by a
stream which ran round and into it. Were this supply stopped
short, the besieged must come to terms in three days, for there
was no well inside. Chunggoong at once acted on this knowledge,
and the garrison was compelled to surrender, on terms which,
after a half year's siege, were certainly not ungenerous; for the
Dutch were permitted to take with them all their property and
valuables of every description.* He wanted only the land
which by right belonged to him. After the treaty was signed,
Chunggoong went away three days' journey, and the Dutch
departed in their large vessels.

Chunggoong took immediate possession of his "kingdom,"
which was the best guard of Amoy and Gold Gate. He
nominated a Master of Plans, made villages and stations,
prepared weapons of war, established laws, appointed magistrates,
provided for universal education, all according to the Ming
custom; for he still adhered to Gwei Wang, who was then a
wretched prisoner in Burma. He erected Chukan into Chung-
tienfoo, created two Men, Tienhing and Wannien, and gave a
cordial invitation to the people of the opposite coast of Fukien
to settle under his rule.

The fighting of the Manchus was now all but at an end, and
with it passed away the youth who was the nominal head of the
empire: for the first Manchu emperor died in February 1661,
and was succeeded by the emperor known as Kanghi, whose
reign is one of the longest and best in the annals of China.

swords and three-feet-long pikes with broad pointed iron heads. The "chief
commanders in long robes without arms had a most awful countenance. " A deserter
from the Dutch showed the weakest points ; and at last, after losing sixteen
hundred men, the Dutch had to leave Eormosa.

* Ogilby gives a different version : "Very cruelly were several of the Netherlander
dealt withal, especially the ministers, A. Hantbroel, A. Vincenius, L. Campen, P.
Muts and others, and at last put to death.". . . . The name Coxinga or Koxinga
is given by Ogilby to Chtmggoong, to his father and to his son.

CURIOUS DEATH. 405

When Chunggoong entered Formosa, he made his eldest son,
Gin or Gold, also known as Ching, his representative or regent
in Amoy. Soon after, a son was born to Gin by a slave of the
family, the wet nurse, who had nursed himself. So enraged was
his father at this disgrace to the family, that he sent his minister
of Punishment and his minister of Rites to put Gin and his
mother to death.* A general was also to accompany them, to
arrest and execute all the chief officers of Amoy ; for the shame
reflected on them as in some measure responsible for the deeds
of such a youth as Gin then was. The order was too general,
however, and affected too many influential men, who were not to
die like sheep. Their errand was known long before those
messengers arrived. The Amoy officers compelled Gin to assume
the independent rank of Pinggwo Duke, and on the approach of
the ministers of justice, there was a brief struggle and the
executioners were slain, the general being seized and bound as a
prisoner. On hearing of this unexpected issue, Chunggoong
was so wild in his rage that he became mad ; he gnashed his
teeth, bit his own finger, and, as his powerful constitution was
probably ruined by his indulgences with wine and women, he
died, aged thirty-eight.

On the death of their chief, the Formosan officers elected his
brother Shusi his successor, but Gin proved his right to reign by
attacking and defeating his uncle, who fled to Chiienchow,
submitted to the Manchus, and was made a major-general.
Gung Gimao, with commander Shwaitai, urged Gin to submit,
now that his father's death made submission so easy. Gin
consented to acknowledge the emperor as his superior and pay
tribute, if he were permitted to do so on the same terms as Corea
and Loochoo, viz.: to retain the old fashion in doing the hair
and in dress ; he on his part promising never to molest the
Chinese shore. To this reply there was no response.

In July 1633, Dutch ships (no barbarians this time!) were

* Wet nurse is also called mother in China ; but I infer this must have been his
proper mother, as she is called Mrs. Doong; and a slave-servant would scarcely
have that title given her.

406 CONQUEST OF FORMOSA.

ordered (sic) to second the Chinese armies against the pirates.
Gimao, Shwaitai, Shu Liang and duke Whang Woo marched
out by Toongan and Changchow, the Dutch ships sailing from
Chiienchow. Amoy fell before the allies in November. The
pirates fled, pursued by the Dutch ships under Liang, who had a
native fleet besides. In the pursuit, Gold Gate fell to the
Manchus, with eighteen thousand of Gin's men. Chunggoong's
former colleague, Whangyen, was surprised and taken prisoner
at Hiienshan of Nantien. A pirate major surrendered in the
south of Kwangtung, and was made a major-general; and a
general who had retreated with Gin, forsook the sinking ship,
deserted, and was created a count. Ogilby, to all appearance,
correctly states that the Dutch alone defeated the pirates, — the
local Chinese mandarins acknowledging as much to them, while
doubtless claiming all the glory for themselves in their despatches
to Peking. Gin fell back on Toongshan with Hwang Ting, the
marquis of Yoongan. But in the April following, Gimao,
Shwaitai, and others, with a huge host, attacked Toongshan;
and the worthy marquis, with commander Giang Seek-much, —
an appropriate name for a pirate or conqueror, — surrendered with
thirty thousand men. Toongshan was therefore taken without a
blow, and was burnt down. Numerous ships and enormous
stores fell to the conquerors. Gin, accompanied by his wife,
crossed the sea to Formosa; having lost the great game of
independent monarchy for which he was virtually struggling,
while nominally adhering to Gwei Wang, and still using his
name, though the pretender was now sometime dead. All the
coast islands were thus completely cleared of pirates.

In August of this year (1664) Shu Liang received an imperial
commission to sail against Formosa, with the title of Commander
' Clearer-of-the-sea." And again the efficiency of the Dutch
ships was proved by their engagement to aid in the attack. A
contrary wind prevented their crossing, and Liang had to return.
As the easiest plan, an attempt was made next year to induce
Gin to throw himself into Manchu arms, — this time the proposal
coming directly from the court. Gin again declared his extreme

THE PIRATES CONTINUE FREE. 407

willingness to be considered the minister of his majesty, if he
could do so on the same terms as Corea. But the court could
not listen to such conditions. And as Gin believed the Manchus
incapable of ever attacking him in Formosa, he was in no great
haste to submit. He, however, determined to use his position
and scourge the Chinese coast indirectly if not directly. He
therefore levied black-mail on all trade carried on by the sea-
bordering people. Liang, who soon discovered but was unable
to check the evil, privately memorialised the throne, stating
that if Gin were thus permitted to prepare for the future, it was
only to make great trouble. It was necessary to take strong
measures to root him out. But though he (Liang) was
summoned to Peking two years after, to consult with the Boards
as to a practicable mode of seizing Formosa, their plans ended
on paper, for it was finally decided by the court that on account
of the difficulties raised by the wind, an attack on Formosa
would be a task, the accomplishment of which would not be
worth the trouble. And as long as no cities were sacked nor
villages burnt, imperial dignity could wink at burdens on coast
trade and ships fired far off at sea. For ten years Gin remained
contented with his ocean dominion, and the government was
well satisfied he should continue to amuse himself by imitating
the old Ming ways, as long as he confined himself to the sea
and did not ask them to recognise such fashions.

But in 1674 broke out the greatest storm which ever tested
the strength of the Manchu government, and blew down in a
few days the house of cards which occupied so many years in
building. For Sangwei, the author of the Manchu rule in
China, and who had for years virtually independent authority
over three provinces, now made a bold push for the founding of
a southern empire. And in a few months the Manchus may be
said to have lost all the country south of the Yangtsu. Gung
Jingjoong, the son of Gimao, recently deceased, rebelled with
Fukien; and to strengthen his position he proposed an alliance
with Gin, paying him as the price of his assistance the two
prefectures of Chang and Chiien. The Formosans were almost

408 CONQUEST OF FORMOSA.

beside themselves with joy at this unlocked for restoration to
their old homes, and especially with the manner of it. They
therefore lost no time in crossing to Fukien. Yet they were no
sooner at his side than Jingjoong repented of the price he had
to pay. He refused to impliment his engagement, and bad
blood sprung up between the two. But he had the worst of it
in the long run ; for former adherents of the Jung family were
scattered over east Fukien in places of trust; and as all
anticipated the complete downfall of Manchu rule in the south,
now that the greatest of the generals of China was at the head
of the rebellion, those adherents had no great difficulty in giving
secret or avowed assistance to their old companion in arms, the
son of their former chief. Among these was the major then
holding Haichung, and the major in Chaochow in the north-east
of Kwangtung, who, though revolting with Jingjoong, declared
for Gin. Jingjoong and Shang Jusin, who had revolted in
Kwangtung, after first of all marching against Jingjoong,
regarded Sangwei as the leader of the southern movement, and
highly respected his word. Sangwei was extremely anxious to
secure the fidelity of Gin to the cause, and therefore urged
Jusin to offer the district with the city of Hwichow to Gin to
guarantee his adherence. But the breach of faith on one side, and
the forcible possession on the other, caused a complete rupture
of the friendly relations of Jingjoong and Gin. While therefore
the former was occupied with the Manchu troops in the west
and north-west of Fukien, the latter, instead of fighting the
Manchus, occupied his time in attacking Jingjoong's rear, and in
reality was fighting the battles of his chief enemies, in his
foolish, short-sighted policy ; though several cities, among them
Tingchowfoo in the south-west of Fukien, fell into his hands.
Had Jingjoong been a man of more solid character, and worthy
of the position he aspired to attain, circumstances might have
turned out otherwise. Apparently as weak as he was wicked,
Jingjoong acted the horse who asked the man to ride him to be
avenged on his enemy ! for, unable to meet the attacks of the
Manchus before and of Gin behind, he threw himself at the feet

PIRATES AGAIN ACTIVE. 409

of the Manchus, by whom he was gladly received and re-instated
in his old title and power. He was all the more readily
welcomed that Sangwei was then in the zenith of his power,
and causing Peking to tremble.

Gin was now overpowered, and lost in 1677 the cities of
Chang, Chiien, Shaowoo, and Hinghwa. The commandant
in Chaochow, seeing his second commander faring so badly,
and his first chief still living after rejoining the Manchus,
believed it better to open the gates of Chao city and retain
his head, than have the walls battered down and lose it.
He submitted while the Manchus were yet at a distance, and
Hwi city followed his example. Gin finding his foothold on the
mainland trembling, retired to Formosa. The excitement of
war and the pleasure of plunder gathered a host again around
him as of old, with which he sailed back the next year, ravaging
the whole coast, taking over a dozen cities and fortified towns.
And again, as the pirates gained so much strength from the coast
people, was the old order re-issued to have all the people within
30 li of the sea removed inland. For, four years after they had
been driven in, they were permitted to re-occupy their houses
and lands, at the time when Chunggoong took his final
departure for Formosa. The success of the plan on the former
occasion counterbalanced the thought of the misery sure to
ensue from this wholesale transportation.

In 1679 Gin's general, Liw Gwohan, who remained true, with
other generals, penetrated inland by various routes. The viceroy
divided the imperial army into four companies to oppose them.
A terrible battle was fought, in which the duke of Hiangchung
the general and the marshal were all defeated and besieged in
Haichung by Gwohan. When the Manchu army arrived to
raise the siege, Gwohan drew off his men from one side of the
city lest he should have to fight one army from the city and
another in his rear, and permitted the new arrivals to enter.
He then reclosed his lines. The armies which entered Haichung
served only to accelerate the disappearance of all victuals, and
the city was compelled by the famine to open its gates. With

410 CONQUEST OF FORMOSA.

the city thirty thousand men and ten thousand horses fell into
Gwohan's hands. He put to death all under the rank of
marshal and major-general. At least so it is written, though it
looks extremely improbable. On account of this tremble
disaster, whether it was his fault or only his misfortune, the
viceroy was recalled and Yao Chishung appointed in his stead.

Following up his victory at Haichung, Gwohan attacked and
took Changping, Changtai, Joongan. He besieged Changchow
in person and detached a portion of his army against Chiienchow.
To prepare for the possible arrival of the imperialists he cut off
Kiangdoongchiao bridge from Chang, and Wanngan bridge from
Chiien. But Kangchin wang dared not move out of Foochow.
Yang Jie the new marshal took Hwingan, and Laita with the
new governor retook Changping. The new viceroy marched
from Ngansi by Toongan, the governor by Yoongchwun, the
marshal by Hwingan from Hinghwa, Lin Hien and another
body under a lieut. -general from Tinghai, — all to converge on
Gwohan. Jie sent a body of troops which broke up Chunshanba
in order to march behind Wanngan chiao and attack in the rear
while the main army marched against the front. The bridge
was taken and the rebel vessels sunk by shot. Chuenchow siege
was immediately raised.

Gwohan led fifty thousand of his troops by various routes to
re-unite between the hills Woogoong and Loonghoo. Chang-
chow, whose garrison was not strong, was filled with terror, and
Halada and Jingjoong eagerly advocated the evacuation of the
city. The viceroy, however, closed the gates, permitting neither
ingress nor egress. In a great mist he sallied out against the
rebels with five thousand men, and in quick succession broke up
sixteen detached camps, slaying four thousand men. The
Kiangdoongchiao army was more obstinate and retreated only
when Jie was approaching on the other side. In a short time
all important posts in the Chang and Chiien districts were
recovered. Gwohan retreated upon Haichung; three sides
of which is defended by the sea, and on the remaining side he
dug an additional moat. He was soon out again, ravaging the

MANCHUS CONVERGE ON PIRATES. 411

country on the way to Changchow and plundering the various
camps established at Kiangdoongchiao.

Great efforts were now made to collect a large fleet, and once
for all crush this pirate pest. Sangwei had already died in
Honan, and with his death the rebellion lost all its terror to the
Manchus. Yochow was taken soon after, and the land and lake
armies, so long engaged in attacking it, were freed. Wang
Jungsai, admiral of the fleet there, was ordered to sail with
a hundred ships for Amoy. The Dutch ships were again
engaged. The viceroy and governor had provided three hundred
sail to transport thirty thousand men. The viceroy also regarded
that money as well spent which bought off the men of Gin; and
he got over four hundred officers and fourteen thousand men
from Gwohan's army, whom he placed on his own vessels. He
promised Gwohan to be made a duke if he submitted. Without
waiting for the Dutch ships, Chishung and Jie retook Haichung,
while Chundsai, in February 1680, retook Haitan, some of whose
men had already received the viceroy's money. Sixteen large
pirate ships were sunk, over three thousand men killed and
drowned. The survivors fled to Namo, Yi ao, Mei ao, Chow ao,
and were pursued to Pinghai. Thence they sailed to Choongwoo,
whither Chungdsai bore down upon them with a favourable
wind, completely defeating them, and clearing the islands of
Meichow, Nanyi, Pinghai, Choongwoo. Joo Tiengwei, a com-
mander, deserted a second time to the imperialists, with all his
portion of the fleet. The rebels were again defeated at Tating
and Siaoting. The army crossed by sea to Yuchow, and Gwohan
retired on Amoy, — whither the greater portion of Gin's army
had already withdrawn. .But they were being so closely and
hotly pressed, that they abandoned Amoy and Gold Gate, again
making for Formosa. Laita and the other commanders occupied
Amoy, left garrisons there and in Gold Gate ; and Kang Chin
wang, with his army, was ordered to Peking in September.

So difficult was the capture of Formosa regarded that Laita
memorialised the throne, urging peace on the conditions asked
by Gin, viz. : no change in fashions of dress ; the laws on hair-

412 CONQUEST OF FORMOSA.

cutting to remain in abeyance ; and Formosa to be in all respects
like Corea or Japan. If Gin brought in tribute, well : if not, it
was a matter of no consequence ; but he would style himself the
minister of his Majesty, and cease hostile raids upon the
mainland. The interminable strife would be then ended, — Gin
only adding another proviso, which was reasonable enough: —
that Haichung be a place where the Formosans and the Chinese
could exchange their products. This plan would doubtless have
been adopted; but it fell through by the stern opposition of
Chishun, who said it was not to be considered for a moment.

Next year, when the coast was at peace for some time,
Chishung and the governor petitioned to have the coast people
return to their homes, and it was granted. But Fukien was still
in a state of the greatest anarchy. Many of the officials were
secretly in the pay of the Jung family ; and when war broke out
between Gung and Gin, they had assumed the character of Gung's
men when it suited, and of Gin's when they could plunder Gung's
lands ; but they robbed impartially from any side when they had
the opportunity. It was therefore impossible to classify them as
belonging to any man or any side. To disband them was an
easy matter on paper, but it would be only to convert robbers in
fact into robbers in name. They were therefore retained
in the service of the government. But stern orders were issued,
that every officer under the rank of commander and major-
general should have barracks for his men, who were forbidden to
wander from place to place, to dwell in the houses of the people,
to eat the people's food, or forcibly take possession of their wives
and daughters ; they were forbidden also to compel the people
to work for the army. To keep order, one wang, one beidsu, one
goong, and one bai was left in Fukien. And for some unexplained
reason, the coast people were again removed inland. It is no
wonder that they took a new direction for themselves, marching
northwards, plundering as they went. Chishung prayed Kang-
chin Wang to sternly forbid their departure out of the province,
and collected twenty thousand taels to pay their way back.
Indeed Chishung was so liberal in his expenditure that the

LOW BIRTH. 413

province was unable to supply the necessary funds. He had
spies in all the islands, his "eyes and ears." Like his
contemporary ministers in Europe, he was not very particular as
to the means taken to carry out his ends. When Gin was in
Amoy, a spy was sent to inveigle him into walking to the coast.
By the way there was an ambush already set, which rushed out
upon and seized Gin. They were hastening off with their prisoner,
but were overtaken by some of his men who had been made
aware of the plot, were defeated, and Gin was recovered out of
their hands.

Kotsang was the eldest son of Gin, — the son of Gin's foster-
mother. He was a young man of remarkable ability, but
none the less hated by the other members of the family, who
regarded him as a disgrace, not from his character, but because
of his origin. When Gin went out to fight he left Kotsang,
by the advice of a minister, to act in his stead as regent.
When his father Gin returned to Formosa after his defeat,
Kotsang still held the post which he had very successfully filled.
But Gin, probably disgusted with the position of affairs, occupied
himself exclusively with wine and women for two years, which
sufficed to put an end to his life. His younger brothers were all
opposed to the accession of their bastard nephew Kotsang ; and
to carry out their plans they first got the minister Yoonghwa
removed from his high office. Knowing their plans, he died
immediately after of extreme grief, whether by suicide or not is
left to conjecture. Kotsang in him lost his chief and ablest
support; and the remainder of the plot was easily executed.
Mrs Choong, widow of Chunggoong, laid charges against Kotsang;
but his great crime, if not that he was a man of greater talent
than the others, lay in his being the son of the slave-woman.
He was therefore put to death, and Gin's next son, his first
legitimate child, Koshwai, was elected. But he was young and
feeble, and had no business talent. All business, and therefore all
power, fell into the hands of Fung Sifan, at whose instigation the
minister had been removed. He began to lay a plot to take the
life of a duke, and gain possession of his property; and

414 CONQUEST OF FORMOSA.

government and unity were at an end. Gwohan, though then
in Formosa, did not help matters.

Chishung was therefore in ecstasies of delight, and sent a
despatch to Peking, informing the emperor of the complete
anarchy into which Formosa had fallen, — an anarchy which he
had paid much to increase. He urged an immediate attack.
The grand secretary supported the proposal, and both urged that
admiral Shu Liang should at once set his fleet in motion. The
commission was given in the joint names of Liang and Chishung.
As in many another colleagueship, they disagreed on a point of
vital consequence, just as they were ready to start : Chishung
advising to wait for a north wind and start from Weitow ; Liang
to take advantage of the south wind, and go from Toongshan to
Punghoo. As neither would yield, there was no expedition that
season. Liang memorialised the throne, that if Punghoo stood,
Formosa's fall was of little consequence; but Punghoo fallen,
Formosa would yield without fighting. He also prayed to be
permitted to start alone with twenty thousand men and three
hundred vessels; while a competent officer should be left in Amoy
to look after provisions. His request was granted.

In the spring of 1683 Gwohan sent messengers to Chishung,
asking if he would be permitted to bring tribute to Peking as
ambassador from Loochoo. The emperor was consulted, and
refused his permission. Gwohan had then twenty thousand men
in Punghoo, where he guarded well each port, no ingress being
allowed. In June the imperial fleet, with Liang at its head, left
Toongshan, entered Badan, and with the south flood sailed in on
Punghoo, slaying a commander and seventy men. They then
got into Chitan Bay with the tide.

Gwohan had built an embankment 20 li in length along the
bay, with cannon at regular intervals. A great wind arose at
night, and scattered the van of the fleet. Gwohan immediately
took advantage of the confusion, pushed out on all sides, and
surrounded the fleet. Liang was wounded in the eye by an
arrow, but continued to lead the fight with vigour, his object
being to break tfee circle of his foes; and he was successful.

NAVAL BATTLE. 415

Owohan himself, at the head of a large army, went across to
Niwsin or Ox-heart bay, leaving another at Kilungsu or Hen-
dragon island. He then attacked Liang with fifty vessels from
each of these places, bearing down upon him in front and rear.
But Liang attacked the centre of Gwohan's fleet with fifty ships,
ordering eighty more to second him, arid drew up his vessels so
that five of them got opposite to and grappled with one of
Gwohan's. The battle raged furiously during the whole day,
the noise of the shouting combatants being heard several
hundred li off ! The day was one of wind and thunder. When,
in the thick of the fight, a great black cloud arose, the pirates
congratulated each other. But suddenly there was a tremendous
crashing noise, and the shock completely unnerved the pirates,
who were at once broken up. One hundred of their vessels were
sunk or taken ; three hundred officers and twelve hundred of
their men lost their lives.

Gwohan burst through the imperial fleet in a small vessel, and
by Koongmun made for Formosa. All his surviving men laid down
their arms. He was followed by the imperial fleet immediately,
which got to Loormun, but could not enter on account of the
shallows. They had to anchor outside for twelve days, when
suddenly there came a great fog. The tide rose over ten feet, and
the fleet was floated in to the shore. Possibly enough, the For-
mosans were already decided on surrender; but they said that "the
first wang (Chunggoong) got possession of Taiwan by a high tide.
The fleet now comes in the same manner. It is the will of
Heaven." And they proposed to submit.

In August, Koshwai sent messengers offering to submit ; and,
with his document, Liang wrote to Peking urging the acceptance
of this submission and the pardon of the past. The emperor
wrote a long reply, employing strong language as to the past
-conduct of Koshwai's ancestors and his own, but concluded by
saying that, as the emperor desired to imitate Heaven and
exercise mercy, he would not order Liang to take Formosa, as he
now so easily could do, but would receive and forgive them all.

The Formosans now, last of all the Chinese, had their heads

416 CONQUEST OF FORMOSA.

shaved and their queues plaited. And in September, Liang
received the formal submission of Koshwai at the head of all his
people. Koshwai handed over the gold seal of his wang-ship,
the gold seal of his commander-ship, and five silver seals of
various high offices, all given his grandfather by Gwei Wang.
He also gave in a list of the treasure and army of Formosa, and
statistics of the land and families. The land was then divided
into one foo (Taiwan) and three hien cities (Taiwan, Fungshan,
and Joolo). Formosa was thus subdued twenty- three years
after the Jung family had first asserted their independence
there, and thirty-eight since Chunggoong first assumed command.

The messenger sent by Liang by sea got to Peking with the
welcome news in seven days, the message of Chishung by land
arriving two days later. Koshwai went to Peking, where he was
made a duke for life. Liang was created marquis Clearer-of-the-
Sea. Gwohan and Sifan, the one the upholder, the other the
destroyer, of Formosan independence, were both made counts.

In the end of the reign of Kanghi there was another serious
rebellion in Formosa,* which occupied much time and treasure
and many men, to put it down. And a third in the end of
Kienloong; since which the affair with Japan has been the
most serious disturbance of that island. To describe these and
some other interesting insurrections in the island is, however,
beyond our present scope.

* Ogilby states that Taiwan, the name given by the Chinese to the main island^
" lieth south from Formosa, the uttermost north point being distant almost a league,
but the southernmost point within a bow-shot of the land, over which at low water
they wade to and again ; but between the north and Formosa, it is at least thirteen
feet deep at low water. ... It hath two leagues and a half in length, and a
quarter of a league in breadth, being naturally a spot of barren sand. . . . Yet
here resided above ten thousand Chinese." On the north of this islet was the fort
and city of Taiwan, built by and taken from the Dutch, and now from the pirates.
A history of Formosa, from a native source, in " Notes and Queries on China and
Japan," is most romantic, ascribing the final annexation to China, as arising from
the great mercy of Kanghi, who permitted the Formosans to shave their heads !

CHAPTER XII.
REBELLION OF THE THREE PRINCES.

AFTER the many years of toilsome marchings, — first to Peking,
then through Shensi, Szchuen, and Yunnan, into Burma, where
the last sparks of the fire kindled by the Ming pretenders were
crushed, — it was natural that Woo Sangwei would crave and
enjoy his kingly leisure. For the generosity of the emperor to
the man who had made him emperor was unbounded, making
Sangwei all but absolute lord of the three south-western provinces.
But to the man who, from his boyhood, breathed and delighted
in the exciting atmosphere of war, and to whom the clash of
arms and shouts of armed foes made the finest music, several years
of easy dignity and quiet stately grandeur, brought with them a
feeling of insipidity ; and it was with a sense of relief, if with
a measure of apprehension, that he rushed from the sweet
atmosphere of otto of roses, to the keen, clear, exhilarating air
of the battle, taking advantage of a measure of Kanghi, — wise
in its design, scarcely so in its execution, — to unfurl his own
banner against that of the emperor he had made.

We have already seen how Sangwei, while yet a boy without
title or rank, followed his father in the battles, in which his rank
of lieut. -general of Kingchow involved that father with the
Manchus ; how the bravery of the youth raised him to rank ;
and how the skilful manner in which he defeated the plans
of the Manchus, while he was holding Ningyuen, made him a
noted man; so that when Dsuchung was threatening the
capital, he was summoned westwards as the only man capable of
meeting the more imminent danger. The seizure by a follower
of Dsuchung of the singing girl, whom he had purchased for

Bl

418 REBELLION OF THE THREE PRINCES.

three hundred pounds, when drinking and making merry with
his friend count Jiading, threw him into the hands of the
Manchus, by whose aid he overthrew the overwhelming numbers
of Dsuchung, — pursued him into and out of the capital, and
desisted not till the once triumphant robber, chief of over a
million of men, committed suicide, rather than be murdered
in his retreat by a few country clowns.

As soon as all the rich country north of the Yellow river, —
which had been the empire of the two former Tartar dynasties,
the Liao and the Kin,* — had become the peaceful possession of
the Manchus, Sangwei was one of those sent across the river to
complete the conquest of the whole of China. He continued to
play the chief actor till the third aspirant for the throne of his
Ming fathers was, after various fortunes, hunted a fugitive into
Burma ; and though both incapable of raising, and unwilling to
lead any troops against his native land, Gwei Wang had to be
handed over to prince Sangwei at the gates of the Burmese
capital, which would have been otherwise razed to the ground.
Except on the high seas and along -the south-eastern coast, there
was then none who dared to raise a finger against the new dynasty.

When Sangwei got to Yunnan and Kweichow, he received a
letter from his majesty, stating that the Boards of Appointment
and War could not meddle with his selection of men ; nor the
Board of Revenue interfere with his management of the taxes.
He was thus really the absolute lord of those two provinces.

In 1660 a memorial was presented to Shwunchih, stating that
Yunnan provided nine million rations yearly ; and that as all the
Manchu soldiers had been recalled, it was desirable that two
fifths of the fifty thousand Chinese troops should be disbanded,
and that the general reyenue be supplemented by that of Yunnan.
Being submitted to Sangwei, he replied this memorial, — that
because of the unsettled condition of the frontier, it would be
dangerous to disband any soldiers just then. He strengthened
the border army, and increased the yearly expenditure ; and as
this amounted to more than his own provinces could always

*See "History of Corea."

419

provide, and more than the neighbouring provinces would
provide, he petitioned the emperor when there was a deficit,
but permitted no one to examine the accounts when there was a
surplus.

Two censors and the prefect of Chingyang accused him of
treason, but lost their pains, — the court, whether from gratitude
or fear, or as we believe from a compound feeling of both, refusing
to listen to his detractors, and continuing to bestow upon him
proofs of the highest esteem and the greatest friendship and confi-
dence, creating him a " prince of the blood," and making his son,
who was already an imperial son-in-law, a duke. And in 1667,
having a bad eye, he petitioned to be relieved from the duties
of making appointments and paying the army, hoping — according
to the historian — thus to increase his reputation. The emperor
Kanghi was then a mere youth, and surrounded by the ministers
of his predecessors, who refused to decrease Sangwei's influence
or to abate his power.

He now rebuilt, at an enormous outlay of money, the old
palace of Woohwashan, calling it a foo, or prince's palace. Seven
hundred ching * of land belonging to a Mrs Ma he took from
her, calling it the foo property. With Dalai Lama he established
a market at Beishungchow, whither millions of horses were
yearly brought from western Mongolia and Tibet. On pretence of
building new cities he pleaded for grants of money; set up
custom houses, exchange markets, and salt-tolls everywhere
By these means he acquired enormous revenues. He opened
mines of ore and smelted forbidden metals, secretly stored
sulphur and laid up smuggled material of all kinds, collected
great quantities of local gold and silk, and prepared engines and
weapons of war.

To gain the good will of the literati, he distributed money and
favours freely among them, and whoever resisted " felt his power
of life and death." His secret supporters were to be found every-
where by land and water, and his spies swarmed in all the
provinces. His son was son-in-law of the late emperor, and

* Each about 17 English acres.

420 REBELLION OF THE THREE PRINCES.

living in Peking. Early and late were flying couriers arriving
or starting, reporting that the Mongols were plundering Burma
and threatening the western frontier of China, but that they
always fled before the men he sent against them ; — thus by false
despatches he made himself important as the protector of the
border. This state of matters continued for ten years, during
which he was all but absolute lord of the south-western
provinces.

The south and south-eastern provinces were lorded over in a
similar manner by Liaotung men. Shang Kosi was one of those
three Liaotung men, who with a small body of men had fled
from Tungchow of Shantung across the sea * to join the Manchus.
They speedily rose to high rank and each was made a prince-
ruler, like Sangwei. Koong Yoodua died without heir ; Gung
Joongming was succeeded by his son Jimao, who soon died,
succeeded, in July 1671, by his son Gung Jingjoong, son-in-law
of the late emperor. Fookien was also misgoverned and groaned
under the brutal cruelties of Jingjoong. Kosi still lived, but
was old and frail. He therefore handed over the control of the
army in Kwangtung to the hands of the drunken, fierce,
implacable Jusin, his son, and all the south was outrageously
taxed and in misery.

In 1673, the twelfth year of his reign, the emperor had already
taken the reins of government into his own hands ; becoming,
like Louis XIV., master of his former masters. He had, by
constant study, made himself intimately acquainted with the
history of the empire, — the encampments, victories, and defeats
of former dynasties, the lines of policy which benefited and
those which endangered the empire.

Kosi was bent on returning to his old Liaotung home;
petitioning the emperor, as he was unable to see him face to
face, to give the succession to his son Jusin. On receipt of this
petition, in the end of April 1673, the Boards were commanded
to examine the whole question of the standing armies of the
three princes. They at length came to the conclusion that the

*" History of Corea" p. 280.

DISBANDING. 421

old army* of Kosi should be permitted to return to their homes ;
i.e., should be disbanded. The decision, which of course followed
the wishes of the emperor, caused great uneasiness to Sangwei
and Jingjoong ; who, in order to confirm their suspicions or allay
their fears, sent up petitions in August to have their troops also
disbanded. By command of the emperor, all the ministers
discussed the propriety of this step. With but three exceptions
the ministers were unanimously of opinion that Sangwei's troops
should not be disbanded ; for the state of the aboriginal Miaodsu
in Yunnan and Kweichow was so unsatisfactory, that the with-
drawal of Sangwei's army would necessitate the movement
thither shortly of Manchu troops. From this decision three
presidents strongly dissented, and earnestly advised the breaking
up of the three armies. The emperor had already given proof
that he was now breaking off from the condition of war against
the people, by which the Manchus had been enthroned. In
October 1672, the question came up in the form of a memorial
by a censor petitioning, that as Swun Kowang, who had fled to
the Manchus, by whom he was created Yi Wang, had been famous
only as a robber, and had done nothing since he joined the
Manchus to merit so high a rank, his Wang should be made a
Goong (duke). The emperor decreed that, as a title by one
character ( Yi) was not according to custom, it should be changed
to Mooyi, lowering the rank to Mooyi Goong. The emperor had
also agreed, at the suggestion of the president of the Board of
Appointments, that the service of any official sent by the
emperor on any public business would cease when five full
years had passed.

Just then came the petition of Kosi to be permitted to return
to Liaotung, followed by the above detailed result. The emperor
was secretly bent on the disbanding of these forces, as a measure
necessary to the welfare of the country. He ordered the princes
and Beiras to deliberate the matter ; but as they were divided,
he sent a commission of enquiry to each of the three princes.

* Fan king, " tributary troops," so named because the three princes were really
kings in vassalage.

422 REBELLION OF THE THREE PRINCES.

In spite of his hopes that he would be left with all his troops
in Yunnan, as was Moo Yingshu of the preceding dynasty
before him, Sangwei was apprehensive of failure, and forbade all
exit of horse or man from his jurisdiction, while entrance was
free to all; and the imperial commissioners found him ready
to pay them outwardly all manner of respect, while he was
secretly maturing his plans, — defying all the generals of the
empire to stop him. But as it was difficult to find a decent
pretext for war, he had thoughts of starting an heir of the Ming
dynasty, and making proclamations accordingly. He also
commanded the troops on the borders of Burma not to disband.
Desiring to strike his first blow at the heart of the empire,
and fearing his design might become known, he raised his
standard on the twenty-first of the eleventh moon (about new-
year 1674), killed the governor of Yunnan, and sent proclamations
through all his wide territories.

He grew his hair, changed the form of his cap and garments
for the old Chinese style, and erected a white standard and flags
of the same colour. He was speedily joined by the governor of
Kweichow and its marshal, with Yunnan marshal. The second
governor-general of Yunnan and Kweichow under Sangwei, who
had always been disliked by him because he would not obey his
orders, resided in Kweiyang, and now reported the revolt to
Peking ; and with over a dozen men, — the rest having probably
all deserted to Sangwei, — hastened to Chunyooen to prepare it
against the rebels. But he found it already revolted, and he was
there slain. The governor-general of Szchuen reported this death,
stating also that Sangwei had assumed the title of "the sole great
commander of the horse and foot under heaven," — had first fixed
the title ofJoiu ivang for next year (1674), changing it afterwards
to "Jao woo'" and had cast cash with the characters "li yoong"

The renown of Sangwei had early attracted to his side, from
all directions, the choicest and most fearless soldiers. As the
recruiting field of his army, he had many hundreds of thousands
of families,* every five of which was to provide one soldier.*)*

* Ding Kou\ f Gia.

REVOLT. 428

Two hundred soldiers had one dsoling; fifty of whom were
under a senior and junior general. His whole army was
divided into ten camps of twelve hundred men each. There
were four generals, — Woo Yingchi, Woo Gwogwei, Hia Gwo-
hiang, and Hoo Gwojoo, — and nine lieut. -generals, the most
famous of whom was Ma Bao. All these were of pure Chinese
blood, and were all overjoyed at the change from the obnoxious
Manchu tail to their own long hair.

The emperor, possessed of the earliest possible intelligence,
took prompt measures to avert the tempest he had brought about
his ears. He rejected the advice to slay those ministers who had
advised the disbanding of the troops, but sent an order to Fukien
and the Kwangs to prevent that disbanding ; and had previously
sent Barboo with three thousand picked Manchu troops from
Kingchow to Changte. Jooman was ordered to push forward
with other three thousand from Woochang to Yaochow. With
all possible speed, princes and ministers were hastened with long
titles and as many men as they could collect, in all directions
along the threatened provinces ; but in spite of a few insignificant
victories, they were forced back, or dared not advance.

Wang Pingfan, one of Sangwei's generals, ravaged Szchuen.
Ma Bao marched through Kweichow into Hoonan, taking
Yooenchow by night. The governor of Hoonan had soon to flee ;
and in April, Changte, Changsha, Yaochow, Lichow, Hungchow,
were all captured by the rebels. The lieut.-general in
command of Hiangyang, handed over the city to the rebels.
Commander Swun Yenling revolted with Kweilin, the capital of
Kwangsi. The governor and generals of Szchuen, with their
province, took the same side, and were forthwith joined by
Fukien under Jingjoong. Thus the six south-western and south
provinces were lost to the Manchus in a few months, Kwangtung
alone remaining in a sort of neutral condition under Kosi.

This terrible moral earthquake shook the whole of China, and
Peking was sadly rocked. We find the emperor severely
censuring the people, through the Board of War, for fleeing for
shelter to the western hills. He also said that Yang Chiloong

424 REBELLION OF THE THREE PRINCES.

must still be in the city, lurking in some hiding place, and that
he must be apprehended : then men's minds would compose
themselves. Chiloong had, just before, displayed a white
standard bordered with red in the name of the third son of the
last Ming emperor, whose style he gave out to be " Extended
Virtue." He collected a large following immediately. But as
he was at once attacked, he was defeated, most of his officers
taken, and his army broken up, but he escaped.

Powerful though Sangwei was in the country, the idol of his
large armies, and the ideal general of all who desired to be
soldiers, he would scarcely have ventured a tussle with the
strong Manchu government if he were certain of having to rely
only on his own resources. The stake for which he ventured
was independent empire; for he could never be other than
highly honoured by the government he had made, even if the
emperor, for the benefit of the country, found it necessary to
reduce his enormous power. If he consulted beforehand with
the other princes, he might find it difficult to impose his will
upon them, and create a splendid independent empire of the
provinces south of the Yangtsu. While having that object in
view, though unacknowledged, his revolt for the retention of his
existing position, without any apparent ulterior projects, could
not but be felt and sympathised with by the other two princes
who were in precisely the same circumstances. It is probable,
therefore, that he hoped to incite them to rebellion by his
example more than by direct public overtures. But if he had
not his acknowledged agents in the palaces and camps of the
other two princes, a general of his abilities would not be without
his trustworthy spies there. Through those spies he would be
constantly and fully informed of all that took place in the
palaces of the princes; and his expectation of aid from them
soon realised itself, for scarcely was his white flag waving in the
breezes of Yunnan, before six of the provinces south of the
Yangtsu ranged themselves either under him or at his side.
Shang Jusin in Kwangtung did not yet dare venture into the
fray ; but Sangwei would not look for strenuous opposition from

PROGRESS OF REVOLT. 425

a man who was himself in such a position as compelled him to
wish well to the revolt.

The revolted provinces under Sangwei were bordered on the
north-east by the Yangtsu, and the province of Hoopei on its
northern bank, and on the north by Shensi. Manchu armies were
at once sent on with the greatest expedition to the neighbourhood
of the rebels. Lurjin arrived at Woochang, on the north bank
of the Yangtsu, to prevent an immediate raid on Hoopei ; but
with Hoonan as his destined field of action, Warka was ordered
with his horse and foot to march through Hoopei. Shensi was
placed under the martial orders of grand secretary Molo, who
was elevated from being president of Board of Punishment ; and
his principal aim was to prevent any possible union of the
western Mahommedans with Sangwei ; for the former were in a
state of chronic revolt.

They were, however, able to do no more than observe what was
passing on the other side of the river. In February 1674, the
viceroy of Hookwang had to report the fall of Yunchow before
the rebels. A prince was told off to retake it ; and Niyahan was
marched off with the Manchu troops of Techow, to keep Yooen-
chow (Kiangsi), then threatened by the rebels. A month before,
the governor of Hoonan was ordered to Yaochow; and Mahada
was sent to attack Kiangning. Szchuen had thrown itself into
the arms of Sangwei, — its governor, marshal, and lieut.-generals,
all revolting. Yiling was therefore strengthened, and Singan
army largely increased to secure it against any possible attack,
and to second the army of Szchuen; while Kwangerkwun
marched to Hanchoong. The commandant of Changte, in the
north of Hoonan, opened the gates for his son, who was
commander of the rebel army which marched from the west
against the city, and the prefect revolted to the rebels. Lichow
fell next. Its garrison was put to the sword ; but the marshal
retreated with what men he could save on Kingchow. Changsha,
the capital of Hoonan, being without a chief, its commandant
opened the gates to the rebels, and Jooman was ordered to cross
the river and fortify Yochow, where the governor of the province

426 REBELLION OF THE THREE PRINCES.

was holding state. Notwithstanding the critical position of
their empire, the Manchu army had to be severely reprimanded
for plundering the people. Commander Swuii Yenling, with
the marshal of Kweiling, capital of Kwangsi, declared for
Sangwei, killing several officers who would not accompany them.
An officer of Sangwei's crossed the river and took Tiling (or
Yichang). But a body of the rebels marching further, was
defeated and driven back on Yidoo. Another serious blow to the
imperialists was the revolt of Hiangyang in Shantung, in the
rear of their main armies.

Sangwei himself was not inactive, — for one body of men he
pushed into Shensi, under general Yemoo, which was defeated
by Warka, commander of Singan, who retook Yangpinggwan ;
with another he was threatening Woochang, which compelled
a large concentration of imperial troops there. Yichang had
been retaken, and was now again in the hands of Sangwei's
men, who soon lost it. Another main division of his army was
marched eastwards by Changsha, took Yooenchow, Kiangsi, and
other cities, on the way. They joined Gung's army in the east,
and the combined army sacked over thirty cities.

Laita was ordered to Hangchow. He was just in time ; for
a petition from the viceroy of the Kiangs soon reached Peking,
saying that not only was Fukien gone, but the Kiangs likely to
follow, — for the few men in Hangchow were utterly unable to
cope with Gung's strong armies. Shang Kosi was formally
informed, probably as an argument to keep him from following
the example of Sangwei, that a large army was to march from
Changli for Yunnan and Kweichow; and Niyahan, with another
army, to march through Yaochow and Changsha into Kwangsi.
Yiliboo held Yiling; Fandali was in Hunyang. Yehua was sent
from Hanchoong to Szchuen; Kwangerkwun to Hanchoong;
Siboochun to Singan; and president Molo with a large army
in centre of the three Chin. Rahada was told off to watch over
Shantung and Honan; Kwashun was stationed at Kingkow,
to look after both land and river routes; Amida to Anching
and Kiangning, to command the river; Toora to Hangchow

GENERAL MAKCHING. 427

to watch the pirates ; Laita from Chihkiang to Fukien ; Boorgun
from Kiangsi to Fukien; and Shooshoo was sent to Kwangtung to
be ready for emergencies, for Jusin was not without reason
suspected. So much so, that his father reported to the emperor,
that of all his sons, Juhiao was the only dutiful and faithful
one who had approved himself a worthy minister, — and both
father and filial son got rewards.

The Manchu troops were crowding each other out of King,
Hiang, Woochang, and Yichang districts ; yet they dared not move
across the river. But the Chahar and Kortsin Mongols prayed
for permission to march against the rebels. Woo Yingchi, a
general of Sangwei's, surrounded Yochow with three deep
ditches, fortifying his position against horse or foot by " Deers'
horns." But whether, in spite of his present strong position,
Sangwei was beginning to see his aims impossible of attainment
or not, it is difficult to say. But it is probable that, though he
had hitherto met with no serious reverse, or even check, his
hopes of immediate conquest, by speedy and decisive action
before the imperial court could have time to move, were now
fast disappearing ; for the clouds of war- thunder were growing
thicker and thicker, and must sometime break. At any rate, the
Dalai Lama of Tibet made overtures to the emperor, asking
if Sangwei humbly implored for pardon, whether he might not
be received ; and if he continued acting like a murderous wild
beast, was it not better to cut up the country (between Sangwei
and the emperor) and recall the troops? The emperor
vehemently opposed this suggestion of a divided empire, arid
replied by putting Sangwei's son and grandsons to death, whom
he had imprisoned on receipt of tidings of the revolt. Loojun
was executed at the same time for losing Hoonan. Efforts were
redoubled at the capital to reinforce the troops, to keep them in
provisions ; and the Jesuit missionaries were ordered to cast a
number of light cannon, easily transported over hills or across
rivers.

Meantime general Liw Jinjoong, with the city of Chaochow,
and the general of Pingyang revolted to Jingjoong, and Sangwei

428 KEBELLION OF THE THREE PRINCES.

sent on ten thousand men to occupy Whangsha ho. Kosi was
ordered to carefully look after the south of the difficult pass
between the Kwangs. Wunchow, with its commandant, followed
Pingyang. Liwchow also revolted, and its capture was laid upon
Kosi. Lo-ching, Hwangshu, and Taiping in Chihkiang, followed
the example of Wunchow. Rahada was sent on to Taining.
But attempts by Gung on Kienchang were defeated. His men
attacked Kinhwa nine times in August, but were always beaten
back by Rahada. And several cities were taken and retaken on
both sides. The duke of Haichung died, and his son Fangdsoo
went over to the rebels, pretending to become one of them. He
thus got an opportunity, and slew their commander and two
officers. After which he posted himself very strongly in
Changchung, whence he sent an appeal for aid. A proclamation
was issued by the emperor highly praising his conduct, giving him
his late father's title, making him a lieut. -general, and ordering
himself and his brothers into Fukien to act in concert with Kosi.
The Manchu troops were now beginning to make progress ; for
they got to Foochow, where a body of Gung's troops was
defeated. Woochow was retaken, and notwithstanding the
numbers and activity of the rebels, the wooden wall which
they had made round their camp at Kinhwa was burnt down.
Chwunan was retaken and five rebel camps destroyed. The
rebels on the other hand rose " like bees " and vigorously attacked
Whangyan, Ninghai, Hiangshan, Sinchang and Yuyao. Laita
and Rahada were ordered to consult together on the growing
difficulties and to devise plans for relieving the threatened cities.
If Mongol followers were found plundering the people, they
were to be put to death ; a wise precaution to prevent all the
people from rising. Yochow was defended on three sides by the
lake. The fourth side was attacked by the rebels in a strong
entrenched camp, with moats and walls. The emperor ordered a
combined attack to be made upon them from the city, and by an
army under Niyahan from Kiangsi. Neither side dared to fight a
decisive battle, but occupied the time in besieging, taking and
retaking cities. Perhaps both found this at once the more

PLAN OF MANCHUS. 429

pleasant and profitable employment ; for each city as it was
taken was pillaged, and the spoils again seized when retaken by
the other side. Wars in the west are waged on the principle
that the cities fall to the army able to drive its opponent off the
field : this war in practice if not in theory, was just the reverse ;
the desire of the rebels being to take as many cities as possible,
that of the imperialists to retain what they held and as far as
possible to retake the cities lost, but both avoided risking anything
like a pitched battle. The patience characteristic of the Chinese,
together with the wide extent of the country involved, may
account for that sort of warfare ; while the absence of any noble
principle in the war would tend to render it of a mere guerilla
character. The brunt of the war naturally fell on the districts
separating Sangwei from Jingjoong, who for mutual protection
gravitated towards each other. In October Yaochow rebels
marched on Wooyooen and neighbourhood, and were so threat-
ening that orders were issued to hold Yenchow at all cost, while
Manchu and Mongol cavalry was sent to guard Kiangning.
Changsha fell and Yuenchow was attacked. The Manchus took
some cities, and gained a few victories.

But the rebels had successes greater on their side to show ; for
Hwichow, Hihien, Chihien and Whangyen were all taken by
them and they were recruited by the revolt of Artai, whose name
is Manchu ; and he must have had other reasons than love of
country for his action. Indeed it would appear as if he were
wise in abandoning an apparently sinking vessel. Sangwei sent
an army against Yuenchow, which was met by Manchus sent from
Nanchang to hold the place at any cost ; while the Manchu
Boorgun was ordered to die in Kanchow rather than yield.

The Manchus were continually pushing reinforcements both
by western and central routes. Their plan of campaign was to
march from Yuenchow on Changsha, which once taken, the
rebel communications would be broken up and their detached
armies thereafter easily destroyed.

When Warka, commanding in Singan, retook Hanchoong in
the south of Shensi, he retreated on Paoning. In the same

430 REBELLION OF THE THREE PRINCES.

autumn (1674) the rebel general Wang Pingfan cut off the com-
munications of the army, stopping the boats which came from
Liaoyang with provisions. The Paoning army had therefore
to retreat on Kwangyooen, where they were on short rations for
two months. It was therefore impossible to keep the army
together; and four thousand men scattered, while Wang
Foochun the marshal deserted with two thousand men to
Sangwei. He had no sooner got to Pingliang than Hanchoong
again fell into the hands of the rebels. Whereupon Sangwei sent
two hundred thousand taels to Foochun for his army ; and sent
Wang Pingfan and Woo Jumao from Hanchoong by the west of
(Shensi) to welcome him. All the local banditti, and the
Tibetans on the way flocked like bees to his standard.

By this time the troops raised from the aborigines of Kingchow,
with the remaining portion of the army returned from Paoning,
were concentrated in Singan. One thousand of these men were
ordered to hurry off to strengthen Lanchow, and another
thousand to Yenan. But the order was disobeyed, and the men
remained in Singan, where it was probably thought they had few
enough. Whereupon Chinchow, Lanchow, Goongchang, Ting-
bien, Chingbien, Lintao, Chingyang, Swite, Yenan, Whamachu,
fell to the rebels in rapid succession. Foochun himself made his
headquarters at Pingliang. His army he scattered over the various
districts taken. Thus all on the south of the Yellow river fell off
to the rebels, nor was the north of it secure ; and it would seem
an easy matter, if there was only one head to guide the rebels,
and that a wise as well as an intelligent one, to drive back the
Manchus to their cold mountain home in the far north-east.

Jang Yoong, marshal of Kansu, and its lieut. -generals, had
however remained steadfast. The marshal retook Lan, Yen and
Koong cities. Doonga recovered Chinchow, and attacked Ping-
liang. The marshal took up his headquarters at Koongchang and
Chinchow, to cut the communication between the rebels of
Shensi and Szchuen. The emperor sent a son of Foochun's
to invite him to return to his allegiance; but though he
professed to acknowledge his " crime," he opposed Doonga for a

GIGANTIC STRUGGLE. 431

year. Foochun incited the soldiers of Ninghia to slay their
commander. Jao Liangdoong, lieut. -general of Tientsin, was
sent in great haste to retake Ninghia. The army in Hingan
followed Ninghia's example, and united with the Hanchoong
rebels. The danger was therefore so great and so near at hand
that the court was necessarily alarmed ; and great commander
Toohai was hurried off to take command of all the troops. And
not too soon ; for Sangwei had pushed forwards Pingfan, Tan
Hoong, and Jumao by three routes to overwhelm Shensi, and
unite with the Pingliang rebels. He also ordered a local lieut.-
general of Yunnan to march with one thousand of his Miaos to
strengthen Pingliang garrison.

Toohai commenced operations by an immediate attack on the
rebels at Pingliang, and defeated them at the north of the city ;
seizing Hoo or Tiger hill, and cutting off their communications.
He also fired his cannon into the residence in the midst of the
city ; and Foochun, in terror, sent some of his principal men to
surrender. Pingfan and Jumao had been unsuccessful in their
object ; for they were several times defeated, and had to retreat
on Hanchoong. Kuyuen and Chingyang therefore fell to the
imperialists.

Sangwei had, not without reason, regarded the defection
to him of Foochun as opening the door to the capital. He
therefore prepared at once to take advantage of his good fortune,
by pushing his men on from both Shensi and Szchuen, and
desired to go himself to strike a decisive blow at the " throat "
of the imperial armies of King and Yochow. He got ready a
flotilla of boats at Hoodookow, the port where the Lishwi river
joins the Yangtsu ; and was at the same time anxious to open
communications with the rebels of Hingan and Hanchoong.
But his plans were so far disarranged by Foochun, who, after a
series of victories and defeats, craved permission to surrender to
the Manchu government, and was received in the month of
July. Whether or not because he was coldly received or was
in danger of being ill-used, he again revolted : and was defended
in a battle by Jinbao, who retook Chungning. Toohai was

432 EEBELLION OF THE THREE PRINCES.

instructed to invite Foochun to return, and was successful ; for
he surrendered with all his men. The emperor formally
pardoned his past misconduct, made him Chingkow commander,
ordering him to redeem the past by good service against the
rebels. Toohai and Jang Yoong occupied all the important
posts in their province; and prince Yolo retook the cities of
Kienchang, Kwangsin, Yaochow, and was ordered against
Changsha, while Raboo moved his army into Kiangsi. Sangwei
had then seventy thousand men occupying the ports of Yochow
and Lichow, over against the armies of Kingchow and the north
of the river; and other seventy thousand at Changsha, Ping-
hiang and Liling, to meet the armies of Kiangsi. Yolo, seizing
the opportunity of Sangwei's absence in the west, marched by
Yuenchow, defeated the first army, taking their fort ; he then
marched by Liling against Pinghiang, defeated the rebels there,
slaying over a myriad. Hia Gwohiang, in terror, fled the city ;
and Yolo marched on against Changsha. This rapid success threw
the rebel Hoonan into terror. Sangwei scarcely knew what to do ;
but hearing of the peril in which Changsha stood, he drew his
army thitherwards, forsaking Soongdsu. He took up his position
at Yolooshan near the river, while he sent Hoo Gwojoo into the
city, and Ma Bao to camp outside the city, surrounded by a wide
and deep ditch, round which was placed iron caltrops, with a
line of elephants in front. He then summoned out all the
rebels of Yiling and Nanchang to help in the defence.

As the defence of Changsha was made so complete, the
emperor, inferring that their camps in the various ports on the
lake must be ill attended to, sent Luarjin, with the men of
King and Yo, across the river, to advance with forced
marches. Luarjin in obeying defeated the rebels at Hoodookow.
Chani took Taipingjiai, defeating an army there ; and the fleet
sent to Tungting took Kiinshan, and with it fifty of the rebel
vessels. Just then the rebels sent down bands of spies ; and
as the imperialists there were few, they dispersed and fled. If
the imperialists had then acted with promptitude, they could
have connected Lichow and Changte, broken up the rebel line

DESULTORY FIGHTING. 433

between the cities, and marched against Changsha in front and
flank. But they trifled, and did not press in ; nor did they look
with proper care after Hoodookow, so that when rebel vessels
from Soongdsu returned, prince Lurjin retreated before them,
abandoning all he had occupied, and fleeing back to Kingchow.
As the various attempts to cut through the rebels' communi-
cations had failed, they were as powerful as ever in the Kiang
and Hoo provinces.

Sangwei, more prompt than his adversary, ordered Gao Daji
from Liling and Pinghiang, to take Kingan and cut off the
retreat of that division of the Manchu army, which had passed
south ; another Manchu main division having remained all this
time inactive in Nanchang. Daji was a capital soldier. His
vanguard was of four thousand picked men. With a small band
he vehemently pressed against the imperialists, who were broken
in the most shameful manner. One hundred of his men rushed
upon the army at Dihiao temple, and with a rush slew their men
and seized the standard. He again sent a few men suddenly among
the imperialists at Lodsu shan mountain. A panic seized the
army, and general Hirgun, with all his men, fled the camp. The
rebels entered, ate, drank, and did what they desired, and then
retreated at their leisure. On their return they were met by a
rebel leader, Han Dayin, who inveigled them into joining Hoo
Gwojoo. Daji died of vexation at this bad treatment, and Dayin
dared not go beyond the city walls to fight. Hence Kingan was
surrounded by the imperialists, and in the spring of 1677 was in
extremity for want of food. Sangwei sent Ma Bao with nine
thousand men to the relief of the city. Dayin was suspicious of a
trick and would not move out to meet him. Ma Bao got to
Dsooshwi river, and found not a single cannon opening in the
city to respond to him. He too began to be suspicious and
returned to Hoonan. Raboo sent twenty thousand men in
pursuit ; but they were many times beaten by the retreating
rebels.

In May, Dayin quietly led away his men, forsaking the
city from want of food. All went on foot, and got across the
c i

434 REBELLION OF THE THREE PRINCES.

river unmolested. When the imperialists heard the beat of
drums and firing of cannon, they believed it was an attack on
their camp. They were terrified, and Dayin was able easily
to rejoin the rebels between Ningdoo and Longan. So
sadly had the Manchu valour degenerated before Sangwei. The
Peking court severely censured the superior officers, and replaced
some of them.

Prince Gung Jingjoong was the grandson of Gung Joongming,
who fled with a few more men from Tungchow, across the gulf
of Liao, to join the Manchus. Joongming died shortly after he
was made prince, and his son did not long survive him.
Jingjoong succeeded to the kingly palace of Foochow ; and was
married to an imperial princess, daughter of prince Haogo ; and
he was called the emperor's son-in-law.

Duke Fan Wunsoo was then governor of Chihkiang, with
headquarters at Hangchow. For three generations the Fans
and Gungs had been intermarrying, and the closest friendship
existed between Jingjoong and Wunsoo, their respective
jurisdictions being side by side. As Wunsoo was the elder he
styled himself the Jwenshung or equal of Jingjoong, who called
himself the Wanshung, the inferior of Wunsoo. Wunsoo after
a time persisted in taking a more lowly title, which was accept-
able to both. This continued for some time, till one day
Jingjoong abruptly assumed the old formal style, which implied
that governors-general and governors of provinces addressed and
were addressed by the three southern princes on equal terms.
First was written the title, then the surname of the recipient,
with four characters intimating the public character of the
document. A letter so addressed was sent with beating of
drums by Jingjoong to Wunsoo, who was startled at the
innovation, but agreed to change his style of address for the first
form in accordance with the wishes of the prince. This was
the first indication of a changed disposition which the Fukien
historian could discover, and he was an eye-witness.

Wunsoo, who was a Mookden man, gave himself up entirely to
the good of the people under him, scarcely resting day or night

PLAIN SPEECH. 435

in his measures to further the interests of or avert calamity from
the people. During his four years rule, he had all covetous
officials accused, and all injustice put down, The pirate Jung
was a great grief to him ; and he projected a plan to have all the
various forces of Fukien, the two Kwangs, Kiang and Chihkiang,
combined to destroy the piratical forces.

Not satisfied with the memorial drawn up by his secretary, he
shut himself up a day and night in his room. He drew it up in
two thousand choice characters under five heads, — first, public
matters belonging to his district; second, taxes and rations;
third, the army ; fourth, on spies and reports ; fifth, on foreign
nations. This he had copied out and sent to his brothers in
Peking, — the elder of whom was a Goosha, the younger a small
official in the Board of Punishment. They were terrified at the
boldness of this exposure of the military affairs, and suppressed
the paper ; but the emperor heard of it, though he did not see
it, and saying that this was a faithful minister, nominated him
viceroy of Fukien soon after.

Like prince Shang Jusin, Jingjoong was a drunkard, and his
men daily grew bolder in their oppression of the people ; while
the viceroy and governor, living in the same city, dared not
interfere. When Wunsoo's appointment of viceroy of Fukien
was made public, the people rejoiced, though Jingjoong did not.
He politely sent messengers however, who informed Wunsoo
that his expenditure as viceroy, what with soldiers, and
what with carriages, would amount to a good many score
thousand taels a year ; but that Jingjoong would see that the
money was ready. Wunsoo declined the princely help, and
the prince was chagrined.

When he got to his new post, Wunsoo found that the rations
of the soldiers had been permitted to run done three months
before in Foochow, and for six months at the other stations.
He was beset with demands for arrears, but he refused to
take upon himself any responsibility for the past, promising
to provide in full for the future. Yet he sent up an urgent
memorial stating that there were arrears of six hundred

436 REBELLION OF THE THREE PRINCES.

thousand taels, and expressing his fears for the future of the-
province. He actively inspected all the province, lodging
in a tent, accompanied by a thousand good horsemen. After
seven and a half hours sleep, the cymbals and drums of the
watchmen roused the camp, and they travelled several miles
before daybreak. His ambition being to put down piracy,
he set up five stations, with a thousand men in each.
Between these he established roving companies of seven
hundred men each. He learned and practised the tactics of
the western nations, making false attacks on one station with
the men of some of the other stations and the "rovers;" or
he suddenly fell upon some place under the care of one of the
robber bands. Thus the men were practised in both offensive
and defensive movements. With his vessels similarly active on
the coast, he protected his seaboard from the pirates.

Before Duke Wunsoo went to Foochow the desperate measure
was resorted to of compelling all the people on the sea coasts to
remove inland ; Taijai being made the border beyond which any
civilian seen was to be put to death without mercy. Five
thousand boats made six trips in five months to Poochung and
other northern cities, removing over a hundred thousand families,
or more than a million of souls.* Some few remained, and of those
who had gone inland, not included in the above, many returned
again in spite of the threatened penalty. Wunsoo opposed this
desperate policy as a cowardly one, and recommended rather to
strengthen the coast defences.

Another order from Peking prevented the sea-faring
population to fish or prepare salt, — the two products on which
Fukien people principally depended. Want of food gave rise to
trouble, and was likely to cause more, when Wunsoo virtually
removed the prohibition by declaring, in spite of official opposition,
that the people were forbidden only to go on the high seas, — two
or three hundred li out, — but that inside that distance they were
at liberty to fish ; and immediately the streets of Foochow were

* In the conquest of Liaotung and Liaosi we saw several instances of wholesale
removal, though not perhaps on so extensive a scale.

UNEASINESS IN FOOCHOW. 437

Again filled with the produce of the sea. He thus prevented riots
by a wise evasion of a law which might indeed have starved out
the pirates, but which would be the cause of calamities more than
enough to counterbalance any good.

As soon as Wunsoo was established as viceroy he published
every matter of importance to all the neighbouring provinces.
Chai the governor-general of Szchuen and Hookwang was the
first to respond, and his first very message proclaimed the
news of Sangwei's restlessness and the universal terror which
prevailed in the west.

Jingjoong had ordered the dismissal of his seven hundred
soldiers, and their surrender to the viceroy, who was willing
to enroll them with his own three thousand men in the
little army of his five stations, to act against the pirates. They
were scarcely under his command before an order came from the
capital, forbidding Jingjoong to remove, or to dismiss his troops.
It was then (February 1674) he first heard of Sangwei's revolt,
against whose possible march eastwards he was put on his
guard. The viceroy had secret instructions to the same purport,
ordering him to restore the troops to Jingjoong. It was the
reluctance, real or assumed, of the latter to receive those troops
which made him aware of the private communication to the
viceroy, who had to reveal it.

The prince was now all soldier and himself again, his palace
resounded day and night with warlike preparations. But a
second message of similar import made him uneasy, as he doubt-
less believed himself regarded with suspicion, and he was not
unnaturally under the impression that the viceroy had secret
instructions not calculated to make the position of the
prince a safe one. A third embassy from his younger brother
in the capital, enumerating the gracious bounty of the emperor
to the house of Gung, had, as was natural, the opposite of a re-
assuring effect. On that evening the viceroy had a drinking
party, as he often had, — which was suddenly and abruptly broken
up about midnight by the report that Jingjoong was in the
streets in complete armour, and that two civilians had been

438 REBELLION OF THE THREE PRINCES.

murdered. The viceroy therefore became as suspicious of the
prince as the prince of him. As neither hate nor love, politics
nor war, affect any privacy in China, the mutual hate springing
from mutual distrust spread like wildfire over the large city,
dividing it into two parties, threatening to be satisfied only with
much blood. To prevent uproar, and to tranquillise the citizens,
the viceroy issued a proclamation, stating that the imperial
court being vexed at the formidable proportions assumed by
piracy, had permitted the prince to recall his orders disbanding
his men ; and he called upon all the people to be of one mind in
serving the common weal. A similar proclamation was posted
on his palace walls by the prince. This served to allay popular
tumults, but did not remove the prince's suspicions as to the
ulterior aims of the viceroy ; and the numerous favours conferred
on himself by the court only confirmed those suspicions of some
inscrutable designs upon his liberty or life. But some days*
peace moderated his fears.

The commissioners had already arrived in Yunnan with the
imperial mandate for disbanding the army; and a nephew of
Wunsoo's was sent on the same errand to Fukien. Before his
arrival, a man had got to Foochow, who orally reported the
insurrection of Sangwei, and the murder by him of the two
commissioners. As soon as the Fukien commissioner heard
thereof he became restless, and on the twenty-first day he
returned to court. The prince and the viceroy had not seen
each other for six days, but had to join in escorting the
commissioner beyond the city. The duke was certain that
insurrection was in progress at the palace.

Mrs Jow, a wife of the prince, who was a relation of the
viceroy's, was dangerously ill, and the latter felt compelled to
visit her. This he did, and to show his own peaceful intentions
he took with him only two attendants ; one before bearing his
card, and another following. He was surrounded by crowds of
the prince's men as soon as he had accepted his invitation to go
inside. After they had mutually saluted each other the prince said :
" You are a long-expected guest ; " but changed his welcome and

WASHING CANNON. 439

his colour in his next sentence, — " Whatever your plots against
me, I fear you not!" The viceroy smiled, and said there was
nothing of the kind. The reply calmed the prince, who became
smilingly hospitable ; and the reconciled friends spent five hours
over their wine, from which the viceroy rode home quite drunk.
Next day they escorted the commissioner beyond the city.

The viceroy was one day thereafter greatly alarmed, and the
city thrown into terror, by a sudden sound of camion-firing, which
continued throughout the whole day. To prevent any alarm, it
had previously been the invariable custom in the city to give
notice five days previously to the " washing of the cannon " ;
but on this occasion no information reached the viceroy till a
messenger sent by him returned saying that the prince was
" washing " his cannon. The drilling of the men was also
carried on in the same irregular manner; beginning one
morning at fifth watch, when the whole city was roused by the
blast of horns, and the viceroy's messenger informed him that
the prince was already, at 2 a.m., in the parade ground. This state
of matters continued daily at the most unlocked for times — first
watch, midnight, early or late — and the wearied viceroy was
oppressed to sickness. And not without reason ; for though the
capital of Fukien is 40 li in circumference, the palace of the
viceroy in the west corner was only 5 li from that of the prince,
and was thus entirely in his power. The prince had fully ten
thousand men under arms, with numerous animals ready for
the battle-field ; his very boys of fourteen in the palace
constantly practised the bow and riding; and their military
cries were unceasing. The viceroy had nominally no more than
three thousand men ; in reality they were but two thousand.
Most of these were secretly leagued with the prince's men, and
were certainly not to be trusted to fight against them.

In the circumstances, the viceroy was certainly justified in
thinking it advisable to make a circuit to visit his province-
Northwards 400 li was Yenping ; through which and passing by
Poochung, to the confines of Chihkiang, the distance was
in all about 1000 li. But the sea was covered with pirates,

440 REBELLION OF THE THREE PRINCES.

and the land route was so difficult on account of the many hills
and difficult passes, that his few men would be valueless. To
the south there was only the sea ; but by Hingfoo, Chiienfoo,
and Chungfoo he could get to Haichung to the duke and
marshal there, where there was an army. He could thus escape
out off the tiger's den.

The viceroy had agreed to start for Hinghwa on the fifteenth
of second moon (March). In the beginning of that moon the
author from whom we quote went away before ; but never again
did he see the viceroy, who was made a prisoner ere he could
determine to abandon his post. For on the fifteenth of third
moon, Jingjoong had openly revolted ; giving out that his father
had agreed at Shanhaigwan always to follow Sangwei. All the
superior officers of Fukien gave in their adhesion, and the
province was under his power. He employed the officers who
joined him to march on the neighbouring provinces ; one by the
east route, to attack the large cities of Tai, Wun, and Choo ;
another by the west, against Kwangsin, Kienchang, and Yaochow ;
and a third by the central route over Hienloling pass, against
Kinhwa and Kiichow in Chihkiang. Just then large bands of
robbers rose in great strength around Yenchow and Hwichow ;
and the whole seaboard was in consternation.

Li Jufang, viceroy of Chihkiang, took prompt measures to
avert the calamities threatening. He rode off himself in extreme
haste to occupy and defend Kiichow ; sending strong detachments
to hold the most important points about Shangshan. Laita was
ordered into Chihkiang to support him, and Boorgun was sent
into Kiangsi. Other movements of imperial troops took place
where thought needful. Efforts were made to recover Jingjoong
to his allegiance ; his own brother, on one occasion, being sent
with generous overtures, to which he would not listen; nor
would he even permit this brother to enter any of the lands
acknowledging his sway. He was just then attacking Kiichow,
and ravaging its neighbourhood with a considerable army;
against which, as he would not listen to terms, a Manchu army
was forwarded under prince Shooshoo. Jufang rode up to the

THREE-CORNERED FIGHT. 441

very entrenchments of the rebels, and sword in hand led on his
men amid a shower of arrows and stones from the ballistae. He
passed the fosse, and the rebels had to retreat. Following up
his victory he took the cities of Yiwoo, Yangsi, and Showchang ;
and a detachment of his men defeated the rebels at Kinhwa and
Shaohing. When the rebels returned in force to attack Kuchow,
he stole upon them by night, slew over ten thousand men, and
raised the siege.

The rebel army which had gone towards "Wunchow had been
for a time successful ; but a division of Shooshoo's army under
Folata stopped its victories, drove it back, took Hwangyen,
and compelled the rebel commander Yanghing, a native of
Liaotung, to retire on Wunchow, coming up with him just
outside the city. There a battle was fought in which Yanghing
lost twenty thousand men ; and had to swim across the river into
the city. He deepened the fosse and strengthened the parapets,
determined to make a firm stand there. That he found
comparatively easy ; for it was well protected by water, and a
land attack was ineffective. While the Manchu army was
idly investing this city, one of the Gung family was closely
pressing the siege of Kienchang, and Jufang was watched by a
large rebel army, divided into many small inter-communicating
camps. But the investing army around Kienchang was quietly
and stealthily withdrawn, and for no apparent reason. The
emperor, however, correctly inferred that it was withdrawn
because of active hostility on the part of the pirates along the
coast. He therefore ordered the army around Wunchow to raise
the siege of that city, and attack the rebels in the rear while
the pirates were attacking them from the coast.

When he rebelled, Jingjoong had inveigled Liw Jinjoong*
commanding in the city of Chaochow to open the gates for him'
to make that city a buffer against any attacks from Kwangtung'
The pirates (see Formosa) were then ravaging the coast of
Fukien, which was under Manchu rule. Jingjoong had made
.an agreement with the pirates to permit them to hold
certain cities and territories in Fukien on condition of giving

442 REBELLION OF THE THREE PRINCES.

him their support. But when he believed himself grown
great by the success at first attending the various armies
sent by him into Chihkiang, he failed to implement his
agreement; and took possession of the prefectural cities of
Chang, Chiien, Ta, and Shaowoo. This occasioned a quarrel
between the pirates and the rebels. The latter had to withdraw
from Kienchang, and the Manchus prepared to pursue them.

But when the augmented army began to move from Kiichow
it found its path barred by a rebel army of several myriads, who
held the difficult passes of Kiwloongshan by the Kiiho river.
A myriad more at Tasinan protected the rebels' stores and kept
open communications. It was resolved that the best plan was to
attack this post, and take the city of Kiangshan. In mid-autumn
some Manchu soldiers were ordered to wade across the river one
evening, and attack the camp ; while the cannon were so planted
as completely to command the line of retreat. These men
crossed the river and were rapidly massing on the rebel side of
the river. The rebels were encamped on the heights, hidden
away in thick forests of old trees. The gully was so narrow
that the men could march only in single file. But if it was
difficult to go in it was as difficult to come out ; and the rebels
were cut down by cannon shot as soon as they came to the open,
and before they could touch the imperialists forming against
them. This artillery fire therefore entirely disconcerted them.
The imperialists took advantage of the effect produced and
set many rebel posts on fire. The commander of the rebels
fled with thirty horse, Changshan fell, and the pass of Hienhia
ling was open to the Manchus.

Hienjoong was commanding the rebel army in Kiangsi. He
was defeated in a battle ; but was still very powerful though he
lost two cities. He heard that the main imperialist army had
gone into Fukien, and he threatened to cut off their communi-
cations. Jufang, however, sent spies to him, to falsely report
that his two subordinate commanders had surrendered; and
Hienjoong, fearing absolute isolation, himself surrendered.

Thus fell off two of Jingjoong's main armies ; and the loss

ONE PRINCE SUBMITS. 443

being known to the Formosan pirates, they boldly pushed far
inland, took a large number of cities, and pressed on to Yenping
to meet and give battle to himself. Hearing of their approach,
his army fell to pieces like a " broken tile ; " and he was left
helpless and without resource. He therefore sent his son to
the imperial army, to hand over the seal of supreme command
which he had assumed. He murdered the viceroy Wunsoo, to
prevent unpleasant disclosures regarding the past, and then
presented himself a prisoner to the imperial army. He asked
forgiveness, and the opportunity of proving his repentance, by
employment in active service against the rebels ; promising to
drive the pirates into the sea. Then last of all, the com-
mandant of Wunchow, hearing of his chiefs submission, opened
the gates to the Manchus. Jufang continued his victorious
career; pressed upon the rebels of Kiangsi, and slew, seized,
or received the submission of fully a hundred thousand men.

The pirates were, in 1677, driven back upon Amoy, and
afterwards to Formosa. Jingjoong ordered Chaochow to be
opened to the Manchus. He was pardoned, and re-employed.
He was afterwards accused of being a far worse man than Jusin ;
for while the latter spoke madly and acted cruelly when drunk,
the former did so even while sober. He was therefore, with
many of his comrades, put to death with torture in Peking.
Fukien was restored to Manchu rule ; and the armies were recalled.

Shang Kosi was become old and frail by the year 1671 ; and
to relieve himself of some of his toil, he nominated his eldest son
Jusin second in command. This son was a confirmed drunkard,
of a coarse, brutal nature, and of a savage disposition which
delighted in bloodshed ; a craving he was able to satiate when
he thus gained command. Two years after, Kosi prayed the
emperor to relieve him of all office, permit him to retire to
Liaotung, his native home, and give supreme command to his
eldest son. The Boards had warmly recommended the disband-
ing of the fifteen Dsolings under Kosi and their six thousand
soldiers, with the twenty thousand able-bodied men connected
with them; and it was out of the measures taken to secure this,

444 REBELLION OF THE THREE PRINCES.

that, as we have seen, these rebellions broke out. Kosi did not,
therefore, receive permission to retire. He was apparently
faithful to the dynasty, however ; for he seized the messenger of
Sangwei, sent to the emperor the message inciting him to revolt,
and next year he sent his son Juhiao against Liw Jinjoong at
Chaochow. At the same time he petitioned the emperor in
favour of this son, as the only one of his sons who was faithful
and trustworthy, and who therefore should be made his own
successor. The son was nominated a great commander, while
the father was still ordered to retain and use the supreme
command.

Jusin when a boy accompanied his father into the wars ; and
at the age of nineteen went to court, where, because of his
father's warrior reputation, he was made a duke. He had a
separate camp of his own, in which he was really independent,
when he was made second in command by his father. During
his father's illness he was acting commander. His brother Juhiao
was defeated by a force of ten thousand pirates, and driven back
on Hwichow. He was tempted by Sangwei, and cast in his lot
with the rebels. Men flocked to his standard in " clouds," just
when the pirates were ravaging Chaohing, when Sangwei had sent
a force to take Chaoching, west of Canton, and when half of
Kwangtung was in rebel hands. Kosi was then in the south-east
of the province, and was unable to rise off his bed ; the troubles
around him, and the division in his own family, may have been too
much for the old man. He appealed for help from Kiangsi ; and
Shooshoo, the great commander, was ordered into Kwangtung.
But though the imperial government openly declared that Jusin
could not possibly succeed his father, secret overtures were made
to him, which, while upbraiding him for his forgetfulness of the
imperial favours bestowed upon his house, offered him full
pardon if he repented of his criminal revolt. But the rebel had
meantime accepted the title of Great Commander from Sangwei.
He had, like the other rebels adopted a new standard and
flags, and assumed the old Chinese style of hair and dress. He
put some officials to death, and made his father a virtual prisoner.

