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rtiri'
FA.VTEV1LS, from Uie Tombu cif the Kmga Thebes.
THE
MANNERS AND CUSTOMS
OP
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS
Bl SIR J. GARDSER ^IKINSON, D.CL, F.Ii.S., F.R.O.S.,
ri€^Prm. trilUk Ardtmiogitnl AsMeiatiim ; Hem, Mtmim- t^tke Uagti ImdUult of BrUUk ArthiUeU ; Carrnp. M. «/ A«
WtdtmuJofiml Sue.; M.t^Uu mhmdntiet^ foe. </ Lomdom; him. Oarr. M.R.3,L. ; Horn. M. of the Egyfliam
JmtliMe ^ JlmamJria : Hum. M. <4 On WOmetogieti mmd OrUmtal 8,*xt*ita of Amuriea ; Cvrr.
M.i^ Ott BiimJmtf Brmmth t^f the M. AeiMie 8oe. ; Horn. M. vf Ihe Evppl. 8oe. of Cairo ;
y. p. o/ the Oambrimm ArA. A—oe, ; Orrr. M.effke Arrh. Sur. i^ Edimhmrgh ;
V. P. aflheUmeulm Dioemam 8oc.: Horn. M.i^Uu KlhmiJ. amd Oritmt,
Son. of Vtm York ; Ami. M. of the ArehU. 8of. »/ (h^funl ; II./m.
M. <^th» Orimd. Sac i^ Paria; M. i^the Imdil. of
Areh. Carr. ^ Rome ; Corr. M. B. AmuI. of
. Tyurimi OimT.U.ofQmti.uodU
Acad. ^Vitmma, dc.
A NEW EDITION, REVISED AND CORRECTED
By SAMUEL BIECH, LL.D., D.C.L.,
Kxxna or thx Botttuv ani> Omxktai. Antiquitikb in tux Beitish MuaKtm ;
PasanunrT or tub Socutt or Bibucal AictusoiiOOT, rro.
IN THREE VOLUMES,— You I.
WITH ILLUSTRATIONS.
LONDON:
JOHN MUKEAY, ALBEMARLE STREET.
1878.
The right of Tta^AaHan it retened.
LONDON:
PRINTED BY WILUAM CLOWES AND SONd,
8TAXirOBl> KTSkKT AXI> CHAUIKO CKOSa.
i§( ss^ \fi
TO
THE EAEL OF BEACONSFIELD
^hie (Sbition
OF THE
'MANNERS AND CUSTOMS OF THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS'
IS, BY HIS PERMISSION, DEDICATED,
IN GRATEFUL RECOGNITION OF RESPECT SHOWN TO THE
MEMORY OF THE AUTHOR,
AND OF KINDNESS TO HIS WIDOW.
FmuLOAXt 2kj>, 1878.
PREFACE.
In order to form an accurate opinion of the manners of an
ancient people, it is of paramount importance to inquire into
their origin and history, and to trace the progress of those steps
which gradually led to their improvement and civilisation. To
judge impartially of their character, we must examine the com-
parative state of other neighbouring and contemporary nations,
and measure it by the standard of the era in which they lived.
We should also bear in mind the general habits of that portion
of the globe whence they derived their origin, or which they
inhabited, and, in contemplating the customs of an Eastern
people, avoid as much as possible the invidious comparison of
European and Oriental manners. Many of those laws or customs
which are wise and beneficial to society in one part of the world
are deemed superfluous, and even injurious, in another ; and the
same system which by some is looked upon as indispensable for
their welfare and happiness, would be rejected by others as
incompatible with the feelings of an independent spirit.
The necessity of discrimination on this jK)int must, therefore,
be evident to every one who considers the subject with a view to
truth and impartiality; and, in order to enable the reader to
form a just opinion of the character of the Egyptians, I com-
mence the present work with a brief account of the general
history and early advancement of that ancient state. But if, as
must necessarily be the case, this account is deficient and unsatis-
fiEU^tory, I plead as my excuse the scanty means of information
afforded either by the writers of antiquity or by monumental
record ; and trust that the reader will indulgently consider the
difficulties which present themselves in so intricate a question.
VI PREFACE.
If, too, in the date assigned for the accession of Menes, and
the era of the 18th Dynasty, as well as some other points of
chronology, I differ from the learned Professor Eosellini, it
should be remembered that many doubts and discrepancies occur
both in chronology and the details of events, even in what is
considered the known history of other nations.
It would doubtless be satisfactory both to the reader and
themselves, if all writers on the subject of hieroglyphics and of
ancient Egypt were agreed, and if all their investigations were
attended with the same results ; but, since a diversity of opinion
on a difficult question has a tendency to elicit truth, and finally
to establish accurate and impartial evidence, we may cease to
regret that it prevails at the commencement of these inquiries.
And, indeed, it is highly satisfactory to find that the researches
of Dr. Young, ChampoUion, Bosellini, Major Felix, and my own,
have, in most instances, led to similar conclusions.
Professor Eosellini is a man of erudition and a gentleman,
and one whose enthusiastic endeavours, stimulated by great per-
severance, are tempered by judgment, and that modesty which is
the characteristic of real merit. To be engaged in the same
pursuits with him must, therefore, be highly satisfactory, from
the persuasion that, however we may differ on some questions,
our opposite opinions will be maintained with those feelings
which ought to actuate men who labour in the same field and
for the same object.
Egyptian history, and the manners of one of the most ancient
nations, cannot but be interesting to every one ; and so intimately
connected are they with the Scriptural accounts of the Israelites,
and the events of succeeding ages relative to Judaea, that the
name of Egypt need only be mentioned to recall the early
impressions we have received from the study of the Bible.
Another striking result derived from the examination of
Egyptian history is the conviction that, at the most remote
period into which we have been able to penetrate, civilised com-
munities already existed, and society possessed all the features
of later ages. We have been enabled, with a sufficient degree of
precision, to fix the bondage of the Israelites and the arrival
PREFACK VU
of Joseph ; and though these events took place at an age when
nations are generally supposed to have been in their infancy and
in a state of barbarism, yet we perceive that the Egyptians had
then arrived at as perfect a degree of civilisation as at any sub-
sequent period of their history. They had the same arts, the
same manners and customs, the same style of architecture, and
were in the same advanced state of refinement as in the reign of
Kameses II. ; and no very remarkable changes took place, even
in ever-varying taste, between the accession of the first Usertesen
and the death of that conqueror, who was the last monarch of
the 18th Dynasty. What high antiquity does this assign to
civilisation ! The most remote point, to which we can see, opens
with a nation possessing all the arts of civilised life already
matured ; and though penetrating so far into the early history
of the world, we find that the infancy of the Egyptian state is
placed considerably beyond our reach. And if Egypt presents
no other attractions, the certainty of its being the oldest state of
which we have any positive and tangible records, must awaken
feelings of interest to which no contemplative mind can remain
indifferent.
It is to be regretted that the partial details relating to the
reigns of the early Pharaohs, given l)y Herodotus and Diodorus,
do not sufficiently agree with the more authentic information
derived from the monuments, so as to be embodied with this last
as a continuous history : but, in order not to omit the accounts
of those two writers, I have introduced them separately ; which,
though in some measure it breaks in upon the thread of the
history, does not perplex the reader l>y the examination of con-
troverted points, and he is enabled to form his own opinion
respecting their statements, and tlie information derived from
other sources.
Finding the materials accumulate much beyond my expecta-
tions will, I trust, plead my excuse for omitting many subjects
and details that could not have been comprised within the
limits of this work, unless treated in an imperfect and brief
manner, which their importance would not sanction.
It may also occur to the reader that I have repeated some
Tiu PREFACE.
remarks already introduced ; but this I have sometimes thought
preferable to a too frequent reference to the preceding part of
the work, especially when they were directly connected with the
present subjects.
The first chapter contains remarks on the early state of
Egypt, with the lists of kings given by Manetho, Herodotus,
Diodorus, and other authors ; and a conjecture is offered on the
origin of the Shepherd Kings. I suppose them to have come
from Assyria, and to have invaded and taken possession of Lower
Egypt, and suggest that this event happened about the period
of Semiramis. Some objection, however, may be offered to
this conjecture, especially on the plea of the invaders having
been a pastoral people, while the Assyrians were an agricultural
nation, with all the institutions and customs of a civilisation
already far advanced, in the time even of Semiramis. We might,
therefore, look for them among the wandering hordes of Asia ;
and rather suppose them to have been a Scythian tribe, who, at
that early epoch, already commenced the casual inroads which
they are known to have made in the same direction at sub-
sequent periods. The notion of their having been the founders
of the Pyramids is devoid of every shadow of probability.
The fourth chapter treats of the husbandmen, with other
members of the second caste ; the laws and government of Egypt
in early times, and under the Bomans. In the next, the houses,
villas, gardens, vineyards, and the processes of making wine and
beer, are described. The sixth contains an account of the furni-
ture of their rooms, the entertainment of guests, their musical
instruments, and dances; and afterwards their vases, the pre-
paration and serving of dinner, their games, exercises, and
amusements, in the house and out of doors, are described.
The eighth chapter contains the chase of wild animals,
fowling, and fishing.
The ninth treats of the arts of the Egyptians ; the early use
of glass, and those manufactures in which the sculptiires and
ancient writers show them to have excelled; the mode of
engraving and sculpturing hard stones; their fine linen and
other stuffs ; the papyrus, and manufacture of paper ; potteries ;
PREFACE. ix
boats and ships employed in war and on the Nile ; and the use
of tin and other metals.
In chapter the tenth, the style of art at various epochs, the
early use of the arch, the mechanical skill of the Egyptians,
some inventions of an early period, their dresses, the study
of medicine, and numerous customs are introduced.
I cannot conclude without expressing the obligations I owe
to the valuable assistance afforded me by Lord Prudhoe, Mr. W.
Hamilton, and Sir William Gell, as well as to Mr. Burton (to
whom I am indebted for two plates which are copied from his
drawings in the tombs of Thebes) and to Mr. Pettigrew. But,
while it is a pleasure to offer my acknowledgments for their
kindness, it is melancholy to be obliged to accompany them
with feelings of deep regret at the death of so excellent a friend
as Sir W. Gell. In him the literary world has sustained a great
loss: but friendship and gratitude combine to increase my
sorrow ; and I can never forget that, for all the satisfaction I
have derived from the prosecution of researches to which he first
directed my attention — however unimportant their results — I am
indebted to his kindness and instruction. To many has he
lent his powerful assistance in those studies, the advancement
of which his * classic * talents so ably promoted : no distinction
of nation ever prevented his generous mind from aiding others
in investigating subjects of which he possessed such an extensive
knowledge, and no deficiency of good feeling and liberality
checked his exertions, or damped his zeal, in furthering the
object of those who followed the same pursuits.
* Multis ille bonis flebilis occidit.'
Note. — Into this Preface to the First Edition some portions of those appended to the
Second Edition, and the Second Series, have been interwoven.
This Preface was written in 1836, when Sir Gardner Wilkinson's sorrow for the
friend of bis youth was very fresh in his heart. It was Sir William Gell who, perceiv-
ing bis enthusiasm for antiquities, the accuracy (even at that early date) of his pencil,
and the advantage he possessed in his hereditary love for classical learning, determined
the fate of his life by persuading him to abandon his intention of entering the army, and
to devote his life to the study of Egyptian and other archaeology.
Sir William Gell was one of the first of that devoted band of friends, all older than
himself, and all men of honoured names, whom Sir Gardner Wilkinson won in his early
life — ^men whose names have ever been associated with his, and whose deaths were the
ever-present sorrow of his manhood and his age.
PREFACE
TO
SECOND PART OF FIRST EDITION
In the previous portion of this work, I was under the necessity
of omitting certain subjects, which, though intimately connected
with the manners and customs of the Ancient Egyptians, could
not have been introduced without increasing it to a dispropor-
tionate size. But in order to fulfil my original intention of giving
a new summary view of the most striking usages of the people,
I have now put together those which were omitted in the pre-
vious volumes ; and if there be any want of connection in the
agriculture and religion, it will be explained by the reason
already stated.
In oflfering any remarks on so abstruse and mystericnis a
subject as the religion of the Egyptians, I must observe that
my view has been rather to present the results of observations
derived from the monuments, than to suggest my own opinion
respecting it : feeling persuaded that the progress of discovery in
hieroglyphical literature will at length explain the doctrines of
that people, without the necessity of unsatisfactory and doubtful
conjecture. Whatever statements I have ventured to make are
open to correction, and await the sentence of more matured
opinions derived from the experience of future discoveries.
Many interesting comparisons might be brought forward of
the religious notions of the Greeks, Hindoos, and others, with
those of the Egyptians ; but a minute examination of them would
lead to a lengthened disquisition, which neither the limits of this
PfiEFACE TO SECOND PART OF FIEST EDITION. XI
work, nor the taste of the generality of readers, would permit
Those who are interested in the subject will find their curioaity
amply repaid by a reference to the work of Dr. Prichard, and to
the Tarioiie publioations which treat of the religions of other
nations. They will find some striking analogies in most of them,
which appear to connect them in a greater or less degree with
each other, and which, by proclaiming a common origin at a
most remote [leriod, tend, like discoveries in language and other
modern investigations, tu point out the important truths of the
Mosaical history of the world.
LoNnoN, Mu IVM.
bUtnc ol Rol, ■ print, ham Tbcbn.
PREFACE TO THE PRESENT EDITION
■•o•■
The present edition of the * Manners and Customs ' has been
prepared from the notes and manuscript which the late Sir
Gardner Wilkinson left behind, with the addition of fresh
matter contributed by the Editor. In order to distinguish the
respective contributions, the initials G. W. have been placed
after the new notes and text of the Author, and S. B. after
insertions into the original text and notes appended by the
present Editor, so as to enable the reader to discriminate
between the two new portions. Very little of the original text
has been omitted, and only those statements and opinions which
the progress of science no longer regards as useful or correct;
while new views and facts acquired by the progress of Egyp-
tian research have been embodied in notes or inserted in the
text*
With the progress of research and the frequent publication
of fresh monuments and inscriptions — for which 8tudc;nt« are
mainly indebted to the labours in this country of the late
C. W. Goodwin, P. Le Page Renouf, Canon Cooke, and Professor
Lushington ; in Germany to those of Professors Lepsius, Brugsch-
Bey, Duemichen, Eisenlohr, and L. Stern ; and in France to those
* The Appendix to vol. iii. of the old edition has been omitted, as the information there
afforded will be found in the * Handbook for Travellers in Egypt/ by the same Author.
It was also desirable to bring the contents of the five original volumes into the more
convenient form of the three of the present edition.
PKEPACE TO THE PRESENT EDITION. xui
of M. Chabas, Revillout, Maspero, and Pierret, besides those of
M. Naville of Geneva and M. Golenischeff of St. Petersburg —
the materials have increased in some branches : for example, those
derived from the numerous writers upon Egypt, and translators of
hieroglyphical texts. The information derived from the classical
authorities of Greece and Rome has become, by the light of the
learning of the last half-century, of secondary value. Egyptian
ideas deduced from Egyptian sources, having far more im-
portance to the student and reader than those transmitted from
classical writers, have been given wherever practicable.
The great merit of the acute observation of the Author, and
the exhaustive illustrations of Egyptian manners and customs
as depicted by the monuments, have made the present work a
text-book on the subject, both for the general public and indi-
vidual students ; its chief excellence consists in the great trouble
which the author took in explaining and comparing Egyptian
and Greek notions.
It has been necessary to make alterations in the orthography
of a few of the leading names, in order to bring the work up to
the standard adopted by Egyptologists at the present day. The
system of transliteration of Egyptian words and names is still
in a transitional state ; but in the interest of comparative phi-
lology and general science, it is hoped that some final settle-
ment, such as was proposed at the Congress of Orientalists held
in London in 1874, will soon be universally adopted. This
system has been followed wherever the Egyptian words are cited
in the native form, but not when they are mentioned by
classical authors.
The work thus reappears in the present edition in the form
most acceptable to the general reader, and as best calculated to
diffuse a knowledge of the mannelrs and customs of one of the
most remarkable peoples of ancient civilisation.
The Editor must express his deep obligation to Lady Wilkin-
son for notes and additions supplied from the manuscripts of her
late husband, who continued to the last his Egyptian studies and
researches ; he has also to thank Mr. William Chappell for some
XIV PEEFACE TO THE PfiESENT EDITION.
olieerTations on Egyptian music ; and his son, Mr. Walter de
Gray Birch, for general assistence throughout the progress of the
work, and for the preparation of an index of a more compre-
hensive character than those of the previous editions.
S. BiBCH.
London, Ftbrnary 9lh, ISTS.
Propj-laon. (UjiUcaUj Uk
OdTk, Uk lowen bla nid Nepbihji.—
CONTENTS.
CHAPTER I.
Paos
Origin of the Egyptians — Slow Increase of the Delta — The iEgyptus of
Homer — Ethiopia sometimes put for the Thebaid — Early State of
Society — The Hunter, Shepherd, and Agriculturist — ^Hierarchy of Egypt
— Menes the first King — Neither Osiris nor any other Deity ever
supposed by the Egyptians to have lived on Earth — Period elapsed
from Menes to the Persian Invasion — Oldest Monuments of Egypt —
The Pyramids — Usertesen contemporary of Joseph — The Pastor Kings
not the Jews — Early Advancement of Egypt, from the Monuments
and Scripture History — Nothing certain before Usertesen I. . . 1
CHAPTER II.
Dynastic Succession — Tables of early Dynasties — Usertesen I. and Kings
of 12th Dynasty — 18th Dynasty — Early Inventions — ^Use of Iron —
Rameses II. — Canal of the Ked Sea — Glories of Kameses lU. — Sesostris
— ^Tomb of Osymandyas — Memnonium — Right of Succession — Duties
— ^Helen — Rhampsinitus — Tnephachthus — Sabaco — Shishak — Dode-
carchy — Psammatichus — ^Acoris — Nectanebo ..... 28
CHAPTER m.
Extent of the Country — Revenue and Commerce — Seaports — The Castes
of the Egyptians — ^The Sacerdotal Order — Kings — First Caste— The
Priests — Second Caste — ^Military Class— Troops — Auxiliaries — Arms
— The Enemies and Conquests of the Egyptians — March to War —
Their Humanity — Triumph — Captives — Military Laws and Punish-
ments— Other Members of the Second Caste— Third CnaUi — Fourth
Caste — Laws and Government — The Kings — Judges — Laws — Passports
—Murder— Right of Fathers— Minor Offences— Theft— Debt— Deeds
— Marriages — Slaves— Children — Respect for old Age, and for their
Kings — Gratitude of the Egyptians — Uniformity of their I^ws—
Different Lawgivers — Governors of Provinces .... 144
CHAPTER IV.
The other HsmberB of the Castea — ^The Peasantx, Hiintsinen, and BoatineD
— The Lknila formed — Irrigation — Tradeflmeii, Artificers, Public
Waghen, and Notariea — Money — Wn*ing— Pastora, Fiahfrman, and
oommon People — Legislative Bights oT the Kiog — Judges — Laws—
FuspoTts— The Bastinado— Punishment — Marriages — Civil Govern-
ment— Oreek and Boman Administration ..... 279
CHAPTER T.
Houses — Brickmakcre — Villas — Qranaries — Gardens — Vineyards — Wine-
ine8se»— Wince— Beer
OHAPTER VX
Fnrnitnie of Egyptian Bocmus — Chairs, Stools, Ottomans, Hats, Couches,
IMlee — Mode of Sitting — Hekdstools — Bedsteads — Paknquinit —
Washing utA Anointing — Bouquets — Bands of Music — Cymbals,
Trumpets, Drums, Haq», Guitars, Lyrce, Flutes, Pipes, Sistra,
Sacred Instmrnenta — Dancing — The Pirouette and Figure Dances
LIST OP THE PLATES, VOL. L
{Thoie iUuUraUoM tohiek have an a$teri$k prefixed are noi draum
5y Sib J. Gardner Wilkinson.)
Paoe
tf
t>
9f
99
»9
9»
99
99
99
99
Ib/ace 12
14
99
99
»9
99
99
88
40
43
67
840
851
To/ace 863
868
Fbontibpibce (Plate X.), Arm-chairs from the Tombs of the Kings.
Plate Ia. View of South Side of the Great Pyramid
*Ib. View of the Great Pyramid and Sphinx .
11. Asiatic and Ethiopian tributaries, from the tomb of
Rekhmara at Thebes (co^ouretQ .
*in. Ehuenaten distributing gifts to his courtiers .
*IV. Battle-scene of Seti L and the Khita
V. Barneses m. returning with his prisoners
VI. Elevation of an Egyptian house
VII. Plan of the ruins of AJabastron
Vni. Patterns from Egyptian ceilings (odUmrefl)
IX. Ground-plan of an Egyptian villa .
X. Fauteuils, from the Tombs of the Bangs at Thebes
(coloured) Frontispiece : see p. 413
XI. Egyptian party, from a tomb at Thebes. Fig, 1, the
royal scribe Haremheln and his mother. As, seated,
receiving the offerings of Atui and another lady
(/tg. 2). Fig, 8, dancing girls. Fig, 4, slave at-
tending on goest Fig, 4a, officer and guest.
Fig, 5, glave placing collars on necks of military
officers and guests (fg. 6). Fig. 7, harper. Fig, 8,
man playing guitar. Fig, 9, man clapping time
and singing. Fig, 10, man with three sticks,
sack, and head of animal, receiving a bladder or
bottle. Fig. 11, servant having head and haunch ;
another with trays of meat. Figs, 12 and 13,
butters cutting up an ox. Fig, 14, scribe.
Fig. 15, slave preparing bouquets
Xl.hi$, Harpers painted in the tomb of Barneses III.,
known as Bruoe's, or the Harper's Tomb .
*XIL Arrival of some foreigners in Egypt (coloured)
lb/ace 431
99
99
99
486
480
VOL. I.
xviii LIST AND EXPLANATION
LIST AND EXPLANATION OP THE WOODCUTS.
Paok
Statue of Rui, a priest, from Thebes, British Mtuemn . . . zi
Propylason ; the door mystically representing Osiris, the towers Isis and
Nephthys xiv
Bronze figure of Apis xvi
Harper xzx
YiGMETTE A. — View of the Pyramids, during the inundation, from near the
fork of the Delta. On the hill, in the right-hand comer of the vignette,
is a ruined pyramid of very ancient date, but not mentioned by any
ancient author 1
YiGNETTE B. — Peasants rescuing cattle and goats from the inundation,
similar to a scene painted on the tombs at Thebes .... 28
ViGKETTB C. — View of the ruins and vicinity of Phihe .... 144
YioNETTE D. — Modem shaeUxfj or pole and bucket, used for raising water
in Upper and Lower Egypt 279
ViONETTJS E. — Part of Cairo, showing the mulqi/ifs for catching the wind on
the houses of modem Egypt The citadel as in 1822 in the background 839
YiONSTTE F. — ^The n6reg, a machine used by the modem Egyptians for
threshing com 408
No.
L Female shooting at three targets. Thehes 27
2. Games of draughts and mora. Beni-Hastan ..... 32
3. An attendant holding the car. Alabastron 33
4. Plan of the Menmonium, or Palace-temple, of Barneses the Great at
Thebes, showing its resemblance to the description of Osymandyas'
tomb in Diodoras . 77
6. Alabaster pillow for the head. JInvnck Museum .... 143
6. Princes and children. J^. 1, head-dress of a prince. Fiffs, 2 and 3, lock
of hair worn by children. Fig. 4, dress of a son of Bameses III.
Fig, 5, head-dress of a prince, Bameses. Thebes . . .163
7. People throwing dust upon their heads, in token of grief. J%e^ . 167
8. Sacred offices held by women. Figs. 1, 2, 3, the mother, daughter,
and sister of a priest. Figs. 4, 5, queens of Bameses the Great.
Thebes 170
9. Mode of tying up onions for some offerings, and priest clad in a leopard-
skin. Fig. 1, onions tied up over vegetables. Figs. 2, 3, bunches of
onions on stands. Thehes 181
10. Priests in leopard-skin dress. Fig. 1, in adoration. Fig. 2, a sem or
priest of Ptah. Fig. 8, same giving offering. Fig. 4, same making
libations. ThfJfes 182
11. Various priests. Fig. 1, seated; fig. 2, adoring or praying; fig. 3,
saluting ; fig. 4, offering fire in a censer, and water in a holy-water
vessel ; fig. 5, enveloped ; fig, 6, saluting ; fig, 7, fan-bearer, or ath-
lophoros ; fig. 8, karheb or cholchytes reading the Bitual ; fig. 9, a
pterophoros reading the Bitual 183
12. Priest in a leopard's skin 184
OF THE WOODCUTS. xix
Xo. Paob
13. Earhtb or cholchytes, atteoded by an an or scribe, pouring water
over a mummy ......... 184
14. Functionary followed by priest in adoration . . . . .184
15. Instrument for gauffering the dress {fig, 1) ; plaits of dress {fig, 2) . 185
16. Allies of the Egyptians. [Fig. 1, Shairetana (Sardinians); fig, 2,
Tuirsha (Etruscans); fig, 3, Uasbasha (Osci); fig, 4, Taanauna
(Danai or Dauni).— S. B.] Thebes 189
17. Egjrptian on horseback ; the only instance in the sculptures. Esneh . 191
18. Disciplined troops. Part 1. Bowmen, Part 2. Spearmen and trumpeter,
with an officer in the rear holding a stick. Thehes , , 192
19. Phalanx of heavy infiwtry. 2%e&es 194
20. Different standards. IKg, 1, name of the queen Hatasu or Hasheps ;
fig, 2, in shape of a tablet ; fig. 3, flabellum ; fig, 4, square tablet ;
fi^f, 5, the west; fig. 6, kind of boat; fig, 7, the royal person or
presence ; fig. 8, oryx and feather ; fig. 9, whip ; fig, 10, plumes of
Amen-ra; fig, 11, head and plumes of a deity; fig, 12, boat with
flabellum ifig, 13, flabellum ; y!^. 14, hawk ;y!^. 15, crocodile emblem
of god Sebak ; fig. 16, kind of boat or ark ; fig. 17, royal boat ; fig.
18, tablet and crescent ; fig. 19, head of Mentu-ra« Thehes . .195
21. Officers of the royal household. jPt^. 1 is a son of the king. Thebes . 197
22. Shields covered with bull's hide. Figs. 1, 2, and 3 are bound with metal.
Thihes 198
23. The boss of an Egyptian shield, if a depression in it can be so called.
Thehes 199
24. The thong or belt of the shield for suspending it (fig, 1) ; and the prow
of an Egyptian galley. Fig. 2, man holding shield. Thebes , , 199
25. Instance of a concave shield, suspended by the thong. Thd>es . . 200
26. Grasping a spear, while the shield is supported on the arm, or by the
thong. Fig, 1, with sword and lance ; fig. 2, with dagger and lance.
Thebes 200
27. Handle of the shield, how placed. Fig, 1, horizontal ; fig. 2, vertical,
Thiiies 200
28. Bucklers of unusual form. Fig. 1, conical ; fig. 2, with triangle
as episemon ; fig, 3, another with lozenge ; fig, 4, inside, with bars
to bold it ; fig, 5, with one boss or depression as episemon ; fig, 6,
with brass studs ; fig, 7, with brass border ; fig, 8, with three studs
and one above, soldier holding war-axe ; fig. 9, vandyked above and
below, with one boss ; fig. 10, same with two bosses. Beni^Hassan, 201
29. Large shield, which only occurs in one place. IPSioot , . 202
30. String and nut at the two extremities of the bow belonging to the Kefa
(Phcenicians). Thebes 202
31. Egyptian bows found in the tombs, and represented in the sculptures.
Fig. 1, bow found at Thebes, five feet long. British Museum.
Fig, 2, bow from sculptures. jPV^. 3, bow when strung^ Thebes 203
32. Mode of stringing the bow. Thebes and Beni' Hassan 203
33. Stringing a bow. Beni-Hassan ....... 203
34. A guard worn on the bowman's wrist. J^ebes .... 204
35. Carrying spare arrows in the hand. Thebes 204
35a. Arrows with flint heads 205
36. Anew made of reed. Thebes , 206
I 2
A
XX LIST AND EXPLANATION
No. Paob
37. Fig. 1, reed arrow tipped with wood, thirty-four inches in length.
Fig, 2, reed arrow tipped with Htone, twenty-two inches in length.
British Musfium 206
88. Metal heads of arrows. Figs. 1 and 2, three-hUded wiih hollow pile ;
fig. S, triangular with shaft ; fig. 4, leaf-shaped ; fig, 5, flat with flat
pile. Alnwick Museum and Thebes ...... 206
39. Javelins and spear-head. Fig. 1, spear-head and ferule. Fig. 2,
javelin with same head, ball, and tassels at end. Fig. 3, javelin,
pointed, without head. Thebes ....... 209
40. Spear-head and drum-stick found in the tombs. Fig. 1, leaf-shaped
spear-head. Fig. 2, drum-stick. Berlin Museum . . . 209
41. Heads of small javelins in the Alnwick Museum, and a javelin re-
presented at Thebes. Fig. 1, javelin or anrow-head. Fig. 2,
triangular head. IfHg. 3, leaf-shaped head. Fig, 4, javelin with
same head 209
42. SUngers. Fig. 1 carries a bag across his breast containing the stones.
Fig. 2, at the mast-head of a galley. Beni-Hassan and Thebes . 210
43. Mode of using the dagger in stabbing an enemy. Thebes . . . 211
44. Daggers in their sheaths, from the paintings. Fig. 1, dagger. Fig. 2,
same with dififerent handle. Thehes . . . . . .211
45. Mode of wearing a dagger by Kameses U. Tfiebes .... 212
46. Dagger with its sheath, in the Berlin Museum, found at Thebes.
Fig. 1, dagger out of sheath. Fig. 2, dagger in its sheath. Fig. 3,
back of the sheath .212
47. Axes or hatchets. Fig. 1, model. Fig. 2, blade ornamented with a
barge. Fig. 3, blade with oryx. Fig. 4 bears the name of king
Thothmes III. Thebes, and in {he British Museum . . . 214
48. Battle-axes. Fig. 1, bronze blade and silver handle. Fig. 2, end uf
handle and rivet-hole. Fig. 3, double handle and lion's head.
Figs. 3-6, from the paintings. Thebes and Beni-Hassan • . 215
49. Figs. 1 and 2, pole-axes from the sculptures. Thebes . . . 216
50. Figs. 1 and 2, maces with, yS^«. 3 and 4 without, the ball at their lower
extremity. Thebes 217
51. Figs. 1-3, curved sticks, clubs, or lissdn, Tktbes .... 218
52. Quilted helmets, from the paintings. Thebes 219
53. Corslet, worked in colours 220
53a. Corslet with metal scales. T(nnb of Barneses III., Thebes . . 221
54. Plates of scale-armour. Fig. 1, with the name of She8hanqa(8hishak) ;
yigr. 2, plain 221
55. Soldiers of different corp^i, with their various arms and dresses. Fig. 1,
royal scribe. Fig. 2, priest or scribe. Figs. 3-5, soldiers with scimi-
tars ; fi>gs. 6, 7, with shields, spears, and msces ; fiigs. 8-10, with
shields, scimitars, and spears \fig. 11, with spear and dagger ;/^. 12,
with shield, spear, and hatchet ; fi^s. 13-16, with shields, q)ear% and
maces. Thebes 222
56. The royal princes in their chariots. Fig. 1, two princes are repR»ented
in the chariot besides the charioteer. Fig. 2, one prince and charioteer.
Thebes 228
57. The son of Kaineses the Great conversing with his charioteer, his iuaignia
of ofilce being suspended behind him. Thtbes . • • • 224
OF THE WOODCUTS. xxi
Ko. Paoi
58. Whips. Fig. 1, with short thong and loop at handle. Figs, 2 and 4,
double-thonged. Fig, 3, with long thong. Thtbes . . . 225
59. Whip suspended from the wrist of an archer. Thtbe$ . . . 226
GO. Making the pole and other parts of a chariot, showing the pole to be of
wood. Fig. 1, sawing the wood. Fig, 2, bending side. Fig. 3, adzing
pole. Fig, 4, holding pole, a, h, c, parts of chariots and wheels. T/ie^M 227
61. Figs, 1, 2, chariots drawn in perspective. Figs, 3, 4, saddles and
part of the yoke. From different Scufptures .... 229
62. A war-chariot, with bow-cases and complete furniture. TUhes . . 230
63. A chariot of the Rut-en-nu or Syrians. Thebes .... 230
64. Figs, 1-3, bending and preparing the woodwork, a a, of a chariot ;
c c, wheels. Fig, 4, planing pole, «, with adze, d. Fig. 5, //,
collars ; ^, front ; A, axle ; k, wheel. Figs. 6, 7, making wheel. Thebes 231
05. Cutting leather and bending a car. Fig, 1, bending. The knife, c,
held by Jig, 2, is precisely similar to that used by us for cutting
leather. Fig, 3, man bending wood, a, a stand, b, the body of the
car. d, a stand and board for cutting upon, e, stand over which
they bent the leather, g, soles of a pair of sandals, and I, an entire
skin, the usual emblems of the trade, h, horse collars, i, k, o, quiver
and bow-cases. r», girth, n, part of collar. Thebes , . . 232
66. Farts of car. Fig. 1, wheel; a, linch-pin. Fig, 2, b, details of inner
circle. Fig, 3, felloe. Fig. 4, shaft. In the Collectian of Dr, Abbott 234
67. An Ethiopian princess travelling in a plaustrum or car drawn by two
oxen,^. 2. Over her is a sort of umbrella. Fig, 3, an attendant.
Fig. 4, the charioteer or driver. Thebes 235
68. Car and bow, in the Collection at Florence, supposed to be of the
Khita, or Hittites 236
69. Four-wheeled hearse, from an inscribed wrapper .... 237
70. Car without wheel strapped to two asses ; 4th Dynasty. Gizeh . 237
71. Saddle of a horse yoked to a Persian car. Fig, a, pole ; Jig. b, cord and
tassel ; Jig. c, place for rein to pass through ; Jig, d, rein ; Jig. e^ orna-
ment of collar. British Museum ••.... 238
72. An Egyptian car and horses in perspective, designed from a comparison
of different sculptures. The spokes of the wheels in this are squared,
but they are generally round 239
*73. Fersian car, from Sir R. Ker Porter , 241
74. Attacking a fort, a a, under cover of the testudo, c e (x^'Xtovrf), covered
by a body of archers, represented hy bb 242
75. Assault of a fort. The testudo and scaling-ladder. Figs. 1-4
are four of the sons of king Bameses the Great, each commanding
a testudo, a-^. Fig, 5, one of the Shairetana, or Sardinian allies
of the Egyptians, climbing up the rock by means of a short spike
of metal, forced into the fissures of the stone. Fig, 6, another
of the same nation, with the round shield. Figs, 7-9, Egyptian
light infantry and archers. Fig, 10, two of the royal princes scaling
the walls : one is apparently thrown down, and the ladder is falling,
alluding, perhaps, to some accident which really occurred. Figs, 11,
12, heralds sent out of the fort to treat with the Egyptians ; t, k, m,
towers of the fort ; 2, the keep, on which is hoisted the standard, n,
pierced with arrows, the sign of their defeat. Thebes , . . 243
• •
xxii LIST AND EXPLANATION
Ko. Paoi
7G. Some of the people of Asia with whom the Egyptians were at war.
Fig, 1, the Shairetana, or Sardinians. Fig, 2, the Takkari, or
Teukroi. Fig, 3, the Slia[su] or Sho«. These three were at one time
allies of tlie Egyptians. Fig, 4, the Rebu, Lebu, or Libyans. Fig, 4 a
appears to be tattooed or branded ; the custom of branding themselves
was said to have been common to the Assyrians, ^t^. 5, the Fount,
or people of Somali. Fig, 6, theShari, or people of Northern Palestine.
Fig, 7, the Rut-en-nu, or Syrians, with their women, e , . . 246
*77. Persian head-dress resembling that of the Takkari, or Teukroi, from
Sir R. Ker Porter 247
78. Persepolitan figures. Fig, 1, the head-dresses of this and of fig, 7 are
very similar to that of the Takkari, or TeukroL Fig, 2 has a round
shield, like many Asiatic tribes represented in the Egyptian sculp-
tures. Fig. 3, doryphoros with two lances. Fig, 4, the kilt, similar
to those frequently seen in the sculptures of Thebes. Fig, 5, wear-
ing cidaris. Fig, 6, dress with sleeves ; the cap like that of the
Shari and others. Fig, 7, with head-dress like fig. 1. Fig. 8, with
Persian cap 248
79. Other Persepolitan figures, with similar caps (figs. 1, 2). British
Museum .......... 248
80. Carts of the I'akkari, or Teukn>i, which followed their army, and in
which they are seen carrying ofif the women and children, at the
moment of their defeat. Carts or waggons in like manner attended
the Scythian and Tartar armies. Thebes ..... 249
81. Prisoners of Tirhakah, represented at Thebes, probably after the defeat
of Sennacherib. ......... 253
82. Other enemies of the Ejsyptians. Fig, 1, the Tuirsha, or Tyrseni;
fig, 2, Mashua^ha, or Maxyes. Thebes. ..... 255
83. Phalanx of the Khita, or Hittites, Northern Syrians, drawn up as a
corps de reserve on the opposite bank, to oppose the army of Rameses
the Great ; with the foitified town, Eatesh, fi>g, 1, on the Orontes,
surrounded by double ditches, over which bridges, figs, 2 and 3,
are thrown. Thebes 257
84. Other enemies of the Egyptians. FSg, 1, Kefa, or Phoenician. Figs,
2-5, a-d, the two tribes of the Khita, or Hittites, distinguished by
the forms of their shields. Fig, 6, Amauru, or Amorite. Fig, 7,
Remenen, probably Armenian. Fig, 8, Kanana, or Canaanite. These
eight are Asiatic people. Fig. 9, Black of the interior of Africa.
Fig. 10, Turuses, and fig, 11, Taruau, African tribes. The name of
fig, 12 is lost, and fig, 13, oh/, are Rush, or Ethiopians, a is clad
in a skin ; c and d are chiefs, as the hieroglyphics (p) above them
state 259
85. A body of archers acting in line. Thebes 263
86. A guard mounted at the gates of an encampment, a a are representa-
tions of shields, indicative of a battled wall ; 6 &, a wicker gateway.
Thebes 266
87. Men and woman of the Rut-en-nu, or Syrians, sent to Egypt, probably
as slaves. Fig, 1, woman of the Rut-en-nu. Fig, 2, child. Figs,
3-8, Rut-en-nu prisoners. Fig. 9» scribe recording the number.
Thebes ^ ... 272
OF THE WOODCUTS. xxiii
Ho, PAOt
88. Black slaves, with their women and children. Fig, 1, scribe reconlin":.
Fig, 2, Negroes. Figs. 3, 5, children. Figs, 4, 6, women carrying
children in baskets. Thebes ...... . 272
89. War-galley, the sail being pulled up during action, a, raised forecastle,
in which the archers were posted. 6, rising prow or mm. c, another
post for the archers, and the pilot, d, «, bulwark to protect the rowers.
/, slinger, in the top. Thebes 275
90. Large boat with sail apparently made of papyrus, a double ma^t, and
many rowers. In a tomb at Kom^'Ahmar^ above Minieh . . 277
91. Egyptian dagger. British Museum 277
92. Arms of the Egyptians. Fig. 1, a and c, Egyptian hatchets ; 6, bronze
head. Fig, 2, details ; 6, in open work. Fig. 3, dagger. Figs, 4, 6,
slings, from sculptures. Fig, 7, dagger. Fig. 8, head of dart.
Fig, 9, javelin-head. BriOsfi Museum ; and from Thebes , , 278
93. Shadoof, or pole and bucket, for watering the garden. J9iebes , . 281
94. Shadoof for watering the lands. Thebes 281
95. Water-buckets carried by a yoke on the shoulders. Thebes . . 282
96. Ostrich, with the feathers and eggs. Fig. 2, man with ostrich (Jig, 1).
Fig. 3, man with feathers and basket of eggs. Thebes , . , 282
97. Public weighers and notaries. Fig, 1, scribe recording. Fig. 2, man
weighing, a, bag with scribe's materials ; 5, basket ; c, stand ; d^
scale with gold rings ; e, gold rings to weigh ; /, scale ; ^, beam of
balance ; h, figure of Thoth in the shape of an ape ; t, box for
weights ; A;, weights. Thebes 285
98. Rmgs of gold and silver. Fig, 1, basket of gold rings ; a, word 'gold.*
Fig, 2, gold rings. Fig. 3, basket of gold rings; &, word *gold.'
Fig. 4, basket of silver ring? ; c, word ' silvnr.' Thebes . . 286
99. Fowlers catching geese, and poulterers. Fig, 1, a, plug for attaching
net ; &, place for net ; c, net ; d^ tall papyri. Fig. 2, watcher giving
signaL Fig. 3, chief fowler ordering. Fig. 4, fowlers hauling net
Fig. 5, man carrying birds on a pole. Fig. 6, bringing bird to be
plucked. Fig. 7, placing plucked birds in amphone. Fig. 8, poul-
terer salting birds. Fig. 9, poulterer plncking birds. Thebes . 290
100. Fishing with a drag-net. Fig. 1, chief fisherman. Figs. 2-4, 5, 7, 8,
men hauling cord of net. Fig, 6, man lifting net on land, a, the
net ; b b, the floats ; c o, leads, a-^, various kinds of fish. Tomb
near the Pyramids 291
101. Leads, with part of a net found in EgypL Berlin Museum 292
102. Figures of the goddess of Truth (Jig. 1) and of Justice (Jig. 2).
Thebes 296
103. The goddess of Truth, ' with her eyes closed.' ITiebes .297
104. Persons coming to be registered. Thebes 300
105. Brought up before the scribes. Fig. 1, the royal scribe Tanaru. Fig.
2, officer bringing offender and objects stolen. Fig. 3, offender.
Figs, 4, 5, other officers or ofTeuders. Thebes .... 301
106. Infliction of the bastinado. Fig. 1, magistrate. Fig. 2, ofiender.
Fig. 3, officer with stick batana. Fig. 4, magistrate. Fig. 5, ofiender
begging mercy. Figs, 6, 9, officers holding culprit (Jig. 7) down.
Fig. 8, man bastinadoing. Fig. 10, magistrate superintending. Beni'
Bassan 805
xxiY LIST AND EXPLANATION
No. Paob
107. Woman bastinadoed. Fig, 1, man bastinadoing. Fig. 2, woman
punished. Beni-Bcusan ....... 305
108. Workman beaten. Fig, 1, man beating workman. Fig, 2, polisher.
Fig, 3, vamisher. Tomb at the Pyramids 306
109. Bastinado for petty theft. The culprit here has stolen some grain.
JfHg, 1 is the scribe who writes an account of the measures of grain
taken from the heap ; in the hands of Jig, 2 is a wooden measure,
made with hoops like our barrels and like the kayl measure of
the modern Egyptians. J^i^. 3, measuring out. Fig, 4 is engaged
sweeping up the grain. Fig, 5 holds a wooden bag. Thebe* . 308
110. Women weaving and using spindles. Figs, 1 and 3, weaving. Fig,
2, the loom. Fig, 3 is putting in the woof, but not by a shuttle
thrown with the hand. Fig, 4, male overseer. Fig, 5, hackling.
Fig. 6, twisting the double threads for the warp. Figs, 7-9 twist
single threads with the spindle, a, sx^t, weaving ; h, mer sx^t, chief
of loom ; c, m sna, facing ; d^ sta^ pulling out ; /, sitga, weaving ;
X^Sy spinning. Btni-Hassan . . . . . . .317
111. Captives secured by handcuffs. Thehes 338
112. Foreign captives employed in making bricks. Thebes . . . 344
113. Plans of houses. Fig, 1, without courtyard ; fig. 2, with courtyard ;
fig, 3, with chambers round court. Alabastrpn .... 345
114. Entrances to houses. Fig, 1, doorway. Fig. 2, doorway with two
colunms. Alabastron 346
115. Doorway and porch. Fig, 1, ivith name of Thoibmes III. upon it.
Fig, 2, porch with figures of Osiris. Thebes and Alahastnm . 346
116. Fig, 1, house with colonnade of ten columns; a, entrance court
Fig, 3, plan with two entiancea. Fig, 4, house with court and
chambers round. Aldbastrtm . . . . . . . 348
117. Fig, 1, model of a small house. Fig, 2 shows the door opened and
secured. British Museum 351
118. Showing interior of court and upper chamber in the same . .351
119. P^ns used as hinges on which doors turned. Fig, 1, uppec ]Nn;
fi^, 2, lower pin. British Museum 352
120. A folding door 35$
121. Showing how the doors were fastened. Fig, 1, door seen from inside.
JPY^. 2, door with outside bolts. Fig, 3, door with one hasp.
Thebes 353
122. Iron key. In the Museum of Harrow School .... 354
123. Different doorways. Fig, 1, doorway with vaulted ornamentation.
Fig, 2, with square and vaulted cornice. Fig, 3, rectangular door-
way. Thebes and Alabcutron 355
124. Ornamented doorways in the interior of tombs. Fig, 1, representation
of door and wall of the most ancient style. Fig, 2, doorway orna-
mented with cornice and inscriptitHis. Thebes .... 356
125. Different modes of roofing chambers. Fig, 1, roof with date-tree
rafters at intervals. Fig. 2, roof with transverse layers. Tombs
near the Pyramids^ and ai ITiebes 356
126. Traces of arched rooms of stone in the Pavilion of Rameses III. at
Thebes 357
127. Details of a rude arched ceiling from » tomb at Gizeh . . • . 358
OF THE WOODCUTS. xxv
No. Paob
126. Terrace of a house. TAe6e« 359
129. Flooring over an arched room. Hiebes 360
130. The mtfZ^u/' for catching the wind. Thebes 361
131. Tower rising ahove the terrace. Thebes ..... 361
132. House with battlements. Thebes 362
133. Battlements and tops of coffins 362
134. ' GKx)d house ' affixed over the door of a house. Thebes . . . 362
135. A poulterer's shop. Thd)e8 364
136. A villa, with obelisks and towers of a propylon attached to the house,
as in a temple, a, interior of the house. Fig. 1, a priest making
offerings (6) at the door, c, one of the inner entrances, with flag-
staffs at the side ; d, the portico. Fig, 2, priest offering nosegay.
Fig, 3, priest saluting. Fig. 4, guest or royal scribe, e, an obelisk ;
/, the tower of the outer entrance, or propylon, with the usual flag-
staffs. Fig. 5, the proprietor receiving bouquets from his attendants
(^figs. 6-8), who do obeisance before him, a custom now only retained
in Egypt by the Copt Christians in the pret<ence of their patriarch.
J^. 9, child or servant bringing nosegays, g, trees ; h, t, l, m,
flowers in the garden ; i and / are supposed by some to be the
papyrus ; A;, a canal, leading the water to the reservoir, projecting
into which is a small kiosk or summer-house, q ; n, sycamores and
other trees in the fruit-garden ; o and p, avenues at the side of the
houses The inmate of the tomb in which this is painted lived in
the time of Amenophis I. Thebes 366
137. Small entrances to villas. FigSk 1, 2, entrance with doors closed ; fig,
3, with folding-doors open. Alabastron ..... 367
138. Walls crowned with spikes. Fig. 1, entrance with spikes, closed doors
and lotus standards. Fig. 2, wall with spikes. Alahcutron and
JTiebes 367
139. Walls of a houae ornamented with panels, in crude brick ; the door-
way arched, lliebes 368
140. Egyptian plan of a farm-yard, and a ground-plan taken from the same.
Fig, 1, c, cattle ; (/, herdsman tethering cattle ; e, stalls. Fig. 2, a, (,
strawyard ; f, stalls. Alab<utron 370
14L Booms for housing the grain, apparently vaulted. Fig. a, entrance
and closed granaries with steps; 6, men at heap of com; c, men
bringing com into granaries. BenUHassan .... 371
142. Granary, showing how the grain was put in, and that the doors, a 5,
wese intended for taking it out when wanted, a, 5, vaulted granary,
and men filling by a ladder and hole at top ; e, door ; d, wall ; e, man
bringing com in a sack. Thebes ...... 371
143. Steward {fig. 1) overlooking the tillage of the land. Fig, 2, chariot.
•^^- 9» ploughman. Fig, 4, plough and sower. Fig. 5, sower.
jP*i^. 6, ploughing. Thebes 872
144. Men watering the ground with pots of water. Beni-Hassan . . 373
145. Wooden yoke and strap for carrying burdens, found at Thebes by
Mr. Burton. Briiish Museum 373
146. Water-skins, a, suspended at the tank, &, and beds of a garden, e, laid
out as at the present day in Egypt, and very like our salt-pans.
lliebes 375
XXYi LIST AND EXPLANATION
No. Pagk
147. Mode of raisbg ground round the roots of trees, and leaving a hollow
space for the water, according to the Egyptian {fig, 1) and our
own (fig. 2) mode of drawing Uie subject 375
148. A pomegranate tree. Thebes ....... 376
149. Figurative hieroglyphic signifying • tree ' 376
150. A large garden, with the vineyard and other separate enclosures, tanks
of water, and a small house 377
151. Egyptian mode of representing a tank of water with a row of palm-
trees on either side. Tht^ 378
152. The vineyard and orchard contiguous. Figs. 1-4, men gathering
grapes. Figs. 5, 9, men plucking the figs ; others are in the trees.
Fig. 6, basket of figs. Figs. 7, 11, fig-trees. Figs. 8, 10, 12, 13,
figs put into baskets and covered with leaves. Fig, 14, baskets of
grapes. Tombs near the Pyramids ...... 379
153. Plucking grapes ; the vines trained in bowers. Thebes . . . 380
154. Figurative hieroglyphic signifying 'vineyard* .... 380
155. Orchard or vineyard, with a tank of water, h, a, door ; c, sycamore
and other fruit-trees ; d d, avenues supported on columns, bearing
rafters, where the vines were trained ; e, men gathering the clusters.
Thebes 381
156. Frightening away the birds with a sling. Thebes . . . .381
157. Fig. 1, basket containing bunches of grapes covered with leaves.
Fig. 2, modern basket used in Eg3rpt for the same purpose • . 382
158. Monkeys assisting in gathering fruit. Benv-Hassan , . . 382
159. Kids allowed to browse upon the vines. Beni^Eassan . . . 383
160. Winepress. fieni-Hassan 383
161. Large footpress; the amphoras ranged in the cellar, figs. 7-10; and
an asp, the protecting genius, fig. 11, in the storeroom. Fig. 1,
the vat. Fig. 4, the trough where the men trode the grapes, ^i^.
2 and 3, the tanks which received the juice. Figs. 6, 6, putting the
wine in jars. Thebes 385
162. Mosaics on the ceiling of a supposed temple of Bacchus at Rome.
Fig. 1, building ; a, wine received in jars ; 5, press ; c, c{, e, men
treading out grapes. Fig. 2, two-wheeled cart bringing grapes.
Fig. 3, four-wheeled cart with same. Fig. 4, man bringing grapes. 386
163. Pouring wine into jars (figs. 1, 2). a to e, jars ; /, jars closed with
gypsiun or other substance. Tombs at the Pyramids . • . 387
164. Vases closed with a lid or stopper, and sealed. Figs. 1, 4, and 7, from
the sculptures. Fig. 5, our mode of representing fig. 1. Infi^s, 2
and 3 are other positions of the lid. Fig. 6, according to our European
mode of drawing. Thd>es 387
165. Servants employed in storing new wine ; one is overcome by its fumes 388
166. Vase with a pointed base supported by a stone ring . . . 388
167. A servant called to support her mistress. Thebes .... 392
168. A party of Egyptian ladies. Thebes 393
169. Men carried home by the servants from a party. Beni-Hassan . 394
170. Man standing on his head. Beni'IIassan 394
171. Carpenters' tools. Thebes 400
172. Carpenters' tools found by Mr. Burton at lliebes. British Museum . 401
173. Table carried behind the statue of the god Khem. Thebes • . 404
OF THE WOODCUTS. xxvii
Ka Page
174. Emblems of the god Ehem 405
175. Hieroglyphical group, signifying * Egypt.* Bosetta Stone . . 405
176. Toung men shooting at targets. 'Fig, 1, youth shooting. Fig. 2,
instructor; a, target. Fig. 3, youth shooting. Fig. 4, instructor;
by mark of two arrows on a stand. Thebes 406
177. Female playing on a guitar, from a box. Berlin Museum . 407
178. The double (Jg. 2) and single chair (Jig. 1). Thebes . . .409
179. Chairs of an ordinary description. British Museum . ... 409
180. Chair in the Leyden Museum 410
181. Chairs from various sculptures 410
182. Stool on the principle of our camp-stools 411
183. Couches or chairs without backs (figs. 1, 2), kangaroo chair (fig. 3),
and seat of interlaced string (fig, 4). Thtbes^ Alabastron, and
Mr. SaU's CUUdum 412
184. Stools. Thebes 413
185. Stools. British Museum 413
1 86. A stool with leathern cushion 414
187. Three-legged stools 414
188. Low stool. Berlin Museum 415
189. Ottomans, from the tomb of liameses III. Fig. 1, ornamented with
bows and fallen enemies ; fig. 2, with geometric ornaments. Thebes 415
190. Low seat, perhaps carpets, and mat . . . ... . 416
191. A couch, wooden pillow, and steps. Tomb nf Barneses III. at Thebes 416
192. Tables 417
193. Wooden table, in the British Museum. JTiebes .... 418
194. Other tables, firom the sculptures at Thebes 418
195. Positions when seated on the ground. Fig. 1, playing at draughts.
Fig. 2, at ease. Fig. 3, same, full fcice. Fig. 4, holding shrine.
Fig. 5, attention or respect 419
196. Wooden pillow or head-stool, found at Thebes .... 419
197. Other wooden pillows, of unusual form 420
198. Kaffass bedstead of modem Egypt, and ancient bier . . . 420
199. Military chief carried in a sort of palanquin. Beni-Hassan 421
200. Persian sculptures . . 422
201. An Egyptian gentleman driving up in his curricle to a party. 2%ebe$ 424
202. Golden ewers and basins. Thebes 425
203. A servant anointing a guest Thebes 426
204. Servants Ringing necklaces of flowers. Fig. 1, with necklace.
Fig. 2, fixing them. Fig. 3, guests. Thebes . . . .427
205. Wooden stand. British Museum 427
206. A case containing bottles^ supported on a stand. Berlin Museum . 428
207. A servant ofifering wine to a guest. Fig. 1, man offering cup.
i^i^. 2, guest seated on mat Thebes 430
206. The harp and double pipe. Fig. 1, double pipe. Fig. 2, harpist.
Thebes 436
209. Harps, pipe, and flute. Tomb near the Pyramids .... 437
210. Harp, guitar, and double pipe. Fig* 1, female harpist. Fig. 2, male
guitar player. JY^. 3, female playing double pipes. Th^s . • 438
211. Harp, and a smaller one of four strings. Fig. 1, harpist seated with
heptachord. Fig. 2, harpist standing with hexachord harp. Th^tes 438
xxviii LIST AND EXPLANATION
No. Paob
212. Hai-p, guitar, double pipe, lyre, and square tambouriue. Fig, 1,
harpist. Fig, 2, dancing girl, with guitar. Fig, 3, female playing
double flute. Fig, 4, dancing girl. Fig, 5, lyrist. Fig, 6, female
playing tambourine. Fig, 7, erased. Thehcn .... 439
213. Two guitars, a harp, and double pipe; and a woman beating time with
her hands. Figs, 1 and 2, dancing girls playing guitars. Fig, 3,
female harpist accompanying. Fig, 4, female beating time with
han^s. Fig, 5, female playing double flute. Thebes , , , 440
214. The flute, two harps, and men singing. Fig, 1, man playing single
flute leading. Figs, 2, 3, harpints. Figs, 4, 5, men singing. Thebes 440
215. Men and women singing to the har^), lyre, and double pipe. Figs,
1, 2, singing w(»men. Fig, 3, female playing lyre. Fig, 4, female
playing double flute. Fig, 5, harper. Fig, 6, male singer. Thebes 441
216. Harp and two guitars. Figs, 1, 2, dancing girls playing guitar. Fig, 3,
. female playing harp. Fig. 4, female on seat keeping time or singing.
Thebes 441
217. Two harps, and another instrument, which perhaps emitted a jingling
sound. Fig, 1, harper. Fig, 2, female harpist Fig, 3, feiiiale
with jingling instrument. Beni-Bassan . . . . . 442
218. Blind harper and choristers. Fig, 1, blind harper. Figs, 2, 3, blind
choristers. Alabastron 442
219. An unusual kind of instrument. JPV^. 1, female with a jingling
instrument Fig, 2, female singer. Thebes .... 443
220. Women beating tambourines and the darabooka drum. Fig, 1, female
with darabooka drum. Fig, 2, child with branch. Figs, 3, 7, female
with branches and square tambourine. Fig, 4, female with circular
tambourine or tympanum. Figs, 5, 6, females with branches. Thebes 443
221. The darabooka of modem Egypt Fig, 1, darabooka. Fig, 2, another
inverted. Fig. 3, another smaller ...... 452
222. Egyptian cymbals. Fig, 1, cymbal, seen from below; fig, 2, seen
edgewise ; fig. 3, with cord through orifice at top. Salt*s Collection 452
223. Man playing the cylindrical maces, and dancing figures. Fig, 1, man
with maces or castanets. Fig, 2, dancer. Fig, 3, jumping in the
air. Fig. 4, female dancing. Thebes 454
224. Military band. Thebes 456
225. IVumpeter. Thebes 457
226. Men dancing to the sound of the drum 458
227. The drum. Thebes 460
228. Mode of slinging the drum behiad, when on a march . . . 460
229. Drum found at Thebes 461
230. A richly-painted harp on a stand (fig, 1), a man beating time with
. his hands (fig, 2), and a player on the guitar (fig, 3) . . . .462
231. Bead of a harp brought from Thebes 462
232. Harp raised on a stand. Thebes 464
233. Minstrel standing while playing the harp. Fig, 1, goddess, or personi-
fication of Lower Egypt, playing tambourine. Fig, 2, same playing
harp on stand. Denderah 465
234. A light instrument borne on the shoulder. Thebes. . . . 465
235. Triangular instrument Thebes 469
236. Another, held under the arm. Dakkeh 469
OF THE WOODCUTS. xxix
Ko. Paob
237. An Qnusoal kind of instrument. Alahastron .... 470
238. Harp in the Paris Museum 470
239. Instruments in the British and Berlin Museums .... 473
240. Five instruments differing from the harp, lyre, and guitar. Fig, 1,
kind of pentachord guitar. Figs. 2 and 2a, four-stringed instruments
played on the shoulder (see woodcut No. 234). Fig, S, kind of
harp. Fig. 4, another kind. Fig, 5, kind of lute . . . 474
241. An instrument played as an accompaniment to the lyre. Alabasiron 476
242. Lyres played with and without the plectrum. Fig, 1, female playing
with finger-nails. Fig, 2, female playing with plectrum. Thehes . 476
243. Lyre ornamented with the head of an aoimaU Thebes . . . 477
244. Lyre in the Berlin Museum 477
245. Lyre in the Leyden Museum . • 478
246. Female playing the guitar. Thebes 481
247. Dancing while playing the guitar. Thebes ..... 482
248. Guitar slung by a belt. Thebes 483
249. An instrument like the guitar, found at Thebes .... 483
260. Flute-player. Thebes 486
251. Reed pipes. Fig. la, pipe with mouth-piece ; Ib^ end with hole.
J^t^. 2, pipe. British Museum 486
262. Double pipes, firom Herculaneum. Fig. 1, player on double pii)e;
one with keys. Fig. 2, both pipes with keys. Fig, 3, double pipes
with keys. Fig. 4, without keys 489
253. Woman dancing, while playing the double pipe (Jig, 2). Fig. 1,
singers. Fig. 3, women standing and singing. Thebes . . 490
254. Sacred musicians, and a priest offering incense. Fig, 1, priest with
incense. Fig. 2, sacred harper. Figs. 3-5, flautists. Fig. 4, sacred
guitar player. Leyden Museum ...... 493
256. The sistrum of four bars. TTiebes 497
256. Instrument from Herculaneum 498
257. Sistrum in Mr. Burton*s Collection. Fig. 1, bhowing right side ; fig. 2,
showing left side 498
258. 259. Sistra in the Berlin Museum. Fig. 1, sistrum with four bars,
surmounted by cat or lion wearing disk, of the Roman period. Fig, 2,
similar sistrum with three bars ; handle in shape of god Bes, sup-
porting head of Athor ; and ursBi, surmounted by head-attire of
Athor, of the Roman period 499
260. Rude model of a sistrum, in the Berlin Museum .... 500
261. Different attitudes during the dance. Fig, 1, kneeling, head reverted.
Fig. 2, holding musical instrument. Fig. 3, playing tambourine.
Fig. 4, dancing, turning back. Fig. 6, advancing. Thebes . • 501
262. The pirouette, and other Egyptian steps, danced 3500 years ago.
Fig. 1, man challenging. Fig. 2, accepting. Figs, 3-5, pirouetting.
Figs. 6, 7, females singing. Fig. 8, raising hands over head, a kind
of ballet. Beni'Hassan . 505
263. Men dancing alone. Fig, 1, a kind of hornpipe, raising hand and
striking ground with foot. Fig. 2, hands over head, and foot raised.
Thebes 506
264. Man dancing to the sound of the hand. Fig. 1, man dancing solo.
JPV^s.2-5,female8 accompanying with song. Tcrrib near the Pyramids 506
XHX LIST AND EXM,ANATION OF THE WOODCUTS.
Xa I
265. H^snra-dABce*. Fig. 1, bftllet ' gronp of the cald' Fig. 2, group of
bi»L Fig. S, nuking figure of anim»l. Fig. 4, clapping hands or
tinM. Fig. 6, making group of gold working. Fig. 6, group of
colonukde. Fig. 7, pirouette. Upper and Lmixf Egypt , , i
2C6. Hien^lyphic signifjiDg ' tha dance.' Fig. 1, bien^lyph deteraunate
of ' danc«.' Fig. 2, word x^t » •''•"^ ^f dance, f ^. 3, abu,
a kind of dance
ANCIENT EGYPTIANS.
.— Tlw Pjrwald*. dnrUig ibe
CHAPTBB I.
Origin of the Eg;ptuuia~8low Innrrase oT the Delta— The ^Igjptn* nf Homer —
Etliiopitt Bometimes put for the Theba'id— Earl; State of Bocietf— The Hnutcr,
Shepherd, aiid Agrfcnltnnst— Hierarchy of Egypt — Menes the flwt King—
Nflither Oiiris nor any other Deily evei auppoaed by the Egyptians to have lived
on Earth — Period elapsed from Henea to the Perxian Invaiion — Oldeat Honn-
menta of Egypt — The Fframlda — Uaerleseiiooiitemporaryof Jo«ph — The Pastor
Kiagt not tiie Jews — Bwl; Adtnuioemont of E^TPt. from the UonntneDtB and
Bcriptnre History — Nothing oertain before Userteaec I.
The oldest and moet aathentic record of the primeval state of
the world is uDqaestionablj the Scripture history ; and, though
the origin of its earlj inhabitants is only traced in a general and
comprehensive manner, we have sufficient data for conjecture on
some interesting points.
[The Egyptian tradition of the origin of mankind referred at
a later age the creation of man to the demiurgos Chnoumis, who
was supposed to have made man out of clay upon a potter's wheel.
Another legend, also of comparatively recent growth, attributed
the dispersion of mankind to the god Harmachis,' one of the forms
of Ra, when he triumphed over his enemies in the Apollonopolite
nome. Those who escaped the massacre of the war fled to the
south and became the inhabitants of Eush, the fugitives of the
north were turned into the Amu, those who sought the west the
■ Chabaa, ■ fitadct,' p. 1. NsTille, ■ Mythc d'Uorus.'
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS.
[Chap. L
Tamahu or Libyans, and the others who escaped to the east the
Shasu. Such were the Egyptian notions of the four great races
of the family of mankind which inhabited the earth. Other
demiurgic legends called Tum the creator of existences and
assignor of the colour of the different types : yellow to the
Semetic ; pink, or white, to the Aryan ; and black, and copper-
colour, to the Nigritic races.^ The first period of national
existence was supposed to be a kind of golden age, in which the
different deities of Egypt reigned in succession, and were suc-
ceeded by a race of primitive inhabitants called the Shasu en Har,
or 'Followers of Horus,** who immediately preceded the first
monarchs of the dynasties of mortals. There is apparently some
indication that the Egyptians considered themselves autochtho-
nous inhabitants of the Nile ; but the general idea is that they
entered Egypt from the East by the Isthmus of Suez, repulsed
the primitive Nigritic inhabitants, and established themselves in
the Valley of the Nile.]
Every one who considers the features, the language, and other
peculiarities of the ancient Egyptians, will feel convinced that
they are not of African extraction, but that, like the Abyssinians
and many inhabitants of the known valley of the Nile,^ they bear
the evident stamp of an Asiatic origin ; and Juba, according to
Pliny,* affirms that * the people of the banks of the Nile, from
Syene to Meroe, were not Ethiopians,*^ but Arabs.' And if feature
and other external appearances are insufficient to establish this
fact, the formation of the skull, which is decidedly of the Cau-
casian variety ,• must remove all doubt of their valley having been
peopled from the East : and some may even consider it directly
alluded to in the Book of Genesis,^ where Ham, the son of Noah,
and his immediate descendants, are said to have inhabited the
lands of Ethiopia, Egypt,® Libya, and Canaan, The name of
* Grebaut, * Hymne i Ammon/ p. 11.
' Maspero, ^Histoire Ancienne/ p. 18.
* That is, the Neel-el-Azrek, * the Blue,'
or more properly * the Black Nile,' in con-
tradistinction to the Neel-el-Abiad, Hhe
White (River) Nile.' Azrek is commonly
used to signify black as well as blue.
* Plin. lib. vi. 34.
* That is. Blacks,
* The Caucasian type of the Egyptians,
as deduced from the monuments, is gene-
rally admitted (Maspero, * Histoire An-
cienne,' p. 15; Morton, * Crania ^gyptia;'
* Intern. Congress of Orientalists,' Professor
Owen, Sto. Ix>ndon, 1876, p. 355), although
they have been supposed by Professor
Huxley to hare descended from the pri-
meval inhabitants of an ancient continent,
and to resemble the Australians. — S. B.
' Gen. X. 1-6.
' Mizraim, or Mizrim, a plural word
applied to Egypt (Gen. i. 11, et passim), is
the Hebrew mode of expressing the * two
regions of Egypt * so commonly met with
in the hieroglyphics, or the * two Misr,' a
name still used by the Arabs, who call all
Egypt, as well as Cairo, Musr or Misr.
Thummim or Thmim is in like manner
* the tiDo truths.'
Chap. L] ORIGIN OF THE EGYPTIANS. 3
Ham^ is, in fact, the same as that of Egypt, Khem, or Cham;
and Moses may have pointed out the eastern origin of the Egyp-
tians by introducing him as a son of Noah. But it is more
reasonable to suppose that a colony of Asiatics settled in Egypt
at a subsequent period, and that to this cause we ought to attri-
bute the marked distinction between the head of the Egyptians
and that of the Negroes.
There has always been a striking resemblance between the
Egyptians and Asiatics, both as to their manners, customs, lan-
guage, and religion ; and some authors have considered the valley
they inhabited to belong to Asia rather than to Africa :^ others,
again, have divided the country into two parts, the east and west
banks of the Nile,^ assigning the former to Asia, the latter to
Africa, and taking the river as the boundary line of the two con-
tinents. In manner, language, and many other respects, Egypt
was certainly more Asiatic than African.
There is no appearance of the Hindoo and Egyptian religions
having been borrowed from one another, which many might be
induced to conclude from their great analogy in some points, yet
it is not improbable that those two nations may have proceeded
from the same original stock, and have migrated southwards from
their parent country in Central Asia.*
It has been the opinion of many that colonisation and civili-
sation descended the Nile from Ethiopia, and that the parents of
Egyptian science came from the land of Cush. But this notion
appears from modem investigation to be totally at variance with
fact ; and the specimens of art that remain in Ethiopia are not
only inferior in conception to those of the Egyptian school, but
are deficient in that character which evinces originality.* Indeed,
I question if the name Ethiopians was exclusively applied to the
inhabitants of the country lying beyond Syene ; and there is
abundant reason to believe, as I shall presently show, that
Ethiopia, when mentioned in the sacred history and by many pro-
fane authors, in conjunction with Egypt, frequently signified the
Thebaid, the school of learning and the parent of Egyptian science.
Ethiopia, though a vague name, was applied to tliat country,
lying beyond the cataracts, which in the Scriptures, and in the
1 Hjun b also put for Ej^pt, a« in Psalm * [There are peculiarities in the form of
Ixiviii. 51 ; and other parts of Scripture. the Kgyptian head, which is very pro-
5 Plin. T. 9. minent at the back. — G. W.]
• [Plinj, vi. 29, who founded Heliopolis • Also later in point of time. — S. B.
near Memphis. — 6. W.]
B 2
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS.
[Chap. I.
Egyptian language, is called Cush; and black people,^ designated
as natives of * the foreign land of Ciish/ are generally represented
on the Egyptian monuments, either as captives, or as the bearers
of tribute to the Pharaohs.
But the period at which this civilisation commenced is not
within the limits of history ;^ and neither this nor its gradual
descent northwards are subjects on which we can speculate with
certainty or satisfaction. And, indeed, if we listen to Herodotus,
and other writers who maintain that the Delta is of recent date,
we are led to the necessity of allowing an immeasurable time for
the total formation of that space, which to judge from the very
little accumulation of its soil, and the small distance it has
encroached on the sea, since the erection of the ancient cities
within it, would require numerous ages, and throw back its origin
far beyond the Deluge, or even the Mosaic era of the Creation.
Tanis, now San, and in Hebrew Zan, or Tzan, Zoan, at a very
remote period of Egyptian history was already founded upon a
plain or * field,' ^ at some distance from the sea-shore; and the
vestiges of its ruins are still traced within a few miles of the coast.*
The lapse of 3190 years, from the days of the great Kameses, has
neither made any sensible alteration in the circumjacent levels,
nor protruded the land to any distance beyond it into the sea ;
and if in such a length of time the alluvial deposit of the Nile
has been unable to work a sensible change, how can it for a
moment be supposed that a period of a thousand years, which
^ Plutarch says Egypt was called Chenii
from the blackness (chame) of its soil.
May not Ethiopia, Hhe black country/
hare been a translation of Chenai ?
* Traces of a so-called stone period, of a
rude population using' palaeolithic stone
implements, are said to have been recently
discovered in the neighbourhood of Thebes
(Sir J. Lubbock, 'Journal of the Anthro-
pological Institute,' vol. iv.), disputed, how-
ever, by M. Chabas, * Etudes,' p. 328;
and Lepsius, 'Zeitschrift fiir agyptische
Sprache,' 1870, p. 113 et aeq. Professor
Hayter Lewis found a beautiful stone saw
near the Pyramid of iSowaryet el Arrian. —
S. B. ^
* Psalm Izxviii. 12 and 43 : *In the field
of Zoan,' lyV'"'!?'?- TheTargumhas DJO
Tomes. [The city of Tanis is the Zoan of
sacred Scripture, and the modern San or
Zan, — the Gami (ox, Djami) or Athennes, ot
the Copts. It has extensive mounds, and
remains of a small temple of the time of
Rameses the Great, remarkable from its
having at least ten, if not twelve obelisks.
The name of Osirtasen III. found there
(Burton's * Excerpta,' pi. 38, 39, 40) shows
that an older temple once stood at Tanis ;
and the great antiquity of Tanis is also
shown by its existing in the time of Abra-
ham, and being founded seven years alter
Hebron, where Sarah died (Gen. xxiii. 2 ;
Num. xiii. 22). In ' the field of Zoan * the
miracles of Moses are said to have been
performed (Ps. Ixxviii. 12) ; and its present
desolation shows how completely the pro-
phecies against it have been fulfilled (Ezek.
XXX. 14; Isa. xix. 11, xxx. 4). — G, W.]
* That is, of the Lake Menzaleh. The-
nesus (Thenessi) stood in that lake or
marsh, and consequently much nearer the
sea. Again, Canopus, and many other
towns and buildings of which vestiges re-
main, were, as at present, immediately on
the sea-shore, in the time of the Ptolemies
and Pharaohs, upwards of 2000 yean ago.
Chap. I.]
MOUTHS OF THE NILE— PHAEOS.
elapsed between the Deluge and the early part of that king's
reign, would suflSce for the formation of the whole Delta ? Remarks
which apply with still greater force to Pelusium, Taposiris, and
Canopus, which actually stood upon the sea-shore : for, as the
learned Bochart justly observes, since the Egyptians themselves
reputed the Tanitic Mouth, and the towns of Busiris, Taposiris,
Butus, and Pelusium, to have existed even in the early time of
Osiris and Horus, they must have known them not to be of recent
date ; and Homer allows Menelaus to have come to Canopus.^
And that Tanis^ was already built in the age of Bameses the
Great, we have evidence from the sculptured monuments now
existing in its ruins, in addition to the positive authority of
Scripture, Moses himself assuring us that it was founded long
before the Exodus, seven years after the town of Hebron.^
It is, then, evident that neither was the period elapsed between
the Deluge and the building of Tanis sufficient to form the Delta,
nor the constant accumulation of the alluvial deposit of the Nile
capable of making so perceptible a change in the extent of that
district, as to authorise us to suppose the upper parts of the
country peopled and civilised, while the Delta was a marsh ; how
much less then can we suppose Ethiopia to have been already
inhabited by the ancestors of the future colonisers of Egypt, while
that part of the valley lying below the cataracts of Syene was
undergoing its formation ?
Much consequence has been attached to an expression of Homer,
that * the distance from the Isle of Pharos to ASyi/Trro? was as much
as a vessel with a fair wind could perform in one day ;' and this
is constantly adduced as a decisive proof of the great accumula-
tion of alluvial soil in the Delta,* and of its rapid advances into
the Mediterranean, since the era of the Trojan war. But a very
slight acquaintance with the situation of the Isle of Pharos, and
the nature of the ground on which Alexandria is built, ought to
have prevented so erroneous a conclusion ; and if we readily
account for the misconstruction of the AlyirrrTov Trpoirdpoide^ of
^ Bochart, Sacra, lib. ir. c. 24.
* The remains of the Hjkshos or
Shepherd Kings, who reigned prior to
the eighteenth djnastj, have been found
at Tanis. (Mariette, * Lettre i M. le Vi-
oomte de Rouge' sur les Fouilles de Tanis,'
p. 16.) Abandoned or neglected till the
time of Rameses, it was then called
Paramesses. (Brugsch, ^L'Exode et les
Monuments %yptiens,' 1874.)— 8. B.
' Numbers ziii. 22: 'Hebron was
built seven jears before Zoan.' It already
existed in the days of Abraham. *And
Sarah died in Eirjath-arba : the same is
Hebron ' (Gen. xxiii. 2 ; conf. Josh. xv. 13,
and Judg. i. 10).
* Pluurch, de Iside, s. 40.
* Odyss. A 355. By the harbour and
fresh water at the Isle of Pharos Homer
evidently alludes to the site of the modern
Alexandria, close to the island. £Conf.
Diodor. i. 31.— G. W.]
6 THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS. [Chap. I.
the poet, we are surprised at the notion which extends the river
and its alluvial deposit over the space between the Canopic mouth
and the Pharos, hitherto unwashed by the fertilising waters of
the rising Nile. [So trifling is the accumulation of soil at the
shore of the Delta, we can only suppose that the quantity of mud
constantly taken down to be deposited in the sea must be carried
off by strong currents setting from the coast of Syria, which sweep
off the greater proportion of the mud from the Mediterranean
shore : and the lightness of the Nile water, though holding so
much mud in suspension, carries it over the dense salt water of
the sea to a distance, as some have supposed, of 40 miles from the
shore. — G. W.] And if a certain deposit does take place in the
harbov/r of Alexandria, it is very trifling, and by no means capable
of having united Pharos to the shore, which was done artificially^
by means of the Heptastadium. [Seven stadia from the shore, or
three quarters of a mile from the inner or eastern harbour.
Though the depth of the soil has greatly increased, and is still
increasing, in various ratios in different parts of the valley, the
first deposit did not take place after man existed in Egypt ; and
as marine productions have not been met with in boring to the
depth of 40 feet in the Delta, it is evident that its soil was de-
posited from the very first on a space already above the level of
the Mediterranean. The formation of the Delta of Egypt is not
like that of some other rivers, where the land has been protruded
far into the sea ; on the contrary, the Nile, after pursuing its
course through the alluvial soil, enters the sea at the same distance
north of the Lake Moeris as it did in the age of the early kings
of Egypt. The sites of the oldest cities are as near the sea-shore
as when they were inhabited of old; and yet the period now
elapsed since some of them were built is nearly double that be-
tween Menes and Herodotus. The Pharos Isle and the coast of
Alexandria being both rock, the distance between them has always
been the same. Another great reason for the Delta not encroach-
ing on the sea is that the land is always sinking along the north
coast of Egypt (while it rises at the head of the Ked Sea) ; and
there is evidence to show that the Mediterranean has encroached,
and that the Delta has lost instead of gaining, along the whole of
its extent from Canopus to Pelusium. The distance that the
Mediterranean is discoloured by the Nile during the inundation is
' [F. Amm. Marcel. 22, p. 342, edit. Strabo, xvii. p. 545, edit. 1587; Josephus^
1681 ; C«iar, * d« Bell. Civ.' lib. ui. pa8$im ; * Ant.' xii. c. 2, a. 13.- G. W.]
Chap. I.]
THE COAST OF EGYPT.
very great, and the same takes place in a minor degree at the
mouths of rivers on the Syrian coast, but without their forming
any deltas ; nor is the shallow sea off the coast of Egypt more a
part of the Delta of the Nile now than when sounded in Herodotus'
time, about 2300 years ago; and 11 orgyies (or fathoms) at a
day's sail from the coast would alarm a sailor even at the present
day. For you only come into 11 fathoms water at about 12 or
13 miles off the coast, about Abukir ; and at 25 or 30 miles you
have 60, 70, 80, and 90 fathoms, with sand and mud. At five or
six miles from the mouth of the Nile the water on the sur-
face is nearly fresh, and the bottom mostly a stiff mud. The
longest day's sail, according to Herodotus,* is 700 stadia, about
79^ English miles, or 540 stadia, about 61 miles, where the
soundings would be at least the same number of fathoms. — G. W.]
The Heptastadium, increased in breadth by many subsequent
additions, now forms the base of the chief part of the modem
city. Ancient Alexandria, the successor of the town of
Bakotis, stood on the rock of the Libyan desert, which is still
beyond the reach and above the level of the inundation; and
the distance from the line of the coast to Pharos is the same as
in the days of Homer. The error respecting its having been a
day's journey from Egypt originated in the misinterpretation of
the word AtTi/TrTo?, which is used by the poet to designate both
the Nile and Egypt ;* and that the river was so called in ancient
times is testified by the authority of Diodorus, who states that
Nileus, one of the early monarchs ^ of the country, transferred his
name to the stream, * which previously bore that of ^gyptus.'*
Arrian* again justly observes, that *the river, now called by the
Egyptians and others Nile, is shown by Homer to have been
named -Sgyptus, when he relates • that Menelaus anchored his
fleet at the mouth of the -Sgyptus ;' and the bare inspection of
the verse to which he alludes suflSces to prove his remark to be
correct. It is, then, to the Nile, not to the coast of Egypt, that
Homer alludes : and thus the argument derived from his autho-
rity must cease to be brought forward in support of the great
• iv. 86.
' Varioas conjectures have been made
as to the name of Egypt ; lately it has been
supposed to be derived from Ha-ka-ptah,
the sacred name of Memphis. — S. B.
' Diodorns places him as the predecessor
of Chembres, who erected the great
pyramid.
-* Manetho says Egypt took its name
from Sethosis, who was also called
i^gyptas, and was brother of Armals.
(JosephuSf contra Ap. lib. i. c. 15.) Aulus
Gellius tells us Egypt was formerly named
Aeria (xiv. 6). Diodorus, i. 19.
• Arr. Exped. Alex. lib. r. and lib. vi.
[Conf. Amm. Marcel, lib. xxii. p. 333;
edit. 1681.— G. W.]
• Odyss. A 477, and E 257.
8
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS.
[Chap. I.
encroachments of the Delta, and of the constant advance of the
land into the receding sea.
To any person who has examined the levels of the alluvial
deposits of the Nile in various parts of its course, as from the first
cataract to its mouth at Bosetta,^ it is well known that the
perpendicular stratum of soil, if I may so call it, decreases in
thickness as it approaches the sea ; and thus at Elephantine the
land has been raised about nine feet in 1700 years, at Thebes
about seven, and so on, gradually diminishing to the moutlu
There, indeed, the deposit is lessened in a very remarkable
degree, much more than in the same decreasing ratio, in
consequence of the greater extent of the land, east and west,
over which the inundation spreads; so that, in a section
representing the accumulated sdll and the level of the low Nile,
the angle of inclination would be much smaller from the fork of
the Delta to the Sea, than from the Thebaid to the Delta. And
this is satisfactorily proved by the increase of the banks and the
surface of the country at Elephantine, Thebes, Heliopolis, the
vicinity of old Cairo, and other places, where the positions of
ancient monuments attest the former levels of the land's surface,
and enable us to ascertain the increase within a known period.
Around the base of the obelisk at Heliopolis, erected by
Usertesen I. about 1700 years before our era, the alluvial soil
has accumulated^ to the height of five feet ten inches;^ and,
comparing this with Elephantine, we shall find that a monument
placed there at the same period would have been buried to the
depth of about nineteen feet. Heliopolis stood to the south
of the Delta; and the diminution northwards, for every mile,
in an expanse of increasing breadth, must have been propor-
tionably greater as it approached the sea, till at the shore it
became almost imperceptible, even after the lapse of many ages.*
' The banks daring the low Nile are
upwards of 30 feet high in parts of Nubia,
in middle Egypt 20, and decrease as thejr
are nearer the mouth.
[I find Shaw calculates ' somewhat more
than a foot in a hundred years ' (c. ii. s. 3).
— G. W.]
* [The water-mark, to which the Nile
rises, is 5ft. lOin. on the W. side, and
5ft. 6in. on the N. side, abore the level of
the ground. — G. W.]
[Seey also, a full examination of this
question in a paper by Sir Gardner Wil-
kinson, * On the Present and Former Levels
of the Nile,' Joum. Roy. Geog. Soc, vol. ix.,
1839, p. 431.— C. C. W.]
» In my * Egypt and Thebes' (p. 313), I
have said * between seven and eight feet.'
This was from information I received at
Cairo, and suspecting it to be erroneous, I
sent to have it ascertained, and found it to
be as stated above.
* Some attempt to determine the age of
the civilisation, by the depth in the
alluvial Nile mud at which objects have
been found, has been made by L. Horner,
* On the Alluvial Land of Egypt,' in the
Philosophical Transactions, 1858, p. 75
Chap. I.] EGYPT AND ETHIOPIA. 9
Having endeavoured to show that no argument can be derived
from the appearance of the Delta, to favour the supposition
of this district having been formed at a period when the
upper part of the country was already inhabited, it is necessary
to observe that I limit my remarks exclusively to the Nile,
whose nature is very diflferent from that of most rivers, and
particularly those whose deltas have been created and rapidly
increased by materials brought down by their waters, and de-
posited at their mouths. These, consisting of trees and other
vegetable productions, have tended to form here and there a
nucleus for the construction of islands, afterwards connected
with the main land, and consolidated by alluvial deposit and
fresh materials constantly adhering to them ; but this peculiarity
is totally unknown at the mouth of the Egyptian Nile.
It is not my present intention to enter into any speculation
upon the formation of the alluvial land of Egypt, and its Delta ;
and much less shall I attempt to fix the time required for such
an event. This would be irrelevant and presumptuous, even if
we were not limited to the period elapsed between the Deluge
and the age of those early. Pharaohs, in whose time all the
country, as it now exists, was densely peopled. Nor would
any one be permitted to assert the priority of a nation from the
apparent antiquity of the soil which clothes the rocks of the
country. But of this we may be assured, that the formation o(
Egypt and its extensive Delta is beyond the reach of our in-
quiry, and of a date long anterior to the epoch at which that
country or Ethiopia was inhabited.
With regard to the word Ethiopia, used by ancient authors, we
have many reasons for supposing it was sometimes intended to
designate, or was confounded with, the Thebaid or Upper Egypt.
The expression of Pliny, " Ethiopia was evidently renowned and
powerful, even to the time of the Trojan war, . . . and extended
its empire over Syria," ^ though he is speaking of Ethiopia proper,
can only have been borrowed from a tradition relating to the
Thebcud, since the Diospolite monarchs ruled and received tribute
from Ethiopia, and actually did extend their dominion over
Syria ; which the Ethiopians could not have done without first
obtaining possession of Egypt, and that, too, at a period when
which gires 12,000 yean at the assumed found at 70 feet ; but the whole inquiry is
rate of deposits of 3*5 inches per century fur many reai>onsmore than unsatisfactory,
at Memphis, from the fragmeuts of vase — S. B, * Plin. yl 35.
10
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS.
[Chap. I.
the Pharaohs were in the zenith of their power. Nor is the asser-
tion of the prophet Nahum, that Ethiopia and Egypt were the
strength of No, less remarkable ; N6, or, as the Hebrew gives it,
Na-Amiin, being the name of Thebes.^ According to Aristotle,^
* the Thebfud was formerly called Egypt ;' the rest of the country
being deemed of minor importance, and the Thebaid bearing
this name par eacceVence : and Herodotus says, that * Egypt in
ancient times was called Thebes.'^ Whence it may be supposed
that Lower Egypt was conquered by, or annexed to, the Thebaid,
or, as it was then styled, Egypt ; and, if this be true, we can have
no hesitation in ascribing to it the precedence of the upper country,
[in the hieroglyphic legends ; unless it be from the eighteenth
Theban dynasty having driven out the Shepherds and again
brought all Egypt under one sceptre ; or from the early prece-
dence of This, of which Menes was a native. — G. W.]
The question respecting the comparative antiquity and civi-
lisation of the Egyptians and Ethiopians has now become obsolete.
I do not, therefore, detain the reader by any further mention of
the numerous arguments to be adduced from the monuments of
both countries, to decide the priority of the Egyptians, which
even those ancient writers, whose authority some have supposed
to militate against that opinion, do not fail to prove : Diodorus*
allowing that *the Thebans consider themselves the oldest of
^men, and affirm that philosophy and astrology were invented by
them,' in no way acknowledging the Ethiopians as their prede-
cessors, and Herodotus* distinctly stating that the manners of the
Egyptian troops who deserted from Psammetichus had a very
sensible effect in civilising the Ethiopians.^
> Nahum iii. 8, 9. This passage is
very interestiog. *Art thou better than
populous No, that was situate among the
waters, that had the waters round about
it ; whose rampart was the sea, and her
wall was from the sea? Ethiopia and
Egypt were her strength : Put and Lubin
were thy helpers.' The word DpK! Tarim^
* the rivers,* is the Hebrew plural of the
Egyptian word taro, * River,* applied to
the Nile. The word sea is, in the Hebrew,
water or waters, and does not apply exclu-
sively to the sea. 'Populous No should
be No or Na-Aro<in, taken from the
Egyptian HI N AMOTN or AMOTN-HI,
* the abode of AmCkn,' or Diospolis,
Thebes. There is no appearance of the
name * Egypt ' on the ancient monuments,
where the country is called * Chemi,' repre-
sented in hieroglyphics by the tail of a
crocodile. Chemi, * the black land,' * the
bind of Ham,' or of Khem (the Egyp-
tian god Pan,, or the Generative principle
of Nature), is said by Plutarch to have
been so called from the blackness of the
soil.
2 Aristot. Meteorol. lib. i. 14.
• Herod, ii. 15.
[Strabo, on the other hand, speaks of
the whole of Egypt being the low country,
and then mentions the Thebaid separately
(lib. xvii. p. 563 ; edit. 1587).— G. W.]
* Diod. i. 50.
* Herod, ii. 30.
• [A people who elected their kings for
their physical powers (Herod, iii. 20X
proving that they still had the habits of
uncivilised races. — G. W,]
Chap. I.] THE PRIMEVAL HISTORY. 11
Of the state of Egypt at the epoch when the arrival of Joseph,
or the Exodus of the Israelites, took place, some little information
may be obtained from the Bible, and from the monuments that
remain, both of which bespeak a people already far advanced in
the arts and customs of civilised life. And though we must
remain ignorant of their origin, and of the form of government
at the commencement of Egyptian history, we may venture to
explain, from reason and probability, some of the causes of their
early and rapid progress.
But the primeval history of states, especially at so remote an
epoch, must necessarily be a matter of pure conjecture, since they
are beyond the reach of authentic records ; and if those nations
themselves had handed down to us what they deemed their real
annals, we should find them so complicated and improbable, that
it would be out of our power to separate truth from fiction. Such
is the character of the uncertain fragments of Manetho, preserved
by later writers ; and even the early history of the Greeks is so
encumbered with allegory, and a mysterious system of mythology,
that it is diflScult to distinguish between real events and religious
fable : a mode of uniting history and metaphysical theory not
peculiar to the Greeks, but adopted by other, perhaps by all,
nations of antiquity ; and, wherever we have been able to examine
the basis on which it was constructed, a striking similarity is
observable in its general outline.
Whether Egypt was originally governed by an hierarchy or a
monarchy is still a question. It is true that infant states are
more usually governed by some individual, pre-eminent for his
abilities either as a statesman or a warrior, than by a body of
persons with equal authority ; but, as the former opinion appears
to be less at variance with what history has imparted to us, it is
more reasonable to conclude that, like Judaea before the time of
Saul, Egypt was ruled by an hierarchy, until the accession of its
first king, Menes.
Any attempt to fix the precise era of this political change
must be fruitless and unsatisfactory : if, however, it is beyond our
reach, there are positive grounds for the conviction, that no
Egyptian deity was ever supposed to have lived on earth ;^ and
* Vide Herod, ii. 143. The priests also opinions. Works of imagination, howerer,
assured him that no deity had ever lived represented the gods as coming on earth
on earth (Ibid. ii. 142) ; and Plutarch, de and walking there, and the historical lists
Iside, T. 21, observes that the inhabitants supposed that they reigned on earth,
of the ThebaXd entertained the same — S. B.
12 THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS. [Chap. I.
the story of Osiris's rule in this world is purely allegorical, and
intimately connected with the most profound and curious mystery
of their religion. And so great was their respect for the impor-
tant secret, and for the name of Osiris, that Herodotus^ scrupled
to mention him ; and Plutarch^ says the Egyptian priests talked
with great reserve even of his well-known character as ruler of
the dead.
The Egyptians justly ridiculed the Greeks for pretending to
derive their origin from deities. They showed Hecataeus and
Herodotus a series of three hundred and forty-five high priests,
each of whom, they observed, was * a man, son of a man,' but in
no instance the descendant of a god : thus censuring the folly of
.Hecatffius, who claimed a deity as his sixteenth ancestor. Such
is the meaning of the expression in Herodotus,^ * a piromis, son
of a piromis:* and it is singular that the historian should not
have understood the signification of the word romt,* man, or
pir&iniy the man, as the sense alone suflSces to point it out ; and
his translation proves how ignorant he was of the language of the
country in which he travelled. Indeed, the information of Hero-
dotus was frequently of a very imperfect kind, owing sometimes
to an excess of credulity, of which the humorous Egyptians
gladly took advantage in a Greek, and sometimes to a want of
scrutiny, as may be seen in the account he gives of the sources
of the Nile.*
The kings of Egypt are arranged by Manetho in twenty-six
dynasties, from the time of Menes to the invasion of Cambyses,
which happened B.C. 525 ;• but whether any dependence can be
placed on the names and number of the kings before the accession
of the eighteenth dynasty, is a matter of great doubt ;' and some
of the authors to whom we are indebted for the fragments of his
work disagree in their arrangement. Nor do the monimients
render us any assistance in this portion of the early history;
though the great similarity in the names and order of the monarchs,
in the eighteenth and some of the succeeding dynasties, suggests
the probability of the original work of Manetho having been
derived from authentic sources.
» Herod, ii. 86, et alSbi, * Herod, ii. 28.
* Plut. de Is. 8. 79. * The last received date is B.C. 527. —
» Herod, ii. 143. S. B.
* Romi in the old language did not ' Although the exact number of the
signify *' man/ which was expressed by rot. kings before the eighteenth dynasty is not
The word romi is found in the later de- known, the names of most of the monarchs
motic and Coptic— S. B. now are. — S. B.
MTnr^ti^^^^HI
151
mH
^^F
"
w
"aHH ^^Bfl^^H
N
I^M
^1
• ii '1
Uhap. I.]
DATE OF THE PYRAMIDS.
13
One great difficulty arises from the long duration assigned to
the Egyptian monarchy : the sum of years from Menes to the
Persian invasion being, according to Manetho, about 4750 years,
without reckoning the fourteenth dynasty ; and Herodotus'
account, who was assured by the priests that 330 kings succeeded
that prince,^ requires, on an average of fifteen years to a reign,
about 4950 years for the same period. A similar objection applies
to the statements of Diodorus and other writers ; but, as the ex-
amination of controverted questions can oflfer little interest to the
reader, I shall only venture a few remarks on the period previous
to the arrival of Joseph.
The oldest monuments of Egypt, and probably of the world,
are the pyramids to the north of Memphis ;^ but the absence of
hieroglyphics and of every trace of sculpture precludes the possi-
bility of ascertaining the exact period of their erection, or the
names of their founders. From all that can be collected on this
head, it appears that Suphis and his brother Sensuphis^ erected
them about the year 2120 B.C. ;* and the tombs in their vicinity
may have been built, or cut in the rock, shortly after their com-
pletion.* These present the names of very ancient kings, whom
we are still unable to refer to any certain epoch, or to place in
the series of dynasties ; but whether they were cotemporary with
the immediate predecessors of Usertesen,® or ruled the whole of
Egypt, is a question that I do not as yet pretend to answer.
Previous to the accession of the first Usertesen, who probably
' L. il. 8. 100. He may mean 330 kings
from Menes to Amasis, though he says to
Moeris ; and in s. 143, he speaks of 345
kings and high priests, and in s. 142, of
341 generations before Sethos. He con-
founds reigns with generations. For the
chronology of Herodotus, cf. Lepsius,
* Einleitung.' — S. B.
* Altogether, about sixty-six pyramids
are known. The oldest is that of Senefru of
the fourth dynasty at Meidoum, prior to
those of Cheops and Cephren or the two
Suphis. The latest pyramids are those
of the last kings of the' twelfth dynasty at
the Lake Moeris. All were sepulchres. —
S. B.
» Sensuphis signifies *the brother of
Suphis,' agreeing with the relationship
mentioned by Herodotus between Cheops
and Cephren. They were succeeded by
Moscheris or Mencheres, the Mycerinus of
the Greek historian. Suphis, according to
Manetho, was the second king in the
fourth dynasty of Memphites. [Sensuphis
is now recognised as Suphis lI., the ten
having been erroneously repeated by the
scribe in the list of Eratosthenes, from the
previous word ebasiieusen. — S. B.]
* The tombs of the royal families and
principal officers of state of the fourth,
fifth, and sixth dynasties. — S. B.
* This is following Eratosthenes, who
places Suphis or Saophis the fourth
before Apappus, whom 1 suppose to have
been the cotemporary of Abraham, B.C.
1920. For if Jacob's arrival, B.C. 1706,
is referred to the reign of Apappus, the
antiquity of these monarchs is un-
necessarily increased, and the additional
214 years augment our perplexities on
the subject.
* If we may believe Josephus, Manetho
speaks of kings of the Thebald and the
rest of Egypt uniting in a common cause ;
and thereby shows the existence of co-
temporary dynasties.
14
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS.
[Chap. I.
lived about 1740 B.C. and was therefore cotemporary with Joseph,
we have little to guide us upon the monuments of Egypt ;^ but
we may safely conjecture, from the state of those erected daring
his reign, that the Egyptians were already far advanced in the
arts of civilised life, and had arrived nearly at the same state in
which they continued during what may be styled the Augustan
era of the eighteenth dynasty. This is further confirmed by the
scriptural sketch of Egyptian manners in the time of Joseph ;
but we have nothing to lead to any conclusion respecting the
exact duration of the previous reigns, the organisation and pro-
gress of the political state of the country, or the period from
which its civilisation dates its commencement.
Nor can anything satisfactory be derived from the imperfect
history ^ of the shepherd kings given by Manetho, or at least by
his copyists : and his account of their aggressions is not suffi-
ciently clear to enable us to determine whether he alludes to the
Assyrians, Phoenicians, or Arabs.^ That they were not Jews is
evident ; though, as I have already observed in a former work,
the Exodus of the Israelites may possibly, through the inattention
of some authors, have been confounded with the expulsion of the
Pastor tribes: and their abomination of shepherds necessarily
originating in serious injuries received from them, as it already
existed in the time of Joseph, proves their hostile invasions to
have happened before that period.
About the epoch of tlie Jewish captivity, Egypt must have
^ Since this was written the publication
of Lepsius* * Denkmaler der Aegypten,*
Abth. iii. ; and Mariette-Bey, * Monu-
ments divers,' Paris, 1875, have thrown
great light on the tombs, and De Rouge',
* Les six premieres Dynasties,* 4to, Paris,
great light on the history of Egypt. —
S. B.
* Many histories of Egypt were written
at different periods, by native as well as
foreign authors, which have unfortunately
been lost. (Conf. Cicero, de Repub. iii. 8.)
The principal authors were Hecatajus,
Herodotus, Manetho, Diodorus, and Chaere-
mon. — S. 13.
' Herodotus calls Sennacherib * king of
Arabia and Assyria ' (lib. ii. 141).
[More probably Asiatic Ethiopians,
Cushites of Asia, who had long possession
of Arabia, as well as the southern parts
of the country east of the Ionian Gulf,
Susa being a Cushite or Ethiopian city.
Of the aame race were the Phoenicians
who migrated from the Persian Gulf
about the modern Bahrayn. They long
})08sessed the islands of Aradus and
Tylos, etc. ; those Cushites were also
parents of the Ethiopians of the Upper
Kile, i.e. that part corresponding to the
modern Nubia. Having crossed over from
the S.W., corner of Arabia at a more re-
mote period, and being Asiatics, accounts
for the Ethiopians of the Nile bearing the
Asiatic, not the African, character of
features, hair, etc. The same Cushites
probably peopled part of Egypt also at
that remote period and became united
with another race, perhaps a Semitic,
already established in Northern Egypt.
Cush (Kush, or Kish) is the cuneiform,
and Ethaush the Coptic name of * Ethiopia ;'
the name of Cush had already been given
to Ethiopia on the monuments before the
invasion of the Shepherds, at the beginning
of the twelfth dynasty.— G. W.]
Chap. I.] THE HYKSHOS OR SHEPHERDS. ] 5
been engaged in a war with some powerful enemies, since the
reason of the oppression exercised against the unresisting Hebrews
is stated to have been the fear of their uniting with them ;^ and,
indeed, it appears from the sculptures of Beni-Hassan, that the
Egyptians already, as early as the reign of Usertesen, had ex-
tended their arms into Asia, had thence brought many captives
to Egypt, and had perhaps enrolled some of the conquered people
in their army, as was frequently the case at a later period. This
war with foreign nations is another strong argument against the
opinion of Josephus that the Jews were the Shepherds, and the
pretended power of his countrymen at so early an epoch is incon-
sistent >vith reason and probability. The Jews, even in the most
flourishing state, when in firm possession of the promised land,
and united under one king, never did arrive at the degree of
power which he has ascribed to them in Egypt ; and the whole is
at variance with Scripture history.
[Recent discoveries have thrown a strong light on the history
of the Shepherd dynasty. The fall of the fourteenth or Xoite
dynasty was followed by the simultaneous invasion of Egypt from
Canaan consequent on the Asiatic immigrations into the Delta. Es-
tablished at Memphis, five of the Shepherd kings, Bnon, Apachnas,
Apappus, and launias, for two centuries carried on war with the
southern princes, and Asses subjected Northern Egypt. These
conquerors bore the Semitic name of Shasu or pillagers, and their
princes called haq were the Hykshos of Manetho. Their monu-
ments and remains have been found as far south as the Fyoum,
and it appears that the Theban princes of the sixteenth dynasty
were tributary to them. Ultimately they were expelled by the
monarchs of the eighteenth dynasty. Apepi or Apappus II. de-
manded of the Theban monarch Taakan assistance towards the
building of the temple of Sutech or Set, and quarrelled about the
distribution of the waters. War broke out between the Shepherd
and Egyptian rulers, and after a contest continued for several
years Avaris or Tanis was finally besieged by Aahmes I. of the
eighteenth dynasty and taken in the fifth year of his reign ; the
Shepherd ruler Tatuan and his Asiatic host departing for Asia,
whither they were pursued as far as Saruhen or Sharon, in the
sixth year of Aahmes I. The monuments of the Shepherds found
> Exodus i. 10: *Lest. . . .when there obtained possession of Libya long before
falleth out any war, they join also unto this epoch, since he speaks of the Libyans
our enemies, and fight against us.' Ac- revolting from the first king of the third
cording to Manetho, the Egyptians had dynasty.
16
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS.
[Chap. I.
at Tanis represent them with Asiatic features and characteristics
and of a type very different from the Egyptians.^ — S. B.]
And in order to present a comparative view of the succession
from Menes to the invasion of Cambyses, according to Herodotus
and Diodorus, I shall arrange the names given by those historians
separately in opposite columns.
Egtptian Kings.
04
According to Herodotus,
Menes.
18 Ethiopians and
Queen Nitocris. (The Nitocris
of Manetho is placed in the
6th Dynasty, and after 8u-
phis the founder of the great
pyramid.)
t
O
CO
i
-- Moeris, built the labyrinth and
^ [ excavated the Lake Moeris.
S Sesostris, the great conqueror.
^SPheron, his son.
o
CO
>sA Memphite, whose name according
ft, to the Greeks is Proteus,
.^ Rhampsinitus.
1
9.
a
*i Cheops, built the great pyramid and
g reigned 60 years.
^ Cephren, his brother, built the 2nd
^ pyramid and reigned 56 years.
According to Diodorus}
Menes, or Menas.
Then 2 of his de-J During a period of
scendants. > more than l,iOO
Then 52 Kings. ) years.
BuBiris.
Then 8 of his descendants ; the last of
whom bore the same name as the
firsts' and was said to have founded
Thebes. His 8th descendant, who
bore the name of his father, Ucho-
reus, reputed to be the founder of
Memphis.
Then 12 generations of Kings.
Moiris, dug the lake above Memphis.
Seven generations of Kings.
Sesodsis I. the great conqueror.
Sesodsis II.
Many kings succeeded him.
Amasisy.who was conquered by Acti-
sancs.
Actisanes the Ethiopian.
Mendos, or Marrhus, an Egyptian, who
built the labyrinth as a tomb for
himself.
An interregnum for 5 generations.
Ketna, or Ketes, who is Proteus.
Hbemphis.
Seven Kings of no note, from one of
whom, N ileus, the river was called
Nil us, having formerly borne the
name of iEgyptus.
The eisjhth was Chembes, or Cheramis,
the Memphite. He reigned 50 years
and built the great pyramid.
Cephren, his brother, reigned 56 years ;
others say he was his son, and call
him Chabry Is.
* A full account of the war hai been
jriven by M. Chabas, * Les Pasteurs en
ggypte,' 1868; Maspero, 'Histoire An-
cienne,' p. 176.
« It is worthy of remencibrance that
Diodonu does not introduce the name of
O^ymandyas in this lint of kings, though
he mentions him as a Theban monarch in
his description of that city.
* Some suppose him to have been
Busiris II.
Chap. L]
DYNASTIES OP MANETHO.
17
Egyptian Kings.
According to Herodotus,
Mycerinus, son of Cheops, left a
pyramid.
Asychis.
Anysis, who was blind. The
Egyptiau crown passed to an
Ethiopian line.
Sabaco, the Ethiopian, retired after
50 years.
Anysis restored.
Sethos the priest of Vulcan, coteni-
I porary of Sennacherib and Tir-
{ haka.
The 12 Kings reigned over Egypt,
divided into 12 parts '(or nomes).
Psammitichus, one of the 12, 54
years.
Necos, his son, reigned 11 years.
Psammis, his son, 6 years.
Apries, his son, 25 years.
Amasis, having usurped the throne,
44 years.
Psammenitus^ his son, reigned 6
months.
According to Diodorus.
Mycerinus, or Mecherinus, son of the
founder of the great pyramid. lie
began a third, and died before it was
finished.
Tnephachthus, the Technatis of Plu-
tarch.
Bocchoris the Wise, his son.
After a long time, Sabacon the Ethio-
pian.
An interregnum of 2 years.
Twelve chiefs (nomarchs) 18 years.
Psammetichus the Satte, one of them,
54 years.
After 4 generations, came
Apries, who reigned 22 years.
Amasis, 55 years.
The dynasties of Egyptian monarchs, according to Manetho
(on the authority of Africanus and Eusebius), are as follow : —
Ist DyncLsty^ of 8 Kings, either Thinites or Thebans, . Ohservaiions,
Nunc.
1. Menes, the Tbinite, succeeded the Demigods,
killed by a hippopotamus
2. Athdthis, his son, built the palace at Memphis,
and wrote the anatomical books, being a
physician
3. Cenoenes (Kenkenes), his son
4. Venephes (Enephes or Yenephres), his son,
raised the pyramids near the town of Gochono
(Gochoma or Choe). A great plague in
Egypt during his reign ....
5. Usaphaxios (Saphaidos or Usaphaes), his son .
6. Miebidos (Miebies or Miebais), his son .
7. Semempses (Semenpses or Mempses), his son.
A terrible pestilence raged in Efgypt .
8. Bilnachea (Ubienthes ox>Vibcthis), nis son
Duration
of Belgn.
yrs.
62
57
31
23
20
26
18
26
Called a Theban by
Eratosthenes, and ap-
parently so according
to the monuments.
Eusebius mentions 7
or 17 sons of Menes.
Total .
. 253
According to Africanus
253, Eusebius 252;
the sum being really
263.
* The same diTision of Egjpt into 12 provinces or bejliks was retained to the time
of the Memlooks.
VOL. I. O
18
THE ANCIENT EQYPTIANa
[Chap. T.
2nd Dynasty, of 9 Thinite Kings.
Name,
Dnratlon
of Reign.
yra.
38
39
47
1. Boethus the first (or Bdchus). In his reign
the earth opened at Bnbastis, and many were
Kiueu •••*«••
2. Cseechos (Chous or Cechous). Under him the
bulls Apis in Memphis, and Mnevis in Helio-
polis, and the Mendesian goat were appointed
to be gods ......
3. Bin6thris (or Biophis), under whom it was
enacted that w(»men might hold the reins of
government ......
4 rpi I According to Ensebias, these three, and] -i^
n o *u ) their four successors, did nothing I .^
&. Hetnenesj worthy of commemoration, and hef ^}
6. thares ( omits their names. J I '
7. Nephercheres (the seventh successor of Biophis,
according to Eusebius). Fabulists reported
the Nile to have flowed with honey during
eleven days ......
8. Sesfichris, who was 5 cubits (7 ft, 6 in.) in
height, and 3 in breadth; or, according to
Eusebius, 3 palms .....
9. Cheneres (or Keneres). Name omitted by
Eusebius ......
Observations,
25
48
30
Altogether ....
Srd Dynasty, of 9 Memphite Kings,
1. Neclier6phe8 (Echerophes or Necherdchis).
In his reign the Libyans revolted from the
Egyptians; but, alarmed by an unexpected
increase of the moon, submitted
2. Tosorthrus (or Sesorthus), called Asclepius by
the Egyptians, from his medical skill. He
introduced the mode of building with hevm
stone, and patronised literature .
3. Tyris
302
28
4. Mesdchris .
6. 86yphi8 (S6uphi8
or Z6uphis)
6. Tosertasis.
7. Aches
8. Sephuris .
9. Cerpheres . .,
Eusebius mentions six others
after Sesorthus, who were
not famed for any memor-
able exploit : and he omits
their names.
29
7
17
16
19
42
30
26
Altogether
214
4ih Dynasty, o/S Memphite Kings of a different branch.
1. Sdris 29
2. Suphis. Built the largest p3rramid, which
Herodotus says was constructed by Cheops.
He was arrogant towards the gods, and wrote
the sacred book, which is regarded by the
Egyptians as a very precious work * . .63
This introduction of the
worship of aacred
animals is remark-
able.
Eusebius
years.
gives 297
Eusebius gives the total
197 years.
Eusebius omits the
name of Sdris, and
considers Suphis the
3rd of this Dynasty.
1 This 18 very contradictory.
Cbap. L]
DTNASnES OF MANETHO*
19
4th Dynasty ^ of 8 MemphUe Kings of a different
branch~Hxmtinued»
IXnration
Nam*. of ReifQ.
yiB.
Observations,
3. Suphis (the 2d(1) ^
4. Mencheres.
5. BhatoBses .
6. BicherU .
7. Sebercheren
8. Thampthis
The names of these are omitted
by Ensebius.
Altogether .
5th Dynasty^ of 9 Elephantine Kings,
r 66
63
25
22
7
9
284
According to Eusebius
448 years.
1. Usercheres
2. Sephres.
3. Nephercherea (or
Nerchepheres)
4. Sisires (Siaichis or
Sisirifl^
5. Cheres (or Echeres)
6. Batbnres (or Batbu-
ris)
7. Mencheres (or Mercheres) .
8. Tancherea (or Tacheres)
9. Obnus (Unus or Onnus)
Altogether .
Ensebius reckons 31 Ele-
phantine kings, but
omits all their names, ^
and introduces Othius
and Phiops into this Dj-
nastj.
'28
13
20
7
20
44
9
44
33
. 248
%th Dynasty^ of 6 Memphite Kings,
1. Othoes (Othius or Th6^), killed by his guards 30
2. Phius 63
3. Methosuphis ...... 7
4. Phiops (or Aphiope), who began to reign at
the age of 6 years, and reigned until he com-
pleted his 100th year . .94
5. Menthesuphis ...... 1
6. Nitdcris.* The handsomest woman of her
time, of a florid complexion and flaxen hair ;
built the third pyramid .12
Total . . . .203
7th Dynasty, of 70 Memphite Kings, who reigned 70
days ; or, according to Euuhius, 5 Kings, who
reigned 75 days or years,
%ih Dynasty, of 27 Memphite Kings, who reigned 156
yearn, Etuebius gives 5 Kings and 106 years.
The sum is 218.
Omitted by Eusebius.
As Ensebius calls Phiops
the 4th King, he evi-
dently intends to place
him in the Sixth Dy-
nasty. Is he not the
same as Apophis ?
Nitocris, or Minerva
Victrix.
Should be 197.
* This name is either Neit-gorl or Neit-acri. The Qaeen of Psammatichos III. was
also called Nii-akar»
c 2
20
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS.
[Chap. I.
{ith Dynasty, of 19 HeracleopcHite KingSy who reigned
409 years ; or, according to Eusebius, 4, who ruled
100 years.
Darailon
Name. of Belgn.
yrs.
1. The first was Acbtbocs (Acbtros, Ocbthovis, or
Ocbitois). More cruel tban all his prede-
cessors; and, having perpetrated many
crimes in S^pt, be was seized with madness,
and afterwards killed by a crocodile.
lOUi Dynasty, of 19 Eeradeopolite Kings, who reigneti
185 years,
11th Dynasty, of 16 Diospolite Kings, who reigned
43 years.
Of these Ammenemes reigned . .16
[The number of the above-mentioned kings is 200,
who reigned during the space of 2300 years and
70 days.^ This terminates Manetbo*s first book.]
Second Book of Manetho.
12^^ Dynasty, of 7 Diospolite Kings.
1. Sesoncbosis (Geson-Goses, or Sesoncboris), son
ofAmmanemes . .46
2. Ammanemes (or Ammenemes), slain by his
eunuchs. . . . . . .38
3. Ses6stris conquered all Asia in nine years, and
Europe as far as Thrace, everywhere erecting
monuments of his conquest over those na-
tions. Among the people who bad acted
bravely, be set up memorials of a phallic
nature; but among the degenerate, female
emblems engraved on stelfe. He is considered
by the Egyptians to be the first after Osiris.
His stature was 4 cubits, 3 palms, and 2
digits (about 6 feet 10 inches) . .48
4. Lachares (Labaris, Lamaris, or Lam bares),
built the labyrinth in the ArsinoTte nome as
a tomb for himself ..... 8
5. Ammeres (or
Eusebius omits the names of 8
these three, and says the sue- 8
cessors of Labaris reigned'
42 years
Observations,
Ameres)
6. Ammenemes
7. Scemiophris
(Skemiophris).
bis sister
Altogether .
. 160
IZth Dynasty, of 60 Diospolite Kings, who reigned
453 years.
lith Dynasty, of 76 Xoite Kings, who reigned 134
years. Ettsehius says 484 ; another reading gives 184.
According to EuBebius
these 16 years are not
included in the total
of 43.
If this is the Moeris of
Herodotus, be is per-
haps correct in mak-
ing him the imme-
diate successor of
Sesostris.
According to Eusebius
245.
* The total of the sums given by Afri-
canus is only 2287 years 70 days ; or, cor-
rected, 2261 years 70 days. Lusebios has
omitted two of these sums ; but, assuming
them the same as those of Africanus, hia
total of years would be 20.'>9 and 75 days.
Chap. L]
DYNASTIES OF MANETHO.
21
15ih Dynctstyy of the Shepherds. According to Euse-
bins, of Diospolttans, who reigned 250 yeam.
Duration
Name. of Reign.
JTB.
These were 6 foreign Fhoenician Kings, who
took Memphis.
1. The first was Saites, from whom the Saite^
Dome borrowed its name. The Shepherds
founded a city in the Sethroite nome, from
whence tlxy invaded and conquered all
Egypt ....
2. B^n (Bn6n, Anon, or Byon)
3. Pachnan (or Apechnas)
4. Staan ....
5. Archies (or Anchles) .
6. Apophis (or Aphobis) .
Altogether .
19
44
61
60
49
61
284
Observations,
16th Dynasty, of 32 Hellenic Shepherd Kings, who
reigned 518 years, Eusebius gives 5 Theban
Kings f who reigned 190 years,
17th Dynasty, of 43 Shepherd Kings and 43 Theban
Dtospolites, Eusebius introduces the Kings of the
15th Dynasty ofAfricanus, whom he calls Phcs'
nician SJ^epherds,
n-
17 th Dynasty of A/rieanus.
yi».
The contemporary
reigns of the Shep-
herds and Theban s
lasted. . 151
(He omits their names.)
nth Dynasty of Eusebiuh.
yrs.
1. Saits . . .19
2. Bn6n (Andn) . 40
3. Archies (Apbdphis) 30
4. Apophis (Archies) . 14
Total
103
18th Dynasty.
According to Afrieanus, of
16 Dtospolite Kings.
1. Amosy in whose
time Moses went
out of Egypt
2. Chebros . . 13
3. Amendphthis . 24
4. Amersis (Amensis) 22
5. Misaphris (Mis-
phris) . .13
6. Misphrs^mathosis
(Misphragmuthd-
sis), in whose time
happened the de-
luge of Deucalion 20
7. Tuthmosis . . 9
According to Eusebius, of
14 Diospolite Kings.
jn.
1. Amoses (Amosis). 25
2. Chebron . . 13
3. Amophis (Ameno-
phis) . .21
4. Miphris (Mem-
phres, Mephres) . 12
5. Misphragmuthdsis
(Myspharmutho-
sis, or Misphra<;-
muth68) . . 26
0. Tuthmosis . . 9
Probably meaning
Lower Egypt, which
even in the time of
the Romans was dis-
tinguished from the
Thebald by the name
iEgyptus.
Aphoph signifies a
giant.
According to Eusebius
250.
Differing from the total
of the 15th Dyn, of
Africanus.
Amensis is omitted by
Eusebius, being a
Queen.
V. Thothmes II. in my
list of Kings, agree-
ing with the date of
the deluge of Deuca-
lion.
* Very improbable.
22
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS.
[Chap. T.
ISth Dynasty — continued.
According to Africanu$^ of
16 Dtoapolite Kings,
jn.
8. Amendphis, sup-
posed to l)e Mem-
non of the musi-
cal stone . . 31
9. Horus
10. Acherrhes .
11. RathdB
12. Chebres
. 37
. 32
. 6
. 12
13. Acberres
14. Armeses
. 12
. 5
15. Eamesses (Ameses
or Armesis) . 1
16. Amenopbath
Amenopb) .
(262)
Total.
(or
. 19
263
According to EutihiuSj of
14 Diotpolite Kings,
7. Aro^nOpbis (Am-
nopbis). It is be
wbo is supposed to
be Memnon of tbe
musical stone . 31
8. Orus . 36. 27, or 37
9. Acbencberes (Ao-
bencberscs, or Ac-
bencberres) 16 or 12
PO. Atbfiris, 39 (A-
cboris)] . . 7
[11. Cbencberres.] In
bis time Moses led
the Jews out of
Eogrpt
Acberres
Cherres
Armais, wbo
was also called
Danaus, reined .
After which he
was expelled by
his brother iEjryp-
tus, and fled to
Greece. He took
Argos, of which
he became Kins;.
•7'
13. Ramesses (Am-
meses), called also
-^gyptus [16. Re-
messes]
14. Amenophis (or Me-
mdphis) [16. Me-
JSj .
18
8
15
nophcsj
68
40
Total
348
19^^ Dynasty,
According to AfrioanuSf of
7 Dtospolite Kings,
yn.
1. Sethos. .51
2. Rapsaces . 61
3. Ammeneptbes . 20
4. Rameses
5. Ammonemnes
6. lliuorisy called by
Homer Polybus,
tbe husband of Al-
candra, in whose
reign Troy was
taken .
60
5
Total
209
According to EusebiuSj of
5 Diospolite Kings.
yrs.
1. Sethos. . . 55
2. Rampses (or Rapses) 66
3. Amenephtbis (or
Amendphtbis) . 8
4. Ammenemes. . 26
5. Thuoris, tbe Poly-
bus of Homer . 7
Total.
194
In this 2nd book of Manetbo are 96 Kings, wbo
rolcd 2121 years.
OhsertnUiona,
In tbe Armenian text
Achoris and Cben-
cberres are omitted,
and tbe Exodus fol-
lows tbe name of
Achencberes.
Or 380, 369, 378, 384.
or 337.
Chap. L]
DYNASTIES OF MANETHO.
23
Third Book of Manetho.
20lh Dynasty^ of 12 Dioepolite Kings, who reigned
135 yearsy or according to JEusebius 172 years.
Their names are omitted.
2lst Dynasty, of 7 Taniie Kings.
According to Afrieanus.
jn,
1. Smendes . . 26
2. Psnsenes (Psuncses,
or Psusennes) . 46
3. Kephelcheres 4
4. AmenOphthis (or
AmeneDdphthis) . 9
5. Oi«och6r (Oaochdn) 6
(i. Psinaches (Pinaches) 9
7. Psusennes (Susen-
ne«) . . .14
Total .
.130
According to Eusebius.
1. Smendis (or Amen-
difl) . . 26
2. PsuseDnus . . 41
3. Nephercheres (Ne-
pberchenes) . 4
4. Amenophthis 9
5. Osochdr
6. Psiniiaches
7. Psosennes
Total.
6
9
35
. 130
22n^ Dynasty.
According to A/ricanus, of
9 Bubaslite Kings,
JTS.
1. Sesonchis (Seson-
chosis) . . 21
2. Ofiorthon . 15
3. r Three names not )
4. < gi^«n, of kings > 25
5. f who reigned J
6. Taceldthifl (Tacello-
thia) . . .13
^ \ Names omitted, ■ Mn
9." I
reigned
Total.
itted, (
. 120
According to Eusebius, of
3 BubastiU Kings.
yw.
1. Sesonchusis (Seson-
chosis) . .21
2. OsorthoB (OsortbOu) 15
3. Tacellothis (Takel-
lothis) . . 13
Total .
. 44
According to A/rieanus, of
4 TaniU Kings.
yrs.
1. Petonbates. In his
time the Olympiads
began . .40
2. 08orch6 (OsorcbCn),
whom the Egypt-
ians call Hercules . 8
3. Psammus . . 10
4. Zet . (34 or) 31
Total. . 28
2Srd Dynasty.
According to Eusebius, of
3 Tanite Kings.
yra.
1. Petubastis .
2. Osorthon
3. Psammus
Total
25
9
10
44
Observations.
Scaliger omits this Dy-
nasty, and introduces
the same Kings in
the 20th Dynasty.
Syncellus gives iiT the
20th Dynasty :
Nechepsos, 19 years.
Psammutbis, 13 yrs.
, 4 years.
Certus, 16 years.
Khampsis, 45 years.
Amenses, or Amme-
nemes, 26 years.
Ochyras, 14 years.
And in one version
Amenophthis is
placed before Nepher-
cheres, in the 2l8t
Dynasty.
24
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS.
[Chap. I.
24th Dynasty,
Daration
Name. of Reign.
yre.
Bocchdris, the Satte, in whose reign a sheep
spoke ....... 6
2oth Dynasty, of 3 Ethiopian Kings,
According to Eusdnus.
JTB.
1. Sahaoo ^Sabbacdn),
who took Boochoris
and burnt him
alive, reigned . 8
2. Sebichns rSebichds,
or Sev^hus), his
son .14
3. TarcuB. . 18
Total .
. 40
Taracns .
Total .
jn.
, 12
. 12
. 20
. 44
Observations,
Called the Wise. No
mention is made of
his father Tnephach-
thus.
2Qth Dynasty, of 9 Saite Kings,
yra.
1. Stephinates . 7
2. Nechepsofl . 6
3. Nechaol. (Nachao). 8
4. Psammeticus (Psam-
metichnsy Psamme-
tychuB, or Psanimi-
ticus) . . .54
5. Nechao II. Took
Jerusalem, and car-
ried Joachaz the
King captive to
Egypt ... 6
6. Psammuthis . . 6
7. VaphriSjto whomthe
remainder of the
Jews fled when Je-
rusalem was taken
by the Assyrians . 19
8. Amosis .
9. Psammecherites
( Psammacheri tes)
reigned . 6 months
yrs.
1. Ammeres the E-
thiopian . . 18
2. Stephinathis (Ste-
phanthes) . . 7
3. Kecheps6s . . 6
4. Nechaol. . 6
5. Psammetichus . 44
6. Nechao IT. .
7. Psammuthes, called
alsoPsammatichus 17
8. Vaphrea . . 26
Total . 150 yrs. 6 months
9. Amosis
. 42
Totel
. 167
27th Dynasty, of 8 Persian Kings,
1 . Cambyses reigned over I'ersia 5 years, and over jn.
Egypt ....... 6
2. Darius, son of Hystabpes .36
3. Xerxes the Great 21
4. Artabanus. .... 7 months
Chap. L]
DYNASTIES OF MANETHO.
25
27th Dynasty f o/S Persian iTw^i— continued.
Duration
Vune. of Reign.
jn.
5. Artaxerxes .41
6. Xerxes .... 2 months
7. Sogdianiis . ... 7 months
8. Darius the son of Xerxes . .19
Total . .124 years 4 months
28^^ Dynasty.
Amyrteus of SaTs (Amyrt»u8, Amyrte(>s) .
29^^ Dynasty, of 4 Mendesian Kings.
1. Nepherites .
yrs.
1. Nepherities (Neche-
rities). . . 6
2. Achdris . 13
3. Psammuthis . . 1
4. Nephorites (Nepho-
rotis, or Nepho-
rotes) . 4 months
yr*.
6
yrs.
6
Total 20 yrs. 4 months
2. Achoris . .13
3. Psammuthes. . 1
4. Muthes 1
5. Nepherites (or Ane-
pherites) 4 months
Total 21 yrs. 4 montlis
Observations,
Rusebius gives 120
years and four
months.
One version places
Muthes after Ne-
pherites II.
ZOth Dynasty, of 3 Sehennyte Kiufjs.
yrs.
. 18
. 2
1. Xectanehes .
2. Teos .
3. Nectanebes (Necta-
nebus) . 18
Total .
38
Total
31«< Dynasty, of Persians,
yn.
1. Ochiis (Artaxerxes
III.) ruled Persia
20 years, and Egypt 2
2. Arses .
3. Darius.
yrs.
10
2
8
20
yr*.
1. Ochus, who in his
20th year obtained
possession of E|;ypt,
and reigned . . 6
3 2. Arses, son of Ochus 4
4 3. Darius, conquered
by Alexander 6
Total .
9|
Total .
16
(The whole number of years in the third book of
Manethois 1050.)*
Such is the imperfect list of Kings given by the copyists of
Manetho ; but though many of the Dynasties are questionable,
yet from a comparison with the old Chronicle and the Canon of
Theban Kings from Eratosthenes, some general conclusions may
be obtained respecting their succession and the different families
* Vide Mr. Cory's very useful collection of * Ancient Fragments.'
26
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS.
[Chap. I.
who enjoyed the sovereign power. From Menes to the 18th, or
at least to the 16th Dynasty, there is great obscurity; and
Manetho's work is unsatisfactory, both in the number of monarchs
who reigned and in the names of the Dynasties.
In the Old Egyptian Chronicle, after the demi-gods are
enumerated 15 generations of the Cynic cycle, which occupied
443 years. The
16th Dynasty is of Tanites, eight descendants, during
17. Of Memphites, 14 in descent
18. Of Meraphites, 4 in descent
19. Of Diospolites, 5 in descent
20. Of Diospolites, 8 in descent
21. Of Tanites, 6 in descent
22. Of Tanites, 3 in descent
23. Of Diospolites, 2 in descent
24. Of Sattes, 3 in descent
25. Of Ethiopiuns, 3 in descent
26. Of Memphites, 7 in descent
27. Of Persians, 5 in descent
ibO. ...
29. Of Tanites, .... in descent
30. A Tanite, 1 in descent
Total 30 Dynasties and 36,525 years, including 3984 of the reigns of
Cronus and the other 12 Deities.
ym.
190
103
348
194
228
121
48
19
44
44
177
124
39
18
The Kings of TheheSf according to Eratosthenes^ are —
ses
yri.
62
59
32
19
18
1. Menes the Theban, which is by interpretation Dionius : he reigned
2. Athothes the son of Menes, by interpretation Hermogenes.
3. Athothes II
4. Diabies, the son of Athutbes, siguiiying rhiletsdrus .
5. Pemphos (or Semph6s), the son of Athothes, called Heraclides .
6. Tcegar-amachus Momchtri the Memphite, called a man redundant
in his members (or Toigaramos)
7. Stoechus his son, who is Ar^ the Senseless
8. Goeormies, called Etesipantos
9. Mares his son, signifying Heliodorus
10. Anoyphis, which is * a common son '
11. Sirius, or * the Son of the Cheek,* or * Abascautus '
12. Chnubus Gneurus, which is Chryses the son of Chry
13. Kauosis, which is Archicrator
14. Biyris ......
15. Saophis 'Comastes,* or accord- i These three are probably the Suphis 1.
ing to some ' Chrematistcs.' I & II. and Mencneres of Manetho ; the
1 fi. Saophis XL . . . j Cheops, Cephrenes, and Mycerinus of
17. Moscheresor'ileliodotus' . I Herodotus.
18. Musthis
19. Pammus Archoudes .........
20. Apappus or ' Maximus,' one hour less than ...
21. Achescus Ocaras
22. Kitocris or 'Athena Nicephora,' Minerva Yictrix, instead of her
husband
23. Myrtaeus ' Ammuuodotuti' 2
24. Thyosimares 'the robust/ who is called * the bun' .... 12
79
6
30
26
20
18
22
13
10
27
29
81
33
35
100
1
6
o
Cbap. L]
THEBAN EINGa
>. TbiniUax, which signifies the aQgrneator of his cooDtrj's strength
i. Semphacntes, nhich is Hercules Harpocrates
r. Chnther Tannis the tyrant .......
i, Meores Philoooorns, * the beloved of the iSuti'
). ChcHnaephtha, 'Cosmns Phil-hephccstiii' ....
>. SoecunioaochuB the tyrant .......
I. Pente-athTm
ir ,23
1. Sistoaichermes, ' Hercules tlie titruiig' ...... 55
. Maris 43
1. Siphoae, ' Hermes (Ae ion (/ Vulean' ...... 5
ElKWIIni ■( ■ tiTgrt.
HISTORY OF EQYrT.
Ujnutla SuccenioD — Teb1«B oF eaiXj Dynaitii?*— Uwrteseii I. and Kings of 12th
Djnuty— 18th Dynaity— Early InveDtioiu — Use of Iron— BuueMB IL — Caiul
of the Bed Sea — 0]orie» of BameaeB III. — SeBoetris — Tomb of Oiymandyaa —
Memnoninm — Right of Bnocesiion — Dotiei — Helen — Rhunptinitn*— Tnephtch-
thoi — ^Bbsco— Bhihhak— Dodecsrrhy— PBBmni»tielinH — Acoria—Necttuibbo.
In the previous chapter, I h&ve shown the difficulty of elucidating
the early period of Egyptian history, owing to the want of monu-
mental records and the deficiency of authentic historical informa-
tion : a Blight difference of opinion may also exist respecting the
age of TTsertesen T., and even that of the glorious princes of the
18th Dynasty : it will, however, be proper to accompany my
historical notice with a chronological table of hings, and the
inquiring reader will not consider it uninteresting to compare the
succession of those whose names occur on the monuments with
the accounts of ancient authors. Many of the first monarchs are
omitted, from the persuasion that conjecture unsupported by
positive authority is unnecessary and presumptuous, and I am
less anxious to introduce them into the following series, as the
lists of Manetho and Eratosthenes have been already given.
BiTPPOeEn SOCCKMIOH OF EOTFTIAH KiNOS.
Ut Dynaity, ff 1 ThAan.
Menes. |
Mlnniu of Jom-|
j rFint King of Egypt Aoairding\ '
to JoaephuB, llenen lived ttfttarat I
; of 1300 ye&rs btfore Solomon, |
; (who wa« bom in 1032. and »•• :
' oended the (lirone in 1015,) txA
fonuded Memphia (Aatlq. tiii. -
Chap, n.]
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.
29
Name from andcnt
Aifthon.
Name flrom the
MoaamenU.
Events.
Atoended
the
Throoe.
2nd to the Ibth} Dynasty^ <f Memphitex f
Athothis, hid sod.
His saooessors uncertain.
Supliis,'
phis
or
^}
.1
Snjphis II., or
Sen Saoplus, i.e.
Saopliis 8 bro-
ther
Moscheris, or Men-
cheris
Mnsthis ?
PammuB Archon-1
des ./
Apappns, or A-)
pnoph . . f
Achescus Ocaraa?
Nitocris
Myrtffias? .
Thyosimares 'f
Thinillns? .
Semphucrates
[Builds the palace at Memphis,^
and transfers the court to it. This
2nd Dynasty was perhaps in con
sequence called Memphite.
I
Daring part at least
of this period,
Egypt appears to
, have been divided,
into two distinct
states, each go-
verned by its own
king.
