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EQ. 



E<1 



Encyclopaedia of 
the Qur^an 



VO LUM E F IVE 



Si-Z 



Jane Dammen McAuliffe, General Editor 



Brill, Leiden — Boston 
2006 



AUTHORS OF ARTICLES 



VOLUME V 

BiNYAMiN Abrahamov, Bar-Ilaii University 
Camilla P. Adang, Tel-Aviv University 
Scott C. Alexander, Catliolic 

Tlieological Union, Cliicago 
Mohammed Arkoun, Sorbonne University 
Ali S.A. Asani, Harvard University 
M ARGOT Bad ran, Northwestern University 
Daniel Beaumont, University of 

Rochester 
James A. Bellamy, University of Michigan 
Sheila Blair, Boston College 
Hartmut Bobzin, University of Erlangen 
Michael Bonner, University of Michigan 
Gerhard Bowering, Yale University 
Paolo Luigi Branca, CatlioHc University, 

Milan 
William M. Brinner, University of 

California, Berkeley 
Jonathan E. Bro(;kopp, Pennsylvania 

State University 
David B. Burrell, University of Notre 

Dame 
Amila Buturovic, York University, 

Canada 
Jacqueline Chabbi, University of Paris 
Masudul Alam Choudhury, Sultan 

Qaboos University, Oman 
Frederick S. Colby, Miami University, 

Oxford, OH 



Michael A. Cook, Princeton University 
Patricia Crone, Institute for Advanced 

Study, Princeton 
Stefania Cunial, Ca' Foscari University, 

Venice 
Stephan Dahne, Orient-Institut der 

Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft, 

Beirut 
Maria Massi Dakake, George Mason 

University 
Natana J. De Long-Bas, Boston 

College 
Pieternella van Doorn-Harder, 

Valparaiso University 
Dale F. Eickelman, Dartmouth College 
Herbert Eisenstein, University of 

Vienna 
Salwa M.S. El-Awa, University of 

Birmingham 
Jamal Elias, Amherst College 
Amira El-Zein, Tufts University 
R. Michael Feener, The University of 

California, Riverside 
Reuven Firestone, Hebrew Union 

College, Los Angeles 
Ersilia Francesca, Universita degli Studi 

di Napoli "L'Orientale" 
Yohanan Friedmann, Hebrew University, 

Jerusalem 
Dmitry V. Frolov, Moscow University 
AvNER GiLADi, University of Haifa 



AUTHORS OF ARTICLES 



Claude Gilliot, University of Aix-en- 

Provence 
Joseph Ginat, University of Oklalioma 
Valerie Gonzalez, Dartmoutli 

College 
Matthew S. Gordon, Miami University, 

Oxford, OH 
Sebastian GtJNTHER, University of 

Toronto 
Rosalind W. Gwynne, University of 

Tennessee 
Shahla Haeri, Boston University 
Gerald R. Hawting, University of 

London 
Paul L. Heuk, Georgetown University 
Margaretha T. Heemskerk, Radboud 

University, Nijmegen 
Marcia Hermansen, Loyola University, 

Chicago 
Thomas Emil Homerin, University of 

Rochester 
Robert Kevin Jaq,ues, Indiana University 
Anthony Hearle Johns, Australian 

National University 
David Johnston, Yale University 
Gautier H.A. Juynboll, Leiden, The 

Netherlands 
Ahmet T. Karamustafa, Washington 

University, St. Louis 
BusTAMi Mohamed Khir, University of 

Birmingham 
Alexander D. Knysh, University of 

Michigan 
Kathryn Kueny, Fordham University 
Scott Kugle, University of Leiden 
Paul Kunitzsch, University of Munich 
Ella Landau-Tasseron, Hebrew 

University, Jerusalem 
Joseph Lowry, University of 

Pennsylvania 
David Marshall, Lambeth Palace, 

London 
Ingrid Mattson, Hartford Seminary 
MusTANsiR Mir, Youngstown State 

University 
Robert G. Morrison, Whitman College 



Harald Motzki, Radboud University, 

Nijmegen 
TiLMAN Nagel, University of Gottingen 
John A. Nawas, Catholic University 

Leuven 
Angelika Neuwirth, Free University, 

Berlin 
Ute Pietruschka, Philipps University, 

Marburg 
Matthias Radsi;heit, Bonn, Germany 
Bernd R. Radtke, University of Utrecht 
WiM Raven, University of Frankfurt 
Bassel a. Reyahi, Toronto, Canada 
Gabriel Said Reynolds, University of 

Notre Dame 
Andrew Rippin, University of Victoria 
Christian JuLiEN Robin, Centre National 

de la Recherche Scientifique, Aix-en- 

Provence 
Chase F. Robinson, University of Oxford 
Ruth Roded, Hebrew University, 

Jerusalem 
Uri Rubin, Tel-Aviv University 
Michael Schub, Trinity College, 

Hartford, CN 
Michael A. Sells, Haverford College 
Irfan Shahid, Georgetown University 
Mona SiDDiqui, Glasgow University 
Kemal Silay, Indiana University 
Priscilla p. Soucek, New York University 
Devin J. Stewart, Emory University 
Barbara Stowasser, Georgetown 

University 
David Thomas, University of Birmingham 
Heidi Toelle, Sorbonne University 
Shawkat M. Toorawa, Cornell 

University 
Roberto Tottoli, Universita degli Studi 

di Napoli "L'Orientale" 
Kees Wagtendonk, University of 

Amsterdam (emeritus) 
David Waines, Lancaster University 
LuTZ WiEDERHOLD, University Halle- 
Wittenberg 
Muhammad Qasim Zaman, Brown 

University 



[continued] 



Sickness see illness and health 



Siffin, Battle of 

Battle which took place during the first 
civil war between the fourth caliph (q.v.), 
'All b. Abi Talib (q.v.), and Mu'awiya b. 
Abl Sufyan, governor of Syria, in Safar 
37/Jnly 657. Mu'awiya, facing removal 
from his post by 'All, decided to revive the 
cause of a recently defeated coalition of 
Medinan religious elite who had de- 
manded that 'All punish the assassins of 
his caliphal predecessor, 'Uthman b. 'Affan 
(see 'uthman). 'All refused to do so, given 
his ambivalence about 'Uthman's assas- 
sination CTabarl, Ta'rikh, i, 3275-8; 
Baladhuri, ^4njaA, ii, 194-7; Minqarl, Waq'a, 
31-3, 58, 82; see POLITICS AND THE cjur'an; 
shi'a). The sources say that after a series of 
letters exchanged between the two leaders, 
the battle between 'All's predominantly 
Irac[i army and Mu'awiya 's largely Syrian 
supporters was joined on Safar 8/July 26 at 
Siffin, located near al-Raqqa along the 
Euphrates river in northern Iraq (q.v.). The 
battle lasted, by various accounts, two or 
three days, by the end of which 'All had 
gained the advantage. To avert probable 
defeat, Mu'awiya, following the advice of 



'Amr b. al-'As, ordered his troops to bear 
aloft copies of the Qiir'an (or a copy of the 
Qtir'an) on the ends of their spears — imi- 
tating a precedent set by 'All at the earlier 
Battle of the Camel {QalaAhuri, Ansdb, ii, 
170-1; Ibn A'tham, Futuh, ii, 315) — and 
caUing for arbitration (q.v.) on the basis of 
the scripture (Minqarl, Waq'a, 476-82; 
Tabari, Ta'nkh, i, 3329-30 [trans. 79-80]; 
Baladhuri, Ansdh, ii, 226-7). 

'All, initially reluctant to submit to ar- 
bitration, eventually agreed under pressure 
from some of his supporters, including the 
Iraqi Qur'an readers [qurrd'; Minqarl, 
Waq'a, 489-92; 'Tabari, Ta'nkh, i, 3330 
[trans. 79]; see reciters of the qur'an). 
The more reliable of the two versions of 
the arbitration agreement found in the 
early sources stipulated that an arbitrator 
be nominated from each side and that the 
two meet on neutral territory to resolve 
the dispute on the basis of the Qiir'an and, 
should no clear directive be found in the 
scripture, on the "just, unifying and not 
divisive siinna" (q.v; Minqarl, Waq'a, 510; 
Baladhuri, Ansdb, ii, 226, 230; Tabari, 
Ta'nkh, i, 3336 [trans. 85-6]). Mu'awiya 
named 'Amr b. al-'As as his representative. 
'All sought to name one of his equally 
trusted men but was pressured by influ- 
ential members of his camp to name 



Abu Musa 1-Ash'ari, a well-respected but 
neutral figure (Baladhuri, Ansdb, ii, 230; 
Tabari, Ta'nkh, i, 3333-4 [trans. 82-3]). 
The arbitrators seem to have met on two 
occasions — at Dumat al-Jandal in 
Shawwal-Dhu 1-Qa'da 37/ April 658 and 
later at Adhruh in Sha'ban 38/January 
659. While the sources sometimes conflate 
these two meetings and their outcomes, it 
seems that at the first meeting, the arbitra- 
tors agreed that 'Uthman had been killed 
unjustly. 'Amr connected this judgment to 
Q. '7'33- "Whosever is slain unjustly, we 
have given authority (q.v.) to his heir," and 
argued for Mu'awiya's right to the caliph- 
ate as the kinsman of 'Uthman (see 
murder; corruption; kinship). Abu 
Musa rejected 'Amr's interpretation and 
the arbitration was considered a failure by 
'All (Minqarl, Waq'a, 541; Mas'udi, 
Muruj/Prairies d'or, § 1705-8, iii, 145-8 [Fr 
trans. 668-71]; Ibn al-Athir, Kdmil, iii, 331). 
The second meeting at Adhruh, apparently 
not endorsed by 'All, ended with a ruse 
whereby Abu Musa was tricked into depos- 
ing 'All, leaving Mu'awiya as caliph by de- 
fault (Minqari, Waq'a, 544-6; Tabari, 
Ta'nkh, i, 3341-3 [trans. 90-2]). Although 
the results of this meeting were not widely 
recognized outside of Syria, 'All faced 
growing opposition among his supporters 
over tlie terms of the arbitration and its 
outcome. Many dissenters — including 
some qurrd' who initially favored arbitra- 
tion but reversed tlieir opinion upon learn- 
ing of its terms — had seceded from 'All's 
camp even prior to the meeting of the ar- 
bitrators, claiming that "judgment belongs 
to God alone" (la hukma ilia lilldhi), a slogan 
that echoes the qur'anic statement ini 
l-hukmu Hid lilldhi (q 6:57; 12:40, 67). They 
also demanded that 'All repent of his sub- 
mission to a process that placed men in 
judgment over the Qiir'an (see law and 
THE (JUr'an). Many of these secessionists, 



later referred to as "Kharijis" (q.v.), per- 
manently broke with 'All after the failure of 
the arbitration and suffered a devastating 
military defeat at his hands some months 
later. 

Maria Massi Dakake 



Bibliography 
Primary: al-Baladhurl, Ahmad b. Yahya, Ansdb 
al-ashrdf, ed. M. al-Firdaws al-'Azm, 15 vols., 
Damascus 1996-; Ibn Abi l-Hadld, Shark J^ahj al- 
baldgha, ed. M. Abu 1-Fadl Ibrahim, 20 vols., 
Cairo 1959-64; Ibn A'tham al-Kufi, Kitdb al- 
Futuh, 7 vols., Hyderabad 1968; Ibn al-Athlr, 
Kdmil, 12 vols., Beirut 1979; Ibn Kathir, Biddya, 
ed. 'A.M. Mu'awwad and "A.A. 'Abd al-Mawjud, 
8 vols., Beirut 1994; Khalifa b. Khayyat, Tankh, 
ed. A.D. al-'Umarl, Najaf 1967; Mas'udi, Muruj, 
7 vols., Beirut 1966-79; Fr. trans. Gh. Pellat, Les 
prairies d'or, 5 vols., 1962-97; al-Minqarl, Nasr b. 
Muzahim, IVag'at SiJJln, ed. 'A. Harun, Cairo 
1962; Tabari, Ta'rlkh, ed. de Goeje; id., The 
history of al'Tetbari. xvii. The first civil war, trans. 
G.R Hawting, Albany 1996; Ya'qubl, Ta'rikh, 
ed. 'A. Muhanna, 2 vols., Beirut 1993. 
Secondary: M. Hinds, The Siffin arbitration 
agreement, iny.y^ 17 (1972), 93-129; W. Madelung, 
Succession to Muhammad. A study of the early 
caliphate, Cambridge 1997; C. Petersen, All and 
Adu'dwiya in early Arabic traditions, Copenhagen 
1964. 

Sight see VISION and blindness; seeing 

AND hearing 



Signs 

Indications or portents, foreshadowing or 
confirming something. The concept of 
sign, one of the most commonly exhibited 
concepts in the Qiir'an, is expressed 
mainly by the word dya (pi. djdt) in almost 
four hundred instances and by the word 
bayyina (pi. bayyindt) in approximately sixty 
cases. Several other words also convey the 
principal idea or some nuances of dya, for 
example: lesson {'ibra, C3 12:111), pattern 
(uswa, C3 60:4), fact, story, discourse [hadith, 



o 45:6), example {mathal, q 43:57; see 
parable), proof (q.v.; burhdn, q_ 4:174), 
proof [sultan, (3 30:35), signs [sha'd'ir, 
o 22:36), signs [dthdr, Q_ 30:50; see genera- 
tions; AIR AND wind; GEOGRAPHY), sign 

[dalil, Q, 25:45). 

The word dya (sign) lias no root in Arabic 
and is very probably a loan-word from 
Syriac or Aramaic [dthd; see foreign 
vocabulary) where it indicates not only 
the ideas of sign and miracle (see 
miracles; marvels), as in biblical and 
rabbinic Hebrew (oth), but also the notions 
of argument and proof. (Arab philologists 
who have tried to find a stem and a form of 
this word have arrived at different solu- 
tions; either the word is derived from a-w-y 
or from ayy and its form is either^; V;/fl or 
fa'la or Jd'ila; cf Lisdn al-'Arab; see gram- 
mar and the our'an.) The word occurs in 
pre-Islamic poetry (see poetry and poets) 
in the meaning of a sign or token and in 
this meaning it also appears in the Qvir'an 
(c3 26:128, "as a sign for passers by"). In the 
Qtir'an, dya also often denotes argument 
and proof. These shades of meaning can 
be explained in the light of the polemical 
character of parts of the Qiir'an which are 
influenced by Muhammad's struggles with 
the unbelievers, the Jews and the Chris- 
tians (see POLEMIC and polemk;al lan- 
guage; BELIEF AND UNBELIEF; JEWS AND 
JUDAISM; CHRISTIANS AND CHRISTIANITY). 

Expressions of signs 
The scripture attests to the numerous and 
diverse signs which exist in the earth (q.v.) 
and in humankind: "In the earth are signs 
for those having sure faith (q.v.), and in 
yourselves; what, do you not see?" 
(q, 51:20-1; see SEEING AND HEARING; 
VISION AND blindness). Thesc signs are so 
obvious that one cannot ignore them. 
Being produced by God (c3 6:109; 7:203; 
29:50) and only with his permission 



(q 13:38; 40:78), such signs can be detected 
in all spheres of life. Both animate and 
inanimate objects provide signs (Fakhr 
al-Din al-RazI [d. 606/1210] makes a 
distinction between signs in man, dald'il 
al-anfus, and signs in the world, dald'il al- 
djdq; RazI, TafsTr, xxv, iii), as in "O my 
people, this is the she-camel of God, to be 
a sign for you" (q^ 11:64; ^^^ camel; salih) 
and "And it is God who sends down out of 
heaven water (q.v.), and therewith revives 
the earth after it is dead. Surely in that is a 
sign for a people who listen" (o 16:65; cf. 
30:24; see heaven and sky; hearing and 
deafness). God's providential design is 
demonstrated through his acts in nature 
and in human beings (see nature as 
signs; gra(;e; blessing). A typical sign- 
passage is c) 13:2-3: 

God is he who raised up the heavens with- 
out pillars you can see, then he sat himself 
upon the throne (see throne of god); he 
subjected the sun (q.v.) and the moon (q.v.), 
each one running to a term stated. He 
directs the affair; he distinguishes the signs; 
haply you will have faith in the encounter 
with your lord (q.v.). It is he who stretched 
out the earth and set therein firm moun- 
tains and rivers, and of every fruit he 
placed there two kinds, covering the day 
with the night (see day and night). Surely 
in that are signs for a people who reflect 
(see REFLECTION AND DELIBERATION; 
AGRICULTURE AND VEGETATION). 

Sustenance (q.v.) and dress are given to 
humankind by God as a sign of his 
providence: 

Children of Adam! We have sent down on 
you a garment to cover your shameful 
parts (see clothing; modesty; nudity), 
and adornment (rish); and the garment of 
godfearing — that is better; that is one of 



God's signs; haply they will remember 
(c3 7:26; see remembrance). 

Have they not seen that God spreads out 
the provision to whom he wills or is sparing 
[with it]? Surely in that are signs for a peo- 
ple who believe (q 30:37). 

To these signs are added the variety of hu- 
man languages (see language) and colors 
(q.v.) and their differentiated activities by 
night and day (q^ 30:22-3). God also inter- 
venes in historical events by punishing 
wicked peoples; this intervention serves as 
a sign for those who fear the punishment of 
the last day (q, 11:102-3; ^^^ last judg- 
ment; HISTORY AND THE C^UR'aN; CHAS- 
TISEMENT AND punishment; PUNISHMENT 
stories; REWARD AND PUNISHMENT). In 
like manner God prevents the enemies [of 
Muslims] from injuring them (o 48:20) and 
he causes some people, especially prophets, 
to overcome others to prevent their cor- 
rupting of the earth (q 2:251-2; see proph- 
ets AND prophethood; corruption). 
According to the context of C3 3:58, what 
has happened to the prophets are signs. 
Mary (q.v.), Jesus' (q.v.) mother, became a 
sign because of her chastity (q.v.) which 
caused God to breathe into her something 
of his spirit (q.v.; C3 21:91). 

Functions of signs 
Having examined some of the objects 
which serve as signs, this discussion can 
turn to the functions of djdt. Most of the 
signs in scripture have the purpose of call- 
ing on humankind to thank God (e.g. 
q 16:14; 30:46; 36:73; see gratitude and 
ingratitude) and to worship (q.v.) him (cf 
C) 10:3). Considering the frequent occur- 
rence of words denoting signs in the 
Qur'an (see, for example, the beginning of 
C3 45 in which the word dydt occurs in al- 
most every verse), it is possible to state that 
Muhammad regarded signs as the best 



means to call people to believe in God and 
his messenger (q.v.), a means preferable to 
frightening them with the horrors of the 
day of judgment. Ajidt are miracles done by 
God for the sake of people. Signs in "ask 
the Children of Israel (q.v.) how many a 
clear sign we gave," (q_ 2:211) are inter- 
preted to mean the splitting of the Red 
Sea, and the bringing down of the manna 
and the quail (see animal life). The aim 
of these miracles was to compel the 
Children of Israel to believe in God, but 
they refused to believe. Those who deny 
God's miracles are doomed to suffer God's 
severe punishment (c3 3:11; 4:56). Miracles 
also aim at causing people to believe in 
prophets ((J 58:5); Moses (q.v.) tried to per- 
suade Pharaoh (q.v.) that he had been sent 
by God (<J 7:103-6). Muhammad's proph- 
ecy is not proved directly by dydt; rather it 
is proved through legitimating his message 
by djidt. When the message is demonstrated 
to be genuine, the messenger is a true 
prophet. Through the use of analogy the 
QjLir'an attempts to convince people to be- 
lieve in certain tenets of Islam, such as the 
resurrection (q.v.). According to <J 2:259, a 
man passed near a ruined town and asked 
how shall God give its dead people life. To 
show this man his power, God put him to 
death and revived him after one hundred 
years. The aim of this personal miracle is 
to show God's ability to resurrect the dead 
(Ibn Kathir, Tafslr, i, 558). The miracle here 
serves as proof based on analogy: just as 
God put this man to death and then re- 
stored him to life, so can he put all people 
to death and then revive them on the day 
of judgment (see death and the dead). 
Resurrection is also demonstrated through 
God's creation (q.v.) of the world. If God's 
ability to create extends to such an enor- 
mous act, the more so his ability to revive 
the dead: "Have they not seen that God 
who created the heavens and earth, not 
being wearied by creating them (see 



sabbath), is able to give life to the dead?" 
(Q, 46:33; cf. 75:38-40). Another proof is 
learned from the rain sent by God. Just as 
the rain revives the earth, catising plants to 
sprout, so can God restore the dead to life 

(cf- a 35:9)- 

From the contents and context of o 3:13 it 
is obvious that an djia is also a lesson f'ibra): 
There has already been a sign for you in 
the two companies that met [at the battle 
of Badr (q.v.)], one company fighting for 
the sake of God and another unbelieving; 
[the unbelievers] saw [the Muslims] twice 
the like of them, as the eye sees, but God 
supports with his help whom he will. 
Surely, in that is a lesson for the wise (see 
wisdom; ignorance; teaching). 

The lesson God conveys here is that he can 
make a few people overcome many. Again 
God's power and his help for man are 
proven (see victory; power and 
impotence; trust and patience). 
Whereas in q 2:259, mentioned above, the 
analogy is to be learned by stages, here the 
conclusion from the story is directly in- 
ferred. That God punishes evil people is a 
widespread idea throughout the Qiir'an 
(see good and evil). Sometimes the 
Qiir'an points out that whoever fears 
the punishment of the last judgment 
should take a lesson from God's previous 
punishments: 

Such is the punishment [literally "seizing," 
akhdh] of your lord, when he punishes [the 
evildoers of] the cities; surely his punish- 
ment is painful, terrible. Surely in that is a 
sign for him who fears the chastisement of 
the world to come... (<J 11:102-3; ^^e also 
a 15:77; 25:37; 26:103, 121, 139, 158, 174, 
190; 27:52; 29:35; 34:19). 

The lesson to be learned is not only from 
God's punishment but also from his reward 



to the righteous: God saved Noah (q.v.) as 
he did the people and animals that were in 
Noah's ark (q.v.; e.g. C3 29:15; 54:15). The 
history of a family such as Joseph (q.v.) and 
his brothers serves, too, as a lesson (o 12:7; 
see also brother and brotherhood; 
benjamin), a lesson can also be learned 
from a parable (c3 2:266). Sometimes a sign 
serves as a trial (q.v.) for a people, whether 
they will believe or not (q 44:33). Another 
aim of the signs is to show that God acts 
for the benefit of humans in many spheres 
of life such as sustenance or transportation 
(q 16:5-18; see vehicles). Finally, a sign 
may function as a metaphor (q.v.), its ex- 
planation being given by exegetes (see 
EXEGESIS OF THE ^UR'aN: CLASSICAL AND 
medieval); good and bad land are similes 
for the believer and the unbeliever respec- 
tively [Jaldlayn, ad q 7:58; cf 10:24). 

Reactions to signs 
Reactions to signs, proofs and miracles 
differ — some people believe in them 
(q 6:54, 99) while others do not, or they 
display a negative attitude toward them. 
Some people are obstinately reluctant to 
draw conclusions from God's acts aiming 
at the preservation of the world: "We set 
up the heaven as a roof well-protected; yet 
still from our signs they are turning away" 
(q 21:32; cf 6:157; 15:81; 36:46). Refusing 
to recognize God's signs is regarded by the 
Qiir'an as the gravest wrongdoing: "And 
who does greater evil than he who, being 
reminded of the signs of his lord, turns 
away from them ... " (q 18:57; 32:22). 
These rejecters consider signs to be witch- 
craft: "Yet if they see a sign they turn away, 
and they say: A continuous sorcery' " 
(q 54:2; cf 27:13; 46:7; see magic). In 
addition, Muhammad suffered from the 
mockery (q.v.) of his opponents (see 
OPPOSITION TO MUHAMMAD): "Say: 'What, 
then were you mocking God, and his signs, 
and his messenger'?" (q 9:65; cf. 18:56, 



io6; 30:10; 45:9, 35). The most common 
example of such negative reactions is tliat 
of evildoers who disbelieve in God's signs: 
"We have sent down to you clear signs, and 
only the evildoers disbelieve in them" 
(q. 2:99). Other evildoers (see EVIL deeds) 
are identified with those who killed proph- 
ets (c3 3:21; see murder; bloodshed). In 
the qur'anic view, the refusal to recognize 
God's signs is connected to rejection of his 
messengers who point to those signs (see 
SIN, MAJOR AND MINOR; ETHICS AND THE 
(JUr'an). Whoever questions God's exis- 
tence and power is an evildoer, and vice 
versa, those who fear (q.v.) God and give 
alms believe in God's signs (c) 7:156; cf. 
Birkeland, Interpretation, 13-29; see 
almsgiving; piety). The verb kadhdhaba 
(he accused someone of lying, or discov- 
ered someone to be lying, or regarded 
something as a lie, or denied something; 
see lie) is used to indicate another kind of 
reaction to the signs considered by the 
Qiir'an as the gravest act ((J 6:21). "(Their 
way is) like the way of Pharaoh's folk and 
those before them; they denied the 
signs..." (c) 8:54; see also (J 5:10, 86, where 
in both verses kadhdhaba comes along with 
kafara, he disbelieved; cf. o 6:21, 39, 150; 
10:95; 7:176-7, 182; 20:56). In q 6:33 it is 
emphasized that Muhammad's opponents, 
the unbelievers, did not accuse him of 
lying but they denied (jahada) God's signs. 
The verb jahada and its equivalents, ankara 
and ^alama, appear several times in the 
qur'anic text as expressions of the reaction 
to God's signs (q, 7:9; 11:59; 29:49; 31:32; 
40:63, 81; 41:15; 46:26). In two verses the 
verb istakbara (he became haughty) occurs 
with the verb kadhdhaba, as in "Those who 
regard our signs as lies and display haugh- 
tiness (see arrogance; pride) toward 
them shall be the inhabitants of the fire 
(q.v.; see also hell and hellfire) forever" 
(o 7:36 and C3 7:40), and without kadhdhaba 
in other verses (q 7:133; 10:75; 45:31). In 



one place the unbelievers' arrogance and 
mockery are depicted as a deception 
(q 10:75). Another kind of negative reac- 
tion to the signs is disputation (jiddl) which 
is associated with unbelief: "None but the 
unbelievers dispute concerning the signs 
of God..." (q 40:4; see debate and 
disputation). But the unbelievers have no 
proof to support their dispute which de- 
rives from their arrogance (cf. Q_ 40:35, 56). 
In several verses the opponents' disputa- 
tion is expressed through mockery; they 
accuse Muhammad of telling ancient sto- 
ries (o 6:25; 8:31; 68:15; 83:13). Twice, the 
unbelievers are regarded as heedless of the 
signs (q 7:136; 10:7). They also defame the 
signs (q 41:40) and oppose them (q 74:16). 
In sum, the unbelievers express their reac- 
tion to God's signs in several ways — de- 
nial, mockery, contestation, opposition and 
heedlessness. As a text characterized, inter 
alia, by polemics, the Qiir'an frequently 
refers to its opponents, and naturally em- 
phasizes their negative attitude toward the 
signs. 

Signs as linguistic communication 
The word dya, apart froin connoting non- 
linguistic communication between God 
and man (Cf. Izutsu, God, 133), also con- 
tains the additional meanings of a basic 
unit or a passage of revelation, namely, 
linguistic communication (see revelation 
AND inspiration; verses). In the Qiir'an 
itself there is no indication as to the length 
of these units or passages, o 2:106 reads: 
"And for whatever unit of revelation (or 
passage, dya) we abrogate or cast into obliv- 
ion, we bring a better or the like of it..." 
(cf Q 16:101; 24:1; see abrogation). Also 
when the Qiir'an states that "Those are 
dydt oi the wise scripture" (c3 10:1; 12:1; 
13:1, in several beginnings of suras [q.v.] 
which constitute a fixed formula), it seems 
to point to a basic unit of revelation or to 
passages, although the meaning of signs 



cannot be ruled out altogether. Aydt are 
mentioned in the context of interpretation 
(ta'wil), a fact that alludes to linguistic com- 
munication (q 3:7). Similarly, it is more 
probable that aydt mean units of revelation 
when appearing with the verb tald (he re- 
cited): "The People of the Book (q.v.) are 
not all alike. [Among them is] a righteous 
community who recite God's aydt in the 
hours of the night..." ((J 3:113, and 
Q. I9-73J 33-34> ^^^ vigils; reiiitation of 
THE q^ur'an). According to some interpret- 
ers of the Qiir'an, the plural word dydt also 
means the Qvir'an itself [e.g. Jaldlayn, ad 
q 27:81; 29:23, 49; 31:7; 34:43). It is, how- 
ever, possible to conclude from the con- 
text of some verses that dydt are identified 
with the scripture, as in "Our lord, send 
among them a messenger, one of them, 
who shall recite to them your signs, and 
teach them the book (q.v.) and the wis- 
dom..." (q 2:129; cf 2:151; 10:15). Accord- 
ing to q 3-2-4, not only is the Qiir'an 
designated as dydt but also the Hebrew 
Bible and the New Testament (see torah; 
gospels). 

A further extension of the meaning of 
dya, one with legal connotations, is cer- 
tainly discernible from o 2:231: 

When you divorce women, and they have 
reached their term, then retain them hon- 
orably or set them free honorably; do not 
retain them by force, to transgress [this 
law] ; whoever does that has wronged him- 
self. Take not God's laws (dydt) in mock- 
ery... (see MARRIAGE AND DIVORllE; 

boundaries and precepts; law and the 

qur'an). 

The word dydt also occurs in the context of 
God's giving ordinances (q 2:187, 22i; 
24:58, 61). And there is another stylistic 
phenomenon which proves the notion that 
dydt may also be used as a term for laws. 
The formula "in such a manner God 



makes clear to you his dydt (signs)" is found 
both after a sentence which speaks about 
God's graces, namely, his help for and 
saving of the believers (q 3:103), and after a 
sentence which talks about the expiation of 
oaths (q.v.; q 5:89; see also breaking 

TRUSTS AND CONTRACTS; CONTRACTS AND 

alliances). Just as in the former example 
dydt seems to mean signs, so in the latter 
dydt seems to mean laws. Our suggestion is 
that the above-mentioned formula refers to 
the sentences which precede it. To sum up, 
dydt has the following basic meanings: 
signs, miracles, proofs, basic units or pas- 
sages of revelations, the Qiir'an and other 
holy books, and laws. 

Structure of sign-passages 
Most sign-passages (i.e. groups of sign- 
verses) are characterized by introductory as 
well as concluding formulas (see form and 
STRUCTURE OF THE qup'AN). The introduc- 
tory phrase presents God's acts and the 
concluding sentence emphasizes the fact 
that these acts are signs for people who 
reflect, or understand, q 13:2-3 reads: 

God is he who raised up the heavens with- 
out pillars you can see, then he sat himself 
upon the throne. He subjected the sun and 
the moon, each running to a term stated. 
He directs the world (literally: the affair) 
[and] he makes the signs clear so that you 
will be certain of the encounter with your 
lord. It is he who stretched out the earth 
and set therein firm mountains and rivers, 
and of every fruit he placed there two 
kinds, and covered the day with the night. 
Surely in that are signs for a people who 
reflect. 

In some sign-passages the first words are: 
"And of his signs..." (q 30:20). There are, 
however, sign-passages in which the word 
"signs" is absent (q 6:141; 13:12-15; 16:3-8, 
80; 30:48-51; 32:4-9). On the whole, the 



8 



sign-passages have no uniform internal 
order, except that there might be a special 
division and a liierarchy of the signs in 
some places, as indicated by exegetes (see 
below Later development). 