KWANGTUNG REVOLTS. 445

His brother Juhiao occupied Hwichow, and the viceroy Jin
Gwangdsoo held Kaochow, while a Manchu force from Shooshoo
garrisoned Chaoching. There were in all twenty thousand or
thirty thousand choice disposable troops ; a number amply
sufficient to restrain Jusin had the viceroy not already given
in his secret adhesion to Sangwei, and soon openly withdrew
his five thousand men, with whom he assumed the offensive
against Shooshoo, preventing the Manchus from penetrating to
Jusin, and cutting off their retreat. So numerous were the
defections, that Shooshoo was compelled to move into Canton,
soon followed by Juhiao, whose men had broken up entirely
after a defeat at the hands of ten thousand pirates. Jusin
pushed on towards Canton, guilty in his progress of the most
barbarous conduct; and he so effectively cannonaded Canton
that Shooshoo had to evacuate the city and retire on KiangsL
Chaoching was also forsaken, and the governor joined Sangwei.

In the spring of 1676 Kosi died ; the troubles arising from
the divided state of his family probably dealing his death blow
to one who was already feeble. His illness is even said to have
been caused by the excitement of debating with his son against
rebellion. Jusin was nominated a prince by Sangwei, who sent
him provisions for his army. Sangwei did not act so wisely in
sending two of his own men to occupy the posts of viceroy and
governor in the place of those who had given him their adhesion,
and who would doubtless consider themselves ill-treated. The
impolitic act bore immediate fruit; for both Gwangdsoo and
Jusin soon thereafter expressed their repentance for their revolt,
and were gladly welcomed back to the Manchu ranks. Jusin
was created a Family prince with the title of " Pacify- the-south";
and several other high officers and officials were restored to their
original stations. Jusin was ordered to send some aid to
Changsha ; for Sangwei was still very dangerous, and apparently
too powerful for the forces opposed to him. But in response to
that order he sent some " tribute," and the apology that he could
part with no men on account of the threatening power of the
pirates; and when some of these surrendered, and the rest

446 REBELLION OF THE THREE PRINCES.

were driven to the sea, he found an excuse in the numbers of
local robbers. He thus proved that his restored faithfulness
was somewhat problematical. It is evident that he was yet
unprepared to decide who should be the victor, Peking or
Yunnan. He was several times blamed from Peking, and
severely censured on one occasion, when Gwangdsoo, on his way
to Woochow, was defeated from want of boats to carry his heavy
artillery and baggage, which boats Jusin had been ordered to
supply. This rebuke frightened him, and compelled him to
move ; but just then pirates did infest Chingyuen and Kaochow,
so that he was necessitated to return and defend those places.
In 1677, Sangwei's viceroy was seized in Chaoching ; the hair
and dress of soldiers and civilians were again changed to Manchu
fashion ; and an army from Sangwei, sent to relieve Chaoching,
was unfortunate in reaching after the city had fallen, and when
Chingan and Nanan were captured by the Kiangsi army, Yiilin
occupied by Mangyitoo, who took Shaochow and seized Wooling
pass, the "throat" of the border of Kiangsi and Kwangtung-
The rebel army made sure of retaking Shaochow ; but Mangyitoo
raised a great earthern rampart to the north of the city, which
he valiantly and stubbornly defended against them. Up till
October the siege was pressed vigorously ; but no impression was
made, till they, by a second camp, cut off communications by the
river on the west of the city, and erected a third camp on the
heights of Lienwha fung, whence they cannonaded the city.
Then all the parapets were cleared, and the imperialists were
driven in behind their earthen walls, which they defended with
desperation. Meantime preparations were going on to raise the
siege, and a large force from Kiangning, or Nanking, marched
down upon the rebel rear, while another force pushed them in
ilank. These, seconded by the garrison, attacked them on three
sides, and the rebels were compelled to give way. They broke
up and fled, were pursued far into the night, and left large
numbers of slain. Those occupying the camp west of the river
had also to retreat. They were again attacked next month on
three sides near Lochang and defeated, when the Yao savages

SECOND PRINCE SUBMITS. 447

pursued them, slaying over two thousand men. Kiwngchow
opened its gates; and the cities of Kao, Lei, and Lien
followed the example. Several rebel officers were taken in their
vessels on the river ; and this pacified Kwangtung.

Jusin had meantime formed one excuse after another for
remaining inactive in all that severe fighting. He stationed
himself in Canton, and made himself the scourge of the city and
neighbourhood by his drunkenness and fierce brutality. Even his
friends latterly turned against him ; and the emperor was at last
informed that his brutality was the real cause of the frequent
prayers of Kosi to be permitted to return to Liaotung ; for he
was afraid that Jusin might murder the rest of the family. At
the same time, many incidents were mentioned of men whom he
had put to death in a fit of anger or drunkenness ; and the case
was cited of one officer, pardoned by the emperor, whom he had
executed. His past connection with Sangwei was detailed,
and the fact mentioned that he had accepted from him one
hundred thousand taels. Among other evil deeds of his, it was
stated that his father Kosi lay still unburied in Canton, and
had no reverence paid to his memory. He was an unfaithful
minister and an undutiful son, and all men cursed him. These
-and other charges, urged in a long memorial by a civil official,
were supplemented by another memorial from a military official,
who exposed the bad military conduct of Jusin, and showed why
he should be seriously judged and severely condemned. He was
apprehended as the result of this writing. And an attempted
rescue by his brothers led only to the death of a few men, and
an aggravation of the original offence. He was escorted to
Peking ; and after a trial in the usual way, he was permitted to
commit suicide. His family was ordered into Peking. The
markets which he had monopolised in the south were opened
freely to the people ; and the officers who had served under him
were cashiered.

In June 1681, the emperor publicly informed his ministers
that the body of Kosi, who had always been a faithful minister,
was then at Tingchifoo in charge of Juhiao, who had gone south

448 KEBELLION OF THE THREE PRINCES.

to transport the coffin to Haichung in Liaotung, according to a
promise made by Taidsoong to Kosi. A secretary and a privy
councillor were sent south, to meet the coffin, and eight thousand
taels were gifted to bury the body in Haichung in Manchuria, and
to cover the cost of a tablet to his memory. His seventh son
was declared heir of the ancestral patrimony in Haichung, and
nominated a privy councillor. Two dsoling were created to
keep the tomb in perpetuity, and lands were attached to pay the
necessary expenses connected with the tomb and its various
services. There is now (1880) a beautiful temple over that
grave in the city of Haichung. A large stone tablet declares
the faithfulness and worth of the prince. Two hereditary
dsoling look after the tomb, the temple, and the connected
estates ; and on certain stated days, the descendants of Kosi, in
and in the neighbourhood of Haichung, — a large number of
people, — meet together to make their devotions, and pay the
usual reverence at the tomb of their great ancestor.

Sangwei, now isolated, was to feel the force of the imperial
power as he had not yet experienced it ; for an order from the
emperor to the troops, Chinese and Manchu, in Kiangsi, to place
themselves under the orders of the viceroy, reached them just
as they received tidings of the submission of Gung Jingjoong
and Shang Jusin, who had played their game with much less
skill than Sangwei, and whose submission, with restoration to
former dignities, was made easy on account of the danger to the
state from Sangwei. Dayin also made his submission, going to
Fukien for the purpose, and Kiangsi was without war.

Swun Yenling was a Liaotung man, son of Loongswi, who had
accompanied Koong Yoodua to the Manchus, had followed him
throughout his course to Kwangsi, where prince Koong promised
his daughter to his old friend and follower for his son. Both
the fathers died in harness. The young daughter of prince
Koong was taken to the palace in Peking, where she was
educated as, and with the title of, imperial princess, and had a
dowry of ten thousand taels given her by the emperor, who gave
her away in marriage to Yenling. He had meantime been

KESULT OF INDECISION.

nominated commander, and had charge of all the troops of
prince Koong, with his headquarters in Kweilin.

When Sangwei revolted, Ma Hiwng, governor in Kweilin, was
ordered against him, but revolted to him. Yenling was then
commanded to be extremely watchful. But Sangwei was near
and Peking far; and the epistle of the former urging him to
rebel proved too powerful, and he set up for himself in Kweilin.
He put a number of officers to death who would not follow him.
Kwangsi was soon wholly lost to the Manchus, and Yenling
established five principal posts in the province with two thousand
men in each to keep internal order. Sangwei was probably, to
begin with, quite satisfied with the position of affairs, for he feared
no molestation at the hands of Yenling; and could therefore
give his undivided attention to the Manchus on his north.

Hoonglie was prefect of Chingyang, and promised Sangwei,
before the rebellion of the latter, that he would not take service
under the Manchu government. He was named a commander
by Sangwei, and raised a corps of five thousand men from the
Aborigines. But once master of these, he, being " a brave and
a just man," turned his arms against the rebels. Sangwei was
jealous of this man's reputation, and had over a hundred
members of his family put to death ; but the man himself was
beyond the reach of his arm. As soon as he had made himself
strong, and especially after the murder of his family by Sangwei,
he brought every influence in his power to bear on Yenling,
urging him to return to give allegiance. The wife of Yenling
joined the argument, and he was at last gained over, and
promised that as soon as the main army of the Manchus came
near enough he would join it. Hoonglie sent his adhesion to
that army at Shaochow in 1677, when Sangwei was weakened
by defections from his side on the east coast; and he was
immediately nominated by the grateful emperor, governor of
Kwangsi. Mangyitoo was ordered with eight thousand men
from Shaochow to welcome and support the new adherent ; and
Jusin was commanded to send a detachment of three thousand
men for the same purpose. He not only failed to do so, but

Dl

450 EEBELLION OF THE THREE PRINCES.

neglected to provide boats to ferry the army of Mangyitoo across
the river. Hoonglie was compelled therefore to act alone ; and
though he was able to do good service he was very much
crippled from want of horses and heavy artillery, — to his many
prayers for which Jusin would not listen. It was only in the
following year that Mangyitoo was able to arrive at Pinglo, 100
li from Kweilin ; and he arrived much too late, for he found that
Ma Bao and others of Sangwei's generals had marched upon and
taken Kweilin, had put Yenling to death, and were now advancing
rapidly both by land and water against Pinglo. They attacked
the Chinese division of the imperial army ; and as the Manchus
were wholly unable to support the attacked portion, it was
utterly defeated. Mangyitoo had to retire on Woochow; and all
the cities taken fell again into the hands of the rebels. In the
siege of Kweilin the princess, wife of Yenling, was braver than
her husband. She stood on the wall, and with her bow and
arrows killed many a rebel. She escaped and found her way to
Peking.

Thus through the negligence of Jusin, who was possibly
enough wishing to know who should be victor, Kwangsi was
added to the rebel dominions, and Kwangtung fell into a state
of Chaotic confusion. Detachments were ordered from Chaochow,
from Kanchow, and from Chaoching, to support Hoonglie ; but
he had to hold his ground alone in Woochow. Jusin did at
length send a detachment, but only after Sangwei's death, and
after Mangyitoo had united with Hoonglie. The rebels had
several times given him battle, but had gained no decided
advantage. When they advanced to the siege after Mangyitoo's
arrival, the two commanders, dividing all their forces into three,
attacked with vigour in front and on the flanks. The rebels
were unprepared to find so many men opposed to them ; and the
sudden and simultaneous onset threw them into disorder and
compelled them to flee. The imperialists could therefore march
on Kweilin. They marched towards Nanning, where the garrison
had been vigorously besieged by the rebels for some months.
The choicest rebel troops were drawn up in battle array

KWANGSI RECOVERED. 451

within their "deer-horn" palisades, while their rear was
protected by a steep hill. The imperial van was hurled against
their flank, Mangyitoo and Shooshoo with the main army attacked
in front, and an ambush was placed behind the hill to cut off
their retreat. The onset was fierce, the defence was furious, and
the slaughter was enormous. The rebel commander fled with a
few score horse. Nanning was freed, and Kwangsi was again at
peace. Hoonglie, to whose decision, bravery, and firmness the
Manchus were indebted for this victory, had performed the
utmost limit of his duty when Kwangsi was freed from rebels ;
but he now prayed the emperor for permission to go into
Yunnan. His desire was granted, while his diligent faithfulness
was warmly commended. And we leave him to go back to
Sangwei.

As soon as Jusin gave in his adhesion to the Manchus,
Sangwei ordered two of his generals against him at Shaochow
foo, and sent another general to bring to his authority Yenling
in Kweilin. He desired to annex the two Kwangs, for
their lands bound Honan, and were as the " lips to the teeth ; "
and it was of the utmost consequence, now that Kwangtung had
become imperial, to make sure of it in time. As long as Jusin
had kept a large army of Manchus employed, Sangwei had
wisely refrained from any expression of desire on his part for the
annexation of Kwangtung. But if he was aggressive, so were
the imperialists ; for one army, in carrying out the orders to
press on Hoonan, began by taking Liwyang, and received the
submission of a rebel chief and his fleet at Hiangtan.
Moojan was even more successful with Shensi and Kingchow
.soldiers, who began at last to move; for he took Yoonghing,
Chaling, Siwhien, Linghien, Anzun, Hingning, Chunchow,
Yichang, Lin woo, Lanshan, Chiahwo, Kweiyang, and Kweitung.
Jienchin Wang was ordered to make his headquarters at Chaling.
Sangwei was sixty-seven years of age when he lost Shensi,
Fukien, Kwangtung, and Kiangsi. His resources were at their
last gasp. As the revenues of Szchuen and Hoonan were
insufficient to support their own armies, he feared he might be

452 KEBELLION OF THE THREE PRINCES.

despised, and therefore assumed an imperial style, made
Hungchow his capital, as far as centralising his army there, and
from Changsha went thither to live. He ascended the throne,
assumed the style of Jaowoo, appointed officials, sent out
imperial mandates, established a formal court etiquette, with all
the other paraphernalia essential to the dignity of royalty.

Kanghi had at the beginning of the war decided to go in
person to the seat of war, and make Kingchow his headquarters.
Wang Dachun it was who prevented him leaving his capital, as
it was dangerous to remove so far, for none knew what rumours
might not at such a critical juncture be raised in the capital.
The style assumed by Sangwei apparently roused his wrath to-
boiling point, for nothing less would suffice than that he should
fight out the war in person. An unlocked for event rendered
this unnecessary.

Ma Bao and the rebels ravaged the country round Shaochow,

but were defeated in October by Mangyitoo, who attacked

them on both flanks, drove them back to Lochang, and

retook Yinhwa hien. In January 1678, Ma Bao and all the

army were recalled to Hungchow for the purpose above stated.

In February several officers of Sangwei's were taken in Kwang-

tung,and pardoned by order of the emperor. Sangwei had enrolled

the soldiers of Yenling among his own men. He now, in March,

sent a body of cavalry to ravage Kwangsi, and Hoonglie was

most urgent in his prayers for help. Mangyitoo was ordered

from Shaochow to combine with Hoonglie ; but was encountered

by Sangwei and defeated at Pinglo, whence he had to retreat

to the outer passes of Paochoong. The aid of Jusin was now

called in along with Mangyitoo to crush Sangwei, who seemed as

if a sight of him paralysed his enemy's army. One of his

generals, however, deserted from him, and to encourage imitators

was made a marquis, and an important command was given him.

The rebels, however, took Pinglo, and threatened Chaochow,

which was well defended by Yadali. But Sangwei's fleet

suffered a defeat. In July Sangwei's men ravaged Yoonghing,

defeating the imperialist army and slaying its general. They

SANGWEI DIES. 453

then crossed the river and camped there. They furiously
attacked Pinchow, driving the vanguard on Yoonghing. Yadali
had to evacuate Toongan, and the rebels besieged Chiienchow,
Jir taboo retreating to cover Hinghwan. Marshal Hoo Sijiao
was ordered off to protect Chaochow ; so that Sangwei left the
imperialists little leisure. Yoonghing was again ravaged by the
orders of Sangwei, whose army however met a severe check at
Yaoyang lake, and again at Liwlindsooi.

Yoonghing was only 100 li distant from Hungchow, was thus
at its very door, and to the rebels was a point of firstrate
importance, which could not be left without great exertions to take
it. Hence the recall of Ma Bao, who was sent to invest the city.
Besides the garrison, there was a Manchu army outside the walls
to defend this city. Right over against the earthworks of this
camp across the river, did the rebels set up their camp. They
surrounded the city on three sides, and ceased not from their
building labours night nor day. The garrison and army, there-
fore, prayed for instant and effectual help. In response, none
dared move out of Chaling ; but Moojan sent men from Chun-
chow, who marched till, when near their destination, they refused
in terror to advance ; for Sangwei's spirit, if not his person, was
near. The city wall received a thousand serious wounds, which
were however immediately repaired with earth by the garrison,
who both built and fought at the same time, and incessantly.
Twenty days of this constant and harassing work brought the
garrison to the very verge of despair ; but next day great was
their astonishment to see the vigorous besiegers leaving their
trenches and quickly departing. For Sangwei had died.

It is reported with all the gravity of imperial history, that
Sangwei's last illness assumed the form of madness ; that a dog
sat on his table ; that he could not open his mouth ; and that a
severe dysentery carried him off. At any rate his departure
gave all the necessary weight to the prayer of all the princes of
Peking, that their imperial master should not leave his capital ;
and the immediate decision not to move south, was the greatest
compliment Kanghi could have paid to the ability of Sangwei,

454 REBELLION OF THE THEEE PRINCES.

who left not a few able generals behind him. But his spirit was
now gone, and the incubus of its terrible presence was raised off
the Manchu troops. The rebels were frequently defeated, and
had to raise the siege of Yoonghing, while Hungchow itself was-
now in turn threatened by the Manchus. The rebels acknow-
ledged the grandson of Sangwei, Woo Shufan, as his successor
in the empire. Shufan came from Yunnan to Hungchow ; and
as soon as made emperor, with the title of Hoongwoo, he returned
into Yunnan again, whither some of the rebel chiefs had urged a
retreat of the whole force.

In September the Manchu commander died, and was
succeeded in command by the Beira Chani, and Nguating was
over the fleet. This fleet was of the greatest importance, now
that the provisions of Yochow were brought by rebel ships from
Changte. But the imperial fleet was stationed at Chunshan, and
the rebels came and went at their pleasure ; for as in winter the
waters of the lake dried up considerably, the large imperial vessels
were useless, while the smaller ships of the rebels sailed whither
they would. The imperialists therefore, towards the end of 1678,
built a hundred " crow " ships and four hundred and thirty-eight
" sand " ships ; all of which must have been of small draught,
and were capable, in all, of transporting thirty thousand men.
Half this number of men was transported across the river from
Chunshan, to occupy the Changte road, and to cut off com-
munication thence with the invested rebel city of Yochow ; the
other half across from Pienshan, Hiangloo, Shanboo, and
Daikow, to cut off the Changsha and Hungchow roads. The
numerous sails covered a 100 li of water in the winter, and the
rebel fleet dared not show face. When two hundred rebel vessels
started afterwards with a favourable wind against the imperial1
fleet, half of them were sunk by the cannon of a section of the light
imperial fleet, which sailed much better than the rebels.
Yingchi, the rebel commander, suspected some of his men of
treachery, and had them put to death, with the result of
causing three lieut. -generals, with their vessels, to desert to the
imperialists. The garrison of Yochow, in February 1679, finding

REBELLION WANING. 455

themselves isolated from all aid, forsook the city, broke through
the besiegers, and forced their way to Changte.

The fall of Yochow caused great consternation among all the_
rebels, for they believed that now Lurjin also would cross from
Kingchow. The rebels of Tiling and Lichow, therefore, sub-
mitted, with all their vessels and men ; and those of Changte
and Changsha fled, burning and sacking as they went. Anchin
Wang followed into Hungchow close at their heels.

There was therefore between the imperialists in Honan and
Szchuen, no other obstacle than the very difficult passes of Chun-
loonggwan of Chunchow, and Fungmooling of Wookang. The
latter place was held by Gwogwei, the former by Hoo Gwojoo.
Wookang was attacked by Anchin wang in person, at Fungmooling.
Hoonglie, now governor of Kwangsi, attacked in the rear, and the
main army for long attacked its front. Gwogwei was at last killed
by a cannon shot, and his men fled. They were pursued again and
defeated, and Wookang fell. At Chunloonggwan the rebels had
five camps planted to oppose the imperialists, who pressed long
against them, neither side gaining any great advantage, till
the imperialists discovered, and marched in by, an unoccupied
path. They broke up the rebels and took Chunchow and
Yuenchow. Gwojoo retreated to Kweiyang; and the road from
Hoonan to Kweichow and Yunnan was opened up. The rebels
lost a battle in Sishan of Nanning, in Kwangsi; and this
province, with Hoonan, became wholly subject to the Manchus.

Beidsu Laita was ordered into Yunnan by Nanning. He
several times defeated the rebels, twenty thousand strong, at
Anloongswo, where there was the terrific pass of Shumunkan,
whither the rebels retreated. One night a great noise was heard
in their camp, and next morning it was discovered that they had
been killing each other, believing that the imperialists had
penetrated among them. The result was that they broke up.
The imperialists followed and seized great numbers, pursuing
the flying rebels into Yunnan.

In November, 1679, the troops of marshal Shao Liangdoong
and Wang Jinbao, marched forward by two separate roads to

456 KEBELLION OF THE THREE PEINCES.

fight the rebels of Szchuen. Formerly the troops of Hanchoong
took charge of all the army dues for Szchuen. As since the
death of Sangwei the rebels were in disorder, Jinbao found it
comparatively easy to take Funghien and Woogwan; and in
spite of his exertions, Pingfan was compelled to abandon
Hanchoong and fall back on Paoning, pursued by three armies
by as many different routes. In February 1680, beside the hills
outside the city, the rebel army of twenty thousand was defeated,
the bridge seized, and the soldiers went pouring into the city.
Pingfan cut his throat and died. Jumao and others were appre-
hended ; and Shwunching, in the surprise of defeat, opened its
gates. Liangdoong, passing Liaoyang took Yangpinggwan,
crossed the Baishwi kiang river, taking Loongan ; then crossed
the Mingyooe kiang river and took Chungtu, whose commandant,
with over a hundred officials, submitted. Hoo Gwojoo was
defeated at Kienchang and Hingan taken by Toohai, while
Yoongning and Mahoo fell to another division. The marshal of
Hookwang defeated Yang Laijia at Dsoshan, took Kweichow
foo on the north of the Yangtsu and Chungching, completing
the conquest of all Szchuen. Just then the pirate Jung
submitted in the east; but Jan. Hoong and others, who had
submitted, were again rebelling.

Jin Bao was ordered to remain in Szchuen ; Liangdoong to
march into Yunnan ; and Anchin wang Yolo, with half his main
army, — Mongols, Ninguta, and Woola men, — to return to the
capital. The emperor met and feted Yolo at Loogowchiao bridge.
A fresh army under the Beidsu Jangtai, the great commander
Fixing-the-far, was sent into Yunnan and Kweichow ; and as
these provinces were very hilly, the Chinese infantry went in
the van, the Manchu cavalry in the rear.

Lurjin was then recalled to the capital, his incompetency
proclaimed, and the various evils recounted which had been
inflicted on his country by that incompetency, — as a city lost
here, a province there, for lack of proper precautions against a
vigilant and active foe. His fellow-commanders had been left
by him to their fate while he was ingloriously idling all his time

IMPEACHMENT. 457

in Kingchow, and his most guilty inactivity had permitted the
junction of Jingjoong, Yenling, and Laijia, who were then able to
bid defiance to the main army, which was kept in constant occu-
pation, while the rebels harassed the country for years. As for
merit, not a "foot nor an inch" had he. He and those principally
guilty with him, were punished by degradation or otherwise, in
proportion to their responsibility. Numbers of other officers who
had lost cities by cowardice, or forsaken them in unnecessary haste,
were summoned to the capital, and punishment meted out in pro-
portion to their guilt. The emperor, at the same time, expressed
his great sympathy with the army which had been so long in
the field, and with the people for the unavoidable pressure of
heavy war expenses upon them ; and he promised both that the
former would be suitably rewarded, and the latter relieved of
their garrison taxes at the earliest possible moment.

In November the main army of Hoonan marched from
Pingyooe on Kweiyang, — Woo Shufan fled back on Yunnan
with Yingchi and over two hundred of his officials. While the
prefectures of Tsunyi, Anshwun, Shugan, Sun an, £c., were taken
by the imperialists in December, their few reverses were
inconsiderable. But though their glory had departed and their
Napoleon had no successor, the rebels were still far from being
despicable or heartless. The imperial army had to be very
watchful. Marshal Sanga was ordered to the dangerous passes
on the Langkiang river in February 1681, and was opposed by
a rebel army of ten thousand men, under the combined orders
•of Gwohiang, Chiloong, and Wang Whi, who had another
.army of twenty thousand, with their headquarters on the
mountains south-west of Pingyooen. The passes were of extreme
difficulty ; and on pushing as far as they could, the imperialists,
after a most arduous progress, came suddenly against a line of
elephants which the rebels had planted in front. They were so
terrified at sight of the elephants, that they at once broke and
fled, in spite of the bravery of Cha Liwyoong, who seized a ted
flag and advanced alone against the enemy. Though he was
supported, he had to retire, — but the number of slain was

458 REBELLION OF THE THREE PRINCES.

enormous. Two days afterwards, Liwyoong marched in again,
and compelled the rebels to forsake the heights, and to retire
westwards to Kweichow.

Laita marched into Yunnan from Kwangsi, and united with the
Hookwang army at Chuching, after he had several times defeated
the rebels. In March he got to Yunnan. Ko Jwangtoo was sent
on by Shufan at the head of several myriad of men, infantry
and cavalry, with elephants in the van, to a place 30 li from the city,
where a desperate resistance must be made to save the rebel capital.

Jangtai was commander of the Manchu left wing, Laita of the
right. From early morning till noon was the battle waged. The
rebels made five furious charges, and five times were they driven
back; the number of slain on both sides was frightful. The
imperialists hurled showers of stones from their ballistas upon
the front line of elephants, to the sight of which they had got
accustomed. The elephants became restive under this attack,,
suddenly broke loose, turned round and charged their own
people, and trampled them down. The imperialists rushed
forward at the heels of the elephants with a body of iron-
breast-plated horse, and defeated the rebels, taking Gweihwa
temple east of the city. They immediately drew their investing
lines around the city, scores of li in circumference. In a few
months Linngan, Yoongshwun, Taongan, Tali, and other cities,
opened their gates. Gwojoo, Gwohiang, Ma Bao, had already
been despatched at the head of a large army into Szchuen, had
retaken several prefectures on Kienchang, Yoongning, and
Mahoo. Ma Chungyin had also again revolted at Liwchow,,
Tan Hoong and others in the east of Szchuen, and the attention
of the imperial army was again divided. On this close
investment of the rebel capital, those generals were all summoned
back to relieve it. But Liangdoong promptly took them in hand.
He divided his forces, and attacking them from several directions
so belaboured them, that from death, flight or submission, not a
soul of them got to Kweichow. Even the letter which Shufan
forwarded at this time to Dalai Lama of Tibet, also fell into
imperialists hands.

HEMMED IN.

Liangdoong, being free in Szchuen, now pressed forward to
the rebel capital, and on his arrival, he drew the lines of
circumvallation quite close to the city walls, for the wide circuit
of the former siege had not had the least effect upon the city,
though the army had surrounded it for months. Liangdoong
dug three trenches and made three bridges, cutting off all access
from outside. As therefore their provisions ran done in
November, the rebels holding the south gate opened it and
betrayed the city. Shufan and Jwangtoo committed suicide.
The grand secretary was apprehended with Gwohiang and Ma
Bao. There was just at this time a general pardon proclaimed
to all rebels who would submit, except to Gwohiang, Gwojoo,
Yoongching and Gwodso. All the chiefs of the rebellion then
taken were beheaded ; the bodies of some were cut in pieces,
and the heads of others publicly exposed. Many of the
secondary officers and officials were pardoned. Gung Jingjoong
and Liw Jinjoong of Fukien had been already put to death, and
their bodies were now quartered. Sangwei's men were declared
incapable henceforth of bearing arms, and were condemned to
be agriculturists. Shufan's head was exposed underneath the
gate of Peking ; and the old bones of Sangwei, who had at first
travelled so far and so successfully in the cause of the Manchus,
but whose every movement for years past had caused them fear,,
were, as a warning, cut up and scattered to all the provinces.

The spoils were enormous. The armies were recalled to
Peking, and five million six hundred thousand taels paid them ;
while all the prisoners, save those guilty of capital crimes, had
their prison doors thrown open ; and the emperor congratulated
himself that now he saw accomplished what he had from a
child believed necessary to the prosperity of the country, — the
disarming of the three great vassal princes. His ministers
were justified in urging him to accept a high sounding title, in
reference to and in remembrance of his great victory ; but, as
always before, he refused. Yet just as Sangwei, with his Chinese
army, placed the Manchu imperial family on the throne by
Chinese soldiers, so was he himself now defeated, his corpse

460 REBELLION OF THE THREE PRINCES.

desecrated, his family killed or at the mercy of the emperor,
only by means of the skill of loyal Chinese officers and by the
bravery of Chinese soldiers. The Manchu generals, officers and
men, in that sudden patriotic burst of southern China, recall the
British bands of soldiers in the Indian mutiny only by contrast.
They seem to have exhausted the fierceness of their bravery, and
the fearlessness of their heroism inhaled in the air of their
eastern mountain homes, when they attained to the possession
of powerful empire and the command of immense wealth. The
luxurious air of rich Peking seems to have greatly and rapidly
unnerved the hardy mountaineers and their sons. And the
arms which have best maintained the power and "glory" of
the Manchu government in more modern times are also Chinese.
Did the Chinese combine against the Manchus, or did those who
were not actively hostile refrain from supporting them, the
Manchus could not retain their power for a single month. But
in the general character of their administration, in their attempts
to further the interests of the people, and in their efforts to
curb or modify the rapacity of all classes of officials, the Manchus
will compare most favourably with any former dynasty of China;
and the admirably wise manner in which, from their earliest
history, they have shared office, with its power, its influence, its
authority, and its emoluments, with the best educated Chinese, has
retained them in the Dragon throne for two and a half centuries.
This should serve as an unmistakable hint to India, which must
ultimately come to be governed by us as China is by the little
Manchu tribe.

During this war against the three rebels, which threatened
for long to hurl the Manchus off the throne, the Board of Wai-
arranged an excellent system of postal communication throughout
the whole empire. A clerk with a corporal and ten men, all
Manchus, was located at every few miles, and a main postal
station established every 400 li : so that, from the extreme west
of Kansu, a distance of over 1600 miles or 5000 li, a despatch
could be handed to the emperor in nine days, from Kingchow
on the Yangtsu in five days, and from Chihkiang in four.

IMPEKIAL POST. 461

f

These were so well utilised, that during the war from three to
four hundred despatches were delivered daily at the palace from
the various armies actively engaged. So efficient indeed is this
mounted post even now, that news of the disaster to the
British fleet at the Taku forts was spread among the Chinese in
Canton before the arrival there of the fastest despatch steamer
in the fleet.

To prevent the possibility of such an outbreak again, the
emperor abolished the title of prince or wang for the south
of China ; and since that time the title has not been given to
any Chinaman, nor is it hereditary even among members of the
imperial family. It was also then made compulsory for every
official to statedly appear at court ; and Manchu garrisons were
placed in Foochow, Canton, and Kingchow.

- '

CHAPTER XIII.
CHINA'S ABORIGINES.

THOUGH there has been more than one serious rebellion in
China since Sangwei's bones were scattered over the Eighteen
Provinces, detailed accounts of them would be beyond our
present purpose. For there is no information worth the having
from the recital of mere fighting and slaughtering, unless the
geography opened up, or the talent displayed, makes it
interesting. We therefore give only the barest notice of the
formidable insurrections, styled the " Religious Rebellions," — so
called because their root was in the dissemination of some pseudo
religious sect. The Bailien Idao, or the " sect " of the " white
water-lily," was composed originally of studious people who
pretended to heal diseases and abstained from meats, for purposes
of their own. They composed litanies of their own, and magical
incantations, — deceiving the multitude and making rich. Their
chief was Liw Soong of Anhui. Having by 1775 fully
indoctrinated Honan, this chief went to Kansu to propagate his
"magical" religion, sending a disciple into Szchuen, Hoonan,
and Shensi.

A man, surnamed "Wang in Looyi of Honan, gave himself out
to be a descendant of the Ming emperors, and thus set the
conspiracy in motion. Immediately before this the sect had a
proverbial saying always on their lips, that the " edge of the
sword was about to be bared." An attempt to seize one preacher
was unsuccessful, but the man Wang was apprehended. As
he was only a youth he was not put to death, but banished to
Sinkiang or Hi. There was an immediatejrising ; and the
district magistrate of Woochang reported, that already the

464 CHINA'S ABOKIGINES.

numbers of slain in the districts of Tsingchow and Yichang
were very large.

Just at that time the Chinese armies were fully engaged
against the Miao (see below). The rebels therefore increased
daily, till they threw all Shensi into a state of great confusion.
The emperor ordered armies to march ; and the viceroy of
Hookwang sent one of three thousand men to Tsingchow, but
all was utterly inadequate to meet the magnitude to which the
evil had spread. In the beginning of the reign Kiaking (179(>),
we find slight successes of the imperialists largely rewarded, but
blame distributed still more lavishly among the unsuccessful.
At the beginning of the rebellion, Szchuen had no " religious "
rebels. But there were, scattered among the mountains of the
north-east of that province, many bands of soldiers, deserters
from the Kinchuen armies, who lived by robbery. Wheiir
however, the White-lily sect found its way, sword in hand, into
Szchuen, all these soldier-robbers joined it.

This rebellion spread over an immense surface — Honan,
Szchuen, and Shensi — simply because the local authorities had
not the sagacity to understand or the ability to cope with and
crush the first risings. A whole volume concludes without an
instance of a walled city falling before the rebel hordes, or even
seriously attacked. This shows the Bailien Kiao to have been
only a rabble. But the imperial armies opposed to them were
under equally incapable men. For years battles were fought,
decisive only in slaughter; and thousands of miles were traversed
and retraversed in flight or pursuit ; but as if without plan or
purpose. Reading the history of this extensive and vexatious
revolt, one feels the difference between the mid-age of the
Manchu dynasty and the young vigour of its rise, when it could
furnish a hundred leaders, any one of whom would have rooted
out the headless revolt in a brief space of time. This month we
find the rebels overrunn'ng Shensi ; but they are driven, or at all
events retire, from valley tow valley, leaving every village a
smoking mass of ruins, passing by every walled city unvisited, and
again they take their stand in Szchuen. Here they are pressed

MISSIONARIES. 465

by the imperialists, and begin their rounds till we find them next
month in the north of Shensi again. Repeatedly is this game
at hide-and-seek played by the rebels and their pursuers, with
slight variations, till one at last appeared who had some brains,
and earned himself a name and a degree. But how many
leaders had been nominated and degraded ! In the year 1800,
an imperial army of over one hundred thousand men was in
action against those rebels, and over one hundred million taels
spent in vain efforts to subdue them.

This rebellion of the Bailien Kiao is to this day popularly
ascribed to the Roman Catholics ; and all missionaries are
believed to belong to the magic-working sect, and to be in China
only for revolutionary or political purposes. It was so believed
at the time when the rebellion was at its greatest ; so that the
emperor had to give public denial to the general statements,
and to say that the rebellion was not the work of foreigners,
but had attained its then proportions (in 1800) only because of
the incapacity of the local authorities.

As the rebels never ventured to attack brick walls, the
villagers, always threatened, combined to protect themselves.
The inhabitants of a certain number of villages collected at one
village, which they protected with earth-works, and into which
the combined villages retired on the approach of the "white
lily " hordes. The valour of these hordes can be inferred from
the fact that even these rudely constructed and hastily thrown
up defences they were unable to force, in the face of such
opposition as untrained villagers could show. But the
emperor severely blamed the indifference of the dwellers
in the walled cities, who had only to lock their gates and
look from their walls at the rebels filing past beyond the
range of missiles ; for they should have gone out and defended
the thousands of smoking villages in their neighbourhood.
But a volume could not more truthfully delineate the Chinese
character, than this one fact; for the very essence of the
Chinaman's nature is utter indifference as to the well or
ill-being of his neighbour. We do not question the existence

466 CHINA'S ABORIGINES.

of exceptions, which however are very difficult to find in
history or in actual life. The Chinaman faces danger with
ease, and death with stolidity ; but chivalry as understood and
exercised where Christianity finds living examples of its
power and nature, has yet to be in the history of China. There
is certainly no people who have more thoroughly learned to
" mind their own business."

The emperor also said that the war had proved the newly
levied soldiers inferior in courage to those of the provincial
militia; and that the viceroy's militia was surpassed by the
volunteers who dug their own fosse and built their own mud-
wall around their native village. He therefore issued orders to
have the troops of every district, and of every group of villages,
drilled in their native place, and not at the common provincial
camp. It is needless to say, that however excellent that plan,
when hearth and home were in danger, it has long ceased to be
the rule. Those brave villagers were rewarded equally with the
brave of the regular troops. Lo Suju, one of these volunteers,
was the bravest and most successful of all the opponents of the
Bailien kiao. So much so, that at length his name alone was
sufficient to gain the victory. Alone he went on two several
occasions into the heart of the rebel camp, when it greatly out-
numbered the loyalists, fired off quantities of gunpowder to right
and left of him, and then retired, leaving the suddenly awakened
rebels to fire into each other with vigour till sunrise, when their
greatly reduced numbers and complete confusion, compelled
them to retreat. The regulars followed where his arm cleft the
way for them, and called him Lo Sure-to-Conquer ; for he was
never defeated, and every stratagem of his was successful. He
was there what Hue Yingwei was in the Tang army, but his
reward came much more slowly. Certain of the regulars reaped
the rewards of the victories planned by the fertile brain and
worked out by the heavy hand of this countryman.

When the backbone of the rebellion was broken, the emperor
expressed his great pity for those who had been made houseless
and homeless, and gave them liberty to cut out farms for them-

BRAVE VOLUNTEERS. 467

.selves in the ancient forests of the mountain gullies. He also
proclaimed, on the occasion of his ordering the head of a captured
chief to be shown round the provinces, that he was not waging
war against a religion or a sect, but against men in open
rebellion. And let me say here what I have stated more
emphatically elsewhere,* that there never has been a purely
religious persecution in China.

In 1802, after six years of arduous marchings to and fro, and
of much fighting if no decisive battles, the emperor was
delighted to be able to grant to Lobao, the Manchu general who
had most distinguished himself, the title of the " Terrible Brave
Marquis," of the first grade, — and to other officers, grades
according to their merits, with other more substantial rewards,
for having at length brought peace to Szchuen, Hoonan, and
Shensi. He had sent a hundred thousand taels, by high officials,
as a present to the soldiers, on the previous year, in consideration
of their long continued services. And he honoured the bravery
of the volunteers by asking them to incorporate themselves with
the regulars. But Lobao said that the bravest of them were
countrymen who had their own small properties, and would not
join; but there was another excellent army of ten thousand
men, composed of vagrants from all quarters, who were glad to
take permanent service. The emperor also sent an official to
make sacrifice to the gods of the mountains and rivers of those
three provinces, and to inform them of the blessed peace. He
also sacrificed to inform his ancestors. The four provinces, which
had been so devastated, he exempted from the taxation of the
.seven years during which the war had lasted. The best men of
the rebels had, however, fled into the mountains, whence they
-again issued after they had put to death many bands of soldiers
which had endeavoured to root them out. The emperor
believed that as they were where Li Dsuchung met his end,
they might all similarly perish. But though they did not so
perish, this revival was soon extinguished; for the rebels, or
rather robbers, met everywhere those earthen ramparts all over

* "Chinese Foreign Policy."

468 CHINA'S ABORIGINES.

that country through which they had formerly marched without
opposition. For the people had throughout all those regions
forsaken their small detached hamlets and congregated in largo
villages, which they surrounded with mud walls.

The author of the " Holy Wars " concludes his long story by
saying that Yunchow of Shansi, Yichow of Szchuen, with
Hanchung, Hingan, Hwayang, Heishwi, and Liangchow, were
anciently thrown into one " Circuit " and placed under a
commander, because of the immense strategical importance of
that region. Indeed there was an end of the Bailien Kiao
rebellion only when after innumerable marchings backwards and
forwards over the same ground, garrisons of strong detachments
were told off from the army for some of those cities, by which the
rebels had always found a loophole. Nanshan and Bashan
mountains also continually crop up as "gates" through which the
rebels found their way.

Six years after the suppression of the Bailien Kiao revolt, the
Fukien and Kwangtung pirates had to be chased off the seas.
In 1811, the emperor visited Wootaishan, and the astronomer
said that the star which then appeared moving in a direction
contrary to the other stars indicated rebellion. And sure
enough two years thereafter appeared the rising of the Tienll
Kiao, the religion or Sect of the "Li" or "Reason" of "Heaven."
It was also known as the Bagwa Xiao, or "Eight-Diagram Sect."
This sect, like its predecessors, obtained much money by
deceiving the multitude. Li Wunchung of Honan Kuhien,
and Lin Ching of Chihli Tailing, were the leaders.

Wunchung used astrology to deceive his followers, and promised
that the " great event " would take place on the fifteenth day
(full moon) of ninth moon (October), of Kiaking eighteenth
(1713). His followers and believers were counted by myriads.
Ching was to act secretly in the capital and to lean on the
external aid of Wunchung. They were to strike their first blow
when the emperor was on his way back from Moolankiwr, where
an ambush would set upon him. The plan was so well laid and the
secret so well kept that not a soul beyond the conspirators knew

CONSPIRACY. 469

of it. But the district magistrate of Kuhien, probably seeing
something suspicious in the movements of the conspirators of
that region who would naturally be less on their guard than
those near the scene of action, — instituted a searching
investigation which divulged the plot. He sent secret informa-
tion to Gao Ki and to his prefect of Weikunfoo, and asked for
soldiers to be ready for any emergency. But both his superiors
regarded the matter as a jest. The magistrate however threw
Wunchung into prison, and broke his shank. As the
conspirators now saw their plan was discovered, and could not be
carried out as originally intended, they rose on the seventh
instead of the thirteenth, and three thousand of them broke into
Kuhien, opened the prison doors, freed Wunchung, and put
to death the magistrate who had exposed them. As soon as
news of the premature rising spread, Doongming the Chihli
leader, and Kin Hiang the Shantung leader, rose and murdered
the magistrates of their respective cities, and seized their
cities. When the emperor heard thereof, he gave immediate
orders to the various governors to bs prompt in their movements
to suppress those risings ere they grew as did the last. But he
was wholly unprepared for what was taking place at his own door.
Though the plot was prematurely discovered, Lin Ching
endeavoured to do the best in his power to play his part. With
over two hundred accomplices he entered the inner city of the
capital through the Hueiiwoo gate, — all hiding arms on their
persons. In the city they drank and rioted, and then set out, a
certain number towards the east flowery gate, and a certain
number to the west, to push simultaneously into the palaces
when no such apparition was anticipated ; though, with the
emperor in Mongolia, it is difficult to conceive what the hopes of
the insurgents could be. They had previously secured the services
of some eunuchs of the palace; and for mutual recognition were to
cover their heads with a white napkin. One eunuch was outside
the west gate, another at the east, to act as their guides. The party
which entered the east gate was scattered by the guard. But the
eighty odd who went in by the west gate, — their eunuch guide

470 CHINA'S ABORIGINES.

pretending to have come from the Wunying gwan, of the-
Shangyi kien, "high literary inn of the eunuch-chief of the
clothing," — suddenly attacked and put to death the gate-keepers ;.
but the guard of the Loongdsoong gate ahead of them closed it
instantly, and through it the band could not pass. Two had
found their way through the east gate during the short struggle,
but they were seized and bound by a chief eunuch.

During the squabble the emperor's sons were in the Upper
School House, and hearing the noise, the second son instantly
ordered a fowling-piece, with which he shot an approaching
"rebel" dead, — the second shot killed the next. Another
fowling-piece, in the hands of a Beira, did similar execution ;
and this company, advancing by the Yangsin gate, fell back.

Those outside the Loongdsoong gate were not to be thwarted
by a closed gate, and therefore began, as soon as they could, to-
set the gate on fire. But they were too late, for every moment
now told seriously against them. As they were in the act of
firing, the princes and great ministers in charge of the capital
collected a band of soldiers, and attacking them from the Shumvoo
gate, easily scattered them. It is indeed astounding that they
should have persisted in their attempt to take the palace, when
they had not taken it by surprise. It was all over when the
fowling-piece was fired. The various conspirators hiding in the
imperial river at Wooying, and around some of the palaces, were
apprehended, and so were the eunuchs discovered to be in league
with them. It would seem that the conspirators had planned
the capture of the palace and the seizing of the capital as the
alternative, when the plan for assassinating the emperor had
been rendered impossible by discovery. The day was the same
(15th). "We imagine there must have been powerful wire-pullers
behind the scene, and the active assistance of a number of
eunuchs would seem to infer as much; and if not, one cannot but
feel an admiring astonishment at this mad escapade of two
hundred men attempting to seize palaces guarded by thousands
of soldiers, and to take a capital garrisoned by myriads.

On the next day the emperor's sons, the princes and great

CLOUDS OF DUST. 471

ministers, sent off a "flying" express to his majesty, to inform
him of what had occurred. When he was approaching the capital,
a thick cloud was seen to rest over the city; and the august
company, being at a great distance from though overlooking the
city, uneasy rumour concluded that the rebels had collected from
all quarters, and were besieging the capital. They dared not
therefore advance. But they ascertained next day that the cloud
was one of dust and sand raised by a great wind. On learning
that all was quiet, the emperor issued a severe reprimand to the
officials with whom he had entrusted the safety of the capital,
saying that so dire and strange a misfortune as this had not
occurred since or in the Han dynasty ; — which was true, as such
an event is unparalleled in China. He invested his second son
with the title of "Knowledge-Family-Wang," and the Beira
with that of " Inner-Prince-Wang ; " and at once appointed high
officials to take command of armies and hunt down the rebels.
Two days after he entered the capital, and the people were only
then re-assured. The traitor-eunuchs were broken to death.

Though the viceroy and governors had received early orders,
they did not move ; and only the continued quarrelling of the
salt superintendent of Shantung drove the governor to action
after ten days' fight. All those dilatory officials were superseded.

Chihli was soon cleared, and the Manchu troops hasted to
Kuhien, where the rebels were numerous, strongly fortified,
supplied with a year's provisions, and under strictest discipline.
They were besieged for some time on three sides of the city,
when the leader of a band of roving robbers went in by the open
north side and persuaded Wunchung to move off. As his leg was
broken, he could not ride, but was compelled to go in a carriage.
The retreat was discovered and chase given. Many rebels were
slain or taken. Wunchung was hard pressed, and fearing to fall
into the hands of his pursuers he burnt himself to death. His
body however was recovered. A mine was successfully sprung
at the south-west angle of the wall, and over two hundred feet of
wall thrown down; the stones and bricks filled the air, and
hundreds of the rebels were killed by the terrific shock. The

472 CHINA'S ABORIGINES.

»

Manchu army, — which was a mile clear off the wall, retained for
the assault, — galloped up as soon as they heard the report, and
rushed in at the wide gap " like ants." The mine was sprung in
the early morning, and a hot fight was kept up till thick darkness
fell. At night, three thousand rebels cut through the investing
lines and escaped, but no fewer than twenty thousand perished.
As many more of the aged, children, and women, were kept alive.
With the fall of the city the rebellion was ended, and commander
Na Yen had the honour of receiving the titles of Grand Baron
and Grand Guardian. The fugitives who had fled were gradually
recalled, and five months after its origin there was no living trace
-of that rebellion.

The history of the Taiping rebellion, — the most serious after
Sangwei's with which the Manchus have had to contend, — has
been so often written, that even were there greater novelties con-
nected with it than there are, we must have passed it over. It
is, perhaps, even more unnecessary to recite the wars of England
and France against China, — the former directly or indirectly
springing out of the opium question, the latter out of the religious
one. It is sufficient to say that the Taiping, the British and the
French wars, have given to China the first great push, and jerked
her out of her conservative groove of ages. Dearly though she
has had to pay for, and whatever may be thought of the
causes of those wars, they have done her far more good than if
she had been victorious. The west is however still a mystery to
the east, and the east is yet far from being properly known in
the west.

As this work treats of " China," we feel it would be incomplete
without a notice of the political relationships existing between
China and the remnants of those aborigines who at one time
occupied every inch of what is now Chinese soil. Equally
interesting are China's relations with the Asiatic states bordering
her north, her south, south-west and west up to the confines of
Russia, but these we must omit. We confine ourselves now to
the historical connection of the Manchu government with the
Man, Miao, &c., who still inhabit certain portions of Chinese

CHINESE BARBAKIANS. 473

provinces. We are entirely indebted to the " Holy Wars " for
the particulars given below.

The south-western "barbarians" are called Miao and Man.
They have no " prince," yet there are well defined distinctions
between them; the Miao having clans with chiefs, and are
living in fixed localities. The Man are all independent or
" unripe savages," whether the Jwang * or Li of the Kwangs,
the Yao of Kweichow and the two Hoo provinces, or the Po of
Szchuen. The Gwo of Yunnan are savages. Not one of these
has a chief; and they are all mutually independent.-)-

During the Han period, the southern barbarian had chiefs a
•dozen, of whom Yelang was the greatest ; the western barbarians
had also a dozen chiefs, of whom Mimo was the principal in
Yunnan ; and the north of Yunnan was under other twelve, of
whom the foremost was Chiwngdoo. J They were first brought
into subjection to the Chinese under the Chow and Han
dynasties (twelfth century B.C. to third century A.D.). Since the
Tang dynasty (seventh century A.D.), magistrates of their own
people have been nominated by China, both prefect, sub-prefect,
and district magistrates. During all that time the Man tribes
held the Miaos in subjection. The Yuen dynasty appointed the
ranks of Huemvei, Huenfoo, Jaotao, and Anfoo chiefs, and
called those magistrates, — nominated from among the people
themselves, — Toosu, or " local official."

The Ming dynasty had to camp several hundred thousand men
to preserve order in the neighbourhood of Fanchow, Lanchow,
Shwisi, and Lichiien; and the aborigines were defeated after
much fighting. Then were appointed Toosu or local magistrates
of the barbarians themselves, to be accountable to the Chinese

* According to Dr. Williams, the Jwang live in huts and clothe in feathers and
leaves. The same authority locates some of the Yao in the north-west of Kwangtung,
and some Po in the south-west of Kweichow.

f The Chinese state, not without reason, that the Burmese and Annamese are of
the same race as the Man and Miao.

£ The Han dynasty, after years of warfare, drove the aborigines out of the mid-
land plains of China, and compelled them to go to the mountains, as the Anglo-
-Saxons drove before them the ancient British.

474 CHINA'S ABORIGINES.

government for the preservation of order. Woo Sangwei and
Gung Jimao were ordered to continue the system established by
the Ming dynasty.

In 1664 the resources of Yunnan and Kweichow were directed
against Ankwun, the leader of a serious revolt in the jurisdiction
of Shwisi. He was defeated, and his lands converted into the-
four prefectures of Kiensi, Pingyuen, Tating, and Weining. In
this attack, Sangwei himself marched by Chihinggwan, and sent
his marshal from Kweichow by Liwkueiho of Tafang, leaving his.
stores at Sanchaho, thus attacking in front and rear. When the
Ming princes were fighting for the preservation of their imperial
family, they counted a good deal on the aid of Toosu ; but after
these attempts were finally smothered, all the Toosu remained,
quiet.

There was an attempt made by the Ming dynasty to remove-
the aborigines to some other locality where they could be more
accessible and therefore less troublesome, but so serious a revolt -
ensued under one Loong, that the attempt was laid aside though
the aborigines were defeated. The Ming army did not march
directly into Yunnan, but first made sure of the aborigines under
Szchuen. The dynasty then changed Woomung, Woosa, Doong-
chuen, and Mangboo tribes, from the jurisdiction of Yunnan to-
that of Szchuen. Woomung and Doongchiien were in the neigh-
bourhood of Yunnan ; Woosa, Junhiwng (or Mangboo), and
Fanchow, in that of Kweichow. The Toosu were therefore opposed
to the change of jurisdiction, as Szchuen was so far away. Mangboo'
was converted into the prefecture of Chinhiwng or Junhiwng.
Wanli of the Ming changed Fanchow into the prefectures of
Tsunyi and Pingyue, — one under Kweichow, the other under
Szchuen. The other Toosu were over 2000 li from the capital
of Szchuen, and only a few hundred from Yunnan or Kweichow.
The nominal jurisdiction was again changed to these two provinces,,
but the real power was still in Szchuen, to which the Toosu had
formerly been compelled to subject themselves. The native Man
do not cultivate the ground, but steal and kill animals for food.
The border Chinese agriculturists are plundered generation after

BORDER TROUBLES. 475

generation, and the cabinet ministers have been unable to resolve
on any action in reply to the never-ending prayers for help. One
can readily picture the situation ; for just at the time when the
wild Man tribes issued on predatory excursions from their wild
mountains, the central portions of Scotland were subjected to the
similar raids of the equally wild Highlanders.

At length in 1724, in answer to the repeated prayers of the
people, the emperor Yungching sent Artai as governor to
Yunnan, with the powers of viceroy, to thoroughly investigate
the circumstances. He reported that the Miao and Man were the
cause of most serious troubles in Yunnan and Kweichow, to deal
effectually with which it was necessary to move the aborigines
elsewhere, because their frontiers were far too extensive, so that
it was impossible to keep proper watch over them ; and their
disposition was comparable only to dogs* eating up their
neighbours. He confessed that the effort to remedy the evils
would be a formidable one ; but without it no lasting peace
could possibly be secured. He described Doongchuen as 400 li
from Yunnan, and separated therefrom by a formidable mountain
pass ; but distant 1800 li from Chungtu. It was attacked and
plundered by Woomung during the previous winter; and the
Yunnan army had beaten off Woomung before the Szchuen
army appeared on the field. Yet Doongchuen, Woomung, and
Chinhiwng, were under the jurisdiction of Szchuen, and not of
Yunnan ; Woomung was only 200 li further from Yunnan than
Doongchiien. He also stated that, from 1714, the Toosu of
Woomung oppressed his people; for while the legal tax demanded
from his tribe was only three hundred taels, he compelled them
to pay a hundred times that sum. Four times each year his
people had to pay a small instalment, and every third year a
large tax. The small instalments were in cash, the large tax
in silver. If one of his sons got married, he permitted none of
his people to marry for three years after. If any of his people
committed a crime for which death was the penalty, the knife

* This comparison arises probably from the fact, that almost all the aborigines
have the character " dog " attached to their name, implying their savage condition.

476 CHINA'S ABORIGINES.

was sheathed on payment by his friends of a sum of silver, — a
few score taels, — but the criminal was thrown into a dark
<lungeon. The Doongchiien barbarians, though for thirty years
under close Chinese supervision, had not in the least changed
their wild habits. On their borders were four hundred li of
excellent soil, which the Chinese dared not cultivate. He
promised that if those two Toosu were subjected to Yunnan, he
would find means of establishing peace in those regions. He
stated that the establishment of three prefectures and one lieut-
general's station would suffice ; and these, with the magistrates
already under Szchuen and Kwangsi, would make about fifty
prefectures, sub-prefectures, and hiens, under Toosu, appointed
from Peking. The four prefectures he proposed to call Nanning,
Taiping, Sungun, and Tsingyuen. He said that this was the plan
adopted by the Sung dynasty when they twice defeated the
Man tribes. He added that the border troubles all sprang out of
quarrels between the Toosu and the Toomoo.* He proposed that
Kweichow and Kwangsi should have their boundary up to the
river Chiangko kiang; the region south of the river should be
placed under Siloongchow of Kwangsi ; and the north of the
river under Poongan chow of Kweichow ; while Yunnan should
make the Lantsangkiang her south-east border ; and even then
the Miao country would be very extensive. The regions beyond
the Lantsang would then be under the Toosu of Chuali, Burma,
and Laojwa; the districts on the Chinese side of the river
should be handed over to Dienyueii, Weiyuen, Yuenkiang,
Sinping, Poor, and Chashan barbarians. When those people
had their hands free from internal warfare, they sallied out into
the midst of the Chinese lands, creating great disorder ; and if
pursued they fled to the regions beyond. They never ceased
to be a border scourge since the time of the Yuen, down the
Ming dynasty, and to that time.

As the emperor had the greatest confidence in the abilities of
Artai, he permitted him to carry out the programme which he

* Apparently "elders" chosen by the people themselves ; while the Toosu were
hereditary magistrates nominated by Chinese government.

INTERNAL DIVISIONS. 477

thus proposed; and with the title of viceroy over the three
provinces concerned, gave him full liberty to solve the difficult
problem in his own way. To begin with, the emperor at once
placed the three Man regions, — Doongchuen, Woomung, and
Chinhiwng, — under the control of Yunnan.

The viceroy began without delay to carry out his plans.
Woomung and Chinhiwng were deadly enemies, and this gave
him a good opportunity. He degraded the Toomoo of Doong-
chuen, and sent an army to look after Woomung. The native
prefect (Toosu) of each of these tribes happened then to be of
tender years, and the command of the army in each case devolved
on an uncle, — the one Dingkwun, the other Loong Lienhing.
A lieut. -general was sent to Doongchuen. Dingkwun was called
upon to acknowledge himself a subject of China and obeyed.
The young prefect stated that Chinhiwng was then, three
thousand strong, attacking his people at Loodien. Lieut. -colonel
Ha Yuenshung was ordered against that band, and defeated it
several times, driving it back into Chinhiwng. Loong Lienhingwas
then summoned to submit ; and Dingkwun, with three thousand
men, was sent to compel his submission. Loong was defeated
and fled into Szchuen. A prefecture was then established in
Doongchuen, and a sub-prefecture in Chinhiwng, with a lieut-
general stationed in the former place. This was in January 1727.
And in this way was China still extending her borders.

Soon after this apparent subjugation, the Toomoo of Faga
of Doongchuen, and the Toomoo of Mijan of Woomung, harried
the border ; and it took more than a year to seize the former.
About the same time the Toomoo of Mijan fled before three
hundred men across the Siao Kinsha Kiang (Small Gold-sand
river). There, however, he was joined by the " Gwo " Man of
Shamasu and Liangshan of Kienchang in Szchuen. Former
enemies became common friends when the independence of all was
at stake ; and the pursuers were annihilated by some thousands of
the combined tribes. The lieut. -general and Yuenshung, now a
colonel, were sent by three various routes against this formidable
gathering. The troops of Kienchang and Yungning were placed

478 CHINA'S ABORIGINES.

at the disposal of Artai; and he required all, for the various Toosu
with whom he had to deal at one and the same time, from the Small
Gold river to Kienchang, Shama, Leibo,Twundoo,and Whanglang,
— spread over a line of 1000 li. The Toosu of Leibo was seized,
and all the Toosu gradually came to terms, and the army under
Yuenshung returned. The Toosu of Aloo was defeated with
several thousands of his men; and Doongchiien was wholly
occupied by the imperial army, and its taxation fixed at twenty
thousand dan of grain, and ten thousand taels worth of sulphur
yearly.

Dingkwun had by his bravery acquired for himself a great name,
and he was nominated colonel of south of the river. He had
sent his wife and children into the capital of the province ;
partly doubtless as proof of his fidelity, and partly, we may
imagine, for their safety in those troublous times. He himself
was sent to Peking, and had an audience of the emperor. His
son, Wunfoo, afterwards went back to Loodien to look after his
property. When he arrived he found the imperial soldiers
acting so riotously there, that he began to plot a rebellion. He
soon collected a number of men armed with spears and bows, but
no guns. As the imperial officer was anxious only for peace, the
rebels were able to take the city of Chinchung. They butchered
every soul therein, soldier and civilian. This was the signal for a
general revolt, and Doongchiien, Chinhiwng and Liangshan rose
to the number of several myriads.

Artai, as in duty boun&, sent off a specially swift despatch to
the emperor, petitioning to be executed as a false and unworthy
official, to have another sent to administer the three provinces, and
an army at once ordered against the rebels. The emperor however
" pitied " and left him at his post. He lost no time, after gaining
this reply, in sending an army of ten thousand men of his
own, reinforced by half as many Man soldiers, by three various
routes against the rebels.

A band of four hundred of these broke up four thousand rebels
and destroyed four forts or stockades; and three days after,
fifteen hundred defeated eight thousand, slaying two thousand

REBELS DEFEATED. 479

.and burning their camp. Yuenshung with a thousand men came
up with a camp of rebels under Dangbin, containing half of an
army of twenty thousand. With a spear in one hand and his
bow in the other, the Manchu colonel rushed for the commander
who was advancing against him, and transfixed him with the
spear, killing another officer with an arrow. The rebels began
to move slowly backwards, fighting as they retired to Chinagang
where several myriads of their friends were spread over a line of
10 li in various camps. Yuenshung waited for the rest of his
•army, which in all counted three thousand besides one thousand
Man troops. With his whole force he pierced the enemy's
•quarters at night, slaying right and left ; but he did not shake
them, and both waited the morning light. Various routes
poured out long lines of rebels with the dawn, who attacked with
fury, but were met with determination. The lazy great guns at
length burst their silence and belched out consternation upon
the enemy, and a simultaneous rush against their front and an
attack upon their rear, threw the rebels into disorder and soon
<lrove them into flight. Eighty rebel camps were destroyed and
immense spoil taken. On the same day Yuenshung pushed on
to Woohiwng. Henceforth so great was the terror inspired by
Yuenshung that the appearance of his banner drove the rebels
into retreat. His army was then under six thousand men, yet
he divided it in two; one division to go by Loodien into
Doongchiien, the other from Loongdoongshan into Chinhiwng.
The marshal and lieut. -general with twelve thousand men were
ordered against Doongchiien, but they dared not move in among
the wild mountains. The rebels occupying Loodien were
strongly entrenched in Sangwan, the " three gullies," — the only
routes into their lands. These are called, Shadowgwan,
Daiwoogwan, and Dagwan.

Artai, fearing that Yuenshung in case of any untoward accident
was too far from his base of communications, and much too far
away among the mountains, ordered off four thousand of Doochuen
men across the river to force their way through those three
gullies, while Chinhiwng men were set in motion to swell his

480 CHINA'S ABORIGINES.

army, for the three gullies were dangerous to meddle with,
Szchuen men were at the same time sent against Liangshan.
Just then Dingkwun came south from Honan, and was beheaded -T
— an act which we cannot but regard as unwise and unworthy,
though the rebellion had been kindled by his sons. And
even they had the justification of wicked conduct by the
Chinese soldiers ; just as inferior races have elsewhere had the
same provocation from British and other European soldiers.

During the spring and summer ensuing (1732), numbers of
the Chinese soldiers were struck down by the heat. The
malaria which broke out among them and carried off two
hundred men, invited an attack from the Gwo tribe of
Weiyuen and Sinping; but the slaughter of over a thousand
drove them back again. The army pursued the flying
Gwo to the Lantsang Kiang, and in among the mountains of
Mungyangcha shan. This terrified the rebels, who said that
the ancient Han armies never penetrated so far. When the
army advanced, the rebels fled into Burmah; when the army
retired, the rebels returned and harried the land. The soldiers
had to cut open a road to that mountain range, each man carrying
a hatchet for the purpose. By this plan the rebel communications
were cut in two, over forty stockades were rendered useless, and
Liwcha shan was rendered innocuous. Deserters were employed
as guides, and the rebels were employed against each other.*
This decided the war. It took little time to clear all on the
Chinese side of the river ; and accounts were quickly settled with
all except Chuali Toosu beyond the river. Poor was made a
prefecture, and Tangchow established ; each city was ordered to
pay two or three thousand dan of grain per annum. The Toosu
of Mungyun beyond Yungchang presented silver mines. The
wild savages of the Nooldang brought presents of skin quivers
from their country beyond Weisi. Laogwo and Kingmai
kingdoms offered tribute, and Burmah was in terror. Yenjang,
another territory subject to China, whither ciminals are banished,

*The "Holy Wars" again and again recommend, as the best policy of China,
this setting " western barbarians " by the ears !

MIAO. 481

and south of Yunnan, had, before Artai conquered the Miao,
thirteen hundred stockades over an extent of country 3000 li
in circumference. By the Tsingldang they could sail up north
into the Hoo provinces and by the Tukiang south into Kwangsi.

Troops were employed for five or six years on the borders of
Kweichow, centered at Kuchung or Kwangshwun chow, under
the former viceroy, to put down the MlAO. Several times were
the latter defeated and their forts destroyed, but their leaders
always escaped. The governor expressed his opinion that the
same leader should not be a third time pursued, but Artai resolved
that thrice he should be pursued. He therefore sent a general
against him, who took and slew him with many of his followers.
He seized at the same time four thousand three hundred bows
and catapults, with thirty thousand poisoned arrows. The
vanquished were ordered to change their dress, " tail " their hair,
to live in houses and to cultivate the ground. Hence can be
learned their former savage condition. Under the glow of
victory, the west, south, and east of the province were attacked,
where the independent barbarians of Kwangshwun, Tingfan, and
Chunning had over six hundred and eighty stockades. Besides
which, there were the independent Miao of Chunning, Yungning,
Yungping, and Anshwun with 1398 stockades, covering a line
of over a thousand li, up to the Tsingshwi Kiang, and the
borders of Chunyuen of Kwangsi. They touched Hookwang
below the "lake," and above they penetrated Kweichow and
Kwangsi. The Miao had also their dens for hundreds of li along
the Kiwgu ho, and the great and small Tanldang up to Kuchow;
thus, in the heart of those three provinces, there were several
myriads of fighting men enemies to the Chinese government.

There were two Kuchow, an " Inner " and an " Outer." The
" Inner " looked towards Liping foo and is thence 180 li. There
lives the chief, elected by the Chinese of that place. Its lands
are about 80 li in circumference, with four or five thousand
families, and over twenty thousand people ; the Tukiang and
Yungkiang flow on the right and left of this district. Circling
round Inner Kuchow, and stretching north to south from 200 to
PI

482 CHINA'S ABORIGINES.

300 li, and the same distance from east to west, is " Outer "
Kuchow, about 1200 li in circumference, with, thousands of
families and over a hundred thousand people, — a region which
might have been divided into two or three sub-prefectures and
districts. In 1728, eight stockades were taken on the Tukiang
to open up communication with that region. Ambushes were
laid along the great and small Tankiang, and the camp of the
enemy was burnt. The defeated fled to the mountains, where
they hoped to take the Chinese army by surprise by means of
ambushes. But their communications were cut ; and want of
provisions compelled them to surrender, after they had sometime
lived drinking blood instead of water. They made a covenant
on engraved wood, and cut a stone as an oath. The army was
then free to march on Tsingshwi Kiang. The men of Kiwguho
were defeated, and presented their commander at the Chinese
camp. The army then seized a hundred boats of the Miao,
in which they crossed the lake ; and a market was opened in
which the Chinese sold salt and cottons to the natives.

When, after. the death of Sangwei, his general, Ma Bao, fled
towards the Hoo provinces, the Miao of Kuchow set upon him,
took his cannon, shot and powder, and since that time they were
reckoned the most formidable of their fellows. They had two
chief stations, — one at Lainiwtingtan above the river, and
Yoongtoong below the river. Those places were hitherto
inaccessible to the army. But when, in 1730, the way was
cleared, a number of Miao boats were seized, and a sudden rush
made when the enemy least expected it. In this first capture
of an outpost, spears, swords, and twelve thousand bows were
taken. The army then started for Lainiwtingtan fort, and the
first notice the Miao had of the attack was the noise of men and
the trampling of horses in their camp at the fifth watch, — -just
before daybreak. The cannon were taken and four hundred
prisoners. But the road to Yoongtoong was long, difficult, and
dangerous. In that region the Tankiang flows crosswise at a
distance of about 50 li from the Tukiang, and as many from the
Tsingshwi Kiang. A canal cut between these three would make

MIAO. 483

them one river, and communication would be opened by which
the large vessels of Kwangsi could sail up to the Hoo provinces.
Suling Choiu had been long but bootlessly attacked by a-
lieut.-colonel from Kwangsi with three thousand men; it
now fell by surprise in one night. The same occurred at the
Toosu prefecture of Swm/ing, before which a Kwangsi lieut.-
general had wasted a year. This series of surprises broke down
all opposition, and the border of the three provinces was restored
to order. Yiwyang was eighteen stages (from 30 to 60 li each)
from Chungching of Szchuen, under whose jurisdiction it was
placed; but scarcely 300 li from Tungyin of Kweichow, from
which its nearest Toomoo was only 100 li distant. The hill-
sides were now all burnt down and sown ; the good soil, fallow
for countless ages, produced rice which grew eight feet high,
with five or six heads, — several times more numerous than the
produce of the long cultivated lands ; while beans grew as large
as chestnuts.

Artai was rewarded for his work with the titles of Count and
Grand Secretary, and next year (1731) sent to the far west to
secure the regions of Altai and Balilnvun, which had burst into
a wide-spread and dangerous rebellion.

In 1732-3, there were no field operations against the abori-
gines; but the garrisons on the Kweichow border, which the
Miao covered for between two and three thousand li, had constant
skirmishes. In 1735 the grain crops of the Miao failed, and
there was again a general insurrection. The neighbouring
rebels took Wangkia ling of Kuchow, and collected between
Taihoong and Tsingshwi Kiang. To increase the difficulty, the
governor and Yuenshung, now made marshal, did not agree.
The rebels soon discovered the condition of affairs; and knew that
while the cities were much undermanned, no more than half the
available camp soldiers would be ordered against them. They
therefore boldly sallied out against the cities; and a military
station, with four cities, rapidly fell into their hands. They
burnt the sub-prefectures of Liangchow, Chunyuen, and Suchow,
with the prefecture of Chunyuen ; and the wide country which.

484 CHINA'S ABORIGINES.

had no defending city walls, was thrown into the greatest terror.
The garrisons of Taihoong and Tsing Kiang were again and
again snared in ambuscades, and all but annihilated. Yuenshung
could march only three hundred men to Yanglao military station;
but the rebels, hearing of the arrival of the marshal, and believing
he could approach only with a large army, dared not march against
Pingyue and Tuyun.

So serious had matters become, that in July the emperor
ordered the available troops of the six nearest provinces to
concentrate on the disturbed locality, — Yuenshung being made
commander, and the marshal of Hookwang second in command.
The concentrating armies were seen by the Miao scouts, and the
rebels began to retreat among their mountain fastnesses.
Yuenshung was not long in retaking all the captured cities, and
then attacked the Chungan Kiang rebels to clear the way for
Yunnan troops to join him. The wild Miao retired to occupy the
communications of Taihoong, Tsingkiang, and Tankiang. The
eight stockades of Chinese there demanded speedy reinforcements
to save them from this increasing peril. There were by this time
eight thousand Kwangsi men in Kuchow, and Kwangtung was
pouring in provisions day and night. The Hookwang men
rendezvoused at Chunyuen.

Yuenshung divided his army into three divisions, — one to
march to Taihoong; one from Pakung to protect Liwlo, and to push
on to Tsingkiang ; and the third by Tukiang to save the eight
stockades, the lieut. -general of which had been meantime enticed
out by the rebels and slain. But the aspect of affairs had
become so serious, that only a terrible blow could calm down the
ardour of the rebels; and that blow could not be struck. A
picked division of four thousand men was sent against Upper
Kiwgu, as many more against Lower Kiwgu, and over five
thousand against Tsingkiang, — stretching from Tankiang on the
north to Kuchow on the south, west to the eight stockades of
Tuyun and east to Tsingkiang and Taihoong, occupying several
hundred li. Heavy rains fell and roads were turned to mud.
Liwlo fell to the rebels, and Chingfu city soon after. Tankiang

MIAO. 485

was besieged half a year, and was saved from destruction only when
it was on the eve of being starved into opening its gates. The
rebels were unopposed, for the various armies continued on the~
watch in their camps, instead of pushing on and in. The rebels
became bolder, and again marched out and burnt Liang,
Chingping, and Hwangping. This adverse turn of affairs, in
spite of the resources at his disposal, compelled the viceroy to
memorialise from Hookwang, taking the blame entirely upon
himself, and asking for merited punishment. Artai also
petitioned that his countship should be annulled, — for this
outbreak told against him too, as if he had left his work
unfinished. Both petitions were carried out.

The emperor died in 1735. Several of the chief officers on
the scene of action were recalled, and Jang Gwangsu was made
Jinglo or dictator of the seven provinces. Yuenshung and the
other chief officers were to be examined and punished. The new
commander at once gave as the reason for the collapse of the
imperial attack, that though it was not too strong to begin with,
the army had been split up into several fighting divisions and
garrisoning parties; while the Miao, civilized and savage, had
combined in the common cause. The Chinese losses were
enormous. A note states that ten thousand Chinese fell in
battle and four hundred thousand died of starvation. Before the
aborigines were finally conquered, one thousand two hundred and
twenty-four stockades were destroyed, while three hundred and
eighty-eight were left standing, seventeen thousand six hundred
rebels were slain, and twenty five thousand taken prisoners ; fire
arms of various sizes to the number of forty six thousand five
hundred were taken, with a hundred and forty eight thousand
arrows, spears, and other missiles We can learn the cause of
this long, bitter, and determined stand of the Miao, from the
urgent advice of Artai recommending that they should not be
compelled to shave their heads; they thus fought for independence.
He died in 1745.

Since this conquest, there were instituted over the Miao in
Szchuen four Huemvei, or arranging and comforting officials; five

486 CHINA'S ABOKIGINES.

Huenfoo, or arranging and nourishing officials; three Sub-kuen;
with twenty-three Anfoo,or tranquillising and Nourishing officials,
or local prefects ; thirty-two Janggwansu or magistrates ; three
sub-chiefs; thirty-nine Thousand-family officials; and one hundred
and sixty- three Hundred-family officials; — all Man officials. To
Yunnan was assigned one Huenwei, that of Chuali; four
Huenfoo, those of Kiwma, Loongchuen, Kanwa, and Nantien ;
two sub-Huenfoo ; three Anfoosu; three sub- Janggwansu ;
four prefects, and four sub-prefects. Under Kweiehow were
sixty-five Janggiuansu, with twenty-one sub-ditto. Kwangsi
had under its care twenty-six sub-prefects; four district
magistrates and three Janggwansu. There are several scores
more of Toosu between Szchuen and Kokonor ; besides others
under the supervision of Dalai Lama. In Kansu there are eight
Juhwa, a rank corresponding to major, with seven assistant and
eight acting Juhwa ; besides ten Thousand-family and twenty-
three Hundred-family officials.