Foundation of the kingdom of As-
syria by Nimrod, 220*. Eratos-
thenes gives 5G9 years for the
19 kings who preceded Apappus.
Foundation of the kingdom of Si-
cyon, 2089. He built the great
pyramid. These three kings
should be the Cheops, Cephren
{his brother% and Myoerinus of
Herodotus, whom he has strange-
ly misplaced, making them poste-
rior to Sesostris and Moeris. Dio-
dorus calls Cheops Chemmis, or
Chembes.
{Era of the Chinese emperor Yao,i
2057. '
Built the second pyramid.
Built the third pyramid
Abraham visits Egypt, 1920
(
A queen, called Nicaule by Jose-^
phus (Antiq. viii. 6). /
Kingdom of Argos founded, 1856.
Deluge of Ogyges in Attica .
(.Uncertain)
15th Dynasty f qf 1 Diospolite King f
, I . . . 1 . . .
B.C.
2300
>\ 2123
2083
2043
2022
2011
2001
1901
1900
1890
1880
1866
1848
1830
' The number of Manetho's Dynasties
from Athothis to Menmoph is probably
too great.
' Manetho, according to Africanus.
Menes is said to hare reigned 60 years.
JElian (Nat. Hist. lib. ii. 40), on the au-
thority of Apion, mentions CEnis, a son of
Menes, as having been king of Egypt.
s The name of this Pharaoh was pro-
bably Shofo, or Khof, the M and M being
frequently used indifferently in Egyptian
names. They are easily converted into
Suphis or Cheops by adding the Greek-
termination f.
* [From Abraham to David, 14 genera-
tions; from David to the carrying into
Babylon, 14 generations; and from the
captivity to Christ, 14 generations.—
G. W.]
30
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS.
[Chap. II.
Name Aram tndcnt
Aatbon.
(Uncertain)
Misartcseu*
(Uncertain)
Name tnm the
Moomnente.
Erents.
16M Dynasty^ of Tanites 1
Arrival of Joseph, 1706
Vide the list of
kings in Plate I.
of my * Egypt
and Thebes.'
Odrtesen I.
Amun-emha L .
Amun-cmlia II.. '.
17^^ Dynoity, of MemphUes f
> Osirtesenll. . |.
Amun-emha III.
Name
known)
(Name un-V
the
Throne.
1740
1696
1686
1651
1636
1621
1580
[List of the pbinoifal Kimob of the First Sdl Dynasties found on the
Monuments.
Tablets of Abjdoi.
Mena
TeU
Atota.
Ata.
Hesep
Merbu
Kabeli
Bntan .
Kakau .
Bainuteru
Utnes
Senta
Tata.
Nebka .
Ser-bes .
Tata
Sei-es .
Baneferka
Saqqarah.
Merbaipen
Kabeha.
Eakao
Bainnter
Utnes
Baneferka .
Sekari Neferku
Tefa.
Bubo!
Ser .
Ser-Teta
Ba nebka.
Hnni.
Turin FapTrat.
Mena
Atet .
Neferka Sekar
Bubo.
Nebka.
Sera.
Ser-Teta
Greek Name.
I
Ho.
Ist Dynasty,
Menes.
Athothis.
Onsaphais.
MiebiB.
2nd Dynasty ,
Boethos.
Kaiechos.
Binothris.
Tlas.
Sethenes.
Nephercheres.
Sesochris.
Zrd Dynasty,
Tnreis.
Toser-tasis.
The error in this name arose from the m baring been mistaken for fu
GAAP, n.]
BEION OF USEBTESEN I.
31
TaUcU of Abydo*.
SaqqArah.
Turin Papyrus.
Oreek Name.
Senetra.
Khafa .
Batat-ef
Ra-duif
Rft-men-ka
Uaer-kaf
Ra-nho
Ra en uaer
Har-men-ka
Ra-Ui-ka
UnuB
TaU
Ra meri .
Merenra
Khafa
Ra tataf.
Ra Bbanf
Ra nefer-ar-ka
Unas
Tota
Tat
ith Dynast I/.
Cheops.
Chephren.
Menchcres.
OuBcrcheres.
Sephres.
5th Dynasty,
Nepherchores.
Ratboares.
Blencheres IL
Tanohores.
ObnuB.
6M Dynasty.
Othoes.
Pepi . . I . . . Phiops.
MethensoaphU.
[ 8. B.]
The accession of the first Usertesen I conceiye to date about
the year 1740 B.C., and the length of his reign must have exceeded
forty-three years. If the name of this monarch was not ennobled
by military exploits equal to those of the Bameses, the encourage-
ment given to the arts of peace, and the flourishing state of
Egypt during his rule, evince his wisdom ; and his pacific cha-
racter satisfactorily accords with that of the Pharaoh^ who so
generously rewarded the talents and fidelity of a Hebrew
stranger.
Some insight into Egyptian customs during his reign is
derived from the story of Joseph, with whom I suppose him to
have been coeval : and the objects taken thither by the Ishmael-
ites, consisting of spices, balm, and myrrh, which were intended
for the purposes of luxury as well as of religion ; the subsequent
mention of the officers of Pharaoh's household ; the state allowed
to Joseph ; ' the portion of lands allotted to the priesthood, and
1 I have frequently had occasion to
notice the true reading and purport of
this name: I shall, therefore, only obserre,
that it is written in Hebrew Phrah, n^HJ^
and is taken from the Egyptian word Pire
or Phre (pronounced Phra), signifying the
sun, and represented in hieroglyphics by
the hawk and globe, or sun, over the royal
banners. It was through the well-known
system of analogies that the king obtained
this title, being the chief of earthly, as the
sun was of heavenly bodies. But the word
is not derived from or related to ovro,
*king,' as Josephun supposes (Antiq. viii.
c. 6). Phouro is like Pharaoh ; but the
name is Phrah in Hebrew, and Pharaoh is
an unwarranted corruption. ( Vide my
* Egypt and Thebes,' p. 5, note.) (The last
idea is that it is derived fW>m Per^^
* the great house,' or * court,' and the
Pharaoh, * the great houses of life.'— S. B.]
' Gen. zU. 42, 43.
32
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS.
[Chap. IL
other similar institutions and customs — tend to show the advanced
state of society at this early epoch.
From the sculptures of Beni-Hassan,^ we learn that the
Egyptians were acquainted with the manufacture of linen, glass,
cabinet work, gold ornaments, and numerous objects indicatiye of
art and refinement ; and various gymnastic exercises, the games
of draughts,^ ball, mora, and other well-known modem amuse-
ments, were common at the same period.
No. 2.
Games of draughts (a V) and mora (c d).
Bmi-IIau'i ft
The style of architecture was grand and chaste, and the fluted
columns of Beni-Hassan are of a character calling to mind the
purity of the Doric, which indeed seems to have derived its origin
from Egypt.
It was during the reign of Usertesen that the temple
of Heliopolis was either founded or received additions, and
one of the obelisks bearing his name attests the skill to
which they had attained in the difiBcult art of sculpturing
granite. Another of the same material indicates the exist-
ence of a temple erected or embellished by this monarch
in the province of Crocodilopolis, afterwards known by the
names of Arsinoite nome and el Fyoom ; and the remains of
a colonnade in the great temple of Karnak prove, as well
as the title * lord of the upper and lower countrj^' accompany-
ing his name, that he was sole monarch of the Theb^'d and
Lower Egypt.
Of the Pharaohs in the two last Dynasties. Amenemha II. and
Usertesen II. were the most remarkable after Usertesen I. Inde-
pendent of the encouragement given by them to the agricultural
interests of the country, they consulted the welfare of those who
were employed in the inhospitable desert ; and the erection of a
temple, and a station to command the wells and to serve for their
* Grottoes on the east bank of the Nile, game : one of the time of Barneses III.,
near the Speos Artemidos. where the king himself is plajing ; the
'There are other instances of this other of Psammatichus II.: both at Thebes.
Chap. II.]
EABLT WASS.
33
abode in the Wadee Jasoos,' proved that they were mindful of
their spiritnfd aa well as temporal protection. The breccia
quarries of the Koasayr road were already opened, and probably
also the emerald mine% of Gebel Zabara ; and the wars with the
foreigners of Fount' are recorded in a tablet' at \Vadee Jasoos,
bearing the date of the 28th year of Amenemha II. This last is
a very important fact, as it shows that the arms of Egypt already
extended into some of the very same countries afterwards noticed
among the conquests of the Pharaohs.
It is highly probable that the port of Philoteras, or ^nnum,
on the Red Sea, was already founded, since the station at Wadee
Jasoos appears to have been principally intended to protect the
wells which then supplied and still continue to supply that port*
with water ; and thus we have an additional reason for concluding
the commerce with Arabia to have commenced at a very early
period ; and that its gums and spices found a ready market in the
opolent Egypt,* is sufGciently proved by the Ishmaelites or Arabs
of thoee days bringing them for sale into the lower country.
Ko monument now remains of Usertesen III.,' though his
name frequently occurs in tablets sculptured on the rocks of
Upper Egypt and Mount Sinai ; and we learn nothing of interest
concerning these mooarchs, either from sacred or protane records,
till the accession of the 18th Dynasty.
' Or Guooa : the g in Arabic being pn>-
|itrl7 alwaji •oft. Thi« i) the modern
name of the tiIUj.
> H. Arabia or Somali.
* In the coUection of the Doke of
Rorthnmbeiland at Alowlck.— S. B.
* The modern town of Koeiayi U a ihort
TOL. I.
diiUnceto the mnth of PhLlote™ Portn*.
or old Kouayr, and consequentlj a little
farther from Wadee Jaiooa.
• Punt, either Somali or N. Anbio, ia
meatiooed u earlj ai Che 4Ui Df nutj. —
S.B.
* YHi mj ' EgTpt and Thebe^' p. 500.
34
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS.
[Chap. n.
[The kings of the 12th Dynasty were succeeded by the monarchs
of the 16th, who bore the names of Sebakhetp and Neferhetp, and
appear to have sprung from the Arsinoite nome, or the Theb«u[d.
Their reigns were not remarkable, and they appear to have been
restricted to Egypt proper. They, like their predecessors, have
left records at Samneh of the height of the Nile at this remote
period, nearly 24 feet above the present level ; but although a
few monuments bear their names, they executed no great work,
and, pressed on by the Asiatic enemies of Egypt, were unable to
hold northern possessions. — S. B.]
Name from ancient
Aattion.
Name from the
Monuments.
Events.!
AmoBis (ChebroD)
ISth Dynasty, of Theban or Diospolitan Kings,
'*' There arose a new (dynasty, or)'
king, who knew not Joseph."
(Exod. i. S.) Moses born, 1571.
Josephns says Pharaoh's daughter i
was called Thermnthis.' Cecrops*
leads a colony from Sais,* and
founds the kingdom of Athens,
B.C. 1556.
Amenoph .
Amesses, or Amen-
ses, his sister
Mephres, Mes-
phris, or Mes-
phra-Tuthmosis
Misphra - Tummo-i
sis or Tothmoeis /
Thummosis, or
Tothmosis
.}
Amenophis .
Horus
Acbenohres
queeu)
Bathotis
Aohencheres, or \ /[Khnenaten. —
Ohebres . ./\ 8. B.]
(Chebron) Ames*
Amenoph I.
{Amense, his
sister* .
Thothmes L
Thothmes II.
Thothmes III.
■}{
Amnoph II.
Thothmes IV.
(a W Maut-emua
./\ (Regency).
Amenoph III.
)
Included in the reign of Thoth-
mes I.
rHis 14th year found on the menu-
\ ments.
|The reign of Amun-num Hasheps
\ included in this.
(Exodus of the Israelites, 1491, 430
I years after the arrival of Abra-
I ham. I
Moses died 1451.
. ......
Included in the reign of her son,
Amenoph IIL
The supposed Memnon of thel
vooal statue. His brother* not!
admitted into the list of kings.
}
AtooMled
the
Throne.
B.C.
1575
1550
1532
1505
1495
1456
1446
1430
1408
^ For a more detailed chronological
table vide my * Egypt and Thebes,' p. 510.
' I have given my reasons for consider-
ing these two the same king in my * Hiero-
glyphical Extracts,' pp. 10, 12.
* Joseph. Antiq. ii. 9.
* Neith or Ndt, Minerva, was the deity
of Sals, and her name seems to have led to
that of the Greek goddess, and of the
new city. In Egyptian it was written
from right to left, eHN, and the Greeks
[very possibly, though not very probably
— 6. W.], by adding an A at either end,
would make it AOHNA; reading from
left to right.
' Vide my < Materia Hieroglyphica,'
PI. I. of the Kings. Syncellns gives
Amenses.
• Amen-Toonh [Tutanchamen — S. B.],
probably Danaus, who lived at this time ;
vide p. 22.
Chap. IJ.]
THE JEWISH BONDAGE.
35
Name from andeot
Antbon.
Name ftom the
Mooomenta.
EvenU.
Ascended
the
Throne.
AcheDcherea,
Acherres .
Armaifl
or\ /RemeMU, or Ra-\
•H
meses I.
/,
Seti I. (Osireb)
jAmen-mai
( the Great
or
AmeDopbis .
iPthahmen
[Meneptah —
8. B.] his tKMi.
fCalcalating 900 yeara from the^
time of Herodotus. Moeris should
have lived at this period. The
similarity of Moeris (Mai-re) and
Armais is singular.
fThe supposed Sesostrie of the\
Greeks. The date of his 44th
and 62nd year found on the>
monuments. Manetho allows
him 66.
1395
1385
1355
1289
Amosis or Ames was the leader of the 18th Dynasty, and the
period of his accession and this change in the reigning family
strongly confirm the opinion of his being the * new king who knew
not Joseph.' And if we consider that he was from the distant
province of Thebes, it is reasonable to expect that the Hebrews *
would be strangers to him, and that he was likely to look upon
them with the same distrust and contempt with which the
Egyptians usually treated foreigners. They stigmatised them
with the name of impure Gentiles ;^ and the ignoble occupation
of shepherds was for the Jews an additional cause of reproach.'
Indeed it is possible that the Jews, who had come into Egypt on
the occasion of a famine, finding the great superiority of the land
of Egypt both for obtaining the necessaries of life and for feeding
their flocks, may have asked and obtained a grant of land* from
the Egyptian monarch, on condition of certain services being
performed by them and their descendants. As long as the Mem-
phite Dynasty continued on the throne, this grant was respected,
and the only service required of them was that agreed upon in
the original compact. But on the accession of the Theban family,
the grant being rescinded and the service still required, they
were reduced to a state of bondage ; and as despotism seldom
respects the rights of those it injures, additional labour was
* Or the people of Joseph ; for ' Joseph
iras dead, and all his brethren, and all
that generation.' (Exod. i. 6.) He had been
dead about 60 years.
' * Nations,' an expression adopted by
the Jews. The hieroglyphical character
refers to a hilly country in contradistinc-
tion to the plains of Egypt.
* * Every shepherd is an abomination
unto the Egyptians.' (Gen. xlvi. 31.)
* Thy servants are shepherds, both we and
also our fathers.* (xlvii. 3.)
* Some of them were tillers of land as well
as shepherds. (Exod. i. 14 ; Dent. x. 11.)
D 2
36 THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS. [Chap. II
imposed Upon this unresisting people.^ And Pharaoh's pretended
fear, lest in the erent of war they might make common cause
with the enemy, was a sufficient pretext with his own people for
oppressing the Jews, at the same time that it had the effect of
exciting their prejudices against them. Affecting therefore some
alarm at their numbers, he suggested that so numerous a body
might avail themselves of the absence of the Egyptian troops
and endanger the tranquillity and safety of the country,* and
that prudence dictated the necessity of obviating the possibility
of such an occurrence. With this view they were treated like
the captives taken in war, and were forced to undergo the gratui-
tous labour of erecting public granaries and other buildings for
the Egyptian monarch.^ These were principally constructed of
crude brick; and that such materials were commonly used in
Egypt, we have sufficient proof from the walls and otiier build-
ings of great size and solidity found in various parts of the
country, many of which are of a very early period : and the
bricks themselves, both at Thebes and in the' vicinity of Mem-
phis, frequently bear the names of the monarchs who ruled
Egypt during and prior to the epoch to which I am now alluding.
The crude brick remains about Memphis are principally pyramids ;
those at Thebes consist of walls enclosing sacred monuments and
tombs, and some are made with and others without straw. Many
have chopped barley and wheat straw, others bean haulm and
stubble ; ^ and in the tombs we find the process of making them
represented among the sculptures. But it is not to be supposed
that any of these bricks are the work of the Israelites, who were
never occupied at Thebes ; and though Josephus affirms they
were engaged in building pyramids, as well as in making canals
and embankments, it is very improbable that the crude brick
pyramids of Memphis, or of the Arsinoite nome, were the work of
the Hebrew captives.
Towards the latter end of Amosis' reign happened the birth
of Moses. His flight must have taken place in the second year
of Thothmes I., and his return to Egypt after the death* of this
and the succeeding prince.
' WheneTer the Arabs become settled ofEgjpt; but of their committing depreda-
in villages on the banks of the Nile, the tions, and then escaping out of the country.
Turks are always anxious that they should ' They built ' treasure cities, PithoxQ
fix themselves in villages, in order to get and Raamses.' (Exod. i. 11.)
them within their power. * Exod. ▼. 12. Some bricks were made
* Exod. i. 10. He evidently did not * with stubble instead of straw.'
fear their obtaining possession of any part * Exod. iv. 19.
Chap. II.]
EARLY INVENTIONS.
37
[Aahmes, or Amasis, was descended from the kings of the
17th Dynasty, who held Southern Egypt and the Thebaid against
the Shasu or Shepherds, the Hykshos of Manetho. He con-
tinned the war against them commenced by his predecessor,
Taakan, and in the fifth year of his reign took their stronghold,
Avaris, and pursued Tatuan, the last of the Hykshos' rulers, to
Sharuhan, in his sixth year. His reign lasted twenty-two years.
— S. B.]
Few monuments remain of his reign ; but a tablet at the
Trojan mountain,^ behind el Maasara, shows that the stone of
those quarries was used by him for the erection of some building
at Memphis or in the vicinity.*
Amosis was succeeded by Amenophis I. [Amunoph or Amun-
dthph — Gr. W.], a prince whose name occurs in numerous parts of
Thebes, and who seems to hare been a great encourager of the
arts of peace. He married an Ethiopian princess, called Nefer
tari, a name common to many Egyptian queens [b.c. 1478—
G. W.].
Some buildings of the time of Thothmes I.^ still exist, but
the second of that name has left little to mark the history of his
reign. [Thothmes I. was succeeded by his daughter, the queen
EEatasu or Hasheps — S. B.] But whether she was only regent
during the minority of Thothmes II. and III., or succeeded to
the throne in right of Thothmes I., in whose honour she erected
several monuments, is still uncertain, and some have doubted her
being a queen.^ Her name has been generally erased, and those
of the second and third Thothmes are placed over it ; but suffi-
cient remains to prove that the small temple of Medeenet Haboo,
the elegant edifice under the Qoomeh rocks, and the great
obelisks of Kamak, with many other handsome monuments, were
erected by her orders, and the attention paid to the military
caste is testified by the subjects of the sculptures. That the
invention of glass was known at this time, is satisfactorily proved
> The <Troici lapidis Mons' of Strabo
and Ptolemj. It u about nine miles to
the south of Cairo.
* Some may suppose it to have been for
the pyramids, but his era does not agree
with the time of their erection. It is,
howerer, from these quarries that the
stone used for the outer tier, or casing,
WAS taken, which is alluded to by Stra^
and other authors.
' Thothmes I., as J am assured by Lord
Prudhoe, penetrated Into £thiopia as far
as the Isle of Argo, where he left an
inscription. The 2nd Thothmes' name is
found at Napata (Bcrkel), and the 3rd
probably went still farther south. Did
they possess this country by right of the
marriage of Amunoph I. with an Ethiopian
princess ?
* The constant use of the female sign,
and the title Daughter of the Sun, seem to
require it to be so, notwithstanding the
dress, which is that of a king. (^Vide
* Egypt and Thebes,' p. 92.)
38
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS.
[Chap.
haTi
by the discovery of a large bead bearing the name of this qu(
and I shall have occasion to show that we have evidence of
use of it in the early time of the first Usertesen. The mode
irrigation was by the shadoofs or pole and bucket of the pn
day ; and it is remarkable that the modem Egyptians
tradition that it was derived from their Pharaonic * pred
The manufacture of linen cloth, the arch, and other no
inventions are also represented in the sculptures of the
reign; but as I shall notice them in their proper place, it
unnecessary here to enter into any detail concerning
interesting subjects.
The reign of Thothmes III. [b.c. 1463— G. W.] is one of
most remarkable that occurs in the history of Egypt. He
prince who aspired to the merit of benefiting his country by
unbounded encouragement of the arts of peace and war.
whether his military expeditions were conducted by himself
person, or whether he confided the management of the war
expert generals, we have ample testimony of the extent
his power by the tributes laid at his feet by 'the chiefii
foreign countries,' who present him with the riches of Po
of Kufa,* of the Kot-en-nu,* and of * the southern districts
Western Ethiopia.* •
It was in the 4th year^ of his reign that I suppose the exi
of the Israelites to have taken place, and the w&urs he und
and the monuments he erected must date subsequently to
event. Indeed there is no authority in the writings of Moses
supposing that Pharaoh was drowned in the Red Sea ; ® and
our finding that wherever any fact is mentioned in the Bi:
history we do not discover anything on the monuments w
tends to contradict it, we may conclude that these two authorii
will not here be at vjuriance with each other. And in order
show that in this instance the same agreement exists bet
' There is some doubt if this bead is not
obsidian. — S. B.
* £bn Phara<$on, 'son of Pharaoh,' is,
however, a great term of reproach with
the modern Egyptians, and almost equi-
valent to *8on of a Frank.' But the
climax is < a Jew's dog.'
' Somali on the African coast, or else
Southein Arabia.
* Or K^ft, Phoenicia.
* Syria.
* From the monuments of Thebes;
where deputies from those nations bear the
'H
tribute to the monarch seated on his th:
Kufa and Rot-en-nuaretwo northern
of which the latter is the more
from Egypt. They were long at war
the Egyptians. *A
' We find the date of his 54th year mfi
the monuments. ^
' Vide my ' Materia Hieroglyphloa^' *
remarks at the end of p. 4. The Ardbt
have a tradition that the exodus happeind
under King Amioos, a name very like Ajnotto
or Thothmosis (Ames or Thothmes), bolli
of which have a similar import.
Plate II*
■I ...I •
Cooper AffodBon. Liif 13f Eod Uon. Sq.W, C .
Chap. K.]
THOTHMES IH. AND THE EXODUS.
39
them, and to prevent a vulgar error, perpetuated by constant
repetition,^ from being brought forward to impugn the accuracy
of the Jewish historian, it is a pleasing duty to examine the
account given in the Book of Exodus. According to it, Pharaoh
led his army in pursuit of the fugitives, and overtook the Israel-
ites *ene4unping by the sea, beside Pi-Hahiroth, before Baal-
zephon.' * The Israelites having entered the channel of the sea,
the army of Pharaoh, *his chariots and horsemen,'^ pursued
them, and all those who went in after them were overwhelmed by
the returning waters. This however is confined to the * chariots
and the horsemen and all the host of Pharaoh, that came into the
sea after them,' * and neither here nor in the Song which Moses
sang on the occasion of their deliverance is any mention made of
the king's death,* — an event of sufficient consequence at least to
have been noticed, and one which would not have been omitted.
The authority of a Psalm can scarcely be opposed to that of
Moses, even were the death of Pharaoh positively asserted, but
this cannot even be argued from the expression, he * overthrew
Pharaoh and his host in the Bed Sea,'^ since the death of a
monarch is not the necessary consequence of his defeat and
overthrow.
' The departure of the Israelites enabled Thothmes to continue
the war with the northern nations before mentioned with greater
security and success, and it is not impossible that its less urgent
prosecution after the time of Amenemha II. was owing partially
to the sojourn of the Jews in Egypt.^ At all events we find
evidence of its having been carried on by this monarch with
more than usual vigour ; and in consequence of the encourage-
ment given to the arts of peace, the records of his successes
sculptured on the monuments he erected, have been preserved to
the present day. He founded numerous buildings in Upper and
Liower Egypt, and in those parts of Ethiopia into which his arms
^ Among maoy others are the two humps
of a dromedazy, and the inability of a
crocodile to turn round quickly, both in
direct opposition to truth.
' £xod. xiy. 9.
» Eiod. liT. 23.
* Exod. xir. 28.
* Exod. XV. 4 : ' Pharaoh's chariots and
his liost hath He cast into the sea: his
eAoaen oapiams also are drowned in the
Bed Sea.'
' Psalm cxxxTi. 15.
' The failure of historical monuments of
this period prevents our deciding the
question. I had formerly supposed the
Jews and Pastoi*s the same people (Materia
Hieroglyphica, p. 84), and that the expulsion
of the latter happened under Thothmes III.
This last must have occurred long before,
and I believe the two events and the two
people to have been confounded by his-
torians, or by the copyists of Manetho.
The captives represented in the tombs of
Thebes are not Jews, as I have obserred in
'Egypt and Thebes,' but rather of those
nations bordering on Assyria.
40
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS.
[Chap. II.
had penetrated ; he made extensive additions to the temples of '
Thebes; and Coptos, Memphis, Heliopolis, and other cities in
different parts of the country, benefited by his zeal for architec-
tural improvements. In many of the monuments ^ he founded,
the style is pure and elegant ; but in the reversed capitals and
cornices of a columnar hall behind the granite sanctuary at
Kamak, he has evinced a love of change consistent neither with
elegance or utility, leaving a lasting memorial of his caprice,
the more remarkable as he has elsewhere given proofs of superior
taste.
After a reign of fifty-four years ' he was succeeded ^ by his son
Amenophis II., who, besides some additions to the great pile of
Kamak, founded the small temple of Amada in Nubia, which
was completed by his son and successor Thothmes IV. The
great sphinx at the pyramids also bears the sculptures of the son
of Amenophis ; but whether it was commenced by him or by the
third Thothmes, is a question which it would be curious to
ascertain. At all events, the similarity of the names may have
given rise to the error of Pliny, who considers it the sepulchre of
Amasis.
Amenophis III. and his elder brother Amun-Toonh succeeded
to the throne on the death of the fourth Thothmes ; but as they
were both young, the office of regent and tutor during their
minority was confided to their mother, the Queen Maut-emua.
During the early part of their reign, stations on the road to
the emerald mines were either built or repaired ; and the care
bestowed on their construction is proved by our finding hewn
stones carved with hieroglyphics.
The palace-temple of Luqsor and that behind the vocal
statue ^ were also founded at Thebes, and the sculptures in a side
chamber of the former seem to refer to the birth and early
' Several obelisks were cut by his order,
as the two now at Alexandria, others at
Rome, and one at Constantinople. More
scarabni and small objects have been found
bearing the name of this king, than of any
one who reigned before or after him, not
excepting Rameses the Great.
* The original date given was thirty-
nine years, but recent discoveries show
that he entered on his fifty-fourth year,
and it has been altered in accordance.-— iS. B.
' The return of the Shepherds or Pastors
during his reign, mentioned by Manetho,
is very doubtful. They are out of place
here, and we know that the Jews did not
revisit Egypt.
* The vocal statue of the supposed
Memnon is of Amenophis III. [Alciphron
mentions it in his epistles, but they are of
later date — G, W.] I have already noticed
this error in my * Egypt and Thebes,' p.
33; * Extracts,' p. 11; and 'Materia
Hierog.' p. 88. With the Romans every-
thing curious or striking in Egypt was
given to Memnon, as with the Arabs every
large grotto is the stabl (stable of) An tar.
English sailors in like manner fix upon
another remarkable person.
in ilWriliutliig clfu
Chap. H]
USE OF IRON.
41
education of the young prince. Many other buildings were
erected in different parts of the country^ during this reign;
extensive additions were made to the temple of Kamak, and the
name and monuments of Amenophis III. are found in Ethiopia,
and even at the distant city of Napata.^ The conquests of the
Egyptians in Ethiopia and Asia were also continued by this
monarch, and some of the enemies^ with whom they fought under
Thothmes III. again appear in the sculptures of Amenophis.
It was about the same period, B.c. 1406, that some suppose
the use of iron * to have been first discovered in Greece ; but
whether it was already known in Egypt or not is a question
hitherto unanswered. We are surprised at the execution of
' I do not here notice liU the monuments
erected by the Pharaohs. They will be
found in the description of the different
towns of ancient Egypt given in my *■ Egypt
and Thebes.'
* I suppose Gebel Berkel to mark the
tite of Napata. From this place were
brought Lord Prudhoe*s beautiful lions.
They were sculptured at the early part of
his reign, and immediately before the
secession of his brother. [Some years after
this was written Sir Gardner Wilkinson
▼isited and made extensive surreys of Gebel
Berkel, completely confirming the sup-
position that this was the site of Napata,
the capital of Tirhaka. These are still
anpublished. — C. C. W.]
' Those of Fount, who are among the
number of northern nations.
* Hesiod (in his *■ Opera et Dies ') makes
the use of iron a much later discovery.
In Theseus' time, who ascended the throne
of Athens in 1235, iron is conjectured not
to have been known, as he was found buried
with a brass sword and spear. Homer
generally speaks of brass arms [that is to
say, bromey which we translate brau — G.
W.j, though he mentions iron. [Neither
ornaments nor utensils of brass were com-
mon in Egypt. Indeed, it was rare even
amongst the Greeks and Romans in early
times; and though we translate xo^<^'
' brass,' that word usually sign i Bed
* bronze,* which last is composed of copper
and tin ; brass being compM>sed of copper
and zinc When therefore we read of
* Inxuen vessels,' of ' brass helmets,' and of
other objects in *brcuSy' which are de«
scribed in Greek under the name of xaA.ir<{s
or x^^*^'t *^ ^ geneixJiy an error in
the translation, which should have been
^bronze,' But the notions which some
have entertained, that brass was unknown
to the Greeks, and even to the Romans, is
incorrect. They evidently had brass, and
the term orichalcus, or aurichalcus, seems
with good reason to be considered *■ brass,'
as in this line of Horace, * Ars Poet.' 202 :
* Tibia non ut nunc orichalco vincta ;'
and gold was often imitated by that metal.
But I do not know of any brass of ancient
Egyptian time, though I had in my pos-
session (now given to Harrow School with
the rest of my collection) a brass ring of
ancient Egypt — v, fig. £, 434, of my
Harrow Catalogue — which, perhaps, had
an alloy of gold like one kind of * Corin-
thian brass,' used for mirrors, etc, which
contained silver mixed with copper and
tin, or else an alloy of gold : of this last,
other specimens besides my ring have been
found in Egypt and Greece, and they closely
resemble gold. Of this fine quality were
doubtless the ' two vessels of fine copper,
precious as gold,' mentioned by Ezra, viii.
27. Pliny also mentions vases of it, more
valuable than those of gold. The brass of
the ancients differed from that of modern
times (which was introduced into England
fVom Germany), but they used calamine,
or native carbonate of zinc, mixed with
copper and charcoal, and this last reducing
the zinc ore to a metallic state, enabled it
to combine with the copper and form brass.
That which was called Cyprian brass,
or coronariumj was used for making thin
metal leaves, which were coloured with ox-
gall to look like gold, and of these leaves
garlands or crowns were composed for the
stage, and other occasions (see Pliny
xxxiv. 9). The best proportions for
brass are thought to be 2 parts copper
to 1 of zinc, or 66J to 33J, but some use
70 copper to 30 zinc, or 80 to 20 in 100.
— G. W.]
42 THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS. [Chap. ITZ
hieroglyphics cut in hard granite and basaltic stone, to the depths
of two inches, and naturally inquire what means were employed,.,
what tools were used ? If the art of tempering steel was -a
unknown to them, how much more must our wonder increase !
and the difficulty of imagining any mode of applying copper to
this purpose adds to our perplexity.
The era of Amenophis IH was noted for the great spirit and
beauty of its sculptures, which seem gradually to have improved
from the reign of Usertesen to that of Barneses the Great, though
without any great change, the general character being already
established even at that early period, and only undergoing
certain modifications of style.
The features of this monarch cannot fail to strike every one
who examines the portraits of the Egyptian kings, having more
in common with the negro than those of any other Pharaoh;
but it is difficult to say whether it was accidental, or in conse-
quence of his mother having been of Ethiopian origin.
It is singular that the sepulchres of the kings who preceded
him are not met with, and that he is the first of the 18th
Dynasty whose tomb occurs at Thebes. But it is not in the same
valley as those of his successors ;^ and the next monarch whose
tomb has been discovered is Eameses I., grandfather of the
great conqueror of the same name. The tomb of Taia, the queen
of Amenophis, is in company with many others in a valley
behind the temple of Medeenet Haboo at Thebes ; a circumstance
which proves that they were not generally buried in the same
sepulchres with the kings, though some exceptions may occa-
sionally have been made.*
His successor has recorded his lineal descent from the third
Thothmes on a block of stone used in the wall of a temple at
Thebes, in the following manner : ^ — * The father of his father's
father, Thothmes III. ;' but the monuments of his reign are
few and inconsiderable, consisting chiefly of additions to the pre-
viously existing buildings.
Bameses I. has left little to elucidate the history of the era
in which he lived, nor does he appear to have been conspicuous
^ The tomb of Amenophis III. ii men- successor is in the western vaUey of
tioned in the papyras Abbott (Chabas, Thebes. — S. B.
< Spoliation des Hypogees, M^l. figypt' 3* ' As in the tomb No. 10 of Biban-el-Mo-
UT\e)f and was at the £1 Assasif with 16ok at Thebes, and perhaps in No. 14.
three of the kings of the 11th Dynasty, * Vide 'Materia Uierog.' PI. L, name
but has not been found ; that of his c. d.
Chap. IL]
MARCH OF OSIREL
43
for any successes abroad, or the encouragement of the arts at
home. It is probable that both he and his predecessor were
pacific monarchs, and to this neglect of their foreign conquests
we may ascribe the rebellion of the neighbouring provinces of
Syria, which Seti I.^ was called upon to quell in person on his
accession to the throne. That the revolt of those countries is
alluded to in the sculptures of Seti I feel persuaded, from his
being the only king who is represented attacking any country in
the immediate vicinity of Egypt, and from the remarkable fact
that some of the people through whose territory he passes are on
friendly terms, and come forward to pay the stipulated tribute,^
or to bring presents to the monarch. And the names of Canana ^
and Lemanon,^ added to the circumstance of its being at the
commencement^ of his reign, tend strongly to confirm this
opinion.
Seti was the son and successor of Bameses I., and father of
the second of that name. He extended his conquests to a con-
siderable distance in the ^ north and south countries ;' but the
destruction of the upper part of the walls of Karnak has unfortu-
nately deprived us of great part of the interesting historical bas-
reliefs which describe them. Among the people against whom the
war was principally directed we distinguish the Eot-en-nu, who,
from their colour and dress, as well as the productions of their
country, appear to have lived in a colder climate than Egypt,
which produced elephants and bears.* The march of the monarch
is described with great spirit on the walls of Karnak. Leaving
Egypt with a considerable force, he advanced into the heart of
the enemy's country; attacked and routed them in the field;
and, following up his successes, he laid siege to their fortified
^ In the original edition Osirei ia giren,
not Seti ; bnt the name of Seti is re-
cognised as the oldest and correct form,
for which Osirei or Uasiri was substituted
at a much later period. — S. B.
' The tributes levied on the countries
conquered by the Egyptians are not only
mentioned in the sculptures of Thebes, but
also by Tacitus : * Legebantur indicta
gentibus tributa baud minus magniBca
qnam nunc ri Parthorum, aut potentia
Romana jubentur.' (An. ii. 60.)
' The Pharaoh whose daughter Solomon
married, destroyed ' the Canaanites that
dwelt in Gezer, and burnt it with fire \*
probably for the same reason — neglect in
paying the tribute they owed — which
brought the rengeance of Seti upon
them on this occasion. (1 Kings ix. 16.)
^ The common custom of substituting
m for b in Coptic, and the representation
of a mountainous and woody country in
which the chariots could not pass, con-
vince me of this being intended for
Mount Lebanon. In the compartment
immediately below it is the * land of
Canana.' ( Vide * Egypt and Thebes,' pp.
190, 192.) This name is now supposed to
be read Ermenen for Armenia.
* In his first year, according to the
hieroglyphics.
• From a tomb at Thebes. ( Vide * Egypt
and Thebes/ p. 153.)
44
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS.
[Chap.il
cities, and obliged them to surrender at discretion. And in
order to indicate the personal courage of the hero, he is repre-
sented alighting from his car, and, having laid aside his bow,
engaging hand to hand with the hostile chiefs. Having esta-
blished his dominion in the conquered countries, he returned to
Egypt, and dedicated the rich booty and numerous captives he
had made to the deity of Thebes.
The subsequent part of his reign was employed in erecting
the monuments which still serve to commemorate his victories,
and the glory he acquired ; and the splendour of Egypt at this
period' is sufficiently demonstrated by the magnificence and
grandiose scale of the buildings, and by the sculptures^ that adorn
his splendid tomb.^
Seti was succeeded by his son, Rameses the Great,^ who bore
the name of Amun-mai-Bameses, or Eameses-mi-amun,^ and was
reputed to be the famous Sesostris of antiquity. The origin of
the confusion regarding Sesostris may perhaps be explained. He
is mentioned by Manetho in the 12th Dynasty, and Herodotus
learned that he preceded the builders of the pyramids : I there-
fore suppose that Sesostris was an ancient king famed for his
exploits, and the hero of early Egyptian history ; but that after
Bameses had surpassed them, and become the favourite of his
country, the renown and name of the former monarch were trans-
ferred to the more conspicuous hero of a later age ; and it is
remarkable that when Germanicus went to Egypt, the Thebans
did not mention Sesostris, but Bhamses, as the king who had
performed the glorious actions ascribed in olden times to their
great conqueror. Nothing, however, can justify the supposition
that Sesostris, or, as Diodorus calls him, Sesoosis, is the Shishak
of Scripture.
The reign of Bameses was conspicuous as the Augustan era
of Egypt, when the arts attained a degree of perfection which no
after age succeeded in imitating,* and the arms of Egypt were
* DiscoTered and opened by Belzoni at
Thebes.
' ChampolIioD and Rosellini are of
opinion that there intervened another
king between this and Osirei (Seti), to
whom they give the name of Rameses II.
Lord Pmdhoe, Major Felix, and myself
think them to have been one and the same
monarch, and that the variation in the
mode of writing the name was owing to
his having altered it some time after he
ascended the throne.
* I have noticed the synonymous use of
these titles, Amen-mai and Mai-amnn
(Mi-amun), in the names of Rameses III.
and others, when written horizontally and
vertically.
* The head now in the British Mnsenm^
and erroneously called that of the Young
Memnon, is of Kameses IL We smile at the
Chap, n.]
MABCH THBOUGH SYRIA.
45
extended by this prince considerably farther into the heart of
Asia than during the most successful invasions of his prede-
cessors. He had no sooner ascended the throne than he zealously
devoted himself to military affairs ; and we find that in his fourth
year he had already waged a successful war against several
distant nations.^ His march lay along the coast of Palestine,
and the record of that event is still preserved on th^ rocks of the
Lycus near Beiroot, where his name and figure present the
remarkable circumstance of a Pharaonic monument without the
confines of Egypt. But that this nation extended its arms and
dominion far beyond the valley of the Nile, is abundantly proved
by the monuments and by Scripture history, and some of their
northern possessions were retained by the Egyptians until
Nebuchadnezer king of Babylon took from Pharaoh Neco all
that belonged to him, ^from the Euphrates to the river of
Egypt.' * From Syria their march probably extended towards
the N.E. ; but I do not pretend to decide the exact nations they
invaded, or the names of the people over whom the victories of
the great Bameses are recorded on the walls of the Memnonium.^
ChampoUion supposes them the Scythians, and perhaps the
hieroglyphics may admit of such a reading ; but let it sufiice for
the present that they were a northern nation, skilful in the art
of war, and possessing strong towns and a country traversed by a
large river. Indeed, from their general appearance and the mode
of fortifying their towns, we may conclude them to have been far
above the level of a barbarous state ; and the double fosses that
surrounded their walls, the bridges * over them, and the mode of
drawing up their phalanxes of infantry, suggest a considerable
advancement in civilisation and the art of war. Their offensive
and defensive arms, consisting of spears and swords, helmets,
Dftme ' young ' applied to a statue because
it was smaller than a colossus in the same
temple ; a distinction formerly adopted at
the Louvre, where a statue was called
*te jeune Apollon/ because it had not yet
attained the size of the Belredere.
» Vide my * Egypt and Thebes/ p. 193.
• 2 Kings xiiv. 7. This rirer of Egypt
is not the Nile, but the * rivulet ' or * torrent
of Egypt;' and is mentioned by Joshua
(zv. 4) as the boundary-line, a little to
the south of the modem Gaza (Qhuzzeh).
/TO (nachal) is a rimlet, and not a river, as
•ome have supposed, which is 1113 (nahar),
as in Arabic. Much less is nahl related to
the Nile. Neco also *went up to 6ght
against Carchemish by Euphrates '(2 Chron.
zzzv. 20). For the first copy of the name
of Rameses on the Lycus we are indebted
to Mr. Wyse. [Strabo says the rule of the
Egyptians extended over Scythia, Bactria,
India, and what is now called Ionia.— G. W.j
* I use this name for the palace-temple
of Rameses II., because it is better known
than any other.
* As they are seen from above, it is not
possible to ascertain how they were
constructed.
46
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS.
[Chap. IL
shields,^ and coats of mail, were light and effective ; and two-horsed
chariots, containing each three men, formed a well-constituted
and powerful body of troops. Some fought on horses, which they
guided by a bridle, without saddles,^ but the far greater part in
cars ; and these instances of the use of the horse seem to be
introduced to show a peculiarity of Asiatic people.
I do not find the Egyptians thus represented ; and though it
is probable they had cavalry as well as chariots, mention being
made of it in ancient authors,^ the custom of employing large
bodies of horsemen does not appear to have been so usual in
Egypt as in some Eastern countries.*
The Egyptian cars contained but two persons,* the warrior
and his charioteer ; and to the great number of their chariots,
and their skill in archery, may be attributed the brilliant
successes of this people in a long series of wars waged against
populous nations: and it is remarkable that their mode of
drawing the bow was similar to that of our ancestors, who, for
the glorious victories they obtained over armies far exceeding
them in numerical force, were principally indebted to theii
dexterity in the use of this arm.
Great light is thrown on the mode of warfare at this early
period by the sculptures of the Memnonium, where a very satis-
factory representation is introduced of the scaling-ladder and
testudo ;• and it is highly probable that the Egyptians, accus-
tomed as they were to subterraneous excavations, adopted the
latter as coverts while mining ' the besieged towns, as well as for
facilitating the approach of their men. Indeed, since they are
not formed of shields, but of a covering or framework supported
by poles, and are unaccompanied, in this instance, by the
^ In form bearing a alight resemblance
to the Theban Greek buckler.
* The Numidian cavalry had neither.
[The Khita are supposed to be the Hittites
or people lying to the N.E. of Egypt.
The great campaign of the monarch against
them was in his fifth year, when the king
defeated them in a great battle at Khadesh,
on the Orontes. This war is described in
the poem of Pentaur or the Sallier papy-
rus.—S. B.]
' We read of the Egyptian horsemen in
Isaiah xxxvi. 9 : * Put thy trust in Egypt
for chariots and horsemen ;* and in Miriam's
Song, * the horse and his rider/ Exod. xt.
21. Shishak had with him 1200 chariots
and 60,000 horsemen : 2 Chron. xii. 3.
( Vide my ' Egypt and Thebes/ p. 194, note.)
^ Homer's heroes are also mounted in
cars. He mentions one cavalier (* Iliad,'
vi. 684) using two horses. The Greeks did
not employ much cavalry till after the
Persian war.
* The Indian chariots, according to
Megasthenes, contained each two persons,
besides the charioteer. ( Vide infra, on the
Castes, in Chap, iii.)
* It was already in nse 400 years before
this period, in the reign of Usertesen I., as
well as a sort of battering-ram. The
Aries, or Ram, is said by Vitmrias to
have been invented by the Carthaginians
at the siege of Gades, lib. x. 19.
' For mines, aee Herodotus iv. 200, and
v. 115.
Chap. II.]
CANAL OF THE RED SEA.
47
battering-ram, we may conclude that the men posted beneath
them were so employed, especially as they appear, in no osten-
sible manner, to be connected with the fight.^ In some instances,
however, they served as a cover to those who directed the ram *
against the walls, and were then very similar in use and principle
to the iestudo arietaria of the Bomans.
The wars and successes of the great Bameses are again
recorded on the walls of Kamak, and in the temples of Nubia ;
and the number of nations he subdued, and the extent of his
arms in the north and south, are the subjects of many historical
pictures. The Egyptians had already formed alliances with some
of the nations they subdued, and the auxiliary troops enrolled in
their army assisted in extending the conquests of the Pharaohs.
Their principal allies, at this period, were the Shairetana, a
maritime people, and the same who afterwards continued to assist
the Egyptians in the time of Bameses III. Other alliances were
also formed by the last-mentioned monarch, many distant tribes
were subdued by him, and the reigns of Seti and the second
and third Bameses appear to have been the most remarkable for
the extent of foreign conquest.
According to Herodotus, Sesostris,^ whom I assume to be the
same as Bameses II., fitted out long vessels ^ on the Bed Sea,
and was the first who went beyond the straits into the Indian
Ocean. Diodorus says they amounted to no less a number than
400, and the historian supposes him to have been the first
monarch who built ships of war; though these as well as
merchant vessels, as I have before observed, were probably used
by the Egyptians at a much earlier period. And we may reason-
ably conclude the fleet to have been connected with the Indian
trade as well as the canal he cut from the Nile to what is now
called the Gulf of Suez.*
This canal commenced about twelve miles to the N.E. of the
* The wooden horse is, perhaps, the
first hint of a mine in ancient history.
Rameses II. lived about 150 years before
the taking of Troy.
* Their ram was a long pike armed with
a metal point, by which they loosened the
stones of the wall : the terebra of the
Romans, and the rpircufop of the Greeks.
' Sesostris, or Sesoosis, according to
Diodorus, during his father's reign, had
led an expedition into Arabia, as well as
Libya ; and we may, perhaps, trace some
indication of this fact in the sculptures of
Kamak, where the son of Osirei returns
from the war with his father (Diod. i.
53). Can Ses-Osirei, or Se-Osirei, the ' son
of Osirei,' bear any relation to the name
of Sesostris ?
♦ Or ships of war.
* Strabo, Pliny, and Aristotle attribute
its commencement to Sesostris ; [* before
the Trojan war.' Strabo, xrii. p. 553, edit
1587.— G. W.]
48 THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS. [Chap. IL
modem town of Belbays/ called by the Bomans Bubastis Agria,
and, after following a direction nearly E. for about thirty-three
miles, it turned to the S.S.E., and continued about sixty-three
more in that line to the extremity of the Arabian Gulf. Several
monarchs are reputed to have been the authors of this grand and
useful undertaking ; some writers attributing it to Sesostris, others
to Neco, and its completion to Darius and Ptolemy Philadelphus.
Pliny, indeed, supposes it never to have been finished, and
states, that after it had reached the bitter springs (lakes), the
canal was abandoned from fear of the greater height of the Bed
Sea : ' but it is evident that it was completed, and there is reason
to believe even as early as the reign of the second Bameses ; nor
is it improbable that the captives he had taken in war assisted in
the construction ^ of this noble work. But the vicinity of the
sands, amidst which it was excavated, necessarily prevented it
from remaining in a proper condition without constant attention ;
and we can easily conceive that, in the time of Neco and of the
Ptolemies, it was found necessary to re-open it, before it could
be again applied to the use for which it was intended.*
Herodotus says,^ it was commenced by Neco, who lived about
the year 610 before our era; that it was four days' journey
in length, and broad enough to admit two triremes abreast ; and
that it began a little above Bubastis, and entered the sea near
the town of Patumos ;• and since Diodorus ^ says its mouth was
close to the port of Arsinoe,* this last may have succeeded to the
old town mentioned by Herodotus. Some have reckoned its length
at upwards of 1000 stadia ; its breadth at 100 cubits, or accord-
ing to Pliny,* 100 feet, and its depth forty ; and he reckons
thirty-seven Boman miles from its western entrance to the bitter
lakes. Six-score thousand Egyptians were said to have perished
in the undertaking : ^° but this is very incredible ; nor can we
even believe that the lives of the captives taken in war, who
^ [Strabo (xvii.) says it began at the employed his prisoners to cut the canals of
village of Phacensa, near that of Philon. Egypt.
G. W.] * It is evident that it entered the sea
« Plin. yi. c. 29, s. 33, and Aristot. very near the modem town of Suex,
* Meteorol.' lib. i. c. 14. Diodorus says * Herodot. ii. 158.
that Darius was prevented from com- • Pa or Pi-Thom.
pleting it, owing to the greater height of ' Diod. i, 33.
the Red Sea ; but that the second Ptolemy ' Strabo calls it ' Arsinoe, or, at some
obviated this objection by means of sluices style it, Cleopatris ' (lib. xvii.).
(i. 33). (Vide 'Egypt and Thebes,' pp. • Plin. vi. s. 33.
320, 321.) " Diodor. loc. cit,
' Herodotus (ii. 108) says that Sesostris
Chap. H.] BE-OPENING OF THE CANAL. 49
were probably employed in the more arduous parts of this as of
other similar works, were so inhumanly and unnecessarily thrown
away. At the mouth of the canal were sluices, by which it was
opened or closed according to circumstances ; and thus, at one
period of the year, the admission of the sea-water into the canal
was regulated, as the Nile water was prevented, during the
inundation, from discharging itself too rapidly from the canal
into the sea. Though filled with sand, its direction is still easily
traced, as well from the appearance of its channel as from the
mounds and vestiges of ancient towns upon its banks, in one of
which I found a monument bearing the sculptures and name of
Rameses II. — the more satisfactory, as being a strong proof of its
having existed at least as early as the reign of that monarch.
After the time of the Ptolemies and Caesars, it was again neglected,
and suffered to go to decay ; but on the revival of trade with
India, this line of communication from the Red Sea to the Nile
was once more proposed, the canal was re-opened by the Caliphs,
and it continued to be used and kept in repair till the commerce
of Alexandria was ruined by the discovery of the passage round
the Cape.
Herodotus also tells us that Sesostris was the only king who
ruled in Ethiopia,^ but his assertion is contradicted by the monu-
ments which still exist there.
The family of Rameses II., by his two wives, was numerous,
consisting of twenty-three sons and three daughters^ whose names'
and figures are introduced in the Memnonium.
The duties of children were always more severe in the East
than among any European people, and to the present day a son
is not expected to sit in the presence of his father without express
permission. Those of the Egyptian princes were equally austere.
One of their ofiSces was * fanbearer on the left of the king,' and
they were also obliged to carry the monarch in his palanquin or
chair of state. As fanbearers, they attended him while seated on
his throne, or in processions to the temples ; and in this capacity
they followed his chariot on foot * as he celebrated his triumphant
return from battle.* Nor did they lay aside their insignia of
* This may refer to the original Sesos- quently mentioned by ancient anthon as
tris, above mentioned. There is, perhaps, being rery numeroas. Artaxerxes had
some analogy between this nam3 and that 153 children ; Kehoboam begat 28 sona
of Usertesen. and 60 daughters.
' The names of the daughters are omit- • [Conf. 1 Samuel viii. U-18. — G. W.]
ted. The families in the East are fre- * Vide Plate V.
VOL. I. E
50 THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS. [Chap. H.
office in time of war ; and sometimes in the heat of battle, whether
mounted in cars or engaged on foot, they carried them in their
hand or slung behind them : and, as a distinguishing mark of
princely rank, they wore a badge depending from the side of the
head, perhaps intended to cover and enclose the lock of hair
which, among the Egyptians, was the sign of extreme youth, and
the usual emblem of the god Harpocrates.
The reign of Bameses the Great was long and prosperous ;
nor does the period of sixty-six years appear too much, when we
consider the extent of his conquests and the many grand monu-
ments he erected in every part of Egypt, after his victorious return.
Indeed, the number I have stated is derived from the authority
of Manetho ; and in the monuments, we have already met with
the date of his 62nd year. The extensive additions to the great
temples of Kamak and Luqsor, where two beautiful obelisks of
red granite, bearing his name, proclaim the wonderful skill of
the Egyptians in sculpturing^ those hard materials: the elegant
palace-temple of the Memnonium, and many other edifices at
Thebes and Abydus : the temples hewn in the hard grit-stone
rock of Aboosimbel : those erected at Dayr, Sabooa, and Gerf
Hossayn in Nubia : the obelisks at Tanis, and vestiges of ruins
there and in other parts of the Delta, — bear ample testimony to
the length of time required for their execution : and from these
we may infer a proportionate number founded or enlarged by him
at Memphis,^ and other of the principal cities, whose sites are now
unknown or concealed by mounds.
Besides his military exploits, another very remarkable event
is said* to have distinguished his reign; the partition of the
lands among the peasants,* who were required to pay a fixed tax
to the government, according to the extent of the property they
obtained. But that this division could have been the origin of
land surveying, as Herodotus supposes, is contrary to probability ;
and the evidence of the Bible as well as of the sculptures, both of
which show the rights and limits of landed property to have been
long since well defined, and the necessity of ascertaining the
quantity of land irrigated by the Nile or changed by the effect
of the inundation, must have led a people already highly civilised
' Many of the hieroglyphics are two of several statues, bearing his name, are
inches deep. One of the obelisks has been still met with.
remored to Paris ; the other has been ceded * Vide infra, Chap. iv. under Differant
to the city of Marseilles. Lawgivers.
' At Memphis, a Colossus, and fragments * Herodot. ii. 109.
Chap. IL]
END OP THE 19th DYNASTY.
51
before the accession of this prince, to the practice of geometry at
least some centuries previous to his era. The Bible informs us
that a Pharaoh, the contemporary of Joseph, bought all the land
(except that of the priests) from the Egyptian landholders : the
partition of land, mentioned by the historian, could not therefore
have been the first instance of such a system in the country ; and
he may either allude to a new regulation made subsequently to
the time of Joseph, or to the very change that took place by his
advice. In this case, the tax imposed refers to the fifth part ^
annually paid to the government by the Egyptian peasant, which
continued to be the law of the country long after the time of
Joseph ;^ and hence some may derive an argument in favour of
the idea before suggested, that the original Sesostris (so often
confoimded with Bameses II.) was Usertesen I.,^ the Pharaoh in
whose reign Joseph arrived in Egypt.*
His thirteenth son, Meneptah,* succeeded him ; and, from the
kingly oval accompanying his name at the Memnonium, it is
highly probable that the first prenomen he took on ascending the
throne was afterwards changed to that by which he is known in
the lists of the Egyptian monarchs. But his reign was not
marked by any military event of consequence, nor by any parti-
cular encouragement given to the arts of peace. He may be the
Sesoosis II. of Diodorus, and the Pheron of Herodotus, — a title
mistaken by the latter historian for the name of the monarch, and
evidently corrupted from Phra or Pharaoh.* Two obelisks are
reported ' to have been erected by him, at Heliopolis, in honour
of the sun, but they no longer remain ; and though his name
appears on some of the monuments of his father and of his pre-
decessors, those founded by him were comparatively few, at least
in Upper Egypt. And the additions he made to those buildings
are neither numerous nor remarkable for their magnificence.
» Gen. xlvii. 24.
' Gen. xlvii. 26 : * A law over the land
of Egypt unto this day^ that Pharaoh Rhould
haye the ffth part ; except the land of the
priests only, which became not Pharaoh's.
' Userteiten having lived posterior to the
erection of the pyramids is an objection.
The name of Rameses is found in the
papyri written Sesnra and Sesntra, from
which the name of Sesostris has been
derived. The idea of Sesostris belonging
to an earlier dynasty has been put forth,
but the political events of the 12th Dynasty
do not answer to the legends abont Sesostris.
— S. B.
* I must, however, confess that Herodo-
tus's statement does not agree exactly with
that mentioned in Genesis ; the people then
selling their lands for corn, and afterwards
farming it from the king.
' Sir G. Wilkinson, in the original
edition, gives this name as Pthahmen, but
it is now universally read Meneptah. — S. B.
* The Arabs now call Phrah, or Pharaoh,
Pharoon.
' Pliny calls him Nuncorens, and says
that he dedicated two obelisks to the sun
on the recovery of his sight. Herodotus
states the same of Pheron. (Plin. xvi. 16 ;
Herodot. ii. 111.)
E 2
52
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS.
[Chap. IL
In Pthahmen tenninated the 18th Dynasty, and a second
family of Diospolitan or Theban^ monarchs succeeded to the
dominion of Upper and Lower Egypt, and reigned eighty-nine
years.
19th Dynasty^ of 1 Memphite f and 6 Diospolite Kings.
Name from ancient
Authors.
SetLos
Bampses
Amenophthis
Rameasea .
Ammencmes
Thuoris
Namo from the
Monomenta.
Events.
? .
i' Pthah-men-Se-
\ pthah.
Oairei II., or
' Osiri - men -
pthah [Seti II.
[ —8. B.].
Osirita? Reme-|
per? AmuD-li
mat [Setnechti
—8. B.]. j
{RameBea III.,
Mi-ainun or
Amun-mai.
UamcBes lY. .
Rameses Y.
Rameaes YT. .
[Was probably either a Memphite/
or succeeded to the throne by|
right of marriage with the Prin-
cess Taosiri.
Aecended
the
Throne.
».c.
1269
'i'roy taken 1184 (Arundel mar
bles), and in the reign of a]
Barneses, according to Pliny.
1255
1245
1235
1205
1195
1180
Thus far I have stated my own opinions respecting the ac-
cordance of the monuments with some of the historical data fur-
nished by Manetho ; particularly about the period of his 18th
Dynasty. I have placed the arrival of Joseph in the reign of
Usertesen I. ; the birth of Moses in that of Amosis, the leader of
this Theban succession, whom I suppose to be the ' new king who
knew not Joseph ;' and the Exodus of the Israelites in that of
the third Thothmes. I have assigned the date of 1355 for the
accession of the great Bameses, and have had the satisfaction of
finding the period thus fixed for his reign fully accords with, and
is confirmed by, the astronomical ceiling of the Memnonium.
But as another opinion, which ascribes to these events a higher
antiquity, may also be maintained by many forcible arguments,
and my object is to examine the question impartially, and to be
guided by what appears most probable, I gladly avail myself of
* Sethos, or Pthah-meo-Se-pthah (Si-
ptsah), appears to have been an exception,
and was, perhaps, a Memphite, or from
Lower Egypt, as his name is omitted in
the lists of Thebes and Abydu». It also
seems to indicate a llemphite origin.
Chap. IL] QUESTION BESPECTING THE EXODUS. 53
this opportunity of introducing Lord Prudhoe's view of the sub-
ject, wMch he has done me the favour to embody in the following
remarks : — * It is extremely diflScult to determine the date of the
Exodus in Egyptian history, frcmi the want of suiBScient data in
the Bible, and from the incorrectness of names given by ancient
historians ; but the event is so important, that even an attempt
to ascertain that date must be interesting.
* The first text bearing on the subject is, " Pharaoh spake unto
Joseph, saying, Thy father and thy brethren are come unto thee :
the land of Egypt is before thee ; in the best of the land make
thy father and brethren to dwell ; in the land of Goshen let them
dwell." ^ " And Joseph gave them a possession in the land of
Egypt, in the best of the land, in the land of Barneses, as Pharaoh
had commanded."^ In this quotation it does not appear that the
land was called Bameses when Pharaoh gave it to Jacob : his
words are, " give them the best of the land :" the remainder of
the text is in the form of a narration by Moses. But the land
was called Eameses when Moses wrote, and consequently it was
so called before the Exodus. It probably received its name from
one of the Pharaohs ; we may therefore conclude the Exodus did
not take place until after the reign of a Bameses: and the ear-
liest king of that name ^ is distinguished among students in hiero-
glyphics by the title of Bameses I.
* " Now there arose up a new king over Egypt, which knew
not Joseph."* This text would agree with Bameses I., who appears
to have been the first king of a new dynasty, and might well be
ignorant of the benefits conferred on Egypt by Joseph. " There-
fore they did set over them (the children of Israel) taskmasters
to afflict them with their burdens. And they built for Pharaoh
treasure-cities, Pithom and Baamses."^ The last was the name of
the Pharaoh ; and it is remarkable that the prefix used to desig-
nate Bameses II. was compounded of Pi "the," and Thme "Justice."
And though the figure of the goddess Thme is introduced into
the names of his father and of other Pharaohs, he is the first
Bameses in whose prefix it occurs, and we may therefore conclude
it was for this monarch that the Hebrews built the treasure-cities.
* Another instance of the name so used is confirmed by the
testimony of Strabo and Aristotle, who attribute the making of
* Gen. zlriL 5, 6. before ; bat it is nncertain whether there
* Gen. zlvii. 11. was any older king Barneses.
* FriTat« indiridoals bor« the name long * Ezod. i. 8. * Ezod. i. 11.
54 THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS. [Chap. IL
the Suez canal to Sesostris ; and Herodotns says that it entered
the sea near the town of Patmnos. Sesostris is now generally
considered to be Barneses II., and the circumstance of his name
being found on buildings near the canal, gives another Pithom
built by this king.
* Lysimachus mentions, "that in the reign of Bocchoris, king
of Egypt, the Jewish people, being infected with leprosy, scurry,
and sundry other ' diseases, took shelter in the temples, where
they begged for food ; and that in consequence of the vast number
of persons who were seized with the complaint, there became a
scarcity in Egypt. Upon this, Bocchoris sent persons to inquire
of the oracle of Ammon, respecting the scarcity : and the god
directed him to cleanse the temples of all polluted and impious
men, and to cast them out into the desert, when the land would
recover its fertility." This the king did with much cruelty.
* If Bocchoris could be a mistake for the Coptic name OCIPI,
with the article II prefixed, it was Osiri, the father of Barneses IL,
who thus oppressed them. Again, the son of Bameses II. was
called Pthamenoph. Josephus states, that " the king Amenophis
was desirous of beholding the gods, as Orus, one of his predecessors
in the kingdom, had done. And having communicated his desire
to the priest Amenophis, the son of Papis, the priest returned for
answer, that it was in his power to behold the gods, if he would
cleanse the whole country of the lepers and other unclean persons
who abounded in it ; upon which the king gathered them together,
and sent them to work in the quarries." Josephus relates, in
continuation, that a revolt was the consequence of this measure :
and after some delays and difficulties. King Amenophis marched
with 300,000 Egyptians against the enemy, defeated them, and
pursued them to the bounds of Syria, having previously placed
his son Sethos under the care of a faithful adherent.
*It is probable that by Amenophis Josephus meant Ptha-
menoph; and this opinion is twice confirmed: 1. by his son
Sethos, the Se-ptha of the hieroglyphics, which is the only in-
stance of a king so called in the known series of the Pharaohs ;
and, 2. when he describes Horus as one of his predecessors : for
the grandfather of Pthamenoph succeeded to Horus, who was the
only Egyptian monarch who bore that name.
* If these corrections of names be permitted, six Pharaohs,
who succeeded each other in regular succession, are mentioned,
either as a direct or a collateral evidence of the Exodus having
taken place at this era : 1. Horus, one of the predecessors of
Chap. H.] 19th DYNASTY. 65
Amenophis : 2. Barneses I., the new king who knew not Joseph :
3. Osiri I., who oppressed the Jews : 4. Barneses II., who built
Pithom and Baamses : 5. Pthamenoph, the Pharaoh of the
Exodus : 6. Sethos, his son, who was placed with an attendant.
*From the many complaints of oppression in the Bible, it
appears that the bondage was both severe and of some duration ;
these two reigns may therefore not be too long : but what, may
be inquired, would be the effect in Egypt of an oppression of so
numerous a population, and of their subsequent exodus? for
even if the number of " 600,000 men, besides children," had not
been mentioned, it is evident, from the previous account of their
increased numerical force, that the Jews were a very large body.
1. To oppress and keep them in bondage required a powerful
monarch, and a warrior ; and such were in an eminent degree
Osiri I.^ and Bameses II. 2. The labours of so great a popula-
tion could not fail to be distinguished ; and no Pharaohs have
left finer or more numerous buildings than these two kings.
3. A successful revolt could only take place under a feeble
monarch, and such was Pthamenoph : and the loss of so great a
population would inflict a blow on the prosperity of Egypt, and
cause a lasting debility. Such was the state of Egypt after the
reign of Bameses II., when a sudden decline of the arts and
power of the country ensued ; and if at the accession of Bameses
III. they for a time reappeared, and in great splendour, yet with
this monarch the glory of ancient Egypt departed for ever.'
From the preceding statement, it is evident that Lord Prudhoe
places the Exodus in the reign of Pthahmen (or, as he writes it,
Pthamenoph), the last king of the 18th Dynasty ;^ and that con-
sequently the dates of those monarchs are all thrown back about
200" years. The decision of this interesting question I leave to
the learned reader ; and shall feel great satisfaction, when the
subject becomes so well understood as to enable a positive opinion
to be pronounced upon it. I now return to the li)th Dynasty.
Pthahmen Septhah appears to have been the Sethos^ of
Manetho and other authors, and the second part of his phonetic
nomen may have been the origin of the name it so much
> Seti I. — S. B. Ames began to reign about B.c. 1500, 215
' [Tbere is another calculation which years would bring the Eiodas to 1315, in
maj reconcile the date of the Exodus at a the latter part of the reign of Barneses IL
later time with the opinion that Ames was — G. W.]
' the new king who knew not Joseph/ ' So often mistaken for Sexostris. This
The Israelites were only 215 years in Egypt rests on the authority of Josephus's
after the arriral of Jacob (430 years date version of Manetho : * 2*6ity rhy '?afi4affJi¥
from the coyenant with Abram); and if &ifOfidfffA€yoyJ
56
nrr
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS.
[Chap. n.
resembles. His right to the sceptre and admission into this
dynasty were probably derived from his wife Taosiri, while his
Memphitic origin excluded him from the privilege of being in-
serted in the list of Diospolite monarchs, unless this was owing
to his expulsion from the throne.^ Nothing of note occurred
during his reign ; and whatever buildings he may have founded
at Memphis and in Lower Egypt; few bear even his name at
Thebes, or in any other city of the Upper provinces. Those of
his two successors are equally obscure in the history of their
Country, and little else remains of the monuments they erected
except the avenue of Sphinxes, and the small chambers in the
front area of Kamak, which the first of them added to that
splendid edifice. But the name of the third Eameses is con-
spicuous in the annals of his country, as a conqueror and as a
zealous encourager of the arts. The war in Asia had been
neglected subsequently to, and perhaps in consequence of, the
decisive successes of Eameses the Great, and the usual tribute
from the conquered provinces was deemed a suflBcient acknow-
ledgment of their submission. But either some remissness in its
payment, or his own ambition, stimulated the new king to a
renewal of hostilities, and great preparations were made at Thebes
and other parts of Egypt for a formidable expedition. Large
bodies of chariots, and of archers, spearmen, and other corps of
infantry were collected,^ and the usual route was taken to the
intended seat of war.
During their previous invasions,* the Egyptians had over-
run several provinces,* in what I suppose to be the vicinity of
the Caspian Sea ; and in order to secure their possessions, and
the fidelity of those who had entered their service as allies, they
took the precaution to leave military colonies in the places where
their presence was mos« essential, or which proved most suitable
to the purpose ; and proper oflBcers were appointed to urge and
accompany ^ the annual tribute paid to the Egyptian king. We
* It would account for his name being
erased in the tomb No. 14, at Thebes,
which M. ChampoIIion supposed to be an
instance of a king refused the right
of burial for his bad conduct: vide
Ohampollion, pp. 76, 255. [It seema that
Sethos cut his name over that of another
king ; and that another king cut his orer
that of Sethos, learing the queen's name
(Taosiri) in some instances, sometimes
putting his figure over hers, and appro-
priating all her legends in spite of the
female sign. This is not really Sethos,
who was the son of Osirei I. — G. W.]
' Represented at Medeenet Haboo.
* Vide Diodorus's Account (lib. i. 28) of
the Egyptian Colonies.
* Diodorus (i. 71) says, 'many nations
were conquered by them.' ( i'idtt also
Tacit. Ann. ii. 60.)
* According to the pictures in the tombs
at Thebes.
•l
m^-^* jcJiig--;!! ^ijL^i^jji^^.^
Chap. IL]
GLORIES OF RAMESES m.
57
may hence account for the readiness shown by the allies to join
the Pharaohs when invading the hostile countries ; and they are
represented in the historical bas-reliefs united with the Egyptians
in the field of battle.
Some of the people attacked by the third Eameses are fre-
quently alluded to on various monuments, as the enemies ^ of
Egypt ; but others appear to be situated farther in the interior,
and to have been previously unknown to, or unassailed by, the
Egyptians. This last would, indeed, argue that ambition or the
love of spoil was the main object of the monarch who planned
the expedition ; and it was probably owing to some injustice
on his part, that two of the nations who fought under his
banners in the capacity of allies, were induced to quit their
allegiance, and unite against the aggressions of the invader.
These were the Shairetana and the Tokkari ; * and that the
costume of the latter bears a remarkable analogy to those of
the vicinity of Persia, may be seen by comparing it with the
figures brought from Persepolis.^ But whether the conquests,
or any of the captives represented in the sculptures of the
tombs and temples, can be referred to the rebellion and defeat
of the Bactrians, is a question which I do not intend to discuss,
since it would lead to arguments uninteresting to the general
leader.
It is possible that this monarch extended his conquests in
one direction, even farther than his predecessor Eameses II. ;
bnt the people represented at the Memnonium, and who have
been supposed by M. Champollion to be the Scythians, do not
appear to have been invaded to the same extent by the third
Bameses.^
After subduing several nations, whose troops he had defeated
in the open field, in fortified towns, and by water, he returned
with immense booty * to the valley of the Nile, and distributed
rewards to his troops, whose courage and superior discipline had
added so much to his glory, and to the power of their native
1 Some of the allien at Medeenet Haboo
are also a new people. They may have
been represented on earlier monumeDts,
now destroyed. Medeenet Haboo has been
better preserved even than the Memno-
niam.
' The Tokkari rebelled first, and were
then joined by the Shairetana, who had
been allies of the Egyptians at least from
the time of Barneses ll.
' ricfom/rdjChap. iii., Enemies of Egypt.
* Or perhaps gave no cause tor the re-
newal of war ; and their names may only
be noticed at Medeenet Haboo, as among
the nations tributary to Egypt.
* If this king is the same as the Rhamp-
sinitus of Herodotus, his successful wars
may have been one of the great sources of
the immense wealth he is said to have
possessed.
58 THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS. [Chap. H.
country. And the latter part of his reign ^ was occupied, like
those of his victorious ancestors, in erecting or embellishing
many of the noblest monuments of Egypt.
[Succeeding his father Setnekht, who had recovered the
sovereignty of Egypt and driven out the Asiatic and Libyan
invaders of the country, Eameses defeated a confederation of
Sardinians, Italians, and Libyans who had advanced beyond
Memphis, in the eighth year of his reign, was victorious in
a second campaign in Palestine, and was successful in a third
war against the Libyans, in his eleventh year, the enemy losing
their leader and above four thousand dead in the battle which
ensued. He re-organized the country, established general tran-
quillity, and enriched with magnificent donations the temples of
Heliopolis, Memphis, and Thebes, from the spoils of his con-
quests and the valuable tributes he received from the south and
north. He reigned rather more than thirty-one years. — S. B.]
The sculptures of this period were elegant, as the architecture
was magnificent ; but a peculiar innovation, introduced into the
style of the hieroglyphics, was the forerunner, though not the
cause, of the decline and downfall of Egyptian art. The
hieroglyphics had ceased to be executed in relief from the
accession of the second Eameses ; but the change made in the
reign of his fifth successor was by carving the lower side of the
characters to a great depth, while the upper face inclined
gradually from the surface of the wall till it reached the inner-
most part of the intaglio, so that the hieroglyphics could be
distinguished by a person standing immediately beneath, and
close to the wall on which they were sculptured. It was a style
not generally imitated by his successors ; and the presence of
hieroglyphics of this kind may serve to fix the monuments in
which they occur to the era of the third Eameses. Some
attempt was made by the monarchs of the 26th Dynasty to
revive the beauty of ancient sculpture ; and so great was the
care bestowed on the execution of the hieroglyphics and small
figures, that a person unacquainted with the purity of the more
ancient style feels inclined, at first sight, to consider them the
most elegant productions of this school. But on more careful
consideration, and judging with a full understanding of true
Egyptian design, they will be found to derive their eflfect from
' Among the Turks, it was long an feated the infidels, the enemies of their
established rule that no mosque could religion, of which he was the chief,
be founded hj a Sultan who had not de-
Chap. IL] BIBLE HISTOKr. 59
the minuteness of their detail^ rather than from the boldness or
superiority of their execution.
At the close of his reign we bid adieu to the most glorious era
of Egyptian history.^ But what was done by the labours of
individuals zealous in the prosecution of the arts of peace^ or
what advances science and general knowledge underwent pre-
vious and subsequently to his era, still remains a secret ; though
it is probable, judging from similar events in other countries,
that the epoch of conquest and military renown was accompanied
by a proportionate development of intellectual powers.
That the Bible history makes no mention of the conquests of
the Egyptian monarchs of the 18th Dynasty is not surprising,
when we consider the state of the newly-occupied land at the
epoch in question ; and, as the history of the Jews only relates
to themselves, or to those people with whom they were at war,
we readily perceive the reason of their silence. They had not,
in fact, become settled in the promised territory ; they were
engaged in war with neighbouring tribes; and the passage of
the Egyptian army along the sea-coast of Palestine could in no
way disturb or alarm them. Nor could they have had any
object in imprudently provoking the hostilities of a nation far
more powerful than those petty states whose aggressions they
found so much difficulty to resist : and we observe that, at a
subsequent period, the insolent interference of Josiah on a
similar occasion cost him his kingdom and his life,^ and had
the additional eflfect of rendering his country tributary to
Egypt.
Whether the successors of Barneses III. preferred the en-
couragement of the arts of peace and the improvement of the
internal administration of the country, or, contented with the
annual payment of that tribute which the arms of their warlike
predecessors had imposed on the vanquished states, ceased to
thirst for further conquest, military expeditions on the grand
scale of those equipped by the two Eameses and Seti^ were now
abandoned; and the captives represented in their sculptures
may be referred to the tributary people, rather than to those
brought from any newly-acquired territory.
The immediate successors of the third Bameses were his sons.
* [In the coronation ceremony of Rameses ' 2 Kings xxiii. 30, 34. 2 Chron. zzxv.
III., his queen's name is not inserted in the 20 et seq.^ and xxzvi. 3.
oTal over her figure. Was he separated ' Osirei in the former edition.^S. B.
from her ?— G. W.]
60 THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS. [Chap. H
They all bore the name of their father, and completed the series
of the 19th ^ Dynasty. To them succeeded five other Rameses:
but the total of the 20th and 2l8t Dynasties is yet uncertain ;
nor can the arrangement of their names be ascertained with any
degree of precision, owing to their having erected few buildings,
at least in those cities whose monuments remain. Nor do the
Dynasties of Manetho assist in the history of this period ; and,
indeed, the unsatisfactory form in which they have been trans-
mitted to us, precludes the possibility of our using them, in any
instance, without some confirmation or assistance from the more
trustworthy records of the monuments.
[There is, indeed, little historical information to be obtained
from the monuments after Rameses III. In the sixteenth year
of Rameses IX. the tombs of some of the kings of Thebes were
violated by robbers, and in the fifteenth year of Rameses XIL
the ark of the god Chons with the accompanying priests was
sent to the land of Bakhtan, to aid in driving away an evil
spirit supposed to possess the younger sister of the queen of
Egypt and daughter of the king of Bakhtan. The ark returned
after a successful mission, in the thirty-third year of the reign
of the monarch. After Rameses XIII. the throne of Egypt was
occupied by the high priests of Amen, the first and most im-
portant of whom was Harhor, the first of the 21st Dynasty. — S. B.]
Of the same epoch, little information is to be obtained either
from Herodotus or Diodorus ; nor can we place much confidence
in the accounts given by those authors of any portion of Egyp-
tian history. Previous to the reign of Psammatichus, the names
of nearly all the sovereigns they mention are questionable, and
great confusion is caused by their misplacing Sesostris, or by
their ascribing events of the later reign of a Rameses to that
conqueror. The cause of this error I have already endeavoured
to explain, by supposing Sesostris to have been the original hero
of Egypt, and the conquests of the second Rameses to have been
attributed to the former monarch, whose exploits he had eclipsed ;
the two persons thus becoming confounded together. However,
as Herodotus and Diodorus mention some amusing details of the
reigns of the early Pharaohs, I shall introduce them as a
collateral account of the history of the Egyptian kings.^
* 20th Dynasty. — S. B. historians ; 1 therefore avail myself ooca-
' The History of Egypt written by the sionally of some extracts from that work,
authors of the ' Universal History/ has adding my own remarks on the events
been compiled chiefly from those two there detailed.
Chap. II.]
COUKSE OF THE NILE CHANGED.
61
Menes, or Menas, as already stated, is allowed by universal
consent to have been the first sovereign of the country ; and was
the reputed founder of Thebes/ as well as Memphis, the capitals
of Upper and Lower Egypt.
Having diverted the course^ of the Nile, which formerly
washed the foot of the sandy mountains of the Libyan chain, he
obliged it to run in the centre of the valley, nearly at an equal
distance between the two parallel ridges of mountains which
border it on the east and west ; and built the city of Memphis
in the bed of the ancient channel. This change was effected by
constructing a dyke about a hundred stadia above the site of the
projected city, whose lofty mounds and strong embankments
turned the water to the eastward, and effectually confined the
river to its new bed. The dyke was carefully kept in repair by
succeeding kings ; and even as late as the Persian occupation of
Egypt, a guard was always maintained there, to overlook the
necessary repairs, and to watch over the state of its embank-
ments. For, adds Herodotus, if the river was to break through
the dyke, the whole of Memphis would run a risk of being over-
whelmed with water, especially at the period of the inundation.
Subsequently, however, when the increased deposit of the
alluvial soil had heightened the circumjacent plains, these pre-
cautions became unnecessary ; and though we may still trace
the spot where the diversion of the Nile was made, which is
pointed out by the great bend it takes, about fourteen miles ^
above the site of ancient Memphis, the lofty mounds once raised
there are no longer visible. The accumulated deposit of the
river has elevated the bank about Kafr-el-Iyat to a level with
their summit; and a large canal runs, during the inundation,
close to the villages of Saqqara and Mit-rahenny, which occupy
part of the old city, without endangering their security. Nor,
judging from the great height of several mounds still existing
at Memphis, could that city have been overwhelmed* at any
* [The name of Thebes is almost always
written in the plural by the Greeks and
Romans — ©i7/3a*, Thebae — but Pliny
writes ^Thebe portarum centum nobilis
fama.' The Egyptian name of Thebes was
Ap or A'p<5, the ' head/ or * capital/ This,
with the feminine article, became Tape,
and in the Memphitic dialect Thape, pro-
nounced, as by the Copts, Thaba, whence
Brjfiai in Ionic Greek. The oldest known
monuments in Western Thebes were of
Amun-em-ha I. at Karnak, and of his
successor Osirtasen I., who ruled imme-
diately after the 6th Dynasty ended at
Memphis, about B.C. 2080.— G. W.]
^ If this is true, it shows great scientific
knowledge at that early period.
' I have noticed this in my * Egypt and
Thebes,' p. 341.
* Herodotus says, Klv9vpos irdajf M4fx^t
KaTaKKvffOijvai iari (lib. ii. 99).
62 THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS. [Chap. H.
period by the rising Nile, though much damage might have
been done to some of the lower portions of it which may have
stood on less elevated ground.
On the north and west of Memphis, Menes excavated a lake,
which stood without the town, and communicated with the Nile
by a canal ; it did not, however, extend to the east, because the
river itself was on that side.^ He also erected at Memphis a
large and magnificent temple to Vulcan, who was called by the
Egyptians Ptah, — the demiurges, or creative power.
Menes was the first who instructed the Egyptians in religious
matters, introduced domestic magnificence and luxury, and
instituted the pomp of feasts ; and the change he made in the
primitive simplicity of the Egyptians was, in after-times, so
much regretted by Tnephackthus, the father of Bocchoris sur-
named * the Wise,' that he ordered a curse against the memory
of Menes to be engraved and set up in the temple of the
Theban Jupiter.
A great blank is left after the death of Menes, both in
Herodotus and Diodorus. The former relates that 330 sove-
reigns succeeded him ; among whom were eighteen Ethiopians,
and one queen, a native of Egypt, whose name was Nitocris.
He fails to inform us if she preceded or followed the Ethiopian
princes ; and we are left in ignorance of the events which led
to their obtaining possession of the country — whether it was
from conquest, or in consequence of intermarriages with the
royal family of Egypt. Nitocris was a woman of great beauty ;
and, if we may believe Manetho, she had a fair complexion and
flaxen hair. Her immediate predecessor was her brother, who
was put to death by his subjects ; but neither his name nor the
cause of that event is mentioned by Herodotus. Besolved on
revenging herself upon the authors of this outrage, Nitocris had no
sooner ascended the throne than she invited those she suspected
of having been privy to it to a festival. A large subterraneous
hall was prepared for the occasion ; and though it had the
appearance of being fitted up with a view to celebrate the pro-
posed feast, it was in reality designed for a very difierent
purpose : for when the guests were assembled, the water of the
Nile was introduced by a secret canal into the apartment ; and
thus by their death she gratified her revenge, without giving
them an opportunity of suspecting her designs. But she did
> But apparently at some distance from it.
Chap, n.]
LABYEINTH.
63
not live long to enjoy the satisftiction she had anticipated ; and
fearing the indignation of the people, she put an end to herself
by suffocation.
No one monarch of the long series above mentioned was
distinguished by any act of magnificence or renown, except
Moeris, who was the last of them. He built the northern pro-
pylaeum of the temple of Vulcan at Memphis, and excavated
a lake called after him — ^a work of great splendour and utility,
near ^ which he erected two pyramids — and the most wonderful
of all buildings^ either in Egypt or in any part of tho
world. This was the famous labyrinth,^ from whose model that
of Crete was afterwards copied by Daedalus ; * and in which, says
Pliny,* not a single piece of wood was used, being entirely con-
structed of stone. Herodotus attributes its foundation to the
twelve kings, in the time of Psammatichus ; but tradition seems
to have ascribed it to Moeris ; though it is possible that the son
of Neco and his colleagues may have completed and enlarged it.
Pliny says' it was first built by King Petesuccus,' or Tithoes ;
though others aflSrm it to have been the palace of Motherus, or
the sepulchre of Moeris ; ® and received opinion maintains that
it was dedicated to the Sun. Diodorus mentions Mendes, or, as
some call him, Maron or Marrus, as the founder ; and others
have put forth the claims of Ismandes' and various other
monarchs.
The entrance and some of the courts ^^ were made of white
stone resembling marble ;^^ and the columns with which several
of the corridors were adorned, as well as many other parts of the
* Herodotus (ii. 149) sajs the pyramids
stood m the lake, 200 cubits above the
surface of the water, and the same below
it ; and on each of them was a colossus of
stone, seated on a throne.
« Herodot. ii. 148.
' Pliny (xxxrii. 19) mentions an emerald
In this building, of which a statue of the
god Serapis was made, nine cubits in height.
Another stone of the same quality was
sent to Egypt by a king of Babylon, four
cubits long and three broad. These I
suppose to have been of the smaragdite, or
root of emerald, or of glass, but even then
their dimensions are extraordinary. His
smaragdus is here evidently not the real
emerald.
* Plin. xxxTi. 13. * Plin. v. 11.
« Plin. xxxvi. 13.
^ Or Petesecus. The commencement of
hit name bean an Egyptian character.
' The Lake Moeris is found by recent
researches to have been commenced by
Amenemha III. of the 12th Dynasty. The
pyramids contained his sepulchre, and that
of his successor Amenemha IV., whose
names were found at the Labyrinth, and
Sebak nefru or Skemiophris. Possibly the
prenomens Maenra or Ma-kher-ra may
have suggested the names of the classical
authorities. — S. B.
* Probably, as I have elsewhere suggested,
the same as Mendes and Osymandyas, in
which we trace the name of the god Man-
doo, from which that of the king was
derived.
" Herod, ii. 148.
" Pliny says, * of Parian marble.' The
stones which I found amidst the ruins on
its site are, a hard white limestone, which
takes a polish almost like marble, and red
granite.
64 THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS. [Chap. IL
building, were of red granite of Syene.^ It was divided into
sixteen parts, according to the number of the nomes of Central
Egypt, and contained a temple to each of the deities : and
with such remarkable solidity* was the whole constructed, that
time, says Pliny, could not destroy it, though assisted by the
Heracleopolites, from whose ill-will it sustained considerable
damage.
Whether the Lake (or rather canal) Moeris was really com-
menced by, and owed its origin to, this monarch, it is difficult to
determine ; but from the name still given by the Egyptians to
the canal which carries the water of the Nile to the Fyoom^ and
its lake, and from traditions concerning it, I am inclined to
attribute its commencement to Menes, from whom the modem
appellation El Menhi appears to have been borrowed. That
the Lake Moeris was in reality a name applied to the canal, as
well as to the lake itself, we have the authority of Pliny, who
asserts that *the Lake Mooris was a large canal, which lay
between the Arsinoite and Memphite nomes:'* and the great
difficulty which has arisen on the subject is owing to the
imperfect description of Herodotus, who has confounded the
two ; omitting to designate the canal as an artificial work, and
the lake as a natural formation. It has not only perplexed
many of his readers, but has even misled the learned geographer
D'Anville, who, in order to account for his statement, suggested
the existence of the Bathen; an hypothesis entirely disproved
by an examination of its supposed site : and of all authors
who have written on this lake and canal, or the position of
the labyrinth, none can be consulted with greater satisfaction
than Strabo,* in whose valuable work we only regret too much
conciseness.
During the period which elapsed from Menes to Sesostris, no
monarch of note reigned in Egypt, if we except those above
mentioned, and the Mnevis and Sasyches of Diodorus,® who held
a conspicuous place among the legislators of their country. But
the exact period of their reigns is uncertain, and the historian
has failed to inform us if Sasyches was the immediate successor
of the former, and whether they both preceded or followed
* Plin. loc. cit. * Vide Strabo's acccant of the lake and
* Ibid. Strabo, xrii. its cinal, as well ns the position of the
* The modern name of the Arsinoite, or labyrinth (lib. xvii.).
Crocodilopolite, nome. • Diodor. i. 94. The name calls to
* * McDridis lacus, hoc est, fossa grandis.' mind Susachis, or Shishak ; though Diodo-
(IMin. xxxvi. 16, and v. 9.) rus places him before Sesostris (Sesoosis).
Chap, n.] LAWGIVERS. 65
Moeris. Mnevis is represented to have been the first to teach
the people to obey and respect the laws, and to have derived
his sanction as a lawgiver from Mercury himself; a fable which,
with the name of the prince, argues strongly in support of the
opinion that Diodorus has confounded him with Menes, the
founder of the Egyptian monarchy. Sasyches, a man of great
learning, made numerous and important additions to the existing
code, and introduced many minute regulations respecting the
service of the gods. He was also the reputed inventor of
geometry ; and ordained that astronomy should be taught, as an
important branch of education.
With the exception of these few reigns, Egyptian history
presents a blank from the foundation of the monarchy to the
era of Sesostris : it is, however, probable that a portion of it
may be filled by an event which, though not fixed to any pre-
cise time by historians, is imiversally allowed to have occurred ;
the occupation of the country by the Shepherds. If this and
the sojourn of the Israelites in Egypt have been confounded
by Josephus, perhaps intentionally, and by other writers acci-
dentally, the exploits of Sesostris and of Eameses the Great
have experienced the same treatment from Herodotus and
others; as the following extracts from his writings cannot
fail to prove, with which I continue my comparative view of
Egyptian history.
* Sesostris was the first who, passing the Arabian Gulf in a
fleet of long vessels, reduced under his authority the inhabitants
of the coasts bordering on the Mare Erythnevm ; ^ and proceeding
still farther, he came to a sea which, from the great number of
its shoals, was not navigable. On his return to Egypt, according
to the authority of the priests, he levied a mighty army, and
made an expedition by land, subduing all the nations he met
with on his march. Whenever he was opposed by a people who
proved themselves brave, and who discovered an ardour for
liberty, he erected tablets ^ {stelae) in their country, on which he
inscribed his name and that of his nation, and how he had con-
quered them by the force of his arms : but where he met with
little or no opposition, upon similar tablets, which he erected.
^ The Mare Erythroeum, or Red Sea, was E'Souan and other placeSi many of which
that part of the Indian Ocean without the arc commemorative of victories of the
Straits of Bab-el-Mandeb ; and in later Pharaohs. That on the Lycos, near
times was applied to the Arabian Gulf, or Beiroot, is probably one of the stele
Sinus Arabicus. alluded to bj Herodotus.
^ yo doubt, similar to those about
VOL. I. F
66 THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS. [Chap. H.
was added a symbol emblematic of their pusillanimity. Con-
tinuing his progress, he passed from Asia to Europe,^ and
subdued the countries of Scythia and Thrace ; there, however,
I believe his army to have been stopped, since monuments of his
victories only appear thus far, and none beyond that country.
On his return he came to the river Phasis ; but I am by no
means certain whether he left a detachment of his force as a
colony in that district, or whether some of his men, fatigued
with their laborious service, remained there of their own accord.*
The Colchians, indeed, appear to be of Egyptian origin ; and a
strong argument in support of this conjecture, is derived from
the fact of their being the only people, except the Egyptians
and Ethiopians, and, I may add, the Phoenicians and Syrians of
Palestine, who use circumcision ; and these last two acknowledge
that they borrowed the custom from Egypt. The Colchians
have also another point of resemblance to the Egyptians : the
manufacture of linen is alike in both countries, and peculiar to
them ; and, moreover, their manners and language are similar. '
*The greater part of the stelae erected by Sesostris in the
places he conquered, are no longer to be found. I have myself
seen some in Palestine of Syria, with the disgraceful emblem and
inscriptions above mentioned ; and in Ionia are two figures of
the same king hewn in the rock — one on the way from Ephesus
to Phocaea, the other between Sardis and Smyrna. They both
represent a man, five palms in height, holding in his right hand
a javelin, and in his left a bow ; the rest of his armour being
partly Egyptian and partly Ethiopian. Across his breast, from
shoulder to shoulder, is this inscription, in the sacred or hiero-
glyphic writing of Egypt — "I conquered this country by the
force of my arms.'*^ Who or whence he is, are not specified,
both being mentioned elsewhere;* and though some who have
examined it suppose it to be Memnon, I am persuaded they are
mistaken in the name of the monarch.'
There is little doubt that one of the tablets or stelae alluded
to by the historian still exists in Syria, bearing the name of
Eameses II. It is at the side of the road leading to Beiroot,
* Conf. Valer. Flac. Argon, v. 418 : exaction of tribute.
. . . . * ut prima Sesostris intulerit rex ' Or * shoulders.' Conf. Claudian, Bell,
bella Getis.' Gild., 114: * Terras humeris pontumque
' Rather as a garrison for one of the subegi.'
military posts he established, in order to ^ Probably in the lines of hieroglyphics
secure the conquered territory and the on the tablet accompanying the figure.
Chap. U.] SESOSTRIS. 67
close to the river Lycus, now Nahr-el-Kelb ; and though the
hieroglyphics are much erased, suflScient remains to show by
whose order it was sculptured. Near it is another, accompanied
by the figure of an Assyrian king, and inscribed with the arrow-
headed character, copies of which have been made by Mr.
Bonomi ; and thus the memorials of the passage of the Egyptian
army, marching triumphant over Asiatic nations, and that of the
Assyrians^ victorious over Syria and Egypt, are recorded in a
similar manner at the same spot.
Diodorus mentions several princes who reigned in Egypt
between Menes and Sesostris, some of whom preceded, and others
followed, Moeris, or, as he calls him, Myris. Menes, according to
that historian, was succeeded by two of his descendants, who in
Manetho are his son Athothes and his grandson Cencenes, or, as
Eratosthenes states, Athothes I. and II. Fifty-two kings, whose
names are omitted, succeeded them; then Busiris, who was fol-
lowed by eight of his descendants, the last of whom bore the
same name as the first, and was said to have been the founder of
Thebes. This honour, we have seen above, has also been claimed
for Menes ; but it is more probable, as I have elsewhere shown,
that the city existed even before his era, especially as he is said
to have been a native of Thebes. Nor can we agree with
Diodorus in ascribing the foundation of Memphis to Uchoreus
II., who is said to have borne the same name as his father, and
was the eighth in descent from the monarch he supposes to have
been the builder of Thebes. Uchoreus was followed by twelve
generations of kings, after whom came Myris, who excavated the
lake above Memphis, and is the Mceris of Herodotus. If we
admit the authority of Diodorus, seven generations intervened
between Moeris and Sesostris ; but Herodotus seems to place the
latter as his immediate successor.
Sesostris, or, as Diodorus calls him, Sesoosis, was reputed by
some to have been the son of Amenophis ; and about the period
of his birth, the god Vulcan appeared to his father in a dream,
informing him that his child should become lord of the whole earth.
Impressed with the truth of this vision, and anxious to profit by
the admonition of the deity, he ordered all the male children
throughout Egypt who were bom on the same day as his son,*
' [A little to the south of this is another would have been more consistent with
— V. Arch, of Rome. They are Assyrian, probability. Voltaire ridicules this account
not Persian.— G. W.] very severely (* Phil, de THist.,' p. 50).
' Of about the same age as his son,
F 2
68 THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS. [Chap. H
to be brought to him, and, having appointed nurses and proper
persons to take charge of them, he gave instructions that they
should be educated and treated in every respect as the young
prince : being persuaded that those who were his constant com-
panions in childhood and youth would prove his most faithful
adherents and affectionate fellow-soldiers. They were abundantly
furnished with everything needful : as they grew up, they were
by degrees inured to laborious and manly exercises, and were
even forbidden to taste any food till they had performed a course
of 180 stadia, or nearly twenty-three Boman miles. By this
severe training of the body, and by a suitable cultivation of the
mind, they were equally fitted to execute and to command.
And at length, resolving to give him and his companions an
opportunity of proving themselves worthy of the pains bestowed
upon their education, the monarch sent them with an army into
Arabia; and as soon as they had subdued that unconquered
country, they passed into Airica,* great part of which they
overran.
Sesostris having ascended the throne, turned his attention to
the internal administration of the country ; and having divided
all Egypt into thirty-six nomes, or provinces, he appointed a
governor over each. He then prepared to put his military
designs into execution, and to extend the conquests of Egypt
into the most remote countries. With this view he collected an
army of 600,000 foot, 24,000 horse, and 27,000 chariots, and
appointed the companions of his youth, in number upwards of
1700, to the chief command.^ Leaving his brother Ajrmais
regent in his absence, he invested him with supreme power,
forbidding him only the use of the diadem, and commanding
him to respect and defend the queen, the royal family, and the
household ; and having marched into Ethiopia, and exacted
from that country a tribute of gold, ebony, and ivory, he pro-
ceeded to the promontory of Dira, near the straits of the Arabian
Gulf, where he erected a stele, with an inscription in the sacred
character, to commemorate his successes ; and advancing to the
country that produces cinnamon, he raised other monuments
there, which were seen many ages after his time.
The fleet of Sesostris consisted of 400 sail, and by having
* Libya was always considered to form to preside over Kgypt and Africa, as well
part of the territories of Egypt, even to as part of Arabia. (Justin, xiii. 4.)
the time of the Ptolemies. Thus Ptolemy, * Diod. i. 54.
the son of Lagus, was deputed by Alexander
Chap. U.] CONQUESTS AND RETURN OF SESOSTRIS. 69
ships of war in the Mediterranean as well as the Arabian Gulf,
he commanded the coast of Phoenicia, and made himself master
of many of the Cyclades. Having vanquished numerous southern
and eastern nations, he returned to Egypt ; and on his arrival at
Daphne of Pelusium, he was met by his brother, who, with the
plea of celebrating and welcoming this joyful event, invited him
to a feast. Sesostris, little suspecting his designs, repaired to the
house fitted up for his reception, accompanied by his principal
friends and the different members of his family. The house had
been previously filled with combustibles, which, by the command
of his brother, were ignited as soon as they had all retired to rest.
Sesostris, roused from his sleep, perceived the imminent danger
to which they were exposed, and seeing no other means of escape
but by placing two of his children across the parts which were
burning, he came to the resolution of making this sacrifice for
the preservation of himself and the rest of his family. According
to other accounts, his brother, having seized the throne during
his absence, openly rebelled against him, and even offered
violence to the queen ; and they ascribe his hurried return to
the anxiety he felt on receiving intelligence of his perfidy.
Sesostris was no sooner delivered from the sinister attempts of
his brother, than he returned thanks to the gods for his escape,
and raised six colossal marble statues before the temple of Pthah,
or Vulcan, at Memphis ; two of himself and the queen, which
were thirty cubits in height, and four of twenty cubits, each
representing one of his children. Many splendid monuments
were also erected by him in different parts of Egypt, in token of
his gratitude to the gods for the great victories he had obtained ;
and the captives he took in war were employed in transporting
the immense blocks of stone used in the construction of the
temple at Memphis, and in other ornamental and useful works.
He also set up two splendid obelisks,^ and dedicated a ship 280
cubits in length to the god of Thebes ; and his statue, which was
erected in the temple of Vulcan, together with those of his
predecessors, in order to show the esteem in which he was held
by his countrymen, had the first and most conspicuous post
assigned to it, nor did any succeeding monarch obtain permission
to place his own before that of Sesostris. Darius, indeed, claimed
this honour, upon the plea that his conquests had equalled those
of his Egyptian precursor ; but, after they had weighed his claims.
1 Dioilonis (i. 57) says 120 cabiU (180 feet) high !
70 THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS. [Chap. H.
the priests of Memphis declared him to have been eclipsed by
Sesostris, inasmuch as he had vanquished the Scythians, who had
never yielded to the arms of Darius. This candid remonstrance
of the priests was far from displeasing to the Persian monarch,
who, in acknowledging the justice of his precedence, expressed a
hope that, if he lived as long as Sesostris, he should be enabled
to equal his exploits.
In every building erected by his captives he put up an
inscription, purporting that it was the work of those he had
taken in war, and that no native ^ was employed in the laborious
part of the undertaking ; and in every city of Egypt he
dedicated a monument to the presiding deity of the place.
The same captives were also employed in digging large canals,
and in raising dykes and embankments, for the purposes of
irrigation, the protection of the towns ^ and lands,, and the
distribution of the water of the Nile during the inundation ; and
though these had been previously established throughout the
country by his predecessors, the superior scale on which they
were now constructed, the many wise regulations he introduced
relative to landed property, and the accurate surveys he ordered
to be made, in order to ascertain the levels and extent of every
person's estate, obtained for Sesostris the credit of having been
the first to intersect the plains of Egypt with canals, and of
having introduced the science of mensuration and land surveying.
Herodotus supposes that Egypt, 'previous to his reign, was
conveniently adapted to those who travelled on horses or in
carriages,' and that afterwards it became disagreeable to traverse
the country on horseback, and utterly impossible in chariots;
but as many dykes were raised, as at present, to facilitate the
communication from one town to another, and as the journey
along the edge of the desert is not only more commodious but
shorter for those who go by land from Lower to Upper
Egypt, neither Sesostris nor his predecessors were guilty of the
great impediments complained of by the historian. Nor is it
probable that this monarch was the first to suggest the ex-
pediency of ascertaining the quantity of land irrigated by the
rising Nile, or the justice of proportioning the taxes to the
benefits derived from its fertilising influence; and however we
may be inclined to believe that geometry may have originated
* Diod. i. 56. says, the towns were elevated in the reig^
^ Herodotus in another place (ii. 137) of Sesostris, when the canals were made.
Chap. H.] THE WALL OF SESOSTRIS. 71
in Egypt in consequence of the necessity of ascertaining the
changes which annually take place on the banks of the Nile, we
cannot suppose that no means were devised for this purpose
I)revious to his reign. #
Sesostris is reported to have raised a wall on the east side of
Egypt,^ extending from Pelusium along the edge of the desert
by Heliopolis,^ 1500 stadia in length, or about 187 Boman
miles ; and that such a wall was actually made by one of the
Egyptian monarchs, we have positive proof from the vestiges
which remain in different parts of the valley. It was not
confined to Lower Egypt, or to the east of the Delta, from
Pelusium to Heliopolis, but continued to the Ethiopian frontier
at Syene; and though the increase of the alluvial deposit has
almost concealed it in the low lands overflowed during the
inundation by the waters of the Nile, it is traced in many of the
higher parts, especially when founded upon the rocky eminences
bordering the river. The modem Egyptians have several idle
legends respecting this wall, some of which ascribe it to a king,
or rather of a queen, anxious to prevent an obnoxious stranger
from intruding on the retirement of her beautiful daughter:
and the name applied to it is Gisr el Agoos, or * the old
woman's dyke.' It is of crude brick : the principal portion that
remains may be seen at Gebel e'Tayr,^ a little below Minyeh ;
and I have even traced small fragments of the same kind of
building on the western side of the valley, particularly in the
Fyoom.
Of the humane character of the ancient Egyptians, we have
several strong proofs ; but, if we may trust the authority of
Diodorus* and Pliny,* Sesostris tarnished his glory by an act of
great oppression, compelling captive monarchs to draw his chariot
as he proceeded to celebrate his triumph. And the Theban artists
have not been ashamed to introduce a similar instance of cruelty
in the sculptures of the temple at Medeenet Haboo, representing
the triumphal return of Rameses III.,* after his conquests in the
Eastern war : where three captives are tied beneath the axle of
his chariot, while others bound with ropes walk by his horse's
side, to be presented to the deity of the place.^
> In my * Egypt and Thebes ' (p. 368) I • I have already noticed it in my * Egypt
have shown that Voltaire is wrong in the and Thebes/ p. 367.
inference he draws from this fact. [Sesostris * Diod. i. 58. * Plin. zzxiii. 15.
is Rameses II. of the 19th Dynasty .^S. B.] * And of Osirei (Soti I.) at Karnak.
« Diod. (i. 57) says, to Heliopolis. ' Vide Plate IV.
72 THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS. [Chap. U.
The latter days of Sesostris were embittered by the misfortune
of losing his sight, which so affected him that he put a period to
his existence : an act far from being considered unworthy of a
pious and good man, but looked upon by his subjects, and even
by the priests themselves, as becoming a hero admired by men
and beloved by the gods, whose merited gifts of eternal happiness
he had hastened to enjoy.
He was succeeded by his son, the Pheron of Herodotus, the
Sesoosis II. of Diodorus, and the Nuncoreus of Pliny. Like
his father, he was affected by a weakness of the eyes, which
terminated in total blindness : but though it continued during
eleven years, he at length recovered, owing more probably to
some operation which the noted skill of the Egyptian surgeons
had suggested, than to the ridiculous cause assigned by Herodotus.
Diodorus and Pliny both agree with the historian of Halicar-
nassus, that he dedicated two obelisks to the sun at Heliopolis,
in token of gratitude for the recovery of his sight ; and this I
suppose to refer to the son of Rameses II., as I have observed in
noticing the reign of Meneptah.
Many ages after him, according to Diodorus, Amasis ascended
the throne. He is represented to have been a cruel and despotic
prince ; and having oppressed his people for some time, he was
deposed by Actisanes,^ an Ethiopian, who made war upon him,
probably in consequence of the representations of his subjects,
and who succeeded to the throne of Egypt. Actisanes proved
himself worthy of the confidence reposed in him and of the
choice made by the Egyptians. He behaved with great modera-
tion and impartiality, and introduced some beneficial laws.
Instead of punishing theft with death, he caused all robbers
to be banished and confined in the most remote part of Egypt,
on the edge of the desert bordering Syria ; their noses having
been previously cut off, as an eternal stigma, and as a means of
recognising them in the event of their escape. And the town of
Ehinocolura,^ where they lived, was said to have received its name
from this mutilation of the inhabitants. The spot was dreary
and unproductive. On one side was the sea ; on the E., W., and
S. all was desert ; and the torrent or dry * river of Egypt,' the
boundary line of the Syrian frontier, afforded no water but during
* The name of Actisanes has not been does not correspond to the monumental
found on the monuments. The whole of history. — S. B.
this account of Diodorus is transposed, and * Diod. i. 60.
Chap. IL] TOMB OF OSYMANDYAS. 73
the partial rains which sometimes fell in winter. The wells were
salt or brackish ; nothing could be cultivated without excessive
labour, and so destitute were they of the necessaries of life, that
they gladly availed themselves of any opportunity of providing
themselves with food. At one season numerous quails visited
the district, which they caught in long nets made with split
reeds,^ but this temporary relief only acted as a contrast to their
wants during the remainder of the year, when they depended
principally on the fish of the neighbouring sea.
Actisanes was succeeded by Mendes, or Marrhus, the sceptre
now returning to the Egyptian line. This Mendes, according
to DiodorUs, built the labyrinth in the Crocodilopolite nome,
ascribed by Herodotus to Moeris ; whence it is evident that he
considers Mendes a diflerent person from Mceris, who excavated
the lake, and is called by him Myris.^ Mendes, indeed, may
have continued the building, as the twelve kings are supposed to
have done, at a later period, and thereby have obtained the title
of its founder : nor is it improbable that Mendes is the Ismandes
of Strabo, who was also reputed to be the builder of the labyrinth,
and the same as the Mandoof or Mandooftep^ of the hieroglyphics.
And the circumstance of there being two towns in the vicinity
still bearing the name Isment is very remarkable. Diodorus
does not fix the exact epoch at which Osymandyas, whose tomb
he describes at Thebes, reigned in Egypt ; but, if we may be
allowed to infer the identity of Ismandes and Mendes,* we are
enabled to assign him a position in the series given by the
historian, Ismandes being unquestionably the same as Osy-
mandyas.
Osymandyas signalised himself both for the victories he
obtained in the East, and for the monuments with which he
adorned the cities of Egypt. In his reign the Bactrians, who
had been subdued by Sesostris, rebelled, and threw off their
allegiance to the Egyptians. Resolving to punish their defection
and recover the conquered country, he levied a formidable army
and marched against them. He was victorious ; he again reduced
^ The framework of some nets, in the has not been found at the labyrinth. — S. B.
Egyptian paintings, seems to be made of * Strabo says, * If, as some suppose,
reeds. Memnon is called by the Egyptians Ismandes,
' The 01 and u of the Greeks had the the labyrinth must be Memnonian, the
•ound of our ee. work of the same person who erected the
' Mentuhetep was the name ofsomeof the buildings at Abydus and Thebes, which are
monarchs of the 11th Dynasty. This name there styled Memnoneia ' (lib. zvii.).
74
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS.
[Chap. EL
them under the dominion of Egypt, and, returning triumphant
to Thebes, he erected a magnificent monument, supposed by
Hecatceus to have been afterwards used as his tomb, on which he
commemorated his victory, and his gratitude to the god Amun
and the co-templar deities. It is thus described by Diodorus,^
on the authority of that ancient author : * Ten stadia from the
first sepulchres in the Theban Necropolis, where the pallacides of
Jove are buried, stood the tomb of Osymandyas. Its entrance
was by a propylon of variously coloured stone, ^ two plethra in
length^ and forty-five cubits in height.* Behind was a square
area, surrounded internally by an avenue of columns,* each side
measuring four plethra, and having a (partial) roof supported by
figures of animals* of solid stone, sixteen cubits high, sculptured
in the antique fashion. The ceiling, which was of compact
masonry ^ (covering the space between the outer walls and the
columns), was upwards of two orgyiai (twelve feet) in breadth,
and was ornamented with stars studded on an azure ground.® At
the upper end of this, you came to a doorway leading to a second
area, with a propylon, similar in all respects to the former, but
sculptured with a greater variety of subjects ; and close to the
entrance was a colossal group of three figures (the workmanship)
of Memnon of Syene.* One of them was in a sitting posture,
and was reputed to be the largest statue in Egypt, whose foot
exceeded seven cubits in length. The other two, very inferior in
size, reached only to its knees (and were attached in an upright
position to the front of the throne), one on the right, the other
on the left side, and represented the daughter and mother of the
king. It was a monument remarkable as well for the excellence
of its workmanship as for the dimensions and nature of the stone,
in which no crack or even flaw could be found ; and upon it was
this inscription : " I am Osymandyas, king of kings ; if anyone
wishes to know what I am and where I lie, let him surpass me in
* Diodor. i. 47 et seq.
* This appears to allude to the painted
sculptures usual on Egyptian buildings, or
to granite.
' The plethrum, according to some, was
100 feet, others reckon it about 92 feet,
English.
* Or 67 1 feet, which can only apply to
the pyramidal towers.
* Literally, ' after you passed through
this, was a square peristyle of stone.'
* He evidently alludes to the Osiride
figures, not of animals, but of men, in the
areas of Egyptian temples.
' Moy6x.iOoy signiHes here, as in
Strabo's description of the labyrinth, 'a
solid masonry,' not of a single stone. The
Osiride pillars, said also to have been
monolithic, were no doubt built, as usual,
of several blocks.
* These ceilings are very commonly met
with in ancient Egyptian edifices.
* In this may have originated the idea
of its being the statue of Memnon, as well
as the name Memnonium attached to the
building here described.
Chat. II.]
KEBELLION OF THE BACTRIANS.
75
some of my exploits." Near it was a statue of his mother, twenty
cubits in height, and of a single stone, bearing three crowns upon
her head, which purported that she was the daughter, wife, and
mother of a king.^ Behind the propylon was another peripteral
area, adorned with a variety of sculpture. On it was represented
a war waged by the monarch in the country of the Bactrians,
who had revolted from him, and against whom he led an army of
400,000 foot and 20,000 horse, in four divisions, each commanded
by one of his sons. On the first wall the king was seen besieging
a fortress, surrounded by a river, and contending in the foremost
ranks with the enemy, accompanied by a lion, which appeared to
aid him in the fight. Some indeed affirm that the sculptor
intended to represent a real lion, which the king had brought
up, and was accustomed to take with him to battle, to intimidate
his foes : but others are of opinion that it merely alludes to the
courage of the monarch, of which it was deemed an appropriate
emblem. On the second wall, captives were conducted without
hands or the signs of virility, purporting them to be men
destitute of courage and the power of resistance : and the third
wall presented various subjects and appropriate sculptures,
indicating the sacrifices and triumph of the king. In the centre
of the open court was an altar of very beautiful stone, admirable
for its size as well as for its workmanship ; and close to the end
wall were two sitting statues, of a single block each, measuring
twenty-seven cubits^ in height. Three entrances led from the
area to a hall supported throughout by columns, and built in the
manner of an odettm, which measured on each side two plethra.
Here were several wooden statues, representing persons engaged
in lawsuits, and judges listening to the causes. These last were
thirty in number, with the chief justice in the centre, who had
many books lying near him, and wore an image of Truth with
her eyes closed, suspended from his neck : an emblematic figure,
purporting that the duty of a judge was to receive nothing,^ and
* Hieroglyphics bearing the same import
are found to precede the names of queens
who were similarly circumstanced, as
Neitacri, the wife of Psammatichus III.,
and others.
' 40 feet 6 inches. He evidently alludes
to the two small colossi of the Memnonium,
which stood on each side of the steps lead-
ing from the second court of that building.
The head of one is in the British Museum,
and was formerly called that of the young
Memnon. From this court, three entrances
lead to the hall of assembly, agreeing well
with the description of Diodoros in his
account of the tomb.
* Diodorus has omitted to mention their
being * without hands;' which, however,
we learn from Plutarch : ' The statues of
judges at Thebes without hands, with their
chief or president at their head, with his
eyes turned downwards, signify that jus-
tice ought neither to be accessible to
bribes, nor guide<l by favour and affection.*
(De Isid. s. 10.)
76
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS.
[Chap. IL
that the chief justice should have his mind intent on truth alone.
After this was a corridor filled with numerous chambers, where
all kinds of food most agreeable to the palate were introduced.
The king also appeared in the sculptures, painted in elegant
colours, dedicating to the deity the gold and silver he annually
received from the mines throughout Egypt, which in silver alone
amounted to 3200 myriads of minoe.^ To these chambers suc-
ceeded the sacred library, over which was inscribed " The balsam
of the soul ; " and contiguous to it were figures of all the gods of
Egypt, to each of whom the monarch presented a suitable offering ;
in order that Osiris, and the assessors who attended beneath him,
might know that through life he had acted with piety towards
the gods and benevolence towards men. Adjacent^ to the
library was a chamber elegantly fitted up with twenty couches,
where the statues of Jupiter, Juno, and the king were placed ;
and here it was supposed that the body of the prince reposed.
Around were several rooms, having beautiful paintings of all the
sacred animals of the country, and from them an ascent ^ to the
whole tomb ; beyond which, and immediately over the sepulchre,
was a golden planisphere, carried away in later times by Cambyses
when the Persians invaded Egypt. It measured 365 cubits * in
circumference and one in thickness, and was divided and marked
at every cubit with the days of the year, the rising and setting of
the stars according to their natural revolutions, and the signs
ascertained from them by Egyptian astrologers.' ^
In re-examining this description of Diodorus, I am still more
inclined to the opinion I before stated of his having in view the
Memnonium, or palace-temple of Rameses II. 1. The distance
from the first tombs, where the pallacides of Jove were buried,
agrees very satisfactorily with that from the tombs of the queens ^
to the Memnonium. 2. Its having the largest statue in Egypt,
which is the sitting colossus of Rameses, in that building. 3.
The plan of the tomb, its three entrances from the second area,
and the succeeding hall of columns, agree perfectly with those of
the Memnonium ; and if the dimensions of the areas exceed the
' The Egyptian mina was 1 lb. 5 oz.
6 dwts. English.
^ * OfiiroixoVi haying a common wall
with the library.
* From the position of the Memnonium
on a rising rock, you ascend towards the
upper end of the building.
* 574 J feet, or about 182 feet in diameter.
^ Another astronomical ceiling is met
with at the Memnonium, in the central
chamber, immediately behind the grand
hall, in which all the Egyptian months
and Tarious stars are introduced, with
figures and hieroglyphic legends.
* The Egyptian princesses and queens
held that office in the service of Amun or
Jore. ( Vide my * Egypt and Thebes,' p. 80.)
Chap. IL]
THE MEMNONIUM.
77
truths or appear inconsistent, the objection is one which equally
applies to any other Egyptian edifice. I had supposed the word
irvK&va to refer to an entrance court or propylaeum; but I
perceive that he alludes to the pyramidal towers of the propylon,
to which he gives the length of two plethra. The area behind
them was four plethra square, and we must therefore conclude the
towers to be each two plethra, without including the intermediate
gateway, which will accord very well with the proportions of an
Egyptian temple. However, his measurements may be exag-
gerated, and I consider it better to leave his plethrum of inde-
terminate length. And in order that the reader may perceive
the relative dimensions and usual arrangement of these courts,
and compare Diodorus' description with the Memnonium, I
insert a plan of that building, and leave him to form his own
opinion.
N'o. 4. rUn of the Memnonium, showing its great resemblance to the description of the Tomb of
Oqrmandyas, given by Diodorus.
A, A, Towers of the Propylon, * irvXuva rtrrapdKOpra koI vttrrt vrix&y.* B, the
. . rh ft^y fAijKos 8f»AedpoK, rh B* ih^os entrance, *r^p tIaoBoy* Q, c, the Area,
78
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS.
[Chap. II.
That two Theban buildings, the palace of Eameses III. at
Medeenet Haboo and the Memnonium, are united in this descrip-
tion of the historian, appears not altogether improbable, from a
comparison of the plans and sculptures of those edifices. And
the revolt of an Eastern people, the lion accompanying Barneses
III., and the mutilation of the bodies of the enemy slain in the
fight, which occur at Medeenet Haboo in the sculptures of the
inner and outer walls, as well as the fortified town surrounded by
a river at the Memnonium, and the presence of his sons in the
battle, show a striking resemblance to the circumstances detailed
by Diodorus.^
After Mendes, or Osymandyas, ensued an interregnum, which
* Zi€\d6yTi 86 ahrhy thai Xidivov irtpitrrvXow
rtrpdycovov ixdarris xXtvpas otffris rtrrd-
pwv irXiOpuv* . . . '&rr2 rwv KtSvooVy (t&Hia
. . fioy6\i6ay* as at H, H, in the next court ;
the area was open in the centre and coTered
at the sides, * rijv 6po<piiy . . iir\ irXdros
Zvf7y opyvicov.* ... * i^rjs 8i tow irtpumSKov
ro6rou irdlXiv kripav ctiiroSoK KoX xvkwya.*
. . ' irapik 5i r^y tlaoHov (e) iLvUpidyras tlvai
rptls 4^ ivhs . . . \lBov . . . rovrtay Jvo fity
Kad4\titvov (d) ihrdpxf^y fiiyicrrov xdyrooy
r&p Koi^ kXyvm-oy* D is the large sitting
Colossus of Kameses the Great, close to the
second entrance, E. ' fitrk Z\ thy icvX&va
(f, f) TtplarvXoy rod irpor4pov A^ioXo-
y^rtpov (G, o) 4v & 7Xv4>&r . . . 9ri\o6(ras
rhv x6\tfioy.* The battle-scenes occur on
these walls, and at I are traces of sculp-
tures relating to the war ; but that part, as
well as J, is now in ruins. At K, the first
wall on the right entering, the king is be-
sieging a city surrounded by a river, *Karh
rhy xpd^oy rwv rolxc^y (K) "rhy fia<ri\4a . •
xoKtopKOvyra rtTxos (nrh TorafAov xtplji^v-
roy.* On the second wall were the cap-
tires led by the king, ' rd tc al9o7a fcal riis
X**'f>ay ovK ?x®»^"*/ ^8 ** Medeenet Ha-
boo ; and in the centre of the area was an
altar in the open air, * biraiOpiov* showing
this court was also hypaethral in the centre.
* Kar^ Z\ t\>v rt\€vraioy rotxoy ihrdpxfty
hy^pidyras Ka9iifi4vovs Z^o* L and If — the
head of the latter of which is now in the
British Museum ; * irop* ols tlcdHovs rpus
(n, 0, P) iK rov irtpnTTvXov Koff ts oiKoy
'•wdpx^iv vir6arv\ov (q) ioZtiov Tpd-wov Kart-
ffKtvaafktyovy ixdarriy x\(vpky txoyrti Zl-
xXfOpoy.* R and 8 are pedestals, perhaps
belonging to some of the statues he men-
tions. * i^fjs a* xncdpx^iv wtplwaroy oXkw
"KoanoZairSiv irX-^pij,* perhaps referring to
the whole space containing the chambers
U, V, Y, Z. * l|^y 5' irrdpx^iy r^v UphiV
fit^KioHicnv ' (U or v) * awtx^U 8c roi^rp
Twv Btuy airdyrcoy fiK6vas, rov 0curt\4»Sj
Sfioitos Z<i»po<f>opovyroSy & TrpoffrJKOv ^y ixd-
orroiSy* which is referred to in the sculptures
of w and x. Whether his description of
the parts beyond this are correct we cannot
decide, as the chambers are entirely de-
stroyed, and the general plan is scarcely to
be traced ; and as it is probable that Heca-
taeuR, who is his authority, was not admitted
beyond the great Hall, Q, the information
obtained of this part must have rested
solely on report. Indeed, in this portion
he appears to have united or confoundinl
two buildingrt, the temple of Rameses the
Great and that of Kameses III. at Medeenet
Haboo; though, with the exception of the
measurement of the areas (four plethra
square), his description of the first part
of the tomb of Osymandyas agrees very
closely with the ediHce before us : but we
may be allowed to question its having been
a tomb, or having been erected by that
monarch.
T, Battle-scene, where the testudo occurs.
(Diod. i. 47, 48.)
1 The building is now recognised to be record the war of the fifth year of Rameses
the BameBseion, the aculptares of which II. (Ha8pero,*Hist. Anc.,'pp.225-6.)-S. B.
Chap. II ] THE STORY OF HELEN. 79
lasted five generations, until Cetes or Cetna, a Memphite, * who
in the Greek language was called Proteus,' ascended the throne
The shrine of this monarch was still visible at Memphis in the
time of Herodotus. It stood on the south of the temple of Vulcan,
and was magnificently ornamented. The PhoDuicians of Tyre,
who had settled in Egypt, lived in its vicinity when the historian
visited the country, and the whole of the environs thence obtained
the name of the Tyrian camp. There was also in the same spot
a small temple dedicated to Venus the stranger;^ and this
goddess, Herodotus, with the vanity of a Greek, conjectures to
be the Grecian * Helen,^ who was said to have lived some time
at the court of Proteus.' * On inquiring,' he continues, * concern-
ing her, the priests gave me the following information: — Paris
(or Alexander) having carried ofiF Helen from Sparta, was
returning home, when, meeting with contrary winds in the
^gean, he was driven into the Egyptian sea ; and as they con*
tinned unfavourable, he proceeded to Egypt, and putting into the
Canopic mouth of the Nile, landed at the Tarichsea,^ near a
temple of Hercules, which still exists there. If on any occasion
a slave fled for refuge to this shrine, and, in testimony of his con-
secrating himself to the service of the god, submitted to be marked
with certain characters, no one was permitted to molest him ; and
the same custom has been strictly observed, from its first insti-
tution to the present period. The servants of Paris, aware of
the privileges of the temple, fled thither from their master, and
with a view of injuring him became suppliants to the deity.
They revealed the whole affair concerning Helen, and the wrong
he had done to Menelaus ; and they not only related it to the
priests, but also to Thonis, who was governor of that mouth of
the river.
* Thonis instantly despatched a courier to Memphis, with this
message to the king : — " A certain Trojan is arrived here, who
has perpetrated an atrocious crime in Greece. He has seduced
the wife of his host, and has carried her away, with a quantity of
treasure. Adverse winds have forced him hither : shall I sufler
him to depart without molestation, or shall I seize his person and
property ? " Upon this, Proteus gave an order that whoever the
^ Probably alluded to by Horace : ^ Strabo says that some consider this
* O, quae beatam, Diva, tenes Cyprum, et Venus to be a Greek goddess, and others
Memphin carenten\ Sithonia nive.* suppose the temple to be dedicated to the
Od. lib. iii. 26, 10. moon.
Strabo also mentions it (lib. xvii.). * ^ ^^« Salt-pans.
80 THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS. [Chap. H.
man was, who had thus violated the rights of hospitality, he
should be arrested and brought before him. Thonis therefore
sent Paris, with Helen and all his wealth, to Memphis, and
detained his ships. As soon as he was admitted into the presence
of the king, Proteus inquired who he was and whence he came.
Paris faithfully related the name of his family and country, and
from what place he had set sail. But when he was questioned
concerning Helen, and how he had obtained possession of her
person, he hesitated in his answers, aud endeavoured to conceal
the truth, till the slaves who had deserted him explained all the
circumstances of his guilt. Proteus thereupon pronounced this
sentence, " If I did not consider it a very heinous crime to put
any stranger to death, who may have been driven on my coast by
contrary winds, I would assuredly, thou worst of men, avenge the
Greek whose hospitality thou hast betrayed in a most treacherous
manner: thou hast seduced his wife; and not contented with
this, thou hast carried her off by stealth, and still detainest her ;
and, as if this crime was not sufficient, thou hast robbed his
house. However, as I think it right not to put a stranger to
death, I suffer thee to depart ; but this woman aud the wealth
thou hast brought I forbid thee to take : these shall remain with
me till the Greek himself shall come and demand them. In
three days leave my coast with thy companions, or expect to be
treated as enemies."
* Helen was therefore detained by Proteus till the arrival of
Menelaus, who, finding at the capture of Troy that his wife was
not in the possession of Paris, but had been left by him in Egypt,
repaired to the court of the Egyptian king. On his arrival, he
related the object of his journey. He was received with great
hospitality, and Helen, who had been treated with respect, was
restored to him with all his treasure. He then returned to the
coast, intending to set sail immediately: but the winds were
contrary ; and Menelaus, forgetting the gratitude he owed to his
benefactors, clandestinely seized two children of the country, and
offered them as a sacrifice.^ This was no sooner made known to
the Egyptians than they resolved on punishing the perpetrator of
so great an outrage ; but as he fled by sea to Africa, they were
unable to overtake him, and Menelaus escaped their indignation,
and the punishment his perfidy deserved.'
The fable related by the Greeks of the wonderful powers of
» Conf. Virg. jEn. ii. 116.
Chap. II.] GKEAT WEALTH OF RHAMPSINITUS.
81
Proteus/ in assuming a multiplicity of shapes, is thought bv
Diodorus* to be explained from a custom common to the
Egyptian kings of adorning their heads with various figures and
emblematic devices, intended to strike the beholders with awe ;
but this is neither satisfactory nor probable.^ The head-dresses
of the kings represented in the sculptures, when offering to the
gods, are numerous and varied (especially in the later times of
the Ptolemies and Caesars) : yet such slight changes could never
account for a similar fable among the Egyptians, who were fully
acquainted with the intention of every vesture and crown of
ceremony.
Bhemphis or Rhampsinitus * succeeded Proteus. He does not
appear to have been distinguished for the extent of his conquests
abroad, but he surpassed all his predecessors in the immense
wealth he possessed, and in his fondness for riches. Diodorus
considers him of so avaricious a character that he was unwilling
to employ any of the treasure he had amassed either for the
service of the gods or the benefit of his subjects ; but the monu-
ments he erected at Memphis disprove this statement, and claim
for him a place among the patrons of religion and the encouragers
of art. * The western vestibule of the temple of Vulcan,* says
Herodotus, * was added by his order, as were two colossal statues,
twenty-five cubits in height, which stand in front of it. The
northern statue* is called by the Egyptians Summer, the other
to the south Winter ; and though they treat the latter with
no manner of respect, they reverence the former, and even
worship it.'
Herodotus concurs in representing Rhampsinitus as the most
opulent of all the Egyptian kings who reigned before or after
him ; and if he does not state the amount of his wealth, which
the former historian calculates at no less than 400,000 talents, he
relates the great care he took in its preservation.® * For this pur-
pose he constructed a stone edifice, one side of which was attached
to the wall of his palace. But the architect he employed, with a
^ [Plutarch mentions the enchantments
of Proteus, the Egyptian Sophist Euthj-
demus, p. 200.— G. W.]
« Diodor. i. 62.
' The Egyptian accounts of Homer have
been considered in detail by Professor
Laath, * Homer und Aegypten/ Svo.
Munich, 1867 ; and the Right Hon. W. E.
Gladstone, * Homeric Synchronisms,' Svo.
London, 1876. According to Laoth, p. 37,
VOL. I.
Proteus was the personified narigation
(Perhot) of the coast.— S. B.
* Rameses III.
* Or that on the left entering.
* The treasury of Rameses HI. at
Hedeenet Haboo is the place referred to. It
is given in ChampoUion, 'Notices descrip-
tives,* p. 257 ; Duemichen, * Die historische
Inschriften.' — S. B.
82 THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS. [Chap. H.
dishonest view, so disposed one of the stones of the outer wall
that two or even one man might easily remove it The building
being completed, the king there deposited his treasujres in sup-
posed security. Some time afterwards, the architect finding Ids
end approaching, sent for his two sons, and told them how their
future prosperity was provided for by an artifice he had adopted
in building the king's treasury. He then explained all the secret
of the stone ; its dimensions and position ; the mode of removing
it ; and, if they used proper caution, the certainty of participating
in the royal wealth. After the death of their father, they were
not long before they availed themselves of the advice he had
given them ; and repairing by night to the palace, they found
the stone as described, and having easily removed it, they carried
away a large sum of money. When the king entered the apart-
ment he observed a sensible diminution of the gold in the vases ;
but as he had no suspicions of any person, and the lock and its
seals were intact, he was greatly perplexed. At length, finding
the same diminution continue, the thieves constantly repeating
their visits, he resolved on placing traps round the vases which
contained the money. They returned as usual, and one of them
on going to the spot was caught in the trap. He instantly called
to his brother ; and explaining his situation, he requested him
without loss of time to cut off his head, as the only means of
preventing detection and preserving his own life. The advice
appeared good ; and having overcome his scruples, he complied,
replaced the stone, and ran home, carrying with him the head of
his brother.
* As soon as it was light, the king entered the apartment ; and
seeing the body of a person without a head secured in the trap,
the walls entire, land showing no place of exit or ingress, he was
more astonished than ever. Still he hoped to unravel the
mystery ; and ordering the body to be exposed from the wall, he
stationed guards on the spot, and directed them to seize and bring
before him whoever should discover any sjrmptoms of sorrow or
compassion at the sight. The mother, exasperated at this treat-
ment of her son's body, threatened the surviving brother if he
did not contrive some means of removing and bringing it away,
she would go herself to the king and accuse him as an accomplice
in the robbery. In vain did he endeavour to excuse himself ; at
length, finding her determined, he had recourse to the following
artifice. He loaded some asses with skins of wine, and drove
them to the place where the guards were stationed to watch the
Chap, n.] ABTITICE OF THE THIEF. 83
body of his brother. As soon as he approached them, he secretly
drew the pegs from the mouths of two or three of the skins, and,
when the wine gushed out, he began to beat his head and to cry
vehemently, running to and fro with pretended confusion, as if
uncertain to which of the asses he should go first. The soldiers
perceiving the accident, ran with vessels ; but instead of assisting
him, all the wine they could save they considered themselves
entitled to as their own. At first he abused them in apparent
anger ; then, feigning to be pacified by their endeavours to
console him, he led his asses aside out of the road, put the skins
in order, and began to enter into conversation with them.
AfiTecting to be pleased with the drollery of one of them, he gave
him a skin of wine ; and having accepted their invitation to stay
and drink with them, he sat down, and, to reward their civility,
he added another. It was not long before the wine had its effect :
the soldiers became intoxicated and fell asleep, and as soon as
night came on, he took down the body of his brother ; and having
shaved the right cheek ^ of the guards, in derision, he put the
body into a sack on one of his asses and drove home.
* When Bhampsinitus heard what had happened, he was en-
raged beyond measure; but being resolved on discovering the
robber, he is said to have had recourse to this stratagem, which
to me appears very improbable. He commanded his daughter to
receive every man indiscriminately, on condition he would tell
her the most artful as well as the most wicked thing he had ever
done ; and if anyone confessed the crime of which this robber
had been guilty, she was to seize him and prevent his escape.
The daughter obeyed the orders of her father; and the thief,
guessing what was intended, prepared to thwart the artful scheme
of the king. He cut off the arm of a body recently dead, which
he concealed under his cloak during his visit to the princess;
and when asked the same question as the rest, he replied " that
the most wicked thing he had ever done was to cut off the head
of his brother who had been caught in a trap in the king's
treasury,— the most artful thing, his making the guards drunk
and removing the body." She immediately endeavoured to
apprehend him ; but as it was dark, he held out the dead arm,
and on her seizing it effected his escape. This being reported to
* This, like the rest of the story, is very * the hair of their head and beard to grow
questionable. The Egyptian soldiers had in mourning' (ii. 36). That this last is
no beards, and Herodotus himself allows true is proved by the sculptures represent-
that the Egyptians shaved, and only allowed ing soldiers and other individuals.