Most of the verbs connected witli signs 
indicate the mode of tlieir arrival to hu- 
mankind: "to bring," atd hi, dtd,jd'a hi (cf. 
C) 2:106, 211; 43:47), "to bring down or to 
reveal," nazz/J-la, anzala (e.g. q 6:37; 10:20), 
"to come," atd (e.g. q 6:158), and "to send," 
ba'atha hi, arsala hi (e.g. q 10:75; 11:96). 
Some verbs (bayyana, sarrafa, fassala) indi- 
cate that the signs are explained or made 
clear (q 5:75; 6:46; 7:174; 9:11), and some 
others (e.g. dhakkara, qassa) indicate that the 
signs are mentioned, told and recited 
(q 6:130; 8:31; 10:71; see narratives). In 
the light of the polemical character of 
many parts of the Qitr'an, it seems that 
these verbs are intended to deliver the mes- 
sage that God's signs not only exist but are 
brought down to people, they are transmit- 
ted by recounting or recitation and, be- 
yond that, they are made clear in order to 
convince humans of God's power and 
providence, so that they will worship him. 
Without the Prophet's explanation, signs 
remain a "means of non-linguistic com- 
munication" (Izutsu, God, 133-9), which 
humanity is obliged to decipher. In ad- 
dition, there is the plienomenon that some 
signs are depicted as clear signs {dydt 
bayyindt, Q_ 2:99; 3:97; 17:101). We do not 
know the difference between dya and bayy- 
ina (as a noun), the latter literally meaning 
"clear sign." In (3 20:133 and (3 7:73, the 
identification of dya with bayyina is trans- 
parent, and in other places bayyina applies 
to the same sign which is expressed else- 
where by dya (q 7:105). Aydt bayyindt, how- 
ever, seem never to be applied to natural 
wonders, rather only to historical or 
supernatural signs (Rahman, Major 
themes, 72). 



Later development 
The natural phenomena that appear in the 
Qiir'an serve Muslim scholars as corrobo- 
ration for the argument from design. The 
teleological argument is used to prove the 
existence of God, his unity, wisdom, and 
rtde of the world through the wonderful 
design observed in the world (see sover- 
eignty; KINGS AND rulers; GOD AND HIS 
attributes). Although this argument is 
found in Greek philosophy (Socrates, 
Aristotle, the Stoics) and in Christian 
thought (Augustine [d. 430] , Boethius 
[d. 524] and, in the Muslim era, John of 
Damascus [d. ca. 143/750], Theodore Abu 
QjLirra [d. ca. 2 10/825] ^^'-^ 'Ammar al- 
Basri [d. ca. 2 10/825], who very probably 
influenced Muslim theologians; on the 
early interactions between Christian and 
Muslim theologians, see e.g. Griffith, Faith 
and reason), one cannot ignore the numer- 
ous examples of the argtiment in the 
Qiir'an (cf. Gwynne, Logic), which certainly 
induced Muslim theologians to employ it. 
It seems that Mu'tazili theologians first 
used the argument from design (Hisham 
al-Fuwati [d. ca. 229/844], al-Nazzam 
[d. bef 232/847], al-Jahiz [d. 255/869]; see 
mu'tazilis). This argument then passed to 
other theologians, whether they belonged 
to mainstream Muslims, such as al- 
Muhasibl (d. 243/857), to Ash'arl theo- 
logians like al-Ash'arl (d. 324/935), 
al-Baqillani (d. 403/1013) and al-Ghazali 
(d. 505/1 1 11), or to sectarians, such as the 
Zaydl Imam al-Qasim b. Ibrahim (d. 246/ 
860; see heresy). Even the Aristotelian 
philosopher Ibn Rushd (d. 595/1198) states 
that he prefers argtiments for God's ex- 
istence that appear in the Qitr'an to specu- 
lative arguments (see theology and the 
(Jur'an). His form of the teleological ar- 
gumentation (see cosmology), the argu- 
ment from God's providence, which shows 
that the design of the world aims to benefit 



people, is one that is mticli cited in tlie 
Qtir'an. 

Tlie exegetes of the Qiir'an naturally 
placed much importance on God's signs 
and the conclusions derived from them 
concerning God's power and his ride of 
the world (Tabari, TafsTr, ad q 30:24; Ibn 
Kathir, Tafsir, ad C3 30:21). Generally, how- 
ever, al-Tabarl (d. 310/923), Ibn Kathir 
(d. 774/1373) ^i^d other traditionalist ex- 
egetes did not investigate sign-passages as a 
whole, nor did they analyze the inter-con- 
nections between signs. Such examinations 
were carried out by rationalist exegetes 
such as Fakhr al-Din al-RazI (d. 606/1210), 
who divides sign-passages according to 
their functions, the connections between 
them, and their hierarchical structure 
(RazI, Tafsir, ad q 30:22-7). q 30:22-5 reads: 

And of his signs is the creation of the 
heavens and earth and the variety of your 
languages and colors... and of his signs is 
your slumbering by night, and your seeking 
by day after his bounty... and of his signs 
he shows you lightning (see weather), for 
fear and hope, and that he sends down out 
of heaven water and he revives the earth 
with it after it is dead. . . and of his signs is 
that the heaven and earth stand [firm] by 
his command... 

Al-RazI divides these signs into necessary 
accidents (a'rdd lazima), namely, accidents 
which are part of the essence of a thing, 
and those which are transitory (a'rdd 
mujariqa), some departing quickly, such as 
redness of the face as a result of shame, 
and others slowly, such as youth (cf. Jurjani, 
Ta'rijdt, 153-4; *^^ YOUTH and old age). 
First the Qtir'an points out two examples 
of necessary accidents (the various lan- 
guages and colors of people), and then two 
examples of a 'rdd mujdriqa (sleep at night 
and the search for means of subsistence 



din-ing the day; see pairs and pairing). 
God makes the a 'rdd mujariqa of the last 
two verses which deal with heaven and 
earth come before their a 'rdd lazima, for 
heaven and earth are stable and changes 
are more marvelous in them than in 
humankind. Thus, al-Razi organizes signs 
according to their characteristics, o 30:8 
reads: "Have they not reflected on them- 
selves? God did not create the heavens and 
the earth and what is between them save 
with the truth. . . ." Al-Razi notices that in 
this verse signs in people (dald'il al-anfus) 
precede signs in the heavens and earth 
(dald'il al-djdq), whereas in q 41:53, "We 
shall show them our signs in the horizons 
[al-djdq) and in themselves...," signs in the 
heavens and earth take precedence. The 
solution to this contradiction lies in the 
distinction between the agents of the verbs 
mentioned in these verses: when the agent 
is human, the signs stated are easy to per- 
ceive, for they are in humans themselves 
and people cannot ignore them, while the 
signs which God mentions about the world 
are more difficult to perceive, for they are 
remote from humanity. What God men- 
tions last is understood by people first be- 
cause they progress in knowing God's signs 
in stages (Razi, TafsTr, xxv, 99, ad q 30:8). 
Such sophisticated interpretation occurs 
neither in classical nor in modern exegesis 
(see EXEGESIS OF THE our'an: early 

MODERN AND CONTEMPORARY; 
PHILOSOPHY AND THE our'an). Scientific 
exegesis, which searches for elements and 
terminology of science in the Qiir'an, does 
appear in classical texts, but is not as wide- 
spread as it has become in the modern era 
(Jansen, Interpretation, 36-8; see science 
AND the qUR'AN). 

Modern exegetes tend to deal not only 
with separate words in a verse or with a 
complete verse but also with whole sign- 
passages, paraphrasing their ideas and 



drawing conclusions from them, o 10:5-6 
reads: 

It is he who made the sun a radiance, and 
the moon a light (q.v.), and determined it 
by stations, that you might know the num- 
ber of the years and the reckoning. God 
created that only with the truth, explaining 
the signs to a people who know. In the 
alteration of night and day, and what 
God has created in the heavens and the 
earth, surely, there are signs for godfearing 
people. 

Muhammad Rashid Rida (d. 1935), whose 
interpretation of the Qiir'an follows the 
teachings of his master, the great Muslim 
reformist Muhammad 'Abduh (d. 1905), 
states that these two verses direct the 
Muslim to God's cosmological signs which 
prove his power to revive the dead and to 
reward man (cf. Darwaza, Tafsir, vi, 287). 
According to Rashid Rida, these signs also 
show God's wisdom and the regular design 
in creation, and, characteristically of mod- 
ern exegesis, he points out that they stimu- 
late man to study astronomy, a science 
which the ancestors favored because of the 
guidance of the Qiir'an (see planets and 
stars). Furthermore, study of the cosmo- 
logical signs proves that Islam is a religion 
based on knowledge (see knowledge and 
learning) and science (din 'ilmi), not on 
blindly following authority (q.v.; taqlid). 
The scientific discoveries of the secrets of 
light in this generation prove God's sagac- 
ity (Rashid Rida, Mandr, xi, 301-5). In 
'Abduh's work, the jinn (q.v.) are identified 
with microbes (Jansen, Interpretation, 43). 
Extensive scientific exegesis (tafsir 'ilmi) is 
found in Muhammad Farld Wajdi's (d. 
1940) al-A'Iushaf al-mufassar, "The Qiir'an 
Interpreted" (Jansen, Interpretation, 46-7). A 
typical modern discussion of sign-passages 
is found in Sayyid Qiitb's (d. 1966) inter- 
pretation of the beginning of c) 30 (vv. 



1-32). In his view, sign-passages do not 
stand apart; there is a close connection 
between what happens to humans and the 
natural phenomena, and this is expressed 
through the notion that God is the source 
of all things (Qiitb, ^ildl, vi, 436). The 
function of the signs is to prompt humans 
to believe in God (ibid., 448-9). Whoever 
makes such signs, Qiitb emphatically 
states, is the same one who sends messen- 
gers to humankind, restores people to life, 
and so on (ibid., 463), as in the second part 
of the sura (w. 33-60). 

The notion that all future scientific dis- 
coveries are mentioned in the Qiir'an, 
whether directly or indirectly, is a common 
modern notion. Mustafa Kamal Malimud 
(b. 192 1), an Egyptian physician, writer and 
a qur'anic exegete, is very fond of scientific 
exegesis. He finds allusions to recent sci- 
entific discoveries in the qur'anic descrip- 
tion of creation (Mahmud, Muhdwala, 
ed.1970, 51, 60-4; cf. Rippin, Muslims, 95-7). 
He partially accepts Darwin's theory of 
evolution, claiming that God is responsible 
for the evolution of the species in stages 
(Mahmud, Muhdwala, ed. 1970, 59-60; ed. 
1999, 67-8). Among the various natural 
phenomena which support the scientific 
knowledge found in the Qur'an, he points 
to the state of the embryo (ci 39:6; 
Mahmud, Muhdwala, ed. 1970, 65-8; see 
BIOLOGY as the CREATION AND STAGES OF 
life). Some modern exegetes regard the 
scientific contents of the Qur'an as proof 
of the veracity of Muhammad's prophecy 
and consequently the truthfulness of the 
qur'anic ideas. According to these scholars, 
the scientific elements attest to a miracle 
that is even greater than the miracle of the 
literary supremacy of the Qur'an (see 
inimitability; language and style of 
THE (JUr'an). The scientific interpretation, 
however, has not gone unchallenged. 
Muslim scholars themselves have charged 
the adherents of scientific exegesis with 



failing to pay proper attention to the con- 
text of the verses discussed, to philological 
considerations and to the fact that the 
Qiir'an was addressed to Arabs (q.v.), 
speaking in their language and informing 
only of the sciences known in the Prophet's 
era (see occasions of revelation; sIra 

AND THE QUr'an; PRE-ISLAMIC ARABIA 

AND THE our'an). Moreover, they insist 
that the Qur'an presents an ethical and 
religious message (see virtues and vices, 
commanding and forbidding; escha- 
tology) and that a limited text cannot 
contain the ever-changing views of sci- 
entists in the nineteenth and twentieth 
centuries (Hussein, Commentaire; Jansen, 
Interpretation, 47-54). 

Binyamin Abrahamov 

Bibliography 
Primary: M/I. Darwaza, al-TafsTr al-hadith, 12 
vols., Cairo 1381-3/1962-4; Ibn Kathlr, Tafsn, 
7 vols., Beirut 1385/1966, repr. Beirut 1389/1970; 
al-Jurjanl, 'All b. Muhammad, Kitdb ai'Ta'rifat, 
ed. G. Fliigel, Leipzig 1847, repr. Beirut 1978; 
Lisdn al-'Arab, 15 vols., Beirut 1955-6; ed. All 
Shiri, 18 vols., Beirut 1988; Qutb, ^ildl; Rashld 
Rida, Mandr; Razi, Tafsir, 16 vols., Beirut n.d.; 
SuyutT, Itqdn; TabarT, Tafsir, 12 vols., Cairo 
1323-9/1905-11, repr. Beirut 1986-7; Tantawl 
Jawharl, al-Jawdhirji tafsTr al-Qur'dn al-mushtamii 
'aid 'ajd'ib badd'i' al-mukawwandt wa-ghard'ib al-dydt 
al-bdhirdt, 26 vols., Cairo 1350/1930. 
Secondary: B. Abrahamov (ed.), al-Qdsim b. 
Ibrahim on the proof oj God's existence, Kitdb al-dalTl 
al-kabir, Leiden 1990; Abd al-BaqT; A.J. Arberry, 
The Koran interpreted, Oxford 1983; H. Birkeland, 
The interpretation of surah 107, in 5/9 (1958), 
13-29; W.A. Graham, "The winds to herald his 
mercy" and other "signs for those of certain 
faith," in S.H. Lee, W. Proudfoot and A. Black- 
well (eds.). Faithful imagining. Essays in honor of R.R. 
JViebuhr, Atlanta 1995, 19-38; S. Griffith, Faith and 
reason in Christian Kalam. Theodore Abu 
Qurrah on discerning the true religion, in S.Kh. 
Samir andJ.S. Nielsen (eds.), Christian Arabic 
apologetics during the Abbasid period (y^o-is^S), 
Leiden 1994, 1-43; K. Hussein, Le commentaire 
"scientifique" du Coran. Une innovation 
absurde, in MlDEO 16 (1983), 293-300; Izutsu, 
G'of/;J.J.G. Jansen, The interpretation of the Qur'dn in 
modern Egypt, Leiden 1974; Jeffery, Eor. vocab.; 



M.K. Mahmud, al-Qur'dn muhdwala li-fahm 'asri, 
Beirut 1970, Cairo 1999 (rev. ed.); Neuwirth, 
Studien; M.M. Pickthall, The meaning of the glorious 
Koran, New York 1953; M. Radscheit, "Fgaz al- 
Qur'an" im Koran, in Wild, Text, 113-23; 
F Rahman, Major themes of the Qur'dn, Chicago 
1980; A. Rippin, Muslims. Their religious beliefs and 
practices, ii. The contemporary period, London 1993; 
A. Schimmel, Deciphering the signs of God. A 
phenomenological approach to Islam, Albany 1994; 
Watt-Bell, Introduction. 



Sijjm see book; heavenly book; angel 



Silk 

Lustrous fiber produced by insect larvae 
frequently used in fine materials. The 
terms hanr and sundus, "silk," are attested 
five times in the Qur'an [q_ 22:23, 35:33, 
76:12, and 18:31 and 44:53, respectively). 
These terms appear exclusively in passages 
dedicated to the description of paradise 
that, with the fire of the hell promised to 
the unbelievers, draws a central binary 
theme in the qur'anic discourse focused on 
an eschatological perspective (see para- 
dise; HELL AND HELLFIRE; ESCHATOLOGY). 
Therefore, the luxury of silk constitutes 
one of the paradigmatic elements of 
Islamic heavenly ontology (c) 55 and q 56 
provide the most detailed developments on 
the theme paradise/hell; see pairs and 
pairing). Depictions of the qur'anic para- 
dise (also called al-khuld or ddr al-saldm) rest 
upon three major categories that reflect the 
traditional conception of the ideal life-style 
in Arab society. The first category is obvi- 
ously the heavenly landscape comprising 
bucolic gardens (see garden), live springs 
of pure water (q.v), rivers of milk (q.v.), 
honey (q.v.) and wine (q.v.; see also 
intoxicants; springs and fountains), 
and trees producing the most delightful 
fruits (see agriculture and vegetation; 
tree(s)). The second concerns creatures of 
two kinds, symbols of beauty and sensual 



happiness, namely immortal male young- 
sters and virgins with large eyes (hurun'inun) 
that will accompany and serve the re- 
warded in the afterlife (e.g. c) 55-72; 56:17, 

22; 76:19; see REWARD AND PUNISHMENT; 

HOURls). The third category, to which be- 
longs the mention of silk, consists of an 
array of precious items, accessories and 
furniture that embellish the heavenly scen- 
ery as the most comfortable and beautifully 
equipped, something humans would dream 
of enjoying. Two main materials, textile 
and metalwork, contribute to idyllic images 
of the paradise that allow an easier com- 
prehension of the ineffable concepts of 
eternity (q.v.) and life after death (see 
resurrection; death and the dead). 
Clearly referring to the cultural context of 
the qur'anic revelation, a recurrent image 
presents the rewarded as garbed in silk or 
other fine fabrics and wearing valuable 
jewels (q 22:23; see metals and minerals; 

PRE-ISLAMIC ARABIA AND THE CJUr'an). 

This image appears in radical contrast to 
that of the ordinary life in this world whose 
practical necessities require wearing utili- 
tarian clothes made of rough material, as 
indicated in c) 16:80: "He has given you the 
skins of beasts for tents, that you may find 
them light when you shift your quarters, or 
when you halt; and from their wool and 
soft fur and hair has he supplied you with 
furniture and goods for temporary use" 
(see equally q 16:81; see HIDES AND 
fleece). 

A range of other heavenly works of tex- 
tile, supposing both an artistic savoir-faire 
and a high material value, complete the 
rather realistic picture of a wealthy home 
(see HOUSE, domestic and divine). These 
include cushions carefully disposed upon 
ordered sets of beds, spread carpets and 
rugs (q 88:13-6), some of them displaying 
rich adornment on the edges (q 55:54). 
Occasionally, the Qtir'an describes these 



accessories as green in color (q 55:76; see 
colors), adding another degree of heav- 
enly attribute. In addition to costly furnish- 
ing and clothing, the righteous will eat and 
drink delicious food and beverages in silver 
and gold dishes and cups (q 43:71; 76:15-16, 
21; see i;ups and vessels; food and 
drink; cold), q 18:31 delivers a kind of 
representative summary of the whole 
topic: "Decked shall they be therein with 
bracelets of gold, and green robes of silk 
and rich brocade shall they wear, reclining 
therein on thrones." As a result, in addition 
to its marvelous and supra-natural aspect, 
the qur'anic paradise offers all the advan- 
tages of sensible beauty and pleasure, even 
luxury. Its aesthetic strongly evokes earthly 
enjoyments. Therefore, the question of 
interpretation of this eschatological theme 
raised many discussions among the ex- 
egetes, theologians, philosophers and 
mystics (see execesis of the qUR'AN: 

CLASSICAL AND MEDIEVAL; SUFISM AND THE 
qUR'AN; PHILOSOPHY AND THE qUR'AN; 
Sourdel and Sourdel, Dictionnaire, 656-7 
[Paradis]). Whereas the traditionists ac- 
cepted the literal qur'anic description of 
paradise, in accordance with the manifest 
meaning of the text, the Mu'tazills (q.v.) 
did not accept certain aspects of it that 
challenge reason (see intellect). The lat- 
ter interpreted these passages at a second 
level of meaning, attributing to them a 
second signification (see polysemy). 
Similarly, the philosophers understood the 
promised delights as a metaphorical or 
allegorical proposition, fully comprehen- 
sible only by the wise and knowledgeable 
(see metaphor; literary structures of 
THE quR'AN) while maintaining that the 
colorful cjur'anic narrative is intended 
chiefly for the common people. The 
Ash'aris stand between these two opposing 
trends, arguing that the heavenly enjoy- 
ments belong to another order, although 



13 



SIMILE 



these enjoyments do display features that 
are analogous to earthly ones. The Sufis 
also found in these verses allegorical sig- 
nification but without rejecting the literal 
meaning; they consider the Qjur'an a cog- 
nitive construction with multiple layers. 
Some other theologians, like al-Ghazali (d. 
505/11 1 1), proposed an alternative to these 
various ideas, asserting that the believer 
himself should interpret the nature of the 
ultimate reward according to his own intel- 
lectual faculties and spiritual qualities. 

Silk became an important part of Islamic 
culture that developed both the arts of tex- 
tile fabrication and the economy linked to 
them. The social and political context of 
Islam in the middle ages, with sumptuous 
courts flourishing in the great cities of the 
Muslim empire and a wide network of 
trade roads stretching from the Atlantic 
ocean to India, central and eastern Asia, 
fostered the manufacture and sale of pre- 
cious objects in general, and silk items in 
particular (Sourdel and Sourdel, Diction- 
naire, 535-7 [Marchandes, activites]). The 
ancient trans-Asian trading corridor, 
known as "the silk road," which was re- 
vived in the seventh/thirteenth century 
under the Mongol empire, stimulated the 
trade of this fine material through com- 
mercial centers populated by Muslim 
merchants who were spread across the 
whole landmass. Silk was used to make 
lavish court robes in officially controlled 
workshops designated by the Persian noun 
tirdz, located in palaces (Sourdel and 
Sourdel, Didionnaire, 806, Tiraz). These 
luxurious garments were distributed as 
honorary gifts during princely ceremonies. 
Silk was also, as it still is, a component of 
particularly fine carpets and rugs of the 
Islamic world (see material culture and 

THE ^Ur'an). 

V. Gonzalez 



Bibliography 
Primary: Bukharl, Sahih; al-Ghazall, Abu Hamid 
Muhammad b. Muhammad, al-Munqidh min al- 
daldl, Damascus 1956; Ibn al-Arabi, TafsTr, 
2 vols., Beirut 1978; Ibn al-JawzT, Funun; Tabarl, 
TafsTr. 

Secondary: E. Ashtor, Levant trade in the iater middte 
ages, Princeton 1983; Bowering, Af^Jj^iVfl/; K.A.C. 
Creswell, A l)ibtiograpily of the architecture, arts and 
crafts of Islam to 1st Jan lg6o, Cairo 1961, and 
suppl.; Gardet and Anawati, Introduction; 
G\ui?irGt, Jubbd'i; G.E. von Grunebaum, Ttiemes 
in medieval Arabic literature, London 1981; 
M. Lombard, Les textiles dans le monde musulman, 
Paris/The Hague 1978; Mir, Dictionary; Nwyia, 
Exegese; D.S. Richards (ed.), Islam and the trade of 
Asia, Oxford 1970; S. Qutb, al-TaswTr al-fannifi 
l-Qur'dn, Cairo 1989; 'A. Shalaq, al-Aqlfi l-turdth 
alfamdlT 'inda l-a'rdb, Beirut 1985 (esp. "al-Jamal 
wa-1-husn fl 1-Qiir'an" and "al-Jamal ft 1-hadlth 
al-nabawl"); D. Sourdel and J. Sourdel, Didion- 
naire historique de VIslam, Paris 1996. 



Silliness see mockery; laughter 



Silver see cold; metals and minerals 



Simile 

The comparison of two things, made 
explicit — and distinguished from meta- 
phor (q.v.) — by the use of "like" or "as." 
"Zayd fought like a lion" is a simile. In 
Arabic rhetoric (see ARABIC language; 

RHETORIC and THE Q^Ur'aN; LITERARY 

STRUCTURES OF THE q^ur'an), "similc" Or 
tashbih has the same general sense, and the 
same general distinction is made between 
simile and metaphor (isti'dra). The "like" 
or "as" in the simile is usually made with 
the particle ka, though a locution using the 
noun inathal may substitute. Early works on 
rhetoric placed great emphasis on simile; 
al-MarzubanI (d. 384/994) in al-Muwashsha 
made simile one of the "four pillars of 
poetry" (see van Gelder, Tashbih; see 
POETRY AND POETs). Not surprisingly, pro- 
ponents of the doctrine of the inimitability 



SIMILE 



14 



(q.v.) of the Qiir'an, like al-Rummam 
(d. 384/994) and al-Baqillam (d. 403/1013), 
listed its excellent similes among the rhe- 
torical qualities that make it inimitable. 
Al-Baqillam (Ijdz, 263-8) compared them 
favorably with the outstanding similes 
found in poets like Imru' al-Q_ays and 
Bashshar b. Burd. From a rhetorical stand- 
point, the interest in qur'anic simile culmi- 
nates in the work of Ibn Naqiya (d. 485/ 
1092) entitled al-Jumanfi tashbihdt al-Qur'dn. 

Although similes are common in the 
Qiir'an, the word tashbih is not found there. 
The term mathal, however, sometimes 
clearly means "simile." At the same time, it 
must be said that mathal is also used to 
mean short narrative passages that we 
would be more likely to call "parables," 
and it seems no clear distinction is made 
between these two forms by the Qiir'an, 
nor, for that matter, by some of the rhetori- 
cians (see parable). They are taken to be 
the same sort of rhetorical device, mathal. 
Perhaps that word is best rendered by the 
similarly comprehensive term "analogy." 
Two passages show this. In q 56:22-3 the 
plural form, amthdl, introduces a simile: 
"The houris (q.v.) whose eyes are like hid- 
den pearls" (wa-hurun 'inun ka-amthdli l- 
lu'lu'i l-maknuni), whereas (J 18:32-45, which 
is also termed a mathal, clearly exceeds the 
bounds of what is usually called simile: 
"Coin for them an analogy (wa-drib lahum 
mathalan) of two men, unto one of whom 
we had assigned two gardens of grapes and 
we had surrounded both with date-palms 
and put between them tillage (see garden; 
DATE palm; agriculture and 
vegetation). . . ." It goes on to relate a 
parable about two farmers, one pious, the 
other disdainful and proud; as one would 
expect, the former is rewarded and the 
latter punished (see reward and 
punishment; pride; insolence and 
obstinacy; piety). 



Uses and examples 
In the Qiir'an the simile is often made sim- 
ply with ka: C3 7:179 "Those are like cattle" 
(uld'ika ka-l-an'dm) but quite cominonly a 
qur'anic simile is made with a character- 
istic pleonasm, ka-mathal. As Ibn Naqiya 
shows through numerous examples, 
qur'anic similes make use of the same im- 
agery found in Arabic poetry, both pre- 
Islamic and later (see symbolic imagery). 
The first simile (c3 2:17), using the pleonasm 
ka-mathal, compares the hypocrites (q.v.; 
al-mundfiqun; see hypocrites and 
hypocrisy) to someone who blunders in 
the dark (see darkness) after having briefly 
enjoyed the light (q.v.) of a fire (q.v.): 
"Their likeness is the likeness of one who 
lit a fire (mathaluhum. ka-mathali lladhi 
istawqada ndran), and when it illuminated 
his surroundings, God took away their fire 
and left them in darkness. They do not see 
(see vision and blindness)." This simile is 
soon followed by another: "Or like the rain 
clouds in the sky with darkness and thun- 
der and lightning in it (see weather), they 
put their fingers in their ears against the 
thunderbolts" (q^ 2:19; see hearing and 
deafness; seeing and hearing). 

Aspects of God's creation (cpv.) provoke a 
number of similes. C3 36:39, "And for the 
moon (q.v.) we have devised stations until it 
returns like an old, withered palm stalk," 
i.e. curved and small; q 55:14, "He created 
man from clay (q.v.) like crockery"; 
C3 55:24, "His are ships (q.v.) that sail on the 
sea like mountains." Heaven and hell (see 
HELL and hellfire) are the subject of col- 
orful similes. The houris of paradise (q.v.), 
for example, are described thus: "And with 
them are ones who lower their eyes, pure 
as the hidden eggs [of ostriches] " 
(Q. 37-4S"9)- Likewise, the painful features 
of hell are also described through similes. 
The liquid given to the damned is like mol- 
ten lead (see food and drink; hot and 



15 



SIMILE 



cold): o 18:29 "And if they call for help, 
they will be given water like molten lead 
scalding their faces, an evil drink." 

A fairly limited number of peoples, 
places and events probably account for 
most of the similes in the Qiir'an. 
Recourse to simile is especially frequent in 
the case of various "enemies (q.v.) of God" 
(a'dd' Allah), most prominently the unbe- 
lievers {al-kdfirun; see belief and unbe- 
lief; GRATITUDE AND INGRATITUDE), the 
polytheists [al-mushrikun; see polytheism 
AND atheism) and the aforementioned 
hypocrites. C3 7:176 compares an unbeliever 
to a dog (q.v.): "He is like the dog, if you 
chase him away, he pants, and if you leave 
him alone, he pants." Two memorable sim- 
iles compare the futile acts of unbelievers 
to ashes (q.v.) and to a mirage (see also 
transitoriness). o 14:18: "Those who 
disbelieve in their lord (cj.v), their deeds 
are like ashes which the winds blow on a 
stormy day" (see good deeds; evil 
deeds). And C) 24:39: "Those who disbe- 
lieve, their deeds are like a mirage in a des- 
ert. Someone thirsty reckons it to be water 
(q.v.) until he reaches it and finds nothing 
in it." 

C3 13:14 tells us that the polytheist who 
prays to idols (see idols and images) is 
"like a man who stretches his hands to wa- 
ter for the water to come to it, but the wa- 
ter does not come." Q^ 29:41 compares the 
refuge the polytheist seeks in his idols to a 
spider (q.v.) web: "Those who take other 
protectors besides God (see clients and 
clientage; protection) are like the spi- 
der who takes a house — truly the spider's 
house is the flimsiest of houses!" q 63:4 
compares the hypocrites to blocks of wood: 
"And when you see them, their persons 
please you, and if they speak you listen to 
what they say. [Yet] they are like blocks 
of wood propped against each other." 
Two particular events, judgment day (see 



last judgment) and the destruction of 
wicked peoples (see punishment stories; 
CHASTISEMENT AND PUNISHMENT), are fre- 
quent subjects of similes, e.g. the anni- 
hilation of the people of 'Ad (q.v.) in 
<J 54:19-20: "We sent upon them a roaring 
wind (see air and wind) on a day of un- 
relenting calamity which snatched them 
away as though they were the trunks of 
uprooted palm trees." (J 69:7 says that the 
same people after their destruction seemed 
"as though they were the hollow trunks of 
palm trees." (J 55:37 describes the appear- 
ance of the sky on judgment day (see 
apocalypse): "And when the skies are split 
open, they will be red like stained leather." 
(J 70:8-9 has: "A day when the sky will be 
like molten brass and the mountains will be 
like tufts of wool." c) 101:4 describes the 
commotion of the resurrected people (see 
resurrection) thus: "... a day when the 
people will be like moths scattered about." 

In sum, similes vary greatly in tone, some 
are majestic, some homespun — as q 2:26 
says, "God does not disdain to make a si- 
militude of a gnat" (inna lldha Idyastahyi an 
yadriba mathalan md ba'udatan). Sometimes a 
sardonic tone is struck (see language and 
STYLE OF THE cjur'an). A memorable sim- 
ile in (J 62:5 concerns Jews (see JEWS and 
Judaism) and the Torah (q.v.): "The like- 
ness of those who were given the Torah to 
carry and then ignored it is that of a don- 
key carrying books (asjar)." 

In addition to their illustrative, semantic 
role, similes often seem to have a rhetori- 
cal, emphatic role in the organization of 
qur'anic discourse. Similes not infrequently 
open or close a subsection of a sura (q.v.; 
see also FORM and structure of the 
(JUr'an). For example, the rather ordinary 
simile in q 11:24 which compares believers 
and unbelievers to the seeing and the 
blind, respectively, is followed immediately 
by stories of the prophets (see prophets 



SIMILE 



i6 



AND prophethood) Noah (q.v.), Hud (q.v.) 
and Salih (q.v.), and the "vanished peo- 
ples" to whom they were sent — the heed- 
less people whom God destroyed. Similarly, 
the famous or infamous comparison of 
Torah-bearers just cited, q 62:5, introduces 
a discussion of the Jews. The similes in 
Q, 54:20, 57:20, 69:7 and 105:5 offer tart 
summations of the preceding passages. 