The Janggwansu and higher chiefs are nominated by the Board
of War ; and the prefects, sub-prefects, and district magistrates,
all aborigines, by the Board of Appointments. Hence we can infer
that the former are more closely identified with the aborigines
themselves as their chiefs for warlike purposes, and that the
latter, being wholly civil, are representatives of law and of the
Chinese authority. Each officer collects the revenue and pays it
yearly, or every third year. This consists of a fixed quantity of
whatever the locality produces, — millet, rice, oxen, horses, skins,
clothing, — all of which go to the Board of Revenue. These
aboriginal offices are hereditary. The eldest son is always heir.
He is nominated at Peking at an early age, and gets thence his
seal of office. If the heir dies before succeeding, his son and
not his brother takes his place ; but a brother succeeds if there
is no son. Failing a brother, the widow of the deceased chief
or heir, and after her, the next of kin by marriage succeeds.
But if there is no near relation by blood or marriage, the chief
is elected by the people. A seal of guardianship or regency is
given from Peking to a near relation if the heir succeeds while

MIA( >. 487

a minor. But at fourteen he may assume rule himself by
petition to Peking. An aged or frail official will have his desire
granted when he prays for retirement. An inferior official,
deserving well of the empire, is elevated in rank and raised in
pay up to the rank of Huenwei ; and he is punished by a fine,
or by degradation in rank, when he receives no salary.

The Miao of Wanshan in the south of the Hoo provinces and
stretching into Kweichow, had long regarded the local
magistrate as a high official, and the high official they considered
as a god, — which was to the well-being of all parties. To assure
complete security, the garrisons of Funghwang and Yungswi,
Soongtao, Paoching, and Chienchow, among the Miao people,
were within easy access of each other.

In 1791, some of the Miao in the neighbourhood of Yungswi,
stole some of the magistrate's cattle. Measures were taken to
punish the thieves, which however only stirred up a serious
revolt. The Chinese colonists had but recently settled there, and
the Miao occupied most of the country round about the city.
About the same time " Stone- Willow," a Miao of Tungyin foo
in Kweichow, was apprehended for agitating the people's
minds by magic. His fellows immediately rose and burnt Liang,
with the great camp of Soongtao. They were joined by the
discontented of Yungswi. The maj or-general of Yungswi went to
reconnoiter with six hundred men, and was joined by the lieut.-
general of Chunkiang, both camping at Yayiw. They were
scarcely settled for the night when several thousand Miao burst
into the camp and set it on fire ; and 100 li were covered by their
beacon fires summoning a general rising. The Miao of the
regions between Chunkiang and Chienchow hastily responded to
the summons, and the Chinese, who had no great guns, were
compelled to retreat towards Yungswi. The lieut. -general was
slain in his attempts to check the impetuous charge, and
Yungswi was instantly besieged. The aborigines around
Chunkiang and Chienchow followed the example and surrounded
those cities. The people eagerly joined the garrison of two
hundred men in Yungswi to defend the wooden-walled city.

488 CHINA'S ABORIGINES.

The lieut-colonel fled with his men, the civil sub-magistrate
was murdered, but the citizens obstinately defended their hearths.
Joo Loonga, the lieut. -general of Kweichow, was besieged in the
Chungta camp of Soongtao, and all the Miao borders were
profoundly agitated. The viceroys of Yunnan and Szchuen,
with their subordinate provinces Kweichow and Hookwang, were
ordered at once to combine their armies and inarch into the
disturbed localities. Chungta was speedily relieved and the
Kweichow Miao pacified within the month (April). The siege
of Yungswi was also raised after a desperate fight against the
three thousand picked men sent on that duty. The marshal ot
Hookwang, with two thousand men, marched from Paoching to
the north-west of Yungswi and seized the floating bridge.
Several hundred rebels fell, and Whayuen was taken. He
became the terror of the Miao who called him " Black Tiger "
and " Spotted Tiger."

The main army started from Yungswi for Whangkwa in May.
But they had the misfortune to lose a convoy of provisions from
Kweichow, the rebels having put to death the escort. Chienchow
was retaken by six thousand men, who defeated the Miao with
such slaughter that they dared not again cross that way.
Chienchow was in the east of the disturbed districts, Paoching
in the north, Chunchang on the south, and Soongtao in the west.
The Kweichow contingent had marched to Chienchow.

The Miao turned again their force against Yungswi, which
they attacked with desperation day and night for two months,
but men from Chungtu cut through the besiegers and the siege
was again raised. The Miao was then alone ; for the Man, of
whom they were much afraid, had not then joined them. The
main army had taken the stockade of Whangkwa in May; but the
Great Wootsaoho, in flood, stopped them for two months, and it
was August before they were able to cross and march to
Kuchangying. They there took a number of stockades, and
among the prisoners were three surnamed Woo, who said they
were descendants of Woo Sangwei. The others of that surname
summoned the " far and the near " to their standard, and the

MIAO. 489

summons was replied to by flocks of recruits. They had little
influence over the main current, for the Chinese army surely if
slowly pressed on, taking one stockade per month, till they, in
May 1796, took Changkishan, only 30 li from Pingloong.

The Chinese had not, as under Yuenshung, divided their army;
but while it was able enough thus to press on slowly after a
year's fighting, it had at length to confess itself unable to look
after all the troubled districts ; nor did it feel itself free to detach
so many men to its rear as would make the line of communication
absolutely safe. Hence the Miao often pounced upon the
convoys, and at length took Chienchow again. And by their
harassing attacks on the Chinese rear, the army was brought to
a stand still, as it had to send off a large force to bring up the
provisions. Indeed at length so badly had their situation
turned out, that several hundreds deserted to the Miao. The
climate too was most trying, and the heat poisoned many, while
the heavy rains brought additional trouble. Large reinforcements
therefore had to be sent. Chienchow was a second time retaken
and Pingloong was besieged in the heat of July. But this
favourable turn of matters was shortlived. Those officials
at the head of affairs issued a proclamation to the effect that the
lands of the Chinese people would be restored to them, the Miao
would have all their own lands, the old garrisons would be
removed, and the only condition of peace imposed upon the Miao
was to give up their arms. Though the proclamation was strongly
disapproved of at Peking, it could not be improved ; and after
another year vainly spent, the army was recalled, twenty
thousand of them divided among the various garrisons, with thirty-
seven thousand Miao soldiers, — their pay to continue as before.
The principal officers were upbraided, because, with the resources
of seven provinces at their disposal, they had failed to carry out
their commission ; they were then degraded. The Miao army
was afterwards scattered.

Three years after, the boldest of all the marauders, the Black
Miao under Woo Jun, made a plundering raid into the country.
Ting Yisiang was at the head of the army which went against

490 CHINA'S ABORIGINES.

them from the east. He built as he marched and fought ;
set up forts or stockades of stone wherever he could find it ; and
congregated the people in large villages, — the houses of which
he built of stone, so that they could not be burnt down by the
Miao. His plan was successful, and quiet again reigned on the
Miao border, which fringed over 700 li of the north, south and
east of Hookwang, and 200 on the south-west touching
Kweichow.

There was another revolt of Kweichow Miao in 1801 ; when
Ting Yisiang, seconded by the new viceroy of Yunnan, drove
them in upon Wanshan, and pushed in after them to if possible
finally put an end to those troubles. There, in their own fast-
nesses, the Miao fought with desperation, and he made no
progress. Leaving his main army to attack in front, he made a
detour by night with a picked band round and on to the top of
the hill under which the Miao were so stubbornly holding on.
With dawn he poured cannon shot upon them from the height,
while his army pushed with energy down below ; and, notwith-
standing their desperate valour, the Miao at length gave way, —
ending the struggle by flight, but only after their camp was set
on fire. Another Miao camp stationed below those, hearing of
the flight did not stay to fight. Of the Miao two thousand
were left in the valley. Ting was on one occasion exploring
with a small band, when he was suddenly surrounded by swarms
of Miao several deep, who let fly shot like hail ; but as he would
not move they became weary of the fight, and went away. In
one month he took sixteen forts, with three thousand muskets,
spears, &c., and restored Yungswi district to order. This was in
1806.

In all those engagements every advantage was on the side of
the Miao. They were hidden among the mountains ; their foes
were in the open country. They had no fixed abodes, and could
move about whither they would, avoiding the Chinese when too
numerous to hope for victory ; attacking them when a weak side
was exposed ; while they had every facility for laying ambushes,
of which they always took skilful advantage. They ate little,.

YAO. 491

and could fast long ; they dressed lightly, and could endure any
fatigue, — in all of which they had great advantages over the
Chinese troops. Hence Yisiang urged the employment of
trained Miao to hunt down the rebels.

In the jurisdiction of Funghwang Ting there are over eight
hundred villages built of stone; the Chinese residents in which are
mostly trained soldiers, who till their lands, and are ready to defend
them. Chienchow neighbourhood has ninety stone-built
villages, containing eight hundred fighting soldiers. There are
fully forty such villages in the neighbourhood of Paoching ; and
ten stone villages under Kuchangping Ting, round which the
Miao are very numerous. Yungswi has over one hundred such
villages. Up to the year 1808 was this process of building stone
villages carried out, till there were established over one thousand
villages with one hundred and twenty thousand mow of land
under cultivation by those military villagers and their families.
The eight thousand soldiers were joined by over a hundred
thousand "wandering" Chinese families. But the soldiers-
with their families own most of the land. There were six free
libraries and one hundred free schools established. The Miao
of Hookwang also entered these schools, and petitioned to be
permitted to compete for literary degrees. In 1811, the same
process was going on ; nor has there been any subsequent attempt
at final conquest. Yisiang was made governor of the Ting and
surrounding regions, and had suitable rewards granted him
because of his valorous defence and successful administration.

Among the mountains forming the boundary line — where
Hoonan, Kwangtung and Kwangsi meet, on the confines of the
four sub-prefectures of the first-named province, called Hung,
Yoong, Chun and Kwei, of Lienchow of Kwangtung and Chuen-
chow of Kwangsi, on the north of Wooling or the "Five
Ranges " — dwell the wild people called YAO, of savage habits,,
and destitute of any form of government. They live in the
narrow glens and among the precipitous mountain gorges of that
wide region ; and are in disposition of a savage, fierce and
lawless nature, refusing to have any intercourse with the Chinese.

492 CHINA'S ABORIGINES.

They seize by force, and the Chinese take from them by deceit.
They despise the Chinese magistrate, and often act with rough
rudeness towards him; and their Chinese neighbours, always
encroaching, have long sowed the deeds of past hatred and
future troubles, by their openly avowed desire for and attempts
to secure the extermination of the savages.

Taking advantage of the grand meetings of those Yao in their
gatherings to celebrate the worship of " heaven and earth," their
Chinese neighbours of Hoonan and Kwangtung several times
went in among the mountain hamlets, destroyed their grain, and
took away their cattle. The spoilers privately gained over the
magistrate and Yamun underlings, so that the wronged Yao had
no redress. This hardship at length, in January 1832, roused
them to fury, and Jao Jinloong stirred them up to rebellion.
He sent Jao Footsai, a man of considerable abilities, highly
esteemed by the Yao of Yoongchow, with three hundred
Kwangtung Yao to join their fellow-clansmen of Tsiwchoong of
Hoonan ; and a band of between six and seven hundred marched
against and burnt Lianghokow "Two Ports," and killed fully
twenty of the men who had plundered them. The district
magistrate of Kianghwa, with a lieut.-colonel from Yoongchow,
marched against them with seven hundred men. But the Yao
had become more numerous, and one thousand of them were
posted between Changtang and Kiachoong. To counterbalance
this increase, a lieut. -general and a sub-prefect advanced with
several hundred men ; and the lieut-colonel was therefore able
to defeat the Kiachoong rebels, taking many of their " dens,"
and slaying three hundred of their army. He advanced and
destroyed many hamlets; the Yao falling back on the hills
Wooshwiyao shan of Lanshan range, — having increased to treble
their first numbers. The army at length feared a surprise in
their post of observation, and retired; giving the rebels the
opportunity to issue out of their mountain fastnesses, and ravage
Ningyuen neighbourhood.

The movement had now assumed such proportions that
Peking heard of it, and orders were issued to the viceroy of the

YAO. 493

two Kwang to exert himself to crush it. At the same time the
army posted in Lanshan prayed for reinforcements, and the
marshal himself marched with over five hundred men for
Lanshan. To escape the bad roads caused by the heavy rains,
and to outwit the rebels, he avoided the main and commonly
used road, taking a byeroad into the mountains. His design to
take the rebels by surprise failed ; for when he was entangled
in a narrow, bad road at Changtang, he was in a moment
surrounded by the waiting and watchful Yao, and not a single
man of that force escaped to tell the tale.

Jinloong was at the head of the scattered Yao of Bapai,
combined with those of Kianghwa and Kintien; Footsai
commanded those of Changning and Kweiyang, occupying
another line of road; and Jao Wunfung was commander of those
of Sintien, Ningyuen and Lanshan on a different route, each
with between two and three thousand men, and supporting each
other.

The Kweichow marshal was ordered into Hoonan to occupy
the place of the slain. Hoope troops were put in motion south-
wards, and the Yao borders were surrounded by a force of fully
ten thousand troops. The Chinese armies had been hurriedly
collected, and were not drilled nor drilling, nor had granaries
been provided for them. Though numerous, they were therefore
useless, and soon replaced by the men guarding the Miao and
Man, who were summoned from the military settlements and stone
villages mentioned above. The neighbouring cities were also
ordered to drill their proper contingents. The sub-prefect of Kwei-
yang fought the army of Footsai, defeated, seized and beheaded
him, slaying three hundred of his men. In a second battle he
slew six hundred more. The men under Wunfung therefore
melted away to less than half their first strength. But as the
Sintien army had not come up, these marched out upon, attacked
and took that city; slaying the district magistrate. The
neighbouring officers who could have prevented that catastrophe
did not move, and were therefore punished. The officers in
command of the campaign were ordered to entice the Yao out

494

into the plains, for that there they could be easily defeated, as
they were hill people.

In April, Lo Suju, the marshal of Hoope, arrived at
Yoongchow. As the Yao mountains had many routes south-
wards into Kwangtung, he set the main army to watch those
from Sintien, to prevent the rebels escaping southwards. The
.attack was then made by the only route into their mountains on
the north or Kweiyang side; the west being watched at the
same time. The rebels, who numbered about five thousand
men with half as many women, were thus forced eastwards on
Yangchuen of Changning, whence they had an exit by the river
route, or by the land road. There they determined to make a
stand in a fort of theirs, sending the non-combatants away. Lo
got information of their position, and secretly sent messengers to
the north army to push on and join him. Then, though the
heavy guns had not arrived, he immediately besieged them,
resting neither day nor night. When one of the Yao appeared
outside or above the fort, he was shot with arrow or ball ; and
some scores of Chunchang men scaled a hill commanding the
fort, and killed first to last about a thousand of them. The
siege had not lasted a month, before the Yao " pretended " to
sue for surrender, though they only desired to gain time to be
.able to flee. But Lo would give no terms, only pressing the
siege the more closely. One of the gates was at last seized ; and
.after a desperate encounter there, the Yao cried for quarter,
which however was not granted, and fighting went on till six
thousand of them were slain. There survived only about
nine hundred men, who took up their quarters in a large house
in the street, against which, however, Lo would not direct his
guns, hoping to take alive Jinloong, whom he believed to be inside.
But a fortnight after the fight it was ascertained that Jinloong,
at the head of one thousand men, had made a desperate effort to
cut through the besiegers, and in the conflict had been shot dead.
When this was ascertained, the whole of the survivors were
made prisoners, and among them Jinloong's sons, wife and
daughter,with several scores of the men who had first risen in arms.

YAO. 495

Lo had a two-eyed peacock feather granted him, and he with
other officers had appropriate titles bestowed ; Hoope was
praised for its energy, and Kwangtung was blamed for its negli-
gence. Though Jinloong had fallen, another Jinloong had two
thousand men in Lanshan; who, however, soon disappeared
before Lo. Another body of two thousand Yao penetrated into
Kwangsi to plunder, but were repulsed.

The viceroy and marshal divided an army of six thousand
men to march by three converging roads into the Bapai region.
The Yao, terrified, sent messengers to offer submission, who
approached the viceroy on their knees. He, however, ordered
the chief to be beheaded, and most of the others were also put
to death. This gave the courage of despair to those in the
mountains, who determined to sell their lives dearly. The Yao
mountains were there 400 li in circumference, and all the roads
uneven, among narrow gullies with precipitous mountain sides
and thickly covered with slim bamboo trees. The viceroy and
his six thousand pushed forward among those difficult paths,
desirous apparently of imitating marshal Lo in his exploits.
But he was suddenly beset from all sides ; many scores of officers
and over one thousand soldiers were killed, while the rest found
safety in flight. The Chinese lay around the mountains watching
the roads, but dared not penetrate, fearing the fate of the
viceroy's army ; while the Yao, also wise and wary by experience,
would not go beyond the shelter of their narrow ravines. For a
score of days not a Yao was to be seen. A proclamation of
pardon failed to make them appear, and only foreign silver coins
and cotton clothes tempted a few to present themselves. They
would not trust themselves in numbers, however ; only three or
four came out at one time, and no more than a few hundreds
in a dozen days. War was thus impossible, no side daring to
act on the offensive ; and with the exception of three thousand
men left to receive the submission of the Yao, the rest of the
armies was sent away, and the Yao were left to themselves.

For his faithfulness in contradicting false memorials sent by
officials desiring to hide the extent of the danger and their own

496 CHINA'S ABORIGINES.

inefficiency, in bringing injustice and truth to light, and for his
diligence in bringing the Yao to submit, Jiangun had a three-
eyed peacock feather granted him, with the title of Goong
(duke) ; while viceroy Li and his marshal were banished to
Sinkiang, or Hi, or Kuldja.

The most remote source of the noble Yangtsu Kiang river
rises almost right west of its mouth at Shanghai, but at a
distance of twenty-four degrees of latitude. It, the Whang Ho,
and the Bramapootra rise in the same vicinity. That remote
stream flows from Soongpan, through " Outer " Tibet, under the
name of Tsoojin sivi, passing by Dangpa, and entering the
Yunnan border through the lands of a Toosu. This deep and
rapid river is called the Da Kinchuen, the Great Gold Stream.
Another stream rises in the neighbourhood of the waters of
Dsanna, and is called the Siao Kinchuen, the Small Gold
Stream. After their junction they were known of old as the
Yoshwi of Ningyuen. foo; and at Whilichow as the Kinsha
Kiang, the Gold-Sand River, — which is the name now given to
the united streams in the south-west of Szchuen. Another name
given to the united river at Whilichow, and often met with in
Chinese history, is the Loo Kiang.

The Da Kinchuen is deep, extremely rapid, and in the centre
a continuation of whirling eddies, across which passage is secured
only by means of hide-covered boats, drawn by hawsers. The
hills along both streams produce gold, hence the name of the
river, — Kin or Jin being gold. The Wanshan mountains are
covered with luxuriant vegetation, and the grounds cultivated
by the aborigines produce oats and buck-wheat alone. The
people live in rude, stone-built houses, and the nine Toosu or
local officials appointed by Peking, are mutually hostile.

In the end of Kanghi's reign, the Toosu Jialubaneifoo at the head
of his men followed general Yao Joongchi against the Yangdoong
tribe of Tibet, and by his bravery acquired great renown. His
grandson Solobun was created Anfoo su, — a grade higher than
Toosu. He assumed the title of Da Kinchuen, making the old
Toosu Juwang, Siao Kinchuen, to whom he wished to give his

MARTIAL DIFFICULTIES. 497

daughter Agoo in marriage ; but Juwang displayed no eagerness
in his suit. It was probably on account of Juwang's refusal to
consummate this marriage that Solobun drove him out of his
district and took possession of his seal of office. The viceroy of
Szchuen interfered, probably at the prayer of Juwang, mustered
forces, and Juwang was restored to his native place. In the
following year, the viceroy sent a major-general to make a treaty;
but instead of giving a treaty, Solobun attacked and drove him off.
The viceroy therefore prayed for permission to attack Solobun.

Jang Gwangsu, who was now viceroy of Yunnan and Kweichow,
and who had won his fame in successfully solving the Miao
difficulty, was ordered to attack the haughty Solobun. He was to
march through Szchuen, to go beyond Meiyoogwan border, and
absorb the army of Juwang who was camped there. His brother
Liang was nominated second in command. He divided his thirty
thousand men into two armies. One had to march westwards
through Szchuen to attack the stations on the west of the Great
Gold Stream, among the Gungtanga mountains, towards which
there were three various routes. The other had to march through
the south of Szchuen, to attack the forts of Luivoo wei, where
Solobun stationed, andHaryai, where his nephew commanded ; to
each of which stations there were two routes, and a detachment was
to march forwards along each of the four. The rebels occupied
several hundred li on the west of the river. As the roads were
dangerous that year, on account both of the nature of the ground
and the numbers and vigilance of the foe, he did not order a march
forward, but prayed for an additional ten thousand men.

Next year, when they did advance, they were repulsed along
all the roads. One major-general and a lieut. -colonel were
murdered by their own soldiers who deserted to the enemy ; and
we have seen that many deserters also then fell into the ranks of
the " White Lily " rebellion. Only one officer, a lieut. -general,
gained any credit in that campaign, for he took Siling. Because of
this failure, the grand secretary, Goong Nachin, together with the
veteran commander Yao Joongchi, was ordered from the capital to
the Szchuen army. The latter marched from Dangba against
G i

498 CHINA'S ABORIGINES.

Luwoo wei, and Jang from Siling for Haryai, against whose walls
the lieut.-general who took Siling and a colonel fell when fighting
on the third day after arrival there, and Jang dared not thenceforth
press the siege, but instead treated with the rebels ; — and it will be
remembered that it was his treating and not his fighting which
pacified the Miao. Both he and Nachin were ignorant of the art
of war, and a bitter quarrel between the two commanders did not
improve matters. This indeed relaxed the bonds of discipline,
and the soldiers became a rabble.

The young lady Akow was formerly intimate with Liang,
whose scheme it was to have her married to Juwang ; and we
can hence infer the reluctance of Juwang to the marriage.
Liang was as ignorant of the soldier art as his brother, but his
close intimacy with Akow had the greatest influence on the
campaign ; for he naturally learned every plan from his brother
the commander, and he as naturally informed his true love Akow
of every move and proposed move of the troops, his brother all the
while being entirely ignorant of this state of matters. Hence the
rebels were never taken by surprise and never beaten ; hence also
three summer months passed and autumn came on, but not an inch
of progress had been made. So disorganised had the Chinese
become, that when they were attacking Ladishan, three
thousand of them retreated before a dozen rebels who came
rushing down the hill slope against them. So utterly barren was
this second campaign, even after the accession of the grand
secretary and the formerly victorious commander, that despatches
arrived from Peking upbraiding Joongchi for having so sadly
deteriorated. He exonerated himself by reporting that Jang
still retained the command, and had advanced by the two routes of
Siling and Kiasu,though Haryai lay between them,while if Dangba
were attacked and taken, Luwoo wei, only about 50 li distant, could
not hold out ; — that Jang had reported the men told off against
Dangba at ten thousand, but when escorts and store garrisons
were deducted, there was an effective army of no more than seven
thousand men, while Jang refused to listen to the officers who
prayed for an addition of three thousand men ; — and lastly, that

STERN MEASURES. 499

Jang was under the influence of a traitor. As soon, as this
memorial reached Peking, Jang was summoned to the capital,
where, as his statments and replies were very unsatisfactory, the
emperor angrily ordered him to be executed. Nachin was also
recalled, and the first act of his successor Foohung was to behead
both Liang and Akow, thus cutting off the possibility of
communications with the rebels.

In February 1749, Foohung reported to the throne, that only
on arrival at the camp did he ascertain the true state of affairs ;
that by listening to the advices of a traitor, camp had been
harassing camp, and post annoying post ; and that not a single
division of the army on any one of the ten routes on which they
were scattered, could move a step ahead. The army had lost all
energy, and was incapable of fighting ; and over a thousand men
had fallen without the shadow of an object. Such indeed had the
morale of the army become, that the first thing to be done was to
dig a ditch and build a fortification round the camp, to assure
the men of a rallying point. On the mountains around were
over three thousand stone forts, taking which by siege would
occupy more than three years. The local troops were so
useless, that the only service for which they were capable, was
that of acting as guides, while all the fighting would devolve
upon the Manchu troops. Advance by the river was impossible,
for both banks were most skilfully fortified. Jang and Nachin
had each taken a fort, and then further divided their forces.
He concluded by stating that on the arrival of the new
commander, the rebels had put forth their utmost strength to
build ever so many new forts, ignorant of the plan which he was
now proposing to carry out, — that of massing the troops.

The disgust of the emperor on receipt of this memorial
was so great that he ordered Foohung to lead the troops
at once back to the capital. Foohung however did not
act on this order, expostulating that the rebels if left in
their then prosperous condition and untamed arrogance, would
certainly fall upon Chinese soil and do infinite damage ; better
far, he argued, crush them first and then retire. And without

500 CHINA'S ABOKIGINES.

waiting for further instructions, he and Yoongchi combined their
forces, though the order to retire was not countermanded. They
marched immediately, and the great shout of the whole army
outside his camp was the first intimation which Solobun had of
the fate of his daughter and spy, and the approach of the Chinese
army. He hurriedly sent messengers to Yoongchi, praying him to
accept of his submission; but he was afraid to venture himself into
the Chinese camp. To remove suspicion, Yoongchi rode into the
midst of the rebel camp attended by a few followers ; and the rebels
on seeing him, shouted for j oy and made an oath of fealty. Solobun
and his son went out next day in a skin boat, and kowtowing
before an altar, swore henceforth to be faithful subjects.
Thereupon an unconditional and universal pardon was published,
and the rebels on hearing thereof rejoiced greatly, and offered
incense in gratitude to their gods, Fo, of gold. The two com-
manders were ennobled, and the emperor caused a stone fort
similar to the "terrible Kinchuen forts," to be built on Hiangshan,
in the capital.

But though peace was by this sudden and unexpected inroad
thus happily obtained without blood-shed, there were so many
petty insurrections by Solobun's nephews, and such constant
irritation on the border, that Kienlung, in 1771, was roused
to an angry determination, that Small Gold Stream must be
punished at last. He therefore sent an army, whose general
wasted a half year on the border of the lands in question, not
daring to advance a step beyond. He was recalled to the capital,
degraded, and " permitted " to commit suicide.

The grand secretary, Wunfoo, was ordered from Yunnan to
Szchuen, and president Gweilin was sent to replace Artai, whc*
had been located there for years. Wunfoo marched westwards
by Wunchiien ; Gweilin northwards from Tatsien loo. They
were both ordered in the first instance to avoid any sign of
hostility against Great Gold Stream, whose " faults " were mean-
time to be overlooked. Their first duty was thoroughly to
chastise Small Gold Stream. In June, Gweilin sent forward
three thousand men by Moloonggow gully, giving them five

-

UNIVERSITY

INCOMPETENCY. 501

days' provisions. They had well advanced when the rebels slipped
behind them and shut them in. It was impossible for them to
retreat, and they were attacked in front. Caged in as they were -
they could only die, and Gweilin left them to their fate. Though
well aware they were thus cut off, he lay still when he
could easily cut his way through and bring them off. The result
was that only three hundred of that detachment escaped, — they
finding an exit by the river. Gweilin was at once superseded,
Agwei taking his place. The rebels were then pushed with such
vigour that they were compelled to send the non-combatants to
Great Gold Stream, they themselves making for Dimooda, the
stronghold of Juwang; who however closed his gates against them,
and they had to steal into Great Gold Stream by the gully of
Meiwogow. The commanders then ordered the army, for some
unknown reason, against Dimooda, and took Juwang.

They had still their main work before them, but had mean-
time given proofs of capacity sufficient to warrant the hope of a
complete conquest. They had to decide their plan of operations,
and fix upon their marching routes. Foohung had marched from
Meiyo of Small Gold Stream, and in five days reached Haryai.
Another route, starting from the bridge of Weichow Kiao,
making a circuit of the enemy's territory, took twenty days to
Luwoowei. In the centre, between these, was the frightful route
taken by Joongchi. There were still three more possible
routes besides that by Abo. They decided to take these latter
routes. Wunfoo marched in by Goongha ; but after advancing
some distance, found the route protected by invulnerable
defences, and he was compelled to stand still. Agwei took the
route by Dangha, and Fung Shuna that by Chosujia. They
started in the spring of 1773, — leaving a strong garrison in
Dimooda to look after Small Gold Stream. The commanders
again imitated the policy of Jang, for a large proportion of
their twenty thousand men were occupied in holding scattered
forts ; and though secret memorials to that effect were sent to
Peking, exposing the dangers thereby incurred, the emperor
gave them no credence, trusting in the ability of his generals.

502 CHINA'S ABORIGINES.

The rebels sent a few men to spy out the condition of the
main army, by surrendering themselves as deserters. As
soon as they discovered the compelled inaction of that army, they
sent a large force by a circuitous route against Dimooda,
surprised, and stormed the place, annihilating the garrison.
They also discovered that Wunfoo had neglected to secure his
rear ; he doubtless believing attack thence impossible. He had
ten thousand in camp, besides several thousands who were
standing guard over the stores. These latter were suddenly and
without note of warning attacked from all sides ; and when in
their terror they fled to the camp, Wunfoo would not open the
gates for them. This sign of indecision or of fear caused a
general terror to seize the whole camp, and the sight of the
gathering hosts around entirely unnerved them. So sudden
was this attack that the army was wholly unprepared to resist,
and Wunfoo was shot dead. The army was reduced to three
thousand men. Small Gold Stream fell again into rebel hands.
The scattered garrisons, hearing of the fate of the main army,
abandoned their posts in terror, fleeing where and as they could.
When Agwei heard of the disaster, he ascribed it to treachery
similar to that of Liang and Akow, and had the natives in the
vicinity of his camp all slain, or driven away. He also took
possession of all the hide-boats on the river.

The emperor heard of the tragedy while at Zehol. He sent
for the grand secretary Liw Toonghuen, whom he had left in
charge at Peking to consult with him as to what should be done.
His frank opinion was that the army should never have been
sent to Gold River ; but having been sent, it must be made to
succeed at all costs. The late commander had joined Agwei in
stating that one Manchu soldier cost there as much as three
local men ; but when matters had gone so badly, the emperor
ordered south two thousand of the best Manchu fire-arm troops,
and two thousand Kirin and Solon men.

In November, Agwei held the west route, Mingliang the
south, and Shuna that by which he had marched against Yijia.
Agwei now sought to join the others; and pushing in by Ak&u,

INJUSTICE IMPOLITIC. 503

he marched on, fighting day and night for five days, when he
got to Meiyo, which he retook. Mingliang seconded him by
way of Marli, and all Small Gold Stream was recovered.

It is easy, in the light of subsequent events, to question the
propriety of seizing Juwang and taking Dimooda in the beginning
of the campaign; for that proved the design of a thorough
conquest of all the region, as Juwang had been in the former
war so friendly with the Chinese. It is still less difficult to
condemn the public execution of Juwang, which at this stage
took place in the public execution grounds of the capital, on the
ground that "those barbarians, ignorant of mercy, and of an
untameable disposition, must be hunted down like wild beasts."
We hear the same argument in support of similar conduct by
people calling themselves Christians ; but though it is more
disgraceful to these, we must blame the Chinese for conduct
utterly immoral; and immoral conduct in politics will always
turn out to be impolitic, whether the transgressor be a Manchu
or a British official.

The army was therefore now again massed together, and was
to march against Great Gold Stream. On their way to Luwoowei,
the mountains of Loboivashan formed the key. Against them,
therefore, Agwei threw his strength, sending three detachments to-
converge upon the rear of the mountains by three various routes,
while three others attacked in front. The mountain on which the
main body of the rebels was firmly camped, is called Namooshct/m
But it was difficult to attack them there. Fung was ordered to
attack Yisi; while in July, a bye-path was discovered which led
to Saipungpooling Pass, commanding the rear of Namooahwn:
While the rebel army was wholly engrossed by a general attack
on their front, Hailancha was detached by the bye-path, and
was successful in occupying Saipungpooling, whereupon the
rebels were compelled to abandon Namooshan; but made for
the much more formidable Sasujialing Pass, where they
determined to make a stand, as it was very steep, — the west
side being particularly precipitous. Two stone strongly-built
forts made advance by the Chinese army impossible.

504 CHINA'S ABORIGINES.

After the most careful preparations, the army was divided
into ten detachments, to march by as many routes, and make a
simultaneous attack on all the forts ; while Hailancha, with six
hundred " dare-death " soldiers, was told off to scale that terrible
west side, and take the enemy in the rear. So unexpected was
any attack from that quarter, that they easily entered the fort,
and exterminated the small garrison. The fate of this supposed
impregnable fort threw consternation into the garrisons of all
the forts in the neighbourhood ; or, as the Chinese author says,
the news "stopped their breath." With the flood of victory
swelling the hearts of his soldiers, and fear possessing the
enemy's lines, Agwei pressed on Stvunkadsoonglei, the chief
outpost of Luwoowei. The men there were so terrified, that
they cut off the head of their chief, of his wives and concubines ;
sending them to Agwei with a prayer for pardon. He however
referred them to Peking ; and this refusal to grant them peace
again roused them to the bravery of despair. A hundred plans
he tried, but failed in them all.

Below the strongly fortified Yirbashan, and above the
equally impracticable hill of Yoongkabo, there was another hill,
Mogashan, which though strongly defended was scaleable.
The whole army was therefore massed against this central post,
and the hill was taken by storm ; the Chinese camping on it,
distant only about 20 li from Luwoowei. The men on the inacces-
sible hills above and below, when thus isolated and their commu-
nications cut, abandoned their posts. Detachments of Chinese
took possession ; the enemy retiring to another hill. But as it
was cold December, the Chinese quartered in their conquest. A
vigorous attack in spring drove the rebels back still further, they
taking up a new position on Langkasai; and the two main divisions
of the Chinese army found themselves separated only by the river.

For Mingliang had been as successful on the south route
as Agwei on the north, having taken seven forts at Yisi ;
marching from CJiangliang, and forcing the Langgoo valley
up to the west bank of the river. He proposed to cross
and join Agwei, to march the combined army at once on the

CHINESE SUCCESS. 505

stronghold of the enemy before new forts could be built. But
before he could move, heavy rains began to fall; which continued,
as is common there, falling for scores of days at a time. The
river was converted into a roaring, impassable torrent, and the
ground into a morass; for rain, snow, and deep mud are the
rule there, and fair weather the exception. It was not before
the middle of May that the first clear weather permitted the
crossing of the river. Then Agwei sent detachments to
Mingliang, under Fookangan and Hailancha, with orders to
march at once on Jiasivojin, where only old men were ascertained
to form the garrison. The troops on that side were immediately
sent forward, divided into six detachments, each clearing the
way before it, till in a short time all the natives within 20 li of
the river were exterminated or fled, and all the forts were taken.
Agwei was not idle, for he moved forward in June and took
Langkasai on the east of the river, drawing up within a few li
of Luwoowei, and there he seized the temples Kivunsailama and
Lagoolama. He rested there till August ; and well he might,
for then, when he moved to Luwoowei, he found it built of thick
walls, surrounded by very strong forts, — on a small scale, like
the forts M. Thiers had raised around Paris. Its west touched
the bank of the river, and its east rested on the base of a hill of
eight gradients, on each of which was a strong stone fort. The
south was protected by wooden barricades, with stone forts at
short intervals, for the space of a li, leading up to the main out-fort
of Jivanchingloiv tower. Towards this south the main attack
was directed. The barricades were taken, and the stone forts
fell. Next the bridge was seized to prevent escape, while
Mingliang occupied the west side of the river to prevent any
succour thence. Then at midnight of full moon of September,
several out-stations were fiercely attacked and taken, after a
fight which lasted till morning. The main out-fort Jwanchinglow
on the south was then forced, and the flying rebels were all
drowned in the river. This chief obstacle, preventing access to
the main stronghold, was now entered by the Chinese, and
Luwoowei was in their hands.

506 CHINA'S ABORIGINES.

Next month the wooden city and stone forts of Sili were
attacked, to force the way to Haryai, where Solobun's younger
brother commanded. Cannon balls were showered into Sili like
hail, the army drawing nearer and nearer raising wooden
barricades for shelter at every step. When quite near the city,
they took advantage of a wind blowing into the city, to hurl
into it quantities of burning material, attached to arrows from
their cross-bows, — and in a short time Sili wooden houses were
level with the ground. Following up this success, a fortified
hill was taken in December, whereupon there was only between
the army and Haryai, the strong hill of Margooslian, which
commanded Haryai. Many of the chiefs and women, therefore,
came out to submit ; but Solobun and the principal men were
still at large.

Mingliang had meantime been busy on the west of the river.
He had taken Yoosai, and drew up before Urtishan hill.
Finding an opportunity when the garrison was unprepared,
he stormed and took the fort. He took up a new post against
Yuyawoogooshan, but finding his own resources inadequate, he
prayed Agwei to send him reinforcements, which the latter could
not spare, as his hands were more than full before Haryai. But
when the rebels west of the river heard that Haryai was invested,
they retreated, after they had begun to attack Mingliang in
front and rear, and were hotly pursued by him and another
on different routes, till, when he got to Marbang, the
two divisions united, and all opposition gave way before
them. These divisions were therefore free to join Agwei, with
whom they united in January ; the whole army now pressing on
Haryai. They invested it all round, cutting off communication
with the river, and firing their great cannon day and night.
The commander at last sent out his elder brother to offer
his submission ; — his mother and sisters had already surrendered.
He feigned sickness as the reason why he did not go himself;
but Agwei would not receive the brother. The siege was close,
flight was impossible, and only one termination of the siege
could be expected; therefore, rather than wait the inevitable

GOLD RIVER SUBDUED. 507

storm, the commandant and Solobun came out with all their men,
numbering only two thousand, and peace was restored in Gold
River.

In the remarkably short space of eight days, the
" Dew-cloth " reached Peking to the infinite joy of the emperor,
who, in gratitude, offered sacrifice to the national lares and
imperial ancestors, giving a new title to the empress, —
beginning Lu, — in memory of Luwoowei. Agwei was created
"the Upright, the Strategist, the Warlike and Brave
Goong ; " and all the ministers had a merry meeting over
it, at which more spirits were drunk than was good for
them.

This was in February 1776 ; the conquest of that gold district,
of about 1000 li in extent, having occupied five years, at a cost
of seventy million taels ; while twenty years before, the armies
of the same emperor traversed and conquered twenty thousand
li of Djungaria, and the Mahommedan tribes of Central Asia, at
a cost of thirty million taels. Kuldja, which Russia is retaining
from the Chinese in contravention of her own distinct promises,
is part of this Djungaria.

We gain some interesting particulars regarding these brave
tribes, from a treatise 011 " War " in the " Holy Wars," which we
give in the order of that treatise.

The armies of Szchuen regarded the natives of Gold River as
the best soldiers ever seen. Their land is poor and cold, and
they fight always among the mountains. They eat Baogoo*
Buck-wheat, bitter herbs, beef and mutton. They are of an
ardent temperament, fierce and fond of gain. There were two
training camps established after the above conquest, — one at
Great, the other at Small Gold Stream, — each of five hundred
men, and each man receiving about ten taels per annum.
These are never at rest. They drill in spring and summer, and
in autumn and winter they chase the game on the mountains.
They heed not the frost and the snow, but they fear the heat of

* "Parcel-grain," which must be maize, so called from its cobs; but the usual
name is Baomi.

508 CHINA'S ABORIGINES.

the " Inner Land." * In the summer they therefore withdraw
among the shadows of the mountain forests. When those men
.are required for military service, a notice of two months must
be sent in advance of the time when they are needed.

They have all tiger-skin caps, ox-hide shoes, and on their
bosom they wear a small Tibetan image, as a charm. They sling
their musket on their back, and bestow round their loins their
sword, roasted rice, dried food, and twenty or thirty catties of
gunpowder. They climb hills of any kind with the greatest ease,
and mountain passes are to them as level ground. In marching
they must hold the van, as they are ashamed to be in the rear ;
they go to the rear only when it is necessary to cover a retreat.
With their heavy and strong musket they hit the bull's eye from
.a great distance, and rarely do they miss it. They begin their
musket practice as soon as ever the camp is pitched. By day they
use a small pebble as target, by night a lighted stick of incense.

When they hear of an enemy, they march in the van, ten men
•doing the duty of a thousand. When nearing the enemy, they
start ahead of the main camp at a distance of from 30 to 60 li,
and in bands of thirty or forty men. A hundred of them hurry
..on by night to the enemy's camp, each with his musket ; and
with the first streaks of dawn, they begin the slaughter of the
enemy, killing each his dozen of men, seizing grain, oxen, sheep,
horses, or whatever property they can lay hands on, and fleeing
with this when the enemy has prepared to fight. When fighting
in rocky hills they go by threes, and when the enemy hurls large
pieces of wood or rolls masses of stone against them, they
dexterously hide behind a rock till the missile passes, and then
rush on again. The rebels are so much afraid of this band, that
they always retire when they hear of the approach of the Gold
River contingent. The bravest are rewarded, like the Chinese
.army, with " buttons," peacock feathers, and the title of Batooroo,
or " the brave."

* This proves those regions to be of considerable elevation, as the summer there
is cool though in a latitude which in China rarely if ever sees frost or snow,
while the summer heat is very great.

INDEPENDENT SAVAGES.

In 1837, a thousand of these men were attached to the main
army, their rations costing only half of those of their Chinese
comrades. Their chiefs petitioned to be allowed to raise a
thousand men annually ; and the " Holy Wars " would have at
least three thousand of them enrolled in the main army of
China. The Chinese author adds that if they were well trained
in great numbers, while costing less than half the ordinary troops,
they would render the army invincible ; two of them eat the
food of one Chinaman, and one of them is in battle equal to ten
Chinese. He therefore strongly urges the Manchu government
to employ them as regular troops.

In addition to the aborigines known as Great and Small Gold
Stream there is another wild tribe on the north and north-west
of Yunnan. It stretches from the military station of Yuekun,
by Abien, Mdbien, and Leibo to Kienchang, where its southern
limit ends. It occupies north to south 1300 li, and east to west
from 100 to 400 li of country, among the mountains of Wanshan.
On all sides of it are precipitous mountains and primeval forests,
and the mountains shutting it out from China are extremely
difficult to cross.

This tribe grows Baogoo or maize, oats, Koochiao* turnip,
and red rice; but their chief products are oxen, sheep, and
horses. They are themselves bad tillers of the ground, and get
Chinese to do it for them. There is much waste land there,
which, with the extreme cheapness of food and firing, tempts
many Chinese thither. Those natives who live among the
valleys with these Chinese are called ripe or civilized barbarians;
the others living among the uncultivated mountains are the
unripe or savage barbarians. Their speech, clothing, and head
gear are entirely different from the Chinese, while their food
they eat mostly uncooked. A hundred roads lead out of their
lands and these have numberless branches among the glens,
opening up everywhere among the mountains.

In winter they dwell in caves, natural or artificial, in summer
among the forests. Their rooms they always make of planks of

* Said to be a spiny kind of sun-flower producing edible but bitter seeds.

J510 CHINA'S ABORIGINES.

wood. They are a black * people, and make plundering forays
into Chinese soil in bands of from a hundred to a thousand.
They seize Chinese and make them prisoners, but these can be
redeemed by a payment of salt or cotton cloth. But there are
great numbers of Chinese among them, enslaved to till their
grounds. The blacks are least numerous in the valleys, but they
are lords, their white Chinese slaves being far more numerous.
A short residence among them changes the Chinaman into
one like themselves; hence those Chinese are called, as
distinguished from their owners or landlords, white barbarians.

This tribe numbers, all told, several hundreds of thousands.
An expedition to tame them would be of great expense because
of the difficulty of the roads and the fierce bravery of the tribe.
They however have no firearms, only using wooden bows, small
.arrows, and a short, sharp sword. Their women join in the fight
with great shouts. It would require, the "Holy Wars " estimates,
ten thousand men to conquer them, — the Gold Stream contingent
being of the number. This army could advance by five different
routes, and it believes that the opening of the gold, silver, and
copper mines, common among their mountains, would cover the
expenses of such an expedition. But on account of the great cold,
it would be impossible to move men that way in winter.

This chapter on the Aborigines of China will present us with a
fair picture of the manner in which the Chinese have spread and
occupied the extensive country now known as China. The Chinese
began long ages ago, a small people, delighting in agricultural
pursuits, but surrounded by tribes of nomads stretching far away
from their side. They necessarily came in contact with those
tribes immediately surrounding them. They had grain and
diligence, which soon necessitated literature and civilisation, and
which produced wealth in clothing, in money, and in material
comforts such as nomads could never secure for themselves.
That contact in such conditions led to inevitable collisions. The
Chinese were often defeated and doubtless more often and justly

* Malays and Indians are called black by the Chinese, and we imagine these
mountain tribes cannot be nearer black than the Indian is.

CHINESE GROWTH. 511

opposed in their aggressive movements; though these have all been
by the plough, and never by the sword except under compulsion.
But their increasing civilisation created a sense of superiority ;
their habits of diligence led to a persistent perseverance which the
uncertainties of a nomadic life made impossible; and their labour
in the soil and their house dwellings attached them to localities,
which their interests and their feelings made dear to them, while
nomads found no clinging attachments to any place in particular.
Hence in the long run the Chinese were always victorious ; and
from the desire to be freed from annoyance, as much as from the
compulsion of defeat, the nomads would abandon plain after plain,
and forsake mountain after mountain, before the ever encroaching
plough of the Chinaman. The Chinese began this kind of career
long before the Anglo-Saxon : and we cannot but be particularly
struck by the wonderful similarity of the emigrating growth of
these two peoples, which have so much in common, and which
with China won to Christianity, will be more similar still in the
future. Much injustice we know was suffered by the nomads
at the hands of the pushing Chinese colonist; just as much
injustice is often inflicted by our western colonists upon the
aborigines whether in New Zealand, in Kaffir land, or in the
American States. Every new dynasty has extended the Chinese
frontier, by adding new districts, shires, or counties, to its pre-
decessor. We found Sangwei creating new prefectures and districts
in the regions west and south of Yunnan, and we find here an
extension resulting out of the hard fought Gold River wars. The
Chinese empire was never more consolidated than under the
present Manchu government. Nor do we see how the Chinese
are to be confined within their present limits, or why they should
not continue to spread till they come into contact with people
who cultivate the soil as diligently and fruitfully as themselves,
and whose intelligent industry is not much inferior to their own.
The Manchu armies have marched westwards through central
Asia, penetrating the lands of the Kirghiz oftener than once.
Northwards they have several times crossed the wild arid wastes
of Shamo to the borders of and into Siberia. Across the frightful

512 CHINA'S ABORIGINES.

passes guarding Tibet, with their everlasting snows and terrible
precipices, they have gone and twice crushed the armies of Nepaul.
Twice they penetrated Burma, and traversed Annam. From the
recital of the story of these campaigns, though minutely detailed
in histories, we refrain ; for our purpose is served when we have
described the Rise and Progress of the petty Manchu tribe of
Hotooala and the extent of its empire, and explained the various
causes at work among the Chinese which made that extraordin-
ary career of unheard of conquest a possible one. The historical
facts related imply and unfold the principles of action potential
among the Chinese better than any general statements ; and as
the Chinese are now, the good and the bad, the patriotic and the
selfish, exactly what they were then, the reader can himself
understand the mode in which the Chinese will probably act and
how they should be treated. If Russia had ever any serious
designs upon the liberties of China, she is five years too late.
China was deeply humiliated in 1860 ; she bitterly resents the
humiliation and has ever since been taking steps to occupy her
proper place among the nations. This she will assuredly do if
no internal convulsion bar her present path. Then Russian
conquests in a Chinese direction shall have ceased ; and if we
persist in our opium policy, — a policy which attracts the scorn of
all nations and the indignant resentment of national humiliation
for the Chinese, — we shall have to fight for it. Terminated that
policy must be ; much better were it destroyed by our own sense
of justice, by our own feelings of morality. The influential future
of China as a heathen nation will be a curse to the world ; only
Christianity can make it a blessing.

CHAPTER XIV.
MANCHU IMPERIAL FAMILY.

NOORHACHU had two full brothers, Shoorhachi and Yarhachi,
a step-brother by the number-two wife of his father, named
Bayala ; and one Moorhachi by a third wife. Noorhachu had
five wives, apparently all at the same time ; for the mother of
Daishan, always called the first Beira, was sent for to live in
Liaoyang, when the new palace was built there. He had besides
a number of concubines. As a piece of curiosity we give the
names of his wives and sons. His first wife's maiden name was
Hahanajaching of the family of Toongjia. She bore two sons,
Chooying the elder and Daishan afterwards Jangjing Batooroo.
His second wife was Gwundai Chafoo, who bore two sons,
Manggoortai and Duagoolei. His third was Munggoojiejie
Nala, daughter of Yangjinoo king of Yeho, who bore one son,
afterwards the "emperor" Taidsoong. His fourth was
Abahai Nala of Woola, who bore three sons, Ajiga, Dorgun,
Dodo. His fifth, Yirgunjolosu, had one son, Abatai. The
concubines had six sons, Adai, Yanggoo, Daita, Baibaboo,
Taibaboo, and Hailaimooboo.

The eldest seems to have died young, for we find him march
against Doonghai in the end of the sixteenth century, after which
his name drops out of the history. His younger brother is
always called first Beira, Amin is always second Beira,
Manggoortai third and Taidsoong the fifth in order is always the
" fourth Beira." The word Beira is the name of a bird which
soars higher than ordinary birds, like our lark ; and was given
metaphorically to the sons of Taidsoo, but apparently not before
the death of his eldest son. Taidsoong is called the eighth son
H i

514 MANCHU IMPERIAL FAMILY.

in the Doonghtualoo ; so that there may have been other sons
born who died in infancy, but the probable meaning is, that of
all those sons mentioned above, he was born the eighth. It was
beneath the dignity of Manchu history to state how many
daughters were born among these wives and concubines, and we
know there were daughters only because sons-in-law are
mentioned.

Of the sons, Amin was the first to get into disgrace. It was
when Taidsoong marched through Mongolia, down through the
passes north of Peking, and against that city. Though he failed
to take Peking, he seized a number of cities east of it, and
among them Yoongping, where on his retreat he left Amin to
garrison it and command the garrisons of all the other captured
cities. But the sight of a Chinese army of two hundred thousand
men threw him into a state of terror, in which he put to death
all the Chinese who had deserted to the Manchus, took the
valuables away out of the city, recalled all the garrisons of the
other cities, and via Tsunhwa fled in fear for Mookden. In his
eager haste he left his rear unprotected, and only a small portion
of his men got into Mookden. He was examined, judged by his
peers the Beiras and great ministers, and found guilty of
sixteen great crimes, for which they demanded against him
sentence of execution. The sentence was however commuted to
perpetual solitary confinement. His family was taken from him,
and his slaves, cattle, and property confiscated. Shwoto, second
in command and an " imperial " son-in-law, was degraded, and
his family taken from him. All the chief officers were found
guilty and punished, each in proportion to the responsibility of
his office, — a sentence the spirit of which is worthy the imitation
of all civilized nations.

After mature deliberation, it was agreed that the sons of
Taidsoo's concubines, his nephews and his younger brother, his
sister and his queen's sister, and some other relatives, should
be freed from the obligations of vassalage, i.e. they were placed
on a footing of equality with the imperial family proper as far
as compulsory state service was concerned. It was on Chinese

SACRIFICIAL CANONIZATION. 515

new year's day, 1636, that the sons of Taidsoo's step-mothers
were called Aga ; * and the descendants of the six ancestors, or
all the descendants of Hingdsoo, the great grandfather of
Noorhachu, were enrolled Gioro and ordered to wear a red
sash. This is called the imperial Clan as contradistinguished
from the imperial Family, which wears a yellow sash. They might
abuse each other, but it was made a criminal offence if they
abused their ancestors. This shows that the Manchus, and even
the imperial family thereof, had already learned the Chinese
form of direst abuse, that of vilifying each other's ancestors !

It was in this year that Noorhachu received the posthumous
title of Taidsoo or the great ancestor, and his tomb east of
Mookden the name of Fooling or the "happy tomb." The
mother of the " emperor," who had died, was also granted her
posthumous honours. At the same time all the Beiras were
nominated "Family Wang," Chin Wang, or "Prince Wang"
Kiln Wang after the example of Ming dynasty. Then, too, was
the style "Daching" "The Great Clear" dynasty chosen for
the Manchu rule, as the Chinese reigning family had chosen the
style " Darning " " The Great Bright," which probably suggested
the other, as Liao, iron, suggested Kin, gold.

It was in December 1648, at the solstitial sacrifice, that the
canonization of the ancestors of the young emperor took place.
The emperor then worshipped Taidsoo with the same homage as
that given to Heaven; and his four ancestors were also then
"invited" to the post prepared for them in the imperial
ancestral temple. But important though this event was, the
emperor did not go in this instance in person, but sent a great
minister instead, to worship heaven and earth, the ancestral
temple and the national lares. At the solstitial worship to
heaven, a paper is burnt, on which are written, among other
things, the names of all those executed during the year ; thus
informing Shangdi, the lord of the emperor, that justice has not
been neglected throughout the year.

On the paper burnt at this particular sacrifice, the following

* Agoo is the "son of the emperor" or " brother."

516 MANCHU IMPERIAL FAMILY.

was written: — "The heir and son of heaven, and the
minister * of heaven, presumes to distinctly and fully report to
Hwang Tien Shangdi, that as long as the sun continues to rise it
is of the utmost consequence that the rites proper to this day be
carefully observed ; and to report the same to our ancestors of
everlasting virtue, rivalling that of heaven, and which will
increase in splendour as the years roll on. On this eighth day
of the eleventh •[• moon of the fifth year ofShunchih — 1648 — we
sacrifice to heaven towards the south { unpeopled land.

"We pay equal honours to our ancestors Taidsoo, and his
four ancestors who founded the dynasty, who are now hereby
canonized: — The first, prince Gaodsoo Dsai, to be emperor
Jaodsoo Yuen, his queen to be empress Yuen ; the second, prince
Dsungdsoo Ching, to be emperor Hingdsoo Ju, his queen to be
empress Ju; the third, prince Dsoo Chang, to be emperor
Jingdsoo Yi, his queen to be empress Yi; the fourth, prince
Kao Foo, to be emperor Hiendsoo Hiien, his queen to be empress
Huen. And we declare it to be of the greatest importance that
sacrifice be offered to all these; and we do hereby solemnly
enact the duty of such worship, in order that others may follow
our example and worship their own ancestors with due reverence,
that we may be thus complete and display a perfect heart."

A paper of the same tenor was burnt at the ancestral temple
and at that of the national lares ; and in the plenitude of his
mercy there was proclaimed a universal amnesty to all criminals,
and a reduction of taxes to all the people. The young emperor
gave his empress-mother one grand title after another ; and with
the proclamation of the honour there was always a more or less

* All these terms are applicable only to the emperor, as the vicegerent of heaven t
ruling over all the earth by the authority and in the name of heaven.

f Chinese month is lunar, the first day being new moon, and the fifteenth full.
The new moon of our February begins the Chinese new year ; and the new moon of
December begins their eleventh or solstitial moon.

JThe temple of heaven is a magnificent building in an immense enclosed space of
ground, on the south side of the capital. The most potent, spiritual, or etherial
influence, the Yang or positive principle, resides in the bright, life-giving south ;
hence the temple is south of the city, and the emperor worships facing the south.

UNEASY AMBITION. 517

general amnesty. But we shall now examine as we can into the
domestic relations of this grandly imperial family.

Human nature is precisely the same in China as it is in places
further west. We find everywhere men grumbling and growling
over the division of a spoil, in the eager acquisition of which
they were most harmoniously united. And the family of
Noorhachu were no exception. When Taidsoong died, his
brothers nominated two of themselves guardians or regents for
his child-son, the emperor. These were Jirhalang, one of the
oldest, and Dorgun, one of the youngest of them. Dorgun seems
to have been far the abler, the more strong-willed and ambitious,
of the two; indeed he would we believe have assumed empire had
he secured a sufficiently powerful support from some of his
brothers. But as each of them had as much right as he to the
crown, jealousy, if no other motive, would suffice to prevent his
nomination. The child-nephew was created emperor, with two
uncle-regents. Jirhalang seems never to have been permitted
by his younger brother to assume any of the duties of the
regency ; and ever after the entry into Peking, Dorgun was the
only acting regent.

This ambitious conduct could not but cause ill feeling on the
part of his brothers. The first indication of division in the family
was the refusal by Dodo, uncle of the emperor, to act as assistant
regent; — he was nominated to the post after his successful
campaign against the Mongols in autumn of 1647. After this
refusal, the prince Jun Chin Wang, a younger full brother of the
regent's was appointed to the post. In the beginning of the
following year, several high officials, apparently creatures of the
regent, combined to accuse prince Jirhalang of various crimes,
which on examination were found proven and deserving of
death. A sentence was passed against him of degradation from
Chin Wang to Kiin Wang, with a fine of five thousand taels.
He was soon removed from the possibility of doing harm, by
his appointment to the supreme command of the army operating
against Hookwang, in the remote south. Prince Soo Chin Wang
was also found guilty of crimes deserving death ; but his sentence

518 MANCHU IMPERIAL FAMILY.

was mitigated to perpetual imprisonment, and to the confiscation
of his wives, family, and all his possessions. One reason for his
crime may be found in the fact that, nearly two years after, the
regent took to wife one of prince Soo's concubines. But his
fancy roamed more widely still, for a few months later he married
the princess daughter of the king of Corea.

The regent's power would be all the more firmly established
after his two older brothers were thus shown to be so completely
under his control. He was emboldened therefore, at the period
of canonization mentioned above, to assume a more potential
title. Instead of "emperor-uncle-father-guardian wang," he
conferred upon himself the title of " emperor-father-guardian
wang," and it was made a stringent law that every memorial
transmitted to the emperor should be thus addressed. Without
actually vaulting into the throne, he could not be nearer it.
When he had thus isolated himself still further in his imperial
greatness, he went, soon after the news of the fall of Canton
before Kosi, beyond the border to hunt in the Mongolian wilds.
He was there a month when he took ill and died at Kulachung,
at the age of thirty-eight. His body was brought back to the
capital. On the ninth day after his death, the young emperor
met the coffin 5 li outside the Doongju gate, and knelt before it,
presenting three cups of spirits, and weeping bitterly.

Next day, all the great ministers formally reported the sad
event, and two days thereafter the emperor said : — " When the
late emperor departed hence, all the princes and great ministers
agreed to elect the late regent as emperor. He resolutely
refused the honour, and nominated us to the throne. As regent
he made peace in the far and and the near, and he has united
all the land again into one empire. His virtue is unsurpassed ;
his merit is full and complete : a thousand years will not produce
his second. On the miserable ninth day of twelfth moon of 7 of
Shwunchih at eight p.m., he ascended to be a guest above. Our
heart is full of sorrow. The imperial rites of China and of the
world shall be paid to his honour. Woohoo ! alas ! his kindness
and justice to and for us were so great, we can never repay him.

DREAMS RUDELY BROKEN. 519

His was like the kindness and glory of Heaven. No sorrow can
be greater than ours, for we are as one fallen into and forsaken
in the sea."

The emperor was then twelve years old ; but with the new
year he assumed the reins of government into his own hands, at
an earlier age than that of the Grand Monarque. Six days after
the above lamentation he styled the late regent : — " The perfect
in virtue, the restorer of government, the increaser of patrimony,
of unmixed merit, the pacificator of the people, the framer of
good laws, the perfectly honest-hearted, the upright emperor.''
He also placed a tablet in the ancestral temple in honour of the
empress-mother: — "The filial, correct, upright, reverential,
virtuous, good, single-minded, meek, assistant of heaven,
companion of the emperor." The tablets to the memory of the
regent and his chief wife were placed in the ancestral temple at
the same time. Honours were to be paid to these equal to
what were given to the emperors ; and a universal amnesty was
proclaimed. In the proclamation then issued, reference was
again made to the unselfish declinature of imperial power by the
regent, and to his able and disinterested administration of public
affairs for seven years.

But from these pleasant dreams of sorrow the boy-emperor
was roused by a bomb-shell thrown into the midst of the court.
Sooksaha and others joined in penning and handing to the
emperor a formal accusation against the late regent of treason
of the darkest kind. It appeared that he had got made an
eight-pieced* imperial yellow robe, had prepared a chain of
eastern pearls, and a rug of a black tiger f skin. He had sent
two Goosa, or chiefs of Banners, to camp at Yoongping,
preparatory to seizing the throne ; and when he went to hunt,

* The emperor's court robe has eight circular embroidered pieces, on each of which
are two golden dragons.

f In eastern Mongolia there is an animal of a very dark grey colour, called the
black tiger. Its body is three feet long and one foot high, of a uniform colour, lives
among the remoter mountains, is difficult to approach, and its fur is said to be of
little value commercially. The tiger of the text seems to be strictly reserved for
imperial use.

520 MANCHU IMPERIAL FAMILY.

he pressed the emperor to go with him, to have him in his
power. The emperor declined to go and the regent died.

These serious charges were ordered to be investigated and
were found proven. The emperor commanded the register of
the late regent to be handed over to prince Sin. The register
contains a list of all the family, slaves, and properties of
the possessor of the register; and the register was the only
title to all those subjects. A few days thereafter there was an
imperial proclamation, stating that all the princes and great
ministers had formally denied any effort on their part to
nominate the deceased regent to the throne ; his own full brother,
whom he afterwards nominated assistant regent, being the only
great official who desired the regent to succeed to Taidsoong.
They also accused the regent of ignoring the co-regent, his older
brother, of habitually taking the seat of Taidsoong in the private
apartments of the emperor, so that he might be the more
respected and feared, of murdering prince Soo and taking his
concubine, of ordering all documents to be addressed to the
"Father-guardian-regent," instead of the emperor, and of
violating all the principles of propriety in introducing his
mother's name into the imperial ancestral temple. Professing
that even the mention of such treachery deserved the death of
the speaker, the princes and ministers bowed to the ground in
asking that just judgment should be rendered. A servant of
the late regent's gave corroborating testimony to all the main
charges, and the emperor at last clearly perceived that the
regent had indeed been intriguing for the throne. He therefore
declared to Heaven and earth, the ancestral temple and national
lares, that both his mother and the regent would be driven
forth from the ancestral temple, their titles abrogated, the
sacrificial honours abolished, and the proclaimed amnesty
withdrawn. Justice was rendered prince Soo, inasmuch as his
heir was reinstated into his father's rank and .possessions, and
other similar changes were made.

Five years after, a friend of the regent's dared to send the
emperor a memorial calling in question the justice of the

TREASON. 521

sentence then passed. He declared that though all the princes
had established for themselves an excellent reputation, that of
the regent surpassed them all. The regent had continued faithful
to the oath made to Taidsoong,and had emphatically opposed those
who had desired to make him emperor. When he was in Peking,
and the young emperor in Mookden, who could have prevented
him had he desired to attain to supreme power ? He was the
first to meet and reverently to escort the emperor's carriage. His
meritorious conduct should not have been forgotten, for there
was no one to find him blameable up till the moment of his
death. Then they condemned his actions, abolished his
dignities, and in a pitiless manner broke up his family. No one
could excuse his conduct in taking the concubine of prince Soo.
But the merit of his general conduct was infinitely greater than the
heinousness of this particular crime ; and when he was judged,
it should have been as a near relation. After showing that the
•design of the regent in possessing the various illicit articles in
his house, was to present them at some time to the emperor, he
concluded by saying, that " at the present moment, if the lands
-are not drowned by floods, they languish with drought; and
what is that but the hurricane and lightning call to repentance,
for is it not the doing of the unavenged spirit ? " But the result
of this minister's interference, seconded though he was by a
powerful man, ended only in disgrace to both. For after two
months' serious deliberation, the princes and great ministers
decided that both were guilty of crimes deserving death, — which
sentence the emperor commuted to banishment to Mookden.
The emperor had previously, however, intimated his grief at
observing the tomb of the regent falling to ruins and the
walls crumbling down for want of attention. In spite of the
great crimes, he ordered the tomb and its enclosing walls,
together with the regent's dwelling house, its rooms, doors, and
walls, to be thoroughly repaired, and the posts painted black.
This occurred after the younger full brother of the regent was
•degraded several degrees, and from Chin to Kun Wang. And
then the able if ambitious regent was permitted to rest.

522 MANCHU IMPERIAL FAMILY.

In the beginning of 1651, prince Ying was found guilty of
several crimes, and condemned to perpetual imprisonment.
Two months after, he was found to possess four swords. The
fact was evidence of improper designs, and the princes decided
that as prince Ying had forfeited his life long ago and been spared
only by the clemency of the emperor, who had provided three
hundred women to wait upon him, and prepared everything he
could desire, he was proved unworthy of such mercy by the
possession of those four swords, and must in future be restricted
to four women and his needful clothing, his food being provided
by the proper Board ; while all his other people, cattle, gold and
silver should be confiscated. The restraint of his confinement
seems to have irritated to a great degree the spirit of this
Manchu prince, and he threatened to set fire to the gate and
prison, making use of other threats and similarly wild language.
The princes again deliberated in winter, and declared that he
should be no longer permitted to live. The emperor therefore
issued the necessary orders, and the prince committed suicide.

We may here notice a curious circumstance connected with
the marriage of this boy-emperor. The Chinese emperor has
always three empresses. There is a chief empress who occupies
the principal palace, and she is called the Central Palace. TJie
second empress occupies the palace to the east of the central one ;
she is usually the mother of heir-apparent, or has charge of him,
and is called the East Palace. The third occupies the palace
west of the central one and is called the West Palace, — each
being named from the palace in which she lives. The chief
empress is the first, who is chosen and married while the
emperor is still a boy, and is usually several years older than he.
After he is of full age he can choose for himself any and as many
additional wives or concubines as he thinks fit. Besides the
three palaces, there are six enclosures (Yuen), in which there are
nine Bin or wives, and eight Fei or secondary wives, to whom
are usually added hundreds of concubines. We are informed
that the GoongJcwun or chief lady of the harem has the
oversight of all these imperial concubines. When the emperor

IMPERIAL MARRIAGES. 52$

desires a new wife or concubine, all the great officials are ordered
to write down the ages of their unmarried daughters ; and they
are usually delighted to have a daughter within the harem.
From this list a large selection of young ladies is made, who
are brought into the capital. Arrived there, they are carefully
scrutinised, — beauty being an essential, but not the only essential
requisite; and the principal duty of the Goongkwun is to
ascertain that the young beauty possesses all the qualifications.
This explanation is needful in order to understand the following.

In September of 1653, the emperor consulted with the Board
of Rites regarding marriage. In ancient times, he said, the
marriage of the emperor was considered a matter of gravest
importance. The emperor should therefore choose his empress
from a great distance, so that there would be no danger of
troubles arising from her partiality for any particular persons at
court. But his own empress had been chosen by the late
regent, and chosen just because she was a near relative. The
emperor had not chosen for himself, nor had the Goongkiuun
examined. Yet he could not say that the excellencies of his
empress thus chosen, were of such a character as would entitle
her to a place in the ancestral temple. He had therefore
reverently informed the empress, his mother, that this empress
was dethroned by him from being empress to be a Fei, and that
she was removed from the palace to a side dwelling in a Yuen.

In February 1661, the emperor nominated the great ministers,.
Bai Soni, Sooksaha, Wobiloong, and Aobai, as guardians to the
heir-apparent, to be at his "left hand," and to guide him in
public affairs. A few days thereafter he died in Yangsin Dien
palace.

We have but few facts from which to infer the character of
him who was the first emperor of the Manchu dynasty. He was
elected to the throne when yet a child, and the real ruler of
China was his uncle, the regent Dorgun, who retained the
sceptre with a firm hand up to his death. The emperor was,
from the earliest dawn of intelligence, placed under the best
instruction, and while yet a little child was drinking in

524 MANCHU IMPERIAL FAMILY.

Confucianism. One or two instances will show that he had
learned the theory, if he he did not carry out the practice, of
Chinese ethics. A censor, on one occasion, drew his majesty's
•attention to the great importance of wearing the imperial robes
and head-dress when giving audience or sacrificing. He replied
that every dynasty had its own particular practices ; but that the
first duty of the emperor was to reverence Heaven, his next to
love his people; for these duties were of infinitely greater
importance than the style of his robe or the nature of his crown.
Soon after the death of the regent, when the young emperor
assumed control of affairs, he said one day that all high officials
drew imperial attention to grave matters throughout the
'empire, which matters did certainly demand the minutest
consideration; but that not one had touched upon imperial
faults, though it was impossible that the myriad daily acts of
imperial government could be perfectly free from clashing with
men's minds, or trespassing against Heaven's laws. This silence
-could not arise from his own faultlessness, but from the
backwardness of his ministers. Yet though he could not
compare himself with the great emperors and kings of the past,
who were surrounded by men who spoke out imperial faults with
perfect freedom, he was anxious to follow in their footsteps. He
therefore declared his ministers bound to speak out when they
saw anything remiss in his conduct, and to suffer no fault of his
to escape uncensured. Even if, when the advice was given or
the censure made, the emperor appeared to oppose the prayer of
the memorial, the matter should be again and again referred to,
till it received the consideration it deserved. "Thus," he
concluded, " I may be able to examine myself, repent, and, with
new strength, walk the straight path, that all the empire may
find peace. If the minister speak out with propriety in his
faithfulness, he shall be exalted, and not blamed even if he speak
in bitterness. Let all the ministers know my mind." — Wonderful
speech, entirely Confucian, from a young absolute emperor of
about fifteen years of age. We shall see presently how it was
•carried into effect.

GOOD INTENTIONS. 525-

As if to take immediate advantage of this proffered immunity,
a Manchu supervising censor of the Board of Works drew his
majesty's attention to the case of a great minister of the Board
of War, now some time in prison, waiting for examination,
because he had offended his majesty. The prisoner was in
danger of serious illness from the severely cold weather ; and the
greatness of the honour which he had formerly won for himself
made the present shame of wearing a lock on his neck beside
the public thoroughfare all the greater. He declared that the
case was not one tending to the glory of the empire, nor in
accordance with the known clemency of the emperor. The
emperor replied that when any minister, Manchu or Chinese,
was afterwards accused of covetousness or other wickedness, his.
case would be handed over to the Board of Punishment to be
examined and sentenced upon on the spot, and thus make
imprisonment previous to examination unnecessary.

The year 1653 began with a long continued drought, which
threatened further famines ; and the emperor proved his entire
subjugation to Chinese teaching by again calling upon the
ministers to declare his faults, on account of which such
sufferings were coining upon his people ; he also proclaimed a
mitigation in the punishment of all prisoners. This drought of
early summer was succeeded by floods in July. The emperor —
stating to the Privy Council that rain had fallen uninterruptedly
for months, till the whole country was one great ditch, "fuel
dear and rice like pearls," and many of the people perishing
under their own falling houses — grieved all the more for the
sufferings of the people that the blame was entirely his ; and
said that to understand his faults, he must examine his own
mind and fear the commands of Heaven. The Boards were
ordered to carefully investigate into all cases of distress, and all
officials were commanded to be faithful and just in their public
duties.

A supervising censor drew his majesty's attention to the fact
that the Chienching — " Heaven Clear " — palace was being built
anew by the emperor, and the work had been going on for

-526 MANCHU IMPERIAL FAMILY.

months. Lightning had destroyed the gate of the temple of the
god of Agriculture, and the deluge of rain had ruined the crops
and undermined houses and tenements. The censor had
•carefully investigated the Five Elements, and found that Earth
cannot rule Water, hence Water riots unrestrained, Earth is
endangered, and Wood floats. The emperor's building is a
business of Earth and Wood, and the mind of Heaven is
manifestly expressed against it. And in reply to the prayer of
the minister that the works should therefore be discontinued, the
emperor said that the reasoning was correct. But there was no
.stoppage, as another Manchu censor prayed a month after that
the palace works might be stopped ; and wished the emperor to
desist from establishing a Yamun for the eunuchs. The emperor
said that the memorial was in order, but in reply he would say
that though he was establishing a Yamun for the eunuchs, he
would be master, not they ; and as the materials for the palace
were already all collected, it was necessary the works should be
carried out according to original intentions. But so serious were
the calls for money that the former regent-uncle, with all the
Beiras and princes, agreed in supporting the prayer of the
censors ; and at last the emperor agreed to stop the works and
to distribute the money among the poor.

It is perhaps proper to explain that the Five Elements are,
in Chinese teleology, regarded as the root of all things. They
are Metal, Wood, Water, Fire, and Earth, whose ceaseless action
and re-action, by affinity and repulsion, by combination and
separation in proper and improper proportions, produce the end-
less variety of life and death, health and disease, in the animate
and inanimate world. In any given human disease, the native
doctor learnedly descants on the inadequacy or superabundance
of some element which disturbs the natural equilibrium of the
normal condition of the body, thus producing disease ; and all
medicine is administered to supplement or reduce the offending
elements. But, however ludicrous the theory may appear, practice
does not produce a large proportion of mistakes. This is not
however the place to enter on this curious subject, which we

CHINESE HEGELIANISM. 527

commend to the new lights now investigating the origin of life.
In connection with this subject it may be said that Hegelianism
is much older than Confucius in China. The notion that the
existence of all being and visible things are produced, educed or
evolved out of the unknown and invisible is the most
interesting statement in one of the oldest of Chinese classics.
" The limitless produced the great beginning, the great beginning
produced the positive and negative principles, which produce all
things." — " There is nothing new ! "

We may also state in reference to the eunuchs, that though
the young emperor was beginning to give them an independent
position again, and might, had he lived long enough, have
re-established them in somewhat of their old power, the
opposition of all the ministers, and especially of the Manchu
members, was so thorough and watchful, that every attempt at
the resuscitation of the power which had been so ruinous to
the late dynasty was emphatically put down as soon as made, and
the eunuchs ceased to struggle for the power dear to their kind.
But the labour and expenditure connected with the palace, if
stopped for a brief interval, went on as before. Kaishung, a
censor, reported, on the authority of a servant up from Tungchow,
that boats were being employed by his majesty to sail to
Yangchow, there to purchase girls for the imperial harem. But
his Board found him guilty of listening to slanderous stories and
disreputable charges against his majesty ; while he was ignorant
of the amount of furniture required for the Chienching palace.
He was transported to Shangijang poo, to ruminate over
his mistake. Even in 1657, the chief censor had again to pray
that the labour going 011 at the palace might be at least delayed,
as it was not of pressing importance. Thus did his majesty carry
out his good intentions.