G 2
84 THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS. [Chap. H.
the king, he w£is still more astonished at the art and audacity of
the man, and issued a proclamation that if the oflfender would
declare himself he should not only be pardoned, but rewarded
handsomely. Trusting to his word, the thief presented himself
before him, and Bhampsinitus, being much pleased with his
address, gave him his daughter in marriage; for knowing the
Egyptians to be superior in ingenuity to all other people, and
finding he had surpassed even the Egyptians, he looked upon
him as infinitely more clever than any other human being.*
Such is the story told by Herodotus ; but we must do him the
justice to say that he expresses his disbelief of it, as well as of
the same king's visit to the lower regions, where Rhampsinitus was
reported to have played at dice with the goddess C^es, alternately
winning and losing, and to have been presented on leaving her
with a napkin embroidered with gold.^ The period of his sup-
posed return was celebrated by the Egyptians as a solemn festival,
and continued even to the time of Herodotus : but what the real
origin or import of the ceremony may have been, the historian is
unable to inform us. *The ministers,' he adds, *who officiate
on that occasion, wear a vest woven within the space of a day ;
and this is put on by one of them, whose eyes are blinded, and
who is conducted to a path leading to the temple of Ceres, where
he is left, and whence two wolves are said to take him to the
temple, distant twenty stadia from the city, bringing him back to
the same spot when the ceremony is concluded. But I leave
every reader to judge for himself regarding the credibility of
what I here relate.'
* Till the reign of Bhampsinitus, Egypt was fortunate, as well
in the tranquillity and justice it enjoyed, £is in the blessings of
abundance. But Cheops,^ his successor, abandoned himself to
every kind of depravity. He closed all the temples, forbade the
Egyptians to offer sacrifices, and ordered their labours to be con-
fined to his own purposes. Having the project of building a
pyramid, he compelled some to hew stones in the quarries of the
Arabian mountains,* and to drag them to the bank of the Nile ;
others were appointed to receive them from the boats and trans-
port them to the mountain of Libya ; and for this service 100,000
* Rameses III., or Rhampsinitus, is re- ture/ vol. ix. pp. 256 and foil. — S. B.
presented playing at draughts in the bas- * The Chemmis, Cherabes, or Chemnis
reliefs of his palace at Medeenet Haboo, with of Diodorns. This anachronism of placing
goddesses representing the upper and lower Cheops after the Trojan war, must be
countries. {See Rhampsinitus and the Game obvious to every one.
of Draughts, 'Trans. Roy. Soc of Litem- » Conf. Plin. xxxvi. 17; Strmbo, lib. xrii.
Chap, H.] THE PYRAMID OF CHEOPS. 85
men^ were employed, who were relieved every three months. In
the operation of forming the road, by which the stones were
carried, ten years were consumed ; and this arduous undertaking
appears scarcely inferior to the pyramid itself, which, independent
of the time employed in preparing the hill where it stands,
occupied twenty years/ The historian then proceeds to describe
the pyramids : but as I have given an account of them in a
previous work,^ I think it unnecessary to repeat it here, and
resume my history of the successors of this monarch.
After a reign of fifty years, Cheops, who, as I have already
stated, appears to have been the Suphis of Manetho and the
Chembes of Diodorus, was succeeded by Cephren his brother.
He reigned fifty-six years, and erected a pyramid similar to that
of his brother, but of rather less dimensions.
Mycerinus, the son of Cheops, was his successor. He was
a good and religious prince ; and his memory was revered by the
Egyptians beyond that of all his predecessors, not only because
of the equity of his decisions, but because his love of justice was
so great that if complaint was made of his conduct he always
showed a willingness to redress the injury. He had an only
daughter, who died some time after he ascended the throne,
which was the first misfortune he experienced ; and being much
afflicted by her death, and wishing to honour her funeral with
more than ordinary splendour, he enclosed her body in a heifer
made of wood, richly ornamented with gold. It was not buried,
but remained even to the time of Herodotus in the palace at
Sals, in a magnificent chamber, where exquisite perfumes burnt
before it every day, and brilliant illuminations continued through-
out the night.^
Mycerinus afterwards met with a second calamity. The
oracle of Buto sent to inform him he should live six years and
die the seventh; and though he represented his piety and
upright conduct, the same answer was returned, with this addi-
tion, that his early death was in consequence of his virtues.*
During this period of his reign he occupied himself in con-
structing a pyramid ; and if we may believe Diodorus, he died
* Plin. Nat. Hist. lib. xzxtI. c. zii. s. 17. rather seem to belong to Isis, or to Athor.
- ♦ Egypt and Thebes,* p. 323. * Herodotus mentions a ridiculous story
' It is very questionable if this heifer of his passing the night in revelry, and en-
referred to the daughter of Mycerinus ; deavouring to convict the oracle of false-
and judging from what the historian adds hood, by turning night into day, and thus
of the Egyptians flagellating themselves in doubling the number of years,
honour of a certain god (^C^iris)* it would
86
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS.
[Chap. II
before its completion. It stands near those of his father and his
uncle; and though much smaller, was considered, when entire,
far more elegant than the other two, being cased with red
granite.^ On the northern face he inscribed his name ; and the
entrance, though still closed and undiscovered, may be looked
for on this side, like those of the other two pyramids. The
Greeks erroneously attributed its erection to the courtesan
Rhodopis; but, as Herodotus observes, it is improbable that
a monument which cost several thousand talents should have
been erected by her, and even impossible, since she did not live
at the same epoch, but during the reign of Amasis.
The immediate successor of Mycerinus is uncertain. Accord-
ing to Herodotus, it was Asychis, who appears to have been
a Memphite. Diodorus, however, here introduces the names of
Tnephachthus and his son Bocchoris, both omitted by Herodotus,
as Asychis and Anysis are in his catalogue of kings.
Tnephachthus, or as Plutarch calls him Technatis, the Neo-
chabris of Athenaeus,^ is only known as being the father of
Bocchoris,^ and as having led an expedition into Arabia, where
he endured great privations and hardships, owing to the loss
of his baggage in so inhospitable a country. And being obliged
to put up with the poor and slender diet he there met with, and
finding his sleep in consequence much more sound and refresh-
ing, he felt persuaded of the ill effects resulting from a luxurious
mode of living, and was resolved on his return to Thebes to
record his abhorrence of the conduct of Menes, who had induced
the Egyptians to abandon their frugal and simple habits : he,
therefore, erected a stele, with an inscription to that purpose, in
the temple of Amunat Thebes, where his son also made con-
siderable additions to the sacred buildings dedicated to the deity.
Bocchoris,* his son, a Saite by birth, succeeded him. He is
represented to have been despicable in his person, but the
qualities of his mind fully compensated for any imperfections of
the body ; and so far did he surpass all his predecessors in wisdom
and prudence, that he obtained the distinctive surname of * the
Wise.' He is reputed to have been one of the Egyptian law-
* Pliny, lib. xxxvi. c. xii. s. 17. Hero-
dotus says, it was of iEthiopian stone, as
far as the middle of its height.
* Athen. Deip. lib. x. p. 418.
* A leader or petty prince of Libyan
troops of this name, called Tefnakht, who
ruled the greater part of North Egypt, is
mentioned in the account of the invasion
of Egypt by the Ethiopian monarch Pianchi.
(Rev. Canon Cooke, ' Inscription of Pianchi,
Records of the Past,' vol. ri. p. 79, who
cites the previous translators and works
where published.) ~S. B.
* Called in the hieroglyphic inscriptions
Bakenranef: several monuments are known
of his reign. — S. B.
Chap. II.]
BRICK PYRAMIDS.
87
givers, and in this capacity to have introduced many useful
regulations in the ancient code respecting debt ^ and fiscal
matters ; though some have supposed his care of the revenue
to proceed from a feeling of avarice, rather than from a desire to
benefit the State.^ He was said to have been taken prisoner by
Sabaco the Ethiopian, and to have been burnt alive; but this
assertion is destitute of probability, and there is great doubt
whether Sabaco was his immediate successor, or whether, as I
have already observed, several kings intervened between Boc-
choris and that monarch.^ To enable us to solve these questions,*
we require more positive authority, either from the monuments
or from history, and it is equally useless to inquire if Asychis
was the same as Bocchoris. I therefore proceed to notice the
reigns of Asychis and Anysis,*^ as given by Herodotus.®
The former was not only an encourager of art, but a benefactor
to his country by the introduction of some salutary laws respecting
debt. * Finding that commercial interests sufiered from an ex-
treme want of money, he passed an ordinance that anyone might
borrow money, giving the body of his deceased father as a pledge :
by which law the sepulchre of the debtor fell into the power of
the creditor ; for if the debt was not discharged, he could neither
be buried with his family in that or in any other tomb, nor was
he suffered to inter any of his children.'
Among the monuments erected by Asychis^ was a pyramid of
brick, with this inscription engraved on a marble slab, * Compare
me not with the stone pyramids, for I am as superior to them as
* Diodor. i. 79. Vide infra on the
Laws of Egypt.
« Diodor. i. 94.
' This is also the opinion of Diodorus, i.
65.
* Sabaco was the son of Kashta, and
brother of the queen Ameritis, or Amen-
artas, and conquered Egypt and Bocchoris.
Later, he allied himself with the Syrians,
and was defeated by Sargon at Raphia, B.C.
714. (Maspero, *Histoire Ancienne/ pp.
387-395, 487-8.)— S. B.
* Supposed to be a descendant of Boc-
choris, who had fled to the Delta.
* [No mention is made by Herodotus of
Bocchoris (nor of his father Tnephachthus,
the Technatis of Plntflrch^ ; and the liyts
of Manetho, as well as of Diodorus, omit the
Asychis and Anysis of Herodotus. Sethos
again, whom Herodotus calls a contem-
porary of Sennacherib, is unnoticed in
Manetho's lists ; and as Tirhakah was king
of the whole conntrj from Napata in
Ethiopia to the frontier of Syria, no other
Pharaoh could have ruled at that time in
Egypt. We may therefore conclude that
Herodotus has given to a priest of Pthah
the title of king. The miraculous defeat
of the Assyrian king mentioned both by
the Egyptians and the Jews is remarkable.
Some have attributed the destruction of
his army to a plague ; but plague does not
destroy upwards of 185,000 men in one
night. The omission of all notice of Tir-
hakah by the Egyptian informants of Hero-
dotus may have been owing to jealousy of
the Ethiopians. The Assyrians defeated by
Tirhakah are represented at Medeenet Haboo
in Thebes, and in his temple atGebel Berkel,
wearing cross-belts. — G. W., in Rawlinson's
* Herodotus.']
' Asychis is supposed to be a king
Aserkaf, or Shepeskaf, of the 4th Dynasty,
and there were no Egyptian pyramids after
the 12th Dynasty.— S. B.
88 THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS. [Chap. IL
Jove is to the other gods. Thus was I made : men probing with
poles the bottom of a lake drew forth the mud which adhered to
them, and formed it into bricks.'
Four pyramids built of these materials still remain in Lower
Egypt, independent of several smaller ones at Thebes, and it is
probable that one of them is that alluded to by Herodotus as
having been erected by Asychis. Two are close to Memphis and
the modern town of Dashoor ; the others stand at the entrance of
the Fyoom. Near the former are two pyramids of stone ; and this
circumstance, and their vicinity to Memphis, induce me to believe
one of them to be the crude brick monument in question ; for it
is reasonable to suppose it would be erected near the city where
the prince resided, and in the vicinity of stone pyramids, to
which it forbade the spectator to compare it. In what its supe-
riority consisted, we are unable to decide. Dr. Kichardson inge-
niously ascribed it to the vaulted roofs of its chambers, whose
construction was the result of the novel invention of the arch.
But though chambers did exist in the brick pyramids, vestiges of
which I have myself seen in one of those at Dashoor, and their
roofs, as he* justly concludes, were vaulted, other pyramids of
similar materials had long before been erected at Thebes, with
roofs of the s&me construction, and the arch was invented and
used in Upper Egypt many centuries before the accession of this
monarch.^
According to Herodotus, Asychis was succeeded by Anysis, a
native of a town of the same name, who was blind. In his reign,
Sabaco the Ethiopian invaded and conquered Egypt, of which
he continued in possession fifty years ; and during the whole of
that period Anysis remained concealed in the lowlands of the
Delta, at a place called the Isle of Elbo, which he is said to have
formed for himself of ashes and earth, neither daring nor having
the power to dispute the authority of the invader.
* Sabaco, while he ruled Egypt, refrained from punishing any
crime with death ; but, according to the magnitude of their
offence, he condemned all criminals to raise the ground around
the place to which they belonged : in order to elevate the different
towns throughout the country, and to place them above the reach
of the inundation. This had been previously done during the
reign of Sesostris, when the canals were made ; but the mounds
now added by order of the Ethiopian were much more extensive :
^ The arch was iarented as early as the 5th Dynasty. — S. B.
Chap. H.] SECESSION OF SABACO. 89
so that every city was raised at this period, and particularly
Bubastis.' Manetho differs from the historian of Halicamassus
in his character of Sabaco, and in the name of the prince whose
throne he usurped, since he affirms that he took Bocchoris captive
and burnt him alive ; nor is Herodotus's own account consistent,
when he mentions his having put to death * Necos, the father of
Psammitichus.'^ Again, Manetho limits his reign to eight or
eighteen years, while Herodotus allows him fifty ; and states that
he relinquished the throne of Egypt, and returned to Ethiopia,
in consequence of a dream, in which * a person appeared advising
him to assemble all the priests of Egypt, and to inflict upon them
the cruel death of cutting them asunder . . . but, rather than
perpetrate such a deed, he resolved to retire from the throne,
especially as the duration of his reign over Egypt, according to
the oracles, was now fulfilled ; for Sabaco, while in Ethiopia,
having consulted them, was informed he should reign fifty years
in Egypt; and this period being accomplished, the vision so
alarmed him that he voluntarily withdrew.'
On the secession of Sabaco, Anysis was recalled from his
place of concealment, and assumed the reins of government;
but for what length of time Herodotus fails to inform us. He
was succeeded by Sethos, a priest of Vulcan, who, as I shall pre-
sently have occasion to observe, was cotemporary with Tirhakah,
and who, in consequence of the contempt with which he treated
the military class, endangered the safety of the whole of Lower
Egypt, when Sennacherib, king of Assyria, threatened to invade
it. This, and the events which occurred in the reigns of Sabaco,
Psammatichus, and succeeding monarchs, will also be noticed in
my account of the 25th and 26th Dynasties ; and having, as I pro-
posed, introduced a comparative view of the history of the early
Egyptian princes, from Menes to Sethos, from the works of Hero-
dotus and Diodorus, I resume my chronological inquiry, which I
had carried down to the end of the 19th Dynasty, and conse-
quently now return to the kings who succeeded the sons of the
third Bameses, and who composed the 20th, 21st, and the
following Dynasties.
» This I shall presently show to have been impossible. (Herod, ii. 152.)
90
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS.
[Chap. II.
The 20th and 21s< DynastieSf on the authority of the AfonumentSf^ were
composed of— ^^°^^^
^ •' the Throne.
B.O.
RamesesVII 1170
Name ftt>in the
Monuments.
Barneses VIII.
Barneses IX.
Barneses X. .
Barneses XI.
Araun-mai-Harlior
Amun-meses ?
1155
1140
1125
1110
. 1095
1080
Reigned till aL>out 1068
\2(yth Dynasty^ from the Monuments,
Kings.
1. Setnekht
2. Barneses III.
3. Barneses lY.
4. Barneses V.
5. Barneses VI.
6. Barneses Vlf.
7. Barneses YIII.
8. Barneses IX.
9. Barneses X.
10. Barneses XL
11. Barneses XII.
12. Barneses XIII.
Monumental date.
32 years.
18 years.
16 years.
2 years.
33 years.
17 years.
tty
Total of kings 12
Total of known years 98
S.B.]
[2l8^ Dynasty, from the Monuments
Kings.
1. Harbor
2. Panetem I.
3. Petukhana T.
4. Panetem II.
5. Harpasebsha
Monumental date.
Total of kings 5
Total of years unknown. S. B.]
22nd Dynasty^ from the Monuments,
Kings. Monumental date.
1. Shashanqa I. 21 years.
2. Uasarkan I.
3. Takeloth I
4. Uasarkan II. . . . . .23 years.
5. Shashanqa II
6. Takeloth II 14 years.
7. Shashanqa III. ...... 28 years.
8. Pamai 2 years.
9. Shashanqa IV. . . . . . ,37 years.
Total of kings 9
Total of knawn years 135
* This table requires considerable revision ; Rameses XII. and XIII. are omitted, and
Harbor is of the 2l8t Dynastj.— S. B.
Chap. IL]
22nd and 23bd DYNASTIES.
91
Kings.
1. Petsibast
2. Uasarkan
3. Psamut
[23rd Dynasty f from the Monuments,
Montnnent&l date.
S. B.]
The snccession is doubtful for a period of about ninety years,
when a more interesting period opens to view, in the 22nd
Dynasty, where we recognise a great similarity between the
names ^ of Manetho's list, and those on the monuments.
22nd Dyrumfy, of Diospolitana,
Name from Andenfe
Name from the
EvenU.
Asoeodedthe
Antbon.
llonumente.
Throne.
'Shi8hakofS.8.,who]
B.C.
SeaoDchis ....
Shoshonk I. . . .
plundered the tem-
ple of JeriualemJ
B.O. 971 ... J
1 Gotemporary withZe- j
981
Orsorthon ....
Osork ....
1 rah, the Kthiopian 1
945
TaceUothis . . .
Takelothe . . .
1 king^ who fought
( with Asa, b.o. 94lj
925
23rd DyncLsty,
Name frcmi Aadeat
Anihort.
(Unoertain)
Name from the
Monoments.
Tnephachthus, the
lktl:er of Boochoris,
according to Dio-
doruB, the Techna-
tia of Plutarch,
ought to be one of
thitf Djuasty ?
Oaorkon II.*
Sheshonk II.
(Then, probably, one
or more kings, oe-
enpying a spnoe of
about 50 years.)
Events.
Ascended the
Throne.
I B.C.
Homer flouriahed about 908.
907 890ortoab(mt
i 860, then a
blank till the
reign of Boo-
choria. who
ascended the
throne in
I 812.
Sheshonk ' was supposed by the learned Sir I. Marsham, and
other distinguished chronologists, to be the same as Sesostris ;
* Manetho begins with Sesonchosis or
SesoQchis and Osorthon, but places three
other uncertain kings between this last
and Tacellothis, and with three others com-
pletes the 22nd Dynasty, in the 23r(i,
Manetho begins with Petabastes (Pet-
Pasht), a name not yet met with, then
Osorthon or Osorchon, and two other kings.
{Vide his catalogue, at p. 23.)
' [Before this Jung, Manetho places
Petoubastes, in whose time the Olympiads
began, in B.C. 776 ; but this does not agree
with the era of Shishak of the Bible. —
G. W.]
> It was to this king that Jeroboam fled
in 980. Solomon had married the daughter
of Pharaoh, probably his immediate pre-
decessor, about the year 1014. Josephus
says that lilgypt and Ethiopia were at that
time under the same monarch; but he
92
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS.
[Chap. II.
but this untenable hypothesis has long since been abandoned,
and Sesostris has resumed his place among the monarchs of an
earlier dynasty. He was the Shishak of Scripture, who, in the
fifth year of Kehoboam, B.C. 971, marched against Judaea with
1200 chariots and 60,000 horse, and a numerous body of infantry,
composed of Libyans, Sukkiim,^ and Ethiopians; took all the
walled towns of Judah, and pillaged the temple of Jerusalem ;^
and though no very extensive buildings remain erected by him,
the sculptures he added on the walls of Kamak suffice to show
that this campaign is recorded with the names of the captured
places. The king, as usual, presents his prisoners to the deity of
the temple, and to each figure is attached an oval, indicating the
town or district he represents : one of which M. Champollion
concludes to be the Yooda Melchi, or kingdom of Judah, a name
whose component letters agree with the hieroglyphics, though
the place it holds is not sufficiently marked to satisfy the scruples
of a rigid sceptic.^
The era of Sheshonk is the first fixed point for the establish-
ment of chronological data; and we have been enabled, by
reckoning backwards to the Exodus, and from inscriptions on
the monuments, to fix the probable duration and date of each
reign. From the accession of Thothmes III., about 1495 B.C., to the
year 1068, twenty-three kings succeeded to the throne of Egypt,
which gives about eighteen years to each reign ; 6ind the ninety
years intervening at the end of the 21st Dynasty may readily
be accounted for by assigning them to sovereigns whose names
are lost.
A very favourable argument in support of the dates I have
given is derived from the astronomical subject on the ceiling
of the Memnonium at Thebes, erected by Rameses the Great :
where the heliacal rising of Sothis is found to coincide with
the beginning of Thoth, which could only have happened in
the year 1322 b.c^ ; and this falls, according to my table, in the
commits a great error in supposing that
' no Egyptian king bore the title of Pharaoh
after the father-in-law of Solomon/ the
reverse being prored by the Jewish books
which he pretends to quote. Witness
Pharaoh-Necho and Hophra. (Joseph.
* Antiq.' lib. viii. 6.)
' Some have supposed the Sukkiim to
be the fabulous Troglodytes, and have
placed them near the Red Sea. Others
bring them from Central Egypt. Some
who have seen or heard of the sepulchral
grottoes hewn in the rocks at Thebes, have
innocently fixed on these as the habitations
of the live Troglodytes, previous to their
appropriation for the dead Thebans.
2 2 Chron. xii. 9.
' luiaha Maluk is now supposed to mean
Jerusalem, which otherwise is not mentioned
in the inscriptions, or else some town of
that name. It occui^ in connection with
such names as Rabboth, Taanach, Sunem,
Rehob, Hapharaim, Adoi*aim, Mahanaim^
Gibeon, Bethoron, and Megiddo.— S. B.
Chap, n.]
THE 24th and 25th DYNASTIES.
93
middle of his reign.^ But whatever I oflfer on such intricate
questions is given with much deference, and I shall willingly
yield to the sounder judgment of the scientific reader.
The aggressions of the Egyptian monarch in Judtea do
not appear to have been repeated ; and the Jewish Chronicles
show that previous to the battle with Zerah,* king of Ethiopia,^
the land of Judah was free from invasion, * and had no war in
those years,'* which gave Asa an opportunity of repairing and
building fortified towns, for the protection of his country. Nor
do we find the successors of Sheshonk undertaking any impor-
tant military expedition ; and little remains on the monuments
relating to the other kings of the 22nd and 23rd Dynasties,
except some tablets and religious subjects in the temple of
Kamak.
2ith Dynasty^ of 1 Satte,
Name firom Ancient Antbors.
Name from the Monomenta. \
Aeoendedthe
Throne.
BoochoriB (the Wise), sonl
of Tnephachthns . . /
Pehor, Bakhor, or Amun-se-Pehor.
B.C.
812
\2Aih Dyncuiy^ from the Monuments,
Kingi.
1. Tafnakht
2. Bekenranf ......
o* l^oetj ......
Total of kings 3
Total of years
Monumental date.
6 years
6 S. B.]
The 2^th Dynasty consisted of an Ethiopian Family,
Name from Andent
AnthoTB.
6abaco, 8oofS.S. .
gebechon, SeyeohuB .
Teraoes, Teaiohus,
Tearcon of Strabo,
Tirhakah of S.S.
Name from the
MoDoments.
Sabakoph .
Shebek .
Tehraqa .
Events.
Rome founded, 753 s.o. .
Captiyity of the ten tribes, 721
Sennacherib attacks Judah
Ascended the
Throne.
> [ Vide paper by Mr. Tomlinson in * R.
Soc Lit.' Tol. iii. part i. pp. 84-93.
— G. W.]
' [By some supposed to be Orsokon I. —
G. W.]
* This indefinite name Ethiopia, the
country of burnt or black faces, always
perplexes. Zerah could not hare come
from Ethiopia to the south of the Cataracts
while Sheshonk or Osorkon ruled Egypt.
In the Arabic yersiou he is stjled Kiug of
India, and his name in the Septuagint is
written Zare. In 2 Chron. xvi. 8 mention
is made of the Ethiopians witb the Lubims
(Libyans).
* 2 Chron. xiy. 1, 6, 7.
94 THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS. [Chap. H.
[25^^ Dynctsty, from the Monuments.
Kings. MommiaitAl date.
1. Shabaqa ...... 12 years.
2. Sbabataqa
3. Taharqa 36 years.
Total of kings 3 Total of years 48 a B.]
Bocchoris and his father Tnephachthus have been already
mentioned; and if we are unable to decide whether this last
should be introduced into the 23rd or 24th Dynasty, the same
diflSculty exists in the position of Asychis and Anysis.^
The reign of Sabaco has also been noticed ; and Herodotus,
as we have seen, supposes Anysis to have been restored to the
throne after the secession of the invader, and to have been
succeeded by Sethos,^ a priest of Fthah or Vulcan, who was co-
temporary with Sennacherib and Tirhakah. Manetho, on the
contrary, states that Sabaco usurped the throne of Bocchoris, and
Diodorus introduces other monarchs between this last and the
Ethiopian. That he was not the Sabaco who put Neco to death
is evident, from a comparison of the eras of Psammatichus and the
Ethiopian monarchs ; nor could the flight of Psammatichus have
taken place during his reign ; and unless we suppose the son of
Neco to have lived to the age of more than 120 years, he could
not have fled even from the second of that name, or Shebek, the
predecessor of Tirhakah.
Sabaco is generally supposed to be the So ^ of Scripture, who
made a treaty with Hoshea, king of Israel ;* an event which led
to the taking of Samaria, and to the captivity of the ten tribes
by Shalmaneser, king of Assyria : and this I believe to have
happened a few years before the close of his reign. Of Shebek,
or Sabaco II., the name occurs only on the monuments of
Thebes, and in the catalogue of Manetho. By some he has
been considered the Sethos of Herodotus ; but this name, which
is properly Se-pthah,*^ bears so strong a stamp of Memphitic
origin that we cannot feel disposed to assign it to the Ethiopian
monarch.
With Tirhakah we are acquainted, both bom sacred and
profane records ; and his successful opposition to the power of
* Vide supra, * 2 Kings xvii. 4.
« Se-pthah. » Or the * Son of Pthah.' According to
' So, Soa, Stta, or Sara KID ; 'Xiaywp of Lepsios, the namm Sethos has not been
thtt Septoagint. found on the Monuments. — S. B.
Chap. II.] DEFEAT OF SENNACHERIB. 95
Assyria is noticed in the Bible,^ may be traced in Herodotus,*
and is recorded on the walls of a Theban temple.^ It is pos-
sible that in the early part of his reign Sethos shared the
kingdom with him, and ruled in Lower Egypt, while the
Ethiopian monarch possessed the dominion of the upper country ;
and this would account for the absence of the name of Sethos
on the monuments of Thebes. Whether Tirhakah's and Sabaco's
claims to the throne of Egypt were derived from any right acquired
by intermarriage with the royal family of that country, or
whether their dominion was at first confined to the Thebaid, it is
difficult to determine ; but the respect paid by their Egyptian
successors to the monuments * they erected, argues the probability
of their having succeeded to the throne by right, rather than
by usurpation or the force of arms.
During the reign of Tirhakah, Sennacherib, king of Assyria,
threatened an incursion into Lower Egypt; and owing to the
disaffection of the troops of Sethos, Memphis and all that part of
the country was in danger of falling a prey to the invader.
Sethos, who had been a priest of Pthah, was more solicitous, even
after his elevation to the throne, for the observance of religious
ceremonies than the welfare of the State ; and, induced by fana-
ticism to consider the services of the soldier unnecessary for the
security of a country entrusted to the protection of the gods,
* he treated that class with extreme contempt, and, among other
indignities, deprived them of their arurse, or fields, which, by
way of reward, his predecessors had allowed to each soldier.
They, therefore, refused to march against the Assyrians ; and in
this dilemma the priest-king retired to the shrine of the god,
before which he lamented his danger and misfortunes. He there
sunk into a profound sleep ; and the deity appearing to him in a
dream, promised that if he marched to meet the enemy he should
experience no injury, for that he would furnish him with assist-
ance. Inspired with confidence from this vision, he put himself
at the head of his adherents, and advanced to Felusium, the
entrance of Egypt, unaccompanied by a single soldier, his army
being entirely composed of tradesmen and artisans.' *^ Nor was
^ 2 Kings xix. 9 : ^ And when he ' At Medeenet Haboo are the figure and
(Sennacherib) heard say of Tirhakah king of name of this king, and the captives he
Ethiopia, Behold, he is come out to fight took.
against thee ;' Isaiah xxxvii. 9. £1 Berkei * Sabaco's name is found at Abjdua.
(formerly Napata) was his Ethiopian ' Herodot. ii. 141. It might be sup-
capital, where his name and monuments posed that the sections 164-168 of the
are found. same book were intended to have been
' Herod, ii. 141. introduced here.
96
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS.
FChap. n.
it long before this assistance arrived. Tirhakah, having heard of
the approach of Sennacherib, marched with a numerous army
from the Thebaid, and entering Palestine, defeated the Assyrians ;
thus delivering Lower Egypt as well as Judaea from the arms of
this powerful invader. But the ingratitude, perhaps the jealousy
of the Memphites, disguised the truth from the Greek historian,
and the miraculous interposition of Pthah was affirmed to have
been the cause of Sennacherib's defeat. Concealing the assist-
ance received from the army of Tirhakah, the priests assured *
Herodotus, that when the Assyrians or Arabians and the feeble
party commanded by Sethos were encamped opposite each other,
a prodigious number of rats infested the enemy's camp by night,
and gnawed in pieces their quivers and bows, as well as the
handles of their shields ; so that in the morning, finding them-
selves without arms, they fled in confusion, and lost great
numbers of their men. And in order to commemorate the event,
a marble statue of Sethos was erected in the temple of Ftah at
Memphis, representing the king holding a rat in his hand, with
this inscription : * Whoever thou art, leara from my fortune to
reverence the gods.'
*From Menes to this prince,' adds the historian, *was a
period of 341 generations, in which there had been as many
high priests, and the same number of kings. And as three
generations are equal to 100 years, the total of these may be
estimated at 11,340 years.' Such are the extravagant dates
given by ancient writers.
That Tirhakah ruled at Napata and in the Thebaid at the
same period, is sufficiently proved by the additions he made to
the temples of Thebes, and by the monuments he built in
Ethiopia ; nor did the Egyptians efface his records, or forget the
gratitude they owed to the defender of their country. The name
of Nectanebo has indeed usurped the place of Tirhakah's ovals
in one or two instances among the sculptures at Thebes; but
such substitutions are not uncommon, and the name of the
* The Assyrian cTineifonn records show
that Tirhakah, who had been driven ont of
Egjpt by Esarhaddon, retook £gypt from
the Assyrians about the commencement of
the reign of Assarbanipal, B.O. 668, who
marched to Egypt and defeated the Ethio-
pian monarch at the battle of Karbanit.
Tirhakah fled to Thebes, but the Assyrian and
unled Egyptian army arrived there forty
days afterwards, and Tirhakah left for
Ethiopia. The Egyptians being subsequently
discontented with the ruler of the Assyrians,
again invited Tirhakah to regain the
country, who died after being driven out a
second time. (O. Smith, * Assyria from the
Earliest Times to the Fall of Nineveh,' 8vo.
1874, pp. 139-141.)— S. B.
Chap, n.]
THE TWELVE KINGS.
97
Ethiopian has not been erased from any ill-will, so often evinced
when an obnoxious monarch had ceased to reign. That he was
a very potent prince, is evident from his defeat of the numerous
army of Sennacherib,^ as well as from the monuments he has left
both in Egypt and Ethiopia, and his maintenance of the
Egyptian possessions in Asia; and however Strabo may have
exaggerated his power when he aflBrms that he extended his
conquests, like Sesostris, into Europe, even as far as the Pillars
of Hercules, yet his authority is of use, as it leads to the con-
clusion that Tirhakah, or, as he calls him, Tearcon,^ ruled Lower
as well as Upper Egypt, to which he, perhaps, succeeded on the
death of the priest-king Sethos.
According to Herodotus, twelve kings, or rather nomarchs,^
succeeded to the dominion of all Egypt ; but it is probable
they did not assume the title of Pharaoh, being only governors
of the twelve provinces or nomes* into which the country
' In the Sjriac and Arabic versions he is
called Sanherib.
' Strabo, lib. xv.
' Herodotus, ii. 147.
* [If this division took place, it was
only temporary, as Egypt had been, at
least as early as the time of Sesostris,
composed of 36 nomes. The number of the
Domes or cantons varied at different times.
Herodotus mentions only 18 ; but in the
time of Sesostris there were 36, and the
same under the Ptolemies and Caesars; 10,
according to Strabo, being assigned to the
Thebald. 10 to the Delta, and 16 to the
intermediate province. This triple division
▼aried at another time, and consisted of
Upper and Lower Egypt, with an inter-
vening province containing 7 nomes, and
hence called Heptanomis. In after-times
an eighth, the Arsinoite, was added to
Heptanomis ; and the divisions were, 1.
Upper Egypt, to the Thebaica phylak^
(^vXair^), now Daroot e* Shereef. 2. Hep-
tanomis, to the fork of the Delta. And
3. Lower Egypt, containing the northern
part to the sea. Pliny gives 44 nomes to
all Egypt, some under other than the usual
names. Ptolemy mentions 24 in the Delta,
or Lower Egypt, which under the later
Roman emperors was divided into four dis-
tricts— Augustamnica prima and secunda,
^gjrptus 1* and 2*^, still containing the
same nomes ; and in the time of Arcadius,
the son of Theodosius the Great, Hep-
tanomis received the name of Arcadia.
The Thebaid was made into two parts,
Upper and Lower, the line of separation
VOL. I.
being Panopolis and Ptolemais-Hermii ; and
the nomes were then increased to 58, of
which the Delta contained 35, including
the Oasis of Ammon. These nomes were
as on the following pages, 98 and 99.
Each nome was governed by a Nomarch,
to whom was entrusted the levying of
taxes, and various duties connected with
the administration of the province.
The Busirite nome was ueit to the
Sebennytic, and to the south of it.
The tract between the Sebennytic, or
Busiritic branch, and the Therm uthiac, ran
to the east of Xols. It is singular that
only two nomes of Upper Egypt are here
mentioned, Thebes and Chemmis. But as
Herodotus has mentioned so few of the
nomes, it is more probable that he has
overlooked some, than that no soldiers be-
longed to any nome in Upper Egypt but the
Theban and Chemmite. The largest force
was necessarily quarteredxn these northern
nomes, being wanted for defence against
the enemy from the eastward : but it does
not follow that they were nearly all raised
there. Besides the nome of Thebes on the
east, was the Pathyritic on the opposite
bank, which contained *■ the Libyan suburb '
of Thebes, or the * Memnoneia.' (See Dr.
Young, * Disc Eg. Lit.,* p. 66.) It was
called Pa-Athor, * belonging to Athor'
(Venus), who presided over the West.
The Theban and Chemmite may have been
the two that furnished the troops of the
Ethiopian frontier, and of the garrisons in
Upper Egypt. According to Herodotus the
whole force was 410,000 men. Diodorus
H
98
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS.
[Chap. II.
was divided.^ On this occasion the historian sarcastically
obeeryes, that ^ as the Egyptians were not capable of existing
(i. 54) makes it amount, in the time of
Sesoetris, to 600,000 foot, 24,000 horse,
and 27 chariots ; but he probably included
in these the auxiliaries. The position of
the nome of Aphthis (Herodot. it 166) is
uncertain. — G. W.]
The Names of the Delta, or Lower Egypt, beginning from the East, were :
Piuvluoo.
Chief City.
Modern Name.
a
•8
6
1.
2.
3.
I 5.
I 6.
Heliopolis
Bubastites .
Anthribites (with
the Isle of Myec-
phoris)
Heroopolites.
Phagroriopolites
Arabia .
Heliopolis
Bubastis.
Athribis,
a
6
S
I
0
7. Sethroltes
Si
a
0
'I
£
31
B^
8.
9.
10.
11.
12.
13.
14.
115.
,16.
17.
|18.
19.
20.
21.
22.
y
24.
25.
26.
27.
28.
129.
I
Tanites .
Pharbsthites
Leontopolites
Neout (Neut)
Mendesius
Papremites
Busirites.
Sebennytes
Anysis .
Sebennytes Inferior
Elearchia.
The Isle of Natho
Xoltes
Onuphites .
Nitrites (Nitriotis)
Prosopites .
Phthemphites
Saltes
Phtheneotes .
Cabasites
Naucratites .
Metelites
.30. Alezandrinorum.
;31. Hermopolites
'32. Menelaltes . .
j33. Letopolites . .
34. Marea, Libya
35. Uammoniacus .
Hero ....
Phagroriop4)li.> .
Phacusa.
{Sethrum, or Heracleo
polis Parra.
Tanis ....
Pharbsthus .
Leontopolis .
Panephysir .
Mendee ....
Papremis.
Busiris ....
Sebennytus.
Anysis, or Iseum {?j
Pachnamunis.
Natho .
Xols .
Onuphis .
Nitria .
Prosopis, or Kiciu
Tava. . . .
Sals (Ssa)
Butos.
Cabasa .
Naucratis.
Metelis .
(Alexandria
Racotis
Hermopolis Parya
Menelals.
(Letopolis ^
Latons Civitas /
j Marea .
Hammonis .
mdria \
tis / •
lopolis Paryi
)
MatareSh.
Tel BasU.
Benha-eUAssal.
Abookeshtyd (?).
Shekh Hanaydik (?).
Tel Fakkoos.
Tel Shar^g (?).
San.
Harbayt, or Heurbayt,
Tanbool (?).
Menzaleh.
Ashmoon (?).
Abooseer (?).
Semenhood.
Bebayt.
Sahragt.
Sakha.
Banoob (?).
Zakeek (?).
Menoof (?)
deh (?).
Shooni (?).
Sa-el Hi gar.
I
or Ibsha-
Kom Shabas.
Fooah.
Iskender^h.
Damanhoor.
Weseem (?).
El Hayt (?).
Seewa'h (Siwah).
(For the Delta, its towns, and branches of the Nile, tee * Egypt and Thebes,' vol. i. pp.
899—455.)
[7%tf Names
» Esarhaddon divided Egypt into twenty appear to have been subsequently reduced
governments, at the head of which was to twelve. S. B.
Kecho, king of Sals, and Memphis. These
Chap. H]
THE TWELVE KINGS.
99
a single instant without a king, they elected twelve/ each
enjoying equal rank and authority,^ *They connected them-
selves by intennarriages, solemnly promising to promote their
common interests, and never to engage in any acts of separate
policy; their principal motive in this union being to guard
against the declaration of an oracle, which had predicted that
whoever among them should offer a libation in the temple
of Vulcan from a brazen vessel, should be sole sovereign of
The Names of Upper Egypt, or the Thebaid, and of ffeptanomie, beginning
from the North, were :
Province.
Nome.
Chief aty.
Modem Name.
1. Memphites .
Memphis ....
Mitrahenny.
2. Aphroditopolites
Aphroditopolis .
Atf^h.
•
80
3. Axsinoltes .
yCrocodilopolis, or^
\ Arsinoe /
Mede^net el Fydom.
4. Heracleopolites .
Heracleopolis .
Ahnas el Medineh.
o
a '
5. Oxyrhinchites .
Oxyrhinchos
An&sieh.
J
6. Oynopolites .
Cynopolis ....
Behnesa.
Cm
9
7. Hermopolites
Hermopolis Magna .
£1 Kays.
&
8. Antinoltes Q in which j
are included the 1
Antinoe
rOshmoon&yn.
\Shekh Ab&deh, or Insin^
two Oases.' Ptol.j
4, 5) . . . .)
9. Ljcopolites .
U3
Lycopolis ....
Sio6t.
«
10. Hjpselites . . .
Hypselis ....
Shodb.
H .
11. Antsopolites
Antieopolis ....
Gow (Kow) el Kebe^r.
c
Be !12. Aphroditopolites
Aphroditopolis .
Itfoo.
^ I
13. Panopolites .
Panopolis ....
Ekhmim, or Akhmeem.
«>
cu
* This, near Abydus :*\
Birbeh (?) or El Beer-
9
14. Thinites ....
afterwards the capital >
beh (?).
was Ptolemals-Hermiij
Mensh^eh.
9
-*>
15. Diospolites .
Diospolis Parva.
How.
.
16. Tentyrites . . .
Tentyris, Tentyra . .
Denderah.
%
17. Coptites ....
Coptos
Koft, or Kebt.
u
o
Thel
18. Thebarum . . .
JThebs, Diospolis Magna, '^
\ * Egyptian Thebes ' ./
rThe Libyan, or Western |
\ part of Thebes. . ./
Kamak, and Luxor.
u
19. Pathyrites . . .
Koorna.
t.
D
.20. Hermonthites .
Hermonthis.
Erm^nt.
r^
21. Latopolites . . .
22. Apollinopolites . .
Latopolis ...
£sn^.
Apollinopolis Magna
Edfoo.
123. Ombites . . . .
Ombos .....
Kom-Ombo.
* [They were probably only governors of
the twelve priucipal nomes, not of all
Egypt but of the Delta, to which Strabo
gives ten and Ptolemy twenty-four, and
which in later times contained thirty-five,
including the Oasis of Ammon. Pliny
speaks of sixteen nomes of all Egypt who
met in the Labyrinth (xxxvi. 13); and
Strabo (xvii. p. 558) states that the
number of nomes corresponded to that of
its chambers when it was first built. —
G.W.]
H 2
100 THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS. IChap. H.
Egypt. For many years they continued the management of
affairs in perfect amity and mutual confidence, and no ad-
ministration was more eminent for justice and impartiality.
An accident at length occurred to interrupt their friendship.
* On a certain occasion they were called upon to offer sacrifice
in the temple of Vulcan ; and when the last day of the festival
came, they prepared to make the accustomed libation. For this
purpose the chief priest presented the golden cups used on those
solemnities ; but having mistaken the number, he brought only
eleven. Psammitichus,^ who was the last, not having a cup,
took off his helmet, which was of brass, and poured from it the
libation. The other princes had similar helmets, and wore them
on the present occasion, so that the circumstance of this one
king using his was accidental and unpremeditated; but when
they observed what Psammitichus had done, and remembered
the prediction of the oracle, they examined him, suspecting
he had acted designedly. Finding, however, that it was purely
accidental, they did not think him worthy of death, but were
satisfied with depriving him of his regal power; and con-
fining him to the lowlands of Egypt, they forbade him to leave
that district, or to hold any communication with the rest of the
country.'
Things continued in this state for some time; the eleven
kings having taken the whole direction of affairs, and the de-
throned prince still remaining in exile. Psammatichus, however,
could not passively submit to this uncalled-for treatment ; and
feeling the strongest resentment for the injury, he determined to
be revenged upon his oppressors. With this view he sent to consult
the oracle of Latona at Butos, which had among the Egyptians
the highest character for veracity, and received for answer that the
sea should avenge his cause by producing brazen men. He was
little inclined to believe that such an event could ever occur ;
but some time afterwards a body of lonians and Carians, who had
been engaged in a voyage of plunder, were compelled by stress
of weather to touch at Egypt, and landed there, clad in brazen
armour.^ Some Egyptians, alarmed at their appearance, hastened
to carry the news to Psammatichus ; and as they had never before
' This is Herodotus's mode of writing who had entered into an alliance with
the name of Psamatik, or Ptfammatichus. Psammatichus against the Assyrians, whom
' According to the Assyrian cuneiform the allies drove out of Egypt. (G. Smith's
annals, these were the army sent by Gyges, * History of Assyria/ p. 147.) — S. B.
Chap. H.] MODOKUS'S ACCOUNT. 101
seen persons so armedy they described them as brazen men/ who
had arisen from the sea, and were plundering the country. He
instantly conceived this to be the accomplishment of the oracular
prediction; and having entered into an alliance with the
strangers, and engaged them by splendid promises to unite with
his Egyptian adherents, he vanquished the eleven kings, and
made himself master of the whole country.
Previous to this event, the twelve kings are said by Herodotus
to have erected the famous labyrinth in the nome of Crocodilo-
polis, afterwards called Arsinoe; but since the prior claims of
Moeris as the builder of that monument appear to be fully
established, we can only suppose that Psammatichus and his
coadjutors completed a work commenced many ages previously
by one of their early predecessors.
* In acknowledgment,* continues the historian, * of the assist-
ance he had received from the Ionian and Carian strangers,
Psammitichus conferred upon them certain lands termed the camp,
which were situated opposite each other, on either bank of the
river, and, having fulfilled all his engagements with them, he
entrusted to their care some Egyptian children to be instructed
in the Greek language ; and from those the present interpreters
of Egypt are said to be descended. The district they inhabited
was near the sea-coast, a short distance below Bubastis, on the
Pelusiac branch of the Nile, and the same Greek settlers con-
tinued in possession of it for a considerable period ; till Amasis,
wishing to avail himself of their services against the Egyptians,
removed them to Memphis. They were the first foreigners
whom the Egyptians received among them ;* ^ and Herodotus *
affirms that, even in his time, * the places they formerly occupied,
the docks of their ships, and the vestiges of their houses, might
still be seen.' Such is his account of the temporary reign of
the twelve kings, and of the accession of Psammatichus to the
throne.
According to Diodorus,* the anarchy which prevailed in
Egypt, during two whole years, after the rule of the Ethiopian
princes, and the commotions excited by popular frenzy.
* The surprise of the Egyptians on seeing same author,
men clad in bronze or brass armour would * This is not correct, as the Mashaasha
seem to imply that they used iron for the or Maxyes, the Shairetana or Sardinians,
same purpose. But can we trust this and Kahaka were established in £gypt at
statement of Herodotus ? Psammatichus's early as Rameses III. — S. B.
helmet was also of bronze, according to the ' Herodot. ii. 154. * Diod* i. 6d.
102 THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS. [Chap. H.
suggested to the chief men of the country the expediency of
assuming the reins of government, and restoring order to the
State. With this view, twelve of the most influential persons
were chosen to preside with regal power. Each had a peculiar
province allotted to him, in which his authority was paramount ;
and though independent of one another, they bound themselves
by oaths of mutual concord and fidelity.
During fifteen years their relations were maintained with the
greatest harmony ; but as Psammatichus, whose sway extended
to the Mediterranean, had availed himself of the opportunities
offered by the seaports within his province of establishing com-
mercial intercourse with the Phoenicians and Greeks, and had
amassed considerable wealth by these means, his colleagues, jealous
of his increasing power, and fearing lest he should eventually
employ it against them, resolved to prevent his supposed designs,
and to dispossess him of his province. They therefore prepared
to attack him, and by this step obliged Psammatichus to adopt
measures which his ambition might not have contemplated.
Apprised of their resolutions, and finding himself threatened by
the formidable army of all the upper provinces, he sent to Arabia,
Caria, and Ionia, and, having succeeded in raising a considerable
body of mercenaries, he was soon in a fit state to oppose them ;
and putting himself at the head of these and his native troops,
he gave them battle at Momemphis, routed their combined
forces, and, obliging those of the princes who had escaped the
slaughter to fly to Libya, became possessed of an undivided
throne. This account is more consistent with reason than that
of Herodotus, which Diodorus afterwards notices, and which he
had the good judgment not to adopt. The fortuitous arrival of
any great number of Greeks is in itself improbable ; but the
necessity of believing that a party of pirates, driven upon the
coast by adverse winds, paralysed a country so powerful and
well garrisoned as Egypt then was, and uniting with the few
adherents of the exiled Psammatichus, overcame the combined
forces of the eleven kings, is alarming even to the credulous.
No mention is made of the accession and dethronement of
the twelve kings in the catalogue of Manetho ; and some might
feel inclined to doubt the veracity of the two historians, did not
some traces of these events appear in the sculptures.
Psammatichus was son of that Neco who is said by Herodotus
to have been put to death by Sabaco, and perhaps the same who
occurs as the third king in the 26th Dynasty of Manetho : but
Chap. IL]
THE 26th dynasty.
103
there is no reason to suppose him one of the twelve kings ; and
if he really enjoyed the sovereign power, and ruled the whole of
Upper and Lower Egypt, it is probable that his reign preceded
the accession of those princes.
26th Dynasty t of Saite Kings,
Name from Andent
Authors.
Stephinaihis .
Neehepsmi
Nechao I.
Paammitichtis
FsammatichoB
Nechao IL
PaammitichiiB
Faammutia or Paam-
mis
Vaphres or Apries .
Name from the Scolp-
torea.
Paamatik I.^
Neoo .
Paamatik II.
Paamatik IIL
Amaaifl or Amoaia . Amea-Neit-ae
Paammicheritea or 1
PHunmeDttua . /
Obeerrationa.
The Twelve Eings.
rjoeiah defeated and alain,!
\ 610 B.c j
Neoo'a defeat by Nebuchad-
nezzar, 606. A atela in the
museum of Florence gives 71
years from the 3rd of Neoo
to the 85th of Amaais.
rCaptivity of Jehoiakim, 599|
^ B.O. ■ ■ • . t f
I Pharaoh Hophra of 8. 8.;
probably not the aame as
raamatik III. .
Babylon taken by Gyrua» 538.
Date of his 4ith year on the
monaments . . .)
Aaeended
the
ITirone.
MJO,
664
610
600
596
571
525
[26^^ Dynasty J from the Monuments.
Kings.
1. Paametik I.
2. NekauIL.
3. Paametik IL
4. Uab-ab-ra .
6. Aahmes II.
6. Psametik III.
Monumental date.
. 52 years
, 8 years
. 16 years
. 19 years
, 45 years
. 1 year
Total of kings 6
Total of years 141 S. B.]
Psammatichus had no sooner become sole master of Egypt than
he turned his attention to the internal administration of the
country, and the suppression of party feeling consequent upon
the late events. With this view he endeavoured to ingratiate
himself with the priesthood and the people, by erecting many
splendid monuments, and beautifying the sacred edifices in the
principal cities of Upper and Lower Egypt. At Thebes he made
* [The discoTery of the stelse in the that Psammatichus I. was the immediate
Apis tombs by M. Mariette, now shows successor of Tirhakoh. — G. W.]
104 THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS. [Chap. H.
considerable additions to the great temple of Amun, now called
Eamak ; and at Memphis the southern vestibule of the temple
of Pthah was erected by him, and opposite to it a magnificent
edifice for Apis, where he was kept when publicly exhibited.
The walls were richly decorated with sculpture, and its roof was
supported by colossal figures twelve cubits in height, which
served the purpose of columns, and represented the king himself
in the character of Osiris, whose emblems he bore in either hand ;
and in order to give the reader some idea of this building, I
have made a view of the interior, restored according to the style
and proportions of similar courts in the temple of Thebes.
In the meantime, a strong feeling of jealousy was excited
among the troops, in consequence of the marked favour shown
by the king to the foreign auxiliaries ; and though they sub-
mitted patiently for many years, at length their secret discontent
was openly manifested. That Psammatichus should have been
indebted for the possession of his crown to the aid and inter-
position of strangers, who, viewed through the unfavourable
medium of strong prejudice, appeared an inferior and impure
race, was in the highest degree humiliating to the Egyptian
army, however disposed they might have been to acknowledge
his claims and the injustice of his previous exile ; and more tact
was required to soothe the ruffled feelings of the soldier than of
the people or the priests. The precautions necessary under these
circumstances were altogether neglected by the king, who either
failed to observe their growing disaficction, or totally disregarded
it, * discovering on all occasions a preference of the foreigners,
to the disparagement of his native troops : *^ and he was not only
guilty of injustice towards many of them, by prolonging their
usual time of garrison duty,^ in the frontier towns of Marea,
Daphne of Pelusium, and Elephantine, where they continued
three years without being relieved, but he even deprived them
of the post of honour in the Syrian war, and assigned the right
wing to the Greek troops, and the left to the Egyptians.* Upon
this, their indignation knew no bounds ; and, quitting the camp,
they, joined by other regiments which had remained in Egypt,
abandoned the service of Psammatichus, and, to the number of
240,000, retired into Ethiopia. As soon as the king received
intelligence of it, he endeavoured to dissuade them from their
» Diod. i. 67. « Hcrodot. ii. 30. » Diod. i. 67.
Chap. IL] DESEKTION OF THE TKOOPS. 105
project; and having followed them himself as far as Elephantine,^
he sent forward the Greek auxiliaries, and some of his most
faithful Egyptian adherents, with instructions, if possible, to
prevail on them to return. It was not till after they had passed
Aboccis^ in Ethiopia, that these emissaries of the Egyptian
monarch overtook them ; and using every kind of remonstrance
and entreaty, they solemnly conjured them not to desert the
gods of their country, their wives and families : but all without
effect ; and one of them tauntingly observed, that wherever they
went, provided they had their arms and proved themselves to be
men, they could always obtain both wives and children.
Continuing their march into Upper Ethiopia, ' they entered
the service of the monarch of that country, and in return received
a considerable extent of territory upon the confines, from which
the Ethiopian prince ordered them to expel a tribe of people at
that time in rebellion against him : and this migration of the
Egyptian troops, introducing the arts and manners of a refined
nation, had a very sensible effect in civilising the Ethiopians.'^
The exact position of the country they occupied is unknown.
Herodotus places it on the Nile, at about the same distance
beyond Meroe as this last is from Elephantine, or fifty days'
journey ; * and adds, that these Automoli (deserters) ' are known
by the name of Asmach, which being translated signifies
" standing on the left hand " of the king.' Strabo*^ states that
'they settled near Meroe, which was afterwards governed by
their queen ; ' and calls them ' Sebritae, a name implying
strangers:' but Pliny, • on the authority of Aristocreon, reckons
'seventeen days from Meroe to Esar, a city' of the Egyptians
who fled from Psammatichus, and who are reported to have lived
there 300 years.'
A singular connection may be observed between the names
given by different writers to this people and their country.
* Esar,' says Pliny, * is called by Bion Sapen, and is supposed to
mean strangers;' and the neighbouring Symbari, Semberitae,
Sambri, and Sembolitis, cannot fail to recall the Sebrites of
^ Diodoms savs he first sent to them, ' Aboccis I suppose to have stood near
and then followed by water to the confines Aboosimbel. They must have gone beyond
of Egypt. The inscription at Aboosimbel, this place before they overtook them,
written by the Greeks who accompanied ' Herodot. ii. 30.
bim, confirms this, stating positively that * This distance is unreasonable.
* King Psammatichus went as far as £le- ^ Strabo, xvi.
phantine :* * BA2IAE02 EAeONTOS E2 • Plin. vi. 30.
£AE«ANTINAN YAMATIXC ' Strabo calls their oountry Tenesis.
106 THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS. [Chap. H.
Strabo, or the great similarity of the word shemmo, *a stranger/
and beri, 'new/ in the ancient Egyptian language. It is not
less remarkable that Esar is the pure Arabic word signifying
* the left hand/ synonymous with shemal; and this last is plainly
pointed out in the aafiax of Herodotus, where the letter x ^^
been accidentally changed for the \ it so much resembles. It is
highly improbable that 240,000 men could have had any duty
*on the left of the king;' a post, moreover, reserved for the
sons of the monarch, or the chief persons of the country : and we
may rather conclude this name to have been assumed in com-
memoration of the affront offered them by Psammatichus, and the
cause of their desertion; or to have been given these strangers^
in consequence of their coming from the left, or north, which was
considered the left^ of the world, and is still so called (shemal)
by the Arabs of the present day.
The reign of Psammatichus continued fifty-four years, twenty-
nine of which he employed in the siege and capture of a large
town of Syria called Azotus ; ^ and since Diodorus tells us that
the defection of his troops happened during the Syrian war, it is
probable that the taking of Azotus preceded that event
It was in his reign, and by his order, that an idle experiment,
since repeated in later times, was made to discover the language
of nature, or at least to ascertain the oldest nation and the oldest
tongue. The account is thus given by Herodotus :* — * Before the
reign of Psammitichus, the Egyptians considered themselves the
most ancient of men ; but this prince having taken considerable
pains to investigate the truth of the matter, the result was, that
they reckoned the Phrygians more ancient than themselves, and
themselves than the rest of mankind. Psammitichus himself
suggested the following method of solving the question. A
shepherd was ordered to take two children just born, of humble
parentage, and to pay particular attention to their early habits
and the mode of bringing them up. He was strictly enjoined
never to speak in their presence, to place them in a sequestered
hut, and at proper intervals to allow them to suck the milk of
goats, whilst he was attending to other employments. By this
means the king expected to ascertain what word they would of
^ They had, perhaps, the two names — (De Isid. s. 32.)
' straDgen ' and * people from the left.' ' Now £zdod,or £shd6od. Azotas (Ash-
' The east was the front, the west the dod) was on the coast between Gaza and
back, of the world. Plutarch supposes the Joppa.
north to be the right side of the world. * Herodot. ii. 2.
Chap. H]
INCTJBSIONS OF THE SCYTHIANS.
107
their own accord first articulate. The experiment succeeded to
his wish : the shepherd complied with every particular of his
instructions ; and at the end of two years, on paying his usual
morning visit and opening the door of their apartment, both the
children extended their arms towards him, in an attitude of
supplication, and pronounced the word " becos." ^ It did not at
first excite his attention ; but, on their repeating the same ex-
pression whenever he appeared, he thought it right to mention
the circumstance to his master, who ordered the children to be
brought before him. When Psammitichus heard them repeat
the same word, he sought to discover among what people it was
used, and found it was the Phrygian name for bread ; and on
this account the Egyptians^ after they had seriously considered
the matter, were led to the conclusion that the Phrygians were
of greater antiquity than themselves. That this experiment waft
really made, I myself heard at Memphis from the priests of
Vulcan ; but the Greeks, in order to embellish the story, relate
that Psammitichus caused the children to be nursed by women
whose tongues had been previously cut out.*
During the whole of his reign, Psammatichus maintained a
direct intercourse with the Greeks, and established commercial
relations with them as well as the Phoenicians ; ^ and so much
encouragement was given to foreigners, that many settled in
Lower Egypt ; and by means of the constant communication
between Europe and Egypt, the Greeks became acquainted with
a country whose history and internal administration had been
previously unknown to them. And the liberal policy of this
monarch continued to be followed at a subsequent period, par-
ticularly by Amasis, who reigned before, and by Nectanebo who
lived after, the Persian invasion.
In the reign of Psammatichus, the Scythians^ having subjugated
the whole of Asia, advanced towards Egypt with the intention
of invading that country. They had expelled the Cimmerians
} Or Bee; the os being a Greek ter-
mination. M. Larcher ingenioasly sapposes
it to have been in imitation of the cry of
the goats. [The word fi^Kos has been
thought connected with the German
* backen * and our * bake.' Lassen, howerer,
throws doubt on this connection, and
suggests a formation from the Sanscrit
root pao, which becomes (he says) in
Greek ircT-», Latin co^-uo, German coch-etif
our * cook,' Serrian jpec-gn^ &c. (See his
Essay *Ueber die Lykischen Inschriften,
und die Alten Sprachen Kleinasiens,' p.
369.) But this connection, which may be
allowed, does not prevent the other Arom
being also real. See on this point, and on
the general subject of the Phrygian lan-
guage, the Essays appended to Book i.
Essay xi., * On the Ethnic Affinities of the
Nations of Western Asia,' § 12.— G. W.]
2 Diod. i. 56.
* Herodot i. 104, 105.
108 . THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS. [Chap. IL
from Europe; and, led by their valiant king Madyas, they
overran the provinces to the left of Mount Caucasus on their
way from the Palus Mseotis, and defeated Cyaxares, the Median
monarch, who was besieging Ninus (Nineveh), the capital of
Assyria. They then penetrated into Syria ; and Fsammatichus,
alarmed at their approach, went forward to meet them, and partly
by presents, and partly by entreaty, prevailed upon them to
desist from their project ; thus saving Egypt from the aggressions
of a dangerous foe.
Psammatichus was succeeded by his son Neco II., whose wars
and successes in Syria are recorded by sacred as well as profane
writers. Studious of military renown and the promotion of
commerce, he had no sooner ascended the throne than he applied
himself to the re-organisation of the army and the equipment of
a powerful fleet ; and, recollecting the imprudent conduct of his
father, he avoided all innovations which might tend to alienate
the good will of his people, or sow the seeds of discord among his
troops ; and while he courted the friendship of the Greeks, and
appreciated the important services he received from auxiliaries of
that nation, he laid aside every appearance of partiality, treating
them with proper consideration, and giving them a post next to
the Egyptian troops, as his wise predecessors had done to their
allies in the wars of Asia.
In the Mediterranean ^ he fitted out a fleet of triremes, and
another in the Ked Sea; and, having engaged some expert
Phoenician pilots and mariners, he sent them on a voyage of
discovery along the coast of Africa. *They were ordered to
start from the Arabian Gulf, and come round through the Pillars
of Hercules (now the Straits of Gibraltar) into the North Sect,
and so return to Egypt. Sailing, therefore, down the Gulf, they
passed into the Southern Ocean ; and when autumn arrived they
laid up their ships, and sowed the land. Here they remained
till harvest time ; and, having reaped the com,^ they continued
their voyage. In this manner they occupied two years ; and the
third having brought them by the Pillars of Hercules to Egypt,
they related (what to me appears incredible, however others
may be disposed to believe it) that they had the sun on their
right hand ; and by these means was the form of Africa first
* Herodotus calls it the North Sea. The shoald carry grain for this purpose ; bnt
Arabs now style it the White Sea : [and the same was done by Timiir in his march
also the North Sea. — G. W.] to China, who had with hii armj waggons
' It may appear singular that they kden with seed com.
Chap. H.] VOYAGES EOUND AFKICA. 109
known.' The historian^ then relates, on the authority of the Car-
thaginians, a second attempt to circunmayigate that continent,
under Sataspes, the son of Teaspes, a Persian, who, being alarmed
at the length of the voyage and the dreary solitude of those
regions, returned without accomplishing his task. He had been
condemned to the cross by Xerxes for oflTering violence to the
daughter of Zopyrus, the son of Megabyzus ; but his mother, the
sister of Darius, obtained his pardon on condition of his going
round Africa. He therefore repaired to Egypt ; and having there
engaged a ship and crew, he sailed to the Pillars of Hercules,
entered the ocean, and passed the promontory of Soloeis on
the coast of Africa.^ He thence continued southwards ; but, after
spending several months at sea, he returned to Egypt, and
endeavoured to exculpate himself to the king, saying he found
it impossible to proceed. Xerxes, however, rejected this excuse,
and inflicted upon him the punishment to which he had been
previously condemned.
That similar expeditions round Africa were performed by
other people is testified by ancient authors; and that of the
Carthaginians under Hanno was described in Punic by the
commander himself, and afterwards translated into Greek. Pliny
states ^ that ' Hanno, a Carthaginian, circumnavigated the con*
tinent of Africa, from Gades to the extremity of the Arabian
Gulf, and wrote all the details of his voyage, which was under-
taken at the period when Carthage was most flourishing ; ' and
* founded several towns on the coast,' none of which remained in
the reign of Vespasian. He also mentions a certain Eudoxus, a
cotemporary of Cornelius Nepos and of Ptolemy Lathy rus,* who
went round Africa from the Arabian Gulf to Gades : and others
before him were reported to have performed the same journey
for the purposes of commerce.*
The voyage of Hanno happened some time after that under-
taken by order of Neco ; the honour, therefore, of being the first
to equip an expedition for the purpose of making this disco-
very belongs to the Egyptian monarch, who thereby ascertained
the peninsular form of Africa, about twenty-one centuries before
» Herod, it. 42, 43. *Rerum Indie' ad fin.
• The promontory of Soloeis, or Soloentia, * Strabo, ii. p. 67. Pliny says he
called also the Libyan headland ; and snp- fled from that king, * cum Lathuram
posed by some to be the Cape Cantin of regem fugeret ;' bat forcibly sent by him
modem Africa, at the western extremity of is more probable. (Plin. ii. 67.)
Mount Atlas. * Plin. loc, di, lib. ii.
' Plin. ii. 67, and v. 1 ; and Arrian's
110
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS.
[Chap. IL
the Cape of Good Hope was seen by Diaz,^ or doubled by Vasco
da Gama.
In mentioning the expedition sent by Neco, Herodotus makes
one remark which is singular, from its confirming the truth of
the statements detailed to him by the Egyptians : for it is
evident they could not have passed the Cape of Good Hope
without observing the phenomenon he mentions ; and the asser-
tion that the sun (when rising) was on their right hand, though
80 improbable to Herodotus, is highly satisfactory to his modem
readers, who are indebted to him for thus expressing his doubti^
and the proofs of a fact which might otherwise have been called
in question.
Previous to projecting this voyage of discovery, Neco had
commenced re-opening the canal from the Nile to the Red Sea,
which had been cut many years before by Sesostris, or Bameses
the Great. The work, however, if we may believe Herodotus,
Was abandoned ; an oracle warning the Egyptian monarch that
he was labouring for the barbarian.^ This may be true ; but we
cannot attach any credit to the statement that 120,000 Egyptians
perished before he desisted from the undertaking, or that he
was the first who commenced the canal ; ^ and not only do Pliny,*
Strabo,^ and Aristotle attribute it to Sesostris, but the monuments
which remain in the towns upon its banks afford a satisfactory
testimony of the accuracy of those writers,' and of the erroneous
information of Herodotus and Diodorus.
Neco also turned his attention to the Egyptian conquests in
Asia, and, taking advantage of the falling power of the Assyrians,
determined to attack the enemy on his own frontier. With this
view he collected a powerful army, and, entering Palestine, fol-
lowed the route along the sea-coast of Judiea previously taken
by the Egyptians under various kings who had penetrated into
Asia, intending to besiege the town of Carchemish^ on the
* Bartholomew Diaz discovered it in
1487, in the reign of John II., king of
Portugal, but did not land. He named it
Capo Tormentoso, from the storms be ex-
perienced there ; but the king afterwards
changed its name to Cape of Good Hope ;
and Emanuel, his successor, sent Vasco da
Gama, in 1497, with orders to double it
and proceed to India.
' The same may be applied to the pro-
jected communicatioD by the Euphrates.
* Vide supra. Herodotus and Diodorus
mention Keco as the projector of the
canal.
* Plin. Ti. 33.
' Strabo (xvii.) says, 'The canal was
commenced by Sesostris before the Trojan
war. Some suppose by Psammatichns, the
son, who only began the work, and died.
It was afterwards finished by Darius.'
' Assuming him to be Rameses II.
' Called Manbeg g^^^ in the Arabic,
and Mabog in the Syriac yeraions.
Chap. H.] DEFEAT OF JOSIAH. Ill
Euphrates.^ But Josiah, king of Judah, offended at the passage
of the Egyptian army through his territories, resolved to impede,
if he was unable to prevent, their march. Neco,* learning the
approach of the Jewish monarch and apprised of his intentions,
sent messengers to engage him to desist from his uncalled-for
interference, assuring him he had no hostile intentions against
Judaea, but against an enemy with whom he was at war ; that his
expedition was undertaken by the sanction, and at the express
command of God ; and warning Josiah lest his imprudence should
be fatal to him.^ This conciliatory message was of no avail ; and
Josiah, having posted himself in the valley of Megiddo, prepared
to oppose the Egyptians.
Megiddo was a city in the tribe of Manasseh, between forty
and fifty miles to the north of Jerusalem, and within three hours
of the coast, and is called by Herodotus Magdolus. In this
valley the feeble forces of the Jewish king attacked the Egyptians ;
but they were routed with great slaughter, and Josiah being
wounded in the neck with an arrow,^ ordered his attendants to
take him from the field. Escaping from the heavy showers of
arrows with which their broken ranks were overwhelmed, they
removed him from the chariot in which he had been wounded,
and placing him in ^ a second one that he had,' they conveyed
him to Jerusalem, where he died.^
Intent upon his original project, Neco did not stop to revenge
himself upon the Jews for the affront they had offered him ; but
continued his march to the Euphrates. Three months had
scarcely elapsed, when, returning victorious from the capture of
Carchemish and the defeat of the Babylonians, he learned that,
though Josiah had left an elder son, Jehoahaz had caused himself
to be proclaimed king on the death of his father, without inti-
mating his intention, or soliciting him to sanction his election ;
and, considering this neglect as a token of hostile feeling, he was
highly incensed, and resolved on punishing his insolence. With
this view he ordered Jehoahaz to meet him * at Biblah • in the
land of Hamath ; ' ^ and having deposed him, and condemned the
* 2 Chron. xxxt. 20. being wounded bj Pharaoh with two
' In the Targumor Chaldee Paraphrase, arrows.
and the Syriac and Arabic versions, Neco * 2 Chron. xxzr. 22 ei aeq.
is called * the lame Pharaoh.' ' The Syriac and Arabic yersions hare
* 2 Chron. xxx. 21. Deblath. The Hebrew d and r are easilj
* Ontheauthorityof the Arabic Tersion; mistalcen.
which also sajs he was killed at Megiddo, ' 2 Kings zziiL 33. Now Hamalu
112 THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS. [Chap. IL
land to pay a tribute of 100 talents of silver^ and a talent of
gold,^ he carried him a prisoner to Jerusalem. On arriving there,
Neco made Eliakim, the eldest son of Josiah, king, in the room
of his father, and changed his name to Jehoiakim ; and, taking
the silver and gold which had been levied upon the Jewish
people, returned to Egypt with the captive Jehoahaz, who there
terminated his short and unfortunate career.
The victories and triumphant return of Seti, the Barneses,
and many Egyptian monarchs, are represented on the walls of the
Theban temples, or in other parts of Egypt and Nubia ; and the
conquerors are seen to present their prisoners to the deity, to
whose special favour they supposed themselves indebted for the
success of their arms. We might, therefore, reasonably expect to
find some indication of the victory gained over the Babylonians
and Jews, especially as the name of Neco occurs among the
hieroglyphics in the great hall of Eamak : but this is the sole
record of him at Thebes, and merely tends to show that he ruled
both the upper and lower country. And though his ovals occur
on vases and some small objects of art, no sculptures record his
victories, or the glories of his reign ; and a subject of such great
interest as the defeat of the Jewish king is in vain looked for on
the monuments of Egypt.
The success of Neco in his conflict with Josiah at Megiddo,
and the taking of Jerusalem, are noticed by profane as well as by
sacred writers. Herodotus,^ who includes the Jews under the
general name of Syrians, says that he routed them at Magdolus,
and afterwards took Cadytis, a large city of Syria, in Palestine,
which, he adds, in his opinion, * is very little less than Sardis.' *
And that by Cadytis he means Jerusalem is evident, from the
ancient Jewish as well as the modem Hebrew and Arabic name
of that city ; Kadiisha,^ ' the holy,* being an epithet applied by
the Hebrews to Jerusalem, as el Qods or Cots is the name by
which it is known to the Arabs at the present day. This title it
received after the building of the Temple by Solomon.
Pleased with his successes, the Egyptian monarch dedicated
the dress he wore in the campaign to the deity who was sup-
posed to have given him the victory, whom Herodotus, with
^ Reckoning the Hebrew silver talent at * The sh is easily conyerted into M, even
353/. lis. 10^cf.,this sum is 35,3591, 7s. 6d. in Eastern dialects, and still more readily
' 5075/. 15s. 7|(f. The total being is t substituted for sh Ij the Greeks, who
40,435/. 3s. 1|</. had not the sound of the Hebrew and
' Herod, ii. 159. Arabic sh. £1 Qods also signifies * the
* Ibid. iii. 5. holy.*
Chap. IL]
VICTORIES OF NEBUCHADNEZZAR.
113
the prejudices natural to a Greek, believed to be the Apollo of
Miletus.^ But Neco did not long enjoy the advantages he had
obtained ; and in the fourth year after that expedition, alarmed
at the increasing power of the Babylonians, and desirous to check
their incursions into those provinces which had long been
tributary to Egypt and had cost his predecessors much trouble
to subdue, he again marched into Syria, and advanced to the
Euphrates.* The Babylonians were prepared for his approach :
Nebuchadnezzar opposed him with a powerful army, completely
routed the Egyptians, recovered the town of Carchemish,* and,
pushing his conquests through Palestine, took from the Egyptian
monarch all the territory belonging to the Pharaohs, from the
Euphrates to the southern extremity of Syria.* Nor was it in
the power of Neco to recover the provinces thus wrested from
him ; and he was obliged patiently to submit to these losses, and
to content himself with the defence of his own frontier.*
Jerusalem now became subject to the victorious Babylonian ;
and some time after, being displeased with the Jewish king,
Nebuchadnezzar carried away the sacred vessels from the temple,
and led many noble youths, with Jehoiakim himself, prisoners
to Babylon. The calamities of the Jews did not terminate here.
The ensuing year Nebuchadnezzar • sent for Jehoiachin, the son
of the deposed monarch, who, though only eight years of age,^
had been chosen to succeed him, and appointed Zedekiah, ' his
father's brother,' king in his stead. Ten thousand captives,
among whom were the principal people of Jerusalem, 7000
fighting men, and 1000 smiths and artificers, with the treasures
of the Temple and the palace, were carried to Babylon ; and
Zedekiah became a vassal of the Chaldean monarch.
A short time previous to the captivity of Jehoiakim Neco
died, and was succeeded by Psammatichus II., whom Herodotus
calls Fsammis. Little worthy of remark took place during his
reign, except an expedition into Ethiopia, and the arrival of an
* 'The rest he consecrated to Apollo,
and sent to the Milesian Branchidae ' (ii.
159). Nothing can be more improbable,
considering the contempt in which the
Greeks and their religions notions were
held hj the Egyptians, than that Neco
should have preferred a Greek deity to the
whole Pantheon of his own gods.
' Necho, in the first campaign allied with
the Babylonians, marched on Carchemish,
and was attacked by Josiah, who attempted
VOL. I.
to oppose his march. — S. B.
» RC. 607.
* 2 Kings xxiT. 7.
* This defeat of Neco * happened in the
fourth year of Jehoiakim.' (Jer. xlvi. 2.)
* Or Nabnchodonosor II., the son of
Nabopolazzar, who had associated him in
the kingdom. The Arabs call him
Bokhtom&sr.
' 2 Chron. zxztI. 9, differing from the
acconnt in 2 Kingi zzIy. 8.
114 THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS. [Chap. H.
embassy from the Eleans.^ 'These people boasted that the
regulations of the Olympic games were the most just and un-
objectionable that had ever been instituted ; and that even the
Egyptians, who were considered the wisest of men, could not
invent any of a more perfect kind. On their arrival in Egypt
they explained the object of their mission ; the king, therefore,
convoked an assembly of men reputed for their wisdom and
experience, before whom the Eleans stated the rules of their
games, inquiring at the same time if they could suggest any
improvements. After some consultation, the Egyptians asked
whether any of their fellow-citizens were permitted to contend at
the games ; and upon being informed that every one, either of
their own or any other Greek state, was at liberty to enter the
lists, they decided that such regulations were directly at variance
with every notion of justice ; since it was impossible for them
not to favour their fellow-citizens, to the prejudice of a candidate
from another place.
* And they concluded by saying, " If you are really anxious
for impartiality, and have come to Egypt to learn our opinion, we
recommend you to exclude the Eleans, and to confine the games
to foreign competitors." '
Psammatichus II. was succeeded by Apries. Of Apries, or
Vaphres, we have some account in Herodotus and Diodorus, and
he is styled in the Bible history Pharaoh-hophra.^ His contem-
porary in Judaea was Zedekiah, who had been made king by
Nebuchadnezzar, and who, thinking that a favourable opportunity
* now presented itself for throwing off the Babylonian yoke, made
a treaty with the king of Egypt. But the war in which Apries
was engaged with the Syrians, and afterwards with the Cyrenseans,
prevented his affording any great assistance to his ally; and
though his 'army,' by entering Judaea, obliged 'the Chaldeans'
to raise the siege of Jerusalem * and retire from their positions,
the king of Babylon, having again advanced to that capital,
succeeded in taking it in the eleventh year of Zedekiah, razed it
to the ground, and carried away the remainder of the people
captives. And this momentary aid, and the inutility of placing
reliance on the protection of Apries, led Ezekiel to compare the
Egyptians to a broken reed,* which was to pierce the hand of
him who leaned upon it.
■ ■II w
> Herod, ii. 160. Diodorus (i. 95) says Chaldee Paraph. K^nn.
they sent to Amasis. » jer. xxxrii. 8, 11. '
• Phrih Hophri, JHSn niHB. In the < Ezek. xxii. 6, 7.
Chap. H.] PBOPHECIES.— REIGN OF APRIES. 115
Many other prophecies respecting the calamities consequent
upon this treaty with Egypt, and the rebellion of. the Jews
against the Babylonians, are met with in the Bible ; and Egypt
itself was threatened by the arms of the victorious Nebuchadnezzar.
But it is difficult to determine in what time and in what manner
the last prophecy was accomplished, or to discover the extent of
the calamities which happened to Egypt from the conquests of
the Babylonians, though the scriptural account appears to fix
those events to the time of Nebuchadnezzar. They may, how-
ever, refer to the reverses of Apries, and to the subsequent con-
fusion which prevailed in Egypt after the rebellion of Amasis.
The commencement of the reign of Apries was prosperous,
and he was considered Hhe most fortunate monarch who had
hitherto ruled in Egypt, next to his grandfather Fsammatichus.' *
He sent an expedition against the island of Cyprus ; besieged
and took Gaza ^ and the city of Sidon ; engaged and vanquished
the king of Tyre by sea; and, being uniformly successful, he
made himself master of Phoenicia and Palestine, recovering much
of the territory, and that influence in Syria which had been
taken from Egypt by the victories of Nebuchadnezzar. He
next sent an army against the Cyrenseans of Libya ; but here
fortune deserted him : his troops were defeated, and, mortified
by this severe and unexpected check, they attributed their dis-
grace to Apries himself, imagining that so disastrous a project
could only have been devised by one who was desirous of their
destruction. They felt persuaded that his views were to weaken
the power of the military class, and thus to remove the only
barrier to that ambition which aimed at nothing less than abso-
lute dominion, and the subversion of the liberty of his subjects :
and excited by these feelings, and meditating revenge for the
sufferings and disgrace they had already endured, the recurrence
of which could only be prevented by a timely declaration of
their sentiments, they refused to acknowledge his authority ; and
being joined by the friends of those who had been slain, they
openly raised the standard of revolt. The news of this event
greatly surprised and exasperated the king ; but deeming it more
prudent to adopt mild and conciliatory measures, he sent Amasis,
one of his ablest generals, with orders to use every endeavour to
appease the tumult, and to persuade the mutineers to return to
their duty.
1 Herod, ii. 161. * Foretold bj Jeremiah, xWii. 1.
1 2
116 THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS. [Chap. H.
Amasis, haying arriTed at the camp, addressed the soldiers in
an appropriate speech ; begging them to desist from their pur-
pose, and to pay respect to the royal authority, as they had
previously done, and as was due to one who had their interest at
heart. While he was speaking, an Egyptian, who stood behind
him, placed a helmet on his head, proclaiming him king, and
afiBrming, in the name of his comrades, that they were willing to
acknowledge him as their master and the ruler of Egypt. Though
far from expecting such a proceeding, Amasis required little per-
suasion to accept the honour conferred upon him by so powerful
a body ; and being sensible that further attempts to recall their
allegiance to Apries would be fruitless, and to sacrifice his own
advantage would not benefit his sovereign, he acquiesced in the
resolutions of those who had elected him as their chief, and put
himself at their head.
Apries, on receiving intelligence of what had happened,
despatched Patarbemis, one of the most eminent men of his
court, with directions to bring Amasis aUve to his presence.
Having arrived at the camp, he told Amasis the purport of his
mission, and the order of the king to appear before him. Amasis,
who was seated on horseback, treated Patarbemis with indignity,
and sent an insulting message to his master; adding, that he
intended to go of his own accord, and hoped Apries would not
take any trouble in looking for him, as he should soon present
himself to his majesty with several companions. Patarbemis,
fully comprehending his intention, from his manner of speaking,
and seeing the preparations he was making, returned without loss
of time to acquaint his sovereign with the state of affairs. No
sooner h«id he arrived than Apries, finding he had failed to bring
Amasis, without either inquiring the reason or listening to his
statement, commanded his nose and ears to be cut off : an order
which was immediately carried into execution. This barbarous
and imcalled-for outrage, committed upon one so much esteemed
by all classes, exasperated even those who had hitherto sided
with Apries, and the greater part without hesitation deserted
him and went over to Amasis. Finding himself thus abandoned
by the Egyptians, he collected the auxiliary troops who were
about him, consisting of 30,000 lonians and Carians, and prepared
to oppose the enemy. The hostile armies met at Momemphis,
Apries leading his small band of Greeks and the few Egyptians
who had remained faithful to him, and Amasis at the head of
the native troops. The foreigners fought bravely, but, greatly
Chap. H.] DEATH OP APMES FORETOLD. 117
inferior in numbers, they were obliged at length to give way ;
and Apries, falling alive into the hands of the Egyptians, was
carried prisoner to Sais, where he was confined in the palace he
had previously inhabited as king, which now belonged to his
rival.
Amasis did not show himself unworthy of the success he had
obtained, and the singular favour of fortune. He treated his
royal prisoner with great kindness, and used all his influence
to preserve his life, in opposition to the representations and
wishes of the Egyptians ; nor did he yield to their urgent request,
till they accused him of treating them with injustice, by showing
favour to one who was their enemy. Unable, therefore, to oppose
demands put forth under colour of a right, Amasis consented,
with reluctance, to deliver up his captive to their resentment:
and * having strangled the unfortunate Apries, they buried him
in the tomb of his ancestors, which was in the sacred enclosure
of Minerva's temple, very near the principal edifice, on the left,
entering. In this building all the princes of the S^te house
were interred, and among the number Amasis also; but his
sepulchre is more remote from the principal building than those
of Apries and his predecessors.'
Such, according to Herodotus, was the tragical end of Apries;
a monarch who, in the zenith of his glory, felt persuaded it was
not in the power of a deity to dispossess him of the kingdom, or
to shake the stability of his sway.^ And this account of his
arrogance satisfactorily accords with the Bible, where Ezekiel *
speaks of * the king of Egypt ' as * the great dragon that lieth
in the midst of the rivers, which hath said. My river is mine own,
and I have made it for myself;' and his overthrow and subsequent
captivity and death are foretold by Jeremiah, with remarkable
precision, in the following words : — * I will give Pharaoh-hophra
king of Egypt into the hand of his enemies, and into the hand
of them that seek his life.'^
The slight acquaintance we are able to obtain of the state of
Egypt prevents our discovering the precise mode in which the
fulfilment of the other predictions took place. Amun-No,* or
Thebes, and Egypt, with their gods and kings, were to be punished,
> Herod, ii. 169. sion it is ' Amon of No/ or Nay ; in the
* Ezek. xxix. 3. Syriac, * Amun of the waters;* in the
* Jer. xliT. 30. Targnm, or Chaldee Paraph., * Alexandria,'
* Jer. zM. 25. In the Hebrew rer- which was not yet founded.
118
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS.
[Chap.il
and Pharaoh, and all that trusted in him, to be delivered into the
hand of Nebuchadnezzar, and of his servants ; Egypt was to be
given into the hands of the people of the north/ and afterwards
to be inhabited as in the days of old.
Still more severely is it denounced in the prophecies of
Ezekiel.^
The Deity threatens to make the land of Egypt * utterly
waste and desolate, from the tower of Syene^ even unto the
border of Ethiopia.* No foot of man shall pass through it, nor
foot of beast shall pass through it, neither shall it be inhabited
forty years. And I will make the land of Egypt desolate in the
midst of the countries that are desolate, and her cities among the
cities that are laid waste shall be desolate forty years : and I will
scatter the Egyptians among the nations, and will disperse them
through the countries. Yet .... at the end of forty years will
I gather the Egyptians from the people whither they were
scattered : and I will bring again the captivity of Egypt, and
will cause them to return into the land of Fathros, into the land
of their habitation ; and they shall be there a base kingdom. It
shall be the basest of the kingdoms ; neither shall it exalt itself
any more above the nations : for I will diminish them, that they
shall no more rule over the nations. And it shall no more be
the confidence of the house of Israel.' * And the sword shall come
upon Egypt Ethiopia, Libya, and Lydia,^ and all the
mingled people,^ and Chub,^ and the men of the land that is in
league, shall fall with them by the sword. ... I will also make
the multitude of Egypt to cease by the hand of Nebuchadnezzar
king of Babylon ; . . . . they shall draw their swords against
Egypt, and fill the land with the slain.® .... I will also destroy
their idols, and cause their images to cease out of Noph ;* and
» Jer. xlri. 24-26.
' Ezek. xxix. 10 et seq,
' In the Septuagint and Arabic versions
it is *from Migdol and Syene (E'Sooan)
\into the borders of Ethiopia.' The Hebrew
and Syriac, as well as the Targum, hare
( from the tower of Syene/ or ' from
Migdol to Syene (iliSlpX <^^ ^ ^^^ confines
of Ethiopia ' (Cosh). Syene being on the
borders of Ethiopia, the sense seems to
require * from the towers of Syene,* or
'from Migdol to Syene/ (which is) *on
the confines of Ethiopia.' Migdol is a
* tower ' in Hebrew (mde Gen. xi. 4).
* Syene, Elephantine, and Philae con-
tinued to be the frontier towns of Egypt,
even in the time of the Romans, though
their dominions in the Pharaonic time ex-
tended beyond. (Lucan, x. 813; vide also
Strabo and Procopius.)
* In Hebrew, Cush, Phut, and Lud.
* In Hebrew, 3^?, erab. The same
word is used for the ' mixed multitude '
which went out with Moaes at the Exodos.
» Hebrew, Cub. Probably the Cubii of
Ptolemy, a people who lived in Mareotis.
* Ezek. XXX. ^ €t seq.
* Noph was Memphis ; called by the
Egyptians Memfi, Mefi, Menfi, or Menbe,
and Men-nofri, or Ma-nofri, * the place of
good,' as well as Pthah-lX, * the abode of
Pthah.' In Hosea ix. 6 it is styled Moph.
Chap, n.]
NEBUCHADNEZZAK.
119
there shall be no more a prince of the land of Egypt : . . . . and
I will make Fathros ^ desolate, and will set fire in Zoan,^ and will
execute judgments in No.' And I will pour out my fury upon
Sin,* the strength of Egypt ; and I will cut off the multitude
of No. . . . The young men of Aven* and of Pibeseth' shall fall
by the sword: and these cities shall go into captivity. At
Tehaphnehes ' also the day shall be darkened, when I shall break
there the yokes of Egypt : and the pomp of her strength shall
cease in her, .... and her daughters shall go into captiyity ;
. . . and I will scatter the Egyptians among the nations, and
disperse them through the countries.'®
I shall now endeavour to show how these predictions were
accomplished, ajad to explain the probable reason of Herodotus's
silence upon the subject of Nebuchadnezzar's invasion.
The defeat and death of Apries, before mentioned, are given
on the authority of Herodotus ; who represents Amasis as a rebel
chief^ taking advantage of the disaffection of the army to dethrone
his sovereign. This information he received from the Egyptian
priests ; but no mention was made of the signal defeat their army
experienced, or of that loss of territory in Syria which resulted
from the successes of the victorious Nebuchadnezzar. It is there-
fore reasonable to conclude they disguised the truth firom the
Greek historian; and, without mentioning the disgrace which
had befallen their country and the interposition of a foreign
power, attributed the change in the succession, and the elevation
of Amasis to the throne, solely to his ambition and the choice of
the Egyptian soldiery. Megasthenes and Berosus affirm that
Nebuchadnezzar conquered a great part of Africa, and, having
invaded Egypt, took many captives, who were committed to the
The Arabs call it Ma-nonf, or Menonf. In
hieroglyphics it is written Men-nofri,
followed by a pyramid,
^ Pathros or Pathures, in the Septuagint
^oBitpffiSj is Pa-athyris, * belonging to
Athor/ or Aphrodite. It might be sup-
posed to refer to Aphroditopolis, or Athribis,
or Atarbechis ; but there is more reason to
believe it to be Pathyris, or the district
of Western Thebes, which was afterwards
made into a separate nome of that name,
and so called from the same goddess.
» Tanis.
* No, or No Amnn, Thebes, Diospolis
Proper, on the east bank. It is also written
Na-Amnn [or Aman-na]; the Egyptian
Amnn-A, the abode of Amun. ( Vide Nahnm
iii. 8.) The Septnagint giyes iv Ato<nr6\€t,
* The Septnagint has 2dXs; the Latin
translation of the Hebrew, *Pelasinm;'
the Arabic, * San ; ' the Hebrew version
and Targnm, ' Sin.' Pelnsium, which was
the bulwark of Egypt on the N.E. frontier,
is to be preferred. It is now called Tineh.
* Aon, f\Hf Heliopolis, or On, as in Gen.
xli. 45.
* Bubastis, Pa-bast.
^ In the Septnagint iy Td^vats [In
the original spelt differently in different
places — 6. W.J ; or, as Herodotns calls it,
Ad^ypci rncri UtXowripat. (Herod, ii. 107
and 30.) Daphne was a little distance from
Pelusium, and higher np that branch of
the Nile.
* Ezek. xzx, IS et seq.
120 THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS. [Chap. n.
charge of persons appointed to conduct them after him to Babylon.
But as this is said to have happened at the period of his father's
death, and consequently in the reign of Neco, it cannot refer to
the point in question. Josephus, however, expressly states that
the Assyrian ^ monarch " led an army into Ccele-Syria, of which
he obtained possession, and then waged war on the Ammonites
and Moabites. These being subdued, he invaded and conquered
Egypt ; and, having put the king of that country to death, he
appointed another in his stead.'* If Josephus be correct in this
statement, there is reason to suppose he alludes to Apries being
deposed and succeeded by Amasis ; and we can readily imagine
that the Assyrians, having extended their conquests to the ex-
tremity of Palestine, would, on the rumour of intestine com-
motions in Egypt, hasten to take advantage of the opportunity
thus afforded them of attacking the country. And the civil war,
and the fatal consequences of the disturbed state of Egypt, appear
to be noticed by Isaiah^ in the following prophecy : *I will set
the Egyptians against the Egyptians : and they shall fight every
one against his brother, and every one against his neighbour ;
city against city, and kingdom against kingdom ; . . . and they
shall seek to the idols, and to the charmers, and to them that
have familiar spirits, and to the wizards/ And the Egyptians
will I give over into the hand of a cruel lord ; and a fierce king
shall rule over them.'
From a comparison of all these authorities, I conclude that
the civil war between Apries and Amasis did not terminate in
the single conflict at Momemphis, but lasted several years ; and
that either Amasis solicited the aid and intervention of Nebu-
chadnezzar, or this prince, availing himself of the disordered state
of the country, of his own accord invaded it, deposed the rightful
sovereign, and placed Amasis on the throne, on condition of pay-
ing tribute to the Babylonians. The injury done to the land and
cities of Egypt by this invasion, and the disgrace with which the
Egyptians felt themselves overwhelmed after such an event,
would justify the account given in the Bible of the fall of Egypt:*
and to witness many of their compatriots taken captive to Baby-
' [Meaning perhaps Babylonian. — G. W.] oracles, is ridiculous.
' Joseph. Antiq. lib. z. c ix. 7. * [It is frequently unnecessary to inter-
' Isaiah xix. 2 et 8eq, pret prophecies literally ; and it is more
* That is, consult the oracles, as Amasis consistent to take the general sense than
is said to have done previous to his obtain- to bind them to the minutis of each word,
ing the sovereignty of Egypt. The account as may be observed in examining many of
given by Herodotus (ii. 174) of Amasis' them.— G. W.]
tarly conduct, and the answers of the
Chap. IL] PBOSPERITY UNDEK AMASIS. 121
Ion, and to become tributary to an enemy ^ whom they held in
abhorrence, would be considered by the Egyptians the greatest
calamity, as though they had for ever lost their station in the
scale of nations.
Athenseus attributes the previous rise of Amasis to the circum-
stance of his having presented Apries^ with a chaplet of flowers
on his birthday, which so delighted the king that he invited him
to the feast, and admitted him among the number of his friends.
Diodorus, however, who is more to be depended upon in this
instance, asserts that Amasis was a person of considerable conse-
quence, which accords with his rank as a general and a dis-
tinguished member of the military caste, as well as with monu-
mental record, and his marriage with the daughter of his
sovereign. And the idle tales told by the priests respecting his
rise and the fall of Apries seem only to have been intended to
deceive Herodotus, and to conceal from him the real state of
Egypt at that period.
According to the same historian, the reign of Amasis was the
epoch at which Egypt was most flourishing, both * with regard to
the advantages conferred by the river on the soil, and by the soil
on the inhabitants ;' and that country * could boast no less than
20,000 well-inhabited cities.' ^ The former assertion, indeed, if
not fully proved, gains considerable weight, from the appearance
of public and private buildings raised during the reigns of this
monarch and his two predecessors, from the number of splendid
monuments erected by Amasis, and from the immense booty
carried out of Egypt by the Persians. That private persons
enjoyed unusual affluence is evident from the style and richness
of their sepulchres, far exceeding in extent and ornamental
detail any of those executed during the flourishing era of the
18th Dynasty : and this can only be attributed to an increase
of wealth. In order, therefore, to reconcile that fact with the
state of Egypt mentioned in the prophecies, we may suppose
the tributary condition to which it was reduced by the Baby-
lonian conqueror, though severely wounding the pride of the
Egyptians and degrading them as a nation, did not affect the
riches of individuals, which might continue to increase through
the immense resources of a fertile country, or, to repeat the
words of Herodotus, through *the advantages conferred by the
' Ammianiu Marcel linos says, the Car- * Whom he calls Partamis, on the autho-
thaginians also inraded E^pt ; but this rity of Hellenicos.
statement is rerj improbable. ' Herodot. ii. 177. Plin. r. 11.
122 THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS. [Chap. EL
riyer on the soil, and by the soil on the inhabitants :' and the
historian may refer to the latter end of Amasis' reign, when he
had been freed from the humiliating necessity of paying tribute
to the Babylonians, themselves at length conquered by the
arms of Cyrus. It is very possible that the prophecies may
partly relate to the intervention of Nebuchadnezzar, and the
degraded condition of Egypt, as tributary to the Babylonians ;
and partly to the final downfall of the country, when the Persians
invaded it under Cambyses : for so remarkable an event would
scarcely be omitted in a prophecy announcing the ^desolation
of Egypt ;' and, if this last and the previous invasion of the
Babylonians are not distinctly described, we may conclude that
both are included in the general prediction.^
Nor was the military power of Egypt annihilated by the civil
war between Apries and Amasis, or by the unfortunate interven-
tion of Nebuchadnezzar ; and though Amasis did not think it
prudent, by refusing the tribute he hod promised to pay, and by
invading Syria, to provoke a powerful enemy, or to engage in a
doubtful struggle with that prince, yet he was sufficiently strong
to make himself feared and respected by his neighbours, and to
extend his arms beyond the frontiers of Egypt. And so con-
fident was he of his power towards the close of his reign, that
he defied the mighty Persia, little expecting he would thereby
entail great and real calamities upon his country. [The
Egyptians had, indeed, assisted Croesus in his struggle with
Cyrus.— G. W.]
After remedying the evils which civil commotion and the
other events already alluded to had caused, at the close of his
predecessor's reign, his attention was directed to the improve-
ment of the military strength, as well as the commercial
interests of Egypt; and having fitted out a formidable ex-
pedition against Cyprus, he succeeded in taking the cities of
that island," and subjecting it to his power ; being the first who
had made it tributary ^ to the Pharaohs. He also gave great
encouragement to foreigners who were willing to trade with his
subjects; and as an inducement to them he favoured their
interests, and showed them marked indulgence upon all occa-
sions. ^Such Greeks as wished to maintain a regular com-
* Xeoophon pretends that Cjtus even improbable. (Xen. Cjropaed., prelimiaarj
invaded Egypt ; bnt his mode of expressing section.)
himself is as ragne as the circumstance is ' Diod. i. 68. * Herodot. IL 182.
Chap. H.] THE GREEKS IN EGYPT. 123
manication with Egypt, he permitted to have a settlement at
Naucratis : and to others, who did not require a fixed residence,
being only engaged in occasional commerce, he assigned certain
places for the construction of altars and the performance of
religious rites ; and the Greeks,' says Herodotus,^ * still possess
a very spacious and celebrated temple in Egypt, called
Hellenium. It was built at the joint expense of the lonians
of Chios, Teos, PhocaBa, and Clazomense ; of the Dorians of
Bhodes, Cnidus, Halicamassus, and Phaselis ; and of the JEolians
of Mitylene. Hellenium is the common property of all these
cities, who appoint proper officers for the regulation of their
commerce ; and the claims of other cities to these distinctions
and privileges are totally unfounded. The iEginetae, however,
constructed for themselves a temple to Jupiter, as did the
Samians to Juno, and the Milesians to Apollo.
* Naucratis soon became a flourishing town, in consequence of
the exclusive privileges it enjoyed, being the sole emporium of
the Greeks in Egypt ; and not only was every merchant required
to unload his cargo there, but if he came to any other than the
Canopic mouth of the Nile, he was obliged to swear it was
entirely accidental, and was compelled to go thither in the same
vessel ; or, if contrary winds prevented his making that passage,
his goods were taken out and conveyed in boats of the country
by inland navigation, through or round the Delta to Naucratis.*
*Many other marks of favour and liberality were bestowed
by Amasis on the Greeks. When the temple of Delphi was
consumed by fire, he presented the Delphians with a very laige
contribution towards rebuilding it ; and, having made an
amicable confederacy with the Cyrenians, he sent a golden
statue of Minerva, with a portrait of himself, to their city. To
a temple of that goddess at Lindus he gave two marble statues,
with a linen corslet, deserving of admiration :' and a thorax of
the same materials was dedicated by him to the Minerva of
Bhodes, which, according to Pliny, was of remarkably fine tex-
ture.' He also presented two figures of himself, carved in wood,
to the temple of Juno at Samos; which were placed imme-
diately behind the gates, where they remained till the time of
Herodotus.^
^ The kindness shown by Amasis to Samos was owing/ says
" Herodot ii. 178. » Herodot. ii. 182.
' 'OOCLXY filU singula fila constare.'
(Plin. xix. 2.)
124 THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS. [Chap. H.
the historian, *to the friendship which subsisted between him
and Polycrates, the son of iEaces ; but he had no such motive
of attachment to Lindus, and was only moved by the report
of the temple of Minerva having been erected there by the
daughters of Danaus, when they fled from the sons of iEgyptus ;'
and his affection for the Cyrenians, according to the same
author,^ arose from his having married Ladice, a native of that
country, who was afterwards sent back by Cambyses to her
parents, when he conquered Egypt.
The friendship of Amasis and Polycrates commenced at the
period of the war between the Lacedaemonians and the latter,
who had forcibly possessed himself of Samos. It had been
cemented by various presents on both sides, and appeared to
promise a long continuance ; ' but the wonderful prosperity and
uninterrupted successes of Polycrates excited the attention and
anxiety of Amasis ; and as they were observed by him in-
variably to increase, he was induced to write him the following
letter : —
( «
< iC
Amasis to Polycrates,
To learn that a friend and ally is blessed with prosperity,
cannot fail to give me the greatest satisfaction ; but, knowing
the invidiousness of fortune, your extraordinary success excites
my apprehension. For my own part, if I might be allowed to
choose for myself or those I regard, I should prefer prosperity
on some occasions, and on others disappointment ; and thus pass
through life with an alternation of good and evil, rather than
be fortunate in every undertaking. For I never remember to
have heard of a man blessed with unceasing felicity, who did
not end his career overwhelmed with calamities. Take, there-
fore, my advice, and apply this counterpoise to your prosperity ;
endeavour to discover some favourite object whose loss would
occasion you the deepest regret ; and as soon as this has been
ascertained, remove it from you in such a manner that it can
never be recovered. If then your good fortune still continues
unchequered by adversity, I strongly recommend you to repeat
the remedy I propose."'^
Polycrates, having received his letter and deliberated on its
contents, felt persuaded that Amasis had given him excellent
» Herodot. ii. 181. « Ibid. iii. 40.
Chap, n.]
THE RING OP POLYCRATES.
125
advice, and therefore determined to follow it. Accordingly he
searched among his treasures for something whose loss would
most aflBict him, and at length fixed upon a signet-ring which
he was in the habit of wearing. It was an emerald, set in gold,
the work of Theodorus the Samian, beautifully engraved.^
Kesolved on sacrificing this precious jewel, he went on board
a fifty-oared vessel, and ordered the men to pull out into the
open sea; and when they were a considerable distance from
land, Polycrates, taking off the ring, in the presence of his
attendants, cast it into the sea, and then gave orders for their
return to Samos.
The sacrifice he had made, though voluntary, afflicted him
much ; and, returning to his palace, he gave way to an excess of
grief. Five or six days after, a fisherman having caught a fish of
very great size and beauty, repaired to the palace, and requesting
admission into his presence, presented it to Polycrates in these
words : * Although, Sire, I live by the produce of my industry, I
thought so fine a fish ought not to be exposed for sale in the public
market-place ; and deeming it worthy of your majesty's table, I
have brought it for your acceptance.' Pleased with his conduct,
Polycrates replied, * My good man, not only is your present, but
the manner in which you have expressed yourself, highly gratify-
ing to me ; and I invite you to supper at the palace.' * The
fisherman, delighted with this mark of favour, returned home.
Shortly after, the servants, on opening the fish, discovered
the ring, and with great eagerness and joy carried it to the king,
relating in what manner it had been found. Polycrates, con-
cluding that such a circumstance could only be the effect of
Divine interposition, carefully noted down every particular, and
sent it to Egypt. Amasis no sooner perused his letter, than he
felt convinced it was out of the power of one mortal to deliver
another from the fate which awaited him ; and that Polycrates,
who had been so uniformly lucky, and who had even re-
' The word <r<Pfniyls answers exactly to
the Khitom of the Arabs; a ring with an
engrared stone, or entirely of gold, with a
name or device cnt upon it. Pliny and
Solinos say the ring of Polycrates was a
sardonyx ; and the former adds, that in his
time they showed one at Rome, in the
Temple of Concord, giren by Augustus,
which was said to be of the Samian king.
Clement of Alexandria, Psedagog. lib. iii.
p. 106, supposes a lyre was figured upon it.
The Arabs have the story of Polycrates's
ring, but they omit his name, and the
reason of its loss ; relating that it fell into
the sea by accident. ( Vide Plin. xxxvii. 2,
and Solin. c xxxiii. p. 63.)
' It is not necessary that the fisherman
should have eaten at the same table as his
royal host. Herodotus (iii. 42) uses the
expression, * I invite you to supper,' <rt M
Sciirvov KaK4ofify. Many persons are
invited to sup at the house of a great man
in the East, without sitting at table with
him.
126
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS.
[Chap. n.
covered what he had taken pains to lose, could not terminate
his days in tranquillity. He therefore sent a herald to Samos^
disclaiming all connection with him for the future, in order that,
when any grievous calamity befell Polycrates,. he might not have
to bewail the misfortunes of a friend.
Such is the account given by Herodotus of Amasis's desertion
of Polycrates ; which took place previous to the difficulties he
experienced from the disaffection of his subjects and the in-
tervention of the Lacedaemonians, and some time before his
cruel murder by the treacherous Orcetes.^ Diodorus,* however,
assigns a different reason for the conduct of Amasis. He affirms
that the Egyptian monarch was offended with the tyrannical
conduct of Polycrates, and foresaw, from the feeling excited
against him, both amongst his subjects and foreigners, that his
fate was inevitable ; and, indeed, the flight of many Sfiunians
to Crete,^ and numerous instances of their discontent and of
his oppression, are recorded by Herodotus and many ancient
writers.*
Polycrates has been represented as a great encourager of
learning, and the patron of eminent men, spending great part of
his time in the company of persons of talent, among whom were
Anacreon and Pythagoras. And his friendship with Amasis
enabled him to recommend the latter to that monarch,^ when he
visited Egypt, and to obtain for him those facilities in studying
the mysterious sciences and profound secrets of the Egyptians,
which few foreigners were permitted to enjoy. Some,' however,
deny that his journey was undertaken at the suggestion, or even
with the approbation, of Polycrates ; and affirm, on the contrary,
that Pythagoras abandoned his native country, being unable to
endure the tyranny of his sovereign.
Solon also visited Egypt during the reign of Amasis ;' and
* Herodot. iii. 125. Valer. Max. calls
him Orontes, vi. 9.
* Diod. i. 95.
* Herodot. iii. 44.
* Valer. Max. vi. 9. Plin. xxxvii. 2.
Diogenes, Porphyiy, Gellias, Eusebins,
Diodorus, &c.
* Pliny says the name of the king who
reigned in Egypt when Pythagoras visited
it was Semnepserteas. Can this have been
corrupted from Neit-se, or Se-Neit, 'the
Son of Neith/ which was the cognomen of
Amasis, Ames-Neit-se, or Ames-se-Neit ?
It rather resembles the name Sen-Osiri.
(Plin. xxxvi. 14.) Another readins; gives
Semneserteus, perhaps mistaken for, or
corrupted from, the name of Psammenitus,
the son of Amasis.
* The authors mentioned in a preceding
note.
' Herodot. i. 30. Thales is said, by
Plutarch, in his Banquet of the Seven Sages,
to have been in Egypt in the reign of
Amasis ; and he mentions the improbable
story of his showing the Egyptians how to
measure the height of the pyramid by its
shadow.
Chap. IL] PBOPYUEUM IN HONOUR OF MINERVA.
127
being much pleased with the laws of the Egyptians, which,
through the liberality of the king, he had every facility of study-
ingy he introduced many of them into the code established by
him at Athens.
That Amasis was a great encourager of art, we have ample
testimony from the monuments which remain, as well as from
the statements of ancient writers ; and being a native of Sais,
or, as Herodotus affirms, of Siuph, in the Saite nome, his atten-
tion, as is reasonable to suppose, was directed more particularly
toward the embellishment of that city. With this view he
erected at Sais a magnificent propylsBum in honour of Minerva,
— a splendid building, far excelling any other of the kind, as
well in size and grandeur as in the quality and magnitude of the
stones used in its construction ; and before it were placed several
large colossi, with a series of immense androsphinxes, which
formed the avenue or dromos leading to the main entrance.
The propylaeum was a Icurge court, open in the centre, and
surrounded in the inside by rows of columns, with the usual
pyramidal towers in front, forming one of the approaches to the
temple of Minerva, in the same manner as the propylaea attached
to the temples at Thebes constitute the entrance-halls of those
edifices.^ Portions of the same building which had been erected
by his predecessors, requiring some repairs, Amasis collected for
this purpose a quantity of stones of amazing thickness, part of
which were brought from the quarries of Memphis," and part
from the cataracts of Syene. * But what, in my opinion,' says
Herodotus, ' deserves the greatest admiration is an edifice of a
single stone, brought from the city of Elephantine, a distance
of about twenty days' journey.^ Two thousand men, chosen
from the class of boatmen, were employed for the space of three
years in transporting it to Sais. Its external length is twenty-
one cubits, its breadth fourteen, and height eight : and in the
inside it measures eighteen cubits and twenty digits in length,
twelve in breadth, and five in height. It stands near the
entrance of the temple ; and the reason of its being left in this
* At Kamak, in Thebes, are some in-
stances of the avenues of sphinxes ; they
only differ in being criosphinzes, or sur-
mounted with the head of a ram instead of
a man.
' Herodotus means the mountains oppo-
site Memphis, of the Troici lapidis mons,
which he mentions in the same manner on
another occasion, when speaking of the
canal to the Red Sea. (Lib. ii. s. 158.)
Inscriptions recording the opening of the
quarries there are known to have been
found. — S. B.
' From Elephantine or ETSooan, where
the granite qaarries may still be seen, to
Sals, is about 700 miles by land. It must
have crossed the rirer once at least.
128
TFIE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS.
[Chap.il
spot was that the architect, wearied with the tedious duration of
the undertaking, had been heard to fetch a deep sigh while
they were employed in dragging it forward; upon which Amasis,
who hai)pened to be present, gave orders they should stop, and
carry it no farther. Some, however, affirm that one of the men
while moving it with a lever was crushed to death, and that on
this account they were ordered to desist.
'Amasis made many and magnificent presents to other
temples, both in Upper and Lower Egypt. At Memphis, he
])laced a colossal recumbent figure, seventy-five feet long, before ^
the temple of Yulcan; and on the same basement two other
colossi of Ethiopic stones, or granite, each twenty feet in height,
one on either side of the principal part^ of the building.
There is at S(us another statue similar to that of Memphis, and
lying in the same position :* and this prince erected the grand
tomple of Isis at Memphis, which deservedly claims universal
admiration.*
Many monuments still exist in different parts of Egypt, bear-
ing the name of Amasis, one of which, a red granite monolith,
at Tol-et-mai, resembles in form * that described by Herodotus as
having l>een brought from Elephantine to Sais. Thebes and
other places also present memorials of the encouragement he gave
to architecture and other branches of art ; and at the quarries
of Syene several inscriptions indicate the removal of granite
blocks for the construction or decoration of edifices raised by
him in the valley of the Nile.
Pliny ^ affirms that some imagined him to have been buried
in the celebrated Sphinx : * but this erroneous notion arose from
the similarity of the names, Amosis and Thothmosis,' and
T^^dily obtains that indulgence which cannot be extended to
an assertion of Lucan, burying Amasis in the pyramids them-
^ $traK> nT»s *TWi«re the drt>iiK« of
tli« tMDpU lw« A (vlivta^tts of a ttB4:> »to»« ;
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^UK XTiiV
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lo«iFi«w wkkk m%% ifriepf»JoBl of tW iKK«r
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♦ TWy w>f ?>f r*cT ma<\'«uM« is £|3T^
« I «M i»i«^:«d to Mr. f^mrtoB for its
ll:t. Ta. ii^r^ <«tMi<: •**
remMfttaSicK c^ a
19ft. oia^ Sfl^ aa ? Sft. 3 i&. issiie.
» PliB. XMTl. 17.
* Tlio Sf4iax u>« frc^n reccml
nppMOii to be u old as tht Atk
(IV Ko«^ 'Six preniizTes
4<?-oC'.) The firrt
si>2&i£X ». hovercr, bcc
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T\b it still mere sxrikizi:
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TVock. are t^
A»M«. t^ leaicr «* the 1;
has KoMcalJcd hr
azY (he
Chap. EL] AMASIS* QUABBEL WITH CAMBTSES. 129
selves.^ To Lucan, however, accuracy was never imputed ; and
no one after reading his extravagant description of the cataracts
at Fhilse ^ is surprised to find him deposit the remains of the
Ptolemies in the same monuments.^
The situation of Amasis' tomb is mentioned by Herodotus/
It stood, like all those of the Sfd'te monarchs, within the pre-
cincts of the temple of Minerva, in the chief city of that nome ;
which, during the reign of the princes of the 26th Dynasty, had
become the royal residence and nominal metropolis of Egypt ;
though Thebes and Memphis still retained the titles of capitals
of the upper and lower countries.
Towards the latter end of the reign of this monarch,
Cambyses sent to Egypt to demand his daughter in marriage ;
a step to which he had been prompted by a certain Egyptian,
an enemy of Amasis. This man was a physician; and when
Cyrus had requested of the Egyptian king the best medical
advice he could procure, for a disorder in his eyes, Amasis forced
him to leave his wife and family and go into Persia. Medi-
tating revenge for this treatment, he instigated his successor to
require the daughter of Amasis, that he might either suffer aMc-
tion at the loss of his child, or, by refusing to send her, provoke
the resentment of Cambyses. Amasis detested the character of
the Persian monarch ; and persuaded that his treatment of her
would neither be honourable nor worthy of a princess, he was
unwilling to accept the overture : but fearing to give a positive
refusal, he determined on sending the daughter of the late king.
Her name was Neitatis, or, as Herodotus calls her, Nitetis. She
was possessed of great personal attractions ; and Amasis, having
dressed her in the most splendid attire, sent her into Persia as
his own child. Not long after, Cambyses happening to address
her as the daughter of Amasis, she explained the manner in
which he had been deceived, by a man who had dethroned and
put Apries her father to death, and had seized upon the throne,
through the assistance of a rebellious faction: upon which Cambyses
was so enraged that he resolved to make war upon the usurper,
and immediately prepared to lead an expedition into Egypt.*
^ Lucaiif Phan. ix. 155. Diodonu, i. its extensive and solid crude brick walls.
64, sap some attribute the second pframid (Herodot. ii. 170.)
to Amasis, the first to Armseus, and the ^ Other reasons are given hj Herodotus,
third to Inaron, as well as to Rhodope. iii. 2. That of Cambyses being born of the
^ Lucan, lib. x. 315 et teq. daughter of Apries is quite Eastern, and
' Ibid. viii. 696. resembles the Persian account of Alexander
* The lake mentioned by Herodotus still the Great,
exists at Sab (now Sa-el-Hagar), as well as
VOL. I. K
130
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS.
[Chap. n.
Such is the principal cause alleged by Herodotus for his
inyasion of that country; but it will not bear the test of
examination. Nitetis is represented to have been sent to Persia
towards the close of the reign of Amasis, which, according to the
historian, letsted forty-four years ; and allowing her to have
• been bom immediately before Apries was dethroned, she would
have been of an age which in Egypt and Persia is no longer a
recommendation, or the associate of beauty.^
But whatever may have been the real motive for this wm, it is
certain that Cambyses was greatly exasperasted against Amasis ;
and Egypt, when invaded by the Persian monarch, was treated
with unusual barbarity.^
Temples and public buildings were destroyed; tombs were
violated, and the bodies burnt ; religion was insulted, private pro-
perty pillaged or destroyed, and everything which could tempt
the avarice or reward the labour of the spoiler was seized and
appropriated either by the chief or his troops.^ Gold and silver
statues and other objects of value were sent to Persia ; and it
appears that numerous Egyptian captives were also transported
to that country.
The death of Amasis, which happened six months before the
arrival of the Persians, prevented Cambyses from satiating his
meditated revenge on the Egyptian monarch ; and judging from
the savage rage which the Persian conqueror vented upon his body
it was fortunate for Amasis that he had not fallen edive into his
hands, and had died unconscious of what was about to happen.
Many circumstances occurred to induce Cambyses to under-
take the invasion of Egypt and the overthrow of Amasis,
independent of any insult he may have offered him, or the
ambition of a rising empire ; one of which is thus detailed by
Herodotus : * — Among the auxiliaries of Amasis was a man
named Phanes, a native of Halicamassus, greatly distinguished
by his mental as well as his military accomplishments. This
person being for some reason incensed against Amasis, fled in a
vessel from Egypt, for the purpose of having a conference with
^ [It is more probable that the assistance
given by Amasis to Croesus against Cyrus
was the cause of the hatred of Cambyses.
— O. W.]
' It is remarkable that the officers of
the French frigate Luxor, who removed
the obelisk from Thebes, found the sar-
cophagus of the queen of Amasis in a pit
at £1 Qoomeh, the body entirely burnt,
though placed in its original repository.
The tomb had been violated, probably, by
the Persians, who burnt the body, and was
afterwards reclosed by the Egyptians with
masonry. The body had been gilded.
' Vide Herodot. i. 77; and Xenophon,
Cyrop. vi., who says the Egyptian allies
amounted to 120,000.
* Herodot. iii. 4.
Chap. H.] INVASION OF CAMBYSES. 131
Cambyses. As he possessed considerable influence, and was
perfectly acquainted with the afiFairs of Egypt, it was of para-
mount importance that his designs should be prevented. Amasis,
therefore, despatched the most faithful of his eunuchs in a
trireme, with orders to overtake and bring him back. The
pursuit was successful, and Phanes was taken in Lycia: but
having circumvented his guards, he effected his escape, and
fled to Persia. Cambyses readily accepted his services, and
listened to the valuable information and advice he gave respect-
ing the affairs of Egypt, and the precautions necessary for
passing the desert on the frontier. At his suggestion a treaty
was made with the Arabians, to supply the Persians with guides
and abundance of water, and thus enable the army to pass a
barren and inhospitable tract which would have been fatal to
numbers of the invaders : ' and the Arabian prince having
ordered all his camels to be laden with skins, filled with water,
retired into the desert, and there awaited the arrival of Cambyses
and his army.' '
At the death of Amasis, Psammenitus,^ his son, succeeded to
the throne. Conscious of the great danger to which his empire
was exposed, from the threatened invasion of Cambyses, he made
great preparations for the defence of the frontier ; and advancing
with his Egyptian troops, and the Ionian and Carian auxiliaries,
to Pelusium, he encamped in a plain near the mouth of the Nile.
The Persians, having passed the desert, took up a position
opposite the Egyptian army, and both sides prepared for battle.
The Greeks, irritated with the treachery of ' Phanes, who had
introduced a foreign invader into Egypt,' ^ and wishing to show
their resentment against him, brought his two sons forward into
a conspicuous place, and slew them over a large vase in the
sight of their father. This being done, they mingled wine and
water with the blood ; and having all drunk of it they rushed
against the enemy. The conflict soon became general through-
out the whole line, and the battle was for a long time obstinately
disputed ; till at length, a considerable slaughter having been
made on both sides, the Egyptians gave way, and fled.
From Pelusium to Memphis was now open to the invader, and
with rapid marches he hastened towards the ancient capital of
Lower Egypt. Hoping, however, to obtain advantageous terms
without the necessity of another battle, Cambyses sent a Persian
> Herodot. iii. 9. < Psommatichus III. * Herodot. iii. 11.
K 2
132
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS.
[Chap. IL
up the river in a Mitylenian vessel, to treat with the Egyptians :
but as soon as they saw the vessel enter Memphis, they rushed
in a crowd from the citadel, destroyed it, and tore the crew
to pieces. At the news of this outrage, the indignation of
Cambyses was excessive : he immediately laid siege to Memphis,
and, having succeeded in reducing the place, he indulged his
resentment by putting many of the inhabitants to the sword :*
the king was taken prisoner, and 2000 Egyptians of the same
age as the son of Psammenitus, preceded by the young prince,
being compelled to march in procession before the conqueror,
were condemned to death as a retaliation for the murder of the
Persian and Mitylenian heralds; ten of the first rank among
the Egyptians being chosen for every one of those who suffered
on that occasion.^ Psammenitus himself was pardoned; and
such was the respect entertained by the Persians for the persons
of kings ^ that he would in all probability have been restored to
a tributary throne, if he had not entered into an ill-timed
conspiracy against the monarch who had spared his life.*
Egypt now became a province of Persia ; and Cambyses and
his seven successors compose the 27th Dynasty.*
A visitor to the slate and breccia quarries on the road from
Coptos to the Bed Sea, has, at a later period, recorded the name
of this monarch in hieroglyphics, adding to it the date of his
sixth year. Two other ovals also occur : one of Darius, with the
* Diodorus, i. 46, says that at this time
namerous artificers and immense wealth
were carried off to Persia; and that the
palaces and splendid buildings ofPersepolis,
Siisa, and the cities of Media, were erected
by them at the command of the victors.
The statnes of the gods carried off by the
Persians are mentioned in the decree of
Canopos ; some were brought back in the
reign of Ptolemy Euergetes II. about B.C.
238.— S. B.
* There were, therefore, 200 Mitylenians
in the vessel destroyed at Memphis.
» Herodot. iii. 14, 15. * The Persians,'
says the historian, * are accustomed to
honour the sons of kings, and to restore
the throne to those whose parents have
rebelled against them.' The same feeling
is evinced by the Turks and other Asiatics ;
and respect for the person of a king was
strongly marked in the case of Charles XII.
* The conduct of Cambyses is described
by the sacred scribe and high officer Uta-
harsun, in the hieroglyphic inscriptions on
his statue of black basalt at present in the
Vatican. After describing how the Persian
monarch had confirmed his appointments,
the Egyptian proceeds to say : ' After that,
I informed his majesty of the dignity of
Sais, which is the abode of Neith the great
mother of Ra'(the sun), who is the first
bom, not begotten but brought forth, also
all the information about the greatness of
the principal temple of Neith in all its
extent,* &c. He then states : ' I made a
complaint before his majesty against the
people who had established themselves in
the temple of Neith, in order that they
might be chased out, so that the temple
of Neith should be re-established in all ita
rights, as it was before. His majesty
ordered all who had established themselves
to be chased out, and all their houses to be
destroyed.' Subsequently Cambyses ordered
the great sacrifices to be renewed, and the
festivals to be celebrated as formerly, and
himself made offerings in the temple. (De
Roug^, * La Statuette Naophore,' in the Revue
Arch6ologique, vol. iii. 1851.)— S. B.
* See Table, p. 133.
Chap, n.]
NAME OF DAMUa
133
21th Dynaity, of Persian Kings,
Name ftom
Ancient Authors.
Cambyses
Darioa, son of^
Hystaspea /
Xerxes the\
Great . ./
Artabanus .
Namefhym the
Monuments.
Artaxerxes
Kanbutha
Ntareeuflba
Ndareush
Khsheersha
.)
Artkhshasbas
Xerxes II. .
Sogdianiifl
Daiiiui No- 1
thii8,the8on>;
of Xerxes . )
Monumental
i>ate.
Events.
the
Throne.
6 years
36 years
12 years
|Gonqiier8 Egypt in his
■}
36 years
4th year
/Battle of Marathon, 490 ;\
\ Egypt revolts, 486 ./
1 Xerxes reconquers Egypt
484 ; birth of Herodo-
tus
Artabanus reigns 7 months
Egypt revolts, and iDarus j
and Amyrtasus are elect- 1
edkin^ 463; Herodo-i
tus viBits Egypt, 460 . j
Reigns 2 months
Beigns 7 months
525»
521
4S5
472
472
number 36 ; the other of Xerxes, with the year 12, showing
the inscription to have been written in the twelfth of Xerxes ; and
the date 36, intended as the full extent of Darius's reign,
accords with the authority of ancient history. On another rock,
at the same place, are the twelfth year of Xerxes, and the fifth
and sixteenth of Artaxerxes (Longimanus) ; and these four are
the only monarchs of the 27th Dynasty whose names I have seen
in Egypt^ In the principal temple at El Khargeh, in the
Great Oasis, that of Darius again occurs, a considerable portion
of the building having been erected by him ; and it is remark-
able that he is the only Persian king whose phonetic name is
accompanied by a prenomen, like those of the ancient Pharaohs
of Egypt : a circumstance satisfactorily confirming the remark
of Diodorus, * that he obtained while living the appellation of
Divus,' which was applied to no other of the (Persian) kings,
and received after death the same honours which it had been
customary to bestow upon the ancient sovereigns of the country.'
The rule of Darius was mild and equitable ;^ and he was not
* At present the date of the conquest
of £gypt has been raised two years, to
B.C. 527.— S. B.
• The recent journey of the Grand Duke
of Oldenburg, accompanied by Captain
Philippsbom and Brugsch-Bey, to tbe
temple of the oasis, has discovered the
names of Darius Hystaspes and another on
the site. They had di^erent prenomens.
(H. Brugsch, ' Ueber die Chse Khargeh/ Zeit-
schrift f. agypt. Spr. 1875, p. 51.)--S. B.
» The title * Good God,* neter nefer, was
giren by the Egyptians to the Pharaohs.
^ Diodor. i. 25. Utaharsun states on
his statue that Darius ordered him to go to
Egypt when Darius was in Aram or Elam,
and appointed him a kind of nomarch, with
orders to restore to the temple of Neith at
Sals all its rights and dues. (De Roug^,
Key. Arch, loc, dt,)
134
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS.
[Chap. n.
only careful to avoid everything that might offend the religious
prejudices, or hurt the feelings, of his foreign subjects; but
having made diligent inquiry respecting the jurisprudence and
constitution of the Egyptians, he corrected some abuses, and
introduced many salutary laws, which continued to form part of
their code, until, in common with many of those enacted by his
Pharaonic predecessors, they were altered or abrogated by the
Ptolemies, after the Macedonian conquest.^
Impatient, however, of foreign rule, and anxious to free their
country from the presence of a people whose cruelties at the
time of Cambyses' invasion they could never pardon or forget,
the Egyptians, thinking the reverses of Persia during the
Greek war offered a favourable opportunity for throwing off the
yoke, revolted towards the close of Darius's reign,^ and suc-
ceeded in expelling the Persians from the whole valley of the
Nile. For upwards of a year they continued in open rebellion,
and defied the power of his successor ; but in the second year
of Xerxes they were again subdued, and treated with increased
severity, Achaemenes, the brother of the king, being appointed
governor of the country.
Affairs remained in this state one-and-twenty years, until the
death of Xerxes, when considerable confusion took place in
Persia ; which being augmented by the intrigues of Artabanus,^
and the rebellion of Bactria, afforded the Egyptians another
opportunity for asserting their independence ; and prevailing on
the Athenians to assist them with a fleet of forty sail, they
attacked and overwhelmed the Persian garrisons. Upon intel-
ligence of this, an army of 400,000 foot and a fleet of 200 sail *
were equipped by Artaxerxes, and placed under the command of
AchsBmenes. Inarus the son of Psammatichus, a native of Libya,
and Amyrtaeus ** of Sais, who had been invested with sovereign
power and were charged with the defence of the country, made
every effort to resist him ; and the two armies having met,
the Persians were defeated with the loss of 100,000 men, and
* Diodor. loc. cit.
* Herodotus (vii. 1, 7) says Danus
reigned 36 years, and that the rerolt of
the Egyptians took place in the fourth year
after the battle of Marathon, the year
before his death.
» Ctesias, in Pers., calls him Artapa-
nns, and makes Achaemenes a brother of
Artaxerxes.
* Ctesias, Persica, s. 32, says 80 ships.
Diodor as considers Achaemenes the son of
Darius (lib. xi.).
* Ctesias, Pers. s. 32, only says, * Inarus
the Lydian and another Egyptian.' Thu-
cydides (lib. i.) and other authors
mention Amyrtseus. Some consider Inarus
a Libyan; and Thucydides styles him
' king ' of that country.
Chap. IL] BEVOLT OF THE EGYPTIANS. 135
Achsemenes received a mortal wound from the hand of Inarus,
of which he died.
Enraged at the fiulure of an expedition which he had under-
taken contrary to the advice of his friends,* Artaxerxes resolved
on sending an overwhelming force, under the combined command
of Megabyzus and Artabazus, consisting of 200,000' men and a
fleet of 300 sail, independent of the remnant of the former army,
which swelled the amount to 500,000. Both armies fought
valiantly, and many were slain on either side; at length
Megabyzus having wounded Inarus in the thigh, obliged him to
leave the field, and the route became general. Inarus, with a
body of Greek auxiliaries, having taken refuge in Byblus, which
was strongly fortified, obtained for himself and companions a
promise of pardon from Megabyzus, upon condition of their
surrendering themselves to the Persian monarch ; but the
remembrance of the death of Achsemenes overcame the regard he
owed to the promise of his general, and Inarus, by the command
of Artaxerxes, was treacherously crucified. Amyrtaeus was more
fortunate : he escaped to the Isle of Elbo, and, remaining
concealed there, awaited better times ; the Persian troops again
taking possession of the fortified towns, and Sarsamas being
appointed satrap or governor of Egypt.
No attempts to throw off the Persian yoke were made by the
Egyptians during the remainder of this reign ; and though the
Athenians sent them a fleet of sixty sail,^ in the fifteenth year
of Artaxerxes, and some hopes were entertained of restoring
iVmyrtaeus to the throne, these projects were abandoned, and the
Persians continued in undisturbed possession of the country till
the tenth year of Darius Nothus.
Perceiving that the Egyptians bore with great reluctance the
presence of a foreign governor, and anxious to allay as much as
possible the turbulent spirit and prejudices of that people, the
Persians had permitted Thannyras the son of Inarus, and
Pausiris the son of Amyrtaeus,^ to hold the office and nominal
power of governors, or tributary kings ; but nothing could
conciliate the Egyptians. They beheld their fortified towns
garrisoned by Persian troops ; the degradation of paying tribute
to a people they detested was insupportable ; and nothing but
the restoration of an independent monarch could satisfy them.
> Cterias, in Pen. s. 32. coast of Egypt.
' Thucjd. lib. L The same sixty ships * Herodot. iiu 15. This most haye
are mentioned bj Platarch in his Life of happened previous to the jear 445, since
Cimon, as having been M&t bj him to the Herodotus had then completed his hiitorj.
136 THE ANCIENT EGTPTIANa [Chap. IL
They therefore made secret preparations for expelling the
Persians ; and Amyrtaeus being invited to put himself at their
head, advanced from his place of concealment, routed the Per-
sianSy and finally succeeded in obtaining possession of Memphis
and the whole country.
Amyrtaeus now became independent master of Egypt ; and
he is stated in Manetho's list to have been the only monarch
of the 28th Dynasty. His reign continued six years, during
which period he laboured to repair the many losses sustained by
his country from the hostile aggressions of Persia. Numerous
restorations were made to the temples of Thebes and other
cities, many of which had suffered from the sacrilegious fury of
Cambyses. In order still further to weaken their power, and to
remove the Persians to a distance from his territories, he engaged
the Arabians, by a treaty, to assist him, and advanced into
Phoenicia. His conquests, however, in that quarter, were not
extensive, and his efforts were chiefly confined to the defence of
his own frontier.
According to Manetho, he was succeeded by Nepherites,* the
first king of the 29th Dynasty: though Diodorus mentions
another, called Psammatichus, descended from the first of that
name, whom he supposes to have preceded Nepherites or
Nephrons; but it is uncertain whether he really ruled at this
time, or whether he was confounded by the historian with the
father of Inarus.^
Of the character of Psammatichus, Diodorus draws a very
unfavourable picture,^ representing him to have been guilty of
an act of cruelty and meanness unequalled in the history of his
country. Tamus, a Memphite by birth, had been appointed by
the Persians prefect of Ionia ; and having held that post some
time, he was obliged to leave his province, in order to avoid the
resentment of Tissaphemes, and fly to his own country. Feeling
persuaded he had nothing to fear from Psammatichus, whom he
had formerly obliged by many friendly offices, he scrupled not
to take with him all his riches, and to confide in the protec-
tion of the Egyptian monarch ; but no sooner had Psammatichus
become acquainted with this circumstance, than, regardless of
the laws of humanity and of the indulgence he owed to a friend,
he perfidiously seized his treasures, and deprived him of life.
For the name* of this Psammatichus it is needless to look on
> His Egyptian name is Naifaumt ; it * Herod, vii. 7. » Diodor. lib. xiv.
occurs on some monaments at Thebes, and * Manetho makes no mention of this
on a clay seal in the British Museum. — S. B. Psanunatichus.
Chap. IL]
THE 28iH AND 29th DYNASTIES.
137
Egyptian monuments ; nor do the sculptures of Inarus appear
on any of the temples at Thebes, or in the lower country:
and Manetho omits the mention of Inarus^ in his catalogue of
kings. But that he was an independent, though not the sole,
monarch of Egypt, during the short period which elapsed between
the commencement of their second revolt and the victory of
Megabyzus, is proved by the authority of several ancient his-
torians ; and as the unsettled state of affairs during the whole
of his reign, and the preparations required in order to resist the
expected attack of the Persians, deprived the Egyptians of that
tranquillity necessary for the encouragement of art, the absence
of monuments bearing the name of Inarus is readily accounted
for. By some writers he is supposed to have been a king of
Libya, by others an individual of Libyan origin ; but as Libya
was included within the dominions of Egypt, it appears more
probable that he was the rightful heir to the throne, and had
taken refage there to avoid the tyranny of the Persians, and
await an opportunity, which afterwards offered, of liberating his
country from a foreign yoke. And the fact of his being a native
of Egypt is still farther confirmed by the name of his father,
Psammatichus, which is purely Egyptian.