The Qiir'an, in its characteristically self- 
conscious way, tells us that the simile is one 
of God's favored rhetorical devices for ed- 
ucating people (see knowledge and 
learning; teaching; intellect): wa- 
la-qad sarrafndji hddhd l-qur'dni lil-ndsi min 
kulli mathalin, "We have put in this Qi_ir'an 
every sort of similitude for people" 
(c3 18:54) and wa-la-qad darabnd lil-ndsi Ji 
hddhd l-qur'dni min kulli mathalin la'allahum 
jatadhakkaruna, "We have coined for people 
in this Qiir'an every kind of similitude. 
Perhaps they will take heed" (c) 39:27; see 
warning). Indeed, the Qiir'an even goes 
so far as to use simile to comment on 
simile/analogy itself. Interestingly enough, 
the chief characteristic of good rhetoric is 
stability, that of bad rhetoric instability: 

Have you not seen how God has made an 
analogy? A good word is like a good tree 
(see trees). Its roots are firm and its 
branches are in heaven. It gives its fruit in 
every season with its lord's permission. 
God coins similes for people that they may 
reflect. The analogy of a bad word is with 
a bad tree, uprooted from the earth, pos- 
sessing no stability (c) 14:24-6). 

Commentators on simile 
Commentators devote considerable at- 
tention to these and other similes (see 

EXEGESIS OF THE Q^Ur'an: CLASSICAL AND 

medieval). Often their concern is simply 
to elucidate the obscurity of the simile. For 
example, in cj 2:17 it is the free mixture of 



singular and plural pronouns referring to 
the same party; while in C3 2:19 the entire 
basis of the simile seems at first confused 
since, as one reads, it becomes apparent 
that the hypocrites are not being compared 
to the rain clouds, despite ka-sayyib, but 
rather to people frightened by a thunder- 
storm. 

As might be expected, commentators, 
depending on their outlook and interests, 
offer a wide range of interpretations of 
such similes. To take the example of 
Q, 14:24-6 cited above, al-Tabarl (d. 
310/923) says, "Interpreters differ on the 
meaning of 'a good word' (kalima tayyiha). 
Some of them say it is the faith (q.v.) of the 
believer" [TafsTr, xiii, 135; see also speech; 
WORD OF god). He goes on to say that 
some specifically equate it with the shahddat 
Id illdha Hid lldh, it being firm (thdbit), mean- 
ing the shahdda is firmly fixed in the heart 
of the believer (see witness to faith). A 
very early exegete, Mujahid (d. 104/722), 
tells us that the good tree is a date palm. 
Others say a good word means the believer 
himself who is on earth (q.v.) and who 
works and speaks on earth and so his 
deeds and his speech reach heaven while 
he is still on earth. Yet others say the tree 
in this simile is a tree in heaven but al- 
Tabari considers it more likely to be a 
date palm. 

Al-Zamakhsharl (d. 538/1144), a 
Mu'tazili (see mu'tazila), tells us that 
"good word" means the word tawhid, the 
oneness and unity of God (see god and 
HIS attributes). Al-Razi (d. 606/1210), 
who rejects the necessity of the tree being 
a date palm, devotes four and a half pages 
to explicating the "tree" and its four 
attributes, its goodness, its firm roots, its 
lofty branches, and its constant supply 
of fruit. 

On the other hand, we learn from the 
Shl'i commentary of al-Kashi (d. ca. 910/ 



I? 



SIMILE 



1505) that the imam (q.v.) JaTar al-Sadiq 
(d. 148/765) said of the good tree: "The 
Messenger of God is its root, the Prince of 
the BeUevers ('All) is its trunk, the imams 
among the descendants of both are its 
branches, the knowledge of the imams 
constitutes its fruit" (Gatje, Qur'dn, 243). 
Not surprisingly, al-Kashi tells us that the 
bad tree is the Umayyads (see SHl'lsM and 
THE 5^ur'an; politics and the (^ur'an; 
'ali b. abi talib). 

Two other similes also address the topic 
of figurative language in the Qiir'an. The 
first is o 2:26, mentioned above, "Verily, 
God does not disdain to make an analogy 
with a gnat. . . " This al-RazI tells us is 
meant as a rebuke to the unbelievers who 
had falsely claimed that mention of such 
humble creatures as the bee, the fly, the 
spider and the ant was unworthy of divine 
discourse (see animal life). Wrong, al- 
RazI says, because God has created both 
great and humble things, 

and the little weighs upon him no less than 
the big, and the great is no more difficult 
for him than the small. . . and it is perfectly 
apposite to mention flies when God wishes 
to show how ugly is the polytheists' wor- 
ship of idols. . . or to make an analogy with 
a spider web in order to show how trifling 
and flimsy their religion is (RazI, Tafsir, ii, 
134-5)- 

The other simile, in C3 13:17, is yet more 
complicated since it encloses one simile 
within another: 

He sent down water from the sky and the 
river beds (avudiya) flowed with it. But the 
flood carried away the scum floating on its 
surface — and like it is the scum which 
comes from that which they heat with fire 
seeking to make jewelry and tools — like- 
wise, God shows what is true and what is 



false. The scum is cast away with distaste, 
while what benefits people remains on this 
earth. 

Al-Tabari writes that this is an analogy 
that God makes with truth (c[.v.) and false- 
hood (see astray; ignorance; lie), with 
faith (q.v.) and unbelief. God is saying that 
the similarity of the truth in its perma- 
nence and of error (q.v.) in its evanescence 
is like the water which God sends down 
from the sky to the earth. The wddii flow 
with it, the large ones with large quantities 
and the small ones with small quantities. 
The flood carries a swelling scum or foam, 
and this is one of two analogies pertaining 
to truth and falsehood. The truth is like 
the water (q.v.) which remains and which 
God has sent, while the foam which is 
of no benefit is falsehood. The other 
analogy — "and like it is the scum which 
comes from that which they heat with fire 
seeking to make jewelry and tools" — is 
the analogy of truth and falsehood with 
gold (q.v.) and silver and brass and lead 
and iron (see metals and minerals) from 
which people obtain benefits (see grace; 
blessing), while falsehood is like the scum 
which goes away without being of any 
benefit while the pure gold and silver re- 
main. Likewise, God compares faith and 
unbelief, the futility of unbelief and the 
failure of the unbeliever being a punish- 
ment, while faith is that with lasting benefit 
(Tabarl, Tafsir, xiii, go). Al-RazI sharpens 
the analogy making the rain the Qiir'an 
and the wddTs the hearts of believers (see 
heart), which according to their capacities 
contain more or less of the truth, while the 
foam and scum that are carried away and 
vanish are the doubts and obscurities (see 
uncertainty) that will vanish in the here- 
after when only the truth will remain 
(Razi, Tafsn, xix, 34-5; see also pairs and 
pairing). 



SIMILE 



Probably the most well-known qur'anic 
simile, and also one of the most com- 
mented on, is the so-called Light Verse 
(q_ 24:35). This verse begins with a meta- 
phor, "God is the light (q.v.) of heaven 

(see HEAVENS AND SKY; PLANETS AND 

stars) and earth," but then quickly 
switches to simile, 

the likeness of his light is like a niche 
which holds a lamp (q.v.). The lamp is in a 
glass which shines like a pearl-like star. It is 
kindled from a blessed tree, an olive nei- 
ther of the east nor the west whose oil 
would almost glow forth itself though no 
fire touched it. Light upon light. God 
guides to his light whom he wills. God 
makes analogies for people. God knows all 
things. 

Al-Tabari, al-Zamakhsharl and al-Razi 
devote considerable space to mapping out 
the various parts of this elaborate simile, 
and al-Ghazali (d. 505/1 11 1) writes an en- 
tire book about it, Mishkdt al-anwar, draw- 
ing an analogy between the five elements 
of the simile: the niche, the glass, the lamp, 
the tree and the oil, and the senses, the 
imagination, the intellect, language, and 
prophecy. (For more on these interpreta- 
tions, see METAPHOR.) 

Similes, with the uncertainties of inter- 
pretation, could also be the topics of theo- 
logical debate (see theology and the 
C3Ur'an). One such exchange took place 
between the governor of Baghdad and Ibn 
Hanbal (d. 241/855) during the inquisition 
(q.v.; mihna) on the issue of the createdness 
of the Qiir'an (q.v.): 

Governor: Does not God say, 'We have 
made it an Arabic (see arabk; language) 
Qiir'an' (c) 43:3). How could it be made 
without being created? 

Ibn Hanbal: But God says, 'and He made 
them like green blades devoured...' 



fe 105-5) ^^^ grasses). Does that mean He 
created Xhera [like green blades devoured]? 
(Cook, A'ora/z, no). 

More broadly, it can be said that just as 
there are theological dimensions to 
metaphor — whence the hasty insistence 
of commentators to assure us that "God is 
the light" must be understood as meaning 
"He is the possessor of light" (Zamakh- 
shari, Rashshdf, ad q 24:35) — even so the 
simile has theological dimensions. For the 
notion of similitude in relation to God 
must also be placed in the context of the 
Qiir'an's insistence on the absolute oneness 
and uniqueness of God and the impos- 
sibility of likening anyone or anything to 
him (see anthropomorphism). Thus, 
(J 42:11, laysa ka-mithlihi shay', "There is 
nothing like him." In this context, it can be 
seen that similitude is a definitive notion in 
the qur'anic universe; similitude is a com- 
mon quality of God's creation but since 
similarity requires at least two objects, 
similitude is a quality that is found only 
in his creation. This is reflected in theo- 
logical debate about anthropomorphism 
in which the opposed terms tashbih/tanzTh 
are employed. In such debates tashblh is 
the negative term which denotes 
anthropomorphism . 

Daniel Beaumont 



Bibliography 
Primary: Baqillani, Ijdz; al-Ghazall, Abu 
Hamid Muhammad b. Muhammad, Alishkdi 
al-anwdr, Cairo 1964; trans. W.H.T. Gairdner, 
al~Ghazz<^li's Mishkat al-Anwar, Lahore 1952; 
Ibn Naqiya, Abu 1-Qasim 'Abd al-Baql b. 
Muhammad, al-Jumdnfi l-tashbihdl al-Qur'dn, 
Alexandria 1974; RazI, Tafsir, Beirut 1981; 
TabarT, Tafsir, Cairo 1987; Zamakhsharl, 
Kashsiidf, Beirut 1995. 

Secondary: M. Cook, Tlie Koran. A very short 
introduction, Oxford 2000; H. Gatje, The Qur'dn 
and its exegesis, trans. A.T. Welch, London 1976; 
G.J.H. van Gelder, Tashblh (a), in EI'^, x, 341; 
Pickthall, Koran. 



19 



SIN, MAJOR AND MINOR 



Similitude see parable 



Sin, Major and Minor 

Greater and lesser transgressions of the 
law of God. The Q,ur'an promises that 
God will forgive minor sins if human be- 
ings abstain from the major ones ((3 4:31; 
53:31-2; see forgiveness). The most com- 
mon characterization of "major" sins in 
exegesis and theology is kabd'ir (sing, kabira; 
literally the "big ones"), a term that occurs 
in this sense in the Qiir'an (cf. q 4:31; 
42:37; 53:32). A common theological char- 
acterization of "minor" sins is saghd'ir (sing. 
saghira, as in C3 18:49; see theology and 
THE our'an; exegesis of the our'an: 
classical and medieval). All deeds, ma- 
jor and minor, are recorded, and their reg- 
ister (kitdb) is to be given to each individual 
on the day of judgment (see last judg- 
ment; heavenly book; good deeds; evil 
deeds), much to the consternation of the 
sinners [mujrimin, c) 18:49; cf. 54:52-3; see 
REWARD AND PUNISHMENT). 

Terms designating "sin" in the Q;Lir'an's 
vocabulary include: dhanb (pi. dhunub; e.g. 
C3 3:11, 16, 193; 8:54; 12:29; 6'j:ii);Jahisha 
(and other terms from the same Arabic 
root, i.e. f-h-sh; e.g. q 2:169; 4:22; 12:24; 
17:32; 27:54); haraj {e.g. o 9:91; 48:17); ithm 
(e.g. Q 2:173, 181-2, 219; 4:20, 48, 50, 112; 
33:58; 42:37; 49:i2);>n«A (Q, 2:198, 235; 
4:102; 33:5i);jMrm (in the form of various 
derivatives from the rooij-r-m; e.g. c) 6:147; 
7:40; 9:66; 10:17; 11:35; 18:49; 45:31; 83:29); 
khati'a (and terms derived from the same 
root, kh-t-'; Q_ 2:81; 4:112; 12:97; 17:31; 69:9; 
71:25); lamam (q 53:32); ma'siya (pi. ma'dsi; cf 
C3 58:8-9); and sayyi'a (pi. sayyi'dt; Q_ 3:193; 
4:31; 7:153; 29:7). Whether a particular 
term denotes a major or a minor sin is of- 
ten not clear from the Qiir'an itself and 
the same term might be used to denote 
major or minor sins. Thus the term sayyi'a 



occurs in cj 4:31 in the sense of a minor 
infraction (also in (J 3:193) but elsewhere 
(as in (J 7:153; 35:43) it refers to evil deeds 
of a graver kind (cf. DamaghanI, Wujuh, i, 
423f., s.v. al-sayyi'dt; also Zamakhsharl, 
Kashshdf, i, 159, ad (J 2:81, where sayyi'a is 
glossed as kabira min ai-kabd'ir). Many com- 
mentators do, however, consider terms like 
dhanb and ithm (as well as ma'siya, a com- 
mon gloss for ithm: cf. Tabarl, Tafsir, v, 476, 
ad C3 7:33) to refer to major sins and un- 
derstand lamam, sayyi'a and khati'a to mean 
minor sins. Irrespective of the actual terms 
used, few commentators deny that there is 
in fact a distinction to be made between 
major and minor sins (cf. HaytamI, ^awdjir, 
i, iif.); precisely which sins belong in what 
category is, however, a matter of great un- 
certainty. 

Definitions 
Ibn 'Abbas (d. ca. 68/687), ^ niajor early 
authority in exegetical matters, is reported 
to have defined the kabira as "every sin that 
God has stamped with fire (q.v.), [his] dis- 
pleasure, [his] curse (q.v.), or with [the 
threat of his] punishment" (Tabarl, Tafsir, 
iv, 44, ad cj 4:31 [no. 9213]). More vaguely, 
yet in underscoring the sense of sin as 
transgression, he held "everything in which 
God is disobeyed [to be] a major sin" 
(ibid., no. 9211; see disobedience). Other 
early definitions related major sins not just 
to acts for which God has promised hell 
(see HELL AND hellfire) but also those for 
which the hudud, or the legal punishments 
explicitly prescribed by the Qiir'an and the 
sunna (q.v.), are to be executed (cf. ibid., 
no. 9219; see chastisement and punish- 
ment; LAW AND THE qur'an). Such views 
were elaborated on and systematized in 
works specifically devoted to cataloguing 
major sins. Shams al-Din al-Dhahabi (d. 
748/1348), the author of one such book, 
defines major sins as anything "in regard to 
which there is a hadd in this world, such as 



SIN, MAJOR AND MINOR 



murder (q.v.), adultery, and theft (q.v.); or 
about which there is a threat of [God's] 
anger (q.v.) and punishment in the here- 
after; as well as anything whose perpetra- 
tor has been cursed by our Prophet" 
(Dhahabi, Kabd'ir, 6; see adultery and 
forniciation; bloodshed). Ibn Hajar al- 
Haytaml (d. 974/1567), whose dissatisfac- 
tion with al-Dhahabl's book led him to 
write what became one of the most in- 
fluential works on the subject, gives a 
broad sampling of both overlapping and 
alternative views on how to define major 
sins. Inter alia, the kabd'ir are sins that have 
been expressly forbidden (q.v.) in the 
Qiir'an and the sunna or accompanied 
with dire warnings in these foundational 
texts; acts that entail the /;a(/(/-penalties; 
sins that result in a loss of one's legal and 
public standing ('addla), since they suggest 
a lack of concern with conformity to re- 
ligious norms; and, indeed, sins that be- 
come "major" precisely because they are 
committed without a sense of fear (q.v.) or 
remorse (HaytamI, ^awdjir, i, 12-17; ii, 
425-7; see REPENTANCE AND PENANCE). 

Others saw aspects of greater or lesser 
gravity as inhering in almost all sins. 
According to al-Haliml (d. 403/1012), a 
minor sin can become a major sin because 
of the context (qanna) in which it is com- 
mittedjust as a major sin can, in turn, be- 
come abominable (Jahisha) by the 
circumstances attending upon it. Thus, 
unlawful homicide is a major sin, but to 
murder a relative (see kinship; family), for 
instance, or to do so in the sacred precincts 
(q.v.; of Mecca [q.v.] and Medina [q.v.]) 
make it the more abominable because it is 
not just the sanctity of the victim's life but 
also other sacred boundaries that have 
been violated (see sacred and profane). 
To steal some paltry object would be a mi- 
nor sin, not subject to the legal penalty; but 
this becomes a major sin when the victim 
of such theft is so poor as not to be able to 



dispense even with such an object (Halimi, 
Minhdj, i, 396-400; paraphrased in Ibn 
Hajar, Fath, xii, 227f ; see poverty and 
THE poor). Al-Hallml thought that the 
only sin that does not admit of degrees of 
gravity is kufr — disbelief in God (see 
belief and unbelief; gratitude and 
ingratitude) — though Ibn Hajar al- 
'Asqalanl (d. 852/1449; Fath, xii, 227) sug- 
gests in his rejoinder that this cardinal sin, 
too, can be classified according to its de- 
grees of abomination. 

In the end, as al-HaytamI and others rec- 
ognized, the various definitions of major 
sin are mere "approximations" to the idea, 
which itself remains elusive. So, too, 
therefore, does the question of the number 
of sins that might be thought of as 
"major" — with estimates often ranging 
from four to seven hundred (HaytamI, 
^awdjir, i, 18). Al-Dhahabi's work on the 
subject gives brief accounts of seventy ma- 
jor sins; al-Haytami describes no less than 
476 major sins, which he proceeds to divide 
between the "interior" and the "exterior." 
Even as they acknowledged the distinction 
between major and minor sins, the pri- 
mary interest of those concerned with such 
matters has tended to be with the major 
sins, usually leaving the minor ones as the 
subject of dire warnings about taking them 
lightly. (Some, like Ibn Nujaym [d. 970/ 
1563], did however concern themselves 
explicitly with listing both major and 
minor sins.) 

Sins in the Qur'dn's enumeration 
Without providing any clear ranking of 
sins, the Qi_ir'an does not leave any doubt 
about what it considers to be the worst of 
them: the associating of anything or any- 
one with God [shirk; see polytheism and 
atheism), a "great sin" (ithm 'a^im) that 
God will not forgive though he might for- 
give everything else (o 4:48). o 17:23-38, in 
cataloguing a niunber of God's coin- 



SIN, MAJOR AND MINOR 



mands, mentions several acts that are to be 
avoided for "tlieir sinfulness (sayyi'uhu) is 
abhorrent to your lord" (q.v.; C3 17:38). In 
addition to shirk, some of tlie sins that are 
mentioned as such or are easily derivable 
from this list include: insolence towards 
one's parents (q.v.; see also insoleni;e and 
obstinacy); wastefulness as well as miserli- 
ness; the killing of one's children (q.v.) for 
fear of impoverishment (a reference to a 
pre-Islamic Arabian practice characterized 
here as a "great wrong" [khit'an kabira]: 
o 17:31; see infanticide); wrongful murder 
of other sorts; fornication (described here 
as "an abomination and an evil way" 
[Jahisha wa-sa'a sabilan]: C3 17:32); usurping 
the property (q.v.) of orphans (q.v.); dis- 
honesty in business transactions (see 
economics; trade and commeri;e); say- 
ing things of which one has no knowledge 
(see ignorance; knowledge and 
learning); and haughtiness (see pride; 
arrogance). (Also cf Izutsu, Concepts, 228; 
for shorter lists, see, inter alia: (J 6:151-2; 
25:67-8, 72. Some early exegetes also held 
that what the Qiir'an regards as major sins 
are to be located in the various prohibi- 
tions mentioned in the first thirty verses of 
C3 4; cf Tabarl, Tafsu; iv, 39-40 [ad o 4:31]; 
see LAWFUL AND UNLAWFUL.) A fuller, 
though by no means exhaustive sampling 
of qur'anic sins would include — besides 
the /ia(/(/-penalties (for drinking, adultery 
and fornication, false accusation of adul- 
tery and fornication, theft, and brigand- 
age; see intoxicants; wine) and besides 
chronic neglect of the fundamental ritual 
obligations (see prayer; witness to 
faith; pilgrimage; almsgiving; 
Ramadan; fasting; ritual and the 
(JUr'an) — such diverse items as slander 
(c3 24:11; 33:58), undue suspicion (q.v.; lann) 
and backbiting ((J 49:11-12; also see 
gossip); lying [qawl al-zur, cj 22:30; see lie) 
and concealing legal testimony (q^ 2:283; 
see witnessing and testifying); practic- 



ing usury (q.v.; Q_ 2:275-6, 278-9; 3:130-1); 
homosexuality (q.v.; cf Q^ 26:165 f ; 21:74); 
"hurting" God, his Prophet, or other be- 
lievers (q^ 33-57-8); and other individual 
and collective transgressions against the 
"limits" established by God. (For various 
qur'anic terms evoking the idea of trans- 
gression, cf. Izutsu, Concepts, 164-77 '"^'^ 
passim, esp. 172 f; also see boundaries 
and precepts.) In general, as the forego- 
ing samples indicate, the interest of the 
Qtir'an is not with providing any detailed, 
let alone systematic, catalog of sins, but 
rather with affirming what Izutsu (Concepts) 
has called a "basic moral dichotomy" be- 
tween belief and unbelief, virtue and vice, 
the good and the bad (see GOOD and evil; 
virtues and vices, commanding and 
forbidding). 

Lists of major sins are more readily 
accessible in hadlth (see hadith and the 
qUR'AN), though there continues to be con- 
siderable uncertainty on precisely which, 
or how many, fall into that category. A tra- 
dition reported on the authority of the 
Prophet's Companion Abu Hurayra lists 
the following seven as major sins: associat- 
ing anyone with God; sorcery (see magic); 
unlawful homicide; usurping the property 
of the orphan; usury; fleeing from the 
battlefield (see expeditions and battles; 

HYPOCRITES AND HYPOCRISY; FIGHTINg); 

and slandering believing women (Bukhari, 
Sahih, K. al-Wasdyd, no. 23; ibid., K. al- 
Hudud, no. 44; Muslim, Sahlh, R. al-Imdn, 
no. 145; Abu Dawud, Sunan, K. al-Wasdyd, 
no. 2874; HaytamI, ^awdjir, i, 18). Again, 
other lists are much more expansive and 
Ibn 'Abbas is often quoted as saying that 
the major sins are "closer to 700 than they 
are to seven, except that no sin is 'major' 
when forgiveness is sought for it, that is 
when one luidertakes proper repentance 
(tawbaj, just as no sin is 'minor' if one per- 
sists in it" (Tabari, TafsTr, iv, 44, ad (j 4:31 
[no. 9208]). 



SIN, MAJOR AND MINOR 



Sin, repentance, and forgiveness 
Islam, like Judaism, has no concept of an 
"original sin" (see FALL OF man). Every 
soul (q.v.) bears its own burden (q 6:164; 
17:15; 29:12; see intercession), though 
God does not overburden anyone 
((^ 2:286). Sins also have evil consequences 
during one's present life, so that whatever 
harm one is afflicted by is "what your 
hands have earned" ((J 42:30; also cf. 
Izutsu, Concepts, 227, on the dual meaning 
of the word sayyi'a as both "misfortune" 
and "evil deed," which may perhaps be 
taken to evoke the idea of misfortune as 
being at least partly a result of evil deeds). 
The punishment visited by God upon par- 
ticular communities is likewise the result of 
their sinfulness (cf C3 17:16-17; 22:45, 48; see 
PUNISHMENT STORlEs). Conversely, sins are 
removed through good deeds (q^ 11:114) 
and, in any case, God forgives a great deal 
(5) 42:30). Indeed, were God to hold people 
to account for all that they do, no living 
being would remain on the face of the 
earth (q 35:45; see mercy). 

While responsibility for one's actions lies 
with the individual, the question whether 
these actions necessarily determine one's 
fate in the hereafter was much debated 
among the Muslim theologians (see 
FREEDOM AND PREDESTINATION). The 
Qiir'an suggests both that each individual 
will be judged according to his or her own 
conduct (cf. q 2:286) and that the decision 
to punish or pardon people for their sins 
rests ultimately, and solely, with God 
(q 2:284). All humans being prone to sin 
(cf. q 12:53), the pious are much given to 
seeking God's forgiveness (cf. q 3:193-5; see 
piety). Indeed, this is a major trait that 
distinguishes them from the sinners and 
the unbelievers, who are not only unmind- 
ful of the consequences of their actions but 
also too arrogant to repent for them. The 
prophets (see prophets and prophet- 
hood) not only seek forgiveness for their 



own sins (see below), but also for those of 
others (cf. c) 47:19); and, according to the 
traditional Sunni view, they will intercede 
on behalf of their followers on the day of 
judgment (cf. Elder, Commentary, 1 12-14). 

Q. 39-53 holds out God's promise to for- 
give all sins (al-dhumib) and therefore in- 
structs those who have exceeded the 
bounds (asraju 'aid anfusihim) not to despair 
of God's mercy. Yet c) 4:48 states that 
"God will not forgive the associating of 
anyone with him, but he might forgive any- 
thing less than that for whomsoever he 
wills." The exegetes tried to resolve the 
discrepancy between the two verses in dif- 
ferent ways. Some held that q 39:53 sought 
to reassure those who had committed 
major sins, and who feared their damna- 
tion on account of them even if they were 
to convert to Islam or, in case of Muslim 
sinners, even if they were to repent of their 
major sins. On this view, even the major 
sins were not "deadly" as long as they were 
followed by repentance; and this was true 
even of shirk, the gravest of sins (cf. Tabarl, 
Tafsir, xi, 14-17, ad q 39:53). A different 
view saw <j 4:48 as not abrogating but de- 
limiting the purport of q 39:53: while God 
might forgive any sin he wishes to, he 
would not forgive shirk unless one has re- 
pented of it (Tabari, Tafsir, xi, 17 [no. 30, 
188]; also cf. Haytami, ^awdjir, i, 62f.). 

God's forgiveness had not always come 
without a heavy, this-worldly, penalty, how- 
ever. Those among the Children of Israel 
(q.v.) who had been guilty of worshipping 
the calf had to pay dearly for this sin: as 
described by the Qiir'an, the price of re- 
pentance in this instance was death for the 
guilty (q 2:54; and cf. al-Tabari's commen- 
tary on this verse, Tafsir, i, 325-8; see CALF 
OF gold). Repentance for the sin of shirk 
does not carry such penalties for the 
Qiir'an's own addressees (cf. Haytami, 
^awdjir, ii, 190). In the case of sins that are 
also crimes, however, such as stealing, adul- 



23 



SIN, MAJOR AND MINOR 



tery, or murder, the exegetes and jurists 
generally held that repentance ought to 
accompany but does not, by itself, suffice to 
absolve one of the sin in question (but cf. 
(3 28:15-17, where Moses [q.v.] seeks the 
forgiveness of God for a homicide and is 
forgiven). While all sin involves transgress- 
ing limits laid down by God, the jurists 
made a distinction between the violation of 
"the rights of God" and that of "the rights 
of human beings" (cf. Johansen, Contingency, 
212-18). The rights of God, to be upheld by 
the ruler or his representatives, involve the 
/iflrfif-penalties (see kings and rulers; 
POLITICS AND THE cjur'an). On the other 
hand, infraction of the rights of human 
beings, a category that also included ho- 
micide, was negotiable in the sense that the 
wronged party might decide to forgo pun- 
ishment or opt for monetary compensation 
rather than for physical retaliation (q.v.). 
Absolution from the sin of violating the 
rights of human beings required not just 
the seeking of forgiveness from God but 
also the legal punishment entailed by the 
crime in question or forgiveness from the 
wronged party (cf. Tabari's discussion of 
q 5:45 in TafsiT, iv, 598-604). Juristic clas- 
sifications of the rights of God and of 
human beings, or what these categories 
entailed, are not to be found in the Qur'an, 
though the combination of the moral and 
the legal norms that is characteristic of 
Islamic law is itself firmly grounded in it 
(see ETHICS and the our'an). 

Theological discourses on the grave sinner 
If God might forgive all major sins — 
even, as many commentators saw it, the 
most heinous sin of shirk — if one re- 
pented of them, does it follow that one 
who did not so repent was doomed to 
damnation? And what was the status of the 
person committing major sins, the grave 
sinner, in relation to the community of 
Muslims of which he professed to be a 



member? These cjuestions, which lie at the 
heart of the early development of Islamic 
theology, arose when many first generation 
Muslims strongly disapproved of the con- 
duct of 'Uthman b. 'Affan (r. 23-35/ 
644-56), Muhammad's third successor as 
caliph (q.v.), accused him of remaining 
unrepentant after committing major sins, 
and murdered him (see 'uthman). The 
Kharijis (q.v), who may well be regarded 
as Islam's first "sect," insisted that 
'Uthman's murder was justified; so, too, 
was that of 'Uthman's successor, 'All b. Abi 
Talib (q.v.; r. 35-40/656-61), who had him- 
self become a grave sinner by agreeing to 
negotiate with other grave sinners (see 
arbitration; siffIn) and it was a Khariji 
who assassinated 'All in 40/661. In general, 
the Kharijis believed that anyone who 
committed a major sin but failed to repent 
was consigned to eternal damnation and 
that, in his present life, he also ceased to be 
a member of the community of Muslims. 
Despite this uncompromising position, the 
Kharijis soon came to have their own ex- 
tremists as well as their moderates; and 
while the extremist groups held that the 
grave sinner — which effectively meant 
anyone who disagreed with their prin- 
ciples — might legitimately be killed, the 
more moderate Kharijis, the Ibadiyya, 
allowed mutual coexistence with other 
Muslims even as they denied the status of 
believers to them (Ash'ari, Maqcildt, I04f.). 
Given that the Kharijis were typically a 
minority, the latter stance was a matter not 
just of toleration but also of self-preser- 
vation; and it is no surprise that only those 
who espoused it have survived to the pres- 
ent day. 