But worse than this neglect of the advice of his best servants,
was his actual breach of faith : for we find, amid the warm
discussions on the palace buildings, one censor pleading for the
recall from banishment of some high officials, whose only crime
was that of giving unpalatable advice, who were left in exile

528 MANCHU IMPERIAL FAMILY.

when other ministers guilty of other crimes were recalled ; but
the emperor would only remit the matter to the princes and
great ministers, who must necessarily, in such cases, do what
would please him. In 1657, the chief censor prayed that the
cases of those ministers should be considered, who had been
banished, degraded, or reprimanded, because they had spoken of
floods, droughts, or tumults ; which prayer was again sent to the
Boards. And in 1658, when a proclamation of an amnesty
recalled many ministers sentenced because of public crimes, a
censor petitioned that the same pardon might be extended to
those officials whose fault was but one of speech. But the
emperor angrily declared that this censor was only ambitious to
secure himself credit by means of the amnesty ; so that he ought
to be himself punished. The case was handed to the Board, which
obsequiously decided that the censor should be banished ; which
sentence the emperor remitted. This put a stop to prayers for
those who had been guilty of finding fault with or deprecating
the imperial conduct. So that, making all allowance for too*
great liberty of speech on the part of the censors, we cannot
fail to see that the emperor was more wilful than dignified in
his conduct, and that his manner of fulfilling a promise is
another "trust not in princes." One lesson, however, he
learned ; — for when, thereafter, drought, flood, or earthquake was
threatening the anger of heaven, he always ordered the
ministers to be truthful and the officials to be faithful, instead
of generously undertaking the responsibility of all the guilt.
The summons to repentance was invariably issued on the
occasion of every extraordinary phenomenon of nature; not
only when those dreadful famines occurred from drought, flood,
or locusts, but even in cases where the strange or disastrous
phenomenon was very narrow in its field of action, or very
remote in its place of manifestation. In 1663, soon after the
accession of young Kanghi, a "black wind" broke suddenly
upon a village in Liaotung, blowing down over a couple of
hundred houses, and killing more than five hundred people. In
January of next year, a censor drew official attention to a comet

OMENS. 529*

which had appeared two months before, pointing north-west.
For more than fifty nights had this comet been seen, during
which period it had crossed twelve of the twenty-eight
constellations, ceasing not to give out its feeble light ; but
virtuous conduct and truthful words would convert the
threatened calamities into blessings. In recommending the
spirit of the censor, the emperor ordered a reformation in all
services, to be in accord with the will of heaven. But still the
comet did not withdraw its baneful presence, or shorten its
withering tail; for, in April, there it still was in the constellation
Gwei or Pisces — the fifteenth constellation — whither it had
moved its way from Yi or the Crater, where it was in November.
Its tail was, in March, " five feet long." In April, a universal
amnesty was proclaimed, which seems to have been .more
successful than the call to reformation ; for the comet ceased to
appear on the records thereafter. In January, Venus had
produced a white vapour " thirty feet " long ; and in April, she
appeared by day. In May, a great darkness suddenly fell upon
the village of Taipingt^uun while it was yet mid-day. A
tremendous noise like thunder was made by a stone which
descended out of the sky, breaking in two as it fell on the
ground; when it was found to weigh several hundred weight.
In June, hoarfrost destroyed every green thing in the neigh-
bourhood of Shansi capital, covering all with its deadly white
for three days continuously. Just before the amnesty was
proclaimed an earthquake, causing a rumbling noise, shook the
capital ; another, with loud noises, terrified the city of Yangkiang
in Kwangtung ; and Changte foo, in Hookwang, was similarly
visited two months after. These were all so many calls to
repentance, addressed by heaven to official China; and each
was louder than its predecessor in demanding honesty in all
offices, civil and military.

In 1652, we find his majesty seriously relating a dream to get

its interpretation from the grand secretary Fan. He had

dreamed that the bearers of flying banners, and the blowers of

horn, bowed down to heaven, and immediately came against

1 1

530 MANCHU IMPERIAL FAMILY.

them several arrows of the enemy, which the emperor caught in
his hand. Then five men appeared, acting as familiar
acquaintances, and saying that they were giving the emperor
secret aid. The courtier interpreted the seizing of the arrows to
indicate the apprehension of the rebels ; and the bowing to
heaven and the secret aid were said to be good omens. So
dreams dont go by contraries there !

The third son of Shunchih had been willed his successor.
This son is known in history as the " Emperor Holy- Ancestor,
As-Heaven-Great-Fortune, Brave, Wise, Reverential, Careful,
Forgiving, Filial, Respectful, Steadfast, Truthful, Correct,
Peaceable, Meritorious, Virtuous, the Great Perfectly Benevolent."
His mother was a daughter of a duke of the first rank, and was
fourteen years old when she became his mother in April 1654.
Her temple posthumous title is the " Empress Filial, Peaceful,
Merciful, Gentle, Honourable, Beautiful, Respectful, Loving,
Meek-so-as-to-reach-Heaven, Nourishing-the-Sacred." And the
deceased emperor was nominated the "Emperor Equal-of-Heaven,
Distinguished Fortune, Brave, Intelligent, of Supreme Literary
Powers, of Great Virtue, Peacemaker, Celebrated, Most Bene-
volent, of Unblemished Filial Reverence." These titles are
given as specimens of posthumous titles, and to show the
qualities to which the Chinese and their eastern imitators attach
most value. Many of the epithets in the longer titles are
reduplicative ; but the length of the title shows the degree of
esteem in which the deceased emperor was held by his court ;
for the title is invariably posthumous.

The emperor had felt seriously unwell only five days before
his death, when he called in two grand secretaries and the heir-
imperial to " Nourishing-the-Heart " Palace, where he was dying.
He nominated the four guardians, who, on the death of the
emperor, made an oath to heaven. A similar oath was made by
all the princes and great officials, on the fifth day after the
enthronement of the young prince, whose reign is styled Kanghi,
and a universal amnesty was proclaimed. The enthronement took
place in the beginning of the year after the late emperor's death.

CREDULITY. 531

As a matter of course there are in any imperial house in
China many events which are never made known, and there are
some things recorded as historical which never did take place.
This gives occasion to a good deal of curious speculation, and to
endless stories among the people, — much of which may be true,
much false. For the Chinese are not the apathetic people they
are generally represented ; but are full of curiosity, and too full
of credulity, — a credulity, however, which is very considerably
modified in the large body of literary men whose studies teach
them critical scepticism. Among other subjects spoken of by
the literates of China with bated breath, but intense interest, is
the succession of Kanghi to the Manchu throne. It is a subject
which may well prompt questions, and rouse curiosity. But as
an illustration of Chinese credulity, we shall relate the story of
the death of Shunchih and the accession of Kanghi, as related
by some Chinese literates.

A Mahommedan, who was at one time marshal of Goobeikow,
was an intimate friend of the emperor Shunchih. He renounced
the world and devoted himself to religion, in order to become
transformed into a Shaihai, — the Mahommedan equivalent to
the Chinese shun or god. The emperor asked him whether, if
thus transformed, he could be seen. He replied, "If your
majesty see a flower of gold, you see me." He then retired to a
monastery, where he died. In the guise of a beggar he returned
to the capital, carrying a parcel under his arm. He encountered
a censor, to whom he said he had come to pay tribute to his
majesty. " Whence ?" asked the censor. "From Wootaishan"
was the reply. Next day the censor presented the tribute ; and
the emperor, on opening the parcel, found only a flower of gold.
He considered it neither valuable nor beautiful, and regarded it
carelessly, till he suddenly recollected his lost friend. " Whence
cam 3 the tribute-bearer ? " he asked. " From Wootaishan"
" Of what country was he ? " "I did not enquire," replied the
censor. The emperor determined to go to Wootaishan, and
went, taking his ministers with him. When they were ascending
the second of the five tai or steep mountain sides, — rising one

532 * MANCHU IMPEKIAL FAMILY.

above the other, — the path became impracticable for horses.
The emperor, therefore, then got into a sedan chair, called
Pa-shan-hoo, " Scale-the-Mountain-Tiger," borne by two men.
When they reached the top, they found the chair empty, and
Shunchih was never more seen on earth !

In the north-west corner of the present city of Liaoyang, is-
the finest pagoda in Manchuria. It is in memory of the Hwai
Wang, Koong Yoodua, who was so serviceable in laying the
foundations of the present dynasty. When Taidsoong died in
Mookden, Hwai Wang was commander in Liaoyang. Taidsoong
had loved him as a brother, Chinaman though he was. When
the regent, at the request of Sangwei, was about to attack the
robber Dsuchung, he consulted with Hwai Wang as to who of
them should command the army ; and their consultation resulted
in his saying, "Whoever was commander, the other must be
regarded as an equal, and not as a mere minister." When
Shunchih was seated on the throne in Peking, Hwai Wang was
ordered into Peking; and the style of the epistle led him to
exclaim, " Is then the compact ended ? " He went to the
capital, but refused to make obeisance, demanding instead that
the former agreement be carried out. For his contumacy he
was beheaded, and all his relations slain. But his quick-witted
young wife said, " It is an old law that one stroke must not kill
two persons ; " she was saved alive, and in a short time
thereafter gave birth to a son. She was herself introduced
afterwards into the emperor's harem ; but her son, because not
the emperor's, was sent to a man of the surname of Wang, and
had that surname given him.

When the emperor Shunchih disappeared, he left no son.
The princes and ministers were in the greatest perplexity ; for
they feared they could not avert civil war, whomsoever of the
imperial Manchu house they might choose to succeed. They
therefore decided to elect the boy Wang, and did so under the
style of Kanghi. Shortly after his enthronement, Kanghi
dreamed that he saw before him a man all bloody. On the
morrow he told his mother, describing to her the man's

CURIOUS STORY. 533

appearance. She uttered not a word, but wept bitterly. He
pressed her for a reason for her conduct, and she at last replied,
"you are not a son of the Cking;" and then related the
preceding story. Kanghi became extremely angry at the recital,
and would have issued orders immediately for the extermination of
the Manchus, but that his mother forbade him even to seem to
know the story of his origin. But when Kanghi was to be
married, he would have none of the many ladies brought as
applicants for the honour. He was then asked the kind of lady
who would be acceptable, and he said, " one exactly like my
sister," — who was the daughter of Shunchih. At length Soni
replied, " let her be sent to my house, called my daughter and
then given him." And thus he revenged his father, by marrying
the daughter of Shunchih, who believed she was married to her
own brother. A Maiichu, himself a magistrate and a literary
man, informed the writer that it was the universal belief that
Kanghi married the daughter of Shunchih, his own sister, and
also corroborated the currency of the story that Kanghi was a
Chinaman and not a Manchu ; but no Manchu will of course
grant the truth of the curious tale.

According to the Annals, prince Koong fought long and well
for the Manchus in the south, and committed suicide because he
was unsuccessful in holding Kweilin against Li Dinggwo. His
only daughter was educated in the palace in Peking, called an
imperial princess, and given in marriage to Swun, who afterwards
became a noted rebel, and was slain by Sangwei. But the story
given above is as gratifying to Chinese pride, as it is illustrative
of Chinese credulity, — for they always wind up the story by
saying that the present dynasty is Manchu only in name, but
Chinese in reality. The following facts will, however, explain
the existence of so curious a tale.

Shunchih was the ninth son of his father, and born in
February-March 1639. He became emperor in 1643, his style
beginning next year, when he was five years old. Kanghi was
his third son, and was born when his father was fifteen years
old. But just half a year before this birth, the boy-emperor

534 MANCHU IMPERIAL FAMILY.

had, for some reason, degraded his empress to be concubine.
She could not, therefore, have been the mother of Kanghi. He
declared that " he had not himself chosen, nor had the keeper of
the harem examined," — & statement which seems to imply that
this degraded empress was his only wife. Yet within seven
months from that degradation, he was the happy father of his
third son. Out of these facts, it was easy to weave a curious
story. But to us it is of any value only as illustrative of Chinese
character.

According to the Annals, there were the usual wonderful
appearances at the birth of Kanghi, to manifest his coming
greatness. When somewhat grown, the favoured child had an
air of majesty ; his thoughts were lofty, his words correct, and
all his acts according to the rules of propriety and reason.
From the age of four he was fond of study, and had only to scan
the line with his eye in order accurately to remember it. His
father asked him at five years of age, on what his mind was
bent ; and he replied, that when old he would follow his father's
example. At seven he ascended the throne ; — and when his
mother enquired what his wishes were, he replied that he desired
only to see contentment rule all under heaven ; that the people
might live, be merry, and enjoy their possessions in the happiness
of peace. Whether or not the, child-emperor was so early
imbued with these fundamental principles of Confucianism, his
life was certainly spent in well-meaning endeavours to secure
the peace and comfort of his people; and Chinese history, or
any other history, does not present many rulers surpassing this
one in his efforts to rule for the benefit of his people. He was
a worthy successor to the abler founders of the Manchu dynasty.
He proved himself capable of ruling through his ministers,
instead of permitting them to rule through him. When Sangwei
roused that terrible storm against the Manchus, he was the first
in the capital to know of it, and informed his ministers, —
showing that he was eagerly active himself, instead of ordering
his proper work to be done entirely by deputy, as emperors
usually do in China. He showed that he possessed military

WORDS AND DEEDS. 535

capacity, by the strategical importance of the various points for
the occupying and strengthening of which he gave instant orders.
He crushed an insurrection which sprang up violently and
suddenly in the capital ; and when, in the ninth year of the war,
the Manchu armies were flagging, he urged them to a difficult
task by reasoning from military science. His mind, however,
though fitted for the rdle of the conqueror, delighted more in
conferring the pleasures of peace upon his people. And it was
from his earnest desire to relieve his people from some of their
heaviest burdens, that he originated those measures which
resulted in the war of the three rebels. He was also an ardent
student ; but his delight in pursuing literary studies was not of
the mere pedant or literate, nor of the dreamy philosopher ; for
on one occasion he said, in a conversation with his great
ministers, — " He is the man of true knowledge who lives a good
life, though his acquirements are so limited that he cannot
explain even the rudiments of mental philosophy ; " and at the
same time he taunted his officials with their readiness to write
or speak in praise of the virtues, while they were so slow in
practising them. He also warmly censured and punished the
highest officials, when he discovered them guilty of oppressing
the people, or of* permitting their followers to oppress them.

He was often grieved over the serious ravages of the Yellow
River. He made many attempts to discover the real nature and
cause of those ravages, and the possible means of averting them.
But after years of painful but ineffectual efforts to discover those
from his ministers, by means of special commissions and otherwise.
he at last resolved to go in person to, if possible, see the evil for
himself. His first journey southwards appears to have been in
1684. When passing through the classic ground of west
Shantung, he loitered several days about Tsinan. He went to
the top of the famous Taishan mountain, writing, in a book kept
in the temple at the top, the two characters " Cloud-Peak," as
his idea of the nature of that steep and high hill. He scaled
several other hills in the neighbourhood ; and at the tomb of
Confucius the "First Preacher," — he performed the "Three

536 MANCHU IMPERIAL FAMILY.

Kneelings and the Nine Prostrations" in honour of the sage.
This is the Chinese highest conceivable form of reverence, the sign
of the deepest veneration and adoration ; and coming from the
Manchu emperor, it must have been peculiarly gratifying to the
literary Chinese. Again in 1689, did he find it necessary to visit
the scenes of the destructive overflowing of the river. He passed
through Tsinan, having left Peking in February, and got into
Soochow and Hangchow three full weeks after. He crossed the
Tsientang Kiang, went to the tomb of the famous king Yii, at
which he sacrified in person, performing the " Three Kneelings
and the Nine Prostrations," and writing his name in the temple
book. At Nanking, as he was returning, a native of the district
presented him with a book, containing the secret of long life,
called "Tried-Gold-Nourishing-The-Body." He returned the
book to the author, saying that he did not believe in such things.
He went thence to Tientsin by boat ; so that the canal was in
good working order. He got south to Hangchow again in 1698,
on the same errand. For the same purpose he started in the
winter of 1702, and was gone several days, when news of a serious
illness of the heir-apparent brought him back. He said that
next year he would visit the work on the banks of the river, and
he fulfilled his promise by a careful inspection of both banks in
spring. He spent a night at Yangchow, and climbed Kinshan,
when crossing the Yangtsu. When returning from Hangchow,
he sent a grand secretary to sacrifice at the tomb of the founder
of the late dynasty, outside Nanking. In the winter of the same
year, he went round by Taiyuen, returning by Honan foo. In
early spring of 1705, he got as far south as Hangchow, and
examined all the Juyin and Siiutsai to ascertain their poetical
power ; he found two worthy of mention. In Soochow a similar
examination discovered fifty three respectable poets, and five in
Nanking. When here he visited the tomb of the founder of the
Ming dynasty in person, to show his respect. During his next
visit, in 1707, he acceded to the prayer of the " army and people "
of Hangchow, who besought him to remain with them a few days.
He had expressed his conviction, from what he had seen, that

IMPERIAL TRAVELLER. 537

the Yellow River, on whose account these frequent journies were
made, would not much improve till a canal united the lakes and
the Hivai river. During the preceding dynasty the Hwai ran •
with great force, and the River with a slow current ; while they
were now exactly reversed. He had also on the way, and not
for the first time, seriously to condemn the manner in which the
superintendent of the river works performed his duty; and
Ashan, who was still viceroy, had his share of the blame.

AH his journies were not so placid as these made southwards.
The early Manchu emperors spent much time in hunting. But
in 1689 the emperor had to march an army in person, and
perform the very difficult task of crossing the great desert of
Gobi. Just as the Taiping rebellion enabled Central Asia
temporarily to throw off the Manchu yoke in recent years, the
greater rebellion of Sangwei, which strained all the resources of
Peking, and long threatened to overmatch them, permitted
Hardan of Hi,* or Kuldja or east Turkestan, to begin an
independent career, which his bravery and ability soon made a
famous one. He had gone from victory to victory, engulfing one
portion after another of the Eleuths and more remote Mongols,
so that Kanghi was compelled to go against him in person.
The nature of the danger which he threatened to China, may be
inferred from the fact that when Kanghi heard of his defeat, he
was so greatly rejoiced that he gave special and grateful thanks
to heaven. He was on his way against Hardan again in 1697,
when he heard of the rebel's death, and ascribed it to the
interposition of heaven on his behalf. He ordered a history of
that northern rebellion to be written out ; though he would not
accept the special title of honour, which the prince and ministers
offered him, and which had been frequently proffered and
rejected before.

One incident showing the emperor's desire for popularity, or
to please the people, occurred in 1694, when the temple of Heaven

* This is the bone of contention between Russia and China now. As might be
expected, Russia is the guilty cause of the contention. China cannot but persist in
•demanding the Russian Court to fulfil its engagement to withdraw.

538 MANCHU IMPERIAL FAMILY.

was built. An officer of the body-guard recommended the
fonnation of two side paths on which the sentries could always
walk, and by which alone the populace should be permitted to go ;
thus leaving the central avenue always free. The emperor said
that the temple was for the benefit of the people; and of what
use was it, if they were forbidden to walk within its grounds ?
If the soldiers had the power to keep the central avenue clear of
people, they would soon drive them off the side paths.

A eunuch killed one of the people, and the Board of Punishment
was at a loss how to act in the matter. The emperor said that
no leniency should be shown to a eunuch guilty of crime. The
eunuchs of the ancient Han and Tang dynasties were of a mild
and gentle disposition, not mild and intractable as those of
modern times. Eunuchs were of a disposition different from
ordinary men; they resembled women, &c., &c. There was,
therefore, no shelter in this emperor for that imperial vermin.

If the emperor thus proved himself so much interested in the
welfare of his people, as to be ready to undergo much fatigue
and trouble for their benefit, he was not careless regarding the
comfort of the ministers who waited upon him and did his
bidding. He said on one occasion that the Ming dynasty, for
whose founder he always professed the highest esteem, kept the
officials and ministers waiting a long time outside the gate
before admitting them to audience ; but that he had always
considered it of great importance to attend punctually at the
very minute appointed. He saw, however, among the officials
several who had attained the ripe age of sixty, and some who
were considerably older. These he would exempt from necessary
attendance at so early an hour ; and promised to give them free
access at a time to them more convenient for presenting their
memorials, or for stating their case. Thus they could take care
of their aged persons, yet not be negligent in their proper
business. This solicitude will be best understood, when we
mention that the emperor always gives audience at daybreak.

Kanghi is praised as a most filial son, because, great emperor
though he was, when the aged empress-mother died after a few

FILIAL EMPEROR. 530

days' illness, in 1717, he conformed to the most formal etiquette
of deep mourning, by wearing common cotton clothing or
sackcloth. Twenty-seven years before, when she attained her
sixtieth birth-day, he had made her a number of presents,,
worthy of mention because of their significance, if not on account
of their value. First in importance was Weiping of carved
stone, or wood-work, with designs in relief, and fixed in a stand ;,
it represented "Long-life-without-limit-Heaven-granted." A
flower was given representing " Long-life-as-you-wish-with-
Peace;" a pair of flowers, meaning, " Tortoise-crane-extended
years," — the equivalent of " Long-life." He also presented
of red coral fourteen hundred and forty fun, or twelve Ibs.
weight ; one foreign clock ; * one picture, representing the
palace of the immortals of Long-life mountain ; one thousand-
years foreign mirror; one hundred-flower foreign mirror;
eastern •(• pearls ; nine strings each of coral beads : golden
amber and " Resi'sting-the-wind-precious-stone ; " nine fur robes ;
nine pieces of heavy satin, and nine of light ; nine pieces of
flannel; nine parcels of each of four varieties of fragrant incense;
nine times nine of several kinds of precious stones ; the same
number of pictures of the Sung, Yuen, and Ming dynasties, — of
bundles of incense, of large handkerchiefs and of small ones, of
(ounces of) gold and of silver, and of pieces of satin ; six horses
ready saddled ; a myriad grains of rice out of the imperial store,
to prepare the " Myriad-kingdom-rich-grain-repast " ; and fruits
and various other things followed. It will be observed that
these presents are all metaphorical as well as substantial. The
number nine is translated by Dr. Williams in his excellent
dictionary as the " highest," " perfect." The Chinese do regard
the odd numbers as superior or yang, and the even as inferior
or yin; yet ten is their ordinary expression to denote perfection;,
for as the Chinese have always used the decimal system,
their "ten parts" make a "complete" whole. We therefore

" These foreign things were all got from the Jesuits.

fThe pearls, anciently of Corea, and now of the Amoor and Songari, are
considered the largest and finest in the world.

540 MANCHU IMPERIAL FAMILY.

prefer to regard the number nine here as expressive of
imperfection or incompletion, as representing the wish that the
term of years would be ever incomplete, and extended without
limit. We have elsewhere noted that the emperor never
bestows the highest possible honours upon any of his ablest and
best servants till after death ; for, it is said, if any servant gets
the highest possible reward at any one period of his career, how
can he be rewarded for excellent service subsequent to such
honours ? The number nine here may have the same significance.
The occasion demands very handsome gifts ; but the emperor
wishes to convey the impression that his filial affection has not
yet exhausted itself, or reached its utmost limit.

On New-year's day, a few years thereafter, his ministers
presented Kanghi himself with saddled horses, satin, and a large
variety of other things. But he refused to accept any of them ;
because if he did receive these, every official of the empire, from
the highest to the lowest, would consider it his bounden duty to
follow the example. But at their earnest request, he did retain
the long-life Weiping, which was beautifully written.

The emperor knew something of proportion, and measures
both of length and capacity. Once when discussing with his
ministers a new work on arithmetic, where it was affirmed that
the diameter of a circle was to its circumference as one to three,
he affirmed that proportion to be incorrect ; for that with a
diameter of one, the circumference would measure 3.141 ; and
that this fraction made a great difference when the numbers
were large. This remark gave rise to a learned discussion on
proportion among the exalted company.

When his majesty was at Yehol in 1711, he said to his
ministers that the degree in the heavens corresponded to that
on the earth ; and that, therefore, the earth could be measured
by observation of the heavens. He also then stated that a
degree, in the Chow period, measured 250 li; but from the
lengthened foot-measure of modern times, it measured only 200
li. He did not, on another occasion, contradict an assertion by
one of his ministers, that the Ti King was the basis of all

KANGHI'S KNOWLEDGE. 541

measurement, and that western nations had a good method of
calculation called Arjoobar (Algebra?), which was, however,,
originally borrowed from the east. Yet again, a certain
president said that he could not understand how it was that in
May, at Heiloongkiang — the Amoor — the day was so long and
the night so short. The emperor was at no loss to explain it,
by the fact that the sun was then north of the equator. He
also seems to have established observatories over the country ;
for we find him comparing meteorological reports from the
various provinces. He found that on the first day of that
report, the wind was from north-west in Peking, and from south-
east in Shantung ; and he praised the accuracy of the ancients
who said that, " if you pass the corner of a li, you find a change
of wind." The ancient books were also proved correct, which
stated that thunder was not heard at 30 li distant; while
modern cannon could be heard 200 or 300 li ; for cannon fired
at Loogoivchiao were heard at Tientsin. He had also found
those statements correct made by the ancients, who affirmed
the existence in the extreme north of ice scores of feet thick ;
and that even summer could not thaw it. Another ancient
statement was found accurate which mentioned a Sishoo — West
Rat — of a myriad pounds weight ; for a body was then discovered
as large as an elephant, and with tusks, which however were
yellowish. The Russians spoke of an elephant which burrowed
underground, and died when exposed to wind ; and the emperor
declared that this was the Sishoo. The ancients again declared
that all the "mountain- veins" of China originated at Kwunlun, —
which name, scholars agreed, used to be anciently written
Kooloong, or the Dry Water Shed ; — which is certainly a good
name for the Pamir Steppe. The emperor also stated that he
had been studying geography for more than thirty years, and
was now for the first time acquainted* with the 'mountain-
veins " and the river-courses.

In the year 1707, Kanghi had already been emperor for forty-
five years. His son, who had been nominated heir-apparent,

* For this knowledge see Appendix " Yellow River."

542 MANCHU IMPERIAL FAMILY.

and on account of whom he returned back when on a southward
journey, was discovered applying himself to the use of magical
means to ascertain how soon he would become emperor.
Whether because of the frequency, or the notoriety of such
-conduct, it was made known to his father ; and as the emperor
believed it so serious as to demand publicity, the whole court
was thrown into a state of consternation and confusion in the
«nd of that year. The emperor entered a tower within the
palace grounds, called to his presence all the princes, ministers,
and civil and military officials, and then summoned the heir-
apparent. When he came, his father commanded him to kneel
-down, and then, with flowing tears, declared him unfilial, — one
who had forgotten the merit of his ancestors, and was now
driven into utter wickedness by a heart full of iniquity and
lawlessness. He then ceased speaking, but wept and sobbed
most bitterly, — forbidding the unfilial son to come near his
person. By sacrifice he made known this unfiliality to heaven,
earth, the ancestral temple, and the national lares ; after which
he sent the undutiful son from the palace of the heir-apparent
to an inferior one.

Two months after, in December, this son was proclaimed no
longer heir-apparent. For resorting to magical rites and his
lawless conduct, he was degraded from being a wang ; he was
to be confined to the palace whither he had been sent ; and the
dsolings or divisions of the three Banners, formerly called his,
were withdrawn from under his orders. The emperor also
nominated some princes and high ministers to investigate and
•deliberate upon the matter. They did meet; but the only
resolution to which they could come, was that the matter was
•one altogether too high for them. This message they sent to
the emperor by the hands of his eighth son. He would not
accept it ; but declared that as the crime was so great, and as
the heir's mother was not to begin with of the most exalted
rank, the wickedness must be clearly revealed.

There was, apparently, an attempt on the part of some of the
•chief ministers to recall the sentence against Yun Yi, the

FAMILY DIFFICULTIES. 543

•degraded heir-apparent; for in February 1709, the emperor

summoned together the imperial sons-in-law, the privy

councillors, the Manchu and Chinese great ministers, and the

presidents of all the boards, in order to discover who had

originated the movement which had resulted in a general

petition handed him by his eighth son to respite Yun Yi.

Chinese-like they declared that no one in particular originated

that matter, but that they all took spontaneous and simultaneous

action in it. But if they were cautious, so had the emperor

been ; for he had previously discovered in secret the object of his

quest. He now declared that he thought it passing strange

that they should have all pursued one path, and independently

of each other ; but he was sure there must have been a privy

councillor at the bottom of this matter ; and he suggested that

Ma Chi was probably the originator of the movement. Ma

Chi, however, made a solemn statement, that he was wholly

unaware of the matter before the ministers had taken their

simultaneous action. The emperor then called upon privy

councillor Jang Yiishoo, who mentioned that Ma Chi had said

to him that all the ministers had agreed to pray for the

restoration of Yun Yi. The privy councillor was probably

saying now in public only what he had more minutely declared

in private. The emperor said that the conduct of Ma Chi in

thus privately influencing ministers, proved a nature ready to

develop into treason, and it was proof of his eagerness to

secure the good-will of Yun Yi ; so that if Yun Yi became

emperor, he would have full power to carry out his own

will as supreme minister. Several of the princes who thus

discovered his majesty's desire, decided that Ma Chi deserved to

be beheaded. The emperor would not be so severe, but

sentenced him to a less disgraceful death. For several days

in succession, the emperor had the ministers before him, bitterly

upbraiding and severely reprimanding them for their hypocrisy.

He declared that he had now discovered their real desire to be

very different from their expressed wishes; for while wishing

him " myriad-years " of life, — a period longer than had elapsed

544 MANCHU IMPERIAL FAMILY.

since the five emperors, — their words were false as were their
hearts, which really desired his death, and for their falsehood
they all deserved to die. Two continuous months of such
imperial scolding, imply that his own mind was not quite
decided as to what should be done to his unfilial son, and show
that he was hurt by the petition in favour of his son, as
indicating a want on the part of the ministers of a sympathy
which he was eager to obtain to support him in dealing severely
with the.son, who had been discovered wishing for his father's
death.

To prevent all such plotting for the future, and to close the
question of the succession, he nominated Yun Yung heir-
apparent, and performed the usual sacrifices. The choice was
an unfortunate one ; for in October 1712, he summoned all his
sons together, and said that Yun Yung had been insane ever
since his elevation, requiring men to watch him, and that all
had now ceased to hope for his recovery. Next month the
vermilion pencil wrote that Yun Yung's condition was such that
no hope could be entertained of a change for the better, and
that it was therefore necessary that he be confined in Hienan
palace. An official was sent to make sacrifices, and to publish
this sentence. Months passed without further action, and a
censor at last petitioned the emperor to nominate his heir ; but
received the reply, that it was too serious a matter for him alone
to decide; and the ministers were called upon to consider it.
This resulted in nothing; and in 1718, Tienbao, the Kientao
member of the Hanlin Academy formally prayed that the
degraded heir be re-nominated heir-apparent, for that this
prince was of a superior character and an excellent disposition,
delighting in the society of good men ; and no man could for a
moment compare him with a madman. He was supported in
his prayer by his father. But the prayer greatly irritated the
emperor. In deference to the imperial anger, Tienbao acknow-
ledged himself guilty of crime and craved the death which he
deserved. The emperor ordered the Boards to examine the
criminal, and to judge the crime with severity. The Boards were

THE SUCCESSION. 545

apparently slow to act, and, a month after, the emperor, in reply
to an appeal from a president, sentenced Tienbao to death, and
his father to the loss of his wife and family, who were confiscated
to the emperor's use. The sentence was thus severe because
Tienbao was guilty of conduct which had reached the climax of
unfaithfulness and unfiliality. The lack of faithfulness in a
minister and the want of filial conduct in a son, are in Chinese
law the most heinous of all crimes. Some time after this event,
the emperor took credit to himself, before all the ministers, in
that he did not put his son to death, as did the emperor Woo of
Han, in similar circumstances. The latter did afterwards
bitterly repent that deed ; but as for himself, he had never done
anything which had ever caused him regret.

His large family of -sons by many mothers, could not however
continue a very affectionate one, especially while the succession
was an open question ; for each would have his own clique of
followers or flatterers who would do the idle young princes no
good. The fourteenth son was made, doubtless from such reason,
commander Help-the-far, and was sent to command the army
against the Eleuths in the remote west.

In the midst of these family troubles Kanghi's long reign was
drawing to a close. In the middle of the eleventh moon of
the sixty-first year of his nominal, or the sixty second of his
actual reign, he took suddenly and seriously unwell. He felt
that his end was near ; and therefore at midday he ordered the
presence of his fourth son, his third, seventh, eighth, ninth, tenth,
twelfth and thirteenth sons, with the president of the Foreign
Office. To these he said that his fourth son had always displayed
a character so honourable and conduct so good that he was the
best fitted to succeed to the throne. The fourth son was
therefore declared heir ; and seven hours thereafter this emperor,
the most remarkable of all the Manchus actually ruling in
Peking, breathed his last.

Except the facts given above and the long speeches found in
the Manchu annals, we have no accessible sources of information
whereby to judge of Kanghi's character. That he was a capable

K 1

546 MANCHU IMPERIAL FAMILY.

general is proved in the prompt and accurate steps he took, first
to stem and then to drive back the formidable insurrection of
Sangwei ; and his bravery was manifest in his long and weary
expeditions against the Eleuths under Hardan. His care for
the wellbeing of his people was evinced in his determination to
disband the feudal armies of the south under Sangwei and his
princes, in the frequent and considerable reduction or remission of
taxes where the harvests were bad, and in the frequent and
large grants of grain scattered over all the north of China,
Liaotung, and Corea, when these places were in actual want of
food. It was proved by the earnestness of his determination
to grapple with the Yellow river difficulty, in which, however,
he was thwarted now by a " covetous " anon by an inefficient
administrator; and as inefficiency was not rare while malversation
was much more common, each year's deliberations and efforts left
the Yellow river where they found it. He was earnest in his
desire to further real learning, and to preserve the purity of the
literary graduation examinations; and the number of beheadings
of high official examiners, the degradation and various punishments
of others, proved at once the great corruption of the court, and the
serious endeavours of the emperor to alleviate if he could not
abolish the evil. His love of literature is also shown in the
large number of separate works undertaken at his request ; as
well as in his own diligence in study from his boyhood to his old
age. He was not averse from the idea of publishing his own
learning, for the volume or two of the annals filled with his
speeches, serve rather to indicate his speech-making propensities,
than give the actual number spoken or their length; the
geographical portion of the Appendix on the Yellow river, is
from one of his speeches on the subject. We believe he was a
much better and more able ruler than James I., but in many
respects, and especially in his tendency to speechifying he was a
complete parallel.

After the southern half of China was restored to Manchu rule,
the emperor had time to discuss other matters, and we find him,
in 1683, dilating like another Solomon James, as was his delight

PROPRIETY. 547

-and his wont to do, on "Propriety" or "Reason,"* — Li, as it is
in Chinese, "What is according to Reason." He asked the
grand tutor whether the name Li was given to this branch of
philosophy in the Sung dynasty, and the grand tutor replied,
that Propriety or Reason was in the heart of every man ; that
the celebrity of the literary schools of the Sung consisted chiefly
in explaining and illustrating what had always been in every
man's bosom. The emperor said that what was in daily need,
-and what should regulate all action, was just this Li ; but that
though ministers always spoke of and appealed to Li in their
speech, their actions were not always in consonance therewith.
All day long they could discuss the philosophy of Li, but their
conduct reversed their words. " What, indeed, is the philosophy
of Li ? " continued the imperial censor, " It is even this, that
though his lips are perhaps unable to explain, the man whose
conduct is correct, has the true knowledge of Li" " Example
is better than precept," says his Chinese majesty of two centuries
ago, to large numbers of our reasoners and writers of the present
day, " who say but do not."

He was not ostentatiously fond of flattery, for up to the last
he invariably rejected the frequent offers of honorary titles. His
logical powers were not very great. Indeed though they have
had their Socrates and Plato, the Chinese Aristotle and Bacon
have yet to be born; and as a people, they have largely
•developed that insight which westerns often declare serves
women instead of logic. An incident will prove Kanghi's lack of
logical accuracy. Chihli was at a particularly critical part of
the season suffering from a drought, which, if continuous, would
produce a famine. The emperor was then at Yehol, where he
spent most of his summers, and here there was also a drought.
The emperor prayed for rain, and rain came upon Yehol. He
ordered the officials in Peking to pray for rain, but though they
obeyed, no rain came. They reported their failure, and in order

*The common phrase now, after stilted M. Arnold, is to say "Right Reason";
we were not aware there was a "Wrong Reason." The Chinese "Propriety,"
is equivalent to the " Reason " of the Stoics.

548 MANCHU IMPERIAL FAMILY.

doubtless to flatter him they contrasted the effects of his and
their own prayers. He wrote back a long message severely
censuring them ; for their want of success in reality proved that
their care was for the emoluments and honours of their own
office and not for the people, — as was proved in their neglect to
go in person to the temples to pray. He was anxiously solicitous
for the welfare of his people, and therefore went in person to
pray for rain and heaven had heard him : had they been anxious
and proved their anxiety by praying personally, heaven would
have heard them also. Now according to Chinese moral and
political philosophy mere officials count for nothing in the moral
government of China, for heaven smiles and frowns according
to the merits and deeds of the emperor alone. All the people
are his " naked " children, and by his merits they prosper, and
by his evil they suffer ; and if the people of his capital lacked
rain it was, according to Chinese teaching, the fault not of the
officials there, but of the ruler wherever he might be. But we
are not eager to quarrel with one of whom we can say, would
that all Chinese rulers resembled him. For whatever his failings
or self-conceit, it is through his wise rule that the Manchu reign
has been transmitted down to our own time, and that it has,
compared with other dynasties, so well guided this gigantic empire.
His successor was his fourth son, whose reign is styled
Yoongjung, or as some write it Yungcheng, and who was born
when his father was over twenty-four years of age. We need
not describe the supernatural appearances which declared him at
his birth the heaven-appointed ruler, — in spite of which, as we
have seen, all were to the last moment ignorant of his probable
succession. This new emperor was the unfortunate possessor of
twenty-two brothers, all of whom might be supposed to consider
him as doing them an unjustice, by ruling in their stead. But
as China is not Turkey, and as fratricide is one of the foulest
of crimes, the emperor had to find or make a modus Vivendi.
Two of his younger brothers he created Wang, but another,
already a Wang, whom he found very intractable, he found
necessary to degrade from his wang-ship.

TROUBLESOME BROTHERS. 549

The emperor sacrificed at the ancestral tombs when the
Kokonor districts were again restored to peace ; and about that
time the Board of War reported that the emperor's brother,
Yun Wo, was beyond the northern border, refused to appear
at court and was desirous to be commanded to remain at
Kalgan. The emperor ordered prince Yun Ji to consider
the matter, and his consideration resulted in the finding
that Yun Wo should be ordered to appear at court, and
then be sent on a distant embassy. He was asked to
reconsider, and his second finding was that the offending
brother should be deprived of his wang-ship, be condemned
for ever to private life, and be placed under the supervision
of the chief of the imperial clan. The emperor then declared
that Yun Wo had always displayed a perverse disposition,
was violent in his conduct, and sought to compel all others to
his will. Yun Ji had been formally asked to judge the case
because his influence was very great over the offending brother,
whose conduct had been already condemned by all the great
ministers as deserving degradation. The emperor exhorted
Yun Ji therefore himself to reform and to cause the two brothers
to reform also. One of these was Yun Tang, who permitted his
attendants the wildest license in Hochow. Another was Yun Ti,
the fourteenth son, already mentioned as a commander, and
against him various crimes were alledged. Wo went into the
capital and pretended sickness to avoid seeing his brother the
emperor, and proofs were multiplying in number and importance
showing a desire on the part of these four brothers and a growing
clique, with which the powerful and influential Jesuits * were
deeply implicated to dethrone the emperor and set up another
brother in his stead. Without reciting the long story, suffice it to
say that when their complicity in such a plot was fully discovered,
the four brothers were, one after the other, degraded from their
rank of prince, then had their family names changed to ordinary
Manchu names ; and lastly, after a long interval they were
banished to various places. Messages came gradually to say

*See "Hue's Christianity."

550 MANCHU IMPERIAL FAMILY.

that two of the four had sickened and died. The superior of the
Jesuits, we learn from M. Hue, suffered exactly the same fate.
Several years had however elapsed between the first steps caused
by the disloyal conduct of the brothers, and the last necessitated
by their discovered and increasing guilt. For the first few years
of this period the emperor brought all possible means, privately
and publicly, to bear upon the young princes to cause them to
offer an easy allegiance ; but each step widened the breach
between them and made estrangement all the more thorough.
The grudge of disappointed ambition may have originated a
feeling which gradually grew to plans of open rebellion. Yet
though this emperor is believed by Chinese literates to have had
more than sufficient grounds whereby to condemn his brothers
of rebellion, he has and will continue to have affixed to him the
name and the stigma of fratricide. If his father found it
difficult to decide the fate of the son who had been nominated
his heir, and had to make speeches many and long to convince
his officials and especially himself as to the justice of his conduct,
this successor had a still greater difficulty as to the fate of his
brothers, and extremely long and very numerous were the
speeches to the assembled princes and officials, in which he
proved a hundred times over the base ingratitude to their
father of the erring brothers, and the heinousness of their crimes
against their ancestors. These speeches, their character, their
frequency and their length, prove the sacredness of family life in
China, and the horror with which even an emperor was compelled
to regard an act of fratricide, which in the circumstances would in
many western lands have been regarded as thoroughly justifiable.
After the "sickness" which carried off the two brothers, a
thick veil is cast over the palace, the only signs of life being the
nomination of the fourth and fifth sons of Yungcheng as Chin
Wang. On the thirteenth of his reign, in September, he took
seriously unwell, sent for two of his imperial brothers, the two
grand secretaries Wortai and Jang Pingyli; and to them he
handed his testament in his own hand, making the fourth son
heir-imperial and appointing him his successor, to begin his

FOURTH EMPEROR. 551

reign under the title of Kienlung. He nominated the two
wang, with the two grand secretaries, guardians. He died
immediately, and was buried two and a half years after. He
did not see the reconquest of the central Asian provinces, which
a flood of insurrection had swept into an independent condition.
These were recovered under his son, who reigned as long as
Kanghi, and conducted imperial affairs with discretion, wisdom,
and success.

His successor was another strong ruler; but as the annals
close at the grave of Yungcheng, we do not feel at liberty to pry
particularly into the imperial chambers. Suffice it to say that
since Kienlung's departure, the throne has been always in
possession of a minor mentally, and for a large proportion of the
time, of a minor physically. It is unnecessary to say, that under
an absolute government, that land has woe sufficient whose prince
is a child. With a strong man at the head of affairs, aided by
able ministers whom he could control, and active judges well
paid, but dismissed as soon as fraud was discovered, China
would be one of the most powerful, as she is even now one of
the most wealthy, — perhaps upon the whole the most wealthy, —
of all the nations of the earth. The recent successful termination
of the campaign in central Asia, has compelled westerns to
believe China living still. That life can and will become more
active and potent than some people would desire ; and it were
well if westerns prepared against the day of a strong China, by
hastening her conversion, by all means in their power, to
Christianity, which alone makes for righteousness and peace.

A step further removed from Carlyle's clotheless king, is one
with a palace. Imposing buildings are essentially necessary to
that artificial greatness which society in all ages and countries
demands for the head of the state; and the "gullibility" of
mankind has both necessitated and awed itself by the external
trappings which imply a grandeur, which often does not exist in
the draped regal figure. Noble buildings, gorgeous surroundings,
and interminable etiquette intended for stateliness, are all the
more needful to a royalty to which often, if stripped of them, little

552 MANCHU IMPERIAL FAMILY.

dignity or greatness would remain ; and society deceives itself by
the customs and regulations imposed by itself, and especially by
the stately brick and mortar cemented by itself, into worshipping
solemnly and reverently before a temple, in the innermost shrine
of which a " monkey is enthroned as god." Certainly no monkey
would ever be mistaken for a god, were it not for the extrinsic
magnificence which shuts it away from the " gullible." What is
true of all nations of men, is found in China developed beyond
other nations; for Chinese etiquette is more thorough and
complete than theirs. It does not fall within our province at
present to describe this imperiality, this state and belongings of
regality in China, beyond what crops up in the histories which
we are fully illustrating.

In the Palatial city, besides many minor ones, there are three
chief palaces, of which the greatest of all is the central one. At
each side of the main entrance into this palace, the Ming dynasty
had built a porch or hall, where the various officials and ministers
waited his imperial majesty's summons to the early twilight
audience, — each having his own position in one of the halls
according to his rank. These halls were burnt down by the
" robber " when he was compelled to vacate the palaces which he
had hoped to make his home. A censor complained of the lack
of dignity caused by the absence of such halls, where the
ministers could be separated according to their several grades ;
and prayed the emperor, in the beginning of 1645, to be pleased
to order the Board of Works to rebuild handsome halls, on the
former foundations, which would inspire reverence by their
imposing dignity. The emperor was graciously pleased to hand
over the matter to the proper authorities. But so slow were the
operations of the Board of Works, that the first emperor passed
away without them ; and the new " emperor " child complained,
in June 1661, that the Reception Halls — Chaofang — were not
yet built, and said that this was neither respectable nor respectful.
They, and many another palace, were afterwards built in the
M forbidden city " of Peking by this same emperor ; but of them
we shall not speak.

IMPERIAL PROTECTION. 553

If it is true that in the west, " uneasy lies the head that wears
a crown," it is not less so in China, when the monarch is one
who would rather not think of death. This is so, notwithstanding
the rare immunity from murder or violent death, which the
history of China gives to her long lines of rulers. It is only
that care for the life of the monarch which could have evolved
the particular laws about the palaces and the imperial city
formed by those palaces, called in poetic language, " The Purple
Forbidden City."

As in duty bound, and according to the moral code so
characteristic of China, those laws begin with the ancestral
temple of the reigning family, and the tombs of the deceased
emperors. This first law we give in full, and it shall serve as
an example of the other laws, the titles of which only shall be
given to show what precautions are taken.

Any man who, without sufficient reason, enters the gate of
the ancestral temple, or of the mountain tombs, shall be beaten
one hundred blows ; if one such man is within the gate of the
national lares, ninety blows ; if he stand in the gate, but has not
passed through, his punishment is, in each case, a degree less
severe. The guilt and punishment of the gate-keepers are equal
if they were aware of the person's design ; but if unaware, and
taken by surprise, their punishment is three degrees less.

The idler who passed through the Mid-day or South gate, the
West Flowery or East Flowery, or the Terrible War gate into
the Purple Forbidden city, was subjected to one hundred blows ;
and one year's banishment in addition, if he passed through the
gate leading to any palace ; while strangulation was his sentence
if he entered the enclosure of the emperor, empress, empress-
mother, or empress-dowager's palace. This law applied to him
who pretended to be one of those whose names were registered
as belonging to the gate through which he had passed. The man
who belonged to the gate, entering without his certificate of
identity was punished with forty blows.

Any man except the night watchman was strangled who was
found inside those imperial gates carrying any edged weapon of

554 MANCHU IMPERIAL FAMILY.

or above one inch in length ; and the gate-keepers knowing of
his intention were equally punished, but less severely if they
were surprised.

The watchman of the palaces, or imperial city gates, who was
not at his post when he should be, he who sent a substitute in
his stead, and the man pretending to be a substitute, were all
beaten in various degrees. And so was the watchman or gate-
keeper who appeared to report himself and then retired. A
similar crime at the city gates was one degree less heinous. The
officer who knew of the offence was equally guilty ; but less so if
he was unaware. The driver of a cart or carriage failing to
present himself on the day ordered, was punished in proportion
*to the delay caused by him ; and the sentence was more severe
in the case of an officer so offending ; strangulation being the
fate of the latter if he fled with the carriage. The Manchu so
absconding was sentenced to banishment to Heiloongkiang.

The officers of the imperial guard and the army guides,
could advance or retire in their carriage by the side doors*
on each side of the main south gate, and the roads there-
from to the imperial bridge. But heavy beating was the
penalty of any other official, officer, or private person found
obstructing the roads or blocking the bridge; but it was.
permissible to cross those roads. The guards allowing such
obstruction were equally or less guilty according to their
knowledge or ignorance of the intention of the actually guilty.
Beating was the penalty of the rider who did not dismount at
the stone slab ordering him to dismount, and of the guard who-
permitted him. If a labourer engaged to do any work within
the palace grounds sent a substitute to do his work, they were
both punished and the pay confiscated.

The gate-keeper had a list of the names and a written
description of the persons of all workmen employed on the
palace grounds ; and a daily inspection took place between three
and five o'clock in the afternoon, to see if all and the proper
men were there ; and the man refusing to answer to the calling
of his name was to be strangled. The man who should go

PALACE REGULATIONS. 555

outside and went not, the man already under accusation of crime
who went in, and the officer who neglected to remove the
weapons of the guardsman accused of crime, were all variously
beaten. The man on the list of gate-men who entered, or went
out by night when he should not, was punished heavily ; and
the man not on the list, entering by night, was beaten two
degrees more severely, and strangled if he carried any kind of
dangerous weapon. The gate-keeper had to enquire and note
the name, designation, title, destination, and business of any
official or servant passing through the gate.

The person found firing arrows, balls, or stones in the direction
of the ancestral temple, or the palaces of the national lares, was
variously punished from one hundred blows to beheading.

The guardsman found without his weapons, or at a post not
his own appointed one, was beaten ; and a degree more severely
if he was an officer ; the immediate superior of the offender was
also involved in the punishment. That man enrolled a member
of the guard, whose relative had for any reason been put to
death by law, was to be beheaded, as well as the officer
appointing him, if aware of the circumstances. The law applied
to the gates of the capital as well as to those of the imperial
city, — and was evidently intended to prevent any scheme of
revenge. But his majesty might appoint such a man, or he
might be enrolled, if the officer before appointing him informed
his majesty.

Whoever, in carriage, on horseback, or on foot, pierced through
the line of guards was strangled ; if the same took place in the
remote wilds,* the punishment was a hundred blows for the
private or official so breaking through, and of the guard if
aware, but the latter were three degrees less severely punished if
taken by surprise. Strangulation was the fate of him who
pretended to have a statement to make as his excuse for pushing
through ; but if he had an important statement to make he was
blameless. The keeper of cattle pushing through the guard

* Apparently any place outside the capital where the emperor might happen to-
be.

556 MANCHU IMPERIAL FAMILY.

line or entering the imperial city, was beaten eighty or a
hundred blows.

The idler entering the guards' camp was equally guilty with
him who entered the forbidden city; and the gate of the
commander of the guards was fenced by the law applying to the
palace gates. Beating of greater or lesser severity was the
punishment of climbing on or over the walls of the imperial
city, the capital, the prefectural or other city ; or the walls of
a duke's palace, or a magistrate's residence. The gate-keeper
who, though closing, failed to lock the city gate, was subjected
to a graduated punishment, as he happened to be keeper of the
imperial city gates, gates of the capital, or those of a provincial
city; and also if he opened or closed the gate at any other
than the appointed times.

Any person moving about in the capital after the three strokes
of the first watch (eight p.m.), and before the three strokes of
the fifth watch (two or three a.m.), except on account of sickness,
birth, death, or mourning, was beaten a number of blows,
increasing with every watch ; much aggravated by opposing the
watchman attempting to seize him, and amounting to
strangulation in case of wounding the watchman, and to
beheading if the watchman died of his wounds. The bannerman
was also beaten if causelessly outside the city walls by night.
And this is the divinity that hedges the king of China.

CHAPTER XV.
OFFICIALS.

THE Manchus began their career a contemptibly small clan,
under the control of a young chief, who had so little to do in
transacting the legal business of his " state," that it would have
been absurd to think of delegating any authority to inferior
officials ; for the smallest departmental magistrate in Liaotung
had a population under his care many times larger than that
under the Manchu chief. But his rapid conquests quickly
increased his magisterial business with the extending country
acknowledging his sway. He had therefore to nominate his
sons, then other magistrates, to take charge of the more petty
magisterial work. This delegated authority was abused from
the very first, and bribery began its course even then. That
course is not yet run out, nor has it lessened in bulk, but has
rather like a stream springing in the mountain tarn, ran on
widening and deepening, till further deepening was impossible ;
for such grievous oppression as Turkey has had to endure, or as
exists in Russia, cannot be enforced in China without revolution.
With the extension of territory it became still more difficult to
restrain the various officials from preying upon the people. It
is no wonder then that the young dynasty found it a task utterly
beyond its powers to do any more than reduce the amount of
that official corruption and magisterial oppression, which
luxuriated under the tropical atmosphere of the Ming dynasty,
and brought it ignominiously to a suicide's grave. Indeed, as will
appear further down when treating of the salaries of officials, it
is impossible or extremely difficult for an honest man to hold
office in China, unless, like the members of the British
Parliament, he has independent private means of his own.

558 OFFICIALS.

As the Manchu power originated in a small mountain hamlet
and by the abilities of a petty chief of a hundred soldiers, the
first few officials were necessarily military. Each soldier as he
marched to the fight or the hunt was called " one arrow." Each
ten such had an officer called Niroo* from the name of a
peculiar arrow for hunting, and the ten collectively received the
same name. As the succession and rapid conquests of the infant
power added lands and multiplied subjects, the Niroo became a
body of three hundred men, at which nominal number it remains
at this day, the officer being called Dsoling in Chinese, taking
the fourth rank. This officer however had no civil jurisdiction,
the chief himself being lawgiver, lawyer and judge. But his
rapidly extending jurisdiction made it impossible for him to
overtake all civil business. He therefore instituted in 1615 a
series of courts. Five great ministers were nominated as judges
to oversee and apply the laws. Under them were ten Jargoochi^
who composed the outer or lower court. A case was always
brought first to the Jargoochi. If they could finally decide the
case, — well ; if not, they had to lay it before the Five. If these
could not decide, they reported in turn to the Beiras,J the sons
of Noorhachu, who, in cases of difficulty, appealed to him. On
every fifth day the fifteen had to present themselves before
Noorhachu and report.

Next year all the ministers, civil and military, agreed to call
Noorhachu the "Nourisher of the Kingdoms," and presented
him with the title of the Brave and Wise emperor. But
adulation was not the only desire of the Manchu chief. He
probably found a good deal of underhand dealings among the
newly appointed judges, for he commanded the five judges, when

* ^TVl^^ Niroo, an arrow.

•\-Jalgun, "decree," is the nearest word in the Manchu Dictionary.

Bcira, the Chinese " Minghwang" a "bird which flies very high,"-
hence applied to the chiefs of clans or the sons of kings.

TIGHT REINS. 559

about a year in office, henceforth to decide every case in their
public judgment hall. He forbade any judge singly to try or
decide any case, and thus prevent any trouble by a dissenting
people. He ordered all petitioners to make their petition before
the judges in the public hall, ordaining that if any suitor laid
his case privately before any judge, the suitor should be flogged.
At the same time he enacted that if a Beira or great minister
were guilty, or accused of any crime, he must bind himself a
prisoner, — for no inferior could bind a superior, — and must hear
with reverence the sentence of the court, which must always
decide according to justice. If any refused to obey the court,
his disobedience increased the heinousness of his offence. But
in a serious case a delay of five days for thorough investigation
was necessary before decision.

When we remember that the community was composed of
proud warriors who had learned to know how to subdue all
enemies and to crush down all opposition, we need not be
surprised either that a wise ruler like Noorhachu should strive
earnestly to secure even-handed justice by which alone he could
cohere into a compact kingdom so many discordant elements
composed of numbers of formerly independent clans for ever at
war with each other, or that he found it difficult to apply his
laws. The few original Manchus might feel aggrieved at being
placed on a level with the men whom they had defeated, and
with those whom they had carried captive from remote parts.
Hence arose the necessity for decided steps to prevent oppression
and extortion by the original officers, who naturally regarded
their conquests as so much spoil ; and hence too we can learn
how difficult it must have been for Noorhachu to enforce his own
laws. The difficulty arising from official venality which he
attempted to overcome within the first year of their institutioi i
of civil judges has followed like a shadow the Manchu power up
to the present day; and seems inseparable from Chinese rule.

After the grand victories over the Chinese forces at and
around Sarhoo, with the subsequent large additions of territorial
aggrandisements, there seem to have arisen many sad, loud

560 OFFICIALS.

causes of complaint by the people ; for in 1620, the extraordinary
device was resorted to, of ordering all who had a case specially
for the eye of his " majesty," to write it out and paste it up on
either of the two large trees flanking the road, just outside the
city gates, through which Noorhachu daily passed. These he
carefully read, and into them he strictly examined, giving his
decision according to the evidence ; and henceforth there were no
complaints heard from the people of the want of access to their
lord. This very much resembled a common habit now existing
of attaching to a stone and throwing into a Yamun, papers
containing accusations against the powerful, who could not be
openly attacked with safety. Though these are anonymous, the
magistrate is bound to act on them and investigate. A late
governor of Mookden prohibited the custom ; we know not with
what amount of success. Popular magistrates also take a
monthly, or bi-monthly parade, when any man with a grievance
may present himself, and, without fee, have his case examined.
Immediately on the death of Noorhachu, in 1626, when
Mookden became the capital of a large kingdom, whose affairs
grew to great magnitude and importance, additional officials
were created. Eight chief bannermen, who could deliberate civil
or military affairs along with the Beiras, were nominated.
Namoochin was nominated Goosa Ujun,* or chief of the yellow
banner ; a son-in-law of the " emperor," of the bordered yellow.
Another imperial son-in-law, of the red ; these have always been
the three chief banners. The bordered red, the blue, the
bordered blue, the white, and the bordered white, had each
one Ujun. When these, with the Beiras, agreed upon any
measure, they memorialised the " emperor " upon it. They
could transact business at any time, nor were they restricted to
any place. In war, each was to have command of his own
banner. To these there were sixteen assistants nominated —
two from each banner. These were not to carry arms, f but to

* Goosa, a banner, and Ujun, lord or master.

f This must mean to "command army," for they all fought, and one of them was
soon after sent with Daishan against Mongolia.

INCREASING OFFICIALS. 561

assist the higher officials in their deliberations, to look after the
laws, decide civil cases, have charge of the prisons and of
petitions or complaints in law. They were therefore properly
the legal assistants of the Eight. There were sixteen others
nominated as military assistants to the Eight : who were to lead
out the armies and command garrisons, whenever there was
occasion. When these returned from their military labour they
could assist in transacting public business. Each therefore of
the Eight Goosa had four subordinates; two whose business
was civil, but who could be called upon to take charge of a body
of men in war, and whom we find employed in garrisoning
Lanchow and other of the cities taken in Chihli in 1630 ; and
two who were specially military, but could when necessary take
part in public business.

The four Beiras were ordered in 1622, alternately to take
the charge of presiding over public affairs for a month at
a time. The office was apparently one not much sought after ;
for, seven years after, the inferior Beiras were ordered to take a
month in rotation. It is conceivable, however, that the real
reason why these were introduced, was because they were
becoming restive under the exclusion; and one of them, Dorgun,
was certainly actuated by ambition. There were, however, no
regular reports made of the work done, till Noorhachu, in 1631,
issued three circular letters to the two chief beiras, the ten beira
councillors, and the eight great ministers, ordering them to
transact public business with uprightness. Thereafter all the
beiras and ministers began to give regular reports of work done.
This jealousy and suspicion on the part of the "emperor" was
doubtless well grounded ; for the imperial family have not been
noted for clean hands even up to the present day.

Hats with a special knob, commonly by foreigners called
"buttons," were distributed to the ministers and officials in
1636, in order to be able at a glance to distinguish the rank of
the wearer. The emperor's officials had a plain gold knob. A
brilliant pearl was given to each of the monarch's sons-in-law,
to the members of the imperial family not beiras ; and a
L i

562

OFFICIALS.

variety of precious stone was added to the gold knob of Goosa
Ujun and the commanders of the Mongol and Chinese
contingents. Thus began the custom of the Manchus of
denoting rank by a knob of precious stone or gold, which is
now as often flint-glass of various colours, and brass. This knob
on the top of the circular hat is as good as possible a means of
showing one's rank at a glance, however curious it may appear
to a foreigner ; and is much more conspicuous than the stripes
of our own officers. In 1668, the Dootoong or Goosa Ujun was

Knob or Button, actual size.

Knob on Official Hat.

ordered to be preceded by an umbrella and staves when he went
out in his chair ; the Toongling of the guards and he of the van
of the guards were ordered to be preceded by the emblems of
their post ; and the Foodootoongs and vice-presidents had
emblems to precede them. But it is said that only in
Yungching's reign were the knobs employed to differentiate all
the nine grades, both civil and military.

The secretariate was, also in 1636, called the Neisanyuc-n,
" Inner Three Courts ; " one called Neigwoshuyuen, " Inner

DIVISION INTO BOARDS. 563

History Hall ; " one the Neimishooyuen, " Private Secretariate ; "
and one the Neihoongwunyuen, " Inner Despatch Office."

When Mookden became the capital of the Manchu kingdom,
and when the term Manchuria might be applied to almost all the
lands at present included under that name, public business had
increased so much that the former courts were wholly inadequate
to overtake the multifarious work now thrown upon them,
especially as they do not seem to have had any special depart-
ments beyond the division into civil and military. The monarch
therefore, in the summer of 1631, borrowed from the Chinese
their departments, and instituted the Six Boards of Appoint-
ments, Revenue, War, Rites, Works, and Punishment. With the
exception of the first, they are still in full operation in Mookden,
the Peidoo, or second capital of the Chinese empire. The six
presidents were Beiras, — each with two councillors called
Chungjung and Tsanjung. Thus each board consisted of three
chief members, but had necessarily a staff of clerks and attendants.
The duties devolving on each department is sufficiently indicated
by its title. Every official and magistrate had his special duties
clearly defined at the same time ; for the haphazard manner in
which all kinds of business were transacted by one or two bodies
of men was not calculated to expedite matters. Yet the division
of labour does not seem to have been perfect, for in 1638 there
was another definition of its precise business given to each of
the Boards, to the Censorate, and to the court of Judicature.
The number of the members was also assimilated to that of the
Peking boards. Besides the Beira president, there was one
Chungjung or vice-president ; a " Left " and " Right " Tsanjung
lishu or councillor; a Foolishu or assistant-councillor; and a
Jooshu or secretary ; — six members of five grades. The names
have been partially changed, but the number of grades is now
what it was then. The Beiras went all into Peking, and the
Boards of Mookden have remained what they then were ; for
ever since they have had only a vice-president as chief official.

The three royal private secretariates were instituted just
before the six Boards; but the latter had precedence, as we

564 OFFICIALS.

learn from a memorial of a grand secretary, who, in the end
of the year 1644, complained that the Boards which had
precedence of the secretariates in Mookden. were made second in
rank, and had only silver seals of office ; the Toongjungsu was
then third, the Janshufoo fourth, and the Hanlin Academy
stood fifth. The emperor granted the prayer of this petitioner,
and re-established the order which had existed in Mookden.

In August 1648, there was instituted a Chinese president for
each of the six boards, and a chief censor for the censorate ; and
in the following summer, a Chinese Jooshu or secretary was
nominated to each of the fourteen offices of the board of Kevenue,
But though nominated to office, the Chinese occupied a very
secondary position; and even as late as February 1653, we find
the emperor complaining to the privy council, that ever since he
had taken personal charge of imperial business, there was not a
single memorial handed in by a Chinese official, but all by the
Manchu officials ; and he ordered that, as all officials without
exception were his "heart and bowels, his hands and feet,"
whenever henceforth any petition or memorial was to be handed
in by any one of the Six Boards, the Censorate, the office of
Transmission, or the grand court of Eevision, all the vice-
presidents — Chinese as well as Manchu — should present and
discuss it ; the privy council was ordered to command all the
great ministers to respect the emperor's feelings, to faithfully
perform each his own work, to permit no excuse and seek for no
apology to neglect any duty.

This commingling of Chinese and Manchu officials of equal
rank and powers, was necessarily one of great difficulty. There
was no considerable lapse of time since the conquest, and no
oneness of habits and customs to make the one forget he was a
conqueror, and the other that he was a vanquished slave. The
Normans were compelled gradually to admit the conquered
Saxons to some share of power, and have continued to exist only
by yielding; and England has never, since that day to the
present, introduced a measure to remove any vestige of the
slavery introduced by the Normans, except under compulsion.

WISE GENEROSITY. 565

But the Manchu conqueror from the very beginning admitted
the Chinese into office, — into military first, and gradually into
civil, — from the highest to the lowest posts. There were
Chinese princes created, grand secretary, presidents; and
wherever there was a high Manchu official, a Chinese was
placed at his side. Not only so, but the emperor dismissed
one of the two Manchu presidents of each Board. Quite
possibly the efforts of the emperor to amalgamate the two
nationalities, led the Chinese officials to believe that he was
more favourably disposed to them than to the Manchus. It is
certain that the Chinese were incomparably better scholars than
their conquerors; and as, according to Chinese usage, literary
ability is the main avenue to civil office of all kinds, the
consideration shown them by the emperor gave them grounds to
believe that they could have a great deal more power if they
only demanded that to' which their literary talents entitled them.
Hence one of the diviners drew up an elaborate paper,
in which he argued that Chinese officials should supersede the
Manchus in all the boards and yamuns. This paper was laid out
in the privy council offices, and thither the emperor went to read
it. After perusing it, he said to the grand secretary, Hoong
Chungshow. that this paper was anything but what it should
have been ; that he himself manifested no partiality, but loved
all his people without distinction, and he was therefore astonished
that the Chinese party should have given expression to such a
sentiment. Besides, if any could demand priority, the Manchus
had certainly the first claim. Just after this he completed the
complement of Chinese officials, by nominating one to each of
the three departments of the privy council. We are certainly
astonished at the impertinence of the diviner, who was banished
shortly after ; and we cannot too highly commend the wisdom
which planted the small Manchu stock in Chinese soil, and has
made it grow to so great a tree ; for it is impossible to believe
that the reigning family could now be Manchu, but for the wise
policy of giving a fair share of all offices, high and low, to the
Chinese. This example we highly commend to our Indian

566 OFFICIALS.

authorities; though we believe that for the stability of the throne,
the Chinese now hold far too large a proportion of both civil and
military chief offices. In 1878 there was not a single Manchu
viceroy or governor in the eighteen provinces of China.

In addition to the Six Boards, which may be called the executive
of the Chinese empire, there are several other offices, the most
remarkable and important of which is the Censorate, whose
members get the name, in Peking, of " mad dogs," because they
are always snarling or biting. Their grand business is to censure,
to find fault where fault is to be found, all over the empire.
Their office and duty bind them to blame the follies of the
emperor, to proclaim the faults of the executive, to check the
desire for unnecessary change ; and their eye should roam over
every province and glance into every Yamun in the eighteen
provinces. Theoretically there never was a better addition to
the executive of any government anywhere ; but though it very
often performs its duty well and nobly, it is sometimes silent
where it should speak out, and acts when inaction were more
beneficial; and most of them, like other high officials, are
incorruptible as long as small temptations are offered. Yet
though their duty is thus to publish all abuses by memorial to
the throne, the censors are not exempted from penalties justly or

arbitrarily inflicted upon them.

The chapter on the " Eunuchs "

gives evidence sufficient of the difficulty with which the censors

have to face their duties ; and th
from offended majesty. Thus
public press in the west, they are

y often suffer severe sentences
f they serve the part of the
nder even a worse " libel " law

or custom ; and the early history of the Manchus gives numerous
examples of censors sentenced to banishment or exile because of
freedom of speech in executing their duty, when criticising
imperial action. And in 1677, Kanghi ordered a censor to be
whipped a hundred lashes, — a still greater degradation than
exile.

Besides the Doocha Yuen, or what we might call the General
Censorate, there are other special censors; some called supervising
censors, as those attached to each Board, important public office,

CENSORS. 567

and to each province ; and some roving censors, who are
commissioned to go from place to place with a special business
to discover whether public affairs are satisfactorily attended to.
It is their duty to see that no judge lazily permits an accumula-
tion of cases, to prevent extortion of the people by the tax
gatherer, or oppression by the soldier, and, in short, to see that no
wrong is done the people in name of law or by its administrators.
Several times do we find censors remonstrating with the first
Manchu emperor for building his palace at immense cost, when
the people were suffering from the claims of war and the
devastations of famine.

The censors were naturally Manchus to begin with, though a
few Chinese were nominated immediately on the settlement in
Peking. The general censorate was first filled up with Chinese
officials, then the boards, and gradually all the provinces ; and
the chief offices in the capital, with the capital itself, had their
Chinese censors side by side with the Manchu. So numerous
were the nominations, that in the drought of 1653 twenty
supervising censors were retained and a larger number dismissed.
But in 1666, when a new emperor arose, an additional Manchu
and Chinese supervising censor was nominated to each Board.

When the Manchus entered Peking, they found that a large
proportion of the necessary ministers and officials of all kinds had
disappeared, most by flight, some by suicide and others hiding
their shame in seclusion. But as many officials as accepted
Manchu rule, were retained in their respective offices held by
them formerly. Other fast friends, or useful men, were put by
the regent into some of the vacant posts ; but many offices went a
begging for some time. To begin with, all the appointments
were made by the direct nomination of the regent, who was
either guided by his own personal knowledge or listened to the
recommendations of friends. But this manner of nomination
could not always continue.

The chief anxiety of the regent was however, not how to get
filled up the long list of officials necessary to a settled govern-
ment, like that of the late dynasty in its glory; but how to

568 OFFICIALS.

meet the demands of those on his hands, and to supply with
necessaries the large armies he was pushing in all directions.
For we saw that at the fall of Peking the Ming emperor had
emptied both the private imperial treasury and the public one ;
and what could be carried away was gone with Dsuchung. We
can hence understand that it was very difficult for the regent to
find the immense sums required by him.

In December 1664, we find that, whether from imperial
instigation, from conscientious convictions, or from some other
reasons, the Jang Yuen or president of the Hanlin, who was
also chief diviner, joined the other diviner, the head of the
Givodsujien or national library and of the sacrificial wine, in
praying to have the office of diviner abolished ; and their
resignation was accepted. It was possibly a knowledge of a desire
on the part of the regent to cut down expenditure, which caused
a great deal of excitement in court, and these resignations seem
to have stimulated the uneasiness. At all events, within two
months of the resignations, an official gave expression to the
general excitement of the official mind, in a vigorous memorial
to the throne; in which he stated that during the preceding
summer, the unsettled state of public affairs emptied the Yamuns,
but that the flight of the robbers gave a favourable opportunity
for filling up all official posts to the ends of the earth. But how
could these appointments be made, when, for the sake of a
present economy which would be future loss, the number of
office-holders] in the capital was at that moment only half of
what it had been. Your stupid minister * says that all those
ministers already dismissed should be at once restored, to
prevent the hands of the government from being afterwards
hampered from want of men. Every new comer should be
nominated to that post for which he is best adapted. To discover
the best man for each office, every able man known to the
government should be put into some office, every facility afforded,
and every obstacle removed out of his path, in order that he
might prove the man he was ; thus could good men be always at

* " My humble opinion " of the west.

CHEESE-PARING. 569

hand for every emergency. The saving of a little money by
reducing the amount or number of salaries was scarcely befitting
the dignity of him who received all the tribute of the "four seas;"
for why should he grieve over the expenditure of a pint of rice
or a peck of grain ? . . . Better complain of too many officials,
then afterwards lament the lack of talent. With divided counsels
the smallest affairs become difficult; unity of purpose makes
the most difficult task easy. The Ming dynasty had two
presidents for all the boards and yamuns; not because they could
muster courage to say " no," but because the one official was a
check upon the other, and malpractices were impossible. It was
easy, when prince and people were of undivided mind, to establish
a precedent for the future; and the interests of myriad
generations, and not alone of those now living, should be the
guide to their choice. This eloquent appeal concludes by stating
that to lay down a foundation for future well-being, but especially
to avert future danger, the memorialist had so minutely entered
into the "outs and ins" of the question and went "round about it."
We heartly commend the warmth and arguments of this Chinese
statesman to those politicians of England, who sneer at the
parsimony of the statesmen who desire to save millions a year
to the heaviest taxed people on earth.

The " emperor " felt the sneering if he was not convinced by
the arguments of that paper, and said that the officials dismissed
were sent away, not because of love for money, but because they
had not been properly appointed. And he decided that the
principle enunciated might be carried out, while he ordered
the heads of the various boards and yamuns to be able
to give satisfactory reasons for every case of dismissal in the
future. The office of diviner, of Taipoo and SJiangbao, were
already abolished, but whether finally or not, depended on the
deliberations of the Board of Appointments together with all
the other boards and yamuns. Thus the officials gained the
day ; for, as in all countries, there are more who are eager to eat
up and increase the national revenue, than there are who desire
to decrease taxation and husband the resources of a nation : and

570 OFFICIALS.

they will always, as in this case, raise the sneer of niggardliness,
meanness or " cheese-paring," against those who strive after a
wise economy. Often has the same sneer or the fear of the same
sarcasm driven private people into poverty, bankruptcy, or
dishonesty; for it is a disastrously potent item in social life.
Are nations anything else than combinations and aggregations
of individuals ; and may not the false shame which tends to ruin
private persons help in crippling nations ? The tax-consumer
was earnest, the tax-payer indifferent in 1874, and we see the
result in the British expenditure of 1879. At all events, the
official sneer changed the saving policy of the Manchu regent
into one of office-filling which now hangs a heavy load upon the
skirts of the dynasty, as the same weight dragged down the Ming'
dynasty. Did ever any nation perish, before the needless
accumulation of selfish official leeches had sucked out her life
blood?

Soon after, the saving propensities of the regent were sneered
out of existence. Grand Secretary Fan Wunchung urged that
(1) it was proper that expectant officials of the Hanlin should be
appointed to posts as they fell vacant, and (2) that there should
be a set form of memorialising the throne for the whole empire.
As to appointments, the three first in literary rank in the Hanlin,
the Siwjwan, Biensiw, and Jientao, should have priority over
all others. The memorial also prayed that any official sent away
on government business, or retired home to nourish his parents
in age or sickness, or to mourn their decease, should be employed,
if he returned within the period of leave allotted to him, in the
rank with which he retired, but put last on the list for vacancies
if he exceeded his leave. Leave of absence, on account of
sickness, should be classed with "leave exceeded," to prevent
applications for leave on false grounds. An official beginning
public life again, after the termination of a sentence of degradation,
should commence from the rank to which he had been degraded.
The provincial judge could report the termination of leave of
absence for whatever cause, if the official desiring to be reinstated
in office was of the third grade or above; but if under that

MODE OF APPOINTMENT. 571

grade, the official should present himself in person at the Hanlin
to give notice of the termination of his leave. This memorial is
interesting chiefly because it reveals the then existing state of
matters by its prayers for a change ; — a change however which is
as much cried for to-day as then. Notwithstanding the theory
of Chinese political life explained in the introduction, nepotism
and purchase had a good deal to do with the appointment to
offices then, and have much more now. For though the Hanlin
members are the cream of Chinese literary men, their wealth is
greater in titles than in office ; as they are now the exceptions
who have office conferred upon them because of mere literary
talent if unaccompanied by wealth. But it shows that the
Hanlin had a good deal to do with receiving the names of
applicants for office. This inference is justified by the
change of the authority to nominate officials from the Hanlin to
the Board of Appointments, which was made after the famous
case of Minghia was terminated in 1654 ; the change
was prayed for by this same grand secretary. But the nomin-
ations continued to be imperfect ; for we find the senior chief
censor praying, in 1660, that, as the capital was of the utmost
consequence to the emperor, the officials nominated to office in
it, should be selected with the greatest care and should be men
whose character as men of honour, above all meanness, should be
unquestionable. A further change was made in 1661, when the
old rule was abolished which had called in all the Jinsu or
doctors of the Hanlin to deliberate with the officials and
ministers on whatever affected the common weal. The "doctors"
have never regained the place which the first Manchu emperor
gave them, and can sit in judgment on national affairs only when
they have painfully attained to the post of minister of one kind
or other. Up till 1664, even the officers of the army below
the ranks of commander were nominated by Board of Appoint-
ments, but henceforth the nomination fell to the Board of War.
The manner of nomination, whether through the Hanlin
Academy or the Board of Appointments, continued to give
dissatisfaction; chiefly because new men were nominated to

572 OFFICIALS.

higher posts over the heads of men already in office. This has
always and in all powerful nations been productive of bad feeling.
The man of ability is often compelled to remain in obscurity,
though the government is aware of his talent, because some medi-
ocrity happens to have entered the service a few years before him.
The able man will smart under the degradation of serving under
the orders of one unqualified to teach him, and the senior will
growl if the j unior is placed over him. But the public interest
is greater than the feelings or the rights of either or both ; and
public interests alone should decide this question. The feeling
was such, however, in official Peking, that the emperor had to
ask the Board of Appointments to draw up a graduated scale of
what should be the order of promotion ; but the Board had the
difficult task assigned it of making a selection of a few names
from among which the emperor would be free to choose. And,
indeed, upon the whole, the Chinese government has, up to its
ability, employed the best men for the most important posts ;
though these best men must usually open their way with silver
keys.