The 28th and 29th Dynasties, according to Manetho and the
monuments, are as follow : —
2Sth Dynasty, of 1 Salfe King,
Name ftom Ancient
Antbora.
Name firom the
Monuments.
Events.
Ascended
the
Throne.
Amyrteufl
:}
414
Amyrtoos
2dth Dynoityy of Mendman Kings,
Ksme ftom Ancient
Authors.
Nepberites .
Ncphieofl of Dio-
dorua .
Achoris.
Aooris .
Paammouthis
Kepherites
Moothis
Nsme fttmi the
Monuments.
}
Naifaunit «
Hakor
Pse-maut
rNot met with ou
\ the monomentB
:}
Events.
Ascended
the
Throne.
B.n.
40S
/Death of CyniB the yoimger,\ .^o
\ 401 . } W£
/
889
/888
\888
^ Diodoros omits Amyrimmh,
138 THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS. [Chap. IL
Few monuments of this period occur in Egypt. The arts,
which had long been on the decline, received a severe blow from
the Persian invasion; and many of the finest buildings were
mutilated or destroyed. Numerous artificers were sent to Persia,
and, with the encouragement required for the very existence of
art, Egypt had lost the skill for which she was once so con-
spicuous. Of Nepherites the phonetic name once occurs amidst
the ruins of Thebes ; and if some additions were made by his two
successors to the temples ^ there and in Lower Egypt,^ the style
of the sculpture, like the scale of their monuments, was degraded,
and unworthy of a Pharaonic era. Egypt, however, free from a
foreign yoke, enjoyed that tranquillity which had been so long
denied, and Nepherites was even enabled to join in active
hostilities against the enemies of his country. He therefore
entered into a confederacy with the Lacedaemonians, and sent a
fleet of 100 ships to their aid, with a supply of com for their
army : though this last fell into the hands of the enemy, in con-
sequence of the transports putting into Bhodes, which had lately
submitted to the Persians.
Achoris, who succeeded Nepherites, reigned thirteen years.
He made a treaty with Euagoras, king of Cyprus, against the
Persians, and endeavoured, by every means in his power, to
weaken the strength and thwart the schemes of his adversary ;
and the defection of Gaus, the son of Tamus,^ who had been for
some time commander of the Persian fleet, and now, abandoning
their service, had entered into a league with Achoris and the
Lacedaemonians, added to the intrigues of Orontes, so embarrassed
the affairs of Artaxerxes, that Egypt was enabled to enjoy perfect
security, and to defy his threatened projects of invasion.
Nothing of consequence transpired during the reign of
Psammouthis, which lasted only one year. Of the short period
occupied by his two successors, Nepherites II. and Mouthis,
little can be learned either from the monuments or from the
accounts of ancient writers, but that the Persians, intent upon
the recovery of a country they had long possessed, prepared to
make a descent upon Egypt, which was attempted without success
in the reign of the succeeding monarch.
Mouthis was the last of the 29th or Mendesian Dynasty ; and
' The name of Acoris occurs in the Mons, opposite Memphis, probably^ for the
temple of Medeenet Haboo. erection of buildings in that city.
' During his reign many stones were * Diodor. xr. c 9, 18.
taken from the quarries of the Troici lapidis
Chap. IL]
NECTANEBO'S DREAM.
139
the 30th was composed, according to Manetho, of three kings
from Sebennytus.
SOth Dynasty y of Sebennyte Kings.
Ntfne from Ancient
Authors.
)68 • . 1
of Pliny .;
Name fiom the
MonmnenU.
Events.
Nakhtharhcb
Nectanebes .
Kectabis
TeoB . A
TachoB of Diodoms/I
Nectanebes
Kectanabis of Plu-}- Nakbtnebef
tarch
Ascended
the
Throne.
B.C.
887
869
/Defeated by the FersianB, and\| 862 to
\ flies to Ethiopia, B.O. 840 ./< 840
In the commencement of Nectanebo's reign, the Persian
monarch equipped a formidable expedition, by land and sea,
and sent it to Egypt under the command of Fhamabazus and
Iphicrates. He confidently expected that so imposing a force
would speedily reduce the strongholds, and firmly establish his
authority throughout the country ; but the jealousy of the two
commanders prevented that union which was necessary to insure
success. Pelusium was found to be impregnable, and all the
fortified towns had been put into a proper state of defence. Phar-
nabozus, therefore, despairing of making any impression upon
them, advanced into the interior; but being opposed by the
Egyptian king with a considerable force, and, in consequence of
the want of boats, being constantly impeded in his movements
by the various channels of the rising Nile, he was obliged to
retreat, and relinquish the hope of driving Nectanebo &om his
throne, and of subjecting his country to the yoke of Persia.
The Egyptian monarch, now free from the dread of foreign
aggression, directed his attention towards the internal adminis-
tration of aflEairs and the encouragement of art. Many temples
in various parts of the country, from PhilsB to the sea-coast, were
repaired or enlarged; a fine obelisk was cut, and transported
from the quarries of Syene : ^ and the name of Nectanebo still
occurs in Upper and Lower Egypt, as a lasting testimony of his
munificence in the erection of public buildings. If he was cen-
sured, in a dream, by the god Mars, for allowing his temple at
Sebennytus to remain unrepaired during the early part of his
^ Pliny Hiys it wai withoat hieroglyphics. He calls him Nectibis.
140 THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS. [Chap. H.
reign, he made ample amends for this unintentional neglect by
the manner in which the commands of the deity were obeyed,
the building being restored with great splendour; and this
circumstance, unnoticed by any ancient writer, is recorded in
a curious Greek papyrus, which chance has preserved and modem
researches have discovered in an Egyptian tomb.^
Nectanebo, after a reign of eighteen years, was succeeded
by Teos or Tachos. He had scarcely ascended the throne when
he was alarmed by the warlike preparations of the Persian
monarch, who threatened once more to invade his country. He
therefore applied to Sparta for assistance ; and Agesilaus, eager
to assist a nation which had previously befriended the Lacedae-
monians, repaired himself to Egypt with a strong force of Greek
auxiliaries.
On the arrival of the Spartan prince, Tachos, whose expecta-
tions had been raised by his high military reputation, and who
looked for a person of striking exterior, was greatly disappointed
by the appearance of a little old man, whose figure and habits
seemed contemptible, and unworthy of a king. Treating him,
therefore, with scorn and disrespect, he refused him the post of
generalissimo which had been promised ; and reserving it for him-
self, appointed Agesilaus to the command of the auxiliaries, and
entrusted the fleet to Chabrias the Athenian. Nor did he regard
the counsels of the Spartan general relative to the movements of
the army ; and, contrary to his advice, led his troops in person
into Phoenicia, committing the whole direction of affairs at home
to the hands of a viceroy. He had no sooner quitted the country
than Nectanebo, his uncle, aided by one of his principal generals,
conspired against him : ^ and Agesilaus, partly from resentment
at his previous conduct, and partly from an interested motive,
having basely deserted him, the Egyptian monarch was obliged to
fly to Sidon. Mendesius,^ however, whom Tachos had designed
as his successor, resolved on opposing the usurper, and marched
to attack him with an army of 100,000 men. In number they
were very superior to the troops of Nectanebo, but, being com-
posed principally of townsmen and artificers, were inferior in
military skill : and being opposed by the experience of Agesilaus,
' From a Greek papynu of the Anastasi his sod Nectanebo conspired against him,
collection at Pari8.---S. B. and was defeated by Agesilaus, who thns
* According to Plutarch. This is dif- restored Tachos to the throne,
ferently related by Diodorus ; who says » Or the Mendesian chief of the town of
that, instigated by the yiceroy he had left, Mendes.— S. B.
Chap. IL] USUBPATION OP NECTANEBO IL 141
they were routed at the first onset ; and thus, through the Spartan
general, Nectanebo obtained undisputed possession of the Egyp-
tian throne.^
On the death of Artaxerxes Mnemon, which happened about
the second year of Nectanebo 11.,^ Ochus or Artaxerxes III.
ascended the throne of Persia.
During his reign, the Sidonians and Phoenicians having
revolted from the Persians, entered into a confederacy with the
Egyptians, and, assisted by 4000 Greeks, sent by Nectanebo
under Mentor the Bhodion, succeeded in expelling the Persians
from their territories. This event seemed to have removed the
enemy, and every prospect of an attack, to a convenient distance
from the frontier, and the Egyptian monarch felt secure against
their aggressions. Shortly after, a formidable army, led by
Ochus in person, having reduced all Phoenicia, and Mentor
treacherously deserting to the enemy, the affairs of Nectanebo
began to wear an alarming aspect, and Egypt was itself invaded.
Every precaution which skill or courage could suggest was taken
by the Egyptian monarch : the passes were well guarded ; all the
fortified towns were strongly garrisoned ; and, though inferior in
numbers, his troops, both natives and Greek auxiliaries, were
animated with that enthusiasm which valour, confidence, and a
good cause can alone impart The soldiers were eager to meet
the enemy, and boldly rushed to battle. The fight was obstinate ;
but numbers prevailed. After a severe contest, the Persians
were victorious ; and Nectanebo, having abandoned his positions,
in order to retire upon and secure Memphis, his army became
dispirited, Pelusium surrendered, and resistance was no longer
offered to the arms of Ochus. Flying, therefore, from Memphis,
Nectanebo retired into Upper Egypt, and at length withdrew to
Ethiopia ; the Delta and all Lower Egypt falling a prey to the
conqueror, who finally succeeded in reducing the whole country,
about the year 340, in the 21st of his reign.^
During the previous occupation of Egypt by the Persian
troops, the inhabitants had been exposed to cruel persecutions.
They were now doomed to greater sufferings. If Cambyses had
* Agesilaus received 220 talents from Nee- (Cornelius Nepos, Agesilans and Chabrias.)
tanebo, for his aid in obtaining the king- * Diodorus only allows 43 years for the
dom. According to the same author, Cha- reign of Artaxerxes II.
brias was recalled by the Athenians, in con- * From a sepulchral figure recently found,
sequence of a representation made to them Nectanebo seems to have been buried at
by the Persian monarch. He calls Tachus Memphis. CMariette - Bey, * Monuments
ThamuB, and, in another place, Thacoi diyers,' 1872, pL 32.)
142
THE ANCIENT EGYPTUNS.
[Chap. II
committed unheard-of enormities ; if he had derided the religion
and insulted the deities of Egypt ; if he had ordered the bull
Apis to be brought before him, and had stabbed it with his
dagger,* — ^had been guilty of every species of oppression, — these
were trifling compared with the enormities of Ochus. Wanton
injustice, murders, profanation of religious rites, and continual
persecutions, seemed to delight him. The sacred Apis was slain,
and served up at a banquet, of which Ochus and his friends par-
took ; and all Egypt groaned under the tyranny of this inhuman
despot. Two years, however, fortunately relieved them from his
caprices ; and the Egyptians, to show their abhorrence for him
and their hatred of his name, substituted for it the represen-
tation of a sword, the emblem of destruction, in their catalogue
of kings.^
Ochus and his two successors constituted the 31st Dynasty
of Manetho : during which period nothing happened worthy of
notice ; and the invasion of the Macedonians in the year 332 put
an end to the dominion of the Persians in Egypt.
Slst DynfMty^ of PerHans,
Name from Ancient
Antbon.
Nurne fh>m the
Monuments.
Ochus (or Arta-V'
zerxes III.) . /
Arses .
Darins Godomanus
Not met with on
the monuments.
Eventa.
In his 20th year. Death oH
Philip, 338 .[
'Alexander makes himself^
master of Egypt, 332 ; dies,
* 323: Ptolemy Lagns be- ^
comes govemor and king
of Egypt, 322-305 .
Vi \
Began to
reign.
340
338
336
The arrival of Alexander was greeted with universal satisfac-
tion. Their hatred of the Persians, and their frequent alliances
with the Greeks, who had fought under the same banners against
a common enemy, naturally taught the Egyptians to welcome
the Macedonian army with the strongest demonstrations of friend-
ship, and to consider their coming as a direct interposition of the
gods ; and so wise and conciliatory was the conduct of the early
Ptolemies, that they almost ceased to regret the period when they
were governed by native princes.
To detail the events of the Ptolemaic history is not my
> Herodot. iU. 29.
* Plat de Iside et Osiride, s. ii.
Chap. IL]
PTOLEMAIC HISTOBY.
143
present intention, nor is it necessary to introduce any account
of their reigns in a work which purposes to relate solely the
history and manners of the ancient Egyptians ; but if the reader
is desirous of consulting a chronological notice of those princes,
I refer him to that work ^ from which I have taken the dynasties
inserted in the preceding pages.
My • Egypt and Thebes,* pp. 508 et teq
No. 5.
AUbaster pillow lor ihe bead.
Ainvnck Muteum.
CHAPTER III.
E);tent of the Country — Revenue and Commerec — Seaports — The Cestea of the
Egyptian B— The Sarardotal Order— Kings— First Ciute— The Prie*t»— Second
Caate— Military C1»b»— Troopa— AniiliwtpB— Ajidb— The Enemtea and Con-
que«ls of the Egyplians — March to War — Their Hnmaoity — Triumph —
Capti Ten— Military Lava and PtmiBhments— Other Membera or the Second
Caate — Tliird Oirte — Foorlh Caate — Laws and Ooyeromeut — The Eingt —
Jndgce — Laws — PaMports — Hnrder —Right or Futhers — Minor Offenece —
Theft— Debt— Dceda— Marriages— BlaTes— Children— Be«peot for Old Age,
and for their Kings — Gratituile of the Egyptiaue — I'ulformity of their Laws —
Different Lawgivers— Goyemors of Provincea
Egypt, properly eo called, U that portion of the valley of the
Nile lying between latitude 24° 3' and 31° 37', or between the
island of Philvc at the cataracts of E'Sooan ' and the Mediterra-
nean Sea." With the exception of the northern part about the
Delta, its breadth is very limited ; and the cultivated, and con-
sequently inhabited portion, is frequently confined to less than
half the distance between the eastern and Libyan chains. The
average breadth of the valley from one mouutain range to the
other, between Cairo in Ix>wer and Edfoo in Upper Egypt, is
only about seven miles ; and that of the cultivable land, whose
limits depend on the inundation, scarcely exceeds five and a half,
being in the widest part ten and three quarters, and in the nat^
rowest two miles, including the rivet.*
The extent in square miles of the northernmost district between
' According to the Oracle of Ammon,
all thoH nho drank the witcr of the Nile
and lired to the north of Eleph>ntine were
Egjptiani. (Htrolot. ii. 18.)
• At Cape Boorliw.
■ That ii, in Middle Egypt, and to the
north of Edfcw; betn-ceo vhich town and
K'SooMi the Tslley i> to narrow that in
loine pUcei there ii acarcely any toil on
cither tide of the rirer, » that this part
doea Dot enter into (he general aTcnge I
Chap. HI] POPULATION OF EGYPT. 145
the pyramids and the sea is considerable, and that of the Delta
alone, which forms a portion of it, may be estimated at 1976
square miles ; for though it is very narrow about its apex, at the
junction of the modem Eosetta and Damietta branches, it gra-
dually widens on approaching the coast, where the base of this
somewhat irregular triangle is eighty-one miles. And as much
irrigated land stretches on either side E. and W. of the two
branches, the northern district, with the intermediate Delta in-
cluded, will be found to contain about 4500 square miles, or
double the whole arable land of Egypt, which may be computed
at 2255 square miles, exclusive of the Fyoom, a small province
consisting of about three hundred and forty.
The number of towns and villages reported to have stood on
this tract, and in the upper parts of the valley of the Nile,
appears almost incredible; and Herodotus affirms that 20,000
populous cities existed in Egypt during the reign of Amasis.^
Diodorus, with more caution and judgment, calculates 18,000
large villages and towns ; and states that, under Ptolemy Lagus,
they amounted to upwards of 30,000, a number which remained
even at the period when he wrote, or about forty-four years before
our era. But the population was already greatly reduced, and of
the seven millions who once inhabited Egypt, about three ^ only
remained in the time of the historian.
Josephus,^ in the reign of Vespasian,* still reckons seven
millions and a half in the valley of the Nile, besides the popu-
lation of Alexandria, which amounted to more than 300,000
souls; and, according to Theocritus,* the number of towns at
an earlier period was 33,333 : we may here, however, include
some of the neighbouring provinces belonging to Egypt, as
he comprehends Ethiopia, Libya, Syria, Arabia, Pamphylia,
Cilicia, Caria, and Lycia within the dominions of Ptolemy
Fhiladelphus : and other authors may occasionally have ex-
tended the name of Egypt to its possessions in Libya, Ethiopia,
and Syria; since, making every allowance for the flourishing
condition of this highly fertile country, the number of towns
they mention is too disproportionate for the sole valley of
Egypt lying between the cataracts and the sea.
> Herodot. ii. 177. » P* Bello Jud. ii. 16, 4.
* Died. i. 31. There are two readings * Or he may allude to the period when
of this passage : according to the other, Hgjpt was conquered by the Romans.
Diodorus reckons 7,000,000, and in his ^ Theocr. Id. xvii. 82.
own time a no less number.
VOL. I. L
146
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS.
[Chap. HI.
The produce of the land was doubtless much greater in the
earlier periods of its history than at the present day, owing as
well to the superior industry of the people as to a better system
of government, and sufficed for the support of a very dense
population ; yet Egypt, if well cultivated, could now maintain
many more inhabitants than at any former period, owing to the
increased extent of the irrigated land : and if the ancient Egyp-
tians enclosed those portions of the uninundated edge of the desert
which were capable of cultivation, the same expedient might
still be resorted to ; and a larger proportion of soil now over-
flowed by the rising Nile oflTers additional advantages. That
the irrigated part of the valley was much less extensive than at
present, at least wherever the plain stretches to any distance
east and west, or to the right and left of the river, is evident
from the fact of the alluvial deposit constantly encroaching in a
horizontal direction upon the gradual slope of the desert ; and as
a very perceptible elevation of the river's bed, as well as of the
land of Egypt, has always been going on, it requires no argument
to prove that a perpendicular rise of the water must cause it to
flow to a considerable distance over an open space to the east
and west.
Thus the plain of Thebes, in the time of Amenophis III., or
about 1430 before our era, was not more than two-thirds of its
present breadth ; and the statues of that monarch, around which
the alluvial mud has accumulated to the height of nearly seven
feet, are based on the sand that once extended some distance
before them.^ How erroneous, then, is it to suppose the drifting
sands of the encroaching desert* threaten the welfare of this
country, or have in any way tended to its downfall ; and how
much more reasonable is it to ascribe the degraded condition to
which Egypt is reduced, to causes of a far more baneful nature, —
foreign despotism, the insecurity of property, and the effects of
that old age, which it is the fate of every country, as well as
every individual, to undergo.
^ The ancient Egyptians were constantly
obliged to raise mounds ronnd the old
towns to prevent their being oTerwhelmed
by the inundation of the Nile, from the
increased height of its rise after the lapse of
a certain number of years. (Herod, ii. 137.)
' It is true that the sand has accu-
mulated about Bahnasa, and the edge of
the irrigated land in its vicinity, as well
as about Kerdasseh and a few other places,
owing to the form of the valleys which
open on those spots from the Libyan desert,
but it is not general throughout the valley
of the Nile, even on this side of the river ;
and the progress of the sand can never be
very great in any part of Egypt, however
it may extend itself in Nubia over the ex-
posed and narrow strip of land which the
west bank presents above the cataracts of
E'Sooan.
Chap, in.] NOTIONS RESPECTING THE SANDS. 147
Besides the numerous towns and villages in the plain, many-
were prudently placed by the ancient Egyptians on the slope of
the desert, at a short distance from the irrigated land, in order
not to occupy more than was necessary of soil so valuable for its
productions ; and frequently with a view of encouraging some
degree of cultivation in the desert plain, which, though above the
reach of the inundation, might be irrigated by artificial ducts, or
by water raised from inland wells. Mounds and ruined walls
still mark the sites of these villages in different parts of Egypt ;
and in a few instances the remains of magnificent temples, or the
authority of ancient authors, attest the existence of large cities in
similar situations. Thus Abydus, Athribis, Tentyris, parts of
Memphis ^ and Oxyrhynchus, stood on the edge of the desert ; and
the town that once occupied the vicinity of Qasr Kharoon, at the
western extremity of the Fyoom, was far removed from the fer-
tilising influence of the inundation.
When towns or villages were surrounded with sand, the con*
stant attention of the inhabitants prevented their being encum-
bered by it ; but, so soon as they were deserted, it began to
accumulate around them, and we sometimes find their monuments
half buried in large drifts collected by the wind.* As population
and industry decreased, the once cultivated spots of land on the
desert plain were gradually abandoned, and the vestiges of canals
or artificial watercourses, the indication of fields once portioned
into squares, or the roots of fruit trees, only now serve to attest
the unremitting exertions of a civilised people. It is not, how-
ever, to be inferred that the irresistible encroachments of moving
dunes have curtailed the limits, or threatened the existence, of
this fertile country ; and the fearful picture df awn by M. de Luc ^
must rather be looked upon as a composition than a study from
nature. *The sands of Egypt,' he observes, 'were formerly
remote from that country ; and the oases, or habitable spots, still
appearing in the midst of them, are the remains of soil which
formerly extended the whole way to the Nile ; the sand, transported
thither by the western winds, having overwhelmed and buried
this extensive tract, and doomed to sterility a land once remark-
able for its fruitfulness.' This singular statement is partly
* Strabo says the Serapeum was * in a and its position, the ftate of the rains
▼exy sandj spot.* there is not surprising.
' As at Abjdns ; bat considering the ' In the * Mercure de France,' September
length of time this city has been deserted, 1809, on the Moving Sands of Africa,
L 2
148 THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS. [Chap. m.
founded on the report of Denon, who, in his visit to Bahnasa,^
Oxyrhynchus, observed some buildings near the town so much
encumbered with sand that their summits were scarcely visible
above it, and who consequently concluded the Libyan desert had
made proportionate encroachments along the whole of the western
side of the valley. The opening here formed by the accidental
position of the hills and neighbouring ravines, and the quantity
of drifted sand in the interior of the desert to the westward, have
been the cause of its accumulation, and of the partial formation
of downs in the vicinity ; but neither these, nor any other sand
drifts in similar exposed situations, could, after a careful exami-
nation of the whole valley, be deemed of such a nature as to
endanger the fertility of Egypt ; though it is possible that, if
no inundation of the Nile counteracted its effects, or if the
alluvial deposit did not continue to increase in height, the
sand might then interfere with the extent of the arable land
and gradually tend to narrow its limits. For the satisfaction
of those who are contented with simple facts, it will be sufficient
to state that the breadth of the irrigated portion of the valley
is much more extensive than it was at any former period, and
this increase will continue in spite of the very few local im-
pediments which the drifted sand may accidentally offer ; and
it may not be irrelevant to observe that no soil is better suited
to many kinds of produce than the irrigated edge of the desert,*
even before it is covered by the fertilising deposit of the
inundation.
M. de Luc's idea respecting the oases is novel and amusing ;
and if Egypt once extended to that distance westward, instead of
considering the accounts of ancient writers on its former popu-
lousness at all exaggerated, we should be inclined to think they
had failed to ascribe an adequate number of inhabitants to so
extensive a region. So far from being the remains of a once
cultivated and level tract, extending to the valley of the Nile,
the oases are surrounded by limestone mountains, rising to the
height of several hundred feet, and generally bounding them on
all sides ; whose level summit is part of the same table land, or
^ The proper orthography of this name women.' Snch is the account given in an
is Bahnasa, Behnasa, or Behneseh, and is Arabic MS. history of that city, written
said to have been given it from one of its by Aboo Abdillah Mohammed £bn Mo-
queens (or the wife of the governor of the hammed el Mukkari.
place), signifying Bahanissa, * the beauty * It generally consists of a clay mixed
of woman/ or ' the most beaatifol of with sand.
Chap. IIL] NABBOW TKACT OF NUBIA. 149
mountain plain^ extending to and bordering the western side of
Egypt, which is overlooked by these precipitous cliflfs in the same
manner as the similarly depressed though less extensive tracts
of the oases.^ Like other provinces of Egypt, they were much
more densely peopled than at present ; and remains of towns and
villages attest their flourishing condition, even to the late period
of the Roman dominion.
Nubia, or that part of Ethiopia lying between the cataracts of
E'Sooan and Wadee Halfeh, was at all times a thinly inhabited
and unproductive province ; and the vicinity of mountains, fre-
quently reaching to the water's edge, prevented its receiving
those benefits from the inundation which the very great rise of
the water would have afforded to a more level and extensive
tract.^ It is in this narrow strip of land that the noxious
approach of moving sand is more particularly felt, since its
advances are more sudden and overwhelming than on a gradual
slope ; and the ancient towns and temples on the west side of the
Nile are therefore frequently surrounded or partially buried by
its accumulating drifts.^ They are mostly built on this bank ;
and it is not improbable that the unproductive nature of the soil
was the principal reason for placing the towns there ; the land on
one side, which they were taught to consider so valuable, not
being thus unnecessarily wasted, and the religious respect due
to the abode of their gods, and regard for their own comfort,
being suJBScient motives for industriously striving to prevent the
encroachments of the desert on the other. For that they were
aware of the danger threatened by the sand is evident from the
crude brick walls frequently erected there as a protection to the
monuments ; and the fall of one of those barriers gave ingress to
the torrent which has overwhelmed and concealed the entrance of
the great temple at Aboosimbel.
That the conquests of the ancient Egyptians extended beyond
the limits of their valley, is abundantly proved by ancient authors
and monumental records ; but as I have already noticed this fact
in the foregoing chapter, I shall proceed to the consideration of
* The oases look very much like a of ten yards, at Rosetta it is only a very
portion of the valley of the Nile sur- few feet.
rounded by the same kind of limestone * Anciently the Nile rose much higher
mountains, but without any river. than the present level in Nubia. (Pro-
* The more southward the greater the fessor Lepsius, in the * Proceedings of the
perpendicular rise of the Nile. It de- Academy of Natural Sciences of Phila-
creases, of course, gradually towards the delphia,' vol. ii. 1845, pp. 193-5.) — S. B.
mouth ; and while in Nubia it is upwards
150
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS.
[Chap. HI.
the revenues arising from them, as well as the commerce and
other fiscal resources of the country.
Judging from the sculptures of Thebes, the tribute annually
received by the Egyptians from nations they had subdued in Asia
and Northern Ethiopia was of immense value, and tended greatly
to enrich the coffers of the State ; and the quantity of gold and
silver in rings and ingots, the various objects of luxury, vases of
porcelain and different metals, ivory, rare woods, precious stones,
horses, dogs, wild animals, trees, seeds, fruits, gums, perfumes,
spices, and other foreign productions there described, perfectly
accord with the statements of ancient authors.^ And though they
are presented to the king, as chief of the nation, we may conclude
they formed part of the public revenue,* and were not solely
intended for his use ; especially in a country where royalty was
under the restraint and guidance of salutary laws, and where the
welfare of the community w«ls not sacrificed to the caprice of a
monarch. According to Strabo, the taxes, even under Ptolemy
Auletes, the father of Cleopatra, the most negligent of monarchs,
amounted to 12,500 talents, or between three and four millions
sterling ; and the constant influx of specie resulting from com-
mercial intercourse with foreign nations, who purchased the com *
and manufactures of Egypt, during the very careful administra-
tion of its native sovereigns, necessarily increased the riches
of the country, and greatly augmented the revenue at that
period.
Among the exports were yam,* fine linen cloth, and em-
broidered work,*^ purchased by the Tyrians and Jews ; chariots
and horses,* bought by the merchants of Judsea in the time of
Solomon at 600 ^ and 150 * shekels of silver ; and other commo-
dities, produced or manufactured in the country.
The Egyptians also derived important advantages from their
intercourse with India and Arabia ; • and the port of Philoteras —
which, there is reason to believe, was constructed at a very remote
> Tacitus, Ann. ii. 60.
' The conquered uations paid an an-
nual tribute, htar renpa^ in the time of
Thothmes III. and his successon of the
18th and 19th Dynasties, and the mines of
mineral wealth both in Egypt and its
dependencies belonged to the i^haraoh, who
worked them by commission. The spoil
taken in war also belonged to the king, as
did certain crown lands, which he be-
stowed on distinguished military officers.
Besides these productive sources, the king,
it appears, levied taxes in kind upon the
temples and probably upon the proprietors.
— S. B.
« Gen. xli. 57.
1 Kings X. 28; 2 Chron. i. 16.
Ezek. xxvii. 7.
2 Chron. i. 16, 17 ; and 1 Kings x.
70/. sterling.
17/. 10».
The mafqa turquoise and copper came
4
6
6
7
•
Chap, m.]
TRADE WITH INDIA.
151
period/ long before the exodus of the Israelites — was probably
the emporium of that trade. It was situated on the western
coast of the Red Sea, in latitude 26° 9' ; and though small, the
number of ships its basin would contain sufficed for a constant
traffic between Egypt and Arabia, no periodical winds there
interfering with the navigation, at any season of the year.
Whether they had a direct communication with India at the
same early epoch, or were supplied through Arabia with the
merchandise of that country, it is not possible now to determine :
but even an indirect trade ^ was capable of opening to them a
source of immense wealth ; and that the productions of India did
actually reach Egypt we have positive testimony from the tombs
of Thebes.
The Scripture history shows the traffic established by Solomon
with India, through the Eed Sea, to have been of very great
consequence, producing, in one voyage, no less than 450 talents
of gold,* or 3,240,000Z. sterling; and to the same branch of
commerce may be ascribed the main cause of the flourishing
condition of Tyre itself. And if the Egyptian trade was not
so direct as that of Solomon and the Tyrians, it must still
be admitted that any intercourse with India at so remote a
period would be highly beneficial to the country, since it was
enjoyed without competition, and consequently afforded increased
advantages.
The other harbours in this part of the Arabian Gulf — Myos
Hormos, Berenice, Ajsinoe, Nechesia, and Leucos Portus — were
built in later times ; and the lucrative trade they enjoyed was
greatly increased after the conquest of Egypt by the Bomans :
120 vessels annually leaving the coast of Egypt for India, at
midsummer, about the rising of the dog-star,* and returning in
the month of December or January. * The principal objects of
Oriental traffic,' says Gibbon, * were splendid and trifling : silk,
a pound of which was esteemed not inferior in value to a pound
from the mines of the Wady Magarah and
Mount Sinai. From Arabia came incense,
and from Pant, supposed to be the
modern Somali, on the eastern coast of
Africa, were brought incense, gums,
monkejs, cosmetics, panther-skins, apes,
and hounds. (Chabas, * £tudes sur I'Anti-
qiiit« historique,' Paris, 1872, pp. 149-176.)
— S.B.
> It was preyiously called £nnum. It
received the name of Philoteras from the
sister of the Philadelphus Ptolemy. (Strabo,
lib. xvii. Pirn. vi. 29.)
' Strabo thinks that in former times a
fleet of twenty ships never passed the
Straits of Babel mandeb ; but the Indian
trade might have been carried on through
Arabia. (Strabo, lib. xvii., on Alexandria.)
. « 2 Chron. viii. 18 ; 1 Kings ix. 26.
* The Periplus gives * the month of
July, which is Epiphi ;' and Pliny, lib. vi.
26, * before the dog-star,' about July 26.
152 THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS. [Chap IIL
of gold, precious stones, and a variety of aromatics/ When
Strabo visited Egypt, Myos Hormos seems to have superseded
Berenice, and all the other maritime stations on the coast ; and
indeed it possessed greater advantages than any other, except
Philoteras and Arsinoe, in its overland communication with the
Nile : yet Berenice, in the later age of Pliny, was again preferred
to its rival. From both ports the goods were taken on camels ^
by an almost level road across the desert to Coptos,^ and thence
distributed over dififerent parts of Egypt ; and, in the time of
the Ptolemies and Caesars, those particularly suited for exporta-
tion to Europe went down the river to Alexandria, where they
were sold to merchants who resorted to that city at a stated
season.
At a subsequent period, during the reigns of the Arab
caliphs, Apollinopolis Parva, or Qoos, succeeded Coptos as the
rendezvous of caravans from the Ked Sea; and this town
flourished so rapidly, in consequence of the preference it enjoyed,
that in Aboolfidda's time it was second only to Fostat, the
capital of Egypt; until it ceded its place to Qeneh, as Myos
Hormos was destined to do in favour of Kossayr. Philoteras,
however, continued to be resorted to after the Arab conquest ;
and it was during the reigns of the Egyptian caliphs that the
modem Kossayr^ took the place of that ancient port.
The Myos Hormos, called also Aphrodite,* stood in latitude
2T 22', upon a flat coast, backed by low mountains, distant from
it about three miles ; where a well, the Fons Tadnos,* supplied
the town and ships with water. The port was more capacious
than those of Berenice and Philoteras ; and though exposed to
the winds, it was secure against the force of a boisterous sea.
Several roads united at the gates of the town, from Berenice and
Philoteras on the south, from Arsinoe on the north, and from
Coptos on the west ; and stations supplied those who passed to
and from the Nile with water and other necessaries.
Berenice owed its foundation to Ptolemy Philadelphus, who
called it after the name of his mother, the wife of Lagus or
Soter.^ The town was extensive, and was ornamented with a
small but elegant temple of Serapis; and though the harbour
* At the time of Rameses III., asses * Now called Abooshar. (Strabo, lib.
were used for the purpose. — S. B. xvii.) Agatharcides says, it was afterwards
* Plin. V. 9. Strabo, xvii. called the Port of Venus.
* Philoteras, now in ruins, is known by * Plin. vL 29.
the name of Old Kossayr. ' Ibid.
Chap, mj
PORTS (JF the red sea.
153
was neither deep nor spacious, its position in a receding gnlf^
tended greatly to the safety of the vessels lying within it, or
anchored in the bay. A road led thence direct to Coptos,
famished with the usual stations, or hydreumas ; and another,
which also went to the emerald mines, joined, or rather crossed
it, from ApoUinopolis Magna.
Ajsinoe, which stood at the northern extremity of the Eed
Sea, near the modern town of Suez, was founded by the second
Ptolemy, and so named after his sister.^ Though vessels anchored
there rode secure from the violence of the sea, its exposed situa-
tion, and the dangers they encountered in working up the narrow
extremity of the gulf, rendered its position ^ less eligible for the
Indian trade than either Myos Hormos or Berenice ; and had it
not been for the convenience of establishing a communication
with the Nile by a canal, and the shortness of the journey across
the desert in that part, it is probable it would not have been
chosen for a seaport.
The small towns of Nechesia and the Leucos Portus were
probably of Boman date, though the natural harbours they possess
may have been used at a much earlier period. Their positions
are still marked by the ruins on the shore, in latitude 24° 54' and
25° 37', where I discovered them in 1826, while making a survey
of this part of the coast from Suez to Berenice. The former
stands in, and perhaps gave the name to, the Wadee Nukkaree ;
the latter is called E'Shoona, or *the Magazine,'* and, from
being built of very white limestone, was readily indicated by the
Arabs when I inquired of them the site of the White Harbour.
Many other ports, the * Portus multi ' of Pliny ,'^ occur along
the coast, particularly between Berenice and Kossayr; but though
they all have landmarks to guide boats in approaching their
rocky entrances, none of them have any remains of a town, or
the vestiges of habitations.
' Strabo. The headland of Cape Nose
stretches out on the east of it to the
distance of 21 miles from the line of the
shore, agreeing with another remark of
the geographer, that ' an isthmus projects
into the Red Sea near the city of Berenice,
which, though without a port, affords a
conrenient shelter, from the vicinity of
the headland.'
« Plin. Ti. 29.
* It probably succeeded to some more
ancient town. It is not certain that
Clysma stood there ; but Qolzim appears
to haTG occupied the site of Arsinoe and
part of the modern Suez. Q ^^P^ &Qd
Thebes,' p. 540, note fO Herodotus, ii.
158, says the canal entered the Red Sea
near to Patumos ; we may therefore con-
clude that town stood on the same spot as
Arsinoe. We again trace in Patumos the
name Pi-thom. It was common to many
towns.
* This word is taken from the Arabic
Mnkhzen, of similar import.
» Plin. vi. 29.
154 THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS. [Chap. IH.
The principal objects introduced in early times into Egypt,
from Arabia and India, were spices and various Oriental produc-
tions required either for the service of religion, or the purposes of
luxury ; and a number of precious stones, lapis lazuli, and other
things brought from those countries, are frequently discovered in
the tombs of Thebes, bearing the names of Pharaohs of the 18th
Dynasty. The mines of their own desert did, indeed, supply the
emeralds they used ; and these were worked as early, at least,
as the reign of Amenophis III., or 1425 B.C., but many other
stones must have come from India; and some plants, as the
Nymphaea Ndtmbo, could only have been introduced from that
country.^
Though we cannot ascertain the extent or exact quality of
the various imports, of goods re-exported from Egypt, or the
proportion which these last bore to the internal consumption, it
is reasonable to conclude that every article of luxury was a source
of revenue to the government ; and that both native and foreign
productions coming under this denomination, whether exported
or sold in Egypt, tended to enrich the State, to which they
belonged, or paid a duty.
That the riches of the country were immense is proved by the
appearance of the furniture and domestic utensils, and by the
great quantity of jewels of gold, silver, precious stones, and other
objects of luxury in use among them in the earliest times : their
treasures became proverbial throughout the neighbouring states,*
and a love of pomp and splendour ^ continued to be the ruling
passion of the Egyptians till the latest period of their existence
as an independent state, which is fully demonstrated by the
history of the celebrated Cleopatra.
Another source of wealth was derived from the gold mines in
the desert of the upper country. Their position,* still known to
the Arabs, is about S.E. from Bahayreh, a village opposite the
town of Edfoo,* or ApoUinopolis Magna, and at a distance of
nearly ten days* journey from that place, in the mountains of the
^ It was eyidently not indigenous to character of the ^yptians and Phoenicians.
Egypt, from the care that was necessary — G. W.]
in planting it, and is now totally unknown * Exod. xii. 35 ; Ezek. zxzii. 12 ; Heb.
in the valley of the Nile. Before they xi. 26.
introduced it, would they not have seen * Visited by Monsieur Linan^ and Mr.
the plant? and who was likely to bring Bonomi, who found the account of the
the roots but some of their own people ? Arabs to agree very well with their
* [The love of riches was, according to position.
Plato (Repub. iv. p. 642), inherent in the * Edfoo is in latitude 24^ 58'.
Chap, m.]
GOLD AND SILVER MINES.
155
Bishareeh. The Arab authors, Edrisi, Ebn-Said, aud Aboolfida/
place them at Gebel OUagee, a mountain situated in the land of
Begd ; and this last word at once points out the Bishdree desert,
being still used by the tribe as their own name. The gold lies
in veins of quartz,* in the rocks bordering an inhospitable valley
and its adjacent ravines : but the small quantity f hey are capable
of producing by immense labour, added to the diflBculty of pro-
curing water, and other local impediments, would probably
render the re-opening of them at the present day an unprofitable
speculation ; and indeed in the time of Aboolfida they only just
covered their expenses, and have never been worked since they
were abandoned by the Arab caliphs. According to the account
of Agatharcides, the toil of extracting the gold was immense:
it was separated from the pounded stone by frequent washings,
and this process appears to be represented in the paintings of
tombs executed during the reign of Usertesen, and other ancient
Pharaohs. We have no positive notice of their first discovery,
but it is reasonable to suppose they were worked at the earliest
periods of the Egyptian monarchy ;^ and the total of their annual
produce is stated by Hecatseus* to have been recorded in a
temple founded by a monarch of the 18th Dynasty. He also
notices an immense sum annually produced from the silver mines
of Egypt, which amounted to 3,200 myriads of minae. Besides
these, were valuable mines of copper, lead, iron, and emeralds,*
all of which still exist in the deserts of the Eed Sea ; and the
sulphur which abounds in the same districts, was not neglected
by the ancient Egyptians.
The riches, then, of the country were principally derived
from taxes, foreign tribute, monopolies, commerce, mines, and,
above all, from the productions of a fruitful soil. The wants of
the poorer classes were easily satisfied ; the abundance of grain,
herbs, and esculent plants afforded an ample supply to the
inhabitants of the valley of the Nile, at a trifling expense, and
' Or £mad-«'deeii*Aboo1feda Jsmail-ben-
Nasser. He was king of Hamah in Syria,
and lived about the year 730 of the Hegira,
A.D. 1334.
' Mohammed Ali had an idea of re-
opening them. Wherever the ancients
met with reins of qaartz in the desert, I
observed they invariably broke np portions
of it, doubtless to try if it contained gold.
* The gold mines at Rhedesieh and
Koiiban were worked in the reigns of
Seti 1., or Sethos, and Rameses II. of the
19th Dynasty; and a plan of the mines on
a papyrus of the period exists in the
Museum of Turin. (Birch, in the * Archeo->
logia/ xxxiv. p. 357. Chabas, * Une Inscrip-
tion historique de Seti I./ Chalon-sur-
Saone, 1856 ; * Les Inscriptions des Mines
d'Or/ Paris, 1862.)— S. B.
* Diodorus, i. 49.
' At Zabarah. (Cailliaud, * Voyage k
rOasis de Thebes,' Paris, 1821. Prisse, Mon.
Egypt, pi. xxxix., and the amount given by
B^eses III. to the different templet.)— S. B.
156
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS.
[Chap. IIL
with little labour ; and so much com was produced in this fertile
country, that after sufficing for the consumption of a very
extensive population, it offered a great surplus for the foreign
market ; ^ and the quantity on hand enabling the peasant to sell
it at a low rate necessarily afforded considerable profit to the
government, being exported to other countries, or sold to the
traders who visited Egypt for commercial purposes.
Though the lower classes of the people appear to have been
contented with their condition, there is no evidence of their
having participated in the affluence enjoyed by the higher
orders ; and the very great distinction between them and the
richer classes is remarkable, as well in the submissive obeisance
to their superiors as in their general appearance, their dress, and
the style of their houses. Some, indeed, seem to have been little
better lodged and fed than those of the present day ; * and the
degrading custom of prostration before those in authority argues
that they were subject to severe discipline and punishment,
though, doubtless, only administered according to the rules of
justice. That they were happy under their native princes, and
contented with the laws and early institutions of the Pharaohs,
is strongly argued by the constant feeling of dissatisfaction
evinced by them against foreign rule, not only in the time of the
despotic Persians, but of the Ptolemies, who sought, on many
occasions, to flatter their religious prejudices, to content the
priesthood, and even to court the good will of the people. And
though some allowance must be made in these cases for the
effect of change, the influence of the priests, and the impatience
common to all people under a foreign master, we may fairly
conclude that the spirit of their laws, under the original system,
was dictated by a scrupulous regard to justice and the bene-
volence of a paternal government.
The great distinction of classes ^ maintained in Egypt was
characteristic of the East, and custom naturally removed every
unpleasing impression which so readily occurs to men educated
with different habits and ideas; and provided justice weis re-
garded, it offered no cause of discontent in an Eastern nation.
* The quantity of corn may be imagined
from the produce offered to Amenophis 111.,
in the 30th year of his reign. {* Records
of the Past/ vol. vi. p. 21. Eisenlohr, * Der
grosse Papyrus Harris/ Leipzig, 1872.
*Zeit8chrift f. agypt. Spr.' 1872, p. 119;
1873, pp. 9, 34 ; 1874, pp. 23-25, etc.)— S.B.
« Herodotus, ii. 47. Diod. i. 80.
• The Etruscans were also divided into
four castes; but this institution appears
rather to have been derived from the East
than to have taken its rise in Italy. They
were, 1. the Larthes, Tyrani, or lords;
2. the Tusci, or priesthood ; 3. the
Rasenie, or warriors ; and, 4. the people,
or popular caste.
Chap. UL] CASTES.— THEIR NUMBER 157
The division of Egyptian society into separate classes, or castes,
has been noticed by many authors. Herodotus ^ says they were
divided into seven tribes, one of which was the sacerdotal,
another of the soldiers, and the remaining five of the herdsmen,
swineherds, shopkeepers, interpreters, and boatmen. Diodorus *
states that, like the Athenians, who being an Egyptian colony
derived this institution from the parent country, they were dis-
tributed into three classes — the priests, the peasants or husband-
men (from whom the soldiers were levied), and the artisans, who
were employed in handicraft and other similar occupations, and
in common offices among the people ; but in another place ^ he
extends the number to five, and reckons the pastors, husbandmen,
and artificers, independent of the soldiers and priests. Strabo ^
limits them to three — the military, husbandmen, and priests ; and
Plato * divides them into six bodies — the priest, artificers, shep-
herds, huntsmen, husbandmen, and soldiers; each peculiar art,
or occupation, he observes, being confined to a certain subdivision
of the caste, and every one engaged in his own branch, without
interfering with the occupation of another : as in India and
China, where the same trade or employment is followed in
succession by father and son.
From the statements above noticed, the exact number of
classes into which the Egyptians were divided appears uncertain;
but as there is reason to conclude that some authors have
subdivided the main castes into several of their minor branches,
while others have been contented with the collective divisions, I
shall endeavour to point out (as I have already had occasion to
do in a former work •) the four great comprehensive classes, and
the principal subdivisions of each.
The first caste was the sacerdotal order; the second, the
soldiers and peasants, or agricultural class ; the third was that
of the townsmen ; and the fourth, the plehSy or common people.
The first was composed of the chief priests or pontiffs,' as well
as minor priests of various grades belonging to different deities,
prophets, judges, hierophants, magistrates, hierogrammats or
sacred scribes, basilicogrammats or royal scribes, sphragistae/
> Herod, ii. 164. high-priest* (Herod, ii. 37.)
< Diod. i. 28. > Ibid. i. 74. • Plutarch, de Isid. s. zxxi., sajs the
^ Strabo, zvii. p. 541. sphragistte wer« a class of priests whose
* Plato, in Timeo, ad init. office was to examine the victims, and to
* * £g7Pt and Thebes,' p. 230. pnt a seal npon them, previous to their
' * Each deity has several priests and a being sacrificed. Herod. iL 38.
158 THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS. [Chap. HL
hierostoli * or dressers and keepers of the sacred robes, doctors,
embalmers, hierophori,^ pterophori/ praecones (who appear tohxn
been the same as the pastophori*), keepers of the sacred animals,*
hierolaotomi or masons of the priestly order, sacred sculpton
and draughtsmen, beadles, sprinklers of water, and apomym
(mentioned by Hesychius, who drove away the flies with chowriei\
and several inferior functionaries attached to the temples.
The second was divided into the military, farmers, husband-
men, gardeners, huntsmen, boatmen, and others ; the third con-
sisted of artificers, tradesmen, shopkeepers, musicians, builders,
carpenters, masons, sculptors, and probably potters, public
weighers,^ and notaries; and in the fourth may be reckoned
pastors, poulterers, fowlers, fishermen, labourers, servants, and,
generally speaking, the common people. Many of these were
again subdivided, as the artificers and tradesmen, according to
their peculiar trade or occupation, and as the pastors, into ox-
herds, shepherds, goatherds, and swineherds; which last were,
according to Herodotus, the lowest grade, not only of the class
but of the whole community, since no one would either marry
their daughters or establish any family connection with them ;
and so degrading was the occupation of tending swine, that they
were looked upon as impure, and were even forbidden to enter
a temple without previously undergoing a purification. Hero-
dotus, indeed, aflBrms, Hhey could not enter a temple;'^ and
the prejudices of the Indians against this class of persons almost
justify our belief of the historian.
[As the information afforded by the monuments upon the
castes of Egypt does not agree with the statements of Hero-
dotus, Plato, and Diodorus, it is necessary to consider here how
far hereditary castes existed in that country. That certain im-
portant classes of society prevailed, as in modem civilisation,
there is not the least doubt ; and that the sacerdotal or priestly
order, that of scribes, of the military, and a host of functionaries
comprising a vast bureaucracy, existed from the earliest period, is
attested by the monuments. Of the lowerorders, slaves, labourers,
and mechanics, less information is afforded, but the condition
' Plutarch, de Isid. 8. iii. * Bearers of the small statues, or shrines,
' The bearers of sacred emblems in the of the gods. ( Vide Diod. L 29.) [Apul.
religious processions. Metam. xi. 250. — G. W.]
* Those who bore the flabella and fans * Herod, ii. 68.
in the processions in which the statues of ' The Gabbdneh of the present day ; who
the gods were carried. are also public scribes. ' Herod, ii. 47.
Chap. IH.] CASTES NOT HEREDITARY. 159
of the middle and.npper classes, who could afford more expensive
sepulchres and embalmment, is well known from the monuments
which have been discovered. The three great classes of society,
priests, scribes, and warriors, were by no means castes in sense of
hereditary succession ; for though a son often followed the pro-
fession of his father, owing to habit, thoughts, education, or
patronage and connection, which have existed at all times and
in all countries, these three orders were not so distinct from each
other as at the present day. The priest of a god was often a
military or naval commander, exercised the office of scribe, and
invested with the supervision of public works or local govern-
ment. A general in the army could marry the daughter of a
priest, and his children could be scribes, priests, or public
functionaries. Whence the Greek authors derived their notions
of Egyptian castes is uncertain ; it was probably due to imperfect
information or misconception, and in Egypt, as elsewhere, it was
without doubt difficult if not almost impossible for members of
the poorer classes of society to elevate themselves to the higher
grades. There is reason to believe that there wcls an hereditary
territorial aristocracy, but even they were re-invested by the sove-
reign with their lands, either on account of a kind of feudal tenure,
or that the crown was the great landlord of the whole country,
and the monarch presented lands to distinguished military
officers. Public employments were monopolised by a few great
families, considered by some to be an advantageous arrangement
of civil government, but the keystone of caste, the limitation of
marriage to the women of the same order, is unknown to monu-
mental Egypt. The hereditary transmission of handicraft and
trades is so common to nations that have no caste, that it does
not enter into the question.^ — S. B.]
It was also horn, one or other of those two orders that the
king was obliged to be chosen ; and if he had been a member of
the military class, previous to his ascending the throne, it was
peremptorily required by the laws* that he should then be ad-
mitted into the sacerdotal order, and be instructed in all the
secret learning of the priests.
' SeeAmp^re,' Des Castes etde la Trans- ^gypto/ in the < Comment. Soc. Reg.
mission h^r^itaire des Professions dans Gott.' z. pt. iii. pp. 184 and foi., and the
I'ancienne Sgjpte/ in the ' Joamal de I'ln- * De Tetemm jEgjptiomm origine/ Ibid. p.
stniction publiqne,' 1848. The thesis of 74; andO. Milller, 'Handb. d. Archiologie
castes has been sustained bj Meiners, ' De d. Kunst,' s. 219.
cansis ordinom sive castarum in yeteri * Plutarch, de Isid. ix.
160
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS.
[Chap. m.
He was the chief of the religion and of the State;* he
regulated the sjwjrifices in the temples, and had the peculiar
right of offering them to the gods * upon grand occasions ; the
title ^ and oflBce of * president of the assemblies' belonged
exclusively to him, and he superintended the feasts and festivals
in honour of the deities. He had the right of proclaiming peace
and war ; he commanded the armies of the State,* and rewarded
those whose conduct in the field, or on other occasions, merited
his approbation ; and every privilege was granted him which
was not at variance with good policy or the welfare of his people.
The immense difference of rank between the king and the
lighest nobles of the land is shown by their all walking on
foot in attendance on the chariot of the king. And part of
the great honour conferred on Joseph was his being placed in
the second chariot that the king had ; giving him, in fact, the
attendance of a king, as no one had a chariot or car while
attending on a king. — G. W.] •
The sovereign power descended irom father to son ; but
in the event of an heir failing, the daims for succession were
determined by proximity of parentage, or by right of marriage.*
Nor were queens forbidden to undertake the management
^ Like the caliphs and Moslem sultans.
' Psammatichus offered libations with
the other eleven kings. (Herod, ii. 151.)
In the sculptures the kings always make
the offerings in the temples. At Rome,
the sovereign held the office of Pontifex
maxim us.
* The king had five names and titles.
1. The Horus or 'Harmachis' title
which was enclosed in a rectangular front or
building, sometimes bolted. 2. The diadem
title
^h'
lord of the diadems of
the cities of the north and south.' 8. The
Horus, or * Hawk of gold ' title S^
4. The official or divine title of
* king of the south or upper and the north
or lower Egypt,* enclosed in a cartouche.
5. The family name, also enclosed in a car-
touche, and generally preceded by ^^0 O
'The Son of the Son,' or the god Ra.
The 6th name was not introduced tiU
the 5th Dynasty ; and from the 1st to
the close of the 12th, the same expres-
sions were uniform in the Ist, 2nd, and
3rd titles of the same king. The four
titles are as old as Seneferu of the 3rd
Dynasty, and till the 12th a kind of 6th
title or pyramid appellation is added
after the 5th title. (Of. Brugsch-Bey,
* Histoire d'Egypte,* licipzig, 1875, p. 46.)
— S. B.
* The king received also all foreign
tributes and deputations or embassies, and
gave direct answers to requests preferred
for public works, improvements, and other
civil matters. He appears to have been
attended in war by the council of the
thirty, composed apparently of privv coun-
cillors, scribes, and high officers of State.
He appointed royal commissions, and all
religious offerings were made in his name.
B.
* This I conclude from the mode of
deriving their right from ancient kings,
sometimes passing over many interme-
diate names, when they mention their pre-
decessors.
Chap, m.]
BIGHT OF SUCCESSION.
161
of affairs/ and on the demise of their husbands they assumed
the oflSce of regent ; but, though introduced into the annals of
Manetho, and Nitocris is mentioned by Herodotus as a queen,
their names do not appear in the lists of sovereigns sculptured
in the temples of Thebes and Abydus.^
In some instances the kingdom was usurped by a powerful
chief, as in the case of Amasis, or by some Ethiopian prince,
who either claiming a right to the Egyptian crown from relation-
ship with the reigning family, or taking advantage of a disturbed
state of the country, secured a party there, and obtained posses-
sion of it by force of arms ; but there are no grounds for sup-
posing that the Egyptian monarchy was elective, as Synesius
would lead us to conclude. He afiSrms that the candidates for
the throne of Egypt repaired to a mountain at Thebes, .on the
Libyan side of the Nile, where all the voters assembled, and
according to the show of hands and the proportionate con-
sequence of each voter, who was either of the sacerdotal or
military order, the election of the king was decided. But his
authority is not of sufficient weight on so doubtful a question,
and, from being at variance with all that history and monumental
record have imparted to us, cannot possibly be admitted.
We find the kings recorded on the monuments as having
succeeded from father to son for several generations ; and if the
election of a king ever took place in Egypt, it could only have
been when all lawful aspirants were wanting. Diodorus ^ says,
* In ancient times kings, instead of succeeding by right of in-
heritance, were selected for their merits:' but whether this
really was the case at the commencement of the Egyptian
monarchy it is difficult to determine. Indeed, both Herodotus
and Diodorus mention the first kings being succeeded by their
children; and we have positive authority from the sculptures
that this was the case during the eighteenth and succeeding
dynasties : nor did Plutarch,* in saying * the kings were chosen
from the priests or the warriors,' mean that the monarchy was
' The Egyptians, at a later period, do
not seem to have been favourable to female
government, and obliged Cleopatra to
marry her younger brother, on the death
of the elder Ptolemy ; and even afterwards
we find the name of her son, Neocsesar or
Cesarion, introduced into the sculptures
with her own.
'It was the maternal descent that gave
the right to property and the throne.
VOL. I.
The same prevailed in Ethiopia. If the
monarch married out of the ruyal family,
the children did not enjoy a legitimate
right to the crown. From the time of
the 1st Dynasty, a female, probably in
default of male issue, or during a regency,
could succeed, and many did so. (Brugsch-
Bev, » Histoire d'figvpte,* p. 44.)--S. B.
» Diod. i. 43.
« Plat, de Isid. ix.
M
162 THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS. [Chap. IIL
elective, except when an heir was wanting. And this is further
confirmed by the formula in the Bosetta stone : ' The kingdom
being established unto him and unto his children for ever.'
But they did not presume, in consequence of the right of suc-
cession, to infringe the regulations enacted for their public and
private conduct ; and the laws of Egypt, which formed part of
the sacred books, were acknowledged to be of divine origin, and
were looked upon with superstitious reverence. To have called
them in question, or to have disobeyed them, would have been
considered rebellion against the Deity, and the offender would
have paid the forfeit of his presumption and impiety.^
That their laws were framed with the greatest regard for the
welfare of the community is abundantly proved by all that
ancient history has imparted to us ; and Diodorus ^ observes,
* This unparalleled country could never have continued throughout
ages in such a flourishing condition, if it had not enjoyed the
best of laws and customs, and if the people had not been guided
by the most salutary regulations.' Nor were these framed for
the lower orders only ; for their kings, says the same author,*
so far from indulging in those acts of arbitrary will, unrestrained
by the fear of censure, which stain the character of sovereigns in
other monarchical states, were contented to submit to the rules
of public duty, and even of private life, which had been esta-
blished by law from the earliest times. Even their daily food
was regulated by prescribed rules, and the quantity of wine was
limited with scrupulous exactitude. The king was distinguished
from his subjects by his attire, principally the ureevs or asp
diadem, which no subject could assume; he wore also the crowns
of the various gods, and special and royal robes, but had no dis-
tinguishing sceptre. In war he appears with a particular kind
of helmet, khepersh, on his head. [Princes were distinguished by
a badge hanging from the side of the head, which enclosed, or
represented, the lock of hair emblematic of * a son ;' in imitation
of the youthful god * Horus, the son of Isis and Osiris,' who was
held forth as the model for all princes, and the type of royal
virtue. For though the Egyptians shaved the head, and wore
' The monuments show that the mon- The monarch nominated or appointed tefum
archy was hereditary, and the monarch during life an heir apparent or rtpai ;
supposed to be descended from the gods, there were, of course, disputed aacceasions.
in the male and female line. The idea of — S. B.
election is expressed in some of the royal ' Diod. i. 69.
names, but then it is a divine election. ' Ibid. i. 70.
Chap. HI.]
DUTIES OP THE KINGS.
163
wiga or other coveriugs to the head, children were pennitted to
leave certain locks of hair; and if the sons of kings, long
before they arrived at the age of manhood, had abandoned this
youthful custom, the badge was attached to their head-dress as
a mark of their rank as princes ; or to show that they had not,
during the lifetime of their father, arrived at hinghood: on the
same principle that a Spanish prince, of whatever age, continues
to be styled ' an infant'— G. W.]
Prinna u>d ctlldren,
m of ■ priDoe, Kudch.
When a sovereign, having been brought up in the military
class, was ignorant of the secrets of his religion, the first step,
as I have already observed, on his accession to the throne, was to
make him acquainted with those mysteries, and to enrol him in
the college of the priests. He was instructed in all that related
to the gods, the service of the temple, the laws of the country,
and the duties of a monarch ; and, in order to prevent any inter-
course with improper persons, who might instil into his mind
ideas unworthy of a prince, or at variance with morality, it was
carefully provided that no slave or hired servant should hold
any office about his person, but that the children of the first
families of the priestly order,' who had arrived at man's estate,
164
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS.
[Chap. III.
and were remarkable for having received the best education and
profited by it, should alone be permitted to attend him. And
this precautionary measure was dictated by the persuasion that
no monarch gives way to the impulse of evil passions, unless he
finds those about him ready to serve as instruments to his
caprices, and to encourage his excesses.
It was not on his own will that his occupations depended,
but on those rules of duty and propriety which the wisdom of
his ancestors had framed, with a just regard for the welfare of the
king and of his people.^ They argued that he was an officer of
the State ; that the situation he held had not been made for his
sole benefit, but for that of the nation, which he was bound to
serve as well as to govern ; and the king was thought rather to
belong to the nation than the nation to the king. Impressed
with these ideas, the Egyptian monarchs refused not to obey
those lessons which the laws had laid down for their conduct :
their occupations, both by day and night, were regulated by
prescribed rules ; a time was set apart for every duty, and a
systematic method of transacting business was found to lead to
those results which a disregard of order usually fails to produce.
At break of day ^ public business commenced, all the epistolary
correspondence was then examined, and the subject of each letter
was considered with the attention it required. The ablutions for
prayer were then performed, and the monarch, having put on
the robes of ceremony, and attended by proper officers, with the
insignia of royalty, repaired to the temple to superintend the
customary sacrifices to the gods of the sanctuary. The victims
being brought to the altar, it was usual for the high priest to
place himself close to the king, while the whole congregation *
present on the occasion stood round at a short distance from
them, and to offer up prayers for the monarch,* beseeching the
gods to bestow on him health and all other blessings,* in return
* A few injunctions for the conduct of a
Jewish king are given in Deut. xvii. 16.
* Diod. i. 70. Herodotus, ii. 173, says
that Amasis employed himself about public
business from daybreak till market time,
or about the third hour of the day.
' This ceremony must have taken place
in the court of the temple and not in the
sanctuary, since the people were admitted
to it. The entrance into the holy of holies,
or the sanctuary, was only on particular
occasions, as with the Jews. (Exod. zxviii.
29; Ezck. xlii. 13,14.)
* As in the Moslem mosques, from the
times of the caliphs to the present day.
On the conquest of Egypt by Soltan Seleem,
the aristocracy of the Memlooks was left,
on condition of annual tribute to the
Oatqanlis, obedience in matters of faith tu
the Mooftee of Constantinople, and the
insertion of the name of the soltan in the
public prayers and on the coin. Moham-
med Ali had an idea of introducing his own
instead of Soltan Mahmood*8 name daring
the war of Syria in 1832-33.
* Conf. the Rosetta stone : ' In return
Chap. KL] EULOGY OP AND PRATER FOR THE KING. 165
for his respect to the laws, his love of justice, and his general
conduct towards the people he ruled. His qualities were then
separately enumerated ; and the high priest particularly noticed
his piety towards the gods, and his clemency and affable de-
meanour towards men. He lauded his seK-command, his justice,
his magnanimity, his love of truth, his munificence and gene-
rosity, and, above all, his entire freedom from envy and covetous-
ness. He exalted his moderation in awarding the most lenient
punishment to those who had transgressed, and his benevolence
in requiting with unbounded liberality those who had merited
his favours. These and other similar encomiums having been
passed on the character of the monarch, the priest proceeded to
review the general conduct of kings, and to point out those
faults which were the result of ignorance and misplaced con-
fidence. And it is worthy of remark, that this ancient people
had already adopted the principle that the king should be exone-
rated from blame,^ while every curse and evil was denounced
against his ministers, and those advisers who had given him in-
jurious counsel. The object of this oration, says Diodorus, was to
exhort the sovereign to live in fear of the Deity, and to cherish
that upright line of conduct and demeanour which was deemed
pleasing to the gods; and they hoped that, by avoiding the
bitterness of reproach and by celebrating the praises of virtue,
they might stimulate him to the exercise of those duties which
he was expected to fulfil. The king then proceeded to examine
the entrails of the victim, and to perform the usual ceremonies
of sacrifice; and the hierogrammateus, or sacred scribe, read
those extracts from the holy writings which recorded the deeds
and sayings of the most celebrated men.
It was recommended that the prince should listen to that
good advice which was dictated by experience, and attend to
those lessons^ which were derived from the example or history of
former monarchs ; and he was particularly enjoined to conform to
a line of conduct which in other instances had proved beneficial
to the State. But it was not in public alone that he was warned
of his duty ; and the laws subjected every action of his private
life to as severe a scrutiny as his behaviour in the administration
for which, the gods have given him health, by Diodorus.
victory, power, and all other good things, ' That the king could do no wrong is a
the kingdom being established unto him much older notion than we generally
and unto his children for ever;' which is, imagine. (Diod. i. 70.)
perh^w, the real formula here alluded to
166 THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS. [Chap. IIL
of affairs. The hours of washing, walking, and all the amuse-
ments and occupations of the day, were settled with precision,
and the quantity as well as the quality of his food were regulated
by law : simplicity was required both in eating and drinking,
and Diodorus affirms that their table only admitted the meat of
oxen and geese.^ A moderate allowance of wine was also per-
mitted ; but all excess was forbidden and prevented, upon the
principle that food was designed for the support of the body,
and not for the gratification of an intemperate appetite. And
though we cannot admit the opinion of Plutarch,^ — who, on the
authority of Eudoxus, affirms that wine ^ was not allowed to the
kings previous to the time of Psammatichus, — this statement of
Diodorus derives from it an additional testimony that the kings
at all times conformed to the laws in private as well as in
public life. In short, he adds, the regulations concerning food
and temperance were of such a salutary nature, that one would
rather imagine them the regimen of some learned physician, who
anxiously consulted the health of the prince, than an extract
from a legislative code.
But the most admirable part of their institutions, says the
same historian, did not consist in sanitary regulations, which
forbade the sovereign to transgress the rules of temperance, nor
has the conduct of the princes who submitted themselves to such
laws the chief claim upon our admiration ; our praise is mainly
due to those wise ordinances which prevented the chief of the
State from judging or acting thoughtlessly, and from punishing
anyone through the impulse of anger, revenge, or any other
unjust motive. And as he was thus constrained to act in obe-
dience to the laws, all punishments were inflicted according to
real justice and impartiality.
To persons habituated to the practice of virtue, these duties
became at length a source of gratification, and they felt convinced
that they tended as well to their own happiness as to the welfare
of the State. They acknowledged the mischief which would arise
from allowing the passions of men to be unbridled, and that love,
anger, and other violent impulses of the mind, being stronger
than the recollection of duty, were capable of leading away those
* They were the most usual meats ; bat ^ We find that as early as the time of
they had also the wild goat, gazelle, oryx, Joseph the Egyptian kings drank wine ;
and wild fowl of various kinds, as we learn since the chief fnUUr of Pharaoh is men-
from the sculptures. tioned in virtue of his office pouring out
' De Isid. et Osir. s. vi. wine to the monarch. (Gen. zl. 11.)
Chap. III.]
FUNERAL OF THE KING.
107
even who were well acquainted with the precepts of morality.
They, therefore, willingly submitted to those rules of conduct
already laid down and sanctioned by competent legislators ; and
by the practice of justice towards their subjects, they secured to
themselvea that good will which was due from children to a
parent ; whence it followed that not only the college of priests
but the whole Egyptian nation was as anxious for the welfare of
the king as for that of their own wives and children, or whatever
was mc«t dear to them. And this, Diodorus observes, weks the
main cause of the duration of the Egyptian state, which not only
lasted long, but enjoyed the greatest prosperity, waging successful
wars on distant nations, and being enabled by immense riches, re-
sulting from foreign conquest, to display a magnificence, in its
provinces and cities, unequalled by that of any other country.
Love and respect were not merely shown to the sovereign
dnring his lifetime, but were continued to his memory after his
demise; and the manner in which his funeral obsequies were
celebrated tended to show that, though their benefactor was no
more, they retained a grateful sense of his goodness and ad-
miration for his virtues. And what, says the historian, can
convey a greater testimony of sincerity, free from all colour of
dissimnlation, than the cordial acknowledgment of a benefit,
when the person who conferred it no longer lives to witness the
honour done to his memory ?
On the death ' of every Egyptian king, a general mourning
was instituted throughout the country for seventy-two days,'
■ The kiBg on hi> death wu i
uocDil to heaveo. — 8. B.
* Diodor. i. 72. Coat. th« cut
the Jews, and Gen. I. 3: 'Th« Egfptitai
moui'ned fur Jotob threeiccire and le.
168
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS.
[Chap. m.
hymus commemorating his virtues were sung, the temples were
closed, S6tcrifices were no longer oflfered, and no feasts or festivals
were celebrated during the whole of that period. The people
tore their garments,^ and, covering their heads with dust and
mud, formed a procession of 200 or 300 persons of both sexes,
who met twice a day in public to sing the funeral dirge. A
general fast was also observed, and they neither allowed themselves
to taste meat nor wheaten bread, and abstained, moreover, from
wine and every kind of luxury.
In the meantime, the funeral was prepared, and on the last
day the body was placed in state within the vestibule of the tomb,
and an account was then given of the life and conduct of the
deceased. It was permitted to anyone present to offer himself
as an accuser, and the voice of the people might prevent a
sovereign enjoying the customary funeral obsequies ; a worldly
ordeal, the dread of which tended to stimulate the Egyptiau
monarchs to the practice of their duty far more than any feeling
inculcated by respect for the laws or the love of virtue. [The same
was customary amongst the Jews, who deprived wicked kings of
the right of burial in the tombs of their ancestors.* Josephus
says this was continued to the time of the Asmoneans.^ — G. W.]
The Egyptians, as I have already observed, were divided into
four principal castes : the sacerdotal order, the peasants, the
townsmen, and the common people. Next to the king, the
priests held the first rank, and from them were chosen his con-
fidential and responsible advisers,* the judges, and all the prin-
cipal officers of State. They associated with the monarch, whom
they assisted in the performance of his public duties, and to whom
they explained, from the sacred books, those moral lessons which
were laid down for his conduct, and which he was required to
observe ; and by their great experience, their knowledge of the
past, and their skill in augury and astronomy,^ they were sup-
^ A common custom to the present day
in rage and grief. (Conf. the Scriptures,
passim.) They have diflerent modes of
rending their garments, according to the
degree of anger, the excess of grief, or the
display of feeling requisite upon each
occasion ; and thus, when bewailing the
loss of a parent, the rent is proportionably
greater than when mourning the death of
an acquaintance.
• After death some monarchs were
deified and had prophets, neter pent or
flamens, attached to their worship. At
the time of the 4th Dynasty Seneferu
appears to have been thus honoured, and
Cheops and Chephren received the sam^
honours, and other monarchs are found on
the inscriptions so deified till the time of
the Ptolemies, when the leading priest wu
the flamen of Alexander the Great. — S. B.
* Joseph. Ant. xiii.-xv. p. 367.
* Isaiah xix. 11. Diodorus, i. 73.
' The fier seshta en pa^ *■ over the secrets
of the heaven ;' there were also the ker aethta
en tOf * over the secrets of the earth,' and
others of the same class over the depths or
mines, cellars, etc. ; but it is uncertain if
they belonged to the order of priests. — S. B.
Chap, m.]
THE PALLAKIDES OF AMEN.
169
posed to presage future events, and to foresee an impending
calamity, or the success of any undertaking. It was not one man
or one woman, as Diodorus observes, who was appointed to the
priesthood, but many were employed together in performing
sacrifices and other ceremonies ; and each college of priests was
distinguished according to the deity to whose service it belonged,
or according to the peculiar office held by its members.
The principal classes into which the sacerdotal order was
divided have been already enumerated ; ^ there were also many
minor priests of various deities, as well as the scribes and priests
of the kings, and numerous other divisions of the caste. Nor
should wo omit the priestesses of the gods, or of the kings and
queens, each of whom bore a title indicating her peculiar office.
Of the former, the Pellices, or Pallakides, of Amen, are the most
remarkable, as the importance of their post sufficiently proves ;
and if we are not correctly informed of the real extent and nature
of their duties, yet, since females of the noblest families, and
princesses, as well as the queens themselves, esteemed it an
honour to perform them, we may conclude the post was one of
the highest to which they could aspire in the service of religion.^
They are the same whom Herodotus mentions as holy women,^
consecrated to the Theban Jove, whose sepulchres, said by
^ The principal classes into which the
priests were diyided are, 1. I V neterhent,
* prophets,' the highest in the hierarchy,
and of which there were certainly as many
as four attached to the principal gods, who
succeeded by seniority or election to the
formed other offices ; and the
liM^
place of high priest
iest;2.'i(|
the neter
aUf, or ' divine fathers ' of inferior rank,
but eligible to the grade of prophet ; 3. the
/ I ♦ f^ ^' * purifiers ' or washers, a
lower grade of the priesthood ; 4. the
] -sg^ neter meriy * beloved of god,* a still
lower order. Besides these were the
I JL <zi> foi sen-neteTy * incense
bearers ' and other officers charged with the
care, superintendence, or duties of the temple
and its property; the Q Q U^2^
kar h^f who recited funeral prayers and per-
or hesij * bards ' of the gods, also attached
to the divine service. Besides the high
priests were superintendents, who looked
after the general body. In the days of
Euergetes I., B.C. 238, the priests were
divided into four phylai, *■ tribes ' or orders,
and another tribe added. — S. B.
' The women engaged in the service of
the gods were the |
* divine wife,* the |
neter hem, the
or
I
i:
neter
qema, or *smgers,
tutf Mivine handmaid,' a dignity and office
explained by the Pallakis ; the -1 fl jlj
ahiy or ' sistrum -players.* Under the so-
called old Empire neter hent^ prophetesses,
are found, but they ceased before the 12th
Dynasty. Besides these were the kenemt
or * pallakides * of Amen ; and a few other
offices held by women in the temples. — S. B.
* Herod, ii. 54.
170
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS.
[Chap. in.
Diodonis to have been about ten stadia from the tomb of Osyman-
dyas,^ are still seen at Thebes, in a valley 3000 feet behind the
ruins of Medeenet Haboo : and this fact strongly confirms, and is
confirmed by, the evidence of the sculptures, which show them to
i»lij^|l^*iiS
have been females of the highest rank, since all the occupants of
those tombs were either the wives or daughters of kings.
Besides this class of priestesses, was another of similar rank,
apparently a subdivision of the same, who fulfilled certain duties
» Diod. i. 47.
Chap. HI.] PRIESTESSES. 171
entrusted only to the wives and daughters of priests, and not
unusually to members of the same family as the Pallakides. They
had also the privilege of holding the sacred sistra in religious
ceremonies, before the altar and on other occasions, and were
attached to the service of the same deitv.
The ridiculous story of their prostitution could only have
originated in the depraved notions and ignorance of the Greeks,*
fond of the marvellous, and notorious as they were for a superficial
acquaintance with the customs of foreign nations; and it is
unnecessary to request a sensible person to consider whether it
is more probable that women who devoted themselves to the
service of religion among the most pious people of profane
nations, and who held the rank and consequence necessarily
enjoyed by the wives and daughters of a monarch and of the
principal nobles of a country, should have sacrificed every feeling
of delicacy and virtue, or that the authors of the story were
deceived, and perhaps intended to deceive others.
Herodotus states that women were not eligible to the priest-
hood, either of a male or female deity, and that men were alone
admitted to this post ;^ but his remark evidently applies to the
office of pontiff, or at least to some of the higher sacerdotal orders,
from his referring in another place ^ to women devoted to the
service of Amen, as well as from the authority of other writers.
Diodorus,* indeed, describes Athyrtis, the daughter of Sesostris,
so well versed in divination that she foretold to her father the
future success of his arms, and engaged him to prosecute his
designs of conquest; her knowledge in these matters being
sufficient to influence the conduct of the monarch, who was
himself, in the capacity of high priest, well versed in all the
secrets of religion : and her visions and omens were observed in
the temple itself. Again, in the Bosetta stone, and the papyri
of Paris and Sig. D'Anastasy,* we find direct mention made of the
priestesses of the queens. In the former, * Areia, the daughter
of Diogenes, being priestess of Arsinoe, the daughter of Phila-
delphus : and Eirene, the daughter of Ptolemy, priestess of
Arsinoe, the daughter of Philopator : and Pyrrha, the daughter
of Philinus, being canephoros (or basket-bearer) of Berenice, the
daughter of Euergetes ; ' — and, in the latter, are ' the priestess of
* Strabo, zvii. p. 561. * Diod. i. 53.
' Herod. iL 39. * Bockh, < Corpus Inscript. Qrcc' vol.
» Ibid., ii. 54. iii. p. 307.— S. B.
172
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS.
[Chap. III.
Arsinoe, the father-loving : ' and ' the prize-bearer of Berenice
Euergetes : the basket-bearer of Arsinoe Philadelphus : and the
priestess of Arsinoe Eupator :' and those of the three Cleopatras.*
The same oflSce usually descended from father to son * [and it
is probable that the same dress of investiture was kept, and put
on by the son to be anointed and invested in, as was the law of
the Jews ^ — G. W.], but the grade was sometimes changed ; *
and it is probable that even when a husband was devoted to the
service of one deity, a wife might perform the duties of priestess
to another. They enjoyed important privileges, which extended
to their whole family. They were exempt from taxes ; they con-
sumed no part of their own income in any of their necessary
expenses ; ^ and they had one of the three portions into which
the land of Egypt was divided, free from all duties. They were
provided for from the public stores,*^ out of which they received a
stated allowance of com and all the other necessaries of life ; and
we find that when Pharaoh, by the advice of Joseph, took all the
land of the Egyptians in lieu of corn,' the priests were not obliged
to make the same sacrifice of their landed property, nor was the
tax of the fifth part of the produce entailed upon it, as on that of
the other people.^ Diodorus states that the land was divided
into three portions, one of which belonged to the king, the other
to the priests, and the third to the military order ; and I am
inclined to think that this exclusive right of frieehold property is
alluded to in the sculptures of the Egyptian tombs. And if the
only persons there represented as landed proprietors are the
kings, priests, and military men,' this accordance of the sculptures
with the scriptural account is peculiarly interesting, as it recalls
the fact of Pharaoh's having bought all the land of the Egyptians,
who farmed it afterwards for the proprietor of the soil, on con-
dition of paying him a fifth of the annual produce ; though
Herodotus woiild lead us to infer that Sesostris divided the
lands among the people,^° and, having allotted to each a certain
* Young, Hierogl. Literat., p. 72.
« Diod. i. 73.
' Exod. xxix. 29.
* The king nominated his own priests ;
others were chosen by election. — S. B.
* Herodot. ii. 37.
* They drew supplies or rations from
the temples, and Euergetes I. ordered that
bread given to the wives and daughters
of the priesthood should be made into
a loaf, and stamped with the name or title
of Berenice his daughter. (Lepsius, *Da«
bilingue Dekret von Kanopus,' Berlin,
1876.)— S. B.
' Gen. xlvii. 20, 22.
» Gen. xlvii. 26.
* The priests and soldiers had an allow-
ance from the government ; though the
latter are not mentioned as having profited
by this during the famine in the time of
Joseph.
*® Herodot. ii. 189. Unless he means
that the crown lands were portioned out,
and given to the peasants to farm, on pay-
Chap. IIL] GRADES OF PRIESTS. 173
portion, received an annual rent from the peasant by whom it
was cultivated.
In the saoerdotal, as among the other classes, a great distinc-
tion existed between the diflferent grades, and the various orders
of priests ranked according to their peculiar office. The chief
and high priests held the first and most honourable station ; but
he who offered sacrifice in the temple appears to have had, at
least for the time, the highest post, and one that was usually
filled by the kings themselves. It is, however, probable that the
chief priests took it by turns to officiate on those occasions, and
that the honour of doing sacrifice was not confined to one alone ;
but the priests of one deity were not called upon to perform the
ceremonies in the temple of another, though no injunction pre-
vented any of them making offerings to the contemplar gods, and
still less to Osiris in his capacity of judge of Amenti. Some also,
who were attached to the service of certain divinities, held a rank
far above the rest ; and the priests of the great gods were looked
upon with far greater consideration than those of the minor
deities. In many provinces and towns, those who belonged to
particular temples were in greater repute than others ; and it was
natural that the priests who were devoted to the service of the
presiding deity of the place should be preferred by the inha-
bitants, and be treated with greater honour. Thus the priests of
Amun held the first rank at Thebes, those of Pthah at Memphis,
of Ke at Heliopolis, and the same throughout the nomes of which
these were the chief cities.
One of the principal grades of the priesthood w as the prophets.
They were particularly versed in all matters relating to religion,
the laws, the worship of the gods, and the discipline of the whole
order; and they not only presided over the temple and the
sacred rites, but directed the management of the priestly revenues.^
In the solemn processions, their part was conspicuous ; they bore
the holy hydria, or vase, which was frequently carried by the
king himself on similar occasions ; and when any new regulations
were introduced in affairs of religion, they, in conjunction witli
the chief priests, were the first whose opinion was consulted, as
we find in the Kosetta stone, where, in passing a decree regarding
the honours to be conferred on Ptolemy Epiphanes, ' the chief
ment of a certain rent, or a fifth of the ^ Clem. Alex. Strom, i. p. 758.
produce, as mentioned in Gen. xlvii. 26.
174 THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS. [Chap. m.
priests and prophets ' headed the conclave assembled in the temple
of Memphis.*
The sacred office of the priests, by giving them the exclnsive
right to regulate all spiritual matters, as well as to announce
the will, threaten the wrath, and superintend the worship of the
gods, was calculated to ensure them universal respect ; and they
were esteemed for a superior understanding, and for that know-
ledge which could only be acquired by the peculiar nature of
their education. In consideration of the services they were
bound to perform in the temples, for the welfare of the country
and of its inhabitants, they were provided with ample revenues,
besides numerous free gifts ; for the Egyptians deemed it right
that the administration of the honours paid to the gods should
not be fluctuating, but be conducted always by the same persons,
in the same becoming manner, and that those who were above all
their fellow-citizens in wisdom and knowledge ought not to be
below any of them in the comforts and conveniences of life.
With a similar view, a stated portion was assigned also to the
kings in order that they might be enabled to reward the services
of those who merited well of their country, and that, by having
ample means for supporting their own splendour and dignity,
they might not burthen their subjects with oppressive and
extraordinarv taxes.*
The chief cause of the ascendency they acquired over the
minds of the people was the importance attached to the mysteries,
to a thorough understanding of which the priests could alone
arrive ; and so sacred did they hold those secrets that many
members of the sacerdotal order were not admitted to a partici-
pation of them, and those alone were selected for initiation who
had proved themselves virtuous and deserving of the honour : a
fact satisfactorily proved by the evidence of Clement of Alex-
andria, who says, * The Egyptians neither entrusted their mysteries
to every one, nor degraded the secrets of divine matters by dis-
closing them to the profane, reserving them for the heir apparent
of the throne, and for such of the priests as excelled in virtue
and wisdom.' ^
From all we can learn on the subject, it appears that the
mysteries consisted of two degrees, denominated the greater and
* Rosetta stone, line 6. adds, * Therefore, in their hidden character,
- Diod. i. 73. the enigmas of the Egyptians are Terj
* Clem. Alex. Strom, i. p. 670. He similar to those of the Jevr^.'
Chap. III.] THE GREATER AND LESS MYSTERIES.
175
the less ; and in order to become qualified for admission into the
higher class, it was necessary to have passed through those of the
inferior degree : and each of them was probably divided into ten
different grades. It was necessary that the character of the
candidate for initiation should be pure and unsullied ; and
novitiates were commanded to study those lessons which tended
to purify the mind and to encourage morality. The honour of
ascending from the less to the greater mysteries was as highly
esteemed as it was difficult to obtain : no ordinary qualification
recommended the aspirant to this important privilege; and,
independent of enjoying an acknowledged reputation for learning
and morality, he was required to undergo the most severe ordeal,
and to show the greatest moral resignation ; but the ceremony of
passing under the knife of the Hierophant was merely emblematic
of the regeneration of the neophyte.
That no one except the priests was privileged to initiation
into the greater mysteries, is evident from the fact of a prince,
and even the heir apparent, if of the military order, neither being
made partaker of those important secrets nor instructed in them
until his accession to the throne, when, in virtue of his kingly
office, he became a member of the priesthood and the head of the
religion. It is not, however, less certain that, at a later period,
many besides the priests, and even some Greeks, were admitted
to the lesser mysteries ; yet in these cases also their advancement
through the different grades must have depended on a strict
conformance to prescribed rules.
On the education of the Egyptians Diodorus^ makes the
following remarks : — * The children of the priests are taught
two different kinds of writing,^ — what is called the sacred, and
the more general ; and they pay great attention to geometry and
arithmetic. For the river, changing the appearance of the
country very materially every year, is the cause of many and
various discussions among neighbouring proprietors about the
extent of their property; and it would be difficult for any
person to decide upon their claims without geometrical reasoning.
> Diod. i. 81. Conf. Herod, ii. 36.
* Perhaps Diodorus and Herodotus both
refer to the hieratic and enchorial or
demotic, without considering the hierogly-
phic ; but Porphyry and Clement of Alex-
andria are more explicit. The former
states that Pythagoras (when in Egypt)
became acquainted with the three kinds of
writing, — the epistolographic, the hiero-
glyphic, and the symbolic ; and the latter
says, * that in the education of the Egyptians
three styles of writing are taught: the
first is called the epistolary (enchorial or
demotic); the second, the sacerdotal (hier-
atic), which the sacred scribes employ;
and the third, the hieroglyphic. (Porph.
in Vitd Pythag., p. 15. Clem. Alex.
Strom. V. vol. ii. p. 657.)
176 THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS. [Chap. IIL
founded on actual observation. Of arithmetic they have also
frequent need, both in their domestic economy, and in the
application of geometrical theorems, besides its utility in the
cultivation of astronomical studies ; for the orders and motions of
the stars are observed at least as industriously by the Egyptians
as by any people whatever ; and they keep record of the motions
of each for an incredible nimiber of years, the study of this
science having been, from the remotest times, an object of national
ambition with them. They have also most punctually observed
the motions, periods, and stations of the planets, as well as the
powers which they possess with respect to the nativities of animals,
and what good or evil influences they exert ; and they frequently
foretell what is to happen to a man throughout his life, and not
uncommonly predict the failure of crops or an abundance, and
the occurrence of epidemic diseases among men and beasts:
foreseeing also earthquakes and floods, the appearance of comets,
and a variety of other things which appear impossible to the
multitude. It is said that the Chaldaeans in Babylon are derived
from an Egyptian colony, and have acquired their reputation for
astrology by means of the information obtained from the priests
in Egypt. But the generality of the common people learn only
from their parents or relations that which is required for the
exercise of their peculiar professions, as we have already shown ;
a few only being taught anything of literature, and those prin-
cipally the better classes of artificers.'
Hence it appears they were not confined to any particular rules
in the mode of educating their children, and it depended upon
a parent to choose the degree of instruction he deemed most
suitable to their mode of life and occupations, as among other
civilised nations.^
In their minute observations respecting every event of
consequence, Herodotus states that the Egyptians surpassed all
other men ; and * when anything occurs,' says the historian,*
* they put it down in writing, and pay particular attention to the
circumstances which follow it ; and if in process of time any
similar occurrence takes place, they conclude it will be attended
with the same results.'
If the outward show and pomp of religion, for which the
ancient Egyptians were sp noted, appear to us unnecessary, and
' The coDdition of the hierarchy under Bockh, * Corp. Inscr. Graec* vol. iii. part
the Ptolemies is given by Franzius in xiix. Aegyptus.— S. B. * Herod, it 32.
Chap. HI.] CONDUCT OP PBIESTS TO THE PEOPLE. 177
inconsistent with real devotion, we must make suitable allowance
For the manners of an Eastern nation, and bear in mind that the
priests were not gnilty of inculcating maxims they did not
themselves follow ; but on the contrary, by their upright conduct
and by imposing on themselyes duties far more sev^e than those
required from any other class of the community, they set an
example to the people by which they could not fail to benefit.
And the strict purification of body and mind they were bound to
undergo, both as members of those sacred institutions and as
persons devoted to the service of the gods, not only obtained for
them the esteem of the rest of the Egyptians, but tended also to
ameliorate their own character ; and their piety and virtue were
as conspicuous as their learning.
We may, perhaps, feel disposed to blame the Egyptian
priests for their exclusiveness in the study of religion, and in
keeping concealed from the people those secrets which it im-
parted; but it was argued that, being fully engaged in the
temporal occupations of the world, the theories of metaphysical
speculation were unnecessary for their welfare, and incompatible
with their employments. They deemed it sufficient to warn
them of their duty, and urge them to conform to the rules laid
down for the encouragement of morality ; and the dread both of
a temporal and a future ordeal was held out to them as an induce-
ment to lead a just and virtuous life. Bestrained by the fear of
punishment hereafter and by the hope of a happier state, and
dreading the displeasure of their rulers and the severity of the
laws, they were necessarily taught to command their passions,
and to practise, or at least to appreciate, virtue ; and respect for
their spiritual pastors being heightened by the idea of their
possessing superior talents, they obeyed their commands with
deference and submission.
It appears to have been the object of the priests to enhance
the value of their knowledge, and thereby more easily to gain an
ascendency over the minds of a superstitious people ; a measure
which naturally strikes us as illiberal and despotic : but if we
temember how much the force of habit and the sanctity of
established laws serve to reconcile men to the form of government
under which they have long lived, we cease to be surprised at the
fondness of the Egyptians for their ancient institutions ; and if
they were so well satisfied with them that every innovation was
resisted, and the Ptolemies and Caesars vainly endeavoured to
suggest improvements in their laws, we may conclude that the
VOL. L N
178 THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS. [Chap. m.
system and regulations of the Egyptian priests were lEramed with
wisdom, and tended to the happiness as well as to the welfiare of
the people. And when the members of the legislative body are
possessed of superior talents, even though their measures are
absolute, they frequently govern with great benefit to the com-
munity ; and this paternal authority is certainly more desirable
in the ruling power than physical force.
Some will also question the policy or the justice of adopting
such exclusive measures in the study of religion ; but we may be
allowed to doubt the prudence of allowing every one, in a nation
peculiarly addicted to speculative theory,^ to dabble in so abtruse
a study. We have observed the injury done to the morals of
society in Greece, at Bome, and in other places, by the fanciful
interpretation of mysteries and hidden truths, which being mis-
understood, were strangely perverted; and licence in religious
speculation has always been the cause of schism, and an aberra-
tion from the purity of the original. At a later period, when
every one was permitted to indulge in superstitious theories, the
Egyptians of all classes became notorious for their wild and
fanciful notions, which did not fail eventually to assail Chris-
tianity, for a time tainting the purity of that religion ; and we
find from Vopiscus, that the Emperor Aurelian considered them
' smatterers in abstruse science, prophecy and medicine ; eager
for innovation, which formed the subject of their songs and
ballads; always turning their talents for poetry and epigram
against the magistrates, and ready to assert their pretended
liberties.'
There is therefore less reason to censure the Egyptian priests
for their conduct in these matters, though a little insight into the
foundation of their theological system would have been more
beneficial to the people than the blind creed of an imaginary
polytheism, which was contrary to the spirit of the religion they
themselves professed, but which the people were taught or left
to believe: for it was unjust and cruel to conceal under the
fabulous guise of a plurality of gods that knowledge of the
attributes and omnipotence of the Deity which the priests them-
selves possessed ;' and it was iniquitous to degrade the nature of
the Divinity by bringing it down to the level of the gross ima-
ginations of the people, when they had had the means of raising
> Ammianus Marcellinas, lib. zxii. c. 16. epoch, and not to thoie of the time of the
' I allude to the priests of an ttaW Romans.
Chap. ITL]
FOOD OF THE PRIESTS.
179
their minds, by giving them an insight into some of those truths
which have merited the nam:e of ' the wisdcnn of the Egyptians.'
The unity of the Deity would have been a doctrine which all
classes might have been taught ; and the eternal existence and
invisible power of Ihoah ^ would have offered a higher notion of
the Cause and Buler of all things than any mention of His
attributes, or the fanciful representation of a god in the sculptures
of their temples. It would have been unnecessary to explain the
nature or peculiar occupation of a trinity, the mysterious con-
nection between truth and the creative power (which is referred
to in their sculptures) ; and imprudent to confuse their ideas
with the notion of intermediate temporal and intellectual agents,
or with the abstruse science of numbers and geometrical
emblems.
If the priests were anxious to establish a character for learn-
ing and piety, they were not less so in their endeavours to excel
in propriety of outward demecuiour, and to set forth a proper
example of humility and self-denial ; and if not in their houses,
at least in their mode of living, they were remarkable for
simplicity and abstinence. They committed no excesses either in
eating or drinking ; their food was plain and in a stated quantity,^
and wine was used with the strictest regard to moderation.'
And so fearful were they lest the body should not * sit light
upon the soul,' * and excess should cause a tendency to increase
* the corporeal man,' that they paid a scrupulous attention to the
most trifling particulars of diet: and similar precautions were
extended even to the deified animals : Apis, if we may believe
Plutarch,* not being allowed to drink the water of the Nile,
since it was thought to possess a fattening property.
They were not only scrupulous about the quantity, but the
quality of their food ; and certain viands were alone allowed to
appear at table. Above all meats, that of swine was particularly
obnoxious ; and fish both of the sea and the Nile were forbidden
them,' though so generally eaten by the rest of the Egyptians.
' I use the Hebrew name of the deity in
unity, * The Being of Beings/ * who is and
was ;' Jehoyah (Yehonah). This word has
been still further changed by onr custom
of giving / the force of O : of which there
are many instances, as Jacob, Judah, jot,
and others.
* Herodot. u. 37.
' I>nring the £asts, which were frequent,
rintarch says that they abstained from it
entirely. (Plut. dc Tsid. s. Ti.) The Jewish
priests were not permitted to drink wine
when they went ' into the tabernacle of
the congregation.' (Levit. z. 9.)
* Plut. de Isid. s. v. ; on the principle of
j^iu de corps moins d^esprit.
* Plut. de Isid. s. t.
* Pythagoras borrowed his aversion to
fish from ^ypt. (Plut. Symp. yiii. 8.)
N 2
180
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS.
[Chap. m.
And indeed, on the 9th of the month Thoth,^ when a religious
ceremony obliged all the people to eat a fried fish before the
door of their houses, the priests were not even then expected
to conform to the general custom, and they were contented to
substitute the ceremony of burning theirs at the appointed time.
Beans they held in utter abhorrence ; and Herodotus affirms '
that * they were never sown in the country ; and if they grew
spontaneously, they neither formed an article of food, nor even
if cooked were ever eaten by the Egyptians/ But this aversion,
which originated in a supposed sanitary regulation, and which
was afterwards so scrupulously adopted by Pythagoras, * did not,'
as I have already had occasion to observe,* 'preclude their
cultivation;' and Diodorus^ expressly states that some only
abstained from them, as from others of the numerous pulse and
vegetables which abounded in Egypt. Of these, lentils, peas,
garlic, leeks, and onions^ were the most objectionable, and no
priest was permitted to eat them under any pretence ; but that
the prohibition regarding them, as well as certain meats, was
confined to the sacerdotal order, is evident from the statements
of many ancient writers ; and even swine were,' if we may
believe Plutarch,^ not forbidden to the other Egyptians at all
times : * for those who sacrifice a sow to Typho once a year, at
the full moon, afterwards eat its flesh.'
It is a remarkable fact that onions, as well as the first-fruits
of their lentils,^ were admitted among the offerings placed upon
the altars of the gods, together with gourds,^ cakes, beef, goose
or wild fowl, grapes, figs, wine, and the head of the victim ; and
they were sometimes arranged in a hollow circular bunch, which,
descending upon the table or altar, enveloped and served as a
cover to whatever was placed upon it. And the privilege of
presenting them in this form appears, though not without excep-
tions, to have been generally enjoyed by that class of priests who
wore the leopard-skin dress.^®
' Plutarch says, 'the first month/ which
was Thoth. The 1st of Thoth coincided,
at the time of the Roman conquest, with
the 29th of August. (Plut. de laid. a. riL
Vide Herodot. ii. 37.)
* Herodot. ii. 37.
» * Egypt and Thebes/ p. 216.
* Diod. i. 89.
* Plut. 8. Tiii. Diod. i. 81. Jut. Sat. xt.
* * On the day of the fuU moon,' aays
Herodotus, 'the people eat part of the
victim they have sacrificed to that deity,
but on no other occasion do they taste the
meat of swine.' (ii. 47.)
' Plut. de Isid. s. liii.
• They were offered in the month of
Mesore, August. (Plut de Isid. s. IzriiL)
* Cucwrbita lagenaruiy Linn. Arab.
qarra toweel.
** This spotted skin has been mistaken
for that of the iM6ris, or fawn. (Plut. de
Isid. 8. ZZZT.)
CoAP. m.] ABSTINENCE OF THE FBIESTa ISl
In general, ' the priests abstained from most sorts of pulse,
from mutton, and swine's fiesh ; and in their more solemn
purifications, even excluded salt from their meals;'' but some
vegetables were consideTed lawful food, being preferred by them
for their wholesome nature, and it is certain that the Jeg;umiQ0us
productions and fruits of Egypt are frequently introduced into
the sculptures, and are noticed by Pliny and other authors ' as
abundant, and of the most excellent quality.
In their ablutions, as in their diet, they were equally severe,
and they maintained the strictest observance of numerous reli-
gious customs. They bathed twice a day and twice dariug the
night : ^ and some who pretended to a more rigid observance
of religious duties, washed themselves with water which had been
tasted by the ibis, supposed in consequence to boar an unques-
tionable evidence of its purity ; and shaving the head and the
whole body every third day, they spared no pains to promote the
cleanliness of their persons, without indulging in the luxuries of
the bath.* A grand ceremony of purification took place previous
and preparatory to their fasts, many of which lasted from seven
to forty-two days,* and sometimes even a longer period : during
* Plat, de Iiid. a. t. odIj required on artaln occuimu.
■ When Aleiandria wu taken by Amer, * It ii luppoKd that Uomer *llnd« to
4000 penoni were engiged in Hlling thii when apeakiDE of tbe prielt* of Jdtb
TwaUUei in that dtj. (U. iti. 338), thoagh ha daacribet them
* Herodot. ii. 37- ParphjiT uya thrice with unwashed fttt.
a da;, and tbe noctnnul ablntioni ware * Porph. de AbatinentU, lib. ir. : 1.
io^ THE ANCIENT EGtPTIANa [Chap. HI,
which time tltey abstained entirely from animal food, from
hetba and vegetables, and above all &om the indulgence of the
passions.
Their dress was simple; but the robes of ceremony were grand
and imposing, and each grade was distinguished by its peculiar
costume.
The high priest who superintended the immolating of the
victims, the processions of the sacred boats or arks, the preeenta-
Chap, m.]
DBES8 OF THE PRIESTS.
183
tion of the offerings at the altar or at funerals, and the anointing
of the king, was covered with a sort of mantle made of aa entire
leopard-skin ; and this badge was also attached to the dress
of the monarch when engaged in a similar ofiBce. Various
insignia were worn by them, according to their rank or the
ceremony in which they were engaged ; and necklaces, bracelets,
garlands, and other ornaments were put on during the religions
ceremonies in the temples. Their dresses were made of linen,
which, as Plutarch observes, is perfectly consistent with the
costome of men anxious to rid themBelveB of all natural impurities ;
for certainly, he adds, it would be absurd for those who take so
much pains to remove hair and all other superfluities from the
body, to wear clothes made of the wool or hair of animals. [Their
attention to cleanliness was very remarkable, as is shown by their
shaving the head and beard, and removing the hair from the
whole body, by their frequent ablutions, and by the strict rules
instituted to ensure it. The same motive of cleanliness led them
to practise circumciaion, which Herodotus afterwards mentions.
Nor was this confined to the priests, as we learn from the
184
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS.
[Chap, m
mummies and from the scolptores, where it is made a distinctiTe
mark between the Egyptians and their enemies ; and in later
timesy when Egypt contained
many foreign settlers, it mu
looked upon as a distinctiTe sign
between die orthodox Egyptian
and the Btranger, oi the Donctm-
fonnist. Its institution in Egypt
reaches to the most remote an-
tiquity : we find it existing at the
earliest period of which any monn-
ments remain, more than 2400
years before our era, and there is
no reason to doubt that it dated
still earlier.
Walking abroad, or officiating
in the temple, they were permitted
to have more than one garment
The priest styled Bern always wore
a leopard-skin placed over the
linen dress as his costume of office.
The Egyptian and Jewish priests
were the only ones (except perhaps
those of India) whose dresses were
ordered to be of linen. That worn
by the former was of the finest
texture, and the long robe with
full sleeves, which coTered the
body and descended to the ankles,
was perfectly transparent, and
placed over a short kilt of thicker
quality reaching to the knees.
Some wore a long robe of linen,
extending from the neck to the
ankles, of the same thick sub-
stance, and some officiated in the
short kilt alone, the arms and legs
being bare. Some again had a
- long thin dress, like a loose shirt,
Ko.14. Frt»t«>dnmcu»H7. ^jh fn]] sleeTos, Ksaching to the
ankles, OYer which a wrapper of fine linen was bound, covraing
the lower part of the body, and falling in front below the knees :
j». m.]
DBESS OP THE PRIESTS.
185
hieraphoros, while bearing the sacred emblems, frequently
:e a long full apron, tied in front with long bands, and a strap,
) of linen, passed oyer the shoulder to support it ; and some
38t8 wore a long smock reaching from below the arms to the
by and supported over the neck by straps (see No. 11, fig. 4).
sir head was frequently bare, sometimes covered with a wig
a tight cap; but in all cases the head was closely shaved.
9y had a particular mode of gauffering their linen dresses
10 adopted in Greece, to judge fr(Mn the ancient statues and
li.
Inttniineiit for ganftering the dretv.
vases, as well as in Etruria), which impressed upon them the
ring lines represented in the paintings, and this was done by
ems of a wooden instrument, divided into segmental partitions
inch broad on its upper face, which was held by the hand
lie the linen was pressed upon it. One of them is in the
iseum of Florence (fig. 2 gives the real size of the divisions).
5.W.]
Their prejudice, however, against woollen garments was
ifined to the under robes, it being lawful for them to put on a
^Uen upper garment for the purpose of a cloak ; and cotton
isses were sometimes worn by the priests, to whom, if we may
ieve Pliny ,^ they were particularly agreeable. But no one
i allowed to be buried in a woollen robe, from its engendering
rms, which would injure the body ; nor could any priest enter
lemple without previously taking off this part of his dress.^
eir sandals were made of the papyrus ' and palm leaves, and
) simplicity of their habits extended even to the bed on which
ij slept It was sometimes a simple skin extended upon the
"e ground ;^ sometimes it consisted of a sort of wicker-work
Pliii. xiz. 1. Herodotus says ihej only
e linen (iii. 37).
Herod, ii. 81.
« Herod, ii. 37.
* Eufltath. in Homer, U. xvi. 235,
186 THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS. [Chap. m.
made of palm branches/ on which they spread a mat or skin ;
and their head, says Porphyry, was supported by a half cylinder
of wood, in lieu of a pillow.
The same mode of resting the head was common to all the
Egyptians, and a considerable number of these stools have been
found in the tombs of Thebes : generally of sycamore, acacia, or
tamarisk wood ; or of alabaster, not inelegantly formed, and fre-
quently ornamented with coloured hieroglyphics. In Abyssinia,
and in parts of Upper Ethiopia, they still adopt the same support
for the head ; and the materials of which they are made are either
wood, stone, or common earthenware. Nor are they peculiar to
Abyssinia and the valley of the Nile : the same custom prevails
in far distant countries ; and we find them used in Japan, China,
and Ashantee,' and even in the island of Otaheite, where they are
also of wood, but longer and less concave than those of Africa.
Though excesses in their mode of living and all external display
of riches were avoided by the priests, we cannot reconcile the
great distinction maintained between the different classes of
society, or the disproportionate extent of their possessions, with
the boasted simplicity of their habits ; and, judging from the
scale of their villas and the wealth they enjoyed, we feel disposed
to withhold much of that credit we should otherwise have
bestowed upon the Egyptian priesthood. Besides their religious
duties, the priests fulfilled the important offices of judges ' and
legislators, as well as counsellors of the monarch ; and the laws,
as among many other nations of the East,^ forming part of the
sacred books, could only be administered by members of thpir
order.
But as the office of judge and the nature of their laws will
be mentioned in another part of this work, it is unnecessary
to enter upon the subject at present, and I therefore proceed to
notice the military class, which was the first subdivision of the
succeeding or second caste. To these was assigned one of
the three portions into which the land of Egypt was divided
by an edict of Sesostris,* in order, says Diodorus,' * that those
who exposed themselves to danger in the field might be more
> No doubt the same as the caffau of also of wood, but thej are furnished with
the present day, which is so generally used a small cushion,
for bedsteads in Egypt. Porphyry, lib. * iElian, Hist. Var. lib. xir. c. 34.
ir. s. 7, is right in saying the palm branch, * The Jews, Moslems, and othen.
in Arabic gereety was called haL < Diodor. i. 54.
' Those of the Chinese and Japanese are * Ibid., L 73.
Chap, in.] THE MILITAKY CLASS. 187
ready to undergo the hazards of war, from the interest they
felt in the country as occupiers of the soil ; for it would be
absurd to commit the safety of the community to those who
possessed nothing which they were anxious to preserve. Besides,
the enjoyment of comfort has a great tendency to increase
population ; and the result being that the military class becomes
more numerous, the country does not stand in need of foreign
auxiliaries: and their descendants receiving privileges handed
down to them from their forefathers, are thus encouraged to
emulate their valour; and studying from their childhood to
follow the advice and example of their fathers, they become
invincible by the skill and confidence they acquire.' For it was
forbidden that a child should follow a different profession from
that of his father, or that the son of a soldier should 1>elong to
any other profession than that of arms.^
[At an early age the youth destined for the profession of
arms was sent to the military school or barracks, and his miseries
there are described by a contemporary of Kameses II., as also the
additional ones of the warrior of a chariot or cavalry, who went
accompanied by five slaves, and was instructed in taking to
pieces, readjusting his chariot, and driving.' — S. B.]
Each man was obliged to provide himself with the necessary
arms, offensive and defensive, and everything requisite for a
campaign : and they were expected to hold themselves in readi-
ness for taking the field when required, or for garrison duty.
The principal garrisons were posted in the fortified towns of
Pelusium, Marea, Eilethyas,^ Hieraconopolis,* Syene, Elephantine,
and other intermediate places ; and a large portion of the army
was frequently called upon by their warlike monarchs to invade
a foreign country, or to suppress those rebellions which occasion-
ally broke out in the conquered provinces.*
Herodotus tells us each soldier, whether on duty or not, was
allowed twelve arourae of land,' free from all charge and tribute ;
which was probably the mode of dividing the portion mentioned
by Diodorus,' though it may of course be inferred that everyone
obtained a share proportionate to his rank.^ And this system of
' Herodot. ii. 166. opposite each other, and command the pas-
' Maspero, ' Genre ^pistolaire chez les Mge of the yalley.
anciens Egjptiens/ Paris, 1872, pp. 41-43. * Diodor. i. 47, and the sculptures.
' So 1 conclude, from the fortified en- * Herodot. ii. 168. The aroura was a
closures that remain there, distinct from square measure, containing 10,000 cubiUi.
the walls of the town. ' Diodor. i. 54, 73.
* This town and Eilethjas are nearly * The military officer Aahmes, son of
188
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS.
[Chap. UL
portioning out land, but more particularly of a conquered country,
and making allotments for soldiers, has been prevalent at all
times throughout the East.
Another important privilege was that no soldier ^ could be
cast into prison for debt ; and this law, though it extended to
every Egyptian citizen, was particularly provided by Bocchoris
in favour of the military, who, it was urged, could not be arrested
by the civil power without great danger to the State, of which
they were the chief defence.
The whole military force, consisting of 410,000 men,' waa
divided into two corps, the Calasiries and Hermotybies. They
furnished a body of men to do the duty of royal guards, 1000 of
each being annually selected for that purpose ; and each soldier
had an additional allowance of five minsB of bread,^ with two
of beef,* and four arusters of wine,' as daily rations, during the
period of his service.
The Calasiries^ were the most numerous, and amounted to
250,000 men, at the time that Egypt was most populous. They
inhabited the nomes of Thebes, Bubastis, Aphthis, Tanis, Mendes,
Sebennytus, Athribis, Pharbsethis, Thmuis, Onuphis, Anysis, and
the Isle of Myeephoris, which was opposite Bubastis ; and the
Hermotybies — who lived in those of Busiris, Sais, Chemmis,
Papremis, and the Isle of Prosopitis, and half of Natho — made
up the remaining 160,000. It was here that they abode while
retired from active service, and in these nomes the farms or por-
tions of land before alluded to were probably situated : which
were not only a substitute for regular pay,' but tended to en-
courage habits of industry, and to instil a taste for the occupations
of a country life. For the Egyptians justly considered that such
employments promoted the strength of the body, as much as
the idleness of a town life injured the physical and moral consti-
tution, and the soldier was taught to look upon the pursuits of a
Abana, receired as a reward of his military
sendees 60 arouras, stoj from the monarch
in whose services he was engaged. (' Re«
cords of the Past,' toI. ri. p. 5.) — S. B.
» Diod. i. 79.
« Herodot. ii. 165, 166. Diodor. i. 54,
gives a much larger amount to the army
of Sesostris, which, he sajs, consisted of
600,000 foot, besides 24,000 horse, and
27,000 chariots. He most hare included
the auxiliaries.
' 5 lbs. 5 oz. 1 dwt.
* 2 lbs. 2 oz. 8 grs.
!l
JTa-
* If the aruster is the same at the
cotyle, these four will be little less than
2 pints £nglish.
« The word ^ ^^
lasher or Calasiris occurs in a papyrus of
the Roman period. (Bunsen, ' Egypt's
Place,' Tol. T. p. 410.) Hermotybim has not
yet been found or identified. — S. B.
' The military chiefs, like the kings and
priests, let out their lands to husband-
men.
Chap. HI.] MEKCENAKY TROOPS. 189
mechanic as unmaDly and contemptible. Indeed, they were abso-
lately forbidden to engage in any such occupation ; as in Sparta,
they made war their profession, and deemed it the most worthy
pursuit of generous and &eeboni souls. They did not, howeTer,
confine the exercise of trades to slaves, like the LacedcemonianB,
because the number of the military class alone, in a country so
well peopled as Egypt, sufficed for all the purposes of defence ;
but their prejudices against mechanical employments, as far
as regarded the soldier, were equally strong as in the rigid
Sparta.
The sports of the field and gymnastic exercises were recom-
mended, as beneficial to their physical force, and as diversions
peculiarly snit«d to the active habits of a soldier ; and mock fights,
wrestling, leaping, cudgelling, and nometous feats of strength
and agility,' were their constant amusement
Besides the native corps they had also mercenary troops,
who were enrolled either from the nations in alliance with the
Egyptians, or from those who had been conquered by them.
' According to Dlodonu, i. bS, when momiog berore brukliit. Th« heat of an
SomtTU vu ■ bof li« wu obliged, like ill Egyptiu) ctimmte miut biiTe added greatly
the othtn edacated with him, to run 180 to the unpUaiaat put of thii feat.
itttlia, or between 22 and 23 miln, ercTj
190 THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS. [Chap. HI.
They were divided into regiments, sometimes disciplined in the
same manner as the Egyptians, though allowed to retain their
arms and costume ; but they were not on the same footing as the
native troops; and instead of land they had regular pay, like
other hired soldiers. Strabo speaks of them as mercenaries^
[who, he says, the Egyptian kings from very early times were in
the habit of employing — G. W.] ; and the million of men he
mentions must have included these foreign auxiliaries. When
formally enrolled in the army, they were considered as part
of it, and accompanied the victorious legions on their return
from foreign conquest; and it is not improbable that they
assisted in performing garrison duty in Egypt, in the place of
those Egyptian troops which were left to guard the conquered
provinces.
[At all periods of their history the Egyptians employed aux-
iliaries and mercenaries. Under the sixth dynasties they had
Nubian or Nigritic levies. Rameses II. had a contingent of
Shairetana or Sardinians, Tuirsha or Etruscans, Uashasha or
Oscans, and one of the Pelasgic races, either the Dauni or Teucri,
besides Mashuasha or Maxyes, a Libyan people, tad Kahaka, an
unknown people from the West, in his service. Under the
dodecarchy the Asiatic Greeks, lonians, and Carians entered the
Egyptian service ; and, later, the assistance to the rival monarchs
or Egyptian sovereigns, rendered by Athens and Sparta, was of a
mercenary nature, and paid by subsidies.^ — S. B.]
The strength of the army consisted in archers, whose skill
appears to have contributed mainly to the success of the Egyptian
arms, as it did in the case of our own ancestors during tibe wars
wag^ by them in France. They fought either on foot or in
chariots, and may therefore be classed under the separate heads
of a mounted and unmounted corps ; and they probably consti-
tuted the chief part of both wings. Several bodies of heavy
infantry, divided into regiments, each distinguished by its peculiar
arms, formed the centre ; and the cavalry, which, according to
the scriptural accounts, was numerous, covered and supported
the foot.
Though we have no representation of Egyptian horsemen in
the sculptures, we find them too frequently and positively noticed
in sacred and profane history to allow us to question their
> Strabo, lib. xtu. p. 54S, &c, edit. 1587.
* Chabas, * £tadea sur TAntiquit^ historique/ pp. 295 and fol.
Chap. HI.]
CAVALRY.
191
employment ; and it is reasonable to suppose them well acquainted
with the proper mode of using this serviceable force. In the
battle ifcenes in the temples of Upper Egypt, we meet with five
or six instances of men fighting on horseback ; but they are
part of the enemy's troops, and I can therefore only account for
their exclusive introduction, and the omission of every notice of
Egyptian cavalry, by supposing that the artists intended to show
how much more numerous the horsemen of those nations were
than of their own people.^
We find only two instances of an Egyptian mounted on
horseback; one in the hieroglyphics of the portico at Esneh,
No. 17.
EgypiUn on bonebtdr.
Fneh.
which are of a Roman era, and unconnected with any historical
bas-relief [and one on an arch of Edfoo, the attitude of each one
nearly the same, a copy of the former of which I have here
introduced — G. W.J.
The Greeks before the Persian war had little cavalry, the
country of Attica and the Peloponnesus being ill suited for the
employment of that arm ; and it was not till they were called
upon to cope with an enemy like the Persians, that they be-
came aware of its utility. The same argument may be urged in
the case of the Egyptians : and their distant expeditions into
Asia, and the frequent encounters with troops which served on
^ The Egjptiao army.
TUE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS. [Chaj. IIL
Chap, m.] HEAVY INPANTBY. 193
horseback, would necessarily teach them the expediency of em-
ploying cavalry, even if they had not done so previously. Egypt
was in fact famous for its breed of horses, which were not less
excellent than numerous, and we find they were even exported
to other countries.^
At Jacob's funeral a great number of chariots and horaenien
are said to have accompanied Joseph;^ horsemen as well as
chariots ^ pursued the Israelites on their leaving Egypt ; * the
song of Miriam mentions in Pharaoh's army the * horse and his
rider;'* Herodotus also* represents Amasis *on horseback' in
his interview with the messenger of Apries ; and Diodorus speaks
of 24,000 horse in the army of Sesostris, besides 27,000 war
chariots. Shishak, the Egyptian Sheshonk, had with him 60,000
horsemen when he went to fight against Jerusalem f and mention
is made of the Egyptian cavalry in other parts of sacred and
profane history : nor are the hieroglyphics silent on the subject ;
and we learn from them that the ' command of the cavalry ' was
a very honourable and important post, and generally held by the
most distinguished of the king's sons.
The Egyptian infantry was divided into regiments, very
similar, as Plutarch observes, to the lochoi and iaoseia of the
Greeks ; and these were formed and distinguished according to
the arms they bore.® They consisted of bowmen, spearmen,
swordsmen, clubmen, slingers, and other corps, disciplined
according to the rules of regular tactics f and the regiments ^®
being probably divided into battalions and companies, each
officer had his peculiar rank and command, like the chiliarchs,
hecatontarchs, decarchs, and others among the Greeks, or the
captains over thousands, hundreds, fifties, and tens, among the
Jews." Masses of heavy infantry, armed with spears and shields,
and a falchion, or other weapon, moved sometimes in close array
Gen. 1.9. ^^Z ^ ' ^ ^ ^^ """^ '''''"
V ^°^ ^Kl^' **^"P**- ^^y ^*''« conscribed and officered
v^' **^'9i ^y various gradea : the mmh or lieutenant ;
u *Ti*"* ICO ***® ^*^ ^^ adanai; the mer, captain: the
Herod. II. 162. _ ^,. . , , . , haut, colonel or general.— S. B.
2 Chron. xii. 3. T tde also Isaiah , g^^ ^^J^ ^^ ^^^ preceding page.
^VTil . • 1 -r 4 *!, " The army of Rameses II. in the cam-
•The pnncipal infantry were the paign against the KhiU was divided ^
Rl „ , i I X, f J ^®^^ ^^^^nf>^ (farmde or brigades, called the
Ji^CZSnL* »n«w, 'archers, armed brigades of Amen, Ra, Pthah, and Set.
-'^^^ -^ (* Records of the Past,* vol. ii. p. 68.)— S B.
with war axes, bows and arrows, and the ^^ Deut. i. 15.
VOL. I. G
194 THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS. [Chap. IIL
in the form of an impregnable phalanx ; ' sometimes they de-
ployed, and formed into long columns or small distinct bodies ;
and the bowmen as well as the light infantry were taught either
miiid«n of 10,000 formed inch of ihtir
bodies iuto 100 men, arratigLag (at vu their
Gtutom at home) which thej would fint
charge throogh, though Crceiui wished to
■how ■ loDgtr front. Thtj wichitood the
PersiuiB when all t
kod received hoDourable temu
lowed the citiei of Lariua and
(heir abode, where their
in theHmeofXeiiophon(Cirop.'
G. W.]
Cjlleoii'aa
Chap, m.]
8TANDABDS.
195
to act in line, or to adopt more open movemeats, according to
the natnre of the gronnd or the state of the enemy's battle.
Each battalion, and indeed each company, had its particitlar
standard, which represented a sacred subject, — a king's name, a
sacred boat, an animal,^ or som^ emblematic device; and the
soldiers either followed or preceded it, according to the service
on which they were employed, or as circumstances required.* The
* SnoiUrtothewircrcmDcof thtOreek
baDKTt. ThoM of Athnu bad id owl, of
Th«b«( a iphiu, be.
' Tboc prnlwblf rtpratDt the diiiiioDi
Hatun or Huhcpi ; S. The west ; 7. n«
royal perion ; 8. Oryi aail fr»th»r ;
10, numct of Am«D Ra; 11. Hud and
plumn of a dtlty ; 14. Honu ; IS. Sebak ;
196 THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS. [Chap, m
objects chosen for their standards were such as were regarded by
the troops with a superstitious feeling of respect ; and it is
natural to suppose they must have contributed greatly to the
success of their arms/ since every soldier was ready to stand by
and defend what prejudice as well as duty forbade him to aban-
don ; and their wonderful effects in rallying desponding courage,
and in urging men to court danger for their preservation, have
not only been recorded in the history of Roman battles, where
a general frequently ordered a standard to be thrown into the
opposing ranks to stimulate his troops to victory, but are wit-
nessed in every age.
Being raised, says Diodorus,^ on a spear or staff, which
an oflScer bore aloft,* each standard served to point out to the
men their respective regiments, enabled them more effectually to
keep their ranks, encouraged them to the charge, and offered
a conspicuous rallying-point in the confusion of battla And
though we cannot agree with Plutarch,* that the worship of
animals originated in the emblem chosen by Osiris to designate
the different corps into which he divided his army, it is satis-
factory to have his authority for concluding that the custom of
using these standards was of an early date in the history of Egypt
The post of standard-bearer was at all times of the greatest
importance. He was an officer, and a man of approved valour ;
and in the Egyptian army he was sometimes distinguished by a
peculiar badge suspended from his neck, which consisted of two
lions, the emblems of courage, and two other devices apparently
representing flies,^ so poetically described by Homer as charac-
teristic of an undaunted hero, who, though frequently repulsed,
as eagerly returns to the attack.*
Besides the ordinary standards of regiments, I ought to mention
the royal banners, and those borne by the principal persons of
the household near the king himself. The peculiar office of
carrying these and the flabeHa was reserved for the royal princes
or the sons of the nobility, who constituted a principal part of
the staff corps. They had the rank of generals, and were either
' Solomon, in his Song, says, 'Terrible r^ j
as an army with banners ' (vi. 4). The? ^or military valour, were the »^»^ mA,
were used by the Jews /ps. xx. 5 ; Isaiah oo«
Vtde woodcut No. 18. order of the fly, bracelets or armlets,
P["t. de Isid. 8. 72. daggers and war axes.— S. B.
* The decorations given by the Pharaohs • Homer, II. P, 570.
Chap. IXL]
MODE OF SUMMONING TKOOPS.
197
despatched to take command of a diTisiou, or remained in
attendance apon the monarch ; and their post duting the loyal
triomph, the coronation, or other grand ceremonies, waa close to
hia penon. Some bore the fang of state hehind the throne, or
O&een of Uu bmaeliaU.
supported the seat on which he was carried to the temple ; others
held the sceptre, and waved flabella before him ; and the
privilege of serving oh hia right or left hand depended on the
grade they enjoyed. But aa the processions in which the flabella
were carried appertain more properly to the ceremonies than to
the military affairs of the Egyptians, I shall defer the description
of them foi the present.
The troops were aommoned by sound of trumpet ; and this
instrument, as well aa the long drum, was used by the Egyptians
at the earliest period into which the sculptures have given ua an
insight; trumpeters being frequently represented in the battle
scenes of Thebes, sometimes standing still and summoning the
troops to form, and at others in the act of leading them to a rapid
charge. [Clemens ' says the Egyptians marched to battle to the
sound of the drum, an assertion fully confirmed by the sculptures :
but the instrument used for directing their evolutions was the
tmmpet— G. W.]
[< Clem. jUex. Psdag. lib. ii. c
'. p. 54.— G. W.]
THE AUCIENT EGYPTIANa.
[Chap. IIL
The oSensive weapons of the Egyptians were the bow, speir,
two species of javelin, sling, a short and straight sword, d^ger,
knife, falchion,' or ensia falcatm, axe or hatchet, battle-axe, te-
azel mace or club, and the limdn,' a curved stick similar to that
still in use among the Ababdeh and modem Ethiopians. Their
defensive arms consisted of a helmet of metal, or a quilted head-
piece; a cuirass, or coat of armour, made of metal plates, oi
quilted with metal bands ; and an ample shield. Bot they had
no greaves ; and the only coverings to the arms were a part of
the cuiiaBS, forming a short sleeve, and extending about balf-way
to the elbow.
The soldier's chief defence was his shield,^ which, in length,
was equal to about half his height, and generally double its own
breadth. It was most commonly covered with bull's hide, having
the hair outwards, like the latseion of the Greeks, sometimes
strengthened by one or more rims of metal,* and studded with
nails or metal pins ; the inner part being probably wicker-work,*
■ Called 0^
' Horn. II. M, 425; N, ISl, 163, 406;
aDd n, 360.
• Thou of their tD«mi» were in muf
inBtincea wicker, and aot coTcred with uij-
hide. (Conf. Virg. JEa. vii. 632.)
or a wooden &ame, like many of those used by the Greeks and
Bomana, which were also covered with hide.'
The form of the Egyptian shield was similar to the ordinary
funeral tablets found in the tombs, circular at the summit and
squared at the base, frequently with a slight increase or swell
towards the top ; and near the upper part of the outer surface
was a circular cavity in lieu of a boss.' This cavity was deeper
at the sides than at its centre, where it rose nearly to a level
' Tb*t of Aju hud Mr«D falils, tb*t of gne an eDgreviDg, hu * ■imilar form to
Aehillu Dint folib, oF boll'a hide. that of No. 2 nhevt glTen, and wa> held
* [The ihield of the Kaoemboo Nefra in with the round end appennoat, u b; the
Africa of which Denbam and CUppettou EgjptinDi.— O. W.]
200
THE ANCDENT EGYPTIAKa
[Gup. m.
with the fiuje of the shield ; hot there is great difficulty in
ascertaining for what purpose it was intended, nor does iU
appearance indicate eitiier an offensive or defensive use. To the
inside of the shield was attached a thong,' by which they su-
COIHKTS ililclil (In pmpictlTB),
pended it upon their shoulders ; and an instance occurs of a
shield 90 supported, which is concave within, and, what is singular,
the artist has shown a knowledge of perspectiLve in tiis mode of
repres^ting it. Sometimes the handle was so situated that
they might pass their arm through it and grasp a spear; hut
this may be another mode of representing the shield slung at
their back, the handle being frequently fixed in a position which
■ Th( rtXaiiiv of th* Orceki. (Ct Ham. the Egyptian thiild wu nuprad*! in Uiia
ll.B,aS8;r,S34;IC,l*9:H,400; H,404j murner ( - " -•■ " - "
O,4l9;n,B03,tt alibi.) [XenophoQ wji O. W.]
r Uie ihaoldei. Cjrop. rii. —
Chap, m.]
201
would prevent their holdiog the spear ia that manDer ; aad
thongh inatances occur of the horizontal as well as the perpen-
dicular handle, the latter appears to have been the more usual of
the two.
Some of the lighter bucklers were furnished with a wooden
bar, placed across the upper part, which was held with the hand ;
not intended, as in some round Greek BhieldB,* for passing the
arm through, while the hand was extended to the thong encircling
the cavity of the inside, but solely as a handle ; and from their
general mode of holding it, we may conclude this bar was some-
times placed longitudinally, an indication of which is even traced
in that of fig. 4. They are, however, seldom represented, except
at Beni-Hassan, having been either peculiar to certain troops
and employed solely on particular occasions, or confined to
foreigners in the pay of Egypt ; like those of a still more unusual
appearance figured in the same paintings.
Some Egyptian shields were of extraordinary dimensions,
and varied in form from those generally used, being pointed at
the summit, not unlike some Gothic arches ; but as we seldom
find any instances of them, we may conclude they were rarely
of such an unwieldy and cumbrous size. [Though Xenophon
■ Hope's • CdttunK*,' pi. Iirii.
202
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS.
[Chap. ra.
describes the Egyptians in the army of Croesus as carrying shields
that covered them from head to foot, in the phalanxes of 10,000
men, 100 in each face were so armed. These shields^ he says,
were supported by a belt orer thdr
shoulders.^— G. W.]» Indeed, the
common Egyptian shield was as
large as was consistent with con-
venience, and, if not constructed of
light materials, would have been an
encumbrance in long marches, or
even in the field ; and we may even
doubt if it ever was covered with a
surface of metal.
The Egyptian bow was not un-
like that used in later times by
European archers. The string was
either fixed upon a projecting piece
of horn, or inserted into a groove or
notch in the wood, at either ex-
tremity, differing in this respect from that of the Eefa and some
other Asiatic people, who secured the string by passing it over a
small nut which projected from the circular h^tds of the bow.
No. 29.
Large shield. BTSUtot.
No. 30.
String of bow belonging to tbe Kefk (Phoenidana).
Tfcebac.
The Ethiopians and Libyans, who were famed for their skill
in archery, adopted the same method of fastening the string as
the Egyptians, and their bow was similar in form and size to that
of their neighbours: and so noted were the latter for their
dexterity in its use, that their name is accompanied in the
hieroglyphics by a representation of this weapon.
The Egyptian bow was a round piece of wood, from five to
five feet and a half in length, either almost straight and tapering
to a point at both ends, some of which are represented in the
' Cyrop. vi.
• They are met
with in a tomb at
E*Sioot (Lycopolis), of very ancient date.
To them the description of Tyrtseua would
apply ; and the expression of Virgil, JEn.
ii. 227. (Conf. Horn. II. O, 266 ; N, 405 ;
and P, 128.)
Chap. UL]
MODE OF STRINGING THE BOW.
203
sculptures and have even been found at Thebes, or cnrring
inwards in tbe middle, when anatrung, as in the paintings of the
tombs of the kings; and in some instances a piece of leather or
wood was attached to or let into it, above and below the centre.
In stringing it, the Egyptians fixed the lower point in the
ground, and, standing or seated, the knee pressed against the
inner side of the bow. they bent it with one hand, and then
passed the string with the other into the notch at the upper
extremity ; and one instance occurs of a man resting the bow on
his shoulder, and bracing it in that position. While shooting
they frequently wore a guard on the left arm, to prevent its
receiving an injury from the string ; and this was not only fas-
tened round the wrist, but was secured by a thong tied above
the elbow. Sometimes a groove of metal was fixed upon the
fore knuckle, in which the arrow rested and ran when dis-
204
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS.
[Chap. in.
charged ;^ and the chasseur, whose bow appears to haye been less
powerful than those used in war, occasionally held spare arrows
in his right hand, while he pulled the string.'
Ko. 34.
A goftrd worn on Cbe wrist.
No. 35.
Carrying spare arrows in the hand.
Tkebei.
Their mode of drawing it was either with the forefinger and
thumb, or the two forefingers; and though in the chase they
sometimes brought the arrow merely to the breast, instances of
' I foand an instance of this in a tomb
at Thebes; the person was a chasseur. I
regret my being unable to give a copy of
it, having mislaid the drawing.
* This is rare ; I have onlj met with it
twice so represented.
Chap. HI.] MODE OF DBAWING THE BOW. 205
which occur in the two preceding woodcuts, their custom in war,
as with the old English archers, was to carry it to the ear, the
shaft of the arrow passing very nearly in a line with the eye.
The ancient Greeks, on the contrary, adopted the less perfect
mode of placing the bow immediately before them, and drawing
the string to the body ; ^ whence the Amazonian women are
reported to have cut off the right breast, lest it should be an
impediment in its use. And if the Greeks, in later times,
abandoned that inefficient method, and handled the bow in the
same manner as the Egyptians, they never did attach much
importance to it,' and few only excelled in archery, with the
exception of the Cretans, who, from their skill, were supposed by
some to have been the original inventors of the bow. The
Scythians, Persians, and other Oriental nations, also placed their
principal reliance on this arm, whose power was often severely
felt by the disciplined troops of Greece and Bome ; and our own
history furnishes ample testimony to the advantages it presented
throughout the whole course of a battle, and in every species of
conflict.
The Egyptian bow-string was of hide,^ catgut, or string ; and
so great was their confidence in the strength of it and of the bow,
that an archer from his car sometimes used them to entangle his
opponent, whilst he smote him with a sword.
Their arrows varied from twenty-two to thirty-four inches in
length ; some were of wood, others of reed ; frequently tipped
with a metal head, and winged with three feathers, glued longi-
tudinally, and at equal distances, upon the other end of the shaft,
as on our own arrows. Sometimes, instead of the metal head, a
piece of hard wood was inserted into the reed, which terminated
in a long tapering point ;* but these were of too light and power-
less a nature to be employed in war, and could only have been
intended for the chase. In others, the place of the metal was
supplied by a small piece of flint, or rather agate or other
sharp stone, secured by a firm black paste ; ^ and though used
» Horn. II. A, 123. * Etudes/ p. 380.)— S. B.
- Horn. 11. O, 711.
* Conf. Horn. II. A, 122.
* [Herodotus, yfi. 61 ^ seq^ on the arms
of the troops of Xerxes, speaks of Indians
with reed arrows and iron points. — G. W.]
* The flint arrow-heads were either
triangular, or else flat at the point, or like
the blade of a small hatchet ; side blades
of flint were sometimes added. (Chabas, No. 36a. Arrows whh flint beads.
206 THE AITCIENT EGTPTIASa [Chap. m.
occasionally in battle, they appear from the scnlptores to hare
belonged more particularly to the bnntaman ; and the
* arrows of arcbers are generally represented with bronxe
f beads,' some barbed, otbers triangular, and many witli
1 three or four projecting blades, placed at right angles, and
I meeting in a common point. Stone-tipped arrows were not
confined to an ancient era, nor were they peculiar to the
I'life woodcut No. 35, p
5hap. m.] QUIVERS AND BOW-CASES. 207
Egyptians alone ; the Persians and other Eastern people fre-
]aently used them, even in war; and recent discoveries have
ascertained that they were adopted by the Greeks themselves,
several having been found in places nnvisited by the troops of
Persia,^ as well as on the plain of Marathon, and other fields of
battle where they fought.