In opposition to the Kharijis of various 
stripes, the Murji'ls insisted that major sins 
did not make one an unbeliever and that 
the grave sinner continued to be a member 
of the community of Muslims. But they 
suspended judgment on whether either 



SIN, MAJOR AND MINOR 



24 



'Uthman or 'All, or any other of Muham- 
mad's Companions involved in the first 
jitna — which is the conventional designa- 
tion for the chaotic events between the 
murder of 'Uthman in 35/656 and that of 
'All in 40/661 — had committed major 
sins. As Crone and Zimmermann [Epistle, 
221-3) have shown, the Murji'is of the first 
century of Islam held that the grave sinner 
was indeed damned forever; it was just 
that, in the cases of 'Uthman, 'All, as well 
as of others embroiled in the Jitna, they 
simply did not know who had committed 
major sins and therefore thought it best to 
suspend judgment on the matter. It was 
later second/eighth century Murji'ls, such 
as Abu Hanifa (d. 150/767), the eponymous 
founder of the Hanafi school of SunnI law, 
who came to hold the view that the fate 
even of the grave sinner was to be deter- 
mined by God on the day of judgment and 
the question was best deferred until then 
(ibid., 223). This attitude, towards the par- 
ticipants in the first Jitna and towards the 
status of the grave sinner in general, even- 
tually came to be adopted by the Sunnis, 
with the significant difference, however, 
that judgment on questions of sin and guilt 
was now also deferred because, by the mid- 
dle of the third/ninth century, the defini- 
tion of a SunnI "orthodoxy" had come to 
be predicated on reverence for the Com- 
panions of the Prophet (q.v.) as a whole, 
irrespective of the particular, and mutually 
antagonistic, positions they might have 
held towards one another (cf. ibid., 229). 
Like the Murji'ls, the Mu'tazili theolo- 
gians, who came to prominence from the 
middle of the second/eighth century, did 
not banish the grave sinner from the com- 
munity. But, unlike the Murji'ls, and also 
unlike those who later emerged as the 
Sunnis, the Mu'tazills (see mu'tazila) as- 
signed an "intermediate state" to the grave 
sinner so that he was neither a believer nor 
an unbeliever but a "transgressor" (fdsiq). 



though, as such, still a member of the 
Muslim community. Unlike the later 
Murji'ls, the Mu'tazills mostly thought that 
such transgressors were doomed to eternal 
damnation (cf. the creed of the famous 
Mu'tazili Qiir'an-commentator, al- 
Zamakhsharl, in Schmidtke, Mu'tazilite 
creed, 76). As for minor sins, the Mu'tazills 
espoused the view that such sins would be 
weighed against one's good deeds and can- 
celled out through them (tahdbut) as long, of 
course, as the good deeds outweighed the 
sins (cf. Schmidtke, Theology, 22ji.). Shi'l 
theology was strongly influenced by the 
Mu'tazila; but unlike the latter and in 
accord with the Sunnis, Shi'l theologians 
did not believe in the eternal damnation of 
the Muslim grave sinner (for the developed 
SunnI position on the matter, cf. Elder, 
Commentary, Ii4f.; see SHl'lsM and the 
cjur'an; shi'a). 

Sin, error, and infallibility 
Sin involves an element of intentionality as 
well as of knowledge that the act in ques- 
tion entails disapproval or punishment and 
that it is forbidden. (On the question of 
sinful acts committed in ignorance, see 
c) 4:17; 6:54, and the discussion of these 
verses in the major commentaries.) This 
marks off sin from "error" (khatd'), a term 
whose primary connotation is legal rather 
than ethical (cf. Schacht, Khata'; for other 
connotations of "error," elucidated with 
reference to the qur'anic term daldl, see 
error; astray). Thus, while intentional 
homicide is a crime as well as a major sin 
(cf q 4:93, and Tabarl, Tafsir, iv, 220-3, for 
a discussion of whether God would forgive 
the premeditated murder of a believer de- 
spite the murderer's repentance), the same 
is not true of unintentional homicide; the 
latter does, however, require the payment 
of compensation for that act (c3 4:92; see 
blood money). Accounts describing the 
altercations between the caliph 'Uthman 



25 



SIN, MAJOR AND MINOR 



and those who eventually murdered him 
have the latter demand that the caliph sub- 
mit himself to retaliation by those he had 
wronged, with 'Uthman responding that 
the caliph (imam) commits errors just as he 
does what is right and that no retaliation is 
required for his errors (Tabarl, Ta'nkh, i, 
2995f.; and cf. ibid., 3043). Many early ju- 
rists believed, for their part, that even 
when the effort to arrive at a legal ruling 
on the basis of systematic reflection on the 
foundational texts (ijtihdd) led to different 
and thus possibly erroneous results, the 
effort itself deserved a reward from God; 
and since a jurist made that effort, he was 
"right" even when he seemed to have 
missed the mark (cf. Schacht, Khata'; van 
Ess, TG, ii, 161-4). An error was thus not a 
sin as long as one did not persist in it after 
having become aware of it. 

What sort of an error or even a sin might 
be imputed to a prophet was a contested 
issue from Islam's first centuries (see 
impeccability). The Qiir'an recognizes 
prophets as sinning (as in the case of 
Adam; cf Q^ 2o:i2i; see adam and eve) or 
coming close to it (as Joseph [q.v] did; cf. 
o 12:24); as seeking, or being asked to seek, 
forgiveness for their sins (c3 7:22-3; 11:47; 
47:19); and as being forgiven by God for 
their sins (e.g. ^ 2:35-7; 28:15-16; 48:2). In 
an episode during Muhammad's early pro- 
phetic career in Mecca, Satan is said to 
have interpolated into Muhammad's rev- 
elation verses that spoke approvingly of the 
intercession of certain Meccan deities (see 
Tabari, Ta'nkh, i, 119 1-6; see SATANIC 
verses; devil; revelation and 
inspiration). These verses (which imme- 
diately followed Q^ 53:20) were "abrogated" 
once Muhammad was informed that their 
source was Satan rather than God (cf. 
q 22:52; see abrogation). This incident 
raised troubling questions for many 
Muslims, in particular about the integrity 
of the Qiir'an (see inimitability; 



createdness of the our'an) and about 
Muhammad's vulnerability to error and 
sin. The historicity of the episode concern- 
ing the Satanic verses was thus denied by 
many, a view that went hand in hand with 
the articulation of the doctrine of the in- 
fallibility of the Prophet in Islam's first 
centuries. Yet, while most Muslims today 
concur in denying this episode, many 
prominent scholars of the earlier centuries, 
including al-Tabari (d. 310/923), the 
Mu'tazili exegete al-Zamakhshari (d. 538/ 
1144; cf. Kashshdf, 111, i6if., commenting 
on C3 22:52) and the Hanbali jurist Ibn 
Taymiyya (d. 728/1328), accepted its 
historicity. For Ibn Taymiyya, a prophet is 
infallible not in the sense of being immune 
to error or sin but only in being secure 
from persistence in it. On this view, the 
episode of the Satanic verses poses no 
problem in that Muhammad promptly 
sought God's forgiveness for his 
error — which, to Ibn Taymiyya, is what it 
was, rather than a sin — and the matter 
was clarified by a subsequent revelation 
(see Ahmed, Ibn Taymiyyah). 

That a prophet might commit a major sin 
was not a possibility to be countenanced, 
however, by Ibn Taymiyya or by anyone 
else (Ahmed, Ibn Taymiyyah, 86 and pas- 
sim). Minor sins were another matter, 
though as al-Zamakhshari said, in com- 
menting on q 93:7, prophets both before 
and after the beginning of their prophetic 
career were immune not only from the ma- 
jor sins but also from "disgraceful minor 
sins" {al-saghd'ir al-shd'ina, as in Kashshdf, iv, 
756; he does not, however, give any exam- 
ples of such minor sins). The Shi'a agreed 
with others in insisting on the immunity 
(q.v.) of the prophets from sin and error, 
but they extended such immunity to their 
imams (see imam) as well. An early Shi'l 
theologian, Hisham b. al-Hakam (d. 179/ 
795-6), had argued for the immunity of the 
imams from sin and error, but not of the 



SIN, MAJOR AND MINOR 



26 



prophets, on the grounds that while a 
prophet can be corrected through divine 
intervention, an imam had no such chan- 
nel available and hence needed the im- 
munity in question. But this doctrine never 
caught on in standard formulations of Shfl 
theology (see Bar-Asher, Scripture, 159-79; 
on Hisham's position, Ash'arl, Maqdldt, 48). 

Modern discourses 
With unprecedented modern efforts to- 
wards the codification of the sharfa, certain 
contemporary Muslim scholars have 
visualized legislation not only in areas tra- 
ditionally left to the discretion of rulers 
and judges but also to regulate matters pre- 
viously thought of only as sinful behavior 
rather than as legal infractions. The 
Egyptian religious scholar Yusuf al- 
Qaradawi (b. 1926), one of the most in- 
fluential of the contemporary 'ulamd', has 
argued, for instance, that considerations of 
"public interest" require that states leg- 
islate punishments for usurious transac- 
tions, the usurpation of the orphan's 
property, the non-performance of the rit- 
ual obligations, the harassment of women 
and other evils. "There are hundreds of 
sins, forms of opposition [to the divine 
law] , and wrongs that the shari'a has forbid- 
den, or has commanded doing the opposite 
of, but it has not established a specific pen- 
alty for them. And so," he says, "they need 
legislation" [Siydsa, 95-6; quotation from 
96). While many earlier definitions of sin, 
especially of major sin, had included under 
that rubric both moral transgressions and 
crimes for which the foundational texts had 
prescribed specific punishments (hudud), 
the distinction between sin and crime or 
between moral and legal norms was not 
thereby effaced (cf Johansen, Contingency, 71 
and passim). This is not to say, of course, 
that sin had previously been only a "pri- 
vate" matter. Indeed, Muslim scholars have 
long recognized the obligation of "forbid- 



ding wrong" even when the offense affects 
no one but the actor him- or herself; and 
the activities of vigilantes who felt obli- 
gated to intervene even in privately com- 
mitted wrongs are extensively reported in 
the historical sources. Yet, Muslim scholars 
often also disapproved of such vigilantism, 
just as they sought to protect an individ- 
ual's privacy even when doing so meant 
that many wrongs would go unpunished 
(on all this, see Cook, Commanding right). A 
proposal such as al-Qaradawl's would deal 
with the problem of vigilantism but only at 
the expense of privacy; and in combating 
sin, it ends up legitimizing the intrusive 
powers of the state, an outcome about 
which not only medieval scholars but also 
many modern 'ulamd' have had grave mis- 
givings (see oppression). 

In seeking to reinterpret Islam's foun- 
dational texts and its institutions in ways 
that would make them more compatible 
with what are perceived to be the demands 
of the modern world, other, "modernist," 
readings of the Qiir'an often lay a new 
stress on individual moral responsibility 
(q.v.) and a this-worldly orientation (see 
world); and conceptions of sin and re- 
lated ideas have been interpreted accord- 
ingly. The influential Pakistani modernist 
Fazlur Rahman (d. 1988) sees the qur'anic 
notion of taqwd as guiding individuals 
through the tensions and the extremes to 
which they, as human beings, are inher- 
ently susceptible; and sin, wrong, or evil 
signifies precisely the failure to successfully 
navigate one's course through these ten- 
sions (cf. Rahman, Major themes, 27 and pas- 
sim). Rahman sees the cjur'anic concept of 
sin — though he seems to prefer the term 
"evil" to "sin" — primarily in terms of its 
deleterious effects on human welfare in the 
present world and, more specifically, with 
reference to what it contributes to the fail- 
ure of human moral endeavors. To him, 
the Qiir'an's overall "attitude is quite 



27 



SIN, MAJOR AND MINOR 



optimistic witli regard to tlie sequel of 
liiiman endeavor." Yet, tliis optimism is 
predicated on, and illustrative of, the 
Qtir'an's "action orientation and practi- 
cality." Within the framework of that ori- 
entation, smaller failings are remediable, 
and this — in his telling rendition of 
d 4:31 — is the point of God's forgiveness 
of minor sins: "If yon avoid the major evils 
that have been prohibited to you, we shall 
obliterate [the effects of] occasional and 
small lapses" (ibid., 30; brackets in the 
original, emphasis added). By the same 
token, individual failings are more likely to 
be forgiven by God than are failures in a 
people's "collective performance"; the lat- 
ter are much more grave, even irremedi- 
able, in their effect (ibid., 52, and 37-64, 
passim; see oppressed on earth, the). 
For all their severe disagreements with 
the modernists, "Islamists" (or "fundamen- 
talists") are often no less concerned, in 
seeking the public implementation of 
Islamic norms, with demonstrating the 
Qtir'an's "action orientation and practical- 
ity." Thus, in a passage like C3 17:23-38, 
where one might previously have seen a 
catalog of some of the major sins to be 
avoided (cf Izutsu, Concepts, 229), the in- 
fluential Pakistani Islamist Sayyid Abu 
1-A'la Mawdudi (d. 1399/1979) finds the 
"manifesto of the Prophet's mission..., 
making the intellectual, moral, cidtural, 
economic and legal bases of the Islamic 
society and state of the future known to the 
world" (Mawdudi, Understanding, v, 34; also 
cf. id.. Islamic law, 202-13). The first of 
these "bases" is, of course, the injunction 
not to worship (q.v.) anyone but God, 
which is not simply a matter of avoiding 
shirk but of "recogniz[ing] and sub- 
mit [ting] to his sovereignty (q.v.) to the 
exclusion of any other sovereignty" 
(Mawdudi, Understanding, v, 35, comment- 
ing on C3 17:23). According to the Egyptian 
Islamist Sayyid Qiitb (d. 1966), himself 



much influenced by Mawdudi, whether a 
society bases itself on a recognition of this 
divine sovereignty determines its overall 
orientation, viz., whether it is a properly 
Islamic society rather than one living in 
pagan ignorance [jdhilijya; see e.g. Qiitb, 
^ildl, iii, 1217 and 1229-34, discussing 
Q_ 6:151-3; see aoe of ignorance). Unlike 
many a medieval commentator, detailed 
catalogs or relative rankings of major and 
minor sins are matters far less pressing 
than are the implications of this overarch- 
ing orientation. 

Muhammad Qasim Zaman 

Bibliography 
Primary: Abu Dawud, Sunan; al-Ash'ari, Abu 
1-Hasan 'All b. Isma'll, Maqrddt al-isldmiyyin, ed. 
H. Ritter, Wiesbaden 1980; Bukharl, Sahih; 
P. Crone and F. Zimmermann, The epistle of Sdlim 
ibn Dhakwdn, Oxford 2001; DamaghanT, Wujuh, 
ed. ZafitT; Dhahabi, Shams al-Dln Muhammad 
b. Ahmad, al-Kabd'ir, Cairo 1980; E.E. Elder, ^ 
commentary on the creed of Islam, Sa 'd al-Din al- 
Taftdzdm on the creed of Najm at-Din al-J^asafi, New 
York 1950; al-GhazalT, Abu Hamid Muhammad, 
Ihyd^ 'ulum at-din, ed. A. al-Khalidl, 5 vols., Beirut 
1998; al-HallmT, Abu 'Abdallah al-Husayn b. al- 
Hasan, al-Minhdjf shu'ab al-imdn, ed. H.M. 
Fawda, Damascus 1979; Ibn Hajar al-'AsqalanI, 
Path al-bdri, 15 vols., Riyadh 2000; Ibn Hajar al- 
HaytamT, al-^awdjir 'an iqtirdf al-kabd'ir, ed. 
Kh.M. Shiha and M. Kh. Halabi, 2 vols., Beirut 
1998; Ibn Nujaym, Zayn al-Din b. Ibrahim, Sharh 
Risdtat at-saghd'ir wa-l-kabd'ir, ed. Kh. al-Mays, 
Beirut 1981; Ibn Taymiyya, Risala fl 1-tawba, in 
M.R. Slim [edf Jdmi' al-rasd^il li-Ibn Taymiyya, 
I vol., Cairo 1969, i, 217-79; Abu 1-Ala 
Mawdudi, The Islamic law and constitution, trans. 
K. Ahmad, Lahore i960; id., Towards under- 
standing the Qur'dn, trans. Z.I. Ansari, 7 vols, to 
date, Leicester 1988-2000; Qutb, ^ildl; RazI, 
TafsTr, 17 vols., Beirut 2000; S. Schmidtke, A 
MuHazilite creed of az-^amakhshari (d. 538/11^4), 
Stuttgart 1997; Tabari, Tafsir, 13 vols., Beirut 
1999; id., Ta'rikh, ed. de Goeje; Wensinck, 
Concordance, s.vv. '-th-m, '-s-y, dh-n-b,fh-sh, k-b-r, 
kh-t-a; Zamakhshari, Kashshdf 
Secondary: S. Ahmed, Ibn Taymiyyah and the 
Satanic verses, in s/87 (1998), 67-124; M.M. Bar- 
Asher, Scripture and exegesis in early Imdml Shiism, 
Leiden 1999; M. Cook, Commanding right and 
forbidding wrong in Islamic thought, Cambridge 2000; 



28 



van Ess, to; W.R.W. Gardner, The qur'anic doctrine 
of sin, Madras 1914; Izutsu, Concepts; B. Johansen, 
Contingency in a sacred law. Legal and ethical norms in 
the Muslim fiqh, Leiden 1999; W. Madelung, Early 
SunnT doctrine concerning faith as reflected in 
the Kitdb al-Imdn of Abii 'Ubayd al-Q_asim b. 
SaUam (d. 224/839), in 5732 (1970), 233-54; Y. al- 
QaradawT, al-Siydsa al-shar'iyyafi daw' nusus al~ 
shari'a wa-maqdsidihd, Beirut 2000; E Rahman, 
Major themes of the Qur'dn, Minneapohs 1980; 
J. Schacht, Khata', in Ei', iv, iroo-2; 
S. Schmidtke, The theology of 'Alldma al-Hilli (d. 
ysG/ 1^2^}, Berhn 1991; R. Stehly, Un probleme 
de la theologie islamique. La definition des fautes 
graves (kahd'ir), in rei 65/2 (1977), 165-81; A.J. 
Wensinck, The Muslim creed, Cambridge 1932; 
id./L. Gardet, Khatf a, in £/^, iv, 1106-9. 



Si 



The triangularly shaped peninsula that 
witnessed the wanderings of the Israelites 
after their flight from Egypt on the way to 
their promised land in Canaan, under the 
leadership of Moses (q.v.); the scene of the 
latter's miracles (q.v.) and, above all, the 
region where the Decalogue was given and 
God's covenant (q.v.) with Israel (q.v.) con- 
cluded. All of these matters are recorded 
in many of the suras (q.v.) of the Qiir'an, 
with variations from the biblical accounts 
(see narratives; children of Israel). 

The term Sinai appears twice in the 
Qur'an, in q 23:20 as saynd' and in q 95:2 
as sinin, possibly a dittograph of the letter 
sm, more assonant with ziiytiin than sin (cf. 
ilydsin, (j 37:130). In both cases, the word is 
preceded by the term tur, "mountain," the 
compound referring to one spot in the pen- 
insula, namely, Mount Sinai. 

The peninsula was especially important 
in Moses' career, more important than 
Egypt (q.v.) or Canaan, since it witnessed 
the birth of Mosaic Judaism (see jews and 
Judaism), when the law and the covenant 
were given to Israel through him at Mount 
Sinai. Consequently, in the Qiir'an, it is of 
great significance, derived from the im- 
portance of Moses as the most frequently 



mentioned biblical figure in the qur'anic 
text (157 times, as opposed to 25 for Jesus 
[q.v.]) and from the image of the prophet 
Muhammad himself. For Moses was a 
model for the latter — as a legislator, as a 
prophet of action who led his people 
and, above all, as one to whom God fore- 
told the prophethood of Muhammad in 

Q. 7-'57 (^^^ PROPHETS AND PROPHETHOOD), 

which the exegetes related to Deuteronomy 
18:15. 

In the vast peninsula, the holiest locus 
sanctus was Mount Sinai, which, as just 
mentioned, witnessed the giving of the law 
and the covenant. It occurs seven times 
without the addition of Sinai, simply as 
al-tiir, "the mountain" (cf. Exod 19:2, 3; 
24:4, etc.), the Arabic definite article giving 
al-tiir the uniqueness it has given to other 
terms, such as al-bayt, "the Ka'ba" (see 
ka'ba; house, domestic and divine), al- 
rasul, "the prophet, Muhammad" (see 
messenger), and al-madina, Yathrib, the 
Prophet's city (see Medina). Of the many 
references to al-tiir, the most important are 
two. One occurs in cj 95:2, where the 
phrase tdr sinin appears as part of a tri- 
partite asseveration involving Palestine, 
Mount Sinai and Mecca (q.v.). In that sura, 
God honors Mount Sinai by including it as 
an element in the asseveration and, what is 
more, by allying Moimt Sinai as the scene 
of the Decalogue, to Palestine as the holy 
land. In this sura, the concept of holiness is 
expressed territorially by reference to three 
loca sancta, and the tripartite oath (see 
oaths) reflects the qur'anic perception of 
the essential identity of the three 
Abrahamic religions (see Abraham). The 
other important reference is in q 52, which 
opens with an oath by al-tm; followed by 
five other elements included in the oath, 
the first four of which, the book (q.v.), the 
parchment, the house and the roof, have a 
natural affinity with al-tiir, when they are 
conceived as elements in the monastery/ 



29 



SIRA AND THE OUR AN 



fortress of Mount Sinai, rebuilt by tlie 
emperor Justinian in tlie sixth century c.E.; 
otlierwise the four elements are incon- 
gruous with, and incomprehensible as a 
sequence to the first element in the 
oath — al-tur. The monastery became a 
very popular pilgrimage destination, vis- 
ited by Christians, including Christian 
Arabs, who lived so close to it (see 
CHRISTIANS AND CHRISTIANITY). This, to- 
gether with some specific topographical 
references to al-tur in the Qiir'an, such as 
the right side of it as in (j 19:52 and 

C3 20:80 (see LEFT HAND AND RIGHT HANd), 

suggest that the Arabs (q.v.) of Muham- 
mad's time, whom the Qiir'an addressed, 
were familiar with Mount Sinai, possibly 
including Muhammad himself, who, fifteen 
years before his call, had led caravans to 
such termini of the spice route as Gaza 
and Elat, from where routes led to Mount 
Sinai (see caravan). Two verses in Q^ 28 
(c3 28:44, 46), in which the Qur'an says that 
Muhammad was not at Mount Sinai when 
Moses was there, are tantalizing in this 
context. A covenant alleged to have been 
issued by the Prophet to the monks of 
Mount Sinai has been haunted by the 
ghosts of authenticity. 

Irfan Shahid 



Bibliography 

'A.S. 'Atiyya, The Arabic manuscripts of Alount 
Sinai, Baltimore, MD 1955, xviii, xxix, 25, 26; 
C. Bailey, Slna', in _E/^, ix, 625; P. Figueras, 
Pilgrims to Sinai in the Byzantine Negev, in 
Jalirbachfur Antike und Christentum, Ergdnzungsband 
20 (1995), 756-62, esp. 756-8; P.-L. Gatier, Les 
traditions et I'histoire du Sinai" du IV*^ au VIP 
siecle, in UArabie preistamique et son environnment 
historique et cutturel. Actes du Colloque de Strasbourg, 
24'2-] Juin, 1987, Leiden 1989, 499-523; J.J. 
Hobbs, Mount Sinai, Austin, TX 1995; Horovitz, 
KU, 123-5; Jeffery, ^^^- ^ocab., 184-5 (with biblio- 
graphy); P. Maiberger, Topographische und historische 
Untersuchungen zum Sinaiproblem. Worauf beruht die 
Identifizierung des Gabal Aiusd mit dem Sinai? 
Freiburg 1984. 



Sincerity see virtues . 



AND VICES, 
COMMANDING AND FORBIDDING 



5inin see SINAI 



Sira and the Qur'an 

Sira is a branch of Arabic literature that is 
devoted to the earliest salvation history of 
Islam and focuses on God's actions towards 
his prophet Muhammad and through him, 
i.e. the revelation of the Qiir'an and the 
foundation of an Islamic community. The 
term sTra can also connote a work belong- 
ing to that literature. 

Sira is the noun of kind (fi'la) of the 
Arabic verb sdra, "to go," "to travel," etc., 
indicating the manner of doing what is 
expressed by the verb (see ARABIC 
language; grammar and the our'an). 
Hence it originally means "way of going," 
but the most frequent meaning is "way of 
acting, conduct, way of life" (see also 
TRADITION AND CUSTOM). In the Qiir'an 
the word sira occurs only in C3 20:21, where 
it means "way of acting," or "condition" 
and has nothing to do with the literature 
under discussion. The word also came to 
mean "the life and times of...," "vita," 
"biography." In the second/eighth century 
it was applied to the history of various 
Persian kings, and also to the lives and 
times of some Umayyad caliphs (see 
caliph). 

In present day Muslim usage, the sira par 
excellence is that of the Prophet: sirat rasul 
Allah or al-sTra al-nabawiyya, which is often 
rendered as "the biography of the 
Prophet." But this designation is imprecise. 
The life and times of Muhammad (q.v.) are 
pivotal in the sira, but it also contains re- 
ports and narrations about the ancient his- 
tory of Arabia (see pre-islamic Arabia 
AND THE qur'an), the earlier prophets 
(see PROPHETS AND prophethood; 



SIRA AND THE OUR AN 



30 



messenger), the Companions (see 
COMPANIONS OF THE PROPHET) and the 
first cafiphs, whose sunna (q.v.) was relevant 
for the Islamic community. Furthermore it 
deals with qur'anic exegesis (see exegesis 
OF THE Q^UR'aN: CLASSICAL AND MEDIEVAL) 
and the occasions and ways of qur'anic 
revelation (see revelation and 
inspiration; occasions of revelation); 
and it preserves letters, speeches, docu- 
ments, genealogies, lists of names, and 
poetry (see poetry and poets; rhetoric 

AND THE ^UR'an). 

Sira or maghazi 

In the first centuries of Islam, most col- 
lections of sTra texts were formulated with 
the name of maghdzi, "expeditions" (see 
expeditions and battles), although they 
also contained texts on non-military 
matters. Whatever their name, the col- 
lections consist of the same kind of 
greatly heterogeneous, rather fragmentary 
material that belong to different genres 
(Hinds, Maghazi; id., 'Maghazf and 'sira'; 
Jarrar, Prophetenhiographie, 1-59; SchoUer, 
Exegetisches Denken, 37-49). 

The earliest sources 

Sira works have been written throughout 
the centuries, and one may even count 
modern biographies of the Prophet among 
them. Since the sTra is a whole branch of 
literature, there is no point in studying only 
the one book by Ibn Ishaq (d. 150/767) in 
the edition of Ibn Hisham (d. ca. 213/828) 
that became famous. Here follows a survey 
of the earliest sources, which have the 
greatest relevance to our subject. About 
half of them can be studied in translations 
(see tools for the study of the ^ur'an). 
For the later sira works see Kister, Sirah, 
366-7; SchoUer, Exegetisches Denken, 64-70. 



Qissa 
The first to occupy themselves intensely 
with the Qiir'an, the Prophet and early 
Islamic knowledge in general were the 
storytellers or preachers named qdss (pi. 
qussds; see Pellat, Kass; Duri, Rise, index s.v. 
qisas; Norris, Elements; see teaching and 
PREACHING the our'an). They com- 
menced their activities in private gather- 
ings and sometimes in the mosque (q.v.). In 
the Umayyad period they obtained official 
permission to address the faithful in the 
mosques. In their sermons they would en- 
courage soldiers and curse the enemies of 
Islam (see path or way; fighting; 
jihad), but also explain the Qiir'an, depict 
hell (see HELL and hellfire) and paradise 
(q.v.) and recount the life of the Prophet 
and the lives of his predecessors. 

Their stories [qissa, pi. ijisas) were both 
edifying and entertaining and did not 
eschew flights of fancy. When expanding 
on the qur'anic stories about earlier proph- 
ets they often drew upon Jewish and 
Christian narratives, both biblical and 
non-biblical (see Vajda, Isra'iliyyat; see 

JEWS AND JUDAISM; CHRISTIANS AND 
CHRISTIANITY; SCRIPTURE AND THE 
(JUr'an). What had already begun in the 
Qur'an was continued in these stories: 
Muhammad is positioned as the last 
prophet in a succession of earlier prophets, 
while the latter, for their part, are given 
characteristics of Muhammad (see 
narratives). 

After the Umayyad period, the storytell- 
ers were banned from the mosque again 
and again. Their reputation deteriorated 
and they ended on the streets, always pop- 
ular with the public, but frowned upon by 
the religious establishment. Their inclina- 
tion to exaggerate and fantasize irritated 
pious believers and hadlth scholars (see 
hadith and the q^ur'an), and the 
extra-Islamic material they divulged 



31 



SIRA AND THE OUR AN 



was increasingly deemed unacceptable (see 

TRADITIONAL DIS(;iPLINES OF Q^Ur'aNIC 

study). 

For the sua, the early activities of story- 
tellers are of great importance. Since they 
were not writers, and since they lost their 
good reputation quite early, hardly any of 
their narratives have been collected in 
books under their names. But in some form 
or other their stories seeped into sira and 
tafsir works, in spite of frecjuent attempts of 
the compilers to dissociate themselves from 
them. 

One often recognizes a storyteller's con- 
tribution by its style. The story of the 
Prophet's bargaining with God in heaven 
about the number of obligatory prayers 
(e.g. Ibn Ishacj, Sira, 271; Ibn Ishaq- 
Guillaume, 186-7; ^^i^ PRAYER; ascension), 
which has clear biblical precedents, has all 
the characteristics of an orally performed 
story (see orality). Also the Prophet's 
world-renouncing address at the graveyard 
of Medina (q.v.) shortly before his death 
(Ibn Ishaq, Sim, lOOO; Ibn Ishaq- 
Guillaume, 678) has the pietistic ring of a 
qissa, although it is recorded with a chain 
of transmitters or isndd (other examples in 
Duri, Rise, 113; see asceticism; piety; 
abstinence). 

Wahb b. Munabbih 
One storyteller who is relatively well docu- 
mented is the Yemenite Wahb b. Munab- 
bih (ca. 34-110/654-728; see Wahb, Papyrus; 
Khoury, Wahb; id., Les sources, 23-7; Duri, 
Rise, 122-35), who was well-versed in the 
biblical and pre-Islamic heritage and 
familiar with stories about the Prophet. 
Several books were ascribed to him. 
Whatever form they may have had, there 
was one about the creation (q.v.) and the 
early prophets and another about the pre- 
Islamic history of Yemen (q.v.). In these 
fields, Wahb was considered an authority 



and quoted extensively by sira authors like 
Ibn Ishaq, Ibn Hisham, al-Tabari (d. 310/ 
923) and others, but his texts about the 
expeditions and battles of the Prophet they 
did not find reliable enough to quote. Long 
sira quotations from Wahb b. Munabbih 
can, however, be found with the Sufi 
author Abu Nif aym al-Isfahani (336-430/ 
948-1038; Hilyat al-Awliyd', iv, 72-81; see 
SUFISM AND the QUR'an). 

Two larger pieces ascribed to Wahb have 
been preserved in a third/ninth century 
papyrus. One is a part of the story of 
David (q.v.); the other is a sira text that cov- 
ers some events concerning the Prophet's 
meeting with envoys from Medina at 
'Aqaba, his emigration (q.v.) and a military 
expedition by 'All (see ali b. abi talib). 
The narrative is lengthy, abounds in poetry 
and contains miracle stories (see marvels; 
miracles; e.g. the Prophet healing with 
"the breath of God"; Wahb, Papyrus, 142; 

see ILLNESS AND HEALTH; MEDICINE AND 

THE (JUr'an). In its present shape, the text 
may not contain Wahb's own wordings; the 
same applies to the quotations in Abu 
Nu'aym; yet both clusters do exude the 
qissa atmosphere and reveal a pre- 
"scholarly" stage of sira activity. 

'Urwa b. al-Zubayr 
'Urwa b. al-Zubayr (ca. 23-93/643-712; 
Schoeler, 'Urwa; id.. Character, 28-32; 
Stiilpnagel, 'Urwa; Sezgin, gas, i, 278-9; 
Duri, Rise, 76-95; Gorke, Hudaybiya; 
Horovitz, Biographies, 548-52), a tradition- 
ist and historian from Medina, belonged to 
the establishment of early Islam. The 
Umayyad caliph 'Abd al-Malik (r. 65-85/ 
685-705) and his successor al-Walld 
(r. 86-96/705-15) wrote to 'Urwa for in- 
formation about certain events that hap- 
pened during and after the time of the 
Prophet. 'Urwa's answers form a first 
attempt at historiography. These letters, 



SIRA AND THE OUR AN 



32 



however, are without the edifying and 
entertaining cliaracter of qisas. Taking into 
account that 'Abd al-Malik did not ap- 
preciate tlie then current maghdzt-storiea 
(Schoeler, Character, 47; Jarrar, Propheten- 
biographie, 20-3), 'Urwa perhaps deliberately 
composed liis letters as no-nonsense, mem- 
orizable summaries, meant to lay down in 
writing the politically correct versions of 
important events (see also politics and 
THE cjur'an). Yet, he must have drawn 
upon longer narratives. 

