Man and his migrations

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MAN AND HIS MIGRATIONS.

R. G. LATHAM, M.D., F.R.S.,

CORRESPONDING MEMBER TO THE ETHNOLOGICAL SOCIETY, NEW YORK,
ETC. ETC.

LONDON:
JOHN VAN VOORST, PATERNOSTER ROW.

MDCCCLI.

*'

PRINTED BY RICHARD TAYLOR,
RED LION COURT, FLEET STREET.

PREFACE.

THE following pages represent a Course of Six
Lectures delivered at the Mechanics' Institution,
Liverpool, in the month of March of the present
year ; the matter being now laid before the public
in a somewhat fuller and more systematic form
than was compatible with the original delivery.

CONTENTS

CHAPTER I.

Page

The Natural or Physical History of Man— the Civil—
their difference — divisions of the Natural or Phy-
sical History — Anthropology — Ethnology — how far
pursued by the ancients — Herodotus — how far by
the moderns — Buffon — Linn^us — Daubenton —
Camper — Blumenbach — the term Caucasian —
Cuvier — Philology as an instrument of ethnological
investigation — Pigafetta — Hervas — Leibnitz — Re-
land — Adelung — Klaproth — the union of Philology
and of Anatomy — Prichard — its Palaeontological
character — influence of Lyell's Geology — of Whe-
well's History of the Inductive Sciences 1-36

CHAPTER II.

Ethnology — its objects — the chief problems connected
with it — prospective questions — transfer of popula-
tions— extract from Knox — correlation of certain
parts of the body to certain external influences —
parts less subject to such influences — retrospective
questions — the unity or non-unity of our species —
opinions — plurality of species — multiplicity of pro-
toplasts— doctrine of development — Dokkos — ex-
tract— antiquity of our species — its geographical
origin — the term race 37-66

CHAPTER III.

Methods — the science one of observation and deduc-
tion rather than experiment — classification — on
mineralogical, on zoological principles — the first for
Anthropology, the second for Ethnology — value of
Language as a test — instances of its loss — of its
retention — when it proves original relation, when

vi CONTENTS.

Page

intercourse — the grammatical and glossarial tests —
classifications must be real— the distribution of Man
— size of areas — ethnological contrasts in close geo-
graphical contact — discontinuity and isolation of
areas — oceanic migrations 67-100

CHAPTER IV.

Details of distribution — their conventional character
— convergence from the circumference to the centre
— Fuegians; Patagonian, Pampa, and Chaco Indians
— Peruvians — D'Orbigny's characters — other South
American Indians — of the Missions — of Guiana —
of Venezuela — Guarani — Caribs — Central America
— Mexican civilization no isolated phenomenon —
North American Indians — Eskimo — apparent ob-
jections to their connection with the Americans and
Asiatics — Tasm anians — Australians — Papuas — Po -
lynesians — Micronesians — Malagasi — Hottentots
— Kaffres — Negroes — Berbers — Abyssinians —
Copts — the Semitic family — Primary and secondary
migrations 101-157

CHAPTER V.

The Ugrians of Lapland, Finland, Permia, the Ural
Mountains and the Volga — area of the light-haired
families — Turanians — the Kelts of Ireland, Scotland,
Wales, Gaul — the Goths — the Sarmatians — the '
Greeks and Latins — difficulties of European ethno-
logy— displacement — intermixture — identification
of ancient famih'es — extinction of ancient families —
the Etruscans — the Pelasgi — isolation — the Basks
— the Albanians — classifications and hypotheses —
the term Indo-European— the Finnic hypothesis ... 158-183

CHAPTER VI.

The Monosyllabic area— the T'hay— the Mon and Kho
— Tables — the B'hot — the Chinese — Burmese —
Persia — India — Tamulian family — the Brahui — the
Dioscurians — the Georgians — Iron — Mizjeji — Les-
gians — Armenians — Asia Minor — Lycians — Carians
— Paropamisans — Conclusion 184-250

MAN AND HIS MIGRATIONS.

CHAPTER I.

The Natural or Physical history of Man — the Civil — their dif-
ference— divisions of the Natural or Physical history — An-
thropology— Ethnology — how far pursued by the ancients —
Herodotus — how far by the moderns — Buffon — Linnaeus —
Daubenton — Camper — Blumenbach — the term Caucasian —
Cuvier — Philology as an instrument of ethnological investi-
gation—Pigafetta — Hervas— Leibnitz — Reland — Adelung —
Klaproth— the union of Philology and of Anatomy — Prichard
—its Palaeontological character — influence of Lyell's Geology
—of Whewell's History of the Inductive Sciences.

LET us contrast the Civil with the Natural History
of Man.

The influence of individual heroes, the effect of
material events, the operations of ideas, the action
and reaction of the different elements of society
upon each other, come within the domain of
the former. An empire is consolidated, a contest

B

Z DIFFERENCE BETWEEN THE

concluded, a principle asserted, and the civil hi-
storian records them. He does more. If he be
true to his calling, be investigates the springs of
action in individual actors, measures the calibre
of their moral and intellectual power, and pro-
nounces a verdict of praise or blame upon the mo-
tives which determine their manifestation. This
makes him a great moral teacher, and gives a
value to his department of knowledge, which places
it on a high and peculiar level.

Dealing with actions and motives, he deals
nearly exclusively with those of individuals; so
much so, that even where he records the move-
ments of mighty masses of men, he generally finds
that there is one presiding will which regulates
and directs them ; and even when this is not the
case, when the movement of combined multitudes
is spontaneous, the spring of action is generally of
a moral nature — a dogma if religious, a theory if
political.

Such a history as this could not be written of
the brute animals, neither could it be written for
them. No animal but Man supplies either its
elements or its objects ; nor yet the record which
transmits the memory of past actions, even when
they are of the most material kind. The civil
historian, therefore, of our species, or, to speak
with a conciseness which common parlance allows,.

NATURAL AND CIVIL HISTORY OF MAN. 3

the historian, living and breathing in the peculiar
atmosphere of humanity, and exhibiting man in
the wide circle of moral and intellectual action, —
a circle in which none but he moves, — takes up
his study where that of the lower animals ends.
Whatever is common to them and man, belongs
to the naturalist. Let each take his view of the
Arab or the Jew. The one investigates the influ-
ence of the Bible and the Koran ; whilst the other
may ask how far the Moorish blood has mixed with
that of the Spaniard, or remark the permanence
of the Israelite features under climates so different
as Poland, Morocco, or Hindostan. The one will
think of instincts, the other of ideas.

In what part of the world did this originate ?
How was it diffused over the surface of the earth ?
At what period in the world's history was it
evolved? Where does it thrive best? Where
does it cease to thrive at all ? What forms does
it take if it degenerate ? What conditions of soil
or climate determine such degenerations ? What
favour its improvement? Can it exist in Nova
Zembla ? In Africa ? In either region or both ? Do
the long nights of the Pole blanch, does the bright
glare of the Equator deepen its colour? &c. Instead
of multiplying questions of this kind, I will ask to
what they apply. They apply to every being that
multiplies its kind upon earth ; to every animal of

4 NATURAL HISTORY, ETC.

the land or sea; to every vegetable as well; to
every organized being. They apply to the ape,
the horse, the dog, the fowl, the fish, the insect,
the fruit, the flower. They apply to these — and
they apply to man as well. They — and the like
of them — Legion by name — common alike to the
lords and the lower orders of the creation, consti-
tute the natural history of genus Homo ; and I use
the language of the Zoologist for the sake of exhibit-
ing in a prominent and palpable manner, the truly
zoological character of this department of science.
Man as an animal is the motto here ; whilst Man
as a moral being is the motto with the Historian.

It is not very important whether we call this
Natural or Physical History. There are good
authorities on both sides. It is only important
to see how it differs from the History of the
Historian.

Man's Civil history has its divisions. Man's
Natural history has them also.

The first of these takes its name from the Greek
words for man (anthropos) and doctrine (logos),
and is known as Anthropology.

When the first pair of human beings stood
alone on the face of the earth, there were then the
materials for Anthropology ; and so there would
be if our species were reduced to the last man.
There would be an Anthropology if the world had

ITS DIVISIONS — ANTHROPOLOGY. 5

no inhabitants but Englishmen, or none but Chi-
nese ; none but red men of America, or none but
blacks of Africa. Were the uniformity of feature,
the identity of colour, the equality of stature, the
rivalry of mental capacity ever so great, there
would still be an Anthropology. This is because
Anthropology deals with Man as compared with
the lower animals.

We consider the structure of the human extre-
mities, and enlarge upon the flatness of the foot,
and the flexibility of the hand. The one is subser-
vient to the erect posture, the other to the innu-
merable manipulations which human industry de-
mands. We compare them with the fins of fishes,
the wings of birds • in doing which, we take the
most extreme contrasts we can find. But we may
also take nearer approximations, e. g. the hands of
the higher apes. Here we find likeness as well as
difference ; difference as well as likeness. We in-
vestigate both; and record the result either in
detail or by some general expression. Perhaps
we pronounce that the one side gives the conditions
of an arboreal life, the other those of a social state ;
the ape being the denizen of the woods, the man
of towns and cities ; the one a climber, the other
a walker.

Or we compare the skull of the man and the
chimpanzee ; noticing that the ridges and promi-

6 ANTHROPOLOGY.

nences of the external surface, which in the former
are merely rudimentary, become strongly-marked
crests in the latter. We then remember that the
one is the framework for the muscles of the face ;
the other is the case for the brain.

All that is done in this way is Anthropology.

Every class of organized beings has, mutatis
mutandis j its anthropological aspect ; so that the
dog may be contemplated in respect to the fox
which equals, the ape which excels, or the kanga-
roo which falls short of it in its approach to a
certain standard of organization ; in other words,
as species and genera have their relative places in
the ladder of creation, the investigation of such
relations is co-extensive with the existence of the
classes and groups on which it rests.

Anthropology deals too much with such matters
as these to be popular. Unless the subject be
handled with excessive delicacy, there is something
revolting to fastidious minds in the cool contem-
plation of the differentia of the Zoologist

" Who shows a Newton as he shows an ape."
Yet, provided there be no morbid gloating over
the more dishonourable points of similarity, no
pleasurable excitement derived from the lowering
view of our nature, the study is not ignoble. At
any rate, it is part of human knowledge, and a
step in the direction of self-knowledge.

ETHNOLOGY. 7

Besides this, the relationship is merely one of
degree. We may not be either improperly or un-
pleasantly like the orang-utan or the chimpan-
zee. We may even be angelomorphic. Never-
theless, we are more like orang-utans and chim-
panzees than aught else upon earth.

The other branch of Man's Natural History is
called Ethnology — from the Greek word signifying
nation (ethnos).

It by no means follows, that because there is an
anthropology there is an ethnology also. There is
no ethnology where there is but a single pair to
the species. There would be no ethnology if all the
world were negroes; none if every man was a
Chinese ; none if there were naught but English-
men. The absolute catholicity of a religion with-
out sects, the centralized uniformity of a universal
empire, are types and parallels to an anthropology
without an ethnology. This is because Ethnology
deals with Man in respect to his Varieties.

There would be an anthropology if but one
single variety of mankind existed.

But if one variety of mankind — and no more —
existed, there would be no ethnology. It would
be as impossible a science as a polity on Robin-
son Crusoe's island.

But let there be but a single sample of different
though similar bodily conformation. Let there be a

8 RANGE OF

white as well as a black, or a black as well as a white
man. In that case ethnology begins ; even as
a polity began on Crusoe's island when his servant
Friday became a denizen of it.

The other classes of organized beings, although,
mutatis mutandis } they have, of necessity, their equi-
valent to an anthropology, may or may not have
an ethnology. The dog has one ; the chimpanzee
has either none or an insignificant one ; differences
equivalent to those which separate the cur from
the greyhound, or the shepherd's-dog from the
pointer, being wanting. Again, a treatise which
showed how the chimpanzee differed from the
orang-utan on one side, and man on the other,
would be longer than a dissertation upon the ex-
tent to which chimpanzees differed from each
other ; yet a dissertation on the varieties of dogs
would be bulkier than one on their relations to the
fox. This shows how the proportions of the two
studies may vary with the species under consider-
ation. In the Natural History of Man, the eth-
nological aspect is the most varied. It is also the
one which has been most studied. With the horse,
or the sheep, with many of the domestic fowls,
with the more widely-cultivated plants, the study
of the variety outweighs that of the species. With
the dog it does so in an unparalleled degree. But
what if the dog-tribe had the use of language ?

ETHNOLOGY. 9

what if the language differed with each variety ?
In such a case the study of canine ethnology would
be doubly and trebly complex, though at the same
time the data for conducting it would be both in-
creased and improved. A distant — a very distant
approach — to this exists. The wild dog howls;
the companion of man alone barks. This is a dif-
ference of language as far as it goes. This is
written to foreshadow the importance of the study
of language as an instrument of ethnological in-
vestigation.

Again — what if the dog-tribe were possessed of
the practice of certain human arts, and if these va-
ried with the variety ? If they buried their dead ?
and their tombs varied with the variety? if those
of one generation lasted for years, decenniums, or
centuries ? The ethnology would again increase
in complexity, and the data would again be in-
creased. The graves of an earlier generation would
serve as unwritten records of the habits of sepul-
ture with an earlier one. This is written to fore-
shadow the importance of the study of antiquities
as an instrument of the same kind with philology.

With dogs there are impossibilities. True ; but
they serve as illustrations. "With man they are
realities — realities which make philology and ar-
chaeology important adjuncts to his natural hi-
story.

10 ETHNOLOGY

We have now ascertained the character of the
study in question ; and seen how far it differs from
history properly so-called — at least we have done
so sufficiently for the purpose of definition. A
little reflection will show its relations to certain
branches of science, e.g. to physiology, and mental
science — a relation upon which there is no time
to enlarge. It is enough to understand the
existence of such a separate substantive branch of
knowledge and inquiry.

What is the amount of this knowledge ? This
is proportionate to that of the inquiry. What has
this been ? Less than we are prepared to expect.

" The proper study of mankind is Man."
This is a stock quotation on the subject.

" Homo sum ; humani nihil a me alienum puto."

This is another. Like many apophthegms of
the same kind, they have more currency than in-
fluence, and are better known than acted on. We
know the zoology of nine species out often amongst
the lower animals better than that of our own
genus. So little have the importance and the
investigation of a really interesting subject been
commensurate.

It is a new science — so new as scarcely to have
reached the period of adolescence. Let us ask
what the ancients cared about it.

A NEGLECTED BRANCH OF KNOWLEDGE. 11

We do not look for systematic science in the
Scriptures; and the ethnology which we derive
from them consists wholly of incidental notices.
These, though numerous, are brief. They apply,
too, to but a small portion of the earth's surface.
That, however, is one of pre-eminent interest — the
cradle of civilization, and the point where the
Asiatic, African, and European families come in
contact.

Greece helps us more : yet Greece but little.
The genius of Thucydides gave so definite a
character to history, brought it so exclusively in
contact with moral and political, in opposition to
physical, phenomena, and so thoroughly made it
the study of the statesman rather than of the zoo-
logist, that what may be called the naturalist
element, excluded at the present time, was ex-
cluded more than .2000 years ago. How widely
different this from the slightly earlier Herodotean
record — the form and spirit of which lived and died
with the great father of historic narrative ! The
history of the Peloponnesian war set this kind of
writing aside for ever, and the loss of what the
earlier prototype might have been developed into,
is a great item in the price which posterity has to
pay for the /crrj/jka ek del of the Athenian. As it
is, however, the nine books of Herodotus form the
most ethnological work not written by a professed

12 GKEEK OBSERVERS

and conscious ethnologist. Herodotus was an un-
conscious and instinctive one ; and his ethnology
was of a sufficiently comprehensive character.
Manners he noted, and physical appearance he
noted, and language he noted ; his Scythian, Me-
dian, ^Egyptian, and other glosses having the same
value in the eyes of the closet philologist of the
present century, as the rarer fossils of some old
formation have with the geologist, or venerable
coins with the numismatic archseologist. Let his
name be always mentioned with reverence ; for the
disrespectful manner in which his testimony has
been treated by some recent writers impugns
nothing but the scholarship of the cavillers.

I do not say that there are no ethnological
facts — it may be that we occasionally find ethno-
logical theories — in the Greek writers subsequent;
I only state that they by no means answer the
expectations raised by the names of the authors,
and the opportunities afforded by the nature
of their subjects. Something is found in Hippo-
crates in the way of theory as to the effect of ex-
ternal condition, something in Aristotle, something
in Plato — nothing, however, by which we find the
study of Man as an animal recognized as a separate
substantive branch of study. More than this — in
works where the description of new populations
was especially called for, and where the evidence

OF THE VARIETIES OF MAN. 13

of the writer would have been of the most unex-
ceptionable kind, we find infinitely less than there
ought to be. How little we learn of Persia from
the Cyropsedia, or of Armenia from the Anabasis —
yet how easily might Xenophon have told us
much!

Amongst the successors of Aristotle, we find
none who writes a treatise Trepl ftapfBdpwv — yet
how natural the subject, and how great the oppor-
tunities ! — great, because of the commerce of the
Euxine, and the institution of domestic slavery :
the one conducting the merchant to the ex-
treme Tanais, the other filling Athens with Thra-
cians, and Asia Minor with Africans. The advan-
tages which the Greeks of the age of Pericles
neglected, are the advantages which the Brazilian
Portuguese neglect at present, and which, until
lately, both the English and the States-men of
America neglected also. And the loss has been
great. Like time and tide, ethnology waits for no
man ; and, even as the Indian of America disap-
pears before the European, so did certain popula-
tions of antiquity. The process of extinction and
amalgamation is as old as history ; and whole fami-
lies have materially altered in character since the
beginning of the historical period. The present
population of Bulgaria, Wallachia, and Moldavia
is of recent introduction. What was the ancient ?
" Thracians and Getse " is the answer. But what

14 ROMAN WRITERS.

were they ? " Germans/' says one writer ; " Slavo-
nians," another ; " an extinct race," another. So
that there is doubt and difference of opinion.
Yet we know some little about them in other re-
spects. We know their political relations ; a little
of their creed, and manners ; the names of some
of their tribes. Their place in the classification of
the varieties of our species we do not know ; and
this is because, though the Greeks wrote the civil,
they neglected the physical history of Man.

Thrace, Asia Minor, and the Caucasus — these
are the areas for which the ancients might easily
have left descriptions, and for which they neglected
to do so ; the omission being irreparable.

The opportunities of the Roman were greater
than those of the Greek; and they were better
used. Dissertations, distantly approaching the
character of physical history, occur in even the
pure historical writers of Greece. I allude more
especially to the sketch of the manners and migra-
tions of the ancient Greeks in the first, and the
history of the Greek colonization of Sicily in the
sixth book of Thucydides. Parallels to these re-
appear in the Roman writers ; and, in some cases,
their proportion to the rest of the work is consider-
able. Sallust's sketch of Northern Africa, Tacitus'
of Jewish history are of this sort — and, far su-
perior to either, Caesar's account of Gaul and
Britain.

TACITUS — HIS GERMANIA. 15

The Germania* of Tacitus is the nearest ap-
proach to proper ethnology that antiquity has sup-
plied. It is far, however, from either giving us
the facts which are of the most importance, or
exhibiting the method of investigation by which
ethnology is most especially contrasted with
history.

But the true measure of the carelessness of the
Romans upon these points is to be taken by the
same rule which applied to that of the Greeks ;
i. e. the contrast between their opportunities and
their inquiry. Northern Italy, the Tyrol, Dal-
matia, Pannonia, have all stood undescribed in
respect to the ancient populations ; yet they were
all in a favourable position for description.

If the Jewish, Greek, and Roman writers give
but little, the literatures derived from them give
less ; though, of course, there is a numerous selec-
tion of important passages to be made from the
authors of the Middle Ages, as well as from the
Byzantine historians. Besides which, there is the
additional advantage of Greece and Rome having
ceased to be the only countries thought worthy
of being written about. A Gothic, a Slavonic, a

* The value of Tacitus as an authority is minutely investi-
gated in an ethnological edition of the Germania by the present
writer, now in course of publication. The object of the present
chapter is merely to show the extent to which the science in
question is of recent, rather than ancient, origin.

16 MIDDLE AGES.

Moorish history now make their appearance. Still
they are but civil — not natural — histories. How-
ever, our sphere of observation increases, the
members of the human family increase, and our
records increase. Nevertheless, the facts for the
naturalist occur but incidentally.

Of the Oriental literature I can only give my
impression ; and, as far as that goes, it is in favour
of the Chinese statements having the most, and
the Indian the least ethnological value ; indeed,
the former nation appears to have connected the
notice of the occupant population with the notice
of the area occupied, with laudable and sufficient
closeness. I believe, too, that several differences
of language are also carefully noted. Still, such
ethnology as this supplies is an educt from the^
works in question, rather than their subject.

We now come to times nearer our own. For
a sketch like the present, the Science begins when
the classification of the Human Varieties is first
attempted. Meanwhile, we must remember that
America has been discovered, and that our oppor-
tunities now differ from those of the ancients not
merely in degree but in kind. The field has been
infinitely enlarged; and the world has become
known in its extremities as well as in its middle
parts. The human naturalists anterior to the
times of Buffon and Linnaeus are like the great
men before Agamemnon. A minute literary hi-

BUFFON.

17

>ry would doubtless put forward some names for
this period ; indeed for some departments of the
study there are a few great ones. Still it begins
with the times of Linnaeus and Buffon — Buffon
first in merit. That writer held that a General
History of Man, as well as A Theory of the Earth,
was a necessary part of his great work; and, as
far as the former subject is concerned, he thought
rightly. It is this, too, in which he has succeeded
best. Thoroughly appreciating its importance,
he saw its divisions clearly ; and after eight chap-
ters on the Growth of Man, his Decay, and his
Senses, he devotes a ninth, as long as the others
put together, to the consideration of the Varieties
of the Human Species. "Every thing," he now
writes, " which we have hitherto advanced relates
to Man as an individual. The history of the
species requires a separate detail, of which the
principal facts can only be derived from the varie-
ties that are found in the inhabitants of different
regions. Of these varieties, the first and most
remarkable is the colour, the second the form and
size, and the third the disposition. Considered
in its full extent, each of these objects might
afford materials for a volume *." No man need
draw a clearer line between anthropology and
ethnology than this. Of the systematic classifica-
* Barr's Translation, vol. iv. p. 191.

c

18 LINNAEUS.

tion, which philology has so especially promoted,
no signs occur in his treatise ; on the other hand,
his appreciation of the effects of difference in
physical conditions is well-founded in substance,
and definitely expressed. To this he attributes
the contrast between the Negro, the American,
and the African, and, as a natural result, he com-
mits himself unequivocally to the doctrine of the
unity of the species.

Linnaeus took less cognizance of the species to
which he belonged ; the notice in the first edition
of the Systema Naturce being as follows : —

QUADRUPEDALIA.

Corpus hirsutum, pedes quatuor, femina viviparce,
lactifercK.

ANTHROPOMORPHA.
Denies primores iv. utrinque vel nulli.

[" Europaeus albescens.

H- *-«P- --H. lSSsTsSseSCenS-

^Africanus niger.

Anteriores. Posteriores.

SIMIA Digiti 5. Digiti 5. Simla, cauda carens.

Papio. Satyrus.

Posteriores anterioribus 1 Cercopithecus.
similes. j Cynocephalus.

BRADYPUS . . Digiti $. vei 2. DigitiS. Ai — ignavus.

Tardigradus.

DAUBENTON.

19

Now both Buffon and Linnaeus limit their con-
sideration of the bodily structure of man to the
phenomena of colour, skin, and hair; in other
words, to the so-called soft parts.

From the Greek word osteon = bone, we have
the anatomical term osteology • = the study of the
bony skeleton.

This begins with the researches of the contem-
porary and helpmate of Buifon. Daubenton first
drew attention to the base of the skull, and, amongst
the parts thereof, to the foramen ovale most espe- i
cially. Through iheforamen ovale the spinal chord is
continued into the brain, or — changing the expres-
sion— the brain prolonged into the spinal chord ;
whilst by its attachments the skull is connected
with the vertebral column. The more this point of
junction — the pivot on which the head turns — is in
the centre of the base of the skull, the more are
the conditions of the erect posture of man fulfilled;
the contrary being the case if the foramen lie
backward, as is the case with the ape as compared
with the Negro, and, in some instances, with the
Negro as compared with the European. I say in
some instances, because the backward position of
the foramen ovale in the Negro is by no means
either definite or constant. Now the notice of
the variations of the position of the foramen ovale —
one of the first specimens of ethnological criticism

20 CAMPER — BLUMENBACH,

applied to the hard parts of the human body — is
connected with the name of Daubenton.

The study of the skull — for the skeleton is now
dividing the attention of investigators with the
skin and hair — in profile is connected with that
of Camper. This brings us to his well-known
facial angle. It means the extent to which the
forehead retreated-, sloping backwards from the
root of the nose in some cases, and in others
rising perpendicularly above the face.

Now the osteology of Daubenton and Camper
was the osteology that Blumenbach found when
he took up the subject. It was something; but
not much.

In 1790, Blumenbach published his anatomical
description of ten skulls — his first decade — drawn
up with the special object of showing how certain
varieties of mankind differed from each other in
the conformation of so important an organ as
the skull of a reasonable being — a being thereby
distinguished and characterized.

He continued his researches; publishing at
intervals similar decades, to the number of six.
In 1820, he added to the last a pentad, so that
the whole list amounted to sixty-five.

It was in the third decade, published A.D. 1795,
that an unfortunate skull of a Georgian female
made its appearance. The history of this should

HIS GEORGIAN SKULL. 21

be given. Its owner was taken by the Russians,
and having been removed to Moscow died sud-
denly. The body was examined by Professor
Hiltenbrandt, and the skull presented to De Asch
of St. Petersburg. Thence it reached the collec-
tion of Blumenbach, of which it seems to have
been the gem — " universus hujus cranii habitus tarn
elegans et venustus, ut et tantum non semper vel
indoctorum, si qui collectionem meam contemplentur,
oculos eximia sua proportionis formositate feriat"
This encomium is followed by the description.
Nor is this all. A plaster cast of one of the most
beautiful busts of the Townley Museum was in
possession of the anatomist. He compared the
two; "and so closely did they agree that you
might take your oath of one having belonged to
the other" — " adeo istud huic respondere vides, ut
illud hujus prototypo quondam inhtesisse pejerares."
Lastly, he closes with an extract from Chardin,
enthusiastically laudatory of the beauty of the
women of Georgia, and adds that his skull verifies
the panegyric — " Respondet ceteroquin formosum
istud cranium, quod sane pro canone ideali habere
licet, Us qua de summa Georgians gentis pulwi-
tudine vel in vulgus nota sunt"

At the end of the decade in question he used
the epithets Mongolian, Ethiopian, and Caucasian
(Caucasia varietas}.

22 THE TERM CAUCASIAN.

In the next (A.D. 1808), he speaks of the ex-
cessive beauty — the ideal — the normal character of
his Georgian skull ; and speaks of his osteological
researches having established a quinary division
of the Human Species; naming them — 1. The
Caucasian; 2. The Mongolian; 3. The -ZEthiopic;
4. The American; and 5. The Malay.

Such is the origin of the term Caucasian-, a
term which has done much harm in Ethnology ;
a term to which Blumenbach himself gave an
undue value, and his followers a wholly false im-
port. This will be seen within a few pages.
Blumenbach's Caucasian class contained —

1. Most of the Europeans.

2. The Georgians, Circassians, and other fami-
lies of Caucasus.

3. The Jews, Arabs, and Syrians.

In the same year with the fourth decade of
Blumenbach, John Hunter gave testimony of the
value of the study of Man to Man, by a dissertation
with a quotation from Akenside on the title-page —

" the spacious West

And all the teeming regions of the South,
Hold not a quarry, to the curious flight
Of Knowledge half so tempting or so fair,
As Man to Man."

His tract was an Inaugural Dissertation, and
I merely mention it because it was written by
Hunter, and dedicated to Robertson.

CUVIER. 23

Cuvier, ia his Regne Animal, gives at consider-
able length the anthropological characteristics of
Man, and places him as the only species of the
genus Homo, the only genus of the order Bimana
=• two-handed; the apes being Quadrumana= four-
handed. This was the great practical recognition
of Man in his zoological relations.

In respect to the Ethnology, the classification
of Blumenbach was modified — and that by in-
creasing its generality. The absolute primary
divisions were reduced to three — the Malay and
the American being — not without hesitation —
subordinated to the Mongolian. Meanwhile, an
additional prominence was given to the group
which contained the Australians of Australia, and
the Papuans of New Guinea. Instead, however,
of being definitely placed, it was left for further
investigation.

The abuse of the term Caucasian was encou-
raged. Blumenbach had merely meant that his
favourite specimen had exhibited the best points
in the greatest degree. Cuvier speaks of tradi-
tions that ascribe the origin of mankind to the
mountain- range so-called — traditions of no gene-
ral diffusion, and of less ethnological value.

The time is now convenient for taking a retro-
spective view of the subject in certain other of its
branches. Colour, hair, skin, bone, stature — all

24 PHYSIOLOGY.

these are points of physical conformation or struc-
ture ; material and anatomical ; points which the
callipers or the scalpel investigates. But colour,
hair, skin, bone, and stature, are not the only
characteristics of man; nor yet the only points
wherein the members of his species differ from
each other. There is the function as well as the
organ ; and the parts of our body must be con-
sidered in regard to what they do as well as with
reference to what they are. This brings in the
questions of the phenomena of growth and decay,
— the average duration of life, — reproduction, and
other allied functions. This, the physiological
rather than the purely anatomical part of the sub-
ject, requires a short notice of its own. A priori,
we are inclined to say that it would be closely
united, in the practice of investigation, with what
it is so closely allied as a branch of science. Yet
such has not been exactly the case. The anato-
mists were physiologists as well ; and when Blu-
menbach described a skull, he, certainly, thought
about the power, or the want of power, of the
brain which it contained. But the speculators in
physiology were not also anatomists. Such specu-
lators, however, there were. An historian aspires
to philosophy. There are some facts which he
would account for; others on which he would
build a system. Hot climates favour precocity of

MONTESQUIEU HERDER. 25

the sexual functions. They also precipitate the
decay of the attractions of youth. Hence, a
woman who is a mother at twelve has outgrown
her beauty at twenty. From this it follows that
mental power and personal attractions become,
necessarily, disunited. Hence the tendency on
the part of the males to take wives in succession ;
whereby polygamy is shown to have originated in
a law of nature.

I do not ask whether this is true or false. I
merely remind the reader that the moment such
remarks occur, the natural history of Man has
become recognized as an ingredient in the civil.

The chief early writers who expanded the real
and supposed facts of the natural history of Man,
without being professed ethnologists, were Montes-
quieu and Herder. By advertising the subject,
they promoted it. It is doubtful whether they
did more.

We are still within the pale of physical pheno-
mena; and the purely intellectual, mental, or
moral characteristics of Man have yet to be consi-
dered. What divisions were founded upon the
difference between the arts of the Negro and the
arts of the Parisian ? What upon the contrast be-
tween the despotisms of Asia and the constitutions
of Europe ? What between the cannibalism of New
Zealand and the comparatively graminivorous diet

26 VALUE OF LANGUAGE.

of the Hindu ? There were not wanting natural-
ists who even in natural history insisted upon the
high value of such characters/ immaterial and su-
pra-sensual as they were. The dog and fox, the
hare and rabbit were alike in form ; different in
habits and temper —yet the latter fact had to be
recognized. Nay, more, it helped to verify the
specific distinctions which the mere differences of
form might leave doubtful.

All that can be said upon this matter is, that
no branch of the subject was earlier studied than
that which dealt with the manners and customs of
strange nations ; whilst no branch of it both was
and is half so defective as that which teaches us
their value as characteristics. With ten writers
familiar with the same facts there shall be ten dif-
ferent ways of appreciating them : —

" Manserunt hodieque manent vestigia ruris."
In the year 1851, this is the weakest part of the
science.

With one exception, however — indefinite and
inappreciable as may be the ethnological value of
such differences as those which exist between the
superstitions, moral feelings, natural affections, or
industrial habits of different families, there is one
great intellectual phenomenon which in definitude
yields to no characteristic whatever — I mean Lan-
guage. Whatever may be said against certain

VALUE OF LANGUAGE. 27

over-statements as to constancy, it is an undoubted
fact that identity of language is primd facie evi-
dence of identity of origin.

No reasonable man has denied this. It is not
conclusive, lout primd facie it undoubtedly is. More
cannot be said of colour, skin, hair, and skeleton.
Possibly, not so much.

Again, language without being identical may
be similar ; just as individuals without being bro-
thers or sisters may be first or second cousins.
Similarity, then, is primd facie evidence of rela-
tionship.

Lastly, this similarity may be weighed, mea-
sured, and expressed numerically ; an important
item in its value. Out of 100 words in two allied
languages, a per-centage of any amount between
1 and 99 may coincide. Language then is a de-
finite test, if it be nothing else. It has another
recommendation ; or perhaps I should say conve-
nience. It can be studied in the closet : so that
for one traveller who describes what he sees in
some far-distant country, there may be twenty
scholars at work in the libraries of Europe. This
is only partially the case with the osteologist.

Philological ethnology began betimes ; long
before ethnology, or even anthropology — which
arose earlier — had either a conscious separate

28 VALUE OF LANGUAGE.

existence or a name. It began even before the
physical researches of Buffon.

" There is more in language than in any of its
productions" — Many who by no means under-
value the great productions of literature join in
this : indeed it is only saying that the Greek
language is a more wonderful fact than the Ho-
meric poems, or the ^Eschyleau drama. This,
however, is only an expression of admiration at
the construction of so marvellous an instrument
as human speech.

' ' When history is silent, language is evidence "
— This is an explicit avowal of its value as an
instrument of investigation.

I cannot affiliate either of these sayings ; though
I hold strongly with both. They must prepare us
for a new term — the philological school of ethnology,
the philological principle of classification, the philo-
logical test. The worst that can be said of this is
that it was isolated. The philologists began work
independently of the anatomists, and the anato-
mists independently of the philologists. And so,
with one great exception, they have kept on.

Pigafetta, one of the circumnavigators with Ma-
galhaens, was the first who collected specimens of
the unlettered dialects of the countries that af-
forded opportunities.

HERVAS LEIBNITZ RELAND. 29

The Abbe Hervas in the 17th century, published
his Catalogue of Tongues, and Arithmetic of
Nations, parts of a large and remarkable work,
the Saggio del Universo. His data he collected
by means of an almost unlimited correspondence
with the Jesuit missionaries of the Propaganda.

The all-embracing mind of Leibnitz had not
only applied itself to philology, but had clearly
seen its bearing upon history. A paper on the
Basque language is a sample of the ethnology of
the inventor of Fluxions.

Reland wrote on the wide distribution of the
Malay tongue; criticised certain vocabularies
from the South-Sea Islands of Hoorn, Eg-
mont, Ticopia (then called Cocos Island), and
Solomon's Archipelago, and gave publicity to
a fact which even now is mysterious — the ex-
istence of Malay words in the language of Ma-
dagascar.

In 1801 Adelung's Mithridates appeared, con-
taining specimens of all the known languages of
the world ; a work as classical to the comparative
philologist as Blackstone's Commentaries are to
the English lawyer. Vater's Supplement (1821)
is a supplement to Adelung; Jiilg's (1845) to
Vater's.

Klaproth's is the other great classic in this de-
partment. His Asia Polyglotta and Sprachatlas

30 RELATION OF ETHNOLOGY

give us the classification of all the families of Asia,
according to the vocabularies representing their
languages. Whether a comparison between their
different grammars would do the same is doubtful ;
since it by no means follows that the evidence of
the two coincides.

Klaproth and Adelung have the same promi-
nence in philological that Buffon and Blumenbach
have in zoological ethnology.

Blumenbach appreciated the philological me-
thod : but the first who combined the two was
Dr. Prichard. His profession gave him the ne-
cessary physiology ; and that he was a philologist
amongst philologists is shown not only by nu-
merous details scattered throughout his writings,
but by his ' Eastern Origin of the Celtic Nations '
— the most definite and desiderated addition that
has been made to ethnographical philology. I
say nothing about the details of Dr. Prichard's
great work. Let those who doubt its value try
to do without it.

But there is still something wanting. The re-
lation of the sciences to the other branches of
knowledge requires fixing. With anthropology
the case is pretty clear. It comes into partial con-
tact with the naturalist sciences (or those based on
the principle of classification) and the biological
(or those based on the idea of organization and life) .