Each bowman was furnished with a capacious quiver, about
four inches in diameter, and consequently containing a plentiful
mpply of arrows, which was supported by a belt, passing over the
shoulder and across the breast to the opposite side. Their mode
3f carrying it differed from that of the Greeks, who bore it upon
their shoulder,^ and from that of some Asiatic people, who sus-
pended it vertically at their back, almost on a level with the
3lbow ; the usual custom of the Egyptian soldier being to fix it
nearly in a horizontal position, and to draw out the arrows from
[)eneath his arm. Many instances also occur in the sculptures of
the quiver placed at the back, and projecting above the top of
the shoulder; but this appears to have been only during the
march, or at a time when the arrows were not required. It was
3losed by a lid or cover, which, like the quiver itself, was highly
lecorated, and, when belonging to a chief, surmounted with the
lead of a lion or other ornament ; and this, on being thrown
)pen, remained attached by a leathern thong.*
They had also a case for the bow,* intended to protect it
igainst the sun or damp, and to preserve its elasticity ; which
WB8 opened by drawing off a movable cap of soft leather sewed
to the upper end. It was always attached to the war chariots ;
ind across it inclined, in an opposite direction, another large case,
x>ntaining two spears and an abundant stock of arrows;^ and
i)esides the quiver he wore, the warrior had frequently three
)thers attached to his car.
Archers of the infantry were furnished with a smaller sheath
for the bow,* of which it covered the centre, leaving the two ends
exposed ; and, being of a pliable substance, probably leather, it
was put round the bow, as they held it in their hand during a
march. Besides the bow, their principal weapon of offence, they,
^ I AID indebted for this curious fact to * The Greeks sometimes had the bow-
ZSolonel Leake, whose valuable researches case attached to the quiver, but open at
ire known to every reader. the top. (Hope's * Costumes/ pi. Izzvi. and
' Apollo is so described hj Homer, II. czzri.)
A, 45. (Hope's • Costumes,' pi. ccxz.) • Woodcut No. 62,
* Woodcut No. 85. • Woodcut No. 18.
208 THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS. [Chap. DL
like the mounted archers, who fought in cars, were provided with
a falchion, dagger, curyed stick, mace, or battle-axe, for close
combat, when their arrows were exhausted ; and their defensive
arms were the helmet, or quilted headpiece, and a coat of the
same materials ; but they were not allowed a shield, being con-
sidered an impediment to the free use of the bow.
The spear, or pike, was of wood,^ between five and six feet in
length, with a metal head, into which the shaft was inserted and
fixed with nails: and one of them, preserved in the Berlin
Museum,^ satisfactorily accords with the general appearance of
those represented in the sculptures. The head was of bronze or
iron, sometimes very large, usually with a double edge, like that
of the Greeks ; ^ but the spear does not appear to have been fur-
nished with a metal point at the other extremity, called a-avpaorrjp
by Homer,* which is still adopted in Turkish, modem Egyptian,
and other spears, in order to plant them upright in the ground,
as the spear of Saul was fixed near his head, while he 'lay
sleeping within thjB trench.'^ Spears of this kind should perhaps
come under the denomination of javelins, the metal being in-
tended as well for a counterpoise in their flight as for the purpose
above alluded to ; and such an addition to those of the heavy-
armed infantry would neither be requisite nor convenient.
The javelin, lighter and shorter than the spear, was also of
wood, and similarly armed with a strong two-edged metal head,
generally of an elongated diamond shape, either flat, or increasing
in thickness at the centre, and sometimes tapering to a very long
point ; • and the upper extremity of its shaft terminated in a
bronze knob, surmounted by a ball, to which were attached two
thongs or tassels, intended both as an ornament and a counter-
poise to the weight of its poinf It was sometimes used as a
spear, for thrusting, being held with one or with two hands ; and
sometimes, when the adversary was within reach, it was darted
and still retained in the warrior's grasp, the shaft being allowed
to pass through his hand till stopped by the blow, or by the
fingers suddenly closing on the band of metal at the end ; a
custom I have often observed among the modem Nubians and
» Woodcuts Nos. 18, 19, 26. * Horn. II. K, 151.
' This spear is about five feet and a half ^ 1 Sam. xxri. 7. Conf. Virg. Ma, xii.
long, but the shank of its bronze head is 130.
much longer than usual. ( Vide woodcut * Woodcut No. 92, fig, 9.
Ho, 40, fig. I.) ' It resembles the Parthian jarelin.
» Horn. II. O, 712. (Hope's * Costumes,' toI. i. pi. xiii.)
Chap. HI.]
JAVELINS.
209
Ababdeh. They had another jayelin apparently of wood, tapering
to a sharp point, without the usual metal head ; ^ and a still
lighter kind, armed with a small bronze point,^ which was fre-
/y. 1.
4*"
M'^'
^
M^
Ka39.
jAvelins and 8pe«r-bead.
Tktbet.
^•2.
No. 40.
Berlin Mumum.
Spear-head and dnun-atick.
quently four-sided, three-bladed,^ or broad and nearly flat; and^
from the upper end of the shaft being destitute of any metal
counterpoise,^ it resembled a dart now used by the people of
Now 41.
Heads of tmall Jayelina.
Alnwick Jhueum and Thtbes.
Darfoor and other African tribes, who, without any scientific
knowledge of projectiles or the curve of a parabola, dexterously
strike their enemy with its falling point.
> Woodcut No. 39, fig, 3.
* Woodcat No. 41, fig, 1 ; and wood-
cut No. 92, fig, 8.
VOL. I.
» Woodcut No. 41, fig. 2.
* Woodcut No. 41,)%/. 4.
210 THE ANCIENT EGYPTUKS. [Chaf.IE
Another ioferior kind of javelin was made of reed, with i
metal head ; but this can scarcely be coiuidered a militarr
weapon, nor would it hold a high rank among those employed b;
tbe Egyptian chassear, most of which were of excellent workman-
ship, and adapted to all the purposes of the chase, whether in the
river or the field. Of these last, the most remarkable was one
used for spearing fish : it was propelled by the hand with the
assistance of a thin cord ' passing over its notched summit, and
extending down the shaft : but being solely intended for sports-
men, and not among the arms borne by the soldier, it is unnecessary
here to describe it more minntely.
The sling was a thong of plaited leather * or string,^ broad in
the middle, and having a loop at one end, by which it was fixed
upon and firmly held with the hand ; the other extremity termi-
nating in a lash, which escaped from the fingers as the stone was
thrown ; and when used, the slinger whirled it two or three times
over his head, to steady it, and to increase the impetus.*
The Egyptians employed round stones for this purpose, which
they carried in a small bag, hanging from a belt over the
shoulder,'
The Egyptian sword was straight and short, from two and a
half to three feet in length, having apparently a double edge,
and tapering to a sharp point; and Herodotus* compares Uie
sword of Cilicia to that of Egypt. It was used for cut and thrust ;
> The unentura. (Virgil, Ea. ji. 665.) woodcut No. 92, fyt. 4 ud 5.
* Homer, II. N, 599, meotioiu one made < Virg. Ma. ii. 5S7.
of < >heep'» fleece. * Woodcnt Mo. *2,fy. 1.
• Aa th«t itill n»ed in Egvpt to drive • Herodot. vii.91.
■wsy birdi from the coni-fieldi. Vidt
Chap, m.]
8W0BDS AND DAOGEBS.
211
but on some occasions they beld it downwards, and stabbed aa
with a dagger. The handle was plain, hollowed in the centre,
and gradnally increosiag in thickness at either extremity,-
sometimes inlaid with costly stones, precious woods, or metals ;
and the pommel of that worn by the king in his girdle was
frequently surmonnted by one or two h^s of a hawk, the
symbol of Fhrah, or the snn, a Fharaonic title given to the
monarchs of the Nile. Strictly speaking, the short sword, so
worn, should come under the denomination of a dagger, which
wag also a common Egyptian weapon, as is proved by those found
in the excavated ruins of Thebes. It was much smaller than the
Vrnttat Id Ibslr ■faMtha, with
sword : its blade was about ten or seven inches in length, taper-
ing graduaUy in breadth, from one inch and a half to two-thirds
of an inch, towards the point; and the total length, with the
handle, only completed a foot or sixteen inches. The handle,
like that of the sword, was generally inlaid : ^ the blade was
bronze, thicker in the middle than at the edges, and slightly
I Vide woodcnt No. 93, Jig. 7.
212
THE ANCIENT EQTFTIANS.
[Chu. m.
grooved in that part ; and bo exquisitely was the metal worked,
that Bome of those I have examined retain their pliability and
spring after a period of several thousand years, and almoct
Mode of WHriDg Uw ittS"
resemble steel in elasticity. Such is the d^ger of the Beriia
Collection, which was discovered by Sig. Fassalacqua in a Theban
tomb ; andj in noticing it, I avail myself of the opportunity of
BukofUuihulb.
Digt«i, with lu atwUli.
acknowledging hie kindness, which has enabled me to introduce a
representation of it, in the actual state in which it wag found,
enclosed in a leathern sheath.' The handle is partly covered
' Woodcut So. *6, fig. 2.
Chap. IIL] FALCHIONS AND OTHEB WEAPONS.
213
with metal, and adorned with numerous small pins and studs of
goldy^ which are purposely shown through suitable openings in
the front part of the sheath ; but the upper extremity consists
solely of bone, neither ornamented, nor covered with any metal
casing: other instances of which have elsewhere been found,^
offering, in this respect, remarkable exceptions to the usual inlaid
handles of Egyptian daggers,^ already noticed.*
The knife was also shorter than the sword, and had a single
edge, intended only for cutting, as was the falchion, a species of
ensis fdUatus} This last was called Shopsh, or Ehopsh ; and the
resemblance of its form and name to the kopis^ of the Greeks, sug-
gests that the people of Argos, an Egyptian colony, by whom it
was principally adopted, originally derived that weapon from the
falchion of Egypt. It was more generally used than either the
knife or the sword, being borne by light as well as heavy armed
troops ; and that such a weapon must have inflicted a severe
wound is evident, as well from the size and form of the blade as
from the great weight it acquired by the thickness of the back,
which was sometimes cased with brass, the blade itself being of
bronze or iron.'
Officers as well as privates carried the falchion ; and the king
himself is frequently represented in close combat with the enemy,
aimed with it, or with the hatchet, battle-axe, pole-axe, or mace.
A simple stick is more usually seen in the hand of officers com-
manding corps of infantry, though we cannot thence infer that
they were not always provided with some other more efficient
weapon ; and in leading their troops to the charge, we see them
aimed in the same manner as the king when he fought on foot.
In chariots they had the bow ; and every chief prided himself
upon his dexterity in archery, and emulated the skill as well as
the valour of the monarch.
The axe, or hatchet, was small and simple, seldom exceeding
* Like the swords mentioned by Homer.
(H. n, 135 ; and T, 372.)
' A dagger in the British Museum. The
hole in the handle is for the insertion of the
finger and thumb when stabbing. Daggers
were called baqcuu or maqatu by the
Egyptians. — S. B.
* Another dagger with a simple uo-
omamented handle is giren in woodcut
No. 92, Z^. 3 ; but I am not certain about
iudate.
* A dagger with a stone blade of flint,
and part of a leathern scabbard, from the
Hay Collection in the British Museum, is
figured by Ohabas, * Melanges,' p. 386.—'
S. B.
* One of peculiar shape is figured by
Chabas, * Studes,' p. 93.
• Q. Curtius, lib. iii. Apul. Metam. lib.
xi. r K. Xenophon, * Cyrop.' 6, c. ii. 10.—
G. W.]
' From the colour of those in the tombs
of the kings, we may conclude iron or
steel.
214
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS.
[Chap. m.
two or two and a half feet in length : it had a single blade, and
no instance is met with of a double axe resembling the bipennis
of the Komans.^ Of the same form was that used by the Egyptian
carpenters ; and not only did the soldiers carry it as a serviceable
weapon in close combat, but even for breaking down the gates of
a town, and felling trees to construct engines for an assault.
Independent of bronze pins which secured the blade, the handle
was bound in that part with thongs of hide, in order to prevent
the wood, split to admit the metal, from opening when exposed
to the sun ; and the same precaution was
adopted in those belonging to joiners and
others, who worked in their own shops.
The axe was less ornamented than
other weapons ; some bore the figure of an
animal, a boat, or fancy device, engraved
upon the blade; and the handle, frequently
terminating in the shape of a gazeUe's
foot, was marked with circular and di-
agonal lines, representing bands, as on the
projecting torus of an Egyptian temple, or
like the ligature of the Eoman fasces.*
The soldier, on his march, either held it
in his hand, or suspended it at his back,
with the blade downwards ; but it does not
appear from the sculptures whether it was
covered by a' sheath, nor is any mode of
wearing a sword indicated by them, except
as a dagger in the girdle, the handle
sloping to the right.^
The blade of the battle-axe was, in
form, not unlike the Parthian * shield ; a
segment of a circle, divided at the back
into two smaller segments, whose three
points were fastened to the handle with metal pins. It was of
bronze, and sometimes, if we may be allowed to judge from the
colour of those in the paintings at Thebes, of steel ; and the
length of the handle was equal to, or more than double that of,
the blade. Mr. Salt's collection, part of which was purchased
No. 47. Axes or hatcbeta.
Tkdteit and in the Briti$K Museum
^ It was called aka or akas,
* Woodcut No. 47, and No. 92, fig, 1.
' As Id woodcut No. 45.
* Hope's * Costumes,' toI. i. pi. xx.
Chap, m.]
BATTLE-AXES.
215
by the British Museum, contained a portion of one of these
weapons/ whose bronze blade was thirteen inches and a half long,
and two and a half broad, inserted into a silver tube, secured
with nails of the same metal. The wooden handle once fixed
into this tube was wanting ; but, judging from those represented
at Thebes, it was considerably longer than the tube, and even
protruded a little beyond the extremity of the blade, where it
was sometimes ornamented with the head of a lion or other
device, receding slightly,* so as not to interfere with the blow ;
and the total length of the battle-axe may have been from three
to four feet. In some battle-axes, the handles were very short,^
Ko. 48.
B«ttle-axe8.
7/iebec and Beni-ffauan.
scarcely exceeding the length of the silver tube above men-
tioned, which in this specimen is only eleven inches and a half
longer than the blade, and may have been the entire handle ; the
small aperture at the lower end* serving equally for admitting
the pin which secured the wood inserted into it, whether this
extended beyond, or merely filled, the tube.
The blades of the battle-axes represented in the paintings of
Thebes oflTer two forms, one of which is more circular * than that
of Mr. Salt's ; from the excellence, however, of its workmanship
and materials, we may conclude that this last was of the most
general and approved shape, and perhaps belonged to some mili-
> Woodcut No. ^Byfig. 1.
* Aifig. 3.
2 As fig. G, which Is from the scalptures.
* Fig. 2. » Figt, 3 and 4.
216 THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS. [Chap. IE.
tary chief, or to the king himself; and it is singular that an axe
very similar to this was formerly used by the Germans, and other
European infantry.
The pole-axe was about three feet in length, but apparently
more difficult to wield than the preceding, owing to the great
weight of a metal ball to which ihe blade was fixed ; and if this
increased its force, and rendered the blow more destructiye, it
required, like the mace, a powerful as well as a skilful arm to
use it with success, and to make it as efficient a weapon as the
battle-axe.
No. 49. Pote^xes.
We rarely find an entire corps of men armed with it ; the
only instance I remember occurring at E'Sioot, where the same
soldiers bear the cumbrous shields already noticed;^ it may,
therefore, have been peculiar to certain troops, and to the chiefs,
in whose hands it is usually represented. The handle was gene-
rally about two feet in length, sometimes much longer : the ball
four inches in its greatest diameter,^ and the blade varied from
ten to fourteen inches, by two and three in breadth.
The mace was very similar to the pole-axe, without a blade,
and appears to correspond to the koryne of the Greeks, which was
frequently of iron. That used by the Egyptians was of wood,
bound with bronze, about two feet and a half in length, and fur-
nished with an angular piece of metal, projecting from the handle^
which may have been intended as a guard, though in many
instances they represent the hand placed above it, while the blow
was given.^
» Woodcut No. 29. to hold the whole firm.— S. B.
* I suppose it to have been a ball, rather ' Woodcut No. 50, fig, 2 ; the Egyptian
than a flat circular piece of metal ; the hut. — S. B.
ball whipped with leathern straps crossed,
Chap. ILL]
MAGES.
217
They had another mace,^ similar in many respects to this,
without the ball, and, to judge from its frequent occurrence in
the sculptures, more generally used, and evidently far more
manageable ; but the former was a most formidable weapon
against armour, like that used for the same purpose by the Mem-
looks ' and the modem people of Cutch ; and no shield, helmet,
or cuirass could have been a sufficient protection against the
. ^
^n^
o
O
^0.50.
MacM.
Itebet.
impetus given it by a powerful arm. Neither of these was
peculiar to the chiefs : all the soldiers in some infantry regiments
were armed with them ; and a charioteer was furnished with one
or more, which he carried in a case attached with the quiver to
the side of his car.^
In ancient times, when the fate of a battle was frequently
decided by personal valour, the dexterous management of such
arms was of primary importance ; and a band of resolute veterans,
headed by a gallant chief, spread dismay among the ranks of an
enemy ; as Homer describes Areithous alone breaking through an
opposing phalanx with his iron mace.* Notwithstanding the
great improvements which have taken place in the art of war, by
the introduction of artillery and the musket, and by the ma-
chinery of modem armies, physical strength and individual
courage are still considered the highest recommendation in close
combat: thus the Egyptians, though they placed their chief
reliance in the skill of their archers, failed not to attach great
importance to heavy infantry, and paid particular attention to
the nature of their oflfensive as well as defensive arms. And the
variety of weapons used by diflferent corps, as well as the care
they took in allotting to each its respective duties during action,
in selecting those best suited for a peculiar service, and in the
1 Woodcut No. 50, fig$, 3 and 4.
* Called daboss, or dabboos.
* Egyptian chariot, in woodcut No. 62,
p. 230. * Homer, U. H, 138.
218
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS.
[Chap. HI.
judicious arrangement of the army and its component parts,
argue the great experience acquired by the Egyptians in the art
of war.
They had another kind of mace, sometimes of uniform thick-
ness through its whole length, sometimes broader at the upper
end, without either the ball or guard, and many of their allies
carried a rude heavy club ; ^ but no body of native troops was
armed with the last, and indeed it cannot be considered an
Egyptian weapon.
The curved stick or club, now called Ihsdn^ was used by
heavy and light-armed troops as well as archers ; and if it does
not appear a formidable arm,
yet the experience of modem
times bears ample testimony
to its efficacy in close com-
bat. To the Bisharieen it
supplies the place of a sword;
and the Ababdeh, content
with this, their spear, and
shield, fear not to encounter the hostile Maazy, whom they fre-
quently defeat, though armed with the matchlock and the
atagan? In length, that of the ancient Egyptians was probably
the same, about two feet and a half, and made of a hard thorn
wood, as the mimosas, sellem and sumr ; which are still used for
the same purpose, as well as for the shafts of the Ababdeh lance.
The shield, their principal defence, I have already noticed.
The helmet was usually quilted, but rarely of metal ; and though
bronze helmets are said to have been worn by the Egyptians,*
we may conclude that, in accordance with the authority of the
sculptures, they preferred and generally adopted the former,
which being thick, and well padded, served as an excellent pro-
tection to the head, without the inconvenience resulting from
the metal in so hot a climate.* Some of them descended to the
shoulder,® others only a short distance below the level of the
ear ; ^ and the summit, terminating in an obtuse point, was
No. 51.
Curved stick or club.
Tkebet.
» Woodcut No. IGyfig. 3.
* i.e., * tongue/ in Arabic.
■ A long knife, or straight sword, worn
in the girdle, and called gcmbeeh, * side-arm,*
bv the Arabs.
' * Herod, ii. 151.
* This alone would not be a sufficient
objection, since metal helmets are still
worn even in the far hotter climates of
Darfoor and Kordofan. The helmet of the
Pharaoh was called kheperati; the other
soldiers wore no helmet, only a skull cap,
namms^ or quilted cap. — S. B.
« Woodcut No. 52, fi<js, 1 and 3.
' Figs, 5, 6, 7.
Chaf. m.]
21{»
ornamented with two tassels.' They were of a green, red, or
black colour ; and the long helmet, which fitted less closely to
the back of the head, was fringed at the lower edge with a broad
border,^ and in some instances consisted of two parts, or an
upper and under fold.* Another, worn also by the spearmen
and many corps of infantry and charioteers, varied slightly from
these, though very similar in many respects, being quilted, and
descending to the shoulder with a fringe ; but it had no tassek,
and fitting close to the top of the head, it widened towards the
base — the front, which covered the forehead, being made of a
separate piece * attached to the other part.
If there is no representation of an Egyptian helmet with a
crest, we are less surprised, since even the ancient Greeks did
not always adopt it,' but that of the Shairetana, once enemies
and afterwards allies of the Pharaohs, is particularly interesting,
since it shows the existence of a custom as early as two huudied
years before the Trojan war, which was afterwards introduced by
the Greeks, of adorning the helmet with horns ; whence the name
keraa, ' horn,' was sometimes chosen to signify a crest.'
The outer surface of th'e cuirass, or coat of armour, consisted
of about eleven horizontal rows of metal plates, well secured by
bronze pins ; and at the hollow of the throat a narrower range of
plates was introduced, above which were two more, completing
the collar or covering of the neck. The breadth of each plate or
scale was little more than an inch, twelve of them sufficing to
' Woodcut No. 62, fyi. 3, 4, 5, 6, 7.
' Fi/i. 2, 3. • Fig. 4. ' Fig. 2.
* Thi* helmet WB» cslled kataitsx.
(Hamu, II. K,25B.)
' According to Suidu. Our word crest
Iwnrs H strong reseoiblnnce to thr Greek.
(Hape'a ' Coatumta,' platr cm. ; aad tn/r^
OQ the enemies of the Egyptluu.)
220
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIAItS.
ICoi
.m.
corer the front of the body ; and the sleeves, which were some-
times BO short as to extend less than half-way to the elbow,
consisted of two rows of similar plates.' Many, indeed most, of
the cuirasses were without collars; in some the sleeves were
rather longer, reaching nearly to the elbow, and they were worn
both by heavy infantry and bowmen. The ordinary coirass may
have been little less than two feet and a half in length : it
sometimes covered the thighs nearly to the knee ; and in order
to prevent its pressing heavily upon the shoulder, they bomid
their girdle over it, and tightened it at the waist. Bat the
thighs, and that part of the body below the girdle, were usually
covered by s kilt,^ or other robe, detached from the cuirass ; and
many of the light and heavy infantry were clad in a quilted vest
of the same form as the coat of armour, for which it was intended
to be a substitute ; and some wore corslets, reaching only from
mt
Mih^,
the waist to the upper part of the breast, and supported by straps
over the shoulder, which, to judge from the sculptured representa-
tions of them, appear to have been faced with metal plates.*
■ [r.Pi.ui.Att.i.i.p.i52,«dit.Si»b«ii<. ' Thi
Among the arms painted' in the tomb of Eameses III., at
Thebes, is a piece of defensive anaonr,' which, from the hollowed
space left for the arm, seems to have been a sort of coat, or
Tomb <tf BawHta in.. Ihrba.
corering for the body ; and, were it not so highly ornamented,
might be considered a fj'irpri or belt worn beneath the cuirass
as a coat of mail.' It is made of a rich stnff,^ worked or
painted with the figures of lions and other animals, devices
common upon the shield and other
parts of Greek annour, and is edged
with a neat border, terminating below
in a broad fringe ; and though there
is no appearance of metal plates, it
may have been intended as a sub-
stitute for the more weighty coat of
mail, which was not worn on all occa-
sions either by infantry or charioteers.
Some wore corslets, reaching only
from the waist to the upper part of
the breast, and supported by straps
over the shoulder, which were faced with bronze plates.
■ Sm tUo Piiuc, ■ Man. i^jpt,' pi. ilvi 3, p. S.
222
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS.
[Chap. IIL
portion of one is in Dr. Abbott's collection. It is made of bronze
plates (in the form of Egyptian shields), overlapping each othei,
and sewed upon a leathern doublet ; two of which have the name
of Sheshanqa (Shiskah),
. showing it either belonged
I to that king, or to some
great officer of his court
The Greeks in like manner
made some thoraces of hide,
hemp, linen, or twisted cord.
Heavy-armed troops were
furnished with a shield and
spear ; some with a shield
and mace; and others, though
rarely, with a battle-axe or a
pole-axe and shield. They
also carried a sword, falchion,
I curved stick or liaedn, simple
=> I mace, or hatchet, which may
, I be looked upon as their side-
^ arms,'
I The light troops, who
a, were not archers, had nearly
the same weapons, but their
o defensive armour was lighter;
and some were without the
incumbrance of a shield, as
' the slingers,* and a few
others, whose duty required
great agility, and who fought
in scattered parties, like the
Velites of the Romans. The
arms of the bowmen hare
^ been already mentioned. Of
£ the Egyptian cavalry we are
unable to obtain any satis-
factory information ; and it
now remains to notice the corps of chariots, which constituted a
very large and effective portion of the Egyptian army.
Each car contained two persons, like the diphros of the
■ Woodcut Mo. 55. ■ ViJt voodcot No. 42.
Chap. IIL]
CHARIOTS.
Greeks.' On some occaaiona it carried three, tlie charioteer or
driver and two chiefs ; but this was rarely the case, except in
triumphal processionB, when two of the princes or noble youths
accompanied the king in their chariot, bearing the regal sceptre,
or the fiab^a, and
reqnired a third per-
son to manage the
reins.' In the field
each bad hia own car,
with a charioteer; and
the insignia of bis
office being attached
behind him by a broad
belt,* his hands were
&ee for the use of the
bow and other arms.
When on an excursion
for pleasure, or on a
visit to a friend, an
Egyptian gentleman,
or even the king,
mounted alone, and
droTe himself, footmen
and other attendants
running before and
behind the car, like
the 8yi» or grooms of
modem Egypt and
India, who, when the
carriage stopped, were
ready to take the
reins, and walked the
horses till their master
returned, continuing,
however, on foot,* and not venturing to step into it ; a custom
eq^ually observed by those who wished to show marked respect to
' A nunc which implies carrying two.
The Romui war chariot ahio contained two
persona ; the beUaior, or wiirioi, and the
atriga, or driver. (Virg. En. ii. 330; ii.
4«9, 624, 737.) Conf. luiih iii. T: or
rather 1 Kiogi ix. 20, and 3 Chroo.
iTi. 8 ; unce the fonnei appears to
Fan
la also,
horse par excetlence.
» Woodcut No. 56, /;. 1,
' Woodcut No. 57.
* Woodcut Mo. 3, p. 33.
iding on honai, D%nB.
a Arabic, a homnitn'or
fdras, the m>i«, it the
224 THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS. [CH4P. IE
the king, when passing before or following him, in state pio-
In battle, also, many attendants were always in leadinese;
and whenever a general dismoanted &om his car, to lead his
troops orer hilly and precipitoos heights inaccessible to ohariota,
to the assanlt of a fortified town, or for any other purpose, they
took charge of the horses, and keeping them in scnne secure place
they awaited bis retom, or followed at a short distance ; and a
second car ' with fresh horses was always ready in the rear, in
order to proTide against accident, or the still less welcome chance
of a defeat
In the battle-scenes of the Egyptian temples, the king is
represented alone in his cat, unattended by any charioteer,* the
reins fastened round his body, while engaged in bending his bow
against the enemy ; but it may be doubted whether we are to
infer the absence of that person : and he may have been omitted,
in order not to interfere with the principal figure and feature of
the picture, which, with a similar notion of exclusiveness, they
were accustomed to draw of colossal dimensions.
The cars of the whole chariot corps contained each two
warriors,^ comrades of equal rank, both joining in the labours
Tbt Km oT King BuneKi. wlUi hit <
and glory of the fight ; and if the charioteer who accompanied a
chief* did not hold the same high station, he was probably
appointed to the post as a mark of distinction ; and ttom the
' 2 Cliron, HIT, 34. K1
' Conf. Homer, goda and heroM, paiiim, ch
The chiriotecr wu oiled gatttn. — S. B. S. B.
* In tht battle wiUi lUmetM 11. tbe * Conr. Horn. 11. A, 39S ; i
IIL]
WHIPS.
225
Goniliar maimer in which one of them is represented conversing
dth a son of the great Bameses, we may conclude the office was
lUed by persons of consideration^ who were worthy of the friend-
hip they enjoyed.^
As with the Greeks, the employment was neither servile nor
^oble ; and if Hector,^ Nestor,* Ulysses,* and others were not
shamed to act in this capacity, Egyptian officers of note, in like
oanner, undertook the management of their own cars, and prided
hemselves on their skill in driving, as in wielding the javelin
nd bow : but whether the chariot race was instituted in Egypt
ioes not appear ; and we may conclude from the absence of the
abject in their sculptures, and of the hippodrome in the
»recincts of towns of early date, that the celebration of games
imilar to those of Greece was unknown there, previous to the
facedonian conquest: the only hippodromes being at Alex-
ndria, and at the Boman town of Antinoe, founded by Hadrian,
a Upper Egypt.
In driving, the Egyptians used a whip, like the heroes and
harioteers of Homer ; and this, or a short stick, was generally
A iXlUUUi
No. 58.
Wbips.
7%ebet.
mployed even for beasts of burden, and for oxen at the plough,
a preference to the goad. The whip consisted of a smooth round
rooden handle, and a single or double thong : it sometimes had
r lash of leather, or string, about two feet in length, either
* Conf. Horn. H. e, 120; and A, 518.
* n. O, 352. And the gods freqnentlj.
' n. Bf 116. Nestor mounts tne car of
VOL. I.
Diomede and takes the reins and whip.
* n. K, 513.
Q
226
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS.
[Chap. HL
twisted or plaited ; and a loop being attached to the lower end,
the archer was enabled to use the bow, while it hung suspoided
from his wrist.^
When a hero encountered a
hostile chief, he sometimes dis-
mounted from his car, and sub-
stituting for his bow and quiver
the spear, battle-axe, or falchion,
he closed with him hand to hand,
like the Greeks and Trojans de-
scribed by Homer : and the lifeless
body of the foe being left upon
the field, was stripped of its arms
by his companions. Sometimes a
wounded adversary, incapable of
further resistance, having claimed
and obtained the mercy of the
victor, was carried from the field
in his chariot ; ^ and the ordinary
mip «isp«ided fe>m the wrist of «! archer, captivcs, who laid dowu their arms
^^'^•- '^'^•and yielded to the Egyptians,
were treated as prisoners of war, and were sent bound to the rear
under an escort, to be presented to the monarch, and to grace his
triumph after the termination of the conflict. The hands of the
slain were then counted before him; and this return of the
enemy's killed was duly registered, to commemorate his success
and the glories of his reign, — a subject which occurs more than
once on the walls of Medeenet Haboo; and the great picture
sculptured in the inner area of that building, represents Bameses
seated in his car, while the tellers, taking the hands by the
thumb, place them in a heap before him, and count them to the
military scribes.
From the position of the king in this picture, the Egyptian
chariot might appear to be furnished with a seat ; but judging
from the usual representations in the Theban sculptures, and
from the nature of other ancient cars, it is more probable that he
is seated on the side or front.^ Indeed, for persons frequently
« Woodcut No. 5f>.
' At Karnak king Osirei (Set4 I.) is r^
presented carrying under each arm two
vanqaished chiefs ; and many inferior
captives, bonnd with cords, follow him to
his car.
^ [An instance does, howerer, occur of
the king seated in his car. Greek tams
also represent a car made with a seat and
place for the feet. — G. W.]
Chap, m.]
CHARIOTS OF WOOD.
227
accustomed to forego the use of seats, there could be little
necessity for its introduction ; and though the Egyptian rooms
were fumished with chairs and raised sofas, it was not unusual
for persons of all ranks to sit upon the ground, crouched like
the Nubians on a pedestrian journey, or cross-legged like the
modem inhabitants of Eastern countries, when in the house, and
even in their carriages. The same remark applies to the chariots
of those enemies with whom they fought ; and the representation
of wounded warriors falling backwards out of their car, frequently
occurring in the battle scenes of Thebes, and so forcibly calling
to mind the descriptions of Homer,' may be adduced as an
additional argument to prove the absence of any seat or bench
within it
In some Egyptian chariots, the bottom part cousisted of a frame
interlaced with thongs or rope, forming a species of network, in
order, by its elasticity, to render the motion of a carriage without
springs more easy : and this custom is very prevalent at the
present day in Italy and other countries in carts and carriages
used by the lower orders ; but it is difficult to determine whether
it was adopted in every Egyptian car.
That the chariot was of wood ' is abundantly proved by the
sculptures, wherever workmen are seen employed in making it ;
and the fact of their having, at the earliest period of their known
paTtfl of ft dwrlol.
history, already invented and commonly used a form of pole
whose introduction into our own country dates only about a
century ago,^ is a remarkable instance of the truth of Solomon's
(Sol. Song, iii. 9).
> The pole of the Greek eharioti wu
DBuiUj straight', bat inituice* are met
with of it curred, u in thoM of Egjpt.
q2
1 II. e, 122 ; aad E, 585.
* In Jeshna we read of the Canianitei
luTing ' chariot* of iron ' (iTii. 16}. Solo-
ntoB made a chariot of the wood of Lebanon
228 THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS. [Chap. IIL
assertion, * there is no new thing under the san/ ^ and shoii
the advancement they had made at that yery remote era, and tk
skill of their workmen. Ajid that this last was of wood, and nol,
as some have imagined, of bronze or other metal, we haiet
decided proof, from the representations of workmen catting and
fashioning it with an axe.^
The body of the car was exceedingly light, consisting of a
wooden framework, strengthened and ornamented with metal and
leather binding, like many of those mentioned by Homer : ' the
bottom part, on which the charioteer stood, was flat, whether of
an entire piece or of the thongs already alluded to, the whole
resting on the axle-tree and lower extremity of the pole, whidi
was itself inserted into the axle. Its centre was not placed
directly over the axle, in order to be on an equilibrium, but
much more forward, the back part seldom extending behind the
middle of the wheel, so that the body pressed considerably wpoa
the pole, to which also the upper rim of its front was connected
by means of thongs or straps. The weight was therefore divided
between the wheels and the horses ; but as a chariot was easily
carried by one man,^ we may conclude that even with the addi-
tion of two persons it was not such as to fatigue the horses, and
this mode of placing it had the advantage of rendering the
motion far more easy to the driver.* When the horses were
taken out, the pole, tmless propped up in some manner, fell to the
ground ; they therefore rested it on a support, which was some-
times a wooden figure of a man, intended to represent a captive,
or enemy, who was considered fitted for this degrading office.
The greater portion of the sides, and the whole of the back,
were open ; the latter indeed entirely so, without any rim or
framework above ; and the hinder part of the lateral framework
commenced nearly in a line with the centre of the wheel, and rising
perpendicularly, or slightly inclined backwards, from the base of
the car, extended with a curve, at the height of about two feet and
a half, to the front, serving as well for a safeguard to the driver
as a support for his quivers and bow-case. To strengthen it,
three thongs of leather were attached at either side, and an
^ Eccles. i. 9. the pole and traces.
« Woodcut No. 60, fig, 3. * The body of the Greek car was also
* Homer, II. K, 438. Rhesus* car was placed very forward, less so than Uiat of
bound with gold and silver ; that of Egypt ; but it must hare been much
Diomede, with gold and tin. heavier.
* In the sculptures. Another supports
Chap, in]
CHABIOTS OF WOOD.
upright of wood connected it with the base of the front part
immediately above the pole, where the Btrsps before mentioned
were fastened ; as may be seen in those I have already given from
the ancient paintings and sculptures of Thebes, and in the
accompanying view of the simple body of a car, represented ac-
cording to our European mode of drawing. It is, however, reason-
3,1. Sidilkiuidpinoriheyokt. Pn» Hffemit Sculptun
able to suppose that they sometimes varied slightly in form, and
that the car of war was of a different construction in some respects
from the plauslrum,' or from the curricle of towns ; and we not
only find the two last destitute of all the cases for weapons
' The Roinmn piaurtnim hui two, MUne- the chujot w»i ri33Tp, or 33^ (wu mot»-
tim*s tour, wheeli. The winou, or tart). i>iinufnm'i< 'bar* awd'Tor ■ two-
ratlur curt*, unt bj, Phireoh for J»cob m whMled chariot drawn by oicn.
<»ll(d,iii Hebrew, nP», whaeltd ci-'
230 THE ANCIENT EGYPTIAKS. [Chap. UL
except that of the bow, end sometimes of that alao, but the soli<)
portion of their sides was generally lower than in the former,
where greater protection was required for those within ; and ou
Chap. HI.]
231
this account the Greek cars were entirely closed, except at
the back.'
The bow-case, frequently richly ornamented with the figure
of a lion oi other devices, was placed ia an inclined position.
■^-■c:
pointing forwards ; ita upper edge, immediately below the flexible
leathei cover, being generally on a level with the summit of the
framework of the chariot ; so that when the bow was drawn out,
the leather cover fell downwards, and loft the upper part on an
uninterrupted leveL In battle this was of course a matter of no
a pi. iii. of Hopa's 'Coituniei' i
IT leu cloeed thu iud«L
232
THE AHCIENT EGYPTIANS.
[Chap. IE.
importance ; but in the city, where the bow-case was considered an
elegant part of the ornamental hangings of a car, and continned
to be attached to it, they paid some attention to the positioii
and fall of the pendent cover, deprived as it there was of its bow,
since, as I have elsewhere observed, the civilised state of Egyptim
society required the absence of all arms, except on service. The
quivers and spear-cases were suspended in a contrary direction,
pointing backwards ; sometimes an additional quiver was attached
close to the bow-case, with a mace and other arms, and every war
chariot containing two men was furnished with the same number
of bows.
The framework, as I have stated, was of wood, like the pole,
wheels, and other parts of the chariot; and we even find the
mode of bending the wood for that purpose represented in the
sculptures.* In the ornamental trappings, hangings, and binding
of the framework and cases, leather was principally used, dyed of
various hues, and afterwards adorned wi^ metal edges and studs,
according to the taste of the workman or purchaser ; and the
wheels, strengthened at the joints of the felloe with bronze or brass
bands, were bound with a hoop of metal.* The Egyptians them-
selves have not failed to point out what parts were the peculiar
province of the carpenter and the currier. The body and frame-
work of the car, the pole, yoke, and wheels, were the work of the
former ; the cases for the bows and other arms, the saddle and
harness, the binding of the framework, and the coverings of the
body, were finished by the currier ; and lest it should not be
■ Woodcat No, 64, id the practding pag«.
' Coaf. Ham. D. B, 73*.
Chap. IIL]
CHARIOT WHEELS.
233
sufiSciently evident that they are engaged in cutting and bending
the leather for this purpose, the artist has distinctly pointed
out the nature of the substance they employed, by figuring an
entire skin, and the soles of a pair of shoes,^ or sandals, sus-
pended in the shop ; and no European can look at the subject
without remarking that the semicircular knife' used by the
Egyptians to cut leather was precisely similar to our own, even
in the remote age of King Amenophis II., who lived 1450 years
before our era.
In war chariots, the wheels had six spokes ;' in many curricles,
or private cars, employed in towns, only four ; * and the wheel
was fixed to the axle and by a small linch-pin, sometimes
surmounted with a fanciful head, and secured by a thong which
passed through the lower end : plainly proving that the axle-tree
itself did not turn, as some have imagined. There are no
instances of chariots with more than two wheels ; * currus falcati,
or cars armed with scythes, were unknown in Egypt,* being
probably contemned by them as by all nations who made any
great advances in military tactics : nor was it their custom to use
camels, or elephants, in war, like the Indians and some other
nations of antiquity;^ and it is probable that the former were
only employed in their army for the transport of baggage and
provisions, much of which was carried upon asses,® in those parts
where water was abundant. One instance alone occurs of an
Egyptian carriage with four wheels similar to that mentioned by
Herodotus.*
* Woodcut No. 65, / and g.
* It occurs very frequently. Woodcut
No. 65, c. It was like the Greek arbelon,
— S. B.
' The spokes appear to have been gene-
rally round.
* Homer gives the car of Juno wheels
with eight spokes (II. E, 723), which is the
usual number in the Greek sculptures ;
instances, however, occur of four, six, and
twelve. ( Vide Hope's * Costumes ' pi. iii.
205 and 236.)
* There is only one representation of a
carriage with four wheeb: woodcut No.
69, p. 237.
* [They were used by Cyrus, and had
other scythes pointed downwards against
the fallen enemy. The cars had also
turrets in them, reaching to the elbow of
the driver, and the men in them were clad
in armour covering all but the eyes.
(Xen. Cyrop. 6.) The axle-tree was very
low, to prevent their upsetting. — G, W.]
' And even by the Greeks aiier the time
of Alexander.
* Baggage carried by asses is represented
at Thebes and other places, but no camels
have yet been met with, either in the
sculptures or the hieroglyphics ; a remark
which has been made even hj Abd-el-Azees,
the Arab historian. For this I can give
no reason, since we know that camels
existed in Egypt in the time of Abraham.
{Gen. xii. 16.) [I have, however, in my
possession a singular instance of two camels,
with a vase between them, on a seal 4»r
stamp from Taphis in Nubia. It is rudely
engraved on a facet an inch and a half
long by rather more than half an inch
wide.— -G. W.] This is now in the museum
of Harrow School.— C. C. W.
' Herod, ii. 63. Athenteus also (Deip. r.
p. 200, edit. 1598) mentions a four-wheeled
car.
THE AKCIEKT EGYPTIANa
CChap. m.
No instance occars of Egyptian chariots with more than two
horses ; nor is there any representation of a carriage with shafu
drawn by one horse ; but a pair of shafts have been found, with a
wheel of curious construction, having a wooden tire to the felloe,
and an inner circle, probably of metal, which passed through.
and connected, its six Bpokes a short distance from the nave
(a a). The diameter of the wheel was about 3 ft. 1 in. The
felloe was in six pieces, the end of one overlapping the other ; and
the tire was fastened to it by bands of raw hide passing through
ch&f. in.]
A FOEEIGN OHAEIOT.
235
long narrow holes mode to receive them (b b). It ia oncertain
whether the carriage they belonged to had two or four wheels ;
for though an instance does occur of an Egyptian foui-wheeled
car, it is a 'singular one, and it was only used for religious
purposes, like that mentioned by Herodotus.'
The travelling carriage drawn by two oxen was very like the
common chariot ; but the sides appear to have been closed. It
had also one pair of wheels with six spokes, and the same kind
of pole and harness. An umbrella was sometimes &ced over it
when nsed for women of rank, as over the king's chariot on cer-
tain occasions ; and the bow-case with the bow in it shows that
a long journey &om Ethiopia required arms ; the lady within
being on her way to pay a visit to the Egyptian king. She has
a very large retinue with her, bringing many presents : and the
whole Bubjeot calls to mind the visit of the Queen of Sheba to
Solomon.
The chariots used by contemporary Eastern nations with whom
the Egyptians were at war, were not dissimilar in their general
form, or in the mode of yoking the horses (even if they differed
in the number of persons they contained, having usually three
instead of the two in Egyptian and Greek cars) ; as may be seen
236 l-HE AMCIENT EGYFnANS. [Chap. Ill
from that which is brought, with its two unyoked horses, as a
present to the Egyptian monarch, by the conquered people of
But-en-nu, and one found in Egypt, and now in the museum at
Florenee.* This last is supposed to have been taken in war from
the Scythians ; but it appears rather to be one of those brought
to Egypt with the rest of a tribute, as a token of submission,
being too slight for use.
In Solomon's time chariots and horses were exported from
Egypt, and supplied Judiea, as well as ' the kings of the Hittites,
and of Syria ;' ' but in early times they appear not to have been
used in Egypt, and they are not found on the monuments before
the 18th Dynasty. For though the Egyptian name of the
horse was hthor, the mare was called, as in Bebrew, »vs, in the
plural susim,^ which argues its Semitic origin ; fdraa, ' the mare,'
being still the generic name of the Arab horse: and if its
introduction was really owing to the invasion of the Shepherds,
they thereby benefited Egypt as much, as by causing the union
of the whole country under one king.
The Egyptians sometimes drove a pair of mules, instead of
horses, in the chariots used in towns, or in the country ; an
instance of which occurs in a painting now in the British
Museum.
Chap, in.] CAE ■WITHOUT
A representation of a car bearing a small slirine in a boat,
fonnd OD the bandages of a mammy belonging to Signor
d'Athanasi, seems to be similar to the one mentioned by Hero-
dotus, with this difference, that the figure representing the
deceased is recumbent instead of being the standing image of a
deity.
[A punting from the side of a tomb in the British Museum,
Egyptian Galleries, represents a chariot drawn by two white
mules, and is of the time of the 18th Dynasty. The fint
appearance of the war chariot of two horses, called vrr, ahataia,
ia in the reign of Amenophis III., no chariots being represented,
and the horse unknown, before the Shepherd invasion of Egypt.
Under the 4th and 5th Dynas-
ties the ass only was used, and the
wheel had not been invented, the
substitute for a carriage being a
board or seat placed between two
asses, to which it was strapped, on
which the person sat as on a kind
of open litter. Under the 18th
Dynasty, chariots of wood, plated
with gold and silver, and painted,
vere brought &om the Bnt-en-nu
or Byrians and other Asiatic nations '^ without ■
as tribute.— 8. B.] "" "■
The harness cj' curricles and war chariots was nearly similar ;
and the pole in either case was supported on a curved yoke fixed
to its extremity by a strong pin, and bound with straps or thongs
238 THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS. [Chap. ffl.
of leather. The yoke, resting upon a small well-padded saddle,
was firmly fitted into a groove of metal ; and the saddle, placed
upon the horses' withers, and furnished with girths and a breast-
band, was surmounted by an ornamental knob ; and in front of
it a small hook secured the bearing rein. The other reins
passed through a thong or ring at the side of the saddle, and
thence over the projecting extremity of the yoke ; and the same
thong secured the girths, and even appears in some instances
to have been attached to them. In the war chariots, a lai^
ball, placed upon a shaft, projected above the saddle, which is
generally supposed to have been connected with the reins, and
to have been intended to give a greater power to the driver,^ by
enabling him to draw them over a groove in its centre ; but
there is reason to believe it was added solely for an ornamental
purpose, like the fancy head-dresses of the horses, and fixed to
the yoke immediately above the
centre of the saddle,* or to the
head of a pin which connected the
yoke to the pole.' The same kind
of ornament,* though of a different
form, is met with in Persian* cars;
and that it was not a necessary
part of the harness is shown by
the many instances of its omimon
in Egyptian curricles, and even in
some of the chariots of war.*
Saddle ofahowe yoked In a PeniUn car. The traCCS WCre sinfirle, OUC
No. 71. British Muuum. & "^^ "^ **
only on the inner side of each
horse, fastened to the lower part of the pole, and thence extending
to the saddle ; but no exterior trace was thought necessary : and
no provision was made for attaching it to the car. Indeed the
yoke sufficed for all the purposes of draught as well as for back-
ing the chariot ; and being fixed to the saddle, it kept the horses
at the same distance and in the same relative position, and
prevented their breaking outwards from the line of draught,
a remark which applies equally to the Greek car; and the
description given of it by Homer ^ agrees very nearly with
' Such was my own opinion; but on • Woodcut No. S\,fig, 1.
further examination of numerous drawings * Woodcut No. 71, at e,
of chariots, 1 am inclined to believe it ' V, Rollin, 2.
stood on the yoke or the pole. * Woodcuts Nos. 56 and 57.
« Woodcut No. 61, fig. 2. ' 11. E, 722 et seq.
cbap. ni.]
HOUSINGS, ETC.
239
that used by the Egyptians. In order to render this more
intelligible, I shaU introduce a pair of horses yoked to a chariot
according to the rules of European drawing, derived from
a compariaon of the numerous representations in the sculptures,
omitting only their housings and head-dress, which may be
readily understood in an Egyptian picture.
On grand occasions the Egyptian horses were decked ' with
fancy ornaments : a rich striped or checkered housing," trimmed
240 THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS. [Chap. m.
with a broad border and large pendent tassels, covered the whole
body, and two or more feathers inserted in lions' heads, or some
other device of gold, formed a crest upon the siinmiit of the
head-stall. But this display was confined to the chariots of the
monarch, or the military chiefs ; and it was thought sufficient, in
the harness of other cars and of the town curricle, to adorn the
bridles with rosettes, which resemble, and cannot fail to call to
mind, those used in England at the present day.^
Blinkers ^ were deemed unnecessary, as in many countries of
modern Europe ; but a severe bit appears to have been employed
by the Egyptians' as by other ancient people ; * though, from
their mode of representing it, we should rather feel disposed to
consider it a sort of snaffle than a curb.
The head and upper part of the neck were frequently
enveloped in a rich covering similar to the housing, trimmed with
a leather fringe ; and the bridle, consisting of two cheek-pieces,
a throat-lash, head-stall, and the forehead and nose straps, though
simple, was not unomamentaL
No instance occurs of Egyptian chariots with more than two
horses, nor of any carriage furnished with shafts and drawn by
one horse ; they therefore resembled those in general use among
the early Greeks, as described by Homer;* though the poet
occasionally mentions the four-horsed car, answering to the
quadriga of the Latins, so frequently represented in sculpture
and on ancient coins. [The representation, however, of these
cars is not seen after the 20th Dynasty, so that it is uncertain
when the transition took place from the two-horse to the four-
horse chariot. The absence of representations, either in the later
temples or tombs, of chariots in battle-scenes of importance, quite
prevents the determination of the first use of the quadrigay which
is, however, seen on monuments of the Ptolemaic period long
after it had appeared in Greece. The htar^ or pair of horses,
bore a single name, and each horse was not separately designated.
No name has been found given to chariots, altibough other
articles had often an appropriate name or appellation by which
they were distinguished from others. — S. B.]
' Woodcut No. 72. their mouths ; and a simple bit may be
' In one or two instances we find some- made rery serere.
thing projecting abore and at the side of * Hor. Od. lib. i. 8.
the eyes, which may be intended to repre- ' Horn. II. E, 195. Like the biga of
sent blinkers. the Romans.
' This I conclude from the appearance of
Ch*p. ni.]
CABS OF OTHER PEOPLE.
241
The haraees of the Persian chariots figured at Persepolis
is equally simple; and as it is interesting to compare the
cnstomB of different ancient nations, it may not be irrelevant to
the subject to introduce a copy of one taken from the work of
Sir a Ker Porter.'
ttniia ur (Ihxn Sli B. Kcr
The Egyptian chariot corpsj like the infantry, were divided
into light and heavy troops, both armed with bows : the former
chiefly employed in harassing the enemy with missiles, and in
evolutions requiring rapidity of movement ; the latter called upon
to break through opposing masses of infantry, after having galled
them during their advance with a heavy shower of arrows : and in
order to enable them to charge with greater security they were
furnished with a shield, which was not required for the other
mounted archers, and a long spear was substituted on these
occasions for the missiles they had previously employed. The
light-armed chariot corps were also supplied with weapons
adapted to close combat, aa the sword, club, and javelin ; but
they had neither the spear nor shield ; and indeed this last was
confined to certain corps, even of infantry, as the spearmen and
others, already mentioned. But the heavy foot, and light troops
employed in the assault of fortified towns, were all provided with
shields, under cover of which they made approaches to the place ;
and 80 closely was flie idea of a siege connected with this arm,'
that a figure of the king, who is sometimes introduced in the
* Conf. 2 King! lii. 3S ; Iui*h i
THE AKCIENT EOYPTIAKa
[Chap. m.
Bcnlptures u the re-
preseDtative of the
whole army, adTancing
with bis shield befoie
him, is intended to
show that the place
was taken by assault
In attacking a for-
tified town, they ad-
vanced under cover of
the arrows of the bow-
men ; and either in-
stantly applied the
scaling-ladder to the
ramparts, or undertook
the routine of a regular
siege : in which case,
having advanced to
the walls, they posted
themselves under cover
of testudos, and shook
and dislodged the
stones of the parapet
with a species of bat<
taring- ram,' directed
and impelled by a
body of men expressly
chosen for this service.
But when the place
held out against these
attacks, and neither a
coup de main, the lad-
der, nor the ram were
found to succeed, they
probably used the tes-
tudo for concealing and
protecting the sappers,
while they mined the
place ; * and certainly.
■ Sec woodcnt No. 74, a, t, c
< Tbe (ntodg ad faHnOmn
of VitniTiui, whidi, h* njt,
Chap. UL]
USE OP THE TESTUDO.
243
of all people, the Egyptians were the moat likely to hare recourse
to this stratagem of war, from the great practice they had in
nndergrotmd ezcavations, and in directing shafts through the
solid rock.
The testndo was of framework, sometimes supported by
poles baring a forked summit, and corered, in all probability,
with hides ; it was sufficiently large to contain several men, and
the GTCfki all orya (lib. 3
244 THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS. [Chap. IIL
80 placed that the light troops might mount upon the outside,
and thus obtain a footing on more elevated ground, apply the
ladders with greater precision, or obtain some other important
advantage; and each party was commanded by an officer of
skill, and frequently by those of the first rank.^
The trypanon or pike of the testudo arietaria of the Greeks
and Bomans, and the covering or vinea which protected the
men while they worked the battering-ram, were nearly on the
same principle, and the Greeks most probably borrowed theirs
originally from Egypt.
They also endeavoured to force open the gates of the town,
or hew them down with axes ; and when the fort was built
upon a rock, they escaladed the precipitous part by means of
the testudo, or by short spikes of metal, which they forced into
the crevices of the stone,* and then applied the ladder to the
ramparts.
It is reasonable to conclude that several other engines were
employed in sieges with which the sculptures * have not made
us acquainted ; and the bulwarks used by the Jews,* on their
march to the promised land, were doubtless borrowed from
those of Egypt, where they had lived until they became a
nation, and from whence they derived the greater part of their
knowledge upon every subject. These bulwarks being only
constructed in the case of a siege, appear to have been similar
to some of the mounds or towers employed by the Greeks in
later times : they were of wood, and made on the spot during
the siege, the trees of the neighbouring country being cut down
for the purpose. But the Jews deemed it unlawful to fell a
fruit tree for the construction of warlike engines, nor were they
permitted to use any other than those which grew wild, or in an
uncultivated spot.*^
Besides bulwarks or movable towers, we may also suppose
the Egyptians adopted destructive missiles for burning the
houses and works of the besieged, like the fire-balls, pyroboloi
liihoiy of the Greeks, or the scytalaia, wooden staves, armed with
an iron point, and carrying with them lighted firebrands ; and
the samamodc of protecting their own works from the assaults
* Woodcut No. 75. Four of the king's represented, and seems to bare been rery
sons command the four testudos, <h f>i Cj d. generally used.
« Woodcut No. 75, fig. 5. * Deut. xx. 20.
* The scaling-ladder is most frequently » Deut. xx. 19.
Chap, ni.] ENEMIES OF THE EGYPTIANS. 245
of the besieged, wm probably resorted to by the Egyptians as by
that people.
The northern and eastern tribes against whom the Egyptians
fought, were armed in many instances with the same weapons
as the disciplined troops of the Pharaohs, as bows and spears ;
they had besides long swords, rude massive clubs, and knives ;
and their coats of mail, helmets, and shields varied in form,
according to the custom of each nation. They also used stones,
which were thrown by the hand, while defending the walls
of a besieged town; but it does not appear that either the
Egyptians or their enemies threw them on any other occasions,
except with a sling. Indeed we seldom find any people armed
with stones, except those who have not yet advanced beyond
their infancy in the art of war ;^ and the same remark applies
to the Greeks during the siege of Troy, some of whom are
introduced by Homer, fighting with these rude weapons, — an era
when Grecian manners and military tatics were only beginning
to emerge from a state of primitive simplicity.
The most distinguishing peculiarities of some of the nations
at war with the Egyptians, were the forms of the head-dress and
shield. One of these, the Shairetana,* a people inhabiting a
maritime country,^ wore a helmet ornamented with horns pro-
jecting from its circular summit, and frequently surmounted by
a crest, consisting of a ball raised upon a small shaft, which, as
I have before observed, is remarkable, from being the earliest
instance of a crest, and bears testimony to the accuracy of
Herodotus in ascribing to it an Asiatic origin. He mentions it as
an invention of the Carians, from whom it was borrowed by the
Greeks, together with the custom of introducing certain figures
upon the exterior, and of fixing handles to the interior, of the
shield ; * for previously those who were in the habit of using
shields carried them without handles, supporting them by means
of leathern thongs, which passed over the neck and the left
shoulder.' * [Herodotus also mentions the people of Bithynia
as forming part of the army of Xerxes, and armed with javelins,
daggers, and light shields.* — G. W.]
' Horace, Sat. i. 3, 101 ; and Lucretius * Or a country situated near some large
(lib. T. ver. 1283) mentions the hands, nails, piece of water, as a lalce : those who lived
teeth, stones, and branches of trees, as the near a river had not the same distinction,
earliest weapons. as the Sheta.
* The Shairetana appear in the reign of * Herodot. i. 171.
TUmeses II. as the guard. — S. B. * [V. Herodot. vii. p. 75. — G. W.]
246 THE ANCIENT EGTPTIAM& [Chap. HI.
The Shairetana were also distinguislied by a rouad shield,'
and the use of long spears and jaTeliDS, with a pointed sword ;
they were clad in a short dress, and frequently had a coat of
■ Th«Greekthiid uiusllTTousd thicldt; loniiin buckler, or pelli ; th« Thabnn
Ihi* kind wu called oapi't, iha dgpevt el buckler ; and in oblong coneiTa ihieU,
tb« Bomani. They alio dmJ the Ama- lAyreoi, ttw acurum of tha Ronuna.
Chap, m.] ASIATIC NATIONa 247
mail, or rather a cuirass, composed of broad metal plates oyer-
lying each other, adapted to the form of the body, and secured
at the waist by a girdle. Some allowed their beards to grow ;
and they very generally adopted a custom, common to most
early nations, of wearing large earrings.'
Their features were usually large, the nose prominent and
aquiline ; and in their complexion as well as their hair they
were of a far lighter hue than the Egyptians. At one time they
were the enemies, at another the allies,* of the Pharaohs ; and
the duration of their friendship and subsequent rupture with
the Egyptians I have already alluded to, and shall have occasion
again to notice.
The Takkari ' wore a helmet in form and appearance very
similar to those represented in the
sculptures of Persepolis, some of
which have been brought to Eng-
land, and are now in the British
Museum.* It appears to hare been
made of a kind of cloth, marked
with coloured stripes ;* the rim
adorned with a row of beads or
other ornamental devices, and it
was secured by a thong or riband
tied below the chin. They had p^^i,,
also a round shield and short dress, ^'^ "■
frequently with a coat of armour similar to that of their neigh-
bours, the Shairetana ; and their offensive weapons consisted
principally of a spear and a large pointed knife or straight
sword. They sometimes, though rarely, had a beard, which was
still more unusual with the chiefs. Their features were regular,
the nose slightly aquiline ; and whenever the Egyptian artists
have represented them on a large scale, their face presents a
more pleasing outline than the generality of these people. They
fought, like the Egyptians, in chariots; and had carts or
waggons, with two solid wheels similar to the tympana pf the
' Woodcut No. 76, fig. 1, a, *. For the Dardani, the Uk> or Lyeiani, and the
the identity of the SardiDiani tni Shiirt- Maosn or Hyuua. (Chibu, ' Etodei,' p.
tana, ef. Ch.bii, ' Etudea,' pp. 186-300. 294.)— S. fl.
' W-wdcnt No. 75, >g.. 5 and 6. ' WoodcnU Bo. 77 and No. 78, fig).
• The Takkarui, Takkari, or Taekkaria, 1 and 7.
arc recogni«ed as Vbe Teokroi, orTencriani ' Woodcnt No. 79, fig. 2, a, i.
of die Ptlaigic family ; tbej are allied to
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS.
[Cur. nL
Chjip. nL] ASIATIC NATIONS. 249
Bom&nB, drawn by a pair of oxen, which appear to have l>een
placed in the rear, as in the Scythian and Tartar armies. This
circumstance, and that of their women carrying off the children
in these carts at the moment of a defeat, might lead us to infer
them to have been a roving people, who did not live in towns ;
which is still farther argued by their taking refuge, when routed
by Barneses III., in the ships of their neighbours, the Shairetana,
already mentioned ; but their civilised appearance argues against
this opinion. They were also at one time allies of the Pharaohs,
and assisted them in their long wars against the Bebu,
Another people, whose name is lost,^ were distinguished by
a costume of a very Oriental character, consisting of a high fur
cap, not unlike one worn by the ancient Persians, and that of
the modem Tartars and Dellee Turks ; a tight dress, with the
usual girdle ; and a short kilt, common to many Asiatic nations,
which, apparently divided and folding over in front, was tied
at the bottom with strings. Bound their neck, and falling upon
the breast, was a large round amulet,^ very similar to those of
agate worn by the dervishes of the East, in which they resembled
the Assyrian captives of Tirhakah, represented on the walls of
Medeenet Haboo.^ Theii features were remarkable ; and though
in the sculptures they occasionally vary in appearance, from the
presence or the absence of a beard, the strongly-defined contour of
the face and the high bridge of their prominent nose snfGciently
distinguish them from other people, and show that the artist has
intended to convey a notion of these peculiar characteristics.
> Woodcnt Ko. TS, Jlij. 3. It li the ' Vt'ooicut Vn. IS, fig. 3 a.
ShoM at ShS^ ■ peopll of the Areb net, ' Woodcnt No. 81,;^. 1.
and tbe fanner conqueion of Egjpt. — S. B.
250 THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS. [Chap. HI.
Their arms consisted of two javelins, a club, a falchion and
a shield like that of the Egyptians, with a round summit. They
were on terms of friendship with the third Bameses, and assisted
him in his wars against the Rebu ; and though they occur
among the foreigners who had been conquered by the arms of
Egypt, the same feeling of inyeterate enmity, resulting from a
repeated succession of conflicts, did not exist towards them as
towards many other Asiatic tribes. The same remark applies to
another people, represented at Medeenet Haboo^ as allies of
the Egyptians, whose name has been unfortunately lost : they
were clad in a short tight dress, and carried a shield, like the
former, with a bow and a heavy club ; but of their features we
have little or no knowledge, owing to the imperfect state of the
sculptures.
One of the most formidable Asiatic enemies encountered by
the Egyptians were the Rebu,^ — a fact attested by the frequent
representations of severe contests ; the large masses of troops
they brought into the field ; the great duration of a war which,
commencing at a very remote era, continued long after the
accession of the 19th Dynasty.*
One of the principal military events in the glorious reign
of the great Eameses was his success against these powerful
enemies; and three victories over the Rebu, won with great
slaughter, by Rameses III. about a century later, added a far
brighter lustre to his name than the numerous defeats of other
Asiatic people, though they enriched him with immense booty,
and considerably increased the extent of the Egyptian con-
quests.* In these encounters several thousand of the enemy
were killed, as reported in the Egyptian returns; and the
obstinacy of the fight, and the firm resistance they opposed to
the highly disciplined and numerous forces of their antagonists,
distinctly prove them to have been a nation both powerful and
skilled in the art of war. They were defeated, but not con-
quered ; nor would any portion of them submit to become allies
of the Egyptians. And from the long duration of the war, the
* The allies, in woodcut No. 16, fig, 3. Mashuasha, the Tamaha and Libyans of
' Woodcut No. 76, fig, 4. the fifth and eleventh years of the reign of
' The Rebu are the Libyes or Libyans. Rameses III., is detailed by Chabas(' Etudes,'
They, or the Tamahu or Tahennu, also pp. 231 and foil): 2175 Maxyes were killed
Libyan nations, are represented amongst on the spot, and 2052 prisoners taken,
the four races of mankind in the tomb of besides 239 sabres, 603 bows, 93 car%
Seti I. at Thebes.— S. B. 2310 quivers, 92 lances, 185 horses and
* The campaign against the Rebu, the asses, and 139 bulls. — S. B.
Chap, m.]
DRESS OF THE REBU.
251
repeated attempts made by the Pharaohs to subjugate their
country, their marked hatred of them, and their eagerness
to commemorate each victory, we may conclude the Egyptians
had also suffered during these campaigns ; and though, as
might be expected, the sculptured history in the Theban temples
merely relates the victories of the Pharaohs, the Eebu themselves
had probably reason to record their own successful resist€uice,
and sometimes even the defeat of the invaders.
From the style of their costume, and the lightness of their
complexion, it is evident they inhabited a northern ^ country, very
distant from Egypt, and of a far more temperate climate. Their
dress consisted of an under-garment, with the usual short kilt,
and a long outer robe, highly coloured, and frequently orna-
mented with fancy devices, or a broad rich border, which
descended to the ankles, and was fastened at the neck with
a large bow, or by a strap over the shoulder, the lower part
being open in front. It was not bound by a girdle : this was
worn beneath it; though the Egyptian artists occasionally
represent it as if worn above, or seen through the transparent
robe. But the substance of the latter was generally too thick
to admit of this, being sometimes of bulls' hide or leather, and
sometimes of a woollen stuff. Their girdle was highly orna-
mented, and the extremity falling down in front terminated in
a large tassel;* and so fond were they of decorating their
persons, that besides earrings, necklaces, and trinkets common
to Asiatic and other tribes, the chiefs decked their heads with
feathers, and some painted or tattooed their arms and legs.
If the costumes of several foreign nations met with in the
Egyptian sculptures call to mind those of Persia and Parthia,
none perhaps resemble them more than that of the Eebu, or of
the Kut-en-nu,^whom I shall presently describe. The hair of
the Rebu was not less singular than their dress : it was divided
into separate parts, one of which fell in ringlets over the fore-
head, and the other over the back of the head ; and a plaited
* Besides colour, we have always a dis-
tingaishing mark in the tenninatioD of the
bands that secure the prisoners; which
hare an entire edged flower, supposed to
be the papyrus, to denote those nations
living to the north of Egypt, and the three-
leav^ flower of another water-plant, to
point out the African or southern tribes,
«8 may be seen in the woodcut No. 84,
fig. 6, of the Amauzu, Hudfig, 10, of a black
captive from Africa. These two plants, in
like manner, are chosen as emblems of the
lower or northern, and upper or southern,
divisions of Egypt.
^ Very like that of a Persepolitan figui*e
in woodcut No. 78, fig, 3.
' The inhabitants of Northern Syria or
Mesopotamia. From the animals brought
as tribute, it appears they extended to
India. — S. B.
252
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS.
[Chap. m.
lock of great length, passing nearly oyer the ear, descended to
the breast, and terminated in a curled point. In feature they
were as remarkable as in costume ; and the Egyptians haye not
failed to indicate their most striking peculiarities, as blue eyes,
aquiline nose, and small red beards. Their arms consisted
principally of the bow, and a long straight sword with an
exceedingly sharp point ; and it is probable that to their skill in
the use of the former we may attribute their eflFectual resistance
to the repeated invasions of the Egyptians.
Another Eastern nation, with whom the Egyptians were
already at war in the remote age of Amenemha II.,* or about
1680 years before our era, was the Fount;* who were subse-
quently compelled to pay tribute to Egypt in the reign of the
third Thothmes. Proud of their liberty, they neglected no
opportunity to throw off the yoke; and the records of the
repeated inyasion of their country by successive Pharaohs
prove their independent spirit, and their courage in expelling
the invaders.
Their features were less marked than those of many Oriental
people represented in the sculptures : they shaved their beards,
and wore their hair enveloped in a large cap, bound with a fillet,
like many of the tribes of the interior, and the Syrians who
bordered upon Egypt. Their dress consisted chiefly of a short
kilt, secured with the usual girdle : and though of a lighter
hue than the Egyptians, they appear to have inhabited a region
lying more to the south than the Eut-en-nu or the Kufa, who
were also tributary at the same period to Thothmes III. Among
the presents brought by them to the Egyptian monarch were
the ibex, leopard,^ baboon, ape, ostrich eggs and feathers, dried
fruits and skins ; and exotic shrubs, with ebony and ivory, seem
to prove that they lived in a cultivated country as well as a
warm climate.*
The Shari * were another Eastern or Northern people, against
whom the Egyptians waged a successful war, principally in the
* Mentioned on a stone found by Mr.
Bnrton in the desert of the Red Sea ;
where I met with the small temple and
station of Wadee Gasoos, mentioned in my
* Egvpt and Thebes,' p. 364.
« 'Or, Pouont. Woodcut No. 76, fig, 5.
[The correct name is Pun or Punt, and it
is supposed to be the country situated on
the eastern bank of the Red Sea. it is
mentioned as early as the time of Cheops,
and was inhabited by a mixed population,
partly Nigritic Some see in it the modem
Somal or Somali. — S. B.]
* Very like the hunting leopard of India,
or Felis jubata^
* Upper line of figures in Plate II.
* The Shari, or rather Kharu, were the
inhabitants of Northern Palestine, and the
coast generally of Palestine and South
Asia Minor. — S. B.
Chap. III.]
253
reigns of Osirei ' and his son, the great Rameaes ; and I am
inclined to think them either an Assyrian ttibe, or the inhabit-
ants of some part of Arabia. The former appears more probable,
though the fact of the Arabian Gulf having been called by the
Egyptians the Sea of Shari may argue in favour of the latter.
Their features were marked by a prominent aquiline nose and
high cheek-bones : they bad a large beard ; and their head-
dress consisted either of a cap bound, like that of the Fount,
with a fillet, or a skull-cap fitting loosely to the head, secured
by a baud, and terminating at the end, which fell down behind,
in a ball or tassel.' Their dress consisted of a long loose robe
reaching to the ankles, and fastened at the waist by a girdle, the
upper part furnished with ample sleeves. The girdle was some-
times highly ornamented : and men as well as women wore
earrings ; and they frequently had a small cross suspended to
a necklace, or to the collar of their dress. The adoption of this
last was not peculiar to them ; it was also appended to, or
figured upon, the robes of the But-en-nu ; and traces of it may
be seen in the fancy ornaments of the Bebu, showing that it
was already in use as early as the fifteenth century before the
Gbristian era.
Their principal arms were the bow, spear, two javelins, and
a sword or club ; and their
country was defended by
several strongly fortified
towns. But no want of cou-
rage prevented their resist-
ing the Egyptian invaders
in the open field ; and it was
only after severe struggles
that they retired to those
strongholds, which were
bravely, though unsuccess-
fully, defended. Some wore
a sort of double belt, crossing
the body and passing over
each shoulder; and this, to-
gether with the pointed cap,
so much resembling the dress
* Woodcut No. 76, fg.^c
254
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS.
[Chap. UI.
of Tirhakah's captives/ cannot fail to remind us of the Syrians
or Assyrians, whose name bears a strong analogy to the one
before us.
The Kut-en-nu,* supposed by M. Champollion to be Lydians,^
were a nation with whom the Egyptians waged a long war,
commencing at least as early as, and perhaps prior to, the reign
of the third Thothmes. Their white complexion, tight dresses,
and long gloTCs,* decide them to have been natiyes of a much
colder climate than Egypt or Syria; and the productions of
their country, which they bring as a tribute to the victorious
Pharaoh, pronounce them to have lived in the East. These
consist of horses, and even chariots, with four spoked wheels,*
very similar to the Egyptian curricle, rare woods, ivory, elephants
and bears,* a profusion of elegant gold and silver vases, with
rings of the same precious metals, porcelain, and jars filled with
choice gums and resins used for making incense, of which a
greater quantity was derived from their country than from any
other tributary to Egypt. Their features were regular, without
the very prominent nose that characterises some Eastern people
represented in the sculptures ; and they were of a very light
colour, with bro^n or red hair, and blue eyes. Their long dress,
usually furnished with tight sleeves^ and fastened by strings
round the neck, was either closed or folded over in front, and some-
times secured by a girdle. Beneath the outer robe they wore a
kilt; and an ample cloak, probably woollen, like the modem
herdm, or blanket, of the coast of Barbary, was thrown over the
whole dress f the head being generally covered with a close cap,
or a fuller one bound with a fillet.
The women wore a long garment secured with a girdle, and
trimmed in the lower part with three rows of flounces ; the
1 Woodcut No. 81. The same may be
observed in the Persian figures of the
beautiful tessellated pavement lately dis-
covered at Pompeii.
« Woodcut No. 76, fig, 7.
• The Ruten, or Rut-en-nu, are translated
in the inscription of the trilingual tablet of
Canopus, of the reign of Ptolemy Euergetes
I., B.C. 38, as Syrians in the extended
sense of the word, and ruled all Syria till
the rise of the Khita, and carried on war
with Egypt during the reigns of Thothmes
I., Thothmes III., and their successors.
They appear to have been the ancient
Assyrians or Babylonians. (Cf. Chabas,
*fitudes,'p. 129.)--S. B.
* Vide Plate II. There are other instances
of gloves in Egyptian sculptures ; but they
are very rare. The expression * shoe * in
Ruth iv. 7 is in the Targum 'right-hand
glove.' [The object is not a glove, but
a silver rhyton or cup, in shape of a
human arm. — S. B.]
* Woodcut No. 63. The Egyptian
town curricle had four spokes; the war-
car six.
* The Ursus Syriacus, Linn.
' A dress with sleeves is seen in woodcut
No. 78, fig, 6.
* Woodcut No. 89, and No. 76, fig.
Id,
Chap, m.]
THE MASHUASHA AND KUFA.
255
sleeves sometimes large and open, sometimes fastened tight
round the wrist ; and the hair was either coTered with a cap,
to which a long tassel was appended, or descending in ringlets
was encircled with a simple band.^
The Tuirsha,^ a maritime people,' are also mentioned among
the enemies of Egypt ; and their close cap, from whose pointed
siunmit a crest of hair falls to the btick of the neck, readily dis-
tinguishes them from other Eastern tribes. Their features offer
no peculiarity; and we have not sufficient data from the
sculptures to form any opinion respecting their wars with the
Egyptians, though they are introduced among the tribes con-
quered by the third Bameses. The same applies to the
Mashuasha,^ who resemble the former in their general features
1>
in
No. 83.
Other enemies of the Egyptians. 1. Toiraha. 2. Maahoasba.
Tkebet,
and the shape of their beards ; but their head-dress is low, and
rather more like that of Tirhakah's prisoners, already mentioned,^
descending in two points at the side and back of the head, and
bound with a fillet.
The people of Kufa • appear to have inhabited a part of Asia
lying considerably north of the latitude of Palestine ; and their
long hair, rich dresses, and sandals of the most varied form and
colour, render them remarkable among the nations represented
in Egyptian sculpture.' In complexion they were much darker
than the Kut-en-nu, but far more fair than the Egyptians ; and to
» Woodcut No. 89, and No. 76, //;.
7 e.
« Woodcut No. 82, fig, 1.
* The Tuinha, called also the Tuirsha of
the Sea, are recognised to be the Etruscans,
the Tyrj^'nos of the Greeks. They invaded
Egypt in alliance with the Libyans in the
reigns of Menephtah and Raroeses II.
(Chabas, * Etudes,' p. 302.)— S. B.
* Woodcut No. 82, fig, 2. The Mashu-
asba — identical with the Maxyes, Mazyes,
or Mazaces of the ancients — were a
Libyan people. They invaded Egypt from
the west, in the reign of Menephtah, in
alliance with the Achaeans or Greeks,
Etruscans, Lydans, Sardinians, and Sici-
lians, and fought the battle of Paarisheps
or Prosopis, and were defeated with
great slaughter. Part of the Mashua-
sha were at the time in the service ot
Ei^ypt, 12,535 being killed in battle.
They renewed the war in the fifth and
eleventh years of Rameses III. — S. B.
» Woodcut No. 81.
* The Phoenicians, according to the tri-
lingual inscriptions of Canopus. — S. B.
' Plate II., second line from the top.
256 THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS. [Chap. IH
judge from the tribute they brought to the Pharaohs, they were
a rich people, and, like the Kut-en-nu, far advanced in the arts
and customs of civilised life. This tribute, which is shown to
have been paid to the Egyptians as early as the reign of
Thothmes III., consisted almost entirely of gold and silver, in
rings and bars, and vases of the same metals. Many of the latter
were silver, inlaid with gold, tastefully ornamented, of elegant
form, and similar to many already in use among the Egyptians ;
and from the almost exclusive introduction of the precious metals,
and the absence of animals, woods, and such productions as were
brought to Egypt by other people, we may suppose the artist
intended to convey a notion of the great mineral riches of their
countiy : and they are occasionally represented carrying knives
or daggers, beads, a small quantity of ivory, leathern bottles,
and a few bronze and porcelain cups. Their dress was a simple
kilt, richly worked and of varied colour, folding over in front,
and fastened with a girdle ; and their sandals, which, being closed
like boots, differed entirely from those of the Egyptians, appear
to have been of cloth or leather, highly ornamented, and reaching
considerably above the ankle. Their long hair hung loosely in
tresses, reaching more than half-way down the back ; and from
the top of the head projected three or four curls, either of real or
artificial hair.
The Khita or Sheta ^ were a warlike people of Asia, who had
made considerable progress in military tactics, both with regard
to manoeuvres in the field, and the art of fortifying towns, some
of which they surrounded with a double fosse. It is worthy of
remark, that in these cases the approach to the place led over a
bridge;^ and the sculptures acquainting us with the fact are
highly interesting, as they offer the earliest indication of its use,
having been executed in the reign of the great Bameses, about
1350 years before our era. But whether the bridges were
supported on arches, or simply of wooden rafters resting on piers
of the same materials, we are unable to decide, since the view
is given as seen from above, and is therefore confined to the
level upper surface.^ Their troops appear to have been disci-
plined ; and the close array of their phalanxes of infantry, the
style of their chariots, and the arms they used, indicate a great
> Khita, Sheta, Getai, or SkeethcB (Scy- « There was a bridge at Tsaru, or Tanis,
thai), Scythiiins, are the same name. Kh in the reign of Seti I. (Rosellini, * Honu-
and Sh were sometimes used synonymously menti Reali,' No. 1.)— S. B.
by the Egyptians. ' Woodcut No. 83, figs, 2 and 3.
Chap. EO.]
257
superiority^ in military tactics, compared with other Eastern
nations of that early period. The wars waged against the Ehita
by the Egyptians, and the victories obtalaed OTer them by the
great Kameses, are pictured on the walls of his palace at Thebes,*
and are again alluded to in the sculptures of Rameses III. at
Medecnet Halmo, where this people occurs in the list of nations
conquered by the Fharoohs. Their arms were the bow, sword,
and spear; and their principal defence was a wicker shield,
either rectangular or concave at (he sides, and convex at each
end, approaching in form the Theban buckler.
' Usunlly called the Men
258
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS.
[Chap. m.
Their dress consisted of a long robe, reaching to the ankles,
with short sleeyes, open, or folding over in front, and secured by
a girdle round the waist ; but though frequently made of a Tery
thick stuff, and perhaps even quilted, it was by no means an
effectual substitute for armour, nor could it resist the spear or
the metal-pointed arrow. They either wore a close or a full cap ;
and their arms were occasionally decked with bracelets, as their
dresses with brilliant colours. Their cars were drawn by two
horses, like those of Egypt, but they each contained three men,^
and some had wheels with four instead of six spokes ; in both
which respects they differed from those of their opponents. They
had some cavalry : but large masses of infantry, with a formidable
body of chariots, constituted the principal force of their numerous
and well-appointed army ; and if, from the manner in which they
posted their corps de reserve, we may infer them to have been a
people skilled in war, some idea may also be formed of the
strength of their army from the numbers composing that divi-
sion, which amounted to 24,000 men,^ drawn up in three close
phalanxes, consisting each of 8000.
The nation of Khita seems to have been composed of two
distinct tribes,^ both comprehended under the same name,
uniting in one common cause, and probably subject to the same
government. They differed in their costume and general appear-
ance : one having a large cap, and the long loose robe, with open
sleeves or capes covering the shoulders, worn by many Asiatic
people already mentioned, a square or oblong shield/ and some-
times a large beard f the other the dress and shield before de-
scribed, and no beard. They both fought in cars and used the
same weapons ; and we even find they lived together, or garri:
soned the same towns.
Whether they were Scythians,® or a nation inhabiting the
banks of the Euphrates, I do not yet pretend to decide : the
* In the poem of Pentaur describing the
campaign of Rameses II. against the Khita,
the confederation is described as coming
three men in a chariot. (^ Records of the
Past/ vol. ii. p. 69.)— S. B.
' At the Memnonium. ^Egjpt and
Thebes/ p. 19.
» Woodcut No. 84, figs. 2, 3, 4, and 5.
* The Persian shield was square or
oblong, or of the form of a diamond, called
gcrron by the Greeks. (Strnbo, xv.)
* [Clemens describes the Scythians with
long hair of a flaxen or red colour (* Paedagog.*
iii. 3). He speaks of the- sobriety of tlie
Scythians (ii. 62).— G. W.]
* The Khita are supposed to be the
Hittitcs. They were divided into two noes,
the northern in the gorges of the Amanoa,
and the southern in the mountain rangei
to the west of the Dead Sea. (Maspero,
* Histoii-e ancienne,' pp. 192-3.) They are
sup|>osed to have been of Turanian origin,
and used a kind of hieroglyphic writing,
the so-called Hamathite. — S, B.
ENEMIES OF THE E0TFTIAN8.
^iU}
260 THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS. - Chap. m.
name stn>ngly argues in favour of the former opinion, which is
that of the much regretted Champollion ; and if any confirmation
can be obtained from the sculptures of the accounts given by
Herodotus, Diodorus, Tacitus, and other historians, relating to
the march of Sesostris or Rameses,^ it is certainly to be looked
for in those of the second and third Rameses ; and the possibility
of such extended conquests is not inconsistent with the known
power and resources of ancient Egypt.
Seyeral other nations and tribes, who inhabited parts of Asia,
are shown by the monuments ' to have been invaded and reduced
to subjection by the arms of the Pharaohs ; and in the names of
some ' we recognise towns or districts of Syria, as in Amauri,^
Lemanon,^ Kanana,* and Ascalon. The inhabitants of the first
two are figured with a round full head-dress, bound with a fillet :
and those of Kanana are distinguished by a coat of mail and
helmet, and the use of spears, javelins, and a battle-axe similar
to that of Egypt'
Thus we find that the Theban sculptors intentionally main-
tained a marked difference in the arms and costume peculiar to
many of these people, though the same attention was not always
extended to their faces. They were frequently conventional ; a
certain general style being adopted for eastern nations, another
for those of the north, a third for the Ethiopians, and a fourth for
the Blacks of the interior of Africa ; and accuracy in portraying
the features was dispensed with, except in the larger and more
detailed sculptures, or when any remarkable difference was
observable, as in the prominent nose of one of their allies.^
Some are clad in loose, others in tight dresses; some have
shields of a square, others of an oblong, round, or other form,
which are merely held by a single handle in the centre, like those
now used by the Ababdeh and modem Ethiopians.
The country of Lemanon is shown by the artist to have been
mountainous, inaccessible to chariots, and abounding in lofty
trees, which the affrighted mountaineers are engaged in felling,
in order to impede the advance of the invading army. Having
taken by assault the fortified towns on the frontier, the Egyptian
' * Egypt and Thobes,' p. 22, and the • Canaan.
Introiluction. ' Woodcut No. 84, fig. 8. Id Joshua
2 Woo«lcut No. 84, pn'O'dinj; pnge. xrii. 16, ihe Canaanites are said to ^hare
■ Woodcut No. 84, figs. (J, 7, and 8. «hari<»t8 of iron.*
* The Amoritcj*. * W()o<lcut No. 16, fig. 2, and woodcut
* Ennenen or Armenia. No. 76^ fig. 3.
Chap, m.] BLACK NATIONS SUBDUED. 261
monarch advances with the light infantry in pursuit of the
fugitives who had escaped and taken refuge in the woods : and
sending a herald to ofifer terms on condition of their surrender,
the chiefs are induced to trust to his clemency, and return to
their allegiance; as are those of Kanana, whoso strongholds
yield in like manner to the arms of the conqueror.
That these two names point out the inhabitants of Moimt
Lebanon and Canaan is highly probable, since the campaign is
said to have taken place in the first year, or soon after the
accession, of Osirei,^ the father of the great Eameses ; and the
events which previously occurred in Egypt, during the reign
of Amenophis III., and the imwarlike character of his two suc-
cessors, may have given an opi)ortunity to these people, though
so near Egypt, to rebel, and assert their independence.
Many black nations were also conquered by the early
monarchs of the 18th and 19th Dynasties, as the Toreses, the
Taruau, and another whose name is lost,^ as well as the Cush,^
or Ethiopians. These last were long at war with the Egyptians ;
and part of their country, which was reduced at a very remote
j>eriod by the arms of the Pharaohs, was obliged to pay an annual
tribute to the conquerors : but whether the name of Cush was
applied merely to the lower districts of Ethiopia, or comprehended
the whole of the southern portion of that "country, I am unable
to determine.
The Blacks,* like the Ethiopians, wore short aprons of bulls'
hides,* or the skins of wild beasts, frequently drawn by the
Egyptian artists with the tail projecting from the girdle, for
the purpose of adding to their grotesque appearance by this
equivocal addition : the chiefs, decked with ostrich and other
feathers, had large circular gold ear-rings, collars, and bracelets ;
and many of the Ethiopian grandees were clad in garments of
fine linen, with leathern girdles highly ornamented, a leopard-
skin being occasionally thrown over the shoulder.* It is reason-
able to suppose that the linen was purchased from the Egyptians,
whose conquests in the country would naturally lead to its intro-
* Sfti I. The name of Osirei was a later * The Blacks were called goacra 11 y Nahsi
substitutioQ, consequent on a religion;* or revolters. — S. B.
revolution. — S. B. * [ V. Strabo, p. 5G5, edit. 1587. Strabo
* Woodcut No. 84, fuj. 12. says the Ethiopians wore skins, and that
* It is the scriptural as well as the sheep have no wool in Ethiopia, but hair
hieroglyphical name. Woodcut No. 84, like goats, which is true. — G. W.]
fy. 13, a, h, c, and d. * Woodcut No. 84, Jig, 13, c, d.
262 THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANa [Chap. m.
duction among them ; and this is rendered more probable, from
its transparent fineness being represented in the same manner as
in the dresses of the Egyptians, and from its being confined to
the chiefs as an article of valne, indicatiye of their rank.
The Ethiopian tribute consisted of gold and silyer, precious
stones, ostrich feathers, skins, ebony, iyory, apes, oxen of the
long-homed breed still found in Abyssinia, Uons, oryxes, leopards,
giraflFes, and hounds ; and they were obliged to supply the victors
with slaves, which the Egyptians sometimes exacted even from
the conquered countries of Asia. Their chief arms were the bow,
spear, and club :^ they fought mostly on foot, and the tactics
of a disciplined army appear to have been unknown to them.
The names of foreign nations who acted as auxiliaries of the
Egyptians I have already noticed. The first uneqxdvocal mention
of these alliances^ is in the sculptures of the great Barneses,'
where the Shairetana^ unite with him in an expedition against
the Khita.* They had been previously conquered by the
Pharaohs, with whom they entered into a treaty, agreeing to
furnish troops and to assist them in their, future wars : and firm
to their engagements, they continued to maintain a friendly
intercourse with the Egyptians for a considerable length of time,
and joined the army of the third Bameses, when, about a century
later, he marched into Asia, to attack the Takkari* and the
Bebu J In the war against the Bebu, Bameses was assisted by
another body of auxiliaries, whose high fur cap sufficiently
denotes their Oriental origin f and a third tribe, whose name is
likewise lost, aided the Egyptians in the same campaign.
It is evident that the Takkari also united with the invaders
against the Bebu, and contributed to the successes of the third
Bameses ; but either a portion of their tribe still remained hostile
to the Egyptians, or some cause of complaint alienated their
friendship, and we find that they were soon afterwards engaged
in war with that monarch. Being joined by many of the Shaire-
tana, to whose country they fled for refuge after their first
defeat, and relying on the protection promised them by the
fleet of that maritime people, they offered battle to the Egyptians :
* [Herodotus describes the Ethiopian * Sardinians,
dresses and anns in Bk. vii. 09. — G. W.] * Hittiies.
' Pcrhn))s we may al«>o trace them in • Teucri. * Libyans,
the time of Usertesen I. • The Shasu or Arabs. Woodent No.
' At the Memnonium and Aboosimbel. 16, fig. 2, the same as fy. 3 in woodcut
Wootlcut No. 75, figs. 5 and 6. No. 76.
Chap, m.]
MAECH OF THE ARMY.
but their combined efforts were ineffectual ; tliey were again
reduced to subjection ; and Itameses, loaded with booty and a
considerable number of captives, returned to Egypt, accompanied
by the auxiliary legions of those of the Shairetana,* Takkari,'
and the other allies who had remained faithful to him.
When an expedition was resolved upon against a foreign
nation, the necessary preparations were made throughont the
country, each province furnishing its quota of men; and the
members of the military class were summoned to master in what-
ever numbers the monarch deemed it necessary to require.
The troops were generally commanded by the king in person;-
but in some instances a general was appointed to that post, and
intrusted with the sole conduct of the war.^ A place of rendezvous
was fixed, in early times, generally at Thebes, Memphis, or Pelu-
sium; and the troops having
assembled in the vicinity,
remained encamped there,
awaiting the leader of the
expedition. As soon as he
arrived, the necessary pre-
parations were made; and
orders having been issued
for their march, a signal
was given by sound of a
trumpet ; the troops fell in,
and with a profound bow
each soldier in the ranks
saluted the royal general,
and acknowledged his readi-
ness to receive his orders, and
to follow him to the field. "•"*■ * t«iy ■" ■"'««■ "^
The march then commenced ;* the cliariots led the van ; and the
king, mounted in his car of war and attended by his chief
officers ' carrying fiabella, took his post in the centre, preceded
and followed by bodies of infantry armed with bows, spears, or
other weapons, according to their respective corps.
■ Sudinlatu.
* This wu the cau vhen tha nrmj
wai Udt bj Apries agoiiut the CyceDcaas.
Herod, ii. 161.)
* It )■ npretentcd >t U«de«iiet Uoboa.
Ifthe whole of thsbrnk part of that templa
weif cleared, much more miKtit be obtained
from those interesting aciilpturei.
' If he had mm, they held thi> olBfe,
which was cautidered a jtTj boDOunbli
264 THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS. [Chap. DL
On commencing the attack in the open field, a signal was
again made by sound of trumpet. The archers drawn up in line
first discharged a shower of arrows on the enemy's front, and a
considerable mass of chariots advanced to the charge ; the heavy
infantry, armed with spears or clubs, and covered with their
shields, moved forwards at the same time in close array, flanked
by chariots and cavalry,^ and pressed upon the centre and wings
of the enemy, the archers still galling the hostile columns ¥Fith
their arrows, and endeavouring to create disorder in their ranks.'
Their mode of warfare was not like that of nations in their
infancy, or in a state of barbarism ; and it is evident, from the
number of prisoners they took, that they spared the prostrate
who asked for quarter: and the representations of persons
slaughtered by the Egyptians who have overtaken them, are
intended to allude to what happened in the heat of action, and
not to any wanton cruelty on the part of the victors. Indeed,
in the naval fight of Barneses III.,^ the Egyptians, both in the
ships and on the shore, are seen rescuing the enemy whose galley
has been sunk, from a watery grave ; and the humanity of
that people is strongly argued, whose artists deem it a virtue
worthy of being recorded among the glorious actions of their
countrymen.
Indeed, when compared with the Assyrians and other Asiatic
conquerors, the Egyptians hold a high position among the nations
of antiquity from their conduct to their prisoners ; and the cruel
custom of flaying them alive, and the tortures represented in the
sculptures of Nineveh, show the Assyrians were guilty of bar-
barities at a period long after the Egyptians had been accustomed
to the refinements of civilised communities.
To judge from the mode of binding their prisoners, we might
suppose they treated them with unnecessary harshness and even
cruelty, at the moment of their capture, and during their march
with the army ; and the contempt with which they looked upon
all foreigners, whom they stigmatised by tne nctme of impure
gentiles, did probably lead many of the soldiers to commit acts
of brutal severity. They tied their hands behind their backs, or
over their heads, in the most strained positions, and a rope
passing round their neck fastened them to each other ; and some
' The chariots are represented in this sculptures,
position ; the cavalry I suggest from pro- * At Medeenet Haboo, in Thebes,
bability, though not indicated in the ' At Medeenet Uaboo.
Chap, m.] TREATMENT OF CAPTIVES. 265
had their hands enclosed in an elongated fetter of wood,^ made
of two opposite segments, nailed together at each end ; such as
are still used for securing prisoners in Egypt at the present day.
In the capture of a town some were beaten with sticks,^ in order
to force from them the secret of the booty that had been con-
cealed ; many were compelled to labour for the benefit of the
victors; and others were insulted by the wanton soldiery, who
pulled their beards and derided their appearance. But when
we remember how frequently instances of harsh treatment have
occurred, even among civilised Europeans, at an epoch which
deemed itself much more enlightened than the fourteenth century
before our era, we are disposed to excuse the occasional insolence
of an Egyptian soldier ; and the unfavourable impressions con-
veyed by such scenes are more than counterbalanced by the proofs
of Egyptian humanity, as in the sea-fight above mentioned.
Indeed, I am inclined to think the captives bound beneath the
chariot of the conqueror in his triumph,^ a licence of the
sculptors, who, as Gibbon* observes, 'in every age have felt
the truth of a system which derives the sublime from the prin-
ciple of terror.'
I cannot therefore suppose that the Egyptians, who surpassed
all others in the practices of civilised life, were in the habit of
indulging in wanton cruelty, and much less do I beUeve that the
captives represented on the facades of their temples, bound at
the feet of the king, who holds them by the hair of the head,
and with an uplifted arm appears about to immolate them in the
presence of the deity, were intended to refer to a human sacrifice : *
but rather that the subject was a religious allegory, purporting
to be an acknowledgment of the victory he had obtained by the
assistance of the deity, — in short, an emblematic record of his
successes over the enemies of Egypt ; and this is strongly con-
firmed by the fact of our finding the same subject on monuments
erected by the Ptolemies and Caesars.®
Those who sued for mercy and laid down their arms were
spared and sent bound from the field; and, as I have already
observed, the hands of the slain being cut off and placed in
* Vide woodcut No. Ill, at the end of * Herodotus justly blames the Greeks
Chap. IV. for their ignorance of the Egyptian charac-
' This is the usual mode in the East of ter, in taking literally their allegorical
eliciting the truth at the present day. tales of human sacrifices (ii. 45).
' At Mcdeenet Haboo and Karnak. * At E'Dayr, near £*sne, at Dendera, and
* Gibbon, vol. ii. 64, note. other places.
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANa
[Chap. m.
heaps before the king, immediately after the action, were comited
by the military secretaries in his presence, who thus ascertained
and reported to him the amount of the enemy's slain. Sometimes
their hands, with occasionally other members, were laid before
him in the same manner; in all inatancee being intended as
aathentio returns of the loss of the foe : for which the soldien
received a proportionate reward, divided among the whole army :
the capture of prisoners probably claiming a higher preminm,
exclusively enjoyed by the captor.
The arms, horses, chariotB, and booty taken in the field, or in
the camp, were also collected, and the same officers wrote an
account of them, and presented it to the monarch. The booty
was sometimes collected in an open space, surrounded by a
temporary wall, indicated in the sculptures by the representation
of shields placed erect, with a wicker gate,' on the inner and
outer face of which a strong guard was posted, the sentries
walking to and fro with drawn swords. The subject from which
this is taken' may serve to show their mode of encamping ; for
though, after they had been victorious and no longer feared an
attack, the strongly-fortified camp was unnecessary, its general
form may be hence inferred ; and the only difference between
this and a permanent station, or regular encampment, the ctutra
' Woodcut No. Se.
er of the UaiDDaniiuii, >t Thcbw.
Chap. IIL] THE FIELD ENCAMPMENT. 267
skUiva of the Bomans, probably consisted in the latter being
constructed with greater attention to the principles of defence,
and furnished with ditches and a strong efficient rctmpart.
Judging from those of El Kab, Hieracon, and other fortified
places in the valley of the Nile, distinct from the towns them-
selyesy their fixed stations were surrounded by a massive and
lofty wall of brick, whose broad rampart, having a wide staircase,
or inclined way,* was furnished with a parapet wall, for the
protection of the soldiers ; and though, from the nature of the
ground or other accidental causes, they were not strictly confined
to the figure of a square, the quadrangular form was always
preferred, and no instance occurs of a round camp like that of
the Lacedaemonians. It was forbidden to the Spartan soldier,
when on guard, to have his shield, in order that, being deprived
of this defence, he might be more cautious not to fall asleep ;
and the same custom appears to have been common also to the
Egyptians, since we find the watch on duty at the camp gates
are only armed with swords and maces, though belonging to the
heavy-armed corps, who, on other occasions, were in the habit of
carrying a shield.^
The field encampment was either a square or a parallelogram,
with a principal entrance in one of the faces ; and near the
centre were the general's tent, and those of the principal officers.
In form it resembled a Boman camp ; but the position of the
general's tent agreed with the Greek custom mentioned by
Homer,^ and differed from that of the Bomans, who placed
the praetorium ^ on the side most distant, or least exposed to
attack, from the enemy. The general's tent was sometimes
surrounded by a double rampart or fosse, enclosing two distinct
areas, the outer one containing three tents, probably of the next
in command, or of the officers on the staff; and the guards, like
the Boman eoscvbisB, slept or watched in the open air. Other
tents were pitched without these enclosures ; and near the
external circuit, a space was set apart for feeding horses and
beasts of burden, and another for ranging the chariots and
baggage. It was probably near the general's tent, and within
the same area, that the altars of the gods, or whatever related to
religious matters, the standards, and the military chest, were
kept ; and we find an instance of persons kneeling before certain
» The ramp.— S. B. » Horn. IL e, 222.
' Woodcut No. 86. * Or general's tent.
268 THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS. [Chap. IIL
sacred emblems beneath a canopy^ within an enclosure similar to
that where the tent stood, which formed a portable chapel for
the army, like the Jewish tabernacle or tent. The sculptures
at the Memnonium in Thebes show their mode of encamp-
ing on the field, when they had been victorious and no longer
feared an attack ; but the permanent station, or regular encamp-
ment, was constructed with greater attention to the principles
of defence, and furnished with ditches and a strong efficient
rampart.
A system of regular fortification was adopted in the earliest
times. The form of the fortresses was quadrangular ; the walls
of crude brick 15 feet thick, and often 50 feet high, with square
towers at intervals along each face. These were generally the
same height as the walls, and when they only reached part of the
way up they were rather buttresses ; and sometimes the whole
wall was doubled by an outer casing, leaving a space between the
two, filled in here and there by a solid buttress, which strength-
ened and united them, and prevented anyone passing freely
round the inner wall when the outer one was broken through.
The towers, like the rest of the walls, consisted of a rampart and
parapet, which last was crowned by the usual round-headed
battlements, in imitation of Egyptian shields, like those on their
stone walls. But a singular arrangement was followed in the
position of the towers at the comers, two being placed not upon,
but at each side of the very angle which remained recessed
between them, and was slightly rounded off. Whenever it was
possible, the fortress was square, with one or occasionally two
entrances ; but generally with one, and a sally-port, or a water-
gate, if near the river : and, when built on an irregularly-shaped
height, the form of the works was regulated by that of the
ground.
One great principle in the large fortresses was to have a long
wall, on the side most exposed to attack, projecting from 70 to
100 feet, at right angles from, and at the same height as, the
main wall, ujwn which the besieged were enabled to run out and
sweep the faces, or curtains, by what we should call a * flanking
fire.' But the great object was, of course, to keep the enemy
as far from the main wall as possible. This was done by raising
it on a broad terrace or basement, or by having an outer
circuit, or low wall of circumvallation, parallel to the main wall,
and distant from it, on every side, from 13 to 20 feet; and a
tower stood at each side of the entrance, which was towards one
Chap, m.] FORTBESSES. 269
comer of the least exposed face. This low wall answered the
purpose of a second rampart and ditch ; it served to keep the
besiegers' movable towers and battering-rams at a distance from
the main wall, who had to carry the outer circuit before they
could attempt a breach in, or an assault on, the body of the
fortress ; while, from the lowness of the outer circuit, they were
exposed to the missiles of the besieged.
Another more effectual defence, adopted in larger fortifications,
was a ditch with a coxmterscarp, and in the centre of the ditch a
continuous stone wall, parallel to the face of the curtain and the
counterscarp, a sort of ravelin, or a tenaille, and then came the
scarp of the platform on which the fortress stood. Over the
ditch was a wooden bridge, which was removed during a siege.
Occasionally, as at Semneh, there was a glacis of stone, sloping
down from the counterscarp of the ditch towards the level
country ; so that they had in those early days some of the pecu-
liarities of our modem works, the glacis, scarps, and counter-
scarps, and a sort of ravelin (or a tenaille) in the ditch. But
though some were kept up after the accession of the 18th Dynasty,
the practice of fortifying towns seems to have been discontinued,
and fortresses or walled towns were not then used, except on the
edge of the desert, and on the frontiers where large garrisons
-were required. To supply their place, the temples were pro-
vided with loffcy pyramidal stone towers, which, projecting
beyond the walls, enabled the besieged to command and rake
them, while the parapet-wall over the . gateway shielded the
soldiers who defended the entrance ; and the old plan of an outer
wall of circumvallation was carried out by the large crude brick
enclosure of the temenos, within which the temple stood. Each
temple was thus a detached fort, and was thought as sufficient
a protection for itself and for the town as a continuous wall,
which required a large garrison to defend it ; and neither Thebes
nor Memphis, the two capitals, were walled cities.
On returning from war, the troops marched according to the
post assigned to each regiment, observing the same order and
regularity as during their advance through the enemy's country :
and the allies who came with them occupied a position towards
the rear of the army, and were followed by a strong corps
of Egyptians. Kewards were afterwards distributed to the
soldiers, and the triumphant procession of the conqueror was
graced by the presence of the captives, who were conducted in
bonds beside his chariot.
270 THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANa [Chap. HL
On traversing countries tributary to or in alliance with Egypt,
the monarch received the homage of the friendly inhabitants,
who, greeting hb arrival with joyful acclamations and rich presents,
complimented him on the victory he had obtained; and the
army, as it passed through Egypt, was met at each of the principal
cities by a concourse of people, who, headed by the priests, and
chief men of the place bearing bouquets of flowers, green boughs,
and palm branches, received them with loud acclamations, and
welcomed their return.^ Then addressing themselves to the king,
the priests celebrated his praises ; and, enumerating the many
benefits he had conferred on Egypt by the conquest of foreign
nations, the enemies of his country, they affirmed that his power
was exalted in the world like the sun in the heavens, and his
beneficence only equalled by that of the deities themselves.'
Having reached the capital, preparations commenced for a
general thanksgiving in the principal temple: and suitable
offerings were made to the presiding deity, the guardian of the
city, by whose special favour and intercession the victory was
supposed to have been obtained. The prisoners were presented
to him, as well as the spoils taken from the enemy, and the
monarch acknowledged the manifest power of his all-protecting
hand, and his own gratitude for so distinguished a proof of
heavenly favour to him and to the nation. And these subjects,
represented on the walls of the temples, not only served as a
record of the victory, but tended to impress the people with a
religious veneration for the deity towards whom their sovereign
set them so marked an example of respect. The troops were also
required to attend during the performance of the prescribed
ceremonies, and to return thanks for the victories they had
obtained, as well as for their personal preservation ; and a priest
offiBred incense, meat-offerings, and libations, in their presence.'
Each soldier carried in his hand a twig of some tree, probably
olive, with the arms of his peculiar corps ; and being summoned
by sound of trumpet, they marched forwards to the temple, to
the beat of drum.
Not only the light infantry, but even the heavy-armed troops,
presented themselves on this occasion without shields ; and we
may infer from their absence, and the substitution of a green
* Burton, * Excerpta,' pUte xxxvi. deity.
3 Conf. Rosetta stone, where King ' Such is the subject of a procession met
Ptolemy is compared to Horus, the son of with at the small temple in the Aisaseef,
Isis and Osiris, and is called a beneficent at Thebes.
Chap, m.]
THANKSGIVING FOR VICTORY.
271
branchy emblematic either of peace or victory, that the artist
intended to convey an idea of the security they felt, under the
protecting influence of the deity to whose presence they were
summoned. It is diflScult to decide whether this were a twig of
olive, or what peculiar tree among the Egyptians was symbolic of
peace or of victory ; and if the bay-tree were cultivated in Egypt,
there is no reason to suppose it bore the same emblematic force
as in Greece.*
A judicious remark has been made * respecting the choice of
the olive as the emblem of peace. After the devastation of a
country by hostile invasion, and the consequent neglect of its
culture, no plantation requires a longer period to restore its
previously flourishing condition than the olive grove; and this
tree may therefore have been appropriately selected as the
representative of peace.^ There is, however, reason to suppose
that its emblematic character did not originate in Greece, but
that it dated from a far more remote period ; and the tranquillity
and habitual state of the earth ^ were announced to the ark
through the same token.
It was not customary for the Egyptian soldier to wear arms
except on service, when on garrison duty, or in attendance upon
the king ; nor did the private citizen at any time carry offensive
weapons about his person, either in the house or in the street ;
and this circumstance, as I have already observed, goes far to
prove the advanced state of civilisation in that country, at a time
when the rest of the world was immersed in barbarism.
The captives, being brought to Egypt, were employed in the
service of the monarch, in building temples,* cutting canals,
raising dykes and embankments, and other public works : and
some who were purchased by the grandees, were employed in
the same capacity as the Memlooks of the present day. Women
' Garlands from Thebes have been seen,
apparently of bay leaves; but though
cultirateU there, the tree is not indigenous
to^Egypt.
* By Mr. Bankes.
« Virg. Mn, viii. 116.
* The Arabs have an amusing legend
respecting the dove, or pigeon. The first
time, it returned with the olive branch,
but without any indication of the state of
the earth itself; but on its second visit to
the ark, the red appearance of its feet
proved that the red mud on which it had
walked was already freed from the waters :
and to record the event, Noah prayed that
the feet of those birds might for ever con-
tinue of that colour, which marks them to
the present day. The similarity of the
Hebrew words adoom, red, admeh, earth,
and Adm^ Adam, is remarkable. A *■ man '
is still called A'dam in Turkish. [The
dove was the ancient banner of Assyria. —
G. W.]
* Herodotus and Diodorus state that the
prisoners of Sesostris were condemned to
perform all the laborious part of the works
he undertook on his return to Egypt.
(Herod, ii. 108. Diod. i. 56.) Diodorus
here mentions some Babylonian captives.
272
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS.
[Chap. IH
elaves were also engaged in the serrice of ffunilies, like the
Greeks and Circassians in modem Egypt, and other parts of the
Turkish empire; and from finding them represented in the
scnlptures of Thebes, accompanying men of their own nation, who
bear tribute to the Egyptian monarch, we may conclude that a
certain nnmber were annually sent to Egypt from the conquered
provinces of the north and east, as well as from Ethiopia. It
is evident that botli white and black slaves were employed as
servants : they attended on the guests when invited to the house
of their master ; and from their being in the families of priests,
OS well as of the military chiefs, we may infer that they were
Chap. IH] MILITABY PUNISHMENTS. 273
purchased with moneys and that the right of possessing slaves
was not confined to those who had taken them in war. The traffic
in slaves was tolerated by the Egyptians ; and it is reasonable
to suppose that many persons were engaged, as until recent
times, in bringing them to Egypt for public sale, independent
of those who were sent as part of the tribute, and who were
probably at first the property of the monarch : nor did any
difficulty occur to the Ishmaelites ^ in the purchase of Joseph
from his brethren, nor in his subsequent sale to Potiphar on
arriving in Egypt.
According to Diodorus, the Egyptians were not actuated in
the administration of punishments by any spirit of vengeance,
but solely by the hope of reclaiming an offender, and of pre-
venting for the future the commission of a similar crime.
Impressed with this feeling, they were averse to making desertion
and insubordination capital offences ; the soldier was degraded,
and condemned publicly to wear some conspicuous mark of igno-
miny, which rendered him an object of reproach to his comrades ;
and without fixing any time for his release, he was doomed to
bear it, till his contrition and subsequent good conduct had
retrieved his character, and obtained for him the forgiveness of
his superiors. * For,' says the historian,^ * by rendering the
stigma a more odious disgrace than death itself, the legislator
hoped to make it the most severe of punishments, at the same
time that it had a great advantage in not depriving the State of
the services of the offender ; and deeming it natural to every one
who had been degraded from his post, to desire to regain the
station and character he had lost, they cherished the hope that he
might eventually reform, and become a worthy member of the
society to which he belonged.' For minor offences, it may be
presimied, they inflicted the bastinado which was commonly
employed for punishing servants and other people ; but the
soldier who treacherously held communication with the enemy
was sentenced to the excision of his tongue.*
[Although the Egyptians placed many soldiers in the field,
it may be doubted if they were ever a very warlike race. This
seems proved by the constant employment in their armies at
the earliest period of negroes raised in the south, and trans-
ferred under Egyptian officers to the north and east. Later the
1 Gen.xxzrii. 2S. Conf. also Gen. zlir. 9. ' The ancient practice ofpnniahing the
' Diodor. i. 78. offending member.
VOL. I. T
274 THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS. [Chap. IH
Shairetana, either the Sardinians or a generic name for the
Italians and Greeks, were enrolled in their servicey and with the
Libyans also enlisted, led the yan, and sustained, under Egyptian
leaders, the brunt of the campaigns. Finally the Greeks passed
into the ranks of the armies of Egypt and were of the greatest
importance. These troops were probably under a discipline of
their own, suited to the national habits and character, while
the command of the armies was vested in the royal family.
The Egyptian army appears to have been raised by a kind of
conscription, from which not even the hierodules of the temple
were altogether exempt, except by special favour or edict of the
sovereign. The adventures of an officer or hero at the time of
the 19th Dynasty and his exploits in Palestine have been
detailed in a literary composition,^ and give a graphic account
. of the life of a military officer, his quarters, wounds, marches and
sufferings, campaigns in Syria, and exploits ; the hardship of his
life being unfavourably contrasted with the more quiet and in-
tellectual life of a scribe, and showing that the Egyptian did not
regard with any great favour a military career, or the profession
of arms."— S. B.]
The saUors of the * king's ships,' or royal navy, were part of
the military class, a certain number of whom were specially
trained for the sea; though all the soldiers were capable of
handling galleys, from their constant practice at the oar on the
Nile. The Egyptian troops were therefore employed on board
ship by Xerxes, in his war against Oreece, * being,' as Herodotus
says, ' all sailors.' And as ships of war then depended on the
skill of their crews in the use of the oar, the employment of the
Egyptian soldiers in a sea-fight is not so extraordinary. Many,
too, of the Nile boats were built purposely for war, and were
used in the expeditions of the Pharaohs into Ethiopia ; officers
who commanded them are often mentioned on the monuments ;
and chief, or captain, of the king's ships is not an uncommon title.
Herodotus and Diodorus both mention the fleet of long
vessels,^ or ships of war, fitted out by Sesostris on the Arabian
Gulf. They were four hundred in number ; and there is every
reason to believe that the trade, and the means of protecting it
by ships of war, existed there at least as early as the 12th Dynasty,
about two thousand years before our era.
' Chabas, < Voyage d'an ^gyptieo/ 4to ; ' Called ua, * long ' ships. Transports
Paris, 1866. were called utch^ broad. The word for
* Maspero, 'Genre ^pistolaire,' pp. 41-43. galley is mmM. — S. B.
Chap. HI.]
275
The galleya, or ships of war, used ia tbeii wars out of Egypt
differed &om those of the Nile. They were less raised at the
head and stem ; and on each side, throughout the whole length
of the vessel, a wooden bulwark, rising considerably above the
gunwale, sheltered the rowers, who sat behind it, irom the
missiles of the enemy ; the handles of the oara passing through
an aperture at the lower part.
The ships in the sea-fight represented at Thebes fully confirm
the statement of Herodotus that the Egyptian soldiers were em-
ployed on board them, as their arms and dress are exactly the
same as those of the heavy infantry and archers of the army ; and
the quilted helmet of the rowers shows they also were part of the
same corps. Besides the archers in the raised poop and fore-
castle, a body of slingers was stationed in the tops, where they
could with more facility manage that weapon, and employ it
with effect on the enemy.
On advancing to engage a hostile fleet, the sail was used till
they came within a certain distance, when the signal or order
having.been given to clear for action, it was reefed by means of
ropes running in pulleys, or loops, upon the yard. The ends of
these ropes, which were usually four in number, dividing the sail
as it rose into five folds, descended and were attached to the
lower part of the mast, so as to be readily worked, when the sail
required to be pulled up at a moment's notice, either in a squall
t2
276 THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS. [Chap. m.
of wind or on any other occasion ; and in thiB respect, and in the
absence of a lower yard, the sail of the war galley greatly differed
from that of the boats on the Nile. Having prepared for the
attack, the rowers, whose strength had been hitherto reserved,
plied their oars ; the head was directed towards an enemy's
vessel, and showers of missiles were thrown from the forecastle
and tops as they advanced. It was of great importance to strike
their opponent on the side ; and when the steersman, by a skilful
manoeuvre, could succeed in this, the shock was so great that
they sank it, or obtained a considerable advantage by crippling
the oars.
The small Egyptian galleys do not appear to have been fur-
nished with a beak, like those of the Bomans, which being of
bronze sharply pointed, and sometimes below the water's surface,
often sank a vessel at once ; but a lion's head fixed to the prow
supplied its place, and being probably covered with metal, was
capable of doing great execution, when the galley was impelled
by the force of sixteen or twenty oars. This head occasionally
varied in form, and perhaps served to indicate the rank of the
commander, the name of the vessel, or the deity under whose
protection they sailed ; unless indeed the lion was always chosen
for their war galleys, and the ram, oryx, and others, confined to
the boats connected with the service of religion.
Some of the war galleys on the Nile were furnished with
forty-four oars, twenty-two being represented on one side ; which,
allowing for the steerage and prow, would require their total
length to be about 120 feet. They were furnished, like all the
others, with one large square sail ; but the mast, instead of being
single, was made of two limbs of equal length, sufficiently open
at the top to admit the yard between them, and secured by several
strong stays, one of which extended to the prow, and others to
the steerage of the boat. Over the top of the mast a light rope
was passed, probably intended for furling the sail, which last,
from the horizontal lines represented upon it, appears to have
been like those of the Chinese, and is a curious instance of a sail
apparently made of the papyrus.
This double mast was common of old, during the 4th and
other early dynasties ; but it afterwards gave place entirely to
the single one, with bars, or rollers, at the upper part, serving
for pulleys, over which the ropes passed ; and sometimes rings
were fixed to it, in which the halliards worked.
In this, as in other Egyptian boats, the braces were fixed to
chaf. m.]
NILE BOATS.
277.
the end of the yard ; which being held hy a man seated in the
steerage, or upon the cabin, Beived to turn the sail to the right
and left They were common to all boats ; and at the lower end
of the sail (which in these boats had no yard) were the sheets,
which were secnred within the gunwale. The mode of steering
is difTerent from that usually described in the Egyptian paintings ;
and instead of a rudder in the centre of the stem, or at either
side, it is furnished with three on the same side : a peculiarity
IdiB bolt wUb hU whrdUj nudi of the ptejnt, > doobk bum. ud nun* mwen.
Ho. Ml maloibatldmJlLmar.almtJIinUk.
which, like the double mast and the folding sail, was afterwards
abandoned as cumbrous and imperfect. This boat shows satis-
factorily their mode of arranging the oars, while not required
during a favourable wind : they were drawn up, through the ring
or band in which they turned, and they were probably held in
that position by a thong or loop passing over the handle. The
ordinary boats of the Nile were of a different construction ; which
will be mentioned in describing the boafr-builders, one of the
members of the fourth class of the Egyptian community.
278 THE AMCIENT EGYPTIAM& [CaiP. HL
Fit. la. Halclut. I foot t Incbn In kngth.
Tionm D.— llolaii ■tudoor. or pob mi biuAM, oiad far nUng mur. la Vprtr ud Lower Egypt.
CHAPTER IV.
The otbsi memben of the Ca-ites — The Feiuanta, HnaUmen, and Bottmen — The
IiMid« fanned — Irrigation — TradMmen, Artifiosn, Fnbllo Weighers, and
NoUrioi— Money— Writing— Pastors, Fishermen, and common People — Legisla-
tiTe KKhts of the King — Jodges-Lawa— Passports —The Bastinado — FoDiih-
ment — Uaniagei — Ci?U Ooierament — Greek and Roman Admiaistration.
Haviho coDcluded the foregoing chapter with an account of the
military order, which, as it holds a rank so far above all the
other BubdiTisions of the second caste, I may be excused for
treating almost as if distinct from it, I now proceed to notice
the other members of this caste ; the principal subdivisions of
which consisted of the military just mentioned, the farmers,
husbandmeu, gardeners, huntsmen, and boatmen.
The statement of Biodorus, who says the husbandmen were
hired to till the estates of the kings, priests, and soldiers, is so
strongly confirmed by the scriptural account of the cession of all
the landed property to the government on the occasion of
Joseph's famine, that we are reduced to the necessity of con-
cluding the husbandmen had no rights in the soil, ^e richer
peasants farming the land from the proprietor, while the poor
were hired as labourers for the cultivation of the ground. The
wages paid them were trifling,' and it may be inferred that the
farmer received the land on very moderate terms. The cattle.
280 THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS. [Chap. IY.
flocks, or herds, which were tethered in the clover, appear also to
have belonged to the landowner; but those employed in the
plough, and for other agricultural purposes, were usually the
property of the farmer. In extensive domains, the peasants
frequently acted as superintendents of the herdsmen, and were
obliged to give account to the steward of the number and
condition of the cattle on the estate, the direct care of them
being the office of an inferior class of people : the clover was also
let, as at the present day, to any person who had cattle, which
were tethered in the meadows about the close of autumn ; and,
at other seasons of the year, particularly during the period of
the inundation, were fed in the villages and farmyards on hay,
which had been dried and preserved for the purpose.^
K the farmer had no right in the soil, it is still reasonable to
suppose that the choice of the crop depended chiefly on his
decision, care being taken, as is still the custom in Egypt, as
well as in other countries, that the land should not be injured by
an imprudent repetition of similar crops :^ and, indeed, from
what Diodorus says, it is evident the farmers were not only
permitted to choose the grain they intended to cultivate, but were
justly deemed the only persons of sufficient experience to form a
judicious opinion on the subject ; and so skilful were they, says
the historian, about these matters, in the study of which they
were brought up from their youth, that they far excelled the eLgn-
culturists of every other nation. They carefully considered the
nature of the soil, the proper succession of crops, and the mode
of tilling and irrigating the fields ; and by a constant habit of
observation, and by the lessons received from their parents, they
were acquainted with the exact season for sowing and reaping,
and with all the peculiarities of each species of produce.
The gardeners were employed by the rich in cultivating trees
and flowers in the parterres attached to their houses; and the
vineyard, orchard, and tanks which served for ornament as well
as for the purposes of irrigation, were under their superintend-
ence and direction. In Egypt, the garden and the fields were
both watered by the shadoof,^ or by buckets carried on a yoke
* Diodor. i. 36. Like the dreeSj dried the same plant, though it maj be beneficial
clover of modern Egypt. to another kind.
' M. Macaire has shown the reason of * The pole and backet still used in
this, and proved by experiments that the Egypt. This is the Arabic name. (Fidlf
noxions matter thrown out by roots of Vignette D.)
vegetables unfits the soil for the growth of
Chap. IV.]
281
acroea the shoulden ; bat there is do appearance of their having
used aay hydraulic machine similar to the Persian wheel, now
so common in the East ; nor do the sculptures represent the foot
No. *3. Shadoof u pola tnl boekM, ti>T wMclPg Ik* ludcii. TMt*.
machine mentioned by Philo, which is supposed to be referred to
in the sacred writings.' It is, however, not a little remarkable
Na.tl. ShidooflDTWKtaiinsllMbiiita. Tktbo.
that an Arab tradition still records the use of the shadoof in the
time of the Pharaohs : and I have found a part of one in an
■ Dtut iL 10. It ii mon pnbabla that ud tnitiiBg off tht v>t«r into uiothar
thij illutlei to tht ntodt of itoppliig thg chaiuitl, itiU adopttd ia th«lr garddw aod
m with mod bj tha ioot, fitlda.
282 TEE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS. [Chip. IV.
ancient tomb at Thebes, coosiating of an angular piece of wood,
on which the pole turned, and the rope that Becuied it to the
cross bar.
The huntsmen constituted another subdivision of this caste
many of whom were employed to attend and assist the chie^
during their excursions in pursuit of the wild animals of the
country ; the scenes of which amusements were principally in the
deserts of Upper Egypt They conducted the dogs to the field,
they hod the management of them in loosing them for the chase,
and they secured and brought home the game, haTing generally
contributed with their own skill to increase the sport of the
chaasear. They also followed this occupation on their own
Oitikb, wlU Uk fMbm ib4 tfEI.
account, and secured for themselves considerable profit, by
catching those animals that were prized for the table, by the
rewards given for destroying the hytena and other noxious
animals, and by the lucrative chase of the ostrich, which was
Chap. IVJ THIRD CASTE. 283
highly valued for its plumes and eggs>^ and was sold to the
wealthier Egyptians.
The boatmen, like others who composed the subdivisions of
each caste, were of different grades: some belonged to the
private sailing or pleasure boats of the grandees ; others to those
of burden ; and the rank of each depended on the station he
held. The ofBce of steersman seems to have been the most
important, aad to have ranked above all the other grades ; but
it is reasonable to suppose that when the Egyptians undertook
naval expeditions, the more warlike occupation of the sailor
raised that class of people in the estimation of their countrymen,
and the pilots of ships of war bore the highest station in the
class of boatmen. The officers of their fleet were probably
selected from the army,^ and the marines, or fighting men, who
served on board, were all of the military order.^
The third caste consisted of aitificers, tradesmen, or shop-
keepers, musicians, builders, masons, carpenters, cabinet-makers,
potters, public weighers, and an inferior class of notaries.
Among the artificers may be reckoned braziers and smiths of
all kinds^ — in short, all who pursued any handicraft occupation
not included among those which I have distinctly mentioned ;
and the leather-cutters, many of whom are said to have lived at
Thebes in the quarter of the Memnonia,^ were doubtless a branch
of the same class. Their skill in stamping leather was very
remarkable; and many specimens of unusual thinness and
delicacy, presenting figures and other devices, show how well
they understood the art of tanning, and of turning it to an
ornamental purpose.
The workers in linen, and other manufactures^ were com-
prehended under the same general head ; but each class had its
peculiar branch, and no one presumed to interfere with the
occupation of another. Indeed it is probable that certain
portions of the city in which they dwelt were set apart for, and
exclusively belonged to, each of the different trader (as is still
the case in a great degree at Cairo ^) : and this^ may be inferred
from the mention of ^the leather-cutters of the Memnonia,'
' That ostrich eggs were also highly * lu the papyrus o£ Mr, Grey. (Dr.
prized, is evident from their forming part Young on Egyptian Lit. p. 65.)
of the tributes brought to the kings. * As the SeroogiS^h, or saddlers ; the
' The officer Aahmes-Pennishem, in the Harrateen, turners ; the Warakeen, paper-
reign of the kings of the 17th and 18th sellers, and others, which are the names of
Dynasties, served in both capacities. — S. B. the streets of Cairo where they have their
' Sculptures at Medeenet Haboo. shops.
284 THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS. [Chap. IV.
alluded to before, who appear to have been a body of workmen
living in a particular part of Thebes.
All trades, says Diodorus/ vied with each other in improving
their own peculiar branch, no pains being spared to bring it to
perfection ; and to promote this object more effectually, it was
enacted that no artisan should follow any other trade or employ-
ment but that which had been handed down to him from his
parents,^ and defined by law. Nor was anyone permitted to
meddle with political affairs, or to hold any civil office in the
State, lest his thoughts should be distracted by the inconsistency
of his pursuits, or by the jealousy and displeasure of the master
in whose business he was employed. They foresaw that without
such a law constant interruptions would take place, in conse-
quence of the necessity, or the desire, of becoming conspicuous
in a public station ; that their proper occupations would be
neglected, and that many would be led by vanity and self-
sufficiency to interfere in matters which were out of their sphere.
Moreover, they considered that to follow more than one occupa-
tion would be detrimental to their own interests, and to those of
the community at large ; and that when men, from a motive of
avarice, are induced to engage in numerous branches of art, the
result generally is, that they are unable to excel in any. Such,
adds Diodorus, is the case in some countries where artists occupy
themselves in agricultural pursuits, or in commercial speculation,
and frequently in two or three different arts at once. Many,
again, in those communities which are governed according to
democratical principles, are in the habit of frequenting popular
assemblies, and, dreaming only of their own interests, receive
bribes from the leaders of parties, and do incredible mischief to
the State. But with the Egyptians, if any artisan meddled ¥dth
political affairs, or engaged in any other employment than the
one to which he had been brought up, a severe punishment was
instantly inflicted upon him ; and it was with this view that the
regulations respecting their public and private occupations were
instituted by the early legislators of Egypt.
It is unnecessary to enter into any detail of the peculiar
employments of the various members of the class of artificers and
tradesmen, as mention will be made of them in noticing the
manufactures of the country ; I therefore confine myself to a few
* Diodor. i. 74. [and, it may be added, doiil>tAil if cmrricd
* Like many other thin^ thie is into practice in earlier timet.— ^ Bw3>
plausible in theory, but bad in practice
Chap. IV.]
PTIBUO WEIOHERa.
remarks on the oflSce of the public weighers or notaries. The
business of the former was to ascertain the exact weight of every
object presented to them in the public street, or market,' where
they temporarily erected their scales, and to adjust the sale of
each commodity with the strictest regard to justice, without
favouring either the buyer or seller. All things sold by weight
were submitted to this test -^ and even the value of the money
paid for them was settled by the same unquestionable criterion.
It was owing to this custom that the money paid by the sons of
Jacob for the com they purchased, and which had been returned
into their sacks, was said to be found of ' full vxight ;'* and it is
highly probable that the purity of gold and silver was subjected
to the trial of fire.*
me«n» i stone. (Dtot. .it. 13, 15.) They
hid carUin sUodard veighU, u th« ihtktl
or th« sanctDary. RomiD mmcf «aa alw
mighed in ucieat timn. (LiT. It. 60.)
The Egyptlin mixlc of iTcighiDS and <^
noting down the account freqnentTf occnn
in the aculpturea.
* Ai vith the modem Ethiopiani. Conf.
Zech. liii. 9. and 1 Pet. i. 7. [The gold
wai dirided into nu6 ntfar, ' good or ' fine
gold ;' Mui AffT (u /, native gold ; mi> lap
OMiu, gold of the Hcond qnalitj ; and *ib
Axt, white gold. (Cr.thepapfnuoritainaiei
III., now in the Britiah HoMnrn. FoL Lond.
187e.)-S. B.]
' 'The titptriidendence of wejghta and
meatnrei ' belonged to the prieets, until the
Romaai took away that privilege. fThe
veigher wai called mer muAo, luperintea-
dent of the vei(!ht ; the acribe or notarj an
htb*, tcribe of the accoant. — S. B.]
' Small objecti were, no doubt, weighed
at the ihop by the aeller ; but if anj qnei-
iion arose, it waa decided by the pqhtic
Bcala ; larger goodi being alwaya weighed
by the matha or balance, the Ajabic
qMiruh, H9 in Uodern Elgypt.
■ Gen. ilii). 21. The Jewa aim weighed
their money. Their weighta were of atone ;
ud the word weight, in Hebrew, pK, nUo
286
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS.
[Chap. IV.
Their money, as I shall have occasion to observe, was in rings
of gold and silver ; and it is remarkable that the same currency
is to this day employed in Sennar and the neighbouring coim-
tries. But whether those rings had any government stamp to
denote their purity, or to serve as a test of their value, I have
not been able to determine ; and it is singular that none have
yet been discovered in the ruins or tcmibs of Thebes, though so
frequently represented in the sculptures.
No. 98.
Rings of gold and silver.
TMet.
A scribe or notary marked down the amount of the weight,
whatever the commodity might be : and this document, being
given or shown to the parties, completely sanctioned the bargain,
and served as a pledge that justice had been done them. The
same custom is still retained by the modem Egyptians, the
scales of the public qabldneh in the large towns being a criterion
to which no one can object ; and the weight of meat, vegetables,
honey, butter, cheese, wood, charcoal, and other objects, having
been ascertained, is returned in writing on the application of the
parties. The scribes or notaries were probably public writers,
like the Arab Mtehs of the present day, or the scrivani of Italy,
who, for a small trifle, compose and pen a petition to government,
settle accounts, and write letters, or other documents, for those
who are untaught, or for those who are too idle to do so for
themselves. These persons, however, must not be confounded
with the royal and priestly scribes, who were of a very different
grade, and who ranked among the principed people of the
country : though it is sometimes difficult to distinguish them
Chap. IV.]
EGYPTIAN WEITING.
287
from an inferior class of scribes, of the sacerdotal order.^ Most
of the shopkeepers, and of the master tradesmen, learned to
write :^ but the workmen were contented to occupy their time
in acquiring from their parents or friends that art to which they
were brought up ; and the common people, as might be supposed,
were entirely ignorant of the art of writing.
The characters used by the Egyptians consisted of three
different kinds, — the hieroglyphic,' the hieratic,* and enchorial
or demotic ; the first and last known to all who received a good
education ; the hieratic confined more particularly to the priests.
There is reason to believe the enchorial did not exist at a very
remote period.* Indeed, the appearance of the letters proves them
to have been derived from the hieratic, which is itself directly
taken from the hieroglyphic ; and it is probable that this last
was the sole mode of writing known to the Egyptians in the
earliest periods of their history, though the hieratic, a much
earlier invention than the enchorial, dates from a very remote era.
Clement of Alexandria* says, those who are educated among
the Egyptians learn three different modes of writing, one of
which is the epistolsuy (enchorial), the other the sacerdotal
(hieratic), and the third, the hieroglyphic ; and though Porphyry,
in his Life of Pythagoras, gives to the hieratic the name of sym-
bolic, it is evident he alludes to the same modes of writing, when
he says that the philosopher, during his stay in Egypt, learned the
three different kinds of letters, — the epistolic, the hieroglyphic,
and the symbolic. Herodotus' mentions two, — the sacred and
demotic ; but as he speaks of their writing from right to left, it
is possible that he only here alludes to the two cursory characters,
the hieratic and enchorial, without comprehending the hiero-
glyphics under the head of writing.®
The great confidence reposed in the public weighers rendered
* The scribes were, like the clerks of the
goTernment, accountants, registrars, and
civil officers of the hierarchy and law ;
they were also attached to the troops, and
foimed the bureaucracy of Ancient Kgypt.
Besides which, they were the literati of
the country, and recorded all the events
of Egypt, law annals and history. The
authors of all known compositions are
stated to be scribes. — S. B.
» Diodor. i. 81.
* The hieroglyphic has been called the
monumental, but it is also used in papyri,
and for all the purposes for which the
other two are employed. It is as old aa
the 2nd Dynasty. — S. B.