The letters are scattered over various 
sources (on these and on the German and 
Italian translations see Schoeler, TJrwa; for 
Eng. trans, see Tabarl, Ta'rikh, index, and 
Rubin, Eye, 157-61). They can be recog- 
nized by an introduction of the kind: 
" 'Abd al-Malik asked about [...] and 
'Urwa wrote back [••.]," although this for- 
mula is sometimes lacking. There is a fair 
chance that the letters indeed go back to 
'Urwa, although his wording may have 
suffered in the course of transmission. 
'Urwa did not write a book; the work pub- 
lished under the title Kitab MaghdzT rasiil 
Allah is a later concoction. 

Musa b. 'Uqba 
Musa b. 'Uqba al-Asadi (ca. 55-141/ 
675-758; Sezgin, gas, i, 286-7; Schoeler, 
Musa; Schacht, On Musa; Horovitz, 
Biographies, 164-7) ""^^ ^ Medinan scholar 
and historian, who collected and dissemi- 
nated material on the Prophet's life, but 
also on the pre-Islamic period and the first 
caliphs. Being a client of the Zubayr family 
(see TRIBES and clans; clients and 
clientaoe; arabs) and a pupil of al- 
Zuhrl, he was in an excellent position to do 
so. His Kitdb al-Maghdzi, i.e. his notebook to 
be copied by pupils, is not extant. A selec- 
tion of nineteen hadiths has, however, 
been preserved in a Berlin manuscript. 
G. Schoeler defends Musa against 
J. Schacht, who maintained that these texts 



were not really transmitted by him. He 
demonstrates that Musa's source indica- 
tions (mostly al-Zuhrl) are not fictitious, 
and in one case even proves the authentic- 
ity of al-Zuhrl's source, who is no other 
than 'Urwa b. al-Zubayr. His argument 
rests on the analysis of more Musa quota- 
tions and parallel texts than Schacht had at 
his disposal, and on using the common-link 
method (see JuynboU, Hadlth, 378-81). 

A current scholarly desideratum is the 
collection and study of all Musa quotations 
that are scattered over various sources 
(some references in Sezgin, gas, i, 287). 
Pending that, we have only an impression 
of Musa's activities and interests. In none 
of his texts seen by the present author does 
he refer to the Qiir'an. He does not shun 
qissa or miracle stories but has also a clear 
interest in chronology. 

al-Zuhrl 
One of the central figures of the sTra lit- 
erature was Muhammad b. Muslim b. 
Shihab al-Zuhrl (d. 124/742; Lecker, al- 
Zuhrl; Horovitz, Biographies, 33-50; 
Schoeler, Character, 32-7, 47-8; Duri, Rise, 
27-9, 113-17), a collector of both hadith and 
stories, who was also interested in geneal- 
ogy and the early caliphs. He was the most 
important pupil of 'Urwa b. al-Zubayr. His 
works may have been no more than note 
books for private use and reading sessions 
for civil servants and pupils, but he did 
lend the beginning of a structure to the 
sua. His narratives are often lengthy and 
have the form of hadlth, i.e. they have 
chains of transmission. 

Al-Zuhri was consulted and patronized 
by the Umayyad court, which implied that 
he should not write favorably about 'All 
(see shi'a; shI'ism and the our'an). 
Allegedly he was asked by an Umayyad 
governor to compose a book on genealogy 
and a second one on maghdzi. The order 
for the first work was soon cancelled but he 



33 



SIRA AND THE OUR AN 



was to continue on the second one. 
Whether he really wrote it is unknown 
(Schoeler, Charakter, 47; Jarrar, Propheten- 
biographie, 23-32). Ma'mar b. Rashid (see 
below) offers a more or less uniform 
block of texts from al-Zuhri's collection. 
His traces are found in all later sira 
compilations. 

Ibn Ishaq and his editors 
Muhammad b. Ishaq (Medina; ca. 85- 
150/704-67 [Baghdad]) is the most impor- 
tant author of sTra literature (Schoeler, 
Charakter, 37-51; Newby, Making, 1-31; Duri, 
Rise, 32-7; Jones, Ibn Ishak). He seems to 
have specialized early in narrations and 
history. His main teacher was al-Zuhrl, and 
several relatives of 'Urwa b. al-Zubayr 
were informants of his. Not all scholars in 
Medina appreciated Ibn Ishaq's work. By 
his time, narratives were generally losing 
ground to legal hadith with fully-fledged 
chains of transmission (see law and the 
q^ur'an; abrogation). He therefore left 
his native town and settled in Iraq (q.v.), 
where he found a more appreciative audi- 
ence. Caliph al-Mansur (r. 136-58/754-75) 
asked him to write an all-encompassing 
history book, from the creation of Adam 
(see ADAM AND eve) to the present day. The 
material on the Prophet that Ibn Ishaq had 
previously collected and dictated to his 
pupils, was integrated into this book and 
given a central position. His magnum opus 
consisted of three volumes. The first one, 
al-Mubtada' ("In the beginning") dealt with 
the creation of the world, the early proph- 
ets from Adam to Jesus (q.v.), and the 
Arabs in pre-Islamic times. In the second 
part, al-Ba'th ("The mission"), the life of 
the Prophet was depicted until his emigra- 
tion to Medina. In part three, al-Maghdzi 
("Expeditions and battles"), Muhammad's 
activities in Medina were described. A 
fourth volume was added about his suc- 
cessors, the caliphs. Ibn Ishaq did not 



merely collect materials, like his predeces- 
sors; he composed a work with a structure, 
sometimes chronological, sometimes ar- 
ranged by subject matter. 

Apparently there was only one copy of 
his work, and it was held in the court li- 
brary in Baghdad. Ibn Ishaq continued 
"publishing" from it by dictating parts to 
his pupils, who wrote them down verbatim. 
Large parts of the book, especially of the 
first three parts, have been handed down to 
us in the dictations and extracts of his pu- 
pils, and in the works of later compilers 
who edited these. 

Three of Ibn Ishaq's editors are worth 
mentioning here. The most widely known 
is 'Abd al-Malik b. Hisham (d. ca. 215/830 
in Egypt; see Watt, Ibn Hisham; Schoeler, 
Charakter, 50-3), whose selection from Ibn 
Ishaq's work was the first sira text to be 
transmitted in a fixed form (Arabic text: 
Ibn Ishaq, Sira, ed. Wiistenfeld; trans. Ibn 
Ishaq-Guillaume, which displays in margine 
the page numbers of the Wiistenfeld edi- 
tion). By editing only part of the original 
work Ibn Hisham narrowed the perspec- 
tive down to the Prophet and ancient 
Arabia: he deals with the Ka'ba (q.v.) and 
the Christians and Jews on the peninsula, 
but not the earlier prophets. He explains 
difficult words and expressions in notes of 
his own, adds narratives, poetry and 
genealogical data. Ibn Hisham made judg- 
ments about the theological "purity" in the 
texts he selected and left out passages that 
he found offensive. 

Al-Tabari (d. 310/923; see Bosworth, al- 
Tabari) transmits in his Ta'rikh consider- 
able parts of Ibn Ishaq's work. For the 
Kitdb al-A'Iubtada', al-Tabariis even our 
main source (Tabarl, Ta'rikh, i, 9-872, frag- 
ments; trans, vols, i-iv, index; the stories of 
the prophets also in Newby, Making). The 
part on Muhammad, in a version related 
to that of Ibn Hisham, but shorter, is scat- 
tered over Tabari, Ta'rikh, i, 1073-1837. 



SIRA AND THE OUR AN 



34 



Two striking stories that Ibn Hisham had 
not inckided are those about Muhammad's 
intended suicide (Tabari, Ta'nkh, i, 1147) 
and tlie "satanic verses" (q.v.; ibid., i, 
1192-6). The Ta'nkh is conceived as a uni- 
versal history; Muhammad is once again 
the central part between the earliest history 
(here including the kings of Persia) and the 
later periods of the caliphs. Much of Ibn 
Ishaq's sira material is also found in al- 
Tabari's TafsTi; but there it has to be labori- 
ously gleaned from his exegesis of 
individual qur'anic verses (some references 
in Newby, Making) . 

The least known edition of a part of Ibn 
Ishaq's work is that by Ahmad b. 'Abd al- 
Jabbar al-'Utaridi (177-272/794-886; 
Sezgin, gas, i, 146). It is based on the 
transmission of Ibn Ishaq's pupil Yunus b. 
Bukayr (d. 199/815; Sezgin, GAS, i, 289). 
The extant text, which covers roughly one 
fifth of Ibn Hisham's recension, was not 
printed until 1976, and there is no transla- 
tion yet. On the whole, al-'Utaridi has 
some Ibn Ishaq material that Ibn Hisham 
would have frowned upon. Moreover, he 
includes texts that do not go back to Ibn 
Ishaq at all (Ibn Ishaq-'Utaridi; Muranyi, 
Riwaya; description of contents in 
Guillaume, Mew light; translated fragments 
in Rubin, Eye, index s.v. Yunus b. Bukayr, 
and in Schoeler, Character, index s.v. Yunus 
and al-'Utaridi). 



life of the Prophet. His material included 
stories about the ancient prophets, which 
are quoted in al-Tabarl {Ta'rlkh, i. Index). 
QjLiotations from him can also be found in 
al-Waqidi (d. 207/822) and Ibn Sa'd 
(d. 230/845). 

al-Waqidi 
Muhammad b. 'Umar al-Waqidi 
(130-207/747-822; see Leder, al-Wakidi; 
Duri, Rise, 37-9; Schoeler, Charaktet; 137-41) 
was a fully-fledged historian. Due to his 
favorable position at the 'Abbasid court, he 
had the best possible library at his disposal; 
moreover he owned many books himself. 
He also did research by visiting the sites of 
battles and interviewing the descendants of 
the combatants. His only extant work, al- 
Maghdzi, of which we have a German 
translation, is an indispensable source on 
the expeditions and battles of the Prophet 
and displays a great interest in chronology 
(see HISTORY AND THE qURAN). Other sira 
texts by al-Waqidi, e.g. a book on the 
death of the Prophet, have reached us in 
quotations in the works of his secretary 
Ibn Sa'd. 

Typically, al-Waqidi not only copied his 
sources, but also re-shaped and com- 
bined various traditions under collective 
chains of transmission. The question of 
whether he plagiarized Ibn Ishaq remains 
controversial. 



Ma'mar b. Rashid 
A medium sized, as yet untranslated 
ma^/ia.7r collection by the Yemenite Ma'mar 
b. Rashid (96-154/714-70) is preserved in 
'Abd al-Razzac[, Musannaf, v, 9718-84 
(Horovitz, Biographies, 167-9; Sezgin, gas, 
i, 290-1; Schoeler, Character, 40). His work 
is important, since it gives an insight into 
the collection of al-Zuhri, his primary 
source. Ma'mar offers no continuing story. 
His texts about important events are ar- 
ranged more or less chronologically and 
following these are texts about the private 



Ibn Sa'd 
Ibn Sa'd Muhammad b. Sa'd (168-230/ 
784-845) wrote Akhbdr al-nabi, the life and 
times of the Prophet, which is the first ex- 
tant fifll biography of the Prophet after Ibn 
Ishaq and of which an English translation 
is available (Fiick, Ibn Sa'd; Duri, Rise, 
39-40; Horovitz, Biographies, 521-6). A 
later editor integrated it into Ibn Sa'd's 
Kitdb al-Tabaqdt al-kabir, a work on the 
Companions of the Prophet and successive 
generations of hadlth transmitters, of 
which it became the first part. Having been 



35 



SIRA AND THE OUR AN 



the secretary of al-Waqidi, Ibn Sa'd heav- 
ily depends on the latter's works and is an 
important source for al-Waqidi's lost 
works. In the Akhbdr, the pre-Islamic sec- 
tion is limited to some of the early proph- 
ets and the ancestry of Muhammad. The 
Meccan period is presented chronologi- 
cally, interrupted only by a survey of the 
signs of prophethood. The chronological 
account of the Medinan period is inter- 
spersed with thematically arranged col- 
lections of traditions on various specialized 
subjects. These have proper chains of 
transmission, whereas the longer narratives 
often have collective isndds. For the part on 
the expeditions and battles, one might pre- 
fer al-Waqidl's Maghdzh of which Ibn Sa'd 
offers only an abridged version, although 
he also included some material from else- 
where. The Akhbdr al-nabi ends with detailed 
sections on the Prophet's final illness, death 
and burial, his heritage, and elegies on him 
(see also names of the prophet). Here he 
draws upon al-Waqidi's lost book on the 
death of the Prophet, but once more he 
enriches the section with many traditions, 
all with isndds. For the lives of the Com- 
panions who play a part in the sTni, Ibn 
Sa'd's Tabaqdt proper is of key importance. 

Hadith collections 
Several hadith collections have a maghdzT 
section, e.g. those of Ibn Abi Shayba 
(MusannaJ^ idv, 283-601) and al-Bukhari's 
(d. 256/870) Sahih, Maghdzi. Above we have 
made special mention of Ma'mar's col- 
lection, since that is presented as a distinct 
block with a certain degree of composi- 
tion, which is not the case elsewhere. 
Otherwise, sim fragments are found 
throughout the hadith collections. Many 
narratives that would have had a defective 
chain of transmission or none at all in 
early sTra compilations were preserved as 
acceptable by being admitted into the "ca- 
nonical" hadith collections. Hadith, how- 
ever, often does not want to narrate, but 



focuses on what is lawful and ethical (see 

LAWFUL AND UNLAWFUL; ETHICS AND THE 

q^ur'an). This may lead to a re- or decon- 
textualization of sTra elements in hadith. It 
is interesting to see, for instance, how the 
Prophet's use of a toothpick on his death- 
bed (Ibn Ishaq, Sna, ion; Ibn Ishaq- 
Guillaume, 682) turned from a minor 
narrative detail into an example for daily 
life in hadith (Bukharl, Sahih, Maghdzi, 83; 
Jum 'a, 9 and see Wensinck, Concordance, s.v. 
siwak). 

Sira and scripture 

The Qiir'an is neither the only, nor the 
oldest text that had an impact on the slra. 
In the first place, there was a heritage of 
ancient Arabic narrative literature, the 
"days of the Arabs" (ayydm al-'arab; see 
Mittwoch, Ayyam; Duri, Rise, 16-20 and 
index), which were stories about battles 
and fights interspersed with poetry (see 
fighting; days of god). They served as 
models for accounts of military expeditions 
in the sTra. Large parts of the sira origi- 
nated in reaction to the Bible, the apoc- 
rypha and exegetical traditions of both 
Jews and Christians, as well as Christian 
saints' legends (for the latter, see e.g. 
Newby, Example). The authority of the 
new Prophet over the earlier prophets had 
to be established, and the superiority of 
the Qiir'an to the scriptures of others had 
to be demonstrated (see polemic and 
polemical language). 

U. Rubin has pointed out that the Bible 
and the literature around it were the first 
scriptural influence in more sTra passages 
than had been realized before. He dem- 
onstrated by various examples how biblical 
references, which occur at an early stage of 
a text, were later removed or replaced by 
qur'anic ones, since the slra compilers or 
authors were increasingly embarrassed by 
the original background of their material 
(Rubin, Eye; see also Vajda, Isra'lliyyat, and 



SIRA AND THE OUR AN 



36 



below under "Qiir'anization"). It is not 
always easy to recognize the traces of these 
forms of literature, since later sua authors 
tried to erase them. Textual parallels, how- 
ever remote, are rare; it is mostly the sub- 
ject matter or the pattern of a narrative 
that can be recognized as Jewish or 
Cliristian in origin. For a better under- 
standing of the intertextuality in the sira, it 
is therefore necessary to study it in the con- 
text of all relevant previous literature, not 
only in connection with the Qiir'an. 

The Qiir'an is part of the subject matter 
of the sua, but it has also various other re- 
lations with it. Since the stra is fragmentary 
and consists of many genres, every genre 
must be studied to ascertain how it reacts 
to qur'anic scripture. But first the various 
Qiir'an-related activities in sini texts must 
be described. 

Certain sira texts originate from an 
exegetical impulse. They elaborate on 
qur'anic passages by commenting, expand- 
ing, or historicizing them through episodes 
of the life of the Prophet and his entou- 
rage. Other texts originated in a non-scrip- 
tural impulse, and qur'anic words or 
passages were added to them secondarily 
(qur'anization). This was done for a di- 
versity of reasons: to edify; to create an 
elevated atmosphere; to lend weight to a 
statement or argument; or to replace otlier 
"scripture" or poetry that an earlier stage 
of the text had contained. A great many 
texts, however, are so complex that it is 
difficult to decide which impulse was 
predominant. 

Commenting on the Qiir'an 
In its narrative parts, the sira is to a large 
extent qur'anic exegesis (tafsir). Ibn Ishaq's 
method does not differ mucli from that of 
his contemporary, the qur'anic exegete 
Muqatil b. Sulayman (d. 150/767; 
Wansbrough, Qs, 122-7). When we focus on 
the details, various methods of exegesis 



can be discerned. Several of them are 
manifest in two single passages: the com- 
mentary on C3 108 (Ibn Ishaq, Sira, 261-2; 
Ibn Ishaq-Guillaume, 180-1, 725) and on 
Ci 93 (Ibn Ishaq, Sira, 156-7; Ibn Ishaq- 
Guillaume, 713-14). 

Lexical explanation of one rare, difficult or am- 
biguous word. This is not typical of sira texts, 
but it does occur, notably with Ibn 
Hisham, and a few times with Ibn Ishaq 
(see DIFFICULT passages; ambiguous). A 
single word may be explained: a) by a sin- 
gle synonym. Al-kawthar (q 108:1) is "great" 
(see SPRINGS and fountains; water of 
paradise); sajd in q 93:2 means "to be 
quiet"; b) by a number of words. Ibn 
Hisham explains the word nddiin o 96:17, 
"let him then call his nddi, " as: "the meet- 
ing place in which people gather together 
and settle tlieir affairs" (Ibn Isliacj, Sira, 
200; Ibn Ishaq-Guillaume, 720); c) with the 
help of other qur'anic verses where the 
word occurs. Ibn Hisham continues by 
referring to nddiin (j 29:29 and to the syn- 
onym nadfin q 19:73; d) with the help of a 
quotation from early poetry where the 
same word is used. At c) 93:2: "By the night 
(see DAY and night) when it is quiet 
(sajd)," Ibn Hisham mentions a synonym 
for sajd, but he adds: "[The poet] Umayya 
b. Abi al-Salt says: '[...] and the night was 
quiet in blackest gloom.' " 

Paraphrase, explaining a sentence or passage by 
rewriting it in other words. Unknown words 
are replaced by well-known ones; the 
meaning of ambiguous words is fixed by 
the use of unambiguous words. "Your lord 
(q.v.) has neither forsaken you nor loathes 
you" ((J 93:3), is paraphrased: "meaning 
that he has not left you and abandoned 
you, nor hated you after having loved you." 
With the words "after having loved you," 
the paraphrase slips into another exegetical 
mode: expansion. 



37 



SIRA AND THE OUR AN 



Specifying what is vague, with the help of external 
information and/or the free flow of thought. Al- 
Tabari {Ta'rikh, i, 1142) explains "on the 
day of the furqdn, on the day when the two 
armies met" (ci 8:41; see criterion) as: 
"the battle of the Prophet with the poly- 
theists (see polytheism and atheism; 
OPPOSITION TO Muhammad) at Badr (q.v.), 
which took place on the morning of the 
seventeenth of Ramadan (q.v.)." 

Ibn Ishaq quotes a hadlth according to 
which kawthar is "a river as broad as from 
San'a' to Ayla. Its water pots are in number 
as the stars of heaven (see planets and 
stars; heaven and sky). Birds go down to 
it with necks like camels [...]." In an as- 
cension story (Tabari, Ta'rikh, i, 1158), 
kawthar is described as "a river [in para- 
dise] whiter than milk (q.v.) and sweeter 
than honey (q.v.), with pearly domes on 
either side of it." 

Identifying the anonymous. Who was the man 
with the horns whose story is told in 
q 18:83-98? Ibn Ishaq heard from a 
Persian source that he was an Egyptian of 
Greek extraction, whose name he men- 
tions. But he also qtiotes a hadlth, accord- 
ing to which he was an angel. Ibn Hisham 
knows another name: it was Alexander 
(q.v.), who built Alexandria (Ibn Ishaq, Sira, 
197; Ibn Ishaq-Guillaume, 139, 719). This is 
an example of the unbridled imagination 
of the storytellers, who left no bit of the 
Qtir'an tinexplained. The sira has yet 
another purpose, to identify persons who 
are referred to in the scripture. It aims to 
link qur'anic passages to situations and to 
record the history of early Islam, on which 
see below. 

Narrative expansion 
A short example of narrative expansion is 
found below, under "Linking scripture to 
situations" with the case of Jadd b. Qays. 
Two incomprehensible words in the scrip- 



ture are explained by btiilding a few sen- 
tences around them. A story can also be 
built around the framework of a qur'anic 
passage. Ma'mar's narrative ('Abd al- 
Razzaq, Af«j-a7z??flf 389-90 [no. 9743]) 
about the Qurayshite plot to kill the 
Prophet on the eve of his hijra is an expan- 
sion of q 8:30: "[Remember] when the 
unbelievers plotted against you, to confine 
you, kill you or expel you. They plotted, 
but God plotted also, and God is the best 
of plotters." In the narration, the Qiiray- 
shites (see quRAYSH) gather in their council 
chamber, assisted by Satan in disguise. 
They discuss these three possible ways of 
dealing with Muhammad, expelling, con- 
fining or killing him, and accept the third 
proposal. (To create greater suspense, the 
order was slightly changed.) God's coun- 
terplot consists in warning the Prophet, 
who can escape tinseen, while 'All is to 
sleep in the Prophet's bed, so that the 
Qtirayshites would find only him. The 
whole story follows the structure of the 
qur'anic verse; only the satanic motif is 
foreign to it. 

With Ibn Ishaq, whose work shows a 
well-balanced composition, sira narratives 
that are linked to a qur'anic passage can be 
much longer, and the verses need not even 
to be quoted. The story of the Prophet's 
ascension (Ibn Ishacj, Sira, 263-72; Ibn 
Ishaq-Gtiillaume, 181-7) is preceded and 
followed by mentions of enemies who 
mocked the Prophet and of how they were 
punished (see mockery; chastisement 
AND punishment). After the ascension 
story, Ibn Ishacj continues with Gabriel 
(q.v.) arriving to punish the men. 
Apparently Ibn Ishaq had a qtir'anic pas- 
sage in mind: "And they say: '[...] we will 
not believe you until yoti [...] ascend to 
heaven. Yet, we will not believe in your 
ascension, imtil yoti send down to tis a 
book we can read' " (q 17:90-3). Ibn Ishaq 
here wants to apply the qur'anic motif that 



SIRA AND THE OUR AN 



38 



unbelievers ask for signs (q.v.), and when 
tliese are given to them, still do not believe 
(see REFLECTION AND DELIBERATION; 

provocation). 

Qiir anization 
While a sira narrative may start from a 
qur'anic word or pericope that is explained 
or expanded, the opposite can be found as 
well: a narrative starts from an extra- 
qur'anic impulse, as e.g. the desire to tell a 
certain story, and is then enriched with 
scriptural material. This can be called 
"qur'anization." 

A simple form of it may be called decora- 
tive qur'anization: the use of qur'anic 
wordings to elevate the style register and to 
create a pious atmosphere. When Ibn 
Ishaq once wanted to say "as a bringer of 
good tidings to all mankind" (Ibn Ishaq, 
Sira, 150; Ibn Ishaq-Guillaume, 104), he did 
not use his own words, but preferred the 
syntactically unusual wordings of (j 34:28. 
When 'A'isha, in the "account of the lie" 
(q.v.; see also Spellberg, 'A'isha, 56-8), tried 
to build courage within herself, she bor- 
rowed the words that Jacob (q.v.) had used 
in his distress according to q 12:18 (Ibn 
Ishaq, Sua, 735; Ibn Ishaq-Guillaume, 496). 
The narrator put qur'anic words in her 
mouth to show what a pious woman she 
was. 

Not just one sentence, but the story as a 
whole is elevated when a narrative element 
is added that is built around a cjur'anic 
phrase, irrespective of its meaning in the 
original context. In the ascension story, the 
Prophet comments on the immense num- 
bers of angels in heaven with the words of 
c) 74:31: "And none knows the armies of 
God but he" (Ibn Ishaq, Sira, 268; Ibn 
Ishaq-Guillaume, 185; see troops; ranks 
and orders). In the verse itself, this phrase 
refers to the guardians of hell. When dur- 
ing the Prophet's visit to heaven the num- 
ber of obligatory prayers is reduced, he is 



notified in qur'anic wording: "The word is 
not changed with me" (q 50:29; 'Abd al- 
Razzaq, Musannaf, 9719), which originally 
referred to the day of judgment (see last 
judgment). 

But qur'anization can take on much 
wider dimensions. Above, we have intro- 
duced Ma'mar's Qiir'an-based version of 
the story about the plot to kill the Prophet. 
In Ibn Ishaq [Sira, 323-6; Ibn Ishaq- 
Guillaume, 221-3), that story is much lon- 
ger. A narrator decided to add the qur'anic 
motif of the Prophet being called a poet. 
The suggestion that comes up among the 
plotters is to confine him and to subject 
him to the same fate that befell the poets 
Zuhayr and Nabigha and others. Hereby 
q 52:30 is put to use: "Or they say: A poet 
for whom we await an uncertain fate."' 
The verse itself does not occur in the nar- 
rative, but the linking words are obvious: 
"poet(s)" and "await" (tarabbasa) . For those 
who had not recognized it yet, Ibn Ishaq 
quotes the verse in full after his narrative, 
as one of the verses "that God revealed 
about that day." Whereas the story as a 
whole is Q_ur'an-based, this part is 
qur'anized. 

In that same story yet another type of 
qur'anization can be seen. Wahb's version 
has an additional motif: God impairs the 
sight (see vision and blindness) of those 
who lie in wait to kill the Prophet. 
Miraculously, they cannot see how he 
walks past them and do not even notice 
him strewing dust onto their heads. This is 
illustrated by a piece of poetry attributed 
to 'All (Wahb, Papyrus, 140-4). The partial 
blindness fits well into the story and an- 
ticipates the same motif that occurs some- 
what later in the story of the Prophet's 
emigration (cf. Rubin, Hijra, 60-1). Ibn 
Ishaq (Sira, 326; Ibn Ishaq-Guillaume, 222), 
however, instead of quoting poetry, tells us 
that the Prophet recited q 36:1-9 at the 
occasion. The choice of these verses is a 



39 



SIRA AND THE OUR AN 



bit awkward, for only q 36:9 fits the situ- 
ation: "And we covered tliem and they 
could not see." If Wahb indeed represents 
an older text stage, this is a case of the 
phenomenon that Rubin pointed out: in 
time, qur'anic elements tend to replace 
other types of literature, since poetry or 
biblical texts were increasingly deemed 
unfit to occur in sira texts (Rubin, 
Eye, 33-5, 227). Large-scale qur'ani- 
zation takes place in the reports on the 
battles of the Prophet; see below under 
"MaghdzV 

Linking scripture to situations 
A typical objective of sira is to establish a 
link between a qur'anic passage (mostly a 
verse) and a moment in the life of the 
Prophet. Within the plot of a narrative, a 
qur'anic verse may serve as the imptdse for 
a subsequent action. A verse with an im- 
perative almost cries out for a story about 
how the command was executed. When 
the verse, "and warn your closest clan 
members" (c) 26:214) was revealed, the 
Prophet warned his nephew 'All and his 
other relatives (Tabarl, Ta'rikh, i, 117 1-4). 
After the revelation of, "Speak of the kind- 
ness of your lord" (c3 93:11), the Prophet 
began to speak secretly about God's kind- 
ness to everyone he coidd trust (Ibn Ishaq, 
Sira, 157; Ibn Ishaq-Guillaume, 112). 

But in most cases the order is the other 
way round: something happens, and then a 
qur'anic verse is revealed. These kinds of 
texts are known as "occasions of revela- 
tion" (see Rippin, Occasions; Rubin, Eye, 
226-33; SchoUer, Exegetisches Denken, 
128-33). ^ complete "occasion" report is 
characterized by the following features (not 
necessarily in this order): a reference to 
some event or situation, mostly in com- 
bination with the name(s) of one or more 
persons, a place, and/or an indication of 
time; some qur'anic words which antici- 
pate the qur'anic passage that is about to 



be revealed; a formula like: "(Then) God 
revealed about ..." or: "This verse was 
revealed about [...]," and finally the quot- 
ing of the revealed passage itself. 

A perfect, but late example is presented 
in Rippin, Occasions, 570. An example 
from the sira, with a somewhat different 
structure, is: "Some mockers said to the 
Prophet: 'Muhammad, if an angel had 
been sent to you [...]." Then God revealed 
concerning these words of theirs: "They 
say: 'Why has not an angel been sent down 
to him?' " (q, 6:8; Ibn Ishaq, Sira, 262; Ibn 
Ishaq-Guillaume, 181). 

Complete "occasion"-stories are amply 
represented in sira texts. The sira, however, 
also contains many of them in less com- 
plete or preliminary stages. Some examples 
are: "Then revelations stopped for a time, 
so that the Prophet was distressed and 
grieved (see joy and misery). Then 
Gabriel brought him (j 93 [...]" (Ibn 
Ishaq, Sira, 156; Ibn Ishaq-Guillaume, 11 1). 
Ibn Ishaq (Sira, 171; Ibn Ishaq-Guillaume, 
12 1-2) relates about a person who had 
called the Prophet a sorcerer (see magic), 
and then says: "About him q 74:11-22 was 
revealed." But he does not say that it was 
revealed at that occasion, and as regards 
contents, there is no connection between 
the qur'anic passage and the story. An en- 
emy makes some insidting proposals to the 
Prophet. Then the latter recites C3 41:1-5, 
and the man leaves him in peace. This is 
not formally an occasion; it sounds as if 
the Prophet knew these verses already and 
recited them from memory (Ibn Ishaq, Sira, 
186; Ibn Ishaq-Guillaume, 132-3). 

Sira texts seemingly avoid the pretension 
of knowing God's reasons for his revela- 
tions. The Qiir'an exegete Muqatil b. 
Sidayman [Tafsir i, 458, ad o 5:11) says in 
all innocence: "This verse was revealed 
because [...] (li-anna)," but the sTra confines 
itself toyr, "concerning"; although the 
suggestion of causality is always there. 



SIRA AND THE OUR AN 



40 



Scholarly opinion differs about the role of 
the "occasions" in the stra. Lammens seems 
to consider the whole stra a compilation of 
"occasions," with the exception of "a 
vague oral tradition" or "a primitive core" 
(Lammens, Koran and tradition, 170, 171). 
To Rubin, the sira contains no occasions: 
"... none of the Qiir'anic verses which 
appear in the biography of Muhammad 
can be regarded as the primary source of 
the story" (Rubin, Eye, 227). Both points of 
view are extremes, but there are enough 
cases where the exegetical impulse is obvi- 
ous and where no qur'anization can be 
discovered. 

In certain texts, the aspect of "identifying 
the anonymous" seems to prevail. When 
the Qiir'an alludes to an unknown speaker 
or sinner (see SIN, major and minor), the 
occasion-report knows who this person is. 
When a narrator says: "This verse was re- 
vealed concerning so-and-so," the inten- 
tion may be to enhance or undermine the 
reputation of that person; see below under 
"Merits of the Companions." 