TO THE OTHER SCIENCES. 31

Ethnology, however, is more undecided in re-
spect to position. If it be but a form of history,
its place amongst the inductive sciences is equi-
vocal; since neither the laws which it developes
nor the method of pursuing it give it a place here.
These put it in the same category with a series of
records taken from the testimony of witnesses, or
with a book of travels — literary but not scientific.
And so it really is to a certain extent. Two re-
markable productions, however, have determined
its relations to be otherwise.

In Sir C. LyelPs ' Principles of Geology ' we
have an elaborate specimen of reasoning from the
known to the unknown, and of the inference of
causes from effects. It would have been discre-
ditable to our philosophy if such a sample of logic
put in practice had been disregarded.

Soon after, came forth the pre-eminently sug-
gestive works, par nobile, of the present Master of
Trinity College, Cambridge. Here we are taught
that in the sciences of geology, ethnology, and
archaeology, the method determines the character of
the study ; and that in all these we argue back-
wards. Present effects we know ; we also know
their causes as far as the historical period goes
back. When we get beyond this, we can still reason
— reason from the experience that the historical
period has supplied. Climate, for instance, and

32 RELATION OF ETHNOLOGY

certain other conditions have some effect ; within
the limits of generation a small, within that of a
millenium a larger one. Hence, before we dismiss
a difference as inexplicable, we must investigate the
changes that may have produced it, the conditions
which may have determined those changes, and the
time required from the exhibition of their influence.
In Dr. Prichard's ( Anniversary Address/ deli-
vered before the Ethnological Society of London
in 1847 — a work published after the death of its
illustrious author — this relationship to Geology is
emphatically recognized : — ' ' Geology, as every one
knows, is not an account of what nature produces
in the present day, but of what it has long ago
produced. It is an investigation of the changes
which the surface of our planet has undergone in
ages long since past. The facts on which the in-
ferences of geology are founded, are collected from
various parts of Natural History. The student of
geology inquires into the processes of nature which
are at present going on, but this is for the pur-
pose of applying the knowledge so acquired to an
investigation of what happened in past times, and
of tracing, in the different layers of the earth's
crust — displaying, as they do, relics of various
forms of organic life — the series of the repeated
creations which have taken place. This investi-
gation evidently belongs to History or Archaeology,

TO THE OTHER SCIENCES. 33

Ither than to what is termed Natural History.
_y a learned writer, whose name will ever be con-
nected with the annals of the British Association,
the term Palaeontology has been aptly applied to
sciences of this department, for which Physical
Archaeology may be used as a synonym. Palaeon- \
tology includes both Geology and Ethnology. Geo- ;
logy is the archaeology of the globe — ethnology j
that of its human inhabitants."

When ethnology loses its palaeontological cha-
racter, it loses half its scientific elements ; and the
practical and decided recognition of this should be
the characteristic of the English school of ethno-
logists.

This chapter will conclude with the notice of the
bearings of the palaeontological method upon one
of the most difficult parts of ethnology, viz. the
identification of ancient populations, or the distri-
bution of the nations mentioned by the classical,
scriptural and older oriental writers amongst the
existing or extinct stocks and families of mankind.

There are the Etruscans — who were they ? The
Pelasgians — who were they ? The Huns that over-
run Europe in the fifth century; the Cimmerii that
devastated Asia, 900 years earlier ? Archaeology
answers some of these questions; and the testi-
mony of ancient writers helps us in others. Yet
both mislead — perhaps, almost as often as they

D

34 CRITICISM

direct us rightly. If it were not so, there would
be less discrepancy of opinion.

Nevertheless, up to the present time the pri-
mary fact concerning any such populations has
always been the testimony of some ancient historian
or geographer, and the first question that has been
put is, What say Tacitus — Strabo — Herodotus —
Ptolemy, &c. &c. ? In critical hands the inquiries
go further; and statements are compared, testi-
monies weighed in a balance against each other,
the opportunities of knowing, and the honesty in
recording of the respective authors investigated. In
this way a sketch of ancient Greece by Thucydides
has a value which the authority of a lesser writer
would fail to give it — and so on with others.
Nevertheless, what Thucydides wrote he wrote
from report, and inferences — report, most pro-
bably, carefully weighed, and inferences legiti-
mately drawn. Yet sources of error, for which
he is not to be held responsible, are innumerable.
He went upon hearsay evidence — he sifted it,
perhaps ; but still he went upon hearsay evidence
only. How do we value such evidence ? By the
natural probabilities of the account it constitutes.
By what means do we ascertain these ?

I submit there is but one measure here — the
existing state of things as either known to our-
selves, or known to contemporaries capable of

OF ANCIENT WRITERS. 35

learning them at the period nearest the time under
consideration. This we examine as the effect of
some antecedent cause — or series of causes. Hot)
<7Tc3 ; says the scholar. On the dictum of such or
such an author. Hov crrw ; says the Archimedean
ethnologist. On the last testified fact.

Of the unsatisfactory character of anything
short of contemporary testimony in the identifica-
tion of ancient nations, the pages and pages that
nine-tenths of the historians bestow upon the
mysterious Pelasgi is a specimen. Add Niebuhr
to Miiller, and Thirlwall to Niebuhr — Pelion to
Ossa, and Olympus to Pelion — and what/acfa do
we arrive at — facts that we may rely on as such,
facts supported by contemporary evidence, and
recorded under opportunities of being ascertained ?
Just the three recognized by Mr. Grote ; viz. that
their language was spoken at Khreston — that it
was spoken at Plakese — that it differed, in some
unascertained degree, from the Greek.

This is all that the ethnologist recognizes ; and
from this he argues as he best can. Every fact,
less properly supported by either first-hand or
traceable evidence, he treats with indifference. It
may be good in history; but it is not good for
him. He has too much use to put it to, too much
to build upon it, too much argument to work out
of it, to allow it to be other than unimpeachable.

D2

36 TACITUS.

Again — Tacitus carries his Germania as far as
the Niemen, so as to include the present countries
of Mecklenburg, Pomerania, Brandenburg, West
and East Prussia, and Courland. Is this impro-
bable in itself ? No. The area is by no means
immoderately large. Is it improbable when we
take the present state of those countries in ques-
tion ? No. They are German at present. Is it
improbable in any case ? and if so, in what ? Yes.
It becomes improbable when we remember that
the present Germans have been as unequivocally
and undoubtedly recent immigrants for the parts
in question, as are the English of the Valley of the
Mississippi, and that at the beginning of the hi-
storical period the whole of them were Slavonic,
with nothing but the phraseology of Tacitus to
prevent us from believing that they always had
been so. But it is also improbable that so re-
spectable a writer as Tacitus should be mistaken.
Granted. And here begins the conflict of difficul-
ties. Nevertheless, the primary ethnological fact
is the state of things as it existed when the coun-
tries under consideration were first accurately
known, taken along with the probability or impro-
bability of its having so existed for a certain perioc
previous, as compared with the probability or im-
probability of the migrations and other assump-
tions necessary for its recent introduction.

ETHNOLOGY. 37

CHAPTER II.

Ethnology — its objects — the chief problems connected with it —
prospective questions — transfer of populations — Extract from
Knox — correlation of certain parts of the body to certain ex-
ternal influences — parts less subject to such influences — retro-
spective questions — the unity or non-unity of our species —
opinions — plurality of species — multiplicity of protoplasts —
doctrine of development — Dokkos — Extract — antiquity of
our species — its geographical origin — the term race.

IN Cuvier — as far as he goes — we find the anthro-
pological view of the subject predominant ; and
this is what we expect from the nature of the work
in which it occurs : the degree in which one genus
or species differs from the species or genus next
to it being the peculiar consideration of the sy-
stematic naturalist. To exhibit our varieties
would have required a special monograph.

In Prichard on the contrary ethnology prepon-
derates; of anthropology, in the strict sense of
the word, there being but little ; and the ethnology
is of a broad and comprehensive kind. Descrip-
tion there is, and classification there is ; but, besides
this, there is a great portion of the work devoted
to what may be called Ethnological Dynamics, i. e.
the appreciation of the effect of the external con-

38 WHEWELL PRICHARD LAWRANCE.

ditions of climate, latitude, relative sea-level and
the like upon the human body.

Prichard is the great repertory of facts; and
read with WhewelPs commentary it gives us the
Science in a form sufficiently full for the purposes
of detail, and sufficiently systematic for the basis
of further generalization. Still it must be read
with the commentary already mentioned. If not,
it fails in its most intellectual element ; and be-
comes a system of simple records, rather than a
series of subtle and peculiar inferences. So read,
however, it gives us our facts and classifications in
a working form. In other words, the Science has
now taken its true place and character.

If more than this be needed — and for the an-
thropology, it may be thought by some that
Cuvier is too brief, and Prichard too exclusively eth-
nological— the work of Lawrance forms the com-
plement. These, along with Adelung and Klaproth,
form the Thesaurus Ethnologicus. But the facts
which they supply are like the sword of the Ma-
hometan warrior. Its value depended on the arm
that wielded it ; and such is the case here. No
book has yet been written which can implicitly be
taken for much more than its facts. Its inferences
and classification must be criticised. Be this, how-
ever, as it may, in A.D. 1846 Mr. Mill writes, that
"concerning the physical nature of man, as an

MILL.

39

organized being, there has been much controversy,
which can only be terminated by the general ac-
knowledgement and employment of stricter rules
of induction than are commonly recognized; there
is, however, a considerable body of truth which all
who have attended to the subject consider to be
fully established, nor is there now any radical
imperfection in the method observed in this de-
partment of science by its most distinguished
modem teachers."

This could not have been written thirty years
ago. The department of science would, then, have
been indefinite ; and the teachers would not have
been distinguished.

It may now be as well to say what Ethnology
and Anthropology are not. Their relations to hi-
story have been considered. Archeology illustrates
each ; yet the moment that it is confounded with
either, mischief follows. Psychology, or the Science
of the laws of Mind, has the same relation to them
as Physiology — mutatis mutandis ; i. e. putting
Mind in the place of Body.

But nearer than either are its two subordinate
studies of Ethology*, or the Science of Character,
by which we determine the kind of character pro-
duced in conformity with the laws of Mind, by any
set of circumstances, physical as well as moral ; and
* From the Greek word (rjflos) ethos = character.

40 ETHNOLOGY.

the Science of Society which investigates the action
and reaction of associated masses* on each other.

Such then is our Science ; which the principle
of Division of Labour requires to be marked off
clearly in order to be worked advantageously.
And now we ask the nature of its objects. It has
not much to do with the establishment of any
laivs of remarkable generality; a circumstance
which, in the eyes of some, may subtract from its
value as a science ; the nearest approach to any-
thing of this kind being the general statement
implied in the classifications themselves. Its real
object is the solution of certain problems — pro-
blems which it investigates by its own peculiar
method — and problems of sufficient height and
depth and length and breadth to satisfy the most
ambitious. All these are referable to two heads,
and connect themselves with either the past or the
future history of our species; its origin or destination.

We see between the Negro and the American
a certain amount of difference. Has this always
existed ? If not, how was it brought about ? By
what influences ? In what time ? Quickly or
slowly? These questions point backwards, and
force upon us the consideration of what has been.

* Called by Comte Sociology, a name half Latin and half
Greek, and consequently too barbarous to be used, if its use can
be avoided.

KNOX. 41

I But the next takes us forwards. Great experi-
ments in the transfer of populations from one cli-
mate to another have gone on ever since the dis-
covery of America, and are going on now ; some-
times westwards as to the New World ; sometimes
eastwards as to Australia and New Zealand ; now
from Celtic populations like Ireland; now from
Gothic countries like England and Germany ; now
from Spain and Portugal ;— to say nothing of 'the
equally great phenomenon of Negro slavery being
the real or supposed condition of American pros-
perity. Will this succeed? Ask this at Phila-
delphia, or Lima, Sydney, or Auckland, and the
answer is pretty sure to be in the affirmative.
Ask it of one of our English anatomists. His
answer is as follows : — ' ' Let us attend now to the
greatest of all experiments ever made in respect of
the transfer of a population indigenous to one
continent, and attempting by emigration to take
possession of another; to cultivate it with their
own hands ; to colonize it ; to persuade the world,
in time, that they are the natives of the newly oc-
cupied land. Northern America and Australia
furnished the fields of this, the greatest of experi-
ments. Already has the horse, the sheep, the ox,
become as it were indigenous to these lands. Na-
ture did not place them there at first, yet they
seem to thrive and flourish, and multiply exceed-
ingly. Yet, even as regards these domestic ani-

42 KNOX.

mals, we cannot be quite certain. Will they even-
tually be self-supporting ? Will they supplant the
llama, the kangaroo, the buffalo, the deer ? or in
order to effect this, will they require to be con-
stantly renovated from Europe ? If this be the
contingency, then the acclimatation is not perfect.
How is it with man himself? The man planted
there by nature, the Red-Indian, differs from all
others on the face of the earth ; he gives way before
the European races, the Saxon and the Celtic ; the
Celt, Iberian, and the Lusitanian in the south; the
Celt and the Saxon in the north.

" Of the tropical regions of the New World, I
need not speak ; every one knows that none but
those whom nature placed there can live there; that
no Europeans can colonize a tropical country. But
may there not be some doubts of their self-support
in milder regions? Take the Northern States
themselves. There the Saxon and, the Celt seem
to thrive beyond all that is recorded in history.
But are we quite sure that this is fated to be per-
manent ? Annually from Europe is poured a
hundred thousand men and women of the best
blood of the Scandinavian, and twice the number
of the pure Celt ; and so long as this continues,
he is sure to thrive. But check it, arrest it sud-
denly, as in the case of Mexico and Peru ; throw
the onus of reproduction upon the population, no
longer European, but a struggle between the Euro-

KNOX. 43

pean alien and his adopted father-land. The cli-
mate ; the forests ; the remains of the aborigines
not yet extinct ; last, not least, that unknown and
mysterious degradation of life and energy, which
in ancient times seems to have decided the fate of
all the Phoenician, Grecian, and Coptic colonies.
Cut off from their original stock, they gradually
withered and faded, and finally died away .The
Phoenician never became acclimatized in Africa,
nor in Cornwall, nor in Wales; vestiges of his
race, it is true, still remain, but they are mere
vestiges. Peru and Mexico are fast retrograding
to their primitive condition ; may not the Northern
States, under similar circumstances, do the same ?
"Already the United States man differs in appear-
ance from the European : the ladies early lose their
teeth ; in both sexes the adipose cellular cushion
interposed between the skin and the aponeuroses
and muscles disappears, or, at least, loses its adipose
portion; the muscles become stringy, and show
themselves; the tendons appear on the surface;
symptoms of premature decay manifest themselves.
Now what do these signs, added to the uncertainty
of infant life in the Southern States, and the
smallness of their families in the Northern, indi-
cate ? Not the conversion of the Anglo-Saxon into
the Red-Indian, but warnings that the climate has
not been made for him, nor he for the climate.

44 KXOX.

" See what even a small amount of insulation
has done for the French Celt in Lower Canada.
Look at the race there ! Small men, small horses,
small cattle, still smaller carts, ideas smallest of
all ; he is not even the Celt of modern France !
He is the French Celt of the Regency, the thing of
Louis XIII. Stationary — absolutely stationary —
his numbers, I believe, depend on the occasional
admixture of fresh blood from Europe. He has
increased to a million since his first settlement in
Canada ; but much of this has come from Britain,
and not from France. Give us the statistics of the
original families who keep themselves apart from
the fresh blood imported into the province. Let
us have the real and solid increase of the original
habitans, as they are pleased to call themselves,
and then we may calculate on the result.

"Had the colony been left to itself, cut off
from Europe, for a century or two, it is my belief
that the forest and the buffalo, and the Red-Indian,
would have pushed him into the St. Lawrence*."

I give no opinion as to the truth of the extract;
remarking that, whether right or wrong, it is forci-
bly and confidently expressed. All that the passage
has to do is to illustrate the character of the ques-
tion. It directs our consideration to what will be.

To work out questions in either of these classes,
* Knox, Races of Men, pp. 73, 74.

ADAPTATION. 45

there must, of course, be some reference to the
general operations of climate, food, and other in-
fluences;— operations which imply a correlative
susceptibility of modification on the part of the
human organism.

In a well-constructed machine, the different
parts have a definite relation to each. The greater
the resistance, the thicker the ropes and chains ;
and the thicker the ropes and chains, the stronger
the pulleys ; the stronger the pulleys, the greater
the force ; and so on throughout. Delicate pulleys
with heavy ropes, or light lines with bulky pulleys,
would be so much power wasted. The same applies
to the skeleton. If the muscle be massive, the
bone to which it is attached must be firm ; other-
wise there is a disproportion of parts. In this re-
spect the organized and animated body agrees with
a common machine, the work of human hands.
It agrees with, but it also surpasses it. It has an
internal power of self-adjustment. No amount of
work would convert a thin line into a strong rope,
or a light framework into a strong one. If bulk
be wanted, it must be given in the first instance.
But what is it with the skeleton, the framework
to the muscles ? It has the power of adapting
itself to the stress laid upon it. The food that we
live upon is of different degrees of hardness and
toughness ; and the harder and tougher it is, the

46 ADAPTATION.

more work is there for the muscles of the lower
jaw. But, as these work, they grow; for — other
things being equal — size is power ; and as they
grow, other parts must grow also. There are the
bones. How they grow is a complex question.
Sometimes a smooth surface becomes rough, a fine
bone coarse ; sometimes a short process becomes
lengthened, or a narrow one broadens ; sometimes
the increase is simple or absolute, and the bone in
question changes its character without affecting
that of the parts in contact with it. But fre-
quently there is a complication of changes, and the
development of one bone takes place at the expense
of another ; the relations of the different portions
of parts of a skeleton being thus altered.

A skeleton, then, may be modified by the action
of its own muscles; in other words, wherever
there are muscles that are liable to an increase of
mass, there are bones similarly susceptible — bones
upon which asperities, ridges, or processes may be
developed — bones from which asperities, ridges, or
processes may disappear, and bones of which the
relative proportions may be varied. In order,
however, that this must take place, there must be
the muscular action which determines it.

Now this applies to the hard parts, or the
skeleton ; and as it is generally admitted, that if
the bony framework of the body can be thus mo-

THE IDEA.

47

lified by the action of its own muscles, the extreme
conditions of heat, light, aliment, moisture, &c.,
will, a fortiori, affect the soft parts, such as the
skin and adipose tissue. Neither have any great
difficulties been raised in respect to the varieties
of colour in the iris, and of colour and texture,
both, in the hair.

But what if we have in certain hard parts a
difference without its corresponding tangible mo-
difying cause ? What if parts which no muscle
acts upon vary ? In such a case we have a new
class of facts, and a new import given to it. We
no longer draw our illustrations from the ropes
and pulleys of machines. Adaptation there may
be, but it is no longer an adaptation of the simple
straightforward kind that we have exhibited. It
is an adaptation on the principle which determines
the figure-head of a vessel, not one on the prin-
ciple which decides the rigging. Still there is a
principle on both sides; on one, however, there is
an evident connection of cause and effect ; on the
other, the notion of choice, or spontaneity of an
idea, is suggested.

In this way, the consideration of a tooth differs
from that of the jaw in which it is implanted. No
muscles act directly upon it ; and all that pressure
at its base can do is to affect the direction of its
growth. The form of its crown it leaves untouched.

48 THE IDEA.

How — I am using almost the words of Prof. Owen
— can we conceive the development of the great
canine of the chimpanzee to be a result of external
stimuli, or to have been influenced by muscular
actions, when it is calcified before it cuts the gum,
or displaces its deciduous predecessor — a structure
preordained, a weapon prepared prior to the deve-
lopment of the forces by which it is to be wielded*?

This illustrates the difference between the parts
manifestly obnoxious to the influence of external
conditions and the parts which either do not vary
at all, or vary according to unascertained laws.

With the former we look to the conditions oi
sun, air, habits, or latitude; the latter we inter
pret, as we best can, by references to other species
or to the same in its earlier stages of develop
ment.

Thus, the so-called supra-orbital ridge, or the
prominence of the lower portion of forehead ovei
the nose and eyes, is more marked in some indi-
viduals than in others ; and more marked in the
African and Australian varieties than our own.
This is an ethnological fact.

Again — and this is an anthropological fact — it
is but moderately developed in man at all : whilst
in the orang-utan it is moderate; and in the

* On the Osteology of the Great Chimpanzee. By Professor
Owen, in the Philosophical Transactions.

PROBLEMS, 49

chimpanzee enormously and characteristically de-
veloped.

Hence it is one of the nine points whereby the
Pithecus Wurmbii approaches man more closely
than the Trolodytes Gorilla*, in opposition to the
twenty-four whereby the Troglodytes Gorilla comes
nearer to us than the Pithecus Wurmbii.

Had this ridge given attachment to muscles, we
should have asked what work those muscles did,
and how far it varied in different regions, instead
of thinking much about either the Pithecus Wurm-
bii or the Troglodytes Gorilla.

However, it is certain problems which constitute
the higher branches of ethnology j and it is to the
investigation of these that the department of eth-
nological dynamics is subservient. Looking back-
wards we find, first amongst the foremost, the grand
questions as to —

1. The unity or non-unity of the species.

2. Its antiquity.

3. Its geographical origin.

The unity or non-unity of the human species
has been contemplated under a great multiplicity of
aspects; some involving the fact itself, some the
meaning of the term species.

1. Certain points of structure are constant.

* Owen, Philosophical Transactions, Feb. 22, 1848.

E

50 QUESTION OF SPECIES.

This is one reason for making man tbe only spe-
cies of genus, and the only genus of his order.

2. All mixed breeds are prolific. This is another.

3. The evidence of language indicates a common
origin ; and the simplest form of this is a single
pair. This is a third.

4. We can predicate a certain number of general
propositions concerning the class of beings called
Human. This merely separates them from all
other classes. It does not determine the nature
of the class itself in respect to its members. It
may fall in divisions and subdivisions.

5. The species may be one; but the number of
first pairs may be numerous. This is the doctrine
of the multiplicity of protoplasts* .

6. The species may have had no protoplast at
all; but may have been developed out of some
species anterior to it, and lower in the scale of
Nature, this previous species itself having been
so evolved. In this case, the protoplast is thrown
indefinitely backwards ; in other words, the pro-
toplast of one species is the protoplast of many.

7. The genus Homo may fall into several species;
so that what some call the varieties of a single spe-
cies are really different species of a single genus.

8. The varieties of mankind may be too great

* From prot os— first, and p las t on = formed.

QUESTION OF SPECIES. 51

to be included in even a genus. There may be two
or even more genera to an order.

9. Many of the present varieties may represent
the intermixtures of species no longer extant in a
pure state.

10. All known varieties may be referable to a
single species j but there may be new species un-
described.

11. All existing varieties may be referable to a
single species ; but certain species may have ceased
to exist.

Such are the chief views which are current
amongst learned men on this point ; though they
have not been exhibited in a strictly logical form,
inasmuch as differences of opinion as to the mean-
ing of the term species have been given in the
same list with differences of opinion as to the fact
of our unity or non-unity.

These differences of opinion are not limited to
mere matters of inference. The facts on which
such inferences rest are by no means unanimously
admitted. Some deny the constancy of certain
points of structure, and more deny the permanent
fecundity of mixed breeds. Again, the evidence
of language applies only to known tongues ; whilst
the fourth view is based upon a logical rather than
a zoological view of species.

The doctrine of a multiplicity of protoplasts is

52 MULTIPLICITY OF

common. Many zoologists hold it, and they have
of course zoological reasons for doing so. Others
hold it upon grounds of a very different description
— grounds which rest upon the assumption of a
final cause, Man is a social animal. Let the im-
port of this be ever so little exaggerated. The term
is a correlative one. The wife is not enough to
the husband ; the pair requires its pair for society's
sake. Hence, if man be not formed to live alone
now, he was not formed alone at first. To be bom
a member of society, there must be associates.
This is the teleological * — perhaps it may be called
the theological — reason for the multiplicity of pro-
toplasts.

Its wow-inductive character subtracts something
from its value.

The difficulty of drawing a line as to the mag-
nitude of the original society subtracts more. If
we admit a second pair, why not grant a village,
a town, a city and its corporation ? &c.

Again, this is either a primitive civilization or
something very like it. Where are its traces?
Nevertheless, if we grant certain assumptions in
respect to the history of human civilization, the te-
leological doctrine of the multiplicity of protoplasts
is difficult to refute.

And so is the zoological ; provided that we make
* From the Greek telos=an end.

PROTOPLASTS. 53

concessions in the way of language. Let certain
pairs have been created with the capacity but not
the gift of speech, so that they shall have learned
their language of others. Or let all, at first, have
been in this predicament, and some have evolved
speech earlier than others — a speech eventually
extended to all. It is not easy to answer such
an argument as this.

The multiplicity of protoplasts is common
ground to the zoologist and the human naturalist,
although the phenomena of speech and society
give the latter the larger share. The same applies
to the doctrine of development. The fundamental
affinity which connects all the forms of human
speech is valid against the transcendentalist only
when he assumes that each original of a species
of Man appeared, as such, with his own proper
language. Let him allow this to have been origi-
nally dumb, and with only the capacity of learning
speech from others, and all arguments in favour
of the unity of species drawn from the similarity
of language fall to the ground.

The eighth doctrine is little more than an
exaggeration of the seventh. The seventh will
not be noticed now, simply because the facts which
it asserts and denies pervade the whole study of
ethnology, and appear and re-appear at every
point of our investigations.

54 NONDESCRIPT SPECIES.

All known varieties may be referable to a
single species ; but there may be other species unde-
scribed. — What are the reasons for believing this?
Premising that Dilbo was a slave from whom Dr.
Beke collected certain information respecting
the countries to the south-west of Abyssinia, I
subjoin the following extract : —

" The countries on the west and south-west of
Kaffa are, according to Dilbo, Damboro, Bonga,
Koolloo, Kootcha, Soofa, Tooffte, and Doko; on
the east and south-east are the plains of Woratto,
Walamo, and Talda.

" The country of Doko is a month's journey
distant from Kaffa ; and it seems that only those
merchants who are dealers in slaves go farther
than Kaffa. The most common route passes
Kaffa in a south-westerly direction, leading to
Damboro, afterwards to Kootcha, Koolloo, and
then passing the river Erow to Tooffte, where
they begin to hunt the slaves in Doko, of which
chase I shall give a description as it has been
stated to me, and the reader may use his own
judgement respecting it.

"Dilbo begins with stating that the people of
Doko, both men and women, are said to be no taller
than boys nine or ten years old. They never ex-
ceed that height, even in the most advanced age.
They go quite naked; their principal food are

THE DOKOS. 55

ants, snakes, mice, and other things which com-
monly are not used as food. They are said to be
so skilful in finding out the ants and snakes, that
Dilbo could not refrain from praising them greatly
on that account. They are so fond of this food,
that even when they have become acquainted with
better aliment in Enarea and Kaffa, they are
nevertheless frequently punished for following
their inclination of digging in search of ants and
snakes, as soon as they are out of sight of their
masters. The skins of snakes are worn by them
about their necks as ornaments. They also climb
trees with great skill to fetch down the fruits;
and in doing this they stretch their hands down-
wards and their legs upwards. They live in ex-
tensive forests of bamboo and other woods, which
are so thick that the slave-hunter finds it very
difficult to follow them in these retreats. These
hunters sometimes discover a great number of the
Dokos sitting on the trees, and then they use the
artifice of showing them shining things, by which
they are enticed to descend, when they are cap-
tured without difficulty. As soon as a Doko be-
gins to cry he is killed, from the apprehension
that this, as a sign of danger, will cause the others
to take to their heels. Even the women climb on
the trees, where in a few minutes a great number
of them may be captured and sold into slavery,

56 NONDESCRIPT SPECIES.

"The Dokos live mixed together; men and
women unite and separate as they please; and
this Bilbo considers as the reason why the tribe
has not been exterminated, though frequently a
single slave-dealer returns home with a thousand
of them reduced to slavery. The mother suckles
the child only as long as she is unable to find
ants and snakes for its food : she abandons it as
soon as it can get its food by itself. No rank or
order exists among the Dokos. Nobody orders,
nobody obeys, nobody defends the country, nobody
cares for the welfare of the nation. They make
no attempts to secure themselves but by running
away. They are as quick as monkeys ; and they are
very sensible of the misery prepared for them by
the slave-hunters, who so frequently encircle their
forests and drive them from thence into the open
plains like beasts. They put their heads on the
ground, and stretch their legs up wards, and cry, in a
pitiful manner, ' Yer ! yer ! > Thus they call on the
Supreme Being, of whom they have some notion,
and are said to exclaim, ' If you do exist, why do
you suffer us to die, who do not ask for food or
clothes, and who live on snakes, ants, and mice ?'
Dilbo stated that it was no rare thing to find five
or six Dokos in such a position and state of mind.
Sometimes these people quarrel among themselves,
when they eat the fruit of the trees; then the

THE DOKOS. 57

stronger one throws the weaker to the ground,
and the latter is thus frequently killed in a mise-
rable way.

" In their country it rains incessantly ; at least
from May to January, and even later the rain
does not cease entirely. The climate is not cold,^
but_very wet. The traveller, in going from Kaffa
to Dokoj must pass over a high country, and cross
several rivers, which fall into the Gochob.

" The language of the Dokos is a kind of mur-
muring, which is understood by no one but them-
selves and their hunters. The Dokos evince
much sense and skill in managing the affairs of
their masters, to whom they are soon much
attached ; and they render themselves valuable to
such a degree, that no native of Kaffa ever sells
one of them to be sent out of the country. As
Captain Clapperton says of the slaves of Nyffie : —
' The very slaves of this people are in great request,
and when once obtained are never again sold out
of the country/ The inhabitants of Enarea and
Kaffa sell only those slaves which they have taken
in their border-wars with the tribes living near
them, but never a Doko. The Doko is also averse
to being sold ; he prefers death to separating from
his master, to whom he has attached himself.

"The access to the country of Doko is very
difficult, as the inhabitants of Damboro, Koolloo,

58 NONDESCRIPT SPECIES.

and Tooffte are enemies to the traders from Kaffa,
though these tribes are dependent on Kaffa, and
pay tribute to its sovereigns ; for these tribes are
intent on preserving for themselves alone the ex-
clusive privilege of hunting the Dokos, and of
trading with the slaves thus obtained.

" Dilbo did not know whether the tribes resi-
ding south and west of the Dokos persecute this
unhappy nation in the same cruel way.

" This is Dilbo's account of the Dokos, a nation
of pigmies, who are found in so degraded a condi-
tion of human nature that it is difficult to give
implicit credit to his account. The notion of a
nation of pigmies in the interior of Africa is very
ancient, as Herodotus speaks of them in II. 32."

Now those who believe in the Dokos at all, may
fairly believe them to constitute a new species.

Other imperfectly known populations maybe put
forward in a similar point of view.

All existing varieties may be referable to a single
species ; but certain species may have ceased to exist.
— There is a considerable amount of belief in this
respect. We see, in certain countries, which are at
present barbarous vestiges of a prior civilization,
works, like those of Mexico and Peru for instance,
which the existing inhabitants confess to be beyond
their powers. Be it so. Is the assumption of a
different species with architectural propensities

EXTINCT SPECIES. 59

more highly developed, legitimate ? The reader will
answer this question in his own way. I can only
say that such assumptions have been made.

Again — ancient tombs exhibit skeletons which
differ from the living individuals of the country.
Is a similar assumption here justifiable ? It has
been made.

The most remarkable phsenomena of the kind
in question are to be found in the history of the
Peruvians.

The parts about the Lake Titicaca form the
present country of the Aymaras, whose heads are
much like those of the other Americans, whose
taste for architecture is but slight, and whose
knowledge of having descended from a people
more architectural than themselves is none.

Nevertheless, there are vast ruins in their di-
strict ; whilst the heads of those whose remains are
therein preserved have skulls with the sutures ob-
literated, and with remarkable frontal, lateral, and
occipital depressions.

Does this denote an extinct species ? Indi-
vidually, I think it does not ; because, individually,
with many others, I know that certain habits de-
cline, and I also believe that the flattenings of the
head are artificial. Nevertheless, if I, ever so little,
exaggerated the permanency of habits, or if I
identified a habit with an instinct, or if I con-

60 ANTIQUITY.

sidered the skulls natural) the chances are that I
should recognise the remains of ancient stock —
possibly an ancient species—- without congeners
and without descendants.

The antiquity of the human species. — Our views
on this point depend upon our views as to its
unity or non-unity ; so much so, that unless we
assume either one or the other, the question of
antiquity is impracticable. And it must also be
added that, unless the inquiry is to be excessively
complicated, the unity-doctrine must take the form
of descent from a single pair.

Assuming this, we take the most extreme speci-
mens of difference, whether it be in the way of
physical conformation or mental phenomena — of
these last, language being the most convenient.
After this, we ask the time necessary for bringing
about the changes effected; the answer to this
resting upon the induction supplied within the
historical period ; an answer requiring the appli-
cation of what has already been called Ethnological
Dynamics.

On the other hand, we may assume a certain
amount of original difference, and investigate the
time requisite for effecting the existing amount of
similarity.

The first of these methods requires a long, the
second a short period; indeed, descent from a

GEOGRAPHICAL ORIGIN OF SPECIES. 61

single pair implies a geological rather than a histo-
rical date.

Furthermore— -that uniformity in the average
rate of change which the geologist requires, eth-
nology requires also,

The geographical origin of Man. — Supposing
all the varieties of Man to have originated from a
single protoplast pair, in what part of the world
was that single protoplast pair placed ? Or, sup-
posing such protoplast pairs to have been nume-
rous, what were the respective original locations
of each? I ask these questions without either
giving any answer to them, or exhibiting any
method for discovering one. Of the three great
problems it is the one which has received the least
consideration, and the one concerning which there
is the smallest amount of decided opinion. The
conventional, provisional, or hypothetical cradle of
the human species is, of course, the most central
point of the inhabited world; inasmuch as this
gives us the greatest amount of distribution with
the least amount of migration ; but, of course,
such a centre is wholly unhistorical.

Race — What is the meaning of this word ?

Does it mean variety 1 If so, why not say
variety at once ?

Does it mean species ? If it do, one of the two
phrases is superfluous.

62 RACE.

In simple truth it means either or neither, as
the case may be ; and is convenient or superfluous
according to the views of the writer who uses it.

If he believe that groups and classes like the
Negro, the Hottentot, the American, the Austra-
lian, or the Mongolian, differ from each other as
the dog differs from the fox, he talks of species. He
has made up his mind.

But, perhaps, he does no such thing. His mind
is made up the other way. Members of such
classes may be to Europeans, and to each other,
just what the cur is to the pug, the pointer to the
beagle, &c. They may be varieties.

He uses, then, the terms accordingly ; but, in
order to do so, he must have made up his mind ;
and certain classes must represent either one or
the other.

But what if he have not done this ? If, instead
of teaching undoubted facts, he is merely investi-
gating doubtful ones ? In this case the term
race is convenient. It is convenient for him during
his pursuit of an opinion, and during the conse-
quent suspension of his opinion.

Race, then, is the term denoting a species or
variety, as the case may be — pendente lite. It is
a term which, if it conceals our ignorance, pro-
claims our openness to conviction.

Of the prospective views of humanity, one has

SIZE OF CRANIA. 63

been considered. But there are others of at least
equal importance. Two, out of many, may serve
as samples.

1. The first is suggested by the following Table ;
taken from a fuller one in Mr. D. Wilson's valuable
Archaeology and Prehistoric Annals of Scotland.
It shows the relative proportions of a series of skulls
of very great, with those of a series of moderate
antiquity.

The study of this — and it requires to be studied
carefully — gives grounds for believing that the
capacity of a skull may increase as the social con-
dition improves; from which it follows that the
physical organization of the less-favoured stocks
may develope itself progressively, — andean passu,
the mental power that coincides with it. This
illustrates the nature of a certain ethnological
question. But what if the two classes of skulls
belong to different stocks ; so that the owners of
the one were not the progenitors of the proprietors
of the other ? Such a view (and it is not unrea-
sonable) illustrates the extent to which it is com-
plicated.

64

MR. WILSON S TABLE.

Relative
capacity.

0<l OS r-l r-t «O F-I <N . *"«p 7* O OS 7* 00 •*

<N ^-i O CO & CO CO :<NTt<eacOcb<N<N£l
CO eo CO <N Ol CO CO cc cc eo eo co CO cc CO

O
** <N

He*

Horizontal n" _ H?

periphery.