* As old as the 5th Dynasty. It was the
writing or cursive hand of Egypt till the
accession of the 25th Dynasty, and was
used for religious purposes till the 2nd
century A.D. — S. B.
^ The first appearance of this modified
cursive writing is B.C. 691, in the reign of
Taharak or Tirhakah. (Dev^ria, Cat. p.
206.)— S. B.
• Stromat. lib. y.
' Herodot. ii. 36.
' [The libraries of Egypt were always
famous, and they, as well as its literature,
were dedicated to the goda. — O. W.j
288 THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS. [Chap. R
it necessary to enact suitable laws in order to bind them to their
duty ; and considering how much public property was at th^ir
mercy, and how easily bribes might be taken from a dishonest
tradesman, the Egyptians inflicted a severe punishment as
well on the weighers as on the shopkeepers who were found to
have false weights and measures, or to have defrauded the
purchaser in any other way. Scribes who kept Mae accounts,
made erasures from public documents, forged a signature, or
altered any agreements without the consent of the parties, were
punished, like the preceding offenders, with the loss of both
their hands ; on the principle, says Diodorus, that the offending
member should suffer,^ and, while the culprit expiated the crime
with a most signal punishment, that the severity of the example
might deter others from the commission of a similar offence.
The fourth caste was composed of pastors, poulterers, fowlers,
fishermen, labourers, servants,^ and common people.
The pastors, who were divided into different classes, consisted
of oxherds, shepherds, goatherds, swineherds, and others, whose
occupation was to tend the herds of the rich in the pastures,
during the grazing season, and to prepare the provender required
for them, when the waters of the Nile covered the irrigated lands.
They were looked upon by the rest of the Egyptians as a
degraded class, who followed a disgraceful employment ; and it is
not surprising that Pharaoh should have treated the Jews with
that contempt which it was customary for every Egyptian to fed
towards shepherds. Nor can we wonder at Joseph's warning his
brethren, on their arrival, of this aversion of the Egyptians, who,
he assured them, considered * every shepherd an abomination;''
and from his recommending them to request they might dwell in
the land of Goshen, we may conclude it was with a view to avoid
as much as possible those who were not shepherds like them-
selves, or to obtain a settlement in the land peculiarly adapted
for pasture ;^ and it is probable that much of Pharaoh's cattle
was also kept there, since the monarch gave orders that if any of
the Jews were remarkable for skill in the management of herds,
they should be selected to overlook his own cattle,* after they
were settled in the land of Goshen. The hatred borne against
> Diodor. i. 78. Deat. xix. 21. * The DelU and those lands Ijing to the
* Gen. xii. 16. Exod. ii. 5. east of the Damietta branch of & Nile
* Gen. xlvi. 34. According to Hero- are still preferred for grasing cattle,
dotus, ii. 46, goatherds were much honoured * Gen. xhrii, 6.
in the Mendesian nome.
Chap. IV.] SKILL OP PASTORS AND POULTERERS.
289
shepherds by the Egyptians, was not owing solely to their
contempt for that occupation : this feeling originated in another
and a far more powerful cause, — the previous occupation of their
country by a pastor race, who had committed great cruelties
during their possession of the country ; and the already existing
prejudice against shepherds, when the Hebrews arrived, plainly
shows their invasion to have happened previous to that event.
As if to prove how much they despised every order of p^tors,
the artists, both of Upper and Lower Egypt, delighted on all
occasions in representing them as dirty and unshaven; and at
Beni-Hassan and the tombs near the Pyramids of Gizeh, we find
them caricatured as a deformed and unseemly race. The swine-
herds were the most ignoble, and of all the Egyptians the only
persons who are said not to have been permitted to enter a
temple ; ^ and even if this statement is exaggerated, it tends
to show with what contempt they were looked upon by the
individuals from whom Herodotus received his information, and
how far they ranked beneath any others of the whole order of
pastors. Like the other classes, their ofBce descended from
father to son, and the same occupation was followed by successive
generations.
The skill of these people in rearing animals of different
kinds was the result, says Diodorus,' of the experience they had
inherited from their parents, and subsequently increased by their
own observation ; and the spirit of emulation which is natural to
all men constantly adding to their stock of knowledge, they intro-
duced many improvements unknown to other people. Their
sheep were twice shorn, and twice brought forth lambs, in the
course of one year ; ^ and though the climate was the chief cause
of these phenomena, the skill and attention of the shepherd were
also necessary ; nor, if the animals were neglected, would unaided
nature alone suffice for their continuance.
But of all the discoveries to which any class of Egyptians
attained, the one, says the historian, which is most worthy of
admiration, is their mode of rearing fowls * and geese ; and by a
> Herodot ii. 47.
* Diodor. L 74.
* Ibid., i. 36. This happens now, but
Bot unless the sheep are properly fed and
attended to.
* The modem Egyptians, particularly
the Copts, hare borrowed this custom from
their predecessors, and eggs are annaally
hatched in the towns of Upper and Lower
VOL. L
Egypt. [There were no domestic fowls or
chick^is in ancient Egypt. The great pa-
pyrus of Barneses III. mentions geese ot
various kinds, waterfowl, fowls of the air,
pigeons and doves, as offered for the pur-
poses of food to the temples. At an ear-
lier period herons and cranes are mentioned
as viands, but domestic fowls never.
I.B.]
U
290
THE ANCIENT EGTFTIANa
[Chu.it.
process their ingenuity hsts deTised, they batch the eggs, and
thereby secure an ahundanoe of poultry, without the necessity <^
waiting for the incubation of the heus.
The poulterers may be divided into two classes, — the reai«n,
and those who sold poultry in the market ; the former liviog in
the country and Tillages, and the latter in the market towns.
They fed them for the table ; and, independent of the number
required for private consumption, a great many were exclusiTely
fattened for the service of the temple, as well as for the sacred
animals,' and for the daily rations ' of the priests and soldiers,
> Utrodot. it 37. Otn. ilriL !3.
292 THE AKCIENT EGTPTIANa tCH«- ".
or others who lived at the government expense, and for the Mng
himself.'
Theit geese were the wlpanser of the Xile, and others of the
same genus still common on its banks, many of which wete
tamed and fed like ordinary poultry. Those in a wild state were
caught in large clap nets, and, being brought to the ponlteren,
were salted and potted in earthenware vases. Others were put
up in the shop for immediate sale ; and whenever eggs could
be procured they carefully collected them, and sahmitted them
to the management of the rearers, who thereby increased the
more valaable stock of tame fowl. The same care was taken to
preserve the young of gazelles, and other wild animals of the
desert, whose meat was reckoned among the dainties of the table;
and by paying proper attention to their habits, they were
enabled to collect many head of antelopes, which frequently
formed part of the herds of the Egyptian nobles. And iu order
to give an idea of the pains they took in rearing these timid
animals, and to show the great value of the possessions of the
deceased, they are introduced with the cattle, in the Bcnlpturea
of the tombs.
The fishermen mostly used the net : it was of a long form,
like the common dr^-net, with wooden floats on the upper, and
leads on the lower, side ; but though it was sometimoa let down
LmbiWltliputDfiHt.
from a boat, those who pulled it generally stood on the shore,
and landed the fish on a shelving bank. The leads were
occasionally of an elongated shape, hanging from the outer coid
or border of the net, but they were more usually fiat, and, being
Chap. IV.] LEGISLATIVE EIGHTS OP THE KING.
293
folded round the cord, the opposite sides were beaten together ;
a satisfactory instance of which is seen in the ancient net
preserved in the Berlin Museum, and this method still continues
to be adopted by the modem Egyptians.^
In a country where fish will not admit of being kept, the
same persons who caught them were the sole vendors, and the
fishermen may be considered an undivided body.' The class of
labourers, on the contrary, consisted of several different sub-
divisions, according to their occupation ; among whom we may,
perhaps, include the workers in mud and straw, and brickmakers,^
as well as those who performed various drudgeries in the field
and in the town : *• but as I shall have occasion to speak of them
hereafter, I now content myself with these general remarks, and
pass on to the consideration of the government and laws of
the country.
The king had the right of enacting kws,^ and of managing
all the affairs of religion and of the State ; and so intimate was
the connection of these two, that the maintenance of the one was
considered essential for the very existence of the other. This
notion has, indeed, always been cherished in the East; and we
find Khandemir and other Moslem writers give it as a received
opinion, that the State cannot exist without religion, and that ' it
is of minor consequence if the former perishes, provided the
latter survives, since it is impossible that the State can survive if
religion is subverted.*
We are acquainted with few of the laws of the ancient
Egyptians ; but the superiority of their legislature has always
been acknowledged as the cause of the duration of an empire
which lasted with a very uniform succession of hereditary sove-
reigns, and with the same form of government, for a much longer
period than the generality of ancient states. Indeed, the wisdom
of that people was proverbial, and was held in such consideration
by other nations, that we find it taken by the Jews as the
> There is a large net (a seine) in the
British Musenm, No. 5507a. — S. B.
* Fish was not eaten by all classes,
although Rameses 111. gave some kinds to
the temples. The Ethiopian conqueror Pi-
anchi would not admit to his presence the
princes who ate fish. — S. B.
* Many of those who made bricks and
worked in the field were foreign slaves,
as I hare already observed ; and on them,
no donbt, fell the most arduous portion of
these laborious tasks. But it was not
only the Jews who were so treated : other
captives were similarly employed, as we
see in the sculptures at Thebes, where the
Jews never lived, and where people of other
conquered nations are mentioned.
* The hard life of these various conditions
is described in the 2nd Sallier papyrus, in
a composition supposed to have been written
during the 12th Dynasty. (Maspero, *Le
Genre ^pistolaire ;' Paris, 1872, pp. 48 and
foil.)— S. B.
» Herodot. u. 136, 177. Diodor. i. 79.
294
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS.
[Chap. IV.
standard to which superior learning ^ in their own country was
willingly compared ; and Moses had prepared himself for the
duties of a legislator by becoming versed ' in all the wisdom of
the Egyptians.' *
Besides their right of enacting laws, the kings administered
justice to their subjects on those questions which came under
their immediate cognizance,^ and they were assisted in the
management of state affairs by the advice of the most able and
distinguished members of the priestly order.* With them the
monarch consulted upon all questions of importance, relating to
the internal administration of the country ; and previous to the
admission of Joseph to the confidence of Pharaoh, the opinion of
his ministers was asked, as to the expediency and propriety of
the measure.^
Their edicts appear to have been issued in the form of a
firman,^ or written order, as in all Oriental countries ; and from
the expression used by Pharaoh in granting power to Joseph, we
may infer that the people who received that order adopted the
usual Eastern mode^ of acknowledging their obedience and
respect for the sovereign. Nor can there be any doubt that,
besides the custom of kissing the signature attached to those docu-
ments, they were expected to 'bow the knee'® in the presence
of the monarch and chiefs of the country, and even to prostrate
themselves to the earth before them.*
Causes of ordinary occurrence were decided by those who held
the office of judges;^® and the care with which persons were
elected to this office is a strong proof of their regard for the
welfare of the community, and of their earnest endeavours to
promote the ends of justice. None were admitted to it but the
most upright and learned individuals ; and, in order to make the
' Of Solomon. 1 Kings iv, 30.
« Acts Tii. 22.
» Diodor. i. 71. Herodot U 173.
« Diodor. i. 73.
* Gen. xli. 38. And Isaiah xix. 11.
' Like the KTiot S Shereef^ ' handwriting
of the Shereef,' or order of the soltans of
Constantinople.
' The expression in the Hebrew is,
* according unto thy word shall all my
people kits (be ruled)/ alluding evi-
dently to the custom of kissing a firmdn,
(Gen. xli. 40.)
* Gen. xli. 43. The word abrek IplK U
rery remarkable, as it is used to the present
day by the Arabs when requiring a camel
to kneel and receive its load.
* Gen. xliii. 26, 28. These prortratio&s
are frequently represented in the sculptures.
^* The judges were called satem encuem
kat en mo, * auditors of plaints of the
tribunal of Truth ;' scribes, keepers of the
books or writings, and other officers were
attached to it. At the time of the Romans
the judges went the circuit. (Bockh, 'Corpus
Ins. Grsec.' iii. p. 321.) Besides the jiidgss
were the magistrate, td or ten; the tai teri
em aenif bearer of the fiabeilum, who ad-
ministered justice, the fountain of which
was the sovereign ; and royal commiasioBeiB,
appointed to try specific or extraordiiiary
cases, especially treason. — S. B.
Chap. IV.] THE JUDGES. 295
office more select, and more readily to obtain persons of known
character, ten only were chosen from each of the three cities,
Thebes, Memphis, and Heliopolis ; a body of men, says Diodorus,
by no means inferior either to the Areopagites of Athens, or to
the senate of Lacedsemon.
These thirty individuals* constituted the bench of judges;
and at their first meeting they elected the most distinguished
among them to be president, with the title of Arch-judge. His
salary was much greater than that of the other judges, as his
office was more important ; and the city to which he belonged
enjoyed the privilege of returning another judge, to complete
the number of the thirty from whom he had been chosen. They
all received ample allowances from the king; in order that,
possessing a sufficiency for their maintenance and other necessary
expenses, they might be above the reach of temptation, and be
inaccessible to bribes : for it was considered of primary impor-
tance that all judicial proceedings should be regulated with the
most scrupulous exactitude, sentences pronounced by authorised
tribunals ^ always having a decided influence, either salutary or
prejudicial, on the affairs of common life. They felt that prece-
dents were thereby established, and that numerous abuses fre-
quently resulted from an early error which had been sanctioned
by the decision of some influential person, and for this reason
they weighed the talents as well as the character of the judge.
The first principle was that offenders should be discovered
and punished, and that those who had been wronged should be
benefited by the interposition of the laws; since the least
compensation which can be made to the oppressed, and the most
effectual preventive of crime, are the speedy discovery and
exposure of the offender. On the other hand, if the terror which
hangs over the guilty in the hour of trial could be averted by
bribery or favour, nothing short of distrust and confusion would
pervade all ranks of society ; and the spirit of the Egyptian laws
was not merely to hold out the distant prospect of rewards and
punishments, or merely threaten the future vengeance of the
gods,^ but to apply the more persuasive stimulus of present
retribution. Besides the care taken by them that justice should
be administered according to the real merits of the case, and that
before their tribunals no favour or respect of persons should be
' A council of thirty, apparently a kind on military expeditions. — S. B.
of privy council, accompanied the king * Diodor. i. 75. * Ibid., i. 93.
296
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS.
[Chj
permitted, another very impoitant regalation was adopted, that
justice should be gratuitously administered ; and it was conse-
quently accessible to the poor as well as to the rich. The very
spirit of theii laws was to give protection and assistance to the
oppressed,' and everything thait tended to promote an unbiassed
judgment was peculiarly commended by the Egyptian sages.*
When a case was brought for trial, it was customary for the
arch-judge to put a golden chain round his neck, to which was
suspended a small figure of Truth, ornamented with precious
stones.* This was, in fact, a representation of the goddess who
was worshipped under the double character of Truth and Justice,
The goddaii si TruUi lUd Jutki.
and whose name, Ma,* appears to have
Hebrew Thummim;* a word, according
lation, implying truth,* and bearing a
plural tennination. And what makes
that the chief priest of the Jews, who
king was also the judge of the nation, we
this honorary badge ; and the Thummim,
been the origin of the
to the Septuagint trans-
further analogy ' in its
it more remarkable is,
before the election of a
u alone entitled to wear
like the Egyptian figure.
■ Diodor. loo. dl.
' Herodot. ii. 160, Kodor. i. flS.
■ Figure! of thia goddeu, mads of Upis
luoli, ire aot QDCommon, and nuj have
be«D iiupesded to the secke of the jadgei.
—a. B.
■ Thmei, the Egyptlio or Coptic lunie
of jaatice or tmlh.
* I^rd Prudhoe has very iDgeniously
■uggeated that the ITrtm ii deriTed fram
the lao MP or builiiki, nrtei, which were
the emblema of royslt; in E^pt. Ova
la the Coptic vard implying ■ king.
■ Eiod. iiTiii. 30.
' The goddeu frequently occnn in Uw
(culptorea In thia double capacity, re-
preaeated by two Ggoiei exactly rimiliar.
Chap. IV.] THE THUMMTM. 297
was studded with precious stones of various colours. The goddess
was represented ' having her eyes closed/ * purporting that the
duty of a judge was to weigh the question according to the
evidence he had heard, and to trust rather to his mind than to
No. 103. The goddfCM of Truth, * with her eyes doeed.' Tkdfet.
what he saw ; and was intended to warn him of that virtue which
the deity peculiarly enjoined : an emblematic idea, very similar
to * those statues at Thebes of judges without hands, with their
chief or president at their head having his eyes turned down-
wards,' signifying, as Plutarch observes, *that justice ought
neither to bfe accessible to bribes, nor guided by favour and
affection.' *
It is not to be supposed that the president and the thirty
judges above mentioned were the only house of judicature in the
country ; each city or capital of a nome had no doubt its own
court, for the trial of minor and local offences ; and it is probable
that the assembly returned by the three chief cities resided
wherever the royal court was held, and performed many of the
same duties as the senates of ancient times. And that this was
really the case, appears from the account of Diodorus,* who
mentions the thirty judges and their president, represented at
Thebes in the sculptures of the tomb of Osymandyas.
The president or arch-judge having put on the emblem of
truth, the trial commenced, and the eight volumes which con-
tained the laws of the Egyptians were placed close to him,^ in
> Dlodor. i. 48. the forty-two daimoM or aMeaion of the
' Pint, de laid. s. z. dead. — S. B.
' Diodor. i. 48. Probably a misUke for * Diodor. i. 48, 75.
298 THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS. [Chap. IV.
order to guide his decision, or to enable him to solve a difficult
question, by reference to that code, to former precedents, or
to the opinion of some learned predecessor. The complainant
stated his case. This was done in writing ; and every particular
that bore upon the subject, the mode in which the alleged
offence was committed, and an estimate of the damage or the
extent of the injury sustained, were inserted.
The defendant then, taking up the deposition of the opposite
party, wrote his answer to each of the plaintiff's statements,
either denying the charge, or endeavouring to prove that the
offence was not of a serious nature, or, if obliged to admit his
guilt, suggesting that the damages were too high, and incom-
patible with the nature of the crime. The complainant replied
in writing ; and the accused having brought forward all he had
to say in his defence, the papers were given to the judges ; and
if no witnesses could be produced on either side,* they decided
upon the question according to the deposition of the parties.
Their opinion only required to be ratified by the president, who
then proceeded, in virtue of his office, to pronounce judgment on
the case; and this was done by touching the party who had
gained the cause with the figure of truth. They considered that
this mode of proceeding was more likely to forward the ends of
justice than when the judges listened to the statements of
pleaders ; eloquence having frequently the effect of fascinating
the mind, and tending to throw a veU over guUt and to pervert
truth. The persuasive arguments of oratory, or those artifices
which move the passions and excite the sympathy of the judges,
were avoided, and thus neither did an appeal to their feelings,
nor the tears and dissimulation of an offender, soften the just
rigour of the laws.^ And while ample time was afforded to each
party to proffer or to disprove an accusation, no opportunity was
given to the offender to take advantage of his opponent, but poor
and rich, ignorant and learned, honest and dishonest, were placed
on an equal footing ; and it was the case, rather than the persons,
upon which the judgment was passed.
The laws of the Egyptians were handed down from the
earliest times, and looked upon with the greatest reverence. They
had the credit of having been dictated by the gods themselves,
and Thoth ^ was said to have framed them for the benefit of
mankind.
» Diodor. i. 77, 92. * Ibid., i. 76. » Hermes or Mercury.
Chap. IV.] LAWS. 299
The names of many of the early monarchs and sages who had
contributed to the completion of their code were recorded and
venerated by them; and whoever at successive periods made
additions to it was mentioned with gratitude as the benefactor of
his country.^
Truth or justice was thought to be the main cardinal virtue
among the Egyptians, inasmuch as it relates more particularly
to others; prudence, temperance, and fortitude being relative
qualities, and tending only to the immediate benefit of the
individual who possesses them. It was, therefore, with great
earnestness that they inculcated the necessity of fully appre-
ciating it; and falsehood was not only considered disgraceful,
but when it entailed an injury on any other person, was punish-
able by law. A calumniator of the dead was condemned
to a severe punishment;^ and a false accuser was doomed
to the same sentence which would have been awarded to the
accused, if the offence had been proved against him;* but
to maintain a falsehood by an oath was deemed the blackest
crime, and one which, from its complicated nature, could be
punished by nothing short of death. For they considered that it
involved two distinct crimes, — a contempt for the gods, and a
violation of faith towards man ; the former the direct promoter
of every sin, the latter destructive of all those ties which are
most essential for the welfare of society.
In order more effectually to protect the virtuous and detect
the wicked, it was enacted * that every one should at certain
times present himself before the magistrates or provincial
governors, and give his name, his place of abode, his profession
or employment, and, in short, the mode in which he gained his
livelihood ; the particulars being duly registered by the official
scribes. The time of attendance was fixed, and they proceeded
in bodies to the appointed office, accompanied with their respec-
tive banners ; each member of the body being introduced singly
to the registering clerks. In approaching these functionaries, it
was required that the individual should make a profound bow,
which was similar to that described by Herodotus,* the hand
falling down to the knee ; and this mark of deference was expected
from every one, as a token of respect to the court, on all occasions,
* Diodor. i. 94. ' Ibid., i. 92. Amasis. DiodoruB, i. 77, mentiont it merely
' Conf. Deut. ziz. 19. as an Egyptian law.
* Herodotus, ii. 177, attributes it to * Uerodot. ii. 80.
THE ANCIENT EGYPTUNS.
both when accused before a magistrate, and when attending at
the police office to prefer a complaint, or to Tindicat« his
character from an unjust imputation.
WTiether they received a pasHport from the magistrates,
or merely enrolled their names and the other particulars required
of them, does not appear, nor can we come to any conclusion on
this bead, either from the sculptures, the accounts of ancient
writers, or even from the mode of describing persons who were
parties to the sale of estates, and other private or public
contracts : but the formula much resembles that adopted in the
passport offices of modem Europe.
Chap. IV.]
PASSPOBXS.
301
In a deed of the time of Cleopatra Cocce and Ptolemy
Alexander 1., written in Greek, and relating to the sale of a piece
of land at Thebes, the parties are thus described:' — 'Pamonthes,
aged abont forty-five,* of middle size, dark complexion, and
handsome figure, bald, round-faced and straight-nosed ; Snachom-
neus, aged about twenty, of middle size, sallow complexion,
round-faced and straight-nosed ; Semmuthis Persinei, aged about
twenty-two, of middle size, sallow complexion, round-faced,
flat-nosed, and of quiet demeanour ; and Tathlyt Persinei, aged
about thirty, of middle size, sallow complexion, round face,
and straight nose, — the four being children of Petepsais, of the
leather-cutters of the Memnonia ; and Xecbutes the less, the son
Femm bnHiglit befon Qie
of Asos, aged about forty, of middle size, sallow complexion,
cheerful countenance, long face and straight nose, with a scar
apon the middle of his forehead.' Even if the mode of register-
ing the names, which is noticed by Diodorua and the sculptures
of Thebes, does not in reality refer to passports, it is at least
Tery similar in spirit and intent, and may be considered the
earliest indication of a custom so notoriously unpleasant to
modem travellers.
During their examination, if any excesses were found to have
been committed by them, in consequence of an irregular mode of
life, they were sentenced to the bastinado ; but a false statement,*
or the proof of being engaged in unlawful pursuits, entailed upon
them the punishment of a capital crime.
■ Papjnii AnuUal. (^Yidt Dr. Tanng Strabo, ii. p. 69, (dit. 3i«bal.— 0. W.]
on Hicroglfphiol Litgntara, p. 65.) ■ Tbe hltroglrphic inscription nidi,
' It ii raiMTkahl* that, in tha Eiut, do ■ tht roj-al ■eribe, Tanini.'— S. B.
on* knom hia ciact aga; nor do th«f keep * Diodor. 1. 77.
an^ ngiitati of biitha or daathi. \V.
302
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANa
[Chap. IV.
The wilful murder of a freeman, or even of a slave, was
pmiished with death, from the conviction that men ought to be
restrained from the commission of sin, not on account of any
distinction of station in life, but from the light in which they
viewed the crime itself; while at the same time it had the effect
of showing, that if the murder of a slave was deemed an offence
deserving of so severe a punishment, they ought still more to
shudder at the murder of one who was a compatriot and a
free-bom citizen.
In this law we observe a scrupulous regard for justice and
humanity, and have an unquestionable proof of the great ad-
vancement made by the Egyptians in the most essential points
of civilisation, affording a pleasing comment on their character ;
and it is a striking fact, that neither Greece ^ nor Rome,' proud
as they both were of their superiority and of their skill in
jurisprudence, had the good sense to adopt or imitate this wise
regulation.^ Indeed, the Egyptians considered it so heinous a
crime to deprive a man of life, that to be the accidental witness
of an attempt to murder, without endeavouring to prevent it,
was a capital offence, which could only be palliated by bringing
proofs of inability to act. With the same spirit they decided,
that to be present when anyone inflicted a personal injury on
another, without interfering, was tantamount to being a party,
and was punishable according to the extent of the assault ; and
everyone who witnessed a robbery was bound either to arrest,
or, if that was out of his power, to lay an information, and to
prosecute the offenders : and any neglect on this score being
proved against him, the delinquent was condemned to receive a
stated number of stripes, and to be kept without food for three
whole days.
Although, in the case of murder, the Egyptian law was
inexorable and severe, the royal prerogative might be exerted in
favour of a culprit, and the punishment was sometimes commuted
by a mandate from the king. Sabaco, indeed, during the fifty
* I mast do the Greeks the justice to saj
they acknowledged the superior wisdom
and equity of the Egyptians, and were in
the habit of consulting them, and of visit-
ing Egypt to study their institutions.
* Masters had an absolute power of life
and death over their slaves, and they
generally cruciBed them, when convicted
of a capital offence. (Juv. Sat. vi. 219.)
Constantine abolished this pnnishment.
' The Athenian lawgiver did, howevtr,
according to Demosthenes, institute a very
proper custom, that the funerals of slaves
should be properly solemnised by the ma-
gistrates (demarchs). And slaves received
much better treatment at Athens than at
Sparta.
Chap. IV.] PUNISHMENTS OP WOMEN. 303
years of his reign, ' made it a rule not to punish his subjects
with death/ whether guilty of murder or any other capital offence,
but, * according to the magnitude of their crimes, he condemned
the culprits to raise the ground about the town to which they
belonged. By these means the situation of the different cities
became greatly elevated above the reach of the inundation, even
more than in the time of Sesostris;'^ and either on account of a
greater proportion of criminals, or from some other cause, the
mounds of Bubastis ' were raised considerably higher than those
of any other city.
But far from adopting so barbarous a custom as the exposure
of infants, or allowing a father any right over the life of his
offspring, the Egyptians deemed the murder of a child an odious
crime, that called upon the direct interposition of the laws. They
did not, however, punish it as a capital offence, since it appeared
inconsistent to take away life from one who had given it to the
child,^ but preferred inflicting such a punishment as would
induce grief and repentance. With this view they ordained
that the corpse of the deceased should be fastened to the neck
of its parent, and that he should be obliged to pass three whole
days and nights in its embrace, under the surveillance of a
public guard. Parricide was visited with the most cruel of
chastisements ; and conceiving, as they did, that the murder of
a parent was the most unnatural of crimes, they endeavoured
to prevent its occurrence by the marked severity with which
it was avenged. The criminal was therefore sentenced to be
lacerated with sharpened reeds, and after being thrown on thorns
he was burnt to death. «
When a woman was guilty of a capital offence, and judgment
had been passed upon her, they were particularly careful to
ascertain if the condemned was in a state of pregnancy ; in which
case her punishment was deferred till after the birth of her child,
in order that the innocent might not suffer with the guilty,* and
thus the father be deprived of that child to which he had at least
an equal right. ^
But some of their laws regarding the female sex were cruel
* Herodot. ii. 137. * It appears from the Judicial Papyms
* The moauds of Bubastis, Tel Basta, are of Turin (cf. p. 304, note *), that they were
of rery great height, and are seen from a punished in the same manner as men.
considerable distance. Under certain circumstances self-destruc-
' Diodor. i. 77. tion seems to have been allowed. — S. B.
* A law adopted also by the Athenians.
304 THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS. [Chap. IT.
and unjustifiable ; and even if, which is highly improbable, they
succeeded, by their severity, in enforcing chastity and in patting
an effectual stop to adultery, yet the punishment rather reminds
us of the laws of a barbarous people than of a wise and civilised
state. A woman who had committed adultery was sentenced
to lose her nose,^ upon the principle that being the most con-
spicuous feature, and the chief, or at least an indispensable,
ornament of the face, its loss would be most severely felt, and be
the greatest detriment to her personal charms; and the man
was condemned to receive a bastinado of one thousand blows.
But if it was proved that force had been used against a free
woman, he was doomed to a cruel and inhuman punishment.'
The object of the Egyptian laws was to preserve life and to
reclaim an offender. Death took away every chance of repent-
ance, it deprived the country of his services, and he was hurried
out of the world when least prepared to meet the ordeal of a
future state. They, therefore, preferred severe punishments, and,
except in the case of murder and some crimes which appeared
highly injurious to the community, it was deemed unnecessary
to sacrifice the life of an offender.
Some of the laws and punishments of the Egyptian army I
have already noticed: and in military as well as civil cases,
minor offences were generally punished with the stick ; * a mode
of chastisement still greatly in vogue among the modem
inhabitants of the valley of the Nile, and held in such esteem by
them, that convinced of (or perhaps by) its eflScacy, they relate
* its descent from heaven as a blessing to mankind.' *
K an Egyptian of the present day has a government debt or
tax to pay, he stoutly persists in his inability to obtain the money,
till he has withstood a certain number of blows, and considers
himself compelled to produce it ; and the ancient inhabitants, if
not under the rule of their native princes, at least in the time
of the Boman emperors, gloried equally in the obstinacy they
evinced, and the difficulty the governors of the country expe-
rienced in extorting from them what they were bound to pay ;
whence Ammianus Marcellinus tells us, 'An Egyptian blushes if
* Cutting off the nose and ears was one ' The stick was called baktna ; it wu
of the punishments for treason against applied to extort confession. - (Ckabas,
Barneses III. (Dev^ria, ' Le Papyrus judi- * Melanges ;' Paris.) — S. B.
ciaire de Turin;' Paris, 1868, p. 119.) — * The Moslems saj, *N^el min e'aemma
S. B. e'neb6ot, b&raka min Allah.' ' The stick
' Diod. i. 77. With the Jews it was came down from hearen, a blesaiiig from
punished bj death. (Deut. zzii. 22.) God.'
Chap. IV.] THE BASTINADO. 305
he cannot show Dumeions marks on his body that evincse hia
endeaTours to evade the duties.'*
The bastinado was inflicted on both sexes,* as with the Jews.^
Men and boys were laid prostrate
on the gioond,* and frequently
held by the hands and feet while
the chastisement was adminis-
tered;' but women, as they sat,
received the stripes on their back,
which were also inflicted by the
hand of a man. Nor was it un-
usual for the superintendents to
stimulate labourers to their work
by the persuasive powers of the ^
stick, whether engaged in the
field or in handicraft employments ; and boya were sometimes
' A mm. Uarcfl. Life of Joliu.
^mr. Hiat. Tii. IS.
* Sculptam at Bcni-HusMi.
> Erodui ui. 20.
VOL. L
• A> with the Jewt : Dent. xxt. 2.
* Th» iucTiptian on woodcat No. 106
read*, (a m «r fa «i Aa<, ' ginti to the ngioa
at the heart.'— 5. B.
306 THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS. [Chap. IV.
beaten without the ceremony of prostration, the hands being tied
behind their back, while the punishment was applied.
8 2 1
No. 108. Workman beaten. Tomb at tht Pyramids.
It does not however appear to have been from any respect to
the person that this less usual method was adopted.
Having noticed the pertinacity of the modem Egyptians in
resisting the payment of their taxes, I shall introduce the
following story as remarkably illustrative of this fact. In the
year 1822, a Copt Christian, residing at Cairo, was arrested by
the Turkish authorities for the non-payment of his taxes, and
taken before the Kehia, or deputy of the Pasha. 'Why,'
inquired the angry Turk, 'have you not paid your taxes?'
* Because,' replied the Copt, with a pitiable expression, perfectly
according with his tattered appearance, * I have not the means,'
He was instantly ordered to be thrown upon the floor, and
bastinadoed. He prayed to be released, but in vain : the stick
continued without intermission, and he was scarcely able to bear
the increasing pain. Again and again he pleaded his inabiUty
to pay, and prayed for mercy : the Turk was inexorable ; and the
torments he felt at length overcame his resolution : they were no
longer to be borne. 'Kelease me,' he cried, 'and I will pay
directly.* *Ah, you Giowerl go.' He was released and taken
home, accompanied by a soldier ; and the money being paid, he
imparted to his wife the sad tidings. * You coward, you fool !'
she exclaimed ; ' what, give them the money on the very fitst
demand 1 I suppose after five or six blows, you cried, " I will pay,
only release me." Next year our taxes will be doubled through
your weakness; shame!' 'No, my dear,' interrupted the suf-
fering man, ' I assure you I resisted as long as it was possible :
look at the state I am in, before you upbraid me. I paid the
money, but they had trouble enough for it ; for I obliged them
Chap. IV.] HANGING. 307
to give me at least a hundred blows before they could get it.**
She was pacified ; and the pity and commendation of his wife,
added to his own satisfaction in having shown so much obstinacy
and courage, consoled him for the pain, and, perhaps in some
measure, for the money thus forced from him.
Hanging ^ was the customary mode of punishment for many
capital crimes, and the criminals were kept * bound ' in prison ^
till their fate was decided, whether it depended on the will of
the sovereign, or the decision of the judges ; and these places of
confinement were under the immediate superintendence, and
within the house, of the chief of the police.* [No representation
of hanging, or indeed of any capital punishment, occurs in the
Egyptian sculptures. In the scenes of the Kar-neter, or Hades,
decapitation and strangling are represented, and appear to have
been practised, as in some places decapitated mummies have been
discovered, and there are evidences of such a mode of execution.
It also appears that the conspirators and ofienders mentioned in
the account of the papyrus at Turin, referring to events in the
reign of Kameses III., either committed suicide or were allowed
to put themselves to death. — S. B.]
The character of some of the Egyptian laws was quite con-
sonant with the notions of a primitive age. In those cases
punishment was directed more particularly against the oflfending
member; and adulterators of money, falsifiers of weights and
measures, forgers of seals or signatures, and scribes who altered
any signed document by erasures or additions without the
authority of the parties, were condemned to lose both their hands.
But their laws do not seem to have sanctioned the gibbet,* or
the exposure of the body of an ofiender ; since the conduct of
Bhampsinitus, in the case of the robbery of his treasure, is
mentioned by Herodotus * as a singular mode of discovering an
accomplice, and not as an ordinary punishment.
Thefts, breach of trust, and petty frauds were punished with
the bastinado : but robbery and housebreaking were sometimes
considered capital crimes, and deserving of death ; as is evident
» [Of. iElian, * Var. Hist./ vii. 18, who * Gen. xxxix. 20.
says, * The Egyptians behave bravely ander * Gen. xxxix. 1 ; xl. 3.
torments, and an Egyptian when put to ' Aroenophis II. slung the dead bodies of
torture will die rather than confess the slain foreign chiefs before his galley, and
truth. The Indian women also resolutely hung them up after death on the walls of
go into the same fire with their dead an Ethiopian fortress. — S. B.
husbands.*— G. W.] • Herodot. ii. 121.
« Gen. xl. 'J2.
X 2
THE ANCIEMT EGYPTIANS.
[Chap. IV.
fiom the conduct of the thief when caught by the trap in the
treasuiy of Bhampsinitos, and from what Biodorua ' states
respecting Actiaanea. This monarch, inatead of putting robben
to death,' instituted a novel mode of punishing them, by catting
off their noses, and banishing them to the con^nes of the desert,
where a town was built, called, according to Pliny, Bhinocolura,
or Rhinocorum, &om the peculiar nature of their punishment :'
and thus, by remoTing the bad and preventing their corrupting
the good, he benefited society, without depriving the criminals
of life ; at the same time that he puniebed them severely for
their crimes, by obliging them to live by their industry is a
barren and inhospitable region.
maj conclodt that thi king puniihcd grut
abject being to praTcnt the frnitemiaitiM
Ghap. IV.] THIEVES. 809
The Egyptians had a singular custom respecting theft and
burglary. Those who followed the profession of thief gave in
their names to the chief of the robbers ;^ and agreed that he
should be informed of everything they might thenceforward
steal, the moment it was in their possession. In consequence of
this the owner of the lost goods always applied by letter to the
chief for their recovery; and having stated their quality and
quantity, the day and hour when they were stolen, and other
requisite particulars, the goods were identified, and, on payment
of one quarter of their value, they were restored to the applicant,
in the same state as when taken from his house.
Being fully persuaded of the impracticability of putting an
entire check to robbery, either by the dread of punishment, or
by any method that could be adopted by the most vigilant police,
they considered it more for the advantage of the community
that a certain sacrifice should be made in order to secure the
restitution of the remainder, than that the law, by taking on
itself to protect the citizen and discover the offender, should be
the indirect cause of greater loss ; and that the Egyptians, like
the Indians, and I may say the modem ^ inhabitants of the Nile,
were very expert in the art of thieving, we have abundant testimony
from ancient authors.^ It may be asked, what redress could be
obtained, when goods were stolen by those who failed to enter
their names in the books of the chief ; but, as it is evident that
these private speculations would interfere with the interests of
all the profession, the detection of such persons would inevitably
follow, as the natural consequence of their avarice ; and thus all
others were eflTectually prevented from robbing, save those of the
privileged class. The salary of the chief was not merely derived
from his own demands upon the goods stolen, or from any
voluntary contribution of the robbers themselves, but was probably
a fixed remuneration granted by the government, as one of the
chiefs of the police ; nor is it to be imagined that he was any
other than a respectable citizen,^ and a man of the greatest
integrity and honour.
* The same as the Sheikh el Uaram^h, well-known Indian feat of carrying off a
or Sheikh of the robbers in modem Egypt, horse in the open day, from the midst of a
and at Constantinople. (Diodor. i. 80.) numerous party of English, was performed
* The excellent police of Mohammed Ali in nearly the same manner by an Egyptian
put a stop to this propensity of the from a Memlook camp.
Egyptian peasantry : few instances, there- * Conf. Theocrit. Idyl. xr. 48.
fore, now occur. Some of the robberies in * As the Sheikh of the robbers in Cairo
the time of the Mem looks proved their at the present day.
great talent in this department ; and the
310 THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS. [Chap. IV.
As in other countries, their laws respecting debt and usury
underwent some changes, according as society advanced, and as
pecuniary transactions became more complicated. Bocchoris,
who reigned in Egypt about the year 812 B.C., and who, from
his learning, obtained the surname of Wise, finding that in cases
of debt many causes of dispute had arisen, and instances of great
oppression were of frequent occurrence, enacted^ that no agreement
should be binding unless it was acknowledged by a written
contract ; ^ and if anyone took oath that the money had not
been lent to him, no debt should be recognised, and the claims
of the suing party should immediately cease. This was done
that great regard might always be had for the name and nature
of an oath, at the same time that, by substituting the unquestion-
able proof of a written document, they avoided the necessity of
having frequent recourse to an oath, and its sanctity was not
diminished by constant repetition.
Usury ^ was in all cases condemned by the Egyptian legis-
lature; and when money was borrowed, even with a written
agreement, it was forbidden to allow the interest to increase to
more than double the original sum.* Nor could the creditors
seize the debtor's person : ^ their claims and right were confined
to the goods in his possession, and such as were really his own ;
which were comprehended under the produce of his labour, or
what he had received from another individual to whom thev
•
lawfully belonged. For the person of every citizen was looked
upon as the property of the State, and might be required for some
public service, connected either with war or peace; and, inde-
pendent of the injustice of subjecting anyone to the momentary
caprice of his creditor, the safety of the country might be
endangered through the avarice of a few interested individuals.
This law, which was borrowed by Solon from the Egyptian
code, existed also at Athens ; and was, as Diodorus observes, much
more consistent with justice and common sense than that which
allowed the creditor to seize the person, while it forbade him to
take the ploughs and other implements of husbandry: for if,
continues the historian, it is unjust thus to deprive men of the
means of obtaining subsistence, and of providing for their fomilies,
» Diodor. i. 79. Psalm it. 5 ; Ezek. xnii. S, 17 ; amd Lent.
• The number of witQesses in Egyptian xxv. 36, 37.
contracts is rery remarkable. (Dr. Young * This was also a law at Rome,
on Hieroglyph. Lit. p. 71.) * [This was also enacted by Boochoris:
» As with the Moslems and the Jews : Diodor. i. 79.— G. W.]
Chap. IV.]
DEBTS AND USURY.
311
how mnch more unreasonable must it be to imprison those by
whom the implements were used ?
To prevent the accumulation of debt, and to protect the
interests of the creditor, another remarkable law was enacted,^
which, while it shows how greatly they endeavoured to check the
increasing evil, proves the high respect paid by the Egyptians
to the memory of their parents, and to the sanctity of their
religious ceremonies. By this it was pronounced illegal for any-
one to borrow money without giving in pledge the body of his
father, or of his nearest relative ;^ and, if he failed to redeem so
sacred a deposit,^ he was considered infamous, and at his death
the celebration of the accustomed funeral obsequies was denied
him, and he could not enjoy the right of burial either in the
tomb of his ancestors, or in any other place of sepulture ;* nor
could he inter his children, or any of his family, as long as the
debt was unpaid, the creditor being put in actual possession of
his family tomb.*
In the large cities of Egypt, a fondness for display, and the
usual allurements of luxury, were rapidly introduced ; and con-
siderable sums were expended in furnishing houses, and in many
artificial caprices. Kich jewels and costly works of art were in
great request, as well among the inhabitants of the provincial
capitals as at Thebes and Memphis : they delighted in splendid
equipages, elegant and commodious boats, numerous attendants,
horses, dogs, and other requisites for the chase; and, besides,
their houses, their villas, and their gardens were laid out with no
ordinary expense. But while the funds arising from extensive
farms, and the abundant produce of a fertile soil, enabled the
rich to indulge extravagant habits, many of the less wealthy
envied the enjoyment of those luxuries which fortune had denied
to them ; and, prompted by vanity, and a desire of imitation, so
common in civilised communities, and so generally followed by
» Herodot. ii. 136. Diodor. i. 93. |_By
Asjrchis of the 5th Dynasty.— S. B.]
* Herodotus only says, his father. We
most suppose that some fathers did not die
conveniently for their mummies to stand
security for their surviving sons. I have,
therefore, suggested a relative. [Lucian
says, a father or mother. — G. W.]
* That is, if the debt was not paid
within a certain time, the mummy could
be removed from the tomb. It is not to
be supposed that this alludes to mummies
kept in the houses, which only remained
there for a certain time; since it was
honourable to be buried, and a disgrace to
be refused that right, as in the case of
malefactors. We may conclude the body
itself was seldom given up, since possession
of the tomb was sutficient, and much less
inconvenient to the creditor than to have a
stranger's mummy in his sitting-room.
* Herodot. ii. 136. Diodor. i. 92, 93.
* [*The author of such laws,' sayt
Diodorus, * every one must admire,' &c. :
Diod. i. 93.— G. W.]
312 THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS. [Ciiap. IV.
fatal resoltSy they pursued a career which speedily led to an
accumulation of debt,^ and demanded the interference of the
legislature ; and it is probable that a law so severe as this must
have appeared to the Egyptians, was only adopted as a mea-
sure of absolute necessity, in order to put a check to the
increasing evil.
The necessary expenses of the Egyptians were remarkably
small, less indeed than of any people, and the food of the poorer
classes was of the cheapest and most simple kind. Owing to the
warmth of the climate, they required few clothes, and young
children were in the habit of going without shoes, and with little
or no covering to their bodies ; and so trifling was the expense
of bringing up a child, that, as Diodorus affirms,^ it never need
cost a parent more than twenty drachms,^ until arrived at man's
estate. It was therefore luxury, and the increasing wants of an
artificial kind, which corrupted the manners of the Egyptians,
and rendered such a law necessary for their restraint ; and we
may conclude that it was mainly directed against those who
contracted debts for the gratification of pleasure, or with the
premeditated intent of defrauding an unsuspecting creditor.
[No ancient deeds have been handed down prior to Taharqa
or Tirhakah of the 25th Dynasty, or about the 7th 'century B.C.,
which confirms the statement of Diodorus that they may have
been introduced by Bocchoris. If any such existed, they were
probably in the form of letters, mentioning that land or other
objects had been given; but at a later time great formalities
attended the transfer of real property. None, however, are
known later than the Greek rule in Egypt, and they disappear
at the conquest of Egypt, and under the Boman empire. They
were written in demotic or cursive Egyptian, the third kind of
writing, or Greek, and at the time of the Ptolemies duplicates
were extant in both languages. — S. B.]
In the mode of executing deeds, conveyances, and other civil
contracts, the Egyptians were peculiarly circumstantial and
minute ; and the great number of witnesses is a singular feature
in those documents. In the time of the Ptolemies, sales of
property commenced with a preamble, containing the date of the
' In the time of Sesostris (Rameses II.) » Diodor. i. 80.
a rerj great number of persons were in » Thirteen shillings Engluh ; bat the
prison for debt, for whose release he value of money was more than three timet
thought it necessary to interfere. (Diodor. that of the present day.— S. B.
i. 54.)
Chap. IV.] MODE OF DRAWING UP DEEDS. 313
king in whose reign they were executed; the name of the
president of the court, and of the clerk by whom they were
written, being also specified. The body of the contract then fol-
lowed. It stated the name of the individual who sold the land,
the description of his person, an account of his parentage, pro-
fession, and place of abode ; the extent and nature of the land,
its situation and boundaries ; and concluded with the name of the
purchaser, whose parentage and description were also added, and
the sum for which it was bought. The seller then vouched for
his undisturbed possession of it ; and, becoming security against
any attempt to dispute his title, the name of the other party was
inserted as having accepted it, and acknowledged the purchase.
The names of witnesses were then affixed ; and the president of
the court, having added his signature, the deed was valid. Some-
times the seller formally recognised the sale in the following
manner : — * All these things have I sold thee : they are thine, I
have received their price from thee, and make no demand upon
thee for them from this day ; and if any person disturb thee in
the possession of them, I will withstand the attempt ; and, if I
do not otherwise repel it, I will use compulsory means,' or * I
will indemnify thee.' ^ But, in order to give a more accurate
notion of the form of these contracts, I shall introduce a copy of
the whole of one of them, as given by Dr. Young,^ and refer the
reader to others occurring in the same work. ^Translation of
the enchorial papyrus of Paris, containing the original deed
relating to the mummies : — " This writing, dated in the year 36,
Athyr 20, in the reign of our sovereigns Ptolemy and Cleopatra
his sister, the children of Ptolemy and Cleopatra the divine, the
gods Illustrious : and the priest of Alexander, and of the Saviour
gods, of the Brother gods, of the (Beneficent gods), of the Father-
loving gods, of the Illustrious gods, of the Paternal god, and of
the Mother-loving gods, being (as by law appointed) : and the
prize-bearer of Berenice the Beneficent, and the basket-bearer of
Arsinoe the Brother-loving, and the priestess of Arsin6e the
Father-loving, being as appointed in the metropolis (of Alex-
andria); and in (Ptolemais) the royal city of the Thebaid? the
guardian priest for the year? of Ptolemy Soter, and the priest
of king Ptolemy the Father-loving, and the priest of Ptolemy
the Brother-loving, and the priest of Ptolemy the Beneficent,
and the priest of Ptolemy the Mother-loving ; and the priestess
' YouDg, Hieroglyph. Literature, pp. 70, 74. • Ibid, p. 72.
314 THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS. [Chap. IV.
of queen Cleopatra, and the priestess of the princess Cleopatra,
and the priestess of Cleopatra, the (queen) mother, deceased, the
Illustrious ; and the basket-bearer of Arsinde the Brother-loving
(being as appointed) : declares : The Dresser in the temple of
the Goddess, Onnophris, the son of Horus, and of Senpoeris,
daughter of Spotus? aged about forty, lively, tall, of a sallow
complexion, hollow-eyed, and bald ; in the temple of the goddess
to (Horus) his brother the son of Horus and of Senpoeris, has
sold, for a price in money, half of one-third of the collections for
the dead 'priests of Osiris,' lying in Thynabunun ... in the
Libyan suburb of Thebes, in the Memnonia . . . likewise half of
one-third of the liturgies : their names being, Muthes, the son of
Spotus, with his children and his household; Chapocrates, the
son of Nechthmonthes, with his children and his household;
Arsiesis, the son of Nechthmonthes, with his children and his
household ; Petemestus, the son of Nechthmonthes ; Arsiesis, the
son of Zminis, with his children and his household ; Osoroens,
the son of Horus, with his children and his household ; Spotus,
the son of Chapochonsis, sumamed? Zoglyphus (the sculptor),
with his children and his household : while there belonged also
to Asos, the son of Horus and of Senpoeris, daughter of Spotus ?
in the same manner one-half of a third of the collections for the
dead, and of the fruits and so forth ... he sold it on the 20th
of Athyr, in the reign of the king ever-living, to (complete) the
third part: likewise the half of one-third of the collections
relating to Peteutemis, with his household, and . . . likewise
the half of one-third ? of the collections and fruits for Petechonsis,
the bearer of milk, and of the . . . place on the Asian side
called Phrecages, and . . . the dead bodies in it : there having
belonged to Asos the son of Horus one-half of the same : he has
sold to him in the month of . . . the half of one-third of the
collections for the priests of Osiris lying in Thynabunun, with
their children and their households: likewise the half of one-
third of the collections for Peteutemis, and also for Petechonsis,
the bearer of milk, in the place Phrecages on the Asian side : I
have received for them their price in silver .... and gold ; and
I make no further demand on thee for them from the present
day before the authorities (and if anyone shall
disturb thee in the possession of them, I will resist him ; and, if
I do not succeed, I will indemnify thee ?).... Executed and
confirmed. Written by Horus, the son of Phabis, clerk to the
chief priests of Amonrasonther, and of the contemplar ? gods, of
Chap. IV.]
NUMBER OP WITNESSES.
315
the Beneficent gods, of the Father-loving gods, of the Paternal
god, and of the Mother-loving gods. Amen.
* *< Names of the witnesaes present : —
Ebiets, the son of Phanres Erieus.
Peteabtres, the son of Peteutemis.
Petbabpocbates, the son of Horuf.
Bnachomneus, the son of Peteuris.
8NACH0MBR, the Bon of Psenchonsis.
Totoes, the son of Phibis.
PoBTis, the son of ApoUonius.
Z MINIS, the son of Petemestus.
Peteutemis, the son of Arsiesis.
AMOMOBTTrus, the sf>n of Pacemis.
lloBUB, tbe son of Chinmaraus.
Abmenis (rather Arhais), the son of Zthenaeiis.
Maksis, the son of Mirsis.
Antimachus, the son of Antigenes.
Petophois, the son of Phibis.
Panas, the son of Petosiri^/' '
In this, as in many other documents, the testimony required
is very remarkable, sixteen witnesses being thought necessary
for the sale of a moiety of the sums collected on account of a few
tombs, and for services performed to the dead, the total value of
which was only 400 pieces of brass ; and the name of each person
is introduced, in the true Oriental style, with that of his father.
Nor is it unreasonable to suppose, that the same precautions and
minute formulae were observed in similar transactions during the
reigns of the Pharaonic kings ; however great may have been
the change introduced by the Ptolemies ^ and Komans into the
laws and local government of Egypt.
Of the marriage-contracts of the Egyptians we are entirely
ignorant, nor do we even find the ceremony ^ represented in the
paintings of their tombs. We may, however, conclude that they
were regulated by the customs usual among civilised nations ; ^
and, if the authority of Diodorus can be credited, women were
indulged with greater privileges in Egypt than in any other
country. He even affirms that part of the agreement entered
into at the time of marriage was, that the wife should have
control over her husband, and that no objection should be made
* Diodor. i. 95.
' With the Jews, it was frequently
▼ery simple: Job ru. 13. The wedding
feast continued seven days : Gen. xxix. 27 ;
Judges xiv. 12; Job xi. 19; — sometimes
fourteen : Job riii. 19.
' Although there is no representation of
a marriage, two are mentioned in the in-
scriptions of Rameses II. with a daughter
of the king of the Khita on the tablet of
Aboosimbai (Uoseilini, M. St. Ur. Ixxxii.) ;
and that of Rameses X. on the tablet from
the temple of Chons at Karnak (De Roug^^
'St^le Kgyptieune;' Paris, 1858, p. 53).
The phrase for marriage is hetp. The
recent researches of M. Rerillout have
discoyei*ed several marriage settlements of
the Ptolemaic period in the demotic cha-
racter. The conditions were that if the
husband took a second wife, he should pay
a fine to the first, whose eldest son was to
be heir to the property.— S. B.
316
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS.
[Chap. IV.
to her commands whatever they might be ; * but though we have
sufficient to convince us of the superior treatment of women
among the Egyptians, as well from ancient authors as from the
sculptures that remain, it may fairly be doubted if those indul-
gencies were carried to the extent mentioned by the historian, or
that command extended beyond the management of the house
and the regulation of domestic affairs.
It is, however, remarkable that the royal authority and supreme
direction of affairs were entrusted without reserve to women, as
in those states of modern Europe where the Salic law has not
been introduced ; and we not only find examples in Egyptian
history of queens succeeding to the throne, but Manetho informs
us that the law according this important privilege to the other
sex dated as early as the reign of Binothris, the third monarch
of the 2nd Dynasty.
In primitive ages, the duties of women were very different
from those of a later and more civilised period, and varied of
course according to the habits of each people. Among pastoral
tribes they drew water, ^ kept the sheep, and superintended the
herds as well as flocks.^ As with the Arabs of the present day,
they prepared both the furniture and the woollen stuffs of which
the tents themselves were made ; and, like the Greek women, they
were generally employed in weaving, spinning, and other seden-
tary occupations within doors. Needlework and embroidery
were a favourite amusement of the Grecian women, in which it
is highly probable the Egyptian ladies also occupied much of
their time ;* and we have positive evidence, from the sculptures,
of numerous females being employed in weaving and in the use
of the spindle. But Egyptian women were not kept in the same
secluded manner as those of ancient Greece ; who, besides being
confined ' to certain parts of the house, called the gynmconiiu^ or
women's apartments, most remote from the hall of entrance,
and generally in the uppermost part of the building, were not
even allowed to go out of doors without a veil,® as in many
> Diodor. i. 27.
* Gen. xxiT. 15. Eiod. ii. 16. As at
the present day.
* Gen. xxiv. 20, and xxix. 6, 9. Rachel,
and also Zipporah and her six sisters, kept
their father's sheep. Andromache fed the
horses of Hector : II. 8, 187.
^ It appears from the ' Romance of the
Two Brothers/ that they prepared the food,
brought the wash bowl, gave out supplies,
and got the lamps or lights ready. (*B«Gorda
of the Past/ ii. p. 139.)— S. B.
* Euripides' PhoBniss. t. 88. This could
not have been the case in Egypt, as we find
from Potiphar's wife so constantly meeting
Joseph, and from her having ' called the
men of her house.' (Gen. xxxix. 11 and 14.)
* Their faces were covered, but the Teil
Chap. IV.]
MABEIED WOMEN.
Oriental coimtxieB at the present day. Newly-married women
were almost aa strictly kept as virgins ; and, by the law of
Solon, no lady could go out at night without a lighted torch
before her chariot. They were very carefully guarded in the
house and abroad by nurses, and sometimes by old men and
eunuchs ; and the secluded life they led was very similar to that
imposed upon females among the modem Moslems. Clemens of
Alexandria* says that women should always be covered except
at home, and speaks highly of the modesty of the wife of ^neas,
who, though much alarmed at the taking of Troy, would not
appear unveiled. But the Egyptians treated their women very
differently, and in a manner mueh more worthy of a civilised
people ; and if the accounts of ancient authors are sometimea
unsatisfJEtctory, and even contradictory, on this bead, the sculp-
tures assist us to form our conclusions, and to decide in their
wu thin enangh to be m«d Uiroagb. It
wu not, thcrefon, like th< boorhi of modern
Egxpt, which hu two bolM aipoting the
■7S, bgt nthar liks that of ths Wahibna,
which ooTtn the whole htad tad t»ea.
in Solomon's Song one campUlu th*t her
Teil had been taken from hnr. (Cant-T.T.
Conf. Qeo. iiIt. 6i.)
I Pwlagog. lib. iii. e. 11.
318
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS.
[Chap. IY.
favour. At some of the public festivals women were expected
to attend, — not alone, like the Moslem women at a mosque, but
in company with their husbands or relations ; and the wives of
priests, as well as the queen, joined in performing the ceremonies
of the temple : these two classes of women were eligible for the
offices of serving the gods. Josephus ^ states, that on an occa-
sion of this kind, * when it was the custom for women to go to
the public solemnity, the wife of Potiphar, having pleaded ill
health, in order to be allowed to stay at home, was excused from
attending,' and availed herself of the absence of her husband to
talk with Joseph.
Diodorus informs us the Egyptians were not restricted to
any number of wives, but that every one married as many as
he chose, with the exception of the priesthood, who were by law
confined to one consort.^ It does not, however, appear that they
generally took advantage of this privilege ; and Herodotus ^
affirms that throughout Egypt it was customary to marry only
one wife. It is easy to reconcile these statements, by supposing
that Diodorus speaks of a law which permitted polygamy, and
Herodotus of the usual custom of the people ; and if the Egyp-
tians were allowed to take more than one wife, we may con-
clude, from the numerous scenes illustrative of their domestic
life, that it was an event of rare occurrence.*
Polygamy is permitted to the Moslem, but it is neither
reputable to have more than one wife, nor to divorce her without
very cogent reasons ; and though no objection can be made when
there is no family, it is required, even in this case, that her
wishes, and those of her parents, should be consulted ; and many
marriage-contracts stipulate that the wife shall have no partner
in the hareem. With much more reason, then, may we conclude
that among the higher classes of Egyptians a similar custom
prevailed, which will account for no instance of two consorts
being given in the sculptures.
But a very objectionable law, which is not only noticed by
Diodorus,* but is fully authenticated by the sculptures both of
* Joseph. Ant. ii. 4, 3.
' The Jewish chief priest was allowed
bat one wife, and he could only marry a
virgin. (Levit. ixi. 13.) Every Copt priest,
at the present day, is forbidden to marry
again on the demise of his wife. (Vide
Gibbon, ii. c. xv. p. 318, on the opinions
of the early Fathers respecting second
nuptials.)
» Herodot. ii. 92.
* The tablets and inscriptions rarely if
ever show more than one wife at a time,
except in the case of the Pharaohs, who
certainly practised polygamy. Personi of
position and rank, however, had hareema,
and that as late as the Ptolemies. — S. B.
'* Diodor. i. 27.
Chap. IV.]
MARRIAGES WITH SISTERS.
319
Upper and Lower Egypt, was in force among them from the
earliest times, the origin and policy of which it is not easy to
explain. Diodorus supposes that the custom — the marriage of
brother and sister — was owing to, and sanctioned by, that of Isis
and Osiris; but as this was purely an allegorical fable, ^ and
these ideal personages never lived on earth, his conjecture is of
little weight ; nor, indeed, would such a circumstance be sufficient
to account for so strange a law.^
In the time of the patriarchs, as in the case of Abraham and
Sarah,^ and among the Athenians, an Egyptian colony, it was
lawful to marry a sister by the father's side, not, however, if born
of the same mother ; but that this restriction was not observed in
Egypt, we have sufficient evidence from the marriages of several
of the Ptolemies.
Though the Egyptians generally confined themselves to one
wife,* they, like the Jews and other Eastern nations, both of
ancient and modem times, scrupled not to admit other inmates
to their hareem, most of whom appear to have been foreigners,
either taken in war, or brought to Egypt to be sold as slaves.
They became members of the family, like those in a similar
situation at the present day, and not only ranked next to the
wives and children of their lord, but probably enjoyed a share of
the property at his demise.* These women were white or black
slaves, according to the countries from which they were brought ;
but, generally speaking, the latter were employed merely as
domestics, who were required to wait upon their mistress and her
female friends. The former, likewise, officiated as servants,
though they of course held a rank above the black slaves ; and it
is very probable that the women represented at Medeenet Haboo,
attending upon Kameses, were of this class of persons, and, at all
events, not the wives of the monarch.®
* The same occurs in the Greek my-
thology. Jnpiter and Juno were brother
and sister. (Virg. JEu. i. 50. Vide Hor.
Od. iii. 3. 64, and Homer U. ivi. 432.)
' Amongst the Ethiopians descent and in-
heritance passed by the female, as the surer
line than the male branch, which might be
corrupted. In the case of the king, it in-
sured the legitimate and divine descent of
the rojal family. — S. B.
» Gen. XX. 12.
* The Jews were generally contented
with one wife, though a plurality was
permitted also by their laws (1 Kings xi. 3).
Like other Oriental people, the Egyptians
buried their wives in the same tomb with
their husbands (Job iv. 4).
^ This Eastern custom I suppose also to
have been adopted by the ancient as well
as the modern Egyptians. According to
Moslem law, the birth of a child gives the
mother a claim, and, indeed, properly s
right, to enfranchisement.
• Rather allegorical representations of
Upper and Lower Egypt playing at draughts
and in dalliance with the monarch Ra-
meses IH. — S. B.
320
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS.
[Chap. IY.
The same custom prevailed among the Egyptians regarding
children as with the Moslems and other Eastern people; no
distinction being made between their offspring by a wife or any
other woman, and all equally enjoying the rights of inheritance:
for since they considered a child indebted to the father for its
existence/ and the mother to be * little more than a nurse/' it
seemed unjust to deny equal rights to all their progeny. And
indeed, if Diodorus is correct,^ they carried this principle so far,
that, in dioecious plants, those which bore fruit were denominated
males, as being the cause of production and of the continuation
of the species.
Of the laws respecting the duties of children, one only is
recorded by Herodotus, which appears singular and unjust : that
if a son was unwilling to maintain his parents, he was at liberty
to refuse ; but that a daughter, on the contrary, was compelled to
assist them, and, on refusal, was amenable to law. We may,
however, question the truth of this statement of the historian ;
and, drawing an inference from the marked severity* of filial
duties among the Egyptians, some of which we find distinctly
alluded to in the sculptures of Thebes, we may conclude that in
Egypt much more was expected from a son than in any civilised
nation of the present day, and that this was not confined to the
lower orders, but extended to those of the highest ranks of society.
And if the office of fan-bearer was an honourable post, and the
sons of the monarch were preferred to fulfil it, no ordinary show
of humility was required on their part ; and they walked on foot
behind his chariot, bearing certain insignia over their father,
during the triumphal processions which took place in com-
memoration of his victories, and in the religious ceremonies over
which he presided.
It was equally a custom in the early times of European
history, that a son should pay a marked deference to his parent :
and no prince was allowed to sit at table with his father, unless
through his valour, having been invested with arms by a foreign
* Diodor. i. 80. Conf. the Latin genitor,
a father.
• This does not agree with Diodoms's
account of the superiority of the wife.
(Diodor. i. 80 and 27.) [The ancients
attribute to Egyptian women an exceeding
proliBcness. (Aulus Gellius, lib. x. c. 2 ;
and Pliny.) Strabo more modestly says,
on the authority of Columella, that they
UBually have twins. — G. W.]
' This may be doubted.
* I have already obserred, that among
the modem Egyptians it ia considered
highly indecorous for a son to sit down in
the presence of hb father without per-
missioUf still less would he think of amoking
before him; and an Arab of the desert
deems it disrespectful to sit and talk in
ths company even of his faiher-in-Uw.
Chap. IV.] BESPECT FOR OLD AGE. 321
sovereign, he had obtained that privilege, as was the case with
Alboin, before he succeeded his father on the throne of the
Lombards. The European nations were not long in altering
their early habits, and this custom soon became disregarded ;
but a respect for ancient institutions, and those ideas, so preva-
lent in the East, which reject all love of change, prevented the
Egyptians from discarding the usages of their ancestors ; and we
find this and many other primitive customs retained, even at the
period when they were most highly civilised.
In the education of youth they were particularly strict ; and
* they knew,' says Plato,^ ' that children ought to be early
accustomed to such gestures, looks, and motions as are decent
and proper ; and not to be suffered either to hear or learn any
verses and songs than those which are calculated to inspire them
with virtue ; and they consequently took care that every dance
and ode introduced at their feasts or sacrifices should be subject
to certain regulations.' They particularly inculcated respect for
old age ; and the fact of this being required towards strangers,
necessarily argues a great regard for the person of a parent ; for
we are informed* that, like the LacedsBmonians, they required
every young man to give place to his superiors in years, and
even, if seated, to rise on their approach:^ and surely, if they
were expected to reverence age alone, how much more must
have been considered due to their parents, to whom they were
so deeply indebted ?
Nor were these honours limited to their lifetime : the
memory of parents and ancestors was revered through succeeding
generations : their tombs were maintained with the greatest
respect, liturgies were performed by their children,* or by priests
at their expense, and we have previously seen what advantage
was taken of this feeling, in the laws concerning debt.
Guided by the same principle, the Egyptians paid the most
marked respect to their monarch, as the father of his people.*
He was obeyed with courteous submission, his will was tanta-
mount to a law, and such implicit confidence did they place
in his judgment that he was thought incapable of error.® He
* riato, Second Book of Laws. period to enter the royal presence with
* Herodot. ii. 80. their sandals on, except as a mark of special
' As the Jews : * Thou shalt rise up favour, such as was conceded at the time
before the hoary head, and honour the face of the 5th Dynasty to a highly meritorious
of the old man ' (Levit. xix. 32). officer : eren queens stood in their presence.
* If they were priests. — S. B.
* They were not allowed at an early * As in other countries where the
VOL. I. Y
322
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS.
[Chap. IV.
was the representative of the Divinity * on earth : the gods were
supposed to communicate through him their choicest benefits to
man; and they believed that the sovereign power had been
delegated to him by the will of the deities themselves.' Thej
entertained a strong feeling of gratitude for the services done
by him to the State ; and the memory of a monarch who had
benefited his subjects, was celebrated after death with the mo6t
unbounded honours. ' For of all people,' says Diodorus,* * the
Egyptians retain the highest sense of a favour conferred upon
them, and deem it the greatest charm of life to make a suitable
return for benefits they have received.' Through this impulse,
they were induced to solemnise the funeral obsequies of their
kings ^ with unparalleled m£tgnificdtice ; and to this the historian
also attributes the unexampled duration of the Egyptian
monarchy.^ Considering the high estimation in which the
feeling of gratitude was held among them, we cannot deny that
the Egyptians were fully capable of appreciating the advantages
of civilised habits, and that they cherished one of the noblest
ornaments of social life : ^ and honour,' adds the historian,* ^ done
to one who cannot possibly know it, in return for a past benefit,
carries along with it a testimony of sincerity so totally devoid of
the least colour of dissimulation, that every one must admire the
sentiments which dictate its performance.' Nor did it consist
in mere outward show : the mourning continued for seventy-two
days, during which time every one abstained from the comforts
as well as the luxuries of life. Meat, wheat, bread, wine, and
all delicacies were voluntarily renounced ; and they neither
anointed themselves, nor indulged in the bath, nor in any kind
of pleasure.
Another remarkable feature in the character of the Egyptians,
and one which was creditable to them as a nation, was their love
for their native country. They looked upon it as the abode of
their gods, and therefore as under their especial protection, and as
ministers are responsible. But the con-
duct of the king was also subject to ani-
madversion ; and at the time of his death,
that of the monarch, and of every Egyptian,
underwent a severe scrutiny, and the usual
funeral honours were sometimes denied
them. (Diodor. i. 92 and 72.)
' Supposed to be the actual descendant
of the gods, as Ra and Amen, and of the
same substance with them. — S. B.
* Diodor. i. 90.
* Diodor. he, di.
* And priests or flamens were attached
to their worship. Their titles expressed
their divine origin, as having dominion like
the sun over the sonth and north, or that
he was a Haremakhu, or Harmachis, the
rising sun. (Pierret, • Diet d'Arch. ^nrpt,*
p. 484.)- S. B.
* Diodor. i. 71.
* Ibid., /oc. cit.
Chap. IV.]
DEFPERENT LAWGIVEEa
323
chosen by them in preference to all other countries ; this feeling
added to the sanctity with which old edicts were upheld. They
were closely interwoven with the religion of the country,^ and
said to be derived from the gods themselves ; whence it was
considered both useless and impious to alter such sacred institu-
tions. Few innovations were introduced by their monarchs,
unless loudly called for by circumstances ; and we neither read
of any attempts on the part of the people to alter or resist the
laws, nor on that of their rulers to introduce a more arbitrary
mode of government.^
As society advances, it must, however, necessarily happen
that some alterations are requisite, either in the reformation of
an existing code, or in the introduction of additional laws ; and
among the diflTerent legislators of the Egyptians, are particularly
noticed the names of Mnevis, Sasyches, Sesostris, Bocchoris,
Asychis, Amasis, and even the Persian Darius. The great merit
of the first of these seems to have consisted in inducing the
people to conform to those institutions which he pretended to
have received from Hermes, the Egyptian Mercury;^ 'an idea,*
says Diodorus, * which has been adopted with success by many
other ancient lawgivers, who have inculcated a respect for their
institutions through the awe that is naturally felt for the
majesty of the gods.' The additions made by Sasyches chiefly
related to matters of religious worship ; and Sesostris, in addition
to numerous regulations of a military nature, is said to have
introduced some changes into the agricultural system ; and
having divided all the land of Egypt, with the exception of that
which belonged to the priests and soldiers, into squares * of equal
area,' he assigned to each peasant his peculiar portion,® or a
certain number of these arouraSy for which he annually paid a
fixed rent ; and having instituted a yearly survey of the lands,
any deficiency, resulting from a fall of the bank during the
^ As the Jewish and Moslem laws.
* Herodotus* account of the tyranny of
Cheops in building the pyramid cannot be
received with any degree of credit.
* Diodor. i. 94. The writings attributed
to Thoth were supposed to hare been
inspired by the gods. — S. B.
* It appears from the geometrical papy-
nu in the British Museum, that fields were
in the shape of rectangles, squares, and
trapezoids.— S. B.
* Herodot. ii. 109. In this instance, Se-
fostria could not be Rameaes II. ; and, in-
deed, the division of land is evidently of
older date than the arrival of Joseph or
the reign of Userteaen I. Perhaps, as I
have observed elsewhere, this refers to the
crown lands.
* The land may still have belonged to
the king.
' The aroura was a square of 100 cubits,
containing, therefore, 10,000 cubits. Th«
Egyptian ar, or ari^ 'ploughing,' or
'tillage;' the Latin arainim, *a plough,'
and arvwfif * a field ; ' and the Arabic hart^
* ploughing,' are related to it.
T 2
324
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS.
[Chap. IV.
inundation, or other accidental causes, was stated in the returns,
and deducted for in the government demands. Of the laws of
Bocchoris and Asychis respecting debt, I have already spoken ;
and the former is said to have introduced many others relating
to the kings, as well as to civil contracts and conunerce,^ and
to have established several important precedents in Egyptian
jurisprudence.
Amasis was particularly eminent for his wisdom, and for
the many salutary additions he made to the laws of his country.
He remodelled the system of provincial government, and de-
fined the duties of the monarchs with peculiar precision ; and,
though not of royal extraction,^ his conduct in the management
of affairs was so highly approved by the people, that their
respect for him was scarcely inferior to that shown to his most
glorious predecessors. Nor was Darius, though a Persian, and
of a nation justly abhorred by the Egyptians, denied that
eulogium which the mildness of his government, and the intro-
duction of laws tending to benefit the country, claimed for
him ; and they even granted him the title of Divus, making
him partaker of the same honours which were bestowed on
their native princes.* But the Ptolemies in after-times abro-
gated some of the favourite laws of the country ; and though
much was done by them in repairing the temples and in
executing very grand and useful works, and though several
of these sovereigns pretended to court the good will of the
Egyptians, yet their names became odious, and Macrobius has
stigmatised their sway with the title of tyranny.*
After the king and council,^ the judges or magistrates
of the capital held the most distinguished post;^ and next
> Diodor. i. 79.
* Herodottu says he was of plebeian
origin ; but Diodorus, while he allows him
not to have been of royal extraction,
affirms that he was a person of rank, which
is mnch more consonant, as I have already
observed, with the fact of his being of the
military caste, and with the evidence of
the hieroglyphics, in which he is stated to
have married the daughter of a king.
(Herodot. ii. 172. Diodor. i. 68.)
' Diodor. i. 95. This is confirmed by the
mode of writing his name in hieroglyphics,
which is preceded by the title Divua bonus,
and is enclosed in two ovals, as that of the
native Egyptian kings.
« Macrob. Sat. i. c. 4.
■ Isaiah rix. 11. Diod. i. 73.
' The principal officers of the court or
administration appear to have been at the
earliest period the relatives ; mten rex,
the councillors; sabu iikr, or tmer, or
sakhmer ua^ ' intimate ' or ' sole friend,'
probably a kind of prime minister ; the ker
sAto, * over the secrets,' or privy councillor ;
and the royal scribes, who attended to the
civil government of the empire. (Bmgedi,
* Hi8toired'%ypte,'p. 36.) At a later period
the sovereign seems to hare relied for
counsel on the stUen axon or an, the royal
scribe, and the rex'X^f o' *^'^H^* ^
learned in law, medicine, and astronomy*
The suten tai aeri ter temi, or flabelUier, at
the right hand, exercised jadidil fuMlioa.
Chap. IV.]
PROVINCES OF EGYPT.
325
to them may be considered the nomarchs^ or governors, of
districts.^
The whole of Egypt was divided into nomes,* or districts,
the total of which, in the time of Sesostris,^ amounted to thirty-
six, but which afterwards was increased to the number, according
to D'Anville, of fifty-three.*
The limits of Egypt '^ were the Mediterranean* to the north,
and Syene,' or the Cataracts, to the south ; and the cultivated
land east and west of the Nile, contained within this space, or
between latitude 31° 37' and 24° 3', was all that constituted the
original territory of the Pharaohs : though the Mareotis, the
Oases, and Nitriotis were attached to their dominion, and were
considered as part of the country .*
The main divisions of Egypt were, as has been already shown,
* the Upper and Lower regions ; ' and this distinction, which
had been maintained from the earliest times, was also indicated
by a difference in the dialects of the language.* Thebes and
Memphis enjoyed equal rank as capitals of Egypt ; and every
monarch at his coronation assumed the title of 'lord of the
two regions,' ^'^ or 'the two worlds.'" But a change afterwards
took place in the division of the country, and the northern
portion was subdivided into the two provinces of Heptanomis
There was also the already-mentioned coun-
cil of the thirty who attended the king. —
8. B.
' The ha or nomarchs were hereditary,
erpa, nobility, and besides them were the
nur tama or mer bak, governors of cities,
and the ta or ten, magistrates who admi-
nistered local justice. Foreign lands were
also governed by mer, or superintendents.
— S. B.
' Called Hesep.
■ Diodor. i. 54.
^ The monumental lists hitherto found
pve only 44 nomes. Their Egyptian names
were, the Southern nomes — Ta-kens, Nubia ;
Tes hor, ApoUouipolites ; T'^n, Latopotites ;
Taam, Phathyrites ; Horti^ Coptites ; Emauh,
Tentyrites ; <Sft»,Diospolites ; il^,Thinites ;
Sechemj Panopolites ; Tei, Aphrodopolites ;
Shet-hetepj Antseopolites ; 2\«/, Hypselites ;
ChesfcherUj Lycopolites anterior; ChesfpehUy
Lyoopolites posterior ; Un, Hermopolites
soutiiem ; Sah^ Hermopolites northern ;
Anupf Crnopolites ; Sep, Oxyrhynchites ;
Tebt, Aphroditopolites ; Neha chent, Arsi-
iioites upper ; Nehapehu, Arsinoltes lower ;
8€fi, Heracleopolites. The Northern nomes
were — S^tt-het, Memphis ; Aa, Letopolis ;
Ament, Libya ; ^i rt», Saites southern ; Sai
meh, Saites north ; Ka, Athrihites ; tTo-
aemi, Ua west ; Ua abt, (Ja east ; Ati, Ament,
Kakhem, Kahebs, Ka se, Haq; Chin Abidy
Eastern Khent; Taaut ; Kheb, Scan-hut,
ChrvU chen, Chrut pehu, Sapt Har ; Men.
(Brugsch, * Geographische Inschriflen,' i.
pp. 149, 150.)— S. B.
' The oracle of Ammon pronounced all
those who lived to the north of Elephantine,
and drank the waters of the Nile, to be
Egyptians. (Herodot. ii. 18.)
* The Egyptian luit wr, — S. B.
' Neshem or Neneb, This only at a later
period. — S. B.
* Libya was probably attached to Egypt
at one period of its history, as Ammianus
Marcellinus (lib. xxxii.) directly states, but
without forming part of Egypt Proper.
* According to Herodotus (ii. 18), th«
people of Marea and Apis, on the Libyan
side of the lake Mareotis, spoke a different
language from the Egyptians.
>* The similarity of this and the rtb el
dlemayn, Mord of the two worlds,' in
the Fat-ha of the Qorin, is singular.
^* Or 8uten-kh^, king of Southern and
Northern Egypt. It was a title of Ra or the
sun, and the king was considered as that
luminary. — S. B.
326
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS.
[Chap. IT.
and Lower Egypt The latter extended from the sea to the
head of the Delta ; and adyancing to the natural bonndary ot
the low lands, which is so strongly marked by the abrupt ridge
of the modern Mokuttum, it included the city of Heliopohs
within its limits.
Heptanomis, or Middle Egypt, extended thence to the
Theban castle which marked the frontier a few miles aboTe
Tanis, and which appears to haye occupied the site of the
present town of Dahroot;^ and its name, Heptanomis, was
deriyed from the seyen nomes, or districts, it contained, which
were those of Memphis, Aphroditopolis, Crocodilopolis or Arsinoe,
Heracleopolis, Oxyrhynchus, Cynopolis, and flermopolis.
The limits of the Thebaid remained the same, and extended
to the cataracts of Syene ; but it appears that the Oases were
all attached to the proyince of Heptanomis.^ The chief towns
of the three proyinces were Thebes,^ Memphis, and Heliopolis ;
and from these three, as already obseryed, the bench of judges
was elected.
According to Diodorus,^ the celebrated Sesostris was the
first who diyided the country into nomes ;^ but it is more
reasonable to suppose, that long before his time, or at least
before that of Bameses the Great, all necessary arrangements for
the organisation of the proyinces had already been made, and
that this was one of the first plans suggested for the goyemment
of the country.
The office of nomarch was at all times of the highest im-
portance, and to his charge were committed the management of
the lands^ and all matters relating to the internal administra-
tion of the district.* He regulated the assessment and leyying
* Or Dahroot e'Shere^f, which stands
near the mouth of the Bahr Tod8e£ ( Vide
' Egypt and Thebes/ p. 386, where is shown
the probabilitj of its being the Thebaica
Phylace.)
• Ptolemy (lib. ir. c 5) says, the two
Oases were attached to the Antinolte nome,
though it did not exist under this name
iu the time of the Pharaohs. The Oasis
of Ammon was not, of course, in £gypt.
By the * two Oases ' he probably means
those of £1 Khargeh and e'Dakhleh, the
great and the western Oasis, rather than
the former and the little Oasis.
' Thebes and the land around it com-
posed two nomes, one on the east and the
other on the west bank : the former called
'Thebarum nomns,' the latter *I^ithy-
rites,' which probably deriyed its name
from Athyr, who is so frequently said in
the sculptures to be the president of that
side of the rirer.
* This, as usual, iuTolTes the qaestioo
concerning Rameses the Great; and it is
difficult to decide whether we ovght te
attribute the actions recorded of Seaostris
to this monarch of the 19th, or to another
of a prerions dynasty.
* The fkci that the name Onmtpiak of
the 1st Dynasty is written in hieroglyphs
by the word Besep, 'nome,' points te a
much earlier tradition of this fiKst. — S. E.
' The Turkish system of rmling Egypt
was by twenty-four beyi^ 'beki^' 4r
Chap. IVJ GOVEBNORS OF PROVINCES. 327
of the taxes, the surveying of the lands, the opening of the
canals, and all other agricultural interests of the country, which
were under the immediate superintendence of certain members
of the priestly order : and, as his residence was in the chief
town of the nome,^ all causes respecting landed property, and
other accidental disputes, were referred to him, and adjusted
before his tribunal. The division of the country into thirty-six
parts, or nomes, continued to be maintained till a late period,
since in Strabo's time ^ the number was still the same ; ten, says
the geographer, being assigned to the Theb^d, ten to the
Delta, and sixteen ^ to the intermediate province : though some
changes were afterwards introduced both in the nomes and
provinces of Egypt. The nomes, he adds, were subdivided
into toparchiae, or local governments, and these again into minor
jurisdictions; and we may conclude that the three offices of
nomarchs, toparchs, and the third or lowest grade, answered to
those of bey, kashef, and q^maqam of the present day. The
distinctive appellation of each nome, in later times at least, was
derived from the chief town, where the governor resided, and the
rank of each nomarch depended on the extent of his jurisdiction.
[Under the Ptolemies the constitution of the kingdom was
military, and the local administration placed under praefects,
strategoi and epi-strategoi^ under whom were the episiatai, or
praetors, who exercised judicial authority at the head of a council
or committee of assessors ; the royal scribe, basilikos grammateuSy
attended to the collection of the revenue, under whom were the
village scribes, komofframmateis, and local scribes, topogrammateiSj
who acted as collectors and registrars. Under the Boman Empire
the country was governed by a praefect called in the Greek in-
scriptions eparchos, hegemon, or archon, always chosen from the
equestrian order, and a Boman, having under him a large army
of three legions, nine cohorts, and three regiments of cavalry,
commanded by a legate, stratarchos. This continued till the time
of Diocletian.*— S. B. j But of the state of Egypt in the early
period of its history we have little or no information ; owing to the
f^OTernorsofdistricts, under whom were the within the district.' (Cellar, ii. lib. iv.
kashefs and qj^naqims. The number of 0, 7.)
beys is now no longer twenty-four, as in ' Strabo, lib. xrii.
the time of the Memlooks. ' These were the sixteen prefectures
' This agrees with the definition of a which, according to Plinj, assembled in
some giyen by St. Cyril of Alexandria : the Labyrinth. (Lib. xxxvi.)
*A nome, according to the Egyptians, * Bock h, * Corpus Inscr. Qr«c./ torn, iii*
includes a city, its suburbs, and the villages pp. 281 and foil. — S. B.
328 THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS. [Chap. IV.
unciyilised condition of neighbouring states^ to the indifference of
those Greeks who yisited it, or to the loss of their writings, and
above all to the jealousy of the Egyptians towards foreigners/
to whom little or no information was imparted respecting the
institutions and state of the country.
Like the Chinese, they prevented all strangers firom pene-
trating into the interior; and if any Greek was desirous of
becoming acquainted with the philosophy of their schools, ho
was tolerated, rather than welcomed, in Egypt ; and those who
traded with them were confined to the town of Naucratis.^ And
when, after the time of Amasis and the Persian conquest,
foreigners became better acquainted with the country, its
ancient institutions had begun to lose their interest, and the
Egyptians mourned under a victorious and cruel despot. Hero-
dotus, it is true, had ample opportunity of examining the state
of Egypt during his visit to the country ; but he has failed to
give us much insight into its laws and institutions ; and little
can be gleaned from any author, except Diodorus, who at least
deserves the credit of having collected, under far less favourable
circumstances, much curious information upon this interesting
subject.
Strabo mentions some of the offices which existed in Egypt
in his time ; but, though he asserts that many of them were the
same as under the Ptolemies, we are by no means certain that
they answer to those of an earlier period. * Under the eparch,'
says the geographer, ' who holds the rank of a king, is the
dicseodotes, that is, the lawgiver or chancellor, and another
officer, who is called the privy-purse, or private accountant,
whose business it is to take charge of everything that is left
without an owner,^ and which falls of right to the Emperor.
These two are also attended by freedmen and stewards of Caesar,
who are entrusted with afiairs of greater or less magnitude ....
But of the natives who are employed in the government of the
different cities, the principal is the exegetes, or expounder, who
is dressed in purple, and is honoured according to the usages of
* Strabo, lib. xvii. below Babastis, called * the camp,' and were
' The Egyptians pretending to grant a atlterwards removed by Amasis to Memphis.
privilege to this town, obliged all Greek Herodotus (ii. 154) says they were the first
traders to repair to it. (Herodot. ii. 179.) foreigners who were allowed to settle in
The Turks confined European ambassadors the country.
in the Seven Towers for tYi^ir protection. * The Bayt el mal, or *the property
The Ionian and Carian troops of Psammati- office,' of the present dky.
chus had a place assigned to them a little
Chap, IV.] POLITICAL CHANaES. 329
the country, and takes care of what is necessary for the welfare
of the city ; the registrar, or writer of commentaries ; the
archidicastes, or chief judge ; and, fourthly, the captain of the
night; ^
From all that can be collected on this subj^t, we may
conclude that in early times, after the king, the senate, and
others connected with the court, the principal persons employed
in the management of affairs were the judges of different grades,
the rulers of provinces and districts, the government accountants,
the chief of the police, and those officers immediately connected
with the administration of justice, the levying of taxes, and
other similar employments ; and that the principal part of them
were chosen either from the sacerdotal or the military class.
During the reigns of the later Ptolemies, considerable
abuses crept into the administrative system : intrigues, arising
out of party spirit and conflicting interests, corrupted men's
minds ; integrity ceased to be esteemed ; every patriotic feeling
became extinguished; the interests of the community were
sacrificed to the ambition of a successful candidate for a dis-
puted throne ; and the hope of present advantage blinded men
to future consequences. New regulations were adopted to
suppress the turbulent spirit of the times : the government, no
longer content with the mild office of protector, assumed the
character of chastiser of the people ; and Egypt was ruled by a
military force, rendered doubly odious, from being in a great
measure composed of foreign mercenaries. The caste of soldiers
had lost its consequence, its privileges were abolished, and the
harmony once existing between that order and the people was
entirely destroyed. Kespect for the wisdom of the sacerdotal
order, and the ancient institutions of Egypt, began to decline :
and the influence once possessed by the priests over the public
mind could only be traced in the superstitious reverence shown
by fanatics to the rites of a religion now much corrupted and
degraded by fanciful doctrines ; and if they retained a portion of
their former privileges, by having the education of youth intrusted
to them, as well as the care of the national records, the superin-
tendence of weights and measures, the surveying of the lands,
and the equal distribution of the annual payments, they lost
their most important offices — the tutelage and direction of the
^ Strabo, lib. xvii. This officer answers to the Bash-agha of modem Egypt, who goes
the rounds of the town at night, and is the chief of the polioe.
830 THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS. [Chap. IV.
councils of government, and the right of presiding at the courts
of justice.
The provincial divisions of Egypt varied at different times,
particularly after the Boman conquest. The country, as already
stated, consi3ted originally of two parts, Upper and Lower Egypt :
afterwards of three, the Thebaid ; fleptanomis, or Middle Egypt ;
and the Delta, or Lower Egypt: but Heptanoniis, in the
time of Arcadius, the son of Theodosius the Great, received
the name of Arcadia ; and the eastern portion of the Delta,
about the end of the fourth century, was formed into a separate
province called Augustamnica,^ itself divided into two parts.
The Thebaid was also made to consist of Upper and Lower, the
line of separation passing between Panopolis and Ptolemids
Hennii.^
Under the Bomans, Egypt was governed by a praefect, or
eparch, aided by three officers, who superintended the depart-
ments of justice, revenue, and police, throughout the country,
the inferior charges being chiefly filled by natives. Over each
of the provinces a military governor was appointed, who was
'subordinate to the pra)fect in all civil affairs,^ though fre-
quently intruding on his jurisdiction, when it was necessary to
use military coercion in the coUection of the taxes. This
charge, together with the superintendence of the tribunals and
the duty of denouncing unjust judges (but more particularly the
collection, and transmission to Constantinople, of that part of
the taxes which was paid in grain), were still vested in the
praefect.*
* Thus far it does not appear that there were any very serious
defects in the organisation of the government of Egypt : but the
same authority whence these facts are chiefly drawn (the Theodo-
sian code) furnishes us with still more ample details on the
nature of the subordinate institutions, both at Alexandria and in
the rest of the country. And here the whole system seems to
have been founded in error, and persevered in with a blind
obstinacy, which preferred the accumulation of many bad and
unjust laws to the repeal of a few which were imperfect.
'The decurions of Alexandria soon found that the honour
1 It seems also to have encroached upon indebted to Mr. Hamilton's valuable work,
Heptanomis. * iEgyptiaca,' p. 231, to which I refer the
* Vide D'Anville's * M^moires sur Tfigypte,* reader.
p. 32. * Bockh, ' Corpus Inscr. Gr»c,' torn. iii.
* For the following observations I am p. 324.
Chap. IV.] EGYPT UNDER THE ROMANS. 331
bestowed upon them was to be paid for at the highest rate. In
return for their nominal and titular privileges, and in addition
to the charge of supplying the inhabitants with proyisions, of
keeping the records, and preserving the police of the city, they
were subjected to continual expenses for the public games and
shows ; presents for honorary seats were arbitrarily demanded
of them, and the office was converted from a benefit to a burden.
Some were reduced to poverty by these means ; the expenses
they were no longer able to bear were attached to the succeed-
ing proprietor of their estates : others assumed dishonourable
employments, or became the slaves of persons in power; and
laws were no sooner enacted to obviate these elusive steps, than
all contrivances were invented on the part of the sufferers to
facilitate them.
'In the public distress, private gifts and loans had been
solicited by government ; these were soon converted into forced
contributions; apd the charge of levying them added to the
burdens of the decurions. Immunities against such contributions
were purchased at one time, and repealed by public orders when
the money had been paid.
'That the municipal administrations of the different towns
were not better protected against the abuses of a corrupt govern-
ment, is evident from two laws preserved in the same code, one
of which was enacted to recall the decurions who had quitted the
duties of their office, and, among these, all who had taken refuge
amongst the anchorites of the desert. By the other law, the
right of reclaiming their property was denied to all who had
abandoned it for the purpose of avoiding the duties to which it
was liable.
* Throughout the viUages, and the farms surrounding them,
the triple division of the produce among the priests, the military,
and the cultivators had ceased with the Greek conquest. To
this had succeeded a regular establishment of officers, who had
severally the charge of collecting the tribute due from each
proprietor, that of preserving the peace of the village, and that
of superintending the maintenance of the dykes and canals, so
important a part of the rural economy of Egypt. A fixed
sum of money had been, from the first, set apart for this object ;
and a regular system had been long established, and strictly
adhered to, for the mode in which repairs were to be made, the
time or state of the inundation at which the principal embank-
ments were to be opened, and for carrying into execution
332 THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS. [Chap. IV.
other precautionary measures of irrigating and of draining,
which the physical organisation of the country had rendered
necessary.
' In the edicts of Justinian are to be traced some important
alterations, introduced by that emperor into the civil government
of the country. The province of Augustamnica appears to have
been united to that of Egypt and Alexandria; and from this
last, the two districts of Mareotis and Menelas were detached
and added to Libya, for the avowed and singular reason, that,
without them, this latter province would be unable to defray the
expenses of its government.
' The civil and military powers were again united in the same
person, both in Egypt and the Thebaid, as they had been before
the reign of Constantine ; and the magistrates of the provinces
or nomes, now called patrarchs, and those of the villages, or the
pagarchs, were placed under their authority. The functions of
these magistrates, when they were once named to the office, might
be suspended by the prefects, but they could not be definitively
removed without orders from Constantinople.
' The main, and almost the sole, object that appears to have
dictated these edicts of Justinian, was the more punctual trans-
mission of grain to the capital of the empire. Whether it was
owing to the increasing poverty of the country, the connivance of
the different agents employed in the service, or the corruptions
of those in the higher offices of State, perpetual difficulties seem
to have occurred. But what argues on the part of the Boman
government a conviction of the necessity of conciliating, by a
mild treatment, the native Egyptians, all the menaces held out
against the disobedience of the imperial orders are directed
against the praefects, who alone are held responsible, in their
persons and their effects, for the strict execution of them. In
some instances a denunciation is published against the higher
orders of the clergy, who, by unauthorised acts of protection,
shall have pretended to release any individuals from the payments
to which they were subject.
* The state of property in Egypt continued, under the Bomans,
very similar to what it had been in the earliest times. The pro-
prietor of a district, or of a certain part of it, had a kind of feudal
claim over his vassals, from whose gratuitous labour he exacted
all that was not absolutely necessary for their existence. While
Egypt retained its independence it was fully sufficient to supply
^ts own wants i but, as a province^ it suffered all the evils of a
Chap. IV.] EGYPT UNDER THE ROMANS. 333
corrupt and vicious administration ; and it never received any
returns, in money or kind, for its annual supply of grain to the
capital. As this supply did not diminish, but rather increased
in an inverse proportion to the means which were to furnish it,
the proprietors, when obliged to add to their demands upon the
peasants, found them in a situation to afford less. Industry was
at a stand ; and the distressed serfs had no other method of
evading such claims, than either by abandoning their farms for
others more favourably situated, or by seeking the protection of
some powerful individual, whose patronage they purchased. This
abuse had been the natural consequence of the system of honours
established by Constantino ; and in Egypt it was productive of
the most prejudicial effects. The evil grew rapidly : what was
first dictated by necessity was soon resorted to by choice ; and,
when necessity could not be pleaded in excuse, temptations were
not wanting on the part pf the protectors, who soon found the
means of converting their powers of granting privileges into a
pecuniary speculation ; and the next step was that the proprietors,
being abandoned by their vassals, and consequently reduced to
poverty, were obliged to yield up their estates to those who had
succeeded in seducing them. This iniquitous traffic particularly
prevailed among the military ; and for some years the new pos-
sessors were able to disguise from the government the truth of
their situation, by paying no taxes from the estates they had thus
procured, and by returning as defaulters the names of those whom
they had ejected.
* Various laws, from the time of Constantino to Theodosius
the Second and Justinian, were enacted against these grievances ;
they successively increased in severity; and nothing but the
extremest rigour, and the attachment of responsibility on the
person of the praefects themselves, could succeed in putting an
end to them. At first, the peasants who remained behind were
to make up for what the fugitives ought to have paid. After-
wards, an ignominious punishment was denounced against such
fugitives, and the protectors sentenced to a fine : — this fine was
gradually augmented to a sum equal to the whole fortune of the
delinquent. Theodosius the Second finally established all such
usurpations of property as had taken place in this manner, prior
to the consulate of Ca^sarius and Atticus, and ordered the imme-
diate restitution of all that had taken place since that period,
subjecting, at the same time, the new proprietors to tdl the
ancient charges and contributions attached to their estates,
334 THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS. [Chap. IV.
including those that would have fallen on the fugitive as well as
the other vassals.
* The peculiar nature of the soil and locality of Egypt had
fixed, at a very early period, the system of agriculture the most
congenial to them. No innovations appear to have been intro-
duced on this head ; and, as laws have only been made where
changes were thought necessary, we are left without any other
materials, whence we might form our judgment relative to the
employment of the soil in ancient times, beyond those customs
which have been handed down to the present age.
'Agriculture was always the principal object to which the
government of Egypt was directed; and when the king, the
priests, and the military, had each an equal share in the produce
of the soil, the common interest would effectually prevent any
abuses in the management of it. But, under a foreign yoke,
these interests were too divided ; and the defects of administra-
tion were to be supplied by the rigour of the laws. The destroyer
of a dyke was, at one time, to be condemned to the public works
and to the mines ; at another, to be branded, and transported to
the Oasis, — punishments more severe than are ever thought of
even under the present Mahometan government.
* Some laws were made for the encouragement of the growth
of timber trees in Egypt, but the same misguided policy, which
had failed in so many other laws, preferred the menaces of a
punishment for the sale or the use of the sycamore and napka,^
rather than the offer of a reward for extending plantations of
them. Here may be traced the same hand which, instead of
ameliorating the situation of the oppressed peasantry, was con-
tented with accumulating upon the fugitives useless punishments,
or bringing them to their homes by an armed force.
* With respect to the amount of the public revenues of Egypt,
Diodorus Siculus states them to have been, in his time, equal to
six thousand talents, or about one million two hundred thousand
pounds : and, notwithstanding the much higher amount stated by
Strabo, we may conclude that in no future period they exceeded
this sum. The disorders to which the people were subjected
under its last kings would have tended rather to diminish its
means of contribution ; and, under the Eoman government, its
wealth and resources must have proceeded in an inverse ratio to
the demands from the capital. Augustus, indeed, relieved Egypt
* £httmnus Nabeca : in Arabic, n^ or aidr, ( Vide * Egypt and Thebes,' p. 211.)
Chap. IV.] EGYPT UNDER THE ROMANS. 835
from one cause of oppression, whereby Sicily and Sardinia had
successively been ruined, — the presence and controlling authority
of powerful Bomans.
* The levying of the taxes, both in money and in kind, ap-
pears to have been left to the immediate care of the natives,
whereof one or more presided over each district and village ;
these, however, were successively placed under the superinten-
dence of the prefects of Egypt, the governors of the Thebaid,
and the military force ; and the responsibility, which at first
rested with the superior officers, was afterwards extended to the
soldiers themselves.
* The tributes, in whatever form they were paid, were received
at Alexandria by Boman agents commissioned for the purpose.
After the time of Constantino, it appears that the transport of
the grain was at the expense of a collective body of the principal
inhabitants of that city. This burden was, at a later period,
commuted for an annual payment ; but the object was still subject
to many delays, till the edict of Justinian directed the charge to
be borne by the chief custom-house officer at Alexandria.
* Other expenses were also payable by individuals, in addition
to the regular taxes of the country. The freight of the com
vessels down the Nile, the baking of the bread for the military
where they happened to be quartered, and the clothing of the
troops, became so many occasions of extortion.
* It is difficult to fix the precise portion of the entire taxes of
Egypt which was paid, whether in grain or in money, anterior to
the reign of Justinian. When this emperor framed an edict
expressly for the purpose of regulating the transmission of the
grain to the capital, and of facilitating the levying of the rest of
the taxes, the quantity of com then furnished by Egypt to Con-
stantinople was eight hundred thousand artahas, which, if calcu-
lated as equal to the ardeb of the present day,^ amount to four
hundred and fifty thousand quarters ; and as, by the same law, a
fine of three soUdi for every three artabae was to attach to all
who, by neglect of their duty, should occasion any delay in the
collection, the value of each artdba may be taken at one-third of
this sum, or about seven shillings ; consequently, that of the com
annually sent to Constantinople would have been nearly three
thousand pounds sterling; and, perhaps, a quantity not much
inferior to this was detained in the country for the supply of the
^ In th« yeAT 1800.
336 THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS. [Chap. IV.
praefect's palace, the maintenance of the troops, and the gratuitous
distributions of com granted to Alexandria by Diocletian, and
confirmed and augmented by other emperors.
* There would still, however, remain a large portion of the
public revenues to be paid in money.
* One chief source of misunderstanding among the governors
and the governed throughout Egypt, and of the occasional
oppression of the latter, was, that the system of regulating the
taxes of each province of the empire, once for each successive
term of fifteen years, was unwisely extended to Egypt. This
indiction, which was introduced by Constantino in lieu of the
lustrum, or term of five years, however convenient it might be
for other countries, was ill adapted to one wherein the produce of
each year must so essentially depend on the extent of the inun-
dation. One consequence of this was, that frequently the prae-
fects were obliged to return diflferent estates as totally deficient,
which opened a door to endless acts of corruption and connivance.
*The obligations imposed on the prsefect for the punctual
supply of grain, were much more rigorous than those which
related to the payments to be made in specie to the imperial
treasury; so that he was enabled, from time to time, to desist
from his pecuniary demands upon the people, the better to enable
them to bi^g in the stated quantity of com ; but this pretext
likewise led the way to infinite abuses. Although the payments
in money ought to have equalled two-thirds of that in kind,
Justinian complains, in his edict, that they were frequently
reduced to nothing, wholly absorbed in pretended expenses, and
pillaged by the secret understanding of the Egyptian tax-
gatherers and the public agents. It is scarcely possible to con-
ceive the moral weakness of a government which knew not how
to put a stop to evils of this nature, with all the military means
of the empire at their disposal, and no ostensible resistance to
their operations but the bare principle of corruption. These
deductions from the tax demanded by the government, which
nearly equalled their amount, appear the more extraordinary, as
we find in the same edict of Justinian, that, throughout every
village and district, the inhabitants were liable to other calls for
the maintenance of the canals and dykes, public buildings, and
the salaries of subaltern agents.
' The author ^ of the essay from which the greater part of
* RegDier, ' L'Sgypte soiit lea Romains,' 1807.
Chap. IV.]
EGYPT UNDER THE ROMANS.
337
these observations are taken, is induced to suggest, whether the
public accountants of those times may not have acted on the
system now pursued under the Turkish establishment; who make
an annual charge of near thirty thousand livres for the transport
of the dirt and rubbish of Cairo to the sea-coast, while it is
notorious that not a single boat is employed upon this service.^
* The duties of export and import in Egypt, which must have
formed a considerable part of the revenue, particularly as long as
it continued the emporium of goods between Europe and India,
appear to have been farmed to Greeks and Romans, contrary to
the system adopted with regard to the tax on land. These
duties were payable on the coast of the Eed Sea, at Canopus, and
at Alexandria. At this latter place, the persons by whom they
were farmed had so many opportunities of granting a temporary
relief to the necessitous, in advancing money for them, that the
vexations they could afterwards practise upon their debtors form
the subject of one of the heads of Justinian's edict ; and it was
in consideration of the profits enjoyed by the same persons, that
they were liable to the expenses of the transport of grain from
their port to the capital.
'The corporation of Alexandria were released by the same
emperor from the repairs of the canal which brought them water
from the Nile ; and they were allowed four hundred solidi out of
a fund called Dinummium Vectigal, which, by the explanation
which follows, appears to refer to the duties levied upon the ships
frequenting the harbour ; and it was natural that those should
pay a full portion of the expenses which procured them this
necessary supply. Besides taxes upon the industry, the trades,
and houses of its inhabitants, Alexandria was, from time to time,
subjected to a contribution under the name of coronation money.
This abuse had arisen out of the custom, once so laudable and
useful, of presenting, in the name of the provinces, crowns of gold
to proconsuls, or other commanders, who had acted honourably
and liberally during their governments. This gradually became
^ The direct taxes raised in Egypt ander
the Ptolemies and Romans were the land
tax, amounting to one- fifth of the produce,
prosodos sitike or cargyriki ; the poll-tax,
laogrtxpMa; the tax on workmen, cheiro'
naxkm; the conservancy of the riyer,
potamophyhkia. These later taxes are
mentioned by Josephos, and acquittances
for them are found written in cursive
Greek characters on potsherds found at
VOL. I.
£le])hantine, beginning in the reign of
Caligula, A.D. 38-39. The indirect taxes,
the encydia tele of the Greeks, were a kind
of stamp, »\j or -^ of the value of all articles
sold, whether of home or foreign manufac-
ture, especially natron, nilrike^ duties levied
on goods passing up or down the Nile,
legacy duty, uparM^ and fines. (Bockh,
* Corp. Inscr.' loc. cit.yS, B.
338
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANa
[Chap. IV.
80 general, that those who were not thns honoured considered
themselves as insulted ; and, under the emperors, it was soon con-
verted from an honour into a means of raising money. And in
addition to the amount demanded from each, grievous in itself to
a suffering people, it became much more so by the irregularity
and sudden manner in which it was imposed.' ^
^ For many other interesting remarks on the state of Eg]rpt aboat this period,
vide * ^gyptiaca,' p. 243.
No. 111.
Ctiptives secured by handcufls
rhebet.
(UDTi E.— Put Df Cilnj, ihouli
flqufi OD the hoiuei of Djodem Kg}'pL
Though the Egyptians are said ' to have paid less attention to
the splendour of their bouses than to the decoration of their tombs,
the plans of many that remain, and the extent of their villas
represented in the sculptures, plainly show that no precepts of
philosophy can oblige man to renounce the luxuries of life. The
priests may have taught them that their stay in this world was
of short duration ; that their present abodes were only inns at
which tbey reposed during their earthly pilgrimage ;^ and that
their tombs alone could be considered as everlastiug habitations,^
which it was a religious duty to adorn. It was their interest to
inculcate similar notions : the persons employed in making and
decorating the tombs were of the sacerdotal order ; and the splen-
dour of funeral obsequies tended to their emolument. They in-
duced them to expend considerable sums on the celebration of
those rites ; and many, who had barely sufficient to obtain the
necessaries of life, were anxious to save something for the expenses
of their death. For besides the embalming process, which some-
times cost a talent of silver,* or about two hundred and fifty
340 THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS. [Ckap. V.
pounds English money, the tomb itself was purchased at an
immense sum; and numerous demands were afterwards made
upon the estate of the deceased, for the celebration of prayers, and
other services for the soul. We cannot, however, suppose that
temporary gratification was denied to the rich of any class, or was
deemed unworthy the wisdom of the priesthood ; for they evi-
dently enjoyed all the comforts and luxuries which their means
could so well provide. Though the priests may have kept up an
external appearance of self-denial, and avoided all unnecessary
display of wealth, it is natural that they should welcome the
blessings of this life, provided they did not interfere with the
practice of virtue. And if they taught others to avoid ostenta-
tion, if they themselves submitted, on some occasions, to severe
abstinence, and encouraged morality by their own example, we
must allow that they were deserving of esteem ; and little cause
for censure can be found, except in that exclusiveness which de-
graded the lower classes of their countrymen, and in the dispro-
portionate extent of their possessions compared with those of the
other Egyptians.
The houses in the towns varied of course in size as well as plan ;
but, judging from the ruins that remain, the streets were laid out
very regularly ; nor does there appear to have been the constant
mixture of large houses and low hovels, so frequently met with
in Eastern towns. As is usually the case in hot climates, many
of the streets were narrow, and few, except the principal ones,
were large enough to allow the passage of a chariot. In Thebes,
however, it is probable they were on a somewhat larger scale, and
proportionate with the increased size of the houses, some of which,
even in the early age of its founder, are said to have been four or
five stories in height.^
In towns built at the mouths of mountain ravines, the main
street was, at the same time, the bed of the torrent: several
instances of which may be seen in Spain and Italy : and, as
storms of rain seldom last long in the arid climate of Egypt, the
communication by it was rarely impeded, or its surface materially
impaired. Indeed, if much rain had fallen in that country, it would
have been necessary to have constructed houses of materials more
capable of resisting its eflfects than mere crude brick ; and, fix)m
the narrowness of some of the ravines, their foundations would
^ Diodor. i. 45. The greater number I believe to hare been confined to one or two
itories. At Rome thej had three. Augustuf confined the height of houaes to 70 feeL
& ^ i « t|.
.1 'f'gg^l!^^
TTO
'i-"-^
^&
3
342 THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS. [Chap.V.
have been in danger, as well as the lives of the inhabitants. But
heavy rain was a rare phenomenon in Upper Egypt ; and though
much fell about the sea-coast of the Delta, and during winter in
the interior of the eastern desert, a violent storm at Thebes was
looked upon to presage an approaching calamity.^
The use of crude brick, baked in the sun, was universal in
Upper and Lower Egypt, both for public and private buildings ;
and the brick-field gave abundant occupation to numerous
labourers throughout the country. These simple materials were
found to be peculiarly suited to the climate ; and the ease,
rapidity, and cheapness with which they were made, offered
additional recommendations. Inclosures of gardens or granaries,
sacred circuits encompassing the courts of temples, walls of forti-
fications and towns, dwelling-houses and tombs, in short, all but
the temples ^ themselves, were of crude brick, either with or with-
out straw; and so great was the demand, that the Egyptian
government, observing the profit which would accrue to the
revenue from a monopoly of them, undertook to supply the public
at a moderate price, thus preventing all unauthorised persons
from engaging in their manufacture ; and, in order more effec-
tually to obtain their end, the seal of the king, or of some
privileged person, was stamped upon the bricks at the time they
were made. This fact, though not positively mentioned by any
ancient author, is inferred from finding bricks so marked, both in
public and private buildings ; some having the ovals of a king,
and some the name and titles of a priest, or other influential
person ; and it is probable that those which bear no characters
belonged to individuals who had obtained a permission or licence
from government to fabricate them for their own consumption.
The employment of numerous captives, who worked as slaves,
enabled the government to sell the bricks at a lower price than
those who had recourse solely to free labour ; so that, without
the necessity of a prohibition, they speedily became an exclusive
manufacture ; and we find that, independent of native labourers,
a great many foreigners were constantly engaged in the brick-
* Herodottis says, * Rain never falls at tombs and other monuments from rain.
Thebes ; but before the Persian invasion it A continued storm of hearj nun during a
rainedviolently '(lib. iii. 10). The historian whole day and night would be a rare
is not, however, borne out by fact, as we occurrence ; but showers fall about five
see from the appearance of the water- or six times in the course of a year at
courses there, which were formed long be- Thebes.
fore his time, and from the pains taken by * Some amall temples in the Tillages
the ancient Egyptians to protect their were of crude brick.
Chap. V.]
BRICK-MAKERS.
343
fields at Thebes, and other parts of Egypt. The Jews, of course,
were not excluded from this drudgery ; and, like the captives
detained in the Thebaid, they were condemned to the same labour
in Lower Egypt. They erected granaries, treasure cities, and
other public buildings for the Egyptian monarch : the materials
used in their construction were the work of their hands ; and the
constant employment of brick-makers may be accounted for by
the extensive supply required, and kept by the government for
public sale.^
To meet with Hebrews in the sculptures cannot reasonably be
expected, since the remains in that part of Egypt where they lived
have not been preserved ; but it is curious to discover other iforeign
captives occupied in the same manner, overlooked by similar
* taskmasters,' * and performing the very same labours as the
Israelites described in the Bible ; and no one can look at the
paintings of Thebes, representing brick-makers, without a feeling
of the highest interest. That the scene in the accompanying
woodcut^ is at the capital of Upper Egypt is shown by the
hieroglyphics,* which expressly state that the * bricks,' tobi, are
made for a * building at Thebes ;' and this occurrence of the word
implying bricks, similar both in modem Arabic^ and ancient
Coptic, gives an additional value to the picture.
It is scarcely fair to argue, in defiance of logic, that because
the Jews made bricks, and the persons here introduced are so
engaged, these must necessarily be Jews, since the Egyptians
and their captives were constantly required to perform the same
task ; and the great quantity made at all times may be inferred
from the number of buildings which still remain, constructed of
those materials. But it is worthy of remark, that more bricks
bearing the name of Thothmes III., whom I suppose to have been
king of Egypt at the time of the Exodus,* have been discovered
than of any other period, owing to the many prisoners of Asiatic
nations employed by him independent of his Hebrew captives.
* An endorsement of Papyrus Anastasi
No. 3 mentions for a building, twelre of
these men moulding bricks in their places
of clay, and brought for the work of the
house : * Let there be no relaxation that they
should make their number of bricks daily
in the new house in the same manner, to
obey the messages sent by my lord.' This
is about the period of the Exodus. (Chabas,
' Melanges,' s^rie 1, 1864, pp. 121 and foil.)
— S. B.
« Figs. 3 and 6 in the woodcut No. 112.
« Woodcut No. 112.
* At « in the woodcut No. 1 12, over fig, 9.
* Tob or *oo6, in Arabic, * a brick :' in
Coptic, tdbi.
* The Exodus is generally considered to
have taken place in the reign of Menept&h,
as more consonant to the political condition
of this later monarch, Thothmes UI. being
master of Palestine during his long reign.
— S. B.
844 TEE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS. [Cltii. T.
With regard to the features of foreigners frequently resem-
bling the Jews, it is only necessary to obseire that the Egyptiant
adopted the same character for all the iuhabitaots of 8yria,' as
'^i[WW^
may be seen in the sculptures of Kamak and other places where
those people occur, or in one of the sets of figures in Belzoni's
> Herodotu* (ii. 159) ilto csib the Jewi Sjrinu.
Chap, v.]
HOUSES IN THE T0WK8.
345
tomb ; and the brick-makers, far from having the very Jewish
expression found in many of those figures, have not even the
beard, ao marked in the people of Syria and the prisoners of
Sheshonk ; and from the names of the captives throughout the
tomb where they are found, it is evident they belong to a nation
living far to the north of Judtea.
Houses of a small size were usually connected together, and
formed the continuous sides of streets ; they rarely exceeded
two stories, and many of them consisted only of a ground-floor
and an upper set of rooms. Nor, indeed, judging from the
sculptures, do the Egyptians appear to have preferred lofty
houses ; and, as in modem Egyptian towns, the largest seldom
had more than three stories. Those of the rich citizens frequently
covered a considerable space,' and presented to the street either
the sides of the house itself, or the walls of the court attached to
it. Their plans were regular, the rooms being usually arranged
round an open area,' or on either side of a long passage to which
an entrance court led from the street.^ The court was an empty
space, considerably larger than the Roman tmpluvium, probably
paved with stone, or containing s few trees, a small tank,* or a
fountain in its centre ;* and sometimes, though rarely, a flight of
steps led to the main entrance from without.* A court was
frequently common to several houses ; and again, some of the
large mansions stood detached, and had the advantage of several
doors of entrance, on two or three different sides. They had a
portico, or porch, before the front door, janua, supported on two
> At Thebta, th< lirgest I
hav« b«ii on the Libyan lii
Eart of DiospoHs between
.□qsor; but those in th< i
a\lj of the great temple sti
and which covered a greatfr space.
' WoodcQt No. 113,/3I. 1 and 3.
■ Woodcut No. 113,;!?. 3.
' Perhaps sometimes n well.as iomodfra
EgTptlau houses, and in the hoDiea mentioned
>a'-i Sam. ivii. IB.
• Woodcut No. U\jlg. 1.
' Woodcut Ko. 114, J^. 1.
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS.
columns, below whose capitals were attached libanda or bannen:'
the name of the person who lived there being occasionally
painted within, on the lintel or imposts of the door ;' and some-
times the portico consisted of a double row of columns, between
which stood colossal statues of the king.*
I. Dnrwij, wllb nuM n[
. J>ff. 1. Porch. noa mi Jldbaitrm.
A line of trees ran parallel with the front of the house ; aud
to prevent injuries from cattle or from any accident, the stems
were surrounded by a low wall,* pierced with square holes to
admit the air. Nor were the Egyptians singular in the custom
of planting trees about their town houses, as we find the same
mentioned by Latin authors at Borne itself.*
The height of the portico was about twelve or fifteen feet,
just exceeding that of the cornice of the door, which was only
' Probmbly. lu at Rome, only on cc
Mjinni. Woodcot No. 1 U, fig. 2.
= WoodcutNn. 115. (!j. 1.
' Woodcot No. Il5,'jig. 3.
• WDDdcDtHa.llS,/9.!,tlccbct«tcB
> Hor. Epod. i 10, 32. TlbnlL iU. 9, 13.
Chap. V.]
HOUSES IN THE TOWNS.
347
raised by its tliresliold above the level of the ground.^ On
either side of the main entrance was a smaller door, which stood at
an equal distance between it and the side wall, and was probably
intended for the servants, and those who came on business.
On entering ^ by the porch, you passed into an open court, aula, or
hall of the Romans, containing a mandara^ or receiving room for
visitors. This building, supported by columns, decorated with
banners, was closed only at the lower part by intercolumnar
panels, over which a stream of cool air was admitted, and pro-
tection from the rays of the sun was secured by an awning that
covered it.* On the opposite side of the court was another door,
the approach to the mandara from the interior ; and the master of
the house, on the announcement of a stranger, came in that way,
to receive him.* Three doors led from this court to another of
larger dimensions,® which was ornamented with avenues of trees,
and communicated on the right and left with the interior of the
house; and this, like most of the large courts, had a back
entrance, the Roman posticum^ through a central ^ and lateral
gateway. The arrangement of the interior was much the same
on either side of the court : six or more chambers,^ whose doors
faced those of the opposite set, opening on a corridor supported
by columns on the right and left of an area, which was shaded
by a double row of trees.
At the upper end of one of these areas was a sitting-room,
which faced the door leading to the great court ; and over this
and the other chambers were the apartments of the upper story .*
Here were also two small gateways looking upon the street.
Another plan consisted of a court, with the usual avenue of
trees,^® on one side of which were several sets of chambers opening
on corridors or passages, but without any colonnade before the
doors." The receiving-room (a) " looked upon the court, and
1 Vide woodcut No. 114, /^. 2 ; and
Plate VI. fg. 2, A.
« Vide the plan in Plate VI. fig. 2, B.
* I use the Arabic name for the same
sort of room used for the same purpose.
With the Romans, it seems to have been
the place of the nuptial couch. (Hor. £p.
i. 1, 87.) Plate VI. fig. 2, c.
* In the plans, we cannot, of course, see
the awning, but we must giye them credit
for so simple an invention.
' This is the opinion 1 have formed from
the different plans of their houses, the
custom of the modern Egyptians, and the
htbita of the East in generaL
• Plate VI.
' Plate VI. fig. 2, F.
» Plate VI. fig. 2, a to z.
* They could not be represented in the
deration plan, which is only intended to
refer to the ground-floors.
^® This is ea'.led amma or amm.
(Maspero, ' Genre
^piiitoiaire,' pp. 60, 61.) Translated some-
times * orchard,' but rather the avenue in
front of the house. — S. B.
»» Woodcut No. 116,/^. 1.
" Ibid.
THE ANCIENT EGTFTIAMa
[Chap.V.
from it a row of columns !ed to the priyate sitting apartment,
which stood isolated in one of the passages, near to a door ccan-
i ^
mimicating with the side chambers ; and in its position, with a
Chap. V.] HOUSES IN THE TOWNS. 349
corridor or porch in front, it bears a striking resemblance to the
* summer parlour ' of Eglon, king of Moab,^ * which he had for
himself alone,' and where he received Ehud, the Israelite stranger.
And the flight of Ehud * through the porch,' after he had shut
and locked the door of the parlour, shows its situation to have
been very similar to some of these isolated apartments, in the
houses and villas of the ancient Egyptians. The side chambers
were frequently arranged on either side of a corridor, others faced
towards the court, and others were only separated from the outer
wall by a long passage.
In the distribution of the apartments, numerous and different
modes were adopted, according to circumstances ; in general,
however, the large mansions seem to have consisted of a court and
corridors, with a set of rooms on either side, not unlike many of
those now built in Oriental and tropical countries : but, in order
to give a better notion of the general arrangement of the houses
and streets in an Egyptian town, I shall introduce the plan of
an ancient city near Tel-el- Amama, which I believed to have
been Alabastron ;^ a place erroneously transferred by geographers
from the valley of the Nile to the eastern desert. The houses are
in many places quite destroyed, leaving few traces of their plans,
or even of their sites ; and the position of the town itself differs
much fix>m that of most Egyptian cities, being of very incon-
siderable breadth, and of disproportionate length, extending
upwards of two miles and a quarter, though less than two-thirds
of a mile broad.
Their granaries were also laid out in a very regular manner,
and varied of course in plan as much as the houses, to which
there is reason to believe they were frequently attached, even in
the towns ; and, judging from one represented in the sculptures
of Psinaula, they were sometimes only separated from the house
by an avenue of trees.^ In this instance, the building opposite
the upper doorway is a sitting-room for the master or the inspector
of the granary, who superintended the arrangement of whatever
was deposited there, and the whole is divided into two parts.^
Some smaU houses consisted merely of a court, and three or
four store rooms on the ground-floor, with a single chamber
above, to which a flight of steps led from the court ; but they
» Judges iii. 20. * Woodcut No. 116,/^. 2.
' Fid^ Plate Vll. p. 350. [But which * Fi(fe ground-pUn of the lame, )^. 3.
is now considered to be Pf inaoU. — O. W.]
Chap. V.]
HOUSES IN THE TOWNS.
351
were probably only met with in the country, and resembled some
still found in the fellah Tillages of modem Egypt.' Very similar
to these was the model of a house now in the British Museum,'
in tta BrltUta MwHoim.
which consisted solely of a courtyard and three small store-rooms
on thd ground-floor, with a staircase leading to a room belonging
to the store-keeper, which was furnished with a narrow window
Ebowliic Um inleiior of tin i
or apertoie oppcwite the door, rather intended for the purposes of
ventilation than to admit the light In the court a woman was
represented, making bread, as is sometimes done at the present
Vide xwdcnt No. IIS, fig. *.
' PKfa iroodflat No. 117.
352
THE AXCTEyr BGTFTIAXS.
Chaf.T.
dar in Egrpt, in the open air: and the store-rooms veate d(4
onlv fall of grain^ when the model was fonnd, bot would soil
liave preserved their contents nninjored, had they escaped the
notice of a rat in the lazaretto of Leghorn, which in one night
destroyed what ages had respected. How readily woold an Arab
exclaim, on learning the late which awaited them, ' ETerythin^
is written ! *
The chamber at the top of the honse appears, from its dimen-
sions, to be little calculated for comfort either in the heat of
summer, or the cold of winter; but it mar onlr hare been
intended as a shelter from the sun during the day, while the
inmate attended to the business of the servants, or the peasant&
It cannot, however, fail to call to mind the memorable proverb,
* It is better to dwell in the comer of the house-top, than with
a brawling woman in a wide house ;*' though that character does
not apply to the quiet and industrious female in the court below.
The chambers on the ground-floor of an Egyptian house were
chiefly used for stores, furniture, and goods of different kinds ;
and amphone of wine and oil ' were arranged as in the apoUiecm *
of a Iloman mansion. The rooms, and indeed all parts of
\9
No. 119.
Fig. I. The npper pin, oo which the door tnnied.
2. Lower pin.
BritiMk
the house, were stuccoed within and without, and ornamented
with yarious devices painted on the walls ; and the doors were
frequently stained to imitate foreign and rare woods.* They
were either of one or two valves,* turning on pins of metal, and
' A few grains and husks of the barlej
remain. — S. B.
' I*rov. xxi. 9.
' The same cuAtom of putting oil and
honey and different comestibles into earth-
enware jars was common to the Romans
as well as to the ancient and modern Egyp-
tians. Some of these vases were not, pro-
perly speaking, amphorsB, having but one
or no handle ; but I use the name gene-
rally for UsUb, or earthen casks, cadi,
« Vitruv. vi. c. 1. [These contained oil,
wine, honey, and other liquids, and they
were placed in rows, the innermost rest-
ing against the wall. Some of these
chambers were without any window, re-
ceiving light and air only from the door.
Some had a small aperture in the wall,
on the side of the court, on which they
opened. — G. W.]
* This was even the case with their
coffins.
• Woodcuts Kos. 120 and 121, fg. 1.
p. v.]
HOUSES IN THE TOWNS.
e secured withia by a bar or bolts. Some of these bronze
I have been discovered in the tombs of Thebes. They were
ened to the wood with nails of the same metal, whose round
d served also as an ornament, and the upper one had a
iection at the back, in order to prevent
door striking against the wall.' We
> find in the stone lintels and floor,
ind the thresholds of the tombs and
pies, the holes in which they tnmed,
rell as those of the bolts and bars, and
recess for receiving the opened valves.
) folding doors had bolts in the centre,
letimes above as well as below. A bar
placed across from one wall to the
sr ; and in many instances wooden
cs ' secured them by passing over the
tre, at the junction of the two folds.
is difficult to say if these last were
oed by a key, or merely slided backwards and forwards like
dt ; but if they were really locks, it is probable they were
D the principle of those now used in Egypt, which are of
d, and are opened by a key furnished with several fixed pins.
rering to a similar number that fall down into the hollow
able tongne, into which the key is introduced, when they
m or open the lock. For greater security, they are occasionally
• Woodcut No. 119, fig. 1, at a.
> Woodcut So. 121, jig. S. I lappoM woodan rrom tbur odoDT.
3L. I. 2 A
354
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS.
[Chap. T.
sealed with a mass of clay ;* and that this was also customary
among the ancient Egyptians, we have satisfactory evidence from
some tombs found closed at Thebes, as well as from the sculptures,'
and the account given by Herodotus of Khampsinitus's treasury.'
According to the scholiast of Aratus, *the keys of Egyptian
temples bore the figure of a lion, from which chains were
suspended having a heart attached to them;' alluding, as he
supposes, to the beneficial effects of the inundation, and the
period of its commencement, when the sun was in the sign Leo :
not only were keys so ornamented, but the extremity of the
stone spouts which conveyed the water from the roofs of the
temples, projecting bosses upon the sides or handles of vases,* the
prows of boats, funeral stands or biers, chairs, and numerous other
objects of furniture were decorated with the same favourite
emblem. Every deity, figure, and symbol were formerly pro-
nounced by the speculations of antiquaries to be connected with
the sun; and all capricoms, bulls, and scorpions were, with
innocent simplicity, referred to their first parents in the zodiac :
but we may venture to believe the choice of the Egyptians was
directed to an ornament common and popular in every country
and at all ages, without being under any obligation to the
accidental form of a constellation.
At a later period, when iron came into general use, keys were
made of that metal, and consisted of a long straight shank, about
No. 122.
Iron key.*
Muteum qf narrom 8ck>mi.
five inches in length, and a bar at right angles with it, on which
were three or more projecting teeth ; and the ring at the upper
extremity was intended for the same purpose as that of our
* No keys have been found in i^ypt
older than the time of the Romans, nor any
representation of keyholes or other con-
trivances of fastening doors except bolts.
When extra security was required, the
doors were sealed. Thus the Ethiopian
conqueror Pianchi sealed the doors of the
Temple of Ra at Heliopolis, after he had
drawn the bolts ; and there is no mention
of locks : * Records of the Past,' ii. p. 98.
A word supposed to be 'kev' appears to
mean < boat.' (Zeitschrifl f. igypt Spr^
1867.>— S. B.
* Woodcut No. 121, fig. 3, where the
door of the tomb is so closed.
» Herodot. ii. 121.
* I have a very elegant glass head of a
lion in relief, probably from a rase (now
in the Museum at Haxrow School).
* Formerly in possession of Sir Qmrdaer
Wilkinson, and presented bj him to the
Museum of Harrow School, which he
founded. — S. B.
Chap. V.]
EEXa— SOOBS.
355
modern keys : but we are ignorant of the exact time when they
were brought into use,' and the £iet invention of lockB, distinct
from bolts, ia equally uncertain ; nor do I know of any positive
mention of a bey which, like our own, could be taken out of the
lock, previous to the year 1336 before our era : and this is stated
to have been used to fasten the door of the summer parlour of
Eglon, the King of Moab.'
Egyptian doorways were generally surmounted by the usual
cornice,^ but many were decorated according to the taste of the
person of the house. In some the cornice was divided by a
^nr
III
1V«L 133. IHDpreTiLduomja,
curved line,* others were simple,' and many of those in the tombe
were charged with a profusion of ornament, and richly painted.*
The doors opened inwards, as well those of the rooms as thejanua
or street-door, contrary to the custom of the Greeks, who were
consequently obliged to strike on the inside before they opened
it, in order to warn persons passing by to keep at a distance.
The Romans resembled the Egyptians in this respect, and they
were forbidden to open a street-door outwards without a special
permission.'
Sometimes the door of an Egyptian house was In the centre, at
others on the side of the court or of the house itself; but I have
found few instances of a flight of steps before the entrance, nor,
' Th«ir «ir1i«t ippcHiBce ii itUchcd R. K«r Porler'i work, pi, li., cnlli to mind
Id ■ itrip rODiii) tbe n«ki of jickiili on the Egyptian door. Vufe woodcut Ko. 1S3,
cofBni of Soter, Archon o! Thebei, of the fig. 1^
Riiinu period, in the reign of Traju, a.d.
90. Briliih MnKnm, No. 6T05. One ii en-
EKTcd: Ciiiland, 'Voyage 1 Meioe ;' pi.
356 THE AirCHENT EOYFriANS. [Catf.T.
indeed, U it neual in the towns of modem Egypt. The columns
of the porch and corridors were coloured, and, when of wood, tbev
were stained to represent stone ; and this fondness for imitating
more costly materials, as hard stone and rare woods, proves their
lore of show, and argues a great advancement in the arts of
civilised life.
aa^VPHi<ib,«datn
The floors were sometimes of stone, or a composition made of
lime and other materials, and the roofs of the rooms were sop-
Chap, v.]
FLOOES.— EOOFS.
357
^1 ll^
w
s
^i
A„J IM
'^feir^»
^^ 11 II II ^^
1' '1
n ^aiut wUdi tlH «ber nlli atood.
ported by rafters of the date-tree, arranged close together,' or,
more generally, at interrala,' with tranaverse layers of palm
branchea, or plan^. Many roofs were vaulted, and bnilt, likfl
the rest of the house, of crude brick; and there is reason to
believe that some of the cham-
bers in the pavilion of Rameees
III. at Medeenet Haboo were
arched with stone, since the de-
vices on the upper part of their
nails show that the fallen roofe
had this form.^ At Saqqara, a
stone arch still exists of the
time of the second Fsamma-
tichus, and consequently erected
600 years before our era; nor
can anyone who sees the style
of its construction for one mo-
ment doubt that the Egyptians
had been long accustomed to
the erection of stone vaults.*
It is highly probable that the *i,"^' Ti™,ofjin:w™™. tmm.
small quantity of wood in Egypt,
and the consequent expense of this kind of roofing, led to the
invention of the arch; it was evidently used in their tombs
as early as the commencement of the 18th Dynasty,' or about
the year 1540 b.c. ; and, judging from some of the drawings at
Beni-Hassan, it seems to have been known in the time of the first
Usertesen, whom I suppose to have been contemporary with
Joseph, So little timber, indeed, was there in the valley of the
Nile, that they were obliged to import cedar and deal from Syria ;
and we therefore find those woods, as well as sycamore, mimosa,
and others of native growth, in the tombs of Thebes. Rare woods
were also part of the tribute imposed on foreign nations con-
quered by the Egyptians; and the sculptures inform us that
they supplied them with ebony, and various other kinds which
were required for useful or ornamental purposes.
On the ground-floor of some houses, besides the store-rooms.
■ i hsre odIt met with one representation
of it In a tomb behind the Great Pyramid.
y^ woodcut No. 125, fg. 1.
* Id the wnlli thnt remun, we iometimen
find the places of the beams, at others the
(tgtu of faulted roofs. Woodcut No. 125,
jfjf. a. • Woodcot No. 126, at It D.
* The (itone vault has been found t* early
la the 6th Dynaaty.— 3. B.
> In H tomb I foDQd at Thebes, beariog
he name of AmeuDphii I. Another hu
leec disFHTered there of the time ofTboth-
nes in. \yiit HotkiDs' -Ethiojda,' pi.
r. p. 3.-0. W.]