An "occasion" with a multiple and com- 
plicated intention is related in connection 
with the expedition to Tabuk (see expe- 
ditions and battles). While preparing 
for it, the Prophet asks Jadd b. Q_ays 
whether he wants to fight the Byzantines 
(q. v.). Jadd answers: "Will you allow me to 
stay behind and not tempt me, for everyone 
knows that I am strongly addicted to 
women and I am afraid that if I see the 
Byzantine women I shall not be able to 
control myself." About him the verse came 
down: "Among them there is one who says: 
Allow me and do not tempt me' ..." 
(cj 9:49; Ibn Ishaq, Sira, 894; Ibn Ishaq- 
Guillaume, 602-3). This verse existed be- 
fore the story. It raised three questions: 
Who was the "one who says"? The exegete 
names him. What do his words "allow me" 
and "do not tempt me" mean? It is ex- 
plained by means of the rather strained 



narrative expansion, in which the very 
qur'anic words are put into Jadd's mouth. 
In what situation did Jadd use these words? 
Within the report, the connection with the 
TabQk expedition is created only by the 
mention of the Byzantine women. Outside 
the narrative it is corroborated by its place 
in the larger context of that expedition. 
The exegetical activities apparently were 
carried out only after the assignment of 
o 9 to that expedition, which in itself is a 
case of qur'anization. Apart from exegesis 
and qur'anization, the "occasions" serve to 
"historicize" the Qiir'an (see Rippin, 
Occasions, 572) and to establish its chro- 
nology (see Bowering, Chronology). This 
was important for the study of law (see 
Burton, Abrogation), but several sira com- 
pilers, who show no interest in law, deal 
with chronology simply out of historio- 
graphical interest. 

The genres within the sira 

Now we will address the various genres 
within the sira literature, and the degree of 
their scripturality. There are many places 
where one is tempted to consider qur'anic 
exegesis as a genre, as well. Since the ex- 
egetical intention, however, pervades the 
whole sira, it seemed preferable to treat it 
in the broader framework above. 

Prophetic legend 
Under this heading we group the texts 
about prophets and prophecy that aim at 
elaborating Muhammad's prophetic fea- 
tures (Andras, Person Muhammeds, ch. i; 
Newby, Making, 1-32). The positioning of 
Muhammad as the last and the best among 
the prophets that had already been estab- 
lished in the Qiir'an was completed in the 
sira. Characteristics of the ancient proph- 
ets were ascribed to Muhammad and vice 
versa. The impulse may have been the 
need for qur'anic exegesis, but the elabora- 



41 



SIRA AND THE OUR AN 



tions in qissa and sira are often of biblical 
or post-biblical inspiration and therefore 
scriptural in the wider sense. Many stories 
about the earlier prophets were collected in 
Ibn Ishaq's Ritdb al-Mubtada', now partially 
preserved in al-Tabarl, Ta'nkh, i, 86-795 
(trans, also in Newby, Making). 

A number of examples may illustrate 
how extant literary topics were remodeled 
to fit Muhammad. The annunciation by 
Jesus (q.v.) of a comforter, or the Holy 
Spirit (q.v.; John 15:26) was applied to 
Muhammad in the sira (Ibn Ishaq, Sira, 
150; Ibn Ishaq-Guillaume, 104). Muham- 
mad's mother received an annunciation 
during her pregnancy not unlike the 
mother of Jesus (Luke 1:26-38; Ibn Ishaq, 
Sira, 102; Ibn Ishaq-Guillaume, 69). These 
are only small-scale examples, but the an- 
nunciation is a major motif in the sua, 
which has recently been studied by Rubin 
{Eye, 21-43). Jews and Christians are said to 
have known of the birth of Muhammad in 
advance. They were supposed to have read 
in their scriptures about the coming of 
Muhammad and his characteristics, so that 
they could recognize him as a child. The 
biblical texts that Jews and Christians had 
applied to the coming of the Messiah, or 
the Holy Spirit respectively, were now re- 
interpreted to make them refer to 
Muhammad (Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqdtl, ii, 87-g; 
trans, i, 421-6). 

When Muhammad was with his wet- 
nurse, he grew up uncommonly fast (Ibn 
Ishaq, Sira, 105; Ibn Ishaq-Guillaume, 71), 
and he was not the only prophet who did 
so. The Gospels of the Infancy abound in 
examples of Jesus' precocity. 

The topic of Muhammad's ascension 
(Ibn Ishaq, Sira, 263-71; Ibn Ishaq- 
Guillaume, 1 8 1-7) may have been inspired 
by Q 17:90-3 (see Sells, Ascension, 177), but 
the story itself stands in a long tradition of 
Persian, Jewish and Christian accounts. 
Certain details in it are reminiscent of spe- 



cific texts: e.g. the description of punish- 
ments in hell (Ibn Ishaq, Sira, 269; Ibn 
Ishaq-Guillaume, 185-6; see HELL and 
hellfire) has parallels in the Apocalypsis 
Pauli and the Persian text Arid Wirdz Mdmag. 

The initial refusal of Muhammad to re- 
cite (see REi;iTATiON of the cjur'an) when 
Gabriel brought him the revelation on 
mount Hira' [md aqra'u; Ibn Ishaq, Sira, 152; 
Ibn Ishaq-Guillaume, 106 has a mistaken 
translation) has precedents in the excuses 
of several other prophets (cf. Exodus 
3:11-4:13; Jeremiah i:6;Jonah 1:2-3 ^"d 
0.37:140). 

The sira sometimes recapitulates pro- 
phetic characteristics in general statements, 
most of which are rooted in biblical or 
qur'anic scripture. E.g. the saying "There 
is no prophet but has shepherded a flock" 
(Ibn Ishaq, Sira, 106; Ibn Ishaq-Guillaume, 
72) holds true of the qur'anic Moses (q.v.; 
Q^ 28:22-8) and of the patriarchs as well as 
Moses, David (q.v.) in the Bible and, meta- 
phorically, of Jesus, "the good shepherd" 
(John 10:11, 14). 

The dictum "A prophet does not die with- 
out being given the choice" (Ibn Ishaq, 
Sira, 1008; Ibn Ishaq-Guillaume, 680), 
however, applies only to Muhammad. 
Several prophets had not died in the nor- 
mal way. Idrls (q.v.) was raised to a high 
place (q 19:57). In the Bible it was Enoch, 
Moses and Elijah (q.v.) who were "raised." 
Jesus was resurrected and then raised into 
heaven (see resurrection). Since Q_ 3:144 
mentions the possibility of the Prophet's 
death, Islamic legend had to go its own 
way on this point. Muhammad was given 
the choice between remaining alive or join- 
ing the highest companions {al-rajiq al-a'ld; 
cf. C3 4:69) in paradise (Ibn Ishaq, Sira, 
1000, lOii; Ibn Ishac[-Guillaume, 678, 682). 
Yet, an attempt was made to make his 
death resemble the forty-day absence of 
Moses on Mount Sinai (q.v.; Ibn Ishaq, 
Sira, 1012; Ibn Ishaq-Guillaume, 682). 



SIRA AND THE OUR AN 



42 



In the Qiir'an, miracles (q.v.) play a part 
in the stories of most prophets, but to 
Muhammad they are given only sparsely. 
The miracles that are alluded to in the 
Qiir'an, as, for example, the intervention of 
angels in the battles of Badr (q.v.) and 
Hunayn (q.v), are elaborated in the sira. In 
addition to that, sira texts have few inhibi- 
tions about making more miracles happen 
to or through the Prophet (Andrje, Person 
Muhammeds, 46-68), such as stones and trees 
talking to him, trees changing places, the 
multiplication of water and food, healings, 
the discovery of poisoned food, and even 
an unexpected win in a wrestling match 
(Ibn Ishaq, Sua, 258; Ibn Ishaq-Guillaume, 
178). Ibn Sa'd [Tabaqdt I, i, 96-135; trans, i, 
170-219) collected these "signs of proph- 
ecy" in a separate chapter; also al-Bukharl 
has a small collection {Sahih, Mandqih, 25). 
Later on, they developed into a literary 
genre in its own right {dald'il al-nubuwwa; 
cf Kister, Sirah, 355). 

Maghdzi 
As we have said at the start, the word 
maghdzi co\\\A be applied to the sira litera- 
ture as a whole. Here we will deal with 
maghdzi u\ the narrower sense: stories about 
the raids, military campaigns and battles 
organized or attended by the Prophet (see 
Faizer, Expeditions, and its bibliography; 
M. Hinds, MaghazI; Duri, Rise, index s.v. 
maghdzi; Jones,, MaghazI). They may vary 
from the assassination of a single person 
through small raids to campaigns of con- 
siderable dimensions. The main sources 
are Ibn Ishaq and al-Waqidi. Both tried to 
establish a chronology, as Musa b. 'Uqba 
apparently also intended to do, but no reli- 
able chronological table can be verified 
(SchoUer, Exegetisches Denken, 215-29; Jones, 
Chronology). A convenient survey of all 
the battle accounts and their sources in 
English is found in Watt, Medina (esp. 
339-43)- 



Maghdzi stories originally had nothing to 
do with the Qiir'an. They were a continu- 
ation of the pre-Islamic tales of tribal bat- 
tles (ayydm al-'arab). In the (theoretical) 
original maghdzi stories, prose was mixed 
with poetry; they contained names of par- 
ticipants and heroes, names of places and 
a description of the action, sometimes with 
its occasion and consequences (see 
GEOGRAPHY AND THE OUR'an). But such 
stories that are free of ideology do not exist 
in the sira. 

The story of Hainza's expedition to the 
coast, with its exchange of poetry as the 
main part (Ibn Ishaq, Sira, 419-21; Ibn 
Ishaq-Guillaume, 283-5), has an ancient 
structure, but the poetry has already been 
touched by qur'anic vocabulary. In the 
small report on the so-called "barley meal 
raid" the poetry comes after the story (Ibn 
Ishaq, Sira, 543-4; Ibn Ishaq-Guillaume, 
361-2; Tabarl, Ta'rikh, i, 1365). Both sources 
have different poems; apparently they were 
felt to be interchangeable. Al-Waqidi 
{Maghdzi, 18 1-2) has only two lines, from 
the same poem as in Ibn Ishaq. The later 
the source, the less poetry it contains. 
At the end of another expedition story, a 
qur'anic verse is quoted that was associated 
with it secondarily. The story takes the 
shape of an "occasion of revelation." 
Then follows the poetry that was com- 
posed about that expedition (Ibn Ishaq, 
Sira, 642-8; Ibn Ishaq-Guillaume, 429-33). 

This pattern is followed in the larger re- 
ports as well. The account of the battle of 
Badr (q.v.; Ibn Ishaq, Sira, 427-539; Ibn 
Ishaq-Guillaume, 289-360) is a mix of all 
sorts of sources, but is essentially a nar- 
rative on a battle. It has some poetry and 
was apparently already interspersed early 
with a few cjur'anic elements: God's prom- 
ise, the help of fighting angels, the enemy 
being supported by Satan (see devil; 
enemies; parties and factions). Then 
follow several bundles of texts. One is the 



43 



SIRA AND THE OUR AN 



collected poetry on the subject, which 
one can imagine had been integrated into 
the narrative itself at an earlier stage. 
Furthermore, there are lists of participants 
and of the fallen. 

Almost immediately after the account 
proper follows a Qiir'an-centered collec- 
tion, in which large passages from C3 8 are 
applied to this battle. In them, the story of 
Badr is re-told in the light of the Qtir'an. 
The parts of o 8, which were chosen more 
or less arbitrarily, are applied verse by 
verse to the details of the battle 
(Wansbrongh, Sectarian milieu, 25-31). This is 
a case of qur'anization. In al-Waqidi 
[Maghdzi, 19-128) these qnr'anic passages 
are integrated into the battle story itself, 
although a separate part on C3 8 is also 
maintained, rather redundantly; perhaps 
only because it was there (al-Waqidl, 
Maghdzi, 131-8; Wansbrongh, Sectarian mi- 
lieu, 25-31). This pattern is followed in sev- 
eral larger ma^/za^r stories: Uhud, the battle 
of the trench (see people of the ditch; 
ukhdOd), Qiirayza (q.v). Nadir (q.v). Each 
of them has received "its" sura. But it also 
happens that the qnr'anic passage is the 
origin of the very story, as is the case in Ibn 
Ishaq's report on the expedition against the 
Jewish tribe Q_aynuqa' (q.v.; C3 5:51-8; see 
SchoUer, Exegetisches Denken, 232). 

Even within the maghdzi genre there may 
be an impact of the Bible. Von Mzik 
pointed to parallels between the biblical 
story of Gideon (Judges 7:2-22; cf. o 2:249) 
and certain elements in the Badr story. 
Both recount a victory of a host of some 
300 men facing fearful odds. In both cases 
God offers help, and the defeat of the en- 
emy is predicted by a dream of someone in 
the enemy camp (Ibn Ishaq, Sira, 428-9, 
506, 516; Ibn Ishac[-Guillaiime, 290-1, 336, 
340; Jones, Dream). 

Last, but not least, the various maghdzi 
texts may influence each other. SchoUer 
[Exegetisches Denken, 241-9) shows that al- 



Waqidl's version of the Qaynuqa' story 
borrowed elements from reports about the 
expulsion of other Jewish tribes. 

Poetry 
One genre in the sira that has no connec- 
tion with the Qiir'an is poetry (Horovitz, 
Einlagen; Kister, Sirah, 357-61; 
Wansbrongh, Milieu, 32-9). Of old, story- 
tellers had combined prose with poetry in 
their stories, and the sira narrators con- 
tinued this tradition. The poetry has func- 
tions similar to those of speeches (see 
dialogue): it captivates the audience by 
switching to another mode, underlining a 
point or emphasizing a dramatic moment. 
In sTra narratives too, battling or dying 
heroes are given their chance to improvise 
poetry, be it self-praise, vituperation or a 
rhyming creed, and relatives declaim ele- 
gies for those who fell. Such poems often 
have little merit and are ascribed to un- 
likely poets. Even more than the narrative 
parts of the sTra, they were severely criti- 
cized ('Arafat, Early critics). 

Often enough, the pieces of poetry are 
not "insertions" that could be cut out with- 
out damaging the story or the report, but 
indispensable constituents of it (Wans- 
brough, Sectarian milieu, 38-9; an extreme 
case: Ibn Ishaq, STra, 144-9; ^'-"^ Ishaq- 
Guillaume, 100-3). Poetry was not 
unproblematic to early Muslims, since the 
Qiir'an takes a hard line on it (c) 26:224-6; 
52:29-30). The story of the Prophet's ap- 
proval of a long poem by the newly con- 
verted Ka'b b. Zuhayr (Ibn Ishaq, Sira, 
887-92; Ibn Ishaq-Guillaume, 597-601; 
Zwettler, The poet) was one of the means 
to legitimize poetry that fulfilled the 
Islamic condition of not provoking inter- 
tribal hostility. 

The sTra pays much attention to the verse 
of Hassan b. Thabit (d. ca. 50/669; see 
'Arafat, Hassan), the "court poet" and ele- 
gist of the Prophet (Ibn Ishaq, STra, 1022-6 



SIRA AND THE OUR AN 



44 



and index; Ibn Ishaq-Guillaume, 689-90, 
795-8 and index). Mucli of tlie verse as- 
cribed to him is considered spurious today. 
Tire qur'anic verdict on poetry, as well as 
the increasing authority of the Qiir'an in 
general, resulted in a decreasing use of po- 
etry and an increasing application of 
qur'anic material in sira texts through the 
years (cf. Rubin, Eye, 227, I2i). As we saw, 
Ibn Ishaq placed all the relevant poetry 
after the accounts of the larger battles. 
Maybe the reconstitution and qur'ani- 
zation (on which see above) of these long 
narratives had already taken place in his 
sources and made it impossible to keep the 
verses in their original places, or he himself 
felt it proper to give this poetry a less 
prominent place. For a case of poetry be- 
ing replaced by qur'anic text in a later ver- 
sion of a narrative, see above under 
"Qtir'anization"; about the use of pre- 
Islamic poetry in the Qiir'an exegesis see 
above under "Commenting on the 
Qtir'an." 

Addresses 
Sira texts contain speeches and sermons by 
the Prophet at solemn occasions, e.g. his 
first sermons in Medina (Ibn Ishaq, Sira, 
340-1; Ibn Ishaq-Guillaume, 230-1), his 
speech at the door of the Ka'ba after the 
conquest of Mecca (q.v.; Ibn Ishaq, Sira, 
821; Ibn Ishaq-Guillaume, 553; see 
coNcjUESTs) and during the Farewell 
Pilgrimage (q.v.; Ibn Ishaq, Sira, 968-9; Ibn 
Ishaq-Guillaume, 650-1). They are a mix of 
qissa-stjle piety and regulations, enriched 
with some qur'anic allusions or cjuotations. 
Some speeches by other persons have been 
written down: one by the Prophet's uncle 
'Abbas at the 'Aqaba meeting (Ibn Ishaq, 
Sira, 296; Ibn Ishacj-Guillaume, 203) and 
one of Ja'far b. Abl Talib at the court of 
the Negus (Ibn Ishaq, Sira, 968-9; Ibn 
Ishaq-Guillaume, 650-1; see Abyssinia). 



Speeches have a similar function as poetry, 
or in some cases as documents: they catch 
the attention and emphasize the impor- 
tance of what is brought forward 
(Wansbrough, Sectarian milieu, 38). 

Written documents 
In this context "written documents" means 
texts that present themselves as such. The 
question of whether they are fictitious or 
not need not bother us. In sira collections, 
various types of documents are found: 

Treaties. The "Document (kitdb) of Medina" 
(Ibn Ishaq, Sira, 341-4; Ibn Ishaq- 
Guillaume, 231-3), is an agreement be- 
tween "Muhammad the Prophet" and "the 
believers and Muslims of Qiiraysh (q.v.) 
and Yathrib [— Medina (q.v.)] and those 
who follow them, join them, and strive 
alongside them," including Jewish groups. 
The "Document," whose textual unity re- 
mains controversial, is generally considered 
to be very old. It contains no allusions to 
the Qiir'an and has a matter-of-fact at- 
titude towards the Jewish tribes of Medina, 
which are included in the community 
(ummaj, whereas the mainstream sira stories 
are hostile to the Jews and full of inter- 
textuality. The names of the three Jewish 
tribes (Nadir, Qurayza, Qaynuqa'), which 
through the sira have become widely 
known in the Islamic tradition, do not ap- 
pear in the Document (Humphreys, Islamic 
history, 92-8, with bibliography; Rubin, 
Constitution). The text of the Hudaybiya 
(q.v.) treaty is given in full (Ibn Ishaq, Sira, 
747-8; Ibn Ishaq-Guillaume, 504-5). 
Treaties with tribes (see tribes and clans; 
apostasy) are often embodied in letters. 

Correspondence of the Prophet with governors, 
Arabian tribes, foreign rulers and others (Ibn 
Abl Shayba, Musannaf, xiv, 336-46, nos. 
18,475-86; Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqdtl, ii, 15-38; 



45 



SIRA AND THE OUR AN 



trans, i, 304-45; spread all over Ibn Ishaq, 
al-Tabari and al-Waqidi; HamiduUah, 
Documents; Sperber, Schreiben Muham- 
mads). Most of this correspondence con- 
tains no allusions to the Qur'an; notable 
exceptions are the letters to the rulers of 
Persia and Ethiopia (Tabari, Ta'rikh, i, 
1569-71), and the false prophet Musaylima 
(q.v.). Letters with qur'anic content are 
unlikely to be old (see also orality and 
WRiTiNO IN Arabia). 

Lists. Sira texts contain lists. Most of them 
enumerate names of persons, e.g. the old- 
est converts to Islam; the participants in 
battles; those who were killed in action (on 
both sides); the emigrants to Ethiopia and 
to Medina (see emigrants and helpers), 
as well as those who returned from exile in 
Ethiopia or who died in that country; the 
participants in certain negotiations (see 
contrai;:ts and allianc:es; breaking 
TRUSTS AND CONTRACTS); the members of 
certain tribes who came to the Prophet; 
those who received part of the booty (q.v.). 
Such lists may have been copied from gov- 
ernment registers, where they originally 
had the practical function of establishing 
the rank of a person or his descendants 
with the "Islamic elite," and the size of the 
state income that could be claimed (see 
Duri, Dlwan; Puin, Diwdn). Their purpose 
in the sira is related to that of the genre of 
"Merits" (on which see below), i.e. to en- 
hance the reputation of the Companions 
mentioned therein. Purely historiographi- 
cal are surveys of the Prophet's military 
actions (Ibn Ishaq, Sira, 972-3; Ibn Ishaq- 
Guillaume, 659-60; also Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqdt 
II, i, 1-2; trans, ii, 2). The greatest list mak- 
ers were al-Waqidi and Ibn Sa'd. The lat- 
ter went to great lengths: he listed even the 
camels and goats of the Prophet (Ibn Sa'd, 
Tabaqdt I, ii, 176-9; trans, i, 584-90; see 
camel; hides and fleece; animal life). 



Most lists in the sira are by their nature 
not scriptural. But there are exceptions: 
the enumeration of twelve leaders of the 
Helpers is linked to the twelve disciples of 
Jesus (Ibn Ishaq, Sira, 299; Ibn Ishaq- 
Guillaume, 204; see apostle). The 
description of the route taken by 
Muhammad in his emigration to Medina, 
a trajectory unspectacular in itself (Ibn 
Ishaq, Sira, 332-3; Ibn Ishaq-Guillaume, 
226-7), iTiay be inspired by the biblical list 
of stopping places during Israel's (q.v.) 
exodus (Numbers 33; see also children 
OF Israel). 

Genealogy 
In the tribally organized Arabian society, 
genealogy had always stood in the center 
of historiographical interest, with all 
the fictionality it inevitably involved 
(Rosenthal, Nasab; id.. Historiography, 
95-100; Duri, Rise, 41-2, 50-4; Kister, Sirah, 
361-2; Noth/Conrad, Historical tradition, 
37-8). The aspiration was to establish one's 
filiation from the noblest Arabian forebears 
possible, ideally from the legendary 
Ma'add (see pre-islamic Arabia and 

THE CJUr'an). 

Sira authors continued this activity. Their 
first aim was to establish the purity of 
Muhammad's pedigree and the nobility of 
his ancestors. Ibn Ishaq's genealogy of the 
Prophet in the male line (Ibn Ishaq, Sira, 3; 
Ibn Ishaq-Guillaume, 3) goes further back 
than Ma'add. About half of the fifty 
names are Arabic, but beyond Ma'add the 
names are biblical (cf. Genesis 5 and 
11:10-32; Tabari, Ta'rikh, i, 1113-23). They 
link the Prophet to some of the key figures 
of Islamic salvation (q.v.) history: Ishmael 
(q.v), Abraham (q.v.), Noah (q.v.) and 
Adam (see adam and eve), thus elaborat- 
ing the qur'anic motif of Muhammad be- 
ing the last in a succession of prophets. Ibn 
Ishaq's genealogy is reminiscent of that of 



SIRA AND THE OUR AN 



46 



"Jesus Christ, the son of David, the son of 
Abraham" at the beginning of the New 
Testament (42 names in the reversed order; 
Matthew 1:1-17). 

A list of the ancient prophets from 
Adam to Muhammad, with their respective 
pedigrees (Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqdt I, i, 26-7; 
trans, i, 48-9), functions as a kind of spiri- 
tual genealogy of the latter. It establishes 
a relation without claiming physical 
filiation. 

There are endless genealogies of the 
early prophets, notably in al-Tabari's 
Ta'nkh and Ibn Sa'd's Tabaqdt, that are not 
linked to Midiammad. These are obviously 
biblically inspired. On the other hand, sev- 
eral hadlth criticize the mentioning of bib- 
lical names in the Prophet's genealogy 
("genealogists are liars"), arguing that the 
Qiir'an leaves his oldest forebears un- 
named; others replace them with purely 
Arabic names (Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqdt I, i, 27-9; 
trans, i, 49-52). There are non-scriptural 
genealogies of Muhammad's father and 
mother. Many traditions establish the pedi- 
gree of the female ancestors of the 
Prophet in the maternal line (Ibn Sa'd, 
Tabaqdt I, i, 30-6; trans, i, 54-63; see 
patriarchy; gender). All of them are 
purely Arabian. There are more than one 
hundred "mothers," well distributed over 
all tribes. Apparently the objective was to 
demonstrate how firmly connected with all 
Arabian tribes the Prophet was, and to 
counter-balance the large impact of non- 
Arabic traditions. 

The numerous genealogies of 
Companions of the Prophet that found 
their way into sTra texts are also non- 
scriptural, including those of the Proph- 
et's wives (see WIVES of the prophet). 
They intend to show the nobility of these 
persons and their closeness to the Prophet, 
and serve similar purposes as the "Merits" 
texts. 



The ?nerits of the Companions 
The slra is not only interested in the 
Prophet, but also in his Companions who 
constituted the first Islamic community (see 
Muranyi, Prophetengenossen; id., Sahaba). 
Apart from being an archive of genealo- 
gies and lists of these Companions' names, 
it also contains many narratives about their 
deeds. By such stories people wanted to 
keep the past alive, as they had always 
done. Later generations tried to put their 
forebears in a favorable light, to recount 
their deeds that were approved or praised 
by the Prophet, and to emphasize their 
merits (fadd'il, mandqib) for nascent Islam, if 
need be by contrasting them to the demer- 
its (mathdlib) of others. There was also a 
practical reason to do so. A Companion's 
position in a list of beneficiaries of dona- 
tions (see above under "Written docu- 
ments") was corroborated by reports about 
him. Moreover, before the sunna of the 
Prophet became predominant in Islamic 
law, the scholars were just as interested in 
the "way of acting" [sTra or sunna) of the 
earliest caliphs and other prestigious 
Companions as a means of establishing the 
right behavior. Hence several slra works 
also dealt with the period after the death of 
the Prophet. 

A specific type of text on merits that fea- 
tures in the sira is that of the awd'il, which 
record by whom something was done for 
the first time (see Rosenthal, Awa'il; Ibn 
Abl Shayba, Musannaf, xiv, 68-147). The 
first male who believed in the Prophet was 
'All (Ibn Ishaq, Sira, 158-61; Ibn Ishaq- 
Guillaume, 114-15). 'Abdallah b. Mas'ud 
was the first after the Prophet to recite the 
QjLir'an openly in Mecca (Ibn Ishaq, Slra, 
202; Ibn Ishaq-Guillaume, 141); the first to 
hold Friday prayers in Medina was Mus'ab 
b. 'Umayr (Musa b. 'Uqba, Fragm. 2; see 
FRIDAY prayer). It may have come natu- 
rally for the community to have more 



47 



SIRA AND THE OUR AN 



regard for the earliest Muslims than for 
later converts. The first emigrants from 
Mecca and the first helpers in Medina, as 
groups, enjoy a special esteem as well. 

The functioning of the "merits" genre as 
an instrument of public opinion may be 
demonstrated by the example of one 
Companion. Sa'd b. AblWaqqas (d. after 
40/660; see Hawting, Sa'd) was one of the 
first Muslims. He led several military ex- 
peditions, took part in all major battles and 
was to become a successful general. But 
when he commanded the army that 
defeated the Persians at Qadisiyya (ca. 
14/635), he did not attend the battle in 
person — allegedly for health reasons. 
Some authors criticize him for this ab- 
sence. In a smi narrative this criticism is 
apparently given more weight by project- 
ing it back into the lifetime of the Prophet. 
It says that Sa'd for some trivial reason 
failed to take part in a raid on which the 
Prophet had sent him (Ibn Ishaq, Sim, 424; 
Ibn Ishaq-Guillaume, 287; Tabari, Ta'rikh, 
i, 1274, 1277; cf Watt, Medina, 6). In con- 
trast, other texts state emphatically that 
Sa'd was the first to shed blood (Ibn Ishaq, 
Sira, 166; Ibn Ishaq-Guillaume, 118) and 
the first to shoot an arrow for the cause of 
Islam (Ibn Ishaq, Sira, 416; Ibn Ishaq- 
GuiUaume, 281; Waqidi, Maghdzi, lo; Tabari, 
Ta'rikh, i, 1267). Are these mere praises of 
Sa'd or attempts to wipe away the blot on 
his reputation? At any rate, the example 
shows how a Companion could be given 
positive or negative "press" in sira texts. 

The attitudes towards the most promi- 
nent Companions, the first caliphs, 
strongly diverge in the sira. Both their ad- 
herents and adversaries tried to make their 
points in the various narratives, e.g. in 
those about the death-bed of the Prophet, 
where the matter of his succession was an 
issue. A special case is 'Abbas b. 'Abd al- 
Muttalib (see Watt, 'Abbas). He was 



Muhammad's uncle, but not a "Com- 
panion," since he never became a Muslim. 
To the 'Abbasid rulers he was a prestigious 
forebear. Hence we see that Ibn Ishaq, who 
worked for the 'Abbasid court, has favor- 
able accounts of him (Ibn Ishaq, Sira, 296, 
1007; Ibn Ishaq-Guillaume, 203, 680), 
whereas Wahb b. Munabbih is negative 
about him (Wahb, Papyrus, 126). Musa b. 
'Uqba (Fragm. no. 6) attempts to establish 
his kinship with the Helpers of Medina. 

Merits have their counterparts in demer- 
its (mathdlib) . These are not always pre- 
sented as subtly as in the case of Sa'd. In 
the story about the Muslim emigrants to 
Ethiopia and the visit paid to the Negus by 
pagan Meccans (Ibn Ishaq, Sira, 217-22; 
Ibn Ishaq-Guillaume, 150-3; Raven, Negus, 
200-1), the good characters are early 
Muslims with impeccable records, whereas 
the villains were known as late and possibly 
opportunistic converts. 

There is little qur'anic material in the 
"merits," apart from some mentions of 
privileged groups of Companions in 
Q, 9:100; 56:10-11; 59:9-10, but there are 
many qur'anic verses about the hypocrites, 
who are also an extensive topic in the sira 
(see HYPOCRITES AND hypo(;risy). There 
is no biblical background, unless one thinks 
of vague thematic parallels, e.g. that of 
'Umar, a harsh enemy of Islam, turning 
into its most ardent defender (Ibn Ishaq, 
Sira, 224-7; ^bn Ishaq-Guillaume, 155-7), ^^ 
Paul had been for nascent Christianity 
(Acts 9:1-29). 

The deeds of the Companions also found 
their way into hadlth collections in chap- 
ters entitled_/?;(/a';7 or mandqib al-ashdb and, 
from Ibn Sa'd's Tabaqdt onwards, in works 
especially dedicated to them (see Kern, 
Companions, primary bibliography). 

Apart from showing an interest in 
individuals, the sira also preserves pieces 
of tribal history, such as reports on 



SIRA AND THE OUR AN 



48 



delegations of tribes to the Prophet and 
their treaties with him, or on conflicts be- 
tween tribes. Also the rivalry between the 
Emigrants and Helpers finds its expression 
in the sira. 

Sira and historiography 

Can sira texts be useful sources for a reli- 
able biography of Muhammad, or for the 
historiography of early Islam? The ques- 
tion has occupied Orientalists for a century 
and a half (Jeffery, Qiiest; Peters, Qiiest; 
Ibn Warraq, Qiiest; Rodinson, Survey; 
Watt, Reliability; Schoeler, Charakter, 9-24; 
^choWer, Exegetisches Denken, 1-5, 106-14; 
Motzki, Biography, xi-xv). Ernest Renan 
(1823-1893) was full of confidence: whereas 
the origins of other religions are lost in 
mystery and dreams, Islam, as he wrote in 
1 85 1, "was born in the full light of history; 
its roots are on the surface. The life of its 
founder is as well known to us as that of 
any sixteenth-century reformer" (quoted in 
Ibn Warraq, Quest, 129; French original in 
Gilliot, Muhammad, 4). It set the tune for 
the rest of the nineteenth century: whereas 
Orientalists and Christian theologians de- 
constructed the Bible and left little of the 
life of Jesus and the founding myths of 
Christianity, they were quite naive towards 
the sources on early Islam. The German 
Julius Wellhausen (1844-19 18) is another 
example of this type of Orientalist. He 
hypercritically dissected the Hebrew Bible, 
but was rather uncritical when it came to 
accepting Islamic tradition. These old-style 
Orientalists left no room for a divine in- 
spiration of the Qiir'an or for miracles, 
and since Ignaz Goldziher (1850-1921) they 
had a keen eye for political or doctrinal 
tendencies in the sources. But when texts 
contradicted each other, they eliminated 
the less likely ones and assumed that there 
was enough left to reconstruct the histori- 
cal past "as it had really been." 