Ditto from oc-
cipital pro- o ^ ^ co O co co
tuberance
to root of
nose,

Occipito» c>9?^7H7HQpco<po»»poC5O»ip-^cp
frontal arch.

Ditto from „.. g«

upper root cp^qp-HCpOTHepOT^cpo* :<p«p : : <p ^ 7*

of zygoma- 4t< ^ ^ ^ "rt* *G ^ *H *o ^o 4^ ^* * ^H ^ * * *H ^5 *H
tic process.

Into^toid ? ^oSSo-^ : .*.$•

CO'* * •* * Tj< CO ' CO "* CO CO "f -Tjn ^< "

Intermastoid

arch from lOcpo^coc^OcpCsi^co-rticppFTi^ cocpo
upper root JUw404f^A<r-<9)&f-Hi-i44CtC4c*p-iC4 !^CO<N
ot zygoma-
tic process,

Intermastoid ^!o<i .OOWMCO .OCscpipTHOOCTio .-^^
|_2_2

Vertical ScoocpiMi>i(N :o>«p^Tt*«D«p«»(N ;cp«p

diameter. —^ -'^ •** -^ ^ v^ v^ * ^ '^ ^ ^ '^ ^ *^ k^ * *'*** ^

Frontal

Parietal
diameter. ^5 -* ^

Longitudinal
diameter.

•pto

CASES. 65

2. The second, like the first, shall be explained
>y extracts : —

******

Mrs. , a neighbour of Mr. M'Combie, was twice

married, and had issue by both husbands. The children of the
first marriage were five in number ; by the second, three. One
of these three, a daughter, bears an unmistakeable resemblance
to her mother's first husband. What makes the likeness the
more discernible is, that there was the most marked difference,
in their features and general appearance, between the two
husbands.

******

b. A young woman, residing in Edinburgh, and born of white
(Scottish) parents, but whose mother some time previous to her
marriage had a natural (Mulatto) child, by a negro-servant, in
Edinburgh, exhibits distinct traces of the negro. Dr. Simpson,
whose patient the young woman at one time was, has had no
recent opportunities of satisfying himself as to the precise ex-
tent to which the negro character prevails in her features ; but he
recollects being struck with the resemblance, and noticed parti-
cularly that the hair had the qualities characteristic of the negro.

* * * * * #

c. Mrs. , apparently perfectly free from scrofula, married

a man who died of phthisis ; she had one child by him, which
also died of phthisis. She next married a person who was to all
appearance equally healthy as herself, and had two children by
him, one of which died of phthisis, the other of tubercular me-
senteric disease — having, at the same time, scrofulous ulceration
of the under extremity.

There are the elements of a theory here ;
especially if they be taken along with certain
phenomena, well-known to the breeders of race-
horses— the theory being, that the mixture of the

F

66 CASES THEORY.

distinctive characters of different divisions of man-
kind may be greater than the intermixture itself.
I give no opinion on the data. ' I merely illustrate
an ethnological question — one out of many.

METHODS. 67

CHAPTER III.

lethods — the science one of observation and deduction rather
than experiment — classification — on mineralogical, on zoolo-
gical principles — the first for Anthropology, the second for
Ethnology — value of Language as a test — instances of its
loss — of its retention — when it proves original relation, when
intercourse — the grammatical and glossarial tests — classifica-
tions must be real — the distribution of Man — size of area —
ethnological contrasts in close geographical contact — discon-
tinuity and isolation of areas— oceanic migrations.

IN the Natural History of Man we must keep
almost exclusively to the methods of deduction
and observation ; and in observation we are limited
to one sort only, i. e. that simple and spontaneous
kind where the object can be found if sought for,
but cannot be artificially produced. In other
words, there is no great room for experiment.
The corpus is not vile enough for the purpose.
Besides which, ' { even if we suppose unlimited
power of varying the experiment (which is abs-
tractedly possible), though no one but an oriental
despot either has the power, or if he had would
be disposed to exercise it, a still more essential
condition is wanting — the power of performing
any of the experiments with scientific accuracy*."

* Mill (vol. ii.), speaking of the allied subject of the Moral
History of Man.

68 EXPERIMENT AND OBSERVATION.

Experiment is nearly as much out of place in Eth-
nology and Anthropology as it is in Astronomy.

Psammetichus, to be sure, according to Hero-
dotus, did as follows. He took children of a poor
man, put them in the charge of a shepherd who
was forbidden to speak in their presence, suckled
them in a lone hut through a she-goat, waited
for the age at which boys begin to talk, and then
took down the first word they uttered. This was
bekos, which when it was shown to mean in the
Phrygian language bread, the Egyptians yielded
the palm of antiquity to that rival.

Now this was an ethnological experiment ; but
then Psammetichus was an oriental despot ; and
the instance itself is, probably, the only one of its
class — the only one, or nearly so — the only one
which is a true experiment ; since in order to be
such there must be a definite and specific end or
object in view.

We know the tradition about Newton and the
apple. This, if true, was no experiment, but an
observation. To have been the former, the tree
should have been shaken for the purpose of seeing
the fruit descend. There would then have been
an end and aim — malice prepense, so to say.

Hence the phsenomena of the African slave-
trade, of English emigration, and of other similar
elements for observation are no experiments ; since

EXPERIMENT AND OBSERVATION. 69

it has not been Science that either the slaver or
the settler ever thought about. Sugar or cotton,
land or money, was what ran in their heads.

The revolting operation by which the jealous
Oriental labours to secure the integrity of his
harem is in its end a scientific fact. It tells how
much the whole system sympathises with the
mutilation of one of its parts. But it is nothing
for Science to either applaud or imitate. It is
repeated by the sensual Italian for the sake of
ensuring fine voices in the music-market; and
Science is disgusted at its repetition. Even if done
in her own name, and for her own objects, it
would still be but an inhuman and intolerable
form of zootomy.

Still the trade in Africans, and the emigration
of Englishmen are said to partake of the nature
of a scientific experiment, even without being one.
They are said to serve as such. So they do ; yet not
in the way in which they are often interpreted.
A European regiment is decimated by being placed
on the Gambia, or in Sierra Leone. The Ameri-
can Anglo-Saxon is said to have lost the freshness
of the European — to have become brown in colour,
and wiry in muscle. Perhaps he has. Yet what
does this prove ? Merely the effect of sudden
changes; the results of distant transplantation;
the imperfect character of those forms of acclima-

70 PRINCIPLE OF CLASSIFICATION.

tization which are not gradual. It was not in this
way that the world was originally peopled. New
climates were approached by degrees, step by step,
by enlargement and extension of the circumference
of a previously acclimated family. Hence the ex-
perience of the kind in question, valuable as it is
in the way of Medical Police, is comparatively
worthless in a theory as to the Migrations of
Mankind. Take a man from Caucasus to the
Gold Coast, and he either dies or takes a fever.
But would he do so if his previous sojourn had
been on the Gambia, his grandfather's on the Se-
negal, his ancestor's in the tenth degree on the
Nile, and that ancestor's ancestor's on the Jordan
— thus going back till we reached the first remote
patriarch of the migration on the Phasis ? This
is an experiment which no single generation can
either make or observe ; yet less than this is no
experiment at all, no imitation of that particular
operation of Nature which we are so curious to
investigate.

What follows applies to Ethnology. The first
result we get from our observations is a classifica-
tion, i. e. groups of individuals, families, tribes,
nations, sub-varieties, varieties, and (according to
some) of species connected by some common link,
and united on some common principle. There is
no want of groups of this kind ; and many of them

PRINCIPLE OF CLASSIFICATION. 71

are so natural as to be unsusceptible of improve-
ment. Yet the nomenclature for their different
divisions is undetermined, the values of many of
them uncertain, and, above all, the principle upon
which they are formed is by no means uniform.
Whilst some investigators classify mankind on
Zoological, others do so on what may be called
Mineralogical, principles. This difference will be
somewhat fully illustrated.

In Africa, as is well known, a great portion of
the population is black- skinned ; and with this
black skin other physical characteristics are gene-
rally found in conjunction. Thus the hair is
either crisp or woolly, the nose depressed, and the
lips thick. As we approach Asia these criteria
decrease; the Arab being fairer, better-featured
and straighter-haired than the Nubian, and the Per-
sianmore so than the Arab. InHindostan, however,
the colour deepens ; and by looking amongst the
most moist and alluvial parts of the southern penin-
sula we find skins as dark as those of Africa, and
hair crisp rather than straight. Besides this, the
fine oval contour and regular features of the high-
cast Hindus of the North become scarce, whilst
the lips get thick, the skin harsh, and the features
coarse.

Further on — we come to the great Peninsula
which contains the Kingdoms of Ava and Siam —

72 PRINCIPLE OF CLASSIFICATION.

the Indo-Chinese or Transgangetic Peninsula.
In many parts of this the population blackens
again ; and in the long narrow peninsula of Ma-
lacca, a large proportion of the older population
has been described as blacks. In the islands we
find them again ; so much so that the Spanish
authorities call them Negritos or Little Negroes.
In New Guinea all is black ; and in Australia and
Van Diemen's Land it is blacker still. In Australia
the hair is generally straight ; but in the first and
last-named countries it is frizzy, crisped, or curl-
ing. This connects them with the Negroes of
Africa ; and their colour does so still more. At
any rate we talk of the Australian Blacks, just as
the Spaniards do of the Philippine Negritos. Moral
characteristics connect the Australian and the
Negro, much in the same manner as the physical
ones. Both, as compared with the European, are
either really deficient in intellectual capacity, or
(at least) have played an unimportant part in the
history of the world. Thus, several populations
have come under the class of Blacks. Is this
classification natural ?

It shall be illustrated further. On the extremi-
ties of each of the quarters of the world, we find
populations that in many respects resemble each
other. In Northern Asia and Europe, the Eski-
mo, Samoeid, and Laplander, tolerant of the cold

PRINCIPLE OF CLASSIFICATION. 73

of the Arctic Circle, are all characterized by a flat-
ness of face, a lowness of stature, and a breadth
of head. In some cases the contrast between
them and their nearest neighbours to the south, in
these respects, is remarkable. The Norwegian
who comes in contact with the Lap is strong and
well-made ; so are many of the Red Indians who
front the Eskimo.

At the Cape of Good Hope something of the same
sort appears. The Hottentot of the southern ex-
tremity of Africa is undersized, small-limbed, and
broad-faced ; so much so, that most writers, in de-
scribing him, have said that, in his conformation,
the Mongolian type — to which the Eskimo belongs
— Asiatic itself — re-appears in Africa. And then
his neighbour the Kaffre differs from him as the
Finlander does from the Lap.

Mutatis mutandis, all this re-appears at Cape
Horn ; where the Patagonian changes suddenly to
the Fuegian.

But we in Europe are favoured ; our limbs are
well-formed and our skin fair. Be it so : yet
there are writers who, seeing the extent to which
the islanders of the Pacific are favoured also, and
noting the degree to which European points of
colour, size, and capacity for improvement, real
or supposed, re-appear at the Antipodes, have

74 PRINCIPLE OP CLASSIFICATION.

thrown the Polynesian and the Englishman in one
and the same class.

And so, perhaps, he is, if we are to judge by cer-
tain characteristics : if agreement in certain mat-
ters, wherein the intermediate populations differ,
form the grounds upon which we make our groups,
the Fuegians, Eskimo, and Hottentots form one
class, and the Negroes and Australians another.
But are these classes natural ? That depends upon
the questions to which the classification is subser-
vient. If we wish to know how far moisture and
coolness freshen the complexion ; how far moist-
ure and heat darken it ; how far mountain alti-
tudes affect the human frame; in other words, how
far common external conditions develope common
habits and common points of structure, nothing
can be better than the groups in question.

But alter the problem : let us wish to know how
certain areas were peopled, what population gave
origin to some other, how the Americans reached
America, whence the Britons came into England,
or any question connected with the migrations, af-
filiations, and origin of the varieties of our species,
and groups of this kind are valueless. They tell
us something — but not what we want to know :
inasmuch as our question now concerns blood, de-
scent, pedigree, relationship. To tell an inquirer

PRINCIPLE OF CLASSIFICATION. 75

who wishes to deduce one population from another
that certain distant tribes agree with the one under
discussion in certain points of resemblance, is as
irrelevant as to tell a lawyer in search of the next
of kin to a client deceased, that though you know
of no relations, you can find a man who is the
very picture of him in person — a fact good enough
in itself, but not to the purpose ; except (of course)
so far as the likeness itself suggests a relationship
—which it may or may not do.

Classes formed irrespective of descent are
classes on the Mineralogical, whilst classes formed
with a view to the same are classes on the Zoolo-
gical, principle. Which is wanted in the Natural
History of Man? The first for Anthropology;
the second for Ethnology.

But why the antagonism ? Perhaps the two
methods may coincide. The possibility of this has
been foreshadowed. The family likeness may, per-
haps, prove a family connexion. True: at the
same time each case must be tested on its own
grounds. Hence, whether the African is to be
grouped with the Australian, or whether the two
classes are to be as far asunder in Ethnology as in
Geography, depends upon the results of the special
investigation of that particular connexion — real or
supposed. It is sufficient to say that none of the
instances quoted exhibit any such relationship;

76 PRINCIPLE OF CLASSIFICATION.

though many a theory — as erroneous as bold — has
been started to account for it.

It is for Ethnology, then, that classification is
most wanted — more than for Anthropology ; even
as it is for Zoology that we require orders and
genera rather than for Physiology. This is based
upon certain distinctive characters ; some of which
are of a physical, others of a moral sort. Each
falls into divisions. There are moral and intel-
lectual phenomena which prove nothing in the
way of relationship, simply because they are the
effects of a common grade of civilizational deve-
lopment. What would be easier than to group
all the hunting, all the piscatory, or all the pas-
toral tribes together, and to exclude from these
all who built cities, milked cows, sowed corn, or
ploughed land ? Common conditions determine
common habits.

Again, much that seems at first glance definite,
specific, and characteristic, loses its value as a test
of ethnological affinity, when we examine the fami-
lies in which it occurs. In distant countries, and
in tribes far separated, superstition takes a com-
mon form, and creeds that arise independently of
each other look as if they were deduced from a
common origin. All this makes the facts in what
may be called the Natural History of the Arts
or of Religion easy to collect, but difficult to

PRINCIPLE OF CLASSIFICATION. 77

appreciate; in many cases, indeed, we are taken
up into the rare and elevated atmosphere of meta-
physics. What if different modes of architecture,
or sculpture, or varieties in the practice of such
useful arts as weaving and ship-building, be attri-
buted to the same principle that makes a sparrow's
nest different from a hawk's, or a honey-bee's
from a hornet's ? What if there be different in-
stincts in human art, as there is in the nidification
of birds ? Whatever may be the fact, it is clear
that such a doctrine must modify the interpreta-
tion of it. The clue to these complications — and
they form a Gordian knot which must be unra-
velled, and not cut — lies in the cautious induction
from what we know to what we do not ; from the
undoubted differences admitted to exist within
undoubtedly related populations, to the greater
ones which distinguish more distantly connected
groups.

This has been sufficient to indicate the existence
of certain moral characters which are really no
characters at all — at least in the way of proving
descent or affiliation; and that physical ones of
the same kind are equally numerous may be in-
ferred from what has already been written.

It is these elements of uncertainty so profusely
mixed up with almost all the other classes of ethno-
logical facts, that give such a high value, as an

78 VALUE OF LANGUAGE :

instrument of investigation, to Language, inasmuch
as, although two different families of mankind may
agree in having skins of the same colour, or hair of
the same texture, without, thereby, being connected
in the way of relationship, it is hard to conceive
how they could agree in calling the same objects
by the same name, without a community of
origin, or else either direct or indirect intercourse.
Affiliation or intercourse — one of the two — this
community of language exhibits. One to the ex-
clusion of the other it does not exhibit. If it did
so, it would be of greater value than it is. Still it
indicates one of the two ; and either fact is worth
looking for.

The value of language has been overrated;
chiefly, of course, by the philologists. And it has
been undervalued. The anatomists and archa30-
logists, and, above all, the zoologists, have done
this. The historian, too, has not known exactly
how to appreciate it, when its phsenomena come in
collision with the direct testimony of authorities ;
the chief instrument in his own line of criticism.

It is overrated when we make the affinities
of speech between two populations absolute evi-
dence of connection in the way of relationship.
It is overrated when we talk of tongues being im-
mutable, and of languages never dying. On the
other hand, it is unduly disparaged when an inch

ITS PERMANENCE AND ITS EXTINCTION. 79

or two of difference in stature, a difference in the
taste in the fine arts, a modification in the reli-
gious belief, or a disproportion in the influence
upon the affairs of the world, is set up as a mark of
distinction between two tribes speaking one and
the same tongue, and alike in other matters.
Now, errors of each kind are common.

The permanence of language as a sign of origin
must be determined, like every thing else of the
same kind, by induction ; and this tells us that both
the loss and retention of a native tongue are illus-
trated by remarkable examples. It tells both ways.
In St. Domingo we have negroes speaking French;
and this is a notable instance of the adoption of a
foreign tongue. But the circumstances were pe-
culiar. One tongue was not changed for another ;
since no Negro language predominated. The real
fact was that of a mixture of languages — and this is
next to no language at all. Hence, when French
became the language of the Haytians, the usual
obstacle of a previously existing common native
tongue, pertinaciously and patriotically retained,
was wanting. It superseded an indefinite and con-
flicting mass of Negro dialects, rather than any
particular Negro language.

In the southern parts of Central America the
ethnology is obscure, especially for the Republics
of San Salvador, Nicaragua, and Costa Rica. Yet if

80 VALUE OF LANGUAGE.

we turn to Colonel Galindo's account of them,
we find the specific statement that aborigines still
exist, and that their language is the Spanish',
not any native Indian dialect. As similar asser-
tions respecting the extinction and replacement of
original languages have frequently proved incor-
rect, let us assume this to be an over-statement —
though I have no definite grounds for considering
it one. Over-statement though it may be, it still
shows the direction in which things are going;
and that is towards the supremacy of a European
tongue.

On the confines of Asia and Europe there is
the nation, tribe or family of the Bashkirs. Their
present tongue is the Turkish. It is believed,
however, that originally it was the mother-tongue
of the Majiars of Hungary.

Again, the present Bulgarian is akin to the
Russian. Originally, it was a Turk dialect.

Lastly — for I am illustrating, not exhausting,
the subject — there died, in the year 1770, at
Karczag in Hungary, an old man named Varro ;
the last man, in Europe, that knew even a few words
of the language of his nation. Yet this nation
was and is a great one ; no less a one than that
of the ancient Komanian Turks, some of whom
invaded Europe in the eleventh century, pene-
trated as far as Hungary, settled there as con-

LANGUAGE — ITS PERMANENCE. 81

icrors, and retained their language till the death
this same Varro. The rest of the nation re-
lained in Asia ; and the present occupants of the
between the Caspian and the Aral are their
descendants. Languages then may be lost ; and
one may be superseded by another.

The ancient Etruscans as a separate substantive
ition are extinct : so is their language, which we
low to have been peculiar. Yet the Etruscan
>lood still runs in the veins of the Florentine and
ther Italians.

On the other hand, the pertinacity with which
iguage resists the attempts to supersede it is
no common kind. Without going to Siberia,
America, the great habitats of the broken and
icntary families, we may find instances much
nearer home ! In the Isle of Man the native Manks
still remains; though dominant Norsemen* and
dominant Anglo-Saxons have brought their great
absorbent languages in collision with it. In
Malta, the labourers speak Arabic — with Italian,
with English, and with a Lingua Franca around
them.

In the western extremities of the Pyrenees,
a language neither French nor Spanish is spoken ;
and has been spoken for centuries — possibly
milleniums. It was once the speech of the south-

82 GRAMMARS AND

ern half of France, and of all Spain. This is
the Basque of Biscay.

In contact with the Turk on one side, and the
Greek and the Slavonic on the other, the Alba-
nian of Albania still speaks his native Skipetar.

A reasonable philologist makes similarity of
language strong — very strong — primd facie evi-
dence in favour of community of descent.

When does it imply this, and when does it
'merely denote commercial or social intercourse ?
We can measure the phenomena of languages
and exhibit the results numerically. Thus the
percentage of words common to two languages may
be 1, 2, 3, 4 — 98, 99, or any intermediate number.
But, now comes the application of a maxim.
Ponderanda non numeranda. We ask what sort of
words coincide, as well as how many ? When the
names of such objects as fire, water, sun, moon,
star, hand, tooth, tongue, foot, &c. agree, we draw
an inference very different from the one which
arises out of the presence of such words as ennui,
fashion, quadrille, violin, &c. Common sense di-
stinguishes the words which are likely to be bor-
rowed from one language into another, from those
which were originally common to the two.

There are a certain amount of French words in
English, i. e. of words borrowed from the French.

VOCABULARIES. 83

I do not know the percentage, nor yet the time
required for their introduction; and, as I am
illustrating the subject, rather than seeking spe-
cific results, this is unimportant. Prolong the
time, and multiply the words ; remembering that
the former can be done indefinitely. Or, instead
of doing this, increase the points of contact be-
tween the languages. What follows ? We soon
begin to think of a familiar set of illustrations ;
some classical and some vulgar — of the Delphic
ship so often mended as to retain but an equivocal
identity ; of the Highlander's knife, with its two
new blades and three new handles ; of Sir John
Cutler's silk-stockings degenerated into worsted
by darnings. We are brought to the edge of a
new question. We must tread slowly accord-
ingly.

In the English words call-est, call-eth (call-s),
and call-ed, we have two parts ; the first being the
root itself, the second a sign of person, or tense.
The same is the case with the word father-s, son-*,
&c. ; except that the -s denotes case ; and that it is
attached to a substantive, instead of a verb. Again,
in wis-er we have the sign of a comparative ; in
wis-est that of a superlative degree. All these
are inflexions. If we choose, we may call them
inflexional elements ; and it is convenient to do
so ; since we can then analyse words and contrast

84 GRAMMARS AND

the different parts of them : e. g. in call-s the call-
is radical, the -s inflexional.

Having become familiarized with this distinc-
tion, we may now take a word of French or German
origin — say fashion or waltz. Each, of course, is
foreign. Nevertheless, when introduced into En-
glish, it takes an English inflexion. Hence we
say, if I dress absurdly it is fashion's fault ; also,
/ am waltz-ing, I waltz-ed, he waltz-es — and so
on. In these particular words, then, the inflex-
ional part has been English ; even when the ra-
dical was foreign. This is no isolated fact. On
the contrary, it is sufficiently common to be gene-
ralized so that the grammatical part of language
nas oeen accredited with a permanence which has
been denied to the glossarial or vocabular. The
one changes, the other is constant; the one is
immortal, the other fleeting ; the one form, the
other matter.

Now it is imaginable that the glossarial and
grammatical tests may be at variance. They
would be so if all our English verbs came to be
French, yet still retained their English inflexions
in -ed, -s, -ing, &c. They would be so if all the
verbs were like fashion, and all the substantives
like quadrille. This is an extreme case. Still,
it illustrates the question. Certain Hindu lan-
guages are said to have nine-tenths of the vocables

VOCABULARIES. 85

)mmon with, a language called the Sanskrit —
>ut none of their inflexions; the latter being
chiefly Tamul. What, then, is the language
itself? This is a question which divides philolo-
gists. It illustrates, however, the difference be-
tween the two tests — the grammatical and the
glossarial. Of these, it is safe to say that the
former is the more constant.

Yet the philological method of investigation
requires caution. Over and above the terms
which one language borrows from another, and
which denote intercourse rather than affinity,
there are two other classes of little or no ethno-
logical value.

1. Coincidences may be merely accidental. The
likelihood of their being so is a part of the Doc-
trine of Chances. The mathematician may inves-
tigate this : the philologist merely finds the data.
Neither has been done satisfactorily, though it was
attempted by Dr. T. Young.

2. Coincidences may have an organic connexion.
No one would say that because two nations called
the same bird by the name cuckoo, the term
had been borrowed by either one from the other,
or by both from a common source. The true
reason would be plain enough. Two populations
gave a name on imitative principles, and imitated

86 PRINCIPLES OF

the same object. Son and brother, sister and
daughter — if these terms agree, the chances are
that a philological affinity is at the bottom of
the agreement. But does the same apply to papa
and mama, identical in English, Carib, and perhaps
twenty other tongues ? No. They merely show
that the infants of different countries begin with
the same sounds.

Such — and each class is capable of great ex-
pansion— are the cases where philology requires
caution. Another matter now suggests itself.

To be valid a classification must be real ; not
nominal or verbal — not a mere book-maker's ar-
rangement. Families must be in definite degrees
of relationship. This, too, will bear illustration.
A man wants a relation to leave his money to : he
is an Englishman, and by relation means nothing
more distant than a third cousin. It is nothing
to him if, in Scotland, a fifth cousinship is re-
cognised. He has not found the relation he
wants ; he has merely found a greater amount of
latitude given to the term. Few oversights have
done more harm than the neglect of this distinc-
tion. Twenty years ago the Sanskrit, Sclavonic,
Greek-and-Latin, and Gothic languages formed a
class. This class was called In do-Germanic. Its
western limits were in Germany; its eastern in

PHILOLOGICAL CLASSIFICATION. 87

Hindostan. The Celtic of Wales, Cornwall, Brit-
tany, Ireland, Scotland, and the Isle of Man was
not included in it. Neither was it included in
any other group. It was anywhere or nowhere —
in any degree of isolation. Dr. Prichard under-
took to fix it. He did so — well and successfully.
He showed that, so far from being isolated, it was
connected with the Greek, German, and Sclavonic
by a connexion with the Sanskrit, or (changing
the expression) with the Sanskrit through the
Sclavonic,, German, and Greek — any or all. The
mother-tongue from which all these broke was
supposed to be in Asia. Dr. Prichard's work was
entitled the ' Eastern Origin of the Celtic Nations/
Did this make the Celtic Indo-Germanic ? It was
supposed to do so. Nay, more — it altered the
name of the class; which was now called, as it
has been since, Indo-European. Inconveniently.
A relationship was mistaken for the relationship.
The previous tongues were (say) second cousins.
The Celtic was a fourth or fifth. What was the
result ? Not that a new second cousin was found,
but that the family circle was enlarged.

What follows? Dr. Prichard's fixation of the
Celtic as a member of even the same clan with the
German, &c. was an addition to ethnographical
philology that many inferior investigators strove

88 THE SO-CALLED

to rival; and it came to be current belief — acted
on if not avowed — that tongues as like the Celtic
as the Celtic was to the German were Indo-Euro-
pean also. This bid fair to inundate the class —
to make it prove too much — to render it no class
at all. The Albanian, Basque, Etruscan, Lap, and
others followed. The outlier of the group once
created served as a nucleus for fresh accumulations.
A strange language of Caucasus — the Iron or Os-
setic — was placed by Klaproth as Indo-Germanic ;
and that upon reasonable grounds, considering
the unsettled state of criticism. Meanwhile, the
Georgian, another tongue of those same mysterious
mountains, wants placing. It has undoubted Os-
setic — or Iron — affinities. But theOssetic — or Iron
— is Indo-European. So therefore is the Georgian.
This is a great feat ; since the Caucasian tongues
and the Caucasian skulls now agree, both having
their affinities with Europe — as they ought to have.
But what if both the Iron and Georgian are half
Chinese, or Tibetan, i. e. are all but monosyllabic
languages both in grammar and vocables? If
such be the case, the term ' Indo-European' wants
revising; and not only that — the principles on
which terms are fixed and classes created want
revising also. At the same time, the ' Eastern
Origin of the Celtic Nations * contains the most

INDO-EUROPEAN CLASS. 89

lefinite addition to philology that the present
century has produced; and the proper compli-
ment to it is Mr. Garnett's review of it in the
Quarterly ; ' the first of a series of masterly and
unsurpassed specimens of inductive philology
applied to the investigation of the true na-
ture of the inflexions of the Verb. But this is
episodical.

The next instrument of ethnological criticism is
to be found in the phenomena themselves of the
dispersion and distribution of our species.

First as to its universality. In this respect we
must look minutely before we shall find places
where Man is not. These, if we find them at all,
will come under one of two conditions ; the climate
will be extreme, or the isolation excessive. For
instances of the first we take the Poles ; and, as
far as the Antarctic Circle is concerned, we find
no inhabitants in the ice-bound regions — few and
far between — of its neighbourhood; none south
of 55° S. lat., or the extremity of the Tierra del
Fuego. This, however, is peopled. We must
remember, however, that in the Southern Ocean
such regions as New South Shetland and Victoria
Land are isolated as well as cold and frozen.

The North Pole, however, must be approached
within 25° before we lose sight of Man, or find
him excluded from even a permanent habitation.

90 UNIVERSALITY

Spitzbergen is beyond the limits of human occu-
pancy. Nova Zembla, when first discovered, was
also uninhabited. So was Iceland. Here, how-
ever, it was the isolation of the island that made
it so. A hardy stock of men, nearly related to
ourselves, have occupied it since the ninth century;
and continental Greenland is peopled as far as the
75th degree — though, perhaps, only as a summer
residence.

Far to the east of Nova Zembla and opposite to
the country of the Yukahiri — a hardy people on
the rivers Kolyma and Indijirka, and within the
Arctic Circle — lies the island of New Siberia. I
find from WrangelPs Travels in Siberia that certain
expatriated Yukahiri are believed to have fled
thither. Have they lived or died? Have they
reached the island ? In case they have done so,
and kept body and soul together, New Siberia is
probably the most northern spot of the inhabited
world.

How cold a country must be in order to remain
empty of men, we have seen. Such localities are
but few. None are too hot — unless, indeed, we
believe the centre of Equatorial Africa to be a
solitude.

In South America there is a great blank in the
Maps. For many degrees on each side of the
Upper Amazons lies a vast tract — said to be a

OF THE DISTRIBUTION OF MAN. 91

jungle — and marked Sirionos, the name of a fron-
tier population. Yet the Sirionos are not, for one
moment, supposed to fill up the vast hiatus. At
the same time, there are few, or none, besides.
Is this tract a drear unhumanized waste ? It is
said to be so— to be wet, woody, and oppressively
malarious. Yet, this merely means that there is
a forest and a swamp of a certain magnitude, and
of a certain degree of impenetrability.

Other such areas are unexplored — yet we pre-
sume them to be occupied ; though ever so
thinly : e.g. the interiors of New Guinea and Au-
stralia.

That Greenland was known to the early Ice-
landers is well known. And that it was occupied
when so first known is also certain. One of the
geographical localities mentioned in an old Saga
has an Eskimo word for one of its elements —
Utibuks-firth~the firth of the isthmus-, Utibuk in
Eskimo meaning isthmus.

Of the islands originally uninhabited those
which are, at one and the same time, large and
near continents are Madeira and Iceland — the
former being a lonely wood. The Canaries, though
smaller and more isolated, have been occupied
by the remarkable family of the Guanches. Add
to these, Ascension, St. Helena, the Galapagos,
Kerguelen's Island, and a few others.

92 LARGE AND SMALL

Easterlsland,a speck in the vastPacific,and more
than half way between Asia and America, exhibited
both inhabitants and ruins to its first discoverers.

Such is the horizontal distribution of Man ; i.e.
his distribution according to the degrees of lati-
tude. What other animal has such a range ? What
species ? What genus or order ? Contrast with
this the localized habitats of the Orang-utan, and
the Chimpanzee as species ; of the Apes as genera;
of the Marsupialia as orders.

The vertical distribution is as wide. By vertical
I mean elevation above the level of the sea. On
the high table-land of Pamer we have the Kerghiz;
summer visitants at least, where the Yak alone,
among domesticated animals, lives and breathes in
the rarefied atmosphere. The town of Quito is
more than 10,000 feet above the sea; Walcheren is,
perhaps, below the level of it.

Who expects uniformity of physiognomy or
frame with such a distribution ?

The size of ethnological areas. — Comparatively
speaking, Europe is pretty equally divided amongst
the European families. The Slavonic populations
of Bohemia, Silesia, Poland, Servia, and Russia
may, perhaps, have more than their due— still
the French, Italians, Spaniards, Portuguese, and
Wallachians, all speaking languages of classical
origin, have their share; and so has our own

ETHNOLOGICAL AREAS. 93

;rmanic or Gothic family of English, Dutch,
Frisians, Bavarians, and Scandinavians. Never-
theless, there are a few families as limited in
geographical area as subordinate in political im-
portance. There are the Escaldunac, or Basques,
— originally the occupants of all Spain and half
France, now pent up in a corner of the Pyrenees
— the Welsh of the Iberic Peninsula. There are,
also, the Skipetar, or Albanians ; wedged in be-
tween Greece, Turkey, and Dalmatia. Neverthe-
less, the respective areas of the European families
are pretty equally distributed ; and the land of
Europe is like a lottery wherein all the prizes are
of an appreciable value.

The comparison with Asia verifies this. In im-
mediate contact with the vast Turkish population
centred in Independent Tartary, but spread over
an area reaching, more or less continuously, from
Africa to the Icy Sea (an area larger than the
whole of Europe), come the tribes of Caucasus —
Georgians, Circassians, Lesgians, Mizjeji, and
Ir6n ; five well-defined groups, each falling into
subordinate divisions, and some of them into sub-
divisions. The language of Constantinople is
understood at the Lena. In the mountain range
between the Caspian and the Black Sea, the mu-
tually unintelligible languages are at least fifteen —
perhaps more, certainly not fewer. Now, the extent

94 LARGE AND SMALL

of land covered by the Turk family shows the size to
which an ethnological area may attain ; whilst the
multiplicity of mutually unintelligible tongues of
Caucasus shows how closely families may be
packed. Their geographical juxtaposition gives
prominence to the contrast.

At the first view, this contrast seems remarkable.
So far from being so, it is of continual occurrence.
In China the language is one and indivisible :
on its south-western frontier the tongues are
counted by the dozen — just as if in Yorkshire
there were but one provincial dialect through-
out; two in Lincolnshire; and twenty in Rut-
land.

The same contrast re-appears in North Ame-
rica. In Canada and the Northern States the
Algonkin area is measured by the degrees of lati-
tude and longitude ; in Louisiana and Alabama by
the mile.

The same in South America. One tongue — the
Ouarani — covers half the continent. Elsewhere,
a tenth part of it contains a score.

The same in Southern Africa. From the Line to
the neighbourhood of the Cape all is Kaffre. Be-
tween the Gambia and the Gaboon there are more
than twenty different divisions.

The same in the North. The Berbers reach
from the Valley of the Nile to the Canaries, and

ETHNOLOGICAL AREAS.

95

from the Mediterannean to the parts about
Borneo. In Borneo there are said to be thirty
different languages.

Such are areas in size, and in relation to each
other; like the bishoprics and curacies of our
church, large and small, with a difficulty in as-
certaining the average. However, the simple
epithets great and small are suggestive ; since the
former implies an encroaching, the latter a receding
population.

A distribution over continents is one thing ; a
distribution over islands another. The first is
easiest made when the world is young and when the
previous occupants create no obstacles. The second
implies maritime skill and enterprise, and maritime
skill improves with the experience of mankind. One
of the greatest facts of ethnological distribution
and dispersion belongs to this class. All the islands
of the Pacific are peopled by the members of one
stock, or family — the Polynesian. These we find
as far north as the Sandwich Islands, as far south
as New Zealand, and in Easter Island half-way
between Asia and America. So much for the
dispersion. But this is not all : the distribution is
as remarkable. Madagascar is an African rather
than an Asiatic island ; within easy sail of Africa ;
the exact island for an African population. Yet,
ethnologically, it is Asiatic — the same family

96 CONTRAST BETWEEN

which we find in Sumatra, Borneo, the Moluccas,
the Mariannes, the Carolines, and Polynesia being
Malagasi also.

Contrast between contiguous populations. — Eth-
nological resemblance by no means coincides with
geographical contiguity. The general character
of the circumpolar families of the Arctic Circle is
that of the Laplander, the Samoeid, and the Eski-
mo. Yet the zone of population that encircles the
inhospitable shores of the Polar Sea is not exclu
sively either Lap or Samoeid — nor yet Eskimo.
In Europe, the Laplander finds a contrast on
each side. There is the Norwegian on the west ;
the Finlander on the east. We can explain this.
The former is but a recent occupant; not a natural,
but an intruder. This we infer from the southern
distribution of the other members of his family —
who are Danish, German, Dutch, English, and
American. For the same reason the Icelander
differs from the Greenlander. The Finlander,
though more closely allied to the Lap than the
Norwegian — belonging to the same great Ugrian
family of mankind — is still a southern member of
his family ; a family whose continuation extends
to the Lower Volga, and prolongations of which
are found in Hungary. East of the Finlander, the
Russian displaces the typically circumpolar Sa-
moeid ; whilst at the mouth of the Lena we have

CONTINUOUS POPULATIONS.. 97

ie Yakuts — Turk in blood, and tongue, and, to
certain extent, in form also.