358
THE ANCIENT EOrPTIANa
[Chap.V.
were receiving and sitting apartments ; and the upper part of the
bailding contained those for entertaining gaests,* for steepb^,
and, generally speaking, the lamily chambers. Though in thi?
plans of their houses there is no indication of the mill, it b
reasonable to conclude it was either in one of the rooms on the
ground-floor, or in a court connected with the house, as is usual
at the present day in Cairo and other towns of Egypt ; and we
have authority for believing that, like the early Romans,' their
bread was made at home ; the wealthy having a baker * in the
house, and women performing that office in establishments of a
smaller scale and among the poorer classes. It was not in Egypt
alone that women were so employed : the custom was prevalent
also in Greece, in the days of Homer,' and even among the
Bomans, as it still is iu the valley of the Nile and in other
Eastom countries ; and the Bible history distinctly states it to
have been the duty of a maid-servant to grind com in the houses
of the Egyptians.*
' Conf. Mark liv. 15. a«capiUoa« of women, u it >till U in min.r
■ DUcortrcd aui] publiihed bf Prof. T. countriM * (iTiii. 11).
H. L«w[i: Papen of tha Raj. lut. Brit. > Qen. il. 3, b.
Arohit. 1875-6, pp. 33, U. ' Horn. Od. rii. 10*.
* Plinj tiLja, • Tha RamaDi made their * Eiod. li. 5.
onti at home ; and thin wu unone the
Chju-. Y.]
THE MTT-T'.
359
Their milh were of simple and rude construction. They con-
siated of two circular stones, nearly flat, the lower one fixed, while
the other turned on a pivot, or shaft, rising from the centre of
that beneath it ; and the grain, descending through an aperture
in the upper stone, immediately above the pivot, gradually un-
derwent the process of grinding as it passed. It was turned by a
woman, seated, and holding a handle, fixed perpendicularly near
the edge ; and the hand-mill adopted by the modem Egyptian
peasants is probably borrowed from, and similar to,^ that of their
predecessors.' They had also a large mill on a very similar
principle ; but the stones were of far greater power and dimen-
sions ; and this could only have been turned by cattle or asses,
like those of the ancient Romans and of the modem Cairenes.
The stone of which the hand-mills were made was usually a hard
grit; and there is evidence, from an inspection of the site of
Heliopolis, that the beds from which it is still taken, lying behind
thfl mountains of the Sfokuttum, near Cairo, were quarried by the
inhabitants of that city for the same purpose ; and many of the
larger mill-atones, which were usually of granite, have been found
amidst the crumbled ruins of ancient towns.
On the top of the house was a terrace, which served as well for
' I jndge from fiaginsiiti of thu old ■culptum; it WM probably pounded by ■
in« which hiTO been foand. peatla and mortar, and lo broiied or
■ Thera ii no repraienUtioD of grind- rcdncad to a coUM flotU'. — 3. B.
; corn, or any kind of quern, in tha
360
THE ANCIENT EGTPTIANS.
[Ceu.T.
a place of repoae as for exercise daring the heat ; since, bmg
covered with a roof supported by columns, the sun was excluded
and a refrecdung stream of air passed through it. It was here,
too, that they slept at night in the summer season, like the
modem inhabitants of the country ; and, according to Herodotns,
they protected themselves &om the gnats by a mosquito net, or
trusted to the current of wind passing over this elevated space,
to prevent the visits of those troublesome insects.' The floors of
the rooms were flat on the
upper side, whether the roo&
beneath were vaulted or sup-
ported on rafters ; and instead
of the covered terrace aboie
mentioned, the npperchambers
and passages were frequently
surmounted by the wooden
miJquf,'* or wind condnctor,
still so common in Eastern
towns. It was open to the
wind, and a constant stream
passed down its slope ; nor
does there appear to have been any other diflerence in its form
from those of the present day than that it was double and
faced iu two opposite directions, the mulqufs of modem Egjrpt
being directed only towards the prevailing north-west wind.'
These last consist of strong framework, to which several planks
of wood are nailed, according to the breadth and lengtli pro-
posed ; and if required of cheaper materials, the place of planks
is supplied by reeds or mats, covered with stucco, protected and
supported by wooden rafters ; and it is probable that those of
former times were of a similar construction.
Sometimes a part of the house exceeded the rest in height
and stood above the terrace like a tower ;* and this was ornamented
which they fish in the iny; and the
of (he upper [>nrt of the countrj slfc
lofljr tower, which the goii
by thv <
nd froi
int«d
I have takeii
c liberty of suggesting
initead of the on* he meatioDa, which
would have been a poor proteetion from
iDtects so crnellr resolute ai to bite through
the skejier's clothes, ai the bialoriim
sllimu (ii. 95).
* 1 aae the Arabic name. Vide Tipietle
E at the head ofthii chapter, which afaowi
them on the houses of Cairo.
* Id the Hpulchral iucriptioB one of
the bleMiDgi reconl«d a to breathe the air
of the north wind, the cooling uid re-
freihiDg draoghti at which w«r* ca
delicioua or aweat.— S. a
* Woodcut No. 131.
EGYPTIAN BATTLEMENTS.
Chaf.T.]
with colnnms, or vitb square panels, i
windows.
the manner of &1se
SaIM. l-bemuliiDffiirailchlDgUH
Other houses had merely a parapet wall, which Burrouodcd
the terrace, and was surmoanted, in some instances, with a row
of battlements ; and though a similar style of building belonged
more particularly to fortified castles, or to the palace of the king,
they adopted it, like many Euro-
peans of the present day, as an
ornamental finish to a more peace-
ful habitation. The Egyptian
battlements were an imitation of
shields, which, doubtless, sug-
gested the first idea of this mode
of protecting the besieged, while
they annoyed the assailants with
missiles from the parapet ; and the
comers of the building always
presenting a half shield, probably gave rise to that ornament so
commonly used on Greek and Boman tombs ; unless it was
borrowed from a rude imitation of the body itself, like the lid
of an Egyptian mummy-case, which was a representation of the
[lerson it contained.
Besides the owner's name, they sometimes wrote a Incky
sentence over the entrance of the house, for a favourable omen.
Kt'
0
362
THE ANCIENT EGYPHANS.
[Chap.V.
as * the good abode/ the munzd mobdrdk of the modem Arabs,
or something similar; and the lintels and imposts of the
Xo. 133.
^x^^^r^VVX^^V]
No. 132.
Iloiue with bfttUements.
l^ebes.
Fig. 1. Egyptian battlements.
2. Top of a Greek or Roman
•arcophasiu.
3. Top of a mummy-caae.
doors, in the royal mansions/ were frequently covered with
hieroglyphics, containing the ovals and titles of the monarch.
It was, perhaps, at the dedication of the house that these
iimm^\\\\\\\\\uuiWiiiii/ifi
m
I
No. 131.
Sentence affixed to the houoe.
TheUt.
sentences were affixed ; ' and we may infer, from the early men-
tion of this custom among the Jews,^ that it was derived from
Egypt, — a conjecture greatly strengthened by the circumstance
of our finding even the store-rooms, vineyards, and gardens
* Besides their apartments in the temples,
the kings, as well as the priests, had houses
and Tillas.
* The modem Moslems write sentences
from the Korin, or commemorate the per-
formance of the pilgrimage to Mekkeh hj
the owner of the house.
' Dent. xz. 5.
Chap. V.] PAINTED CEILINGS. 363
of the Egyptians placed under the protection of a tutelary
deity.*
Like the doors, the windows or (properly speaking) the
shutters were closed with folding valves, secured in a similar
manner with a bolt or bar, and ornamented with carved panels
or coloured devices. The openings of the windows were small,
upon the principle that where little light is acbnitted little heat
penetrates ; and this custom has always been prevalent in the
East, and even in the more temperate latitude of Italy, They
were surmounted by cornices, resembling those of the doorways ;
and when on the passage or landing-place, over the street door,
they had occasionally a sort of balcony, or at least a row of bars,^
with a column in the centre.
The walls and ceilings were richly painted,^ and frequently
with admirable taste ; but of their eftect we can only judge from
those of the tombs, where they are preserved far more perfectly
than in the houses, few of which retain any vestiges of the stucco
or of the coloured devices that once adorned them. The ceilings
were laid out in compartments, each having a pattern with an
appropriate border ; in many instances reminding us so strongly
of Greek taste, that we should feel surprised to find them on
monuments of the early periods of the 18th and preceding
dynasties, if there was not authority for believing that the
Greeks borrowed numerous devices from Egypt; and we may
ascribe to the same origin the scarab, the harpy, and several
of the ornamental emblems on Greek and Etruscan vases. The
&yourite forms were the lotus, the square, the diamond, the
circle, and, above all, the succession of scrolls and square within
square, usually called the Tuscan border, both of which are of
ordinary occurrence on Greek and Etruscan as well as Egyptian
vases ; and those given in the accomi)anying plate,* from a tomb
at E'Sioot, painted upon a black or dark bronze ground, though
of an age prior to the year 1600 before our era, are perhaps
the most elegant, and, which is very remarkable, bear the nearest
resemblance to a Greek style. Similar designs were adopted by
the Romans, some of which, having been found in the baths
of Titus, gave Raphael the idea of his celebrated and novel
1 It it worthy of remark, that this is No. 162.
retained by the modern Egyptians in the ' As in wooilcut No. 130.
protecting genius supposed to preside over * Conf. Jer. xzii. 14.
the different quarters of Cairo. Woodcut * PL VIII. fiya, 4, 7, and 20.
THE ANCIEKT EGYPTUNS.
[CHAf.T.
arabesques ; and the paintings of Pompeii make na acqnunted
with a still greater variety.
That the Greeks and Bomana far anrpassed the Egyptians in
taste, and in the numeroUB combiuatioiis they used to adorn theii
rooms, is evident ; a natural result of ihe encour^ement given to
invention, vhich Egypt, fettered by regulations and prejudices,
preventing the development of taste and cramping the genius
of her artists, never enjoyed : but however the lagwata teda of
the Bomans surpassed in richness and beauty of effect the
ceilings of an Egyptian house, divided as they were into
numerous compartments, presenting cornices, mouldings, and
embossed fretwork, painted, gilt, and even inlaid with ivory,'
still in the general mode of decoration, they, like the stuccoed
walls, bore a striking analogy to those in the mansions of Thebes
and other cities on the Kile.
The form and character of the shops depended on the will, or
peculiar trade, of the person to whom they belonged ; and many,
no doubt, sat and sold in the streets, as at the present day.
Poulterers suspended geese and other birds tiom a pole in &ont
of the shop, which at the same time supported an awning to
shade them from the sun ; and many of the shops rather
resembled our stalls, being open in front, with the goods exposed
on shelves, or hanging from the inner wall, as is still the custom
' Plin. iiiiii. 3, and iiir. 40. Virg. elcguce kud tute. Their ptJoUd wklU,
Ma. i, T26. The ceiliogi of Turkish adoroed with cqIdidiii ud nrion* dtngn,
palHL'ea, necnted bf Greek artiMt, are fre- are an imiution of the aneieiit (tjrle,
qneDtl]' Terj handsome, ud diipluf grent bnt Ttry iaferior.
Chap. V.] VILLAS. 365
in the bazaars of Eastern towns. But these belong more properly
to a description of the trades.
Besides the town houses, the Egyptians had extensive villas,
which, with a very commodious mansion, contained spacious
gardens, watered by canals communicating with the Nile. They
had also tanks of water in different parts of the garden, which
served for ornament as well as for irrigation, when the Nile was
low ; and on these the master of the house occasionally amused
himself and friends, by an excursion in a pleasure-boat kept for
the purpose. But, like the Orientals of the present day, or like
people of the continent of Europe who are incapable of under-
standing how the English can row for their amusement, the
Egyptians were contented to sit or stand in the boat, while their
servants towed it round the lake ; and, protected from the sun by
a canopy, they felt additional pleasure in the contrast of their
own ease with the labour of their menials. They also amused
themselves by angling, and spearing fish in the ponds within
their grounds ; and on these occasions they were generally
accompanied by a friend, or one or more members of their
family. The mode of laying out the house and grounds varied
according to circumstances. Some villas were of considerable
extent, and, besides the arable land belonging to them, the
gardens occupied a very large space, as did the offices and other
buildings attached to the house.
Some large mansions appear to have been ornamented with
propylsea and obelisks, like the temples themselves ; it is even
possible that part of the building may have been consecrated to
religious purposes, as the chapels of other countries, since we
find a priest engaged in presenting offerings at the door of
the inner chambers; and, indeed, but from the presence of
women, the form of the garden, and the style of the porch, we
should feel disposed to consider it a temple rather than a place
of abode.^
The entrances of large villas were generally through folding
gates, standing between lofty towers, as in the propylsea of
temples,^ with a small door at each side ; and others had merely
folding gates with imposts surmoimted by a cornice. A wall of
circuit extended round the premises ; but the courts of the house,
the garden, the offices, and all the other parts of the villa, had
» Woodcut No. 136.
' For the eleTation and plan of Tillas, see Plate IX.
THE ANC3ENT EGYPTIANS. [Chap. T.
Chap. V.]
VILLAS.
367
each their separate enclosure. The walls were usually built of
crude brick ; and in damp places, or when within reach of the
inundations, the lower part was strengthened by a basement of
stone. They were sometimes ornamented with panels and grooved
'^
m^^^
No. 13Y.
Small entrances to villaa.
Alabastnm,
lines,^ generally stuccoed ; and the summit was crowned either
with Egyptian battlements, the usual cornice, a row of spikes in
imitation of spear-heads, or with some fancy ornament.
HtlttUHHtftf
i
»»y>
Htiilllilll
2
No. 138.
Walla crowned with splket.
AlaJboitron and Tkdba,
Those villas or castles belonging to the kings which stood on
the high road, where they were accustomed to pass either in their
hunting or military expeditions, were small and simple, being
only intended for their reception during the short stay of a few
days ; but those erected in an enemy's country may rather be
looked upon as forts than as simple mansions. Many, however,
in provinces at a distance from Egypt, were of very large dimen-
sions, and had probably all the conveniences of spacious villas ;
like those erected in later times by the Ptolemies on the confines
of Abyssinia.
In order to give an idea of the extent of some of their villas, it
will be necessary to describe the plan and arrangement of the
different parts.* About the centre of the wall of circuit was the
» Woodcut No. 139.
< Plate IX.
THE AKCIENT EGTPTUNS.
[Chap.T.
main entrance, and two side gates, leading to an open valk
shaded bj rows of trees. Here were apacioua taoks of water,
which faced the door of the right and left wing of the hooae, and
between them an avenue led
from the main entrance to
the stables, and to what may
be called the centre of the
mansion. After passing the
outer door of the right wing,
you entered an open court
with trees, extending quite
round a nucleus of inner
apartments, and liaring a back
entrance communicating with
the garden. On the right and
left of this court were six or
more store-rooms, a small re-
ceiving or waiting room at
two of the comers, and at the
other end the staircases which
I ° led to the upper story. Both
I of the inner facades were fnr-
I nished with a corridor, sap-
ported on columns, with simi-
lar towers and gateways. The
interior of this wing consisted
of twelve rooms, two outer
and one centre court, com-
municating by folding gates ;
and on either side of this last
was the main entrance to the
rooms on the gronud-floor, and
to the staircases leading to
the upper story. At the back
were three long rooms, and a
gateway opening to the gar-
den, which contained a variety
of fruit trees, a small summer-
house, and a tank of water.
The arrangement of the left wing was different The front
gate led to an open court, extending the whole breadth of the
fapade of the building, and backed by the wall of the inner part
370
IHE AHCIENT EGYPTIAHa
[Chu.T.
Central and lateral doors thence commnnicated with another
court, BurronDded on three aides by a set of rooms, and behind it
was a corridor, upon which seyeral other chambers opened.
This wing had no back entrance, and, standing isolated, the
outer court extended entirely round it ; and a succession of door-
ways conununicated from the court with different sections of the
centre of the house, where the rooms, disposed, like those alre»dT
described, around passages and corridors, served partly as sitting
apartments and partly as store-iooms.
The stables for the horses, and the coach-honses for the tia-
velling ' chariots ' and jiaugira* were in the centre or inner part
' The chariot c»lled urn' hid only t'
hortea till the Ptolnniei, vheo four vi
introdood. The pair of honea vore called the (brmei bj oxen.
htar. Chariota are not Teprescnt«d till the * The waggons
time of Amenophia 1. On the aide of a "
tomb in the Bntiih Uuienra, No. 769, a
chariot is dravn \>j a pair of white males.
' Gen. iItL 28. Hie diSerence between goods.-
called in Ef^rptia*
aaltarvta, the Coptic tOjolti ; noat are n-
preaented in the acalptnn*, although mea-
tioned. Ai a rale, men, boats, and aa>
emplojed for the porpoae of canrilg
Chap, v.]
FABM-TAfiD.
371
o£ the building ;* but the farm-yard, where the cattle vere kept,
Btood at some distance from the house, and cortesponded to the
department known by the Romans under the name of msttca.
Though enclosed separately, it was within the general wall of
circuit, which surrounded the land attached to the villa ; and a
^^eYbThTd b|g|e 'ebb
wA^WFfWWF
Bomu lor bomliig Uu (nln, appiniitl; milled.
canal, bringing water from the river, skirted it, and extended
along the back of the grounds. It consisted of two parts ; the
sheds for housing the cattle, which stood at the upper end, and
QnauT, ■bowiDg Ihii UKgniD wupDlln. uidibitUHdoonab«enlnlaiM
Ko. 1«. fcr uSiag It oat. niba.
the yard, where rows of rings were fixed, in order to tie them
while feeding in the day-time ; and men always attended, and
frequently fed them with the hand.
1 VitniTiaa uf* (lib. vi. c 9): 'The Lenr a lire thdr coati Mioii become rongh ;
■Ublc, cipniftllj In the Till*, ihould be in hence thoae atilli are eicellent which ar«
the winneit plut, *nd not vith id sipect iwaj horn the kitchen, in the vpen ipM*
towudi the fire, for if bone* ire lUlled toward* the cut.'
372 THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS. [Chap. V.
The granaries^ were also apart from the house,^ and were
enclosed within a separate wall, like ihefructuaria of the Romans;
and some of the rooms in which they housed the grain appear, as
I haye alreculy observed, to have had vaulted roofs. These were
filled through an aperture near the top, to which the men ascended
by steps, and the grain, when wanted, was taken out from a door
at the base.^
The superintendence of the houses and grounds was entrusted
to stewards,^ who regulated the tillage of the land, received what-
ever was derived from the sale of the produce, overlooked the
returns of the quantity of cattle and stock upon the estate, settled
all the accounts, and condemned the delinquent peasants to the
bastinado, or any punishment they might deserve.* To one were
entrusted the affairs of the house,* another overlooked the culture
of the fields ; and the extent of their duties, or the number of
those employed, depended on the quantity of land or the will of
its owner.
2 3. 4 /^. I 5 6
No. 143. Steward (Jig. 1) overlookiiig the tillage of the landa. TVtet.
The mode of laying out their gardens was as varied as that of
the houses ; but in all cases they appear to have taken particular
care to command a plentiful supply of water ^ by means of reser-
voirs and canals. Indeed, in no country is artificial irrigation
more required than in the valley of the Nile; and, from the
circumstance of the water of the inundation not being admitted
into the gardens, they depend throughout the year on the supply
obtained from wells and tanks, or the vicinity of a canal.
The mode of irrigation adopted by the ancient Egyptians was
exceedingly simple, being merely the shadoof, or pole and bucket
of the present day ; ^ and, in many instances, men were employed
* Called snu Sometimes inscribed with n ^ ^
the quantity of their contents. — S. B. ' These officers were caUed 5^ or )
' Vitruvius, in like manner, recommends <^-> \
' the bam, hay room, meal room, and mill which was equiralent in general to the
to be without the boundaries of the villa, word 'superintendent.' — S. B.
being thereby rendered more secure from ' Gen. xzxiz. 5 ; zliii. 16, 19 ; and zlir. 1.
fire ' (lib. yi. 9). ^ Conf. Isaiah's oomparisoa of < a gaidea
» Woodcut No. 142. that hath no water.'
* The villiciu of the Romans. • See Vignette D.
Chap. V.]
MODE OF IBRIGATION.
373
to water the beds ^ with pails, suspended by a wooden yoke they
bore upon their shoulders. The same yoke was employed for
carrying other things, as boxes, baskets containing game and
poultry, or whatever was taken to market ; and every trade seems
to have used it for this purpose, from the potter and the brick-
maker,^ to the carpenter and the shipwright.
No. 144.
Men watering the ground with pote of water.
Bmi-ITattem,
One of them, which was found at Thebes, has been brought to
England by Mr. Burton. The wooden bar or yoke is about three
feet seven inches in length ; and the straps, which are double,
and fastened together at the lower as well as at the upper ex-
tremity, are of leather, and between fifteen and sixteen inches
long. The small thong at the bottom not only served to connect
Nal4S.
J'iff. 1. Wooden yoke and strap found at Tbebes by Mr. Bnrton.
2 is the strap a, on a larger scale. Jn the Britith Muteum.
the ends, but was probably intended to fasten a hook, or an addi-
tional strap, if required, to attach the burden ; and though most
of these yokes had two, some were furnished with four or eight
> Deal, xl 10.
2 Woodcut No. 112.
874 THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS. [Chap. T.
straps ; and the form, number, or arrangement of them Taried
according to the purposes for which they were intended.
They do not appear to have used the water-wheel, so univer-
sally employed in Egypt at the present day ; and it is singular
that they had devised no substitute for mere manual labour, if
we except the hydraulic screw, which is said to have been a late
introduction, and, according to Diodorus,^ invented and first
employed in Egypt by Archimedes. Indeed, if the foot machine
mentioned by Philo was really a wheel turned by the foot, it
cannot have been a very great relief to the labourer, and we must
attach considerable blame to the priests for their indiflference to
the comforts of the people, when we contemplate the grandeur
of their public buildings, and consider the great mechanical skill
necessary for their erection.
The Egyptians were not singular in this neglect of useful
improvements, or in their disregard for the waste of time and
labour resulting from the use of such imperfect means : the same
may be observed among the Greeks and Bomans; and those
enlightened people, who bestowed the greatest attention upon
ornamental objects, and who had arrived at a high degree of
excellence in the manufacture of jewellery and several articles
of household furniture, were contented to remain on the level of
barbarous communities in the imperfect style of many ordinary
implements. To workmen who devised some novelty for adding
to the splendour of a house, or the decoration of the person, great
inducements were held out, by the certainty of immediate pa-
tronage ; and their ingenuity, confident of reward, was naturally
directed to such inventions. These suited the caprices of a
luxurious and wealthy people, but they felt no disposition to
repay the laudable endeavours of an artist who suggested a
method for diminishing the toil of the lower classes ; and time
and labour were deemed of far less value than in modem days.
All that was intended for external show, or was exposed to view,*
was exquisitely finished ; but the keys and locks of that door,
whose panels, handles, and other external parts evinced no
ordinary skill, were rude and imperfect: the latter, if they
simply answered the purpose, satisfied; the former failed to
please unless they promised to flatter the pride of their possessor,
' Diod. i. 34, and lib. v., in treating of where the parts concealed from the spee-
Spain. Strabo, xvii. tator were wrought with the same care af
' This does not apply to Greek temples, the most exposed features.
Chap. V.]
TREES, HOW PLANTED.
375
by commanding admiration. The same remark applies to the
coarse and primitive construction of the Eoman mills ; and
these may justly be compared to the rude hydraulic mechanism
of the ancient Egyptians. Nor are these cases without a parallel
at the present day ; and every one who visits the continent of
Europe must be struck with a similar disregard for many improve-
ments which, though long since known and evidently tending
to comfort and a decrease of labour, still continue to be looked
upon with indifference, while inventions contributing to display
and luxury are adopted on their first appearance.
' IJiillill
*—. b :
a a a, Water-flklns suapended close to the tank, b.
c Beds of a garden, laid oat as at the present day In Egypt, very like our salt pans.
No. 14<. TKOtet.
Water-skins^ were also used for irrigation by the Egyptians,
as well as for sprinkling the ground before the rooms or seats of
the grandees,^ and they were fre-
quently kept ready filled at the
tank for that purpose.
Part of the garden^ was laid out
in walks shaded with trees, usually
planted in rows, and surrounded, at
the base of the stem, with a cir-
cular ridge of earth, which, being i. Tree with ear^ra^,^t^n«ts.
lower at the centre than at the cir- ^' '^^^^^r^^^ouruM^ of repre-
cumference, retained the water, and ^®' ^*'-
directed it more immediately towards the roots. It is difficult to
say if they were trimmed into any particular shape, or if their
* They were called a'ety and osed for the
same purpose as the Greek askoa and Latin
uter, or the modern skin for holding water,
wine, and other liquids. — S. B.
* A common custom in the East.
' The garden was called qami, and is
often mentioned. The gardener was also
called qami; one of his offices was to
supply crowns of flowers, meh, for his
master. In the papyrus translated by
M. Maspero (* Genre ipistolaire,' p. 56), he
is described as employed during the morn-
ing on yegetables, and in the evening ou the
vines. — S. B.
376 THE ASCIENT EGYPTIABa [Ceap.T.
fonnal appearance in the Bculptote is merely owing to a oonven-
tional mode of representing them ; but since the pom^ranite,
and some other &uit trees, aie drawn with spreading and irregnkr
branches, we might suppose that sycamores and others, which
presented large masses of foliage, were really trained in Hut
formal manner : though from the hieroglyphic signifying 'tree'
having the same shape, it may only be a general clumetei hr
all trees.
♦
HftlU. Flgantln URiflTpUii^D^liii
Among the Bomana, this mode of cutting trees was confined
to certain kinds, as the myrtle, laurel, box, and others ; and the
office of trimming them into different shapes was delegated to
slaves, instmcted in the art, or optis topiarium,^ tiom which they
received the name of topiarii.
The palms in the Egyptian sculptures are well designed, and
the ddma* may be easily recognised ; but most of the other trees
and plants would perplex the most expert botanist, and few,
except the lotus, can be determined with certainty.
The large gardens were usually divided into differ^tt parts ;
the principal sections being appropriated to the date and syca^
more treee, and to the vineyard. The former might be looked
upon as the orchard, but similar enclosures being also allotted to
other trees, they equally lay claim to this name; we cannot
therefore apply a fixed appellation to any part but the vineyard
itself.
Gardens are frequently represented in the tombs of Thebes
and other parts of Egypt, many of which are remarkable for
their extent. The one here introduced is shown to have been
' Plin. ('N«t. Hilt." IT. 30) on the
Ch*p. v.]
GARDENS.
377
surroonded by an embattled wall, with a canal of water passing
in ^nt of it, connected with the river. Between the canal and
the wall, and parallel to them both, was a shady avenue of
various trees ; and about the centre was the entrance, through a
lofty door, whose lintel and imposts were decorated with hiero-
glyphic inscriptions, containing the name of the owner of the
grounds, who in this instance was the king himself. In the
•mmw6&m
>iiM^*iS!*im\
ffftftffi*^tit*****y*lltttt[
mmu
WHfl
iWPsswi^:
lmi^*iff*it&imf£*immfi^^
A luM nrdao. with Um Tbeyud hhI otbv isatU endMiucs, Unka at vmter. ud * tmall bovM.
No. IsST I'rem (M Wrk <^ Pr^. KaMiH.
gateway were rooms for the porter and other persons employed
about the garden, and probably the receiving-room for visitors,
whose abrapt admission might be unwelcome ; and at the back,
a gate opened into the vineyard. The vines were trained on a
treUis-wort, supported by transverse rafters resting on pillars;
and a wall, extending round it, separated this part from the rest
of the garden. At the upper end were suites of rooms, on three
difierent stories ; and the windows looking upon green trees, and
378
THE ANCIENT EQTPTtANS.
[Chap.T.
invitiag a draught of air, made it a pleasant tetiiement in the
heat of summer. On the outside of the vineyard wall vere
planted rows of palm-trees, which occurred again with the domt
along the whole length of the exterior wall ; four tanlca of water,
bordered by a grassplot, where geese were kept and the deUcate
flower of the lotus was encouraged to grow, served for the
irrigation of the grounds ; and small hiosks, or summer-hoiues,
shaded with trees, stood near the water, and overlooked beds of
flowers. The spaces containing the tanks, and the adjoining
portions of the garden, were each enclosed by their respectire
Mo. 111. EgrptUn mod* oT nprtMoUnf i uuk «f
■ithanwcirprdnigiiaetttwrikk. IMo.
separate walls ; and a small subdivision on either side, between
the large and small tanks, seems to have been reserved for the
growth of particular trees, which either required peculiar care, or
bore a fruit of superior quality.'
' Ad officer suned Anna, of tbe relgD of
ThalhniH l.,ha<left bebind in hii tombi liit
of hit tieei. Theyoeieu rollowii tja-
rooreaj neha (^FicuM aycomonu)^ 90; penu
treei, aiabu {Balanites agyptiaaa), 31 ; diite
f»inu,bctwr(F/urnixdaclylifera), 170; dom
ptlmt, mama {ffypliaHe cvajtm), 120; fig
tycamorc tnts,nt/uitnltb (_Picat carina), 5 ;
acacia, or tont, x>t f* tin {Mimata nSotica),
3 ; quincci, baij (Malum cyduaiian) ; Tines,
anm, 12 ; an/iamm trees, 5 ; itieb trees, 8 ;
netem or lai trees, IS ; fig trees, rub* (Syca-
miniu), 5 ; thorns. Chin, 5 ; another kind
of dim, mama en xnn™* (HypKam argtai),
X\ XI* "f intt, 'i ; aiht tieea (wanting) ;
ah treea, amam (poplars), 3 ) willow*, iat,
8 ; tamariika, •»«■( ramuriKua s/rvxiM)^ 10.
Total, 493 + i trees. (Bmgich, 'Reead]
de UonamentsEg7ptieas,'ptici.,4to; Leip-
zig, 1S6 2 ; pi. iiiii. p. 49.) In the letter of
Amenenan, that vriter mentioiu'tha great
ddm palm, mania, of 60 cubita high, with
iCt fruit, qaqaa, and ths atouea, jitaana,
within the SraA, and the water in tba
stones.' (Select Papjrrl, pi. riii. L 4.)
The joang Oolt of the dSm haa water in
the atanes ; soma haye SDppoaad the eoci*-
nnt i> here intended, bnt there ii no tncc
of that tr«« or fruit on the
Egypt— S. B.
Chap, v.]
OECHARD AND VINEYARD.
Iq all cases, whether the
orchard stood apart from oi
was united with the rest of the
garden, it was supplied, like the
other portions of it, with abun-
dance of water, preserved in
spacious reservoirs, on either
side of which stood a row of ;
palms, or an avenue of shady
sy^camorea. Sometimes the or-
chard and vineyard were not
separated by any wall, and figs'
and other trees were planted
within the same limits as the
vines. But if not connected
with it, the vineyard was close
to the orchard,' and they dis-
played much taste in the mode
of training the vines.^ Bows
of columns, supporting wooden
rafters, divided the vineyard
into numerous avenues, which
afforded great facility for com-
munication from one end to the
other, and retained a certain
degree of moisture at the roots
by intercepting the raya of the
sun.
The columns were frequently
coloured, and were ornamental
as well as useful ; but many
were simple wooden pillars,
supporting, with their forked
summits, the poles that lay
over them. Some vines were
allowed to grow as standing
bushes,* and, being kept low,
did not require any support ;
Lnkeii
. 6. 1 Kiuei iT. 2b.
Wooden
No. 152.
AniDK
ption ortha tim« of the 4th
mmtioiu a visejard gruit«d bj <
moDarch, coBttinlDg two tia or uonru.
(Lfpaios, Dinkm. ii. Ut. rii. 6. Boiutn,
' Egypt'* PImo,' ». p. 723.)
• Woodcut No. 1S», ud H. YLfg. 1.
THE ANCIENT EGYFTIAHS.
[Chaf.T.
others were formed into a aeries of bowers ; and from the form o(
the hieroglyphic Bignifying 'Tineyard,' ' we may conclade that the
moBt usual method of training them was in bowers, or in avenaa
formed by rafters and columns. But they do not appear to ha?e
attached them to other trees, like the Romans ^ and the modem
Italians ;' nor have the Egyptians of the present day adopted
this European custom.
When the vineyard was enclosed within its own wall of
circuit, it frequently had a reservoir of water attached to it, as
well as the building which contained the
!pi^:||yit winepress ;* but the various modes of ar-
p I |n I Ip ranging the vineyard, as well as the other
„ ■' " parts of the garden, depended, of course,
Biiyiiig ■ Tbwf Hd.- on the taste ot each individual, or the
nature of the ground. Great care was taken
to preserve the clusters from the intrusion of birds ; and boys
were constantly employed, about the season of the vintage, to
frighten them with a sling and the sound of the voice.'
When the grapes were gathered, the bunches were carefully
put into deep wicker baskets,* which men carried, either on their
head or shoulders, or slung upon a yoke, to the winepress ; but
when intended for eating, they were put, like other fruits, into
' Woodcut No. IM.
' Hor. Epod. ii. 10. Elma aad poplmn
we™ generally u»td bj the Ronuni.
(Georg. ii. 22.) TheRomun .Iso lupporttd
TiDM OD TCeds BDd polci. (PllD. i»ii. 32.)
• Thaj gcneralljr prefer the whit* mol-
' iMiah T. I, 2, and Matt. iii. 33;
PI. IX.
' Like the modern ^yptiua, who
ilrike large eartheaware poti loitead of
bell) for the ume porpiae. They alio ox
the iliDg.
■ Virg. Georg. ii. 241.
Chap. T.]
OBCHAED AND VINETAfiD.
381
flat open baskets, and generally covered with leaves of the palm,
vine, or other trees.* These flat baskets were of vicker-work,
and similar, no doubt, to those of the present day, nsed at Cairo
for the same purpose, which are made of osiers or common twigs.
Orcbud « tinernnl. oIUi > Urga
Monkeys appear to have been trained to assist in gathering the
fruit, and the Egyptians represent them in the sculptures banding
down flgs from the sycamore-trees to the gardeners below : but,
as might be expected, these animals amply repaid themselTes
or pilMt oTHnt M«n ) ' t^ • tba UvUtor Bbvuftc.'
for the trouble imposed upon tbem, and the artist has not failed
to show how much more they consulted their own wishes than
those of their employers.
Many animals were tamed in Egypt for various purposes, as
tbe lion, leopard, gazelle, baboon, crocodile, and others ; and in
> ViA woodcaLHM. IM, ud li2,fyt. 8 uid 13.
382
THE JJfCIENT EGYPTIANa
[CuT.Y.
the Jimma country, Trhich lies to the south of Abygunut,
moDkejrs are Btill taught several useful accomplishments. Among
them is that of officiating as torch-bearers at a supper-partj ;
and seated in a row, on a raised bench, they hold the lights
until the departure of the guests, and patiently await theii ovn
repast as a reward for their services. Sometimes a refractory
subject fails in his accustomed duty, and the harmony of the
party is for a moment disturbed, particularly if an unmly
monkey throws his lighted torch into the midst of the nngns-
pecting guests ; but the stick and privation of food is the punish-
ment of the offender ; and it is by these persuasive arguments
Honker* uttKlag In sphering trait.
alone that they are prevailed upon to perform their duty in so
delicate an office.
After the vintage was over, they allowed the kids' to browse
upon the vines which grew as standing bushes ; and the season
of the year when the grapes ripened in Egypt was the month
Epiphi," towards the end of June or the commencement of July.
' The kids 10 fed wen coniidereil more
delicate for the table ; though Horece did
not eateem them aa always hi (Sat. ii.
4. *3>.—
'Vinen anmmittit capreu Hon mnptr
' Epiphi, or Eptp, prouonncad EUb br
tha Copta, It begu on tha 35tli of Jdm.'
Chap. V.]
383
Some have pretended to doubt that the vine was commonly culti-
vated, or even grown, in Egypt ; but the frequent notice of it,
and of Egyptian wine, in the sculptures, and the anthority of
ancient writers,' sufBciently answer those objections ; and the
regrets of the Israelites on leaving the vines of Egypt prove them
to have been very abundant, since even people in the condition
of slaves could procure the fruit."
The winepress was of different hinds. The most simple con-
sisted merely of a bag, in which the grapes were put, and squeezed
by means of two poles turning in contrary directions ; a vase
being placed below to receive the falling juice. The mode of
representing it in Egyptian sculpture is not very intelligible, or
in accordance with our notions of perspective ; though -we may
easily understand that the man at the top of the picture is in
the act of pushing the poles apart, in order to stretch the bag,*
as a Jinale to the process, the poles being at that time in a
1 Atheutoi, on the anthoritjr of Hella-
DicDi, uji that tho Tine wu fint cultirated
aboDt Plintbioe, a town of Eg^pt ; to
which circnmitance Dion attributoa the
loT* of wine among the Egyptian (lib. 1.
S5), According to Strabo, It wu grown Id
great abandaace in the Uareotls and the
Anioolt* noma (Lb. iTii.}.
* Nomb. II. 5. Conf. alao the bntler of
Pharaoh preuing the grapei into the
king's cop. (Gen. il. II.)
' It would be more reasonable to Aip-
poM that he poshed with his hands and one
leg, while the other reited on the ground
to support him.
384 THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS. [Chaf. Y.
horizontal position, and opposite to each other. Another press,
nearly on the same principle, consisted of a bag supported in a
frame, having two upright sides, connected by beams at their
summit. In this the bag was retained in a horizontal position,
one end fixed, the other passing through a hole in the opposite
side, and was twisted by means of a rod turned with the hand ;
the juice, as in the former, being received into a vase beneath ;
and within the frame stood the superintendent, who regulated
the quantity of pressure, and gave the signal to stop.
Sometimes a liquid was heated on the fire, and, having been
well stirred, was poured into the sack containing the grapes,
during the process of pressure ; but whether this was solely with
a view of obtaining a greater quantity of juice by moistening the
husks, or was applied for any other purpose, it is difficult to
determine : the fact, however, of its being stirred while on the
fire suffices to show it was not simple water ; and the trituration
of the fruit, while it was poured upon it, may suggest its use in
extracting the colouring matter for red wine.
The name torcvlar, by which the Bomans designated their
press, would not be inapplicable to such a mode of twisting or
squeezing out the juice ; but it appears that in this machine the
grapes were crushed beneath a wooden beam, prdum,^ so that the
process and principle were somewhat different ; and we learn from
Yitruvius that the Eoman torcular was of two kinds, one turned
by a screw, and the other by levers.
The two Egyptian handpresses were used in all parts of the
country, but principally in Lower Egypt, the grapes in the
Thebaid being generally pressed by the feet. The footpress was
also used in the lower country; and we even find the two methods
of pressing the grapes represented in the same sculptures : ' it
is not therefore impossible that, after having been subjected to
the foot, they may have undergone a second pressure in the
twisted bag. This does not appear to have been the case in
the Thebaid, where the footpress * is always represented alone ;
and the juice was allowed to run off by a pipe directly to an
open tank.
Some of the large presses were highly ornamented/ and
> Virg. Georg. ii. 242. Hor. Od. i. 9. the Jews. (Judges iz. 27; Isaiah IxiiL 3;
* Or one of these may represent the Nehem. ziii. 15.) Virgil also noticM tht
pressing of grapes, the other of some same custom. (Georg. ii. 7.)
other fruits. * Woodcut No. 161.
* This sort of press was also used bj
CBiP. v.] WINEPRESS. . 385
consisted of at least two diatinct parts, the lower portion of vat,
Jaeus, and the trough, where the men, with naked feet, trod the
fruit, supporting themselves by ropes suspended from the roof,
though, firom their great height, some might be supposed to have
an intermediate reservoir, which received the juice in its passage
to the pipe, answering to the strainer, or colum, of the Bomans.
A comparison of ancient customs is always a subject of great
interest, particularly when the same scenes are treated in the
paintings of an early age ; I shall therefore introduce the repre-
sentation of a Boman winepress, from the mosaics of a supposed
Temple of Bacchus ' at Borne, which not only serves to illustrate
the description of Latin authors, but to show its resemblance to
the footpress of the ancient Egyptians.^
After the fermentation was over, the juice was taJieji out in
smaU vases, with a long spout, and poured into earthenware jars,
which corresponded to the cadi, or amphorte, of the Bomans :' but
whether anything was added to it after or previous to the fer-
mentation, it is difficult to determine ; though, from our finding
men represented in the sculptures pouring some liquid &om a
small cup into the lower reservoir, we may conclude that this was
' Bj *eni« anppoKd to be of the tinio of
ConituitU. Fids a roDiark on the tdoptioD
of the *ia< bj the early Chriatiaiu, in
Hope'i Archlteetnte, p. 180,
* Woodcut Mo. 162.
* Amphor* bad properlr two haodlei;
the; were rerj eommoD in Egjptwith and
VOL. I.
Hor. Od.i.l
likewiK, and tktj properly, applied to
two-huidled Tut in which the viae wa
brought to table. (Petron. Satyric, i
386 THE ANCIENT BGIFTIAMS. [Chit.T.
sometimes the case.* Wlien the mvst was considered in k proper
state, the amphone were cloeed with a lid, resembling an inverted
sancer, covered with li-
quid cla^, pitch, gypsum,
mortar, or some compo-
sition, which was stamped
with a seal : they were
then removed from the
wine-house, and plsced
upright in the cellar.
They generally pnt
a certain quantity of resb
or of bitoinen at the
bottom of the amphora,
previoas to pouring in
the wine, which was in-
tended to preserve it, and
was even supposed to
improve its flavour; &
notion, or rather an sc-
1 quired taste, owing {oo-
I bably to their having it
j I first used skins * instead
■9 I of jars ; and the flavour
s = imparted by the redn,
^ I which was necessary to
I j preserve theskins, baring
I 8 become, firom long habit,
* I ft favourite peculiarity of
" " the wine, it was afte^
wards added from choice,
after they had adopted
the use of earthenware.
Andthi8onstom,formerly
so general in Egypt
Italy, and Greece, is still
n
< Th« OrMki pat waUr itlt
tlwtr wisM (PliD. t\T. IV), tU
eTcn Ma-wkUr (Pits. dr. SO).
* Acconiiag to HaredotBi, wim
wu Blao ouricd ia ikiu la tW
■itu(ULtLlll)
Chap, v.]
WINES.
387
preserved throughout the islands of the Archipelago. In Egypt,
a resinous or a bituminous substance is always found at the bottom
of amphorae which have served for holding wine ; the Bomans,
according to Pliny/ employed the Bruttian pitch, or resin of the
fg.l.
Ko. 163.
bed
Pouring wine into Ji
TmJn <U the Pyramidt,
picea pine, in preference to all others, for this purpose : and if,
' in Spain, they used that of the pinaster, it was little esteemed,
on account of its bitterness and oppressive smell.' In the East,
the terebinthus was considered to afford the best resin, superior
even to the mastic of the lentiscus; and the resins of Judaea
and Syria only yielded in quality to that of Cyprus. This
No. 164.
V«WB cloied with a lid or stopper, and sealed.
Thibet,
resinous coating for the interior of amphorae was very generally
nsed by the Bomans, and was one of the numerous means ' they
had for preserving and improving the flavour^ of wine: and,
besides smoking it, they sometimes boiled down a certain por-
tion, which gave it a greater body, and insured its keeping.
» Kin. xiT. 20.
* Honey was alio naed. Pliny (xiT. 4)
mention! some wine nearly 200 yean old.
* Plin. loc. eit, : * Ut odor yino contingat,
et saporis qncdam acnmina.'
2 o 2
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS.
[Chap.Y.
The mode of arranging amphorre ' in an Egyptian cellar wu
similar to that adopted by the Greeka and Bomana. They stood
upright in BucceBBive rows, the innennost set resting against the
IneonrpAnbla ttofl.'
wall;' sometimes when ajar was removed to another place, it
was secured by means of a stone ring, fitting round its pointed
base, or was raised on a wooden stand ; and, from the position they
are occasionallysfaowu to have occupied,' <e
may conclude liiat many wereplaced in upper
rooms, as the amphorae in a Roman opot&ua.*
The Egyptians had several different Iditda
of wine,' some of which have been com-
mended by ancient authors for their excel-
lent qualities. That of Mareotis was the
T*H Mppocud bj ■ uau ring, most esteemed,* and in the greatest quaa-
^"^ '**" tity.' Its superiority over other Egyptim
wines may readily be accounted for, when we consider ttw
nature of the soil in that district ; being principally composed ti
' In the tribnUi th« wiDe wm Tcckontd
by mmphore, nima, and many >ach srophore
or two-handled TU*i, need imtevl aFcaski,
hsTe coma down liaca from tha palaci of
Seti I. (Britiih MnMnm, No. 4948.) They
btid )««■ than the Romao anphon. — S. B.
, Od.
340.
row, being tha last uaed, vu the otdnt
wine ; iDd thia accounts for the eipreiaipn
of Hoiace (Od. ii. 3, 8), • loteTion nota
Fiilenii,' each unphora being marked with
the date of its wine. (Hor. paitm.)
• Woodcut No. ISl.
' It wu thought to ripen the wine ; and
bena Horace telli hii amphora to oai
down (Od. iiL IS, 7\
* The aune of the wtna vat arp or rtf,
and the word appear* in uie ai early at tht
4th Dynaity, when fotir kindi of wiae it
leut were known. (Lepaina, Abth. iL, BL
19, 35. 38.)— 3. B.
• Pliny, liT. 3. Honee, Od. L 31, 14.
Athencu layi that of Anthylla.
' Strabo, lib. irjl. Athea. ■ DeipM*.'
i. 35. The wine of the Hareotia, ante
called in the Egyptian inaerlptloaa Ut, ■
well known, tad often mentiottHL — S. B.
Chap. V.] WINES. 889
gravel, which, lying beyond the reach of the alluvial deposit, was
free from the rich and tenacious mud usually met with in the
valley of the Nile, so little suited for the culture of delicate
vines ; and from the extensive remains of vineyards still found
on the western borders of the Arsinoite nome,^ or Fyoom,
we may conclude that the ancient Egyptians were fully aware
of the advantages of land situated beyond the limits of the
inundation, and that they generally preferred similar localities
for planting the vine. According to Athenseus, * the Mareotic
grape was remarkable for its sweetness/ and the wine is thus
described by him: 'Its colour is white, its quality excellent,
and it is sweet and light, with a fragrant hovqtiet ; it is by no
means astringent, nor does it affect the head.'^ But it was not for
its flavour alone that this wine was esteemed, and Straba ascribes
to it the additional merit of keeping to a great age.^ * Still,
however,' says Athenaeus, * it is inferior to the Teniotic, a wine
which receives its name from a place called Tenia, where it is
produced. Its colour is pale and white, and there is such a
degree of richness in it, that when mixed with water it seems
gradually to be diluted, much in the same way as Attic honey
when a liquid is poured into it : and besides the agreeable flavour
of the wine, its fragrance is so delightful as to render it perfectly
aromatic, and it has the property of being slightly astringent.
There are many other vineyards in the valley of the Nile, whose
wines are in great repute, and these differ both in colour and taste ;
but that which is produced about Anthylla is preferred to all the
rest.' Anthylla was situated in a gftony tract.* Some of the wine
made in the Thetwuid was particularly light, especially about
Coptos, and ' so wholesome,' says the same author, ' that invalids
might take it without inconvenience, even during a fever.' The
Sebennytic* was likewise one of the choice Egyptian wines;
but, from the position of that town and nome, we may infer
that it differed greatly in quality from those just mentioned,
and that it was inferior in body as well as flavour. Pliny, how-
ever, cites it among the best of foreign wines, and says it was
* Near the Qasr Kharoon. Strabo men- tion, you pass by Anthylla (ii. 97).
tions the abundance of vines in this province According to Athenseus, the revenues
(lib. xvii.). derived from that city were bestowed on
' Virg. Georg. ii. 91. the queens of Egypt, both under the
* Strabo, xvii. Persians and the native princes (lib. i. 25).
* Herodotus says, that on going to * Plin. xiv. 7.
Naucratis by the plain, during the inunda-
890
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS.
[CtaAP.Y.
made of three different grapes — a sort of Thasian, the seihalos, and
pence. The Thasian grape he afterwards describes^ as excelling
all others in Egypt in sweetness, and as being remarkable for its
medicinal effects. [Another wine of Lower Egypt was the Men-
desian, called from the nome of that name, where it was produced,
which seems, from the words of Clemens^ of Alexandria, to ha?e
had a sweet flavour. — Gr. W.]
Another singular wine, called by Pliny ecboladay^ was also the
produce of Egypt ; but, from its peculiar powers, we may suppose
that men alone drank it, or at least that it was forbidden to
newly-married brides. And, considering how preyalent the
custom was amongst the ancients of alterin*g the qualities of
wines by drugs and divers processes,* we may readily conceive
the possibility of the effects ascribed to them ; and thus it hap-
pened that opposite properties were frequently attributed to the
same kind.
Wines were much used by them for medicinal purposes, and
many were held in such repute as to be considered specifics in
certain complaints. But the medical men of the day were
prudent in their mode of prescribing them ; and as imagination
has on many occasions effected the cure, and given celebrity to
a medicine, those least known were wisely preferred, and each
extolled the virtues of some foreign wine. In the earliest times,
Egypt was renowned for drugs,^ and foreigners had recourse to
that country for wines as well as herbs ; yet ApoUodorus, the
physician, in a treatise on wines, addressed to Ptolemy, king of
Egypt, recommended those of Pontus as more beneficial tiian
any of his own country, and particularly praised the Peparethian,^
produced in an island of the ^gean Sea ; but he was disposed to
consider it less valuable as a medicine, when its good qualities
could not be discovered in six years.^
In offerings to the Egyptian deities, wine frequently occurs,
and several different kinds are noticed in the sacred sculptures ;
' Plin. xiv. 18.
« [Pfiedagog. ii. c. 2.— G. W.]
« Plin. xiv. 18.
* Ibid. xiv. 20. It was also mixed or
perfumed with myrrh and other ingredients.
(Plin. xiy. 13. Mark zv, 23. Diodor. iii.
61. Hor. Sat. i. 4, 24. J. Poll. Onom.
vi. 2 ; and Martial, Epig. xIt. 113.)
* Hom. Od. A, 229. Jer. xlvi. 11.
* Plin. xiv. 7. Some read Prteparentium.
Peparethofl was one of the Cyclades, famou
for its Tines and olives. (Grid, Ifet. vii.
470.) Athenscus, * Deipnos.' i. 52, quotes it
from Aristophanes. Jul. Poll. Onoin. tl S.
' The different kinds of wine meatioiwd
in the tables of food of the 4th and iihsr
qnent Dynasties are : white whie, arp hud ;
wine of Northern or Lower Egypt, arp meh
or x^^ ; Southern wine, arp rai ; fishing or
fisherman's wine, arp hem, (Lepsiua, AbtK
Chap. V.]
WINES.
391
bat it is probable that many of the Egyptian wines, are not
introduced in those subjects, and that, as with the Bomans ^ and
other people, all were not admitted at their sacrifices. It was in
the temple of Heliopolis * alone that wine was totally forbidden
in libations f and when used by the priests in other places for
this purpose, says Plutarch, * they poured it on the altars of the
gods, as the blood of those enemies who had formerly fought
against them.' According to Herodotus,* their sacrifices com-
menced with this ceremony,^ and some was also sprinkled on the
ground where the victim lay : yet at Heliopolis, if Plutarch may
be credited, it was forbidden to take it into the temple,* and
the priests of the god worshipped in that city were required to
abstain from its use. ' Those of other deities,' adds the same
author, *were less scrupulous in these matters,' but still they
used wine very sparingly, and the quantity allowed them for
their daily consumption was regulated by law ; nor could they
indulge in it at all times, and the use of it was strictly prohibited
during their more solemn purifications, and in times of absti-
nence. The same writer also afiSrms, on the authority of Eudoxus,
that it was wholly forbidden to the kings of Egypt, previous to
the reign of Psammatichus ; and, though we may feel disposed to
question the truth of this assertion,' there is every probability
that they were on the same footing in this respect as the priests,
and that a certain quantity was allowed them, in accordance,^ as
Hecatseus states, with the regulations of the sacred books.^ The
number of wines mentioned in the lists of offerings presented to
the deities in the tombs or temples, varies in different places.
ii., BI. 47, 5S-67. Rosellini, Mon. ciT. t. i.
pp. 377-380.) One cellar of Seti II. had
IbOO amphorse. (Select Papyri, Ixxxviii.) Of
foreign growth are the Syrian wines. The
Rnt-en-nu in the tomb of Rekhmara are
represented giving wine as tribute ; and
the wine of Kharu or Northern Palestine is
also mentioned. (Select Papjri,xcyii. l.i.) At
the time of the 12th Dynasty, a region called
Aaa in Tennu is stated to have had more
wine than water. (Chabas, * £tudes,' p. 107.)
Thothmes III. in the SUtistical Tablet de-
scribes the wine in the presses of Tsaha or
Northern Phoenicia to have been like waves.
(De Rougd, * Rev. Arch.' 1860, p. 297.)— S. B.
> Plin. xiv. 12, 19.
« Herodot. ii. 63.
' Plat, de Isid. s. 6. Romnlos performed
libations with milk. Plin. xiv. 12.
* Herodot. ii. b9.
* Conf. the Jewish custom, wine for a
drink offering. (Exod. xxix. 40.)
' I am inclined to believe that they did
perform libations in the temple of Heliopolis
as in other parts of Egypt ; and Herodotus
(ii. 39) says the custom was common through-
out the country. It may be supposed that
Plutarch intends to say the priests of
Heliopolis were forbidden to drink it in
the tempie.
' Herodot. ii. 133 ; the last six years of
king Mycerinus's life.
* See the above note of the 1600
amphorae in the cellar of Seti II., and the
vases of the same shape which belonged to
the cellar of Seti I.— S. B.
* In spite of these regulations, the
kings probably committed excesses on some
occasions, like Mycerinus and Amasis.
(Herodot. ii. 133, 173.)
392 TEE ANCIENT EGTPTIAMS. [Chip. T.
Each appears with its peculiar name attached to it ; bat they
seldom exceed three or four kinds, and among them I haie
observed, at Thebes, that of the ' northern coontry,' ' which vas,
perhaps, irom Mareotis, Anthylla, or the noma of Sebennytns.
Private individuals were under no particular restrictions with
regard to its tise, and women were not forbidden it, whether
married or single. In this they differed widely from the
Romans: for in early times no female at Borne enjoyed the
privilege, and it was unlawful for women, or indeed for young
men below the age of thirty, to drink wine, except at sacrifices.'
And so scrupulous were they on this point, in the time of
Bomulus,' that Egnatins Mecennius caused his wife to be put to
death for infringing this law, as if guilty of a crime. Such was
the custom at the earliest periods of Roman history ; and even at
a later time prejudice pronounced it disgraceful for a woman
to drink wine ; and they sometimes saluted a female relation*
whom they suspected, in order to discover if she had secretly
indulged in its use. It was afterwards allowed them on the plea
of health, and no better method could have been devised for
removing the restriction.
The Egyptian women, as I have already observed, appear to
have enjoyed greater privileges, and to have been treated with
more courtesy on all occasions, than in other ancient com-
munities : and if they sometimes sat apart irom the men, on
another side of the same room, equal attentions were shown to
' Not R foreign producUon, • Plin. iit. 13. • Ibid. beat. * IWd.
Chap. V.] WINES. 393
them aa to the other guests. That they^ were aot reBtricted in
the use of wine/ and in the enjoyment of other luxuries, ia
erident from the frescoes which represent their feasts ; and the
painters, in illustrating this fact, have sometimes sacrificed their
gallantry to a love of caricature. Some call the servants to
support them as they sit, others with difficulty prevent them-
selves from falling on those behind them : a basin is brought
too late by a reluctant servant, and the faded flower, which is
ready to drop from their heated hands, is intended to be
characteristic of their own sensations.
A pud J of ^jpliu lidln.
In Greece, women enjoyed the same privileges regarding
wine, as in Egypt ; and thus we find ' Nausicae and her com-
panions scrupled not to indulge in it ; but the Greek custom of
allowing virgins, as well as matrons, so much freedom in its use
was looked upon by many as highly indecorous.^
That the consumption of wine in Egypt was very great is
evident from the sculptures, and from the accounts of ancient
authoiB, some of whom have censured the Egyptians for an
immoderate love of excess ; and so much did the quantity used
exceed that made in the country, that, in the time of Herodotus,
twice every year a large importation was received from FhoBnicia *
and Greece. It was brought in earthen jars, and these, when
emptied, were applied to another and very difTerent purpose,
being collected and sent to Memphis from every part of Egypt,
and forwarded, full of water, to the confines of Syria.*
■ Tb« Hodsmi loclada all wins ntidcr ' Ham«r, Od. Z, vt. 77 aad 99.
the nm* namt, khumr, fcnnentcd drinlc, ' Athencat, 'Dcipnoa.' lib. i.
■nd Uicrcbj (brbid whrntever baa nndei^Dc ' Prom the oncisat Kharu tod Tm)uu
the proceu of fcnneDtatioD. It ii prohibited * Hecodot. iii. 6.
to both uiei in tht Korin.
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS.
[Chap.V.
Notwithstanding all the injunctions or exhortations of the
priests in farour of temperance, the Egyptians of both sexes
appear ^m the sciilptiires to have committed occasional excesses,
and men were sometimes unable to walk from a feast, and were
carried home by servants.' These scenes, however, do not appear
to refer to members of the higher, but of the lower classes, some
of whom indulged in extravagant boffoonery, dancing in a
ludicrous manner, standing on their beads, and frequently in
amusements which terminated in serious disputes.
At the tables of the rich, stimolaiits '
were sometimes introduced, to excite
the palate before drinking, and Athe-
nseus mentions cabbages as one of tiie
vegetables used by the Egyptians for
this purpose; from which, and from
the authority of Dion, he concludes
they were a people systematically ad-
dicted to intemperance.^
The Romans frequently mulled their
wines,* and some were mixed with spice
and various aromatics : but it is difficult
to say if these compounds were in use
among the Egyptians,* though highly
probable, from being so much esteemed by the Jews,* who
adopted numerous customs from that people.
Man KiuHliiiK on bb hud.
' JoTCDal. Sat. IT. 45.
' The Romnsa, like the modern lUlimis,
nxd atimulBnti tn eicite the appetite
before dinner (Hor, Sat. ii. 'i, 44), u veil aa
before vine.
* Athencoi, i. c. 25. Jogephaa hji
they vere a people addicted to pleunrta.
(Antiq. iL 9.)
' The Greeks and RomaDa mixed water
with their wine. (Horn. Od. A, ci. 209.
Athen. ii. 2. Jul. Poll. ri. 9.)
* It appear* to have been ao. A apicv]
wine ia mentioned in the tale of the ' Garden
of Flower. ■ (Chabaa, ' Retorda of the Paas'
vi.p. 156) ai 'the perfumed drink of Egypt.*
Another preparation of wine wai the ^at,
Buppoaed to be tpirita of trine ot moat.
(Chabna, ' ll^iangea,' iii. 2.)— 3. B.
• Solomon's Song, Tiii. 2. •Miiadwiie'
ii freqnentlj mention«L
Chap. V.] BEER 395
Throughout the upper and lower country, wine was the
favourite beverage of the wealthy : they had also very excellent
beer, called zythusy which Diodonis,^ though wholly unaccustomed
to it, and a native of a wine country, affirms was scarcely inferior
to the juice of the grape. And that it was superior to the beer
made in other countries may be readily inferred, from the eulo-
giums passed upon it by the historian, contrasted with the
contempt in which this beverage was held by the Greeks.* Strabo
and other ancient authors have likewise mentioned it under the
name of zj/thus; and though Herodotus pretends that it was
merely used as a substitute for wine in the lowlands, where corn
was principally cultivated,^ it is more reasonable to conclude it
was drunk by the peasants * in all parts of Egypt, though less
in those districts where vines were abundant. Indeed, he would
lead us to suppose that in the com country, as he terms it,* the
use of wine was totally unknown, because the vine was not grown
there ; but, as wealth can always procure a luxury of this kind,
we may be allowed to confine his remark to the poorer classes,
and to conclude that the rich throughout Egypt supplied them-
selves with it, whether the growth of their own neighbourhood,
or brought from another part of the country. The historian
would probably have made a similar observation, if he had
travelled in these days in England ; but it is generally allowed
that, though the English excel in the quality of their beer, the
annual consimiption of wine is not inconsiderable, and that there
is no difficulty in procuring it from a far greater distance. In
Egypt, native wines of a choice kind, whether made in the
vicinity or brought from another province, were confined to the
rich ; and we learn from Strabo * that this was the case even at
Alexandria, where wine could be obtained in greater quantity
than in any other part of Egypt, owing to the proximity of the
Mareotic district,^ and the common people were there content
with beer and the poor wine of the coast of Libya.
The Egyptian beer was made from barley ;^ but, as hops were
unknown, they were obliged to have recourse to other plants, in
order to give it a grateful flavour ; and the lupin, the skirret,*
' Diodor. i. 34. • Strabo, lib. xvii.
' Conf. iEschyl.inthe'SupplmntSy'y. 960. ' From the lake. Athenseus, 'Deipnos. '
' He means in the extensive level tract i. c. 25.
of th« Delta. Corn was cultivated through- * Herod, ii. 77. Diod. i. 34. Strabo,
out Upper and Lower Egypt. xvii. Plin. xxii. 25. Athen. 10.
* As in some parts of France. * Siser ; the Sivm Marum of Linn.
* Herodot. ii. 77. Theoph. de Cans. Plant, vi. 10.
396 THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS. [Chap. V.
■
and the root of an Assyrian plant, were used by them for that
purpose.^
The vicinity of Pelusium appears to have been the most
noted for its beer, and the Pelusiac zythus is mentioned by more
than one author. The account given by Athenseus of Egyptian
b^er is that it was very strong, and had so e2diilarating an effect
that they danced, and sang, and committed the same excesses
as those who were intoxicated with the strongest wines: an
observation confirmed by the authority of Aristotle, whose
opinion on the subject has at least the merit of being amusing.
For we must smile at the philosopher's method of distinguishing
persons suffering under the influence of wine and beer, howeyer
disposed he would have been to acciise us of ignorance, in not
having yet discovered how invariably the former in that state
* lie upon their face, and the latter on their backs/ ^
Though beer was common to many countries, that of Egypt
was of a peculiar kind, and, as Strabo^ observes, different
methods of preparing it were adopted by different people. Nor
can we doubt that it varied as much in quality as at the present
day ; in the same manner that English and Dutch beer is a very
different beverage from that of France, or from the booza of
modem Egypt. In this last, indeed, it is possible to recognise
any resemblance, and no attempt is made to give it the flavour
common to beer, or to obtain for it any other recommendation
than its intoxicating properties. The secret of preparing it from
barley has remained from old times, but indolence having
banished the trouble of adding other ingredients, they are con-
tented with the results of simple fermentation : and bread, and
all similar substances which are found to undergo that process,
are now employed by the Egyptians, almost indifferently, for
making hooza}
Besides beer, the Egyptians had what Pliny calls factitious, or
artificial, wine,* extracted from various fruits, each sort, no doubt,
known by some peculiar name, which pointed out its nature and
^ Columella, z. 1 14. the east of Egjpt, celebrated for its pro-
^ Athen. loc. cit, quoting Aristotle. duction, and there were two kinds, al*
' Strabo, xvii. coholic and mild, employed in medicine.
Q ^ (Chabas, * Melanges,' L p. 15.) The Egyptians
* The ancient beer called W «. heqa indulged in beer, and the description of a
)\ \? person oTercome hj intoxication is gircn ia
is as old as the 4th Dynasty ; it was made the papyri of the time of Seti I. (Good*
of red barley or malt, bet tester. The win*s * Cambridge Essays,' 186S, p. 253.)
foreign beer came from Kati, a country to — S. B. * Plin. zIt. 16.
Chap. V.]
BEER
397
quality.^ The Greeks and Latins comprehended every kind of
beverage made by the process of fermentation under the same
general name, and beer was designated as barley-n^n^ ; but, by
the use of the name zythoSy they show that the Egyptians
distinguished it by a totally different appellation. It is equally
probable that those made from other fruits were, in like manner,
known by their respective denominations, as distinctly specified
as the perry and cider of the present day ; and, indeed, we may
expect to find them mentioned in the hieroglyphic legends
accompanying the offerings in the tombs and temples of Egypt,
where the contents of each vase are evidently indicated, and
where, as I have already observed, several wines of the country
are distinctly pointed out. Palm wine, says Pliny, was common
throughout the East, and one sort is noticed by Herodotus ad
having been used by the Egyptians in the process of embalming;^
but it is uncertain whether this last was made in the manner
described by Pliny ,^ which required a modiiM, or peck and a half,
of the ripe fruit to be macerated and squeezed into three eangii,
or about twenty-two pints, of water.
The palm wine made at the present day is simply from an
incision in the heart of the tree,^ immediately below the base of
the upper branches, and a jar is attached to the part to cat-ch the
juice which exudes from it. But a palm thus tapped is rendered
perfectly useless as a fruit-bearing tree, and generally dies in
consequence;* and it is reasonable to suppose that so great a
sacrifice is seldom made except when date-trees are to be felled,
or when they grow in great abundance, as in the Oases and some
other districts. The modem name of this beverage in Egypt is
hwbgehi in flavour it resembles a very new light wine, and may
be drunk in great quantity when taken from the tree ; but as
soon as the fermentation has commenced, its intoxicating qualities
have a powerful and speedy effect. It is not confined to Egypt
and the Oases: the inhabitants of other parts of Africa* and
' The principal other wine was the haqa
I 2)
^
f opposed to be made from dates or
figs ; it was also dirided into two kinds, and
came from Palestine. — S. B.
* Herodot. ii. 86.
» Plin. xiT. 16.
« Called hj Pliny the 'medulla/ or
* oerebmm,' and in Arabic au/6, the heart,
or jwnmdr. It is sold at Cairo, and oon-
sidertd as a delicacy ; in taste, it resembles
a sweet turnip.
» Conf. Athen. * Deipnos.' lib. ii. adfin,^
and Xenoph. *■ Ezped. Cjr.' iu
* The blacks are particnlarlr fond of
intoxicating drinks. In the yallej of the
Nile the propensity may be said to augment
in proportion to the intensity of colour,
and the Nubians surpass the Egyptians in
their love of booga and other fermented
liquors in about the same ratio as the in-
creased darkness of their hue.
398 THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS. [Chap.V.
many palm-bearing countries are in the habit of making it in
the same manner ; nor do scruples of religion prevent the
Moslems from indulging in its use. In Nubia a wine is ex-
tracted from the dates themselves ; but this is now less common
than the more potent brandy, which they distil from the same
fruit, and which is a great favourite in the valley of the Nile.
In former times, figs, pomegranates, myxas^^ and other fruits,
were also used in Egypt for making artificial wines, and herbs
of different kinds were applied to the same purpose ; many of
which, it may be presumed, were selected for their medicinal
properties.'
Among the various fruit-trees cultivated by the ancient
Egyptians, palms, of course, held the first rank, as well from
their abundance as from their great utility. The fruit constituted
a principal part of their food, both in the month of August, when
it was gathered fresh from the trees, and at other seasons of the
year, when it was used in a preserved state. They had two dif-
ferent modes of keeping the dates ; one was by the simple pro-
cess of drying them, the other was by making them into a
conserve, like the agweh ^ of the present day : and of this, which
was eaten either cooked or as a simple sweetmeat, I have found
some cakes,^ as well as the dried dates, in the sepulchres of
Thebes.* For though Pliny affirms that the dates of Egypt,
Ethiopia, and Arabia were, from the heat and dryness of the soil,*
incapable of being preserved, modem experience, and the know-
ledge we have of the ancient customs of Egypt, prove the reverse
of what is stated by that author. Yet he ^ speaks of dates of the
Thebaid kept in vases, which he supposes to be necessary for
their preservation ; and it would appear that he alluded to the
agwehy did he not also suggest the necessity of drying them
in an oven.
The same author makes a just remark respecting the localities
where the palm prospers, and the constant irrigation it requires ;
and though everyone in the East acknowledges this fact, and
knows that the tree will not grow except where water is abun-
* Plin. ziii. 5. The Cordia myxa of modem Egypt.
Linnsns ; Arabice, Mokhayt. * One of these is in the British
' Rue, hellebore, absinthinm, and nnme- ^ ^
rons others. Wines were also imbued or ^ The palm is supposed to be the | £> 9?
flayonred with the juice of those herbs. \ I
(Plin. xiT. 16.) hener, (Brugsch, *Recueil/ pi. zzrrL p.
' AgweK, or adjweh, is a mass of dates 49.)
pressed and preserred in baskets, which ' Plin. ziii. 4.
are commonly sold in all the markets of ' Ibid.
Chap. V.]
PALM-TREEa
399
dant, we still read of 'palm-trees of the desert,' as though it
delighted in or was peculiar to an arid district. Wherever it is
found, it is a sure indication of water : there are therefore no
palms in the desert, except at the Oases, and those spots where
springs lie near the surface ; and if it may be said to flourish in
a sandy soil, this is only in situations where its roots can obtain
a certain quantity of moisture. The cultivated tree is reared
from offsets, those grown from the stone producing an inferior
fruit; and the offsets, which are taken at about seven years'
growth, bear dates in other five or six years, the tree living sixty
or seventy, and even upwards,^ according to circumstances con-
nected with the soil or the mode of its culture.
Dates were also given to camels and other animals,^ as is still
the custom in the East ; and this alone would suffice to prove
their great abundance,^ and the utility of the palm as a valuable
and productive fruit-tree.* But the numerous purposes to which
its branches and other parts might be applied, tended still more
to render its cultivation a matter of primary importance : for no
portion of this tree is without its peculiar use. The trunk serves
for beams, either entire or split in half ; of the geriei, or branches,
are made wicker baskets, bedsteads, coops, and ceilings of rooms,
answering every purpose for which laths or any thin wood-work
are required ; the leaves are converted into mats, brooms, and
baskets ; * of the fibrous tegument, at the base of the branches,
strong ropes are made ; and even the bases of the gerSet are beaten
flat and formed into brooms. Nor are the stalks of the bunches
without their use ; and their fibres, separated by the mallet, serve
for making ropes, and for the leef which is so serviceable in the
bath. Besides the brandy, the lowhgeh^ and the date wine, a
vinegar is also extracted from the fruit : and the large proportion
* Conf. Plin. xiii. 4. Strabo (lib. xvii. p.
563) says, the palm either bore no fruit,
or a bad kind, in Lower Egypt, but the
datef> of the Thebald were excellent.
' Plin. xiii. 4. In going to the Oasis,
mj* camels were always fed with them
when beans failed.
' For the different kinds of dates now
known in Egypt, vide * Egypt and Thebes,'
p. 266.
* A tree can produce as much as four
qantars of dates, or 440 lbs. troy, on about
eight bnnches, but generally it bears much
leas. I found the bunch of a wild tree at
the water of Wadee el Enned, in the
•Mtem desert, which was composed of 125
fruit-stalks, each containing from 30 to
60 dates, so that, on an average of 45, the
bunch bore 6625 dates ; and every tree
had from 5 to 15 bunches, and one of them
as many as 22. The above-mentioned
bunch was of unusual size, which made me
count the dates, but the fruit was small
and bad, as of all the wild trees, and pro-
bably some of the dates did not come to
maturity. In the valley of the Nile, a
feddan (If acre) is sometimes planted with
400 trees.
* [These were also made of rushes,
9cdlfeh, grass, papyrus, ddm leaves, osiers,
&c— G. W.]
400
THE ANCIENT EGYTTIANS.
[CHiT.y.
of Bacchariae matter coDtaiDed in dates might, if leqnired, be
applied to aseful porposes.
In Upper Egypt, another tree, which has been called the
Theban palm,' was also much cultivated ; and its wood, more
solid and compact than the date-tree, is found to answer as well
for rafts and other porposes connected with water, as for heams
and rafters.^ The general character of its growth differs essen-
tially &om that of the date-tree, having always bifurcated limbs,'
and this peculiarity enables us to recognise it when represented
in the sculptures. The fruit is a large rounded nnt, with a fibrous
exterior envelope, which has a sweet flavour, very similar to onr
gingerbread. The nut itself, when gathered unripe, is also eaten,
and then presents a substance resembling cartUage or horn ; but
as soon as it is ripe it becomes exceedingly hard, and is not
unlike, though much smaller than, the cocoa-nut. It was em-
ployed by the Egyptians for the hollow socket of their drills;
and being found peculiarly adapted for this purpose, from its
great durability, it still continues to be used by carpenters and
cabinet-makers in Egypt. That the mode of applying it among
■ Tbe Cadfera l/i^aka. (I'ije PliD. * About firs fMt(HinMt]mMmara, Mn-
' - ' "' timee icu) &am tfa« ground It ^Tidw iaU
two briiuJi««, uch of which igain KpumlN
d&n palm, into two otban, and theM inin into two
other piin, alwaji by two, titt appcrmort
•eti bung crowMd bj the Ustw ud frsik.
tke Hyphant cacifera.
(BrugHh, Ix. di.)
Chap. T.]
TOOLS.
401
the aBcieats was precisely similar to tbat adopted at the present
day, we have ample testimony from the sculptures st Thebes,
where it occurs apart from, and affixed to,* the instrument itself
in the hands of the workmen.' But it was not exclusively used,
niid we find they frequently substituted some hard wood ; a speci-
riBi.1,7,3,4. CUHlauddrilln.
men of which ' may be seen in the highly interesting collection
of tools found at Thebes, in the British Museum : this, with the
drills, and their bow, chisels, a saw, mallet, and a bag of ekin,
perhaps for holding nails, having been put into a basket, together
> Woodcnt No. ITl,;^*. 1 ud 3. < Woodcnt Ho. ITI.
> Woodcnt Md. 173,^. 6.
VOL. I. 2d
402
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS.
[Chap.T.
with a horn of oil and the hone for sharpening the chisels, and
buried in the tomb of a deceased workman.^
Of the ddm-nut were made beads, which, from their hardness,
were capable of taking a high polish, as we observe in those now
used in Egypt for the sibhciSy or rosaries of the Moslems ;' and
both the manufactured parts of the nut and many specimens of
the fruit have been found, perfectly preserved, in the sepulchres
of Thebes. The leaves of the tree served for baskets, sacks, mats,
and other similar interlaced works,^ or indeed for all the purposes
to which those of the date-tree were applied ; and among these
we may mention fans, fly-flaps, brushes, and sometimes parts
of sandals.
Besides the date and dam trees were the sycamore,* fig, pome-
granate,^ olive,* peach,' almond,® persea,* nebq or gidr^^^ mokhcyi
or myxa^^ kharoob ^^ or locust-tree, and some others ; and among
those which bore no fruit the most remarkable were the tamarisk ^'
and dihvl^* cassia fistula and senna, the palma christi or castor-
oil tree," myrtle,*® the 8mU or acanthus," the saytdy^^ fitnek^^
tulh,^ lebbekhf^ and several other acacias," besides many trees,**
now only known in the desert, or in the more southerly region of
* Woodcut No. 17iJ.
' These sibfuu are sold in the basan of
all the country towns.
' Strabo, lib. xvii. Objects of theee
material are found in the tombs.
< Plin. xiii. 7. The neha en Uh
j-pi Q c^-^^a ll^>^' of the monu-
ments.— S. B.
^ Ermen or remen of the monnments.
—8. B.
>-
« The ^et
^0
often mentioned in
the inscriptions. M. Chabas thinks that
teh means the fruit of the olire. See note
* suprd.—^. B.
' Plin. XT. 13. He denies the impro-
bable story of the Persians having introduced
it into Egypt as a poisonous fruit.
■ Plin. XT. 28. The cherry, he aays,
could neTer be reared in Egypt (xt. 25).
It is not now grown there. — The i^tuib of
ancient Egypt.— -S. B.
• Perhaps the a»*«.— S. B.
^® Rhamnus nabekay Forslc.
" Cordia myaea^ lAnn.
" Ceratonia sUvjtuiy Linn. CerawUa
siltqua of Pliny (xiii. 8), which he says did
not grow in Egypt.
^' Tamarix gdUicOj Linn. Anbk.
Tdrfdh,
^* T<anarix c/rimtalis^Yo-nk, Perhaps the
africana of Desf. The Egyptian (J U <r:>A
asw.— S. B. ill
" Plin. XT. 7.
>• Ibid. XT. 29, and xxi. 11. It is not
now a natiTe of Egypt.
" Mimosoj or Acacia nilotica. Spin
A^gypti, Plin. xiii. 9. Athen. xr. 7, kt.
[Strabo, XTii. 556-559.— G. W.]
^* Acacia aeyal.
" Acacia famesiana.
*• Acacia gummif era.
*^ AccKta lebbek, Mimoaa leltbek, Linn.
** One of these is auppoMd to be the
"" — Q as\ supposed by others to be the
CZSED
cedar.
*' Amongst these may be the hak or
qaby supposed to be the quince, and the im&s,
conjectured by Brugseh, he. cit.f to be the
mulberry sycaminus, he. cit., but there was
Ataen nebtj bread or conserre, made of it ;
the meri or sycamore, the kat, the tmptt
which had a red fruit, or bark, the hn or
amhin, poplar, the nam, and otber unkBOwa
species. — S. B.
Chap. V.] FLOWERS AND CHAPLETS. 403
Ethiopia. But I confine myself for the present to the produce
of the garden, in connection with their festivities and domestic
wants.
So fond were the Egyptians of trees and flowers, and of
gracing their gardens with all the profusion and vciriety which
cultiyation could obtain, that they even exacted a contribution of
rare productions from the nations which were tributary to them,
and foreigners from distant countries are represented bringing
plants, among the presents to the Egyptian king. [And such
attention, says Athenaeus, did they give to their gardens, that
through the care bestowed upon the culture of their plants, and
the benign temperature of their climate, flowers which were only
sparingly produced in other places (and at stated periods of
the year) in Egypt flowered in profusion at all seasons, so that
neither roses nor violets were absent even in the depths of
"winter. — G. W.] They carried this love for them still farther,
and not only painted the lotus and other favourite flowers
among the fancy devices on their walls, on the furniture of
their houses, on their dresses, chairs, and boxes, on their boats,
and, in short, whatever they wished to ornament, but they appear
from Pliny ^ to have composed artificial flowers, which received
the name * ^gyptiae ;' if indeed we may be allowed to consider
these similar to the 'hybemse' he afterwards describes. And it
is not improbable that they, like the Bomans in their town-houses,
had representations of gardens, or the rich blossoms of favourite
flowers, pcdnted on the stuccoed walls. Wreaths and chaplets
were likewise in common use among the Egyptians at a very
early period ; and though the lotus was principally preferred for
these purposes, many other flowers and leaves were employed ;
as of the chrysanthemum,^ acinon,^ acacia,* strychnus, persoluta,
anemone, convolvulus, olive, myrtle, amaricus,^ xeranthemum,
bay-tree,® and others : and Plutarch tells us,' that when Agesilaus
visited Egypt he was so delighted with the chaplets of papyrus
sent him by the king, that he took some home when he returned
to Sparta.
The deity whom they considered more immediately to preside
' Plin. zxi. 2. This is cenfirmed hj dis- those found in the tombs appear to be of
coTories in the tombs. bay-leaves ; and though not an indigenous
* Plin. xzi. 25. production of Egypt, the plant maj hare
' Ibid, xxrii. been cultivated there. That called Alex-
* n>id. ziii. 9. Athen. ' Deipnos.' xv. 7. andrian was probably Greek. (Plin. xv. 30
* Athen. xv. 6. and xxiii. 8.)
* I have already observed that some of ' Also Athen. zr. 6.
2 D 2
404
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS.
[CEif.T.
OTei the garden was Ehem,* the generative principle, who vaa
supposed to answer to the Grecian Fan. It was also under the
special protection of Banno, a goddess freqnently represented in
the fonn of ao asp, or with a human body and the head of that
serpent ; and thns we find the emblematic fignre of an asp
attached to the sculptured representations of a winepress, a viDe-
yard, or other parte of a villa ; * and the same deity appears in
the capacity of protecting genius to a king, or the norse of ■
yonng prince. Indeed the connection between the goddea
Banno, or the asp, and royalty is very remarkable ; and the name
wsBUB, which was applied to tii&t snake,' has, with good reason,
been derived by the ingenioiis ChampolUon from ouro, the Coptic
word signifying ' king,' as its appellation of basilisk originatei
in the haaUiseoa* of the Greeks.
4lb««Utaa<i(UMKadKl
Khem, or Fan, from his character as god of generation, vat
naturally looked upon as the deity to whose inflneuce everything
was indebted for its procreation, and for the continuation of its
species ; and we therefore frequently find, in the sacred scnlptnies
' Or Am.
' Woodcnt No. lei.
* It rewmblu tkg cobn di eapdlo, th*
Coiabtr nqja of Uniuciu, in aTtrytbing ti-
cept ths ipActadu on the hud, which ua
wuUng. It hu sow Tcetirad tiie auw of
naja hay/t, which ii eartalsly a
hayi baing ths AnUc nunc for tha oa
Fipeni mraOttj or hoinad auk*.
•aaenatat, oi
* 'Bo«l' C«
— a.w.i
OOD OF OABBENS.
405
}tian templea, the emblematic repreeentation of a king
; Dp the soil with a hoe, in the presence of this god, as if
■re it for his beneficent influence.^ And this allegorical
worship was offered him, as well in his character of Khem
under Uie name of Amnnra Generator, which was one of
IS of the Theban Jupiter. On the altar oi table carried
bis statue in sacred processions, or placed near it in his
ry, were two or more trees, together with his peculiar
b;' and the hieroglyphics implying 'Egypt,' which occur
;»
No. lit. ^Mla »
, ItebloB* of tha goJ Kbtm.
Bosetta Stone as well as on other Egyptian monuments,
TO been supposed to read ' the land of trees,' bear an
relation to the deity, whose name Ehem ' is so similar
rord Chemi, by which Egypt was known in Coptic, and in
ient language of the country. In the form of the god of
ion originat«d, no doubt, the Greek and Roman custom
Qg their gardens under the protection of Priapus,* though,
of an abstract notion * of the generative influence, they.
U Hiiroglfphio, pi. vj. of the
chUNm. 174,175.
■olu wu >lw> called CImiiiiiiI*,
Egjptiui DBiiia, which can atill
I In Iti modeTD ■ppellatioD,
* Hor. Sat. i. B. 1.
■ It ii nmarkibla that the Oreeka and
Itomaiia contiDnaltj took abatract and
metipbralcal aotiona litarallj, and that tha
Kgjptuuiii, on tha other haiicl, caBrertad
tha phjaicai into nataphfilcal.
406
THE ANCIENT EGTPTIANa
[Chap.Y.
as in many other instances, merely attached to it an idea so-
cording with the grossness of their imaginations.
It is reasonable to suppose that the Egyptians spent mock
time in the cool and shady retirement of their gardens, wheie^
like the Romans, they
entertained their fiiendi
daring the summer
season ; and from the
size of some of the
kiosks which occur in
the paintings of the
tombs, we may^conclude
they were rather in-
tended for this purpose,
than for the sole use
of the master of the
villa. That the gar-
dens were originally
laid out with a view to
utility, and were chiefly
stocked with vegetables
for the consumption of
the family, is more than
probable ; but as riches
and luxury increased,
to the simple beds of
herbs were added are-
nues of shady trees, and
the usual variety of
aromatic plants and
ornamental flowers. It
then became divided
into different parts,
distinguished by a pe-
culiar name, accordkg
to the purpose for which
they were intended ;
and the vineyard, or-
i
IM
I
chard, kitchen and flower garden, had each its own fixed
lumts, whose dimensions depended on the means or the caprice
of Its owner. Some of the richer individuals extended stiU
farther the range of their villas ; and a park, paradeitot, was
Chap. T.]
407
added,' whicli, independent of its fiab-pondB ^ and preBerres for
game, contained many different sections, as the gallinariuta for
keeping fowls, the chetuAoscittm for geese, the stalls for fatten-
ing cattle, and foi keeping the wild goats and other animals
originally &om the desert, whose meat was reckoned among the
dainties of the table. It was in these extensive preserves that
the rich amiised themselves with the pleasures of the chace;
and they also enclosed a considerable space in the desert with
net fences, into which the animals were driven for the purpose
of being hunted, though the usual custom in those districts was
to conrse in view over the open plains. Many occupied their
leisDxe in fowling and fishing; and there many a youth, and
sometimes even a damsel, were wont to practise shooting at a
target' [Nor were the poorer classes without shady retreats from
the heat of the sun ; and a shed was erected in the field, under
which they guarded their produce from intrusion ; and this
' lodge in a garden of cucumbers ' is still common throaghout the
country where similar precautions are required by the modem
peasants. — G. W.]
ViOREm P.-Tba Ntfng, 1 mHUiM Died br tha Biodem EffpUiiBa Kir thmhba
CHAPTEB VI.
Fumitnie of Egjrptiau Boonu— Chain, Stooli, Otlomani, HaU, ConehM, TaUo—
Mode of utting ^^ Headitoob — Bediteads — PalaDqnini — Waahing and aooiiil-
ing — BoDqueta — Banda of Unaio— Cym1ia]a, Tnmipeta, Dnuni, Haipa, Uoitan,
L^rea, Flates, Pipes, Sistra, Baored InttrnmenU— Daudug — ^The Pironetto and
Figure Danoei.
The apartmenta appropriated to the reception of their friends
were sometimes on the gronnd-floor, at others on the first story ;
and the party asually sat on handsome chairs and fiiQteaiJs.
each, like the thronoa of the Greeks, containing one person.'
They occasionally used stools and low seats, raised very little
above the ground, and some sat cross-legged, or on one knee,
npon mats or carpets ; but men and women were generally apart,
though apparently in the same room. While conversing, they
(lid not recline upon diwdm, like Eastern people at the present
day, nor did they, like the Eomans, lie in a recnmbeot position,
supported by the left elbow ' on a triclinium, or a conch, during
meals ; though couches and ottomans formed part of the furniture
of an Egyptian saloon.
Besides the thronos, or single chair, was what the Greeks
termed the diphros,^ from its holding two persons ; which was
sometimes kept as a family seat, and occnpied by the master
and mietress of the house.' This kind of chair was not, however,
always reserved exclusively for them, nor did custom require
Tbe doable and alngls cbiir.
them to occupy the same seat, since we frequently find that
they sat, like the guests, on separate chairs ; and a diphros^ was
occasionally offered to visitors, both men and women.
Many of the fauteuils were of the most elegant form, and
were made of ebony and other rare woods, inlaid with ivory,*
' Man; mnde of ehoay inlaid with iroiy
were brought a> tribute* from AW or
Etiiiapitt, «rhich, it appean, amllad in
410
THE AUCIENT EGYPTIANS.
[Chap. VI.
coTered with rich stuffs, and very similar to some now used in
Europe,' to which, indeed, they have frequently served as
models. None of Uiese have yet been found in the tombs of
Clulr in Uk LejdeD IloKi
Thebes ; but chaiis of more ordinary quality are occasionally met
with, some of which are in the British Museum and in the
Leyden Collection. They are much smaller than the fantenik
of the sculptures, the seat being only from eight to foorteeD
inches high, and are deficient both in elegance of form and
J"^T
re of thii kiDd of fumitun.
word, maful, and in dapictod ni B«itoulli
be called in the inicriptioiu
in tbe tribute! offtni bf tll< Blwk t>c*l
to Rimeui U. or Sootii*.— S. B.
inaur,or«wm«re»dth8
' y-idtPLS.
Chap. VL] CHAIBS. 411
in the general style of their construction : in some the seat is
of wood, in others of interlaced string or leathern thongs, in
appearance as well as in rank not very unlike our own rush-
bottomed chairs; and they probably belonged to persons of
inferior station, or to those rooms which were set apart for
casual visitors.
Various are the forms of chairs which occur in the sculptures,
representing scenes of domestic life and sacred subjects.^ Some
were on the principle of our camp stools, furnished with a
cushion, or covered with the skin of a leopard or other animal,^
which could be easily removed when the chair was folded up ;
Fig. 1. A stool in the Biitiah MoMnin, on the principle of our camp stools. .
2. Shows the manner in which the leather seat was fkstened.
3. A similar one from the scnlptorea, with its cushion.
No. 182.
and it was not unusual to make other seats, and wooden bead-
stools or pillows, in the same manner ; one of which was found
by me at Thebes, and is now in the British Museum.^ They
were adorned in various ways, being bound with metal plates,
or inlaid with ivory and foreign woods; and even in some
ordinary chairs, sycamore, or other native wood, was painted to
imitate that of a more rare and valuable quality.
The seat \^as frequently of leather, painted with flowers or
fancy devices ; and the figure of a captive, or a conquered foe,
was frequently represented at the side or among the ornaments
of the chair. Sometimes the seat was formed of interlaced
* The Chinese have chairs of similar form, of the hieroglyphic texts. — S. B.
« PI. X. fig. 3. The skin was of the » Woodcut No. 197, fig. 2. They are
D (1 tk n *^® Greek o^adiat.
leopard or panther, the T U v\ ^t4 abu
^12
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS.
[Chap. TL
work of string, carefully aad aeatly anaaged, which, like cm
Indian cane chairs, appears to have been particularly adapted
for a hot climate ; but over this even they occasionally placed
a leathern cushion,' painted in the mauuer already mentioned.'
Most of the chairs and stools were about the ordinary height
of those now used in Europe, the seat nearly in a line with the
bend of the knee ; but some were very low, and others offered
that variety of position which we seek in the kangaroo chairs '
in our own drawing-room. The ordinary fashion of the legs wu
in imitation of those of some wild animal, as the lion, or the
goat, but more usually the former, the foot raised and supported
on a short pin ; and, what is remarkable, the skill of their
cabinet-makers, even in the early era of Joseph, had already
done away with the necessity of uniting the legs with bars.
Stools, however, and more rarely chairs, were occasionally made
with these strengthening members, as is still the case in oar own
country ; but the form of the drawing-room fauteuil and of the
couch was not degraded by so unseemly and so unskilful a
support. The back of the chair was equally light and strong.
It was occasionally concave, like some Boman chairs,* or the
throne of Solomon,' and in many of the large fauteuils a lion*
' ThsoCTit. Idyl. ir. lib. iii.
* Port of thc'isg of oD> of thffa chain,
tormiDBtiDg in the hend of ■ goou, tha
beak open, liiui iatcribed upon it in hicro-
glypfae: 'The hereditflr}' uomnrch, gnnt
councillor of the lord of tha world
(Pharaoh), the roral icribe, chambcrluo of
the great house (paliice), Amenhetp jiuti-
fied.' Thii wai cat on the leg after bii
death, to indicate the chair was dntlDtd
fiiT hii cepolchra, and ia nf the period of tbt
leth Dynasty. It ia in the Unsenio of
Lej'den. (L«em>n'i ' Mon. Sgrpt. dn Hdir
de Leyde,' ii. pi. liiiii.)— S. B.
• WoodcDtNo. IS3,>a. 3.
> Woodcut No. 180.
' I Kingi X. 19.
■ Ai tha throne of Solomon. Vidt PL I.
Chap. Vt]
413
formed an arm at either side ; but the back usually consisted of
a single set of upright and ctobh bare, or of a frame receding
gradually and terminating at its summit iu a graceful curve,
supported from without by perpendicular bars ;' and over this
was thrown a handsome pillow of coloured cotton, painted
1. Wlih Hlld ilda.
leather, or gold and silver tissue, like the beds at the feast of
Ahaauems, mentioned in Esther ;^ or like the feather cushions
covered with stuffs and embroidered with silk threads of gold,
iu the palace of Scanrus.
The stools used in the saloons were of the same style and
elegance as the chairs, and frequently only differed from them
in the absence of a back ; those of more delicate workmanship
were made of ebony, and inlaid, as I have already stated, witit
ivory or rare woods ; and many, as already observed, folded up,
on tjie principle of our camp stools.^ ■ Some of an ordinary kind
' Woodcut No. 187.
> Woodcut So. 183.
THE AKCIENT EGYPTIANS.
[Chap.TL
had solid sides, and were generally Tery low ; and others, with
three legs, not unlike those used by the peasants of England,
belonged to persons of inferior rank.
The ottomans were simple square sofas, without backs, raised
from the ground nearly to the same level as the chairs. The
upper part was of leather, or a cotton stuff, richly (wlonred,
like the cushions of the fauteuils ; and the base was of wood,
painted with varions devices, and ornamented with the figures
of captives, who were supposed to be degraded by holding so
^
Vw«deaMoal,ia~Hrrakit'<OaUeotisiJ
Ke. III. Ond 1 anpnlKbljotacU].
humiliating a position. And the same idea gave them a place
on the soles of sandals, on the footstools of a royal throne, and
on the walls of the palace at Medeenet Haboo, in Thebes,
where their heads support some of the ornamental details of the
building.
Footstools ' also constituted part of the famitnre of the
' Aanrcriag tothafAroiiuuidMaMbnaf thtOnakitad Bommm.
Chap. VI.]
FOOTSTOOLS.
415
sitting-room ; they were made with solid or open sides,' covered
at the top with leather or interlaced string, and varied in height
according to circumstances, some being of the usual size now
adopt«d by us, others of inconsiderable thickness, and rather
resembling a small rug. These last, indeed, and some of the
low ae&ls above alluded to, might be supposed to represent
carpets, which have been mentioned by Homer ' and Diodonu '
as a very early invention, since we find instances of several
I C*U«<] Jhnin in the Statiitical Tablit hf Diodonu u tprrad for th* ner*d
ofThothma III. animal* (^ Egypt, an lappoMd to ban
• Horn. Od. iT. IM. been carpvtt. (Ub. i. 34.)
' The itrvBrnai polHMctlalai, mentioned
416
THE ANCIENT EaWTIANS.
[Chap.TI.
persons sitting apon them : thongh we may, with eqnal reason,
imagine, from the mode of representing them, that some were of
wood, and that they closed or folded in the centre.* Mats were
commonly used in their sitting-rooms, as at the present day ;
Fig- 1. A low Hti pvjtuH ft cuprt.
s. Btbn liiiiUiu- tajlf . I, or ot wood.
No. 1*0. S. A mftt.
and we not only see them represented in the scolptnres,' bat
remnants of them haye been found in the Theban tombs.
Their conches evinced no less taste than the Cantenils. They
were of wood, with one end raised, and receding in a giacefhl
curve ; and the feet, as in many of the chairs already deectibed,
' Ai in wovdcat Ko. 190, ji^. !
* WMklcntKo.190,;^ 3.
Chap. VL]
TABLES.
417
were fashioned to resemble those of some wild animal.^ But,
though the Egyptians had couches, they do not appear to have
reclined upon them more frequently than modem Europeans, in
whose houses they are equally common; and, indeed, we haye
authority, both from the sculptures and from aacred history, for
believing that the Egyptians, like the early Greeks and Eomans,*
were accustomed to sit at meals ; for, as Philo justly observes,
when Joseph entertained his brethren, he ordered them to sit
according to their ages, the custom of reclining at meals not
having yet been introduced.^
The couches^ appecur also to have been intended as bedsteads ;
and it is not impossible that they were used to sleep upon at
night, and in the daytime, a rich covering* being substituted for
No. 192.
Fig. 1. TaUe, probably of itooe or wood, from tbe scalptores.
2. Stone table, supported bj tbe flgnre of a captive.
3. Probably of mHal, from the acaTptnres.
the bedding, they were readily transformed into an ornamental
piece of furniture ; and the presence of the head-pillow placed
upon it, and the steps at the side for ascending it, argue strongly
in favour of this supposition ; nor is the custom unusual in the
East at the present day.
The Egyptian tables were round,* square, or oblong ; the former
' The Greeks ornameDted the legs of
their tables and other fumitiiTe in the
same manner.
* The custom of reclining is said to have
been introduced from Carthage, after the
Punic wars.
' Philo, lib. de Joseph., p. 555, ed.
Francfi [The Chinese and the Egyptians
were the only people of the East who used
chairs, tables, and bedsteads, though Og,
king of Bashan, had one of the last. — G. W.]
* CaUed ntmma. They were used for the
VOL. I.
same purposes as couches at the present
day ; there is, however, no representation
of sleeping on the monuments.— S. B.
* Called (I ^ oft, square piece. The
mattresses and cushions seem to hare been
padded with feathers of the waterfowL
— S. B. ^
• Called ^^^^^ UJietp at the time
of the 12th Dynasty.— 8. B.
2 E
418
THE ANCIENI EQYPTIAKa
[CHtf.Vt
were generally used during theii repaflts, and consisted of s
circular flat summit, supported, like the monopodium of the
Romans, on a single shaft or leg in the centre, or by the figure
of a man, intended to represent a captive.^ Large tables ha^
Wooden Uble.bi the BiltUi
usually three or four legs, but some were made with solid sides;
and though generally of wood, many were of metal or stone ; and
they varied in size, according to the purposes for which they
were intended.'
Common people either sat cross-legged, as the modem
Asiatics, or crouched, on the ground; in which last position
many Egyptian statues and painted figures are represented ; and
no one who has seen the peasants of Egypt can &il to recognise
' Woodcat No. ig2,j!9. 2. under i rinc Th« lioe of Ueragljplu
■ The apper pnrt ie orDimeDttd iTJth > nur tfa« bnder ii a wpolclinl dedintiot
ligDra of the goddeu iiannu, or goddeu of to Oslrii for a denued Paperpa, tkt
the haireit uid Tintnge*, repteiented u ■ pcraoD for whom tha ubla waa loadt.—
coiled up nneus, havipg beFoce her ma altar S. B.
of Tianda, and her luune above, and placed ' WoodcnU Noa. IB2, 193, lU.
Chap.VL]
BED-BOOM FUBNITUBR
419
a position equally common to the modem inhabitants of the
country, as to other Oriental people. When bearing sacred
emblems before the shrine of a deity, or desirous of showing
respect to a superior, they generally sat upon their heels ;^ and
it is remarkable that this attitude continues to be adopted by
persons of inferior rank in Moslem society.
Vo. 195.
2 3
PoBitiona, when Mated on the ground.
Of the furniture of their bed-rooms we know little or nothing :
but that they uniyersally employed the wooden pillow above
alluded to is evident, though Porphyry would lead us to suppose
its use was confined to the priests, when, in noticing their mode
of life, he mentions a half cylinder of well-polished wood sufficing
to support their head,^ as an in-
stance of their simplicity and self-
denial.3 For the rich, they were
made of Oriental alabaster, with an
elegant grooved or fluted shaft, or-
namented with hieroglyphics, carved
in intaglio, and painted of a blue
colour; others were of rare wood;*
and those of a more ordinary kind
were of sycamore, tamarisk, and other
woods of the country, the poorer
classes being contented with a cheaper sort, of pottery or stone.
Porphyry mentions a kind of wicker bedstead of palm branches
Wooden pillow or head-rtool, found at
Thebes.
No. 196.
I As figs. 4 and 5 in woodcut No. 195.
' Porph. de Abst. lib. ir. a. 7.
' WoodcaU No6. 196, 197.
Thej were called
^P^
urs.
like the Coptic ouob, are rery common,
and are of yarious forma and aizea in the
stem. For comfort thej must have been
made to fit the head exactly, as they
otherwise would haye caused great pain.
The sides of the base or foot are often
ornamented with the figures of the god
Bes or Bessa, sometimes accompanied by
his female companion, Taur or Thoueris.
(Leeman's * Hon. Sgypt. du Mus^ de Leyde,'
ii. pi. Ixxiy. 546.) Some haye the sides of
the lune beneath. (Guide to Egyptian Room,
Brit. Mus. No. 2556c p. 23.) They always
appear in the coffins of the earlier dynasties.
(Lepsius, ' Aelteste Texte,' pi. yi. 20, 35.)—
S.B.
2 E 2
THE ANCIENT EaTPTIANS.
[Chap. TL
called ia«,' which, he says, was used by the priests ; but it is
reasonable to conclude they were also met with in the ooiues of
other individuals, at least among the middle and lower classes ;
and it is remarkable that the same species of framework is still
MnaEoai. TteUMimlcM.
employed by the modem Egyptians, as a support to the diwdni
of sitting-rooms, and to their beds. In size they vary according
to the dimenfiions of the room and other ciicumfitances ; but they
are invariably made of the fferiet, or sticks of the palm branch,
and are known by the general name of kaffdst} Each side con-
sists of a number of upright bars, which pass through three rods
at right angles with them, the upper and lower one forming the
edge of the framework. The summit on which the bed is placed
is constructed in the same manner with transTerse ger^ds, and in
the centre is a small mass of them in closer order, intended moie
Chap. VI]
ENTERTAINMENTS.
421
for ornament tban for use; aiLil the usual dimensions of these
bedsteads are about seven feet by three and a half, and &oin one
foot to two feet in height. Wooden, and perhaps also bronze
bedsteads,* may have been used by the wealthier classes of the
ancient Egyptians ; and it is at least probable that the conches
tbey slept upon were as elegant as those on which their bodies
reposed after death ; and the more so, as these last, in their general
style, are very similar to the furniture of the sitting-room.*
In their entertainments the Egyptians appear to have omitted
nothing which could promote festivity and the amusement of the
guests. Music,^ songs, dancing,* buffoonery, te&ta of agility, or
games of chance, were generally introduced ; and in token of
welcome, all the luxuries were offered which the cellar and the
table could afford. The party, when invited to dinner, met about
midday,* and they arrived successively in their chariots, in palan-
quins* borne by their servants, or on fooL Sometimes their
' We read of k bediUsd of iron
\n Og, king of Buhmi. (Deut. ii
■ Itg. 2 of woodcut No. 198.
KDd hi> brother, «ben ha inw
.i.h to
the houM, *hMrf
d«.cbg.'
(Lnke it. 33, 25.)
iiiii. 16.
• Woodcut No. 199.
422
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS.
[Chap.TT.
attendants carried a sort of parasol to shade them from the aim,
as represented in the woodcut below, which in the present
instance appears to have been of leather, stretched over a light
frame ; ^ but those which were home behind, and belonged exclu-
sively to, the king, were composed of feathers, and were not very
unlike the flabella carried on state occasions behind the Pope, in
modem Bome. The same custom prevailed in Persia and other
Eastern countries ; and in the sculptures of Feisepolis we have a
satisfactory instance of the use of a parasol or umbrella, which
bears a greater resemblance to those of the present day, and
conveys a better idea of its form, than an Egyptian artist would
have given : though, from their general character, presenting so
strong an analogy to those of Egypt, that we may suppose many
' From tha man hariog & buttle-axe ii
the other hsDil, I was iDclined to soppo*
It a nhield ; but from hie beisg in the hg
of nUing it alolt, we mijr canclude it wa
far the purpoM of ■ piruol. fit b tht
bnokler, ofinn, of tha milituj officer, aad
a*«d for th* puipoM.— 3. B.]
Chap. VL]
AREIVAL OF THE GUESTS.
423
of these sculptures were executed by captives taken from Thebes
at the Persian conquest.
When a visitor came in his car, he was attended by a number
of servants, some of whom carried a stool, to enable him to alight,
and others his writing tablet, or whatever he might want during
his stay at the house. In the accompanying woodcut ^ the guests
are assembled in a sitting-room within, end are entertained with
music during the melancholy interval preceding the announce-
ment of dinner ; for, like the Greeks, they considered it a want
of good breeding to sit down to table immediately on arriving,
and perhaps as Bdelycleon, in Aristophanes,^ recommended his
father Philocleon to do, they admired the beauty of the rooms,
and commended the furniture, taking care to bestow unqualified
praise on those objects which were intended for their approbation.
As usual in all countries, some of the party arrived earlier than
others ; and the consequence, or affectation of fashion, in th^
person who now drives up in his curricle, is shown by his coming'
some time after the rest of the company. One of his footmen runs
forward to knock at the door ; others, close behind the chariot,
are ready to take the reins, and to perform their accustomed
duties ; and the one holding his sandals in his hand, that he may
run with greater ease, illustrates a custom, still common in Egypt,
among the Arabs and peasants of the country, who find the power
of the foot greater when freed from the encumbrance of a shoe.
To those who arrived from a journey, or who desired it, water
was brought for their feet,^ previous to entering the festive cham-
ber ; and it was either now, or immediately before dinner, that
the guests washed their hands,* the water being brought in the
same manner as at the present day ; and ewers not unlike those
used by the modem Egyptians are represented with the basins
belonging to them, in the paintings of a Theban tomb. It is
certain that basins were kept for the purpose of washing the
hands and feet of the guests, and that in the houses of the rich
they were of gold,* or other costly materials ; but those who lived
near their host were probably expected to perform their ablutions
> Woodcut No. 201.
* Aristoph. Vesp. line 1209. Noticed
bj Athenstu, lib. ir. c. 27.
' Joseph ordered his senraDts to fetch
water for his brethren, that they might
wash their feet before tliey ate (Gen. xliii.
24. Conf. also xviii. 4 and xxiv. 32 ; 1
Sam. xxT. 46). It was always a custom of
the East, as with the Greeks and Romans ;
and they considered it a great want of
hospitality to neglect to oflTer water for
this purpose. (Conf. Luke vii. 44, 46.)
* Conf. Petron. Satyric. c. xxxi,
^ Herodotus mentions a gold basin, or
podaniptery belonging to Amasis, which he
and the guests who dined with him used
for washing their feet.
424 THE ANCIENT EGTPTIASa [Chap. T1
before they left home ; and hence, I conceive, we may acoounl
for not finding any representation of this preliminary cereiiHHi}
in the paintings at Thehes. Atheneeus ' seems to apply the mn
Chap. VL]
ANOINTING THE HEAD.
425
remark to the Greeks ; and ' it was deemed indecent/ says that
anthor, * for anyone to go to a feast without having previously
cleansed himself; though persons arriving from a journey not
only washed, but were even clothed, at the mansion of their
Na202.
Golden ewers and beaina in the tomb of RamwfH III.
Ththa.
host.' However, with the Greeks, as well as other people of
antiquity, the usual custom was to bring water to the guests,
numerous instances of which we find in Homer ;* as when Tele-
machus and the son of Nestor were received at the house of
Menelaus,^ and when Asphalion poured it upon the hands of his
master and the same guests on another occasion ;^ and Virgil
describes the servants bringing water for this purpose, when
^neas was entertained by Dido.* Nor was the ceremony thought
superfluous, and declined, even though they had previously
bathed and been anointed with oil.*
It is also probable that, like the Greeks, the Egyptians
anointed themselves before they left home ; but still it was cus-
tomary for a servant to attend every guest, as he seated himself,
and to anoint his head ;* and this was one of the principal tokens
of welcome.^ The ointment was sweet-scented, and, unlike the
' Homer, Od. iv. 50.
« Ibid. XV. 135.
» Ibid. iv. 216.
* Virg. ^n. i. 705 : *■ Dant famuli mani-
biis Irmphaa.'
• Horn. Od. ir. 49 and 53. This is the
CMt with the Moslems of the present day,
who also require the water to be pourtd
upon the hands. (Conf. 2 Kings iii. 11.)
' The Egyptians were shaved, and wore
wigs. (Herodot. ii. 36, and the sculptures.)
The Greeks, Jews, and other ancient people
were very fond of ointment and perfume.
(Prov. zxvii. 9 ; Psalm zziiL 5 ; and Horace,
Od. xii. 4.)
^ Athencus, zv. 13
426
THE ANCIENT EGTPTIANS.
[Ckap. Vt
Lacedffimonians, who banished those who sold perfumed wnt-
ments from their country, the Egyptians were particularly partial
to this species of luinry.' It was contained, sometimes in an
alabaster,' sometimes in an elegant porcelain Tase ; and so strong
was the odour, and so perfectly were
the different component substances
amalgamated, that it has been hDown
to retain its scent for several hundred
years," Seryants took the sandals
of the guests as they arriTed, and
either put them by in a convenient
place in the house, or held them on
their arm while they waited upon
them.*
After the ceremony of anointing
was over, and, in some coses, at the
time of entering the saloon, a Iotn»
flower was presented to each guest,
who held it in his hand during the entertainment.* Servants
then brought necklaces* of flowers, composed chiefly of the
lotus; a garland was also pat round the head, and a single
lotus bud, or a full-blown flower, was so attached as to hang over
the forehead.' Many of them, made up into wreaths and other
devices, weie suspended upon stands pUiced in the room, to be in
readiness for immediate use, and servants were constantly vM'
ployed to bring other fresh flowers from the garden,' in order to
supply the guests as their bonq^uets faded ;* and, to prevent their
withering, they were generally put dose t« jars of water, intu
which the stalks were probably immersed.
la the texts, or ^ '
c«ll«d"_ "Ql api OT Upi, 'hesd
nutom,' and u often meDtJoned
of the PMt,'»i, i\.)—». a
■ Uary, when aha washed Jeans' feet,
brought nn alabaster boi of ointment.
(Mitt. iivi. T ; Loke rii. 37.)
• One of the alabastfr tu« in the
museum at Alnwick Cattle containi some
of this ancient ointment, between two and
three thousand years eld, and yet ita
■oTereiga with his ssodali on, u in the
one of Una of the 6th DTnaitj'. (Binlii
' Efypt.' P- 53.— S. B.]
' PUte XI. ; and woodcnt No. 190.
* To pot on a ring or a uecklac* in* a
token of respect and welcome. (Gen. ili
42.) Tie ring was geDersUf a ■«!, as it is
at the present day in the East, whena it
is called, in Arabic, tUfon. Mecklsns
were also put upon the figures of the gods
and kings of Egypt
■ PlaU XL Alhea. < Deipoo*.' it, 4, S,
• Ibid.
'[It is
honour accorded
ailowed to
I a high and anaanal
lubject, tliat he wai
the presence of his
. . _ employment of ths
. (' Reoords of the Paat,' iv. p. ^)
ire flower* of the lotns, fi'wL—
The staDds that served for holding the flowers and garlands
were similar to those of the amphone and vases,' some of which
have been fonud in the tombs of Thebes ; and the same kind of
BemnU brtlislii« M
stand was introdaced into a lady's dressing-room, or the bath, for
the purpose of holding clothes and other articles of the toilet.
They varied in size according to circumstancee, some being low
and broad at the top, others higher, with a small summit, merely
large enough to contain a single cup,* or a small bottle, one of
428
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS.
tCBiP.VL
which, from Mr. Salt's Collection, may be seen in the Britisli
Museum ; but those of a larger size were more generally used,
ami were more courenient for ordinary purposes. Others, thongli
much smaller than the common stands, were broader in propor-
tion to their height, and answered as small tables, or as the
supports of cases containing bottles ; and one of these last, pre-
served in the Berlin Museum, is supposed to have belonged to a
medical man, or to the toilet of a Theban lady.
Diodorus ' informs us that when the Egyptians approached the
place of divine worship, they held the flower of the agratU in
their hand, intimating that man proceeded from a welt-watered
or marshy land, and liiat he required a moist rather than a dry
aliment ; and it is not improbable that the reason of the great
preference given to the lotus, on these occasions, was derived
from the same notion. This did not, however, prevent their using
many other kinds of flowers in the composition of bouquets,
garlands, and chaplcts ; and artificial representations of them
were employed by the Egyptians for the same purpose, as we
may infer from an expression of Pliny' already noticed, and from
the imitation of flowers and leaves in painted linen discovered in
the tombs of Thebes. The Greeks and Romans had the same
custom, and their guests were, in like manner, decked with flowen
or garlands, which were brought in, according to Athenseoa, at
Chap. VI.] APARTMENTS PERFUMED. 429
the beginning of their entertainments, or, according to some,
before the second course ; and in all cases they were provided by
the master of the house. They not only adorned their heads^
nechs^ and breasts,^ like the Egyptians, but often bestrewed the
couches on which they lay, and all parts of the room, with flowers ;
though the head was chiefly regarded, as appears from Horace,*
Anacreon,* Ovid,* and other ancient authors. And this ceremony,
like that of anointing the head with sweet-scented ointment,'
was probably derived by the Greeks from Egypt, or, as some
suppose, through the lonians, from Asia. They also perfumed
the apartment with myrrh, frankincense, and other choice odours,
which they obtained from Syria ; * and if the sculptures do not
give any direct representation of this practice among the
Egyptians, we know it to have been adopted and deemed indis-
pensable among them ; and a striking instance is recorded by
Plutarch, at the reception of Agesilaus by Tachos.* A sumptuous
dinner was prepared for the Spartan prince, consisting, as usual,
of beef, goose, and other Egyptian dishes ; he was cro\vned with
garlands of papyrus, and received with every token of welcome ;
but when he refused * the sweetmeats, confections, and perfumes,'
the Egyptians held him in great contempt, as a person unaccus-
tomed to, and unworthy of, the manners of civilised society.
The Greeks, and other ancient people, usually put on a par^
ticular garment at festive meetings," generally of a white colour;"
but it does not appear to have been customary with the Egyp-
tians to make any great alteration in their attire, though pro-
bability, as well as the sculptures, lead us to conclude that they
abstained from dresses of a gloomy hue.
The guests being seated, and having received these tokens of
welcome, wine was offered them by the servants. To the ladies
it was generally brought in a small vase," which, when emptied
into the drinking cup, was handed to an under servant, or slave,
who followed ; but to the men it was frequently presented in a
one-handled goblet, without being poured into any cup, and
* Hor. Od. ii. 7. 7 ; Athen. xv. 4 and 9. • Plut. in Agesil.
« Athen. xr. 5. •• Conf. Matt. xxii. 11.
* Ibid. " Cicero, in Vaticinium, s. xii. xiii.
* Hor. Od. i. 26 and 38; iy. 11, &c. *^ Wine was not onlj indispensable at an
* Anacreon, Od. iv. Egyptian but also at a Greek feast ; where
* Grid, Fast. lib. y. wine, bread, meat, couches, and tables
' Hor. Od. ii. 7. 22 : * Funde capacibus were considered absolutely nec6Mary. (Plut.
unguenta de conch is.' Sympos. iL)
* Athen. iii. 22.
480
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANa
[Chap.VL
sometimes in a large or small vase of gold, silver, or other mate-
rials. Nor does it appear to have been the cnstom of the Egyp-
tians to provide each guest with his own cup, as among the
ancient Greeks,^ though we have evidence of its having been
the case in some instances, and one was kept exclusively for
the use of the master of the house.^
No. 207.
Offering wine to a goest.
Herodotus and Hellanicus both say that they drank wine out
of brass or bronze goblets ; and, indeed, the former affirms that
this was the only kind of drinking-cup known to the Egyptians;'
but he is not supported by fact, since we find that Joseph* had
one of silver, and the sculptures represent them of glass and
porcelain,^ as well as bronze and the metals above mentioned.
That those who could not afford the more costly kind should be
satisfied with a cheaper quality is highly probable, and many
were doubtless contented with cups of common earthenware ; and
though it may be said that the modem Egyptians have the
custom of drinking water from earthen bottles, yet many of the
richer classes have brass,^ or, occasionally, porcelain and silver
cups ; and if these are used by a far less civilised and opulent
people, for so simple a beverage as water, how much more likely
were they to have been adopted by the ancient Egyptians, a
people who were possessed of great riches, fond of luxury and
show, and known to have employed vases of glass, porcelain, and
> Homer, II. iv. 262.
* Conf. Gen. xliv. 5. *Is not this it
(the cap) in which mj lord drinketh ? '
' Herodot. ii. 37.
* Gen. xMv. 2, 5.
^ The imitations of the pocvla murrlima
of the Romans. (Plin. xxxiii. prcem. zxxr.
12, and xxxvii. 2.)
* These are also used by the sMaim^
who sell water in the streets of CSairo.
\
Chap. VI.]
MUSIC.
431
the precious metals, for numerous purposes, both in their houses
and in the temples of the gods.
The practice of introducing wine at the commencement ^ of
an entertainment, or before dinner had been served up, was not
peculiar to this people; and the Chinese, to the present day,
ofiTer it at their parties to all the guests, as they arrive, in the
same manner as the ancient Egyptians. We also find that they
drank wine during the repast ;^ perhaps, also, to the health of one
another, or of an absent friend, like the Komans;^ and if they
had no rex convivii,* or president, to encourage hilarity or to check
excess, we may conclude that the master of the house recom-
mended a choice wine, and pledged them to the cup.' They
sometimes crowned the bowl with wreaths of flowers,* a custom
prevalent also among the Greeks and Bomans,^ and a vase filled
with blossoms of the lotus was frequently placed on a stand before
the master of the house, or presented to him by a servant.
While dinner was preparing,® the party was enlivened by the
Bound of music ; and a band, consisting of the harp, lyre, guUar^
tambourine, double and single pipe, flute, and other instruments,
played the favourite airs and songs of the country. Nor was it
deemed unbecoming the gravity and dignity of a priest to admit
musicians into his house, or to take pleasure in witnessing the
dance ; and, seated with their wives and family in the midst of
their friends, the highest functionaries of the sacerdotal order
enjoyed the lively scene. In the same manner, at a Greek
entertainment, diversions of all kinds were introduced; and
Xenophon and Plato inform us that Socrates, the wisest of
men, amused his friends with music, jugglers, mimics, buffoons,
and whatever could be desired for exciting cheerfulness and
mirth.
Though impossible for us now to form any notion of the
character or style of Egyptian music, we may be allowed to
conjecture that it was studied on scientific principles ; and, from
* The same was usual at banquets in
JudKa and other parts of Syria : Amos vi. 6.
« Gen. xliii. 34. The Hebrew is ^3tr*
which is to be merry from strong drink.
Sikr, *^t^, implies the same in Hebrew
and Arabic.
* Pers. V. 1, 20. Hor. Od. i. 27, 9.
Ovid. Fast. iii. 531.
* Arbiter bibendi, or symposiarchos^ chosen
by lot. (Hor. Od. i. 4.)
' Gen. xliii. 34. Conf. Isaiah zzii. 13 ;
Luke xii. 19; the Wisdom of Solomon
ii. 6 ; and 1 Cor. zy. 32.
• Plate XI.
» Virg. -fin. i. 747, and iii. 625.
* In early times, as with the modem
Arabs, the master of the houjte killed the
sheep, or whatever was to be brought to
table; as Achilles, at the reception of
Priam. (II. A, 621.) At the feast of the
£ed, among the Moslems, the same custom
continues, eren in the cities.
432 THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS. [Chap. TT.
the great attention paid to it by Pythagoras, many years of whose
life were spent in learning * the wisdom of the Egyptians,* there
is every reason to believe that whatever defects existed in the
skill of ordinary performers, who gained their livelihood by
playing in pnblic or for the entertainment of a private party,
music was looked upon as an important science, and diligently
studied by the priests themselves. According to Diodorus, it was
not customary to make music part of their education, being
deemed useless and even injurious, as tending to render the minds
of men effeminate ; but this remark can only apply to the custom
of studying it as an amusement, which might lead to luxurious
and dissolute habits : and Plato, who was well acquainted with
the usages of the Egyptians, distinctly says that they considered
music of the greatest consequence, from its beneficial effects upoB
the mind of youth. This is confirmed by the following asserdon
of Strabo, that the children of the Egyptians were taught letten^
the songs appointed by law, and a certain kind of music, esta-
blished by government, to the exclusion of every other; and
Diodorus himself not only allows the invention of music to have
been ascribed by the Egyptians to divine origin, but shows that
the poets and musicians of Greece visited Egypt for the purpose
of improvement.^
The authority of Plato, who had spent thirteen years in the
country, and had paid particular attention to the institutions oi
the Egyptians, is of the greatest weight on this question ; and
the whole passage connected with it is of so much interest, that I
cannot refrain from introducing the dialogue in which it occurs.'
* Athen. Guest, — The plan we have been laying down for the
education of youth was known long ago to the Egyptians, that
nothing but beautiful forms and fine music should be permitted
to enter into the assemblies of young people. Having settled
what those forms and what that music should be, they exhibited
them in their temples ; nor was it allowable for painters, or other
imitative artists, to innovate or invent any forms different &om
what were established ; nor lawful, either in painting, statuary,
or any branches of music, to make any alteration : upon exami-
nation, therefore, you will find that the pictures and statues made
ten thousand years ago are in no one particular better or worse
than what they now make.
* Clin. — What you say is wonderful.
> Diod. i. 96. * Plato, Second Book of Lawi.
Chap. VI.] MUSIC. 433
* Atlien. — Yes, it is in the true spirit of legislation and policy :
other things, practised among that people, may, perhaps, be of a
trifling nature ; but what they ordained about music is right, and
it deserves consideration, that they were able to make laws about
things of this kind, firmly establishing such melody as was fitted
to rectify the perverseness of nature. This must have been the
work of the Deity, or of some divine man : as in fact they say in
Egypt, that the music which has been so long preserved was
composed by Isis, and the poetry likewise : so that, as I said, if
anyone is able to apprehend the rectitude of them, he ought to
have the courage to reduce them to law and order. For the
search of pleasure and pain, which is always directed to the use of
new music, perhaps possesses no great power of corrupting the
consecrated choir by an accusation of its antiquity. It appears,
therefore, that the choir of the Egyptians was by no means
capable of being corrupted, but that the contrary was entirely
the case.'
That the Egyptians were particularly fond of music, is abun-
dantly proved by the paintings in their tombs of the earliest
times ; and we even find they introduced figures performing on
the favourite instruments of the country, among the devices with
which they adorned fancy boxes or trinkets. The representa-
tion of a woman playing the guitar, which forms part of an
ornamental design on a wooden box, in the Berlin Museum, will
serve to illustrate this fact, and to show how much grace is some-
times evinced in Egyptian designs. Of this I shall have occasion
to speak hereafter.
That they paid great attention to the study of music, and had
arrived at a very accurate knowledge of the art, is evident, when
we consider the nature of the instruments they used, and the
perfect acquaintance they must have had with the principles of
harmony ; and not only do the sculptures prove the fondness
and, I may add, the skill of the Egyptians in the use of musical
instruments, but the fact is confirmed by a statement of Athenseus,^
who expressly tells us that both the Greeks and barbarians were
taught by refugees from Egypt, and that the Alexandrians were
the most scientific and skilful players on pipes and other in-
struments.
* Athen. iv. 25. He quotes Menecles of been most nnmeroas at the period when the
Barca and Andron in his annals of Aleian- seventh Ptolemy, called Cacergetes, per-
dria ; and these migrations appear to have secuted men of art and science.
VOL. I. 2 F
434 THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS. [Chap. VL
In the infancy of music, as Dr. Biirney has justly obeerved,
* no other instruments were known than those of percussion, and
it was, therefore, little more than metrical.' Pipes of yarioos
kinds and the flute were afterwards invented ; at first verr
rude, and made of reeds which grew in the rivers and lakes.
The flute,^ says Horace,^ was originally small and simple, with a
few holes ; and if it was introduced at the chorus of a play, its
sound had only sufficient power to suit a theatre of a very limited
size. But in process of time it was made larger, with more nota
and a louder tone, and, bound with brass, it rivalled the tone of
the trumpet. To discover, we can scarcely say to invent, such
simple instrimients, required a very slight eflfort, which observa-
tion afterwards improved ; and music must have undergone a
regular progression, through the early stages of infancy and
youth, till it attained the age of maturity. But, ere it reached
this stage of perfection, the powers of the human mind had been
called forth to exalt its character; improvement followed im-
provement, and music became a noble and valuable science. To
the alterations made in the simple instruments of early times,
succeeded the invention of others of a far more complicated kind;
and the many-stringed harp, lyre, and other instruments, added
to the power and variety of musical sounds.
To contrive a method of obtaining perfect melody from a
smaller number of strings, by shortening them on a finger-boaid
during the performance, like our modem violin, was unquestion-
ably a more difficult task than could be accomplished in the
infancy of music, and great advances must have been already made
in the science before this could be attained, or before the idea
would suggest itseK to the mind. With this principle, however,
the Egyptians were well acquainted, and the sculptures unquestion-
ably prove it, in the frequent use of the three-stringed guitar.
A harp or lyre, having a number of strings imitating varions
sounds and disposed in the order of notes, might be invented
even in an early stage of the art ; but a people who had not
attentively studied the nature of musical sounds would necessarily
remain ignorant of the method of procuring thei same tones from
a limited number of strings; nor are our means simplified till
they become perfectly understood. It is then evident not only
^ libia was the flute; but it also sig- Tibia obiiquOy vXay^^h was pnpcrlj
nified a pipe, and the name ^i6iia dextra et the flute.
tinistra was applied to the double pipe. * Hor. de Art. Foci. 202.
Chap. VL] ANTIQUITY OF MUSIC. 435
from the great fondness for music evinced by the early Egyp-
tians, but from the nature of the very instruments they used,
that the art was studied with great attention, and that they
extended the same minute and serious investigation to this as to
other sciences.
And though Diodorus ^ thinks that the Egyptians did not con-
sider music a necessary part of an accomplished education, yet he
attributes^ the invention of it to the same deity who gave them
laws and letters, who regulated the affairs of religion, and who
taught them astronomy and all useful and ornamental arts.
This fabulous accoimt of its origin evidently shows music to
have been sanctioned and even cultivated by the priests them-
selves, who invariably pretended to have derived from the gods the
knowledge of the sciences they encouraged, of which their body
was the sole repository and source. Hermes or Mercury was,
therefore, reputed to be the first discoverer of the harmony and
principle of voices or sounds, and the inventor of the lyre.'
From his limiting the number of its strings to three, the
historian evidently confounds the lyre with the Egyptian guitar ;
yet this traditional story, which he learnt during his visit to the
country, serves to attest the remote antiquity of stringed instru-
ments, and proves the great respect paid to music by the
Egyptian priests, who thought it not unworthy of a deity to be its
patron and inventor. In Greece, too, where music was particularly
encouraged, its invention was attributed to the gods. Wind
instruments were said to owe their origin to Minerva, as the lyre
to Mercury, and Apollo was the patron of the science.
In noticing the harps of a tomb at Thebes,^ Bruce makes the
following remark, that they * overturn all the accounts hitherto
given of the earliest state of music and musical instruments in
the East; and are altogether, in their form, ornaments, and
compass, an incontestable proof, stronger than a thousand Greek
quotations, that geometry, drawing, mechanics, and music were at
tiie greatest perfection when this instrument was made, and that
the period from which we date the invention of these arts was
only the beginning of the era of their restoration.'* But if his
remark applies to the harp, with much greater force does it to
' Diod. i. 1. ' Ibid. i. 16. cided superiority oyer the Ante of Manjas.
' The same fable passed into Greece ; bat * Of the time of Ramesee III. B.C. 1235 ;
Apollo was said to have been the first who consequently far from being the oldest
accompanied the lyre with his voice, and harps represented in Egyptian Bculptore,
this was supposed to have giren him a de- ' Bmce'a Trayels, book L c 6.
2 F 2
THE ANCIENT EGYPTlANa
[Chaf.TI.
the thtee-stringed guitar above mentioned; and thongh ve
cannot fix tlie piedse era of the invention of this or of any otlier
Egyptian inatrument, sufficient is known from the sculptures to
prove that they were in common use * at the earliest periods of
their known history.* The tomb in which the harps described by
Bruce are painted, is one of those called Bibaa el Molook, where
the kings of Egypt were interred ; the deacription of which I
have given in a previoos work,' under the title of ' Bruce's, or
the Harper's, tomb.'
The name of Brace ought not to be passed by without a tribnte
to the injured memory of one whose zeal was rewarded with re-
proach and disbelief.* How easy is the part of a sceptic ! \\'hat
a shght effort, yet what an air
of superiority and appearance of
learning attend the expression
of a doubt I Bruce had been
provokingly enterprising. Man?
of his readers were incredulous,
because he had done what they,
in the plenitude of their wisdom.
conceived impossible ; and many
of those moat violent in their
censures had neither sufficient
experience nor knowledge of the
subject to hazard an opininn.
Envy prompted some, andfashion
more, to speak of Bruce's narra-
tive as a tale of wonder, or a pure invention ;' and those who had
never read his work fearlessly pronounced a censure to which
others were known to assent. But it is gratifying to find that the
0. tH. Tbt hut ""l doD
' The harp, ar ■ aort of \jrt, «u a
eommoii iuatrameiit in Sjiia In th« time
at Jacob (Qsn. mi, 27) ; and this ud the
' organ,' Undor and aogah, were laid to
hiTc bwn ioTenUd by Jnbal, the aiith
ducenduit of Caia (0<d. ir. 21).
' Thow at the Pframids are apparently
of a date long preiioni to Dnertesen, or the
UTJTal of Joaeph,
• 'Egypt andThefcM,'p. 109.
' Thli wai particularly atriking with
regard to hia viiit to the emerald :
(Bru
=.11.)
hai railed enmity and prejodin
may b« credible irhen attended witk cir-
cumatanco, which secmi lalie if detacM.
I wii preaent in a large eompaay at di»a,
where Brnce wai talking away, Sdae
one aiked, " What mmical JDitniDienti an
oiad in Abyninia?" ^^ee boiuted. Mt
being prepared for the qneatioa. Mai (1
lut Mid, "I think I aaw one Igrt thtn."
Qeorge Selwyn whiiperad to hii neit nit,
" Yes ; and there ii one Im linee he Mi
the Gonntry," '
IP. VI.] BRTJCE'S HAEPEES. 437
re mature investigations of the present day have vindicated
' character of this distinguished traveller; and it is to be
438
THE ANCIENT BGTPTIANS.
[Chip.VL
hoped that his name will henceforvatd continue to be attached
to the interestiDg monument above alluded to, as a memorial of
his diligence tinder the most un&vourable circumstances, and u
a token of his Teracity. Aud so shall the name of Brace be
honotired tn hit tomb.
It is anlBciently erident, ftcaa the Bculptans of the ancient
Egyptians, that their hired mosiciaus were acquainted with the
«IM of IMirnttap.
triple symphony ; the harmony of instruments, of voices, and of
voices and instnunents.* Their band was variously otHupoaed,
■ Woodcut No. 209, fcc.
Chap. TI.]
HIBED UUSICTANS.
consisting either of two harpa, with the single pipe ' and Ante ; of
tlie harp and double pipe, A^ueutly with the addition of the
gnitar ; of a fourteen-stringed harp, a gaitar, lyre, double pipe,
and tambourine ; of two harps, sometimes of different sizes, one
of seven, the other of fonr, strings ; of two harps of eight strings,
and a seren-stringed lyre ; of the guitar, and the square or oblong
tambourine ; of the lyre, harp, guitar, double pipe, and a sort of
to iccomptny tha Ijre utd other
440
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS.
[Chap. VI.
harp witli four strings, vhicb wu held upon the shoulder ,' of
Hie harp, guitar, double pipe, lyre, and square tambouriDe ;* of
the harp, two guitars, and the double pipe ;* of the harp, two
flutes, and a guitar ; * of two harps and a flute ; of a sevente^-
stringed lyre, the double pipe, and a harp of fourte^i strings ; of
CHAP. VT.] VARIOUS INSTEUMENTa 441
the harp and two guitars ; or of two seven-stringed harps and an
instniment held in the band, not unlike an Eastern fan,* to which
were probably attached small bells, or pieces of metal that
emitted a jingling sound when shaken, like the crescent-crowned
bells of our modem bands ; besides many other combinations of
these various instruments ; and in the Bacchic festival of Ptolemy
Lrp ud two gnlun.
Fhiladelphus, described by Athenseua, more than 600 musicians
were employed in the chorus, among whom were 300 performers
on the kithara.'
' Woodcut No. 217, fg. 3.
442
THE ANCEEHT EGTPTIASS.
[Chap.YL
Sometimes the harp was played alone, or as an accompanunent
to the Toice ; and a band of seven or more choristers frequently
sang to it a favotirite air, beating time with their hands betveen
each stanza Tbey ala» sang to other instroments,' as the lyre,
guitar, or dbablw pipe, mc to several of them played together, as
the flute and one or more harps, or to these last with a lyre or a
guitar. It was not unusual for one man or one woman to perfona
a solo ; and a chorus of many persons occasionally sang at a
> Woodcnte Noi. 213, 2U, 215, ud 21S.