This was strongly doubted by Caetani, 
who edited a synopsis [Annali; 1905-07) of 
all early sources known at the time, which 
was preceded by a critical introduction. 
Henri Lammens (1862-1937) was equally 
skeptical. He considered the whole sira de- 
pendent on the Qiir'an and therefore his- 
torically unreliable. The period after the 
First World War in Europe was not favor- 
able for critical sira studies (see post- 
enlightenment ACADEMIC STUDY OF THE 
(JUr'an). The wave of skepticism seemed 
over and the quest for "what had really 
happened" was resumed. Scholarly biog- 
raphies of Muhammad were written, the 
apogee of which was the monumental 
work by Watt, which appeared in the fifties 
(Mecca; Medina). 

The belief in the usefulness of sTra texts 
for historiography was shaken in the seven- 
ties by a new wave of criticism and skepti- 
cism. Wansbrough dated the Qur'an much 
later than did all others, and applied 
"source criticism" to the sira, as it had been 
done with the Bible, analyzing the various 
literary genres and which purposes they 
served. Crone and Cook, in their contro- 
versial Hagarism (1977) continued this liter- 
ary approach. Moreover they displayed a 
fundamental mistrust of Islamic tradition 
and brought forward the hitherto 
neglected extra-Islamic sources — a line of 
research further pursued by Hoyland in 
Seeing Islam — and had a keen eye for the 
material, economic and geographical 
realities of the Arabian lands (see trade 
and commerce; economics; i;aravan). 
In ]\er Meccan trade (1987), Crone reduced 
the legendary Meccan trade republic, 
and thereby the rise of Islam, to realistic 
proportions. 

A lasting outcome of modern research 
has been the awareness of many sira genres 
as literature. Sira narratives are neither 
police records nor eyewitness reports, nor 
transcripts of things said, but are struc- 



49 



SIRA AND THE OUR AN 



tured along the lines of sometimes long 
established literary patterns. They belong 
to certain genres and, as all literature, dis- 
play a good deal of intertextuality. In gen- 
eral one might say: the more intertextuality 
an account reveals, the less likely a source 
it is for historiography (see history and 
THE q^ur'an; literature and the 
cjur'an). a text that originated on the base 
of a biblical or qur'anic text or along the 
pattern of a saint's legend can be used for 
the history of ideas in their time of origin, 
but not for that of the events that are rep- 
resented. Equally unusable are texts that 
want to preach or to glorify. Some of the 
genres (documents, genealogy, "merits") 
present themselves as historical sources, 
but even they are of limited use for his- 
toriography in the modern sense. The sira 
as a whole is a vehicle of salvation (q.v.) 
history rather than scientific history. 

A post-skeptical attitude, no longer keen 
on deconstruction, is found with Rubin, in 
whose book "the effort to isolate the 'his- 
torical' from the 'fictional' in the early 
Islamic texts is given up entirely" (Rubin, 
Eye, 3) and with SchoUer, to whom any his- 
torical information that might be found in 
the sira would be "a by-product, in a way, 
within the complex process that resulted in 
the formation of the prophetic biography" 
[Exegetisches Denken, 36). A certain nostalgia 
for "a true historical biography of the 
Prophet" can be heard in Schoeler, 
Charakter, and in Motzki [Biography, 233), 
which does not keep them from applying 
fully up-to-date research methods. Peters 
shows himself well aware of the nature of 
the sources and at the same time gropes his 
way towards a biography (Peters, Origins). 
To non-Muslims the idea that little might 
be known about Muhammad may be 
slightly disturbing, but not more than that. 
To Muslims, the problem has a different 
dimension. Of old, the sua had less pres- 
tige than hadith, yet undermining the his- 



toricity of the sua may well be felt as an 
attack on the religion itself. It would be 
most important to take note of what pres- 
ent-day Muslims have brought forward on 
the subject, but unfortunately a survey or 
study of modern Muslim attitudes towards 
sira criticism is still lacking. 

Wim Raven 

Bibliography 
(see also the bibliographies of the articles 

EXPEDITIONS AND BATTLES; MUHAMMAd) 

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Berlin 1882); al-Zuhrl, Muhammad b. Muslim, 



SIRA AND THE OUR AN 



50 



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The brightest star in the night sky. Sirins 
(al-shVrd) is the only star mentioned by its 
proper name in the Qiir'an — ^ 53, al- 
Nojm, "the star," verse 49 says: "and he 
who is the lord of al-shi'rd.'^ There are, in 
factj two al-shims^ Sirins and Procyon, 
which are, in Arabic star-lore, both sisters 
of Snhayl (Ganopiis), and resided in the 
northern sky. After a failed courtship at- 
tempt, Snhayl had to tiee to the southern 
sky (i.e. with respect to the Milky Way) 
and only one sister — the brighter 
Sirius — could follow. The other (Procyon) 
remained and cried until she became al- 
most blind [ghumaysd — hence her relative 
dimness). So we have one shi'rd in the south 
(al-yamdniyya) and one in the north (al- 
shdmiyya). But there is consensus in qur'anic 
exegesis that Q^ 53 "49 refers to Sirius, al- 
shi^rd al-yamdniyya, and when the name 
al-shi'rd is used alone it refers to Sirius. 

While the origins of the star's name are 
uncertain, it is the only star known with 
certainty in the Egyptian records — its 
hieroglyph (a dog, i.e. the companion of 
the hunter-hero Orion, an ancient associa- 
tion dating back to Mesopotamian times) is 
found on monuments throughout the val- 
ley of the Nile. The worship of Sirius — in 



52 



conjunction with its lielical rising at tlie 
summer solstice — is tliought to liave be- 
gun around 3000 b.c.e.; Ovid and Vergil 
referred to Sirius as Latrator Anubis: 
Egyptian Cahen Sihor. In Arabic, as in 
English, Sirius is also termed "the dog" 
[al-kalb; cf. the prophetic dicta relating to 
this name found in Tabarl, Tafsir, ad 
Q. 53-')' It i^ possible that the formal name 
of the star, "Sirius" (the root sh- '-r means 
"to kindle fire" or "to shine"), and similar 
names in other languages (the Celts called 
the star Syr; the Greeks, Seirios aster, "the 
scorching star"; while in Sanskrit, it is 
termed Surya; cf. Heb. Sihor/Shihhor) 
derive from the Egyptian Sothis, the 
brightest star in the sky and the one directly 
linked with the Nile in Egyptian mythol- 
ogy. Among the other Arabic names for 
Sirius are al-'abur (the crosser of the galaxy) 
and bardqish (the one of many colors). 

As to why Sirius — albeit the brightest 
fixed star in the sky — was singled out 
from the hundreds of stars and the planets 
(see PLANETS AND STARs), a rcvicw of 
qur'anic exegesis has revealed one line of 
reasoning common to all exegetes. This is 
that Sirius had been worshiped by some 
tribes of Arabia (as, incidentally, it was in 
its association with Isis by the ancient 
Egyptians, with the goddess Ishtar by the 
Sumerians), and God wanted to show them 
that he is the lord of their purported god 
(see PRE-ISLAMIC ARABIA AND THE Q^Ur'an; 
IDOLS AND images; POLYTHEISM AND 

atheism; south arabia, religion in 
pre-islamic). One can, however, easily 
suppose that other stars, even more vener- 
able than Sirius, were worshiped (see sltn; 
moon). 

A contemporary form of qur'anic exe- 
gesis known as "scientific interpretation" 
(tafsTr 'ilmi) would stipulate that the sig- 
nificance of the mention of Sirius in the 
Qur'an can only be understood when ex- 
amined in the light of modern astronomi- 



cal discoveries (see also science and the 
q^ur'an; exegesis of the q^ur'an: early 
modern and contemporary). While ap- 
pearing to be a single star, Sirius has a stel- 
lar companion as massive as the sun, which 
was only discovered in the mid-nineteenth 
century (1862). The two components of 
Sirius were found to revolve around their 
center of gravity every fifty years. The 
companion of Sirius is a collapsed star so 
dense that its size is equal to that of the 
earth. Studying the verse of Sirius and 
other related verses, the proponents of 
tafsir 'z/mj" perceive compatibility with mod- 
ern scientific facts. By including the basmala 
(q.v.) as the first verse of sura 53, the num- 
ber of the Sirius verse (c3 53:49) becomes 
50 — the same as the period of revolution 
of Sirius' two stars (which have an orbital 
period of 49.94 years). The first verse of 
the sura ("By the star when it plunges," 
Q^ 53:1), is then deduced to refer to a col- 
lapsed star, and the Sirius verse to imply 
the existence of an extinct habitable planet 
(an earth). Other related verses, such as 
Q. 43-37"9 '^'^'^ Q. 55-'7 confirm, for this 
form of interpretation, the existence of 
planets in binary stars, a recent astronomi- 
cal discovery. Finally, the verse of Sirius 
together with the next verses (q^ 53^49-50), 
relating the destruction of 'Ad (q.v.; see 
also PUNISHMENT STORiEs), is sccii by such 
exegesis to hold a clue to what has been 
known as the "red Sirius mystery," namely 
that Sirius was described as a red star in 
ancient times while in modern times it is a 
white star. 

Bassel A. Reyahi 

Bibliography 
R. Allen, Star names. Their lore and meaning, repr. 
New York 1963; K. Brecher and M. Feritag (eds.), 
Astronomy of the ancients, Cambridge, MA 1981; 
R. Burnham, Burnkam's celestial handbook. New 
York 1978; J. Henninger, Uber Sternkunde iind 
Sternkult in Nord- und Zentralarabien, in 



53 



SISTER 



^eitschrijljur Ethnologie 79 {1954), 82-117; repr. 
J. Henninger, ^ra/)?ca sacra, Freiburg 1981, 48-117, 
esp. 58 n. 17 (repr.), 66-9 (bibliography); 
B. Reyahi, Najm al-shi'rdji l-Qur'dn al-karim, 
Amman 1998; id., Sirius. A scientific and qur'dnic 
perspective, Amman 1998; 'A. al-R. al-Sufl, Kitdb 
Suwar al-kawdkib, Hyderabad-Deccan, 1373/ 

195-lr- 



Sister 

A female who shares a mother and/or a 
father with a sibhng. The term sister (ukht) 
appears in the Qiir'an in several ways, 
most frequently in this biological sense. It 
is also socially constructed in the case of a 
female who is suckled by a woman and 
thus becomes a "milk sister" (or foster sis- 
ter) of the woman's biological children 
(q.v.; see also milk; fosterage; wet- 
nursing; kinship; lactation). "Sister" is 
sometimes subsumed or included in the 
term for brothers (ikhwa) as evident from 
the context (see gender; brother and 
brotherhood). The term sister is also 
used metaphorically (see metaphor). 

Q.iir'anic verses relating to sister carry 
legal implications (see law and the 
q^ur'an). Concerning marriage these apply 
equally to a biological sister and a "milk 
sister" (see marriage and divorce; 
PROHIBITED degrees). In o 4:23 the man 
is told he may not marry his sisters (bio- 
logical or foster), his father's sisters and 
mother's sisters, and his sister's (and 
brother's) daughters, nor may he take two 
sisters as wives (see women and the 
C^ur'an; BLOOD and blood clot). From 
this it is clear those whom sisters must 
avoid as marriage partners. Legal implica- 
tions concerning sisters and inheritance 
(q.v.) are restricted to biological sisters who 
alone are eligible as heirs. Sister is men- 
tioned explicitly in q 4:12 concerning her 
entitlements as an heir of a woman or man 
(along with any brother) leaving neither 
ascendants nor descendants. In c) 4:11, re- 



garding entitlements in the case when the 
deceased leaves only parents (q.v.) and sib- 
lings, sisters are included in the term ikhwa. 

Injunctions of modesty relating to sisters, 
both biological and milk-sisters, follow the 
pattern concerning marriage; they must 
not display their beauty to males who are 
not prohibited in marriage and must avert 
their gaze from them (and likewise such 
men must not gaze upon these women) as 
in C3 24:30-1. The exception in the prescrip- 
tion of modesty concerns sisters' sons as 
stated in ci 24:31 and (J 33:55- Sisters are 
explicitly included in the practice of family 
familiarity and conviviality as seen in 
(J 24:61, which enunciates a positive stance 
toward the sharing of meals in houses of 
kin (this constitutes a rejection of pre- 
qur'anic notions and practices shunning 
such sociability). 

The word sister appears once in relation 
to a named brother, as in q 28:11, which 
mentions the "sister" of Moses (q.v). This 
verse relates how the mother of Moses, 
after casting her son into the river, who is 
then taken in by the wife of Pharaoh (q.v.), 
despaired and sent his sister to look for 
him. When his sister (in the guise of a 
stranger) found her infant brother in the 
care of Pharaoh's wife and learned that he 
refused to suckle, she pointed the way to "a 
house that will nourish and bring him up 
for you." Thus did the sister of Moses re- 
store her brother to his mother. The sister 
plays a pivotal role in this narrative of re- 
covery and restoration and may be seen, by 
extension, as a defender of family and peo- 
ple. This story of the sister of Moses af- 
firms the notion in o 9:71 that women and 
men are supporters (awliyci') of one an- 
other, in contradistinction to the idea that 
later became prevalent in juristic circles 
that men are the protectors of women (see 
CLIENTS AND CLIENTAGE; MAINTENANCE 

AND upkeep; prote(;tion; patriarchy). 
The term sister appears metaphorically 



SLAUGHTER 



54 



in cj 19:28 when Mary (q.v.) is called "the 
sister of Aaron" to establish her respect- 
ability by associating her with the lineage 
or tribe (people) of Aaron (q.v.). That she is 
referred to as "the sister of Aaron" and not 
the daughter of Aaron suggests the am- 
plitude of meaning inhering in the idea of 
sister as conjuring family not only ex- 
pressed in a directly descending biological 
line. Sister is also used abstractly to indi- 
cate closeness in C3 7:38, which refers to a 
"sister nation" or community (ummatun 
la'anat ukhtahd), and to signal similarity or a 
like phenomenon in q 43:48, "We showed 
them sign after sign (see signs) each 
greater than its sister." 

The qur'anic ikhwa, as observed above, 
may include both female and male biologi- 
cal siblings and can also be understood in a 
wider metaphoric sense or as a social con- 
struct that includes women and men as 
brethren in religion (q.v.; see also faith; 
BELIEF AND UNBELIEF). Several verses attest 
to the notion of the brotherhood of believ- 
ers such as q 3:103, which relates that after 
the acceptance of the faith, "[God] joined 
your hearts (see heart) together so that by 
his grace (q.v.), you became brethren." 
Clearly brethren in religion are not re- 
stricted to males. The deployment of the 
term "brethren" creates a sense of reli- 
gious family (q.v), bringing into the umma 
(religious community bound by faith) the 
sense of intimacy, loyalty (q.v), and bonds 
implicit in family. If the mother is located, 
literally and figuratively, in the vertical line, 
the sister is positioned in a lateral line. In 
the Qiir'an, the sister is explicitly part of 
the adhesive of the religious collective. 

The deployment of sister in the Qiir'an 
as both a biological category and as a so- 
cial construction in the variant contexts of 
family, society, religious community, and 
people (see community and society in 
the (JUr'an), and the interchange between 
the explicit and the implicit, reveals the 



subtle and sophisticated interplay of ter- 
minology between text and context in sig- 
naling meaning and guidance. The term 
sister moves between "siblinghood" and a 
"wider fellowship." 



Ma 



3t Badran 



Bibliography 
A. Yusuf 'Ali, The meaning of the holy Qur^dn, 
Johannesburg 2002 (new ed.) (for the com- 
mentary the work contains); A. Barlas, 'Beluving 
women^ in Islam. Unreading patriarchal interpretations 
of the Qur'an, Austin, TX 2002; J. Esposito, Women 
in Muslim family law, Syracuse 2002; A. Wadud, 
Qur'an and woman, New York 1999. 



Skepticism see uncertainty; 

POLYTHEISM AND ATHEISM; BELIEF AND 
UNBELIEF 

Skin see HELL AND HELLFIRE 

Sky see HEAVEN AND SKY; NATURE AS 
SIGNS 

Slander see lie; gossip 
Slaughter 

The act of slaying animals according to 
Muslim requirements, making them per- 
missible as food. The act of slaughter (in 
Arabic, dhakd, tadhkiya) does not formally 
differ from the ritual of slaughtering the 
victims destined for immolation [dhabiha; 
see sacrifice; consec.ration of 
animals). 

The root dh-k-w occurs once in q 5:3 
regarding the prohibition of animals that 
have been strangled, killed by a blow or a 
fall, or by the horn of another beast, 
meaning that their fiesh cannot be eaten 
(see FOOD AND drink; forbidden), unless 
they are slaughtered just before the last 
spark of life has disappeared [ilia md 



55 



SLAUGHTER 



dhakkaytum, "except that you slaughtered"; 
see Tabari, Tafsir and Qi_irtubi, j'amr, ad 
Q, 5:3). According to al-Tabari (d. 310/923), 
the act of dhakd purifies (tahhara) the flesh 
of the dying animals so that it becomes 
lawful (see lawful and unlawful). 

Further qur'anic interdictions concern 
blood (see blood and blood clot), pork, 
what is dead (mayta) and what is sacrificed 
to idols (see carrion; idols and images; 
idolatry and idolaters), except in the 
case of extreme necessity (darura): "But if 
anyone in his hunger is forced (fa-mani 
'dturra) [to eat of tliem] without wisliing to 
commit sins (see sin, major and minor), 
God is merciful and indulgent" ((3 5:3; see 
also Q^ 2:173; 6:146; 16:115; see mercy; god 
AND HIS attributes). The qur'anic rules 
were further developed in jiqh literature 
(see LAW AND the q^ur'an); according to 
these, there are a number of recognized 
means of tadhkija. Dhabh, which applies 
particularly to smaller animals, like sheep 
and goats, consists of slitting the throat by 
cutting the windpipe, the gullet and the 
two jugular veins. If it becomes impossible 
to slaughter the animal in the specified 
manner, it is sufficient to cut the throat or 
to wound the animal at any place in order 
to cause its death by bleeding. The method 
called nahr applies to camels, horses and 
cows and consists of slitting the throat, 
without it being necessary to cut it in the 
manner prescribed for the dhabh. At the 
moment of slaughtering by the metliod 
called dhabh the victim should be laid upon 
its left side facing the direction of the qibla 
(q.v); if applying nahr the animal remains 
upright facing the qibla. 

According to all rites of Islamic law, the 
animal should be slaughtered by a sharp 
instrument, even with a stone or a piece of 
wood, without lifting it until the act is com- 
pleted, in order to take the animal's life in 
the quickest and least painful way. It is for- 
bidden to rend the throat by using unsuit- 



able objects, like teeth or nails, since this 
will cause further pain to the animal (see 
ANIMAL life; CREATION; caliph). The 
tasmiya (repeating the name of God) must 
accompany the act of slaughtering [fa-kulu 
mimmd dhukira ism Allah 'alayhi, Q 6:118; cf. 
6:119, 121), but there are differences of 
opinion among scholars about whether this 
is an essential condition in order to make 
the meat permissible to eat (see Tabari, 
TafsTr and Jaldlayn, ad C3 6:118; see also 
basmala). According to al-Qiirtubi 
(d. 671/1272; j'a/nf, ad 5^ 6:118) who quotes 
a tradition related on the authority of 
'Ata' b. AblRabah (d. ca. 114/732), these 
words imply not only the duty of men- 
tioning the name of God at the time of 
slaughter but also before drinking or 
eating food of any kind (see food and 
drink; sustenance). Moreover, a famous 
tradition narrated by 'A'isha (see hadith 

AND THE QUR'aN; 'a'iSHA BINT ABI BAKR) 

suggests that God can also be invoked at 
the time of eating, if there is any doubt 
as to whether his name had been men- 
tioned over the animal at the moment 
of slaughter. 

The 'aqr, the act of wounding prey in 
hunting (see hunting and fishing), also 
constitutes a legal method of tadhkiya. It 
must occur by shooting arrows or other 
sharp objects or by letting the dogs on 
the victims, and must be accompanied 
by the mention of the name of God 

fe 5:4)- 

Some animals, like locusts and fish, do 
not require any special manner of slaugh- 
tering because they have no blood. Even 
the dead fish floating upon the surface of 
the water can be eaten, as it is said that, in 
this case, "the sea has performed the ritual 
slaughter." According to Malikis and 
Shafi'is the unborn animal can be eaten as 
well without any ritual slaughtering be- 
cause "the slaughter of the mother is also 
the slaughter of the embryo." 



SLAVES AND SLAVERY 



56 



Animals slaughtered by the ahl al-kitab 
Food prepared by the People of the Book 
(q.v.) is permitted for Muslims (c3 5:5), in- 
cluding what they slaughtered to eat, un- 
less it is forbidden in itself, like blood or 
pork. According to the opinion of some 
jurists, however, the flesh of animals 
slaughtered for Christian festivals and 
churches is considered hardm, because it 
falls under the heading of what has been 
dedicated to other than God (see chris- 
tians AND CHRISTIANITY; CHURCH). 

There are some divergent views among 
scholars concerning animals slaughtered 
by Zoroastrians or Parsees {majus; see 
MAGlANs). Some commentators forbid the 
eating of them because the words wa-ta'dm 
alladhin utu l-kitdb refers only to the food of 
Jews (see JEWS and Judaism) and 
Christians who were given the holy scrip- 
ture (see, for example, Tabari, TafsTr and 
Jaldlayn, ad cj 5:5; see book). But a number 
of jurists do not consider the Zoroastrians 
polytheists (see polytheism and atheism), 
basing themselves on a tradition from the 
Prophet where he claims that they must be 
treated like the People of the Book. These 
jurists therefore allow Muslims to eat the 
flesh of an animal slaughtered by 
Zoroastrians. 

The majority of jurists stiggest that ani- 
mals slaughtered by Christians are lawftd 
for Muslims only if they have been slain 
according to Islamic procedures (cf. 
Tabari, Tahdhib al-dthdr. Alusnad 'All, 230, 
on the basis of the Christian tribe of 
Taghlib; cf Gilliot, Realite et fiction, 192). 
On the other hand, a number of jurists 
admit that what the Christians consider 
religiously lawful to eat is allowed for 
Mtislims, regardless of the manner in 
which the animal's life was taken. A step 
forward in this direction was made by a 
iamous fatwd delivered by Muhammad 
'Abduh, who was Egypt's Grand Mufti 
from 1899 mitil his death in 1905. From 



that pidpit he authorized the Muslims of 
the Transvaal to eat animals slaughtered 
by Christians, even though their way of 
killing animals might differ from the 
Muslims'. The chief point to be considered 
is that what is slaughtered by Christians 
should be regarded as food for the whole 
body of them (cf. Adams, Muhammad 
'Abduh and the Transvaalfatwd). In the 
light of this ruling, meat originating from 
the People of the Book is lawfid for 
Muslims, even though the animals may 
have been killed by means of electric shock 
or similar methods. 

Ersilia Francesca 



Bibliography 
Primary: Qurtuhi, Jami'; Tabari, TafsTr; id., 
Tahdhib al-dthdr Musnad 'All, Cairo 1982, 223-32 
(on the Taghlibl Christian tribes). 
Secondary: A. 'Abbadl, al-Dhabd'ihJi t-sharVa al- 
istdmiyya, Sayda (Lebanon) 1978; C.C. Adams, 
Muhammad 'Abduh and the Transvaal yfl^M;fl, in 
The Macdonald presentation volume, Princeton 1933, 
13-29; B. Andelshauser, Schlachten im Einklang mit 
der Scharia, Freiburg 1996; E. Francesca, Intro- 
duzione atle regole alimentari islamiche, Rome 1995; 
CI. Gilliot, Realite et fiction dans I'utilisation des 
"documents" ou Tabari et les chretiens taglibites, 
in R.G. Khoury (ed.), Urkunden und Urkunden- 
formulare im klassischen Altertum und in den orien- 
talischen Kulturen (Symposion uber Urkunden. . ., 
Universitdt Heidelberg, J. -J. November igg^f), 
Heidelberg 1999, 187-202; E. Gr'?Li,Jagdbeute und 
Schlachttier im islamischen Recht, Bonn 1959; A.M. 
Karodia, The Muslim methods of animal 
slaughter and its scientific relevance, m Journal oj 
the Institute of Muslim Minority Ajfairs 9 (1988), 
173-85; Y. al-QaradawT, The lawful and the pro- 
hibited in Islam, Cairo 1997 (Eng. trans, of al-Haldl 
wa-l-hardmft l-lsldm). 



Slaves and Slavery 

Persons incorporated into a family in a 
sid^ordinate position who are subservi- 
ent to a master who owns them and may 
sell them, and the institution of acqtiir- 
ing, keeping, selling, and freeing slaves. 
Slaves are mentioned in at least twenty- 



57 



SLAVES AND SLAVERY 



nine verses of the Qiir'an, most of these 
are Medinan and refer to the legal sta- 
tus of slaves. Seven separate terms refer to 
slaves, the most common of which is the 
phrase "that which your/their right hands 
own" (md malakat aymdnukum/ aymdnuhum/ 
aymdnuhunna/yaminuka) , found in fifteen 
places. This phrase often refers to female 
concubines (q.v.), though it also serves as a 
general term for slaves. 'Abd, the common 
word for slave in classical Arabic, is found 
in four places, and ama, a female slave, is 
mentioned twice. In several places, the 
Qtir'an refers to slaves in ambiguous terms: 
fataydt, literally "female youths" (c3 4:25; 
24:33); rajul, "a man" (cf. C3 16:76; 39:29); 
and ad'iyd, "adopted sons" (<J 33:4-5, 37). 
Finally, the Qtir'an uses raqaba, "the nape 
of the neck," several times as a synecdoche 
to mean slave, though captive may be a 
better interpretation for the plural form 
[al-riqdb, as in q 2:177; 9:60). Slavery, 
'ubudiyya or riqq, is nowhere mentioned, 
though the Qiir'an recommends freeing of 
slaves and is obviously interested in regu- 
lating the institution. 

The Qiir'an accepts the distinction be- 
tween slave and free as part of the natural 
order and uses this distinction as an ex- 
ample of God's grace (q.v.) in C3 16:71: 
"God has preferred some of you over oth- 
ers in provision; but those that were pre- 
ferred shall not give their provision to their 
slaves (md malakat aymdnuhum), in order to 
make them equal therein. What, do they 
deny God's blessing (q.v.)?" The Qiir'an, 
however, does not consider slaves to be 
mere chattel; their humanity is directly 
addressed in references to their beliefs 
(c) 2:221; 4:25, 92), their desire for manu- 
mission and their feelings about being 
forced into prostitution (c3 24:33). In one 
case, the Qiir'an refers to master and slave 
with the same word, rajul ((3 39:29). Later 
interpreters presume slaves to be spiritual 
equals of free Muslims. For example. 



q 4:25 urges believers to marry "believing 
maids that your right hands own" and then 
states: "The one of you is as the other" 
(ba'dukum min ba'din), which thejalalayn 
interpret as "You and they are ecjual in 
faith (q.v), so do not refrain from marrying 
them" (see marriage and divorce). 
The human aspect of slaves is further 
reinforced by reference to them as mem- 
bers of the private household, sometimes 
along with wives or children (q.v.; C3 23:6; 
24:58; 33:50; 70:30) and once in a long list 
of such members (tj 24:31). This incor- 
poration into the intimate family is con- 
sistent with the view of slaves in the 
ancient near east and quite in contrast to 
Western plantation slavery as it developed 
in the early modern period. 

The legal material on slavery in the 
Qur'an is largely restricted to manumis- 
sion and sexual relations (see sex and 
sexuality). Masters are encouraged to be 
kind to slaves ((3 4:36), manumit them and 
even marry them off but slaves have no 
corresponding right to demand such treat- 
ment (al-Ghazall's [d. 505/11 11] list of 
"slaves' rights" is based entirely on tradi- 
tion; see Bousquet, Droits de I'esclave, 
420-7). For example, q 90:12-18, perhaps 
the earliest qur'anic statement on slaves, 
addresses the master and emphasizes a 
religious motivation for manumission: 
"What will make you understand the steep 
path? Releasing a slave (fakku raqabatin) or 
giving food on a day of hunger to an or- 
phan relative or a miserable poor person 
(see poverty and the poor). [. . .] These 
are the companions of the right hand!" 
(see LEFT hand and rioht hand; 
orphans). Here, manumission is one way 
in which wealthy members of society can 
care for the less fortunate, but elsewhere, 
manumission is used to expiate sins such 
as oath-breaking (q 5:89; 58:3; see sin, 

MAJOR AND minor; BREAKING TRUSTS 

AND iiONTRACTs). C5 24:33 is Universally 



SLAVES AND SLAVERY 



58 



regarded by the interpreters as the origin 
of the kitdha, a "manumission contract," in 
whicli slaves buy their freedom from their 
masters in installments, though it is im- 
likely that such a contract was known in 
the qur'anic period (Brockopp, Early Mdliki 
law, 166-8; Crone, Two legal problems, 
3-21). Two exhortations to help al-riqdb 
(c3 2:177; 9:60) have been interpreted as 
urging believers to support slaves trying to 
pay off such contracts {e.g. Jaldlayn), al- 
thotigh these verses may also refer to ran- 
soming of Muslims captured in battle (as 
implied in Qurtubl, J'amz ', ad loc). 

The second major category for qur'anic 
rtdes on slavery is sexual relations. The 
Qiir'an condones the use of female slaves 
as concubines (q 23:5-6; 70:29-30) and also 
marriage to believing slaves (q 2:221; 
24:32), although abstinence (q.v.) is touted 
as a better choice (q^ 4:25; 24:30; see also 
chastity). Within the rides on marriage to 
slaves, the punishment of married slave 
women is to be half that of married free- 
women (q^ 4:25), a rule that was later ex- 
tended to all crimes committed by slaves. 
The Qiir'an also explicitly prohibits slave 
prostitution (q 24:33; see adultery and 
fornication). 

There is strong evidence to suggest that 
the Qiir'an regards slaves and slavery dif- 
ferently from both classical and modern 
Islamic texts. First, the vocabulary is dis- 
tinct. Several words for slave in classical 
Arabic (such as mukdtab, raqiq, qinn, khddim, 
qayna, umm walad, and mudabbar) are not 
found in the Qiir'an, while others (jdriya, 
ghuldm,fatd) occur btit do not refer to 
slaves. Likewise, 'abd (along with its plurals 
'ibdd and 'abid) is used over 100 times to 
mean "servant" (q.v.) or "worshipper" in the 
Qiir'an (see servant; worship); in each 
occasion when it is used to refer to male 
slaves, a linguistic marker is appended, 
contrasting 'abd to a free person [al-hurr in 
Q_ 2:178) or a female slave {ama, pi. imd'm 



q 24:32) or qualifying it with the term 
"possessed" ['abd mamlukm C3 16:75). Further, 
when the Qiir'an speaks of manumission, 
it does not use the classical 'itq; nor does 
wald', the state of clientage after manumis- 
sion, appear (see clients and clientage). 