In America the circumpolar population is gene-
rally Eskimo. Yet at one point, we find even the
verge of the Arctic shore occupied by a population
of tall, fine-looking athletes, six feet high, well-
made, and handsome in countenance. These are
the Digothi Indians, called also Loucheux. Their
locality is the mouth of the McKenzie River ; but
their language shows that their origin is further
south — i.e. that they are Koluches within the
Eskimo area.

In Southern Africa we have the Hottentot in
geographical proximity to the Caffre, yet the con-
trast between the two is considerable. Similar
examples are numerous. What do they denote ?
Generally, but not always, they denote encroach-
ment and displacement ; encroachment which tells
us which of the two families has been the stronger,
and displacement which has the following effect.
It obliterates those intermediate and transitional
forms which connect varieties, and so brings the
more extreme cases of difference in geographical
contact, and in ethnological contrast; hence en-
croachment, displacement, and the obliteration of
transitional forms are terms required for the full
application of the phenomena of distribution as
an instrument of ethnological criticism. ,

H

98 CONTINUITY

Continuity and isolation. — In Siberia there are
two isolated populations — the Yakuts on the Lower
Lena, and the Soiot on the Upper Yenesey. The
former, as aforesaid, are Turk ; but they are sur-
rounded by nations other than Turk. They are
cut off from the rest of the stock.

The Soiot in like manner are surrounded by
strange populations. Their true relations are the
Samoeids of the Icy Sea ; but between these two
branches of the stock there is a heterogeneous po-
pulation of Turks and Yeneseians — so-called.

The great Iroquois family of America is sepa-
rated into two parts — one northern and one
southern. Between these lie certain members of
the Algonkin class. Like the Soiot, and the
Northern Samoeids, the two branches of the Iro-
quois are separated.

The Majiars of Hungary are wholly enclosed by
non-Hungarian populations; and their nearest
kinsmen are the Voguls of the Uralian Mountains,
far to the north-east of Moscow.

This shows that ethnological areas may be
either uninterrupted or interrupted; continuous
or discontinuous ; unbroken or with isolated frag-
ments ; and a little consideration will show, that
wherever there is isolation there has been displace-
ment. Whether the land has risen or the sea en-
croached is another question. We know why the

AND ISOLATION. 99

Majiars stand separate from the other Ugrian
nations. They intruded themselves into Europe
within the historical period, cutting their way
with the sword ; and the parts between them and
their next of kin were never more Majiar than
they are at the present moment.

But we know no such thing concerning the
Iroquois ; and we infer something quite the con-
trary. We believe that they once held all the
country that now separates their two branches,
and a great deal more beside. But the Algonkins
encroached; partially dispossessing, and partially
leaving them in occupation.

In either case, however, there has been displace-
ment j and the displacement is the inference from
the discontinuity.

But we must remember that true discontinuity
can exist in continents only. The populations of
two islands may agree, whilst that of a whole
archipelago lying between them may differ. Yet
this is no discontinuity; since the sea is an un-
broken chain, and the intervening obstacle can be
sailed round instead of crossed. The nearest way
from the continent of Asia to the Tahitian archi-
pelago— the nearest part of Polynesia — is via
New Guinea, New Ireland, and the New Hebrides.
All these islands, however, are inhabited by a dif-
ferent division of the Oceanic population. Does

H2

100 CONTINUITY AND ISOLATION.

this indicate displacement ? No ! It merely sug-
gests the Philippines, the Pelews, the Carolines,
the Ralik and Radak groups, and the Navigators'
Isles, as the route ; and such it almost certainly
was,

CONVENTIONAL CENTRE. 101

CHAPTER IV.

Details of distribution— their conventional character — con-
vergence from the circumference to the centre — Fuegians ;
Patagonian, Pampa, and Chaco Indians — Peruvians — D'Or-
bigny's characters — other South American Indians— of the
Missions — of Guiana — of Venezuela — Guarani — Caribs
— Central America — Mexican civilization no isolated phae-
nomenon — North American Indians — Eskimo — apparent ob-
jections to their connection with the Americans and Asiatics
— Tasm anians — Australians — Papua — Polynesians — Micro-
nesians — Malagasi — Hottentots — Kaffres — Negroes — Ber-
bers— Abyssinians — Copts — the Semitic family — Primary and
secondary migrations.

IF the inhabited world were one large circular
island; if its population were admitted to have
been diffused over its surface from some single
point; and if that single point were at one and
the same time unascertained and requiring inves-
tigation, what would be the method of our inqui-
ries ? I suppose that both history and tradition
are silent, and that the absence of other data of
the same kind force us upon the general proba-
bilities of the case, and a large amount of a priori
argument.

We should ask what point would give us the
existing phenomena with the least amount of mi-
gration ; and we should ask this upon the simple

102 CONVENTIONAL CENTRE.

principle of not multiplying causes unnecessarily.
The answer would be — the centre. From the
centre we can people the parts about the circum-
ference without making any line of migration
longer than half a diameter; and without sup-
posing any one out of such numerous lines to be
longer than the other. This last is the chief
point — the point which more especially fixes us to
the centre as a hypothetical birth-place; since,
the moment we say that any part of the circum-
ference was reached by a shorter or longer line
than any other, we make a specific assertion, re-
quiring specific arguments to support it. These
may or may not exist. Until, however, they have
been brought forward, we apply the rule de non
apparentibus, &c., and keep to our conventional
and provisional point in the centre — remembering,
of course, its provisional and conventional charac-
ter, and recognising its existence only as long as
the search for something more real and definite
continues.

In the earth as it is, we can do something of
the same kind ; taking six extreme points as our
starting-places, and investigating the extent to
which they converge. These six points are the
following : —

1. Tierra del Fuego.

2. Tasmania (Van Diemen's Land).

TIERRA DEL FUEGO. 103

3. Easter Island — the furthest extremity of
Polynesia.

4. The Cape of Good Hope, or the country of
the Saabs (Hottentots).

5. Lapland.

6. Ireland.

From these we work through America, Austra-
lia, Polynesia, Africa, and Europe, to Asia — some
part of which gives us our conventional, provisional,
and hypothetical centre.

I. From Tierra del Fuego to the north-eastern
parts of Asia. — The Fuegians of the island have so
rarely been separated from the Patagonians of the
continent that there are no recognised elements
of uncertainty in this quarter, distant as it is.
Maritime habits connect them with their northern
neighbours on the west ; and that long labyrinth
of archipelagoes which runs up to the southern
border of Chili is equally Fuegian and Patagonian.
Here we are reminded of the habits of some of the
Malay tribes, under a very different sky, and
amongst the islets about Sincapore — of the Bajows,
or sea-gipsies, boatmen whose home is on the
water, and as unfixed as that element ; wanderers
from one group to another ; fishermen rather than
traders ; not strong-handed enough to be pirates,
and not industrious enough to be cultivators.
Such skill as the Fuegian shows at all, he shows

104 TIERRA DEL FUEGO.

in his canoe, his paddles, his spears, his bow, his
slings, and his domestic architecture. All are
rude — the bow-strings are made exclusively of the
sinews of animals, his arrows headed with stone.
Of wood there is little, and of metal less ; and,
low as is the latitude, the dress, or undress, is said
to make a nearer approach to absolute nakedness
than is to be found in many of the inter- tropical
countries.

In size they fall short of the continental Pata-
gonians; in colour and physical conformation
they approach them very closely. The same broad
and flattened face occurs in both, reminding some
writers of the Eskimo, others of the Chinuk.
Their language is certainly referable to the Pata-
gonian class, though, probably, unintelligible to a
Patagonian.

Within the island itself there are differences;
degrees of discomfort ; and degrees in its effects
upon the bodily frame. At the eastern extremity*
the population wore the skins of land-animals,
and looked like hunters rather than fishers and
sealers. Otherwise, as a general rule, the Fue-
gians are boatmen.

Not so their nearest kinsmen. They are all
horsemen; and in their more northern localities
the most formidable ones in the world — Patago-
* Pickering, Races of Men, p. 19.

PATAGONIA THE PAMPAS. 105

dans of considerable but exaggerated stature,
'ampa Indians between Buenos Ayres and the
southern Andes, and, higher up, the Chaco Indians
of the water-system of the river Plata. To these
must be added two other families — one on the
Pacific and one on the Atlantic — the Araucanians
of Chili, and the Charruas of the lower La Plata.

Except in the impracticable heights of the
Andes of Chili, and, as suggested above, in the
island of Tierra del Fuego, the same equestrian
habits characterize all these populations ; and, one
and all, the same indomitable and savage indepen-
dence. Of the Chaco Indians, the Tonocote are
partially settled, and imperfectly Christianized;
but the Abiponians — very Centaurs in their pas-
sionate equestrianism — the Mbocobis, the Mata-
guayos, and others, are the dread of the Spaniards
at the present moment. The resistance of the
Araucanians of Chili has given an epic* to the
country of their conquerors.

Of the Charruas every man was a warrior ; self-
relying, strong, and cruel; with his hand against
the Spaniard, and with his hand against the other
aborigines. Many of these they exterminated,
and, too proud to enter into confederations, always
fought single-handed. In 1831, the President of
Uraguay ordered their total destruction, and they
* The Araucana of Ercilla.

106

were cut down, root and branch ; a few survivors
only remaining.

Minus the Fuegians, this division is pre-emi-
nently natural ; yet the Fuegians cannot be dis-
connected from it. As a proof of the physical
differences being small, I will add the description
of a naturalist — D'Orbigny — who separates them.
They evidently lie within a small compass.

a. Araucanian branch of the Ando -Peruvians. —
Colour light olive; form massive; trunk some-
what disproportionately long ; face nearly circu-
lar ; nose short and flat ; lips thin ; physiognomy
sombre, cold.

b. Pampa branch of the Pampa Indians. —
Colour deep olive-brown, or maroon ; form Her-
culean; forehead vaulted; face large, flat, ob-
long; nose short; nostrils large; mouth wide;
lips large; eyes horizontal; physiognomy cold,
often savage.

D'Orbigny is a writer by no means inclined to
undervalue differences. Nevertheless he places
the Peruvians and the Araucanians in the same
primary division. This shows that, if other cha-
racters connect them, there is nothing very con-
clusive in the way of physiognomy against their
relationship. T think that certain other characters
do connect them- — language most especially. At
the same time, there is no denying important con-

PERUVIANS. 107

trasts. The civilization of Peru has no analogue
beyond the Tropics; and if we are to consider
this as a phenomenon per se, as the result of an
instinct as different from those of the Charrua as
the architectual impulses of the bee and the hornet,
broad and trenchant must be our lines of demar-
cation. Yet no such lines can be drawn. Un-
doubted members of the Quichua stock of the Inca
Peruvians (architects and conquerors, as that par-
ticular branch was) are but ordinary Indians — like
the Aymaras. Nay, the modern Peruvians when
contrasted with their ancestors are in the same
category. The present occupants of the parts
about Titicaca and Tiaguanaco wonder at the ruins
around them, and confess their inability to rival
them just as a modern Greek thinks of the Phidian
Jupiter and despairs. Again, the gap is accounted
for — since most of those intervening populations
which may have exhibited transitional characters
have become either extinct, or denationalized.
Between the Peruvians and Araucanians, the Ata-
camas and Changes are the only remaining popu-
lations— under 10,000 in number, and but little
known.

Nevertheless, an unequivocally allied popula-
tion of the Peruvian stock takes us from 28° S.
lat. to the Equator. Its unity within itself is
undoubted ; and its contrast with the next nearest

108 ANGLE OF MIGRATION.

families is no greater than the displacements which
have taken place around, arid our own ignorance
in respect to parts in contact with it.

Of all the populations of the world, the Peru-
vian is the most vertical in its direction. Its line
is due north and south ; its breadth but narrow.
The Pacific is at one side, and the Andes at the
other. One is well-nigh as definite a limit as the
other. When we cross the Cordilleras the Peru-
vian type has changed.

The Peruvians lie between the Tropics. They
cross the Equator. One of their Republics —
Ecuador — even takes its name from its meridian.
But they are also mountaineers; and, though
their sun is that of Africa, their soil is that of the
Himalaya. Hence, their locality presents a con-
flict, balance, or antagonism of climatologic in-
fluences ; and the degrees of altitude are opposed
to those of latitude.

Again, their line of migration is at a right angle
with their Equatorial parallel — that is, if we as-
sume them to have come from North America.
The bearing of this is as follows : — The town of
Quito is about as far from Mexico due north, as
it is from French Guiana due west. Now if we
suppose the line of migration to have reached
Peru from the latter country, the great-great-
ancestors of the Peruvians would be people as

ANGLE OF MIGRATION. 109

inter-tropical as themselves, and the influences of
climate would coincide with the influences of
descent ; whereas if it were North America from
which they originated, their ancestors of a corre-
sponding generation would represent the effect of
a climate twenty-five degrees further north —
these, in their turn, being descended from the
occupants of the temperate, and they from those
of the frigid zone. The full import of the rela-
tion of the lines of migration— real or hypothe-
tical— to the degrees of latitude has yet to be duly
appreciated. To say that the latter go for no-
thing because the inter-tropical Indian of South
America is not as black as the negro, is to com-
pare things that resemble each other in one par-
ticular only.

It is Peru where the ancient sepulchral remains
have complicated ethnology. The skulls from
ancient burial-places are preternaturally flattened.
Consider this natural ; and you have a fair reason
for the recognition of a fresh species of the genus
Homo. But is it legitimate to do so ? I think
not. That the practice of flattening the head of
infants was a custom once as rife and common in
Peru as it is in many other parts of both North
and South America at the present day, is well
known. Then why not account for the ancient
flattening thus ? I hold that the writers who

110 PERUVIANS.

hesitate to do this should undertake the difficult
task of proving a negative : otherwise they mul-
tiply causes unnecessarily.

Two stocks of vast magnitude take up so large
a proportion of South America, that though they
are not in immediate geographical contact with
the Peruvians, they require to be mentioned next
in order here. They are mentioned now in order
to enable us to treat of other and smaller families.
These two great stocks are the Guarani and the
Carib; whilst the classes immediately under
notice are —

The remaining South Americans who are neither
Carib nor Guarani. — This division is artificial;
being based upon a negative character ; and it is
geographical rather than ethnological. The first
branch of it is that which D'Orbigny calls Antisian,
and which he connects at once with the Peruvians
Proper ; both being members of that primary divi-
sion to which he referred the Araucanians — the
Araucanians being the third branch of the Ando-
Peruvians ; the two others being the —

a. Peruvian branch. — Colour deep olive-brown;
form massive; trunk long in proportion to the
limbs ; forehead retreating ; nose aquiline ;
mouth large; physiognomy sombre: — Aymara
and Quichua Peruvians.

b. Antisian branch. — Colour varying from a

ANTISIANS, ETC. Ill

deep olive to nearly white ; form not massive ;
forehead not retreating; physiognomy lively,
mild : — Yuracares, Mocetenes, Tacanas, Maropas,
and Apolistas.

The Yuracares, Mocetenes, Tacanas, Maropas,
and Apolistas, are Antisien ; and their locality is
the eastern slopes of the Andes*, between 15° and
18° S. lat. Here they dwell in a thickly wooded
country, full of mountain streams, and their cor-
responding valleys. One portion of them at least
is so much lighter- skinned than the Peruvians, as
to have taken its name from its colour — Yurak-kare
= white man.

To the west of the Antisians lie the Indians of
the Missions of Chiquito and Moxos, so called be-
cause they have been settled and Christianized.
The physical characters of these also are D'Or-
bigny's. The division, however, he places in the
same group with the Patagonians.

a. Chiquito branch. — Colour light olive; form
moderately robust; mouth moderate; lips thin;
features delicate ; physiognomy lively : — Indians
of the Mission of Chiquitos.

b. Moxos branch. — Form robust ; lips thickish ;
eyes not brides ; physiognomy mild : — Indians of
the Mission of Moxos.

And now we are on the great water-system of
* D'Orbigny, Homme Americain.

112 INDIANS OF THE AMAZONS.

the Amazons; with the united effects of heat and
moisture. They are not the same as in Africa. There
are no negroes here. The skin is in some cases yel-
low rather than brown ; in some it has a red tinge.
TChe stature, too, is low ; not like that of the negro,
tall and bulky. It is evident that heat is not
everything ; and that it may have an inter-tropical
amount of intensity without necessarily affecting
the colour beyond a certain degree. As to differ-
ences between the physical conditions of Brazil and
Guiana on one side, and those of the countries we
have been considering on the other, they are impor-
tant. The condition of both the soil and climate de-
termines to agriculture. This gives us a contrast to
the Pampa Indians ; whilst, in respect to the Pe-
ruvians, there is no longer the Andes with its con-
comitants ; no longer the variety of climate within
the same latitude, the abundance of building ma-
terials, and the absence of rivers. , Boatmen, cul-
tivators, and foresters — i. e. hunters of the wood
rather than of the open prairie — such are the fa-
milies in question. Into groups of small classi-
ficational value they divide and subdivide indefi-
nitely more than the few investigators have sug-
gested; indeed, D'Orbigny throws them all into
one class.

The tribes of the Orinoco form the last section
of Indians, which are neither Guarani nor Caribs;

OF THE ORINOCO.

113

and this brief notice of their existence clears the
ground for the somewhat fuller account of the next
two families.

The Guarani alone cover more land than all
the other tribes between the Amazons, the Andes,
and the La Plata put together : but it is not certain
that their area is continuous. In the Bolivian
province of Santa Cruz de la Sierra, and in contact
with the Indians of the Missions and the Chaco,
we find the Chiriguanos and Guarayos — and these
are Guarani. Then as far north as the equator,
and as far as the river Napo on the Peruvian
frontier, we find the flat- head Omaguas, the flu-
viatile mariners (so to say) of the Amazons ; and
these are Guarani as well.

The bulk, however, of the stock is Brazilian;
indeed, Brazilian and Guarani have been some-
times used as synonyms. There are, however,
other Guarani in Buenos Ayres ; there are Guarani
on the boundaries of Guiana ; and there are Gua-
rani at the foot of the Andes. But amidst the great
sea of the Guarani populations, fragments of other
families stand out like islands ; and this makes it
likely that the family in question has been aggres-
sive and intrusive, has effected displacements, and
has superseded a number of transitional varieties.

The Caribs approach, without equalling, the
Guarani, in the magnitude of their area. This

i

114 INDIANS OF

lies mostly in Guiana and Venezuela. The chief
population of Trinidad is, that of the Antilles was,
Carib. The Caribs, the Inca Peruvians, the Pampa
horsemen, and the Fuegian boatmen represent the
four extremes of the South American populations.

In some of the Brazilian tribes, the oblique eye
of the Chinese and Mongolians occurs.

In order to show the extent to which a multi-
plicity of small families may not only exist, but
exist in the neighbourhood of great ethnological
areas, I will enumerate those tribes of the Mis-
sions, Brazil, Guiana, and Venezuela, for which
vocabularies have been examined, and whereof
the languages are believed, either from the
comparison of specimens, or on the strength of
direct evidence, to be mutually unintelligible;
premising that differences are more likely to be
exaggerated than undervalued, and that the num-
ber of tribes not known in respect to their lan-
guages is probably as great again as that of the
known ones.

A. Between the Andes, the Missions, and the
15' and 17' S. L. come the Yurakares; whose lan-
guage is said to differ from that of the Mocetenes,
Tacana, and Apolistas, as much as these differ
amongst themselves.

B. In the Missions come — 1. The Moxos.
2. The Movima. 3. The Cayuvava. 4. The

SOUTH AMERICA. 115

Sapiboconi — these belonging to Moxos. In Chi-
quitos are — 1. The Covareca. 2. The Curu-
minaca. 3. The Curavi, 4. The Curucaneca.
5. The Corabeca. 6. The Samucu.

C. In Brazil, the tribes, other than Guarani, of
which I have seen vocabularies representing mu-
tually unintelligible tongues, are —

1. The Botocudo, fiercest of cannibals.

2. The Goitaca, known to the Portuguese as
Coroados or Tonsured.

3. The Camacan with several dialects.

4. The Kiriri and Sabuja.

5. The Timbira.

6. The Pared, the predominant population of
the Mata Grosso.

7. The Mundrucu, on the southern bank of
the Amazons between the rivers Mauhe and
Tabajos.

8. The Mum.

9. 10, 11. The Yameo, Maina, and Chimano
between the Madera and the Ucayale.

12. The Coretu, the only one out of forty tribes
known to us by a vocabulary, for the parts be-
tween the left bank of the Amazons and the
right of the Rio Negro.

D. Of French, Spanish, and Dutch Guiana I
know but little. Upon British Guiana a bright
light has been thrown by the researches of Sir

116 INDIANS OF

R. Schomburgk. Here, besides numerous well-
marked divisions of the Carib group, we have —

1. The Warows, arboreal boatmen — boatmen
because they occupy the Delta of the Orinoco, and
the low coast of Northern Guiana — and arboreal
because the floods drive them up into the trees for
a lodging. In physical form the Warows are like
their neighbours; but their language has been
reduced to no class, and their peculiar habits place
them in strong contrast with most other South
Americans. They are the Marshmen of a country
which is at once a delta and a forest.

2. TheTaruma.

3. The Wapisiana, with the Atiirai, Daiiri, and
Amaripas as extinct, or nearly extinct, sections of
them — themselves only a population of four hun-
dred.

E. Venezuela means the water-system of Ori-
noco, and here we have the mutually unintelligible
tongues of —

1. The Salivi, of which the Aturi are a divi-
sion— the Aturi known from Humboldt's de-
scription of their great sepulchral cavern on the
cataracts of the Orinoco; where more than six
hundred bodies were preserved in woven bags or
baskets — some mummies, some skeletons, some
varnished with odoriferous resins, some painted
with araotto, some bleached white, some naked.

THE ORINOCO. 117

This custom re-appears in parts of Guiana. The
Salivi have undergone great displacement ; since
there is good reason for believing that their
language was once spoken in Trinidad.

2. The Maypures.

3. The Achagua.

4. The Yarura, to which the Betoi is allied;
and possibly —

The Ottomaka. — These are the dirt-eaters.
They fill their stomach with an unctuous clay,
found in their country ; and that, whether food of
a better sort be abundant or deficient.

There is plenty of difference here ; still where
there is difference in some points there is so often
agreement in others that no very decided diffi-
culties are currently recognized as lying against the
doctrine of the South Americans being specifically
connected. When such occur, they are gene-
rally inferences from either the superior civiliza-
tion of the ancient Peruvians or from the pecu-
liarity of their skulls. The latter has been con-
sidered. The former seems to be nothing dif-
ferent in kind from that of several other American
families — the Muysca of New Grenada, the
Mexican, and the Maya further northwards. But
this may prove too much ; since it may merely be
a reason for isolating the Mexicans, &c. Be it so.
The question can stand over for the present.

118 CENTRAL AMERICA.

Something has now been seen of two classes of
phenomena which will appear and re-appear in
the sequel — viz. the great difference in the physi-
cal conditions of such areas as the Fuegian, the
Painpa, the Peruvian, and the Warows, and the
contrast between the geographical extension of
such vast groups as the Guarani, and small fa-
milies like the Wapisiana, the Yurakares, and
more than twenty others.

There is a great gap between South and Central
America : nor is it safe to say that the line of the
Andes (or the Isthmus of Darien) gives the only
line of migration. The islands that connect Flo-
rida and the Caraccas must be remembered also.

The natives of New Grenada are but imper-
fectly known. In Veragua a few small tribes have
been described. In Costa Rica there are still
Indians — but they speak, either wholly or gene-
rally, Spanish. The same is, probably, the case in
Nicaragua. The Moskito Indians are dashed
with both negro and white blood, and are Angli-
cized in respect to their civilization — such as it is.
Of the West Indian Islanders none remain but
the dark-coloured Caribs of St. Vincents. In Gua-
timala, Peruvianism re-appears ; and architectural
remains testify an industrial development — agri-
culture, and life in towns. The intertropical
Andes have an Art of their own ; essentially the

CENTRAL AMERICA. 119

same in Mexico and Peru ; seen to the best ad-
vantage in those two countries, yet by no means
wanting in the intermediate districts; remark-
able in many respects, but not more remarkable
than the existence of three climates under one de-
gree of latitude.

Mexico, like Peru, has been isolated — and that
on the same principle. Yet the ^Egyptians of the
New World cannot be shown to have exclusively
belonged to any one branch of its population. In
Guatimala and Yucatan — where the ruins are not
inferior to those of the Astek* country — the lan-
guage is the Maya, and it is as unreasonable to
suppose that the Asteks built these, as to attri-
bute the Astek ruins to Mayas. It is an illegiti-
mate assumption to argue that, because certain
buildings were contained within the empire of
Montezuma, they were therefore Astek in origin
or design. More than twenty other nations occu-
pied that vast kingdom; and in most parts of it,
where stone is abundant, we find architectural re-
mains.

Architecture, cities, and the consolidation of
empire which they determine, keep along the line
of the Andes. They also stand in an evident ratio

* Astek means the Mexicans of the valley of Mexico who
spoke the Astek language. Mexican, as applied to the kingdom
conquered by Cortez, is a political rather than an ethnological
term.

120 THE NATCHEZ.

to the agricultural conditions of the soil and cli-
mate. The Chaco and Pampa habits which stood
so much in contrast with the industrial civilization
of Peru, and so coincided with the open prairie
character of the country, re- appear in Texas. They
increase in the great valley of the Mississippi.
Nevertheless the Indians of Florida, the Caro-
linas, Tennessee, Kentucky, Virginia, and the old
forests were partially agricultural. They were
also capable of political consolidation. Powhat-
tan, in Virginia, ruled over kings and sub-kings
even as Montezuma did. Picture-writing — so-
called — of which much has been said as a Mexican
characteristic, is being found every day to be com-
moner and commoner amongst the Indians of the
United States and Canada.

In an alluvial soil the barrow replaces the
pyramid. The vast sepulchral mounds of the
Valley of the Mississippi are the. subjects of one
of the valuable works* of the present time.

The Natchez, known to the novelist from the
romance of Chateaubriand, are known to the eth-
nologist as pre-eminent amongst the Indians of the
Mississippi for their Mexican characteristics. They
flattened the head, worshiped the sun, kept up an
undying fire, recognized a system of caste, and
sacrificed human victims. Yet to identify them

* Smithsonian Contributions to Knowledge, vol. i.

THE NATCHEZ.

121

with the Asteks, to assume even any extraordi-
nary intercourse, would be unsafe. Their tradi-
tions, indeed, suggest the idea of a migration;
but their language contradicts their traditions.
They are simply what the other natives of Florida
were. I see in the accounts of the early Appa-
lachians little but Mexicans and Peruvians minus
their metals, and gems, and mountains.

The other generalities of North America are
those of Brazil, Peru, and Patagonia repeated.
The Algonkins have an area like the Guarani, their
coast-line only extending from Labrador to Cape
Hatteras. The Iroquois of New York and the
Carolinas — a broken and discontinuous popula-
tion— indicate encroachment and displacement;
they once, however, covered perhaps as much space
as the Caribs. The Sioux represent the Chaco
and Pampa tribes. Their country is a hunting-
ground, with its relations to the northern Tropic
and the Arctic Circle, precisely those of the Chaco
and Pampas to the Southern and Antarctic.

The western side of the Rocky Mountains is
more Mexican than the eastern ; just as Chili is
more Peruvian than Brazil.

I believe that if the Pacific coast of America
had been the one first discovered and fullest de-
scribed, so that Russian America, New Caledonia,
Queen Charlotte's Archipelago, and Nutka Sound,

122 TRANSITION FROM THE INDIAN

had been as well known as we know Canada and
New Brunswick, there would never have been any
doubts or difficulties as to the origin of the so-
called Red Indians of the New World ; and no
one would ever have speculated about Africans
finding their way to Brazil, or Polynesians to
California. The common-sense primd facie view
would have been admitted at once, instead of
being partially refined on and partially abandoned.
North-eastern Asia would have passed for the
fatherland to North-western America, and instead
of Chinese and Japanese characteristics creating
wonder when discovered in Mexico and Peru,
the only wonder would have been in the rarity
of the occurrence. But geographical discovery
came from another quarter, and as it was the
Indians of the Atlantic whose history first served
as food for speculation, the most natural view of
the origin of the American population was the
last to be adopted — perhaps it has still to be
recognized.

The reason for all this lies in the following
fact. The Eskimo, who form the only family
common to the Old and the New World, stand in
a remarkable contrast to the unequivocal and ad-
mitted American aborigines of Labrador, New-
foundland, Canada, the New England States, New
York, and the other well-known Indians in gene-

TO THE ESKIMO. 123

ral. Size, manners, physical conformation, and
language, all help to separate the two stocks. But
this contrast extends only to the parts east of the
Rocky Mountains. On the west of them there
is no such abruptness, no such definitude, no such
trenchant lines of demarcation. The Athabascan
dialects of New Caledonia and Russian America
are notably interspersed with Eskimo words, and
vice versa. So is the Koluch tongue of the parts
about New Archangel. As for a remarkable dia-
lect called the Ugalents (or Ugyalyackhmutsi)
spoken by a few families about Mount St. Elias,
it is truly transitional in character. Besides this,
what applies to the languages applies to the other
characteristics as well.

The lines of separation between the Eskimo
and the non-Eskimo Americans are as faint on
the Pacific, as they are strong on the Atlantic
side of the continent.

What accounts for this ? The phsenomenon
is by no means rare. The Laplander, strongly
contrasted with the Norwegian on the west, gra-
duates into the Finlander on the east. The rela-
tion of the Hottentot to the Kaffre has been
already noticed. So has the hypothesis that ex-
plains it. One stock has encroached upon another,
and the transitional forms have been displaced.
In the particular case before us, the encroaching

124 THE NORTH-WESTERN INDIANS.

tribes of the Algonldn class have pressed upon
the Eskimo from the south ; and just as the pre-
sent Norwegians and Swedes now occupy the
country of a family which was originally akin to
the Laps of Lapland (but with more southern
characters), the Micmacs and other Red Men have
superseded the southerly and transitional Eskimo.
Meanwhile, in North-western America no such
displacement has taken place. The families still
stand in situ-, and the phenomena of transition
have escaped obliteration.

Just as the Eskimo graduate in the American
Indian, so do they pass into the populations of
North-eastern Asia — language being the instru-
ment which the present writer has more especially
employed in their affiliation. From the Peninsula
of Aliaska to the Aleutian chain of islands, and
from the Aleutian chain to Kamskatka is the pro-
bable course of the migration .from Asia to
America — traced backwards, i. e. from the goal to
the starting-point, from the circumference to the
centre.

Then come two conflicting lines. The Aleu-
tians may have been either Kamskadales or Curile
Islanders. In either language there is a sufficiency
of vocables to justify either notion. But this is a
mere point of minute ethnology when compared
with the broader one which has just preceded it.

THE TASMANIANS. 125

The Japanese and Corean populations are so truly
of the same class with the Curile islanders, and
the Koriaks to the north of the sea of the Okhotsk
are so truly Kamskadale, that we may now con-
sider ourselves as having approached our conven-
tional centre so closely as to be at liberty to leave
the parts in question for the consideration of
another portion of the circumference — another
extreme point of divergence.

II, From Van Diemen's Land to the South-
Eastern parts of Asia. — The aborigines of Van
Diemen's Land, conveniently called Tasmanians,
have a fair claim, when considered by themselves,
to be looked upon as members of a separate spe-
cies. The Australians are on a level low enough
to satisfy the most exaggerated painters of a state
of nature ; but the Tasmanians are, apparently,
lower still. Of this family but a few families re-
main— occupants of Flinders' Island, whither
they have been removed by the Van Diemen's
Land Government. And here they decrease ; but
whether from want of room or from intermarriage
is doubtful. The effects of neither have been
fairly investigated. From the Australians they
differ in the texture of their hair — the leading
diagnostic character. The Tasmanian is shock-
headed, with curled, frizzy, matted and greased
locks. None of their dialects are intelligible to
any Australian, and the commercial intercourse

126 TASMANIANS

between the two islands seems to have been little
or none. Short specimens of four mutually un-
intelligible dialects are all that I have had the
opportunity of comparing. They belong to the
same class with those of Australia, New Guinea,
and the Papua islands; and this is all that can
safely be said about them.

It is an open question whether the Tasmanians
reached Van Diemen's Land from South Australia,
from Timor, or from New Caledonia — the line of
migration having, in this latter case, wound round
Australia, instead of stretching across it. Certain
points of resemblance between the New Cale-
donian and Tasmanian dialects suggest this re-
finement upon the primd facie doctrine of an
Australian origin ; and the texture of the hair, as
far as it proves anything, goes the same way.

Australia is radically and fundamentally the
occupancy of a single stock ; the greatest sign of
difference between its numerous tribes being that
of language. Now this is but a repetition of the
philological phenomena of America. The blacker
and ruder population of Timor represents the
great-great ancestors of the Australians; and it
was from Timor that Australia was, apparently,
peopled. I feel but little doubt on the subject.
Timor itself is connected with the Malayan penin-
sula by a line of dark-coloured, rude, and frag-
mentary populations, to be found in Ombay and

AND AUSTRALIANS. 127

Floris at the present moment, and inferred to have
existed in Java and Sumatra before the develop-
ment of the peculiar and encroaching civilization
of the Mahometan Malays.

It is in the Malayan peninsula that another line
of migration terminates. From New Caledonia
to New Guinea a long line of islands— Tanua,
Mallicollo, Solomon's Isles, &c. — is occupied by
a dark-skinned population of rude Papuas, with
Tasmanian rather than Australian hair, i. e. with
hair which is frizzy, crisp, curled, or mop-headed,
rather than straight, lank, or only wavy. This
comes from New Guinea ; New Guinea itself
comes from the Eastern Moluccas; i. e. from their
darker populations. These are of the same origin
with those of Timor ; though the lines of migra-
tion are remarkably distinct. One is from the
Moluccas to New Caledonia via New Guinea ; the
other is via Timor to Australia.

Both these migrations were early ; earlier than
the occupancy of Polynesia. The previous occu-
pancy of Australia and New Guinea proves this ;
and the greater differences between the different
sections of the two populations do the same.

III. From Easter Island to the South-Eastern
parts of Asia. — The northern, southern, and
eastern extremities of Polynesia are the Sandwich
Islands, New Zealand, and Easter Island respect-

128 POLYNESIAN GROUP.

ively. These took their occupants from different
islands of the great group to which they belong ;
of which the Navigators' Islands were, probably,
the first to be peopled. The Radack, Ralik, Caro-
line, and Pelew groups connect this group with
either the Philippines or the Moluccas ; and when
we reach these, we arrive at the point where the
Papuan and Polynesian lines diverge. Just as the
Papuan line overlapped or wound round Australia,
so do the Micronesians and Polynesians form a
circuit round the whole Papuan area.

As the languages, both of Polynesia and Micro-
nesia, differ from each other far less than those of
New Guinea, the Papuan Islands, and Australia,
the separation from the parent stock is later. It
is, most probably, through the Philippines that
this third line converges towards the original and
continental source of all three. This is the south-
eastern portion of the Asiatic Continent, or the
Indo-Chinese Peninsula.

The Malay of the Malayan Peninsula is an in-
flected tongue as opposed to the Siamese of Siam,
which belongs to the same class as the Chinese,
and is monosyllabic. This gives us a convenient
point to stop at.

In like manner theCorean and Japanese tongues,
with which we broke off the American line of
migration, were polysyllabic ; though the Chinese,

THE MALAGASI. 129

with which they came in geographical contact, was
monosyllabic.

The most remarkable fact connected with the
Oceanic stock is the presence of a certain number
of Malay and Polynesian words in the language
of an island so distant as Madagascar ; an island
not only distant from the Malayan Peninsula, but
near to the Mozambique coast of Africa — an eth-
nological area widely different from the Malay.