The Board decided that if a grand secretaryship were vacant,
a president of one of the Boards should be nominated, or a vice-
president, or an assistant grand secretary, — giving certainly a
wide choice. All the various officers were thus classified, and to
this classification the emperor agreed, as well he might; for though
there was a narrow field from which to choose, it was amply
sufficient to pick out the best man; and the list shows that
seniority might go for very little, unless the senior were the
abler official. If the junior is undoubtedly superior in talent, he
is made to rise quickly from step to step, till he mounts far
above his seniors, even if that junior began life as a humble
table-boy or body servant to a private gentleman, as did the
late prime minister and grand secretary Wun Siang. This rule
holds more decidedly in the army; though in both civil and
military employment few offices are obtained by any ordinary
mortal, or usually by an extraordinary one, unless he is well
weighted with silver shoes.

OFFICIAL ROTATION. 573

Chinese law forbids the native of a district from holding the \

judgeship of that district; when therefore the literate is appointed 1

to a magistracy, he is sent elsewhere, and usually to some J

district at a distance ; nor can the native of a province become

governor of that province. The object of this rule is to sever

the judge in his judicial relationship from his family ties, which

ties might be supposed to bias his judgment. If he is

promoted, he goes with his new rank to some other region,

perhaps from Mookden to Taiyuen, or from Peking to Canton.

It was not however till 1653, that the emperor intimated to the

Board of Appointments that henceforth there would be a regular

rotation of office over all the empire, including the capital ; so

that by frequent mutual exchange of similar posts, the most

capable men could be sifted out. This system of rotation has

been so universally carried out, that three years is the longest

term during which any official, except the highest to whom the

rule does not apply, can hold office in one post. Changes are

arbitrarily made by the governors of provinces, whenever they

choose: for example, the district magistrate of the city of

Mookden is almost never longer than a year in that city. The

chief reason for the numerous changes of the present day, is in

the desire to get friends into those districts out of which most

can be made. Changes often occur on the petition of the office

holder, if he has serious misunderstandings with his superiors or

the people. Sometimes, when the magistrate himself is the cause

of great bitterness on the part of the people, he is not only sent

away from his post, but degraded from all office. We have '

known such cases, but it always required men of considerable

influence, though in private life, to bring the guilty magistrate

to justice. The people can do it, however, and the possibility

prevents the impecunious or grasping magistrate from acting as

he would sometimes like to do.

An affectation of humility is demanded by Chinese etiquette,
even more than among ourselves. Hence, in social life, the
difficulty in getting one of two equals to take precedence ; and
the universal custom of offering what the offerer would fain

574 OFFICIALS.

keep, and of declining to receive when the person declining
would be delighted to accept. The same rule is carried into
official life ; and when the man who has striven by all means,
literary and monetary, to gain a post, has it offered him, he has
to decline it, as one unworthy of occupying it. This notion
of the demands of politeness seems to have been carried to even
greater extent under the Ming dynasty. The regent was much
annoyed by this dissimulation, and demanded more straight-
forwardness ; but no one dared to set an example : so much is
the fashion of etiquette lord of men.

But in July 1647, Yoongji, president of the Court of Revision,
was nominated to be vice-president of the Board of Works. As
usual, he at once declined, as being unfit for the post. This gave
an opportunity for the imperial rebuke aimed at all officials : " If
you really do desire to accept an offered post, yet once and again
declare that you do not wish it, you are guilty of lying-
affectation. Henceforth, such declinature will be acted upon,
and the man shall never be promoted. As to Yoongji, we have
long known him as one whose mind was not devoted to his
proper work ; he is, therefore, now for ever dismissed from all
office, and degraded from all rank." We can understand that this
was a serious blow to affectation, which when carried to excess is
disgusting in the east or the west. That affectation of declining
office arose at court from the example of the illustrious men of
old who had to be dragged forcibly from the loved privacy of
their quiet learning, to the trying duties of public life ; and
from the honour awarded to such, and to others in more
modern times, who would prefer a lower post with its comparative
ease, to a more public and higher one, with its immensely
greater difficulties and anxieties.

We have already noticed the efforts of the regent to reduce
the number of officials on the civil list. In January 1652, a
censor drew his majesty's attention to the fact that great
ministers were unable to judge of the time when they should
properly retire from office ; and thus the way of promotion was
blocked against able men who were holding inferior offices. He

RETIRING FROM OFFICE. 575

prayed the emperor to tell the high officials that they should not
be covetous of office, of eating the emperor's bread, and of sitting
in his seat ; the aged and infirm should retire ; those who had
frail parents should not neglect to establish a reputation for
filiality; but should go home to attend upon them. He also
petitioned the emperor to issue a decree, forbidding the higher
provincial authorities from filling up all vacancies with their own
or their secretaries' friends. The emperor soon after intimated
to the Board of Appointments that all aged or infirm officials
seeking relief, should be permitted to retire ; which was a gentle
way of telling them what they should do. A curious case was
got rid of in this way in the end of 1656, when a supervising
censor accused the newly-appointed governor of Hookwang of
having, when governor of Peking, given the diploma of Tsankiany
to a robber. The case was one which may have been difficult to
substantiate, and the censor prayed that he might be relieved of
the office because he was old, infirm, and of no marked abilities.
The matter was sent to the Board of Appointments, which had
made the nomination, and they decided that as he was now
anything but robust, the nomination should be recalled; and
recalled it was.

China is not the only place where compulsory resignation is
resorted to ; and when the proper test, that of the public welfare,
is applied, there can be no question as to its propriety. But, on
the other hand, many officials have desired to retire from public
business in Peking, who have been compelled to stay. In the
summer of 1715, Liw Gwangdi, a grand secretary, pleaded hard,
long, and eloquently, for leave to retire to put his affairs in order,
and be at peace to prepare to meet death. His memorial was a
very long and touching one. He had been in Peking for ten
years without a day's absence ; and for that period had not seen
his family or home. During that time his eldest son and his
wife, with Gwangdi's own wife, had died, leaving a boy-grandson,
who was incapable of transacting business. He was now
seventy-four years of age, and according to the saying of the
ancients, he could expect only decrepitude and weakness till

576 . OFFICIALS.

death came. His memorial secured him, not retirement, but an
absence of two years, after which he must return to the capital.
Just before that, the emperor, himself an old man, feasted at the
palace all the old men of Chihli, between sixty and ninety years
of age.

Degradation from office to a lower, or to private life, is
common enough, and for a great variety of reasons. One
curious case was that of Toohai, a Manchu president of Board of
Punishment, who, because "he despised his own office" and
showed contempt of the emperor's goodness, was declared
deserving of death, but sentenced to degradation from all office,
and had his name struck off the Banner list. Another was the
case of an official of Board of Appointments, who had been
nominated to go as scrutinising official to Honan, where he slept
in brothels and took bribes. Because he thus disgraced his
office he was degraded from all rank. Another case was that of
Chun Julin, who was found guilty, by Board of Appointments, of
crimes laid to his charge. The emperor, in passing sentence
upon this Manchu official, decreed that he had been on a
previous occasion found guilty of crimes for which he had been
banished to Mookden, whence he was afterwards recalled with
undiminished rank ; his present crimes, of supporting cabals and
taking bribes, were therefore more heniously aggravated because
they manifested so much ingratitude for the former mercy
shown him. He escaped death, but his property was all
confiscated, and he, his family and parents, were banished for
ever to Mookden. Other cases will be given below when
[bribery is treated of. But if many officials were justly degraded
land fined or banished, many suffered, not because they were
i guilty of the crimes alleged, but because they had made
themselves obnoxious to higher officials. The case of Jang Yi,
who suffered death in this way, will appear further down.
Many who were sent to banishment or exile were recalled,
when the truth of their innocence of the crimes laid to their
charge became known. This shows, what is well known to those
acquainted with China, how miserably imperfect is the law on

FINING. 577

the matter of evidence ; yet as we were writing this, came the
confession of the man Peace, in England, to the murder of a
person, for which another was undergoing punishment.

If it was difficult for the emperor to discover the truth of
what was passing in his own palace, it was much more difficult
to determine the truth or falsehood of what was said to occur in
the provinces. Ashan the viceroy of the two Kiang in 1704,
accused the governor of Kiangsi, with a few prefects and a
number of district magistrates, with acting not according to
justice, and his representations resulted in the summary
dismissal of all the officials named by him. He was soon after
accused of acting on the instigation of a man who bore a grudge
against the governor and whose false statements Ashan had
believed. He was therefore declared to be unworthy of his post,
for he had deceived his majesty into doing an injustice. The
boards found all this correct, and decided that while he should be
degraded, all those wrongously dismissed should be restored to
their former posts ; and that the official who had imposed upon
him should be degraded. The emperor agreed that, with the
exception that Ashan shall be left in his office, the memorial of
the boards should be strictly carried out.

Fine is the lightest and most common mode of punishing
offending officials. There seems to have been great irregularities <J
in this punishment during the period of the first Manchu
emperor, who, just before his death, drew the attention of the
boards to the injustice of applying the punishment of shu hei lo
weilo, regardless of the antecedents or rank of the party fined ;
for when a light fine was imposed on a great official, or a heavy
one on a small official, there must be injustice. The boards
were called upon to deliberate on the subject, and they found
immediately after the emperor's death, that the presidents of
boards were of both first and second grades, vice-presidents of
second or third, senior secretary of third, fourth or fifth grade,
junior secretary of fourth or fifth, and councillor of fourth, fifth,
or sixth grade. So that the ranks differed of men occupying
the same office and drawing the same salary; for rank was given
M i

578 OFFICIALS.

by the emperor as reward, or withdrawn by him as punishment,
while the duties of the office continued exactly the same,
independently of the increased or degraded rank; and the
emoluments did not change, for they were paid out by the boards
and yamuns. They therefore decided that the penalty of
shuheiloweilo should be in relation to office and not to rank,
and that it should consist of a deduction of ten per cent, from
official salary ; and recommended that this rule for the boards
should be made applicable to all great officials. To this the
" emperor " agreed.

The miserable salaries of Chinese officials, inadequate to meet
a tithe of the expenses which all officials from the smallest to
the greatest are compelled to incur, necessitates impecunious
magistrates to eke out their incomes by extortion in one form or
another. There are certain perquisites attached to offices, and
there are legal charges which can be made against litigants,
but these are too small to meet the demands of any but the
purest minded magistrate, one of whom may be found among
fifty. Direct extortion is however as difficult, if not impossible,
in China as in England ; for though the needful incomes of the
official world, from the lowest to the highest, are augmented by
bribery, it is almost always bribery by litigants or applicants for
office. It was to meet the growing abuses arising out of this second
source of bribery that the emperor agreed, in 1660, to the
memorial of a supervising censor, which prayed to have intimacy
between the greater and smaller officials forbidden, and to
prevent the giving or receiving of congratulatory or other
presents. It is needless to say, that the censor's memorial and
the emperor's order were so much effort thrown away ; as, but
for these " presents," the incomes of the higher officials would
leave them to starve for eleven months in the year.

In June 1651, began the remarkable case of Chun Minghia,
president of the Board of Appointments. This year was the
third after the institution of Chinese presidents to the board,
and he was one of them. He was accused along with his board,
by the outer roving censor, Jang Yi, of seeking their own private

IMPEACHMENT. 579

ends in their appointment to offices, instead of striving after the
public good by inducting the best men. All the boards were
ordered to investigate the case, which, from the rank and power
of the parties impeached, they were compelled to do from policy
rather than by law. They therefore decided that the dates of
the faults complained of were prior to the proclamation of
universal oblivion; while besides there were no proofs forthcoming.
They declared, too, that Jang Yi must have been actuated, not
by a desire to exalt righteousness, but to damage the characters
of high ministers, of whom he was envious ; for he had refrained
from mentioning this case when he was "Inner" censor, and
broached it only now when made Outer roving censor. They
therefore decided that he was deserving of death. And die he
did; for no censor, outer or inner, could so easily put down
bribery.

In April of next year, the emperor showed that he had
repented of his sanction to the sentence against Jang Yi, for he
ordered the proper interment of the body, and sacrifices to his
memory. He had doubtless received private information
sufficient to warrant him in believing that Jang Yi's conduct
was not groundless. A private secretary of the Inner Hanlin
memorialised against the conduct of the emperor, on the grounds
that the dead man had been already publicly executed. This
secretary did all he could to gain the all-powerful Hoong
Chungshow to his side. He was therefore degraded on the spot.

As far as public action was concerned, that quashed the case ;
till, in the early summer of 1654, grand secretary Mng Wan woo,
whose name proves him a Manchu, accused Minghia, who had
meantime become a grand secretary, of forming cabals, plotting
rebellion, and harbouring designs difficult to fathom. Minghia
was charged with hating the Manchu custom of head-
shaving, and the Manchu fashion of hat and clothing. He had
said to the other high officials, that if peace were to be retained
in the empire, the hair must not be shaved, and the style of
garment must not be changed. But the memorialist had no
difficulty in believing that the empire could be retained, and

580 OFFICIALS.

affirmed that the close fit of the robe and the narrow Manchu
sleeve,* were convenient for the soldier or the huntsman.
Minghia desired the soldier's sleeve widened, and the sash made
more capacious, only to weaken the arm and hamper the
movements of the Manchu soldier. He went on to accuse
Minghia and his son of conduct so outrageous, when living at
their home, that the respectable literates and people hated and
avoided them. They took possession of the gardens of duke
Gwo in Kiangning or Nanking, which were valued at a hundred
thousand taels, and were redeemed out of their hands at a cost
of three thousand taels, subscribed by the local officials. His
son Yechun took forcible possession of the wife of one who had
been a member of Board of Appointments during the Ming
dynasty ; he outraged all propriety and decency by going out in
a large sedan chair, preceded by an official umbrella, as if he
were an official ; he interfered before the tribunals in behalf of
criminals, from whom he had taken bribes. Jao Yensien,
though incapable for any post, was made a high minister. The
emperor assigned their different ranks, and the order of attaining
office, to the members of the Hanlin ; but Minghia retained or
dismissed at his pleasure, arrogating all power to himself. A
relation of Minghia by marriage, when Taotai of Chihkiang, made
a false charge against a Siwtsai, of being an adherent of the late
dynasty ; he confiscated the properties, and put to death many
of the friends of the accused man ; he reported the governor of
Chihkiang guilty of taking bribes, and with Minghia's power had
the governor degraded. Minghia confiscated and received
possession of the degraded governor's properties, but informed
the governor that for a certain sum of money he would have him
reinstated; and though that happened "eight years ago, it is
still unfinished." The Tarihwa, or third in rank of doctors in
the Hanlin, went south on leave of absence, borrowing one
hundred taels from Minghia, which he repaid with other five
hundred taels to the wife of Minghia, when he got to her

* See p. 34. But the Manchus have, within the last few years, adopted the
enormously wide Chinese sleeve and the loose robe.

CURIOUS CHARGES. 581

southern home. Minghia was not sure of the repayment, and

therefore believing that the Hanlin member was cheating him,

he appointed him to a provincial post ; but on receiving a letter

from his wife, he wrote saying that he would be reinstalled in

the Hanlin. Another official, a relation by marriage, falsely

accused a high minister of appointing officials on his own

authority. The board pronounced the charge groundless,

without even going into examination, and degraded the false

accuser by a grade ; but Minghia changed the sentence to a fine

of six months' salary instead. The memorialist and his fellow

grand secretaries had drawn up a book, in which was to be

written down the name in full of every actor of an important

work done, the actor to write the statement of the work himself;

but Minghia obliterated one hundred and fourteen characters, —

the names of members on those public records; and it was

difficult to discover any reason for such conduct. The emperor

had ordered the privy councillors to inform the memorialist that

he must look after the boards and higher offices, to ascertain

whether or not there were any cabals, and to take notes of

whatever he saw or knew. He had written that "Minghia

would persist in wearing a singular dress, and in saying that the

new must be changed to the Ming style," that " it was dangerous

to have him lurking among the ministers," that " it was my duty

to carefully scrutinise whatever took place," and " how could his

treachery be permitted to be consummated," — these four

sentiments Minghia had blotted out. He declared that Minghia

was plotting ; that his disposition had been carefully noted ;

and lest the memorialist should be afterwards blamed for

negligence, " your minister now raises his hand to heaven and

earth."

This accusation has been taken down pretty fully, because of
its interesting picture of the times, and of the manner in which
bribery is carried on in high places. We shall see other modes
of bribery in the few cases to be noted below. Meantime we
shall take leave of Minghia, when we say that all the Boards and
" Ching " had to examine the case ; and as the accuser was not a

582 OFFICIALS.

weak censor, their examination found every charge proved, and
Minghia was strangled.

His son Yechun was examined some time after, on the alleged
faults committed by him during his father's lifetime. He was
found guilty and deserving of death ; but the emperor saved his
life, commuting the sentence to a severe beating and banishment
to Mookden ; whither he was followed, soon after, by the
governor of Szchuen, accused by Sangwei of evil practices,
extenuated to some extent by previous good conduct.

In 1689, another case cropped up which is illustrative of the
customs of the times, and worthy of recital. The assistant chief
censor accused Chienhiao, late president of Board of Punishment,
of malpractices. There was a counter charge made against the
censor, of making false accusations. Discussion followed which
produced a memorial from the censor giving details. In the end
of this memorial, among other charges, he stated that Chienhiao
had lent out a hundred thousand taels at three per cent, per
month interest,* and that capital and interest were repaid lately,
amounting to a hundred and sixty thousand taels. He then,
with the original capital, opened a pawnshop -f in Da Kiangkia
street. He had sent ten thousand taels to his house by an
official going in that direction. A magnificent house, with
splendid and extensive gardens attached, was being built by a
friend of his, but with his money. Precious gems from all
quarters, gold and pearls J from the eastern seas, poured in upon
him. He had sent a younger brother to various provinces on
some pretext; but in Honan especially the people were

* To know this charge properly, let it be understood that there was a late enact-
ment against magistrates engaging in trade, or lending money to those engaged in
trade; while they were also forbidden to lend to or borrow from any of the people
under their jurisdiction.

t Pawnshops in China are like banks in England. They demand more capital
than any other shop. They lend money, from a sixpence to a thousand pounds, on
the security of articles given in pledge, and at the rate, in some places of two, in
some of three per cent, per month. They never lose, for they rarely lend more than
half the actual value of the pledge, which lapses to the shop, or becomes " dead," as
the Chinese call it, at the end of two full years of interest unpaid.

£ Eastern pearls are most highly valued as at once the largest and purest.

BRIBERY. 583

grievously oppressed by his extortions. He bought one house
in the capital for over six thousand taels, another for five
thousand five hundred; he bought ten thousand Ching (each
sixteen English acres) of land ; and the number of newly built
houses purchased by him, in Rope-man Lane, Half-cut Lane, and
Cross Street, were beyond number ; besides houses and lands,
difficult to estimate, in Soochow, Taitsang, Hwunshan, Woohien,
Changchow, Changshoo, Wookiang, &c. The censor was
upbraided because he did not draw attention to this matter
earlier ; but the president was degraded. From this case we can
learn that a presidency was a good milch cow.

Ho Li, viceroy of the two Kiang, escaped for many years, by his
great abilities, the fate which his rapacious extortions should have
early brought upon him. But a " hawl " of half a million taels,
accepted by him at literary examinations, was too heavy and
brought him down. In May 1714, his mother went to the capital
to complain of him, of his younger brother, of his son, and of a youth
adopted as a son by his wife. Since Li's degradation, they had all
left their mother's house, crossed the Yellow River, west of which
they now lived, oppressing the people most cruelly ; and as no
one dared raise their voice in accusation, his mother felt
compelled to act in the name of justice against her own son.
Board of Punishment found Ho Li guilty of unfaithfulness and
unfiliality to an extreme degree ; that he should be cut in pieces,
his wife strangled, his son and brother beheaded, his adopted son
transported to Heiloongkiang, and their property confiscated.
The emperor decreed that Ho Li commit suicide, that his wife
follow his example, and that the other findings of the Board be
carried out. It may be added that the emperor had found it
extremely difficult to believe the accusers of Ho Li up to the
very moment when sentence of degradation had to be passed ;
and the lenient sentence of suicide may have been dictated by a
lingering affection for an old favourite and able minister.

As fertile a source of official incomes, and sometimes a more
cruel one than bribery, is the malappropriation of public
moneys, grain, and fodder, as will appear in the chapter on

584 OFFICIALS.

"Taxation." This form of filling empty official purses is as
common in the west as in the east, and we shall notice only
two notable cases. The year 1703 was the second very hard
season for Shantung. The emperor was deeply grieved
at the great distress and the famishing condition of that
province, and forwarded large sums of money to purchase food
for the very poor. The governor, notwithstanding this
assistance, had to report bands of famishing men traversing the
country, and already had several hundred men been slain by
them. But immediately came accusations against the governor
himself; for it was said that the money sent by his majesty to
feed the poor had all but melted down on its way, and that
only a small fraction of it had reached its destination. Inves-
tigation made the case no better than it was reported ; and the
governor was degraded, because he had not taken a strict
account of the moneys from all the prefectures and districts.
In all cases of famine, the same story has to be told in China.
Even in the frightful famines which devastated north China a
few years ago, the large sums of money put into the official
hands to feed the famishing had a large proportion clipped off
on the way ; for it passes through at least half-a-dozen grades of
officials ere it reaches its destination ; and there is a deal of glue
attached to money passing into Yamuns, even when it is to save
lives from famine, and when twice as much would scarcely
suffice to keep them in life.

For many years towards the end of Kanghi's and the beginning
of Yungching's reign, the internal strife of the imperial family
overshadowed every other matter ; and the evident struggle in
the family of Kanghi over the succession, caused ministers to
overlook as unworthy of notice the quarrels and accusations
usually so common. But in 1722, began the famous case of
Nien Gungyao, who. had been nominated viceroy of Szchuen and
Shensi as the reward of his bravery in quelling the insurrection
of the Lama monasteries west of Kansu. But with his vice-
royalty came an accusation against him, afterwards proven, of
having falsely charged a man with crime when he was governor,

SMUGGLING. 585

and of other evil practices. His viceroyalty was abolished, his
Great commandership of Singan recalled, and he was sent as
commander to Hangchow, there to give proofs of repentance.
The governor of Shensi declared it altogether unreasonable to
permit him to act as viceroy ; for he had, during his short term
of office, given out over a hundred thousand passports to
merchants, thus defrauding the revenue by smuggling on a
great scale. He had besides sent a district magistrate to buy
all the teas which had not paid duty, by which he pocketed over
fifty thousand taels ; and from smugglers he had received twice
as much. While these statements were being investigated, the
emperor charged Nien with causing the viceroy of Chihli — then
newly instituted — the Mongol princes, the emperor's son-in-law,
and other officials, to dismount and kneel before him. For all
this he was put on a trial which occupied much time, and the
account of which we have condensed from a volume.

Li Weikun, who was the first viceroy of Chihli, and President
of Board of War, with a suspicious haste reported that he had in
former times very few dealings with Nien, and that lately even
those rare transactions were broken off. The emperor, however,
said that this statement was contrary to facts, for that the
governor of Singan was never five days without seeing a
messenger from the viceroy of Chihli ; and so ostentatious were
those visits that every eye had seen them ; and added that this
was a fault which demanded attention. Another count added
to the charge against Nien, was that he had employed as body
servants the men who had been penally sentenced to the ranks.*
The Dootoong of the Han Kun army advanced another heavy

*The "ranks of the army beyond the border " are the Chinese equivalent of the
Siberia of the Russian dabbler in politics ; and the commander, partly perhaps from
a commendable pity, and partly to attach to himself men who had been sentenced
to servility from high office, took them under his protection as servants. The charge
would never have been noticed had he not been down on his knees by the blows
already given him ; and as there was, or was believed to be, a plot in the imperial
family to dethrone the new emperor and set a brother on the throne, — in which the
Jesuits too were implicated, and whence began persecution against them, — that
charge of undoing the sentence against political prisoners would be all the more
serious.

586 OFFICIALS.

charge against Nien, declaring his avarice an unbounded one,
which led him to appropriate three hundred thousand taels
from the allowance for provender for beasts of burden, and four
hundred thousand taels from the rations of the army, with lesser
ones of a similar character. And Nien was ordered to answer
these charges.

Board of Appointments, which had been made judge, decided
that his viceroyalty should be taken from Nien, but his dukeship
left him because of his services to the state. This finding
displeased the emperor, who said that the board must reconsider
this decision, for the crimes of Nien were too serious to be thus
lightly punished. He added that Nien and Loong Kodo had
been implicitly trusted by the late emperor ; high and low had
regarded them as men of unquestioned integrity ; while all the
ministers honoured them by consulting them on every important
question. Yet both had been guilty of great and numerous
crimes. Mercy was good, but must not be universally and
invariably shown. Justice must sometimes be manifested ; and
from the manner in which leniency had acted in the past, the
wise should learn that severity was necessary in the future.
" The road on which carts are always capsizing, must either be
abandoned or mended," alluding to the increase of corruption
during the mildness of the two first years of his reign.

The Board was a whole year before they could decide, for all
that time Nien was nominally in office. But the emperor then
degraded both Nien and Loong from their high office, and the
Board immediately found that the crimes of Nien were high as
the heavens, so that heaven and earth must conspire to take his
life. They advise, therefore, that he be instantly called into the
capital to answer for his crimes. The case had been before the
Board for two years ; and had Nien been able to kick against
Yungching, and raise the standard of rebellion in favour of
another son of Kanghi, the Board would have been longer before
they could see his crimes. For it was uncertain how such an
attempt would have ended. But as soon as Nien was gently
degraded, and removed from his viceroyalty so softly, without

DEGRADATION. 587

any effort on his part to retain it, while all his offices were
declared suspended, the Board suddenly opened its eyes to the
crimes of which he had been guilty.

The emperor, without waiting for the replies of Nien, recalled
the gifts of the Dragon throne, the yellow girdle, the two-eyed
peacock feather and all other honorary gifts. The documents
transmitted by the emperor, marked by himself as to how Nien
should act, were also recalled. His commandership was taken
away, and he was degraded to the rank of Jangjing, fifth grade,
but bereft of all actual command, and ordered to do penance in
Hangchow. After this sentence all the Boards yelled and howled
at him, as Chinese curs rush from all directions against a
screaming dog rolling in the dust. They recommended that his
fifth grade be taken away, and himself executed as he deserved.
The viceroy of Chihli again foolishly raised his voice to increase
the din against the man to whom he had cringingly knelt at the
very time the crimes were being perpetrated. He declared Nien
neither a faithful minister nor a loyal subject &c. The emperor
was greatly offended at this epistle, and" replied to it by ordering
the viceroy, whom he degraded, to build the storehouses at
Tientsin out of his own private resources, and added that when
that work was finished the Board of Punishment would inquire
into his conduct. The emperor was aware that immense
quantities of the malappropriations of Nien were hidden away
in Paoting, the city where lives the viceroy, who therefore knew
intimately of the conduct of Nien.

Nien was seized in winter, and brought to the capital ;
probably meantime new charges of even a graver nature had
oozed out. All the princes and Boards found Nien guilty of
five great crimes : — 1st, He employed the Taoist priest Jow Loo
and others, to plot an insurrection, and he was plotting in the
dark ; 2nd, he changed the imperial mandate with his own pen ;
3rd, he left unmolested a man of Chihkiang, who had gone west
and acted most outrageously against the people ; 4th, there
were found in his house twenty-eight gold coats of mail, four
thousand quivers, cannon and other balls, and other illicit

588 OFFICIALS.

articles ; and 5th, he had murdered over eight hundred principal
merchants.* In summing up his ninety-two sins, the sum total
of his malversations was found to mount to three millions five
hundred thousand taels; over a million sterling. The court
composed of the greatest men, the highest rank, and the most
brilliant talents to be secured in all China, found him guilty
.according to law of crimes for which he should be beheaded.
His father, brothers, sons, grandsons, cousins and nephews of
and above sixteen years of age should be put to death. All
under fifteen, with his mother, his wife, concubines, his sons'
wives and concubines, should be given to the public ministers
.as slaves. The emperor, remembering his excellent services at
Kokonor, ordered him to look after himself— i.e., commit
suicide ; but his son should be beheaded, as well as the priest
Jow Loo. His other- male relations of the age of sixteen were
declared free from the penalty of death, but transported to
Heiloongkiang. The emperor then made a long speech,
addressed to Nien, recalling the goodness to him of the late
emperor ; saying that he had read of many unfaithful ministers
in ancient times, but of none to be compared to him; and
accusing him of regarding his own relations as of no more value
than so much straw, as he could risk their life so lightly. Half a
million taels were found in his house, which was searched during
the examination. Three years after, the son of Nien was
pardoned and recalled from banishment. We may therefore
infer that his other male relations, if ever actually sent, were
also recalled. After this, history relates degradation of officers
for want of success, and of ministers for venal courses ; but there
is nothing new to throw additional light on the relations
between prince and minister, or the inter-relations of officials.

Besides ordinary bribery and malappropriation, the direct or
indirect sale of office is often resorted to for money. No
magistrate of any grade can enter upon his office without
spending more or less money ; but this is not so much a buying

*This last was apparently when abetting smuggling; these merchants being
unable to afford to smuggle, as they had too great a stake.

CONNIVANCE. 589'

and selling as a necessary " present "; for the man must be fitted
for his post, or no amount of money could purchase it. But a
censor had to memorialise the first Manchu emperor on the sale
of office. He even declared that sub-prefectures and district
magistracies were sold ; that is, given to men unfitted for the
post for certain sums of money. He said that those who had
been the "greedy caterpillars and wild roughs" were now
assistants to the district judges ; and though the rank was but
low, it entitled its possessor to be called the "father and
mother " of the people, and by it he could issue orders, arrest
and imprison men. He asked how men destitute of literary
degrees could be nominated to office, if the intendant or prefect
had not received their money ? He then gave instances where
such " ravenous caterpillars " apprehended men only to frighten
them into giving money ; and the emperor agreed to his prayer,
and ordered governors and viceroys to examine into that state of
matters.

Officials too weak to face danger, or too avaricious to be
particular as to the source of gain, have, in all ages of Chinese
history, found connivance at robbery by private bravadoes a
lucrative fund of easily acquired wealth. The following
extraordinary story has often been, and is now, imitated, but
perhaps rarely paralleled; and will serve to explain how far
connivance at robbery can go by men whose office demands of
them to protect the public. Board of Punishment was informed,
in 1653, that the great robbers Li Yingshu and Pan Hiowun
were living not far from the capital, where they had been causing
disturbances for many years, being so powerful and wily that the
soldiers dared not face them. Yingshu was apprehended on
other minor charges ; but when under examination it appeared
that he was the famous Hivangbiao Li Sanyuen, under which
name he had been guilty of most serious crimes during the Ming
dynasty. " The fish had then escaped out of the net, the wild
beast had burst his cage ; " for, at the very moment when he was
known to be always aiding in their schemes, and shielding in his
house hosts of robbers and thieves, he was the intimate friend of

590 OFFICIALS.

high officials. As many of his men as he desired were enrolled
as yayi or detectives; and the power thus in his hands was
rewarded by costly presents by robbers from all directions and
distances ; for there was none of them he could not injure, and
none of them he could not save. To the merchants from the
southern provinces he declared publicly that he could be of
service to them, and gave them privately to understand that
their lives were in hands, — which was probably true. Hence
they all had to pay him large sums in black mail. The taxes
on all imports by the Tsoongwun gate were under his control,
and only a small proportion ever found its way to the public
treasury. The amount of taxation he increased at will ; the man
who refused to pay was killed, and no one dared mutter
vengeance on the murderer. Large numbers of lives were thus
sacrificed.

Hiowun gave himself out to be a horse-dealer and informer

against robbers. The informer business he could easily carry out

by giving such notice as would lead to the seizure of whatever

robber did not acknowledge his chieftainship, and by informing

where a band of robbers were at work, at the same time giving

the robbers timely warning to get out of the way if serious

measures were taken for their apprehension ; for if friendly

robbers had no hiding-place of their own, his house was open to

them till they could go forth in safety again. He picked out

the best mules and the fastest horses, his drove consisting

of from forty to two hundred superior animals. These were

always sold to robbers, who would naturally give the highest

price for what was more to them than any other implement of

their trade. The robber mounted on one of these was therefore

" like a tiger which had grown wings." Hiowun was in intimate

relations with the district judges. The accused made " presents "

to him to act as their advocate. According to the amount of

the present did he represent the case to the judge, who had to

listen to his voice, and men were liberated or destroyed by his

word, whether the decision was or was not a righteous one.

Many officials, civil and military, were on drinking terms with

INFLUENTIAL ROBBERS. 591

the two great robbers ; but onlookers dared not even observe the
relationship. He was in short a Chinese Fisk.

The Board decided that " the crimes of those two men are
innumerable, their wickedness such that imagination could not
conceive a greater; all men within the bounds of the empire
proclaimed them worthy of a myriad deaths. Therefore Li
Yingshu and Pan Hiowun, with their sons and nephews are
herewith ordered to be beheaded."

Li Yunchang, the senior secretary of Board of War, was also
accused, because that he, whose office entitled him to directly
address the emperor, recognised Li Tienfung, nephew of Yingshu,
as his own brother, and the son of Tienfung as his own son,
whom he employed as an official ; and had thus shielded both
from the above sentence when it was passed. Though declared
guilty, they were permitted to escape the penalty; but an
imperial threat was published, warning all officials to avoid
such friendly relationships with robbers for the future, on pain
of suffering death along with the robber.

But that proclamation did not much mend matters, for next
month a supervising censor had to memorialise that the robbers
must have a refuge somewhere into which they hide as " birds
to a nest." The owner of " this den is either a man who has
lost all sense of fear and is utterly wicked, or a chief among the
detectives, entrusted with the charge of arresting robbers.
These had power enough to make the evil seem good, and
influence strong enough to shield the robbers." He therefore
recommended that all robbers afterwards seized, should be
examined as to this protector; and if he were a chief of the
detective force, he should be at once apprehended and handed
over to the Board to deal with him.

When the emperor went into the secretariate, he asked of the
grand secretaries how it was that Li San the Hwangbiao, who
was one of the common people, had so many houses and rooms
outside and attached to his dwelling-house, all in such perfectly
beautiful order. Chungshow replied that those rooms were
divided into offices for six Boards; and any business to be

592 OFFICIALS.

transacted, or any man going on business, went direct to the
proper Board. Regulations were most carefully laid down, and
most strictly enforced. The emperor said, that if a common
man could so act, outraging all propriety, it was heaven itself
defeated him ; and asked, since Li San was so great a scourge to
the people, how was it that not one of the ministers had dared
sooner speak out ? The censors, Ning Wanwo and Chun Julin,
were both silent when the question was put; and when the latter
was directly questioned, he said, " Li San was a man of tremendous
wickedness. He is executed : let the matter rest. Had he not
suffered, Julin's days were numbered ; and who is regardless of
his life and family?" Minghia, whose story is given above,
said, throwing responsibility off himself, " Li San was a man of
extreme wickedness, but one censor had sufficed to bring him to
just punishment. Your minister is an unworthy great minister ;
but to discover rebellion, and nip secret treachery in the bud, is
not the province of your minister. Li San, besides, had private
communications and secret spies everywhere, and swift vengeance
overtook the first breath of accusation. All men love and
cherish their own life and family." From this story we can
infer the state of Peking in the early years of Manchu rule,
when their armies were taking cities and winning battles in the
south. The tiger might run down his game, but his own body
was covered with blood-sucking vermin. It is not so?very many
years ago since the chief of an army of robbers was making the
house of the brigadier-general of Mookden his headquarters
year after year, till the fact became too notorious to be any longer
connived at by the highest authorities of the province.

One other incident of official corruption, explaining the mode
of extortion in common use will suffice to complete the heartless
list. In the preceding history, it was seen that Swun Kowang
was defeated in 1657 by his former colleague, Li Dinggwo. The
vanquished man fled to the Manchus by whom he was created
Yi Wang, "upright prince ! " He was invited to the capital and
as he was passing through Chihli, Jang Huensi, viceroy of Chihli,
Honan and Shantung, went to Shwunte foo to welcome the

SUICIDE. 593

newly made prince. He returned to his palace and cut his throat.
The wound was not immediately fatal, for he was able to pen a
memorial to the emperor, in which he said that " ever since your
criminal minister, Jang Hiiensi, took office, his mind was
straight as an arrow to rightly perform his duty. Whether
himself pleased or offended he never thwarted the will and
desires of the people. The distinction between the right and
the wrong belonged to heaven ; his desire was to see universal
peace and harmony. But who knows how difficult it is to walk
the straight road ? At present all men envy him, and all the
people are like madmen ; and he has sought, in this eccentric
manner, an honourable death, only because of oppressive grief.
This body must die, and better now than afterwards when falsely
accused of crime. Your minister is guilty of ingratitude
for the heaven-high, earth- wide favours of your majesty.
Henceforth he is like a vanishing cloud, or spilt water. If the
emperor ever remembers his minister and his toil for him, let
him think of him kindly. He prays the emperor not to punish
his family, and in the grave he shall ever give thanks for the
imperial mercy. Woohoo alas ! alas ! your minister has to leave
the present life, but he may become your majesty's horse or dog. *
Your minister's family is not wealthy. They have no good lands
and fine houses ; for, ever since your minister's nomination to
office, he has not dared to accept of a cash from an inferior
official; because he would then offend against your majesty's
clemency. He is come to this pass because men have brought
it upon him ; but it is the will of heaven."

The emperor ordered the assistant chief censor to hasten to
make all necessary enquiry into this peculiar case and to report.
The report was handed in next month and was to the effect that
when the viceroy visited Yi Wang, he was guilty of overlooking
the proper etiquette, for which he was taken to task by a Hanlin
secretary. His consequent shame had been for a time so
overwhelming that he had lost self control, took a small knife
and cut his throat. The emperor decreed that as the viceroy

* In transmigration.
N 1

594 OFFICIALS.

had been appointed to his post by the emperor, any business
turning up should have been stated to the emperor; but to
commit suicide, was to forget the spirit which should actuate a
great minister: as however, the past of the viceroy's life was
remarkable for purity and painstaking carefulness, he would be
punished now only by the reduction of two degrees of his
" honourable-mention " rank.

The viceroy was deeply wounded at finding censure where he
had hoped to receive sympathy, and in the following month he
so far " recovered the serenity of his mind " that he could detail
the real facts to which the censure had probably driven him.
He stated in this memorial that he had been guilty of breach of
etiquette, but it had been under compulsion. When he first
called to pay his respects, the officials around Yi Wang refused
to see him ; and after seeing, they treated him with contempt,
acting in a manner wholly unbearable. Thrice did he call, and
thrice asked how he should act. Then secretary Ma Loji
blamed him for his pertinacity, after he had formerly blamed
him for breach of etiquette. But it gradually oozed out that all
the blaming was in order to extort a "present." He was
informed that generallissimo Hoong Chungshow had met the
train in the far south with handsome presents. Chi Chuabai
reproved the viceroy for coming empty handed, and urged him
to make presents of camels and mules. But he was determined
to die rather than be guilty of bribery and thus violate the
instructions of his majesty. They therefore threatened that
when they arrived in Peking, they would report him to the
emperor as guilty of rudeness ; and said that the emperor would
not forget it. He therefore believed that death was his fate at
any rate, and he preferred to die before the charges were actually
made against him. Such extremity was the cause of his hasty
action.

The emperor was greatly incensed by this story, and said that
Ma Loji had reproved in order to extort money, and had dared
to reproach a great minister; he was guilty of most hateful
conduct, and the Board must immediately deal with the case

EXTORTION.

and judge it severely. The viceroy was still living under his
shame ; but it became so unbearable that he hung himself in a
temple three months after his first attempt at suicide. The
minister whose hands were clean would however have little
sympathy at court, and, except the young emperor, not one
could say a good word for him. But the emperor stripped
Chuabai of his censorate, and of all the honorary degrees already
conferred upon him, and Loji was similarly served, because they
had received bribes on the way from the various officials,
prefects and others, passed en route, and for endeavouring to
extort money from the viceroy. Jaoloong, president and secretary,
lost his presidency and all his grades of honour, for his connection
with the case. They were however permitted to retain their
actual office ; — they were degraded in rank, but not in pay or
work. Yi Wang was far too useful to have the breath of
suspicion whisper his name ; and the others were dealt with so
leniently because of their connection with him.

An incident, which began to excite public commotion in court
in the end of 1666, will illustrate the manner in which the wires
are pulled around the dragon throne. When the first emperor
was on his death-bed, he nominated four imperial guardians or
regents to young Kanghi. Two of these, Aobai and Sooksaha,
the latter being of the bordered yellow or imperial banner,
quarrelled and became bitter enemies. When Dorgun, the
regent, was degraded, his properties, which should naturally
have gone, when confiscated, to the bordered yellow banner to
which he had belonged, were given to the white banner ; and
other lands were given to the bordered yellow at the extremity
of the possessions of the right wing; for the lands were distributed
in the same order as that occupied by the various banners in
battle. This arrangement had gone on satisfactorily for twenty
years, till the rupture broke out between the guardians, when
Aobai, who was of the white banner, determined to upset it.
He ordered, or desired, grand secretary Soonahai, vice-president
Lei Hoo, governor Wang Dunglien, and viceroy Joo Changdso,
to meet together and consult upon the matter. Their con-

596 OFFICIALS.

sultations resulted in a memorial to the throne by Changdso and
Dunglien, who prayed in December 1666 to annul the law
compelling the properties of the bannermen to lie together in
military order, because the arrangement was inconvenient and
greatly hampered liberty of action.

In the following month the Board of Punishment found
Soonahai guilty, in spite of mature consideration, of committing
a grave blunder on the land question; found the two memorialists
guilty of endeavouring to mislead his majesty; and decided
that each of the guilty should be whipped a hundred lashes,
and their properties be confiscated. The Board had neither
the power nor the will to hint at the mainspring of the whole.
But the emperor ordered the body of guardians to examine into
the cause of quarrel between the two guardians. The two
guardians, not implicated, reported that the matter was serious,
and should be severely punished. The emperor passed over
Aobai, but confirmed the sentence of the Board confiscating the
properties of the three ministers.

In August of the next year, the emperor assumed control of

affairs himself, and proclaimed an amnesty for seventeen kinds

of crime. Just then the grand baron, grand guardian, and privy

councillor Sooksaha, prayed for the post of Keeper of the Tombs.

The other guardians demanded to know what offence had been

committed against him that he should so slight his own office.

The princes and high officials accused him of twenty-four crimes

for which he deserved to be cut in pieces ; and, at the same time,

declared that though the emperor had graciously permitted

Aobai to retain office, he continued to act in such a lawless

manner that he and his sons should be cut to death, and his

uncles, brothers and nephews beheaded. They also pronounced

other officials, great and small, deserving degradation of a more or

less severe degree. The emperor agreed to this memorial ; but

the end was not yet. The subject was doubtless again and

again discussed ; till, in June 1669, formal accusations were again

made by the princes and great ministers. The emperor, in a long

paper, gave as his reason for having delayed sentence, the hope

GUARDIANS. 597

that so aged a minister as Aobai would repent of his tyranny
over the people, and his other evil conduct ; and he upbraided
the other guardians and high officials for having permitted him
to go on his wicked way without publishing his wickedness.
Kang Chin Wang, with the other princes, had at last proved
thirty crimes against Aobai; twelve against Habiloong, who should
have prevented him ; twenty-one against Ananda and Banboorsi
of the imperial family, who had shared his guilt ; twelve against
his son Namofo, and six against his nephew Saibunda. To even
a superficial glance, the number appears to set forth the gradations
of guilt rather than the nature of the crimes charged against the
criminal ; the truth being that all the individual instances
adduced are arbitrary ; some being generalised classifications of
crimes, others particular acts of crime, and the total number of
the crimes serves, even without examining into the merits of
each count, to give the opinion of the judges with regard to the
proportionate guiltiness of the various offending parties ; though,
it need scarcely be added, each count is carefully set forth.

The emperor could not bring himself to pronounce sentence of
death on Aobai, who had long been a minister under, and had
been nominated a guardian by, the late emperor; but he
dismissed him from all office and seized his slaves. Some of the
accused were saved from the extreme penalty because they had
been ministers of reputation under the late emperor. Banboorsi
was strangled. Namofo escaped death, but was degraded.
Saibunda was sentenced to beheading as well as four others, all
of whom had formed a dangerous and criminal clique. Many
others were punished more or less severely according to their
degrees of criminality; but Sooksaha was reinstalled in his
former posts. Thus Chinese regents proved to be not much
unlike English ones.

But if there has been, in all ages of Chinese history, a good
deal of bribery and corruption among officials, it differs in degree
according to the character of the reigning monarch. Extensive
though the gangrene of official corruption is at the present day,
with the example set in the highest places, it is not equal to

598 OFFICIALS.

half of what it was for the last century of the Ming rule, when
the eunuchs lorded it over the land. This corruption is not
peculiar to any one class of officials either high or low, nor yet
is it universal in any class high or low. The family of the late
prime minister, Wun Siang, is very poor, but might be
exceedingly rich did he receive the "presents" which would
come pouring upon him, had he opened his hands to them.
Officials are found among all grades of magistrates who are of
unsuspected honour in this matter, and these are known to and
highly esteemed by the people at large. To incite to faithfulness
to duty, and to honesty in it, there is a certain number of faithful
and honest officials of former dynasties, honoured by the reigning
dynasty with honorary sacrifices. In the beginning of 1652, the
Board of Rites and all the chief offices were ordered to make
enquiries whether there were any, and how many, of the officials
of the last Ming emperor who were faithful to the death, and
did die rather than acknowledge the robber when Peking fell and
their prince had died ; for it was most improper that the memory
of such should perish. After careful investigation, it was found
that sixteen great ministers, — grand secretary, presidents, &c., —
had committed suicide when the capital fell. The emperor made
grants of lands, the revenues of which would be sufficient to
make sacrifices in perpetuity for these faithful men. Any man
is at liberty to decline office if he so chooses ; but after having
accepted office, the official is bound to serve his prince with the
utmost fidelity. If the prince is such a man as deserves to be
dethroned, that is the concern of heaven, who will raise up the
instruments ; but those who have once " eaten the bread " of the
prince are bound, not only not to raise their hand against him, but
to die for or with him, if they would be considered faithful to
their name of minister. It is unnecessary to say that the easiest
mode of gaining the epithet of " Faithful " is by successful war.
Hence warriors, as a rule, occupy the prominent seats of honour
in the pantheon of faithful ministers. It appears that sometimes
a mistake is made ; for in 1660 we find a censor saying that the
emperor " has always worshipped, or honoured by sacrifice, the

CHINESE CANONISATION. 599

ancient ministers of good reputation. But one of those so
honoured, Pan Yinmei of the Sung dynasty, though he was
deservedly esteemed for quelling the troubles of the south, failed,
when at Hiaku, to prevent Wang Sien from abandoning the
pass of Chunkiaku, and because Sien had withdrawn, Yang Jiye
and his eight sons all fell in one day, in a vain attempt to stop
the Kitan, who after that became the terror of the Sung men.
Jang Dsun, another Sung minister, was thrice made commander
by his emperor. He was first defeated at Fooping Pass, which
caused the fall of Shensi ; a second time at Whaisi, giving the
magistrates in charge no alternative but revolt; and a third
defeat at Fooli made it impossible for the Sung ever afterwards
to reconstruct their empire. He also refused to be on good
terms with Yao Fei, the only man feared by the Kitan, but
petitioned, notwithstanding his proved incapacity, for the post
of commander-in-chief. Sacrifices to these two should therefore
cease; and the emperor agreed. This will illustrate what we
have elsewhere stated, that the innumerable temples of China
are raised chiefly for the reason for which we in the west build
monuments ; merely to keep in remembrance the memories of
men who have been useful to their sovereigns, or beneficial to
their country ; and there is little more intended by the sacrifices
made there, than there is when we bind chaplets of flowers on
the head of a statue or throw bouquets at its feet. The number
of gods in China to which prayer is offered and petitions
presented, — which is our idea of worship, — can be counted on
one's fingers. To the great bulk of their gods the Chinese no
more bow down in worship, than Protestants do to Paul or
Augustine. The canonisation of the Chinese emperor is there-
fore totally different from that of the Romish " emperor," as the
pope is called in China ; for the former canonises in order that
able and faithful ministers may be honoured, the latter that
pious, or so-called pious, men and women may be prayed to.
And whoever heard of the pope who would dethrone from
canonisation one who, though long worshipped, was proved to be
unworthy, or even never to have existed ?

600 OFFICIALS.

Another mode of honouring able and useful ministers is to
heap upon them a string of posthumous honorary titles. Hence
no man while living ever can exhaust the totality of honorary
titles at command of the court, for some are always retained to
consummate the faithful man's character as he is borne to his
funeral. This has been a practice carried out of old in China ;
and several instances of it occurred in the " History of Corea."
But it would appear that the generality of officials ceased to be
designated by their titles after death ; for a supervising censor of
the Board of War memorialised, in 1655, that it was desirable
that all officials, civil or military, great or small, should be
considered after death of the same rank as that possessed by
them when they died. The subject was first subjected to the
criticisms of the Board of War ; after which it was agreed to
and recorded in the " red book."

When we give the following memorial of a censor relating to
official salaries, it will be at once apparent how official corruption
was a matter of necessity to the great majority. But let it be
premised that besides the money salary there is an allowance of
rice supposed to be enough for the consumption of the family of
the official, the quantity being proportionate to the rank of that
official. There are also small fees to which judges are entitled
from litigants, but they are such as would scarcely pay for an
English lawyer's clerk. The memorial referred to was presented
to the emperor in 1669, when the high taxation demanded
pressed so hard upon the provinces then suffering from a
succession of short harvests, that many memorials were presented
to the emperor pleading for a reduction of taxation. The censor
said that reduction of taxation was just then impossible, for though
official salaries had been somewhat increased since the death of
the first Manchu emperor, they were still wholly inadequate.
The viceroy had a yearly salary of a hundred and fifty-five taels;
the governor of a hundred and thirty taels ; the sub-prefect of
eighty taels ; the district judge of forty-five taels. This last was
somewhat more than three taels per month ; and the support of
his family and his horse, in the quietest possible manner, would

SALARIES. 601

cost at least half a tael per day ; so that his month's pay was
sufficient for only a few days of the most common fare.
Depending wholly on his salary, he had over twenty days in the
month when he would have nothing to eat ; was he to die of
starvation ? Thus the superior officials were compelled to act
covetously in order to live, and to receive or force from the
inferior officials sums of money which they in their turn
demand from the judges, and these must live, even if the people
cry out against their extortion. The censor therefore, instead of
agreeing to a reduction, prayed for an increase of salary sufficient
to meet the moderate wants of government employe's. The
emperor remitted this memorial to the Board of Revenue;
ordering the Board at the same time to refrain from taking the
lands of the people and their houses to give to the soldiers.
This Board soon decided that to decrease official salaries was
simply to drive the officials into taking more from the people ;
therefore reduction was impossible.

Up till 1652, every official drawing up a memorial for the
government, did so in any manner which he thought proper.
Where so many memorials from high ministers were daily
received, this chaotic state of official writing caused a good deal
of confusion, which grand secretary Fan Wunchung endeavoured
to reduce to order by praying the emperor to issue orders to
have a uniform system adopted over all the empire. His desire
seems to have been granted ; for in the autumn, the emperor
complained to the secretariat that though a model had been
given to the Board of Rites, memorials continued to come in on
papers long and short, wide and narrow, and differing in many
particulars from the model ; and ordered the secretariat to
inform the Board of Rites to issue strictest orders for uniformity.
This uniformity was explained more fully next year, when,
besides the size of paper, it was ordered to begin all memorials
with the official title of the writer, then mention his name, then
give an index of the subject or subjects of the memorial, and
lastly, illustrate these subjects in detail. Those who read the
few of those memorials which are published in the Peking

602 OFFICIALS.

gazette will know that this rule is observed up to the
present.

A volume of the Kienlung laws sets forth the duties of officials
and their conduct to their superiors ; warns against neglecting,
without sufficient cause, to attend his majesty's levee, and
teaches the manner in which they are to receive his majesty's
exhortations. They are commanded under penalties to study the
laws with diligence. If the officer in charge fail to transmit his
majesty's letter, one hundred blows is his punishment ; and it is
equal for similarly neglecting the letter of the heir apparent.
He who destroys an imperial rescript, or any officially stamped
Yamun letter is beheaded ; and various punishments, from one
hundred blows to strangling, belong to him who destroys any
memorial from an official. He is beaten ninety blows and
banished for two years, who loses an imperial warrant, decree or
stamped letter ; for losing an official's memorial the penalty is
seventy blows. But if the loss is by fire, flood, or robbery, and
through no fault of the officer in charge, he is blameless.

A memorialist to the throne, writing so as to mislead, whether
intentionally, from ignorance, or carelessness, as in using one
character in appearance much like the proper one but with a
very different signification, is subject to a graduated punishment
according to the error. Care must be taken also as to whether
or not the subject is one which should be transmitted to the
emperor.

Every ambassador or messenger or envoy sent on any public
business is bound to report himself and wait his majesty's
pleasure, within three days of his return, on pain of punishment
more or less severe.

It may be interesting to note the grades and numbers of the
official staff over this large empire of China. The emperor is
the fountain of all authority and the centre of every office.
Around him clusters the NEIGO or Privy Council, through which
all imperial business reaches the emperor, and through which he
transmits his decrees and sentences upon the memorials presented
him. Beyond the N eigo is the concentric wider circle of the

GOVERNMENT. 603

six Boards. Memorials are sent from the provinces to one of the
Boards ; the Board sends to the Privy Council ; a grand
secretary presents it to the emperor ; and it is returned in the
same way and lodged with the proper Board when the emperor
decides upon it. The emperor never or very rarely initiates ; he
takes action only upon a memorial from one of the Boards, or
of the three Law Courts.

The Neigo is composed of four grand secretaries — two Manchus
and two Chinese — who alone rank first class of first grade ; one
president from each of the Boards ; vice-presidents and secretaries
from Board of Kites, in all six Manchus and two Chinese;
four Manchu, two Mongol and two Chinese assistant secretaries;
ten Manchu, two Mongol and two Chinese readers ; with many
inferior officials, as those for registration and stamping, for binding
and stitching, and large numbers of scribes. In the Privy Council
there are twenty five imperial seals, each for its own distinctive
purpose. They are of various sizes, shapes and colours of jade,
except one of gold and one of fragrant wood. The twenty third
is used for stamping all documents relating to foreign affairs.
There are ten seals in Mookden the second capital, six of
various colours and sizes of jade, three of gold and one of fragrant
wood.

The rank of each Board is in the order in which it stands, that
of Appointments being the most important. It however does
not appoint any of the primary or secondary officials in the
imperial family or imperial clan offices. In the offices of this
Board there are one Manchu and one Chinese president ; one
Manchu and one Chinese senior and the same of junior vice-
president; three Manchu one Mongol and one Chinese senior
secretaries, two Manchu and two Chinese junior secretaries ;
with one Manchu and two Chinese councillors. Each of the
six Boards has two presidents, a Manchu and a Chinese ; and
four vice-presidents, two Manchu and two Chinese. Each
Board has more than one office. The following tabular form gives
all the superior officials connected with each Board, except those
belonging to the Board of Revenue over the treasuries and stores.

604

OFFICIALS.

The majority of the secondary offices are held by Manchus,
the presidents and vice-presidents alone being equally divided
with the Chinese. Mongols are represented on all the Boards,
and if their number is small it is as large as their importance
to the state can warrant.

Board of

Senior
Secretaries

Junior
Secretaries

Council-
lors

Junior
Councillor

Custodier

Writer

Appointments

13

14

11

5

2

73

Revenue - -

33

53

29

6

2

119

Rites - - -

12

14

9

4

2

38

War - - -

18

16

10

5

2

78

Punishment

38

44

36

6

2

124

Works - -

22

25

21

4

2

86

The Censorate is composed of one Manchu and one Chinese
senior grand censor or chief censor, of the same rank as the
president of a Board, — the second class of the first grade ; two
Manchu and two Chinese junior grand censors, and fifteen
supervising censors over the various Boards and public offices
in Peking; with twenty-eight Manchu and twenty-eight Chinese
censors to look after provincial affairs.

There is the court of Judicature and the office of Transmission,
which, with the Censorate and the Six Boards, constitute the
grand court called the Nine Ching. All these officials,
however, we shall not enumerate ; and we shall also omit those
connected with the inferior departments of Religious Ceremonies,
Banqueting, Kitchen, Grand Equerry, the Imperial Family and
Clan Offices, the Hanlin, the National College, the Board of
Astronomy, the Temples to Heaven, Earth, Ancestors, National
Lares, and the Various Tombs.

The affairs of each of the eighteen provinces of China are
conducted as if it were a separate kingdom. The province is
supplied with a staff of officials of all needful kinds, who
administer justice, collect taxes, pay public accounts in perfect
independence of all the other provinces. Sometimes two, and
in one case three, provinces are grouped together, though the

PKOVINCIAL OFFICES. 605

connection is often more nominal than real. These groups are
each under the care of a Dsoongdoo, governor-general, or viceroy.
He has supreme control over the civil and military officials of
his viceroyalty. His rank is the first class of the second grade ;
but if he is a president of one of the six Boards, he possesses the
rank of that office, — the second of first grade. There are eight
viceroys proper, — Chihli, Kiangnan and Kiangsi, Fukien and
Chihkiang, Hoope and Hoonan, Shensi and Kansu, the Kwang,
Szchuen, Yunnan and Kweichow. There is an official of
viceroy rank over the grain tribute ; and over the canal there
is one in Shantung and Honan, and another in Kiangnan ;
making in all eleven officials of Dsoongdoo rank. Besides
these, there are Governors of provinces subordinate to the
viceroy in Shantung, Shansi, Honan, Kiangsoo, Anhwi, Kiangsi,
Fukien, Chihkiang, Hoope, Hoonan, Shensi, Kansu, Kwangtung,
Kwangsi, Yunnan, and Kweichow ; making sixteen in all of the
second class of second grade. Besides these, there is a provincial
judge and a provincial treasurer in each province. Another
official of the first class of fourth grade is called Taotai or
intendant ; of whom there are fifty-three over all the provinces,
some of them with one duty, some with another.

All the above officials have superior spheres of action, and
are located in the provincial capitals. But besides its capital, the
province has a large number of walled cities, to each of which is
attached a large country population. This walled city resembles
an English county town, and is the seat of the judge or
magistrate for the district attached to it. The magistrate is
called a Chihhien or Juhien; the district over which he is
magistrate, including the city where his headquarters are
situated, being called a Hien. His duties comprise those of the
English county judge, or the Scotch sheriff, together with the
authority of chief of police ; for though there are no perambulating
police, there is a considerable number of detectives connected
with the Hien Yamun, or court houses. The magistrate's
dwelling-house is invariably within the large enclosure
surrounding the Yamun. This Yamun includes the lock-up

606

OFFICIALS.

and prison, as well as the judgment hall. This Hien magistrate
is the lowest of all the officals nominated by the Board of
Appointments; his being the first class of the seventh grade.
Above him in rank, though not always superior in authority, is
the Chihchow or Juchow ; the magistrate of the secondary or
chow city, which sometimes rules over two or three hien. This
magistrate rarely differs in anything from the hien, but that his
rank is the second of the fifth grade. Besides these, there is the
primary rank of cities called foo, the magistrate of which is of
the second class of the fourth grade. Every foo city has a hien
magistrate to transact the ordinary hien duties ; for the
Chihfoo or Jufoo occupies the post of superintendent over
several hien cities. He can pass more serious sentences than
can the hien, and there is an appeal open from the Juhien
to him. Sentence of death can, however, be passed only by the
governor, who is again over the various Jufoo of his province as
the Jufoo over the Juhien. The present government has added
considerably to Chinese territory, especially in the south-west.
It has increased the number of the three grades of magistracies.
The Chihlichow or Julichow are all recent creations of cities of the
chow rank. To ascertain the total number of walled cities, or what
might be called counties, the number of foo is excluded ; for every
foo includes a hien.

CHINESE WALLED CITIES.

tn

3

to

1

I

1

8

1

3

I

to

o

§<

1

1

1

1

d
p

*

1

|

"o

1

3

1

M

02

i

H

s

1

3

fi

1

1

w

£

&

M

M

i

H

£

£

Foo - - -

9

10

9

9

8

8

13

10

11

10

9

6

8

10

11

11

21

13

186

Chow - -

10

11

6

6

3

4

1

_

1

8

2

5

8

7

15

11

31

14

150

Chihlichow

6

—

10

4

3

5

1

2

—

—

4

6

3

3

1

19

—

—

67

Hien - -

118

96

89

99

61

51

76

62

76

60

64

73

44

80

47

112

33

34

1275

Totals - -

140

107

105

109

67

60

78

64

77

68

71

84

55

90

63

142

64

48

1492

Excluding therefore the rich, extensive, and rapidly growing
regions of Manchuria, China can boast of about fifteen hundred
walled cities.

COMPETITIVE EXAMINATIONS. 607

The judge of the hien is chosen from among those literary
men who have successfully passed the ordeal of at least two
great graduation examinations. We shall not here attempt to
describe all the process of examination, but content ourselves by
giving its most salient features. The Chinese youth may pick
up his education in any way accessible to him. He may strain
his eyes over those curious characters, in the dim light of the
small oil lamp, after his day's toiling labour is over; he may
learn at the poor little school of his native hamlet ; he may be
taught in the more expensive or secondary school of the talented
graduate teacher who is famous for the number of his pupils who
have taken degrees ; or he may get all his instruction from a
tutor under his father's roof. The examiner has no more to do
than to test by a series of similar examination papers the amount
of knowledge possessed by the large number of youths before
him, whether they are the sons of the highest dignitaries or of
the poorest peasant. The where and the how such knowledge
was obtained have nothing whatever to do with the results of
the competitive examination.

An easy preliminary examination by the district judge or Hien
weeds out some of the intending competitors by eliminating
those whose literary attainments are shown to be of so poor a
nature that they could not possibly have the least chance of
passing. These youths with the meagre learning are sent back
to study before venturing again to apply. Those who pass this
preliminary examination present themselves before the examiner
appointed by government to be examined in writing on the
various classics — Moral and Political Philosophy, Poetry, History,
Cosmogony, all of which date considerably further back than
the Christian era.

This examination is competitive; for however large the
number of candidates and however excellent their talents, only
a definite fixed number from each hien can obtain the degree of
Siwtsai, — a degree somewhat like our master of arts. A further
term of three years is then passed in study before the graduate
can become a candidate for the second degree of Juyin or M.A.

608 OFFICIALS.

with honours. This second is necessarily a more severe
examination than the first, though the subjects are still the same
classics. The number who can in a province obtain this second
degree is also a fixed number, and the degree is gained by
competition among the Siwtsai, as the Siwtsai obtained his
degree by the competitions among untitled scholars.

Only after a Chinaman attains this second degree is he
capable of receiving the lowest magisterial office — that of
Chihhien or district judge. It is in choosing from among these
potential judges those who are to become actual judges that the
influences of favouritism and bribery enter ; for it is no injustice
to the graduates left in private life that their fellow-graduates
have become officials. The right of choice by the government is
absolute ; and the reasons why one is chosen from among his
equals need be known only to the chosen and the immediate
nominating officials. Yet a considerable proportion of the
official class in China are men whose parents are among the
very poor; and if a labourer's son distinguishes himself he is
sure of office.

Seeing it is impossible for any man, whatever his rank, social
position or influence, to gain one of the magistracies of those
fifteen hundred cities, unless he has previously taken the second
degree, and seeing also that this post is open to the son of the
poorest labourer who possesses the natural talents, and has
managed to secure, in any way he could, the knowledge requisite
to obtain this degree, we can understand how it is that learning
occupies so high a place in Chinese estimation. We can also
perceive why learning has been and is so assiduously pursued by
all classes, and understand how it is that the Chinese stand out
so prominently as the most intelligent and talented people of
Asia ; for office conferred for at least twelve hundred years only
by competitive examinations could not have failed to greatly
influence the mental capacity of China. All the higher grades
are supplied from the ranks of Chihhien. Learning gains the
post of Chihhien; administrative capacity opens up the way
step by step from Chihhien to prime minister of China.

CHAPTER XVI.
THE ARMY.

THAT state of Chinese political existence corresponding to the
middle ages of Europe, terminated for ever with the establishment
of the first imperialistic dynasty, that of Tsin, which subdued
all China in the third century B.C. For the eight or nine
centuries preceding that time, known as the period of the Chow
dynasty, the armies of the feudal states, into which China was
in reality broken up, never moved during the time of spring
operations, nor in autumn till their grain was safely housed in
the garners. It was only at fixed periods of the year, when the
men were at leisure, that they collected together as an army ;
and drill had its certain terms. There was therefore no public
expenditure for an army; each man having to assist in protecting
the state which permitted him to cultivate a portion of its land.
The armies were therefore in reality self-supporting militia.
Their commander was then known as Kiangshwai, "soldier-
leader." But Tsin emperor established first a few garrisons and
army stores. Standing armies were set afoot afterwards, when
oiie permanent camp was made on the north of the capital,
another on the south, to be ready for emergencies.

We have in the beginning of our history seen the origin of
the Manchu soldiers, their slender resources, the paucity of their
number, and the undaunted bravery which dared any danger
while following their persevering and valiant young leader. We
saw also the remarkable ease with which they swelled up their
ranks, and the extraordinary rapidity of their wild-fire progress.
The Manchus were then divided into tens. They hunted with
the bow and arrow, each in his own " clan." Each man had
one " arrow," and ten bow-men were under a leader ; both the
o i

610 THE ARMY.

ten and the leader were known as a Niroo, the name of the kind
of arrow with which they hunted. But as they became quickly
so numerous, the Niroo, in 1601, was made to number three
hundred men ; the leader of whom was called Niroo Ujun, Ujun
meaning lord. He is sometimes known as Niroo Janggin, the
latter being an old Chinese term for an officer of the fourth
grade. He is now more frequently called a Dsoling, also a
Chinese name. Over every five Niroo was appointed, in
1613, the Giala Ujun; and a Goosa Ujiin was over five
Giold Ujun. Each Goosa Ujun had a left and a right, or senior
and junior Meirun* Ujun. In 1660, the Goosa was named
Dootoong, and the Meirun, Foodootoong ; names which continue
to this day. The number forming a niroo is now but half of
three hundred ; nor has it been more since Peking was entered,
though it has varied somewhat.

Up till 1613 the Manchus were divided into four banners —
yellow, rod, blue and white; but they had become so large an
army, that for efficiency in manoeuvering they were sub-divided
into as many more — bordered yellow, bordered red, bordered
blue, and bordered white, — a division which has remained in
force till the present day. The bordered yellow is the first in
rank, for it is imperial; the yellow is next, and the bordered
white third. In marching, when the country was wide, the
banners marched apart in parallel columns ; when narrow, they
marched as one army. The front ranks fought with long spears
and large swords. Good archers were behind the first lines;
and the best archers never dismounted, but always galloped to
the spot of greatest danger. Every man, officer and private,
according to his rank and merit, was rewarded immediately after
the battle if he acted well his part. Up to the time of their
entry into Peking, the Manchus never received any pay, but
cultivated their own grounds, carried their own provisions, and
supported their own families. They thus lived and fought as

AV^VV

Muirun, the shoulder, an assistant.

JTHRgE. MQHV-BANNERS. 611

did the ancient Chinese, and as every dynasty has done which,
from without, has conquered the wealthy China. This will
account for the love of a comfortable private life, out of which
the Manchus had to be driven by the force of will of their
powerful rulers in Mookden, before they became standing armies
and garrisons in China proper.

The Chinese terms, afterwards synonymous with the above
named officers, were — Showbei, or captain, or Dsoling over three
hundred men ; Yowji, Tsanling, or colonel, the Giala Ujun over
five Dsoling ; and the Dsoongbing, Dootoong, or Goosa Ujun, or
lieutenant-general over five Tsanling, and head of one of the
eight banners. The men under a Goosa Ujun, therefore,
numbered, in 1613, seven thousand five hundred men ; and the
total Manchu army was then sixty thousand men.

Of these there were many Mongols, and Chinese not a few ;
but there was no distinction between them. Very soon after
the great battles around Hingking, there were three hundred and
eight Manchu Dsoling, seventy-six Mongol, and sixteen Chinese,
in all four hundred, — the number of men allotted to each being
a hundred and fifty, or half the former number.

The ranks, however, were so rapidly filled up and extended by
means of voluntary accessions and conquest, that, in 1635, the
Mongols were separated from the Manchu banners, under eight
banners of their own. They had then sixteen thousand eight
hundred and forty men thus separated. In 1637 the Chinese
contingent was divided into two wings, and in 1642 they were
detached into a separate army of their own, then numbering
twenty-four thousand five hundred men, also divided into eight
banners. This was a full year before the entry into Peking.
These three were henceforth called Man^ Hung, and Han, — the
first being the Manchu, the second the Munggoo or Mongols, and
the third the Chinese. That division continues to exist to the
present day. The Han Kun or Han army being distinct
from the Chinese proper consists solely of those Chinese who
joined the Manchus on the east of Shanhaigwan previous to
the great battle in which the power of the robber Li was

612 THE ARMY.

broken, and before their entry into Peking. They are called
bannermen, and their women do not bind the feet. All high
officials, though really Chinese, are also enrolled under one or
other of the eight banners of the Han Kun. But the
ordinary Chinese troops, or the Loo army, though far more
numerous, are not called Han Klin, nor regarded as so closely
allied to the Manchus. The Han Kun have certain privileges,
more than the Loo, but less than the Manchus ; but they are
not what they once were. These three armies — Man, Mung,
and Han — could always be relied on as belonging to the one
" family " ; and each banner of each army could be handled as if
it were an independent army ; thus being so many army corps.

The discipline and efficiency of these troops, as well as their
bravery, were, to begin with, of an order much higher than
those of the Chinese soldiers. For reasons which we cannot
possibly understand, the Manchu rulers of China have permitted
or ordered Chinese military officers to drill, or have drilled, their
men in western tactics, and arm them with the best attainable
western weapons. Hence all the best drilled and armed troops
in China are Chinese under the command of Chinamen. What
the result is to be of this unwise policy of the Manchu rulers it
is difficult to say.

The Manchu troops were, from an early period, divided into
active or marching troops and garrison troops. Of the former,
there were sixty thousand always prepared for service ; which,
with forty thousand Mongols, were an ever-ready compact army
of one hundred thousand men. The Manchus were almost all
drawn from the lands between Hingking and the Japan sea ;
lands now to a large extent in Russian hands. Not one of
them belonged to the regions beyond the Songari, or those
north of a line drawn from Ninguta east to the sea. When
the Tatars north of the Songari were conquered, the bands of
men afterwards attached to the Manchu armies were kept
distinct, as they are to this day, as the Solon detachment, the
Sibo detachment, &c., and have never been amalgamated in
the banners, though they are of the same race as the Manchus.

GARRISON SOLDIERS. 613

The garrison army of Manchus was located chiefly in the
cities of Liaotung and Liaosi, under their Dsolings. When there
was no pressing military duty, they tilled the ground, lived in
villages, practiced the bow and arrow, and hunted at the proper
season. If their services were suddenly called for, each man
instantly mounted his 4iorse, and they formed in line as their
swelling numbers were on the way to the rendezvous ; — they
were therefore in fact a well trained and efficient reserve. The
Chinese, who tilled the fields by their sides, were forbidden to
carry arms of any kind.

The army which attacked Ningyuen so unsuccessfully was one
hundred and thirty thousand strong, and an army of fully a
hundred thousand was almost always moving in some -direction
from Mookden to Ningyuen, Kingchow, Corea, some portion of
Mongolia, or into the northern provinces of China.

In every army, or every division in active service, the Eight
Banners were equally represented. On level ground the
banners marched abreast, on dangerous, narrow, or hilly roads
they marched banner after banner and in as many lines as the
necessities of the case demanded. They kept their shields and
muskets interlocked like a wall in front of them. Light horse
of the fleetest rode at each flank. The van, armed with fire-
arms, were the first to move outside the " Deers' horns," * and
formed in line to march before the men next to follow moved
out of their place in the camp. In returning, half of the van, in
battle order, brought up the rear.

When a dash was necessary or sufficient for piercing the
enemy's lines, Solon men were unequalled; they also made
excellent garrison soldiers. "But for steady endurance no
soldier was approachable to the old Manchu, whose mind was
always fixed, and whose courage was of the highest order."
This we can imagine as the result of a long course of victory,

* These were formed of pointed poles, heavy below, light above, thrust through a
strong beam, at right angles to each other, forming so many St. Andrew's crosses,
five feet high ; the openings between them being only wide enough to admit of the
passage by squeezing through of one man. This was rampart sufficient for a camp.

614 THE ARMY.

secured by unquestioning and complete obedience to leaders
whom they fully trusted.

From an incident in the reign of Kanghi as related in the
Annals, we learn a remarkable custom established by Noorhachu.
If any man supplied with a horse an officer of or above the rank
of a Foodootoong, who lost his horse in fight, he was after the
battle presented with a horse and a suit of clothing ; if the officer
so presented was a Tsanling or Dsoling, the lender received a
horse; and for a similar service to a common soldier a cow was
gifted. This we learn because the law on the subject was
changed in 1664, as the president of the Board of War said that
such reward was insufficient in th6 time of Kanghi, when horses
and cattle were so much cheaper than thirty years before. It
was then decreed that the man who supplied a horse to an officer
between the rank of duke and Foodootoong, who lost his horse
in battle, would receive the reward of one hundred taels ; if the
officer so supplied was of any rank between a Tsanling and a
common soldier, the reward was sixty taels and twenty taels for
so supplying a common soldier. The only interpretation of this is
that some one, not a soldier, lending a horse during the con-
tinuance of the battle to one whose horse was killed under him,
was thus rewarded. For if the horse were gifted to the man who
gave his own away, the reward of a horse or a cow would be no
reward at all.

In the same indirect manner we ascertain that the Manchu
troops at first had their wives with them when on garrison duty,
or located in a camp; for in 1655 they were forbidden to take
their wives with them to camp at Woochang. During the
marching and fighting of the enormous armies which the Manchus,
with slender monetary resources, sent abroad over China, it was
impossible that there should not be more or less cruel oppression
of and exactions from the people, at which we need be the less
astonished when we remember that far greater enormities were
just then committing in France and Scotland in the name
of religion. The cries of distress found their way to Peking, and
the emperor, unlike his western brethren, was eager to prevent

OPPRESSION BY ARMY. 615

all such oppression. Many of those who directed attention to

the abuses, were punished because they were in their turn

accused of making false charges; and to discover the truth

among this crimination and recrimination, the emperor appointed

a special supervising censor to investigate the condition of

Kwangtung. He reported a wretched state of matters arising

from the improper selection of officials ; the reiterated claims for

unnecessary taxes ; non-payment for labour on public works ; the

indefinite number of men so employed ; the seizure of ports by

individuals who made them a private monopoly ; taxes imposed

by private people; and the destruction of the large trees.