Chap. VL] MIATING TIME WITH TTTF.IB HANDS.
443
private assembly without any instmrnent, two or three beating
time at interrals with the hand. Sometimes the band of choristers
consisted of more than twenty persons, only two of whom
responded by clapping their hands ;' and in one instance I have
seen a female represented holding
what is, perhaps, a species of in-
stmrnent, whose use and sound may
have been similar to the one above
mentioned.'
The custom of beating time by
clapping the hands between the
stanzas, is still usual in Egypt,
though I conceive it to be no longer
done in the same manner by the
modem as by the ancient Egyptians,
whose notions of mnsic, as of every
other subject, must have been very different from those of their
uncivilised successors.
On some occasions women beat the tambourine and darabooka
drum,' withont the addition of any other instrument, dancing or
singing to the sound ; and, bearing palm branches or green
twigs in their hands, they proceeded to the tomb of a deceased
friend, accompanied by this species of music; and the same
' Herodot. il. SO, when tkej' ate uid to Arabic namt ; the Egjpti
plaj tha flut« aDil cjmbali, uid to clap roond— S. B.] ia ■ M>rt of d
their hands ; and the scalptorea pattim. EkTP^ where it baan thi*
' Woodcnt No. 2l9,fg. I. cut No. 220.
* Tha darabooka [dardboaka ii the
lian haa not betH
444 THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS. [Chap. YL
custom may still be traced in the Friday visit to the cemetery,
and in some other funeral ceremonies among the Moslem peasants
of modem Egypt.
If it was not customary for the higher classes of Egyptians to
learn music for the purpose of playing in society, and if few
amateur performers could be found among persons of rank, still
some general knowledge of the art must have been acquired by
a people so alive to its charms ; and the attention paid to it by
the priests regulated the taste, and prevented the introduction of
a vitiated style. Those who played at the houses of the rich, as
well as the ambulant musicians of the streets, were of the lower
classes, and made this employment the means of obtaining their
livelihood ; and in many instances both the minstrels and the
choristers were blind.^
From what has been said, it appears, first, that music was
studied by the Egyptian priests with other views than that of
affording pleasure and entertainment, the same science being
borrowed by Pythagoras from Egypt. Secondly, that it was
universally used at their private parties, where professional people
were hired to perform. Thirdly, that we are to understand from
the remark of Diodorus, of its not being customary for the Egyp-
tians to learn music, that the higher orders did not study it as an
amusement ; and though the twelfth Ptolemy obtained the sur-
name of Auletes from his skill in playing the flute, we cannot
infer a general custom from the caprice of a Greek. Strabo, in-
deed, censures his taste ; but this was rather owing to the feelings
of a Eoman,^ than to the conviction that the conduct of the
monarch was at variance with the customs of his people : for the
Greeks ^ had not the same prejudices against music and the dance
as many of the Bomans ; and, so far from deeming it unworthy a
person of rank to excel in them, no one was thought to have
received a proper education who possessed not those accomplish-
ments. Cicero observes,^ that ' they considered the arts of singing
and playing upon musical instruments a very principal part of
learning ; whence it is related of Epaminondas, who, in my judg-
ment, was the first of all the Greeks, that he played very well
' Woodcut No. 218. the Arcadians for their lore of music and
' Sirabo was born at Amasia, in Pontns, the dance. (Plato's Crito, s. xii. ; Phcdo,
on the borders of Cappadocia, and had s. iv. ; Alcibiades, s. ri. ; and Olymptodoms,
studied in Greece, but was educated as a Life of Plato.)
Roman. « Cic. Tusc Qnaest lib. i.
• Polybius, lib. iv. 20, 21, commends
Chap. VI.] CULTIVATION OF MUSIC BY THE JEWS. 445
upon the flute. And, some time before, Themistocles, upon re-
fusing the harp at an entertainment, passed for an uninstructed
and ill-bred person. Hence Greece became celebrated for skilful
musicians ; and as all persons there learned music, those who
attained to no proficiency in it were thought uneducated and un-
accomplished.' Cornelius Nepos, again, mentioning Epaminon-
das, observes that * he played the harp and flute, and perfectly
understood the art of dancing, with other liberal sciences;*
* though,' he adds, * in the opinion of the Eomans, these are
trivial things, and not worthy of notice, yet in Greece they were
reckoned highly commendable.'
Nor was it regarded with any other feeling by the Israelites ;
and they not only considered it becoming to delight in music
and the dance, but persons of rank deemed them a necessary part
of their education. Like the Egyptians, with whom they had so
long resided, and many of whose customs they adopted, the Jews
carefully distinguished sacred from profane music. They intro-
duced it at public and private rejoicings, at funerals, and in reli-
gious services ; but the character of the airs, like the words of
their songs, varied according to the occasion; and they had
canticles of mirth, of praise, of thanksgiving, and of lamentation.
Some were epUhalamia, or songs composed to celebrate marriages :
others to commemorate a victory, or the accession of a prince ; to
return thanks to the Deity, or to celebrate His praises ; to lament
a general calamity, or a private affliction : and others, again, were
peculiar to their festive meetings. On these occasions they in-
troduced the harp, lute, tabret,^ and various instruments, together
with songs and dancing, and the guests were entertained nearly
in the same manner as at an Egyptian feast. In the Temple, and
in the religious ceremonies, the Jews had female as well as male
performers, who were generally daughters of the Levites, as the
Pallacides of Thebes were either of the royal family or the
daughters of priests ; and these musicians were attached exclu-
sively to the service of religion,^ as I believe them also to have
been in Egypt, whether men or women. David was not only
remarkable for his taste and skill in music, but took a delight in
introducing it on every occasion. ' And seeing that the Levites
* Conf. Luke zv. 25 and Gen. xxzi. 27. ' The function of the odists or bards ia
Thia laat, however, in the Hebrew, is kifUhr, detailed in the decree of Canopna or
*VI33, which is rather a lyre. It was known Inscription of San. (* Records of the Past/
in the dajs of Seth (Gen. ir. 21) and of viii. p. 90.) There was a chief odist or
Job (zzi. 12). mosician over the rest. — S. B.
446
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS.
[Chap. YL
were numerous, and no longer employed as formerly in carrying
the boards, yeils, and vessels of the tabernacle, its abode being
fixed at Jerusalem, he appointed a great part of them to sing and
play on instruments at the religious festivals.' Solomon, again,
at the dedication of the Temple, employed ' 120 priests to sound
with trumpets;'^ and Josephus pretends that no less than 200,000
musicians were present at that ceremony, besides the same number
of singers, who were Levites.^
It has always been doubted whether the Jews studied music
with the same systematic views as the Egyptians and Greeks ;
and as all airs, previous to the invention of notation, must have
been traditional, and in some degree dependent on the taste and
memory of the performers, many have questioned the possibility
of their being either numerous or faithfully preserved.^
The early Greeks and Egyptians may not have had the
means of handing down their compositions with the same fidelity
as modem nations, yet this objection does not apply to the study
of the science itself; their object being rather to touch the feel-
ing than to delight the ear. It is impossible for us to determine
whether the Egyptian priests, in later times, devised any method
of preserving their melodies, or trusted entirely to oral tradition,
as this secret would have been concealed by them with the same
jealous care as the mysteries themselves ; judging, however, &om
that adopted in Greece,* which was by disposing the letters of the
alphabet in different ways, we may conclude that if the Egyptians
really had any, it was equally cumbrous and imperfect
Respecting the origin of this invention among the Greeks
there is a diversity of opinion ; it is generally attributed to Ter-
pander, a celebrated poet and musician,^ who flourished about
six hundred and seventy years before our era ; but the compli-
cation of sixteen hundred and twenty different notes must at all
times have presented a considerable difficulty in reading and
recollecting them.
> 2 Chron. y. 12.
' Joseph. Antiq. lib. viii. 8: 'Solomon
made 200,000 trumpets, according to the
command of Moms, and 200,000 garments
of fine linen for the singers, who were
Levites .... and instruments for singing
hymns, nablse and cinyr, made of the finest
brass, 40,000.'
' The Hebrew music has been discassed
by Carl Engel: <The Music of the most
Ancient Nations,' 8to. Lond. 1864, p. 277
and foil. The scales are given, p. 894. He
inclines to the use of the pentatonic scale.
— S.B.
* In one of the paintings from Hercn-
laneum, a woman is seen playing on a lyre
of eleven strings, and another sings from a
paper which she holds in her hand, and
which has either the notes, or the worU
of the song, written upon it.
• Plut. de MnsidU
Chap. VI.]
THEOEY OF SOUND.— PYTHAGORAS.
447
To inquire into the notions of Pythagoras, Plato,^ and other
Greek sages, who spent much time in Egypt, must be highly
interesting, as it is ahnost the only means of obtaining any in-
formation respecting the character of Egyptian music, and their
notions on the subject; and we have the authority of Plutarch^
and other authors for believing that Plato and Pythagoras paid
the greatest attention to this science.^ The latter considered
one of the noblest purposes to which it could be applied was to
soothe and calm the mind,* and deemed it the duty of a philo-
sopher to look upon it as an intellectual study rather than an
amusement ; for the gravity of Pythagoras censured the custom
of judging music by the senses, and required that it should be
submitted to the acumen of the mind, and examined by the rules
of harmonic proportion.^ It was the idea of this philosopher
* that air was the vehicle of sound, and that the agitation of that
element, occasioned by a similar action in the parts of the sound-
ing body, was its cause. The vibrations of a string, or other
sonorous body, being communicated to the air, affected the audi-
tory nerves with the sensation of sound; and this sound,' he
argued, * was acute or grave in proportion as the vibrations were
quick or slow.* Others were of a different opinion ; and Aris-
toxenus held the ear to be the sole standard of musical proportions.
He esteemed that sense sufficiently accurate for musical, though
not for mathematical, purposes ; and it w£is, in his opinion, absurd
to aim at an artificial accuracy in gratifying the ear beyond its
own power of distinction. He, therefore, rejected the velocities,
vibrations, and proportions of Pythagoras, as foreign to the sub-
ject, in so far as they substituted abstract causes in the room of
experience, and made music the* object of intellect rather than
of sense.'* Modem investigations, however, have confirmed the
statements of Pythagoras, and absolute demonstration has placed
them beyond the possibility of doubt.
An interesting question now suggests itself: Whence did
Pythagoras derive his notions respecting the theory of sound?
^ Plato and Eadoxus were thirteen years
in Egypt, according to Strabo (lib. zvii.). In
one of the tombs of the kings at Thebes is an
inscription, written by a d^KcAus or torch-
bearer of the Eleusinian mysteries, who
says he examined those monuments many
years * after the divine Plato.'
< Pint, de Mnsidl.
» Mr. Chappell (*Hi8t. of Ancient Music/
8vo. London, 1874, p. 71) thinks Pythagoras
imported the octare system from Babylon
or Egypt. The story of the inrention
from the hammer and anril is discredited
by Ptolemy ; but the invention of scales is
generally attributed to Pythagoras. — S. B.
* Plut. de Virtute morali. Strabo, lib.
i. p. 11, ed. Cas. Jamblichus, de Viti
Pythag. &c.
' Plut. de Musidt.
• * Encydop. Brit.' art. Music.
448
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS.
[Chap.YL
Did he arrive at these conclusions from his own experience? or
is it not more probable that he was indebted to those under whom
he studied for this insight into a subject they had so long been
examining ? But the fact of Pythagoras being the sole teacher of
this doctrine, goes far to prove that it did not originate in Greece,
and that his opinions were founded on Egyptian data. For what
that philosopher asserted respecting sound emitted by a long and
short string of the same quality and thickness, ' that the shorter
made the quicker vibrations and uttered the acuter sound,' had
)>een already shown by the Egyptians ; and we may fairly con-
clude that he derived his knowledge of this subject firom the same
source ^ as that of the solar system, which remained unknown in
Europe from his time to the days of Copernicus, and with which
Pythagoras, of all the Greeks, was alone acquainted.^
On the sacred music of Egypt I shall make a few remarks
in another part of this work : I now return to their customs at
private entertainments. When hired to attend at a party, the
musicians either stood in the centre or at one side of the festire
chamber, and some sat cross-legged on the ground,^ like the
Turks and other Eastern people of the present day. They were
usually accompanied on these occasions by dancers, either men or
women, sometimes both ; whose art consisted in assuming all the
graceful or ludicrous gestures which could obtain the applause, or
tend to the amusement, of the assembled guests.
Music * and dancing are also mentioned as having been con-
sidered essential at entertainments, among the Greeks, from the
earliest times, and are pronounced by Homer ^ to be diversions
requisite at a feast ; ' an opinion,* says Plutarch,* * confirmed by
Aristoxenus, who observes that music is recommended in order
to counteract the eflfect of inebriety ; for as wine discomposes the
body and mind, so music has the power of soothing them and
' Jamblichus informs us that Pythagoras
derived his infonnation upon different
sciences from Egypt, and taught them to
his disciples (Vitfi Pythag. lib. i. c. 29);
that he learnt philosophy from the Egyp-
tian priests (Ibid. i. c. 28); and that he
employed music for curing diseases both of
body and mind (Ibid. i. cc. 25, 29, and 31).
He maintained ' that music greatly con-
duced to health and that to temper
and direct the morals and lives of men by
means of music was most beneficial ' (i. 25).
^ Cicero, quoting Theophrastus, says
that Icetas of Syracuse was of opinion
that the heavens, the sun, moon, stars,
and all bodies above us stood still, and
that the earth alone moved, having the
same effect when turned on its axis as if
all the others were in motion. (Acad. Qn.
54, 39.)
> Woodcut No. 195,/^. 1 ; Nos. 210 and
218; and Plate XI.
* The Nabathseans of Arabia Petm
always introduced mnyic at their enter*
tainments (Strabo, xvii.) ; and the custom
appears to have been very general amoaf
the ancients.
* Homer, Od. i. 152 ; quoted by Plutarch,
de Musict.
* Plut. he ciL
Chap. VI.]
CHARACTER OF THEIR MUSIC.
449
of restoring their previous calmness and tranquillity/ Such,
indeed, may have been the light in which the philosophic mind
of Plutarch regarded the introduction of those diversions,^ and
such he attributed to the observation of the poet ; but it may be
questioned whether they always tended to the sobriety either of
the Greeks or of the lively Egyptians.
Of the style and nature of Egyptian music we can glean but
little from Herodotus, or any other writer who has mentioned the
subject. The remark of the father of history, that some of their
songs bore a plaintive character, is probably just ; yet we cannot
imagine it applicable to the generality of those introduced at the
festive meetings of a cheerful people. That called Maneros he
supposes to be the same as the Linus of the Greeks, * which was
known in Phoenicia, Cyprus, and other places:** and he ex-
presses his surprise that the same song should be met with on the
banks of the Nile. ' I have been struck,' says the historian,
* with many things during my inquiries in Egypt, but with none
more than this song, and I cannot conceive from whence it was
borrowed ; indeed, they seem to have had it from time imme-
morial, and to have known it by the name Maneros : ^ for they
assured me it was so called from the son of their first monarch,
who, being carried off by a premature death, was honoured by
the Egyptians with a funeral dirge. And this was the first and
only song they used at that early period of their history.'
Though this account is highly improbable, yet we learn from
it that one of the many songs of the Egyptians was similar to the
Linus of Greece, which was of a plaintive character, peculiarly
adapted to mournful occasions ; but whether it was of Egyptian
or of Phoenician origin, it is of little moment to inquire.
Plutarch, on the other hand, asserts that it was suited to fes-
tivities * and the pleasures of the table, and that, * amidst the
diversions of a social party, the Egyptians made the room resound
with the song of Maneros.' '^ In order, therefore, to reconcile
* The ancients had very high notions of
the effects of masic ; some founded on fact,
others on fable and imagination. Of these
last were the building of the walls of
Thebes by the sound of Am ph ion's lyre, to
which Pausanias gravely refuses to lend
his authority (lib. ix.) ; and some of the
stories related by iElian of its effects upon
wild animals. (Nat. Hist. xii. 46, &c.)
» Herodot. ii. 79. .
VOL. I.
' Pausanias, Greec. lib. ix., says, 'The
Egyptians call the song of Linus in their
language Maneros;' and mentions two
persons named Linus. ( Vide also Hor. Od.
lib. i. 12, 7; lib. xxiv. 13; and lib. iii.
11, 2.)
* I have sometimes doubted whether
there may not have been also a musical
instrument of this name.
* Pint, de laid. a. 17.
2g
450
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS.
[Chap. VI.
these conflicting statements, we are naturally led to the conclu-
sion that the Egyptians had two songs, bearing a name resem-
bling Maneros, which have been confounded together by Greek
writers; and that one of these bore a lugubrious, the other a
liyely character.
Many conjectures have been oflered respecting the nature and
origin of the song of Maneros, and some doubt its having derived
this name from a son of the first Egyptian monarch,^ contending
that it was so called from the person to whom music owed its in-
vention ; * both which, opinions are noticed by Plutarch, who in
another work ^ states, on the authority of Heraclides, that Linus
was a native of Euboea.^ And from his adding that Linus was
famed for making lugubrious poems, it is evident that the song
mentioned under this name by Herodotus, and considered to be
the Maneros of Egypt, had a similar origin with the fabulous
Linus himself.
If, however, conjecture is permitted, we may presume the song
of Maneros did not derive its name from any individual ;* and if
this and the Greek Linus resembled each other, it was probably
merely in their general character. The former idea is partly con-
firmed by another observation of Plutarch,* *that others say
Maneros is not a name, but a complimentary manner of greeting
made use of by the Egyptians to one another, at their solemn
feasts and banquets, implying a wish " that what they were then
engaged in might prove fortunate and successful ;" for such is the
true import of the word.' It is, indeed, reasonable to suppose
that their songs were made to suit the occasions, either of re-
joicing and festivity, of solemnity, or of lamentation; and all
their agricultural and other occupations had undoubtedly, as at
the present day, their appropriate songs.
* Herodotus, loc, cit. Plutarch lajs
Maneros was the child who watched Isis as
she mourned orer the hody of Osiris. ( Vide
Athenseos, lib. ziv. Plut. de Isid. s. 17.)
* Plut. de Isid. s. 17. J. Pollux calls
him the inventor of agriculture, and says
the song Maneros was sung by husband-
men. (Onom. iv. 7.)
' Plut. de Musict.
* But he does not confound the songs of
Linus and Maneros, as Herodotus has done.
Pausanias (Or«c lib. ii.) says Linus, the
inrentor of songs, was a son of Apollo ; but
reftrs to another part of his work (lib. iz.),
where he mentions one Linus, the son of
Amphimams (the son of Neptune and
Urania, killed by Apollo ; the other a son
of Ismenius, killed by Hercules. Some
suppose there were three of this name;
but authors are not agreed upon the sub-
ject. Pausanias asserts positirely, *that
neither of the two just mentioned com-
posed any poems; or, at least, any that
came down to posterity.* (Lib. ix.)
* A festal dirge written by King Antef
of the 11th Dynasty, supposed to be that
alluded to by Herodotus (ii. 2SX has been
found on two papyri, one in Uie Berlin
Museum, the other at Leyden. It has
been translated by Mr. C W. Qoodwin.
(« Records of the Past,' iT. pp. 115-1 IS.)
• Plut. de laid. s. 17.
Chap. VI.] THE DABABOOKA DBUM. 451
At the religious ceremonies and processions where music was
introduced, there is reason to believe the attendance of ordinary
performers was not permitted, but that musicians attached to the
priestly order, and organised for this special purpose, were alone
employed; who were considered to belong exclusively to the
service of the temple, as each military band of their army to its
respective corps.^
When an individual died, it was usual for the women to issue
forth from the house, and, throwing dust and mud upon their
heads,^ to utter cries of lamentation as they wandered through
the streets of the town, or amidst the cottages of the village.
They sang a doleful dirge in token of their grief; they by turns
expressed their regret for the loss of their relative or friend,
and their praises of his virtues ; and this was frequently done to
the time and measure of a plaintive, though not inharmonious,
air.^ Sometimes the tambourine was introduced, and the ' mourn-
ful song ' was accompanied by its monotonous sound. On these
occasions, the services of hired performers were uncalled for;
though during the period of seventy days, while the body was in
the hands of the embalmers, mourners * were employed, who sang
the same plaintive dirge to the memory of the deceased; a custom
prevalent also among the Jews, when preparing for a funeral.*
At their musical aoirees, men or women played the harp, lyre,
guitar^ and the single or double pipe, but the flute appears to
have been confined to men ; and the tambourine and darahooka
drum were generally appropriated to the other sex. The dara-
hooka drum is rarely met with in the paintings of Thebes, and
it is probable that it was only used on certain occasions, and
chiefly, as at the present day, by the peasant women, and
the boatmen of the Nile. From the representation given of it,
I conclude it to be the same as that of the present day, which
is made of parchment, strained and glued over a funnel-shaped
case of pottery, which is a hollow cylinder, with a truncated
cone attached to it. It is beaten with the hand, and, if relaxed,
the parchment is braced by exposing it a few moments to the
sun, or the warmth of a fire. It is generally supported by a band
^ This is confirmed by the inscription of * Hired to mourn, as with the Romanf
the decree of Canopns. (* Records of the and others. The Egyptians mourned for
Past,' riii. p. 89.)— -S. B. Jacob seventy days. (£zod. 1. 3. Herodot.
* Herodot. ii 85. Diod. ii. 91, as in ii. 86.)
2 Sam. i. 2. « Jer. xvi. 5, 7. Matt. iz. 23.
» Diod. ii. 72, 91.
2 Q 2
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS.
[Chap. VL
roand the neck of the perfonner, who with the fingers of the right
hand plays the air, and with the left grasps the lower edge of the
head, in order to beat the basa, as in the tambourine ; which we
find front the sculptures was played in the same manner by the
ancient Egyptians.'
Besides these instruments, they had cymbals* and cylindrical
KgjpUu crmtaU. Btc iKbs ud ■ hilf Id
maces, two of which were struck together, and probably emitted a
sharp metallic sound. The cymbals were of mixed metal, appa-
rently brasB or a compound of brass and silver, and of a form
exactly resembling those of modem times, though smaller, being
only scTen, or five inches and a half, in diameter. The handle I
< Woodcut Ho. 230.
* Thgj hm beu foaiMl la Um tonU af TbabM.
Chap. VI.] CYMBALS AND CYLINDRICAL MACES. 453
believe to have been also of brass, bound with leather, string, or
any similar substance, and, being inserted in a small hole at the
summit, was secured by bending back the two ends. The same
kind of instrument is used by the modern inhabitants of the
country ; and from them have been borrowed those very small
cymbals played with the finger and thumb,^ which supply the
place of castanets in the almeh dance. Indeed, there can be no
doubt that these were the origin of the Spanish castanet, having
been introduced into that country by the Moors, and afterwards
altered in form, and made of chestnut (castana) and other wood,
instead of metal. Cymbals were also an old Arabic instrument,
and Clemens says that the Arabs marched to battle by the sound
of cymbals.*
The cymbals of modem Egypt are chiefly used by the atten-
dants of sheikhs' tombs, who travel through the country at cer-
tain periods of the year, to collect the charitable donations of the
credulous or the devout among the Moslems, who thus, indirectly
and unconsciously, encourage the idleness of these pretenders, in
the hope of obtaining some blessing from the indulgent saint.
Drums and some other noisy instruments, which are used at
marriages and on other occasions, accompany the cymbals, but
these last are more peculiarly appropriated to the service of the
sheikhs, and the external ceremonies of religion : and this is the
more remarkable, as we find no instances in the paintings of Thebes
of their having been used at the festive meetings of the ancient
Egyptians ; and a person whose coffin contained a pair of cymbals
was described in the hieroglyphics of the exterior as the minstrel
of a deity. We may, therefore, conclude that this instrument be-
longed, as with the modem Egyptians, to the service of religion,
though probably not so exclusively ^ as the sacred sistrum.
The cylindrical maces were also admitted among the instru-
ments used on solemn occasions; though they more properly
formed part of the military band, or regulated the dance. They
varied slightly in form, but consisted generally of a straight
handle, or cylinder, surmounted by a head, or some ornamental
device, the whole being probably of brass, or other sonorous metal.
^ The same manner of holding them \n not plajing cymbals, though from the
represented in the paintings of Hercu- injury done to those sculptures we are
laneum. unable to discover what thej hold in their
* Psedagog. lib. ii. p. 54. hands. To judge, however, from their
' I am not certain that the two figures position, we maj conclude they are playing
represented in the woodcut No. 226 are this instrument. (Hor. Od. lib. i. 16, 8.)
454
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS.
[Chap. VL
Sometimes the handle was slightly curved, and double, with tvo
heads at the upper extremity ; but in all cases, the performer
held one in each hand ; and the nature of the sound depended
greatly on the force with which he struck them together. It is
not improbable that their hollow head contained a loose metalUc
ball, which gave a jingling noise when shaken ; and we find that
the clang of snch iuBtruments was thought as essential for martial
music three thousand years ago, as at the present day. [The
objects held in the hands of the attendant of Athor appear to
iKlf Dt HellopoUi.' a
hare been a kind of castanets used in the dance. Many similar
objects supposed to be employed for the same purpose are in the
different museums of Europe ; they are made of ivory or wood,
flat, pierced at one end for a cord to hold them together. Sometimes
they are recurved, and always terminate in human heads, which
formed the parts clapped together. The outside of the ivory ones
are often ornamented with engraved figures of the deities Bes
and Athor, who presided over dancing, and various animals.'
— S.B.]
Similar to these maces ' appear to have been the roond-heeded
pegs, resembling large nails, seen in the bands of some dancing
figures in the paintings of Herculaneum, and sapposed to have
Chap. VI.] MUSIC AND PANTOMIME. 455
been struck together, as an accompaniment to the lyre, which is
played by another person, in the same picture: but I am not
aware of their having been mentioned by any Greek or Latin
writer.
We may conclude the Egyptians were not guilty of the same
extravagance in music and other amusements, as the Greeks and
Bomans, extraordinary instances of which are mentioned by
ancient authors. The flute of Ismenias, a celebrated Theban
musician, cost at Corinth three talents, or 581/. 5«. of our money ;
and if, says Xenophon, a bad flute-player would pass for a good
one, he must, like those whose reputation is established, expend
considerable simis on rich furniture, and appear in public with a
large retinue of servants. Amoebseus, again, an Athenian harper
of great repute, received an Attic talent, or 193Z. 15s. a day for his
performance : and the actors of the Boman stage were not only
paid immense simis, Eoscius making 500 sestertia, or 4036Z. 9s. 2d,
per annum ; but in later times they became such favourites, that
they established parties in the city, and had sufficient influence
to induce the people to espouse their quarrels.
Though the Egyptians were fond of buffoonery and gesticula-
tion, they do not seem to have had any public show which can be
said to resemble a theatre ; nor were their pantomimic exhibitions,
which consisted chiefly in dancing and gesture,^ accompanied
with any scenic representation.* The stage is, indeed, allowed to
have been purely a Greek invention ; and to dramatic entertain-
ments, which were originally of two kinds, comedy and tragedy,
were added the Boman pantomime. Music formed a principal
part of the old comedy ; and a chorus was present, as in tragedy,
to sing between the acts.^ And, indeed, when we consider the
licence of ancient comedy, and the frequent decrees which it
was found necessary to make in order to suppress it, and some-
times even to prohibit dramatic performances or the erection
of a theatre, we may be assured that similar representations
would not have been tolerated by the severity of an Egyptian
priesthood, whether the idea had originated in the country, or
^ At Rome, after the time of Augustus, quence of adventures. Although no speeches
the mimij or pantomimiy were confined to are recorded, it is not impossible they
these, and did not speak. accompanied the actions. (Cf. Duemichen,
« The Egyptians, however, intended to ♦ Resultate,' Taf. viii.)— S. B.
represent the passions and certain con- ' Our orchestra performs this office of
tinned actions by special pantoinimic the chorus. The duties of the Greek
gestures, which conveyed to the eye a se- chorus varied at different times.
456 THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS. [Chap. T1
had been accidentally introduced at a later period from tlie
Greeks.*
Some instnimenta of the military band differed from those of
ordinary musicians ; but it may be questioned whether the sculp-
tures have recorded all the various kinds used in Ihe Egyptian
army. The principal ones appear to have been the trumpet and
drum : the former used to marshal the troops, summon them to
the charge, and direct them in their evolutions;' the latter to
regulate and enliven their march.*
The trumpet, like that of the Israelites, was about one foot end
a half long, of very simple form, apparently of brass ; and when
soimded, it was held with both hands, and either used singly or
as part of the military band, with the dnim and other instni-
menta. The musicians were not distinguished by any particular
dress &om the rest of the soldiers ; whole regiments are repre-
sented attired in the same costume as their trumpeters ; and if
any difference can be perceived, it consists in their being without
arms, either offensive or defensive. It is true, that the other
figures given in the above woodcut are clad in different dresses,
which might be supposed to indicate a peculiar garb for ihe tnun-
' Then wu a theatre at AntinU, B citf * In the battle^cena at Medeenet Haboo,
of CcDtral Egn>t> fennded bjr Adrian, and in Thebee.
ona at AlfUndria ; bat theM were Greek or * Tha principal dm of militarj mode
Roman towDi, and no bnildinic of the kind waa to repulite th« jMtc* of th* nurdi, la
i* m«t with in utj of ancient Egyptian that the diBerent oolamiu ahonld Bot piM*
date. OD one another, or club, aa it U CilM.
Chap. VI.] THE TRUMPET. 457
peters ; but some corps of archers are represented in another part
of the picture wearing both these costumes; and that aU the
priyates of the same regiment had a similar uniform is still more
satisfactorily shown in a procession of soldiers at Thebes^ march-
ing to celebrate a sacrifice, a small portion
of which is given in a previous part of this
work.^ Though the drummers, trumpeters, ^
and other musicians of the Egyptian army
are represented in the sculptures without
arms, we cannot suppose this really to have
been the case ; and when equipped for war,
and marching to the attack of an enemy,
they were probably armed like the rest of
the troops, at least with a sword and shield,
or other requisite means of defence. The trumpeter.
The trumpet was particularly, though
not exclusively, appropriated to martial purposes. It was straight,
like the Boman tttba, or our common trumpet ; but it is uncertain
whether that used in the Egyptian cavalry was of another form,
as in the Boman army, where the lituu8 or clarion, bent a little
at the end like an augur's staff, supplied the place of the tuba of
the infantry.
In Greece, various instruments were adopted for summoning
troops to battle. The LacedsBmonians and Cretans advanced to
the sound of flutes,* others to that of lutes ; and many preferred
the lyre, which, according to Plutarch,^ was long employed by
the Cretans for this purpose. The trumpet, indeed, does not
appear to have been in very early use among the Greeks, and it
is rarely mentioned by Homer at the siege of Troy, where the
chief instruments were the flute, lyre, and pipe, or surinx. The
trumpet or salpinx was, however, known in Greece before that
event : it was reputed to have been the invention of Minerva, or
of Tyrrhenus,* a son of Hercules ; and in later times it was gene-
rally adopted,^ both as a martial instrument and by the ambulant
musicians of the streets.* In some parts of Egypt a prejudice
existed against the trumpet, and the people of Busiris and Lyco-
> Woodcut No. 18. » Plut. de Music*.
* Polyb. lib. iv. 20 ; Pint de Musicft, and < Ibid, de Solertii Animalium, where he
in Ljcurgo. relates a curious anecdote of a magpie
' Plut. de Music*. imitating the performances of a band of
* According to Athenseus (ir. 25), the trumpeters.
Tyrrhenian$ inrented trumpets and horns.
THE ANCIENT EaYPTIANS.
[Chap. VL
polie abstained entirely
from the sound of this
from its nee, conceiving, says Plutarch,'
instrument resembling the braying of an
ass, that it was Typhouian ;
or, at least, that it reminded
them too forcibly of an ani*
mal emblematic of the eril
genius.
The Israelites had trumpets
for warlike ^ as well as sacred
purposes,^ for festivals and re-
joicings;* and the office of
sounding them was not only
honourable, but was committed
solely to the priests.* They
were of different kinds : some
of silver,' which were suited
to all occasions, as I have
already stated; others appear
to have been of horns, like the
original comu of the Romans ;
and these are distinctly stated
to have been employed at the
siege of Jericho.^ The Greeks
bad six species of trumpets;
the Romans four, in their army
— the tuba, comwus, bveeina,
and litum ; and in ancient
times the concha, so called from
having been originally made
of a shell. They were the only
instruments employed by them
■ Plat. d.
Uid. et 0.1r. t. 30.
■ Nnnl>.»
2,5,8,10.
' £iod. li
.13; L«TiLjiiu.M; ud
NBmb. I. 10
• Namb. i
10, ud 2 Chnn. xt. 14.
• Nmnb. I
8 ; Ji»b. Ti. *.
• Jo«phui
«<■, tbtj WOT ne«lT a
cubit or 1^ ft, long, with > tab« of the
thickncH 01'
flut^
' ThiMWa
M the Kf/ntHA, cometii tbc
n the U^OttrrfU, or UmMO-
(tnMA, tnuDMU. From tlu nam*, I ■honld
thiDk the fbrniirhwlaihriU tent. JiMh.
rl.4: -Tnunixti cf nun*' bom.'
Chap. VI.] MUSIC TAUGHT TO SLAVES. 459
for military purposes, and in this they diflfered from the Greeks
and Egyptians.
The sculptures of Thebes fail to inform us if the long and short
drum were both comprehended in Egypt under the head of martial
music ; it is, however, evident that the former was not only used
in their army, but by the buflfoons who danced to its sound.^
The buflfoons were sometimes foreigners ; and in the woodcut
on the previous page they appear to be blacks, who amused the
spectators with their own national dance, or one which they had
learned from the Egyptians. Among many ancient people it
was customary to teach slaves to dance and sing, in order that
they might divert their master, or entertain a party of guests ;
and the Romans even employed them in various trades and manu-
factures. Those, too, who gave proofs of ability and genius, were
frequently instructed in literature and the liberal arts, and the
masters profited by their industry, or sold them at a great price
in consequence of their accomplishments. The Egyptians, indeed,
pursued this system to a certain extent : slaves were employed in
public works * and in domestic occupations ; and there is evidence
from the sculptures that many of the musicians and dancers, both
men and women, were slaves, who had been taken captive in war
from their Ethiopian and Asiatic enemies. Yet it is not probable
they were instructed in the same manner as those above men-
tioned at Rome ; though the very kind treatment of Joseph, the
mode of his liberation, and his subsequent marriage^ with the
daughter of a freebom Egyptian, a high functionary of the sacer-
dotal order,* are striking proofs of the humanity of the Egyptians,*
and of their indulgent conduct towards manumitted slaves.
The only drum represented in the sculptures is a long drum,
very similar to one of the tomtoms of India. It was about two
feet or two feet and a half in length, and was beaten with the
hand, like the Roman tympanum. The case was of wood or copper,
covered at either end with parchment or leather, braced by cords,
extending diagonally over the exterior of the cylinder, which in
this respect diflfered from our modem drums ; and when played,
it was slung by a band round the neck of the drummer, who during
» Woodcut No. 226. Phre or Pet-re, Heliodotus), priest of On,*
' Lxod. i. 11, 14. Herodot. ii. 108. the city of the Sun, or Heliopolis.
' Gen. xli. 45. The case of Joseph was, * A& was the lenient punishment of
no doubt, of an extraordinary nature. Joseph, when with his master Potiphar.
♦ * Asenath, the daughter of Potipherah (Gen. xxxix. 19, 20.)
(in Hebrew, Poti-Phra ; in Egyptian, Pet-
460
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS.
[Chap. VL
No. 227.
The drum.
Huba,
the march carried it in a vertical position at his back. Like the
trumpet, it was chiefly employed in the army ; and the evidence
of the sculptures is confirmed by the authority of Clement of
Alexandria, who states that the drum was used by the Egyptians
in going to war.^ Both these instruments
are found to have been common at the
earliest period of which we have any ac-
count from the sculptures of Thebes, or
about the sixteenth century before our era ;
and there is no reason to suppose them to
have been then a recent invention.
When a body of troops marched to the
beat of drum, the drummer was often
stationed in the centre or the rear, and
sometimes immediately behind the stand-
ard bearers; the trumpeter's post being
generally at the head of the regiment,
except when summoning them to form or
advance to the charge :* but the drummers
were not always alone, or confined to the
rear or centre ; and when forming part of the band, they marched
in the van, or, with the other musicians, were drawn up on one
side while the troops defiled, as in our European armies.
Besides the long drum, the Egyptians had another, not very
unlike our own, both in form and size,
which was much broader in proportion
to its length than the tomtom just
mentioned, being two feet and a half
high, and two feet broad. It was
beaten with two wooden sticks ; but as
there is no representation of the mode
of using it, we are unable to decide
whether it was suspended horizontally
and struck at both ends, as is usual
with a drum of the same kind still used
at Cairo, or at one end only, like our
own ; though, from the curve of the
sticks, I am inclined to think it was
slung and beaten as the tamboor of modem Egypt. Sometimes the
sticks were straight, and consisted of two parts, the handle and a
M«xle of Blinging the dram behind, when
No. 228. ou a march.
> Clemens Alex. Stromat ii. 164.
' JofihuA Ti. 9.
Chap. VI.] MODE Or BKACING THE DRUM. 461
thin round rod, at whose end a small knob projected, for the purpose
of fastening the leather pad with which the drum was struck ;
they were about a foot in length, and, judging from the form of
the handle of one in the Berlin Museum,* we may conclude they
belonged, like those above mentioned, to a drum beaten at both
ends. Each extremity of the drum was covered with red leather,
braced with catgut strings passing through small holes in its
broad margin, and extending in direct lines over the copper body,
which, from its convexity, was similar in shape to a cask.*
In order to tighten the strings, and thereby to brace the drum,
a piece of catgut extended round each end, near the edge of the
leather; and crossing the strings at right angles, and being
twist«d round each separately, braced them all in proportion as it
was drawn tight : but this was only done when the leather and the
rami at TUba.
strings had become relaxed by constant use ; and as this piece of
catgut was applied to either end, they had the means of doubling
the power of tension on every string. It is true that this kind of
drum does not occur in any sculptures hitherto discovered ; yet it
is not less certain that it was among the instruments of the country,
one of them having been found in the excavations made at Thebes
by D'Athanasi, during Mr. Madox's stay at that place in 1823 ; to
whom I am indebted for the original sketch of the accompanying
woodcut.'
Besides the ordinary forms of Egyptian instruments, several
■ Oirea In woodcut Ko. 40, fg. 2, ]
SOS.
' I beliere it to b« the unx
DOW in the HnMnm it ?a'a.
* Woodcut No. 2S9. [Tbrn
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS.
[Chap.YL
were constructed according to a particular taste or accidental
caprice. Some were of the most simple kind, others of very costly
materials, and many were richly ornamented with brilliant colours
and faacy figures ; particularly the harps aud lyres. The harps
■Dd t. pllju OO tiM gl
varied greatly in form, size, and the number of their strings : they
are represented in the ancient paintings with four, six, aeTen,
eight, nine, ten, eleven, twelve, fourteen, seventeen, twenty,
twenty-one, and twenty-two strings. That in the Paris Collection
HHd ttt A hup Jnm Tb«b«, ind
In the Btttltb MoMimi.
appears also to have had twenty-one ; and the head of another,
found by me at Thebes, was made for seventeeo strings, as is
shown by the nmnber of its pegs. They were frequently
Chap. VI.]
THE HARP.
463
very large, even exceeding the height of a man, tastefully
painted with the lotus and other flowers, or with fancy devices ;
and those of the royal ^ minstrels were fitted up in the most
splendid manner, adorned with the head or bust of the monarch
himself. The oldest harps found in the sculptures are in a
tomb, near the Pyramids of Gizeh, between three and four
thousand years old. They are more rude in shape than those
usually represented ; and though it is impossible to ascertain the
precise number of their strings,' they do not appear to have
exceeded seven or eight, and are fastened in a different manner
from ordinary Egyptian harps.
I have already noticed the great antiquity of the harp, and
its early use in some Eastern or Asiatic countries,^ which is fully
confirmed by the oldest Egyptian sculptures; It does not appear
to have been known to the Greeks, but many stringed instruments,
as the cithara, went from Asia to Greece ; and this last, ac-
cording to Plutarch, was originally styled Asiatic,* having been
introduced from Lesbos,* where music was long cultivated with
success. The same author observes that the cithara was employed
upon sacred and festive occasions,* and Heraclides of Lesbos sup-
posed it to have been invented by Amphion ; ' but a diversity
of opinion always existed upon the subject of its introduction
into Greece.
Terpander,® who lived about two hundred years after Homer,
was one of the first to attain any celebrity in its use, and he is
reputed to have instituted laws for this instrument some time
before they were arranged for the flute or pipe. Cepion, his
disciple, who followed the Lesbian model, established its form ;
and few changes were introduced into it till Timotheus of Miletus,*
who flourished about the year 400 B.C., added four to the previous
seven strings.
How far, then, do we find the Egyptians surpassed the Greeks
at this early period, in the science of music ! Indeed, long before
* Conf. the rojal minstrels of David and
Solomon. Asaph was chief master of
music to Day id (1 Chron. xyi. 7, and
XXV. 6).
« Woodcut No. 208.
' Egypt was included in Asia by some
ancient writers. Vide also Herodot. ii.
15, 16.
« Plut. de Musidt.
* The Lesbians were famed for the lyre
and other instruments. Conf. Horace, Od.
lib. i. 21, 11, 34.
' Plut. Sympos. lib. vii.
^ Plut. de Musidt.
' He was a native of Lesbos, or of
Antissa ; and was said to have added three
strings to the lyre, which had until then
only four. Plutarch says it had seven
strings till his time, and that he added
many more tones.
• Pausan. Grcc lib. iii.
464
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS.
[Chap. VL
the lyre was kno\\Ti in Greece, the Egyptians had attained the
highest degree of perfection in the form of their stringed instru-
ments ; on which no improvement was found necessary, even at a
time when their skill was so great that Greek sages visited Egypt
to study music, among the other sciences, for which it was
renowned. And harps of fourteen and lyres of seventeen strings
are found to have been used by the ordinary Egyptian musicians,
at the remote period of the reign of Amasis, the first king of the
18th Dynasty, who lived about 1570 B.c.,^ nine hundred years
before the time of Terpander.
No. 332. Harp ralBed on a stand or support. Tlubet
The inscription says : * The words of the temples— the bard Aahmes (Amasis).'
The strings of the Egyptian harp were of eatgut ; and some
of those discovered at Thebes, in 1823, were so well preserved,
that they emitted a sound on being touched, as I shall presently
have occasion to observe. Some harps stood upon the ground,
having an even, broad base; others were placed upon a stool,*
or raised upon a stand or limb attached to the lower part ; ' and
from the appearance of that given in the above woodcut, we may
' Some harps of the time of Usertesen I. have seven strings.
' Instances of this are also found at Hercolaneum. Woodcnt Ko. 233,
* Woodcut No. 232.
Chap. TL] HARPS. 46^
snppoBe they intended to show that the harp, like many G reek
lyres, was occasionally made of tortoiseshell. In many instances
ig, vblle pUjlng Uk birp.
the minstrel stood to the instrument ;' and it was customary for
the harps they used in this manner to be flat at the base, like
those represented in Brace's tomb. But many which were squared
for this porpose were inclined towards the performer, who sup-
ported the harp as she played;* for this kind of instrument
' Woadml Ko. 233.
VOL. I.
' Woodeat No, SIS ; bat not alwaji.
2 H
466
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS.
[Chap. VI.
seems to have been more generally appropriated to women than
to men. Minstrels indeed were of both sexes ; but we more
frequently meet with representations of men seated to the harp,
though instances occur of their kneeling and standing, and of
women sitting, as they struck the cords.
A light species of fourHstringed instrument, which I shall
presently have occasion to mention, was supported upon the
shoulder, and played with both hands ; but this manner of holding
it, and perhaps its use, may have been confined to women.^ There
was also a small four-stringed harp usually played by men, which
stood upon the ground^ like others of more ordinary form, and
served as an accompaniment to one of larger dimensions.' Many
of the harps were covered with bulls' hides, or with leather, which
was sometimes of a green* or of a red* colour, frequently painted
with various devices, vestiges of which may be traced in that of
the Paris Collection.*
It may be questioned whether the four-stringed instrument
above mentioned ought to bear the name of harp ; for certainly
the difference in its form from that used as an accompaniment to
the large harp^ sufiSces to show that these two are not the same,
and this is further confirmed by the appearance of two of the very
same portable instruments in the Paris and British Museums.® It
may also be observed, that though the small harp has only four
strings, it has six pegs, which would indicate the occasional use
of two more cords ; and it is not impossible that the absence of
those strings may be attributed to some neglect of the artist*
The representation of the other instrument agrees exactly with
those of the London and Paris collections, having four pegs and
the same number of cords, fastened at the lower end to a bar
extending down the centre of its concave body, which was covered
with leather, strained over it, and perforated here and there with
small holes to allow the sound to escape. It was always played
with the hands, and never, like the guitar and some lyres, with
a plectrum. Another of very similar form, and with the same
number of cords, was found at Thebes; and from the copy
I have seen of it, made by Mr. Madox, it appears to have
> Woodcut No. 234.
« Woodcut No. 211.
> As that of woodcut No. 211.
* One found at Thebes by Mr. Salt.
* One seen bj Mr. Madox at Thebes.
* Woodcut No. 238.
' Woodcut No. 211.
• Woodcut Na 240,^ 2 and 2a.
' 1 hare seen a harp with six strings
and nine pegs, probably an orersight ol
the draughtsman ; unless those additknal
pegs were used for some purpose. One of
the lyres of Heroulaneum has elevoi
strings and seven pegs.
Chap. VI.] THEER POSTUBE IN PLAYING THE HARP. 467
been famished with a peg at the lower end, whose use it is
not easy to determine, but which probably served to secure the
strings.
It does not appear that the Egyptians had any mode of
shortening the strings during the performance, either in this
instrument or the harp, or had invented any substitute for our
modem pedals ; nor is there any instance of a double set of
cords, as in the old Welsh harp. They could, therefore, only
play in one key, until they tuned it afresh, which was done by
turning the pegs. There is, however, reason to believe that the
want of pedals was partially supplied by the introduction of a
second row of pegs, since we find that these are frequently double,
or two to each string;^ and a contrivance of this kind might
have the effect of giving an additional half-note. In playing
the harp, some minstrels sat cross-legged on the ground, like
Asiatics of the present day, or upon one knee,^ whether men
or women ;^ others preferred a low stool ; and many stood, even
while performing on ordinary occasions in the houses of private
individuals.
[The question of the harp having been played to the pentatonic
scale has been discussed by Dr. Engel in his 'Music of the
Ancients ;'* and the transition from the bow shape to the triangle,
and the relation of the Egyptian to the Greek harp, has been
described by Mr. Chappell in his * History of Music.'* It seems
possible that the twang of the bowstring may have suggested the
harp to the inventor of that instmment. A great harp made of or
inlaid with silver and gold and precious stones is mentioned in
the annals of Thothmes III.' The harp was called ben or henJ,
or else ta hen, * the harp.' — S. B.]
Before the images of the gods, and in religious ceremonies, it
is natural to suppose that the sacred minstrels adopted this
posture, out of respect to the deity in whose service they were
engaged ; and we have abundant evidence from the harpers in
Bruce's tomb, who are officiating before Shu,^ and from several
other instances, that this instrument was employed in their form
of worship, and to celebrate the praises of the gods. So suitable,
indeed, was the harp considered for this purpose, that they
represented it in the hands of the deities themselves, as well as
^ In the harp g^ven in woodcnt No. * 8vo. Lond. 1864, p. 154.
213 are eight strings and sixteen pegs. * Svo. Lond. 1874, p. 310.
* Woodcut No. 232. • * Records of the Past,' ii. p. 20.
* Woodcuts Nos. 210 and 218. ' One of the Egyptian deities.
468 THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS. [Chap. VL
the tambourine and the sacred sistrum. It was held in the same
consideration by the Jews ; and there is reason to belieye that in
this respect they followed the example of the Egyptians, from
whom many of their customs were derived. Harps and psalteries
appear from the Scriptures^ to have obtained the first rank;
and cymbals, trumpets, and comets^ were also designated as
part of the sacred band, as in some of the religious ceremonies
of Egypt.
The Jewish psaltery I am inclined to suppose the same as, or
similar to, the four-stringed instrument above described, though
Josephus gives it * twelve musical notes/* In Hebrew, it was
called psanterin,^ and probably sometimes nabl, a name from
which was borrowed the nabla^ of the Greeks; and this last is
mentioned in Strabo as one of many instruments known by
barbarous appellations.*
Athenaeus considers the nahlum, pandttray sambueay magadis,
and trigon not to be new instruments ; but yet they may have
been brought originally from foreign countries : and he afterwards
states, on the authority of Aristoxenus, that the ^Phosnidea
pedUy magadis, trigon^ clepsiangus, acindapsm, and enneaehardan
(of nine strings) were foreign instruments/^
Some light might be thrown on the names of the varions
harps, lyres, and other musical instruments of Egypt, if those
mentioned in the Bible were more accurately defined ; but much
* 1 ChroD. xvi. 5. aa/A/BJcif, ^oAT^pior, irvfi^vlaJ The
I 1 Chron. XV. 28, &c. trumpet wu called in Hebrew nSitT, 9(^ar,
* Josephus, Antiq. vii. 12, 3, says, ,,, . o^ ji^t v -t «J.v ,
* The viol was of ten strings, played with ^^'\^^''\l' ^\^^ Numb. vu. 20). In
the bow (perhaps plectrum): the psaltery ,^™»c, tiffer is to whistle,
had twelve musical notes, and was played , £lT^ " ***' pwlUrum.
or
* The nabla is supposed to be the nefer
guitar. (Mr. Chappell's < History of
with the fingers ; . . . the cymbals were
broad and large instruments of brass.' . -. . „ . , «^ -««^ v
Some of the instrumenU mentioned in ^^^»*J1 ^5^ P^" ^^' ^^^'^
Dan. iii. 15, * cornet, flute, harp, sackbut, , »trabo, lib. *•
psaltery, and dulcimer,' are very uncer- AXYitiL iv. c. 25. The pandwra he
tein; in the Hebrew they are koma, V^'^^T^^^X ^*^*^ ^°v°^*. S^™ *^*
fmuhfvokiiha, kaharus, sabka, psanterin, ^^""^^ ZT ^^ F^'V ^1 Y'l^ ^**5 P^
and wmphonSeh; the third and last of \*"y. S*"^/ ^1»^« .?f ^''^ ««*» the
which are evidently Greek names. The »*o^«»» or SKora marttma of the preM&t
Syriac version gives the kamo, mtwA- ?^^' J- Poll«» calls it /wikfoiira, and says
roomho, Kihoro, kinoro, and tzipKwiio, jt was a thrwHitring^ instrument, invented
the fourth being omitted ; the Arabic has ^l J*** ^T^^ (!»»>• «▼• 9)- Thtmaga^
** of Anacreon he supposes to be the same
SjUaJL jLoV*IL ^#]U " ***® psithtfra, or asoantm, a stringed
-J ^ -^ J^ ^ G. -^ ^ instrument of quadrangular form, app*«
SjlS^^aJL ,-UlL O 'trumpet ""^ly played like the Arab gxnufon, but
^ " ^ ^ ^ *^ » not resembling it in sound. [See on the
flute, harp, lyre, psaltery, and pipe;' and pandoura; Chappell, <Hist. of Ifiisiey' pp.
the Septuagint, * crdUiriyl, cr^pryl, ta^i^ 301-2.— S. B.]
Chap. VL] YABIED POBMS OF INSTBUKENTS. 469
confuaiou ezietB between the eiihara or kUarm, the aahur,^ the
sambue, the naU, and the hinior; not can the Tarious kinds of
drams, cymbals, or wind instruments of the Jews be more
satisfactorily ascertained. The difficulty of identifying them is
not surprising, when we observe how many names' the Greeks
had for their stringed instruments, and how the harps and lyres
represented in the Egyptian sculptures approach each other in
principle and form ; and we sometimes hesitate whether to ascribe
to them a place among the former or the latter. One of these,
with nine strings, was carried by the mosician, and sometimes
held by pressing it between the side end elbow, perhaps supported
at the same time by a belt over the shoulder ; ^ and another, which
' Trlugvliu' InMmiMi
stood upon the ground, bad eight strings, and was also played by
the hand, the minstrel standing.* The tassels on the lower limb
of the former appear to be merely ornamental; though it is
possible that, since there are no pegs, they were intended for
tightening the cords, in order to alter the key; and in some
instances, each cord of a laige harp is accompanied by one of
these tassels, which terminates a long string, wound round the
upper limb of the instrument, as may be seen on that of the Paris
Museum.' This harp is of moderate dimensionB, and had either
twenty-one or twenty-two strings. It is highly interesting, as
< So called from hnyiai ten ttriogi. ' Woodcut* No*. 235, 2M.
• Witn™ tho*« given bj J. Polloi, 1». 9- * PumuU. » Wooacot No, 238.
470 THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS. [Chaf. VL
well from its preserratioo as from the iusight it giTOs os into tiie
form and principle of these instruments ; and if it is far from
being the first quality of haq>, either in elegance of shape or in
the richness of its materials, yet, from the number of its stringB,
N0.IU. TlHlitniirtilciniidbaPuliOglluttML
ftg. 1 ibmi bow Un mnli van biMaed.
it most have been one of the highest power in me uuoDg the
Chap. VL] CONSTBUCTION OF THE HABP. 471
Egyptians, since they are seldom represented in the sculptures
with more than two octaves.
All the Egyptian harps have a pecuUarity for which it is not
easy to account — the absence of a pole, and, consequently, of a
support to the bar, or upper limb, in which the pegs were fixed ;
and it is difficult to conceive how, without it, the cords could
have been properly tightened, or the bar sufficiently strong to
resist the effect of their tension, particularly in those of a
triangular form.
Another instrument, of nearly the same capacity as the Paris
harp, was found at Thebes in 1823, where it was seen by Mr.
Madox, to whom I am indebted for the sketch I have given of it
in a succeeding woodcut.^ It had twenty cords of catgut, so
well preserved that, as I have already observed, they stiU retained
their sound, after having been buried in the tomb probably three
thousand years ; a length of time which would appear incredible,
if we had not repeated instances of the perfect preservation of
numerous perishable objects, even of an older date, in the
sepulchres of Thebes. It is to the excessive dryness of the soil,
and of the rock in which the pits are hewn, frequently to the
depth of fifteen, thirty, and even seventy feet, and to the total
exclusion of air, that this is to be attributed ; and grains of com
and other seeds have been found which have remained entire,
without undergoing any change, and without making any effort
to strike root in the sand, or the vase in which they were
deposited.
Experiments are said to have been tried with some grains of
com thus preserved, which sprouted when sown ;* and though I
cannot speak of this as a fact, yet I am inclined to believe that if
seed thus discovered were immediately put into the earth, the
results would be as stated; since experience shows that seeds
buried at certain depths are unable to germinate, till removed
nearer the surface of the earth ; and I have known them to re-
main for years on the plains of the Egyptian desert, awaiting
that rain which has at length enabled them to take root in the
previously parched soiL
The instrument just mentioned was of a form which might
' Woodcnt No. 240, fig, 3. boUnists on account of the impoMibilitj
' Several are now in the different col- of the delicate and minute embrjo, placed
lections of Europe. The experiments are immediately below the surface, being pre-
said to have been made in France. [The served so long in life, close to the surface.
poesibilitj of com germinating after so — S. B.]
many years is strongly denied by some
472 THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS. [Chap. VI.
require it to hold an intermediate rank between the lyre and the
harp, like the two previously noticed : nor would the number of
twenty strings be any objection, since we meet with Egyptian
lyres of nearly the same power, having eighteen cords. The
frame was of wood, covered with red leather, on which could be
traced a few hieroglyphics. The strings were fastened to the
upper limb, and wound round a rod inserted into the lower part,
which was probably turned in order to tighten them, and may be
considered similar in principle to that on the summit of many
ancient lyres, or of the histrka used in modem Ethiopia. In the
former, the rod itself was turned ; in the latter, each string is
fastened over a ring of some adhesive material, intervening
between it and the rod, and the turn of this ring regulates the
tension of the cord. Neither this nor the two above alluded to
were provided with pegs, a peculiarity which may be considered
a distinctive mark between this class of instruments and the
harp.
There are still two others, which appear unconnected either
with the harp or lyre, and yet differ from the two already
described, having pegs to brace the strings. Of these, one
has a flat broad body, covered with a sounding-board, in the
centre of which is a rod securing the cords ; and perpendicular
to it is another rod at the upper end of the instrument, into
which the pegs are inserted that supported and tightened its
ten strings.^
The other, which bears still less analogy to the Egyptian
harp, appears to have had five strings, each secured by a peg,
and passing over a hollow circular body, covered probably with a
thin piece of wood or leather.* It was seven inches in length, the
neck about one foot three inches, and the five pegs were fixed in
the lower side, in a direct line, one behind the other. At the
opposite end of the circular part were two holes, for fastening the
rod that secured the strings, as in the preceding instrument;'
which may be seen in one of the two found at Thebes by Mr.
Salt, and now in the British Museum. They are not of the
best quality, nor very perfectly preserved, and the one I have
described has lost two of its rude pegs. The other has only
four, and the lower part is much injured. They are both of
sycamore wood, and exactly like that in the Berlin Collection,
» Given in woodcut No. 240,/^. 5, from * Woodcut No. 240, )^. 1, and woodcut
Prof. Rosellini's work. No. 239. » Woodcut No. 238.
Chap. VI.]
OTHER MUSICAL INSTRUMENTS.
473
which has the five pegs entire, and has the body composed of
three pieces of wood.
At first sight this instrument appears to resemble the
Egyptian guitar, both in its form and the position of the strings ;
on restoring it, however, and introducing them, we find that the
principle was totally different, and that the neck was not in-
tended, as in the guitar, for shortening the cords, and con-
sequently the instrument was of a very inferior kind, and of an
exceedingly limited power.
No. 239.
Figi, 1, 3. InstrumenU in the British Museum.
2. lu the Berlin Museum.
In addition, then, to the guitar, harp, and lyre, we may
enumerate at least five, independent of the four-stringed harp
previously mentioned,^ which do not come under the denomi-
nation of any of the three; nor do I include in the five that
represented in the sculptured tomb of Alabastron,* which may
deserve the name of standing lyre; nor one occurring in the
same tomb, and played as an accompaniment to the lyre. Unfor-
tunately it is much damaged, and the appearance of several bars
or cords can alone be traced, which the performer strikes with
a stick.^
It is true that, of the five instruments here represented,*
Jiff8, 1 and 2 are very similar in principle, as are 3 and 4, however
different their tones and powers may have been; but still they
must be considered distinct from the harp, lyre, and guitar ; and
they may, perhaps, bear some analogy to the nabl,^ the aanJmOf
» Woodcut No. 211.
* Woodcut No. 240.
2 Woodcut No. 237. » Woodcut No. 241.
^ Amos Ti. 5. The naJU may kaye been a fori of guitar.
474
THE ANCIENT EGTPTIANS.
[Chj
.VL
and the ten-stringed dahur of tlie Jewa; though these veie
generally played with a sort of plectmm, and the former always
with the hand.
Of the instrument fy. 2, the most curious and perfect
specimen I have seen was brought by Mr. Burton from Thebes,
and is now in the British Museum. It only wants the iour
strings : the exact form, the pegs, the bridge or rod to whicli the
dUfMng fitHD the hup, Ljra, UHl |;uU*T.
corde were attached, and even the parchment covering its
wooden body, and Herring instead of a sounding-board, gtill le-
main ; and from its lightness as well as size, we may judge how
portable it was, and how conreniently it might be used in the
manner described in the sculptures, upon the shoulder of the
performer.^
The Egyptian lyre was not less varied in its form and the
■ WocNlcut Ho. S3t.
Chap. VL]
THE LTBE.
475
number of its cords than the harp; and they ornamented it
with numeroas fancy devices their taste suggested. Diodorus
limits the number of its cords to three ; however, a» his
description does not apply to the Egyptian lyre, but to the
guitar, it is unnecessary to introduce it till I mention that
instrument.
A singular story of its supposed invention* is related by
Apollodorus. * The Nile,' says the Athenian mythologist, * after
having overflowed the whole country of Egypt, when it returned
within its natural bounds, left on the shore a great number of
animals of various kinds, and among the rest a tortoise,^ the flesh
of which being dried and wasted by the sun, nothing remained
within the shell but nerves and cartilages, and these being braced
and contracted by the drying heat became Bonorous.' Mercury,
walking along the banks of the river, happened to strike his foot
against this shell, and was so pleased with the sound produced,
that the idea of a lyre presented itself to his imagination. He
therefore constructed the instrument in the form of a tortoise,^
and strung it with the dried sinews of dead animals.'
Many of the lyres were of considerable power, having five,
seven, ten, and eighteen strings. They were usually supported
between the elbow and the side, and the mode of playing them
was generally with the hand, and not, as in Greece and Home,
with a plectrum. This custom, however, was also adopted by the
Egyptians ; and as it occurs in sculptures of the earliest periods,
it is evident they did not borrow it from Greece ; nor was it
unusual for the Greeks to play the lyre with the hand without
a plectrum ; and many instances of both <nethods occur in the
paintings of Herculaneum. Sometimes the Egyptians touched
the strings with the left hand, while they struck them with the
plectrum ; and the same appears in the frescoes of Herculaneum,
where I have observed lyres of three, six, nine, and eleven strings.
^ The inyentioQ of the Greek lyre is also
attribated to Mercury. Paosanias states
that Mercury haying found a tortoiseshell
on a mountain of Arcadia, called Chely-
dorea, near Mount Cjllene, formed it into a
lyre. (Pausan. Grsec lib. yiiL Arcad.) And
he mentions (lib. ii.) a statue of Mercury,
in the temple of Apollo at Argos, ' holding
a tortoiseshell, of which he proposes to
make a lyre.' (Hor. Od. lib. i. 10, 6.)
' Pausanias says the tortoise of Mount
Parthenins, in Arcadia, was particularly
suited for making lyres, as well as that of
the Soron oak forest, which, for this
purpose, riyalled the Indian species. (Lib.
■ • • X
Vlll.)
' In the collection of the British Museum,
No. 63S4a, is a sounding-board of a small
lyre made of the shell of a tortoise. It came
from the eollection of the late A. C. Harris,
of Alexandria. — S. B.
* From haying been made of a tortoisa-
shell, the lyre reoeiyed the name UUudo,
(Hor. Od. Ub. iU. 11, 3.)
476
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS.
[Chj
.VI.
played with the plectrum ; of four, five, six, seven, and ten, with
the hands ; and of nine and eleven, with the plectrum and fingers
at the same time.
Some lyres were omamentfid with
the head of a ^vourite animal carved
in wood, as the horse, ibex, or gazelle ; '
and others were of more simple
shape. The strings were fastened
at the upper end to a cross-har con-
necting the two sides, and at the
lower end they were attached to a
raised ledge or hollow sounding-
board, about the centre of the body,
which was of wood, like the rest of
the instrument. The Berlin and
Leyden Musenms possess lyres of
this kind, which, with the exception
J of the strings, are perfectly pre-
served. That in the former collection
is ornamented with horses' heads,
and in form, principle, and the alternating length of its cords,
resembles the one given in woodcut No. 244 ; though the bo&nl
No. Ml. LjR> plijtd vtUi ud whtaont tbe plearnm. l%Aa.
to which the strings are fastened is nearer the bottom of the
' Ai ID woodcut Ko. 213.
Chap. Vl.J
477
iustrumeQt, and the number of strings is tliirteen instead of ten :
and thus we Lave an opportunity of comparing real Egyptian
lyres with the representations of
them drawn by Theban artists, in
the reign of Amenopbis I., and
other early monarcbs, more than
3000 years ago.
The body of the Berlin lyre is
about ten inches high and fourteen
and a half broad, and tbe total
height of tbe instrument is two
feet.' That of Leyden ' is smaller,
and less ornamented, but it is
equally well preserved, and highly
interesting from a hieratic inscrip-
tion written iu ink upon the front.
It has no extra sounding-board;
its hollow body sufBciently an-
swers this purpose ; and the
strings probably passed over
movable bridge, and were secured at the bottom by a small metal
I^n in (be BetUo OdUmUdil
ring or staple. Both these lyres are entirely of wood, and one
of the sides, as of many represented in the scnlptnies,^ is longer
H nni boldt, Sigaor Puitluqnl, Dr. Lmdiuu,
, . , , and H. JiDMli. Th« two mnwaiiu «h*n
ickoewleilge th« obliging tht greftte*t fkcilitiu an gJTcn toitnt^on
'or copjrlng tha moBumaikU thej contain,
ippear to m* to be tha Britlth Hnaaoin
lod tha HnwDm of Lajrdan.
' WoodeaU K«^ 243 and S43.
■ Woodcut
' In meatiooiDg thau hirpa, 1 fsel it
pleaiing datf
both thsH moMonu, paTticnlailf at that
of Lcfdcn; and 1 take thii opporlnnity of
aipnauag in; obligationi to Baian A. tod
478
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS.
[Chap.VL
than the opposite one; so that they tuned the instrument by
sliding the cords upwards, along the bar.
Similar to these were many of the Greek lyres, sometimes
imitating the shape and position of the horns of a gazelle and
other elegant forms, and the number of their strings was as varied
as those of the Egyptians. In Greece, the instrument had at first
only four cords, till an additional three were introduced by
Amphion;^ who, as Pausanias seems to hint, borrowed his know-
ledge of music from Lydia, and was
reputed to have been taught the use
of the lyre by Mercury; a feble
which may be solved in the same
manner as the legend respecting the
invention of that instrument and of
the Egyptian guitar, which I shall
presently notice.
Seven continued to be the num-
ber of its strings, until the time of
Terpander,^ a poet and musician of
Antissa near Lesbos (670 B.C.), who
added several other notes ;' but
many were still made with a limited
number ; and though lyres of great
power had long been known, and
were constantly used by them, still
many Greeks and Bomans^ con-
tented themselves with, and perhaps
preferred, those of a smallercompass.
The lyres in the paintings of Hercu-
laneum vary in the number of their
strings, as much as those in the Egyptian frescoes ; and we there
find them with three, four, five, six, seven, eight, nine, ten, and
eleven cords.
There is no instance of a harp in those paintings ; but a tri-
angtdar instrument ' of eight strings, carried under the arm and
Lyre of the Leyden OoUeciioo.
Fig. a shows the lower end.
No. 245.
* Pausan. lib. ix.
s Plat, de Musict.
' Plinj's account differs from Plutarch,
and he attributes the addition of the
eighth string to Simonides, the ninth to
Timotheus. (Lib. yii. 56, where he men-
tions the inventors of different instruments.)
[Mr. Chappell, < Hist, of Ancient Music,'
1874, pp. 29-49, has discussed this point at
full length.— S. B.]
« Conf. Hor. loo, oH,
* The two limbs supporting the strings
form the two opposite sides, as the outer
string the third, or bate of the iMMcelct
triangle.
Chap. VI.]
JEWISH LYRES.
479
played with both hands, bears some analogy to that previously
described from Thebes, which, as I have observed, we doubt
whether to class among the harps or lyres ;^ and another of seven
cords is played with the two hands in the manner of a harp, by
a woman reclining on the ground. It is difficult to say whether
any one of these comes under the denomination of magadis^ which,
according to Athenseus, * was furnished with strings,^ like the
cithara^ lyra, and harbiton ;' but though little can be ascertained
Tespecting the form of the numerous instruments alluded to by
ancient authors,^ the triangular lyre above mentioned cannot fail,
from its shape, to call to mind the triffon,^ or the sambuea, which
is also described as being of a triangular form.'
The Jewish lyre, or kindor, had sometimes six, sometimes nine
strings, and was played with the hand, or with a plectrum ; and
if, when we become better acquainted with the interpretation of
hieroglyphics, the * strangers ' at Beni-Hassan should prove to
be the arrival of Jacob's family in Egypt, we may examine the
Jewish lyre drawn by an Egyptian artist. That this event took
place about the period when the inmate of the tomb lived, is
highly probable ; at leaist, if I am correct in considering TJser-
tesen I. to be the Pharaoh the patron of Joseph ; and it remains
for us to decide whether the disagreement in the number of per-
sons here introduced, thirty-seven being written over them in
hieroglyphics, is a sufficient objection * to their identity.
It will not be foreign to the present subject to introduce those
figures, which are curious, if only considered as illustrative of
ancient customs at that early epoch, and which will be looked upon
with unbounded interest should they ever be found to refer to
' Woodcut No. 235.
' The name magadis was also applied to
a kind of pipe. (Athen. iv. 25.)
' Aristotle (Repub. lib. yiii. c. 6, de
Musicd) says, ' Many ancient instruments,
aapectidea and barhiti, and those which
tend to delight the ear hj their sonnd;
heptagona (septangles), irigona (triangles),
McmbvaSf and all that depend upon skilful
execution in fingering the cords.' [The
magadis had a bridge to divide the strings
into two parts in the ratio of 2 to 1, so
as to play in octaves on one string. The
Egyptian magadis is the heptachord lyre.
Woodcuts Nos. 242 and 245. Chappell,
< Hist, of Ancient Music/ pp. 14, 55, 255.
— S. B.] * Athen. U>c. cU.
* Suidas gives this account of the
ffafifiinnif ' tpytufov fiovffiKhy Tpiyttvov,
It was said to be made of strings of un-
equal length and thickness, answering to
the appearance of the one above alluded
to at Herculaneum. There is another of
triangular form at Herculaneum, with ten
strings, which is held over the shoulder
while played with the two hands.
* In < Egypt and Thebes,' p. 26, 1 have
exprMsed a fear that in consequence
of this number, and of the expression
* captives,' we can only rank them among
the ordinary prisoners taken by the
Egyptians during their wars in Asia ; but
the contemptuous expressions common to
the Egyptians in speaking of foreigners
might account for the use of this word.
Those presented by Joseph to Pharaoh were
only five ; and the person seated here is
not the king. (Ezod. xlvu. 2.)
480
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS.
[Chap. YI.
the Jews.^ The first figure is an Egyptian scribe, who presents
an account of their arrival to a person seated, the owner of the
tomb, and one of the principal officers of the reigning Pharaoh.
The next, also an Egyptian, ushers them into his presence ; and
two advance, bringing presents, the wild goat or ibex and the
gazelle, the productions of their country. Four men, carrying
bows and clubs, follow, leading an ass on which two children are
placed in panniers, accompanied by a boy and four women ; and
last of all, another ass laden, and two men, one holding a bow and
club, the other a lyre, which he plays with the plectrum. All
the men have beards, contrary to the custom of the Egyptians, but
very general in the East at that period, and noticed as a pecu-
liarity of foreign uncivilised nations throughout their sculptures.
The men have sandals, the women a sort of boot reaching to the
ankle,* both which were worn by many Asiatic people. The lyre
is rude, and differs a little in form from those generally used in
Egypt ; but its presence here, and in others of the oldest sculp-
tures, amply testifies its great antiquity, and claims for it a rank
among the earliest stringed instruments.^
The Egyptian guitar has only three strings ; and to it I believe
Diodorus alludes, when he applies that number to the lyre, which
he says corresponded to the three seasons of the year. Its inven-
tion he attributes to Hermes or Mercury,* who taught men letters,
astronomy, and the rites of religion, and who gave the instrument
three tones — ^the treble, bass, and tenor ; the first to accord with
summer, the second with winter, and the third with spring.
That the Egyptian year was divided into three parts is abun-
dantly proved by numerous hieroglyphic inscriptions, as well as
by the authority of Greek writers ; and each season consisted of
four months of thirty days each, making a total of three hundred
and sixty days in the year. To these were added five more at the
1 Plate XII.
' Similar high shoei, or boots, were also
worn bj Greek and Etrnscan, and eren bj
Egyptian women, being found in the tomb*
of Thebes.
' The scene represented is the bringing
of the cosmetic or kohl for the eyes bj a
tribe of the Aaanu or Semitic people bj the
royal scribe Neferhetep. The inscription
over the scene reads, ' The arrival to offer
the oollyrium, mestem^ which the thirty-
seven Aamu bring to him.' The scribe
Neferhetep unrolls a papyras on which is
inscribed, 'The year six of the reign of
his majesty the King of Upper and Lower
Egypt, Rakhalcheper (or Uscrteaen II.X the
number of the Aamu brought to the nom-
arch Chnumhetep was living Mestem, the
Aamu of the Shu. The number was thirty-
seven.' A second officer, the major-domo or
usher, named Khrati, accompanies the royal
scribe ; and the name of the Heqa or Hyk,
the ruler of the land, was Ab-«ha, or Ab-
shen. (Brugsch, *Histoire d'fi|^fpte,' 4to,
Leipzig, 1859, p. 63. RoMllini, <Monu-
menti Reali,' zuvi. zxxTii.W S. B.
« Diod. i. 16.
Chap. VI.]
EGYPTIAN GUITAB.
481
end of tlie tBclfth month ; and every fourth or leap year, another
intercalary day increased this number to six, and thereby regu-
lated the calendar, in the same manner as at the present day.'
That Diodorus confounds the guitar with the lyre is probable,
from his attributing its origin to Mercury, who was always the
supposed inventor of the latter ; though there is reason to believe
that the same fable was told him by the Egyptians in connection
with the other three-stringed instruments, and that it led to his
mistake respecting the lyre.
It was no doubt from a conviction of the great talent required
for the invention of an instrument having only three cords, and
yet equalling the power of one with numerous strings, that the
Egyptians were induced to consider it worthy of the deity who
was the patron of the arts ; and the fable ' of his intervention, on
this and similar occasions, is merely an allegorical mode of ex-
pressing the intellectual gifts communicated from the Divinity,
through his intermediate agency.
The Egyptian guitar consisted of two parts, — a long flat neck
or handle, and a hollow oval body,
either wholly of wood or covered
with leather, whose upper surface
was perforated with several holes, to
allow the sound to escape. Over
thb body, and the whole length of
the handle, extended three strings,
— no doubt, as usual, of catgut — se-
cured at the upper extremity, either
by the same number of pegs, or by
some other means peculiar to the
instrument. It does not appear to
have had any bridge ; but the
cords were fastened at the lower
end to a triangular piece of wood
or ivory, which raised them to a
sufficient height ; and in some of those represented in the sculp-
tures, we find they were elevated at the upper extremity of the
handle by means of a small cross-bar, immediately below each of
Fanudo pliflng tbe Rnitw.
■ Sue appeadii of ' Hateria Uieiogly-
phic*;' nnd DiDdomi, i. 50, who in«ntioD<
thi( quitcr day, and who ' TiiiUd ^pt
iu th« nign of Ptokmr Neot DionyxM*
(L44).
VOL. I.
'OfniimilarnatDre ii that mn
bj Diodorua concerning Osiria, wl
reputed to hsTS been the firat to pli
Tina, and to teach man the ds« of tli
|rap«. (Died. i. 15.)
2 I
the
482
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS.
[Chap. YL
the apertures, where the strings were tightened. This answered
the same purpose as the depressed end of our modem guitar;
and, indeed, since the neck was straight, some contriyance of the
kind was absolutely necessary.
It is true that the paintings do not indicate the existence of
pegs in this instrument for securing and bracing the strings, but
their common use in the harps and psalteries strongly argues their
adoption in the guitar ; and it is more probable that the artist
may have omitted them, than that the two or four tassels attached
to that part of the handle should be the substitute for a more per-
fect method well known to them, and adopted in other instruments.
In one instance, however, the strings appear to have been each
passed through a separate aperture in the handle, and then bound
round it and tied in a knot.^
The length of the handle was sometimes twice, sometimes
thrice, that of the body ; and I
suppose the whole instrument to
have measured about four feet,
the breadth of the body being
equal to haK its length. It was
struck with the plectrum, whidi
was attached by a string to the
neck, close to its junction with
the body ; and the performers
usuaUy stood as they played.
Both men and women' used the
guitar. Some danced whilst they
touched its strings, supporting it
on the right arm ; and I have
met with one instance of it
slung by a band round the neck,
like the modem Spanish guitar.*
It is, indeed, from an ancient instrument of this kind, some-
times called cithara, that the modem name guitar has been
derived ; though the cithara of the Greeks and Bomans, in early
times at least, was always a lyre.^ The Egyptian guitar may be
called a lute ; but I cannot suppose it to have been at all similar
to the barbiton,* so frequently mentioned by Horace and odier
Dancing while playing the guitar.
No. 247. Tkeha.
> Woodcut No. 210.
' PI. XI., and woodcut No. 216.
» Woodcut No. 248.
^ Pausan. Grnc. lib. ill.
* The barbitot of Strabo, who meiitioai
it as an instrument of foreign origin. Its
name was not dcrired horn jBdp/Biyof.
Chap. VL]
GDITAR STRmOS.
authors ; though this last is believed by some to have had only
three strings.' Athenieus,' on the contrary, describes it with
many cords, and attributes its inven-
tion to Anacreon ; and Theocritus also
applies to it the epithet pdyehordon.
It was particularly consecrated to Poly-
hymnia ; and, like the cith&ra,^ appears
to have been derived from LesboB.*
An instrument of an oval form, with
a circular or cylindrical handle, was
found at Thebes, not altogether unlike
the guitar ; but, owing to the imperfect
state of its preservation, nothing could
be ascertained respecting the pegs, or
the mode of tightening the strings. The
wooden body was faced with leather,
the handle extending down it to the
lower end, and part of the string re-
mained which attached the plectrum. '
Three small holes indicated tiie place where the cords were se-
cured, and two others, a short distance above, appear to have been
intended for fastening some kind of bridge ; but this is merely
conjecture, as I had not an opportunity
of examining it, and am indebted to
Mr. Madox for the accompanying
sketch.
Wire strings were not used by the
Egjrptians in any of their instruments,
nor, as far as we can learn from ancient
authors, were they of any other quality
than catgut;' and the employment of
this last in the warlike how is sup-
posed to have led to its adoption in _.,
the peaceM lyre, owing to the acci- """ "*■
dental discovery of its musical sound. We are not, therefore,
surprised to find that the Arabs, a nation of hunters, ^onld have
ODttuilan|bT>t»U.
' The Greeka hsd a If re of thite atringa,
whicK might luTa been tba barbiton, if
thia ruliy hiul odIj three cordi ; bnt it
ia geuenllj sappaxd to hkTe b«*ii > Urge
InitriuneDt.
■ Athea.iT.
' Th* tjtt upon a cithara in pi. cicii. of
Vt. Hope'a ' Cottoroaa ' recall ao Egyptian
ornammt.
' Conf. For. Od. lib. 1. 1, 33.
' Part of a catgat atring waa found
irith the harp diacDrered bj Ur. Barton
at Thebea, now in the Britiih Hiueom,
No. 6383.— S. B.
2 I 2
484
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS.
[Chap. VI.
been the inventors of the numochordium,^ an instrument of the
most imperfect kind (especially when the skill of a Paganini is
not employed to command its tones) : but it is a remarkable fact
that the same people still possess the instrument; and poor
singers in the streets of Cairo accompany the voice with a one-
stringed rahdb.
This circumstance may also be adduced as a proof of its
antiquity; for^ being used by the reciters of poems,^ it has
evidently been the instrument of their early bards, who are the
first musicians in every country. There is no instance of it in
the sculptures of the ancient Egyptians, nor is it probable that,
even if known to them, it would have been admitted in their
musical entertainments ; unless indeed it were used, as at present,
for an accompaniment in recitative.
The flute was at first very simple, and, as Horace observes,
*with a few holes;' the number being limited to four, until
Diodorus, of Thebes in Boeotia, added others; improving the
instrument, at the same time, by making a lateral opening for
the mouth.^ It was originally of reed ; but in process of time it
increased in size and in the number of its notes, and was made
of better and more sonorous materials. It is impossible to say
whether the Egyptians had one or several kinds of flutes, adapted,
as with the Greeks,* to different purposes — some to mouinful,
others to festive occasions ; but it is evident that they employed
the flute both at banquets and in religious processions.
Most of those used by the Greeks were borrowed, like their
names, from Asia — as the Lydian, Phrygian, Carian, and Mysian
flutes ; and Olympus, the disciple of Marsyas, introduced the in-
strument from Phrygia* into Greece, and was reputed by some*
to have brought the lyre from the same country. Clonas, who
lived many years after Terpander, was said to have been the first
to invent laws and suitable airs for the flute, though these were
supposed to have been borrowed from the Mysians ; ^ and Pausanias
ascribes^ the construction of the flute to Ardalus, the son of
Vulcan.*
• J. Pollux, Onom. iv. 9.
' Hence called rahdb e shder, * the
poet's viol.' Mr. Lane has given a draw-
ing and description of it in his accurate and
minute work on ' The Modem Egyptians :
Manners and Customs,' vol. ii. p. 74.
» J. Pollux, Onom. iv. 10.
* Pausanias (lib. ix.) mentions three as
being different — the Doric, Lydian, and
Phrygian. * Plut. do Musici.
* Alexander on Phrygia, quoted by
Plutarch, loc. eit,
^ Plut de Muaidt.
* Paus. Corinth, lib. U.
* Athencus considers llanyms the ia-
rentor of the oitKos ; the cdUofuif, or rted,
having been used before kb time. T^e
fuH^oitikafioSf aooordiBg to Enpliorioii, was
a reputed inTe&tta of lUreorT. ^Atkeo.
ir. 25.)
Chap. VL] THE FLUTE. 485
Aristotle, in mentioning Minerva as its inventor, merely
alludes to one of the many allegorical fables connected with that
goddess, Apollo, and Mercury ; and the story of Minerva's throwing
aside the flute, oflTended at the deformed appearance of her mouth
during the performance, is supposed by him to refer to the disre-
pute into which it fell, when its acquirement appeared to interfere
with mental reflection. ' For,' he adds, ' the flute is not suited
to improve morals, but is rather a bacchanalian instrument, and
very properly forbidden to be used by young people and freemen.
Nor was it till after the Persian war that the Greeks, inflated by
the pride of victory, laid aside their previous discrimination, and
introduced all kinds of instruction, without consulting propriety
or the maintenance of morality ; forgetting that music is good
if it tends to guide and correct the mind of youth, but highly
prejudicial when indulged in merely as a pleasure.'
To Pronomus, of Thebes in Boeotia,^ they were indebted for
an improvement in the instrument, by uniting the powers of three,
the Doric, Lydian, and Phrygian, into one : but this may perhaps
refer to the double pipe ; and, as we have already observed in the
harp and lyre, all the improvements, and the reputed invention of
the instrument, date long subsequently to that era when it had
been already perfected among the Egyptians. Indeed, in the
earliest sculptures, which are those in the tomb of an individual
behind the Great Pyramid, between three and four thousand
years old, is a concert of vocal and instrumental music, con-
sisting of two harps, a pipe, a flate, and several voices ;* and
during the reigns of the Pharaohs of the 18th Dynasty many
other combinations frequently occur.
The performers either stood, knelt,^ or sat upon the ground ;
in every instance I have met with, they are men ; and, what
renders the introduction of the instrument more interesting, is
the presence of the word s^W* in the hieroglyphics, which is the
Coptic name of the flute. It was held with both hands, was
sometimes of extraordinary length, and the holes were placed so
low that, when playing, the musician was obliged to extend his
arms.
The pipe seems also to have belonged principaUy, if not
* Pausan, lib. ix. ' Woodcut No. 209. present day, of the leg-bones of animals.
* Woodcut No. 214. It has the same meaning as the Latin
* This name is very remarkable, and tibia^ * a flute/ or * thigh-bone :' thus,
goes far to prove that flutes were made, chbi-^-pat, sebi en^ratf is the t^fia cruris^
as in Bceotia and in some countries of the or * thigh-bone.'
486
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS.
[Chap.VL
exclusively, to male performers ; but as it is very rarely
introduced in the sculptures, I conclude it was not held in great
estimation. The same remark applies to it in many other countries,
where it was considered rather a pastoral in-
strument ;^ and in Greece it was at first pecu-
liar to Arcadia. In form, the Egyptian pipe
may have differed slightly from the Greek
fiovavXx)^ and the Roman ^uZa,^ though the
fwvavXo^y or single pipe of Greece, is allowed
to have been introduced from Egypt.' It was
a straight tube, without any increase at the
mouth ; and, when played, was held with both
hands. It was of moderate length, apparently
not exceeding a foot and a half, and many
have been found much smaller ; but these
may have belonged to the peasants, without
meriting a place among the instruments of the Egyptian band :
indeed, I have seen one measuring only nine inches in length,*
and those in the Museum of Leyden vary from seven to fifteen
inches.
Some have three, others four holes, as is the case with fourteen
of those at Leyden, which are made of common reeds ; and some*
were furnished with a small mouthpiece of the same humble
materials, or of a thick straw, inserted into the hollow of the pipe,
the upper end so compressed as to leave a very small aperture for
the admission of the breath.
Flate-pUyer. The flute is
of great length.
No. 250. nubes.
\a
(9 inches Ibng.)
I
16
No. 261.
2 (15 inches long.)
Reed pipes, of Salt's OoUectkm, now in the British Mnseom.
J. PoUux seems to attribute to this simple pipe a much more
varied power than we should imagine, giving it, as he does, the
title of ' many-toned.' ^ It was made,' he adds, * of the straw of
> Athenaens (iv. 25) says, feme pipes
were made of reeds, and cidled tityrme by
the Dorians of Italy. The name KoAofui^
Kfis was also applied to this sort of pipe,
as well as fioroiciikafios,
« Hor. Od. iii. 19, 19.
* J. Pollaz, Onom. ir. 10. Athenfevs aayi
the same, and ascribes th« inrention of it
and the photinz to Osiris. (Doipnoa. 4^)
* It had probably been broken at the
joint of the centre of the reed.
* One of these is in the Britiah Maaeum.
Woodcat No. 251, Jig, 1, a and &.
Chap. VI.] FLUTES AND PIPES. 487
barley, and was the reputed invention of Osiris ;' ^ but we are at
a loss to know to what instrument he alludes, when he speaks of
* the giglarus, a small sort of pipe used by the Egyptians,' ^ unless
it be one of the reed pipes already mentioned.
Another kind, which is given in Professor Bosellini's admirable
work on Egyptian Antiquities, appears to have been made of
separate pieces, like our flutes, unless those divisions represent
the joints of the reed ; and the form of the upper end seems more
complicated, though the number of holes is limited to five.
The following are the observations of Mr. William Chappell
on the Egyptian flute : —
* It was a custom of the Egyptians, in the early dynasties of
the empire, to deposit a musical pipe by the side of the body of
a deceased person, and, together with the pipe, a long straw ef
barley. The pipes were played upon by short pieces of barley-
straw, which were cut partly through, to perhaps a fourth of the
diameter, and then, by turning the blade of the knife flat, and
passing it upwards towards the mouth end, a strip of an inch or more
in length was raised, to serve as a beating reed, like the hautboy
reed, and thus to sound the pipe. The principle is the same as the
old shepherds' pipe, and as shepherds are no longer as musical as
in former days, boys bred in the country have taken up the art.
One of the pipes in the British Museum has still the cut piece of
straw with which it had been played within it, and a similar piece
is to be found within a pipe in the Museum of Egyptian Antiquities
at Turin. Entire straws which were thus deposited are preserved
in the Museum at Leyden, and in the Salt Collection at the
British Museum. These straws give us a new insight into the
Egyptian doctrine of the transmigration of souls. They seem to
convey a high compliment to the deceased — that he had led so
good a life that he would once more resume the human form, and
triumph with his pipe, which would have been useless in the
mouth of a bird or of a beast.
* The music^il lesson is also extraordinary. We learn from these
pipes that the early Egyptians understood the principle of the
bagpipe drone, and that of the old English Recorder, alluded to by
Shakespeare in " Hamlet " and in "A Midsummer Night's Dream."
Also that they played music in the perUaphonic or Scotch scale, as
well as in the diatonic scale. One of the pipes in the collection
* J. Pollux, loc. cit,
* Ibid. loc. cit, : Tly^xtpos Si fUKp6s ris o^Aio'icof, AJT^rriof, fMy«8£f irp6ff^pos.
488 THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS. [Chap. VL
at Turin required the piece of straw to be sunk three inches
within the pipe to elicit any sound. This is the principle of the
bagpipe drone, and that pipe could not have been played at any
time by the lips directly upon the straw. The Becorder pipe is
in the collection of the British Museum. It is a treble pipe of lOj^
inches in length, and has four holes for musical notes, besides two
round apertures, opposite to one another, and bored through the
pipe, at within an inch of the mouth-end. K those had remained
open, there could have been no sound produced ; but, by analogy
with the English Recorder, they were covered with the thinnest
bladder, such as that of a smaU fish, the object being to produce a
slightly tremulous tone by the vibration of the bladder, making
it more like the human voice than the pure and steady quality of
an English flute, such as was blown at the end, or of a diapason
pipe in an organ. This pipe is also remarkable for being on the
peniaphonic or Scotch scale, and that the pitch should be precisely
that of a modem harmonium, and the notes to correspond with
the black keys upon a pianoforte.
The scale is
P
^v^^^
The first note of this scale is produced by the whole length of
the pipe.
* The next to be remarked upon is a tenor pipe in the British
Museum of 8| inches in length, which has also four holes for
notes.
The scale at the present pitch is
' The last sharp is a puzzle. It may have been intended for G,
but, if not, it was probably to give the leading note to a treble
pipe. We find three pipers playing together with pipes so varied
in length in the tomb of Tebhen of the 4th Dynasty of Egypt,^
that they must have been playing treble, tenor, and bass. It is
this which suggests the idea of the F sharp being a leading note
to another pipe, and further, because one of those at Turin has
the first four notes only a tone lower, without any fifth note. It
is the one with the bagpipe drone, 23f inches in length, and
has only three holes.'
^ Lepfias, < Denkm&ler,' Abt. ii. Blatt. 36, from the Pyramids of Qi2ali,Gnb 93.^^ B.
Chap. VL]
THE DOUBLE PIPK
489
The double pipe consisted of two pipes, perhaps occasionally
united together by a common mouthpiece, and played each with
the corresponding hand. It was common to the Greeks^ and
other people, and, from the mode of holding it, received the name
of right and left pipe, the tibia dextra and sinistra of the Romans.'
The latter had but few holes, and, emitting a deep sound, served
as a bass. The other had more holes, and gave a sharp tone;^
and for this purpose they preferred the upper part of the reed
(when made of that material) for the right-hand pipe, and the
lower part, near the root, for the left tube.* To them, also, the
name of avioi was applied by the Greeks, as was that of monatdos
to the single pipe.
In the paintings of Herculaneum, some of the double pipes
are furnished with pegs, fixed into the upper side of each tube.
Na2S2.
Doable pipes.
Sercuianeum.
towards the lower extremity ; but it is diflScult to ascertain the
purpose for which they were intended. Some have two in each ;
others five in the left, and seven in the right hand pipe ; and
others again five in the right, and none in the other, which is of
much smaller dimensions, both in length and thickness.^
Nothing of the kind has yet been met with in the sculptures
of the Egyptians ; but as they may have had pipes of similar
construction, and these tend to throw some light on the general
* The double pipe of the Greeks had
sometimes two pegs at the lower end, or
five on one and seven on the other pipe.
Woodcut No. 252.
' *The pipe called magadis and palcBO'
magadis emits a deep and an acute sound,
as Alexander states.' (Athen. iv. 25.)
' * Biforem dat tibia cantnm.' ( Virg.
JEn. ix. 618.)
* Plin. zTi. ^6, The reed of Orchomenus
was called auletic, from being suited to the
flute ; another was named syrmtjiay being
more proper for making pipes.
* This does not agree with the abore
statement of the tibia dextra emitting the
sharper sound; but it is possible that
they varied according to the pleasure of
the performer, being separate. Woodcut
No. 252, fig. 1.
490
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS.
[Chap. VL
appearance and use of the instrument, they are introduced in
the woodcut on the previous page.
The double, like the single pipe, was at first of reed, and
afterwards of box/ lotus-thorn/ and other sonorous wood ; or of
horn, ivory, bone,^ iron or silver. It was not only used on solemn
occasions, but very generally at festive banquets,* both among
the Greeks and Egyptians. Men, but more frequently women,
performed upon it,* occasionally dancing as they played ; and
^-^^
No. 253.
12 3
Woman daDctng, whUe pUytaig tbe doable pipe.
Tlkefos.
from its repeated occurrence in the sculptures of Thebes, we may
suppose the Egyptians preferred it to the single pipe. Of its
tone no very accurate notion can be formed ; but it is easy to
conceive the general effect of an instrument emitting a tenor
and bass at the same time. The modem Egyptians have imitated
it in their zummdray or double reed ; but not, I imagine, with
very great success, since it is both harsh and inharmonious, and
of die rudest construction. Nor is it admitted, like the ancient
double pipe, at festivals, where other instruments are introduced ;
nor allowed to hold a rank in their bands of music, humble and
imperfect as they now are ; and its piping harshness and mono-
tonous drone are chiefly used for the out-of-doors entertainments
of the peasants, or as a congenial accompaniment to the tedious
camel's pace.
Many of the instruments of the ancients, whether Greeks,
* Plin. loo. cit. Boxwood for the pipes
used on solemn occasions, the lotns-thorn
for the livelj-toned instruments. (J. Pollnz,
Onom. IT. 9.)
* Athensens tells us, the pipes made of
the lotus- wood of Africa were called by the
Alexandrians photinges,
* Some were made at Thebes, in Bceotia,
of the thigh-bone of the £iwii. (Athea. ;
and J. Pollux, iv. 10.) The latter writer
mentions the bones of mltures And eagles
used by the Scythians.
* According to the same author, the
name of boys' pipe, or hanUk^fraa,
applied to one of those used at ftaata.
• WoodcuU Noa. 201, 858| 4a.
Chap. VI.] ANCIENT INSTBUMENTS OFTEN NOISY.
491
Bomans, or Jews, bore a noisy and inharmonious character ; and
Lucian relates an anecdote of a young flute-player named Harmo-
nides, who, thinking to astonish and delight his audience at the
Olympic games, blew with such yiolence into the instrument on
which he was performing a solo, that, having completely exhausted
himself, he died with the effort,^ and may be said to have breathed
his last into the flute. But that it was really a flute, seems highly
improbable; and on this and many other occasions, ancient
writers appear to have confounded the instrument with a species
of clarionet, or bell-mouthed pipe, which, being diflerent from the
straight ^^uZa, was comprehended under the more general name
of auios or tibia. Of the clarionet we have no instance in the
sculptures of Egypt ; and the modem inhabitants have probably
derived their clamorous and harsh-toned instrument from some
model introduced by the Bomcms, or other foreigners ; who, after
the reign of Amasis, visited or took possession of the country.
Nor do we meet with that combination of long and short reeds,
now known by the name of pan-pipes,' in any of the musical scenes
portrayed in the tombs ; which, from its having been used by the
Jews, we might expect to find in Egypt. It was called in Hebrew
dogah^ and is one of the oldest instruments mentioned in sacred
history, its invention being said to date before the age of Noah.
The tambourine was a favourite instrument both on sacred and
festive occasions. It was of three kinds, diflering, no doubt, in
sound as well as form. One was circular, another square or
oblong, and the third consisted of two squares separated by a bar.*
They were all beaten by the hand, and used as an accompaniment
to the harp and other instruments.
Men and women played the tambourine, but it was more
generally appropriated to the latter, as with the Jews ; * and they
frequently danced to its sound, without the addition of any other
music. It was of very early use in Egypt, and seems to have
been known to the Jews • previous to their leaving Syria : being
' No doubt from the bursting of a
blood-Tessel. J. Pollux mentions a player
on the trumpet, one Uerodorus of Megara,
whose instrument stunned every one.
(Onom. iv. 11.)
' Some of those at Herculaneum hare
all the reeds of the same length, in others
they decrease towards one end; as de-
scribed by J. Pollux (ir. 9X who says they
were bound together with waxed string.
* Job xxi. 12, and Gen. ir. 21, trana-
lated ' organ.'
* Woodcut No. 261,/^. 3.
* Exod. XT. 20: <And Miriam took a
timbrel in her hand, and all the women
went out after her with timbrels and
with dances.' Judges xi. 34, Jephthah'a
daughter, and xxi. 21 ; 1 Sam. xviii. 6.
* As was the harp, which I befort
mentioned. Gen. xxxi. 27 : * With tabret
and with harp;' '6# iaph oo he kauxtr,*
The harp, tabrat, and 00^06 were known in
the days of Job. (Job xzL 12.)
492
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANa
[Chap. VI.
among the instruments mentioned by Laban, under its Hebrew
name taph, the tar of the modem Arabs.
From the imperfect representations of those in the tombs of
Thebes, it is di£Scult to say whether the Egyptian tambourine had
the same movable pieces of metal, let into its wooden frame, as
in that of the present day ; but their mode of playing it was
similar, and from their holding it up after it had been struck,
we may venture to conclude the adoption of the metal rings, for
the free emission of whose sound that position was particularly
suited. It is evident, from the paintings at Herculaneum, that
the Greek tambourine was furnished with balls of metal, pendent
from the front part, or from the centre, of its circular rim, to
which each appears to have been attached by a short thong;
and this instrument was mostly confined to women, as with the
Egyptians, and chiefly used by the Greeks in festivals of Bacchus
and Cybele.
With the name of tambourine that of Anacharsis will always be
connected ; and, however improbable the story, it has been very
generally believed that he fell a sacrifice to the indignation of
his countrymen, in consequence of having introduced the instru-
ment into Scythia when he returned from Greece. Some, with
more reason, suppose that an attempt to reform the laws of his
country after the Athenian model, was the cause of his death.
Among the instruments of sacred music ^ may be reckoned the
harp, lyre, flute, double pipe, tambourine, cymbals, and even the
guitar ; but neither the trumpet, drum, nor macey was excluded
from the religious processions, in which the military were engaged.
They do not, however, appear to have been admitted, like the
former, among those whose introduction into the courts of the
temple was sanctioned on ordinary occasions ; and perhaps the
peculiar title of ^ the holy instrument ' ought to be confined to
the sistrum.
The harp, lyre, and tambourine were often admitted during
the religious services of the temple;' and in a procession in
honour of Athor, represented on a frieze at Dendera,* two god-
desses are observed to play the harp and tambourine ;^ and this
1 Woodcut No. 254.
* With the Jews, the harp, lute, and
ten-stringed ashUr were employed in the
praise of the Deity, as well as trumpets,
cymbals, and other instruments. (Psalm
zxxiii. 2 ; and again in Psalm Izzzi. 2,
'The tabret (timbrel), the merry, harp,
with the lute (psaltery),' and ' the trum-
pet;' 1 Chron. zzt. 1.) Asaph ersn played
the cymbals (1 Chron. ztL 5).
* Formerly Tentyris, in Upper Egypt.
* In a painting at Hercala&eimi, r»r*-
senting a sacrifice in the Temple oC Ili^
the tambourine it intraduced, and a man
blowing what appean to be the oomai or
horn.
Chap. VI.]
SAC&ED UUSIC.
493
last agaiD occurs in the baud of another deity at Hermonthis.
The priests, bearing various sacred emblems, frequently advanced
to the sound of the flute,^ and entered the temple to celebrate
their moat important festivals ; and with the exception of those
of Osirb St Abydus,* the sacred rites of an Egyptian deity did
not forbid the introduction of the harp, the flute, or the voice
of singers.
At the f^ of Diana, or Bast, at Bubastis, music vas per-
mitted as on other similar occasions;^ and Herodotus* mentions
the flute and the crotala, which were played by the votaries of
the goddess, on their way down the Nile to the town where her
far-famed temple stood. In the processions during the festival
of Bacchus, the same author ' says the flute-player goes first, and
is followed by the choristers, who chant the praises of the deity ;
and we find the flute represented in the sculptures in the bands
of a sacred musician attached to the service of Amun, who is in
attendance, while the ceremonies are performed in honour of the
god. And that cymbals were appropriated to the same purpose
we have sufficient reason for inferring, from their having been
found buried with an individual whose coffin bears an inscription
' Th* flat* U meiitioB«d hj ApalciDi,
in ipcaking of th« mjiteriM of lata.
(ApnUiiu, MtUmorph. lib. li.) Hcrodot.
il. 4S.
* Stmbo, hb. iTiJ.
' J. PuUiu, Onom. it. 11 : 'Th* trtim-
pet wu OMd in aoma pToeMtloni uid r».
ligiow MiricM, bf tha Egyptian*, GrMki,
Tjrrhani, and Romuu.'
• HeradoL ii. 60,
• Ibid. IL 48.
494
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS.
[Chap. VI.
purporting that she was the minstrel of Amun, the presiding
deity of Thebes.
Crotala were properly a sort of castanets, made of hollow
wooden shells ; and cymbals bore the name of eremhdla ; but in
some instances, as in the passage of Herodotus, the name crotala
appears to signify cymbals. They were occasionally like our
clappers ^ for frightening birds ; and that Pausanias had in view
something of the kind is probable, from the use to which he
supposes they were once applied requiring a much more powerful
sound than that produced by castanets. ' The birds of Stym-
phalus,'* says that writer, * which lived on human flesh, are
commonly fabled to have been destroyed by the arrows of
Hercules; but Pisander, of Camirus, affirms that they were
frightened away by the noise of crotala.'^
That the harp was a favourite instrument in religious
ceremonies, is evident from the assertion of Strabo; from the
frequent mention of minstrels of Amun and other gods, in the
hieroglyphic legends placed over those who play that instru-
ment ; and from the two harpers in the presence of the god Ao,
before mentioned.
The custom of approaching the holy place, and of singing the
praises of the Deity, was not peculiar to the Egyptians. The
Jews regarded music as an indispensable part of religion, and the
harp held a conspicuous rank in the consecrated band.* David
was himself* celebrated as the inventor of musical instruments,
as well as for his skill with the harp ; he frequently played it
during the most solemn ceremonies : and we find that^ in the
earliest times, the Israelites used the timbrel, or tambourine, in
celebrating the praises of the Deity; Miriam • herself, *a pro-
* Pausan. Arcad. lib. viiu
' Represented in the Etnucan tombs.
* The crotala or castanets of the Egyp-
tians were carved pieces of irory or wood,
sometimes terminating in a hnman head,
at other times ending in a hand. They
were flat and generally pierced at the
end not so ornamented with a hole, and
held together by a piece of palm fibre
cord. When stmck together, they give a
kind of doll clapping sound. The Greek
crotala, as appears from the vase paintings,
were of a shape qnite different, flat and re-
sembling a bell, and made of brass. They
were without doubt more noisy than the
Egyptian, and their sound suitable for
scaring birds. None have been discovered.
The Egyptian are figured in woodcut No. 224,
p. 456, and were often ornamented on the
exterior with figures in outline of the god
Besa and various animals, and are often
of a late period. In the vase paintings of
the Greeks, crotala are often seen in the
hands of Maenads or Bacchantes. — S. B.
« 2 Sam. vi. 5: <And David and all
the house of Israel played before the
Lord, on all manner of instruments, made
offirwxdj even on harps, and on psalteries,
and on timbrels, and on comets, and ai
cymbals.'
* Amos vi. 5: 'Invent unto them-
selves instruments of music, like Dnvid ;*
and 1 Chron. zziii. 5 : * Praised the Lord
with the instruments which I made Cmii
DavidV
• Ezod. XV. 20.
Chap. VL] MUSIC CONNECTED WITH RELIGION.
495
phetess, and the sister of Aaron/ having used it while chanting
the overthrow of Pharaoh's host.
With most nations it has been considered right to introduce
music into the service of religion ; and if the Egyptian priesthood
made it so principal a part of their earnest inquiries, and incul-
cated the necessity of applying to its study, not as an amusement,
or in consequence of any feeling excited by the reminiscences
accompanying a national air, but from a sincere admiration of the
science, and of its effects upon the human mind, we can readily
believe that it was sanctioned, and even deemed indispensable, in
many of their religious rites. Hence the sacred musicians were
of the order of priests, and appointed to the service, like the
Levites,* among the Jews ; and the Egyptian sacred bands were
probably divided and superintended, in the same manner as
among that people.
[The priests, according to Diodorus,' did not learn music;
but Strabo ^ speaks of singers, flute-players, and harpers, called
hieropsaUistse, or sacred harpers. Clemens mentions the psalmist,
hymiwdoSy who learnt two books, the hymns to the gods, several of
which, as those to Ptah, Amen Ra, Thoth, and the Nile, have been
preserved ; and Josephus * states that they played the buni and
the triffonon enharmonion, or enharmonic trigon. In the hiero-
glyphs the heSf or bards, are often mentioned ; but it does not
appear that they belonged to the class of prophets. In the decree
of Canopus, the threne, or dirge, in honour of the deceased child,
Queen Berenike, was to be handed to the leader of the band,
ododidaskalos, by the sacred scribes.* — S. B.]
At Jerusalem ' Asaph, Heman, and Jeduthun ' were the three
directors of the music of the tabernacle, under David, and of the
temple, under Solomon. Asaph had four sons, Jeduthun six, and
Heman fourteen.
These twenty-four Levites, sons of the three great masters of
sacred music, were at the head of twenty-four bands of musicians,
who served the temple in turns. Their number there was always
great, especially at the grand solemnities. They were ranged in
order about the altar of burnt sacrifices. Those of the family of
Kohath were in the middle, those of Merari at the left, and those
of Gershom on the right hand. The whole business of their life
» 1 Chron. xv. 16.
« Diod. ii. 32.
» Porphyry, de Abit lib. ir. p. 374.
* InHypomne8tpio,p.330. F.T.Fabricii.
» Lepeiut, * Die Dekret Ton CanopuB,' fol«
Berlin, 1866, p. 24.
496 THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS. [Chap. VL
was to learn and practise music; and being provided with an
ample maintenance, nothing prevented their prosecuting their
studies, and arriving at perfection in the art. Even in the temple,
and in the ceremonies of religion, female musicians were admitted
as well as men ; and they were generally the daughters of Iievites.
Heman had three daughters, who were proficients in music ; and
the 9th Psalm is addressed to Benaiah, chief of the band of young
women, who sang in the temple.
Ezra, in his enumeration of those he brought back from the
captivity, reckons two hundred singing men and singing women ;
and Zechariah, Aziel, and Shemiramoth^ are said to have pre-
sided over the seventh band of music, which was that of the
young women.^
In many other places mention is made of women who sang
and played on instruments;' and the fact of some of them
being the daughters of priests and of the first families, is analo-
gous to the custom of the Egyptians, who only admitted those of*
the priests and kings into the service of the temple. Herodotus
states, indeed, that women were not allowed in Egypt to become
priestesses of any god or goddess, the oflBce being reserved exclu-
sively for men;* but though it is true that the higher functions
of the priesthood belonged to these last, as far as regarded the
slaying of victims, presenting oflTerings, and other duties connected
with the sacrifices, yet it is equally certain that women were also
employed in the service of the temple, and were even, according
to the historian himself, so fully instructed in matters appertain-
ing to religion, that two who had been carried away and sold into
Libya and Greece were enabled to institute oracles in those
countries. This statement of Herodotus ^ appears to contradict
the former one above mentioned, especially as he admits them to
have had access to the altars of the god they served,* the Theban
Jupiter ; but it is probable that he merely refers to the higher
offices of the priesthood, without intending to exclude them alto-
gether from those sacred employments.
It is difficult to decide as to the name, or the precise rank or
office, they bore ; but the sculptures leave no room to doubt that
they were admitted to a very important post, which neither the
* 1 Chron. xy. and xvi. with the timbrels.' And 8 Sun. xix. S&
' Calmet. * Herodot. U. 35.
* Exod. XY. 20. Psalm IxYiii. 25: < The • Ibid. U. 54.
singers go before, the minstrels follow * Ibid. ii. 56.
after ; in the midst ar& the damsels plajing
Chap. VL]
THE SISTEUM.
497
wives and daughters of priests, nor even of kings, were ashamed
to accept. In the most solemn processions they advanced
towards the altar with the priests, bearing the sacred sistrum;^
and a queen or a princess frequently accompanied the monarch,
while he offered his praise or a sacrifice to the deity, holding
one or two of those instruments in her hand.^
[The offices in the hierarchy held by women have been
already noticed at an early period under the 4th and 6th
Dynasties; they held the post of nder hent^ or prophetess,
and such are found of the goddesses Neith and Athor, but
after this period they appear to have been excluded from
the priesthood proper. Queens, indeed, were styled neier hemet,
* divine wife,' or neier tuty * divine handmaid,' of Amen, the
paUahis of the Greek writers; but it is probable that the
office was purely honorary. At a later period from the 18th
Dynasty there were aha^ sistrum players, determined by the
hieroglyph of a draped female holding a sistrum, and singers,
qemdy attached to the worship of the gods, especially of Amen
Ba at Thebes, and a few offices of secular character were held
by women. — S. B.]
By some the sistrum was supposed to have been intended to
frighten away Typho, or the evil spirit; and Plutarch, who
mentions this,^ adds that ' on the convex surface is a cat with a
human visage ; on the lower part, under the
moving cords, the face of Isis; and on the
opposite side that of Nephthys.' The bars,
to which he alludes, were generally three,
rarely four ; and each had three or four
rings of metal, whereby the * rattling
noise made with the movable bars' was
greatly increased.
The instrument was generally from
about eight to sixteen or eighteen inches
in length, and entirely of bronze or brass.
It was sometimes inlaid with silver, gilt,
or otherwise ornamented ; and being held
upright, was shaken, the rings moving to and fro upon the bars.
These last were frequently made to imitate snakes, or simply
bent at each end to secure them; and I have met with one
Fig. 1. The ilstnim of four ban.
2. Of mmaiul form.
No. 26ft. TkAtM,
> Conf, Clandian, de ir. cons. Honor. 570, and woodcnt No. 8.
* Woodcnt No. 8, fig, 5. * Pint, de laid. s. 63.
VOL. L 2 K
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS.
[Chap. TL
instance of their being connected with each other by cross pieces,
besides the unnsuat addition of two intermediate bcu^.*
In a aacriSce to Isis, represented at
f^ Herculanetim, in company with se-
llT) Teral sistra ia an instrnment consistiiig
jL of a rod and a set of movable balls,
-""^^nr arranged in a circle, apparently shaken
'^ by the performer ; who, in the other
hand, holds four links of a chain,
intended, no donbt, to emit a similar
jingling sonnd ; but as die paintings
in which they occur are of a late date,
and the rites only borrowed from
those of Egypt, we have no direct
evidence of their having been used
by the Egyptians themselves.
The most interesting aistrum I have
seen is one bronght to England by Mr. Burton, and now in the
British Museum. It was found at Thebes ; and, being of a good
style and of the most correct Egyp-
tian form, appears to indicate great
antiquity, and one of the best
periods of art
Two others in the British Mu-
seum are highly preserved, but are
evidently of a late epoch ; and
another in the same collection is of
very modem date. They have four
bars, and are of very small size.
Mr. Burton's sistmm is one foot
four and a half inches high, and was
furnished with three movable bais,
which have been unfortunately lost
On the upper part are represented
the goddess Bast, or Bubaatis, tiie
sacred vulture, and other emUems ;
> 3 and below is the figure of a female,
^5™ j" "'il^^ SiSSr "" "" holding in each hand one of these
instruments.
The handle ia cylindrical, and surmounted by the doable face
■ Woodcut Ko. 255,/;. a.
Chap. VI.]
THE SISTBUH.
489
of Athor,' wearing an ' asp-formed crown,' on whoae summit ap-
pears to have been the cat, now scarcely traced in the remains of
its feet. It is entirely of bronze ; the handle, which is hollow,
and closed by a movable cover of the same metal, is supposed to
have held something appertaining to the sistnun ; and the lead,
still remaining within the head, is a portion of that used in
soldering the interior.
One of the Berlin sistra is eight, the other nine inches in
height ; the former has four bars, and on the upper or circular
part lies a cat,' crowned with the disc or sun. The other has three
bars; the handle is composed of a figure supposed to be of
Typho, surmounted by the heads of Athor ; and on the summit
are the horns, globe, and feathers of the same goddess,* They are
' riatuch. dc Iild. •. 63.
' Plntmch, foe. eit. He lappoMi the
four b»n coiTe«pond«l lo the fonr element).
TfaeM liitn ut of the BomBn period.
' The upper part of the htuidle of the
"I early period wu
cnted with
. head of the c
eared Athor, the Egyptian Aphrodilft or
Vtujit, larmonnted bj ■ cornice, and often
inlaid with gold or aiWer. Older liitra
than that of Mr. Burton are foood in
muKiimi. The liitmm WM called aei',
vhich i> evidently the origin of itc Same,
altboagh tittrm maj have been uaimi-
laled or derived from ■ Hellenic root.
The action of ihaking the liatrain ww
called art Ki', and waa > lign of jo;.
Beiidei the itioTe wooden model, irbicb
probably formed part of a vooden fi^n,
niodela of •iiln made of blue or blni>h>
green porcelain bare been found, and the
haodlei of other) ibow that they were
often of large niie. A imall model in
the Britiih Mnieam la larmouated by ■
hawk and vultare, and the part for tb*
base ii in abape of a pylon. They aom*-
timeabaTe inacriptiont baring the name of
the goddiM Sex*t, or But, the BnbMtii or
2 E 2
500
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS.
[Chap. VL
both destitute of rings ; but the rude Egyptian model of another,
in the same collection, has three rings upon it« single bar, agree-
ing in this respect, if not in the number of the bars, with those
represented in the sculptures.
Songs and the clapping of hands may likewise be considered
connected with sacred music ; and they are both noticed in the
sculptures and by ancient authors. Those who attended at the
festival of Bubastis are said by Herodotus to have celebrated the
Deity in this manner, with the music of flutes and cymbals ; and
the Jews followed the same custom,^ like
the Moslem inhabitants of modem Egypt.
The chnoue, an instrument said by Eusta-
thius to have been used by the Greeks
at sacrifices to assemble the congregation,
was reputed to have been of Egyi)tian
origin; but I do not believe it has been
met with in the sculptures. It was a
species of trumpet, of a round shape, and
was said to have been the invention of
Osiris.
The dance consisted mostly of a suc-
cession of figures, in which the performers
endeavoured to exhibit a great variety of
gesture; men and women danced at the
same time, or in separate parties, but the
5S!^?*^BerunViI;^jr* ^"^ ^*** ^^^^^ ^^'® generally preferred, from their
superior grace and elegance. Some danced
to slow airs, adapted to the style of their movement : the attitudes
they assumed frequently pai'took of a grace not unworthy of the
Greeks ; and some credit is due to the skill of the artist who
represented the subject, which excites additional interest from
its being in one of the oldest tombs of Thebes.* Others preferred
a lively step, regulated by an appropriate tune ; and men some-
times danced with great spirit, bounding from the ground,' more
in the manner of Europeans than of an Eastern people. On
these occasions the music was not always composed of many
Artemis of the Egyptians, and the names
of monarchs of the 26th Djnasty and
their immediate successors. It has been
supposed that sistra were used in sepulchral
ceremonies, but they are not so represented.
(Pierret, * Diet. d'Arch^ologie £gyptienne,'
p. 514.)— S. B.
' Psalm zlviL 1.
* Of the time of Amenophia II., B.a
1450. Woodcut No. 261.
* Woodcut No. 223.
Chap. VI.]
THE DANCE.
501
instniraenta, and here we only find the cylindrical maces, and a
woman snapping her fingers to the time ' in lieu of cymbals or
castanets.
Graceful attitudes and gesticulation were the general style of
their dance ; but, as in sU other countries, the taste of the per-
formance varied according to the rank of the person by whom
they were employed, or their own skill ; and dte dance at the
bouse of a priest differed from that among the ancoatb peasantry,
or the lower classes of townsmen.
«<l«m, meiqtki 39), might rtfir t« thii mod* of nurking
502
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS.
[Chap. TL
It was not customary for the upper orders of Egyptians to
indulge in this amusement, either in public or private assemblies;
and none appear to have practised it but the lower ranks of
society, and those who gained their livelihood by attending fes-
tive meetings. With the Greeks, it was also customary at feasts
to have women who professed music and dancing to entertain the
guests; they even looked upon the dance as a recreation, in
which all classes might indulge, and deemed it an accomplish-
ment becoming a gentleman : it is therefore not surprising that,
like music, it should have formed part of their education.
The Bomans, on the contrary, were far from considering it
worthy of a man of rank, or of a sensible person ; and Cicero
says,^ * No man who is sober dances, unless he is out of his mind,
either when alone, or in any decent society ; for dancing is the
companion of wanton conviviality, dissoluteness, and luxury.'*
Nor did the Greeks indulge in it to excess; and effeminate
dances were deemed indecent in men of character and wisdom.
Indeed, Herodotus informs us that Hippoclides, the Athenian,
who had been preferred before all the nobles of Greece as a
husband for the daughter of Clisthenes, king of Argos, was re-
jected on account of his extravagant gestures in the dance.
Of all the Greeks, the lonians were most noted for their
fondness of this art; and, from the wanton and indecent ten-
dency of their songs and gesticulations, dances of a voluptuous
character, like those of the modem Alm^hs^ of the East, were
styled by the Bomans * Ionic movements.'* Moderate dancing
was even deemed worthy of the gods themselves. Jupiter, *the
father of gods and men,' is represented dancing in the midst of
the other deities ; and Apollo is not only introduced by Homer
thus engaged, but received the title of orehestes, *the dancer,'
from his supposed excellence in the art In early ages, before
the introduction of luxury, it was an innocent recreation ; and,
as Athenaeus^ observes, ^becoming of persons of honour and
*■ Cicero, Orat. pro Muraeni.
* Sallust (BeU. Catil.) s&js of Sem-
pronia, ' psallere saltare elegantius quam
probrc necesse est/ which shows that even
at that time the Roman ladies played and
danced. — S. B.
' Alm^h, Eulmeh, or Ghowfizee, women
in Egypt and other countries who dance
with the most indecent gestures to the
sound of a Tiolin and tambourine, singing
and repeating verses. They were formerly
learned women, whence their name Eulmeh,
who rehearsed poetry, and danced to amuse
the inmates of a harSem, Their general
appellation at the present day, Gliow&nh,
is derived from Ghooe (warriorsX a title of
the Memlooks, at whose ftstive meetings
they used to dance, and througli whom
they have lost the ooniidentioii they
formerly enjoyed.
* Hot. Od. lib. iti. 6, 21.
• A then. i. 19.
Chap. VI.] NOTIONS BESPECTING THE DANCE. 503
wisdom ; ' but extrayagant gesture corrupted its original simpli-
city/ and * no part of the art connected with music/ says
Plutarch/ ' has in our time suffered so great a degradation as
dancing.'
Fearing lest it should corrupt the manners of a people
naturally lively and fond of gaiety, and deeming it neither a
necessary part of education nor becoming a person of sober
habitSy the Egyptians forbade those of the higher classes to learn
it as an accomplishment^ or even as an amusement; and, by
permitting professional persons to be introduced into their assem-
blies, to entertain the guests, they sanctioned all the diversion
of which it was supposed capable, without compromising their
dignity.
They dreaded the excitement resulting from such an occupa-
tion, the excess of which ruffled and discomposed the mind ; and
it would have been difficult, having once conceded permission to
indulge in it, to prevent those excesses which it did not require
the example of Asiatic nations to teach them to foresee. If those
who were hired to perform, either in public or in private, trans-
gressed the bounds of moderation, or descended to buffoonery,
it might excite the contempt of those it failed to please, yet the
beholders were innocent of the fault; and any word or action
offending against the rules of decency might be checked by the
veto of their superiors.
In private, in particular, they were subject to the orders and
censure of the persons by whom they were employed ; and, con-
sequently, avoided any gesture or expression which they knew to
be unwelcome, or likely to give offence to the spectators; and
thus no improper innovations were attempted, from the caprice of
a performer. They consulted the taste of the party, and adapted
the style of dance and of gesture to those whose approbation they
courted: it is not, therefore, surprising that excesses were con-
fined to the inferior class of performers, at the houses of the lower
orders, whose congenial taste welcomed extravagant buffoonery
and gesticulation.
Grace in posture and movement was the chief object of those
employed at the assemblies of the rich; and the ridiculous
gestures of the buff[X)n were pennitted there, so long as they did
not transgress the rules of decency and moderation. Music was
> Dancing was highly spprored of by Socrates, as being condacire to health. (Plat,
de Sanit.) * Plat. Sympoe. TiiL 9, IS.
504 THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS. [Chap. V^.
always indispensable, whether at the festive meetings of the rich
or poor ; and they danced to the sound of the harp, lyre, guitar,
pipe,^ tambourine, and other instruments, and, in the streets, even
to the drum.
Many of their postures resembled those of the modem ballet ;
and the pirouette delighted an Egyptian party upwards of 3500
years ago.^
The dresses of the female dancers were light, and of the finest
texture, showing, by their transparent quality, the forms and
movement of the limbs : they generally consisted of a loose
flowing robe, reaching to the ankles, occasionally fastened tight
at the waist ; aiid round the hips was a small narrow girdle,
adorned with beads, or ornaments of various colours. Sometimes
the dancing figures are represented without any indication of
dress, and appear to have been perfectly naked ; but it is difficult
to say if this is intentional, or if the outline of the transparent
robe^ has been effaced ; and it is sometimes so faintly traced as
scarcely to be perceived, even when the paintings are well pre-
served : for we can scarcely suppose that a highly civilised people
like the Egyptians were so depraved as to admit, or to allow their
artists to record, a dance of naked women in the presence of men,
or that the priesthood would permit such exhibitions.
Slaves were taught dancing as well as music; and in the
houses of the rich, besides their other occupations, that of dancing
to entertain the family, or a party of friends, was required of
them ; and that free Egyptians, who gained their livelihood by
their performances, were also engaged at private parties, is evident
from the paintings, where they are distinctly pointed out, by
having the usual colour of their compatriots.
Some danced by pairs, holding each other's hands ; others
went through a succession of steps alone,^ both men and women ;
and sometimes a man performed a solo to the sound of music or
the clapping of hands.*
Feats of agility and strength were frequently exhibited on
these occasions, wiUi or without the sound of music. Some held
each other by the hand, and whirled round at arm's length, in
opposite directions;* some lifted each other off the ground in
various difficult attitudes, and attempted every species of feat
* Matt. zi. 17 : * We have piped unto tour of the figare, as if seen through the
you, and ye have not danced.' dress. ^ Woodcut No. 263.
« Woodcut No. 262. » Woodcut No. 264.
' The Greeks also represented the con- * 'Woodcut No. 265.
Chap. VI.]
EGYPTIAN FIGURES.
505
which could be perfonned by
agility or strength ; but as these
enter more properly under the de-
nomination of gameSy I shall not
introduce them here, but shall
notice them in another place, with
the gymnastic exercises of the
Egyptians.
[Several scenes of dancing are
represented in the tombs of the
earlier dynasties, where the actions
of private life form the principal
decoration of the walls. In the
dance the hands are often elevated
above the head, and the right foot
slightly raised from the ground, as
in Lepsius.^ Fourteen women are
represented dancing before a table
of oflfering in a tomb at Memphis,
and the inscription reads, hes an
X^n em dm, * the song of the ladies
of the harem.' As many as fifteen
are seen dancing at one time in
another tomb.* In the tomb of
Anmut of the 6th Dynasty there
are three male dancers, called ab
en yetf, * the dancers before ; ' and
in another scene four yen en am,
* ladies of the harem,' dance.^ It
is certain that they sometimes
danced naked, as their successors
the Almehs do, and then their
waists have a girdle, the kestos,
round them.* The inscriptions
over some of the figures are ob-
scure or unintelligible, but others
are clear. Thus in Rosellini (Mon.
Civ. cl.) is per em neier, * the mani-
* Denkm. Abt. ii. Bl. 14.
« Ibid., Abt ii. Bl. 35.
» Ibid., Abt. ii. Bl. U.
* RosclliDi, Mon. Civ. xcviii.
506
THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS.
[Chap.VL
festation of a god/ in which four professional dancers form a
group imitating the well-known one of the goddess Pe.Ly or * the
heaven/ stretched over the god Seb, or *the earth/ Another
group in the same plate represents a sat Tear sak, ^striking
No. 263.
Tkeba.
Men danciog alone*
down under the sandals/ and is an imitation of an Egyptian
monarch seizing a female by the hair, and brandishing one hand
over her head. In the tomb of Ptahetep of the 5th Dynasty
5
No. 264.
4 S 2
Man dancing a solo to tbe aonnd of the hand.'
Tomb neaar the Pjframidi.
are a series of actions evidently dramatic and continuous, re-
presenting the adventures of youthful twins.' — S. B.]
The dancers of the lower orders appear generally to have had
* The word dancing is here expressed by
ab, * to dance/ indicative of dancing in
general.— S. B.
' Engraved by Rosellini, Mon. Civ. zciv.
The inscription above the heads of the
figures reads, hes an xsn en A .
• •!
the
singing by the ladies of the harem of the
. . . .' The male figoit is dancing to the
song. — S. B.
* Daemichen, < Die ResnlUte,' foL, Berlin,
1869, pi. z.— S. B.
Chap. YI.]
FIGUEE DANCES.
507
^
I
i
i
o
95
508
THE ANCIENT EGYFTIANS.
[Chap. VL
a tendency towards a species of pantomime ; and we can readily
conceive the rude peasantry to be more delighted with ludicrous
and extravagant dexterity, than with those gestures which dis-
played elegance and grace. There is no instance of the tripudiaiiOy
or dance of armed men, unless some of the figures at Beni-Hassan,
represented jumping with arms in their hands, were intended as
an allusion to this exercise of the soldier ; but they more probably
refer to a supposed accidental impulse, indicative of military
enthusiasm.^
Besides the pirouette and the steps above mentioned, a
favourite figure dance was universally adopted throughout the
country; in which the two partners, who were usually men,
advanced towards each other, or stood face to face upon one leg,
and, having performed a series of movements, retired again in
opposite directions, continuing to hold by one hand, and con-
cluding by turning each other round; as represented in the
preceding woodcut. And that the attitude of the two figures of
the central couple,* represented above, was very common during
their dances, is fully proved by its having been adopted in the
hieroglyphics, as the emblematic mode of describing the dance.
°hfW
3
No. 266.
Hieroglyphic signifying the * (Unoe.**
In another step they struck the ground with the heel,*
standing on one foot, changing, perhaps, alternately from the
right to the left ;^ which is not very unlike a dance I have seen
at the present day.
To manage the hands skilfully and with grace was of
paramount importance, not only with the Egyptians, but with
* The sets of two men each in woodcut
No. 265 represent a series of different
figures, like poses phstiques, or else the
names of the ballet or dance. They read
thus, No. l^mek Urfmas, * making the figure
of the calf;' No. 2, mek terf ti nefer en no,
' making the figure of the successful taking
of a boat ;' No. 3, fnek terfsia sef A, * making
the figure of leading along SkSefkor animal ;
No. 4, mek Urf nvb ti, *■ making the figure
of taking gold ;' No. 5, mek ierf «xx^
* making the figure of a colooiiade ;* No. 9,
mek na mut, * making a pinmette.* From
4 to 6 are eograyed in Lepchu, Denkin.
Abt. ii., BL 5, 2.— S. B.
* Woodcut No. 265, fg. 6, a and 6.
' The words x^^ ™^ o^
« Hor. Od. lib. Ui. 18.
* Woodcut No. 263.
Chap. VI.] MODE OF DANCING. 609
other ancient people ; and Plutarch mentions a person ^ who was
commended for his superiority in this species of gesture. Nor
would it be inconsistent to divide the art of dancing, with the
Egyptians as with the Greeks, into three distinct parts ; and its
connection with poetry and songs was probably exactly similar.'
The restrictions which forbade the higher ranks to indulge in
the dance, do not appear to have extended to the lower orders ;
and, when excesses were committed by them in wine or any other
intoxicating beverage, they gave way to licence and wanton
buffoonery, and frequently gratified a propensity for ribaldry,
which is not unusual in Eastern countries. On these occasions
they whirled each other round with rude dexterity ; and some,
with folded arms, stood upon their head, and performed the varied
antics of expert tumblers.
Like the Greeks, the Jews did not consider it unworthy of a
person of rank to dance, either on solemn or festive occasions ;
and this is sufficiently shown by the remarkable instances of
Miriam, David, and the daughter of Herodias.^
That they also danced at the temples, in honour of the gods,
is evident from the representations of several sacred processions,
where individuals performed certain gestures to the sound of
suitable music, and danced as they approached the precincts of
the sacred courts. In what this differed from that of ordinary
festivities, it is impossible to decide ; and, indeed, the appearance
of the figures, in more than one instance, precisely the same as
the usual hieroglyphic signifying dancing, may be supposed to
indicate a great similarity between the ordinary dance and that
of the temple.
Such a custom may at first sight appear inconsistent with the
gravity of religion : but our surprise ceases, when we recollect with
wha^t feelings David himself danced * before the ark ; and the £EU3t
that the Jews considered it part of their religious duties to
approach the Deity with the dance,* with tabret and with harp,
suffices to remove any objection which might be offered to the
probability of its introduction in the Egyptian ceremonies. And
> Pint. Sjmpos. Tiii. 15. He, perhaiM, oocasion of a religioiu festiraL (Herodot.
only refers to the palestra, and not to the ii. 60.)
dance, of which he is treating in this ^ Matt. xiy. 6.
chapter ; but he mentions the use of the ' 1 Chron. zt. 29 ; 2 Sam. ri. 14,
hands in a subsequent part. ' PMtlm czliz. 3 : * Let them praise His
* Pint. loc. cit. name in the dance : let them sing praises
' At the fUte of Bubastis even the unto Him with the timbrel and harp.'
women did so, without the excuse of being Confl £xod. xt. 20.
heat«d with wine, and that, too, on the
VOL. I. 2 L
510 THE ANCIENT EGYPTIANS. [Chap. VI.
if further proof wero wanting, wo have their mode of worshipping
the golden calf, ^ immediately derived from the country they had
left, which consisted principally of songs and dancing.
[There is reason to believe, as already mentioned, that
pantomime representing a continuous action or argument of a
story was attempted by the dance, but that such performances
were of a private and not of a public nature, being executed
either by the ladies and other persons attached to the harem or
household of great persons, or else by hired performers. The
ballet was not in use amongst the Egyptians, nor dancing on
the tight or slack rope. Nor has any dramatical representation
been found in the tombs, or mentioned in the different texts.
There is, however, reason to suppose that certain animals were
taught to perform tricks and dance, and in musical performances
the singers sang either in solo or chorus to the harp and other
instruments. The attitudes and sentiments intended to be ex-
pressed show a high degree of civilisation, and that the sesthetic
arts had obtained a considerable rank in ancient Egypt. Athor,
the Egyptian Aphrodite, was supposed to preside over dancing
and music, and the god Bes was also represented as performing on
various musical instruments and dancing. The song and dance
united are some of the oldest amusements known, are found at all
periods and all places, and are extant amongst the most savage
as well as the most civilised of mankind. — S. B.]
> Exod. uxii. 18, 19.
END OF VOL. I.
LONDOM : F&mTBO BT Wrr.r.IAM rjjnvrtM ARD MKS, tTAHfOKD SniKKT
Jl«U CHARIVO CaOM.
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