Whatever may be the inference from this fact —
and it is one upon which many very conflicting
opinions have been founded — its reality is un-
doubted. It is admitted by Mr. Crawfurd, the
writer above all others who is indisposed to admit
the Oceanic origin of the Malagasi, and it is ac-
counted for as follows : — " A navigation of 3000
miles of open sea lies between them*, and a strong
trade-wind prevails in the greater part of it. A
voyage from the Indian Islands to Madagascar is
possible, even in the rude state of Malayan navi-
gation ; but return would be wholly impossible.
Commerce, conquests, or colonization, are, conse-
quently, utterly out of the question, as means of
conveying any portion of the Malayan language
to Madagascar. There remains, then, but one
way in which this could have taken place — the
fortuitous arrival on the shores of Madagascar of
* The Indian Islands and Madagascar.

K

130 THE MALAGASI MIGRATION.

tempest-driven Malayan praus. The south-east
monsoon, which is but a continuation of the
south-east trade-wind, prevails from the tenth
degree of south latitude to the equator, its great-
est force being felt in the Java Sea, and its influ-
ence embracing the western half of the island of
Sumatra. This wind blows from April to October,
and an easterly gale during this period might
drive a vessel oif the shores of Sumatra or Java,
so as to make it impossible to regain them. In
such a situation she would have no resource but
putting before the wind, and making for the first
land that chance might direct her to ; and that
first land would be Madagascar. With a fair wind
and a stiff breeze, which she would be sure of, she
might reach that island, without difficulty, in a
month. * * * The occasional arrival in
Madagascar of a shipwrecked prau might not, in-
deed, be sufficient to account for even the small
portion of Malayan found in the Malagasi ; but it
is offering no violence to the manners or history
of the Malay people, to imagine the probability of
a piratical fleet, or a fleet carrying one of those
migrations of which there are examples on record,
being tempest-driven, like a single prau. Such a
fleet, well equipped, well stocked, and well
manned, would not only be fitted for the long and
perilous voyage, but reach Madagascar in a better

THE MALAGASI MIGRATION. 131

mdition than a fishing or trading boat. It may
jm, then, not an improbable supposition, that
it was through one or more fortuitous adventures
of this description, that the language of Mada-
gascar received its influx of Malayan."

As a supplement to the remarks of Mr. Craw-
furd, I add the following account from Mr. M.
Martin : — " Many instances have occurred of the
slaves in Mauritius seizing on a canoe, or boat, at
night-time, and with a calabash of water and a
few manioc, or Cassada roots, pushing out to sea
and endeavouring to reach across to Madagascar
or Africa, through the pathless and stormy ocean.
Of course they generally perish, but some suc-
ceed. We picked up a frail canoe within about
a hundred miles of the coast of Africa ; it con-
tained five runaway slaves, one dying in the
bottom of the canoe, and the others nearly ex-
hausted. They had fled from a harsh French
master at the Seychelles, committed themselves
to the deep without compass or guide, with a
small quantity of water and rice, and trusting to
their fishing-lines for support. Steering by the
stars, they had nearly reached the coast from
which they had been kidnapped, when nature
sank exhausted, and we were just in time to save
four of their lives. So long as the wanderers in
search of home were able to do so, the days were

132 THE MALAGASI MIGRATION.

numbered by notches on the side of the canoe,
and twenty-one were thus marked when met with
by our vessel."

These extracts have been given for the sake of
throwing light upon the most remarkable Oceanic
migration known — for migration there must have
been, even if it were so partial as Mr. Crawfurd
makes it ; migration which may make the present
Malagasi Oceanic or not, according to the state in
which they found the island at their arrival. If
it were already peopled, the passage across the
great Indian Ocean is just as remarkable as if it
were, till then, untrodden by a human foot. The
only additional wonder in this latter case would be
the contrast between the Africans who missed an
island so near, and the Malays who discovered one
so distant.

Individually, I differ from Mr. Crawfurd in
respect to the actual differences between the
Malay and the Malagasi, with the hesitation and
respect due to his known acquirements in the
former of these languages ; but I differ more and
more unhesitatingly from him in the valuation of
them as signs of ethnological separation; believing,
not only that the two languages are essentially of
the same family, but that the descent, blood, or
pedigree of the Malagasi is as Oceanic as their
language.

THE HOTTENTOTS. 133

IV. From the Cape of Good Hope to the South-
western parts of Asia. — The Hottentots of the
Cape have a better claim than any other members
of the human kind to be considered as a separate
species. Characteristics apparently differential
occur on all sides. Morally, the Hottentots are
rude; physically, they are undersized and weak.
In all the points wherein the Eskimo differs from
the Algonkin, or the Lap from the Fin, the Hot-
tentot recedes from the Kaffre. Yet the Kaffre
is his nearest neighbour. To the ordinary
distinctions, steatomata on the nates and pecu-
liarities in the reproductive organs have been
superadded.

Nevertheless, a very scanty collation gives the
following philological similarities; the Hottentot
dialects* being taken on the one side and the
other African languages t on the other. I leave
it to the reader to pronounce upon the import of
the table ; adding only the decided expression of
my own belief that the coincidences in question
are too numerous to be accidental, too little ono-

* Viz. the Korana, Saab, Hottentot, and Bushman.

f The Agow, Somauli, and the rest ; some being spoken very
far north, as the Agow and Seracole. This list -has already
been published by the author in his Report on Ethnological
Philology (Transactions of the Association for the Advancement
of Science, 1847).

134

THE HOTTENTOTS.

matopceic to be organic, and too widely as well as
too irregularly distributed to be explained by the
assumption of intercourse or intermixture.

English

sun.

English

bird.

Saab

t'koara.

Bushman

t'kanni.

Hottentot

sorre.

Mandingo

kuno.

Corana
Agow
Somauli
Kru

sorob.
quorah.
ghurrah.
guiro.

English
Corana
Bushman
Susu

sleep.
t'kchom.
t'koing.
kima.

Kanga
Wawn

jiro.
jirri.

Howssa

kuana.

English

fire.

English

tongue.

Coraua

taib.

Corana
Bushman

tamma.
t'inn.

Congo
Somauli

tubia.
dub.

Fertit

timi.

Bushman

t'jih.

"Pnt

Aiii

English
Bushman

neck.
t'kau.

J/Ob

Ashantee

QtU»

ojia.

Darfur

kiu.

English

neck.

English
Corana

hand.
t'koam.

Bushman
Makua

t'kau.
tchico.

Shilluck

kiam.

English

die.

Corana

t'koo.

English

tree.

Bushman

tkuki.

Corana

peikoa.

Makua

ocoa = dead.

Bushman

t'hauki.

Shilluck

yuke.

English

good.

Corana

t'kain.

English

mountain.

Bushman

teteini.

Corana
Falasha

teub.
duba.

Makua

oni-touny.

English

foot.

English

ear.

Corana

t'nah.

Corana

t'naum.

Hottentot

t'noah.

Bullom

naimu.

Makua

nyahai.

English

star.

English

drink.

Corana

kambrokoa.

Corana

t'kchaa.

Kossa

rumbereki.

Howssa

sha.

SOUTH AFRICANS.

135

English

star.

English

tree.

Bushman

tkoaati.

Bushman

t'huh.

Bagnon

hoquooud.

Seracole, &c.

ite.

Fulah

kode.

English

foot.

English

child.

Corana

fkett.

Corana

t'kob.

Bushman

t'koah.

Bushman

t'katkoang.

Sereres

akiaf.

Bagnon

colden.

Waag Agau.

tsab.

Timmani

kalent.

Bullom

tshant.

Unless we suppose Southern Africa to have been
the cradle of the human species, the population
of the Cape must have been an extension of that
of the Southern Tropic, and the Tropical family
itself have been originally Equatorial. What
does this imply ? Even this — that those streams
of population upon which the soil, climate, and
other physical influences of South Africa acted,
had themselves been acted on by the intertropical
and equatorial influences of the Negro countries.
Hence the human stock upon which the physical
conditions had to act, was as peculiar as those
conditions themselves. It was not in the same
predicament with the intertropical South Ame-
ricans. Between these and the hypothetical centre
in Asia there was the Arctic Circle and the Polar
latitudes — influences that in some portion of the
line of migration must have acted on their ances-
tors' ancestors.

It was nearer the condition of the Australians.
Yet the equatorial portion of the line of migration

136 THE KAFFRES.

of these latter had been very different from that
of the Kaffres and the Hottentots. It was narrow
in extent, and lay in fertile islands, cooled by the
breezes and evaporation of the ocean, rather than
across the arid table-land of Central Africa — the
parts between the Gulf of Guinea and the mouth
of the river Juba.

Between the Hottentots and their next neigh-
bours to the north there are many points of dif-
ference. Admitting these to a certain extent, I
explain them by the assumption of encroachment,
displacement, and the abolition of those inter-
mediate and transitional tribes which connected
the northern Hottentots with the southern Kaffres.

And here I must remark, that the displacement
itself is no assumption at all, but an historical
fact ; since within the last few centuries the
Amakosa Kaffres alone have extended themselves
at the expense of different Hottentot tribes, from
the parts about Port Natal to the head-waters of
the Orange River.

It is only the transitional character of the anni-
hilated populations that is an assumption. I be-
lieve it — of course — to be a legitimate one ; other-
wise it would not have been made.

On the other hand I consider it illegitimate to
assume, without inquiry, so broad and funda-
mental a distinction between the two stocks as to

THE KAFFRES. 137

attribute all points of similarity to intercourse
only — none to original affinity. Yet this is done
largely. The Hottentot language contains a sound
which I believe to be an w-aspirated h, i. e. a
sound of h formed by drawing in the breath, rather
than by forcing it out — as is done by the rest of
the world. This is called the click. It is a truly
inarticulate sound j and as the common h is found
in the language as well, the Hottentot speech
presents the remarkable phenomenon of two inar-
ticulate sounds, or two sounds common to man
and the lower animals. As a point of anthro-
pology this may be of value : in ethnology it has
probably been misinterpreted.

It is found in one Kaffre dialect. What are the
inferences ? That it has been adopted from the
Hottentot by the Kaffre ; just as a Kaffre gun has
been adopted from the Europeans. This is one
of them.

The other is that the sound in question is less
unique, less characteristic, and less exclusively
Hottentot than was previously believed.

Now this is certainly not one whit less legiti-
mate than the former ; yet the former is the com-
moner notion. Perhaps it is because it flatters
us with a fresh fact, instead of chastening us by
the correction of an over-hasty generalization.

Again — the root t-k (as in tixo, tixme, utiko) is

138 THE KAFFRES.

at once Hottentot and Kaffre. It means either a
Deity or an epithet appropriate to a Deity. Surely
the doctrine that the Kaffres have simply bor-
rowed part of their theological vocabulary from
the Hottentots is neither the only nor the most
logical inference here.

The Kaffre area is so large that it extends on
both sides of Africa to the equator ; and the con-
trast which it supplies when compared with the
small one of the Hottentots is a repetition of the
contrasts already noticed in America.

The peculiarities of the Kaffre stock are fully
sufficient to justify care and consideration before
we place them in the same class either with the
true Negros, or with the Gallas, Nubians, Agows,
and other Africans of the water-system of the
Nile. Yet they are by no means of that broad and
trenchant kind which many have fancied them.
The undoubted Kaffre character of the languages
of Angola, Loango, the Gaboon, the Mozambique
and Zanzibar coasts is a fact which must run
through all our criticism. If so, it condemns all
those extreme inferences which are drawn from
the equally undoubted peculiarities of the Kaffres
of the Cape. And why? Because these last are
extreme forms; extreme, rather than either typical,
or — what is more important — transitional.

Let us, however, look to them. What find we

KAFFRE — NEGROS. 139

then ? Until the philological evidence in favour
of the community of origin of the intertropical
Africans of Congo on the west, and of Inhambame,
Sofala, the Mozambique, &c. on the east, was
known, no one spoke of the natives in any of those
countries as being anything else but Negro, or
thought of enlarging upon such differences as are
now found between them and the typical Black.

Even in respect to the languages, there are
transitional dialects in abundance. In Mrs. Kil-
ham's tables of 31 African languages, the last is
a Kongo vocabulary, all the rest being Negro.
Now this Kongo vocabulary, which is truly Kaffre,
differs from the rest so little more than the rest
do from each other, that when I first saw the list,
being then strongly prepossessed by the opinion
that the Kaffre stock of tongues was, to a great
extent, a stock per se, I could scarcely believe
that the true Kongo and Kaffre language was re-
presented ; so I satisfied myself that it was so, by
a collation with other undoubted vocabularies,
before I admitted the inference. And this is only
one fact out of many*.

Again — the Negros themselves are referable to
an extreme rather than a normal type; and so
far are they from being co-extensive with the
Africans, that it is almost exclusively along the

* A table showing this is to be found in the Transactions of
the British Association for 1847, &c., p. 224—228.

140 THE NEGROS.

valleys of rivers that they are to be found. There
are none in the extra-tropical parts of Northern,
none in the corresponding parts of Southern
Africa; and but few on the table-lands of even
the two sides of the equator. Their areas, indeed,
are scanty and small ; one lies on the Upper Nile,
one on the Lower Gambia and Senegal, one on
the Lower Niger, and the last along the western
coast, where the smaller rivers that originate in
the Kong Mountains form hot and moist alluvial
tracts.

From whatever other Africans the Negros are
to be separated, they are not to be disconnected
from the Kaffres, the chief points of contact and
transition being the parts about the Gaboon.

Neither are the Kaffres to be too trenchantly
cut off from the remarkable families of the Sahara,
the range of Atlas, and the coasts of the Mediterra-
nean— families which it is convenient to take next
in order; not because this is the sequence which
most closely suits either their geography or their
ethnology, but because the criticism which has
lately been applied to them best helps us in the
criticism of the present affiliations.

On the confines of Egypt, in the oasis of Siwah,
we find the most eastern members of the great
Berber, Amazirgh, or Kabyle family; and we find
them as far west as the Canary Isles, of which

THE BERBERS.

141

they were the occupants as long as a native popu-
lation occupied them at all. Members of the
same stock were the ancient subjects of Jugurtha,
Syphax, and Masinissa. Mr. Francis Newman,
who has paid more attention to the speech of the
Berber tribes than any Englishman (perhaps than
any European), has shown that it deserves the
new and convenient name of $w£-Semitic — a term
to be enlarged on.

Let us take a language in its first state of in-
flection, when passing from the monosyllabic form
of the Chinese and its allied tongues, it just begins
to incorporate with its hitherto unmodified nouns
and verbs, certain prepositions denoting relation,
certain adverbs denoting time, and certain pro-
nouns of person or possession; by means of all
which it gets equivalents to the cases, tenses and
persons of the more advanced forms of speech.

This is the germ of Conjugation and Declen-
sion; of the Accidents of Grammar. Let us,
however, go farther. Over and above the simple
juxtaposition and incipient incorporation of these
previously separable and independent particles,
let there be certain internal ones ; those, for in-
stance, which convert the English Present Tenses
fall and speak into the Preterites fell and spoke —
or something of the same sort.

Farther still. Let such changes of accent as

142 SEMITIC LANGUAGES.

occur when we form an adjective like tyrannical,
from a substantive like tyrant, be superadded.

The union of such processes as these will un-
doubtedly stamp a remarkable character upon the
language in which they appear.

But what if they go farther ? or what, if with-
out actually going farther, the tongues which they
characterize find expositors who delight in giving
them prominence, and also exaggerate their im-
port ? This is no hypothetical case.

A large proportion of roots almost necessarily
contain three consonants : e. g. bread, stone, &c.,
pronounced bred, ston, &c. This is one fact.

In many languages there is an inability to pro-
nounce two consonants belonging to the same
syllable, in immediate succession; an inability
which is met by the insertion of an intervening
vowel. The Finlander, instead of Krist, must
say either Ekristo or Keristo. This principle, in
English, would convert bred into bered or ebred,
and ston into eston or seton. This is another fact.

These two and the preceding ones should now
be combined. A large proportion of roots contain-
ing three consonants may induce a grammarian to
coin such a term as triliteralism, and to say that
this triliteralism characterizes a certain language.

Then, as not only these consonants are sepa-
rated from one another by intervening vowels,

SEMITIC LANGUAGES. 143

but as the vowels themselves are subject to
change, (these changes acting upon the accentua-
tion,) the triliteralism becomes more important
still. The consonants look like the framework or
skeleton of the words, the vowels being the modi-
fying influences. The one are the constants, the
other the variants-, and triliteral roots with in-
ternal modifications becomes a philological by-
word which is supposed to represent a unique
phenomenon in the way of speech, rather than
the simple result of two or three common pro-
cesses united in one and the same language.

But the force of system does not stop here.
Suppose we wished to establish the paradox that
the English was a language of the sort in question.
A little ingenuity would put us up to some clever
legerdemain. The convenient aspirate h — like the
bat in the fable of the birds and beasts at war
— might be a consonant when it was wanted to
make up the complement of three, and a vowel
when it was de trop. Words like pity might be
made triliteral (triconsonantal) by doubling the tt ',
words lilae pitted, by ejecting it. Lastly, if it were
denied that two consonants must necessarily be
separated by a vowel, it would be an easy matter
to say that between such sounds as the n and r in
Henry, the b and r in bread, the r and b in curb,
there was really a very short vowel; and that

144 THE SEMITIC FAMILIES.

Heriery, beredj curub, were the true sounds; or
that, if they were not so in the nineteenth century,
they were two thousand years ago.

Now let all this be taught and believed, and
who will not isolate the language in which such
remarkable phenomena occur ?

All this is taught and believed, and conse-
quently there is a language, or rather a group of
languages, thus isolated.

But the isolation does not stop with the philo-
logist. The anatomist and the historian support
it as well. The nations who speak the language
in question are in the neighbourhood of Blacks,
but without being Blacks themselves; and they
are in contact with rude Pagans; themselves
being eminently monotheistic. Their history
also has been an influential one, morally and ma-
terially as well ; whilst the skulls 'are as symme-
trical as the skull of the famous Georgian female
of our first chapter, their complexions fair or
ruddy, and their noses so little African as to
emulate the eagle's beak in prominent convexity.
All this exaggerates the elements of isolation.

The class or family thus isolated, which — as
stated above — has a real existence, has been con-
veniently called Semitic ; a term comprising the
twelve tribes of Israel and the modern Jews so
far as they are descended from them, the Syrians

THE SEMITIC FAMILIES. 145

of ancient, and, partially, of modern Syria, the
Mesopotamians, the Phoenicians, the Assyrians,
the Babylonians, the Arabs, and certain popula-
tions of ^Ethiopia or Abyssinia.

Further facts, real or supposed, have contri-
buted to isolate this remarkable and important
family. The Africans who were nearest to them,
both in locality and civilization — the -/Egyptians of
the Pharaohnic empire, builders of the pyramids,
and writers in hieroglyphics — have ceased to exist
as a separate substantive nation. Their Asiatic
frontagers, on the other hand, were either Persians
or Armenians.

Everything favoured isolation here. The Jew
and Egyptian were in strong contrast from the
beginning, and all our earliest impressions are in
favour of an over- valuation of their differences.
As for the Persian, he was so early placed in a
different class — a class which, from the fact of its
being supposed to contain the Germans, Greeks,
Latins, Slavonians, and Hindus as well, has been
called Indo-European — that he had a proper and
peculiar position of his own ; and something al-
most as stringent in the way of demarcation ap-
plied to the Armenian. Where, then, were the
approaches to the Semitic family to be found ?

Attempts were made to connect them with the
Indo-Europeans ; I think unsuccessfully. Of

146 THE SEMITIC FAMILIES.

course there was a certain amount of relationship
of some kind ; but it by no means followed that
this established the real affiliations. There was a
connexion ; but not the connexion. The reasons
for this view lay partly in certain undoubted affi-
nities with the Persians, and partly in the fact of
the Jew, Syrian and Arab skulls, and the Jew,
Syrian and Arab civilizations coming under the
category of Caucasian.

Consciously or unconsciously, most writers have
gone on this hypothesis — naturally, but incon-
siderately. Hence the rough current opinion has
been, that if the Semitic tribes were in any trace-
able degree of relationship with the other families
of the earth, that relationship must be sought for
amongst the Indo-Europeans.

The next step was to raise the Semitic class to
the rank of a standard or measure for the affini-
ties of unplaced families ; and writers who inves-
tigated particular languages more readily inquired
whether such languages were Semitic, than what
the Semitic tongues were themselves. Unless I
mistake the spirit in which many admirable inves-
tigations have been conducted, this led to the
term $w£-Semitic. Men asked about the amount
of Semitism in certain families as if it were a
substantive and inherent property, rather than
what Semitism itself consisted in.

THE SEMITIC FAMILIES. 147

And now £w#-Semitic tongues multiplied ; since
Sub-Semitism was a respectable thing to predicate
of the object of one's attention.

The ancient ./Egyptian was stated to be Sub-
Semitic — Benfey and others having done good
work in making it so.

Mr. Newman did the same with the Berber.
Meanwhile the anatomists acted much like the
philologists, and brought the skulls of the old
^Egyptians in the same class with those of the
Jews and Arabs, so as to be Caucasian.

But the Caucasians had been put in a sort of
antithesis to the Negros; and hence came mis-
chief. Whatever may be the views of those able
writers who have investigated the Sub- Semitic
Africans, when pressed for definitions, it is not too
much to say that, in practice, they have all acted
as if the moment a class became Semitic, it ceased
to be African. They have all looked one way;
that being the way in which good Jews and Ma-
hometans look — towards Mecca and Jerusalem.
They have forgotten the phaenomena of correlation.
If Caesar is like Pompey, Pompey must be like
Csesar. If African languages approach the He-
brew, the Hebrew must approach them. The
attraction is mutual; and it is by no means a
case of Mahomet and the mountain.

I believe that the Semitic elements of the Berber,

L2

148 THE SEMITIC FAMILIES.

the Coptic and the Galla are clear and unequivocal;
in other words, that these languages are truly
Sub- Semitic.

In the languages of Abyssinia, the Gheez and
Tigre, admitted, as long as they have been known
at all, to be Semitic, graduate through the Am-
haric, the Falasha, the Harargi, the Gafat, and
other languages which may be well studied in
Dr. Beke's valuable comparative tables*, into the
Agow tongue, unequivocally indigenous to Abys-
sinia; and through this into the true Negro
classes.

But unequivocal as may be the Semitic elements
of the Berber, Coptic and Galla, their affinities
with the tongues of Western and Southern Africa
are more so. I weigh my words when I say, not
equally, but more. Changing the expression for
every foot in advance which can be made towards
the Semitic tongues in one direction, the African
philologist can go a yard towards the Negro ones
in the other f.

* Transactions of the Philological Society, No. 33.

t A short table of the Berber and Coptic, as compared with
the other African tongues, may be seen in the Classical Museum,
and in the Transactions of the British Association, &c. for 1846.
In the Transactions of the Philological Society is a grammatical
sketch of the Tumali language, by Dr. L. Tutshek of Munich.
Now the Tumali is a truly Negro language of Kordofan ; whilst
in respect to the extent to which its inflections are formed by

THE SEMITIC FAMILIES. 149

Of course, the proofs of all this in full detail
would fill a large volume ; indeed, the exhaustion
of the subject and the annihilation of all possible
and contingent objections would fill many. The
position, however, of the present writer is not so
much that of the engineer who has to force his
water up to a higher uphill by means of pumps,
as it is that of the digger and delver who merely
clears away artificial embankments which have
hitherto prevented it finding its own level accord-
ing to the common laws of nature. He has little
fear from the results of separate and independent
investigation, when a certain amount of precon-
ceived notions have been unsettled.

To proceed with the subject — the convergence
of the lines of migration in Africa is broken or
unbroken, clear or indistinct, continuous or irre-
gular, to much the same extent, and much in a
similar manner, with those of America. The moral
contrasts which were afforded by the Mexicans
and Peruvians reappear in the case of the Egyp-
tians and the Semitidse. As to the Hottentots —
they, perhaps, are more widely separated from
their next of kin than any Americans, the Eskimo
not being excepted; so much so, that if the
phenomena of their language be either denied

internal changes of vowels and accents, it is fully equal to the
Semitic tongues of Palestine and Arabia.

150 THE TERM NEGRO.

or explained away, they may pass for a new
species.

Now if the reader have attended to the differ-
ences between the Ethnological and the Anthro-
pological principles of classification, he must have
inferred the necessity of certain differences of no-
menclature, since it is hardly likely that the terms
which suit the one study will exactly fit the other.
And such is really the case. If the word Negro
mean the combination of woolly hair, with a jetty
skin, depressed nose, thick lips, narrow forehead,
acute facial angle, and prominent jaw, it applies
to Africans as widely different from each other as
the Laplander is from the Samoeid and Eskimo,
or the Englishman from the Philander. It ap-
plies to the inhabitants of certain portions of dif-
ferent river-systems, independent of relationship —
and vice versa. The Negros of Kordofan are
nearer in descent to the Copt& and Arabs than
are the lighter-coloured and more civilized Fulahs.
They are also nearer to the same than they are to
the Blacks of the Senegambia. If this be the
case, the term has no place in Ethnology, except
so far as its extensive use makes it hard to aban-
don. Its real application is to Anthropology,
wherein it means the effect of certain influences
upon certain intertropical Africans, irrespective of
descent, but not irrespective of physical condition.

TRANSITIONAL TRIBES. 151

As truly as a short stature and light skin coincide
with the occupancy of mountain ranges, the Negro
physiognomy coincides with that of the alluvia of
rivers. Few writers are less disposed to account
for ethnological differences by reference to a
change of physical conditions rather than original
distinction of species than Dr. Daniell; never-
theless, he expressly states that when you leave
the low swamps of the Delta of the Niger for the
sandstone country of the interior, the skin be-
comes fairer, and black becomes brown, and brown
yellow.

Of the African populations most immediately
in contact with the typical Negro of the western
coast, the fairest are the Nun (conterminous with
the Ibos of the Lower Niger) and the Fulahs who
are spread over the highlands of Senegambia, as
far in the interior as Sakatii, and as far south as
the Nun frontier.

On the other hand, the darkest of the fairer
families are the Tuaricks of Wadreag, who belong
to the Berber family, and the Sheyga Arabs of
Nubia.

The Nubians themselves, or the natives of the
Middle Nile between ^Egypt and Sennaar, are
truly transitional in features between the ^Egyp-
tians and the Blacks of Kordofan. So they are

152 TRANSITIONAL TRIBES.

in language and apparently in civilizational de-
velopment.

The best measure of capacity, in this respect,
on the part of those Africans who have been less
favoured by external circumstances and geogra-
phical position than the ancient Egyptians, is to
be found amongst the Mandingos and Fulahs,
each of which nations has adopted the Mahometan
religion and some portion of the Arabic literature
along with it. Of large towns there are more in
Negro Africa than there has ever been in Mongolia
and Tartary. Yet the Tartars are neither more
nor less than Turks like those of Constantinople,
and the Mongolians are closely connected with the
industrial Chinese.

That the uniformity of languages throughout
Africa is greater than it is either in Asia or
Europe, is a statement to which I have not the
least hesitation in committing myself.

And now, having brought the African migra-
tion— to which I allot the Semitic populations
of Arabia, Syria, and Babylonia — from its extre-
mity at the Cape to a point so near the hypothetical
centre as the frontiers of Persia and Armenia, I
leave it for the present.

*******

The English of England are not the earliest

PRIMARY MIGRATIONS. 153

occupants of the island. Before them were the
ancient Britons. Were these the earliest occupants?
Who were the men by whose foot Britain, till
then the home of the lower animals alone, was
first trodden ? This is uncertain. Why may not
the Kelts have stood in the same relation to some
rude Britons still more primitive, that the Anglo-
Saxons did to the Kelts ? Perhaps they really did
so. Perhaps, even the rude and primitive tribes
thus assumed had aborigines who looked upon
them as intruders, themselves having in their turn
been interlopers . The chief obj ection against thus
multiplying aboriginal aborigines is the rule de
non apparentibuSj &c.

But Britain is an island. Everything relating
to the natural history of the useful arts is so
wholly uninvestigated, that no one has proposed
even to approximate the date of the first launch
of the first boat ; in other words, of the first occu-
pancy of a piece of land surrounded by water.
The whole of that particular continent in which
the first protoplasts saw light, may have remained
full to overflowing before a single frail raft had
effected the first human migration.

Britain may have remained a solitude for cen-
turies and milleniums after Gaul had been full.
I do not suppose this to have been the case ; but,
unless we imagine the first canoe to have been built

154 PRIMARY MIGRATIONS.

simultaneously with the demand for water-trans-
port, it is as easy to allow that a long period in-
tervened between that time and the first effort of
seamanship as a short one. Hence, the date of
the original populations of islands is not in the
same category with that of the dispersion of men
and women over continents.

On continents, we must assume the extension
from one point to another to have been continuous
— and not only this, but we may assume some-
thing like an equable rate of diffusion also. I
have heard that the American population moves
bodily from east to west at the rate of about
eleven miles a year.

As I use the statement solely for the sake of
illustrating my subject, its accuracy is not very
important. To simplify the calculation, let us
say ten. At this rate a circle of migration of
which the centre was (say) in the Altai range,
would enlarge its diameter at the rate of twenty
miles a year — i. e. ten miles at one end of the
radius and ten at the other

Hence a point a thousand miles from the birth-
place of the patriarchs of our species would re-
ceive its first occupants exactly one hundred years
after the original locality had been found too
limited. At this rate a very few centuries would
people the Cape of Good Hope, and fewer still

PRIMARY MIGRATIONS. 155

Lapland, the parts about Cape Comorin, the Ma-
layan Peninsula, and Kamskatka — all parts more
or less in the condition of extreme points*.

Now as long as any continental extremities
of the earth's surface remain unoccupied — the
stream (or rather the enlarging circle of migration)
not having yet reached them — the primary mi-
gration is going on ; and when all have got their
complement, the primary migration is over. Du-
ring this primary migration, the relations of man,
thus placed in movement, and in the full, early
and guiltless exercise of his high function of sub-
duing the earth, are in conflict with physical
obstacles, and with the resistance of the lower
animals only. Unless — like Lot's wife — he turn
back upon the peopled parts behind him, he has
no relations with his fellow-men — at least none
arising out of the claim of previous occupancy.
In other words — during the primary migration —
the world that lay before our progenitors was either
brute or inanimate.

* Nothing is said about Cape Horn ; as America in relation
to Asia is an island. It is also, perhaps, unnecessary to repeat
that both the rate and the centre are hypothetical— either or
both may or may not be correct. That which is not hypothe-
tical is the approximation to an equability of rate in the case of
continents. It is difficult to conceive any such conditions, as
those which deferred the occupancy of islands like Madagascar
and Iceland, by emigrants from Africa or Greenland, for an in-
definite period, keeping one part of Africa or Greenland empty

156 SECONDARY MIGRATIONS.

But before many generations have passed away,
all becomes full to overflowing ; so that men must
enlarge their boundaries at the expense of their
fellows. The migrations that now take place are
secondary. They differ from the primary in many
respects. They are slower, because the resistance
is that of Humanity to Humanity ; and they are
violent, because dispossession is the object. They
are partial, abortive, followed by the fusion of
different populations ; or followed by their exter-
mination— as the case may be. All, however, that
we have now to say about them is the fact of their
difference from the primary one.

Concerning the secondary migrations we have a
considerable amount of knowledge. History tells
us of some ; ethnological induction suggests others.
The primary one, however, is a great mystery. Yet
it is one which is continually talked about.

I mention it now, (having previously enlarged
upon it,) for the sake of suggesting a question of
some importance in practical Ethnology. It is the
one suggested by the remarks upon the aborigines
of Britain. When are we sure that the population
of any part of a continent is primary — i. e. de-

whilst another was full. Hence, the equability in question is a
mere result of the absence, on continents, of any conditions
capable of arresting it for an indefinite period. The extent to
which it may be interfered with by other causes is no part of the
present question.

SECONDARY MIGRATIONS. 157

scended from, or representative of, the first occu-
pants ? Never. There are plenty of cases where,
from history, from the phsenomena of contrast, and
from other ethnological arguments, we are quite
satisfied that it is not so ; but none where the evi-
dence is conclusive the other way. At the same
time, the doctrine de non apparentibus cautions us
against assuming displacements unnecessarily.

However, where we have, in addition to the
absence of the signs of previous occupancy, an ex-
treme locality, (i. e. a locality at the farthest di-
stance, in a given direction, from the hypothetical
centre,) we have primd facie evidence in favour of
the population representing a primary migration.
Thus :—

1, 2. The Hottentots and Laplanders amongst
the families of the Continent are probably
primary.

3. The Irish Gaels are the same amongst
islanders.

4, 5. America and the Oceanic area appear to
be primary in respect to the populations of the
Continent of Asia ; though within their own areas
the displacements have been considerable.

158 THE UGRIANS.

CHAPTER V.

The Ugrians of Lapland, Finland, Permia, the Ural Mountains
and the Volga — area of the light-haired families — Turanians —
the Kelts of Ireland, Scotland, Wales, Gaul — the Goths— the
Sarmatians — the Greeks and Latins — difficulties of European
ethnology — displacement — intermixture — identification of
ancient families — extinction of ancient families — the Etrus-
cans— the Pelasgi — isolation — the Basks — the Albanians —
classifications and hypotheses — the term Indo-European — the
Finnic hypotheses.

V. From Lapland to North-western Asia. — That
the Norwegian of Norway stands in remarkable
contrast to the Lap of Finmark has already been
stated. There is nothing wonderful in this. The
Norwegian is a German from the south, and, con-
sequently, a member of an intrusive population.

The extent to which a similar contrast exists be-
tween the Lap and Finlander is more remarkable ;
since both belongto the same family. Of this family
the Laps are an extreme branch both in respect to
physical conformation and geographical position.
The term most conveniently used to designate the
stock in question is Ugrian. In Asia the Voguls,
Ostiaks, Votiaks, Tsheremis, Morduins, and other
tribes are Ugrian.

The Laps are generally speaking swarthy in
complexion, black-haired and black-eyed; and so

THE FAIR FAMILIES. 159

are the Majiars of Hungary. The other Ugrians,
however, are remarkable for being, to a great ex-
tent, a blonde population. The Tshuvatsh have a
light complexion with black and somewhat curly
hair, and grey eyes. The Morduins fall into two
divisions, the Ersad and Mokshad ; of which the
former are more frequently m?-haired than the
latter. The Tsheremiss are light-haired ; the
Voguls and Ostiaks often red-haired ; the Yotiaks
the most red-haired people in the world. Of course,
with this we have blue or grey eyes and fair skins.

Few writers seem ever to have considered the
exceptional character of this physiognomy: indeed,
it is unfortunate that no term like bianco (or
branco), denoting men lighter-coloured than the
Spaniards and Portuguese, in the same way that
Negro denotes those who are darker, has been
evolved. It is, probably, too late for it being
done now. At any rate, complexions like those
of the fair portion of the people of England are
quite as exceptional as faces of the hue of the
Gulf-of-Guinea Blacks.

Like the Negro, the White-skin is chiefly found
within certain limits; and like Negro the term
White is anthropological rather than ethnological,
i. e. the physiognomy in question is spread over
different divisions of our species, and by no means
coincides with ethnological relationship.

160 THE TURANIANS.

Nine-tenths of the fair- skinned populations of
the world are to be found between 30° and 65°
N. lat., and west of the Oby. Nine-tenths of
them also are to be found amongst the following
four families: — 1. The Ugrian. 2. The Sarma-
tian. 3. The Gothic. 4. The Keltic.

The physical conditions which most closely
coincide with the geographical area of the blonde
branches of the blonde families require more study
than they have found. From the parts to north
and south it is distinguished by the palpably intel-
ligible differences of latitude. The parts to the
east of it differ less evidently ; nevertheless, they
are steppes and table-lands rather than tracts of
comparatively low forests. The blonde area is cer-
tainly amongst the moister parts of the world*.

That the Ugrians graduate into the Turks of
Tartary and Siberia — themselves a division of a
class containing the great Mongolian and Tungu-
sian branches — has been admitted by most writers;
Schott having done the best work with the philo-
logical part of the question.

Gabelentz has, I am informed, lately shown that
the Samoeid tongues come within the same class; —

* When ethnological medicine shall have become more ex-
tensively studied than it is, it will probably be seen that the
populations of the area in question are those which are most
afflicted by scrofula.

THE TURANIANS. 161

a statement which, without having seen his rea-
sons,, I am fully prepared to admit.