The censor concluded that as Kweichow and Szchuen were

then tranquil, a prince should be sent to the Kwang provinces

to "protect and cherish" the people, and give them rest.

This was in February 1659 ; and in April, Sangwei prince

Tranquillizing-the-West was ordered to govern Yunnan, prince

Levelling-the-south Shang Kosi to Kwangtung, and prince

Pacifying-the-south Koong Yoodua to Szchuen. But if it was

believed that this move would improve matters, the rebellion of

the three rebels proves how sadly misplaced was the hope. In

1663, the marshal of Honan advised the erection of a public hall

in every city, where the civil and military authorities should

meet every fifth month to consult over the differences which

might arise between the soldiers and people. The Board of War

endorsed the advice and the emperor agreed to it. Hence it

would appear that the ordinary tribunals were powerless. Again,

in 1683, when the retired viceroy of Kiangsi, who had been

acting during part of the war, returned to Peking, the emperor

strongly reprimanded him, because he had not prevented his

soldiers from plundering the people, "especially after the

conclusion of the war," and took away, or " took him down " as

the phrase is, five degrees of merit. Other officials were

blamed for the same indifference to the welfare of the people.

In 1660 a Manchu minister prayed the emperor to issue strict

orders forbidding the Manchus to destroy the markets, and from

taking forcible possession of articles. This is still a common

616 THE ARMY.

grievance. The nature of it is that the man who has the
power,— soldier or robber, — takes an article for which he gives
only his own price, and not that of the owner.

In 1653, Hoo Jang was sent to Canton as chief commissioner
of the revenue (Hoppo). After his arrival there, he despatched
a memorial to Peking, stating that he heard of riotous conduct
on the part of the two armies of the princes Gung Jimao and
Shang Kosi,* that they took forcible possession of the wives
and daughters of men of distinction ; and that they had taken
possession of the Fantai's offices &c. The princes were put on
their defence. Jimao reported that when the army began the
siege of Canton, it was with the determination to take it or die ;
that they were nine months in the trenches, during which they
ate in the mud and slept in the rain ; they were cut up by
cannon, and attacked with edged weapons with such frequency
that it was difficult to calculate the immense numbers lost ; so
that when at last the city fell, the soldiers were so furious that
the eating of the flesh and the stripping off the skin of the
citizens would be insufficient to appease their anger; and if
among the immense numbers seized there were some honourable
women, how were they to be distinguished, for the city contained
only people in league with rebels ? To the other charges, of
taking forcible possession of revenue offices &c., a distinct denial
was made, though it was acknowledged that for a brief space after
they entered the city, the public offices were used as barracks,
till provision was made for the soldiers. Hoo Jang was degraded,
but the reply of the commander shows clearly enough what was
implied to the conquered. Indeed the mode of conducting the
Taiping war, and the manner in which the two recent Mahom-
medan rebellions on the west of China were drowned in the
blood of whole cities, need only be known to understand what
defeat means, when Chinese troops are victors ; it is, as of old,
vae victis.

* Meadows, in his Chinese and their rebellions, sees a reason for the wholesale
massacre of Manchu families by the Taipings, in that sack by the Manchus of
Canton ; but there was not a single Manchu in the army which took Canton, either
the first or second time.

USUKPATION OF LANDS. 617

One other feature connected with the army, was brought
under imperial notice by chief Censor Toolai in 1655, when
praying to show true love to the people by saving them from
oppression and danger ; one form of which was that bannermen
very frequently took possession of lands not belonging to them,
declaring lands belonging to their neighbours to have been made
over to them. That was sometimes done with the concurrence
of the land owner, that he and the soldier might share the taxes
due to the imperial treasury ; and not one of the people dared
raise his voice ; thus his majesty was " deceived above and the
people plundered below." He also prayed that the Board of
Kevenue should ascertain accurately the exact number of
individuals in every bannerman's family and grant lands
accordingly, — the usurped lands to return to the real owners.
" Thus " he concluded, " the people, who are as dead men, will
become alive, and the reduced taxation will be restored."

Hence we see that grants were proportionate to the size of a
Manchu's family ; for every male enrolled as a Manchu was then
and is now entitled to an annual income in money and grain,
whatever his profession or mode of life, — the only condition being
that he must be able to use the bow and arrow, and practice it a
certain number of days annually. He becomes a "man" at
thirteen years of age.

The number of the men under the Manchu flag was
greatly augmented, immediately on their passage through
Shanhaigwan and their victory over the robber. Sangwei's army
was incorporated intact, and many others joined at Peking.
One army marched into Shansi, another into Shantung and a
third south to the Yangtsu, each of no less than fifty or sixty
thousand men. There could then be no fewer than two
hundred thousand men in the field ; while garrisons used up
as many more. In 1645, no less than two hundred thousand
cavalry submitted ; but half of them were dismissed to till their
lands again. In the reign Kienlung, there were six hundred
and eighty one Manchu Dsolings, two hundred and four Mongol,
and two hundred and sixty six Han Kun in Peking alone ;

618 THE ARMY.

there were eight hundred and four Dsolings in various outside
garrisons, making in all a total of about two thousand Dsolings,
each of whom had however no more than eighty or ninety men.
Each Dsoling had twenty horse ; but the Han Dsoling had forty-
two ; the total horse in the Man and Mung armies was seventeen
thousand seven hundred ; under Han Dsolings eleven thousand
seven hundred and twenty.

The Manchu conquests to the north of them kept within the
right hand side of the Songari during the life of Noorhachu.
It was his son and successor who first led an army into the country
of Solon, north of the Nonni. Some Solon people paid " tribute "
in 1635 in the ninth year of the young monarch's reign. It was
probably the fact that these proved themselves admirable
horsemen and capital archers, which led to an expedition being
immediately sent northwards to summon to allegiance the
various clans which had not put in an appearance. This
expedition brought back over seven thousand men. But next
year Kortsin Mongols overran Solon; and the chief, who had
joined the Manchus, was sent back to protect his lands. An
army was sent north in 1640, which returned with over three
thousand captives. Possibly Solon men, though " their speech,
riding, and manners, were like the Manchu," much preferred
their own liberty in their own wilds, to Manchu refinements and
slavery in Mookden, hence orders were sent to the Kortsin
chief, — also a vassal of the Manchus, — to suppress a rising-
disaffection in Solon. The Mongols put down the disaffection,
taking nine hundred prisoners.

The chief of the family of Meirjula, gave in his allegiance to
Kanghi in 1671, and the name of the district was at that time
changed to Meirgun, called " New Manchu," and placed under
forty Dsolings. Eighteen years after, another expedition took
Locha, formerly occupied by Kussia, with all the country up to
the river Kerulun and Hinganling mountain range. The Kortsin
Mongols also revealed themselves again, and the Sibo and
Gworcha peoples on both banks of the Nunkiang, with the
Dahoor people, over fourteen thousand men, gave in their

VARIOUS NORTHERN TRIBES. 61 9

adhesion. Dahoor is another name for Solon, both of which
names are applied to the people living between the Argun and
the Chingchilikiang, both rising in Hinganling, the latter
flowing 90 li north of Heiloongkiang city into the Amoor, the
former 1770 li north-west of the same city. Solon is five or six
days' journey, or about 200 miles north of the city of Heiloong-
kiang, the same east of Saksa city, taken from the Russians, and
1400 odd li from Chichihar city.

Beidoona or Petuna, and Chichihar, were then erected into
fortified cities, with a Foo Dootoong at Hoolunbeir, and Dsolings
in each, under the orders of the Tatar general of Heiloongkiang.
The "Holy Wars" state that the Liao dynasty sprang in
Hoolunbeir, and that their Shangking was there. But this
statement we cannot think correct, for their Shangking, by the
cotemporary measurements from Yoongping, must have been on
the Siramuren or Liao, just before entering Liaotung territory —
(See History of Corea). Yet it is not impossible that the
Solon people are descendants of the Liao dynasty, which was
broken up by the Kin, and fled in various directions — (See Corea).

Outside the eight Manchu, Mongol, and Han (Chinese)
banners, there are the regiments of Solon, Sibo, Dahoor,
Woolunchwun, Gworcha, ninety-seven Dsolings, each with three
hundred men. Their customs differ from the Mongols, for they,
as well as Yili men, have a fixed abode ; yet they were not enrolled
under the banners of Noorhachu and his successor. But none
of the clans east of Ninguta and Sanhing have Dsolings.

It was discovered early in Manchu history that ten Corean
soldiers were not equal to one Mongol, nor yet ten Mongols to
one Manchu ; inasmuch as the Manchus were perfectly united by
the similarity of their speech, clothing, dwellings, lands, and
products ; in their fortifications, archery, hunting, and manners.
In order to sustain and perpetuate this esprit de corps it was
that Noorhachu ordered the creation of a national Manchu
literature, distinct from that of China and Mongolia ; and the
Mongols and Chinese who early attached themselves to his
fortunes, were each divided into their own eight banners.

£20 THE ARMY.

Hence also when Sibo, with Gworcha north of Beidoona, and
Koorka east of Hwimchwun, entered the service, their own
names were retained to distinguish them from the Manchus.

On the entry into Peking of the Manchus, the privy councillor
Hogo was left with the two wings of the Manchu army to occupy
Liaotung, — probably because the rulers were not quite sure as
to how the war would terminate ; and it was well to be sure of
Liaotung. It was in 1662 a Tatar general was nominated to
Mookden, and another to Ninguta, who was changed to Kirin
ten years after to prepare against the Russians. In 1683, when
Ninguta men defeated Locha or Russia, a Tatar general was
appointed to Heiloongkiang, and then for the first time were the
"East Three Provinces," — Shungking or Liaotung, Kirin and
Heiloongkiang, — heard of. The Manchus drove the Russians
across the Amoor, as they are apparently preparing to attempt to
do again. According to the statistics of 1758, the number of
" soldiers " were : — In Mookden, nineteen thousand two hundred
and seventy-six, with three Foo Dootoongs or brigadier-generals,
four Chungshow Wei and two Fangshow Wei ; in Ninguta or
Kirin province, fourteen thousand three hundred and ninety-
two men, under five brigadier-generals, one Hieling, two
Dsolings; in Heiloongkiang or Tsitsihar, eight thousand five
hundred and fifty-seven under three brigadier-generals, one
Dsoongwan, and one Chungshow Wei; — in all, including
Manchu, Mongol, Han, Solon, Sibo, Gworcha, Barhoo, Dahoor,
and Woolunchwun men, forty-two thousand two hundred to
defend the Manchurian provinces. The number was reduced to
thirty-five thousand four hundred odd, under Taokwang.

The Lingtsooi were picked horse in the capital, each Dsoling
having five each ; in all, five thousand five hundred and fifty-
five picked cavalry. There were one thousand three hundred
and ninety tradesmen, as bow-makers, saddlers, &c. Each
dsoling had two men, forming the Chienfung or vanguard ; in
all, one thousand three hundred and sixty-two Manchus, four
hundred and eight Mongols. Kienlung established a corps
called the Jienzooi, or ladder-men, of whom there were two

IMPERIAL GUARD. 621

thousand also belonging to the vanguard. Another corps of
equal numbers was that of the Chinkun, or body-guard, or
" watchmen." Larger than these was the Hookun, or imperial
guard, or " rear guard " ; each dsolirig having seventeen men of
this corps. There were eleven thousand five hundred and
seventy-seven Manchus, and three thousand four hundred and
sixty-eight Mongols in the Hookun. Out of it was taken the
guard of the Yuen ming yuen palaces built by Yungching.

The H^vochi or "fire-arms" numbered six to one dsoling;
and all the gunners of the outer and inner cities of the capital
numbered one thousand nine hundred and thirty-six. Of these,
the Chin kun were not under the control of the banners, but of
the privy council. Among all these varieties of imperial guards,
there was not a man of the Han kun ; they were all Manchus
and Mongols ; the Han kun had different duties and camps.
The capital was then garrisoned by a force of Man, Mung, and
Han troops, numbering over one hundred thousand, with over
twenty-seven thousand four hundred men of a reserve.

There were twenty-five camps outside the capital, with a
total of eight thousand seven hundred and fifty-eight. The
Sinkiang, or Mahommedan western boundaries (conquered by
Kienlung over a period of five years, and at an expense of one
million taels per annum ; the Kulja part of it is now in dispute
between Russia and China) had eight garrisons with fifteen
thousand one hundred and forty men. The Chinese provinces
had twenty garrisons occupied by forty-five thousand five
hundred and forty men; one thousand four hundred and nineteen
men guarded the imperial tombs at Peking ; there were eight
hundred and fifty foresters and seven hundred men to look after
the Kirin border. In all, outside the capital, there were
garrisons of the three kinds of banner men of one hundred and
seven thousand seven hundred and sixty; and including the
capital, there was a total of over two hundred thousand bannermen.

Besides the three bannered armies, there was, as there is, the
Solon division, the Dahoor company, with that of Barhoor
Chahar, the Eleuths, and Sibo. They are not included in the

622 THE ARMY.

eight banners, and were all nomads before they were subjected
by the Manchus. There were ninety-seven nomad dsolings in
Heiloongkiang province, Chahar had one hundred and twenty,
and besides these there were other fifty dsolings, — all of nomadic
peoples. Kirin people enlisted at pleasure, as there were no
dsolings. It was reported to the emperor in 1691, that the
Ding of Chahar numbered two hundred and twenty-six thousand
two hundred and seventy, of whom one-seventh belonged to
clans related by marriage to the imperial family. Every third
man of these Ding was bound to appear in arms at the summons
of the Peking court. This term Ding, applied to a nomadic
people, includes every man able to carry arms.

The Chinese troops proper were, from the beginning of the
Manchu dynastic rule, entirely distinct from the three bannered
armies ; as much apart from Han Kun as from the Man and
Mung banners. They were and are known as the Loo-Ying.
They were divided into cavalry, garrison troops, and fighting
troops ; the latter two divisions being infantry.

There is one small officer called Waiwei, much like a sergeant,
attached to each Chihhien or district magistrate over the
empire. His duties are, with his twenty men, to be always on
the move among the villages forming the district to which he
is attached, to see that there is no disturbance. If there should
be legal difficulties or serious brawls he can judge and settle
minor cases ; but as he is usually illiterate, he has to employ a
scholar of sharp wits, who goes with him, and whom he consults;
but he alone is responsible. He is thus a sort of inferior police
magistrate. These Waiwei are all mounted.

The Chinese troops or Looying of the various provinces were,
in Chihli, forty-two thousand five hundred and thirty-two men ;
Shantung, twenty thousand one hundred and seventy-four;
Shansi, twenty-five thousand five hundred and thirty-four;
Honan, thirteen thousand eight hundred and thirty-four;
Kiangsoo, fifty thousand one hundred and thirty-four ; Anhwi,
eight thousand seven hundred and twenty-four; Kiangsi, thirteen
thousand eight hundred and thirty-two; Fukien, sixty-three

A MILLION OF SOLDIERS. 623

thousand three hundred and forty; Chihkiang, thirty-nine
thousand and nine ; Hoope, twenty-two thousand seven hundred
and forty; Hoonan, thirty-five thousand five hundred and ninety;
Shensi, forty -two thousand nine hundred and sixty ; Kansu
including Hi, Balikun, Urumchi, &c., fifty-five thousand six
hundred and nineteen; Szchuen, thirty-four thousand one
hundred and eighty-eight ; Kwangtung, sixty-nine thousand and
fifty-two; Kwangsi, twenty-three thousand and forty-eight;
Yunnan, forty-two thousand five hundred and forty-nine ; and
Kweichow, forty-eight thousand four hundred and ninety: in
all, six hundred and sixty-one thousand six hundred and fifty-six.
That there was under Kienlung, in camp and garrison, a grand
total of nearly a million soldiers is very probable ; but not one-
third of that number was ever collected together under Manchu
rule. The border provinces have necessarily large numbers of
men more or less thoroughly trained to arms, because border
troubles are incessant ; and from the north of Kansu, along the
western and southern frontiers of China, there are many semi-
independent tribes which would certainly make an effort to take
the wealth of the Chinese cities of the province next to them
were they not always kept in check; and though frontier
difficulties are not blazoned abroad to the world, in one place or
another there is always more or less serious fighting. Yet those
men, numbering nearly seven hundred thousand, were not
regarded as an army fit to meet regular armies. They rather
resembled so many armed police, or provincial militia; and
their duties consisted, as now, in keeping the peace of their own
province, or section of a province ; for in Chihli there were four
distinct headquarters, three in Shantung, six in Kiangsoo, &c.
Those were therefore local troops. The imperial troops have
always been distinct from the provincial. Their field of action
may be the neighbouring city or the remotest boundary. They
may be said to represent a grand reserve, always ready to march
where the emperor finds the local forces unable to cope with the
troubles of their province. These imperial troops are the
regular army, supposed to be thoroughly drilled, and are better

OF TH»

UNIVERSITY

624 THE ARMY.

found than the local forces. This army is therefore the sheet
anchor of the dynasty. The troops are inspected every spring
and autumn ; and a grand general review is made every fifth
year, when those found worthy are advanced ; the unfit, the
covetous, and the feeble cashiered ; but if those become feeble
had formerly won a creditable name, they were still kept on.

Colonel Gordon may be said to be the founder of the existing
imperial army; for it was he especially who proved the
superiority of native troops drilled as westerns drill, over the
native troops educated under the old tactics. The present
imperial army is mainly that of Li Hungchang, lying at Tientsin,
and drilled at first chiefly by English-speaking officers. This
drill, with foreign arms, is spreading extensively ; but what is very
remarkable, is that this new drill, with these new fire-arms of
precision, with ever so many Krupp guns, are by the Manchu
government placed almost exclusively in the hands of native
Chinese, under Chinese officers ; while nine-tenths of the Manchu
troops are mere pensioners of state, exercised with the bow and the
arrow, but unacquainted with the use of fire-arms. How this
curious state of matters will end, or why it exists, it is difficult
to say ; but it certainly looks to a foreigner pregnant with future
trouble. The army, at the present moment masters of Kashgar
and threatening to attack the advanced Russian posts, is another
drilled and equipped like that of Tientsin, but having no
immediate connection therewith. As its commander, Tso
Tsungtang, is a viceroy, as well as Li Hungchang ; and as his
successes in the far west have, for the time, at the least raised
him to a level in popularity with Li, the Manchus may not
unreasonably believe themselves perfectly safe between the two ;
for these two successful commanders will hold each other in
equipoise. Meantime Manchu and Chinese are united by a
common hatred of the western.

The pay of the Chinese army has always been partly in grain,
partly in money. We learn from the " Holy Wars " that the pay,
in the period Yungching, was four taels per month for the
Chienfung, Chinkun, Hookun, Lingtsooi and the best artizans ;

SOLDIER'S PAY. 625

and three for the secondary artizans who were cavalry ; two taels
for the Lingtsooi of the infantry. A man had, besides twenty-
four Hoo or bushels, each five Dow of grain per annum. The
cavalry of the three camps of the capital received two taels per
month, and the infantry one and a half; garrison troops had one
tael per month ; each of those men had, besides, five Dow of rice
per month. This is the pay of the common Manchu soldier at
the present day, but twenty per cent, sticks to the fingers of the
various paymasters, and the Manchu soldier receives only eighty
cents per month instead of a hundred. The garrisons and camps
of the provinces were paid the same sums of money as are paid
to the capital camps and garrisons, but received only three Dow
of rice per month.

The pay in silver of a Tidoo or general, was equal to eighty
of the Chinkun, or three hundred and twenty taels; of a
Dsoongbing or lieut. -general, was equivalent to sixty of the
Chinkun, or two hundred and forty taels; of a Fookiany or
major-general, to thirty ; of a Tsanling or colonel, to twenty ; of
a Yowji or major, to fifteen ; of a Doosu or captain, to ten ; of a
Showbei or lieutenant, to eight ; of a Ghiendsoong or ensign, to
five ; and of a Badsoong or sergeant, to four. The Badsoong
commands fifty men, and the lowest officer has ten under him.

When the three rebels were finally overthrown, Kanghi
distributed a donation of six and a half millions of taels among
the Manchu soldiers, each family receiving several hundred taels.
Not very long after, as much more was divided among them.
The emperor Yungching made frequent presents to the Manchu
soldiery, usually consisting of an extra month's pay. They
would be glad now, did they receive their regular pay, or three
hundred thousand taels per month without any extras.

There are five degrees of merit, accompanied by as many
grades of rank and pay, open to the Manchu soldier in actual
fighting, in the capture of prisoners, in scaling or taking forts,
cities, camps, or ships. The money grant ranges from a hundred
taels to thirty taels. The size of the captured city or ship
decides the prize given, and each of the five men first in tho
p i

626 THE ARMY.

capture have their graduated reward, according to the post each
occupied as first, second, &c. The Chinese soldier in the same
circumstances is also similarly rewarded ; the first of the five is
made a Yowji, whatever his previous rank ; the others become
Showbei, Chiendsoong, &c. The various rewards in grants of
money, or in rank and pay, are carefully noted in the govern-
mental dictionary of the Manchu dynasty ; and all conceivable
positions and cases are provided for.

Under Shunchih, the first Manchu emperor, there were eighty
thousand Manchus under arms, each of whom is said to have cost
an average of a thousand taels and a thousand dan of rice per
annum. Each soldier Kid represented several tens or even
hundreds of able-bodied men Ding. In the time of Kienlung,
there were several hundred thousands of Ding, and under Taok-
wang there were several millions. The greater proportion of the
lands belonging to these, within 500 li of the capital, was in the
hands of Chinese cultivators, the Manchus themselves not caring
to work their own lands. Within that area no Chinese were
allowed to settle up to the period Kienlung. Those "several
millions " were stowed away somewhere in or around the capital,
no one knew why or where ; but constituting a burden which the
land was unable to bear ; for they were neither scholars, agri-
culturists, labourers, merchants, soldiers, nor citizens. The army
expenditure of Han and Tang dynasties was well known ; but
never before was it heard that a huge multitude of men existed
only to be fed by the public. Immense tracts of land were lying
waste in Liaotung, Ninguta, Heiloongkiang and other places,
but it required memorial after memorial to get some of the idle
Manchus sent to cultivate those lands. There were several
myriads again sent to Hoongchungdsu, 70 li beyond Dooshukow,
and on 100 li further to Kaiping, the Shangtu of Yuen dynasty.
Some more myriads were sent to cultivate the lands beyond
Kalgan, 70 li to Hinghochung, and 100 li further west to
Sinpingchung. There were, in the beginning of this century,
over ten thousand Manchu soldiers between Zehol, the ancient
Daning Wei, and Kweihwa and Swiyuen on the west, the

EXHAUSTING CIVIL LIST. 627

ancient Li Wei and Chow Wei, while Chahar was occupied as
pasture.

An earnest and eloquent appeal was made to scatter the
Manchu families hanging on in the capital, many of whom wished
to be tillers of the ground. It was recommended to purchase a
hundred mow of land for each family, and let them settle down to
work in Liaotung and the other places above mentioned, where
Mongol families might join them. They could from all those
places rapidly converge on the capital if occasion demanded their
presence, while their continued inaction enervated, enfeebled,
and discouraged them. The Han Kun was also recommended
to be disbanded among the Chinese people out of which they
came, and thus the enormous drain on the resources of the
country, which was being uselessly thrown away, would be stopped.

At that time the various princes, Beiras, and other Manchu
nobles had three thousand three hundred and thirty-eight ching
of public lands in their possession; and all the Manchus had
one hundred and forty thousand one hundred and twenty-eight
ching, or a hundred times as many mow in their unalienated
possession; for these lands are really entailed. The Sibo
garrison of a thousand men in Hi had twenty four thousand
mow of arable land granted them in perpetuity. That land ran
on both sides of the river for 200 li ; and they had new lands
thereafter granted them.

Whether or not it has resulted from the arguments of the
" Holy Wars," the modern condition of the Manchus is different
from that of a generation ago, for in Manchuria there are myriads
upon myriads of Manchus working their own farms. But still
every adult man receives his yearly government allowance ; and
notwithstanding the numbers comfortably working their own
farms there are scores of thousands in Mookden in exactly the
same condition as that deprecated by the Holy Wars; — "existing"
on the yearly pittance of the government, every one hoping for
something to turn up ; but the many are too idle and the few
too ambitious, to till their own lands, which have, by mortgage,
mostly fallen into Chinese hands.

628 THE AKMY.

The standing and active armies of the Manchus have been less
in number, but of greater expense, than the armies of former
dynasties. The Ming army which marched into Annam is said
to have been several hundred thousands strong ; the Manchus
overcame all Annamite opposition with eighteen thousand men.
The Ming armies against Pochow and Loochuen, were over two
hundred thousand ; the forces sent by the Manchus to subdue
the Miao and the Man of Yunnan and Kweichow, were between
twenty and thirty thousand men. The Manchus have never
sent as many as a hundred thousand against the western lands
of Central Asia, and seven thousand men took Kokonor
(Chinghai). Hwojijan was taken by thirty thousand; and
twenty thousand penetrated Burma. But Kanghi had four
hundred thousand troops actively engaged against Woo Sangwei.

But the large figures of former dynasties are explained in
another portion of the " Holy Wars." It has been said that
about twenty thousand men sufficed, in Kienlung, to conquer
Annam ; but they were called three hundred thousand. When
Jihar threatened to bid for Chinese empire, he had thirty
thousand followers, but these were reported as a hundred
thousand; Jung Chunggoong had a hundred and seventy
thousand, but they were called a million. Thus Yunglo of the
Ming sent an army against Annam, given out to be eight
hundred thousand, whereas it was in reality little over fifty
thousand ; and when another Ming emperor is said to have sent
half a million men .across Shamo, it must be remembered that
the Wpo emperor of Han dynasty sent no more than a hundred
thousand, divided into two armies. So that the nominal armies
set in motion in China, have differed considerably from the
actual ones. We might add that the experience of Li Dsuchung
would seem to imply that camp followers and servants were also
included in the sum total of the army.

Besides the cost of supporting the men, there was a large
expenditure for cattle, Kanghi had a hundred and sixteen
thousand eight hundred and thirteen horses in three camps, to
guard the capital, and eighty-six thousand and^twenty-one in

IMPERIAL HORSES. 629

outer garrison barracks. Each horse was allowed nine Doiu of
liao, which is a mixture of pulse and millet, for a winter month,
and six for a summer one, with thirty bundles of straw ; repre-
senting an expense of two and a half taels. Besides these,
there were feeding on pastures beyond Kalgan or Jangjiakow,
Dooshukow, and at Dalingho, a hundred thousand horses, sixty
thousand oxen, and two hundred thousand sheep, their excellent
pasture costing nothing ; if fed on Chinese soil, ten thousand
taels per day would not suffice to keep them. The Liao, Kin,
and Yuen dynasties, had also their pastures beyond the border,
but the Ming were too much afraid of the northerners to trust
any cattle so far north.

Though the horses belonging to his majesty were extremely
numerous and very hardy, they were unfit to carry anything
beyond the great sandy, gravelly desert of Gobi, where the camel
alone could be employed as beast of burden. This bactrian
should have his two humps covered with padding to keep his
burden off his skin, and with the same object his back should be
protected by a saddle ; on hilly and gravelly ground his hoofs
should be shod with leather shoes, and to save his nose* he
should be gently led. He carries fifteen Dow of rice.

When Yungching sent an army against the western barbarians,
he had a cart made five feet long and two feet wide, with one
driver and two men on each side to help. Five carts were called
a Woo, twenty a Chung, one hundred a Dooi, and a thousand a
Ying or camp. In attack two Dooi led the van, three brought
up the rear, and the other five surrounded the commander. By
day the carts were laden with and carried the grain, by night
they were arranged in a circle round the camp, forming a wall.
But one commander, advancing in that order, suffered a fearful
defeat. Such carts, says the " Holy Wars," should be in such
order that they could serve as a rallying centre for the infantry,
and admit of the passing and repassing of cavalry ; and always
on level ground. Woolanbootoong of Jwunhar, advanced against

* The Mongols thrust a small piece of wood through the gristle of the nose, to
which the string leading the animal is attached.

630 THE ARMY.

the Chinese with bows and arrows, employing camels as a
covering wall; for that battle order was believed invincible.
But the Manchus crossed the river, attacked and soon broke up
the camel-line in front with their cannon, while the cavalry and
a portion of the infantry wheeled round the hill, attacked the
rear, and utterly defeated them.

The army sent by Kienlung against Sinkiang was out five
years, costing annually three million taels, of which Kansu
supplied the large half. The men were also those of Kansu and
Shensi, besides Manchus and Mongols. The western and north-
western foes were the easiest vanquished of all the enemies of
the Manchus. The Manchu troops sent down from the north
against Woo Sangwei, cost thrice the amount spent on the same
number of Chinese local troops; and it was said that each
Heiloongkiang Manchu cost as much as ten Chinese. The
aborigines of Kinchuen mountains, on the other hand, cost only
half as much as an ordinary Chinese soldier ; and in battle he is
equal to ten Chinese, from his ardent, fierce, and fearless nature.
They were the most difficult to overcome of all the foes encoun-
tered by the Chinese. As soldiers in the Chinese army, they
stand at the head of the best soldiers, — and are rewarded by
buttons, peacock's feathers, titles of batooroo, &c. Rebels never
wait an attack by them. — (See Kinchuen in " Aborigines.")

But the " Holy Wars " complains of the silence of the Manchu
state papers on the defeats sustained by their generals, while so
eloquent on their victories. When marching against the three
Ming princes, the Manchu commanding princes dared not move
beyond Hoonan. The Beira Doonga was defeated in and driven
out of Shensi, losing the whole province. Viceroy Jin Gwangdsoo
and general Shooshoo, dared only look at the frontier of the two
Kwangs and retired. Jwunhar was long unopposed, and often
victorious. The frightful catastrophe at Foordan was unmen-
tioned, whence only a couple of thousands returned of an army
of nearly ten times that number. The almost equally crushing
defeats of Hotoongbai, Eleuths, and Kalawoosoo, were also
unnoted. The Tsandsan commander was able to do nothing in

MILITARY TALENT. 631

Burma, nor Wunfoo in Kinchuen ; while the generals patched a
peace with Burma by making money payments ; and Zooi Hung
was helpless in Taiwan ; yet all these failures were passed over
in silence.

The " Holy Wars " devotes a chapter to the composition of an
army, from which we extract the following : — A man of first class
literary ability is not necessarily a good general. The grand
secretary Jang Tingy ii should have kept his lines at Foordan ;
but advanced to battle, and was therefore utterly defeated. Liw
Toonghiin retreated on Balikwun from Hami, when he should
be making forced marches against the rebels of Kansu and
Shensi. We pass over many other instances to notice the
exception of Li Jufang, governor of Fukien, who hurried to
prevent the rebel Gung, and fought to the death. When
marching against Chahar, Kanghi urged on the army, with
promises of large rewards if they were successful. A very
brief space brought the war to a successful termination, for
"each man fought as if he were a hundred men." When
Jwunhar was on his triumphant progress towards China, Kanghi
ordered the grand secretary, Li Gwangdi. to head the army
against him. The grand secretary turned pale, and the emperor
laughed, saying he would soon stop their march; he went in
person and did stop them. The Manchu generals were
uneducated, very few could write Chinese ; yet they conquered
China. The strategy of one successful Liaotung officer in the
period Kiaching — who conquered in every battle he fought,
whether in Nepaul or Taiwan, against the southern Miao or the
northern Liaotung robbers — was to attack a short line with a
long ; to march by a road which the enemy would not suspect,
and to attack when the enemy was unprepared. When nearing
the enemy he camped about 20 or 30 li distance ; and marched
at midnight, to take the enemy by surprise with the first streaks
of day. If he ascertained that the enemy was aware of his plan
of attack, he sent bodies of men by round-about ways to attack
unexpectedly. He always marched in battle order, and was
never taken by surprise ; and if unexpectedly he came up

632 THE ARMY.

with a foe, he ordered an attack on the instant, while the
enemy was still unprepared. Jushow, a lieut. -colonel of Kanghi,
defeated several thousand Eleuths at Hami with two hundred
men. A major-general of Yungching's defeated several thousand
Miao with four hundred men in Yunnan ; and with two thousand
overcame several myriads of Miao at Woonung. Another major-
general, with two thousand men, successfully resisted twenty
thousand Eleuths at Balikwun. One officer, with one thousand
six hundred men, drove the enemy from Hi to Balikwun.
Jushow repeated his exploits again and again at Kokonor.

In regard to an army, therefore, the choice of general is of
first importance; drill and discipline are the second grand
requisite. As to men, the southern Chinese are said not to
equal the northern ; nor can the northern Chinese approach the
men beyond the north border. The "Red-haired"* sailed
their ships without let or hindrance in the outer seas till Jung
Chunggoong fought and took Taiwan. Jwunhar trampled down
all Chahar, till Yoong Chin Wang in a fierce battle defeated
them with terrible slaughter. Hence can be seen, that the
strength or weakness of an army is in the general rather than in
the army. There never has been an army always victorious ;
but there have been generals who never lost a battle.

The Ming largely employed the aborigines of the south in
their armies, — the Lang troops of Kwangsi and the Miao of
Hookwang, Yoongshwun and Paoning, who were successful in
nine out of ten battles.

A mode of discipline, said by the "Holy Wars" to be an
ancient one, is recommended for modern armies. Of local
troops, every ten had a Head, every hundred a Chief, every five
hundred a Badsoong, and three thousand under a Tsankiang
formed a Ting. If a Ting fled the Tsankiang was beheaded ;
the Badsoong, Chief and Head suffering the same fate if their
respective bodies fled. But if a Ying fled and the Tsankiang
died fighting, five Badsoongs were beheaded ; if the Badsoong's
company fled but he died fighting, ten Chiefs were beheaded ;

* Dutch ; but often applied to all Europeans.

DECLARATION OF WAR. 633

and ten Heads were executed if the Chief whose men fled died
fighting ; and the Head dying in battle was avenged by nine of
his flying men losing their heads. Thus the "Holy Wars"
•concludes : " Flight would be more terrible than the fight."

On declaring war, the Manchus have always worshipped and
sacrificed in the Tangdsu or Ancestral Temple, and the Temple
of Heaven, which is considered of more importance still. The
emperor himself prays in the Ancestral Temple and at the
Temple of Heaven, beseeching heaven to aid his arms. On
the eighth day of the fourth moon (May) the emperor worships
.and sacrifices to all the gods at the Ancestral Temple. The
special god of Whandien of the Ancestral Temple is called
Niwwhan Taiji Woodoobun Beidsu, which is apparently one
Mongol and one Manchu name. The " abode " of this special
god of the Ancestral Temple is in the south-east corner thereof.
Thither, on the first of every moon, goes the Neigwan Ling
alone; and doffing his hat, throwing off his jacket, untying
his girdle, he enters and kowtows to this god. There is a Ma
Shun or " Horse-god," also located in the Ancestral Temple ;
and he is sacrificed to when the horses require especial care.
When Noorhachu began his wars, he made his oaths to heaven
in this temple (Tangdsu) ; and when his relations sought his
death, it was in Tangdsu they made their oath. The Tangdsu
is therefore the oldest and most revered place of worship of the
Manchus ; but we cannot trace the origin of the god Whandien
Beidsu.

The laws of Kienlung are particular enough on the subject of
the army. The Chinese armies are composed of volunteering
recruits; but the three bannered armies are bound to serve
generation after generation. Hence there is a most careful
census taken of the Man, Mung, and Han families every fifth
year, when every son above four * years old had to be registered.
Failure to return a complete list of the family involved the head

*In Chinese, always at least one year younger than by western calculations;
for the child's birth year is its first year, and the child is two years old with the
first new-year's day after its birth.

634 THE ARMY.

of the family in a punishment of a hundred blows. Every
family with lands is compelled to give at least one member to
the public service. The head of a family, not himself subject
to this conscription, reporting as a member of his own family
a man belonging to another family subject to the conscription,
or if having such a man in his family, he did not report him,
he was equally guilty with the man who had given an imperfect
return. The only exception was the case of an uncle, brother,
or nephew hiding the conscript in his house ; but the exception
was valid only on condition that both families lived in the same
compound. This was to give a certain latitude of excuse to
natural affection. The penalty was not decreased even though
the man in question was in actual public service ; so that the
utmost importance was attached to a correct census. The
unregistered man, subject to service, who arrived at manhood
or sixteen years of age, and reported himself as a child or as an
old man, or pretended sickness or infirmity to evade service, —
was beaten by a punishment graduated according to the age
and number of the members of his family.

The Li Headman,* neglecting to report any individuals or
families, without his li, subject to service, was beaten more or
less severely in proportion to the numbers unregistered, — rising
from thirty to a hundred blows. The district magistrate, in the
same circumstances, was only two degrees less guilty than the
Li Headman ; and if he had taken bribes to retain silence, his
punishment was trebled. In every instance the man or men
unregistered, were at once to be notified as liable to serve.

The laws relating to the actual army begin by ordering the
officer in charge of an army, division or patrol, to give immediate
information to his superior if any rising took place in his
neighbourhood. Such superior had also to at once forward the
information to his majesty, if the occasion demanded a greater
force than was in the vicinity. But though information to the
chief local commander was essential in any case, there was no

* See Taxation. A child is any one under sixteen, an old man over sixty, both
in Chinese style.

MILITARY LAWS. 635

necessity for him to send on express to his majesty, if the local
troops were sufficient. If the superior failed to act as the
occasion demanded he was subject to degradation and to be
sentenced to the private ranks of a border army.

That officer was to be severely punished, even if he lost nothing,
who neglected to send for urgent aid from his commander, when
he found himself opposed by a body of the enemy too powerful
for himself alone. The express " flying " courier was to be sent
from the commander to the governor or viceroy, and thence to
the Board of War. Degradation was the penalty of the officer
failing to carry out this order ; and if, for want of such informa-
tion, the army, or portion thereof threatened, was defeated, the
officer or official responsible for the omission was to be beheaded.

Among the regulations is one providing for foes surrendering.
Such should be sent on at once to the capital ; and if any man
from love of plunder, killed the surrendering, or oppressed and
harassed him, he was to be beheaded. News of a captured city
should be sent to the commanding general by a "flying" courier.

Beheading was the penalty of revealing the imperial policy
to the rebels; and a punishment, severe in proportion to the
nature of the document, was his who opened any cover to or
from the army, if he were not the person to whom the cover was
addressed. Punishment varying from blows to beheading
followed the revelation by an inferior officer of what he had
learned from his superior; while the lightest punishment was
coupled with cashiering, and the offender could never again be
employed.

Whoever, in the capital or elsewhere, belonging to the army
or the people, was secretly in league and friendly with any
foreigner, and revealed any important matter to him, was
banished to the border army; and an officer so guilty was
cashiered.

The commissariat has always been carefully attended to in
China. If the officials in charge of commissariat failed to
distribute such at the proper time, they were sentenced to a
hundred blows; and were beheaded if, on account of their

636 THE ARMY.

neglect, the army suffered disaster. The commanding officer,
failing to march on the day ordered, was to be punished with
seventy blows for the first day's delay, the punishment increasing
with every three days' delay. The punishment was a degree
more severe if the officer maimed or seriously wounded himself
or^falsely reported sickness. But the penalty was more serious
if the enemy was at hand, being a hundred blows for one day's
delay and beheading for three days'. Sentence however could
be avoided if, before passing it, the officer acquired great merit,
and thus atoned for his crime. The penalty of advancing
before the date appointed was almost equally severe. This was
needful to secure simultaneous action by different armies, or
different sections of an army which had to march by various
routes. The skill, the regularity, the punctuality with which the
various widely separated detachments, which a few years ago
recovered Kashgar,were concentrated after months of independent
marching, elicited the admiration of European military critics.

The private who got another man, by hiring or otherwise, to
occupy his place, he himself retiring, was severely beaten as well
as^his substitute ; a garrison soldier suffering two degrees less.
But the case might be overlooked if the substitute were the son,
grandson, younger brother, or nephew of the soldier. The old,
the infirm, or the sick soldier, was freed from camp life, by
application to his superior officer. A doctor appointed to the
army, hiring another to supply his place, was punished with a
hundred blows, his substitute suffering the same ; and the hiring
wages were confiscated. The man employing his slave as a
substitute was, with his slave, beaten a hundred blows, and the
slave was confiscated.

If the commandant of a fort or city failed to hold out stoutly,
and suffered the city to fall into the enemy's hands, he was
beheaded ; so was the watchman on an elevated post, who could
see, but failed to give notice by " flying " courier to the threa-
tened city or fort, of the approach of the enemy. Those taken
by and guiding the enemy in their predatory incursions into the
country, were beaten a hundred blows, and sent to serve in the

MILITARY LAWS. 637

furthest army. The first to flee from an engagement, or retire

from a siege, were beheaded. The commanding officer was

punished in proportion to the damage done, if the enemy rushed

into camp and plundered cattle, clothing, or grain, or wounded

or killed men, if such attack was due to the want of proper

sentries. The officer who misled the government by a false

report ; who from secret envy or private vengeance wrote falsely

in a way damaging to his commander ; or wrongously blamed

another for his want of success against the enemy, was beheaded.

To preserve the peace with the bordering tribes, it was enacted

that the officer in command of a post to protect the frontier, who

sent a band of men across the frontier to steal men, or pillage

goods, was beaten a hundred blows and cashiered, and sent as a

private to the nearest army. The officers of the marauding

company were beaten one degree less than the commanding

officer, but the privates escaped punishment. But if a company

went privately, unknown to their commander, the leader was

beaten a hundred blows, and his followers ninety ; the leader

was beheaded, if they happened to wound a man ; and in each

case all the men concerned were sentenced to the ranks of the

furthest army. If their commanding officer did not take

measures to prevent such marauding parties, he was beaten, but

not otherwise punished. The capture of a city, after the defeat

of its rebel holders, was beyond the action of this law. The

soldiers who plundered any portion of the country under their

charge were beheaded, and the commanding officer beaten

eighty blows, because he did not prevent such plundering. It

is needless to say how ineffectual was this law in practice,

depending for its fulfilment on the character of the officer in

command of every separate detachment. If the commander, —

Wang, Beira, or of other rank, — burned, destroyed, injured, or

plundered the property or person of good citizens, on pretence

of their being connected with rebels, he was judged by court

martial; even if of the Imperial Clan, he was to be severely

punished. If the guilty officer was under the rank of

Tsandsan, "great minister," he was punished a hundred

THE ARMY.

blows without such court martial. This was the lowest
sentence.

The commanding officer of a camp was to be beaten for
neglecting regular practice ; and the commandant of a fort for
failing to have in readiness garments, mail, arms, and staves.
And he was to be beheaded who lost a city because he had by
his oppression alienated the citizens, thus rendering it impossible
to hold out in the city. A long law against such conduct in
Shansi and Shensi, would seem to imply that such oppression
had been common there. Fukien is then singled out for its
mobbing propensities, — mobs stopping markets, closing the
literary examination halls, beating magistrates ; and the magis-
trate who neglected to strictly examine into such mob-acts was
sentenced to severe punishment.

Then follow minute laws as to seizure of the horse of an enemy
and its disposal, — it being forbidden the captor to sell such horse
beyond the army ranks. There are severe laws against selling,
giving away, damaging, or losing any army material. The punish-
ment in case of damaging was more severe than that of losing or
abandoning ; but when arms were lost on the battle field, there
was no punishment. The civilian who had mail of man or horse,
musket, cannon, flag, banner, title, girdle, or any other article
strictly belonging to the army, or any weapons such as are used
in the army, together with the private maker of such article, was
punished, by degrees varying with the number and importance
of such military articles in his possession ; but a maker was not
punished for possessing an unfinished weapon, because this was
proof that there was no design of using it. But bow and
arrow, musket for an official, besides fish-spears and harvest-
hooks were beyond the limits of the laws. The law against
forging of cannon is worth quoting, as it shows the importance
attached thereto. Whoever, officer or private, magistrate or
people, forged a "horse "-cannon, or other large or small cannon,
was to be beheaded, with the smith engaged in it ; his wife and
children, with his property, were to be confiscated; and the
master of the nearest house on each side of the place where such

FIRE-ARMS. 639

forging took place were strangled, together with the Li Headman.
The civil magistrate and military officer over that district were
cashiered, and their immediate superiors were to be strictly
examined. It is difficult to ascertain whether this law had ever
occasion to be enforced ; we imagine not, for where cannon have
been forged to war against the government, good care has been
taken to chose a " smithy " where there was no risk of being seen
by government officials.

The natives of places infested with robbers or wild beasts
were allowed to possess such fowling-pieces as were in use in the
army; but the name of the owner had to be engraved on the piece
and the possession registered in the district magistrate's office.
The posession of an unregistered piece brought heavy punish-
ment, which was also decreed against the soldier who oppressed
the people on the ground of possessing contraband arms, or in
pretending to search for such. These strict laws to keep the
Chinese population unarmed are in full operation still, and they
show the fear of the rulers of the possibility of rebellion ; but
the laws are not peculiar to the Manchu dynasty in China.

The person firing his fowling piece in a quarrel and wounding
another man was sentenced to banishment, — the Manchu to
Ninguta, the Chinaman to cultivate light sandy soil in Yunnan,
Kweichow, Szchuen, or the Kwang. This law was made
specially applicable to Formosa. Severe punishment was
inflicted on the person possessing gunpowder, saltpetre, or
sulphur in any quantity ; and his next door neighbours, knowing
.of the existence of this contraband article, were also heavily
punished; but the informer, though originally implicated,
was pardoned. The owner of a boat carrying it, was equally
guilty with the principal, if he knew what he carried ; less so
if he was unaware. Even the labourer producing saltpetre was
sentenced to punishment if he had in his possession at one time
more than ten catties. The aboriginal Gwo, Miao, and Man of
the south were also prohibited from carrying weapons, under the
same laws as the Chinese.

A petty officer giving leave to one or more of his men to go

640 THE ARMY.

beyond 100 li from hi,; post to buy, or sell, or till the fields, was
punished in proportion to the number of men gone ; and more
heavily if he received a bribe. The man who gave shelter to
the soldier in his flight was also punished. If as many as three
men who went beyond the border on leave were taken or killed
by the enemy, the officer who gave them leave was to be
strangled.

No duke, marquis, or other nobleman could immediately give
orders for any army to move. If such order happened to be
given, the first offence might be overlooked, and even the second
forgiven; but in the event of a third, the commander who
obeyed the order, and the chief official of the palace of the
nobleman who issued the order, would be beaten one hundred
blows, degraded, and sent to the ranks of the furthest army.

Desertion from the army was punished with beating for the
first offence, and strangling for the second. His comrades who
knew of the desertion and gave no information, the man who
hid him and the Li Headman of his hiding-place, were all
variously punished. A garrison deserter was one degree less
sevevely punished if the garrison were in Peking; two
degrees if in any other place. The headman and all concerned
were punished, as in the case of the army deserter. But a
deserter was pardoned if he returned within one hundred days.
Punishments were more recently modified to sentence of
transportation to Heiloongkiang, or other remote place, instead
of strangulation. But the crime of desertion was aggravated
by taking away a horse or other article belonging to the army.
Special laws were passed for Kwangtung, where many robbers
enlisted in order to desert ; or probably to escape close pursuit,
and wait better days. The officer in charge had to publish an
accurate and full account of the deserter's appearance and age.

If any soldier perished in the army, the magistrate of each
district through which his family had to pass to their home had
to give them travelling expenses, under severe penalties. If
the widow of a soldier, private or officer, had no son able to
support her, half her late husband's pay and half the grain

PENSIONS. 641

allotted to a soldier would be paid her. If the dead man left
no widow, but had an old father or mother or grand-parent
dependent on him, the same allowance was made for them.

If a Manchu is compelled by age to retire from the ranks,
and has no friend to support him, he is allowed a tael per
month, and a hoo of grain is added if he displayed bravery in
action. The family of a man killed in battle is allowed annually
half the pay he had when living. An officer retires on full pay
if disabled in action, or has made a reputation for bravery ; but
the officer is paid only half pay who retires for light reasons.

CHAPTER XVH.
TAXATION.

THE nominal taxation of China, or that which goes to the
government direct, to be employed by the emperor on public
expenditure of all kinds, is derived mainly from three great
sources. These are Poll Tax, Land Tax, and Gabelle or Salt
Tax. The remaining two taxes, those on tea and those derived
from customs, — mainly inland, — are of comparatively small
importance. There is no excise tax ; and there is here ready to
his hand a source of enormous income when the Chinese
Napoleon appears, — if indeed he will find it necessary. The
sums now annually contributed to the imperial exchequer by the
European and American employe's of the Chinese government,
consisting of customs dues derived from foreign goods of all
kinds, or goods brought into any open port by foreign vessels,
do not come under our present notice, for they are of very recent
origin.

Indeed the Gabelle is, in Chinese history, but of yesterday,
and if we go much further back, we find no poll tax, — the land
tax serving all purposes. Before money began to circulate in
China, and when nothing was bought, but everything bartered,
officials of all kinds had lands given them in proportion to their
rank to support their dignity, and their salary consisted of so
many bushels of rice a year, varying in number according to the
office and state of the official. The soil on which any Chinaman
lived belonged absolutely to his imperial majesty. But as his
majesty could not himself cultivate the soil and feed the people
who were his " infant children," the lands were divided from the
earliest times into square li. Each of these squares was
subdivided into nine squares. Each of the eight surrounding

644 TAXATION.

/

squares was given to a nominal family or Hoo, without counting
the number of heads or " mouths " which might chose to live on
it. Those eight cultivated the central square in common, and
the produce of this square was the portion of his majesty, and
represented the taxation of the population. This ninth for
imperial use formed the only title by which the eight cultivators
held their lands; but it has ceased to be the title to lands
for very many centuries, and Sir John Davis is wrong in his
inference that the landlord is not absolute owner of his land.
Thus the yield of a ninth portion of the arable soil of China —
then little more in size than a couple of its present provinces —
was nominally reserved for taxation. And this was certainly
ample, for it was not till about a couple of centuries before the
Christian era that China established its first standing army, and
the Chinese soldier sowed his grain before he was called upon to
encounter a foe in summer, and had his grain safely housed for
a year's supply, ere he began his conquests in winter. He
therefore was self-supporting, like the feudal barons, who held
their lands on much the same terms as the ancient Chinese.
The ninth went therefore to support the civil officials, and to
purchase military and other necessary public stores ; and possibly
to supplement the income of military superior officers.

The Chinese li, in round numbers equal to one-third of an
English mile, was early made the standard of taxation and
military service, and it has continued to be the standard to the
present day. We have seen that anciently the li was divided
into nine portions. It was afterwards divided into the even
decimal number, so dear to Chinese, — into ten hoo or families.
The increase might be made ; for the li itself was elongated.
As we have seen this difference between the ancient and modern
li questioned, we may give the authority of the learned
emperor, styled Kanghi, who spent much of his life on
geographical studies. He shows that the measure of a degree was
250 li in the Chow period — twelfth to fourth centuries B.C. — and
in his own, 200 li; thus making the li of the Chow period twenty-
five per cent, less than that of his own in the seventeenth century.

TAXATION STANDARD. 645

The li was the standard of taxation for the land-tax; and
when after money began to circulate and the poll-tax was estab-
lished, it was on the same old basis of ten families to the li. And
as the poll-tax stands at the head of Chinese statistics now, we
mention it first in order. In passing, it is well to note that this
poll-tax was instituted in lieu of scutage. Every Chinaman
was anciently bound to spend so many days' labour for the
public service, whether in raising public buildings, or making or
repairing roads, &c. But when China became larger, it was
found to be generally better to have hired labour. Hence the
poll-tax, which was paid by those freed from scutage, to be
used in paying the hired labour.

By the laws of Kienlung, every li was divided into a hundred
and ten families or Hoo ; but only ten of these were called
Ding, who were the subjects of the poll-tax. These ten repre-
sented the whole li, paying for the whole, and afterwards getting
each family's particular share. The remaining hundred families
were divided into ten kia or " mailed men," for they were bound
to provide, or provide for, ten soldiers. Over the li was a Li
Headman, and a Jooshow, who was head of the nominal ten
"mailed" men; there was also, and is still, an assistant Li
Headman. The Li Headman was alone directly responsible to
the official tax-collector for the poll-taxes of the whole li, as in
the "village" system .of India. He transacted for his li all
ordinary public business ; and practice makes him much like
what a Justice of Peace is in Britain, — an inferior judge who
may settle ordinary disputes; but though his opinions and
decisions are generally respected, he has no legal authority to
pass any sentence of " pains and penalties." The Li Headman
is also chief of, and responsible for, the ten Jcia. He has a
register for his whole li, in which he keeps a list of the Ding,
and which is renewed every tenth year. Besides such register
for every li, there is a chief registrar, who makes a " map " of so
many li registers. The widower, the widow, the orphan, and the
"lonely," who pay no taxes, are outside the hundred and ten
families. They are inscribed on a list by themselves, and called

646 TAXATION.

" Odds." Each district has a general register for all the li under
its control ; the prefecture for all its districts ; and the provincial
capital for all the prefectures. When the provincial register
books are filled up, they are sent to Peking, to the Central Board
of Revenue, which literally means the Board of Households, — the
prefecture and district cities retaining a copy.

The man personating a Li Headman, an assistant Headman,
or a Jooshow, and on such pretence oppressing the people of any
place, was sentenced to be beaten a hundred blows and to
banishment.

Though the Ding is head of a family, we have seen that every
family has not a Ding. The Ding retains the register, on which
is inscribed the name of every person belonging to his tithe of
the li, which register' is legally an absolute necessity. Every
Chinese subject should be named in the register of his native
tithing ; and in certain circumstances slavery is the result of the
inability of a man to show this proof of freedom. The Ding has
no proper corresponding term in the west ; — conscript being the
nearest in meaning. Ignorance of the meaning of this term has
been the cause of ridiculous mistakes and difficulties in
estimating the population of China. The Ding is the arbitrary
poll-tax unit, — ten to a square li, or ninety to a square mile of
cultivated soil. The magistrate demands ten poll-taxes for the
li from the headman ; the headman arbitrarily chooses any ten
men to be the Dings of his li, — each of whom is responsible to
him for a tithe of the tax ; and the Ding again shares the one
poll-tax with all the families connected with him and on his
register, whether these be one or twenty. If the nominated
Ding disappears, the headman nominates another from the
same tithe of the li. The Ding represents a varying number of
persons; and herein consists the difficulty of determining the
actual population of China. He may represent five married
men with families of their own ; he may represent as many as
ten, twenty, or thirty such independent families; but if one
large family of twenty or thirty adult males lives in the same
compound, — a patriarchal state, which is the normal condition

POLL-TAX. 647

of China, — and if this family has a fair proportion of wealth, the
tax-collector or headman demands taxes for two or more Ding.

The unit poll-tax is about one tael. Hence it is seen what a
small amount each family has to pay. The family of any official
is exempted for three generations from poll-tax; and the family of
a graduate is free also. But Sir John Davis is incorrect in
asserting positively in his " Chinese," that the poll-tax was for
ever abolished by the present Manchu dynasty during and since
the time of Kienloong ; nor can we understand the origin of the
mistake, unless it be that then it was ordained that land-owners
alone should pay the poll-tax, all landless ones being free.

The land-tax is entirely distinct from and independent of the
poll-tax; the latter depending on the number of Ding, the
former on the lands under cultivation. This land-tax is always
calculated, and generally paid in kind. The amount is about
a shilling per English acre. Thus it will be seen that the Chinese
are perhaps the lightest taxed people on earth. But all who know
China are aware that the legal tax is not all that China has to
pay for the support of her armies and the dispensation of justice.
Were a thoroughly strong government at the head of honest
officials, the former giving largely increased salaries, the latter
rendering a faithful account of all their receipts, the present light
amount of taxation would meet all demands upon it. But the
miserably small allowances made to officials of all grades compel
them to dishonesty even to live; and there is thus a great
waste of national resources, besides much hardship to individual
private civilians, though China is, upon the whole, not subject
to such hardship. It is when men, generally in an angry
passion and thirst for vengeance, throw themselves into a Chinese
Court, that they begin to get " fleeced ; " there is no case, or if
any extremely few cases, of official oppression of people who do
not enter the yamun. An occasional tax collector may attempt
to extract more than the legal dues, but he is easily resisted if
the people quietly combine to do so. He is generally satisfied
with the share of the legal taxation which he fails to account for,
but which is well known ; and a district is a " good " one or the

648 TAXATION.

reverse in proportion to the excess of the legal sums collected
from the Li Headman, over the sum total demanded by the
emperor from that district. We know of one such district in
which the magistrate has a yearly excess of between £6,000 and
£8,000 sterling; and yet he collects only the legal sum from
each individual landlord. The official salary of that magistrate
is little over £20 per annum, with grain allowances of perhaps
double or treble that amount, — the whole of which however
is insufficient to meet one month's expenditure. Yet the
highest authorities in the empire are aware of the excess, and
therefore appoint, to this and similar posts, only magistrates who
are specially favoured.

Before passing on to the historically descriptive portion of this
article, we may quote a law of Kienlung's which makes the
register of the Ding the ultimate appeal in a case of alleged
simulation ; for it gives the decisive proof of one's proper calling.
If any person, whether belonging to the army or the people,
practised posting, gymnastics, medicine, divination by the eight
diagrams, theatrical plays, and as such, or as a " labouring " or
handicraftsman, entered any house, the family register was
appealed to as proof of his professed calling. If he was acting
a part, he was degraded to the common ranks of the people if
he belonged to the army, and if a civilian, he was degraded to
be an artizan. But if extenuating circumstances could be
proved, the punishment might be commuted to eighty blows.
The official who connived at his escape from this penalty was
equally guilty with the offender. This law was passed to
prevent social disturbance and evil conduct. If such an offender
falsely pretended to belong to the army, he was beaten a hundred
blows and sentenced to serve in the ranks of the army of the
utmost frontier.

All who have travelled in China must have wondered how its
loess soil, rich though it be, could support the population which
swarms on its surface. Especially is this true of the south,
where population is so crowded that human labour is cheaper
than that of four-footed beasts of burden, and is universally

POPULATION. 649

employed instead. Manchuria is as yet not quite so over-stocked
with humanity, for men are not employed there to drag the
plough, nor women to draw the circling millstone. But even in
Manchuria, one scarcely passes through the end of one village
ere he begins to enter the next; not by the main roadside
only but in all directions ; and the small clumps of trees which
surround almost every house, seem, when clad in their summer
fulness, and seen from a somewhat distant eminence, to be an
unbroken forest. Any estimate of China's population which
would give an equal, or a smaller proportion to every square
mile of arable land in China than to England, must be laid
aside, — spite of the two facts that England does not wholly
supply her own bread and that China does: for if England
were cultivated as China is, she would support her present
population ; but any English soil cannot support the same num-
ber of people as the same quantity of Chinese soil can and does.

Yet, though we reject unhesitatingly, as unworthy even of
consideration, the smaller estimates of China's population, we
are not so bold as to be logical and arithmetically strict in
calculating that population by the figures which her laws give
when coupled with her available statistics. We have already
seen that each li legally supports a hundred and ten families
who pay poll-tax, these being represented by ten Ding. We
have also stated that experience sometimes shows one patriarchal
family — consisting perhaps of a hundred or more individuals —
rated at two Ding, and a Ding sometimes representing as many
as twenty or more distinct families ; while there are many
individuals and many poor families exempted from the poll-tax,
and therefore excluded from these poll-tax Ding.

During the Manchu or Ta Tsing period, recorded in their
annals there are general statistics given for several years.
In these the first item is always the number of families, under
the title of Hoo Kow Yin Ding. The laws interpret Hoo by
Kia or family, and Kow (mouth) by Yin ding, " man-Ding ; "
and the sum of the poll-tax in each case proves that the legal
Ding is signified by the four words of the title.

650 TAXATION.

In 1653, when all the eighteen provinces were not completely
opened to the Manchu tax-collector, there were fourteen million
four hundred and eighty-three thousand eight hundred and
fifty-eight Ding or poll-tax families. These cultivated four
million thirty-three thousand nine hundred and twenty-five
Ching of land, each equalling in round numbers sixteen English
acres ; thus giving an average of a fraction less than four and a
half English acres to each Ding. In Liaotung — where only a
single main crop of millet can be gathered in one year, though
an inferior pulse crop is always reaped after wheat and barley —
two-thirds of an English acre of average soil will comfortably
support an ordinary poor peasant family of five individuals. It
would therefore be abundantly sufficient in the Chinese provinces,
where two good rice crops and a third of pulse or vegetables may
be gathered every year. Supposing every family of five individuals,
or of two, or of three, had half an acre each, that would give just
about the legal proportion of families to the Ding, and the
fourteen million would be multiplied by nine, if not by ten ;
thus yielding over one hundred and forty million families, as such
are estimated in the west. This, however, is a calculation
without allowing on the one hand for many families who hold
large landed properties, and on the other, for the families under
the Ding who have no land whatever, nor for the numbers
employed in merchandise; for the law gives the Ding ten
nominal householders, not ten real land-owners. Yet even a
hundred million families would give a population greater than
the commonly received estimate.

Again in 1682, after the nine years of internecine strife
which had divided almost every province in China into two
hostile and mutually destructive parties, when almost every
city-moat was a grave-yard for countless numbers of the
contending hosts, the statistics declared the restored empire to
contain nineteen million four hundred and thirty-one thousand
seven hundred and fifty-three Yin Ding, and five million five
hundred and twenty-three thousand five hundred and sixty-eight
Ching of land; showing one-fourth more of arable land and
fully one-third more of families than the preceding.

POPULATION. 651

In 1691, the numbers were twenty million three hundred and
sixty-three thousand five hundred and sixty-eight Tin Ding, and
five million nine hundred and thirty-two thousand six hundred
and eighty-four Ching ; again producing the same result. In
1703, they were twenty million four hundred and sixteen
thousand three hundred and eighty Tin Ding, and five
million nine hundred and eighty-six thousand nine hundred and
ninety-three Ching. And again in 1714, we find twenty-four
million six hundred and twenty-two thousand five hundred and
twenty-four Yin Ding, and six million nine hundred and fifty
thousand seven hundred and sixty-four Ching of land. There
is a curious item added to the statistics for this year, that of
one hundred and nineteen thousand and twenty-two "Living
Ding," which we take to mean poverty-stricken families
exempted from poll-tax — living but not paying.

But there are two facts which throw us back again into chaos,
spite of the apparent light of those figures; and before mentioning
them, it must be noted that the family and the ding are never
asserted or inferred to be of any statistical but of financial
value. The governor of Shantung prayed for a large reduction
of taxation, soon after the Manchus entered Peking, on the
ground that in Shantung not one-third of the former arable
land was cultivated ; and if taxes were collected at the normal
rate, the very small proportion of families then actually in
Shantung, compared with the number set down in the tax-
collectors' books, would find it absolutely impossible to meet the
demands made upon them. But if taxes had been always levied
according to the number of acres of land actually producing
grain, or according to the actual number of families, this prayer
would have been unnecessary. The emperor Kanghi gives
conclusive evidence on this point, where, in 1682, he meets the
complaint of the governor of Honan against heavy taxation, by
stating that taxes were then, as they had always been, levied "by
the li ; counting one hundred Ching to the li, and ten kia,
" mailed men," or Ding. Here we have it stated that the family
is a nominal " quantity," and that taxation takes no note of how

652

TAXATION.

many families are on a li of land. The li and not the actual
number of families is the basis of the poll-tax as well as of the
land-tax. According to this statement each Ding has ten Ching
or one hundred and sixty acres, and therefore each family one
Ching or one hundred mow, or sixteen acres of land ; which
again, we know from observation, is at least ten times what an
ordinary peasant proprietor, in comfortable circumstances,
possesses : so that five million Ching of cultivated land is sure,
on the lowest possible calculation, to represent fifty million
families, which of itself would give nearly three hundred million
of a population to China; without taking into account the
swarming populations of her many cities, nor the artizans and
hired labourers of the country, which would very largely augment
that number. But even the Ching is an unsteady factor ; for
both the Shantung governor implies and the emperor states
that it is the arable li and not the actually cultivated li by
which the taxgather estimates : though, on the other hand, it
is true that the severest legal penalties are attachable to the
owner of land once cultivated if he neglects its cultivation ; and
that in practice such neglect is as rare as it is undesirable.

The history of Liaotung may throw a little light on this
vexatious question. The demands of China drained all Liaotung
and Liaosi of their available able-bodied men at and subsequent
to 1644. The fine, rich loess lands of both the Liaos were a
desert for many years after ; and the following figures, the first
and last of a series, bear distinctly on our subject : — -

In (1) 1661

(2) „
(1) 1734
(2) „

Ding.

Direct Tax.

Land.

Direct Tax.

3,952
1,605
23,444
23,680

Tls. 592*0
321.0°
3,516.«?
4,730/0

48,165-mow
5,600 „
1,278,960 „
1,410,870 „

Tls. 1,444.*^
168
13,135
14,916

(1) is Liaotung, in which Liaoyang was the first prefecture,
and Mookden the second ; (2) is Liaosi, under the prefecture of
Kingchow. The " direct tax " after " Ding " is unquestionably
poll-tax ; that after " land " is as clearly a money tax, directly

POPULATION.

653

charged per moiu of land ; for besides this tax there is another,
in kind paying of dan fully double the number of taels.

Here we have actual Ding and actual land ; but the proportion
of tax was probably less than that over the rest of China, in
order to encourage immigration. Each Ding in Liaotung appears
to have cultivated a fraction over twelve mow, or about two
English acres, in 1661 ; and fifty-five mow, or about nine English
acres, in 1734. Each ding of Liaosi cultivated about three and
a half mow in 1661, and slightly more than his neighbour of
Liaotung in 1734. Now, the number of mow allotted to the
Liaosi man in 1661 is just the quantity of land — about two-
thirds of an English acre — which one head of a family is now
said to be able to cultivate, without other help than his family
can give, and with which he is said to be able to support his
family. That Ding is therefore not a representative one; but the
Ding of the year 1734 is unquestionably so, for he has of actually
cultivated land more than ten times that quantity set down to him;
an amount of land which he himself could not possibly cultivate.
The ding of 1734, therefore, represents the legal ten families.

It is important in considering this question of statistics, to note
the double "Direct Tax" of Liaotung; for in the general
statistical accounts there is no such division, and therefore the
sum yielded by " Direct " money taxation is no criterion of the
number of Ding. We shall, however, now give the full statistics
of China for the years already referred to above, in order to
have all the data, ascertainable from history, under our eye.

Tear

1653
1682
1691
1703
1714
1753

Hoo
or Ding.

Land—
Ching.

Direct Taxes.

Grain-
Dan.

Straw-
Bundles.

Te«_
Bihang or

Ymhang.

Salt-
Yin.

Customs.

14,483,858
19,431,753
20,363,568
20,411,380
24,622,524
38,786,228

4,033,925
5,523,568
5,932,684
5,986,993
6,950,764
7,055,962

Tls.21,261,383
26,331,658
27,375,164
27,390,669
29,893,262
29,573,154

5,638,711
6,341,394
6,950,281
6,968,673
6,831,666
8,340,216

5,216,840
2,298,163
2,083,465
2,081,688
4,046,274
5,145,578

37,178
159,215
157,453
157,476
341,424
378,597

3,740,623
4,356,150
4,335,860
4,319,475
5,099,805
6,384,231

Tls.2,122,012
2,761,258
2,697,751
2,690,718
3,741,124
4,324,005

The following table, giving the census of all the provinces for
the year 1753, will be interesting to the reader ; and is inserted
here also for the other reason that its figures will be frequently
referred to.

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POPULATION. 655

Besides the items mentioned in the provincial table, there
were derived from other sources, four million three hundred and
twenty-four thousand and five taels from Inland customs ; five
million seven hundred and four thousand catties of copper; three
million eight hundred and forty-one thousand nine hundred and
fourteen catties of "white" or inferior, and seven hundred
thousand five hundred and seventy-one catties of "black" or
superior lead, both from Hoonan and Kweichow; while
41 barbarian " and other vessels brought two hundred and eleven
thousand seven hundred and twelve catties of lead to Canton.
Reed taxes produced ninety-eight thousand two hundred and fifty
taels ; and tea, in addition to bulk in kind, produced sixty-five
thousand three hundred and thirty-six taels in money. The
total imperial income for 1753 would therefore be about eighty
millions of taels, or twenty-three millions sterling. But besides
these direct taxes, there are many charges connected with the
provincial and central governments ; just as in Britain, we have
enormous expenditure connected with our courts of law and
lawyers' fees, which are much heavier in proportion to population
than the similar payments necessary in China.

Though there is a most tempting approximation between the
families or Ding, and the " direct taxes," giving slightly over a
tael to each family, we must at once dismiss it, for it does not in
any way help to bring us to what we ask. The " direct tax " is
unquestionably the sum of the two taxes, " poll " and " land,"
already referred to above, and which are kept apart in the
history of Liaotung. Of one thing only can we be certain
regarding those figures, that the number of hoo corresponds
neither with what the legal Ding should be, nor yet with the
actual family ; the number is much too large to admit of its
being multiplied by ten for the householders of China, while it
is much too small to be for a moment regarded as the number
of actual Chinese families.

The great imperial dictionary states that the census should be
taken of the Chinese people every fifth year, and that every
hundred individuals should be counted as ten Hoo. The Row

656 TAXATION.

or "mouth" is there stated to be every Chinese male over sixteen,
and under sixty years of age, — thus corresponding to our term
able-bodied man. This Kow is made the basis on which the
poll-tax rests. It was ordained in the fifty-second of Kanghi
(1713), that the imperial mercy forbade any addition to the
number of Kow as returned two years before. It was again
decreed, in 1724, that those adults only should be called upon
to pay poll-taxes, who were owners of land ; and that landless
adults should be exempt. It was also reordained that though
the census must be taken every fifth year, the number of poll-
taxes on lands already occupied should not be increased, but
that any new lands opened up should be subject to a poll-tax,
in the same ratio as the old lands.

The total number of Families given by the great imperial
dictionary is fully one million more than the summation of the
above table yields. It is difficult to say whether this discrepancy
arises from an error in addition, or from a misstatement of the
number of families in Fukien, where the proportion of adults to
families is fully four to one, while in the majority of the
provinces it is only two to one, — three to one being the largest.
This mistake is perhaps the more natural of the two, inasmuch
as the numbers 1, 2, and 3 are merely horizontal lines, placed
one above the other, while 7 and 8 are totally different figures
incapable of confusion ; and the accuracy of the sum total must
have been carefully tested. However, it matters little for our
purpose whether we take the total of the dictionary, which is
nearly thirty-nine millions, or that of the summation of the
individual provinces, which is nearly thirty-eight millions of
families. The summation of the "adult" column agrees with
the sum total of the dictionary. It may be stated that the
numbers given for the province of Chungking or Liaotung,
which were then scarcely equal to the present number of
inhabitants in the one city of Mookden, are not included in the
above table.

It will be observed that, by the proportion of "a hundred
individuals " to ten families, the number of families would make

POPULATION. 657

the population of China in 1753 about three hundred and eighty
millions ; while, according to the rule of 1734, and the laws of
the present dynasty published in the reign Kienlung, — only
land owners are included in that number. Again, though the
number of male adults between sixteen and sixty should be
perhaps scarcely regarded as equivalent to the term "able-bodied"
in the west, — which term is said to include a fifth of western
populations, — yet four individuals may be considered as not too
great an average to each of such adults. This would give much
the same result as the families, making the population slightly
more than four hundred millions. There were then fully one
hundred and twelve million English acres under actual cultivation
in China ; and to sow, weed, and keep these in Chinese style a
number of men is required, as we have seen, in round numbers
equal to a hundred million families. Thus whether we look at
this matter from the point of view of the households, the able-
bodied men, or the cultivated acreage of China, the result is
much the same. Though these figures from the statistics of
Kienlung are more satisfactory than those of Kanghi, we are
still unable to do any more than give a very rough approximation
of the population of China; and as the result of our unsatisfactory
search we can only decide that the ignorance of those who give
to China a population only half that of India, or even no greater
than India, deserves no other answer than ridicule ; and that the
men who have believed the population of China to be little if
any less than four hundred millions are near the truth. In
conclusion, we may state our belief that the population of China
proper is, at the present day, little if any greater than it was in
1753. For the Taiping and other rebellions, together with
recent famines, devastated large tracts of country which were
fully tenanted in the reign Kienlung; and the agricultural
resources of the country were as fully taxed to feed the
population under Kienlung, as they can have been since, while
there has been no new industry created to support additional
populations anywhere. Yet for centuries there has been an
increasing number of Chinese moving quietly across the northern,
R i

658 TAXATION.

western, and southern frontiers, and by their intelligent industry
producing food for scores where their lazy nomadic predecessors
found it difficult to feed units; thus enlarging the territories and
increasing surely, if slowly, the numbers of the Chinese.

Besides the poll-tax, every land-owner has to pay a land-tax.
This land-tax is levied on all grain-producing lands ; the
acreage of which in 1753 was over one hundred and twelve
million. But there are certain lands which were wholly exempt
from taxation. These were chiefly the lands orginally gifted by
the Manchu conqueror to the leaders and soldiers of his armies.
In possession of the Manchu magnates — Wang, Beira, Beidsu,
Goong, and commander — were 13,336 Ching, or about 210,000
acres; and the smaller officers and soldiers owned 140,1 28.71
Ching, or about 2,250,000 acres of such gifted lands, all in China
proper. These lands were held by what we might call feudal
tenure, as they were, and still are, inalienable ; for though lands
purchased by Manchus can be resold, like the lands of any
Chinaman, the lands granted by the emperor belong absolutely
to the grantee and to his succeeding family, and must on no
condition be sold out of the family. Yet the law is evaded to
the detriment of the owner, by a mortgage often less than half
the market value of the land, but one which is virtually a sale ;
for in general the owner is rarely able to redeem the land.
Within a radius of a large number of miles from Peking, all
the arable land was at first divided for political reasons among
the Manchus, when they entered the Chinese capital ; while the
sandy and lighter soils were formed into commonfe for pasturage.
Though the law against the sale of imperially gifted lands is as
binding as ever, equally so with the English similar law of
entail, it will be found that perhaps the largest proportion of
these lands near Peking are now again in Chinese hands, by
means of mortgage and lapsed titles. These lands were
appropriated from the Chinese precisely as the Normans took
Saxon lands, and for the same reasons. Every Manchu who
was owner of such gifted land was bound to military service ; and
he is nominally bound thereto to this day. But this law of

LAND-TAX. 659

entail applies only to the minute proportion of soil in Manchu
hands, and has no bearing whatever on the millions of Ching
belonging to the Chinese, or bought by the Manchus from the
Chinese. We are not aware whether this exemption from taxation
is universally abolished; but much of the entailed lands of
Manchuria pay taxes only slightly less than the lands held by
the Chinese. This change was possibly introduced when the
Manchus became so numerous that only a small proportion of
them could be employed as soldiers; just as feudal landowners in
England had to pay taxes when standing armies were introduced.