Now what applies to the Samoeids* applies to
two other classes as well : —

1. TheYeniseians* on the Upper Yenisey; and

2. The Yukahiri* on the Kolyma and Indijirka.
This gives us one great stock, conveniently

called Turanian, whereof —

1. The Mongolians —

2. The Tungusians — of which the Mantshiis
are the best known representatives —

3. The Ugrians, falling into the Lap, Finlandic,
Majiar and other branches ; — along with

4. The Hyperboreans, or Sainoeids, Yeniseians,
and Yukahiri — are branches.

And this stock takes us from the North Cape
to the Wall of China.

VI. From Ireland to the Western parts of Asia. —
The rule already referred to, viz. that an island
must always be considered to have been peopled
from the nearest part of the nearest land of a more
continental character than itself, unless reason can
be shown to the contrary, applies to the popula-
tion of Ireland; subject to which view, the point
of emigration from Great Britain must have been
the parts about the Mull of Cantyre ; and the

* A table showing this is printed in the author's ' Varieties
of Man,' pp. 270-272.

162 THE KELTS.

point of immigration into Ireland must have been
the province of Ulster, and the parts that are
nearest to Scotland.

Upon this doctrine I see no reason whatever to
refine, since the unequivocal fact of the Scotch
and Irish Gaelic being the same language confirms
it. Here, however, as in so many other cases, the
opinions and facts by no means go together ; and
the notion of Scotland having been peopled from
Ireland, and Ireland from some other country, is
a common one. The introduction of the Scots of
Scotland from the west, when examined, will be
found to rest almost wholly on the following ex-
tract from Beda : — " procedente tempore, tertiam
Scottorum nationem in parte Pictorum recepit,
qui duce Reuda de Hibernia progressi, amicitia vel
ferro sibimet inter eos has sedes quas hactenus
habent vindicarunt ; a quo videlicet duce, usque
hodie Dalreudini vocantur: nam eorum lingua
Daal partem significat."

Now, as this was written about the middle of
the eighth century, there are only two statements
in it that can be passed for contemporary evidence,
yiz. the assertion that at the time of Beda a por-
tion of Scotland was called the country of the
Dalreudini ; and that in their language daal meant
part. The Irish origin, then, is grounded upon
either an inference or a tradition ; an inference or

THE KELTS. 163

a tradition which, if true, would prove nothing as
to the original population of either country ; since,
the reasoning which applies to the relation between
the peninsula of Malacca and the island of Suma-
tra applies here. There, the population first passed
from the peninsula to the island, and then back
again — reflected so to say — from the island to
the peninsula. Mutatis mutandis this was the
case with Scotland and Ireland, provided that
there was any migration at all.

Upon this point the evidence of Beda may or
may not be sufficient for the historian. It is cer-
tainly unsatisfactory to the ethnologist.

In saying this, I by no means make the dispa-
raging insinuation that the historian is unduly
credulous, or that the ethnologist is a model of
caution. Neither assertion would be true. The
ethnologist, however, like a small capitalist, cannot
afford so much credit as his fellow-labourer in the
field of Man. He is like a traveller, who, leaving
home at the twilight of the evening, must be
doubly cautious when he comes to a place where
two roads meet. If he take the wrong one,
he has nothing but the long night before him;
and his error grows from bad to worse. But the
historian starts with the twilight of the dawn ; so
that the further he goes the clearer he finds his
way, and the easier he rectifies any previous false

M2

164 THE KELTS. THE GOTHS.

turnings. To argue from cause to effect is to
journey in the dim light of the early morn till
we reach the blazing noon. To argue from effect
to cause is to change the shades of evening for
the gloom of night.

As Scotland is to Ireland, so is Gaul to England.
From the Shannon to the Loire and Rhine, the
stock is one ; one, but not indivisible — the British
branch (containing the Welsh) and the Gaelic
(containing the Scotch) forming its two primary
sections.

Next to the Kelts come the Goths ; the term
Gothic being a general designation taken from a
particular people. Germany is the native land of
these ; just as Gaul was of the Kelts. Hence, they
lie to the north of that family, as well as to the
west of it. Intrusive above all the other popula-
tions of the earth, the branches of the Gothic
tribes have brought themselves in contact and
collision with half the families of the world. First,
they encroached upon the Kelts, and, for a time,
the tide of conquest fluctuated. It was the Rhine
which was the disputed frontier — disputed as much
in Caesar's time as our own. Next, they revenged
themselves on the aggressions of Rome ; so that
the Qstvo-goths conquered Italy, and the Visi-
goths Spain. Then came the Franks of France,
and the Anglo-Saxons of England* In the ninth

THE SARMATIANS. 165

and tenth centuries the edges of the German
swords turned another way, and Mecklenburg,
Pomerania, Prussia, and part of Courland, Silesia,
Lusatia, and Saxony were wrested from the Sar-
matianSj lying to the west and south-west.

It is not unusual to raise the two divisions of
the great Sarmatian stock to the rank of separate
substantive groups — independent of each other,
though intimately allied. In this case Lithuania,
Livonia, and Courland contain the smaller divi-
sion, which is conveniently and generally called
the Lithuanic ; the population being agricultural,
scanty, limited to the country in opposition to the
towns, and unimportant in the way of history ; a
population, which in the tenth and eleventh cen-
turies was cruelly conquered under the plea of
Christianity by the German Knights of the Sword
— rivals in rapacity and bloodshed to their equiva-
lents of the Temple and St. John — a population
which, at the present moment, lies like iron be-
tween the hammer and the anvil, between Russia
and Prussia ; and which, for one brief period only,
under the Jagellons, exercised the equivocal rights
of a dominant and encroaching family — for one
brief period only within the true historical sera.
How far it may have done more at an earlier epoch
remains to be considered.

The other branch is the Slavonic-, comprising

166 THE LITHUANIANS.

the Russians, the Servians, the Illyrians, the Slo-
venians of Styria and Carinthia, the Slovaks of
Hungary, the Tsheks of Bohemia, and the Lekhs
(or Poles) of Poland, Mazovia, and Gallicia. A
great deal is said about the future prospects of
this stock ; the doctrine of certain able historians
being, that as they are the youngest of nations —
a term somewhat difficult to define — and have
played but a small part in the world's history
hitherto, they have a grand career before them ;
a prospect more glorious than that of the Romano-
Keltic French, or the Germanic English of the
Old and New World. I doubt the inference, and
I doubt the fact on which it rests. But of this
more anon. The Sarmatian Slavono-Lithuanians
are the fourth great family of Europe. They cer-
tainly lie in the line of migration which peopled
Ireland from Asia.

South of these lie two branches of a fresh stock,
divided from each other, and presenting the diffi-
cult phenomenon of geographical discontinuity
conjoined with ethnological affinity. Separated
from the most southern Slavonians by the two
intrusive populations of the Wallachians and the
Majiars, and by the primitive family of the Alba-
nians, come —

a. The Greeks — and separated from the Slavo-
nians of Carinthia and Bohemia by intrusive

DIFFICULTIES OF EUROPEAN ETHNOLOGY. 167

Germans at the present moment, and by the
mysterious Etruscans in ancient times, come —

b. The Italians. — We may call these two families
Latin or Hellenic instead of Greek and Italian, if
we choose; and as the distribution of nations is
best studied during the earliest periods of their
history, the former terms are the better.

Before we can consider the classification of these
four families — Ugrian, Kelt, Gothic, and Grseco-
Latin — some fresh observations and certain new
facts are requisite.

The ethnology of Europe is undoubtedly more
difficult than that of any of the three other quarters
of the globe — perhaps more so than that of all the
world besides. It has not the character of being
so — but so it is. The more we know the more
we may know. Illustrated as is Europe by the
historian and the antiquarian, it has its dark holes
and corners made all the more visible from the
illumination.

In the first place, the very fact of its being the
home of the great historical nations has made it
the scene of unparalleled displacements ; for con-
quest is the great staple of history, and conquest
and displacement are correlative terms. A greater
portion of Europe can be shown to be held by either
mixed or conquering nations than is to be found
elsewhere — not that this absolutely proves the en-

168 MAJ1AR CONQUESTS.

croachments to have been greater ; but that gives
prominence to the greater degree in which they
have been recorded. Hence, where in other parts
of the world we shut up our papers and say de non
apparentibus, &c., in Europe we are forced upon
the obscurest investigations, and the subtlest
trains of reasoning.

How great is this displacement ? The history
of only a few out of many of the conquering na-
tions tells us a pregnant story in this respect. It
shows us what has taken place within the com-
paratively brief span of the historical period. What
lies beyond this it only suggests.

The Ugrians with one exception have ever
suffered from the encroachments of others rather
than been encroachers themselves. But the ex-
ception is a remarkable one.

It is that of the Majiars of Hungary, who, what-
ever claims they may set up for an extraction more
illustrious than the one which they share with the
Laplanders and Ostiaks, are unequivocally Ugrians
— no Circassians, as has been vainly fancied, and no
descendants from the Huns of Attila, as has been
more reasonably supposed. This latter, however,
is a supposition invalidated by the high probability
of the warriors of the Scourge of God having been
Turk.

Be this, however, as it may, their advent into

KELTIC CONQUESTS. 169

Europe is no earlier than the tenth century, the
country which they left having been the present
domain of the Bashkirs.

The amount of displacement effected by the
Kelts is difficult to determine. We hear of them
in so many places that the family seems to be ubi-
quitous. Utterly disbelieving the Cimmerii of the
Cimmerian Bosphorus to have been Keltic, and
doubtful about both the Scordisci of the ancient
Noricum, and the Celtiberians of ancient Spain,
I am inclined to limit the Keltic area at its maxi-
mum extension, to Venice westwards, and to the
neighbourhood of Rome southwards. But this is
not enough. They may have been aboriginal in
parts which they seem to have invaded as immi-
grants. This complicates the question and makes
it as hard to ascertain the extent of their encroach-
ments on others, as the extent to which others have
encroached on them — a point for further notice.

The Goths have ever extended their frontier —
a frontier which I believe to have once reached
no farther than the Elbe*. From thence to the
Niemen they have encroached at the expense of
the Sarmatians — Slavonic or Lithuanic as the case
may be.

In the time of Tacitus* it is highly probable
that there were no Goths north of the Eyder.

* Both these points are worked out in detail in the Author's
Taciti Germania, with ethnological notes.

170 INTERMIXTURE.

Since then, however, Denmark, Sweden, and Nor-
way have been wrested from earlier occupants and
become Scandinavian.

The Ugriaii family originally extended as far
south as the Valdai Mountains. This part of their
area is now Russian.

The conquests of Rome have given languages
derived from the Latin to Northern Italy, the
Grisons, France, Spain and Portugal, Wallachia
and Moldavia.

This brings us to another question, that of —

Intermixture. — It is certain that the language
of England is of Anglo-Saxon origin, and that the .
remains of the original Keltic are unimportant.
It is by no means so certain that the blood of
Englishmen is equally Germanic. A vast amount
of Kelticism, not found in our tongue, very pro-
bably exists in our pedigrees.

The ethnology of France is still more compli-
cated. Many writers make the Parisian a Roman on
the strength of his language ; whilst others make
him a Kelt on the strength of certain moral cha-
racteristics combined with the previous Kelticism
of the original Gauls.

Spanish and Portuguese, as languages, are de-
rivatives from the Latin. Spain and Portugal, as
countries, are Iberic, Latin, Gothic, and Arab in
different proportions.

Italian is modern Latin all the world over : yet

INTERMIXTURE. 171

surely there must be much Keltic blood in Lom-
bardy,and much Etruscan intermixture in Tuscany.

In the ninth century every man between the
Elbe and the Niemen spoke some Slavonic dialect.
They now nearly all speak German. Surely the
blood is less exclusively Gothic than the speech.

I have not fallen in with any evidence which
induces me to consider the great Majiar invasion
of Hungary as anything other than a simple mili-
tary conquest. If so — and the reasoning applies
to nine conquests out of ten — the female half of
the ancestry of the present speakers of the Majiar
language must have been the women of the coun-
try. These were Turk, Slavonic, Turko- Slavonic,
Romano- Slavonic, and many other things besides
— anything, in short, but Majiar.

The Grisons language is of Roman origin.

So is the Wallachian of Wallachia and Moldavia.

Nevertheless, in each country, the original
population must be, more or less, represented in
blood by the present.

This is enough to show what is meant by inter-
mixture of blood, the extent to which it demands
a special investigation of its own, and the number
of such investigations required in the ethnology
of Europe. Indeed, it is the subject of a special
department of the science, conveniently called
minute ethnology.

172 NAMES OF

Identification of ancient nations, tribes, and
families. — If there were no such thing as migra-
tion and displacement, the study of the ancient
writers would be an easy matter. As it is, it is
a very difficult one. Nine-tenths of the names of
Herodotus, Strabo, Caesar, Pliny, Tacitus, and
similar writers on ethnology and geography, are
not to be found in the modern maps ; or, if found,
occur in new localities. Such is the case with the
name of our own nation, the Angli, who are now
known as the people of Engl-land; whereas, in
the eyes of Tacitus they were Germans. Others
have not only changed place, but have become
absolutely extinct. This is, of course, common
enough. Again, the name itself may have changed,
though the population to which it applies may
have remained the same, or name and place may
have each changed.

All this creates difficulties, though not such as
should deter us from their investigation. At the
same time, the criticism that must be applied is
of a special and peculiar sort. One of the more
complex questions with which it has to deal is the
necessary but neglected preliminary of determining
the language in which this or that geographical or
ethnological name occurs ; which is by no means
an off-hand process. When Tacitus talks of
Germans, or Herodotus of Scythians, the terms

ANCIENT NATIONS, ETC. 173

Scythian and German may or may not belong to
the language of the people thus designated ; in
other words, they may or may not be native names
— names known to the tribes to which the geo-
grapher applies them.

Generally such names are not native — a state-
ment which, at first, seems hazardous ; since the
primd facie view is in favour of the name by which
a particular nation is known to its neighbours,
being the name by which it characterizes itself.
Do not our neighbours call themselves Francois,
whilst we say French, and are not the names
identical ? In this particular case they are ; but
the case is an exceptional one. Contrast with it
that of the word Welsh. Welsh and Wales are
the English names of the Cymry — English, but
by no means native ; English, but as little Welsh
(strictly speaking) as the word Indian, when ap-
plied to the Red Men of America, is American.

Welsh is the name by which the Englishman
denotes his fellow-citizens of the Principality. The
German of Germany calls the Italians by the same
designation; the same by which he knows the
Wallachians also — since Wallachia and Wales and
Welschland are all from the same root. What an
error would it be to consider all these three coun-
tries as identical, simply because they were so in
name ! Yet if that name were native, such would

174 NAMES OF

be the inference. As it is, however, the chief link
which connects them is their common relation to
Germany (or Germanic England) ; a link which
would have been wholly misinterpreted had we
overlooked the German origin of the term, and
erroneously referred it to the languages of the
countries whereto it had its application.

An extract from KlaprotVs 'Asia Polyglotta'
shall further illustrate this important difference
between the name by which a nation is known to
itself, and the name by which it is known to its
geographer. A certain population of Siberia calls
itself Nyenech or Khasovo. But none of its neigh-
bours so call it. On the contrary, each gives it a
different appellation.

The Obi-Ostiaks call it Jergan-YaJch.
„ Tungusians ,, Dydndal.
„ Syranians „ Yarang.
„ Woguls „ Yarran-Kum.

„ Russians „ Samoeid.

What if some ancient tribe were thus polyony-
mous ? What if five different writers of antiquity
had derived their information from the five differ-
ent nations of its neighbours ? In such a case
there would have been five terms to one object ;
none of them belonging to the language for which
they were used.

The name, then, itself of each ancient popula-

ANCIENT NATIONS. 175

tion requires a preliminary investigation. And
these names are numerous — more so in Europe
than elsewhere.

The importance of the populations to which
such names apply is greater in Europe than else-
where. It is safe to say this ; because there is a
reason for it. From its excessive amount of dis-
placement, Europe is that part of the world where
there are the best grounds for believing in the
previous existence of absolutely extinct families,
or rather in the absolute extinction of families
previously existing. There are no names in Asia
that raise so many problems as those of the Eu-
ropean Pelasgi and Etrurians.

The changes and complications involved in the
foregoing observations (and they are but few out
of many) are the results of comparatively recent
movements ; of conquests accomplished within the
last twenty-five centuries ; of migrations within
(or nearly within) the historical period. Those
truly ethnological phsenomena which belong to
the distribution itself of the existing families of
Europe are, at least, of equal importance.

The most marked instances of philological iso-
lation are European ; the two chief specimens
being the Basque and Albanian languages.

The Basque language of the Pyrenees has the
same relation to the ancient language of the

176 PHILOLOGICAL ISOLATION.

Spanish Peninsula that the present Welsh has to
the old speech of Britain. It represents it in its
fragments j fragments, whereof the preservation
is due to the existence of a mountain stronghold
for the aborigines to retire to. Now so isolated
is this same Basque that there is no language in
the world which is placed in the same class with
it — no matter what the magnitude and import of
that class may be.

The Albanian is just as isolated. As different
from the Greek, Turkish and Slavonic tongues of
the countries in its neighbourhood, as the Basque is
from the French, Spanish and Breton, it is equally
destitute of relations at a distance. It is un-
classed — at least its position as Indo-European is
doubtful.

What the Pelasgian and old Etruscan tongues
were is uncertain. They were probably sufficiently
different from the languages of their neighbour-
hood for the speakers of them to be mutually un-
intelligible. Beyond this, however, they may have
been anything or nothing in the way of isolation.
They may have been as peculiar as the Basque and
Albanian. They m«y, on the other hand, have been
j ust so unlike the Greek and Latin as to have belonged
to another class — the value of that class being un-
ascertained. Again, that class may or may not
have existing representatives amongst the tongues

INDO-GERMANIC. 177

at present existing. I give no opinion on this
point. I only give prominence to the isolation of
the Basque and Albanian. We know these last
to be so different from each other, and from all
other tongues, as to come under none of the re-
cognized divisions in the way of ethnographical
philology and its classifications.

Indo- Germanic. — This brings us to the term
Indo- Germanic ; and the term Indo-Germanic
brings us to the retrospect of the European popu-
lations— all of which, now in existence, have been
enumerated, but all of which have not been clas-
sified.

I. The Ugrians are a branch of the Turanians.

The Turanians form either a whole class or the
part of one, according to the light in which we
view them ; in other words, the group has one
value in philology, and another in anatomy. This
is nothing extraordinary. It merely means that
their speech has more prominent characters than
their physical conformation.

I proceed, however, to our specification : —

a. The Turanians in respect to their physical
conformation are a branch of the Mongolians -, the
Chinese, Eskimo and others, being members of
similar and equivalent divisions.

b. In respect to their language, they are the

N

178 INDO-GERMANIC.

highest group recognized, a group subordinate to
none other.

To change the expression of this difference, the
anatomical naturalist of the Human Species has
in the word Mongolian a term of generality to
which the philologist has not arrived.

II. The Greeks and Latins — the Sarmatians —
and the Germans are referrible to a higher group ;
a group of much the same value as the Tu-
ranian.

The characteristics of this group are philo-
logical.

a. The numerals of the three great divisions
are alike.

b. A large per-centage of the names of the
commoner objects are alike.

c. The signs of case in nouns, and of person in
verbs, are alike.

So wide has been the geographical extent of
the populations speaking languages thus con-
nected (languages which separated from the com-
mon mother-tongue subsequent to the evolution
of both the cases of nouns and the persons of
verbs), that the literary language of India belongs
to the class in question. Hence, when this fact
became known, and when India passed for the
eastern and Germany for the western extremity of

INDO-EUKOPEAN. 179

the great area of this great tongue, the term Indo-
Germanic became current.

But its currency was of no long duration. Dr.
Prichard showed that the Keltic tongues had Indo-
Germanic numerals, a certain per-centage of Indo-
Geraianic names for the commoner objects, and
Indo-Germanic personal terminations of verbs.
Since then, the Keltic has been considered as a
fixed language, with a definite place in the classi-
fication of the philologist; and the term Indo-
European*, expressive of the class to which, along
with the Sarmatian, the Gothic, and the Classical
tongues of Greece and Italy, it belongs, has su-
perseded the original compound Indo-Germanic.

We now know what is meant by Indo-European;
a term of, at least, equal generality with the term
Turanian.

a. In physical conformation the Indo-Europeans
are a branch of the higher division so improperly
and inconveniently called Caucasian.

b. In language they are the highest group
hitherto recognized, a group subordinate to none
other.

And we have also improved our measure of the
isolation of the —

III. Basques. — Anatomically these are Cauca-
sian so-called. Philologically, they are the only
* For a criticism on this term see pp. 86-89.

N2

180 THE FINNIC HYPOTHESIS.

members of the group to which they belong, and
that group is the highest recognized. They are
like a species in natural history, which is the only
one of its genus, the genus being the only one of
its order, and the order being so indeterminate as
to have no higher class to which it is subordinate.

IV. The Albanians are in the same predicament.

This is the state of classification which pre-emi-
nently inspires us with the ambition of making
higher groups; higher groups m philology, since
in anatomy we have them ready-made — i. e. ex-
pressed by the terms Mongolian and Caucasian.
The school which has made the most notable
efforts in this way is the Scandinavian. In England
it is, perhaps, better appreciated than in Germany,
and in Germany better than in France.

I think it had great truth in fragments. It will
first be considered on its philological side. Rask
— the greatest genius for comparative philology
that the world has seen — exhibited the germs of
it in his work on the Zendavesta. Herein his
hypothesis was as follows. The geologist will fol-
low him with ease. Just as the later formations,
isolated and unconnected of themselves, lie on an
earlier, and comparatively continuous, substratum
of secondary, palaeozoic or primary antiquity, so
do the populations speaking Celtic, Gothic, Sla-
vonic, and Classical languages. Conquerors and

THE FINNIC HYPOTHESIS. 181

encroachers wherever they came in contact with
stocks alien to their own, they made, at an early
period of history, nine-tenths of Europe and part
of Asia their own. But before them lay an abo-
riginal population — before them in the way of time.
This consisted of tribes, more or less related to
each other, which filled Europe from the North
Cape to Cape Comorin and Gibraltar — progeni-
tors of the Laplanders on the north, and the pro-
genitors of the Basques of the Pyrenees on the
south — all at one time continuous. This time was
the period anterior to the invasion of the oldest of
the above-mentioned families. More than this —
Hindostan was similarly peopled ; and, by assump-
tion, the parts between Northern Hindostan and
Europe.

Such the theory. Now let us look to the pre-
sent distribution. Almost all Europe is what is
called Indo-European, i. e. Celtic, Gothic, Slavonic,
or Classical. But it is not wholly so. In Scan-
dinavia we have the Laps ; in Northern Russia the
Finns ; on the junction of Spain and France the
Basques. These are fragments of the once conti-
nuous Aborigines — separated from each other by
Celts, Goths, and Slavonians. Then, as to India.
In the Dekhan we have a family of languages
called the Tamul — isolated also. Between each
of these points the population is homogeneous as

182 THE FINNIC HYPOTHESIS.

compared with, itself ; heterogeneous as compared
with the tribes just enumerated. But there was
once a continuity — even as the older rocks in
geology are connected, whilst the newer ones are
dissociated.

Such was the hypothesis of Rask ; an hypothesis
to which he applied the epithet Finnic — since the
Finn of Finland was the type and sample of these
early, aboriginal, hypothetically continuous, and
hypothetically connected tongues. The invasion,
however, of the stronger Indo-Europeans broke
them up. Be it so. It was a grand guess ; even
if wrong, a grand and a suggestive one. Still it
was but a guess. I will not say that no details were
worked out. Some few were indicated.

Points which connected tongues so distant as the
Tamul and the Finn were noticed — but more than
this was not done. Still, it was a doctrine which,
if it were proved false, was better than a large
per-centage of the true ones. It taught inquirers
where to seek the affinities of apparently isolated
languages ; and it bade them pass over those in the
neighbourhood and look to the quarters where other
tongues equally isolated presented themselves.

I have mentioned Rask as the apostle of it.
Arndt, I am told, was the originator. The coun-
trymen, however, of Rask have been those who
have most acted on it.

THE FINNIC HYPOTHESIS. 183

But they took up the weapon at the other end.
It is the anatomists and archaeologists of Scandi-
navia who have worked it most. The Celts have
a skull of their own just as they have a language.
So have the Danes, Swedes, Norwegians, Ger-
mans, Dutch, and Englishmen. Never mind its
characteristics. Suffice, that it was — or was sup-
posed to be — different from that of the Finns and
Basques. So had the Hindus — different from
that of the Tamuls. Now the burial-places of the
present countries of the different Gothic popula-
tions contain skulls of the Gothic character only
up to a certain point. The very oldest stand in
contrast with the oldest forms but one. The very
oldest are Lap, Basque, and Tamul. Surely this
— if true — confirms the philological theory. But
is it true ? I am not inclined to change the terms
already used. It is a grand and a suggestive guess.

More than this it is not necessary to say at pre-
sent ; since any further speculation in respect to
the migration (or migrations) which peopled Eu-
rope from the hypothetical centre in Asia is pre-
mature. The ethnology of Asia is necessary as a
preliminary.

184 AMERICA.

CHAPTER VI.

The Monosyllabic Area— the T'hay— the Mon and Kho—
Tables— the B'hot — the Chinese— Burmese— Persia— India
— Tamulian family — the Brahui — the Dioscurians — the
Georgians — Iron — Mizjeji — Lesgians — Armenians — Asia Mi-
nor— Lycians — Carians — Paropamisans — Conclusion.

OUR plan is now to take up the different lines of
migration at the points where they were respec-
tively broken off. This was at their different
points of contact with Asia. The first line was —

I. The American. — In affiliating the American
with the Asiatic, the ethnologist is in the position
of an irrigator, who supplies some wide tract of
thirsty land with water derived from a higher
level, but kept from the parts below by artificial
embankments. These he remoyes; his process
being simple but effectual, and wholly independent
of the clever machinery of pumps, water-wheels,
and similar branches of hydraulics. The obstacle
being taken away, gravitation does the rest.

The over-valuation of the Eskimo peculiarities
is the great obstacle in American ethnology.
When these are cut down to their due level, the
connexion between America and Asia is neither
more nor less than one of the clearest we have.

AMERICA. 185

It is certainly clearer than the junction of Africa
and north-western Asia ; not more obscure than
that between Oceanica and the Transgangetic
Peninsula ; and incalculably less mysterious than
that which joins Asia to Europe.

Indeed, there is no very great break, either
philologically or anatomically, until we reach the
confines of China. Here, the physical conforma-
tion keeps much the same : the language, how-
ever, becomes monosyllabic.

Now many able writers lay so much stress upon
this monosyllabic character, as to believe that the
separation between the tongues so constituted and
those wherein we have an increase of syllables
with a due amount of inflexion besides, is too
broad to be got over. If speech were a mineral,
this might, perhaps, be true. But speech grows,
and if one philological fact be more capable of
proof than another, it is that of a monosyllabic
and uninflected tongue being a polysyllabic and
inflected one in its first stage of development —
or rather in its wow-development.

The Kamskadale, the Koriak, the Aino-Japa-
nese, and the Korean are the Asiatic languages
most like those of America. Unhesitatingly as I
make this assertion — an assertion for which I have
numerous tabulated vocabularies as proof — I am
by no means prepared to say that one-tenth part of

186

AMERICA.

the necessary work has been done for the parts in
question ; indeed, it is my impression that it is
easier to connect America with the Kurile Isles
and Japan, &c., than it is to make Japan and the
Kurile Isles, &c., Asiatic. The group which they
form belongs to an area where the displacements
have been very great. The Kamskadale family is
nearly extinct. The Koreans, who probably occu-
pied a great part of Mantshuria, have been en-
croached on by both the Chinese and the Mant-
shus. The same has been the case with the Ainos
of the lower Amur. Lastly, the whole of the
northern half of China was originally in the oc-
cupancy of tribes who were probably intermediate
to their Chinese conquerors, the Mantshiis and
the Koreans.

That the philological affinities necessary for
making out the Asiatic origin of the Americans
lie anywhere but on the surface of the language,
I confess. Of the way whereby they should be
looked for, the following is an instance.

The Yukahiri is an Asiatic language of the
Kolyma and Indijirka. Compare its numerals
with those of the other tribes in the direction of
America. They differ. They are not Koriak,
not Kamskadale, by no means Eskimo ; nor yet
Kohich. Before we find the name of a single
Yukahiri unit reappearing in other languages, we

YUKAHIRI WORD FOR TWO. 187

must go as far south along the western coast of
America as the parts about Vancouver's Island.
There we find the Hailtsa tongue — where maluk
= two. Now the Yukahiri term for two is not
maluk. It is a word which I do not remember.
Nevertheless, maluk = two does exist in the Yuka-
hiri. The word for eight is maluk x the term for
four (2x4).

This phenomenon would be repeated in English
if our numerals ran thus : — 1. one; 2. pair-, 4. four;
8. two-fours ; in which case all arguments based
upon the correspondence or non-correspondence
of the English numerals with those of Germany
and Scandinavia would be as valid as if the word
two were the actual name of the second unit.
Indeed, in one respect they would be more so.
The peculiar way in which the Hailtsa maluk
reappears in the Yukahiri is conclusive against the
name being borrowed. Whether it is accidental
is quite another question. This depends upon
the extent to which it is a single coincidence, or
one out of many. All that is attempted, at pre-
sent, is to illustrate the extent to which resem-
blances may be disguised, and the consequent
care requisite for detecting them*

II. The connexion between Oceanica and South-
eastern Asia. — The physical conformation of the
* Since this chapter was written, the news of the premature

188 THE MONOSYLLABIC AREA.

Malays is so truly that of the Indo-Chinese, that
no difficulties lie in this department. The philo-
logical ones are a shade graver. They involve
the doubt already suggested in respect to the rela-
tions between a monosyllabic tongue like the
Siamese, and a tongue other than monosyllabic
like the Malay.

This brings us to the great area of the mono-
syllabic tongues itself. Geographically, it means
China, Tibet, the Transgangetic Peninsula, and
the Sub-Himalayan parts of northern India, such
as Nepal, Sikkim, Assam, the Garo country, and
other similar localities.

death of the most influential supporter of the double doctrine of
(a.) the unity of the American families amongst each other, and (#.)
the difference of the American race from all others — Dr. Morton,
of Philadelphia, — has reached me. It is unnecessary to say, that
the second of these positions is, in the mind of the present
writer, as exceptionable as the first is correct. Nor is it likely to
be otherwise as long as the eastern side of the Rocky Mountains
is so exclusively studied as it is by both the American and the
English school. I have little fear of the Russians falling into
this error. With this remark the objections against the very
valuable labours of Dr. Morton begin and end. His Crania
Americana is by far the most valuable book of its kind. His
Crania JEgyptiaca and other minor works, especially his re-
searches on Hybridism, are all definite additions to ethnological
science. The impulse which he, personally, gave to the very
active study of the Human Species, which so honourably charac-
terises his countrymen, is more than an Englishman can exactly
value. Perhaps, it is second only to that given by Gallatin :
perhaps, it is scarcely second.

THE MONOSYLLABIC AREA. 189

Politically, it means the Chinese, Nepalese,
iurmese and Siamese empires, along with several
Jritish-Indian and independent tribes.

The chief religion is Buddhism ; the physical
conformation unequivocally Mongolian.

The transition from mono-syllabic to poly-syl-
labic has never created much difficulty with myself:
nor do I think it will do so with any writer who
considers the greater difficulties involved in the
denial of it. What these are will become appa-
rent when we look at the map of Asia, and ob-
serve the tongues which come in contact with
those of the class in question. Then it will be-
come clear that unless we allow it to form a con-
necting link, it not only stands alone itself, but
isolates other families. Thus, it is only through
the Transgangetic Peninsula that the Oceanic
family can be connected with the Indian ; a con-
nexion which rests on grounds sufficiently good
to have induced careful writers* to believe the
affiliation to be direct and immediate. It is only
through this same Transgangetic Peninsula plus
Tibet and China that the great Siberian families —
Turanian and Japanese — can be similarly con-
nected with the Oceanic. Yet such a connexion

* Mr. Norris, for instance, of the Asiatic Society, has given
reasons for connecting the Australian tongues with those of the
Dekhan.

190 MONOSYLLABIC LANGUAGES.

really exists, though, from its indirect character,
it is but partially recognised. Nevertheless, it is
recognised (often, perhaps, unconsciously) by every
inquirer who hesitates about separating the Malay
from the Mongol.

A difficulty of far greater magnitude arises
from the following considerations: — There are
two principles upon which languages may be
classified. According to the first, we take two or
more languages as we find them, ascertain certain
of their characteristics, and then inquire how far
these characteristics coincide. Two or more lan-
guages, thus taken, may agree in having a large
per-centage of grammatical inflexions, in which
case they would agree in certain positive charac-
ters. On the other hand, two or more languages
may agree in the negative fact of having a small
and scanty vocabulary, and an inflexional system
equally limited.

The complication here suggested lies in a fact
of which a little reflection will show the truth,
viz. that negative points of similarity prove nothing
in the way of ethnological connexion ; whence, as
far as the simplicity of their respective grammars
is concerned, the Siamese, Burmese, Chinese and
Tibetan may be as little related to each other, or
to a common mother-tongue, as the most unlike
languages of the whole world of Speech.

MONOSYLLABIC LANGUAGES. 191

Again — it by no means follows that because all
the tongues of the family in question are com-
paratively destitute of inflexion, they are all in
the same class. A characteristic of the kind may
arise from two reasons ; won-development, or loss.
There is a stage anterior to the evolution of inflex-
ions, when each word has but one form, and when
relation is expressed by mere juxtaposition, with
or without the superaddition of a change of accent.
The tendencies of this stage are to combine words
in the way of composition, but not to go further.
Every word retains, throughout, its separate sub-
stantive character, and has a meaning inde-
pendent of its juxtaposition with the words with
which it combines.

But there is also a stage subsequent to such an
evolution, when inflexions have become obliterated
and when case-endings, like the t in patr-i, are
replaced by prepositions (in some cases by post-
positions) like the to in to father ; and when per-
sonal endings, like the o in voc-o, are replaced by
pronouns, like the / in / call. Of the first of these
stages, the Chinese is the language which affords
the most typical specimen that can be found in
the present late date of languages — late, consi-
dering that we are looking for a sample of its
earliest forms. Of the last of these stages the

192 MONOSYLLABIC LANGUAGES.

English of the year 1851 affords the most typical
specimen that can be found in the present early
date of language — early, considering that we are
looking for a sample of its latest forms.
Hence —

a. How far the different monosyllabic tongues
are all in the same stage — is one question.

b. Whether this stage be the earlier or the later
one — is another ; and —

c. Whether they are connected by relationship
as well as in external form — is a third.

In answer to this, it is safe to say (a.) that they
are 0//uninflected, because inflexions have yet to be
evolved; not because they have been evolved and
lost — as is the case with the English, a language
which stands at one end of the scale, just as the
Chinese does at the other.

(b.) They are, also, all connected by a bond fide
ethnological relationship ; as can be shown by nu-
merous tables ; the Chinese and Tibetans being,
apparently, the two extremes, in the way of dif-
ference.

As for their geographical distribution, it is a
blank-and-prize lottery, with large and small
areas in juxtaposition and contrast, just as has
been the case in America and in Africa ; the
Sub-Himalayan parts of British India, Sikkim

THE T'HAY. 193

and Nepal, and the Indo-Burmese frontier (or
the country about Assam and Munipur) being
the tracts where the multiplicity of mutually un-
intelligible tongues within a limited district is
greatest.

Again — whenever the latter distribution occurs
we have either a mountain-fastness, political in-
dependence, or the primitive pagan creed — gene-
rally all three.

The population speaking a monosyllabic lan-
guage which is in the most immediate contact
with the continental tribes of the Oceanic stock,
is the Southern Siamese. This reaches as far as
the northern frontier of Kedah (Quedah), about
8° N.L. Everything north of this is monosyl-
labic ; with the exception of a Malay settlement
(probably, though not certainly, of recent origin)
on the coast of Kambogia.

Now the great stock to which the Siamese
belong is called T'hay. Its direction is from
north to south, coinciding with the course of
the great river Menam ; beyond the head- waters
of which the T'hay tribes reach as far as Assam.
Of these northern T'hay, the Khamti are the most
numerous ; and it is important to know that as
many as 92 words out of 100 are common to this
dialect and to the classical Siamese of Bankok.

Again, the intermediate tribes of the Upper and

194 THE MON AND KHO.

Middle Menam — the Lau — speak a language as
unequivocally Siamese as the Khamti. If so, the
T'hay tongue, widely extended as it is in the par-
ticular direction froni north to south, is a tongue
falling into but few dialects ; the inference from
which is, that it has spread within a comparatively
recent period. Consequently, it has encroached
upon certain other populations and effected certain
displacements.

I think that even in the minuter details that
now suggest themselves we can see our way ; so
far, at least, as to determine in which direction the
movement took place — whether it were from north
to south or from south to north.

Few classes of tongues can be better studied for
ethnological purposes than the monosyllabic. A
paper of Buchanan' s, and another of Leyden's, are
amongst the most valuable articles of the Asiatic
Researches. One of Mr. Brown's in the Jour-
nal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal gives us nu-
merous tabulated vocabularies for the Burmese,
Assamese and Indian frontiers. Mr. Hodgson
and Dr. Robertson have done still more for the
same parts. Lastly, the chief southern dialects,
which have been less studied, are tabulated in
the second volume of ' Crawfurd's Embassy to
Siam.'

Upon looking over these, we find specimens of

THE MON AND KHO.

195

the two tongues which lie east and west of the
southern Siamese; the first being the Kho lan-
guage of Kambogia, and the second the Mon of
Pegu. Each of these is spoken over a small area ;
indeed the Mon, which is, at present, nearly limited
to the Delta of the Irawaddi, is fast giving way
before the encroaching dialects of the Burmese
class, whilst the Kho of Kambogia is similarly
limited to the lower part of the Mekhong, and is
hemmed in by the Siamese, the Lau, and the
Anamitic of Cochin China.

Now, separated as they are, the Mon and Kho
are liker to each other than either is to the in-
terjacent Siamese; the inference from this being
that at one time they were connected by trans-
itional and intermediate dialects, aboriginal to the
lower Menam, but now displaced by the Siamese
of Bankok introduced from the parts to the
northwards.

If this be the case, the monosyllabic tongue
most closely allied to those of the Malayan Penin-
sula (which are not monosyllabic) is not the pre-
sent Siamese, but the language which the present
Siamese displaced.

How far this view is confirmed by any special
affinities between the Malay dialects with the
Mon and Kho is more than I can say. The exa-
mination, however, should be made.

196 TABLES.

The southern T'hay dialects are not only less
like the Mon and Kho than is expected from their
locality, but the northern ones are less like those
of the Indo-Burmese frontier and Assam than the
geographical contiguity prepares us to surmise ;
since the per-centage of words common to the
Khamti and the other dialects of Munipur and
Assam is only as follows*.

Siamese. Khamti.

0 1 per cent, with the Aka.

0 1 „ „ Abor.

3 5 „ „ Mishimi.

6 8 „ „ Burmese.

8 8 „ „ Karien.

3 3 „ „ Singpho.

10 10 „ „ Jili.

1 3 „ „ Garo.

3 3 „ „ Munipuri.

1 1 „ „ Songphu.

0 0 „ „ Kapwi.

1 1 „ „ Koreng.

0 0 „ „ Maram.

0 0 „ „ Kamphung.

0 0 „ „ Luhuppa.

0 ,. 0 „ „ North Tankhul.

0 0 „ „ Central Tankhul.

0 0 „ „ South Tankhul.

0 0 „ „ Khoibu.

0 0 „ „ Maring.

* Taken, with much besides, from Mr. Brown's Tables, in
the Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. •

TABLES.

197

This shows that their original locality is to be
sought in an eastern as well as in a northern di-
rection.

If the Tfhay dialects are less like the Burmese
than most other members of their class, they are
more like the Bfhot of Tibet.

English
A.hom

boat.
ru.

Khamti

hu.

Lau

heic.

Siamese
W. Tibetan*
S. Tibetan*

reng.
gru.
kua.

English
Khamti

bone.
nuk.

Lau

duk.

Siamese

ka-duk.

S. Tibetan

ruko.

English
Ahom

crow.
ka.

Khamti

ka.

Lau

ka.

Siamese

ka.

W. Tibetan

kha-ta.

English
Khamti (3)
W. Tibetan

ear.
hu.

sa.

S. Tibetan

amcho.

English
Ahom

egg-
khrai.

Khamti

khai.

Lau

khai.

Siamese

khai.

English

father.

Ahom (3)

po.

W.Tibetan

phd.

S. Tibetan

paid.

English

fire.

Ahom (3)

fai.

W. Tibetan

ma.

S. Tibetan

mt.

English

flower.

Ahom

blok.

Khamti

mok.

Lau

dok.

Siamese

dokmai.

W. Tibetan

me-tog.

S. Tibetan

men- 1 ok.

English .

foot.

Ahom

tin.

W. Tibetan

rkang-pa.

S. Tibetan

kango.

English

hair.

Ahom

phrum.

Khamti

phom.

Lau

phom.

Siamese

phom.

W. Tibetan

skra.

..

spu.

S. Tibetan

ta.

Tfvn

* S. means the spoken, W. the written Tibetan. The collation
has been made from a table of Mr. Hodgson's in the Journal
of the Asiatic Society of Bengal. The Ahom is a T'hay dialect.

198

TABLES.

English

head.

English

tooth.

Ahom

ru.

Ahom

khiu.

Khamti

ho.

Khamti

khiu.

Lau

ho.

Lau

khiau.

Siamese

hoa.

Siamese

khiau.

W. Tibetan

mgo.

Tibetan

s6.

S. Tibetan

go.

English

tree.

English

moon.

Ahom

tun.

Siamese

tawan.

Khamti

tun.

W. Tibetan

zlava.

Lau

t6n.

S. Tibetan

ilawa.

Siamese

t6n.

English
Ahom (4)

mother.
me.

W. Tibetan
S. Tibetan

I. jon-shing.
shin dona.

Tibetan

ama.

English

three.

English
Khamti (3)
W. Tibetan

night.
khun.
m tshan-mo.

Ahom (3)
W. Tibetan
S. Tibetan

sam.
g-sum.
sum.

S. Tibetan

chen-mo.

English

four.

English

oil.

Ahom (3)

si.

Ahom
Khamti

man grd.
nam.

W. Tibetan
S. Tibetan

6zhi.
zhyi.

Lau (2)

man.
nam.
man.

English
Ahom (3)

five.
ha.

S. Tibetan

num.

W. Tibetan

hna.

S. Tibetan

gna.

English
Ahom (2)

road.
tana.

English

six.

Siamese
W. Tibetan

y
thang.
lami.

Ahom
Siamese (3)

ruk.
hok.

S. Tibetan

lani.

W. Tibetan

druk.

S. Tibetan

thu.

English

salt.

Ahom

klu.

English

nine.

Khamti

ku.

Ahom (3)

fern.

Lau

keu.

W. Tibetan

d-gu.

keou.

S. Tibetan

guh.

Siamese

kleua.

English

in, on.

English

skin.

Ahom

nu.

Ahom

plek.

Khamti

nau.

W. Tibetan

pag-spa.

Lau

neu.

S. Tibetan

pag-pa.

Tibetan

la, na.

THE B'HOT.

199

English
Ahom

now.
tinai.

English
Ahom (2)

sleep.
non.

Khamti

tsang.

W. Tibetan

nyan.

Lau

leng.

S. Tibetan

^
nye.

W. Tibetan

deng-tse.

fi>y&.

S. Tibetan

thanda.

English

laugh.

English

to-morrow.

Ahom

khru.

Ahom

sang-manai.

Khamti

kh6.

Tibetan

sang.

Lau

kh6a.

English
Siamese
W. Tibetan

drink.
deum.
Pthung.

Siamese
W. Tibetan
S. Tibetan

hoaro.
bgad.
fgd.

S. Tibetan

thung.

The B'hot itself is spoken over a large area
with but little variation. We anticipate the infer-
ence. It is an intrusive tongue, of comparatively
recent diffusion. What has been its direction ?
From east to west rather than from west to east ; at
least such is the deduction from its similarity to
the T'hay, and from the multiplicity of dialects —
representatives of a receding population — in the
Himalayas of Nepal and Sikkim. This, however,
is a point on which I speak with hesitation.

Dialects of the B'hot class are spoken as far
westward as the parts about Cashmir and the water-
shed of the Indus and Oxus. This gives us the
greatest extent eastwards of any unequivocally
monosyllabic tongue.

The Chinese seem to have effected displace-
ments as remarkable for both breadth and length
as the Tfhay were for length. We get at their
original locality by the exhaustive process. On
the northern and western frontier they keep en-

200 THE CHINESE.

croaching at the present moment — at the expense
of the Mantshus and Mongolians. For the pro-
vinces of Chansi, Pe-tche-li,Chantung,Honan,&c.,
indeed, for four-fifths of the whole empire, the
uniformity of speech indicates a recent diffusion.
In Setshuen and Yunnan the type changes pro-
bably from that of the true Chinese to the Tibetan,
T'hay and Burmese. In Tonkin and Cochin the
language is like but different — like enough to be
the only monosyllabic language which is placed
by any one in the same section with the Chinese,
but different enough to make this position of it a
matter of doubt with many. Putting all this to-
gether, the south and south-eastern provinces of
China appear to be the oldest portions of the pre-
sent area.

In fixing upon these as the parent provinces, the
evidence of ethnology on the one side, and that of
the mass of tradition and inference which passes
under the honourable title of Chinese history on
the other, disagree. This latter is as follows : —

At some period anterior to 550 B.C., the first
monarch with whom the improvement of China
began, and whose name was Yao, ruled over a
small portion of the present empire, viz. its north-
west district ; and the first nations that he fought
against were the Yen and Tsi, in Pe-tche-li and
Shantong respectively.

Later still, Honan was conquered.

THE CHINESE. 201

B.C. 550. All to the south of the Ta-keang was
barbarous ; and the title of King of Chinese was
only Vang or prince, not Hoang-te or Emperor.

At this time Confucius lived. Amongst other
things he wrote the Tschan-tsen, or Annals of his
own time.

B.C. 213. Shi-hoang-ti, the first Emperor of
all China, built the great wall, colonized Japan,
conquered the parts about Nankin, and purposely
destroyed all the previously existing documents upon
which he could lay hand.

B.C. 94. Sse-mats-sian lived. What Shi-hoang-
ti missed in the way of records, Sse-mats-sian
preserved, and, as such, passes for the Herodotus
China.

A destruction of the earlier records, with a sub-
sequent reconstruction of the history which they
are supposed to have embodied, is always suspi-
cious ; and when once the principle of reconstruc-
tion is admitted, no value can be attached to the
intrinsic probability of a narration. It may be
probable. It may be true. It cannot, however,
be historical unless supported by historical testi-
mony ; since, if true, it is a guess ; and if pro-
bable, a specimen of the tact of the inventor. At
best, it can but be a tradition or an inference, the
basis of which may be a certain amount of fact —
little or great according to the temperament of
the investigator.

202 THE CHINESE.

Now, in the previous notice of the history of
Chinese civilization, we have placed its claims to
a high antiquity under as favourable a point of
view as is allowable. They bear the appearance
of truth — so much so, that if we had reason to
believe that there were any means of recording
them at so early an epoch as 600 years B.C., and
of preserving them to so late a one as the year
'51, scepticism would be impertinent. But this
is not the case. An historical fact must be taken
upon evidence, not upon probabilities; and to
argue the antiquity of a civilization like the Chi-
nese from the antiquity of its history, and after-
wards to claim an historical value for remote tra-
ditions on the strength of an early civilization, is
to argue in a circle.

Without saying that all argument upon the
antiquity of the Chinese Empire is of this sort, it
may fairly be said that much of it has been so —
so much as to make Confucius as mythological
a character as Minos, and to bring the earliest
reasonable records to an epoch subsequent to the
introduction of Buddhism from India. Even this
antiquity is only probable.

A square block of land between the Ganges and
Upper Irawaddi is occupied by one dominant, and
upwards of thirty subordinate sections of one and
the same population — the Burmese. Some of
these are mountaineers, and have retreated before

THE BURMESE. 203

the Indians from the south and west — encroachers
upon the originally Burmese countries of Assam,
Chittagong and Sylhet. Others are themselves
intruders, or (what is much the same) consoli-
dators of conquered countries. Such are the
Avans of the Burmese Empire, properly so called,
who seem to have followed the course of the Ira-
waddi, displacing not only small tribes akin to
themselves, but the Mon of Pegu as well. Lastly,
the Kariens emulate the T'hay in the length of
their area and in its north-and-south direction,
being found in the southern part of the Tenas-
serim Provinces (in 11° N. L.) and on the very
borders of China (in 23° N. L.).

No great family has its distribution so closely
coincident with a water-system as the one in ques-
tion. The plateau of Mongolia and the Hima-
layas are its boundaries. It occupies the whole*
of all the rivers which rise within these limits, and
fall into either the Bay of Bengal or the Chinese
Sea; whereas (with the exception of the Hima-
layan portions of the Indus and the Ganges) it
occupies none of the others. The lines of migra-
tion with the Indo-Chinese populations have gene-
rally followed the water-courses of the Indo-Chi-
nese rivers ; and civilization has chiefly flourished
along their valleys. Yet, as these lead to an ocean

* Considering the Buramputer and Ganges as separate rivers.

204 THE MONOSYLLABIC FAMILY.

interrupted by no fresh continent, the effect of
their direction has been to isolate the nations who
possess them. I imagine that this has much more
to do with peculiarities of the Chinese civilization
than aught else. Had the Hoang-ho fallen into
a sea like the Mediterranean, the Celestial Em-
pire would, probably, have given and taken in the
way of social and political influence, have acted on
the manners of the world at large, and have itself
been reacted on. Differences should only be at-
tributed to so indefinite and so impalpable a force
as race when all other things are equal.

Upon the principle of taking the questions in
the order of complexity, so as to dispose of the
simplest first, I pass over, for the present, the con-
nexion between Africa and South-Western Asia,
and take the easier of the two European ones.

The Turanians. — The line which, beginning at
Lapland, and, after exhibiting the. great Turanian
affiliations, ends at the wall of China, comprising
the Ugrians, Samoeids*, Yeniseians*, Yukahiri*,
Turks, Mongols, and Tungusiansf, is connected
with the area of the monosyllabic languages in
different degrees of clearness according to the
criterion employed. The physical conformation is
* Conveniently thrown into a single class, and called Hyper-
boreans.

f The great family of which the Mantshus are the best-
known members.

ASIA EUROPE — AFRICA.

205

nearly identical. The languages differ — the Tura-
nian, like the Oceanic and the American, being in-
flected and polysyllabic*. With this difference,
the complexities of the affiliation begin and end.
Their amount has been already suggested.

A great part of Northern Europe, Independent
Tartary, Siberia, Mongolia, Tibet, China, and the
Transgangetic Peninsula, has now been disposed
of. Nevertheless, India, Persia, Asia Minor, and
Caucasus remain ; in size inconsiderable, in diffi-
culty great — greatly difficult because the points
of contact between Europe and Asia, and Africa
and Asia, fall within this area; greatly difficult
because the displacements have been enormous;
greatly difficult because, besides displacement,
there has been intermixture as well. Lest any
one undervalue the displacement, let him look
at Asia Minor, which is now Turk, which has
been Roman, Persian and Greek, and which has
no single unequivocal remnant of its original
population throughout its whole length and
breadth. Yet, great as this is, it is no more than
what we expect a priori. What families are and
have been more encroaching than the populations
hereabouts — Turks from the north, Arabs from
the south, and Persians from the east ? The

* Not necessarily with many syllables, but with more than
one — hyper-mono-syllabic.

206 ASIA — EUROPE AFRICA.

oldest empires of the world lie here — and old
empires imply early consolidation; early conso-
lidation, premature displacement. Then come
the phenomena of intermixture. In India there
is a literary language of considerable age, and full
of inflexions. Of these inflexions not one in ten
can be traced in any modern tongue throughout
the whole of Asia. Yet they are rife and common
in many European ones. Again, the words of
this same language, minus its inflexions, are rife
and common in the very tongues where the in-
flexions are wanting; in some cases amounting
to nine-tenths of the language. What is the
inference from this ? Not a very clear one at any
rate.

Africa has but one point of contact with Asia,
i. e. Arabia. It is safe to say this, because, whether
we carry the migration over the Isthmus of Suez
or the Straits of Babel-Mandeb, the results are
similar. The Asiatic stock, in either case, is the
same — Semitic. But Europe, in addition to its
other mysteries, has two ; perhaps three. One of
these is simple enough — that of the Lap line and
the Turanian stock. But the others are not so. It
is easy to make the Ugrians Asiatic ; but by no
means easy to connect the other Europeans with
the Ugrians. The Sarmatians, nearest in geo-
graphy, have never been very successfully affiliated

PERSIA. 207

with them. Indeed, so unwilling have writers
been to admit this relationship, that the Finnic
hypothesis, with all its boldness, has appeared the
better alternative. Yet the Finnic hypothesis is
but a guess. Even if it be not so, it only embraces
the Basks and Albanians ; so that the so-called
Indo-Europeans still stand over.

For reasons like these, the parts forthcoming
will be treated with far greater detail than those
which have preceded ; with nothing like the detail
of minute ethnology, but still slowly and carefully.

All that thus stands over for investigation is
separated from the area already disposed of by that
line of mountains which is traced from the Garo
Hills in the north-east of Bengal to the mouth of
the Kuban in the Black Sea. First come the
Eastern Himalayas, which, roughly speaking, may
be said to divide the Indian kingdoms and depen-
dencies from the Chinese Empire. They do not
do so exactly, but they do so closely enough for
the present purpose.

They may also be said, in the same way, to
divide the nations of the Hindu from those of
more typically Mongolian conformation.

They may also be said, in the same way, to
divide the Indian tongues from the monosyllabic.

On the north side of this range, languages un-
doubtedly monosyllabic are spoken as far west-

208 PERSIA.

wards as Little Tibet. On the south there are
Hindu characteristics both numerous and un-
doubted as far in the same direction as Cashmir.

Then comes a change. To the north and west
of Cashmir is a Kohistan, or mountain-country,
which will soon require being described in detail.
The line, however, which we are at present engaged
upon is that of the northern boundary of the Valley
of the Kabul River, the mountains between Cabul
and Herat, and the continuation of the same ridge
from Herat to the south-eastern corner of the
Caspian. North of this we have — roughly speak-
ing— the Uzbek and Turcoman Turks; south of
it, the Afghans and Persians Proper. Bokhara,
however, is Persian, and the Kohistan in question
is not Turk-r-whatever else it may be.

To proceed — this line runs nearly parallel to
the southern shore of the Caspian. Of the pro-
vinces to the north of it, Asterabad is partly Turk
and partly Persian ; Mazenderan and Ghilan,
Persian. From Ghilan northwards and westwards,
the valleys of the Cyrus and Araxes form the chief
exception — but, saving these, all is mountain and
mountaineer ship. Indeed, it is Ararat and Ar-
menia which lie on our left, and the vast and vague
Caucasus which rears itself in front.

The simplest ethnology of the parts between
this range, the Semitic area, and the sea, is that of

KHORASAN. 209

the Persian province of Khorasan. With Persia we
are so much in the habit of connecting ideas of
Eastern pomp and luxury, that we are scarcely
able to give it its true geographical conditions of
general sterility. Yet it is really a desert with
oases — a desert with oases for the far greater part
of its area. And of all its provinces few are more
truly so than Khorasan. Here we have a great
elevated central table-land ; pre-eminently destitute
of rivers; and with but few towns. Of these
Yezd is the chief in interest : the head-quarters of
remains of the old fire-worship : Yezd the city of
the Parsees, more numerous there than in all the
others in Persia besides. Perhaps, too, it is the
ethnological centre of the Persian stock ; since in
a westerly direction they extend to Kurdistan, and
in a north-eastern one as far as Badukshan and
Durwaz on the source of the Oxus.

The northern frontier is Turcoman, where the
pastoral robbers of the parts between Bokhara and
the Caspian encroach, and have encroached.

As far south as Shurukhs they are to be found ;
and east of Shurukhs they are succeeded by the
Hazarehs — probably wholly, certainly partially, of
Mongolian blood.

Abbasabad on the north-west is a Georgian
colony. On the line between Meshed and Herat
are several Kurd colonies. In Seistan we have

210 PERSIA— FARS — IRAK.

Persians ; but further south there are Biluch and
Brahui. Due east the Afghans come in.

Kerman is also Persian ; and that to a greater
degree than Khorasan. Fars is the same; yet
west of Fars the population changes, and Arabian
elements occur. They increase in Khuzistan ; and
in Irak Arabi we, at one and the same time, reach
the rich alluvia of the Tigris and Euphrates and a
doubtful frontier. Whether this was originally
Arab or Persian is a matter of doubt.

From Irak we must subtract Laristan, and the
Baktyari Mountains, as well as the whole north-
western half. Hamadan is the ancient Ecbatana ;
the ancient Ecbatana was Median — but that the
Medes and Persians were as closely allied in blood
as we suppose them to have been in their unalter-
able laws, is by no means a safe assumption. The
existence of a third language in the arrow-headed
inscriptions yet awaits a satisfactory explanation.

On the other hand, Mazenderan is wholly Per-
sian ; and so is Ghilan Proper. The Talish, how-
ever, to the north of that province, are, possibly,
of another stock. Asterabad, as stated above, is
a frontier province.

I think that there is good reason for believing
Ajerbijan to have been, originally, other than
Persian.

In Balkh and Bokhara, the older — but not

THE BILUCH. 211

necessarily the oldest — population appears to be
Persian under recently immigrant Uzbek masters.
Beyond these countries, the Persians reappear
as the chief population, i. e. in Badukshan and
Durwaz.

Here the proper Persian population ends — but
not either wholly or abruptly.

Three modifications of it occur —

1. In Biluchistan to the south-east.

2. In Kurdistan to the west.

3. In Afghanistan to the east.

Besides which, there are Persians encroaching
upon the Armenian and Caucasian area in Shirvan,
Erivan, and Karabagh — in all of which countries,
as well as in Ajerbijan, I believe it to have been
intrusive.

The Biluch. — East and south-east of the pro-
per Persians of Kerman come the Biluch, of Bi-
luchistan. There is certainly a change of type
here. Physically, the country is much like the
table-land of Kerman. India, however, is ap-
proached; so that the Biluch are frontier tribes.
To a certain extent they are encroachers. We
find them in Sind, in Miiltan, and in the parts be-
tween the Indus and the Sulimani Mountains, and
in the middle part of the Sulimani Mountains
themselves. They style themselves Usul or The
Pure, a term which implies either displacement or

p2

THE BILUCH — THE KURDS.

intermixture in the parts around. Their language
is a modified (many call it a bad) Persian. Philo-
logically, however, it may be the older and more
instructive dialect — though I have no particular
reasons for thinking it so. Hindu features of phy-
siognomy now appear. So do Semitic elements
of polity and social constitution. We have tribes,
clans, and families; with divisions and sub-divi-
sions. We have a criminal law which puts us in
mind of the Levites. We have classes which scorn
to intermarry ; and this suggests the idea of caste.
Then we have pastoral habits as in Mongolia.
The religion, however, is Mahometan, so that if
any remains of the primitive Paganism, available
for the purposes of ethnological classification, still
exist, they lie too far below the surface to have
been observed.

Captain Postans distinguishes the Biluch from
the Mekrani of Mekran ; but of this latter people
I know no good description. They are, pro-
bably, Kerman Persians. The hill-range between
Jhalawan and Sind is occupied by a family which
has commanded but little notice ; yet is it one of
the most important in the world, the Brahui.

The Kurds. — A line drawn obliquely across
Persia from Biluchistan towards the north-west
brings us to another frontier population ; a popu-
lation conterminous with the Semitic Arabs of

THE KURDS. 213

Mesopotamia, and the unplaced Armenians. These
are mountaineers — the Kurds of Kurdistan. Name
for name, they are the Carduchi of the Anabasis.
Name for name, they are the Gordyai. Name
for name, they are, probably, the Chaldtei and
Khasd-im — a fact which engenders a difficult
complication, since the Chaldsei in the eyes of
nine writers out of ten — though not in those of
so good an authority as Gesenius — are Semitic.
The Kurd area is pre-eminently irregular in out-
line. It is equally remarkable for its physical
conditions. It is a range of mountains — just the
place wherein we expect to find old and aboriginal
populations rather than new and intrusive ones.
On the other hand, however, the Kurd form of
the Persian tongue is not remarkable for the
multiplicity and difference of its dialects— a fact
which suggests the opposite inference. Kurds
extend as far south as the northern frontier of
Ears, as far north as Armenia, and as far west as the
head-waters of the Halys. Have they encroached ?
This is a difficult question. The Armenians are
a people who have generally given way before in-
truders ; but the Arabs are rather intruders than
the contrary. The Kurd direction is vertical, i.e.
narrow rather than broad, and from north to
south (or vice versa) rather than from east to west
(or vice versa), a direction common enough where

214 THE AFGHANS.

I

it coincides with the valley of a river, but rare
along a mountain-chain. Nevertheless it reappears
in South America, where the Peruvian area coin-
cides with that of the Andes.

The Afghans. — The Afghan area is very nearly
the water-system of the river Helmund. The di-
rection in which it has become extended is east
and north-east ; in the former it has encroached
upon Hindostan, in the latter upon the southern
members of a class that may conveniently be
called the Paropamisan. In this way (I think)
the Valley of the Cabul River has become Afghan.
Its relations to the Hazareh country are undeter-
mined. Most of the Hazarehs are Mongolian in
physiognomy. Some of them are Mongolian in
both physiognomy and language. This indicates
intrusion and intermixture — intrusion and inter-
mixture which history tells us are subsequent to
the time of Tamerlane. Phenomena suggestive
of intrusion and intermixture are rife and common
throughout Afghanistan. In some cases— as in
that of Hazarehs — it is recent, or subsequent to
the Afghan occupation; in others, it is ancient
and prior to it.

Bokhara. — I have not placed the division con-
taining the Tajiks of Balkh, Kiinduz, Durwaz,
Badukshan, and Bokhara, on a level with that
containing the Afghans, Kurds and Biluch, be-

BOKHARA. 215

cause I am not sure of its value. Probably, how-
ever, it is in reality as much a separate sub-
stantive class as any of the preceding. Here
the intrusion has been so great, the political rela-
tions have been so separate, and the intermixed
population is so heterogeneous as for it to have
been, for a long time, doubtful whether the people
of Bokhara were Persian or Turk. Klaproth,
however, has shown that they belong to the
former division, though subject to the Uzbek
Turks. If so, the present Tajiks represent the
ancient Bactrians and Sogdians — the Persians of
the valley and water system of the Oxus. But
what if these were intruders ? I have little doubt
about the word Oxus (Ok-sus) representing the
same root as the Yak in Yaxsartes (Yak-sartes),
and the Yaik, the name of the river flowing into
the northern part of the Caspian. Now this is the
Turanian name for river, a name found equally in
the Turk, Uguari, and Hyperborean languages.
At any rate, Bokhara is on an ethnological
frontier.

But Bactria and Sogdiana were Persian at the
time of Alexander's successors ; they were Persian
at the very beginning of the historical period. Be
it so. The historical period is but a short one,
and there is no reason why a population should

216 TAJIKS AND ILIYATS.

not encroach at one time and be itself encroached
upon at another.

All the parts enumerated, and all the divisions,
are so undoubtedly Persian, that few competent
authorities deny the fact. The most that has ever
been done is to separate the Afghans. Sir W.
Jones did this. He laid great stress upon certain
Jewish characteristics, had his head full of the
Ten Tribes, and was deceived in a vocabulary of
their languages. Mr. Norriss also is inclined to
separate them, but on different grounds. He
can neither consider the Afghan language to be
Indo-European, nor the Persian to be otherwise.
His inference is true, if his facts are. But what if
the Persian be other than Indo-European ? In
that case they are both free to fall into the same
category.

But the complexities of the Persian population
are not complete. There is the division between
the Tajiks and the Iliyats ; the former being the
settled occupants of towns and villages speaking
Persian, the others pastoral or wandering tribes
speaking the Arab, Kurd, and Turk languages.
That Tajik is the same word as the root Taoc, in
Taoc-ene, a part of the ancient country of Persia
(now Pars), and, consequently, in a pre-eminent
Persian locality, is a safe conjecture. The infer-

PERSIAN LANGUAGE. 217

ence, however, that such was the original locality
of the Persian family is traversed by numerous —
but by no means insuperable — difficulties. In
respect to their chronological relations, the general
statement may be made, that wherever we have
Tajiks and Iliyats together, the former are the
older, the latter the newer population. Hence it
is not in any Iliyat tribe that we are to look for
any nearer approach to the aborigines than what
we find in the normal population. They are the
analogues of the Jews and gipsies of Great Britain
rather than of the Welsh— recent grafts rather
than parts of the old stock. In Afghanistan this
was not so clearly the case. Indeed, the inference
was the other way.

The antiquities and history of Persia are too
well-known to need more than a passing allusion.
The creed was that of Zoroaster ; still existent, in
a modified (perhaps a corrupted, perhaps an im-
proved) form, in the religion of the modern Parsis.
The language of the Zoroastrian Scriptures was
called Zend. Now the Zend is Indo-European —
Indo-European and highly inflected. The inflex-
ions, however, in the modern Persian are next to
none ; and of those few it is by no means certain
that they are Zend in origin. Nevertheless, the
great majority of modern Persian words are Zend.
What does this mean ? It means that the philolo-

218 INDIA.

gist is in a difficulty ; that the grammatical struc-
ture points one way and the vocabulary another.
This difficulty will meet us again.

India. — In the time of Herodotus, and even
earlier, India was part of the Persian empire.
Yet India was not Persia. It was no more Persia
in the days of Darius than it is English now.
The original Indian stock was and is peculiar —
peculiar in its essential fundamentals, but not
pure and unmodified. The vast extent to which
this modification implies encroachment and inter-
mixture is the great key to nine-tenths of the com-
plexities of the difficult ethnology of Hindostan.
Whether we look to the juxtaposition of the differ-
ent forms of Indian speech, the multiform degrees
of fusion between them, the sections and sub-
sections of their creeds — legion by name, — the
fragments of ancient paganism, the differences of
skin and feature, or the institution of caste, intru-
sion followed by intermixture, and intermixture in
every degree and under every mode of manifesta-
tion, is the suggestion.

And now we have our duality — viz. the primi-
tive element and the foreign one — the stock and
the graft. Nothing is more certain than that the
graft came from the north-west. Does this neces-
sarily mean from Persia? Such is the current
opinion; or, if not from Persia, from some of

INDIA. 219

those portions of India itself nearest the Persian
frontier. There are reasons, however, for refining
on this view. Certain influences foreign to India
may have come through Persia, without being Per-
sian. The proof that a particular characteristic
was introduced into India via Persia is one thing :
the proof that it originated in Persia is another.
They have often, however, been confounded.

In the south of India the foreign element is
manifested less than in the north; so that it is
the south of India which exhibits the original
stock in its fullest form. Its chief characteristics
are referable to three heads, physical form, creed,
and language. In respect to the first, the southern
Indian is darker than the northern — cceteris pa-
ribus, i. e. under similar external conditions ; but
not to the extent that a mountaineer of the Dekhan
is blacker than a Bengali from the delta of the
Ganges. Descent, too, or caste influences colour,
and the purer the blood the lighter the skin. Then
the lips are thicker, the nose less frequently aqui-
line, the cheek-bones more prominent, and the
eyebrows less regular in the southrons. The most
perfect form of the Indian face gives us regular
and delicate features, arched eyebrows, an aqui-
line nose, an oval contour, and a clear brunette
complexion. All this is Persian,

220 TAMULTAN FAMILY.

Depart from it and comparisons suggest them-
selves. If the lips thicken and the skin blackens,
we think of the Negro ; if the cheek-bones stand
out, and if the eye— as it sometimes does — become
oblique, the Mongol comes into our thoughts.

The original Indian creeds are best characterized
by negatives. They are neither Brahminic nor
Bhuddhist.

The language, for the present, is best brought
under the same description. No man living con-
siders it to be Indo-European.

In proportion as any particular Indian popula-
tion is characterized by these three marks, its
origin, purity, and indigenous nature become
clearer — and vice versa. Hence, they may be taken
in the order of their outward and visible signs of
aboriginality.

First come — as already stated — the Southrons
of the Continent * ; and first amongst these the
mountaineers. In the Eastern Ghauts we have
the Chenchwars, between the Kistna and the Pen-
nar; in the Western the Cohatars, Tudas, Cur-
umbars, Erulars, and numerous other hill-tribes ;
all agreeing in being either imperfect Brahminists
or Pagans, and in speaking and languages akin to
the Tamul of the coast of Coromandel ; a language
* Observe — not of the island of Ceylon.

TAMULIAN FAMILY. 221

which gives its name to the class, and introduces
the important philological term Tamulian. The
physical appearance of these is hy no means so
characteristic as their speech and creed. The
mountain habitats favour a lightness of complexion.
On the other, it favours the Mongol prominence
of the cheek-bones. Many, however, of the Tudas
have all the regularity of the Persian countenance
— yet they are the pure amongst the pure of the
native Tamulian Indians.

In the plains the language is Tamulian, but the
creed Brahminic ; a state of evidence which reaches
as far north as the parts about Chicacole east, and
Goa west.

In the South, then, are the chief samples of the
true Tamulian aborigines of Indian ; the charac-
teristics of whom have been preserved by the
simple effect of distance from the point of dis-
turbance. Distance, however, alone has been but
a weak preservative. The combination of a moun-
tain-stronghold has added to its efficiency.

In Central India one of these safeguards is im-
paired. We are nearer to Persia ; and it is only
in the mountains that the foreign elements are
sufficiently inconsiderable to make the Tamulian
character of the population undoubted and unde-
niable. In the Mahratta country and in Gond-
wana, the Ghonds, in Orissa the Kols, Khonds,

222 HINDU LANGUAGE.

and Surs, and in Bengal the Rajmahali moun-
taineers are Tamulian in tongue and Pagan in
creed — or, if not Pagan, but imperfectly Brah-
minic. But, then, they are all mountaineers. In
the more level country around them the language
is Mahratta, Udiya, or Bengali.

Now the Mahratta, Udiya* and Bengali are not
unequivocally and undeniably Tamulian. They
are so far from it, that they explain what was
meant by the negative statement as to the Tamu-
lian tongues not being considered Indo-European.
This is just what the tongues in question have
been considered. Whether rightly or wrongly is
not very important at present. If rightly, we
have a difference of language as primd fade —
but not as conclusive — evidence of a difference
of stock. If wrongly, we have, in the very exist-
ence of an opinion which common courtesy
should induce us to consider reasonable, a prac-
tical exponent of some considerable difference of
some sort or other — of a change from the proper
Tamulian characteristics to something else so great
in its degree as to look like a difference in kind.
With the Bengali — and to a certain extent with
the other two populations — the foreign element
approaches its maximum, or (changing the expres-
sion) the evidence of Tamulianism is at its mini-
* Of Orissa.

HILL-TRIBES OF INDIA. 223

mum. Yet it is not annihilated. The physical
appearance of the Mahratta, at least, is that of the
true South Indian. Even if the language be other
than Tamulian, the Hindus of northern India may
still be of the same stock with those of Mysore
and Malabar, in the same way that a Cornishman
is a Welshman — i. e. a Briton who has changed his
mother-tongue for the English.

Intermediate to the Khonds and the Bengali,
in respect to the evidence of their Tamulian affi-
nities, are the mountaineers of north-western
India. Here, the preservative effects of distance
are next to nothing. Those, however, of the moun-
tain-fastnesses supply the following populations —
Berdars, Ramusi, Wurali, Paurias, Kulis, Bhils,
Mewars, Moghis, Minas, &c. &c., speaking lan-
guages of the same class with the Mahratta, Udiya,
and Bengali, but all imperfectly Brahminic in
creed.

The other important languages of India in the
same class with those last-mentioned, are the
Guzerathi of Guzerat, the Hindu of Oude, the
Punjabi of the Punjab, and several others not
enumerated — partly because it is not quite certain
how we are to place them*, partly because they

* The Cashmirian of Cashrair is in this predicament. It is
not safe to say that it is Hindu rather than Persian, or Paro-
pamisan — a term which will soon find its explanation.

224 THE BRAHUI.

may be sub-dialects rather than separate substan-
tive forms of speech. They take us up to the
Afghan, Biluch, and Tibetan frontier.