Besides the Manchu entailed estates, the Kienlung laws
declared exempt from taxation the lands attached to the
temples, to the tombs of literary men, and to the direct
descendants representing the four learned sages, — Confucius,
Dsungdsu, Yenyuen, and Mencius ; besides certain lands in the
provinces — in all, embracing many scores of thousands of acres —
set apart for the support of literary poor men. This land is
either given to these literary men to cultivate, or rented out for
their benefit ; and its design is much like that of our University
fellowships. This is another instance, if any more were
requisite, to prove the high esteem in which literature is and
has been regarded by the Chinese, and especially by the present
Manchu dynasty.

The grain-tax is estimated by dan, each of ten Chinese pecks,
considerably larger than ours, — rice, wheat, and pulse are
included. Nearly half the grain-tax is sent into Peking, the
larger half being retained for provincial use. Fully two-thirds
of what goes into Peking is stored in thirteen grain stores for
the soldiers, who receive only about a tithe of their pay in
money; that is the Direct Tax. A certain proportion, called
the Necessary Tax, goes to the princes and officials, and is laid
up in two grain stores. A fixed quantity, called " white grain,"
is set apart, in one store, directly under the Board of Revenue,
for the use of princes and ambassadors from foreign states ; all
of whom are, of course, tributary to China. The straw is for
the horses, and is issued as hay.

660 TAXATION.

This grain suffers from shrinking, leakage, damp, and other
causes. To ascertain the exact quantity on hand, the grain
in these stores is measured every fourth year. Besides the
stores in the capital of both money and grain, every province is
bound by law to have a certain sum of ready money always on
hand, and a certain quantity of grain. This legal quantity in
the eighteen provinces amounts in the aggregate to thirty-four
million dan. But if the surplus grain does not exceed the
amount of surplus money, the stores are very empty. The
situation and aspect of these stores are of great importance, as
provision has to be made against summer heat and winter cold
and rain. Each province has, therefore, its own special mode
of storing according to its climate and products. Honan and
the various provinces north of its latitude produce dry land rice ;
but the greatest portion of the products of those northern
provinces are the various millets, with wheat, barley, and pulse
of many kinds. To the south of Honan, the land produces only
rice of one kind or another.

The grain of these stores is always good ; because the newly
thrashed grain is stored, and the grain previously stored is given
out to the soldiers and officials. It is thus mostly renewed every
year. If the grain has become heated, seven-tenths are given out,
and three-tenths spread out to dry ; but only half is given away
if the grain is perfectly sound. This " cooling " or exposure to
the fresh air is an annual operation ; and in connection with the
process, there is a great deal of dishonesty and peculation. The
superior officials sell large quantities of good grain to the smaller
officials at a large reduction in prices, report that damaged
which they have thus sold, and make rich by dishonesty. But
in China, where official salaries for the year are insufficient to
meet the expenses of a month, is it wonderful that such and
similar conduct is general, when we know what takes place in
Russia, and in some other places where Christianity has been
long established, and where officials receive respectable incomes ?
A good deal of the grain tribute is used up in paying expenses,
and allowing for waste by the way. There are allowances for

OF THB

TEANSPOKT. 661

carriage, for stone and lime buildings under Board of Works,
which are payable out of the taxes of the province. Then for
shrinking on board the transport boats, for straw mats and
wooden boards to protect the grain, and for the soldiers and
officers of the army guarding it en route. The allowance to a
boat for each hundred dan, one of which weighs one hundred
and sixty catties, from Shantung or Honan to Peking, is five taels
and five dan of rice; the other provinces have more or less
allowance, in proportion to their distance from the capital.
There were, in 1754, seven thousand transport vessels for the
Grand Canal ; of which three thousand and eighty-four belonged
to Kiang and Aiiwhi. These vessels are ninety Chinese feet
long, and carry four hundred dan ; but those south of Hoonan
are ten feet longer. These are imperial vessels, requiring to be
repaired annually, and replaced every tenth year. When the
water in the canal was too shallow to admit of their passage,
light boats had to be hired from the country people. They
started with their cargoes in the tenth moon (November) ;
and in the end of the eleventh moon (December) the grain had
to be stored in the capital. Those vessels were bound to sail
40 li per day when going with the stream, and 20 when against
the stream. An officer had always to go on before to give
information of the approach of the grain fleet to the magistrate
of the district, so that the canal should be always clear. The
government has for several years back largely utilised foreign
steamers to carry its tribute rice; and now the Chinese have
themselves a considerable fleet of steamers, which have a
monopoly of that lucrative traffic, from the southern provinces
to Tientsin.

The land-tax was originally all in kind as we have seen, and
it will ultimately no doubt be all in silver. The tax in Manchuria
is about sevenpence per English acre for Manchu land, and
about one shilling per English acre for Chinese owned land.
This tax amounts to about one-hundredth part of the rent in
the north of China ; and the rent is from five per cent, upwards
of the purchase money, though ten per cent, is the most general

662: TAXATION.

•

proportion. It will thus be seen how extremely light the land-
tax is in China as compared with any of our European countries.
But so far has sub-division of land been carried where there are
no entail nor any primogeniture laws, that even this fraction
is a consideration to the majority of the peasant proprietors.
Hence there were laws framed from of old to guard against false
returns, and the following are the main features of the land-
laws of Kienlung, which are still binding.

The man who gave a false return of his grain-producing lands
was beaten for any number under five mow not reported ; the
punishment increasing by every five mow up to a hundred blows ;
the lands in question were also forfeited * to the crown, till all
the deficient taxes were refunded. The same punishment was
his who falsified the condition of his land, describing high
lands as low, — for high produces more than low or marshy
grounds, — and also his who conspired with a government agent
in giving fraudulent returns. The Li Headman was similarly
punished if he knew of the fraud. To prevent fraud on the one
hand and injustice on the other, lands subject to damage by
water were surveyed every fifth year, dry lands every tenth.
When the agent who worked lands purchased by a member of
the Imperial Clan, failed to pay up the taxes which those lands
had paid in the hands of its former owner, the proper authority
had to examine that agent. If he was supported by his master,
the proper yamun had to deal with the case ; and if the agent
refused to listen to the local magistrate, there was appeal to the
viceroy or governor, who would see that the agent was severely
punished.

If a member of any garrison or camping army, or a member
of the Dsaohoo,-^ purchased lands belonging to any of the people,

* Sir George Staunton, in translating the Manchu laws, erroneously represents
this forfeiture as absolute, instead of conditional and temporary as it really is.

fSee Slaves. The lands granted by the emperor, and originally belonging to the
imperial clan and the Manchu troops, were exempted from taxation. A petty
officer often conspires with the landlord to defraud the government ; the plunder
being equally divided between the two. In 1655, the chief censor complained of a
falling off of income from taxes, because so many bannermen professed to own
land which did not belon to them.

PENALTIES. 663

and neglected to pay the taxes formerly paid by that land, the
Headman was responsible for the tax, and the lands were
forfeited to the government. If the returns for a li were falsified
to more than two hundred dan, the offender was sent to the
ranks of the arrny furthest beyond the frontier.

When the growing crops were, or were said to be, destroyed
or damaged by flood, drought, hoar-frost, hail, or locusts, the
district collector had to give a true and faithful account thereof.
The chief collector had to visit the reported district in person,
and carefully examine. If after he had failed to personally
examine, error was discovered, both chief and local collectors
were to be beaten eighty blows. If the chief collector, from
careless observation, reported the blasted as ripe or the ripe as
blasted, he was, with the other implicated party, to be beaten
a hundred blows and degraded, — for in the one case he. oppressed
the people, in the other he deceived the government. The Li
Headman and the head of the "Mailed-men," were equally
punished ; while the punishment was heavier still if bribery had
been exercised. The man who falsely reported his growing
crops as blighted, was punished like the man giving a false
return of his lands ; while his property was made guarantee for
the payment of the proper tax in full.

When pleading for a remission of the land-tax, the amount of
grain in the public granaries should be taken into account, and
the prayer to the emperor be founded on this knowledge. Such
prayer was to be presented in the sixth moon (July) if it referred
to the summer harvest ; in the ninth if it was for the autumn
harvest, for thus the proper Board would have time to consider.

Various punishments are then mentioned as due to an official,
whose original property is exempted from taxation, if he
neglected to pay taxes for lands purchased by him after he
became an official ; and to the headman and tax collector if they
knew and failed to report, or did not properly examine into the
case. Then provision is made against selling, or taking forcible
possession of, lands or house belonging to another; against
taking forcible possession of hill common, of lake or pool,

664 TAXATION.

of a tea-garden, a reed-plot, or of gold, silver, copper, lead, iron,
or other mines ; — an official guilty of any such crimes was to be
reported to the emperor, who himself would pass sentence. The
man was punished who failed to cultivate with grain, mulberry,
hemp, or other useful produce, but left waste any portion of land
belonging to him which was formerly reported by the headman
as under cultivation. He who by stealth sowed and reaped on
any portion of the lands of another was beaten from 30 to 80
blows, and the punishment increased by two degrees if he had
the property in trust. This law applied to encroachments on
public or imperial commons,* or lands around camps, barracks,
forts, or walls, and to stealthy occupation of lands beyond the
border.

We have many particular laws on the same or similar subjects,
and on the sale of houses or lands, all of which should be
registered in the office of the district magistrate, and a tax paid
by the purchaser, at the time of registration, of three per cent, on
the purchase-price. Because of this tax, transfers of both houses
and land are common without such registration. These private
deeds are called "white papers," because they want the red
stamp of the magistrate. "White paper" is not only not
recognised by the yamun, but the property so purchased is
legally liable to confiscation, and the seller to severe punishment.
The most common evasion of the law is by a falsification of the
price, the real price being sometimes fully ten times that named
in the document sent to the yamun. There are laws against the

* Yet we are informed that in Manchuria thousands of acres of what were formerly
imperial pasture grounds have now been gradually occupied by the people; but because
they were some years in possession before it was officially known, and because the
occupants would suffer loss and make disturbance if dispossessed, the high officials
have left them undisturbed; and such occupancy has been made valid by taxation.
On the other hand, we know of one wealthy man, and owner of large landed
properties, who was on speaking terms with prince Kung, who is now shut up in
confinement on the charge of having appropriated a portion of the imperial
pasturage adjoining his property. The charge is one trumped up by two high
officials— formerly his friends, latterly his foes, — and though the highest court in
Peking has proved the charge incorrect, so great is the power of his foes that he
cannot get free.

TAX REMISSION. 665

falsification of the price, but it is easily understood how difficult
it must be to apply them.

We now pass from the laws to the Manchu historical notices
of the taxes of China.

In June 1653, the Boards of Works, Revenue, and War
reported that taxation, whether in money or grain, was now
reduced to, and collected on, a uniform plan throughout the
empire at one and the same time, and that it was spent out
gradually as necessity demanded. The emperor agreed to their
prayer that this plan should continue to be always carried out.
In 1669, the emperor agreed that, as soon as the public service
would admit of it, the prayer of a censor would be put into
effect, which desired that taxes on the summer crops should be
collected in July, and for the autumn crops in October or
November. This seems to imply that taxes were then called
for in advance,; nor is it unlikely, when the straining circumstances
of the times are taken into account.

The doctrine set forth in Milton's apologetical paper on the
execution of Charles First, — that a tyrant has ceased to be a
king, and that the execution of a tyrant is not the putting of a
king to death, — is one which has existed and more or less
influenced all political action in China from the dawn of its
history to the present. The emperor is absolute, because he is
emperor; but the emperor is appointed by Heaven, and appointed
for the good of his people ; he therefore ceases to be emperor in
the sight of Heaven as soon as he ceases to govern for the welfare
of his people. The will and pleasure of Heaven is manifested
in raising the rebel to the throne already vacated by tyrannical
deeds ; and the tyrant, though the descendant of an illustrious
line of rulers, is a usurper of the throne he holds. This political
creed of China is, without a doubt, well calculated to check such
excesses as would rouse the people to a state of mind which
might declare rebellion not only justifiable but dutiful. Perhaps
from policy, possibly from subjection to the universal creed, the
rulers of China have almost always remitted, wholly or partially,
the taxes of those districts of the empire which suffered from a

666 TAXATION.

failure of grain crops, and have, in the more serious cases, sent
large sums and much grain to the afflicted districts. This has
been especially true of the Manchu government, which, in point
of numbers, is so weak compared to the people over whom it
rules. From the first year of Manchu rule down to the terrible,
but not rare, famine which ravaged north China during the past
few years, there has been scarcely a year in which a larger or
smaller share of the taxes due to government has not been
remitted in some or other district of China.

During the years of serious warfare which succeeded the
Manchu entry into Peking, the resources of the treasury must
have been often strained, yet remissions occur again and again.
In 1688, a marquis proposed an increased taxation, and the
emperor expressed his serious displeasure at a proposal which
would injure the people. But the prayer of a censor, in the
following year, for a reduction of taxation, because of the deep
poverty of the people, could not then be granted, as was shown
by other memorialists, who mentioned the miserably small
allowances made to the various officials (see Officials).

It was reported to the emperor Kanghi, in 1705, that he had
remitted taxes to the amount of sixteen million taels during the
past two years ; and he replied that it was his delight to relieve
the poor, ever since the crushing of the rebellion of Woo Sangwei
gave him opportunity. He ordered an account of all the taxes
remitted since his accession to the throne (1662), and the amount
summed up to ninety million taels. He remitted arrears of two
and a quarter million taels, that same year, in the southern and
south-western provinces. But the provinces which suffer most
from flood or drought, and therefore have always had most
taxation remitted, are Shensi, Shansi, Shantung and Honan.

In 1648 the emperor mentioned to the secretariate that the
Board of Revenue had formerly reported an excess of expenditure
beyond the legal limits, by all the Yamuns great and small, civil
and military of the provinces, thus needlessly oppressing the
people ; that though orders had been issued to stop that excess
of expenditure, the same complaints continued to be made;

RESERVE FUNDS. 667

and he ordered the secretariate to thoroughly and at once
investigate the circumstances and report to him without delay.

The Board of Revenue proposed in 1669 that the various
provinces should have always on hand a net sum of about eleven
million taels ; four and a quarter for posting and Yellow River
embankments; three and a quarter for the army and its materiel;
and three and one third million always in reserve. Indeed every
province, and every official and magistrate in every province, is
supposed to have a reserve in the treasury of the capital,
prefectural, sub-prefectural and district cities; but these were
long ago emptied by the English wars.

Even in 1709 there was complaint made to the emperor that the
reserve treasures which should have stocked every governmental
treasury in the empire, were exhausted. The emperor Kanghi,
in one of those long speeches in which he delighted to indulge,
accounted for the deficiency by the dishonesty and prodigality of
the officials in charge. He also stated that at that moment he
had a reserve in the treasury of fifty million taels ; that there
was no army drain nor public works going on, while the working
expenses of the palace and public offices were carefully looked
after to prevent an increase ; when therefore with a remission of
taxes last year of eight million taels, there was so good a surplus
on hand in the capital against emergencies, much more easily
could the provincial authorities make and retain the surplus
demanded by law.

At the same time he mentioned one or two interesting items
of expenditure. He stated that the expenditure in the Ming
imperial palaces was enormous, amounting to several million
taels per annum. Of Makow charcoal there were several scores
of millions of catties burnt every day. It was called horse-mouth
because at each end of the three or four feet long pieces of
charcoal a " mouth " was cut. It was pure white, without a stain
of any other colour, and Kanghi himself used it on that account
in burning the yearly winter solstitial sacrifice to Heaven ; but
nowhere else and at no other time.

He stated also that in the time of his predecessor, there were

668 TAXATION.

nine thousand ladies in the harem, and over one hundred thousand
eunuchs ; but that the ladies in his palaces were not more than
four or five hundred ! The expenditure in his own palaces was, at
first, over seven hundred thousand taels per annum for kitchen
expenses ; this he had reduced by a tithe. The expenditure in
the Foreign Office Lifan Yuen, for entertaining ambassadors
and tribute bearers was over eight hundred thousand taels per
annum, which also he had reduced by a tithe. He had kept a
sharp watch on the expenses of the Board of Revenue, which
used to spend prodigally ; but since the Board had to give him a
strict account of all monies every tenth day, there was a great
saving to the treasury.

The difficulty of transporting taxes in kind was several times
memorialised to the throne, and sometimes the memorialist was
successful in converting it to a money tax. But a peculiar
petition was forwarded in 1703 by the viceroy of Szchuen and
Shensi. He explained that he had personally inspected the
Yellow River, the route by which grain taxes had to go.
There was one place with "three gates," apparently rapids,
caused by a compressed channel among the rocks. The central
one was called " Gods' Gate," where the river flows with great
force; to the south of it was "Devils' Gate," through which
the waters rushed with great fury; and to the north was
" Men's Gate," through which there is a strong current, but not
comparable to the other two. A couple of hundred paces
below these is " Reach-the-Pillar," and 2 li further down,
" Tiger-difficulty." The viceroy had himself gone in a boat with
thirty dan of grain through " Tiger-difficulty," and it was night
before he got to " Men's Gate." His prayer therefore was, that
the people might be permitted to forward their grain overland,
past those mentioned places, and reship below or above. The
matter was " considered " !

Another matter which may be interesting enough to mention,
is the Standard Measures of Capacity. In 1703, the emperor
Kanghi discussed those measures with the Board of Revenue.
He said that the standard Shung or "Pint" was thirty-one

MEASURES OF CAPACITY. 669

thousand three hundred and eighty two cubic " fractions " ; *
the standard Dow or "Peck" (ten shung) was three hundred
and sixteen thousand seven hundred and sixty-four fractions;
and the Hoo (five dow) was one million and six hundred
thousand fractions. There was thus a discrepancy between the
cubic contents of all three ; while practice diverged still more,
for the hoo in use was twenty thousand fractions more than the
standard one; though the standard should, he said, not be changed
without grave reasons. He ordered a new dow, made of eight
inches (Chinese) square and five deep, which would give a
capacity of three hundred and twenty thousand cubic fractions ;
and a new shung and hoo in exact proportion with the dow.
The standards were ordered to be made of brass. The standards
may be at the present time what his majesty ordered them to
be ; but in practice these measures differ in every city, often by
a tithe or even a fifth. The Board of Works provides standard
measures of cast-iron for the various provincial capitals ; and
from these the provincial collector of taxes gets wooden
specimens made wherewith the various collectors measure the
tribute grain.

Exact measures of capacity were in use in China from very
ancient times ; and their capacity was, as it now is, gauged by
the cubic measurement of the vessel. The inch and its fractions
were therefore the standard by which to test the contents of the
measuring vessels of the agricultural Chinese. The inch was
anciently shorter than the inch of modern times. Kanghi
found that a degree of latitude which measured 250 li in the
period of Chow — before our Lord — measured 200 li in his own
time, two centuries ago. Both the ancient and the modern
inch was the length of ten average grains of the glutinous small
millet placed side by side ; but the ten were laid cross-wise, or
by their narrower diameter in the period of Chow ; and length-
wise, or by their longer diameter, in the modern inch. And
thus arose the difference in the length of the inch ; for though
this grain seems round, it will on examination be found very'

* Fraction, tenth of a Chinese inch; ten of which make a Chinese foot.

670 TAXATION.

slightly elongated along the line of the embryo or germ, though
not nearly so elongated as in the greatly larger wheat grain.
Each grain was therefore the tenth of an inch, and this tenth
was called a fun or fraction. The relative lengths of the ancient
and modern foot are expressed by 1 ancient to O.81 modern ; ten
inches made a foot, ten feet a Jang, and ten jang a goong.
Thus the decimal system, which still prevails in China, was its
most ancient known form of measurement.

The accompanying woodcut shows the measures of length
and capacity. The short line with the ten black dots is the
exact length of the modern inch ; the black dots representing
the grains, which do not touch in the cut because they are less
in size than the actual grains. The longer lines at the side of
the cut represent the proportion between the ancient and the
modern foot ; the shorter being the ancient. Both are reduced
from the actual lengths, but the proportion is preserved. The
dots represent the grains, and the transverse lines show the
fractions on the Chinese foot-measure. In theoretical or
mathematical measurement, the inch is divided to seven decimal
places ; and with the names, beginning from our left, of fun,
li, hao, su, Iwo, wei, and ju.

The inch is also applied to weight. The square inch of gold
weighs 16.8 Hang or Chinese ounces; of silver, 9 Hang; of
"red" copper, 7.5 Hang; of yellow copper, 6.8 Hang; of
"black" or best lead, 9.93 Hang; of inferior lead, 6 Hang.
The Chinese cash or copper currency is made of the " yellow "
or inferior copper.

The Shung or Pint (figure 2 of the woodcut) is of 31.600
cubic inches capacity ; it is 4 inches square at bottom, and 1.975
inches deep. The Jiao or Horn (figure 1) is one-tenth of the
Shung. The Dow or Peck (figure 3) is of 316 cubic inches
capacity; is 8 inches square and 4.9375 inches deep, and
contains 10 shung. The hoo or bushel (figure 6) is of 1580
cubic inches capacity ; contains 5 dow ; is at mouth 6.6 inches
square; at bottom, 16 inches square; and 11.7 inches deep.
Two hoo make one dan.

672 TAXATION.

The Hoo of the East Han (third century) was round, and had
two handles (figure v\ It was of 860 cubic inches, 934 cubic
fun, 420 cubic li. It contained 10 dow, and was of 7.29 inches
deep, and 12.262 inches diameter. The dow was 0.729 inches
deep, and 12.262 inches diameter; containing 10 of the shung,
which was 1.8225 inches deep, and 2.452 inches diameter. The ho
was a tithe of the shung, and was 1.096 inches deep, and 1 inch
diameter ; it contained 2 lun, a measure half the depth of the ho.

Under the second of the Tang emperors (seventh century),
Jang Wun made a square hoo (figure 5) of the same capacity as
the Han one above described ; but while the depth was 7.29
inches as in the preceding, the hoo was of a square form, and
was 10.867 inches square. One of the handles or " ears " was
a shung measure, the other a ho. This is one way of " squaring
the circle." The other measures were also made in squares, and
on the decimal system ; so that this simple and satisfactory mode
of division has always prevailed in China.

SALT.

When it is remembered that a yin of salt is about four cwt., a
glance at the table given above, showing the millions of yin
belonging yearly to the imperial government, will give reason
sufficient for the existence of many laws centering round this
article. The enormous quantities of salt used over the eighteen
provinces of China, are produced on the sea-side, — for the small
quantities brought from the Inland Lake on the far west of
China into Kansu, make but a small fraction of what is used.
In Manchuria, on the shore of the gulf of Liaotung, between
Newchwang and Kaichow, the salt water is led into a square pit
by a small drain cut in the muddy shore of the shallow sea.
This drain is closed up outside the pit as soon as enough of water
has flowed in, and the action of a warm sun in a dry atmosphere,
soon gives the proprietor of the pit a quantity of salt, which he
throws into a great heap and covers with straw matting, to wait
for the daily carts which take it away up country. The tax-
gatherer is always on the spot.

SALT. 673

We again glance over the laws of Kienlung for our information
as to Chinese society of that time. The man who smuggled salt
was beaten a hundred blows and banished three years. If he
had arms in his possession, he was sentenced to one degree
heavier punishment ; and if he accused an innocent man of being
an accomplice, his punishment was three degrees more severe.
He was beheaded if he resisted the officers who went to appre-
hend him. The salt, arms, cart or boat, were all confiscated ;
while the man who guided the smuggler, the man who weighed
for him, or the man who hid the salt on his premises, was
punished only one degree less severely than the smuggler. The
man who carried the salt on his back, or who provided beasts of
burden to carry it, was punished one degree less severely still.
Any party concerned in such smuggling, was not only pardoned
but well rewarded if he turned informer; and the smuggler
himself was pardoned if he repented and gave information.
The magistrate was severely judged who dealt not according to
law when smuggling was discovered, or who pretended that an
innocent man was the smuggler. The same law applied to any
salt taken beyond the bounds of the salt-pan by any master or
employer, if such salt had not paid the proper duty. His fellows
of the salt-pan who knew of the fraud and failed to inform, were
found equally guilty. He who knowingly bought and used
smuggled salt was beaten a hundred blows; the seller was
equally guilty with the smuggler.

A woman found smuggling salt was not implicated if she had a
husband or grown-up son cognisant of the crime, the man being
responsible ; but if her husband was at a distance and ignorant,
and if her son was a child, the crime devolved on the woman ; she
being, however, subject only to the beating, but exempted from
the banishment. This tells its own tale as far as the position of
woman is concerned.

The magistrate who should examine the accused smuggler or

any party involved, and failed to do so, or released all or any of

them after they were imprisoned, but before they suffered their

legal sentence, was guilty of the same crime as the party in

s i

674 TAXATION.

Yvhose case there was a failure of justice ; and if bribery was
proved he fared worse.

If the officer who had charge of Customs Frontier, Barrier or
River Ford, reported less salt than actually passed, he was beaten
forty blows for the first offence, fifty for the second, and sixty for
the third. His civil or military colleague, aware of the fact and
neglecting to inform, was equally guilty. Any official retaining
for his own private use salt confiscated from the smuggler, was
equally guilty with the smuggler; his punishment was three
degrees heavier if he sought to involve an innocent man.

The carrier, or the merchant with more salt in his possession
than the duty paid yin, or the private vessel transporting public
salt and carrying arms, were all judged by the law against the
smuggler. The merchant who sold duty paid salt after mixing
it with earth or sand was beaten eighty blows. His was a heavier
punishment who took salt beyond the district in and for which
duty had been paid ; and the salt was confiscated.

The man who in an official customs pass forged the name of a
well-known merchant, and took away and sold the salt, was
beheaded ; the weigh-man, the innkeeper giving shelter by the
way, and the pass-giving official, were transported.

Whoever extorted money on the pretence that he was the
Headman of a Salt-pan district or a boat-searcher, or on any
other pretence, was banished, and his followers sent to the ranks
of the furthest army.

A boat company numbering ten or more, flying a flag and
using arms, who opposed the regular coast-guard service, and
killed one man or wounded three or more, were all beheaded and
the leader's head was exposed ; if two only were wounded, the
chief was beheaded, his accomplices strangled ; and if one only
was wounded, the leader was beheaded, and the accomplices sent
to the ranks of the furthest army ; but if no man was wounded
by their opposition, the leader was strangled, the accomplices,
with their wives, banished 3000 li. A band of ten or more by
land opposing the coast-guard was punished one degree less
severely. But if the very poor smuggled salt in quantities only

TEA. 675

sufficient to purchase their daily bread, they were free. — This law
is further enlarged by explaining the very poor to consist of old
men over sixty (English fifty-nine), or youths under fifteen (English
fourteen) suffering from any disease, an old woman, a widow, or
an orphan, who reported themselves without friends to support
them. Any of these was permitted to go to the salt pan and
carry away forty catties of salt once, but only once, a day ; they
had to go by road and were not allowed to go by boat, nor to go
beyond the district in which they received the salt. If they
neglected these limitations they were subjected to punishment.

If the official set to watch over the salt himself smuggled, his
offence was one degree heavier than that of the ordinary
smuggler. The salt merchant with arms found in his possession
was subject to the law against the carrying of arms secretly.
The salt official who himself acted as salt merchant, exchanging
salt for money or grain, was sentenced to the fate of the
smuggler, — because he was covetous of the profit belonging to
the people. The merchant who bought with a large measure,
and sold with a smaller, forfeited his salt and was, with the
weigh-man, beaten eighty blows, and the purchaser lost the price
paid ; for this was deceiving the government by using other than
the standard measure.

The history of the Manchus informs us that a dismissed tax
collector general for Yunnan was accused of having amassed one
million six hundred thousand taels by selling smuggled salt ; and
when the charge was found proven, the emperor ordered him to
be beheaded and his property confiscated.

The revenue from salt over all China in the time of the first
Manchu emperor was slightly above two million taels per annum ;
in Kienlung's reign it was nearly six millions annually.

TEA.

The salt laws were applied substantially to tea-smuggling, the
only difference of importance was the special law against
smuggling to sell to foreigners, whether within the bounds or on
the frontiers of China.

676 TAXATION.

All ships from sea were required to give a correct and full
Manifest to the magistrate of the port entered, and one hundred
blows was the penalty of fraudulent Manifests; while the
unspecified goods were forfeited; and an informer received a
reward of twenty taels.

The tea taxes of the eighteenth of Kienlung produced, in
eleven provinces, three hundred and sixty-four thousand nine
hundred and forty-nine yin, which weight varies in various
provinces ; Shensi and Kansu produced one hundred and thirty-
six thousand four hundred and eighty bi of ten catties each,
besides six thousand two hundred and sixty-six taels in money ;
and Szchuen, five hundred and ninety thousand and seventy taels.

MISCELLANEOUS.

The Chow dynasty raised taxes from gold, jade, pewter, and
stone, besides various kinds of cloth. In Kienlung's time the
provinces of Kwangsi, Yunnan, and Kweichow produced gold,
silver, copper, pewter, lead, iron, and mercury. Szchuen
produced most of those and sulphur.

On the shores of the sea, of lakes, rivers, marshes, and pools,
a very tall and strong kind of reed grows, useful for mat-making,
for supporting roofs of houses, and for fuel. Large numbers of
poor people make a livelihood by cutting down and selling those
reeds, or by raising water-grown rice on those ownerless lands.
This product is also taxed, and the tax is known as the Loo or
Reed-tax. In 1752 the extent of such lands, some of them
always under several feet of water, was seventy-nine millions nine
hundred and forty-six thousand and forty-six ching, or over a
million of acres, in the provinces of Kiangsoo, Anhwi, Kiangsi,
Hoope, and Hoonan ; and the revenue therefrom was ninety-
eight millions two hundred and fifty thousand and thirty taels.

In southern China former dynasties had a considerable number
of artificial fish ponds, protected by special legislation. The
present dynasty removed the prohibitions against utilising the
bottom of those ponds, with the exception of two ponds in
Kiangsi and two in Kwangtung. From the reeds grown in the

TOTAL INCOME. 677

others in the provinces of Kiangnan, Kiangsi, Fookien,
Chihkiang, Hookwang, and Kwangtung, a revenue was raised of
twenty-four thousand four hundred and twelve taels.

These various odds and ends, with the taxes payable on the
sale of lands and houses, produced, in 1753, a total of one
million fifty-two thousand seven hundred and six taels.

In 1651, — we rely again on the " Holy Wars," — the revenue
yielded fourteen and a half million taels in silver, of which the
army ate up over thirteen million ; and though expenditure
increased within three years so as to exceed income by four
million, the emperor refused to increase taxation. When
Sangwei revolted, Kanghi was in desperation to make ends
meet. He called for voluntary contributions and sold literary
degrees, but got only two million taels. The magistrates,
however, had abundance of money raised for public purposes,
which they retained in their own hands. But in 1722 Kanghi
had a reserve surplus of eight millions, increased by his successor
to sixty millions, — more than half of which Kienlung drained off
in his remote north-western expeditions against the Mahom-
medans; and he spent the remainder and more in his wars
against the Tienshan regions. But at the same time the Board
of Kevenue had a surplus over Chinese working expenses of fully
seventy millions. Kienlung spent over seventy millions in his
wars against Kinchuen in 1776, but there still remained a
surplus of fully sixty millions. Five years after he twice reduced
taxes because he had a surplus of seventy-eight millions ; and
his surplus in 1795 was over seventy millions. But forty years
thereafter, this surplus unaccountably disappeared; and over
seventy millions called in by requests for volunteer subscriptions
disappeared with it, no one being able to tell how or why. Our
author, however, we think, knew where a great deal of it went,
for he was writing of his own time when an English or foreign
indemnity, arising out of the opium war, introduced into China
its modern impecunious governments.

The revenue, which up to Kienlung was thirty million taels
per annum, was raised by him in 1782 to seventy-eight millions,

678 TAXATION.

and was found scarcely adequate to the strain upon his
treasury. This we can account for by the fact that the great
and small Kinchuen wars cost him over seventy millions, while
a simultaneous drain of a hundred millions was compressed into
the short space of time in which he had to put down the
Bailien kiao rebellion in the central provinces. The resources
at his command show what can be got by the usual taxation out
of China when tax-collectors are less than ordinarily rapacious.
Yet, as has been said above, the cure of this national gangrene
must be the same which uprooted the similar corruption in
England, — a largely increased salary to officials, and strict
accounts with them.

The loss to the country by taxes in kind may be estimated
from the cost of transport in the year 1809, when a censor and
a grand secretary calculated that each dan of rice transported
by imperial convoy from the south, cost eighteen taels for
carriage alone ; thus the four million dan coming thence cost
seventy- two million taels ; while by vessels carrying six hundred
dan from Kiangsoo the cost was only a thousand dollars, or
about one tael and a half per dan. The cost of taxes in grain
delivered in Peking should never exceed the calculated four taels
per dan. Rice cost in the place of production two taels in ordinary
years, three in bad years, and four in famine. This was corro-
borated next year by the governors of Kiangsoo, who reported
that rice in the hands of the magistrates stood for three taels
per dan, while the public price was under one. He recommended
the transport of taxes in kind by the public, instead of by
imperial vessels; for this would be a gain to the government
and a boon to the people, as official covetousness was alone
responsible for the exorbitant charges.

Another curious piece of information is given by the " Holy
Wars." It appears that the Chinese government had purchased
foreign vessels at a price of a hundred thousand taels each.
But as the " Holy Wars " was being printed, a schooner ship
belonging to the " Barbarian " English had been burnt in Canton,
and for it they demanded only twenty thousand dollars ; and it

NATIVE PRODUCTS.

679

was reasoned that a full rigged ship could cost no more than
double. The author, therefore, deeply regrets that the Chinese
government threw away to barbarians over two millions of taels
above the proper cost of the vessels they purchased. We fear
the author of the " Holy Wars " had forgotten the middle-men
in those transactions, to whom the lion's share of those over-
charges would fall.

The following TARIFF of purely native goods may be interesting
to compare with that of other nations. The articles mentioned,
though thus taxed within the country producing them, are only
taxed when passing into another province than that in which
they are produced ; and this is much like a passage from one
country to another in Europe.

Best Satin, per piece,0 Tls. 0.13800

2nd class Satin, „ 0.11400

Flowered Silk, „ 0.03420

Coloured „ „ 0.02506

Finest Gauze, „ 0.01708

Best " Grass" Cloth, „ 0.06800

„ Cotton „ „ 0.05500

Fine (Satin) Boots, one pair 0.01200

Cotton Shoes, „ 0.00400
Birds' (Swallow) Nest, per

catty, - - 0.01360

Incense, per catty, - 0.00200

Ivory Ware, „ - - 0.02000

Combs, per hundred Tls. 0.01200
Mica, „ sheets, 0.12000

Keal Gold Fans, per ten, 0.00800
Black „ „ 0.00400

Common Fans, „ 0.00080

Preserved Fruits, per cwt. 0.02680
Tea, per catty, - - 0.00200
Ginsheng, „ - - 0.10400
Whanglien Medicine, per cwt. 2.04000
Tortoise Glue (Medicine?),

per cwt., - - - 0.40000
Ajiao, Ass Skin Glue Medi-
cine, per cwt., - - 0.40000

Keeping in mind that the tael is valued at about six shillings
sterling, the customs duties will appear ridiculously small — e.g.,
tea sells in Mookden at from one to two taels per catty ; but
supposing it to average no more than half a tael in value over
China, the duty is under OJ per cent. The same is true of
Ginsheng. Silks appear to be rated at about one per cent.
The customs at the open ports, whose rates were fixed by the
English, charge five per cent, as the minimum rate.

Besides the ordinary revenue, there are special items provided
by particular people for the emperor's private use. Many

* About fourteen yards. The decimal places are named ckien, fun, li, hao, and su.

680 TAXATION.

Manchus of Manchuria have to pay a greatly reduced or no tax
on their lands. But there is a tax in kind of all the various
products, other than grain, of all kinds of fish and game. The
Manchus hereditarily occupied in pearl gathering, in fishing or
hunting, have to provide a certain number of their specialty
per head or Ding. Thus the pearl fisher families (Hoo) of
Woola are bound to supply his majesty with sixteen eastern
pearls per Ding per annum ; the honey families with seventy
catties of honey ; the Ginsheng families with seven and a half
Hang or ounces per Ding per annum. In Liaotung, the net
families of Newchwang, of whom there is a large number, have
to provide yearly five hundred catties fish per Ding ; the falcon
families, one hundred falcons ; the fox families, four fox skins ;
the honey families, fifty catties of honey ; the game families, two
wild boar and ninety head of smaller game, or bundles of dried
venison, each bundle containing ten pieces ; the otter families,
four otter skins ; the heron families, fifteen pairs of herons ; the
fish families, fifty small-scaled or fresh-water fishes per Ding
per annum. We find the same law, with differing quantities,
applied along the north border of Chihli, touching Mongolia.

There are special looms in Nanking, Hangchow, and Soochow,
under high official superintendents, employed solely in weaving
dragon and mang silks for the emperor. There are three chief
treasuries in Peking under the Board of Revenue. One is used
solely to store up silk goods ; satins, silks or gauze, made for the
emperor, to be used in the imperial family, or gifted by him to
any individual. A second is for storing silver, and a third
contains all the copper, pewter, lead, and iron, as well as various
kinds of incense. Every third year there is a most careful
examination made of these three treasuries, to ascertain whether
the stock in hand agrees with the inventory.

EXPENDITURE.

Next in point of interest to the manner in which the taxes
are ingathered, is the mode in which they are expended. The
emperor is nominally absolute master of all China; but the

EXPENDITUKE. 681

Board of Revenue has the keys of the treasury. The emperor's
personal annual expenditure is "constant," which must mean
that it is fixed. The imperial agent sends an order to the
Board for whatever is wanted. The Board sends the order to
that particular one of the three treasuries, where the ordered
article is stored. The senior secretary in charge of that treasury
sends an order to the manager in charge of that treasury ; and
he implements the order, preserving the document. But if the
expenditure of the imperial household is fixed, the full amount
is not given us ; though we are persuaded it greatly exceeds the
expenditure of any European court (see pp. 667-8).

But if we are in ignorance as to the imperial household, we
are informed fully of the rate of expenditure on what we might
call the civil list. A Chin wang or prince receives annually a
sum of ten thousand taels, and his heir six thousand. A Kun
wang has an allowance of five thousand taels, his eldest son
three thousand. A Beira gets two thousand five hundred
taels; Beidsu, thirteen hundred; Jungiuo Goong, seven hundred;
Foogwo Goong, five hundred; and from second class Jungwo
commander, who has four hundred and ten taels, allowances
drop by twenty-five taels at a step for thirteen grades to
Commander by Favour. Every man of the imperial clan,
consisting chiefly of all the descendants of Noorhachu, the
founder of the dynasty, but also including the descendants of
his brothers and sisters, has an annual allowance. This allowance
is graduated in proportion to the nearness or remoteness of
relationship to the ruling emperor. Each recipient of this
imperial bounty has a title, and the lowest title confers the
right to eighty taels a year; so that titles are not merely
honorary. The members of the imperial family have necessarily
a larger income than the more remote connections. We have
just mentioned what the allowance is to the sons of majesty,
Chin and Kun wang, &c. The princesses have also a yearly
allowance. The chief, called the Goolun princess, receives four
hundred taels; when married, her husband gets besides two
hundred and eighty taels per annum. The Hoshao princess

682

TAXATION.

has three hundred taels, and her husband two hundred and
fifty-five. The Kunjoo princess is allowed two hundred and
fifty taels, and her husband two hundred and thirty. The other
four grades down to and ending with HiangJcun princess
decrease by thirty taels each; the same rule applies to the
husbands, the lowest allowance being one hundred and five taels.
Each of these various grades include a larger or smaller number
of princesses, and embrace many ladies from collateral branches,
created princesses to honour their fathers for any important
services rendered to the state.

The Manchu government has from its earliest dawn sedulously
cultivated the good-will of the restless nomadic Mongols, who
used to be the bitter scourge of every preceding dynasty. Very
few attempts have been made by the Mongols within the last
three centuries to assert supremacy, or even to demand
independence. This is the result of a cautious policy of
conferring handsome yearly allowances upon the Mongol chiefs,
who are graded as princes of such and such a rank by and
under the Manchu government. Intermarriage is also largely
resorted to, and is very influential in cementing the Mongol
chiefs to the Manchu throne. The emperor sometimes marries
a Mongol princess; and there are curious stories afloat among the
Chinese on this subject. But the Mongol princes are very
frequently married to Manchu princesses. These are not
necessarily — indeed they are only rarely — the daughters of the
emperor; but are nieces, cousins, or other relations, created
princess of a certain grade just for the marriage. And not only
is the usual allowance connected with that grade given to this
princess, but an addition is made thereto. In the case of a
Goolun princess thus married, the allowance amounts to one
thousand taels a year, and thirty webs of satin ; her husband
receiving three hundred taels in addition to the sum connected
with his title. The chief of Karka, of Toorbet, of Korsin, is
always a Chin wang ; and receives with his title a sum of two
thousand taels and forty webs of satin per annum. The Chin
wang of any other Mongolic tribe receives two thousand taels

EXPENDITURE. 683

and twenty-five webs of satin. And the heir of any Chin wang
has a yearly allowance of fifteen hundred taels and twenty
pieces of satin. The Kun wang of Korsin and Jassaktoo
receive each twelve hundred taels and fifteen pieces of satin;
their heir having besides a sum of eight hundred taels and
thirteen pieces, what the Mongol Beira receives. The Taiji is
the lowest chieftain rank, and his allowance is one hundred taels
and four webs of satin per year.

Far the greatest drain on the imperial exchequer is the
utterly useless, but in the aggregate enormous, payment made
to the Manchu " soldiers " in the capital and throughout the
empire. Their claim to be military men is based rather on
their descent than on their skill in arms ; and their pay is given
them because of their fathers' prowess, and not at all from any
hopes of their efficiency as soldiers. Their soldierly qualities
are included in the accomplishments of idleness, riding, and the
use of the bow and arrow, at which they practice on a few rare
occasions each year. Each of the nine grades of officer is
divided into senior and junior ; but the difference is in grade,
not in pay. The grain given is in proportion to the pay, — one
hoo or bushel being given for every tael.

The pay of the privates in the body-guard is larger than the
ordinary pay. The privates whose duty it is to be immediately
around the emperor, are paid at the rate of four taels per month ;
a rate which foremen bow-makers also receive. The cavalry,
bow-maker, and brazier receives each three taels per month; each
man having an allowance besides of forty-eight hoo of grain per
annum. The infantry of the main body of the guards have one
and a half tael and two hoo of grain per month, which is the
pay of troops in active service ; garrison troops in garrison or in
peace receiving monthly one tael and one hoo. Cannoneers in
the capital receive two taels and three hoo each month. The
three camps in the capital of Chinese troops or Loo ying are
paid at the rate of two taels for cavalry and one for infantry ;
and each horse is allowed two and a half taels per month.
These items are fully sufficient to give an idea of the cost of
feeding men in China.

684 TAXATION.

CURRENCY.

We learn from the " Holy Wars " that before the Sung period
or the tenth century, there was no silver produced or used in
China, gold and copper being the precious metals in use ; and
that whatever silver was used in China before that time, was
brought in from abroad, but not used as currency. In the Han
period, nineteen centuries ago, there were foreign coins brought
into China of both gold and silver, — having on the obverse a
face, on the reverse a rider ; or on the obverse the king's " face,"
on the reverse his queen's. The Kigweihuen, Dookialo, and
Chiewhashu, kingdoms of Siyu* used gold and silver money,
with small copper cash ; and India used gold, silver, and pearls.
It was men from Siyii who first brought silver into China. The
Sung emperors had to forbid the selling of copper cash to
foreigners who brought silver in ships with which they bought
the copper. But as "foreigners were covetous," the practice
was "continued by smuggling; just as now there are laws
issued in vain against the exportation of silver." The various
kingdoms of America, says our authority, produce gold and
silver in abundance. In 807 the Tang emperor said that where
there was silver to be found, there was also copper ; that copper
was useful for drums and cymbals and other necessary articles,
but silver could not in any way be regarded a necessary ; hence
he forbade all within the Wooling, the " Five mountain ranges,"
to mine for silver, but permitted the mining of copper. The
Sung dynasty also forbade silver mining. And the two first Ming
emperors forbade the exchanging of gold or silver for goods.

Only the two Kwang paid silver tribute to Tang dynasty,
each sub-prefecture paying from twenty to thirty taels. The
Yuen dynasty received no more than fifty thousand or sixty
thousand taels a year in silver. The first Ming emperor refused
to accept more than twenty-four thousand taels. So that before
the Ming period silver was despised and copper esteemed. But
we saw in the historical portion of our work how Wanli of the
Ming prayed, and yearned and worked for silver. It is not

* Neighbourhood of Tienshan.

CURRENCY. 685

improbable that contact with western nations made China
gradually accept of silver instead of a gold currency.

Of the silver in China, the "Holy Wars" continues, that
brought in foreign ships is, in proportion to that produced in
China, as seventeen to fourteen ; and like a Tang-yin fatalist
or Hegelian, the author of the "Holy Wars" sees only the
natural " morning and evening/' ebb and flow, in the fact that
foreign ships were in his own times again fast draining China
of silver in exchange for opium.

Silver was in Taokwang period produced in Yunnan and
Kweichow, Yunnan producing yearly sixty-seven thousand and
three hundred Hang * of silver, and sixty Hang of gold. It also
produced ten thousand and eight hundred worth of silver Hang
in copper. The yield of Yungchang foo, of Szchuen, and the
two Kwaiig, was unknown ; as also the yield of pewter in those
provinces and in Shensi and Hookwang, Yunnan producing the
worth of three thousand Hang. Yunnan does not sell any of
those metals to the barbarian, nor Kweichow to the Miao;
but every other province sells to the barbarian.

The gold mines of Kanchow and Sining in Kansu, with those
of Chunchow and Tayooshan, in Hoonan, are under charge of a
marshal with a band of soldiers, and are worked by night. The
Darbahatai gold mine in Hi or Kulja, was worked by the men
and under the authority of the Tatar general. In Wunchoo
and other places of Chihkiang, the people were permitted to
mine, on payment of a royalty of from ten to twenty per cent.
There was a silver mine beyond Tungyue worked by the
Burmese, and another beyond Yungchang belonging to the Gwo
barbarians. The Yuen history states that the masters were
many and the workers few in those mines, so that the labourers
were both poor and ill treated. These labourers were wholly
Miao. There were three magistrates to look after the food of
the labourers and to settle disputes, and four to look after the
refining of the silver.

* I prefer to use this Chinese term, for it is twenty -five per cent, heavier than
the English ounce, as the catty is than the English pound avoird.

686 TAXATION.

In the Ming dynasty Fukien had forty-two silver mines
opened, and Chihkiang had a large number ; but because of the
numerous murders committed, the Ming closed the mines.
Kanghi and Kienlung, the two most prosperous emperors of the
Manchu line, forbade the working of silver mines. The Kin
dynasty, — contemporary with the Sung, which forbade silver
mining, — permitted the people to mine, charging a royalty of
five per cent. A recent note to the " Holy Wars " states that
the silver mines of China are exhausted ; that there is the mine
of Dashan, west of Kwangsi, worked by Chinese; that of
Soonghing, in the north of Annam, worked mostly by Cantonese ;
and there is a million Hang brought annually into China.
Chinese and Annamese constantly murder each other ; but the
Annamese king takes his per centage on the silver produced,
never troubling himself about the murders or the state of the
miners.

Anciently gold was plentiful in China and silver unknown.
Hiao Wang of the Liang had at his death four hundred thousand
catties * of gold ! A Han Wang had forty thousand catties.
In the Wei period, when Buddhism made its thorough conquest
of China, one emperor used up twenty-five thousand catties of
gold in making images, and at another time one hundred
thousand catties. It was then weight for weight cheaper than
jade.

There was no silver in the beginning of the Tang dynasty
(seventh century). There was a very small quantity used in
the beginning of the Sung dynasty to pay taxes ; and it gradually
increased, till in Yuenfung reign gold decreased to ten thousand
Hang, and silver increased to two hundred thousand. In the
reign Tiensi there was an income of eight hundred and eighty-
three thousand Hang. But most of this came in foreign ships.

In the Tang dynasty there was a " Flying money " currency,
which means paper notes. That was eleven centuries before
Law turned the heads of most Frenchmen. The Sung dynasty
minted three hundred and sixty thousand strings of cash, and

* At present value this gives thirty million pounds stg.

PAPER MONEY. 687

ordered solid cash alone to be used in paying for anything,
recalling the " Flying money " of Tang. But when the Sung
in its turn became poor, it too issued paper money, which it
called Jiaohwi. This paper represented, or nominally
represented, tea, salt, and goods. Thus, said our author, the
" light stood for the heavy," and ten real cash could be made to
represent a million. If, he adds, that paper did not represent
real property, the profit was with the governors; but the
oppression, the loss, and the suffering with the governed. At
the time he was writing, on account of the disappearance of
silver and the claims of the first English war, the proposal was
seriously considered in Peking of again issuing a paper currency,
which the " Holy Wars " profoundly deprecated. The provinces
of Kiangnan (now Kiangsoo and Anhwi), of Chihkiang,
Hookwang and Fukien, refused to have anything to do with the
paper currency of any of the dynasties which used it. And the
" Holy Wars " states that they never adopted even the mercantile
notes so common over all north China.

In 1375, one Hang of gold stood for ten dan of rice, and one
of silver for two dan ; hence gold was weight for weight only
five times dearer than silver. Thirty-eight years after, one
Hang of gold stood for twenty dan of rice, and was 7.5 times
dearer than silver. A short time after, gold was ten times
dearer than silver ; standing for twenty goong salt, or thirty dan
rice. Since one Hang of silver would then buy three dan of
rice, we see that grain has not always grown in price with the
march of time in China.

In the Han period so scarce and valuable was silver that for
eight Hang one thousand strings of cash were paid ; within a
dozen centuries after, in the Kin dynasty, one hundred strings
bought fifty Hang ; and in the end of the fourteenth century,
one string of a thousand cash was exchanged for one Hang ;
and four strings bought a Hang of gold, this being one-fourth of
its modern price. The first Ming emperor bought the Hang of
silver for six hundred cash ; and the last paid sixteen hundred
to two thousand cash for the same. In the beginning of the

688 TAXATION.

Manchu reign, silver again fell to one thousand cash per Hang.
When the " Holy Wars " was being written, the Hang or tael
of silver rose again to sixteen hundred cash ; and it was this
sudden rise in price which opened the eyes of the Chinese to
xthe drain made by the opium traffic ; the Mexican dollar at the
same time sold for so much as thirteen hundred cash. And this
has been one very considerable element in the war against
opium, perhaps indeed the chief one ; but Chinese could not
publicly mention this, when they had such a capital argument
against it in the curses innumerable it has introduced into
China. But from either motive no one would have ever found
fault with China for resisting the introduction of opium if she
had warred successfully; for she believes, as other nations
believe, that she has a right to say what shall be allowed and
what forbidden to enter her borders from foreign countries.
And this right she is certain to demand ere long. What would
be thought of Britain, if she compelled by costly war the State
of Maine to take British whisky at five or ten per cent, duty on
its cost price ? Yet this is what we did and do in China.

The copper or brass currency of China is used westwards to
Hami ; but to the west of that place the Mahommedans use a
cash which they call poor, one of which equals in value five
Chinese cash; it is therefore apparently pure copper. Fifty
poor they call one tung. To the south-west the Burmese silver
currency comes in contact with the Chinese cash. It is O.15 of
a Hang in weight, and six go to a tael. A smaller coin of 0.1,
nine of which to the tael; and a smaller still, O.05, eighteen of
which are sold for the tael. Thus the Burmese charge ten per
cent, in the exchange.

After Kienlung conquered Tibet he ordered exchange marts
at both Nan and Bei Loo of Tienshan, where poor cash could
be exchanged for Chinese. The Resident in Tibet was ordered
to mint large and small silver coins, with the characters
" Kienlung " in Chinese on the face, and Tanggootua or Tibetan
letters on the reverse. These were after the model of the coins
of Gworka or Nepaul. .

CASH. 689

In 1653, there were minted 2,097,633,850 cash, in strings
called Juchien of 2000 each; besides 20,001,210 "copper"
cash, which probably means the much larger cash used in the
capital ; and 128,172.47 tiaos of paper money, each representing
1000 cash, were circulated. In 1682, the cash minted was
294,851,480; in 1691, it was 289,921,050; in 1703, it was
238,065,900. Large numbers of all those mintings, together
with a few of much older cash, form the smaller proportion of
the cash now in circulation ; but the great bulk of those older
cash has been melted down, as later mintings, nominally of the
same value, have been much lighter in weight.

In July 1653, the Board of Works decided that cash should
be minted all of one pattern ; each weighing O.125 of a Hang,
and be finished artistically with the character li on the
reverse. Every thousand cash should represent one Hang of
silver; and any deviation from this price should be declared
criminal. The emperor agreed to this desire to have the
relative values of copper and silver fixed. But there is nothing
more fluctuating in China than the price of silver; two successive
days rarely finding it the same, except during the few days at
Chinese new year when no business is done. We learn also
from this decision that copper or brass was, value for value, one
hundred and twenty-five times heavier than silver.

Though copper cash is the currency and the standard metal,
everything else — gold, silver, grain, &c. — changing in value
according to supply and demand, silver is the measure and the
currency of money land-taxes. As there is no silver coinage,
the infinitesimal sums have always to be paid in small nuggets
called " Loose silver " by foreigners ; by the Chinese, more
appropriately, "Broken silver." The receiver of taxes had to
melt these down into the Chinese ingot, called " one silver "
and by foreigners, " a shoe of silver," from its supposed resem-
blance to a shoe. The weight of this is over fifty-three taels
or Hang, and the value is about £15 stg. Alleging a loss by
" Fire-waste " in the process of this conversion, the tax-gatherer
demanded three per cent, more than the legal tax weight to
T i

690 TAXATION.

make good his loss. This charge for "Fire-waste" Kanghi
declared an illegal impost on the people, and he issued orders to
cease its collection. But it was doubtless too profitable an
illegality to admit of its cessation, and the excuse for it was very
plausible ; even though the emperor, by his orders, implied that
if there were in reality such a loss, the government and not the
people should bear it. The emperor succeeding him twice
within the first five years of his reign seriously denounced the
same charge as an illegality. But orders were issued in vain.

That charge against the tax-payer of three per cent, was
either found by the Manchu tax-gatherers in operation, which
is very likely, or introduced by them from the beginning of their
reign ; for before the young child-emperor had gone from
Mookden to Peking, the viceroy in Tientsin prayed that those
taxes imposed additional to the taxation of the Ming should be
abolished, and that the " Fire-waste " should be stopped. The
regent replied in name of the child-emperor, that proclamation
had been already made forbidding any official to trespass the
laws under pain of death, that the three per cent. " Fire-
waste " was an illegal charge, arising from " covetousness," an
oppressing of the people, and a defrauding of the government ;
and that so far was the emperor from desiring to increase the
Ming taxation, that he was eager to reduce even the legal tax.

When it is stated that a pound of copper in lump is three
times more valuable in the markets than a pound of copper
minted, it will not seem surprising that stringent and severe
laws have been found necessary, — from 1698 downwards, — to
preserve the only minted coin in China. So particular are the
laws on this point, that it is illegal to carry quantities of cash
from one city to another on any pretence. The most severe
punishment is inflicted upon him who melts down cash; the
next .in heinousness is the crime of him who mints privately, or
" sweats " or clips the edges. The third in guilt is he who melts
ancient cash, or withdraws it from circulation ; and the lightest
offence is that of casting small cash of light weight, — probably
because it is easy of detection. This last is, however, largely

CASH. 691

practised ; for a dozen light cash can be made out of the copper
of one real cash.

Were a pound weight of minted copper cash equally valuable
with a pound weight of similar metal unworked, there would be
no temptation to " melt ; " but so extreme is the conservatism of
the Chinese people in regard to currency, that they have over
and over again successfully resisted the imposition by the
government of a currency of lighter weight. The Coreans, in
returning from Peking, used to purchase great quantities of
copper cash, take it to their own country, convert it into basons,
bring it back and sell it to the Chinese, making rich on the
profits. The copper money of Manchuria ran the risk of utterly
disappearing, when the Chinese emperor intervened and
prevented further depletion, by ordering his vassal, the Corean
king, to declare the melting of Chinese cash a capital crime.

The standard of English currency is gold ; that of Chinese is
copper. The accompanying woodcut gives a fac-simile in size,
obverse and reverse, of such copper cash or coin minted under
various dynasties. Through the square hole in the centre a
string is passed, by which the coins are easily carried about. A
tiao is a string of a certain number of cash ; the number being
fixed in any one city and neighbourhood, but differing in many
cities. The string is always nominally 1000, though it rarely
counts the full number; it is as often really 500, 164, 162, or
160. This copper cash is the only imperial sanctioned currency.

When large accounts are settled, silver ingots or shoes of about
four and a half pounds weight are used instead of the very
cumbrous copper cash. At Chinese new-year every man must
square his accounts, and settle in hard cash. At this period of
universal reckoning, silver mounts up in price from ten to
twenty per cent. ; and after all accounts are settled, it goes
gradually down again. This is, of course, so much pure gain to
the banks and money lender ; and a man with a good deal of
ready money and business capacity, could then make handsome
sums of money. In travelling, it is also necessary to carry about
silver when a draft is not attainable; but as a rule it is not

1 are obverse and reverse of an original Manchu cash ; 2 are two various forms of
reverse in Manchu words of cash of present dynasty; 3 are obverse of the
same ; 4 are deteriorated cash of the emperors during and since the opium
wars; and 5 is a false coin. All are actual size; one of each emperor, of
present dynasty.

PAPER MONEY. 693

difficult to get a draft on any city, however remote. On these
drafts there is usually a small charge of about a half per cent.

Over the provinces in the northern half of China, the people
avoid the inconvenience attending the bulk and weight of their
copper cash, by using notes similar to our western bank notes,
which are usually payable in full at sight. We have seen that
notes were issued by the Chinese government twelve centuries
ago ; and that these notes purported to represent a certain value
in salt, tea, or grain, — the taxes of the country. The notes now
in use took their rise in the same manner. Their issue is not
confined to banks, though banks are as numerous in northern
China as in Britain ; but all large warehouses, pawnshops, and
storehouses, issue notes of value from twopence to ten pounds.
The only apparent check on this issue, is the annual balancing
of accounts, which must be in solid silver ; though the extent of
the capital of the house is pretty well known to the other
members of the merchant guild, without whose permission no
mercantile house can issue notes in Mookden. But any house
may issue notes in the country, if the people will take them.
Some of the more wealthy houses in Mookden will issue no
notes ; other houses issue more than their due share. When
the new-year comes round, these to pay their accounts borrow
silver for a few days at excessive interest ; and when the new-
year fortnight is over, re-issue their notes and repay the
silver. Houses become " shut " or fail, when they are unable to
secure the necessary silver to tide over that fortnight. These
notes are so much working capital, but they are often thrice or
four times the real capital. These notes, therefore, represent
pretty closely the notes of hand, or promissory notes of our
western merchants. One peculiarity of this system is that this
paper money is of value only in the city and the country under
the jurisdiction of the city in which it is issued ; though it may
be taken beyond that range if the person tendering it is known.

The accompanying woodcut is an exact imitation of the notes
in use in Mookden. The printed characters are usually blue.
Those large ones on the top are the name of the city and the

USURY. 695

street in which the issuing house is located. Underneath is the
name of the house or shop. The blanks are written in with the
date of issue, the number and the value of the note ; the mode
of payment, whether at sight, or three or six months after issue,
is also written. In the left hand corner is the stamp of the
house, always in red. Though this is in wood, most of the notes
are thrown off plates of copper or of horn, both of which produce
work like steel plates ; and very beautifully is this work often
done. On my first entry into Mookden, silver had to be changed
for paper notes ; but so very numerous and so cleverly executed
were forged notes at that time, that no tradesman or shopman
would take a note unless guaranteed by a well-known house-
holder. My first landlord was a Manchu, who had pretty good
estates in the country. He had a large family connection, all
fairly wealthy. They all owned slaves (see Slavery] , as he did
himself. One day a slave of one of his friends came into town
on business, and called on my landlord. This slave gave the
city man all the news from his country house, detailed the most
minute and accurate information, not only concerning the
persons of his relations, but about the properties of the family.
After a considerable stay, the slave said that his master had
sent him on business into town, giving him a large note to pay
for his purchases ; but as he was a stranger in town, he asked
my landlord whether he would not guarantee the note. The
landlord unhesitatingly did so for his friend's sake. The slave
was to call before leaving in the evening, to receive any messages
for his master. But his business so engaged his attention, that
he did not return. The " slave " did not return, but the note
did within a day or two, for it was found to be a forged one ;
and my landlord was the victim of a clever trick.

USURY AND DEBT.

British legislators in India have met with one of their greatest
difficulties in attempting to solve the problem of " debtor and
creditor ; " and so perilously near is the charybdis of ruin to the
debtor to the Scylla of injustice to the creditor, that legislators

696 TAXATION.

have not yet found the mode of reconciling British notions of
the sacredness of written engagements and contracts with the
general wellbeing of the community and the consequent stability
of British rule. There are many large capitalists whose loyalty
is for the country which gives them the largest interest on their
lended capital ; and it is not at all to be expected that Indian
capitalists are deeply interested in the unbroken and untroubled
rule of British influence in India, — always excepting the cases
in which such influence is necessary to wrest his last anna from
the debtor, who owes such capitalist twenty times more than the
original sum borrowed. We warmly recommend to the careful
attention, if not to the imitation of Indian law-givers, the
principles seen in the following laws of " debtor and creditor "
taken from the volumes of Kienlung's laws. The circumstances
in both these huge overgrown eastern empires are to all intents
and purposes similar.

In China as in India there are two occasions in the lives of the
great bulk of the population, in which a man will rather die
than spend only the small sum of money he can command
without running into debt. These are marriages and funerals, —
especially the latter. The man in need of money will therefore
have it on any terms whatever, which the money-lender thinks
fit to demand. He knows he must have money to spend now; and
he does not realise, or he is comparatively heedless of the risks
he has to run. And if the two are left to settle their bargain by
themselves, none can for a moment be at a loss to know how the
bargaining will terminate between the man who must have
money on any terms and the man who is not necessitated to lend
on any terms. The Chinese government, as well as all others,
knew how the fight would and must end ; and, doubtless after
experiences such as India has given for years if not for centuries,
legislated with the express design of curbing the avarice of the
capitalist. The laws are therefore described as "laws against
Exorbitant Usury." Chinese laws, as a whole, have, as their
foundation, always embodied the maxim of the "greatest
happiness of the greatest number " ; and it is only in perfect

USURY. 697

consistency with the spirit of her laws in all times, that the
many weak poor are protected from the few powerful wealthy.
The wealthy, in this case of lending, do not require the protection
of laws to prevent their ruin, the poor do. It is unnecessary to
say that the wealthy, as will be seen, are protected in what the
law regards as their just demands, but in demands which appear
proper for them to make, the laws say, " hitherto but no further;"
and this we think is what should be done in India. We now
give the Chinese laws.

Whoever gives out money, or any other article, privately, at
interest, must not demand or receive more than three per cent, per
month ; * and however many years or months pass ere the whole
is paid, — when it is paid, the sum total paid by the debtor must
not exceed the capital, and a sum for interest equal to the
capital ; i.e., the interest, however long unpaid, must on no
account exceed the amount of the original capital. If a larger
sum (than the original capital) be demanded as interest, the
money-lender shall be beaten forty blows, the punishment to
increase with the amount of the excess "f demanded up to a
hundred blows. If a magistrate lend money, or other valuable
at interest to any person within the bounds of his jurisdiction,
and take interest within the legal maximum, he shall be beaten
eighty blows, with an increased punishment if he take more
than that maximum. J

* Practice makes this thirty per cent, per annum.

f The principle of forbidding accumulated unpaid interest to exceed the original
capital is explained by the statute book, as being that no article should more than
double its price. But we have the real signification in the title of the law, — "against
extortion," or "against unbounded usury." We are informed by business men
that the law has been since changed to a maximum of two per cent, per month, the
other clause standing ; and that any interest above that is not recoverable by law.
Large pawn shops, — which in China much resemble money-lending jewellers in
the west,— charge this two per cent.; but small disreputable pawn shops, corre-
sponding to our British pawn shops, charge three per cent. , though at their own
risk. We know however that when the interest is regularly, whether monthly or
yearly, paid, the law against more than doubling the original capital does not apply.

£ This punishment is independent of the question whether he has distorted the
law in compelling such payments. In any case of interest beyond the legal limit,
the excess is handed back to the debtor. The magistrate or official is thus
absolutely forbidden to lend.

(-c

VZPFC

698 TAXATION.

The debtor who fails to implement his part of the (legal)
agreement, in non-payment at the appointed date, shall be
beaten ten blows for the first three months elapsing after the
date when payment was due, if the sum of his debt is above five
taels ; the punishment increases by each lapsed month and by
the amount of the sum borrowed. And the capital and interest
must be forthwith paid to the creditor.

If a creditor seize by force a man's clothing, cattle, produce or
possession, as payment of debt, he shall be beaten eighty blows.
A more recent Act, however, ordains that if the debtor is willing,,
and if the article taken does not exceed in value the sum of the
debt, there is no blame attachable, even if in the first instance
the article should have been taken by force.

If a creditor take away the wife, concubine, son or daughter
of a debtor as payment of debt, he shall be beaten one hundred
blows ; if he commit adultery besides, his crime shall be increased
one degree, and two degrees if he be guilty of rape. If he take
away such person or persons by force, his punishment shall be
two degrees more severe, and he shall be beaten seventy blows
and banished one and a half years; if in addition to such
forcible seizure he be guilty of rape, he shall be strangled ; and in
either case, whether the debtor consented (because he could not
help himself) or refused, the creditor must restore the abducted
person or persons to their family, and the debt is cancelled.

Whoever borrows any article or animal, and the loan, while in
his possession, is worn out, lost, stolen, destroyed, killed, or dies,
he must make it good ; and if while he himself wore it out or
killed it, he falsely asserts that it was stolen or died, he shall be
besides beaten ninety blows, and transported two and a half
years. Lost articles found were to be handed to the nearest
magistrate on pain of punishment. Laws follow to prevent any
private person, or any person except the state, from taking
possession of and levying duties at a port ; against interference
with the markets or fairs, — which form so peculiar and universal
a feature of Chinese country life ; — and against light weights
and short measures.

CHAPTER XVIII.
SLAVERY.

THE fact that slavery in some form existed in China from a very
remote period, is attested by the presence in the written
language of the word for "slave." This word, noo, is a composite
of woman beside, but after, hand. From this we might be
inclined to infer that the first slaves were women. But the
" Imperial Dictionary of Kanghi " informs us that the ancient
mode of writing noo, a " slave," was by placing the character
meaning man, beside, but after, that meaning woman, and it
may not therefore be a far fetched idea to take this " slave " to
signify a man placed under the orders of a woman, — that is, a
man set apart for domestic service. The slave would therefore
be called upon to do the household drudgery, which was then
thought to be the peculiar sphere of woman, and to be degrading
for a man with strength to furrow the ground and to draw the
bow. It is extremely likely that this was the condition of the
slave in the earlier history of China; but it is perhaps more
difficult to determine in what manner slavery was constituted.
The veteran sinologist, Dr. Williams, in his latest dictionary,
under the word noo, states that it was " Formerly a person
bought with money, chiefly now those sentenced to slavery." It
is not easy to discover on what historical facts this definition is
based. It is an interpretation at variance with the great
Standard Dictionary of Kanghi, which states that the noo was
" anciently a person sentenced to slavery," quoting the Chow Li,
as its authority. There is this further difficulty against that
interpretation, that anciently there was no " money " in China
with which to buy the slaves. We are inclined therefore to

700 SLAVERY.

accept the definition of Kanghi, in preference to that of Dr.
Williams, and to believe that those in ancient times subject to
women in household drudgery were men sentenced to slavery by
imperial or ducal order. There were doubtless many prisoners
of war thus sentenced ; but from a very early period of Chinese
history we find prisoners of war often permitted to return to
their native homes.

As the Chinese became more numerous money began to
circulate, and buying and selling took the place of bartering.
As wealth with its oft useful companion, — vain ostentation, —
began to multiply and to concentrate, the wealthy — partly from
the fondness of display, partly from the desire for personal
comfort — would begin the practice of purchasing men and
women for slaves. This practice, which began probably not less
than twenty centuries ago, has continued in uninterrupted
operation to the present day, and is likely to continue long. The
purchase money is in reality a sum of money paid in advance
for the labour of an individual during his life, and for that of
his descendants after him ; just as ordinary wages are a sum of
money paid for the labour of a man during a given limited
period of his life. And from all we can learn from the unfrequent
jottings of stately history, too dignified to explain such ignoble
subjects, it appears that servitude during a limited period and
for stated wages, began to be general in the west, only after
Christianity had taught the common brotherhood of man,
knocked the fetters off the slave, making him his own master,
permitting him to sell his labour to a man of his own choice,
and on certain terms which could be reconsidered by either party
at a given point of time. Slavery was simply servitude for life,
and was in many instances not worse than most servitude. But
it contained in it the degrading idea of the impossibility of the
slave's own social improvement ; and if of a manly disposition, the
perhaps even more acutely painful feeling, that his children were
sentenced to the same level of an instrument in their owner's
hand. Most men are satisfied with sufficient food and abundant
clothing, and probably slaves have rarely fared worse than if

ORIGIN OF SLAVERY. 701

their own masters Yet the few among them whose disposition,
talents or ambition made them groan in their captivity even
when their chains were golden, lamented mainly, as we have
heard them in Manchuria, over the fact that they could not
regard themselves as men. These find their greatest delight in
seeing their sons, under the borrowed surname and auspices of a
friendly free family, enter the literary arena where no slave or
descendent of a slave should legally appear. The proud slave
father feels his own fetters broken to shreds when he hears of
his son's appearance in the graduate's toga; and though that son
dare appear thenceforth only as an acquaintance, the father
regards himself emancipated in having cheated the law to free
his son, and to place him on the first rung of the ladder whose
top supports the dragon throne.

If it is difficult to write the history of slavery in China, it is
easy to trace it to its source in the history of the Manchus, who
were themselves, three short centuries ago, mere savages,
subsisting in their forest-covered mountain ranges chiefly on the
uncooked flesh of the game, which could not escape from the
agile step and the sure footed bound of the Manchu, but fell an
easy prey to the unerring arrow from his long bow. Slavery was
an impossibility among those free if wild sons of the mountain.

It was only after Noorhachu built his "city" of Laochung near
the present Hingking that slavery became a possibility ; and it
became a fact only after his several astounding victories threw
many .Chinese cities and much excellent arable soil, with its
agricultural hamlets, into his hands. The slaves of the Manchus
were therefore prisoners of war, and even of these, as many as
would were allowed to join the regular army, and many who
would as well be excused were led into the ranks as the slaves of
their Manchu masters, and helped to gain many a hard won victory
from the hands of their free fellow countrymen. Those prisoners
of war,men and women, became so numerous, that every officer had
them in numbers, and even every private soldier of Manchu blood
had his slaves to do his work and wait his pleasure. Multitudes
of the descendants of those slaves are slaves at this day, owned

702 SLAVERY.

by the descendant of those long-bowed warriors. Multitudes
more have been freed, many by manumission, more by purchase,
most by flight or lapse of title.

As slavery was too ignoble a subject to be treated of by the
dignified pen of the Chinese historian, we can learn the condition
of slaves under the Manchus only from those laws passed on the
subject ; and of these only a small portion has been made public.
What we find in the Manchu annals and the Manchu Law Code
we give below.

The Chinese prisoners of war, divided as slaves among the
officers and men of the Manchu army, in numbers proportionate
to the rank of the soldier, could be sold by their master, but he
usually retained them as his own slaves. That the Chinese, who
boast of a civilization of forty centuries, would regard it the
depth of degradation to be in bondage to men who but yesterday
were savages, was natural enough ; and it is certain that many
would prefer the risk of starvation incurred by an endeavour to
regain their liberty. Indeed to so great an extent did this
" running away " grow, that law after law was passed to check it ;
.and the legislation on the runaway has not, perhaps, been more
remarkable for humanity in China than in Christian lands.

The first Pekinese emperor of the Manchus, or his regent in
his name, complained, in 1649, to the Board of War, that the
existing law anent the harbouring of runaways was too harsh.
That law condemned to death the harbourer, his next door
neighbours on each side of him, the head of the Ten * Families
and of the Hundred Families, of which the harbourer was one, —
if these several parties failed to inform the district magistrate
of the hiding place of the runaway. A new and less severe law
was therefore promulgated, ordaining that the harbourer should
henceforth be banished and not beheaded: that both his next
door neighbours should be beaten thirty bamboo blows, and the
head of the Ten Families beaten twenty. But if the runaway
returned of his own accord, or was handed up by his harbourer,
they would both be blameless. It was also enacted that if his

* See Taxation.

RUNAWAY LAWS. 703

relations became surety for his good behaviour, their prayer
should be attended to if they desired him to visit them.

This slackening of their chain did not, however, settle the
slavery question. At least one other law of increased severity
was passed very soon thereafter, for in 1655 chief censor Toolai
complained of it as an " unequal " law. He stated the law to
have been enacted because runaways had been very numerous
of late years, and severe repressive measures had become
indispensable. The last law on the subject he described as
sentencing to strangulation the slave who had thrice run away ;
his harbourer to decapitation ; and the next door neighbours of
the harbourer to transportation. Toolai proposed that if a
runaway were discovered in the house of a friend of his, he
should be dragged out and put to death ; the property and
family of the harbourer should be confiscated to the use of the
owner of the runaway, and the next door neighbours and head
of the village should be beaten ; but the discovered runaway,
who had no harbourer, should be severely beaten and handed
back to his owner. Even did the name Toolai not indicate the
nationality of the chief censor, the measure he proposed in order
to remove the "unequal" character of the existing law, shows that
he was himself a slave-owner and speaking in the interests of
the slave-owning Manchus; for it is only the interests of the
slave-owner which he pleaded. The law, as it stood, sentenced
the runaway, in certain circumstances, to death. Toolai saw in
this only a dead loss to the owner, and therefore would have a
law passed which would abundantly indemnify the owner for the
loss of the slave by execution. He added a sentence to say that
the harbourers were probably few, and men guiltlessly involved
fewer still. This one sentence, which is wholly apologetic, opens
up to our view the then condition of China in regard to this
question ; for it shows that the laws were employed by unscru-
pulous cut-throats, of whom China has always a good store, to
falsely accuse monied men of the crime of harbouring, thus to
extort money. This bountiful well of infamy will be exposed
more clearly below in the laws of Kienlung.