These have been dealt with. But there is one
population, belonging to these selfsame areas,
with which we have further dealings, Biluchistan
has been described ; but not in detail. The Biluch
that give their name to the country have been
noticed as Persian, But the Biluch are as little
the only and exclusive inhabitants of it, as the
English are of Great Britain. We have our Welsh,
and the Biluch have their Brahui,

Again — the range of mountains that forms
the western watershed of the Indus is not wholly
Afghan. It is Biluch as well. But it is not wholly
Biluch. The Biluch reach to only a certain point
southwards. The range between the promontory
of Cape Montze and the upper boundary of Kutch
Gundava is Brahui, There is no such word as
Brahuistan ; but it would be well if there were,

Now the language of the Brahui belongs to the
Tamulian family. The affinity by no means lies
on the surface — nor is it likely that it should.
The nearest unequivocally Tamulian dialect on
the same side of India is as far south as Goa —
such as exist further to the north being either
central or eastern. Supposing, then, the ori-
ginal continuity, how great must have been the

THE BRAHUI. 225

displacement ; and if the displacement have been
great, how easily may the transitional forms have
disappeared, or, rather, how truly must they once
have been met with !

However, the Brahui affinities by no means lie
on the surface. The language is known from one
of the many valuable vocabularies of Leach. Upon
this, no less a scholar than Lassen commented.
Without fixing it, he remarked that the numerals
were like those of Southern India. They are so,
indeed ; and so is a great deal more ; indeed the
collation of the whole of the Brahui vocabularies
with the Tamul and Khond tongues en masse makes
the Brahui Tamulian.

Is it original or intrusive ? All opinion — valeat
quantum— goes, against it being the former. The
mountain-fastness in which it occurs goes the
other way.

*****

Our sequence is logical rather than geogra-
phical, i. e. it takes localities and languages in the
order in which they are subservient to ethnological
argument rather than according to their conti-
guity. This justifies us in making a bold stride,
in passing over all Persia, and in taking next in
order — Caucasus, with all its conventional remi-
niscences and suggestions.

The languages of Caucasus fall into a group,

Q

226 THE GEORGIANS.

which, for reasons already given, would be incon-
veniently called Caucasian, but which may conve-
niently be termed Dioscurian*. This falls into
the following five divisions: — 1. The Georgians;
2. the Iron ; 3. the Mizjeji ; 4. the Lesgians ; and
5. the Circassians.

1. The Georgians. — It is the opinion of Rosen
that the central province of Kartulinia, of which
Tiflis is the capital, is the original seat of the
Georgian family; the chief reasons lying in the \
fact of that part of the area being the most im-
portant. Thus, the language is called Kartuli-
nian-, whilst the provinces round about Kartu-
linia are considered as additions or accessions to
the Georgian domain, rather than as integral and
original portions of it — a fact which makes the
province in question a sort of nucleus. Lastly,
the Persian and Russian names, Gurg-istan and
Gr-usia, by which the country is most widely
known, point to the valley of the Kur.

To all this I demur. The utmost that is
proved thereby is the greater political prominence
of the occupants of the more favoured parts of
the country ; as the middle course of the Kur
really is.

* From the town of Dioscurias, in which Pliny says business
was carried on through 130 interpreters— so numerous were the
languages and dialects.

THE GEORGIANS. 227

Of the two sides of the watershed that sepa-
rates the rivers of the Black Sea* from those of
the Caspian t, it is the western which has the best
claim to be considered the original habitat of the
Georgians. Here it is that the country is most
mountainous, and the mountains most abrupt.
Hence it is, too, that a population would have
both the wish and power to migrate towards the
plains rather than vice versa.

More weighty still is the evidence derived from
the dialects. The Kartulinian is spoken over
more than half the whole of Georgia: whereas,
for the parts not Kartulinian, we hear of the fol-
lowing dialects : —

1. The Suanic, on the head-waters of the small
rivers between Mingrelia, and the southern parts
of the Circassian area — the Ingur, the Okoumisk-
qual, &c. This is the most northern section of
the Georgian family.

2, 3. The Mingrelian and the Imiritian.

4, 5. The Guriel and Akalzike in Turkish
Georgia.

6. The Lazic. — This is the tongue of the most
western dialects. The hills which form the
northern boundary of the valley of the Tsorokh
are the Lazic locality ; and here the diversity has
attained its maximum. Small as is the Lazic

* The Phasis, Tshorok, &c. f The Kur and Aras.

Q2

228 THE GEORGIANS.

population, every valley has its separate variety
of speech.

I believe, then, that in Central Caucasus the
Kartulinian Georgians have been intrusive; and
this is rendered probable by the character of the
populations to the north and east of them. Be-
tween Georgia and Daghestan we have, in the pre-
eminently inaccessible parts of the eastern half of
Caucasus*, two fresh families, different from each
other, different from the Lesgians, and different
from the Circassians.

With such reasons for believing the original
direction of the Georgian area to have been west-
ernly, we may continue the investigation. That
they were the occupants of a considerable portion
of the eastern half of the ancient Pontus, is pro-
bable from the historical importance of the Lazi
in the time of Justinian, when a Lazic war dis-
turbed the degenerate Romans of Constantinople.
It is safe to carry them as far west as Trebizond.
It is safe, too, to carry them farther. One of the
commonest of the Georgian terminations is the
syllable ~pe or -bi, the sign of the plural number ;
a circumstance which gives the town of Sino-pe a
Georgian look — Sinope near the promontory of

Calli-ppi.

* The JrSn and

THE IRON MIZJEJI LESGIANS. 229

2. The Irdn.—fo the north-west of Tim's we
have the towns of Duchet and Gori, one on the
Kur itself, and one on a left-hand feeder of it.
Th.e mountains above are in the occupation of the
Iron or Osetes. In Russian Georgia they amount
to about 28,000. The name Iron is the one they
give themselves ; Oseti is what they are called by
the Georgians. Their language contains so great
a per-centage of Persian words or vice versa, that
it is safe to put them both in the same class. This
has, accordingly, been done — and a great deal
more which is neither safe nor sound has been
done besides.

3. The Mizjeji. — Due east of the mountaineer
Iron come the equally mountaineer Mizjeji, a
family numerically small, but falling into divisions
and subdivisions. Hence, it has a pre-eminent
claim to be considered aboriginal to the fastnesses
in which it is found. The parts north of Telav, to
the north-east of Tiflis, form the Mizjeji area. It
is a small one — the Circassians bound it on the
north, and on the east —

4. The Lesgians of Eastern Caucasus or Da-
ghestan, next to the Circassians the most inde-
pendent family of Caucasus. None falls into more
divisions and subdivisions : e. g.

a. The Marulan or Mountaineers (from MaruL^
mountain) speak a language called the Avar, of

230 THE LESGIANS — THE CIRCASSIANS.

which the Anzukh, Tshari, Andi, Kabutsh, Dido
and Unsoh are dialects.

b. The Kasi-kumuk.

c. The Akush.

d. The Kura of South Daghestan,

The displacements of the Iron and Mizjeji —
and from the limited area of their occupancies,
displacement is a legitimate inference — must have
been chiefly effected by the Georgians alone ; that
of the Lesgians seems referable to a triple in-
fluence. That the Talish to the north of Ghilan
are Lesgians who have changed their native tongue
for the Persian, is a probable suggestion of Frazer's-
If correct, it makes the province of Shirvan a likely
part of the original Lesgian area — encroachment
having been effected by the Armenians, Persians,
and Georgians.

5. The Circassians occupy the northern Cauca-
sus from Daghestan to the Kuban; coming in
contact with the Slavonians and Tartars, for the
parts between the Sea of Azov and the Caspian.
As both these are pre-eminent for encroachment,
the earlier contact was, probably, that of the most
northern members of the Circassian family, and
the southern Ugrians. The divisions and sub-
divisions of the Circassian family are both nu-
merous and strongly marked.

The Armenians. — Except amongst the moun-

THE ARMENIANS. 231

taineer Iron and Mizjeji, there are Armenians
over the whole of Russian Caucasus — mixed, for
the most part, with Georgians. They are sojourn-
ers rather than natives. In Shir van, Karabagh,
and Karadagh they are similarly mixed with Per-
sians and Turks. In this case, however, the
Armenian population is probably the older ; so
that we are approaching the original nucleus of
the family. In Erivan there are more Armenians
than aught else ; and in Kars and Erzeriim they
attain their maximum. In Diarbekr the frontier
changes, and the tribes which now indent the Ar-
menian area are the Semitic Arabs and Chaldani
of Mesopotamia, and the Persian Kurds of
Kurdistan.

A great deal has been said about the extent to
which the Armenian language differs from the
Georgian, considering the geographical contact
between the two. True it is that the tongues are
in contact now, and so they probably were 2000
years ago. Yet it by no means follows that they
were always so. The Georgian has encroached,
the Iron retreated ; a fact which makes it likely
that, at a time when there was no Georgian east
of Imiritia, the Osetic of Tshildir and the Ar-
menian of Kars met on the Upper Kur. The
inference drawn from the relations between the
M6n, Kho, and T'hay tongues is repeated here,

232 ASIA MINOR.

inasmuch as the Iron and Armenian are more
alike than the Armenian and Georgian. As a
rough measure of the likeness, I may state the
existence of the belief that both are Indo-European.
Asia Minor. — From Armenia the transition is to
Asia Minor. One of the circumstances which give
a pre-eminent interest and importance to the eth-
nology of Asia Minor is the certainty of the ori-
ginal stock being, at the present moment, either
wholly extinct, or so modified and changed as to
have become a problem rather than a fact. There
is neither doubt nor shadow of doubt as to this —
since it is within the historical period that this
transformation has taken place. It is within the
historical period that the Osmanli Turks, spread-
ing, more immediately from the present country
of Turkestan, but remotely from the chain of the
Altaic Mountains, founded the kingdom of Roum
under the Seljukian kings, and as a preliminary
to the invasion and partial occupation of Europe,
made themselves masters of the whole country
limited by Georgia, Armenia, Mesopotamia, and
Syria on the east and south, and by the Euxine, the
Bosporus, the Propontis, the Hellespont, and the
.ZEgean Sea westwards. Since then, whatever may
be the blood, the language has been Turk. This is,
of course, primd facie evidence of the stock being
Turk also. Nor are there any very cogent reasons

ASIA MINOR. 233

on the other side. The physiognomy is generally
described as Turk, and the habits and customs as
wen.

Such is what we get from the general traveller
— and a more minute ethnology than this has not
yet been applied. What will be the result, when a
severer test is applied, is another question. It is
most probable that points of physiognomy, frag-
mentary traditions and superstitions, old customs,
and peculiar idiotisms in the way of dialect, will
point to a remnant of the older stock immediately
preceding it. In such a case, the ethnological
question becomes complicated — since the present
Turks will be then supposed to have mixed with
the older natives, rather than to have replaced them
in toto : so that the phenomena will rather be
those exhibited in England (where the proportion
of the older Celtic and the newer Anglo-Saxon is
an open question) than those of the United States
of America, where the blood is purely European,
and where the intermixture of the aboriginal In-
dian— if any — goes for nothing.

Of the occupants of Asia Minor previous to
the Osmanli Turks we can ascertain the elements,
but not the proportions which they bore to each
other.

1. There was an element supplied by the By-

234 ASIA MINOR.

zantine Greek population — itself pre-eminently
mixed and heterogeneous.

2. There was an element supplied by the purer
Greek population of Greece Proper and the Islands.

3. There were, perhaps, traces of the old Greek
populations of jEolia, Doris, and Ionia.

4. There was an extension of the Armenian po-
pulation from the east.

5. Of the Georgian from the north-east.

6. Of the Semitic from the south-east.

7. There was also Arab and Syriac intermixture
consequent on the propagation of Mahometanism.

8. There were also remnants of a Proper Roman
population introduced during the time of the Re-
public and Western Empire, e. g. of the sort that
the Consulate of Cicero would introduce into

Cilicia.

9. There were also remnants of the Persian su-
premacy, e. g. of a sort which would be introduced
when it was a Satrapy of Tissaphernes or Pharna-
bazus.

10. Lastly, there would be traces of the Ma-
cedonian Greeks ; whose impress would be stamped
upon it during the period which elapsed between
the fall of Darius and that of Antiochus.

All this suggests numerous questions — but they
are questions of minute rather than general eth-

ASIA MINOR. 235

nology. The latter takes us to the consideration
of the populations of the frontier. Here we find —

1. Georgians.

2. Armenians.

3. Semites of Mesopotamia and Syria.

4. Greeks of the ^Egean Islands.

5. Bulgarians, and Turks of Thrace.

Of these, the last are recent intruders ; so that
the real ethnology to be considered is that of
ancient Thrace. Unfortunately this is as obscure
as that of Asia Minor itself.

The Greeks of the ^Egean are probably intru-
sive; the other three are ancient occupants of
their present areas.

Now, in arguing upon the conditions afforded
by this frontier, it is legitimate to suppose that
each of the populations belonging to it had some
extension beyond their present limits, in which
case the a-priori probabilities would be that —

1. On the north-west there was an extension of
the Thracian population.

2. On the north-east, of the Georgian.

3. On the east, of the Armenian.

4. On the south, of the Syrian and Mesopo-
tamian.

Now, the population of Asia Minor may have
been a mere extension of the populations of the
frontiers — one or all.

236 LYCIA EXTRACTS.

But it also may have been separate and distinct
from any of them.

In this case, we are again supplied with an
alternative.

1. The population may have been one — just as
that of Germany is one.

2. The population may have fallen in several —
nay, numerous divisions — so that the so-called
races may have been one, two, three, four, or even
more.

Dealing with these questions, we first ask what
are the reasons for supposing the population — •
whether single or subdivided — of Asia to have
been peculiar, t* e. different from that of the fron-
tier areas — Georgia, Thrace, Armenia, Mesopo-
tamia and Syria ?

This is answered at once by the evidence of the
Lycian Inscriptions, which prove the Lycian, at
least, to have been distinct from all or any of the
tongues enumerated.

The following extracts, however, from Hero-
dotus carry us farther : —

"The Lycians were originally out of Crete;
since, in the old times, it was the Barbarians who
held the whole of Crete. When, however, there
was a difference in Crete, in respect to the king-
dom, between the sons of Europa, Minos and
Sarpedon, and when Minos got the best in the

LYCJA — EXTBACTS. 237

disturbance, he (Minos) expelled both Sarpedon
himself and his faction ; and these, on their ex-
pulsion, went to that part of Asia which is the
Milyadic land. For that country which the
Lycians now inhabit was in the old times Milyas ;
and the Milya, were then called Solymi. For a
time Sarpedon ruled over them. They called
themselves by the name which they brought with
them ; and even now, the Lycians are called by the
nations that dwell around them, Termilce, But
when Lycus, the son of Pandion, driven away
from Athens, and like Sarpedon, by his brother
(JSgeus), came to the Termilse under Sarpedon,
they, thence, in the course of time, were called,
after the name of Lycus, Lycians. The usages
are partly Cretan, partly Carian. One point,
however, they have peculiar to themselves, and
one in which they agree with no other men.
They name themselves after their mothers, ana
not from, their fathers : so that if any one be
asked by another who he is, he will designate him-
self as the son of his mother, and number up
mothers mothers. Again, if a free woman marry
a slave, the children are deemed free ; whereas, if
a man be even in the first rank of citizens, and
take either a strange wife or a concubine, the
children are dishonoured/'

Whilst Asia Minor was being conquered for

238 LYCIA EXTRACTS.

Persia, under the reign of Cyrus, by Harpagus,
the Carians made no great display of valour ; with
the exception of the citizens of Pedasus. These
gave Harpagus considerable trouble ; but, in time,
were vanquished. Not so the Lycians. — "The
Lycians, as Harpagus marched his army towards
the Xanthian plain, retreated before him by de-
grees, and fighting few against many, showed
noble deeds : but being worsted and driven back
upon the town, they collected within the citadel
their wives, and children, and goods, and servants.
They then set light to the citadel to burn it
down. This being done, they took a solemn oath,
and making a sally died to a man, sword in hand.
But of those Lycians who now called themselves
Xanthians, the majority are, except eighty hearths,
strangers (e-TnjXuSe?). These eighty hearths (fa-
milies) were then away from the country. And
so they escaped. Thus it was that Harpagus took
Xanthus. In like manner he took Caunus. For
the Caunians resemble the Lycians in most things."

And now we have a second fact, the following,
viz. — that what the Lycians were the Caunians were
also.

1. The Caunians. — According to the special evi-
dence of Herodotus, the Caunians had two peculiar
customs — one, to make no distinction between age
and sex at feasts, but to drink and junket pro-

THE CAUNIANS — THE CARIANS. 239

miscuously — the other, to show their contempt of
all strange foreign gods by marching in armour
to the Calyndian mountains, and beating the air
with spears, in order to expel them from the
boundaries of the Caunian land. Still the Cau-
nians were Lycian.

Were any other nations thus Lycian ? Caunian ?
Lyco-Caunian ? or Cauno-Lycian ? since the par-
ticular designation is unimportant.

The Carians. — The language of the Carians
and the Caunians was the same ; since Herodotus
writes — The Caunian nation has either adapted
itself to the Carian tongue, or the Carian to Cau-
nian.

2. On the other hand, the worship of the na-
tional Eponymus was different. The Lydians and
Mysians share in the worship of the Carian Jove.
These do so. As many, however, of different nations
(edvos) as have become identical in language with
the Carians do not do so.

And here comes a difficulty — one part of the
facts connects, the other disconnects the Carians
from the Lycians. The language goes one way,
the customs another.

But this is not the only complication intro-
duced by the Carian family. The whole question
of their origin is difficult, and that of their affi-
nities is equally so. It was from the islands to

240 THE CARIANS,

the continent, rather than from the continent to
the islands, that the Carians spread themselves ;
and they did this as subjects of Minos, and under
the name of Leleges, As long as the system
of Minos lasted, these Carian Leleges paid no
tribute; but furnished, when occasion required,
ships and sailors instead. And this they did
effectually, inasmuch as the Carian was one of the
most powerful nations of its day, and, besides
that, ingenious in warlike contrivances. Of such
contrivances three were adopted by the Greeks,
and recognised as the original invention of the
Carians, The first of these was the crest for the
helmet j the second, the device for the shield \
the third, the handle for the shield. Before the
Carians introduced this last improvement, the
fighting-man hung his buckler by a leathern thong,
either on his neck or his left shoulder. Such
was the first stage in the history of Carian Le-
leges, who were insular rather than continental,
and Lelegian rather than Carian.. It lasted for
many years after the death of Minos ; but ended
in their being wholly ejected from the islands,
and exclusively limited to the continent, by the
Dorians and lonians of Greece,

This would connect the- —

1. Carians with the aboriginal islanders of the
JSgean — these being Leleges.

THE CARIANS. 241

2. Also with the Caunians.

3. Also with the Lycians. Unfortunately, the
evidence is not unqualified. It is complicated by—

The native tradition. — The Carian race is not
insular, but aboriginal to the continent; bearing
from the earliest times the name it bears at the
present time. As a proof of this, the worship of
the Carian Jupiter is common to two other, un-
equivocally continental nations — the Lydians and
the Mysians. All three have a share in a temple
at Mylasa, and each of the three is descended
from one of three brothers — Car, Lydus, or My-
rus — the respective eponymi of Caria, Lydia, and
Mysia.

All this is not written for the sake of any in-
ference ; but to illustrate the difficulties of the
subject. A new series of facts must now be
added — or rather two new ones.

1. There are special statements in the classics
that the Phrygian, Armenian, and Thracian lan-
guages were the same.

2. One of the three languages of the arrow-
headed inscriptions has yet to be identified with
any existing tongue.

The reader is in possession of a fair amount of
complications. They can easily be increased.

Instead of enlarging on them, I suggest the
following doctrine : —

242 ASIA MINOR.

1. That, notwithstanding certain conflicting
statements, the populations of Mysia, Lydia,
Caria, and part of Lycia, were closely allied.

2. That a language akin to the Armenian was
spoken as far westwards as eastern Phrygia.

3. That some third population, either subject
to Persia or in alliance with it, spoke the lan-
guage of the Lycian inscriptions — properly distin-
guished by Mr. Forbes and others from the an-
cient Lycian of the Milyans — which last may have
been Semitic.

4. That the third language of arrow-headed
inscriptions, supposing its locality to have been
Media, may have indented the north-eastern
frontier.

5. That, besides the Greek, two intrusive lan-
guages may have been spoken in the north-west
and south-western parts respectively, viz. —

a. The Thracian of the opposite coast of the
Bosporus.

b. The Lelegian of the islands.

Of these, the former was, perhaps, Sarmatian,
whilst the latter may have borne the same relation
to the Carian as the Malay of Sumatra does to
that of the Orang Binua of the Malayan Peninsula.

It may be added, that the similarity of the
name Thekhes, the mountain from which the
10,000 Greeks saw the sea, to the Turk Tagh,

ASIA MINOR.

243

suggests the likelihood of Turk encroachments
having existed as early as the time of Artaxerxes.

Lastly — The termination-^, in Scaman-der (a
bilingual appellation) and M<ean-der, indicates Per-
sian intrusion of an equally early date.

Of the glosses collected by Jablonsky, none are
illustrated by any modern language, except the
following : —

English

axe.

Armenian

shun.

Lydian

labr-ys.

Sanskrit

shune.

Armenian

dabar.

Lettish

suns.

Persian

tawar.

Kurd

teper.

English

bread.

English
Phrygian
Armenian

fire.
pyr.
pur.

Phrygian
Armenian
Akush

bekos.
khaz.
kaz.

Afghan
Kurd
Greek, &c.

wur, or.
ur.
TTvp,fire, 8fc.

English
Phrygian
Armenian

water.
hydor.
tshur.

English

dog.

Greek, &c.

i)dd)p,u

Phrygian

kyn.

There is no denying that these affinities are
Indo-European rather than aught else, and that
they are Armenian as well — an objection to several
of the views laid down in the preceding pages
which I have no wish to conceal. However, all
questions of this kind are a balance of conflicting
difficulties. As a set-off to this, take the following
table, where the Armenian affinities are Turk,
Dioscurian, and Siberian also.

244 THE PAROPAMISANS.

English man.

Scythian oior.

Uigur er.

Kasan ir.

Baskir ir.

Nogay ir.

Tobolsk ir.

Yeneseian eri.

Teleut eri.

Kasach erin.

Casikumuk ioori.

Armenian air.

The watershed of the Oxus and Indus. — We are
in the north-eastern corner of Persia. The Piish-
ta-Khur mountain, like many other hills of less
magnitude, contains the sources of two rivers,
different in their directions — of the Oxus that
falls into the Sea of Aral ; and of the right branch
of the Kiiner, a feeder of the Cabiil river — itself
a member of the great water-system of the Indus.
Its south-western prolongation gives us the cor-
responding watershed. This is a convenient
point for the study of a difficult but interesting
class of mountaineers, who may conveniently be
called Paropamisans from the ancient name of the
Hmdu-kush. Their northern limits are the heights
in question. Southwards they reach the Afghan
frontier in the Kohistan of Cabul. Eastward
they come in contact with India. There is no
better way of taking them in detail than that of
following the water-courses, and remembering the
watersheds of the rivers.

I. The Oxus. — At the very head-waters of the
Oxus, and in contact with the Kirghiz Turks of
Pamer, comes the small population of Wokhan,
speaking a language neither Turk nor Persian —

THE DARDOH. 245

at least not exactly Persian ; and, next to Wokhan,
Shughnan, where the dialect (possibly the language)
seems to change. Roshan, next (along the Oxus)
to Shughnan, seems to be in the same category.
Durwaz, however, is simply Tajik. All are inde-
pendent, and all Mahometan.

II. The Indus.— 1. The Indus.— The Gilghit*
river feeds the Indus — two other feeders that join
it from the east being called the Hunz and the
Burshala, Nil, or Nagar. The population of each
of these rivers is agricultural, and is, accordingly,
called Dunghar, a Hindu, but no native term.
Their Rajah is independent; their religion a very
indifferent Mahometanism. On the Gilghit and
the parts below its junction with the Hunz and
Nagar rivers, the dialect (perhaps the language)
seems to change, and the people are known as
Dardoh (or Dards) and Chilass Dardoh — the Da-
rada3 of the Greek and the Daradas of the San-
skrit writers. These, too, are imperfect Maho-
metans. The Dards and Dunghers carry us as
far as Little Tibet (Bultistan) and the Cashmirian
frontiers.

2. The Jhelum. — This is the river of the famous
valley of Cashmir — the population whereof (with
some hesitation) I consider Paropamisan.

* From Moorcroft's Travels in the Himalayan Provinces, and
Vigne's Cashmir.

246 THE CHITRALI AND KAFFRES.

3. The Cabul River.-— \. The Kuner.— The
eastern watershed of the Upper Kuner is common
to the Gilghit river. The population is closely
akin to the Dardoh and Dungher ; its area being
Upper and Lower Chitral, its language the Chi-
trali, its religion Shia Mahometanism.

South of the Chitral, on the middle Kuner, the
creed changes, and we have the best known of the
Paropamisans, the Kaffres of Kafferistan, reaching
as far westwards and northwards as Kunduz and
Badukshan — the Kaffres, or Infidels, so called by
their Mahometan neighbours, because they still
retain their primitive paganism.

Now when we approach the Cabul river itself,
the direction of which, from west to east, is nearly
at right angles with the Kiiner, the characteristics
of the Dardoh, Chitrali, and Kaffre populations
decrease — in other words, the area is irregular,
and the populations themselves either partially
isolated or intermixed. Thus, along the foot of
the mountains north of the Cabul river and west
of the Kuner comes the Lughmani country ; the
language being by no means identical with the
Kafir, and the Kafir paganism being reduced to
an imperfect Mahometan — nemchu Mussulman, or
half Mussulman, being the term applied to the
speakers of the Lughmani tongue of the valley of
the Nijrow and the parts about it.

THE SWATIS. 247

The Der, Tirhye, and Pashai vocabularies of
Leach all represent Paropamisan forms of speech
spoken by small and, more or less, fragmentary
populations.

The valley of the Lundye has, almost certainly,
been within a recent period, Paropamisau. Thus
is it that Elphinstone writes of its chief occu-
pants : — " The Swatis, who are also called Deg-
gauns, appear to be of Indian origin. They for-
merly possessed a kingdom extending from the
western branch of the Hydaspes to near Jellaba-
had. They were gradually confined to narrower
limits by the Afghan tribes ; and Swaut and
Buner, their last seats, were reduced by the Eu-
sofzyis in the end of the fifteenth century. They
are still very numerous in those countries." By
Indian I believe a population akin to that of Cash-
meer is denoted — I do not say intended. Another
extract carries us further still : — " The Shulmauni
formerly inhabited Shulmaun, on the banks of the
Korrum. They afterwards moved to Tira, and in
the end of the fifteenth century they were in Hust-
nugger, from which they were expelled by the
Eusofzyes. The old Afghan writers reckon them
Deggauns, but they appear to have used this word
loosely. There are still a few Shulmauni in the
Eusofzye country who have some remains of a
peculiar language."

248 CONCLUSION.

Hence, the Paropamisans may safely be consi-
dered as a population of a receding frontier, the
encroachment upon their area having been Afghan.
With these the Asiatic populations end.
* * > j» * *

If we now look back upon the ground that has
been gone over, we shall find that the evidence of
the human family having originated in one parti-
cular spot, and having diffused itself from thence
to the very extremities of the earth, is by no
means absolute and conclusive. Still less is it
certain that that particular spot has been ascer-
tained. The present writer believes that it was
somewhere in intratropical Asia, and that it was
the single locality of a single pair — without, how-
ever, professing to have proved it. Even this
centre is only hypothetical — near, indeed, to the
point which he looks upon as the starting-place
of the human migration, but by no means iden-
tical with it. The Basks and Albanians he does
not pretend to have affiliated; but he does not,
for this reason, absolutely isolate them. They
have too many miscellaneous affinities to allow
them to stand wholly alone.

In the way of physical conformation, the Hot-
tentot presents the maximum of peculiarities. The
speech, however, of the latter is simply African ;
whilst, in form and colour, the Basks and Alba-

CONCLUSION. 249

nians are European. A fly is a fly even when we
wonder how it came into the amber; and men
belong to humanity even when their origin is a
mystery. This gives us a composition of difficulties,
and it is by taking this and similar phenomena
into account, that the higher problems in eth-
nology must be worked. Nothing short of a clear
and comprehensive view of the extent to which
points of difference in one department are com-
pensated by points of likeness in another, will give
us even a philosophical hypothesis ; all partial ar-
gument from partial points of disagreement being
as unscientific as a similar overvaluation of resem-
blances.

As for the detail of the chief difficulties, the
writer believes that he, unwillingly and with great
deference, differs from the best authorities, in
making so little of the transition from America to
Asia, and so much of that between Europe and
Asia. The conviction that the Semitic tongues
are simply African, and that all the theories sug-
gested by the term Indo-European must be either
abandoned or modified, is the chief element of
his reasoning upon this point — reasoning far too
elaborate for a small work like the present. He
also believes that the languages of Kafferistan,
the Dardoh country, and north-eastern Afghan-
istan, are transitional to the monosyllabic tongues

250 CONCLUSION.

and those of Persia — in other words, that the
modern Persian is much more monosyllabic than
is generally supposed. Yet even this leaves a
break. How far the most western tongue of this
class can be connected with those of Europe, and
how far the most sow^A-western one has Semitic
affinities are questions yet to examine — questions
beset with difficulties. However, as the skeleton
of system he believes the present work to be true
as far as it goes, and at the same time convenient
for the investigator. That there is much in all
existing classifications which requires to be un-
learnt is certain. Lest any one think this a pre-
sumptuous saying, let him consider the new and
unsettled state of the science, and the small
number of the labourers as compared with the
extent of the field.

THE END.

PRINTED BY RICHARD TAYLOR,
RED LION COURT, FLEET STREET.

LONDON, JANUARY 1863.

Catalogue of Books

PUBLISHED BY MR. VAN VOORST.

INDEX.

Accentuated List of Lepidoptera p. 6

Adams & Baikie's Manual Nat. Hist. ..11

Adams's Genera of Mollusca 5

Aikin's Arts and Manufactures 13

Anatomical Manipulation 12

Ansted's Ancient World 9

Elementary Course of Geology 9

Geologist's Text-Book 9

Gold-Seeker's Manual 9

Scenery, Science, and Art 13

Babington's Flora of Cambridgeshire . . 7

Manual of British Botany 7

Baptismal Fonts 13

Bate and Westwood's British Crustacea 4

Beale on Sperm Whale 3

Bell's British Quadrupeds 3

British Reptiles 4

British Stalk-eyed Crustacea 4

Bennett's Naturalist in Australasia .... 10

Bloomfield's Farmer's Boy 14

Boccius on Production of Fish 4

Bonaparte's List of Birds 3

Brightwell's Life of Linnaeus 13

Burton's Falconry on the Indus 3

Church and Northcote's Chem. Analysis 8

Clark5 s Testaceous Mollusca 5

Clermont's Quadrupeds & R. of Europe 3

Couch's Illustrations of Instinct 11

Cumming's Isle of Man 12

Cups and their Customs 13

Currency 15

Dallas's Elements of Entomology 5

Dawson's Geodephaga Britannica 6

Domestic Scenes in Greenland & Iceland 13

Douglas's World of Insects 6

Dowden's Walks after Wild Flowers .. 8

Drew's Practical Meteorology 10

Drummond's First Steps to Anatomy . . 11

Economy of Human Life 15

Elements of Practical Knowledge 13

England before the Norman Conquest. . 13

Entomologist's Annual 5

Fly Fishing in Salt and Fresh Water . . 4

Forbes's British Star-fishes 5

Forties's Malacologia Monensis p. 5

and Hanley's British Mollusca ... 5

and Spratt's Travels in Lycia ... 12

Garner's Nat. Hist, of Staffordshire. . . 12

Gosse's Aquarium 12

Birds of Jamaica 3

British Sea- Anemones, &c 12

Canadian Naturalist 12

Handbook to Marine Aquarium . . 12

Manual of Marine Zoology 12

Naturalist's Rambles on Dev. Coast 12

Omphalos 9

Tenby 12

Gray's Bard and Elegy 14

Greg and Lettsom's British Mineralogy 9

Griffith & Henfrey's Micrographic Diet. 10

Harvey's British Marine Algae ., 7

Thesaurus Capensis 7

Flora Capensis 7

Index Generum Algarum 7

Nereis Boreali- Americana 8

Sea-side Book 12

Henfrey's Botanical Diagrams 7

Elementary Course of Botany .... 7

Rudiments of Botany 7

Translation of Mohl 7

Vegetation of Europe 7

& Griffith's Micrographic Diet. . . 10

&Tulk' s Anatomical Manipulation 11

Henslow, Memoir of. 10

Hewitson's Birds' Eggs 3

Exotic Butterflies 6

Hunter's Essays, by Owen 10

Instruments Ecclesiastica 13

Jeffreys's British Conchology 5

Jenyns's Memoir of Henslow 10

Observations in Meteorology 10

Observations in Natural History . . 10

White's Selborne 12

Jesse's Angler's Rambles 4

Johnston's British Zoophytes 5

Introduction to Conchology 5

Terra Lindisfarnensis 8

Jones's Aquarian Naturalist 10

JOHN VAN VOOEST. 1 PATEENOSTEE EOW.

BOOKS PUBLISHED BY ME. VAN VOORST.

Jones's Animal Kingdom jo. 11

Natural History of Animals 11

Knox's (A. E.) Ram'hles in Sussex 3

Knox (Dr.), Great Artists & Great Anat. 11

Latham's Descriptive Ethnology 11

Ethnology of British Colonies 11

Ethnology of British Islands 11

Ethnology of Europe 11

• Man and his Migrations 11

Varieties of Man 11

Leach's Synopsis of British Mollusca . . 5

Letters of Rusncus 12

Lettsom and Greg's Eritish Mineralogy 9

Lowe's Fiiunte et Florae Maderae 8

Manual Flora of Madeira 8

Malan's Catalogue of Eggs 3

Martin's Cat. of Privately Printed Books, la

Melville and Strickland on the Dodo . . 3

Meyrick on Dogs 13

Micrographic Dictionary 10

Mohi on the Vegetable Cell 7

Moule's Heraldry of Fish 4

Newman's British Ferns 8

History of Insects 5

— - Letters of Rusticus 12

Northcote & Church's Chem. Analysis . 8

Owen's British Fossil Mammals 9

on Skeleton of Extinct Sloth 9

Paley's Gothic Moldings 14

Manual of Gothic Architecture 14

Poor Artist 13

Prescott on Tobacco 13

Prestwich's Geological Inquiry 9

Ground beneath us 9

Samuelson's Earthworm and Housefly p.

Honey- Bee

Sclater's Tanagers

Seemann's British Ferns at One View. .

Selby's British Forest Trees

Shakspeare's Seven Ages of Man

Sharpe's Decorated Windows

Shield's Hints on Moths and Butterflies

Siebold on True Parthenogenesis

Smith's British Diatomaceae

Sowerby's British Wild Flowers

Poisonous Plants

Spratt and Forbes's Travels in Lycia . .

Stain ton's Butterflies and Moths

History of the Tineina

Strickland's Ornithological Synonyms. .

Memoirs

and Melville on the Dodo

Sunday Book for the Young

Tugwell's Sea-Anemones

Tulk and Henfrey's Anat. Manipulation
Vicar of Wakefield, Illustr. by Mulready
Wallich's North- Atlantic Sea-Bed ....

Watts's Songs, Illustrated by Cope

Ward (Dr.) on Healthy Respiration

Westwood and Bate's British Crustacea

White's Selborne

Wilkinson's Weeds and Wild Flowers. .
Williams's Chemical Manipulation ....

Wollaston's Insecta Maderensia

on Variation of Species

Yarrell's British Birds

British Fishes

on the Salmon

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Works in Preparation.

THE ANGLES NATURALIST.

BY H. CHOLMONDELEY-PENNELL, Author of "How to Spin for Pike.*

HISTORY OF THE BRITISH HYDROLD
ZOOPHYTES.

BY THE EEV. THOMAS HINCKS, B.A,

OOTHECA WOLLEYANA.

BY ALFEED NEWTON, M.A., F.L.S.

THE NATURAL HISTORY OF TUTBURY.

BY SIE OSWALD MOSLEY, BAET., D.C.L., F.L.S., F.G.S.

FLORA OF MARLBOROUGH.

BY THE EEV. T. A. PBESTON, M.A.

NOTES ON THE ARCHITECTURAL HISTORY OF
ELY CATHEDRAL.

BY THE EEV. D. J. STEWAET, M.A.

JEFFREYS'S BRITISH CONCHOLOGY.

VOLS. II., in., IV.— MAEINE UNIVALVES, BIVALVES, AND
NUDIBEANCHS.

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