704 SLAVERY.

The memorial of Toolai was sent to the Boards to consider
and report upon it. It would open more widely than before the
flood-gates of heartless extortion, and neither it nor even the
existing law could be regarded with other than indignant but
shame-faced anger by the high Chinese officials, whose country-
men, friends and relations, were the slaves and the victims of
extortion. Li Yin, a supervising censor, handed in a memorial
immediately after, and apparently as a reply to that of Toolai.
He stated that the laws against runaways were far too harsh,
and the people involved in the clauses affecting the harbourer
and his neighbours far too many. He declared that there was
not a single man " within the Four Seas " (China), neither poor
nor rich, neither honourable nor despicable, neither magistrate
nor people, who was certain of one hour's peace, for he might be
implicated at any moment ; nor could he be certain of even the
life of himself or family. This, — in the style of Chinese
memorials, — Li Yin called the " First cause of grief." The law,
as it stood, making the runaway appear an article of such value,
occasioned false accusations of harbouring in order to extort
money ; thus breaking up the families of the wealthy, causing
wide-spread misery, and destroying the reputation of their women,
which was another cause of grief. The action of the law was
described as most unreasonable and reckless in the extreme, for
there was no examination as to the cause of flight and no enquiry
as to how the fugitive got into and hid in the premises of the
reputed harbourer. He then showed the impolicy of this legal
action, for the imperial revenues were decreased by every family
broken up; former proclamations of clemency were rendered
nugatory by the cruel loss of life on account of runaways ; while
the laws reversed the ancient customs which ordained that man
should receive civilising instruction during his whole life; for many
were made savages by those laws. This was his third cause of
grief. He explained the " savage " state by saying that men left
to their natural dispositions chose to remain peaceably in one
place; why then at that moment were there over thirty thousand
men roaming homelessly over the country ? He gave as reason

RESULTS OF SLAVE LAWS. 705

that there was no mercy for them to look to, and, no goodness to
stay their minds, — there was only a law depriving them of a
place ; which was a fourth cause of grief. When, besides, the
military apprehended a lurking runaway, and were leading him
to the place of execution, they trampled upon and crushed the
people by the way in a manner which was heartrending to hear ;
and this was another cause 'of grief. Famine was just then com-
pelling many poor people to wander about in search of food ; but
the diligence of the magistrates ever on the watch for. runaways,
made it an impossibility to relieve those famishing ones. " Alas
these poor." The emperor was mercifully giving out food and
clothing daily to the poor (of the capital), why then employ cruel
laws and institute minutest regulations under severe orders to
persecute and to kill the poor ? This was another cause of grief.
Women and girls were crawling away into the wildest deserts ;
old men and children were falling into the ditches and perishing,
and those of robust health were madly bent on joining the
robber ranks ; and as those who were robbers from choice were
far from being exterminated, why should their ranks be swollen
by driving innocent and helpless people into them; — the
seventh cause of grief.

This memorial, for various reasons, is given as it stands in the
history, and we are grateful to the writer for daring to give us a
picture of his times. It was the warm outflow of a patriotic
soul, justly angry. The emperor sent it to be considered by the
high officials, and the result was that Li Yin was transported to
Shangyangpoo. But he would have fared no better in the
slave-holding Christian states of two centuries later, than he
did under the absolutist rule of China. The absolutionist school
was more safe in Ninguta or Shangyangpoo than in Peking,
where justice and right, if advocated long and persistently, will
ultimately have their own way, and the banished will be recalled.

Next month after the banishment of censor Li, the vice-
president Jao Kaisin prayed for a relaxation of the " Runaway "
laws, because of the deplorable state of the immense number of
famishing people wandering about. The emperor replied, that
u i

706 SLAVERY.

the memorialist desired to buy himself a name by selling
imperial mercy ; and Kaisin's "honourable" name was degraded
five degrees. The slave question was a hard wall to knock
one's head against. This punishment seems to have silenced
the men who sought reformation; for the subject turns
up again only three years after the above events, and in a speech
by the emperor himself, who though still very young was master.
He mentioned the rumours current about the many ways of
deceiving and imposing upon the people, — some falsely pre-
tending to be soldiers in search of runaways ; some causelessly
accusing men of property of harbouring runaways ; some who
never were slaves assuming the name of runaway ; others pre-
tending to be the owners of these pretended runaways ; while
some men borrowed money to carry on mercantile business, and
fail to repay, declaring that their assistants had robbed them.
The emperor, saying that this was enough to make the good man
angry, ordered the Board of War to declare his will, that hence-
forth if an owner missed a slave he must publicly declare the
fact, give his own name and that of his runaway slave to the
proper magistrate ; and if the owner failed to do so within a
short period of the flight of the slave, he should not have the
slave if he demand him only after a considerable lapse of time,
«ven if the slave appear again in his neighbourhood : also, that
if soldiers went among the people annoying them, or if people
did so who pretended to be soldiers, the viceroy or governor
should seize and punish them sternly wherever they were found ;
the relations of such extortioners would also be subject to
punishment, because they did not exercise their family authority
to prevent the evils complained of.

Thus even the emperor bears testimony to the truth of the
injustice and universal oppression caused by the working of the
slave laws, though he had sentenced to various kinds of punish-
ment the censors and high officials who had freely remonstrated,
as the letter and spirit of their office required them to do. The
runaway laws gave scope to extortion on a vast scale, as they
would do at this moment if in operation. Men pretended to be

RELAXATION OF SEVERITY. 707

runaways, and hid away on the extensive premises of the
wealthy; who, in order to avoid the very severe laws against
the harbourer, willingly gave the pretended runaway a round
sum of money to get him away. It is not necessary to know
much of the arbitrary method of dealing out law in China to
understand what an inviting field it opened up for the genius of
those villains, more common perhaps in China than in the
stock-jobbing west, who heartlessly heed not the bitter misery
entailed by their falsehoods on the helpless widow and the weak
orphan.

The measure now ordained by the emperor was well
calculated to check the mass of corruption caused by the laws
made by the slave owners, thinking only of their own interests
and regardless of the thousand-fold greater evils brought by
their selfish carelessness on the whole of China. It is not at all
unlikely that had the injustice of those slave acts not been thus
early greatly modified, the Chinese would have hurled back the
Manchus at an early period of their rule, as they had the
Mongols because of their lawless conduct. The same measure
was a new starting point for future legislation. Once again
does the question crop up later on, when a censor was whipped
a hundred lashes, beaten forty blows, and transported 3000 li,
because he persisted in saying in private and public, that
"the Toonghai of the south was a dangerous book, and the
robbers of the north run-aways."

Though, however, the " Annals " thus give us a picture of the
convulsion of all society by the laws on run-away slaves, we can
gather no particulars as to the actual state of the slave nor the
legal conditions under which he lived. This gap is however
fully filled up by the laws on this social question issued in 1739.
These we shall now quote one by one, for thus we shall not only
ascertain the legal conditions of slavery, but see how minutely
the Manchu laws meet every question on the subject ; for my
chief purpose in this work is to show the mind of the Chinese
in practical life. The sections are numbered for easy reference.

1st. Anterior to the thirteenth Yungching (1735), no person

708 SLAVERY.

sold to any Bannerman,* by written deed, whether officially
stamped or not, could free himself. But in the first of Kienlung
(1736), it was ordained that any person purchased by private f
written agreement, could redeem himself, his wife and children ;
but he could not redeem himself if his owner provided him with
a wife. If a man had been betrothed, but not married, before
he became a slave, he could still marry if the betrothed girl's
family were agreeable, but if they objected, he could not compel
the marriage. J

2nd. If the slave of a bannnerman borrowed the good offices
of another bannerman to act for him as redeemer, or if he
redeemed himself immediately, he would be sent back again to
his former banner if it was discovered that his surname did not
appear on the register of either a banner or the people (Chinese).
The slave who secretly amassed wealth and gained power by
following his master to a provincial post, and trusting to his
acquired power and influence threw over his master, was sent
back to be the slave of his owner, even though his name might
appear on the register of the people. This was in accordance
with a law of fifty-two Kanghi (1713).

If an owner was well pleased with the conduct of a slave, who
was the descendant of several generations of slaves, he could
manumit him, and enrol him as a free civilian in the office of
nearest magistrate ; nor could the sons or descendants of the
liberating owner ever claim the liberated slave or any of his
descendants. If any man falsely declared him to be a free
descendant of his own ancestor who was discovered to be a
fugitive styling himself a free man ; or if the owner of the
fugitive, finding such declaring relative to be a man of small
property, accused, instead, the man who had employed the

*Not only Manchus but Mongols were Bannermen, as also the Chinese called
Han Kun, who joined the Manchus before their entry into Peking.

f Every official document is stamped with a large official stamp in red ink, hence
every private document is called a "white" one, — the name given here.

JThis is almost the only case in which one party can resile from a betrothal
engagement in China, where engagement is virtual marriage.

LAWS. 709

fugitive ; he who made the false declaration or the false accusation
was severely punished.

3rd. In the first Kienlung it was enacted that any soldier there-
after found to have before that date fled from camp, and had
prayed to be enrolled on the civil register, must be reported by
the proper family to the Board of Punishment; which would
judge the case according to law, and restore the man to his
owner. The Dsoling* who neglected to examine, and the
magistrate who carelessly enrolled the name on the register,
were also found guilty of crime.

4th. The descendants of slaves formerly owned in Liaotung,
where the register was left; or the man who had connected himself
and his lands to any of the banners, even though it should be
afterwards difficult to trace the written proof of their dependence
on the banner, should yet be considered under that banner,
and have their names enrolled on the banner Dang^ or register;
and no such person could be permitted to enrol themselves as
civilians. This law seems to be mainly intended to retain a
-sufficient number of men for the army.

5th. Any person purchased by bannermen by private written
agreement since first Kienlung, who had not been enrolled in the
able-bodied-men's list, could redeem himself and become a free
civilian. But private written agreements before that period, as
much incapacitated the slave from purchasing his freedom as
officially stamped agreements. These slaves had all their life to
serve their owner as farmer, soldier, or body-servant. But for
faithful service, an owner might manumit the third generation of
such slaves, whether an individual or all the descendants of one
grandfather bearing his surname. Such manumission had to be
reported to the Board of Revenue (or of Families, as it is really

* Dsoling is a Manchu and military officer, chief of a small clan (see History and
Army) ; the magistrate is a civilian and the judge of the district.

fThe Dang here and throughout translated "register" was orginally a tablet of
iron, on which, at the time of acquisition, the surname and name of the slave were
enrolled, with the terms of acquisition and the name of the security. The tablets
were afterwards made of wood, hence the name Dang. There was and continues to
be one in the house of each Ding or head of a family.

710 SLAVERY.

named) ; those liberated also required to have their names
enrolled on the civilian list of the district magistrate. They
could thereafter till the ground, become soldiers or engage in
trade, but they could not enter the examination halls for literary
degrees.

6th. Any person connected with the stage, playing or strolling
companies of any province, or any of the people following such
persons, might, if they desired, and after examination as to their
nativity, return to a better mode of life. But if such applicant
was of a vicious character, he should not be permitted to change,
but be put to shame by the magistrate; and if the district
magistrate was unable to enforce the law against him, the viceroy
or governor should be appealed to, and judge him according to
law. This law is retained in its original position and form, to
show Chinese opinion of the stage, of which they are so fond.
It is forbidden players or their children, and the children of
harlots, to compete in the literary examinations.

7th. The descendants of a man, who, when purchased as a
slave, was in reality a free man,* could be treated by the law of
the " Three Generations " (5) ; the grandsons could be set free,
on information being given to the Board of Revenue.

8th. If a garrison bannerman found the native of the place
purchased by him as a slave, really unsuitable for his purpose,
he might grant the slave permission to redeem himself.

9th. Every banner slave liberated, who did not enroll his name
on the civilian register, or who enrolled it only since the first
Kienlung, had to be enrolled as a retainer -f- of his original
master, under the master's banner ; and all who found means to
redeem themselves were still the retainers of their former owner.

If a man dropped a legal suit which he instituted against
another charging him with being his runaway slave, the case
could never be revived ; and if during the progress of the case,
the accused or his friends found means to redeem him, he still

*This could take place by the seller falsely calling him his own slave, and the
purchaser taking forcible possession of him.
t This, it is evident, is for statistical, not for social purposes.

LAWS. 711

continued enrolled a retainer of the Dsoling of his original
owner. The man who was redeemed by a bannerman was
enrolled a retainer of the Dsoling of this redeemer. If this
redeemer was a man who was not the head of a family, and had
not a register of his own, the redeemed continued enrolled a
nominal retainer of the Dsoling of his former owner.

10th. If a bannerman's family was broken up (became extinct),
and his slaves had no clan relations to whom to go, they continued
to be the retainers of the Dsoling of their master, whether they
had been long in the family or a recent purchase. The able-
bodied young men among the families who kept the tombs of
the bannermen, could become public servants, but whether as
infantry, body-servants or messengers, they always remained
under their proper Dsoling. But if among those slaves were any
purchased by private written agreement since first Kienlung,
they might redeem themselves, the redemption money, with the
wealth and property of the extinct family, entering the public
treasury.

llth. No slave granted by the emperor to any official or soldier,
in any province, could redeem himself; nor was his new owner
permitted to sell him to any bannerman beyond the limits of his
own district. If he had to sell this slave, he had to consult the
district magistrate, and sell him to a bannerman in that district.
If any one so sold escaped and became a robber or other vicious
character, the man who bought him was responsible and taken to
account ; the man who sold him was blameless. If such slave
was sold to a civilian, or to a bannerman beyond that district,*
the seller was beaten one hundred blows, and the price confiscated.

12th. If the widow of a slave was given in marriage to
another family, or to the slave of another family, her children
by her former husband accompanied her to her new home, and
remained with her till manhood, when the sons were bound to
return to their father's owner. But if mother and sons objected

* This is doubtless the case of men sentenced to slavery ; and the law is intended
as a check against any transfer of the "slave," and as a means of ensuring his
" imprisonment with hard labour."

712 SLAVERY.

to the parting, they could remain together, if both families
were agreeable, but the- sons would still be regarded the property
of their father's owner.

If the children or younger brothers of the widow of a
Chinaman followed her to the home of the bannerman, who
was her second husband, the names of these sons or brothers
could not be enrolled on the bannerman's family register, but
had to be enrolled on a separate register kept for themselves.
They had also, as well as the children of a slave widow
marrying into another family, to be publicly acknowledged as of
this second family. If either of those widows married a third
time in a third family, the Dsoling had to report the case to the
Foodootoong; and in the year of Bienshun, or census (every
fifth year), the case had to be properly reported to the Board of
Revenue. If one who was, when a child, thus given to another
family, whether bannerman or Chinese, having a family register,
desired to return to his original home, he might do so provided
both families consented, and became security for him to the
Dsoling.

13th. Whatever Chinese boy was given in the above manner
to a banner family, was as much a retainer or slave of the
latter, as if originally of the family.

14th. If any follower of a bannerman, already freed and duly
reported free, found it impossible to ascertain whether he should
be enrolled on a banner register or on that of a civilian, a
separate register had to be used for himself. He might, if he
so chose, enroll himself as a civilian, provided he was guilty of
no crime. The man who redeemed himself with money (1, 5,
9, and 10), and privately had himself enrolled on the civilian
register, — or the son or younger brother (12) brought up in a
bannerman's family, who pretended to be a free man, and got
himself enrolled on the register of his civilian clan, was
punished according to the law against those who failed to give
an official report of themselves (see Taxation), and then enrolled
on the people's register. The man who under a false name
became security to the purchaser of one who had secretly fled from

LAWS. 713

his banner owner ; and the man who had enrolled himself, with
his lands, under a banner for protection, but afterwards changed
the surname of his sons or grandsons, and enrolled them on the
civilian register, were punished according to law, and the
individuals in each case restored to their original owners. The
slave who, by his ability, gained influence and power in the
army, and who therefore treated with insolence and contempt
the widow and orphan, his weak but legal owners, and declared
himself to be of the (Chinese) "people," — was sentenced to
refund the original sum paid for him to his owner, and to become
the slave of a Tatar general or other high official in an outer
region. This last clause was, doubtless, because he would
continue to treat with contempt his weak owners if sent to them.

15th. If a bannerman purchased, by private deed, a slave
whom he was unable to support ; or if the slave had performed
good sendee, the slave in either case might free himself. But if
the owner did not wish the slave to redeem himself, whether
because the slave was a fighter, a drunkard, or guilty of some
crime, or had attempted to escape, the slave was, at law, in all
respects similar to the slave sold under an officially stamped
deed. The slave who attained to power in the army, and
sought to compel his owner to free him, was dealt with according
to law — (see 14).

16th. If any who had fled (for protection) to enroll themselves
under one of the banners, or if any who had been purchased by
deed before first Kienlung, proved to belong to a "Kitchen-
Family," — Dsaohoo* — he was freed and sent to his Dsao, as
soon as the magistrate had sufficiently clear evidence of his

* Dsaohoo or " Kitchen- Family " Dr. Williams translates house or "householder";
and the name might be supposed to suggest such an interpretation. But this leaves
our law unintelligible. Dsaohoo is the name given to a definite number of families,
whose duty it is to supply the imperial "Kitchen" with salt, &c., whence they are
sometimes called Yen Dsaohoo. They are Chinese ; but a clan carefully kept apart
from the general population. They are subject to no other tax than the imperial
' ' Kitchen " salt, and cannot be sold as slaves. They are most common about
Fungzunhien in Chihli, and are forbidden to go beyond the limits of Chihli. It is
said that all imperial wants are thus supplied by special districts over the empire.

714 SLAVERY.

identity. He who sold such a Dsaohoo man was subject to
three months' cangue, the security at the sale to two months',
and each beaten forty blows. But if any man, sold as a slave,
pretended falsely to belong to a Dsaohoo, he was beaten a
hundred blows, and sent back to his owner.

17th. Whoever picked up on the road or village or in a house,
the child of a free man, and did not report the child to the
nearest magistrate, but sold the child to be a slave, was beaten a
hundred blows and banished three years ; if he sold it to become
a wife, concubine, or to be adopted by the purchaser, he was
beaten ninety blows and banished two and a half years. The
penalty was similar, though the child should turn out to be that
of a slave. The child in either case was not involved, but
restored to its natural guardians.

Whoever harboured and sold as a slave a runaway boy or
girl, was beaten ninety blows and banished two and a half years;
if he sold the child to become a wife, concubine, or to be adopted,
he was beaten eighty blows and banished two years. The crime
and penalty were similar though the child was that of a slave.

If the puchaser and security could be proved to have known that
the child was stolen or a runaway, they were subject to the same
penalties as the seller, and the purchase money was confiscated.
But if they were not proved to have known the truth, they were
guiltless and the purchaser had his purchase money restored him.

18th. If a man falsely pretended to be the owner of a free
person and sold him or her as a slave, he was beaten a hundred
blows and transported three years ; if sold to be a wife, concubine,
or for adoption, he was sentenced to ninety blows and two and a
half years banishment. The man who sold as his son the slave
of another, was beaten a hundred blows.

19th. If a student was found with one or several aliases at the
literary examinations, or if he borrowed the name of another
man and under such feigned name entered as a competitor for a
literary degree, he was judged by the law against personation,
and beaten eighty blows ; and the graduate who was his security,
if he knew the truth, suffered the same penalty.

LAWS. 715-

20th. Any student found assuming a false name at the
Peking literary examinations, was sentenced with his graduate
security to eighty blows, while the graduate lost his degree,
his graduate's robe and button. If the district magistrate
and the teacher of the student failed to honestly investigate
the case, or placed impediments in the way of discovery, they
were punished : and if they had been proved to have received
bribes, their punishment was all the more severe.

In connection with this careful exclusion of slaves or their
descendants from the literary gate which leads to the pleasure-
grounds of Chinese officialdom, we may relate the following
incident which occurred in the reign of Kanghi (in 1713 A.D.).

A slave surnamed Jow, by his talent, pushed himself up from
an infantry private to be an infantry officer. He had a son
more talented than himself and so excellent a scholar that his
father adopted a plan of passing him off under the surname of
Ho, with a family of which surname he was on friendly
terms. Under this surname the youth successfully grappled
away his degree. The Board of Punishment discovered and
reported the case to the emperor, who expressed his indignation
that the literary examination hall should have been polluted by
the presence of a slave, and ordered both father and son to instant
execution. But in spite of the risks incurred, the plan has been
and is frequently and successfully carried out. It may be here
stated that the son of the veriest beggar, of the poorest of the
poor, is permitted to become a literary graduate and magistrate.
Not a small proportion of the famous officials of China have
been and are the sons of men who had to work hard for a living,
and were unable to support their promising sons as pupils. The
late talented and universally respected Wun Siang was one of
these. But the son of a slave, a detective, a jailor, a harlot, a
player, a butcher, however wealthy, is inexorably shut out from
the hall, and cannot become a graduate except by personation.

We have given the laws of the beginning of Kienlung entire,
which are still binding, so that a complete picture may appear of
the legal conditions under which the numerousslaves lived and live.

716 SLAVERY.

And in reading them over, we see a considerable relaxation of the
iron chains, and find a political atmosphere less clouded with official
bitterness than in the earlier period of Manchu occupation of
China. From a perusal of those laws, we find that there were
many kinds of slaves whom the law compelled their owners to
retain as slaves ; for only to the third generation of well-doing
slaves (2, 4 and 5), or to the faithful slave bought by private
deed (1, 5) since the first of Kienlung (1736), could the owner
give permission to purchase his freedom. But we learn that he
could sell to any other master, though he could not manumit.

The only important addition which personal observation and
investigation have enabled me to make to the above is, that in
Manchuria, where slaves are most common, it has never been
permitted an owner to sell single individuals of a family. He
must sell the whole family, or none at all. It sometimes happens
(see 5) that several families, all descended from one ancestor,
are sold together. Practice and custom enforce this custom
rather than the sale of an individual family even though
entire. Never has it been known that a family was broken up
by the slave owner and sold individually (see 12). And
however severe the laws against runaways, their application is
not to be compared in severity to that of Christian peoples.

There are myriads of families in the vicinity of Mookden, the
descendants of slaves of two centuries ago, who are known by
themselves and their neighbours to be the legal slaves of men
living; but are in reality free. Lapse of time, and the
absence for generations of their owners in Peking or other parts
of China, have made it impossible for their masters to prove any
claim against them. A large proportion of the soldiers and
runners of the city of Mookden is composed of these men ; and
even a larger mumber are the wealthy owners of the lands left in
charge of their slave-ancestor. It is unnecessary to say
that these can compete in the literary examinations, and
become an official, civil or military. All the descendants of
the slaves of the first Manchu princes — though known to be
such, and though still nominally the slaves of the lineal

PRESENT CONDITION. 717

descendants of those princes, who are always resident in
Peking — are to all purposes free men, for they are entitled to
compete in the literary examinations.

As a rule, slaves in Manchuria have been long separated from
their owners, who have been for generations court attaches of
some kind. While many of the owners have gradually been
reduced to poverty, many of their slaves have risen to wealth on
and by the property of their owners; often selling the whole
or a part of the lands entrusted to their slave forefathers by the
men who entered Peking with or after the first emperor. The
owners have, however, been so long away, that generally they
cannot prove their claim to either the lands, houses, or slaves ;
for their claim is invalid without documentary evidence, which
evidence has been lost. There are instances of slaves becoming
wealthy in the absence of their owners, and carefully concealing
the amount or possession of wealth ; then when their owners,
ignorant of the truth, appear, and are glad to realise even a small
portion of the money made out of their own property, the slave
is able to pay a good round sum for his freedom to him who
claims his services. The slave generally, as a matter of course,
remits a certain sum, but nothing like what he should ; for if,
like the vine-dressers, he remitted nothing, he knows well
enough he would be brought to task. The property of a slave
legally belongs to the owner of the slave ; but the spirit of the
above laws of Kienlung, which in certain instances permitted a
slave to redeem himself, can only mean that the slave is
permitted to enjoy at least a considerable portion of what he
can acquire by his abilties; and in practice this is all but
universal, indeed we have never heard of any exception. But
though he may become wealthy he is a slave still, and subject
to the whims or avarice of his owner ; nor can he free himself
except with the full consent and on the terms of his owner,
which terms vary with the known position and wealth of the
slave, and with the character of the owner. A wealthy owner,
as a rule, never grants freedom to his slaves.

Even the wealthy slave — living in splendid style, and com-

718 SLAVERY.

manding whatever money can purchase — is despised, and held at
arm's length by his poorest free neighbours, who willingly enough
labour for him at the ordinary wage, but will not accept his
friendship on any terms; for the slave is considered, and has
doubtless given reason sufficient for the belief that he is, a
degraded member of humanity.

Large numbers of the slaves now in Manchuria are in reality
cottars, who cultivate the grounds of their absent lords — each
family on its own croft or small farm. They remit to the landlord
& certain portion of the produce of the harvest ; less, however,
than the rental paid by any British farmer to his landlord.
This kind of slavery can be understood. There are large
numbers more actually slaves, but doing nothing for and giving
nothing to their owners ; for they are soldiers or Yamun runners.
They are bound to serve, but their service is scarcely sufficient to
support themselves and their families. If they gain higher and
more lucrative office, they may become a source of gain to their
owner. Others may be attached as body servants to their
owners ; but these are comparatively few. Though therefore the
owner is absolute lord of his slave, the actual condition of the
latter differs from that of ordinary men of the same occupation
and rank only in that the slave and his posterity are debarred
the way to civil office ; for military office is, as we have seen in
the laws, open to him. Cruelties such as have occurred in
Christian countries are unknown ; for the slave, though he may
be bought and sold, is still regarded as a man, and not as a thing
or a mere animal.

We have seen many men still in bonds the descendants of
two centuries of slavery, but there was nothing to distinguish
them from other people. From one slave-holding family we
know, a score of slaves have fled to freedom for every one still
remaining, and the remainder would have no very great obstacles
placed in the way of their flight. These were of course
domestic retainers ; for slaves on farms find it both inconvenient
and undesirable to flee.

Both men and women are bought as slaves now, to whom the

PRESENT CONDITION. 719

above laws apply. But when ordinary families purchase slaves
it is generally in order to keep the family tombs, and to live on
the grounds connected with the tombs ; and these grounds are
the price paid. The man sells himself a slave for ever to live
on the grounds, and to keep the tombs in repair ; the family
gives him the full and free use of the grounds connected with
the tombs for the same period. His rental consists in the work of
looking after the tombs, which, in China at the present time, is
all but a sinecure.

But magistrates and officials of all ranks buy young men and
women, about fourteen or fifteen, to act as their body servants.
They pay various prices ; the ordinary sum for a young adult
being between £20 and £30 stg. These slaves they inter-
marry, and the children of such marriages belong to the owner
of the parents. Roman Catholics also frequently purchase
children for a small sum, by which purchase the children
become absolutely theirs ; and from this purchase has arisen a
very large proportion of the bitter enmity against them among
the Chinese. While, therefore, the Romanists in desiring to
secure converts are to be commended in their efforts to save the
life of children, who might otherwise be possibly permitted to
die, it were well that they should desist from this purchase,
which was and is the ground of the belief very general amongst
the Chinese, that the Romish missionaries have evil designs
upon the children.

APPENDICES

V 1

APPENDIX.

i.
SARHOO (p. 27-29)

SARHOO is the name of the hill and village which was the scene
of the most important battle fought by the present dynasty for
its liberty, ere it began to fight for the Dragon throne, and is
the place whence the defensive warfare of the Manchus turned
into the offensive against the Ming' dynasty, and for a richer
empire than could be founded among the glens and on the
mountain sides of Manchuria. Though therefore the locality is
fairly denoted on maps, a detailed description of its position,
both as regards Hingking and Mookden, may be of some interest.
Starting westwards from Hingking, leaving behind the barrack-
crowded Yoongling, the tombs of four ancestors of Noorhachu,
and passing on the south side of Hinggoong palace, we cross the
small pass which shuts in the west end of the valley of Hotooala.
The mountains here and all the way westwards to Sarhoo are
beautifully wooded, for the glens are narrow and the villages few.
We there pass one enormous elm, which cannot be less than
twenty feet in circumference, whose branches would form good
sized trees. The Soodsu river, which we have to crdss very
frequently on our north-western route, has become as large a
river as either the Jiaho or Jienchang branch of the Taidsu. We
cross it beyond Homoo village, and on its western bank ascend
Homoo pass three hundred feet high, on a well cut road and
among well wooded mountains. At the foot of this ling we
cross it again to go through an avenue of splendid old elms to
Moochi, a large village 45 li from the old capital with at least
one good inn.

724 APPENDIX.

Leaving this village, we have again to cross the Soodsu,
passing by the hamlet of Shwishow poodsu, nestling under the
shade of a steep hill, covered with great trees, and facing the
river looking east upon it. It is one of those peace-inspiring
spots on which memory delights to linger.

Our northern road leads through a narrow and difficult gorge,
at the foot of which is the hamlet of Sandaogwan, — the third
customs barrier, the other two being on the lings between us and
Yoongling. We soon get to the top of another pretty pass three
hundred feet high. On the top of this ling is a splendid black
marble slab, on which is beautifully engraved in large Manchu
letters the name of the ling, Mardwun Foordan. Foordan is a
" gwan " or " customs barrier," but the first word is not in the
Manchu dictionary, the nearest approach to it meaning to
" oppose," " reject." Possibly an unnoted battle was fought here
in the days of Manchu infancy, when the "five passes" were
conquered from the chief, who is a robber because he was
defeated. Just before arriving at the top we pass on our right a
remarkably perpendicular hill called Hada or " the stone." It
rises so perfectly straight up, with unbroken face free from
crevices, that not a particle of green appears on any of its sides,
but its top is crowned with a cluster of trees. Its singularity is all
the more striking from the rich green foliage covering all around.
These hills have received the name of Chingloongshan, — " the
pure Dragon mountains," — because their shadow was cast on
the birth-place of the occupant of the Dragon throne. This
neighbourhood is delightfully wooded. Many wild fruit trees in
blossom* were shedding their flowers and scattering their
fragrance all around. But the place is a commentary on the
Chinese proverb, — " Trees many, men few." Descending west-
wards to the inn near the foot of ling, we spend the night, and
next morning pass through the narrowest gully yet seen on the
road, which goes north, north-west, west, south, and west,
when it widens somewhat into a glen. This gully of Wooloong
is not only so narrow that it would be difficult for two men to
walk abreast, but its sides are like walls of solid rock. Here a

,SARHOO. 725

hundred men could stop an army. The small stream from this
gully flows westwards for nine miles before we come upon the
Soodsu, now grown a considerable river, having been largely
reinforced since we parted among the valleys on its course.

Two miles further on we ascend Gooloiv ling two hundred
feet high and sixteen hundred feet above the sea, — the exact
level of Mardwun inn. Another small ling and two narrow glens
intervene before we come upon the eastern and most precipitous
side of the hill of SARHOO. This hill is here fully two hundred
and fifty feet high. On its southern exposure is a small yellow
tiled house, enclosing a handsome slab of bluish-black marble,
eight feet square and fully one foot thick. One side is
covered with beautifully cut Manchu letters containing a long
and detailed account of the battle fought on the hill, — a part of
the Chinese army being posted without doubt on the spot where
this monument stands. The other side is covered with
a translation in Chinese equally well cut. It was engraved in
the forty-first year of Kienlung and is as fresh as when first cut.
This is because of the enclosure, to look after which a man of the
village 2 li to the west is paid about thirty shillings a year ; and
the manner in which the monument is kept, is in exact
accordance with the amount of the salary.

The dry bed of a stream winds close in by the base of the
hill all along its southern side beyond the village, and turns
north at the west end of the hill falling into the Soodsu. The
fairly wide valley to the south of the hill is very gravelly and
destitute of soil. On the evening when the Manchus came in
hot haste along our route and took up their position at sundown
in this valley beyond the stream and opposite to the Chinese
army which was posted on the south and south-west slopes of
this hill, they found a forest of willow trees to cover them, and
the stream ran bubbling by in its purity and innocence on its
sandy bed ; but ere midnight had come, Chinese blood made it
a stream of gore. The Chinese soldiers were well posted, and
fought as brave soldiers alone can fight; but never was the
superiority of generalship over mere bravery made more apparent

726 APPENDIX.

than in the battle which saved Hingking from annihilation and
made a future march on Peking possible. Had Noorhachu been
merely a brave fighter, that Chinese army could have eaten up
himself and his men, and his name would have been known in
Chinese history only as a mountain robber who had dared to
raise his hand against the heaven-ordained emperor of the world.

Through the village of two thousand people we go eastwards
between two pawn shops and turn north by a high road rising
so gradually over the loess ground that the hundred feet elevation
gained in the mile walk is attained imperceptibly. Any number
of men and horse could march up and down there as on level
ground. The ground reached is a wide and level plateau of rich
loess, stretching southwards to that hill of Sarhoo which we
passed and the top of which is higher than our gradually rising
plateau. Ascending a grass-covered bank, which looks like a
natural elevation to another plateau, we find it to be the remains
of an old wall. And here was the fourth Manchu capital, the
large city of Sarhoo ; — a fact of which the natives, Manchu and
Chinese, on the spot and all the way to Hingking, were ignorant.
And such is glory ! The descendants of the men who fought on
both sides with the most desperate fury, living peaceably on the
very battle field, entirely ignorant and as careless as ignorant of
the fact !

Like the wall of Hingking, this much larger wall follows the
outer edge of the plateau, enclosing sufficient to make a very
large city. The west side of the plateau is the only one which
is of any height, the others sloping gently down to the level
valley. The plateau itself is however higher than Hingking by
twenty feet. The east wall is only about 2 li north to south.
It then winds to the north-west corner for about 7 li. It
disappears below the western ridge for a li, then reappears
going south, east, south, and again east to join the east wall. In
the wall are numerous gates.

The north-west corner of the plateau, like its south-east corner,
was higher than the east wall. In that north-west corner had
been the palace, and having seen the entirely ruinous condition

SARHOO. 727

of this newer city, we at once, without hesitation, concluded that
the palace west of Hingking, in fairly good condition, could
never have seen Taidsoo's (Noorhachu) day, but that, as the
name — Travelling Palace — imports, it had been built after the
Manchus had gained Peking, and was intended to "rest"
the emperor when going to sacrifice to his ancestors at
Yoongling.

The soil at the east and west sides inside these old walls gradually
slopes down to the centre of this old city, in the hollow of which are
the beds of two streams flowing, one north and one north-west, into
the Soodsu, which is seen six or seven miles east of the city
making its way northwards, then westwards, sweeping by the
southern base of the grandly rugged, precipitous, serrate, and bare
Tiebaoshan, double the height of Sarhoo shan and north-east of
it. On Tiebaoshan was the city of Jiefan, being built before the
battle of Sarhoo ; and the headstrong, impetuous Fourth Beira,
must have galloped northwards to the aid of his city and his
four hundred men, round by the east of Sarhoo, thus completely
avoiding the Sarhoo Chinese army, and he either kept the
Jiefan army in check and prevented them crossing the ford,
or he himself crossed northwards and acted offensively. But as
he had only a thousand men, he must have been compelled in
spite of his daring to remain on the defensive till his father had
carried Sarhoo hill, drove the Chinese into the river, and in the
flush of victory swept the Jiefan army clean before him.

The Soodsu disappears to the west and falls into the larger
branch of the Hwun, seen flowing from beyond the Jiefan hills.
The Hwun proper rises in Funshiviling, 80 li east of Hingking,
making a wide detour northwards to receive numerous streams
from the glens which it passes ; — one very large stream, rising to
the north of Yoongling mountain, falls into it at Bajiadsu.
Thence it winds its south-west course to the point of junction
with the Soodsu, then south, south-west past Mookden, south-
west receiving the Taidsu and joining the Outer Liao to form
the Liao river. The Hwun, west of Sarhoo, washes the eastern
base of a line of mountains, and it is almost certain that Doosoong

728 APPENDIX.

crossed the river by the ford now in use, south-west of Sarhoo,
which an ordinary fall of rain makes impassable.

Doosoong's plan was a good and a bold one, had he possessed
the prudence, which was as requisite in marching against an
unknown enemy, as the bravery which he undoubtedly displayed.
He set twenty thousand men to invest and take Jiefan city, which,
though on a difficult mountain, should be carried by assault, as
it had only four hundred men, and was an unfinished fortification.
He would thus have none to pester his rear as he marched in
through the narrow glens upon Hingking, for he had no
conception of the possibility of the mountain robber daring to
forestall and attack him. His post on the side of Sarhoo hill,
where he camped his thirty thousand to await the fall of Jiefan,
was also well chosen ; but he was apparently unprovided with
scouts ; and his army would not have been broken up so easily,
had he good discipline and order inside his strong camp.

Not a house exists on the plateau, all the land being cultivated
by men living in the village of Sarhoo, or others in the village
of Chungjuhoiv, " Behind-the-city." These prosaic sons of the
soil have often come across iron and brass arrow-heads, swords
of various descriptions and sizes, old guns, spears, &c., all of
which they sold to the smith, as old iron, for a penny per Ib !
Though we offered good prices, not an article was forthcoming.

The road by which Doosoong marched eastwards was probably
that by which we go through the wide, fertile loess valley,
between Sarhoo and the Hwun, past several villages and through
an avenue of very ancient willows, which might have seen the
march past of Doosoong's army. The trunks of the trees are
broken off about ten feet above the ground, whence jut out
young branches. In one of them a pair of black-throated crows,
with white neck and breast, of the size, flight, and walk of the
jackdaw, had their nest, entering by a hole in the side of the
old trunk, once the socket of a branch.

On the north side of the river, which after a long, dry spring,
was easily forded in its half-mile wide bed, we pass some villages
and see a fine stream coming from the south-west valley, leading

SARHOO. 729

up to a narrow opening in low, precipitous mountains, on the
south south-west. The valleys become wider, the mountains
lower and less frequent the further we advance to the west.
"We got to one hamlet, Duagoo, and rested in an inn, in which
a patriarchal great-grandfather was hopping about as actively as
if his great-grandson had been his youngest son. The hamlet is
composed of his family, some of whom have opened the inn,
while others till the neighbouring grounds. We were astonished
to hear the twitter and love-song of several swallows; and
looking up saw many swallows flying into, out of and around,
their nests among the naked rafters, — coming in and going out
by the open window or door at pleasure.

Further west is the pretty village of Hiajangla, after crossing
a fine stream from the north-east, flowing through a wide
surface of fine dry, unproductive sand, from which the strong
south wind drove into the cart light dust and gravel, into
mouth, eyes, and nostrils. We leave the north-west road,
apparently leading to Tieling, and turn westwards along the
north of the river, past Hiajangla, and round a large pool at the
base of a small but precipitous hill, where the Hwun tries for a
passage which does not exist, and has to flow backwards again.

We pass one ling, through widening valleys, by several
villages, to the city of Fooshwun, whence Doosoong issued with
such haste to meet his fate at Sarhoo. East of the city is a
bank, which is apparently the remains of the old barrier between
Chinese and Manchu land. The fine valleys to the east of it
are at this day occupied by Manchus. There is a small isolated
hill north of the city, facing the mountains which trend west-
wards, on which is a tower or " Ta," said to have been built by
the Tang dyasty ; for recent dynasties do not build such towers.
It would require very strong evidence indeed to believe that
this or any other Ta is over twelve hundred years old. A
temple to Poosa reposes on the south side of Gaorshan.

The modern city, which has certainly been rebuilt by the
present dynasty, is one li square, beautifully situated, but of a
deserted appearance; the villages outside being much more

730 APPENDIX.

populous. To the west, the valley becomes from three to four
miles wide ; the road being a mile from the northern mountains
and another from the Hwun, which flows westwards at an equal
distance from the low southern hills. The hills on both sides
are low and narrow ; not so the Hwun, which not only occupies
a very wide bed, but ruins thousands of acres by the fine sand,
blown off its bed all around. We pass a large pool stocked
with small tortoises, over which a diverging branch of the Hwun
flows after heavy rains.

After passing through a half mile of willows, elms, thorns,
and many a tangled bush and flowering shrub, we come suddenly
upon a branch of the Hwun, which has struck out from the main
current in a north-west direction, and rushes with rapid flow
against the southern side of the hill on which is FOOLING, " The
Happy Tomb," in which lies buried Noorhachu, the founder of
the reigning dynasty. The river then strikes off the brick wall
erected to save the hill from its destructive attack, and flows
south-west to rejoin the main river. This branch is unfordable
after a heavy rain, and carts have to make a long detour round
the north side of Fooling. After crossing this river, we are
inside the forest of many miles circumference which surrounds
the Fooling; and it is most delightfully soothing, after that
eastern choking and blinding dust, to walk under the mottled
and changing shade of these old trees. A slab of stone — fifteen
feet high and three feet wide — attracts the eye at a distance,
seen through the spaces between the trunks of the trees.
It is engraved on its north and south faces in five languages —
Manchu, Mongol, Tibetan, Jamooji, and Chinese. The
inscription orders "All below the rank of wang or 'king/
official or other man to dismount here." This is a much more
important and imposing tomb than Yoongling. But the two
thousand men paid to look after it, do little more than
go by fifties to the gate; for the only work we saw being
done, was the clearance of withered branches for firewood.
Dilapidated walls, ruined walks, and rank weeds were allowed
to look after themselves ; and the " deers' horn " fence, twelve

SARHOO. 731

miles round, is disappearing gradually under the influence of
the seasons. The south gate, with its imperial yellow tiled roof,
presents a very imposing appearance from a great distance, as it
is seen cropping up above the old cedar trees. The wall on
each side is emblazoned with an enormous dragon, done in green
glazed brick- work. There are cross paths inside laid with stone
flags ; but the real tomb is a very modest building, as well as
the small houses to the south, where the great officials go when
sacrificing. But the rest of the enclosed space of ground is as
disorderly as the outside, though crowded with magnificent
cedars.

From Fooling village, in a cloud of dust, sand, and small
gravel, enabling one to realise the importance of such a cloud
on the day of battle, seven miles west-south-west bring us to
the east gate of Mookden ; in all, 270 li from Hingking and 158
li from Sarhoo. Mookden is fully eight miles further north than
Hingking, and is west-south-west of Sarhoo. The country west
of Sarhoo is much more open than that between Sarhoo and
Hingking.

732 APPENDIX.

II.

HINGKING.

TRAVELLING eastwards for two hundred and seventy li, or
ninety miles, by a zigzag road* from Mookden, brings the
traveller to the valley of Hotooala, though this name is now
unknown to its own inhabitants. The valley runs east and
south-east, and is widest at its east end. From east to west it
is over seven miles long, and about two wide at its east end.
It is far the largest valley among these mountains ; those east,
south, and north of it, being extremely narrow, mostly forming
little more than a bed for a stream of water between two lines
of hills. We can, therefore, at once understand the importance
of the valley for strategical purposes. Enclosing it on the west
-are mountains running south-west and west. In this west end
there is an entrance to the valley by a narrow but low ling or
pass, which is called the "First Customs' Pass." About two
miles east of this is the Hinggoong Palace, believed by the
natives to have been built by the first emperor or founder of the
Manchu dynasty. This belief, however, is one which is wholly
unfounded. The palace consists of nine small detached yellow-
tiled houses, facing all directions, and containing eighty-one
jien or rooms. The whole is enclosed by a wall two or three
hundred feet square, and looks much in need of repair.

Two miles further east is the large village of Yoongling,
crowded with soldiery to the number of two thousand. North
of the village is a wide extent of a thick tangled wilderness of
green branches, delightfully grateful to the eye, coming from
the southern hills bared of wood by the prodigal cottars. These

* See Appendix I. The distance in a direct east and west line is 210 li ; but
Mookden is 24 li or 8 miles further north than Hingking is. The distances were
carefully noted in going over the ground, and the directions marked at every turn,
by a capital compound instrument, aneroid and pocket compasses, by " Mathieson,
Edinburgh."

HINGKING. 733

trees, principally ancient elms, crowd each other all the way up
to and on the summit of a hill which forms the Tombs of the
Four Ascending Ancestors of Noorhachu. Round the foot of
the hill, traversing a circumference of fully twelve miles, is that
fence of wood in the form of a St. Andrew's Cross, piercing a
strong central beam, and called the " Deers'-horn fence." But
this has rotted away under the influences of a hundred summers
and winters. It is in many places broken down, and in more,
ready to crumble at a touch. There are sacrifices paid to these
four ancestors at new and full moon, as at the Mookden tombs.
To the south of Yoongling is the mountain of Yentoong,
so-called certainly not from any resemblance to a chimney, unless
the resemblance be found in the fact that it crops out above the
neighbouring and surrounding hills. It is remarkable only for
the magnificent green of its crowded forest, access to which is
forbidden to any but men of Manchu blood. It is said to
contain gold.

Along the north side of the widening valley we go for three
miles eastwards, and cross the Jiaho, coming from the north-
east. Another half mile brings us to the ancient southern
gate leading into Hingking, the first important capital of the
young Manchu power. This very old gateway, as well as the
east and north gates, are built of stone and lime, and are,
apparently, the same gates built nearly three centuries ago by
Noorhachu. The original city is 1 li square, and its wall follows
the irregular edge of the top of the low detached hill on which
it is built. This small hill is eighty feet above the plain at the
south gate, and rises inside to a hundred feet ; and fully fourteen
hundred feet above the sea. It is detached by a short space
from the much higher range of hills from the north-east, of
which it forms the southern extremity. The hill inside the city
divides into two unequal hollows, formed by three ridges. A
wall runs along each outer ledge, and the central ridge is in the
centre of the city. Towards the north of the city the ridges
re-unite and the hollows disappear.

Of what the irregular wall was originally built it is difficult

734 APPENDIX.

to say ; for we have seen the ruins of many cities built about the
same time, whose walls can be known to have been built of
brick, only from the quantity of fallen brick lying around. A
wooden fence thickly set, and about six feet high, is the only
wall on the face of the steeper sides of the hill. The earthen
ramparts forming the remainder are supported by bricks and
stone, which are probably a portion of the original wall. For,
surrounded as he was by swarming and watchful foes, it is not
likely that Noorhachu would have trusted himself to mere
earthworks. He had, besides, moved his "capital" from
Laochung, 5 li south in the open plain, to the hill, it being more
than likely that Laochung was walled with mud walls. Greater
power and increasing fame created a wider circle of more
powerful enemies, against whom it was necessary to build a
stronger citadel ; hence the origin of Hingking. Hence, too, we
infer that the walls first built were in keeping with the stone-
built gateways, — but of brick, or layers of stone on layers of
brick. The present gates are of a similarly feeble character with
the walls, being composed of thin pine-boards nailed on stronger
beams, but such as a smith could knock in with a blow of his
big hammer. The whole wall is in a state of disrepair and
decrepitude, exactly in keeping with all the other ancient
vestiges of the rise of the Manchu dynasty.

At the foot of the hill is a sunk cart-track, with a pretty high
earthen bank on its outer side. This appears to have been a
moat, the earth dug out of which would have formed a low wall
on its outside. One foot high of an earthern wall on the inner
side of the track, would seem to lend colouring to the inference.
But the rains of two centuries have washed back into the moat
most of the earth, and it is now a good cart road, except when
it is flooded by heavy rains, when it becomes a rapid torrent.
The city is surrounded by fine old elms ; and the May air was
laden with the fragrance of the snow-white blossom of the
"" sugar " or " sweet " pear, — a wild variety, growing on the walls.

Fully 2 li or nearly 1 mile beyond the existing wall, is the
three feet high remaining portion of a long wall, drawn at a

HINGKING. * 735

similar distance all round the city. It runs in a circle of a mile
diameter all round over the mountain on the north-east, and on
the plain below. The late Consul Meadows, of Newchwang, a
man of undoubted talents, seems to have mixed up his notes on
this outer wall with those on the wall of the city proper,
predicating of the latter what is true only of the former ; and
Dr. Williamson * makes the mistake still greater by inserting
the word "northern," stating that the city is built on the
" northern," whereas it is built on the southern extremity of the
range. This outer wall was built in 1603, five years after the
city proper was erected. And it was inside its shelter that sixty
thousand Manchus waited with terror the approach of a quarter
of million of Chinese soldiers.

Hills with no visible opening, range upon range, throw their
protecting arms towards " Hingking," the " Capital of Prosperity."
On the east, north, north-east, and north-west, the Hotooala
valley lies nearly two miles wide, from the gate to the hills on
the south, and several miles east and west ; and the only visible
proof that there is an outlet among the mountains to the south
and west, is the beautiful river Soodsu, flowing westwards south
of the city. Hence the Doonghwaloo states that Noorhachu
" built a capital in the valley of Hotooala, in the land between
Jiaho and Sookooho rivers." The present city is a contrast to
the crowded streets of ancient times; for there are, according to Mr
Meadows' estimate, only two thousand inhabitants. The people
there reckon their number at four thousand, but this includes a
few neighbouring hamlets. The valley is very fertile, the most
of the soil being rich loess, supporting many villages, and
certainly a dozen of thousands of inhabitants. There are two
magistrates in the city : a district magistrate who is a Chinaman,
to whom cases are appealed by a Chinaman, whether the
defendant be Chinese or Manchu, — and a superior military
Manchu official, who has charge of the city, and who is the judge
of all cases in which a Manchu is pursuer. As the Manchus,
though barely if at all a majority, are principally soldiers, and

* Journeys in North China, II. 88.

736 * APPENDIX.

all hangers on of the government, the Chinese are here, more
than elsewhere, conspicuously and ignominiously the subject race.
Fourteen years before we passed through in 1875, a band of
five hundred well trained robbers, under a Shantung Mahom-
medan, burst upon Hingking from the north, seized the city,
killed the magistrate Liw in his Yamun, pillaged all they
thought of value, and deserted the city again before the
commandant at Yoongling had courage and men ready to attack
them. But at that time robbers were in reality masters of
Liaotung. The general of Manchuria hearing of the capture of
the cradle of the dynasty, which was under his care, tore the
knob of office out of his hat, threw it on the ground, refused to
act as governor; but remained in his palace in Mookden till
word should come from Peking. That word confirmed the act of
degradation inflicted by himself; and only in 1876 was he again
placed in a much more subordinate position as a military officer
to atone for his offence. A temple was being built in Hingking
in 1875 to the memory and honour of the murdered magistrate,
who is still held in great esteem as a most upright judge. His
son was appointed magistrate in his father's stead, and removed
from Sinmintwun, west of Mookden, where he had been grossly
insulted as a magistrate by an arrogant Romish priest. Indeed,
these priests are sowing a wind over China, which, by their high-
handed deeds, unheard of in the west in any age, will, if continued,
some day breed a whirlwind of " persecution " in the future as it
has done in the past ; and they are responsible by this defiance of
Chinese law and by their support of natives in trampling on
Chinese law for nine-tenths of Chinese hatred and exclusiveness
against the foreigner. Believing that we were of the same
character, the authorities there regarded our visit with the
greatest suspicion ; and a private secretary, a smart and scholarly
youth, was sent to our inn to discover our object. But when it
was discovered that we had no connection with the hated and
feared priests, we had an invitation to visit both the superior
magistrates ; which invitation was declined for want of time.
Both the Chinese and Manchu magistrates were very highly

HINGKING. 737

spoken of by the people as upright judges; a character as
highly prized as it is rare in China, where the nominal
emoluments of the magistrate compel him to put his hand
deeply into the pockets of the litigious people. For in China
the Chinese proverb is most applicable : the " Big fish eat the
little fish, and the little fish eat mud." This Chinese magistrate,
Liw, has revived in Hingking a practice once much more
common than now. He goes to the temple on stated days ;
where, or by the way, a poor man, unable to go to court, may
kneel and have his case heard.

If we desire to travel north from Hingking, we can turn
northwards by the Jiabo, and go up the glen or gow of Jiaho
right northwards over a mountainous road, with numerous and
difficult mountain passes ; or making a slight detour to the west,
we may take the longer but easier north-west route, which falls
in again with the northern at the " Three Families," and on to
Kaiyuen. We can also get to Tieling by this road striking off
westwards at Diaopitivun, or " Sable-fur village." But direct
north-east and north-west there are only pathless mountains.
A narrow opening to the east leads towards northern Corea.

Starting southwards from Hingking, across the valley at its
greatest breadth, two miles bring the traveller to the remains of
the walls of Laochung, the first Manchu city. These remains
consist of a bank two feet high all along the site of the ancient
wall ; the inside of the wall being a houseless field, supporting
some poor Manchu cottar, whose house is in the nearest village.
One mile further south opens up the narrower but still
fertile and lovely valley, which extends away west and south-
west. Along this valley flows the Soodsu, a beautiful mountain
river, clear as crystal ; showing that it flows over another bed
than loess, which soil we soon leave behind. Our new glen
widens somewhat as we go west-south-west, past two villages, to
that of " Under-the Elm " ; so called probably from the splendid
elm tree growing there, the largest we had seen in Manchuria.
Under its shade was a small wooden temple, erected over a
coarse stone and brick scaffolding. The tree must have seen
w i

738 APPENDIX.

the march southwards along our route of the army which made
the Manchu empire possible. Five miles still further west we
come upon the hamlet of Tohoolo, or the " Glen of To" where
the valley is at its widest, being little less than a mile in
breadth. But it suddenly narrows ; for a new line of mountains
from the west fills in the valley and leaves only a narrow gully,
along which is the main road. It is possible for men to go
on at the right of this new line of hills, and be for miles shut
out from the view of those taking our left or main road. It
is well to notice this feature in the ground ; for it will help to
•explain an essential move of the Manchu army against the
Kwandien army in the third and decisive battle fought to save
Hingking from strangulation.

Westwards still we go in the narrow gully, hemmed in by
mountains ; the northern or right hand line being so unbrokenly
precipitous as to be all but impassable up to Chang choongliny
or " Serpent Pass," 55 li from Hingking. At the north side of this
pass springs the Soodsu, receiving many tributaries on its course ;
and at its south side rises the Taidsu, flowing south then west past
Liaoyang into the Liao, again mingling its waters with those of
the Soodsu. This pass is two hundred feet above its base,
and two thousand three hundred above the sea ; this being the
highest point touched by my excellent aneroid along the route.
But before reaching the pass we rest at the inn of Koochanggo^v) —
the glen of everlasting weeping, as that glen is called through which
we have just been passing. The natives, Manchu and Chinese,
were utterly at a loss to account for the name ; and were not in
the least excited when I recited to them the dreadful slaughter
of the day which cowed the Chinese soldiers before the Manchus.
Before getting to Koochang inn, a small opening in the north
range of hills exposed the possible spot where that deception
(p. 31, 32) was played upon the Chinese troops which was the
cause of their destruction. There is another opening still
further east, not far from Tohoolo, which might serve the
purpose, but not so well. It was without doubt under the hills
on the northern slope of Changchoongling that the Chinese

HINGKING. 739

commander drew up his eighty thousand men with such skill,
and placed his " deers' horns " to such advantage, that it was
impossible to force him or to fight till he was drawn out beyond
Koochang inn by one of the cle,ver stratagems in which the
founder of the Manchu dynasty excelled. Had the Chinese
general been as cautious as he was brave, ten times the Manchu
force would not have moved him ; for all along, from the pass
to Tohoolo, the valley is not only narrow, but both lines of
mountains are such as to render impossible any attack down
their sides.

740 APPENDIX.

III.

YELLOW RIVER

THE emperor Kanghi was from his childhood an eager student.
He read the classic sages with satisfaction and profit ; but he
took especial delight in geographical and astronomical knowledge.
In the Annals, he himself informs us that geography was his
special delight as a child. To ascertain more accurately than
any books or literati, native or European, could inform him, he
sent a selected body of literary men to explore the sources of the
Yellow river, the Yangtsu, the Heishwi, the Kinsha and the
Lantsang rivers, all of which rise from either of the two sides of
the great western range of Nomoohwunwooba in the south-east
of Kunlun. The rivers were to be traced accurately on a map.
They started from Peking on the fourth day of the fourth
moon — May — and returned on the ninth moon — Oct. — Nov.
Thirty-nine days out brought them to Chinghai or Kokonor,
the next day to Hoohooboolah They found the atmosphere of
Central Asia very rare. It " seemed to descend and the earth to
ascend," and during the whole route between Soongshan west
of Ninghia to Hinghii hai, respiration was difficult. Had they
aneroids they would have known that the earth "ascended"
considerably. On the sixty-second day they arrived at the
marsh of Woling, of over 200 li in extent, and considerably to
the east of Hinghu hai, or the Starry Sea. The marsh Jaling
is over 300 li in circumference, 30 li west of Woling ; and in
two days from Woling they got to Hinghu hai. This watery
region is over 7600 li from Peking. Viewed from the east when the
sun was setting, the innumerable streams flowing eastwards from
the eastern side of the great Korkwun mountains, appeared so
brilliant, shimmering like numberless stars in the face of the
western sun, that the Chinese gave that region the name of the
Starry Sea — Hinghu hai. The Mongols called it Naodundali,

YELLOW EIVEE. 741

and the natives Solomoo. They scaled a high hill in order to
see the size of the sea, but they found it to be of immense *
extent. To the south of this starry sea is the great mountain
range of Goorbantoorha ; to the south-west Boohoojoorhei ; to
the west Barbooha ; to the north that of Aktayinchichi ; and
Woolandoosh to the north-east. The streams flowing from, and
springs rising along, the foot of Goorbantoorha, unite, and
are called Harmatang \ those from Barbooha, Harmachun
moolang,^ and the united streams from Aktayinchichi, are
called Harmachinni. These three rivers flow eastwards into
the Jaling marsh, whence, still apart, they flow eastwards, one
through the Woling marsh, which then gets the name of Hiuang
ho or Yellow river. East of Woling the other two rivers, greatly
swollen, together with smaller streams innumerable, join the
Yellow river.

The travellers began their return journey on the eleventh of
sixth moon — July — and after going two days in a south-easterly
direction, they ascended the mountains of Harji, whence they
saw the Yellow river flowing eastwards by the south of the
mountains of Hoohootolohai. Another day brought them to the
west of Shivi slian J or water mountain, extremely high and ever
hid in cloud and mist. This range is said by the Mongols to be
over 300 li in length, to have nine high peaks, which were never
known to be free from clouds, and so moist is the region, that
scarce three days in a month were clear from heavy falls of rain
or snow. After passing Hoohootolohai the river flows south,
winding past the south side of ChuchooJca shan, and north again
to the south of Bartolohai shan. They arrived at the land of

* Lit. "Myriads and ten myriads would not contain it." Another authority —
the Great Geography — gives its Mongol name as Woduntala; and the mountains in
one place called Korkwun are in another called Koorgun, while their Chinese name
is given as Koohm. This illustrates the difficulty of transliterating other languages
into Chinese.

t Moolang is doubtless the Mongol mooren-w&ter.

JText is Shwi, but we believe it is a missprint for Bing, "Ice," — the name "ice
mountain" being appropriate, while the other is not; and the two Chinese
characters differ only by a dot.

742 APPENDIX.

Hilakootar when sixteen days from Shwi shan, southwards from
which, passing Sungkooli with its high passes for more than a
100 li, they came again upon the bank of the river, and inferred
that it flowed north-east from Bartolohai, on the north of
Kweite poo and south of Daka shan, between the two mountain
ranges, into Lanchow.

Ancient geographers always mentioned that the Yangtsu and
the Yellow river rose in the mountains, and the geography of
Yii states that the Yangtsu rose in Mangshan. This mountain
was proved however to be a mountain in Szchuen by which the
Yangtsu flowed, and was not by any means its source. It was
discovered by the geographers of Kanghi that the Yangtsu, or
as it is called at its source, the Mangldang, rose at the mountain
Chichilahana of the range Bayenhala ling, this source by
the natives being called Mangnayakja. It flows through
Whangshung giuan in the mountains of Naichoo of Szchuen,
by Kwan hi en, where it divides into several dozens of branches,
which reunite at Sintsin Men, and the united river receives the
Kinsha at Huchow foo.

The Kinsha rises in the north of Dalai Lama's territory, in
the range called Wooniyinwoosoo * fung, and by the Chinese
Niwnai (cow's milk) mountains. The name of the river there
is Mooloosu Woosoo, and when it enters Yunnan at Tachung
gwan after flowing south-east into Komoo land and passing
central Burma — Lien — it is called the Kinsha kiang, or Gold
river. It has the name of Loo Kiang at Lookiang foo. At
Yoongpe foo it receives the Tachoong river, and passing Wooting
foo, it enters Szchuen, flows to Hiichow, and falls into the
Yangtsu, into which at Woochang falls the Hankiang, rising
in Shensi. The Lantsang kiang has two main sources.
One is called the Dsachooho, rises in the mountains of
Gorjidsahar of Komoo, which is south-east of Lali and subject
to Banshan, the priestly ruler of Dsang or west Tibet. The
other called the Naomoojo ho rises in Jilakuntala. To the

* Woosoo is water, and fung is a high mountain. From the Chinese name AVC
might infer the existence of many cataracts.

HINGKING. 743

south of Moochamoodo temple they unite and form the river
Lakockoo. Thence entering Yunnan it is called the Lantsang,
and flows southwards through Ckucdi into Burma as the
Kiwloong Kiang.

The Kolawoosoo, or the Black water of Yii's geography, the
Lookiang of Yunnan, rises in Halalier, in the north-east of
Dalai Lama's land, and flows through the south-east thereof,
through Komoo but west of the Lantsang, and south-east into
the land of Nooyi, where it is called the Nookiang. It enters
Yunnan by Da tanged, and under the name of Lookiang flows
past Yoongchaiigfoo, through Lookiang Miao lands, into Burma.

The Loongchuen Kiang, west of the latter river, springs from
Ghwundoling mountains of Komoo ; flows southwards by
Datangai into Yunnan, and westwards, as the Loongchuen,
through Hanloonggivan, into Burma.

The Birilany Kiang springs east of Gangdis of All in
Tibet. Its origin is in the mountain of Damoojoo Kobooboo,
or the " Horse's mouth." It is there called the Yaloodsangboo
kiang ; flows south, then east, passing by Dsangwei lands,
beside the city of Yiharha-r, where it joins the Harjaowoolun
kiang, then south by the lake of Goongbooboolo ; enters
Yunnan by Gooyoong, and flows out by Tiepoogwan into
Burma. South of Gangdis is the mountain Langyukobooboo,
or " Elephant's mouth " ; out of which flows a stream which
ultimately flows westwards into the lands of Sangnan. North
of Gangdis is the mountain Dsunggokobooboo, or " Lion's mouth,"
which produces another river, flowing westwards to Sangnan,
where it joins the preceding. From Maboojiakobooboo, or
" Peacock's mouth," west of Gangdis, flows another river south-
wards to the lands of Nakolasooiuoodo, where it joins the
preceding river which has flowed south from Sangnan, then
east. The united river then flows south-east to the kingdom
of Anatokoko, where it is called the Ganghoivoolun Kiang.
This is, says the imperial geographer, apparently the Weifa
hien slnvun hung ho of the Annals of the Buddhist kingdoms ;
or it may read, the Hienshwunhung river of the " Sublime

744 APPENDIX.

Method of the Annals." We think these various "mouths"
look very like a description of the Tibetan sources of the Ganges.
We now return to the Yellow river, — a river which demands
more engineering attention than any other river, lake or sea, on
our globe. Anciently the Chinese people were a small, diligent
agricultural community surrounded by savage nomads. Twenty
centuries before the Christian era their country apparently
extended southwards as far as the Yellow river, and was
doubtless bordered by that river both at the west and the south.
As much of the magnificent loess soil through which the river
flows is often below the level of the bottom of the river, central
China was originally, without doubt, a succession of shallow
lakes and marshy swamps, and the wide-spread waters of the
river would form many islands of extreme fertility. The
emperor or king Yii acquired his pre-eminent celebrity by his
eight years of engineering effort to drain that extensive region ;
and his successful operations opened up to the plough rich
plains which in extent would embrace several Hollands. But
so great is the quantity of silted earth contained in the waters
of this river, that it raises its bed above the surrounding
country, or forms great banks at its widely extended mouth, so
that the country once won from its inundations, is ever threatened
by re-annexation to the rule of its yellow waters. Hence the
engineering labour and expense begun by emperor Yii has
been in yearly requisition from his time to the present; so
that the money expended in attempting to retain its waters
within banks would purchase many times over all the debts of
all the governments in the world. Yet notwithstanding that
incessant outlay and that annual labour, the erratic river does
ever and anon assume the mastery ; now inundating hundreds
or thousands of acres, now flooding ever so many villages, and
anon knocking down the walls of a fortified city; and the
human lives drowned by that wilful river must aggregate an
enormous number. Hence it is that the emperor Kealdng, of the
present dynasty in his last will, calls the river " China's sorrow," *

* Davis' "Chinese."

YELLOW RIVER. 745

complains of its bursting its banks, overflowing the country,
and always draining the treasury. The following incidents
connected with the river will serve to illustrate the nature of the
sorrow.

When the sudden clash of arms and the crash of falling cities
threw consternation into the councils and strained the resources
of his southern neighbours, the governor of Honan found as
formidable a difficulty to cope with in his own province. The
people were in the greatest distress from the unceasing calls and
the ever increasing amounts of taxation demanded of them to
keep the river within bounds. From March to December of
every year the people were subjected to intermittent visits from
the tax-collector, till the taxes became at last so burdensome
that all who had any government employment by which they
could eke out a living preferred to leave their lands fallow rather
than have to meet the common and oppressive taxation. Some
of the bolder people, who had no resource apart from their land,
opened deep ditches around their houses, fortified themselves
there and defied the tax collector. The burdens of the people
who were loyal and obedient became therefore all the more
overwhelmingly crushing. The governors prayed the emperor to
interfere in the interests of justice, to fix the .price of labour at
two taels, or twelve shillings sterling, per man per month as in
the period of his predecessor, instead of the three or four taels,
which were being paid ; and to reduce the period of labour to
nine instead of ten months. Those measures would diminish
expenditure to one hundred and eighty thousand taels, or half
of what was then paid out. It was decreed that the rate of
taxation was anciently laid down at so much per li, each square
li containing a hundred ching, or about sixteen hundred acres,
and supporting ten soldiers. This rule was re-enforced, and
every means were ordered to be employed to compel all to pay
equally ; for those who opened ditches must not be allowed to
evade, nor the more honest be compelled to exceed the proper
amount. In 1668, it had been ordained that Kiangnan must
prepare, as its contingent against the river ravages, two

746 APPENDIX.

million seven hundred thousand bundles of willow stumps,
of which one million had to be yearly laid down in the
banks. Four years after, the required stock of bundles was not
ready ; the river threatened to burst upon and overwhelm the
city of Yangwoo near Kaifung; and the people had to cut down
all their peach, pear, apricot and plum trees to stop the breach.
Every boat trading on the river was now ordered to provide from
two to three hundred bundles, and the people were rquired to
carry the requisite number where no boat traffic existed ; and if
the supply by the people proved inadequate, the magistrates were
commanded to find the needful bundles by purchase, giving for
every bundle of wild or garden-grown willoAV branches one
sixtieth of a tael. But the emperor again urged the necessity of
always having a store of bundles on hand.

In 1682, when the great rebellion was being extinguished, a
censor who had been sent to examine into the condition of the
Yellow river, reported that in the neighbourhood of the city
of Yifung it was needful to at once raise the banks of the river
for seven thousand nine hundred and eighty-nine jang, each of
about twelve English feet; at Fungkiw, three hundred and
thirty Jang; and at Yoongtsai, two hundred and ten Jang.
In the following winter the Boards and Yamuns decided
that to protect the seven chow and hien cities of Kao, Pao, &c.,
a sum of two millions seven hundred and eighty thousand taels,
or nearly a million sterling, was indispensable ; and the half of
that sum should be forwarded at once to pay for work to be
immediately done. Half a million taels were needed for the
banking of small rivers higher up which flowed into the Yellow ;
and less than a million and a half of taels was considered
insufficient to bank the river above those affluents. The
emperor knew from personal observation the frightful ravages
of the river near its mouth, and declared that works must be
started there immediately ; but before deciding on the general
work to be done, he ordered Chungloong, then overseer of
the river, to hasten to the capital and consult with the Boards.
On the arrival of this functionary, he found a grand secretary

YELLOW RIVER. 747

advocating the building of both banks of the river from its
mouth to a height of sixteen feet ; a height which he declared
necessary to protect the country from the floodings caused by
the tide. This measure was opposed by Chungloong, who,
instead, recommended the deepening of the channel of the
river as it flowed into the sea. The officials ranged themselves
into two parties on the subject; the one recommending building,
the other digging. Warm debates went on for days, but they
educed nothing but heat. The emperor therefore ordered the
magistrates of the seven cities of Kao, Pao, Hing, Lan, Shangr
Kiang, and Tai, to give their opinion as between the two plans.
They were living in the region affected ; and as their interests
were much concerned, and their families all dwelling in the
neighbourhood, their advice was regarded as safe. They agreed
unanimously that the plan of Chungloong was easy of accomplish-
ment, and would greatly benefit the people ; while the building
of banks of sixteen feet high, raising the water eleven feet above
the existing level, would seriously endanger the country, for the
tops of the houses would be below that water level; and a
breach in the bank, which was very possible, would cause
incalculable damage to the people. The emperor agreed that
the plan of Chungloong, which both secured the lives of the
people and was much less expensive, would be adopted.

Operations to deepen the river channel were at once begun -
but ere long serious opposition was made against the digging-
by high officials, who had gone thither and reported the works
as useless. Many of the inhabitants of the affected region
joined in the petition of those officials ; and the emperor after
a long consultation with Chungloong, ordered a cessation of the
works, and threw the responsibility of stemming the floods on
the inhabitants of those extensive and very fertile plains. The
grand secretary saw in that course an opening by which to push
on his own plan, proposed miles of high banking at a cost of
millions sterling, and promised to reclaim over six hundred
thousand English acres ; but his proposals were remitted to the-
Boards.

748 APPENDIX.

A commission, consisting of a president, vice-president, and
other officials, was sent from Peking to inspect the banks
and to ascertain the views of the people. Bin, one of the
subordinates who returned last of all, reported that there was
much conflict of opinion among the crowded populations over
that wide region. Very many believed that the deepening of
the channel over the bar would be of great utility; but on
account of scarcity of grain and the high price of labour, the
available money would not pay for half the necessary work. On
the other hand the people in and under Kaochow and Hinghwa
strenuously opposed any deepening, because the high tides
would destroy their graves and flood their houses. He explained
that all the officials who had been on the commission of enquiry
had seen the tide rush up like a racehorse ; but had observed
that the retreating waters had no way to flow swiftly. The
superior officials, knowing that his majesty had himself seen the
many houses submerged, and fearing similar if not greater
dangers to the country and even the cities from a deepened
channel, whereby the sea waters could rush up all the more
swiftly, did not venture to memorialise the throne on their
return. He was himself much perplexed what advice to offer ;
for he could not promise that any deepening would drain the
whole country. But he would say that deepening would be a
benefit to the country, and great in proportion to the depth of
the channel cut to admit the flow of the river. He recommended
that all the revenue derived from the seven cities should be
retained on the spot, and applied to the work of deepening the
river; thus the formidable undertaking could be paid by the
revenue of the region, and carried out by the men of the place.

The two superior officials of the commission were summoned ;
and in giving their apology for not presenting a report 011 their
return to Peking, flatly contradicted the statement of Bin that
they had agreed with his views, for there had been no con-
sultation. They emphasised the difficulty of the deepening and
the hostility of the people. The emperor was therefore as much
-at a loss as ever what to do ; and ordered all the great officials

YELLOW RIVER. 749

to deliberate, and. to call in as witnesses every official high or
low then in Peking from the neighbourhood of the seven cities.
These witnesses were unanimous in supporting the scheme of
Bin ; which, though expensive, they declared far the most
valuable ; even though it could not drain all the low lands. The
great ministers therefore supported Bin, because he had long
been governor in that neighbourhood ; while the president and
vice-president were terrified at seeing the great rushing inlands
of the tide. The emperor censured these two officials ; and the
ministers recommended the dismissal from his office of the
superintendent of Yellow river works, and of Lo Foo the grand
secretary, who had recommended the " building " or dyking as
against the deepening plan.

Bin again memorialised the throne to say that he had discovered
that formerly there were four shallow lakes made by the river at
and around Hiichow ; but that now there were thirty such lakes,
making probable a large increase in the future of the conversion
of rich fields into lakes. The president of Works stated that the
ancients adopted the plan of deepening the bar to drain away
water which embankments had collected ; and declared that it
was by his embankments that Foo was now flooding so many
houses and good lands. The only result of the two years of
debate, thus briefly outlined, was that the president and vice-
president were degraded, but Foo was retained in office, as the
ministers who recommended his dismissal could not give the
emperor a plan whose superiority they would venture to guarantee.

The question was again discussed on a long memorial of another
official who gave many reasons in support of the dyking plan.
These were considered so important that the emperor nominated
him a commissioner to assist Foo. But it soon leaked out
that he had been instigated by Foo, who was therefore
brought to Peking; but his subsequent examination left the
emperor in the same uncertainty. Another commissioner was
therefore sent to enquire; but it served only to cause the
emperor to consult Chungloong, who could do no more than
reiterate his first plan, and declare his conviction that the plan

750 APPENDIX.

of Foo would ultimately inundate all that neighbourhood ; for
the level of the river always rising would soon cause the Whai
river to pour into it ; and if the numbers of men drowned and
houses ruined were large already, there would then be far more
terrible havoc.

Four years after the first named commission, a censor accused
Foo of having failed to secure " merit," — a mild way of declaring
him unworthy of his post. Another, in a memorial of extra-
ordinary length and with, even for a Chinese official, a
superabundance of circumlocution, charged Foo for remaining so
long in that post only because he was appropriating half the
monies paid out in name of the river expenditure; and he
fjjCQjised by name other officials of sharing the plunder with him.
The long accusation was laid before the ministers, whose
"consideration" of the matter and examination of Foo again
resulted in nothing. The emperor, under whose inspection
proceedings were carried on, declared in a long speech that he
had long been aware of the principles of action not of Foo alone,
but of every official high and low connected with all the
departments; but as they could come to no decision, he had
nothing to say. In private, however, he informed the grand
secretaries that the ministers were afraid of the power of Foo.
The advice and testimony of Chungloong were again asked for,
.and were exactly the reverse of Foo's. The latter was accused
of oppressing the people ; but the emperor said that the
question was how to allay the evil done by the river. Foo
was at length dismissed from the superintendency, and many
other officials who had supported him were degraded or
dismissed according to the nature of their crimes; just when
the last great revolution was taking place in England. But in
1689, when his majesty was on his tour of investigation to
.ascertain for himself the state of the river, he was so well
_satisfied with the firm character and the extent of the dyking
by Foo, that he reinstated him in his original rank ; and with
.all the greater readiness, because his successor was not doing
well ; and in 1691 Foo was again nominated superintendent of

YELLOW RIVER. 751

the Yellow river. Thus went on the Yellow river, swamping
good lands and able ministers, vomiting bad marshes and raising
interested cabals and cliques, sapping down city walls and
swallowing yearly as much money as might support a samll
kingdom.

This incident will illustrate the difficulty of the problem of
dealing with the Yellow River in China, where there are no
skilful engineers and no mathematical knowledge. It also shows
how difficult it is for an absolute monarch, willing and eager to
do good, to ascertain the real facts, even in a matter of such
magnitude and gravity as the Yellow River and its evils.
And the story, together with all that goes before, is interesting
to us westerns, because, though it is but the history of the^risfe
and progress of the present reigning dynasty from its infancy to
its full manhood, we learn therefrom the actual condition of
Chinese law and practice at the present day. Ministers had and
have their own private interests to consult, their private friends
to conciliate, their private faction to support ; and these weighed
with them more than the well or ill-being, the life or death, of
myriads of their fellow countrymen, who were far removed out
of sight, and whom their able master was anxious to save and
benefit. We are, however, the less surprised at this in China,
when very recent events prove that in what are called highly
civilised and Christian nations human life and common justice
are light as a feather in the scales of personal interests and
official influence.

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