Second, the institution of slavery 
changed dramatically in the seventh and 
eighth centuries c.E.: tens of thousands of 
captured slaves poured into Damascus and 
other urban centers, and Mecca (q.v.) and 
Medina (q.v.) became important centers of 
the luxury slave trade. The earliest legal 
texts have expansive chapters on slavery 
and manumission that depend very little 
on the Qur'an. Pre-modern Islamic civi- 
lizations, with their eunuchs, slave armies 
and slave dynasties, were even further re- 
moved from qur'anic concerns. Modern 
interpreters have used this disconnect to 
argue that the Qur'an would not have con- 
doned the slaving practices common in 
Islamic history, with some claiming that 
medieval interpreters subverted the 
Qur'an's demand for manumission con- 
tracts (Rahman, Major themes, 48), while 
others argue that the Qur'an's original in- 
tent, properly understood, was to eliminate 
slavery altogether ('Arafat, Attitude; but 
compare Mawdudi, Purdah, 20). 

It is possible, however, to delimit these 
interpretive constructs by analyzing early 
biographical dictionaries and historical 
accounts. While the biographies of certain 
famous individual slaves, such as Bilal b. 
Rabah (d. 20/642?) and Salman al-Farisi 
(d. 35/656?), were clearly enhanced or fab- 
ricated by later authors, the historical re- 
cord is trustworthy regarding the general 
features of slavery in the qur'anic period. 
According to these accounts, slavery was 
widely known but slaves were held in small 
numbers, with exceptionally rich persons 
owning no more than several dozen. Also, 
slaves appear to have been brought to 
Mecca and Medina through the caravan 



59 



SLAVES AND SLAVERY 



trade from Egyptian, Syrian, Persian and 
Etliiopian sources. In addition to importa- 
tion, cliildren of slaves were also consid- 
ered slaves. 

Among the earliest believers, slaves of 
non-Muslim masters reportedly suffered 
brutal punishments (see chastisement 
AND punishment). Sumayya bt. Kubbat 
(d. before the hijra; see emigration) is 
famous as the first martyr of Islam, having 
been killed with a spear by Abu Jahl when 
she refused to give up her faith. Likewise, 
Bilal was freed by Abu Bakr when his mas- 
ter, Umayya b. Khalaf, placed a heavy rock 
on his chest to force his conversion. In con- 
trast, Muhammad was kind to his slaves. 
Zayd b. Haritha (d. 8/630), bought by 
Khadija (q.v.) for the Prophet and one of 
the first to profess Islam, was adopted by 
Muhammad as his son, though the adop- 
tion was later annulled (o 33:5). Muham- 
mad was also very fond of Mariya (d. 16/ 
638), a Coptic slave who bore him a son. 

There is good evidence that slaves were 
freed for pious reasons; manumission is 
also mentioned as a reward for certain 
deeds. Many manumitted slaves remained 
dependent upon their masters (see Crone, 
Roman law) but some freed slaves attained 
positions of importance. Zayd b. Haritha, 
general and confidant of Muhammad, is 
perhaps the most famous example, al- 
though 'Ammar b. Yasir was governor of 
Kufa, and Suhayb b. Sinan served as in- 
terim caliph (q.v.) after 'Umar's (q.v.) death 
(Dhahabi, Ta'nkh, yrs. 11-40, p. 600). Other 
famous slaves include Salim b. Ma'qil 
(d. 12/634), who is counted among the 
Emigrants {muhajiriin; see emigrants and 
helpers) and was an important Qiir'an 
reciter (see reciters of the q^ur'an) and 
Wahshi b. Harb (d. 41-50/662-70), a slave 
of Meccan owners who killed both the 
Prophet's uncle Hamza and, after his con- 
version, the pseudo-prophet Musaylima 
(q.v). 



These historical records agree with the 
Qvir'an on the following substantial points. 
Slaves were considered a part of the family, 
though of a status lower than that of free 
family members (see family; kinship; 
tribes and clans). Manumission of 
slaves was an act of piety (q.v.), though 
freed slaves remained dependent on their 
former masters. Female slaves were taken 
as concubines and marriage between free 
and slave was condoned. Neither the 
Qvir'an nor the historical record mentions 
any way of acquiring slaves other than 
through capture in war (q.v.; see also 
captives; booty), purchase or being born 
into slavery; this is significant given the 
persistence of debt slavery (see Schneider, 
Kinderverkauf und Schuldknechtschaft). Finally, 
the important role played by slaves as 
members of this community may help ex- 
plain the Qi_ir'an's emphasis on manumis- 
sion and kind treatment. Nonetheless, by 
the time of Muhammad's death, slaves did 
not make up a large proportion of the 
believers. 

While the institution of slavery in the 
Qiir'an shares many features with neighbor- 
ing cultures, the use of alms for the manu- 
mission of slaves (see almsgiving) appears 
to be unique to the Qiir'an (assuming the 
traditional interpretation of CJ 2:177 and 
Q^ 9:60), as does the practice of freeing 
slaves in expiation for certain crimes 
(Pedersen, Eid, 196-8; but compare Exod 
21:26-7). Other cultures limit a master's 
right to harm a slave but few exhort mas- 
ters to treat their slaves kindly, and the 
placement of slaves in the same category 
as other weak members of society who 
deserve protection is unknown outside the 
Qiir'an (see oppression; oppressed on 
EARTH, the). The unique contribution of 
the Qur'an, then, is to be found in its em- 
phasis on the place of slaves in society and 
society's responsibility toward the slave, 
perhaps the most progressive legislation on 



6o 



slavery in its time (see law and the 
q^ur'an). 

Slavery contintied as an important aspect 
of medieval Islamic culture but by the 
nineteenth century it was on the wane. 
The slave dynasties of Egypt and the 
Deccan had been dismantled and the 
famous Janissary corps of the Ottoman 
empire was no longer dependant on a slave 
levy (dev§irme). Pressure from Eiu'opean 
powers to end the slave trade was resisted 
in some areas but also found ready assent 
among Muslim jurists. In the Ottoman 
empire, east Africa and elsewhere, the 
manumission contract {kitdba, based on 
c) 24:33) was used by the state as a device to 
end slavery by giving slaves the means to 
buy their freedom from their masters. 
Some authorities made blanket pronounce- 
ments against slavery, arguing that it vio- 
lated the qur'anic ideals of equality and 
freedom (Shafiq, L'esclavage; see freedom 
and predestination). The great slave 
markets of Cairo were closed down at the 
end of the nineteenth century and even 
conservative Qiir'an interpreters continue 
to regard slavery as opposed to Islamic 
principles of justice and equality (see 

JUSTICE AND injustice; EXEGESIS OF THE 
Q^Ur'an: EARLY MODERN AND CONTEM- 
PORARY). This dramatic shift in Islamic 
attitudes toward slavery is a prime example 
of flexibility in interpreting qur'anic norms 
(see also ethics and the our'an). 

Jonathan E. Brockopp 

Bibliography 
Primary: Dhahabl, Ta'nkh; Ibn al-Athir, 'Izz al- 
Dln Abu 1-Hasan 'All, Usd al-ghdbaji ma^ifat al- 
sahdba, Cairo 1970; Ibn Ishaq, Slra; Ibn Sa'd, 
'Tabaqdt; Jaldlayn; Qiirtubl, Jdmi\ 
Secondary: W. 'Arafat, The attitude of Islam to 
slavery, in 10 10 (1966), 12-8; D. Ayalon, Mamlfik, 
in El'^, vi, 314-21; G. Baer, Slavery and its 
abolition, in id. (ed.). Studies in the social 
history of modern Egypt, Chicago 1969, 161-89; 
G. Bosworth, Barda, in Ehsan Yarshater fed.). 



Encyclopaedia Iranica, London 1982-, iii, 766; G.H. 
Bousquet, Des droits de I'esclave. Fragment extrait 
de Vlhyd' de Ghazall, in Annales de VInstiiat 
d'Etudes Orientates 10 (1952), 420-27;J. Brockopp, 
Competing theories of authority in early Maliki 
texts, in B. Weiss (ed.), Islamic legal theory, Leiden 
2001, 3-22; id.. Early MdlikT law. Ibn 'Abd al-Haka?n 
and his major compendium of jurisprudence, Leiden 
2000; id.. Slavery in Islamic law. An examination 
of early Maiikl jurisprudence, PhD diss., Yale 
University 1995; R. Brunschvig, 'Abd, in El^ , i, 
24-40; F. Cooper, Plantation slavery on the east coast 
of Africa, New Haven 1977; P. Crone, Roman, 
provincial and Islamic law, Cambridge 1987; id.. 
Two legal problems bearing on the early history 
of the CXir'an, injSAl r8 (1984), 1-37; S. 
Marmon, Eunuchs and sacred boundaries in Islamic 
society. New York 1995; I. Mattson, A believing slave 
is better than an unbeliever, PhD diss, U. Chicago 
1999; A. Mawdudi [Maududi], Purdah and the 
status of woman in Islam, Lahore 1992; J. Miller, 
Muslim slavery and slaving. A bibliography, in 
E. Savage (ed.), T^he human commodity, London 
1992, 249-71; H. Miiller, Sklaven, in HO [div. I, 
vol. 6, sect. 6, pt. l] (1977), 53-83; J. Pedersen, Der 
Eid bei den Semiten, Strassburg 1914; F Rahman, 
Major themes of the Qur'dn, Minneapolis 1989; 
I. Schneider, Kinderverkauf und Schuldknechtschaft. 
Untersuchungen zurfrilhen Phase des islamischen Rechts, 
Stuttgart 1999; A. Shafiq, L'esclavage au point de vue 
musulman, Cairo 1891; trans. A. Zaki, al-RiqqJi 
l-Isldm, Cairo 1892; E. Toledano, The Ottoman slave 
trade and its suppression iS^o-iSgo, Princeton 1982; 
id., Slavery and abolition in the Ottoman Aliddle East, 
Seattle 1999. 



Sleep 

Natural and temporary periodic reduction 
of sensation and consciousness. Sleep 
(navum) is mentioned a number of times in 
the Qiir'an. According to q 25:47, "It is he 
[God] who appointed the night for yoti to 
be a garment and sleep for a rest, and day 
he appointed for a rising" (see day and 
night). Sleep in the night is deemed to rest 
the body after a day's work and thus it is a 
gift from God almighty (see grace; gift 
and gift-giving). The concept had fotind 
expression already in c) 78:9-11, "and we 
appointed your sleep for a rest and we ap- 
pointed night for a garment and we ap- 
pointed day for a livelihood" (see work). 



6i 



That sleep is a gift from God is also alluded 
to in C3 30:23, which states that "of his signs 
(q.v.) is your sleep by night and day, and 
your seeking after his bounty." According 
to the exegetes (see exegesis of the 
q^ur'an: classical and medieval) this is a 
reference to God's omnipotent control (see 
POWER and impotence) over the passing 
of time (q.v.), in particular the alternation 
of day and night (Tabari, Tafslr, xxi, 32; see 
PAIRS and pairino); since if there were no 
sleep, people would have no time to rest 
from the fatigues of the day (Muqatil, 
Tafsir, iv, 558). The exegetes usually add 
that sleep is similar to death, since, like the 
dead, sleepers are neither conscious nor 
capable of thought (see death and the 
dead; intellect). This is alluded to in 
C3 39:42, according to which "God takes 
the souls at the time of their death (see 
soul), and that which has not died, in its 
sleep." 

A different perspective is offered in an- 
other passage, where it is stated that "slum- 
ber seizes him [i.e. God] not, neither 
sleep" (c3 2:255; see sabbath). This quali- 
fication underscores the same verse's ear- 
lier definition of God as the living and the 
eternal (see eternity; cod and his 
attributes). The exegetes point out that 
sleep is a negative attitude (dfa) and cannot 
be attributed to God: as he is the con- 
queror (see victory), he cannot, therefore, 
be conquered by sleep; just as he is the liv- 
ing, he cannot be overcome by rest and 
sleep, which are similar to death (Tha'labi, 
Kashf, ii, 231). Another qur'anic passage 
alludes to sleep, in relation to the rather 
obscure "people of the cities" of o 7:96-7. 
There it is asked: "Do the people of the 
cities feel secure [in the conviction] that 
our might shall not come upon them at 
night while they are sleeping?" (see city; 
punishment stories; generations; 
geography). The occurrence of manam. in 
o 37:102, in the episode of Abraham's (q.v.) 



being cominanded to sacrifice (q.v.) his 
son (see Isaac; ishmael), is connected to 
a vision during sleep, that is, a dream (see 
also C3 8:43; see vision; dreams and 
sleep). 

Other episodes that Muslim tradition 
connects with sleep do not employ the 
common qur'anic terminology for "sleep" 
(nawm): sleep (nawm) and vision in dream 
(mandm) are not mentioned in the story of 
Joseph (q.v.) in q 12, nor in the story of the 
Men of the Gave (q.v.) in (J 18 (see 
narratives; myths and legends in the 
q^ur'an). In the latter, although derivatives 
of n-w-m are not used, it is stated that God 
"smote their ears" (q.v.; Q^ 18:11; see also 
hearing and deafness) and then "raised 
them again" (o 18:12; see resurrection) 
and that they were lying asleep {ruqud, 
q 18:18) before God raised them (o 18:19). 
The extent of this prodigious sleep, lasting 
more than three hundred years, is fully 
described in later reports. 

In their exegesis of the verses just cited, 
qur'anic coinmentaries seldom add any 
traditions regarding sleep. Muhammad 
was asked if people in paradise (q.v.) sleep 
and he answered no, since sleep is the 
brother of death (Tha'labi, Kashf, ii, 231). 
According to another widespread report in 
the exegetical literature, Moses (q.v.) asked 
if God sleeps. In other versions Moses was 
prompted by the Israelites to ask this, or 
Moses asked the angels (see angel; 
children of Israel). God ordered him to 
take two glasses and when the end of the 
night came (or, according to some versions, 
after God ordered the angels to keep 
Moses awake for three days) he fell asleep 
and the glasses fell down and broke. The 
moral is that God never sleeps because 
otherwise the skies and earth (q.v.) and all 
creation (q.v.) would break apart (see 
HEAVEN AND SKY; COSMOLOGY). The ex- 
plicit affirmation that God does not sleep 
and has no need for sleep is also mentioned 



62 



in the major hadith collections (see hadith 
AND THE q^ur'an), although in hadith lit- 
erature sleep is usually mentioned in con- 
nection with ritual laws relating to prayer 
(q.v.; see also vigil; ritual and the 
cjur'an). The question at hand in these 
cases generally centers on the requirement 
of ablution after sleep (see cleanliness 
and ablution). 

Roberto Tottoli 



Bibliography 
Primary: 'Abd al-Razzaq, TafsTi; i, 102; Abfi 
1-Layth al-Samarqandl, TafsTr, i, 233; ii, 462; iii, 
439; Ibn Abl Hatim, TafsTr al-Qur'dn al-'aiTm, ed. 
A.M. al-Tayyib, 14 vols., Mecca 1997, repr. 
Beirut 1999^, ii, 487 (ad C) 2:255); Ibn al-JawzT, 
^dd, annot. A. Shams al-Din, i, 520-1 (ad 
a 2:255); V, 86 (ad a 18:18); vi, 19 (ad o 25:47); 
Muqatil b. Sulayman, TafsTr, iii, 236; Tabarl, 
TafsTr, ed. 'All, iii, 7-8 (ad (;) 2:255); xix, 20-1 (ad 
Q. 25:47); XXX, 3 (ad (^ 78:9); Tha'labi, al-Kashf 
wa-l~baydn 'an TafsTr al-Qur'dn, ed. Abu 
Muhammad b. 'Ashur, 10 vols., Beirut 2002, ii, 
231 (ad q 2:255); vii, 140 (ad q 25:47); x, 114 
(ad (3 78:9). 

Secondary: J.I. Smith, Concourse between the 
hving and the dead in Islamic eschatological 
literature, in History of religions 19 (1980), 224-36 
(on the interpretation of q 39:42); Wensinck, 
Concordance, vii, 45-54. 



Smell 

Olfactory sense; pleasing or unpleasing 
odor. The verb "to smell" does not occur 
in the Qtir'an; the word for nose (anf) only 
occurs once, in the context of the lex talionis 
(see retaliation; law and the cjur'an; 
teeth); the term rih, usually "wind" (see 
AIR AND wind), occurs at least once with 
the meaning "smell, odor, scent" (q 12:94). 
Smell plays a significant role in qur'anic 
images of paradise (q.v.) and in a scene in 
the Joseph (q.v.) story (see narratives). 
While the visual predominates, qur'anic 
imagery also draws on smell, sound, taste 
and touch (see seeing and hearing; 
VISION AND blindness; hearing and 



deafness; ears; eyes; hands). The two 
main types of imagery which evoke the 
olfactory sense have to do with gardens 
(see garden), particularly the garden of 
Eden or paradise, and drink (see food and 
drink). The sense of smell serves to 
heighten the effect of these depictions of 
delight [na'im; see joy and misery; grace; 
blessing). Garden imagery in the Qiir'an 
regularly depicts lush green foliage (see 

AGRICULTURE AND VEGETATION) and fruit- 

bearing trees (q.v.), including pomegran- 
ates and date-palms (see date palm). 
Smell is evoked explicitly in references to 
the presence there of rayhdn, perhaps best 
rendered "scented, or sweet-smelling 
herbs": wa-l-habbu dhu l-'asfi wa-l-rayhdnu, 
"grain with [full, plentiful?] leaves/ears [?] 
and scented herbs" ((J 55:12; see grasses). 
The same term occurs in (J 56:89:^0- 
rawhun wa-rayhdnun wa-jannatu na'imin, 
"Then ease [or a light breeze], scented 
herbs, and a garden of delight." In keeping 
with the theme of sensory delight is the 
close association of smell with heavenly 
drink, the descriptions of which refer to 
perfumes. The drink of the inhabitants of 
heaven is described as pure wine (rahiq) 
mixed with water of the heavenly spring of 
Tasnim and "sealed" with musk (misk, 
Q, 83:25-8; see SPRINGS AND FOUNTAINS; 

water; wine; intoxicants). In another 
passage, the righteous shall be rewarded in 
heaven (see reward and punishment) 
with wine mixed with kdjur, "camphor" 
(q.v.), and water from another heavenly 
spring ((3 76:5-6). Dressed in silk (q.v.) and 
reclining on cool couches under shady 
trees with clusters of fruit hanging down 
above them, they will drink from shiny 
goblets of silver (see metals and 
minerals; cups and vessels) wine mixed 
with ginger (zarrjabil) and water from the 
heavenly spring Salsabll ((J 76:12-18). Miss- 
ing are passages reminiscent of biblical 
references to the pleasant odor of burnt 



63 



offerings, presumably because it would not 
be in keeping with the qur'anic portrayal 
of God to suggest that he was delighted by 
sacrifices and felt hunger or need for them 
(see sacrifice; anthropomorphism). 
Missing also are references to women and 
their perfume which occur frequently in 
pre-Islamic poetry but which would not 
go along with the moral tenor of the 
qur'anic text (see ethics and the q^ur'an; 

WOMEN and the QUr'aN; PRE-ISLAMIC 
ARABIA AND THE CJUr'aN; POETRY AND 

poets). 

Smell plays an important role in the 
scene in the Joseph story depicting the res- 
toration of sight to the elderly Jacob (q.v.; 
(3 12:93-6), who had become blind out of 
grief at the loss of Joseph (c3 12:84). After 
revealing his identity to his brothers (see 
BROTHER AND BROTHERHOOD), Joseph or- 
ders them to return to Canaan and bring 
all their folk to Egypt (q.v.). He also in- 
structs them to take his shirt with them and 
throw it over Jacob's face; this will enable 
him to see again. When they set out from 
Egypt, Jacob senses their approach. He 
claims to detect the "smell" (nh) of Joseph 
(c) 12:94). Commentators, citing traditions 
from Ibn 'Abbas (d. 68/686-8), say that he 
did so when the caravan (q.v.) was eight 
nights away, a distance comparable to that 
between Kufa and Ba.sra. Those present 
with Jacob think he is deluded (q 12:95). 
When the brothers arrive, "the bearer of 
glad tidings" {al-hashir; see good news), 
identified by commentators (see exegesis 
OF THE CiUR'AN: CLASSICAL AND MEDIEVAL) 
as Jacob's sonjudah (Yahudha), throws the 
shirt over Jacob's face and his sight is re- 
stored (o 12:96). The suggestion is that 
smelling Joseph's odor proves to him that 
Joseph is indeed alive and restores his hope 
in being reunited with him. A pun here 
(see humor; literary structures of 
THE C3Ur'an) connects the "smell" (nh) of 
Joseph with "the spirit/breath of God" 



(rawh Allah) in Jacob's statement "Go, O 
my sons, and ascertain concerning Joseph 
and his brother, and despair not of the 
spirit of God. None despairs of the spirit 
of God save disbelieving folk" ((3 12:87; cf. 
alternate translation of "comfort or mercy 
of God"; see belief and unbelief; spirit; 
holy spirit). Smell, like the dreams in the 
Joseph story (see dreams and sleep), is 
one of God's methods for delivering mes- 
sages. These messages are not apparent 
to everyone but only inspired or favored 
individuals notice them or understand 
their intent (see revelation and inspi- 
ration; messenger; prophets and 
prophethood). 

According to exegetical traditions attrib- 
uted to Anas b. Malik (d. 91-3/710-12), Ibn 
'Abbas, Mujahid (d. ca. 100/718) and 
others, Joseph's shirt originated in heaven. 
Gabriel (c[.v.) had brought down this same 
shirt, or cloak, to Abraham (q.v.), whom it 
saved from burning at the hands of Nim- 
rod (q.v), and it had been passed down 
through the descendants of Abraham to 
Joseph. Joseph reportedly wore the shirt in 
a silver rod around his neck, as a type of 
amulet, and had it with him when he was 
thrown into the pit. The smell of heaven 
(nh al-janna) which lingered in the shirt was 
what gave it the power to cure the ill and 
afflicted (Tabari, Tafsir, xvi, 249-52, ad 
c^ 12:94; Zamakhshari, Kashshdf, ii, 342-3, 
ad Q^ 12:93; Tabarsi, Majma] xiii, 115-16, ad 
Q, 12:93; 'Tarafi, Storie, 226-8; Tha'labi, 
Lives, 228-9). 

DevinJ. Stewart 

Bibliography 
TabarT, TafsTi\ ed. Shakir; Tabarsi, AIajma\ xiii, 
115-16, ad q 12:93; al-Tarafi, Abu 'Abdallah 
Muhammad b. Ahmad b. Mutarrif al-Kinam, 
Storie dei pmfeti, ed. and trans. R. Tottoli, Genova 
1997; Tha'labi, Qisas, trans. W. Brinner, 'Ard'is al- 
majdlisjt Qisas al-anbiyd' or "Lives of the prophets" as 
recounted by Abu hhdq Ahmad Ibn Muhammad ibn 



64 



Ibrahim al-Tha'labi, Leiden 2002; Zamakhshan, 
Kashshaf, 4 vols., Beirut 1979. 

Smile see humor; laughter 



Smoke 

Gaseous by-product of fire. Two words 
which occur in the QjLir'an — dukhdn and 
yahmum — are usually translated as 
"smoke" but their exact meaning in the 
text is uncertain: dukhdn, though the con- 
temporary Arabic word for "smoke," never 
occurs in the Qi_ir'an in connection with 
fire (q.v.), be it hellfire (see hell and 
hellfire) or earthly fire. Actually, it can 
only be found twice, in o 41:11, and in 
c) 44:10, to which latter sura it lends its title 
(Surat al-Dukhan); both verses were re- 
vealed in Mecca (q.v.). 

In the first of these verses, dukhdn is men- 
tioned in the context of the creation (q.v.) 
of heaven (see heaven and sky) which 
was dukhdn before God fashioned the seven 
heavens, assigned to each of them its 
proper order, and adorned the lower one 
with "lights" (?nasdhih, c) 41:12; see lamp). 
According to a tradition which goes back 
to Ibn Mas'ud (d. 32/652-3), in the very 
beginning God's throne (see throne of 
god) was set on the water (q.v.; md'). When 
he decided to create the universe, he first 
produced a dukhdn from the water which 
rose; then he lifted it and called it "heaven" 
(samd'). It is likely that this dukhdn resembles 
"mist," "fume," or "vapor," rather than 
"smoke." This interpretation is confirmed 
by al-Tabari (d. 310/923), who comments 
on this dukhdn in his remarks on (J 2:29 
(Tabarl, Tajsir, i, 425-6, no. 591), and also 
in his Ta'nkh (i, 49-50; History, i, 219-20; cf 
also the tradition of Ibn Ishaq recorded in 
Tabari, TafsTr, i, 433, no. 590). In the same 
context, he cjuotes a tradition going back 
to Ibn 'Abbas (d. 68/686-8) which explains 



that God "raised the water's vapor/ mist/ 
fume" (rafa^a bukhdr al-md') and made the 
heaven(s) out of it [Ta'nkh, i, 48; History, i, 
218; see also Tabari, Tafsir, xxix, 14, ad 
Q_ 68:1; cf Gilhot, Mythe, 165-6). In an- 
other version (Tabari, Ta'nkh, i, 52-3; 
History, i, 222) going back to Ibn Mas'ud, 
the same dukhdn is said to have been the 
material out of which God created the 
earth (ard) as well as the heaven(s). Accord- 
ing to the same tradition, the dukhdn in 
question resulted from the breathing of the 
water [min tanciffus al-md' hina tanaffasa; 
Tabari, Ta'rikh, i, 54-5; cf. Tabari, Tafsir, 
xxiv, 99, ad q 41:12 for this same expression 
in a tradition of al-Suddl). 

A similar problem concerning the mean- 
ing of dukhdn arises in o 44. Here, the 
Prophet is invited to watch for the day 
when heaven will bring forth a dukhdn 
({) 44:10) that will cover (yaghshd) the 
people, thus infiicting on them a painful 
torment (q 44:11; see apocalypse; 
chastisement and punishment). The 
people then implore God to remove this 
torment, promising in exchange to become 
believers (c) 44:12; see belief and 
unbelief; reward and punishment). But 
when God answers their prayer, they break 
their promise (see covenant; breaking 
TRUSTS and contracts) and as a result 
God announces that he will have his re- 
venge (see vengeance) on the day of the 
"supreme disaster" [al-batsha al-kubrd, 
C3 44:16). A tradition going back to Ibn 
Mas'ud and accepted by most commenta- 
tors (see EXEGESIS OF THE our'an: 
classical and medieval), considers this 
passage to refer to a famine (q.v.). This 
famine is said to have affected the Qiiraysh 
(q.v.) and to have driven them to eat bones 
and carrion (q.v.), after the Prophet, ex- 
asperated by their insolence (see inso- 
lence AND obstinacy), had asked God to 
punish them with the "days of Joseph 
(q.v.)," i.e. to inflict on them seven years of 



65 



SOCIAL SCIENCES 



famine. As for the "supreme disaster," it is 
believed to announce tire future battle of 
Badr (q.v.) in which tlie Qiiraysh were de- 
feated. In this context, dukhdn is supposed 
to denote a sort of "haze" which dimmed 
the people's eyes as a consequence of their 
hunger. Contrary to this interpretation, 
some other traditions see in tlie dukhdn 
mentioned in C3 44 one of the signs of 
doomsday. In these versions, dukhdn actu- 
ally seems to mean "smoke." This smoke is 
either supposed to enter the unbelievers' 
ears, so that their heads are like roasted 
meat {ka-l-ra's al-hanidh; cf. Tabarl, Tafslr, 
XXV, 113, ad q 44:10, according to Ibn 
'Umar) or to dry up their heads and come 
out of their ears and nostrils. At the same 
time, the believers will only be affected by 
the smoke in the form of what resembles a 
head cold (ka-haj'at al-zakma/ al-zukdm; ka- 
l-zukdm, ka-zukma; Tabari, Tafsir, xxv, 
111-13, ad q 44:10). Of course, the com- 
mentators who adopt this interpretation 
consider the "supreme disaster" in <J 44:16 
to refer to doomsday (see last judgment). 

As kr yahmum, it only occurs once, 
namely in q 56:43, in a Meccan sura de- 
scribing the environment of the damned 
fe 56:41-4), where jiahmum qualifies the in- 
fernal shadow (^z7/ minjahmum; see 
darkness; cf. also Tabarl, Tafsir, xxvii, 
189-93). Here again the exact significance 
o{ Jiahmum is not absolutely sure. The word 
derives from a Semitic root meaning "in- 
tense heat." The corresponding Arabic 
root covers quite a large semantic 
field — it either means "to turn into coal," 
"to be very black," "to be very hot," or it 
qualifies boiling water (hammi). Yet, most 
commentators and lexicographers define 
yahmum as a "very black smoke" (dukhdn 
aswad shadid al-sawdd) or an "intense 
smoke" (dukhdn shadid) or a "hot smoke" 
(dukhdn hamim). Whatever the exact mean- 
ing oi^ yahmum may be, in q 56:43 it is obvi- 
ously linked to hellfire and to the effect it 



produces on the whole infernal environ- 
ment (see also eschatology). 

Heidi Toelle 



Bibliography 
Primary: Tabari, Tafsir, ed. Shakir (to (^ 14:27); 
ed. 'All; id., Ta'rikh, ed. de Goeje (ed. M.A. 
Ibrahim, i, 149-53); E^g- trans. F. Rosenthal, The 
history of al-Tabari. i. General introduction and From 
the creation to the food, Albany 1989. 
Secondary: J. Berque, Le Goran. Essai de traduction 
de I'arabe annote et suivi d'une etude exegetique, Paris 
1990; Blachere; CI. Gilliot, Mythe et theologie. 
Calame et intellect, predestination et libre 
arbiter, in Arabica 45 (1998), 151-92; Noldeke, gq; 
H. Toelle, Le Goran revisite. Lefeu, I'eau, Vair et la 
terre, Damascus 1999. 



Snake see animal life 
Snow see weather 

Social Interactions see ethics 

and the qUR'AN 

Social Relations see family; 

COMMUNITY AND SOCIETY IN THE 
qUR'AN 

Social Sciences and the Qiir'an 

The rise and growth of the social sciences 
as we know them today coincided with the 
commercial and industrial revolutions that 
began in the eighteenth century. Formal 
economics, political science, and sociology 
emerged only with a differentiation be- 
tween state and society and the ability to 
think abstractly about texts, social contexts, 
and institutional structures. For the Qiir'an 
or any other sacred text to be understood 
from a sociological perspective, language 
had to be developed to think abstractly 
about religion and text (see contempo- 
rary CRITICAL PRACTICES AND THE 
qUR'AN). 



SOCIAL SCIENCES 



66 



The social sciences began to take formal, 
disciplinary shape in the nineteenth cen- 
tury but they have always had two conflict- 
ing currents. One tendency has been to 
analyze and understand social forces and 
the relation of ideas and beliefs to society. 
The other tendency has been to hold the 
"modern" belief that societies, like physi- 
cal structures, can be "managed" to 
engineer desired social outcomes. This 
idea of the social sciences often rests un- 
easily with the more analytical and philo- 
sophical goal of "understanding." 

The tension between these two visions of 
social science was most evident in the co- 
lonial social sciences and in depicting the 
non-elite strata of society, such as the poor 
of Victorian London or Manchester, 
England, described in detail by Karl Marx 
and Fredrich Engels. 

Text and society: pre-twentieth century approaches 
Ideas of "good" social science have 
changed significantly since the nineteenth 
century, and these changes can be seen in 
the dynamic relation between understand- 
ing the Qiir'an and the social sciences. By 
the seventeenth century the plural "reli- 
gions" became common English usage, 
and by the nineteenth century the idea of 
religion as an abstract category became 
connected with the rapid growth in knowl- 
edge about the historical development of 
rituals, beliefs, and practice of different 
religions over long periods of time (see 
religion; ritual and the cjur'an; 
faith). Scholars and travelers began to 
seek out and organize information about 
religions. Such collected knowledge, when 
joined with reflection about religion as an 
abstract category, paved the way for what 
eventually came to be known as the history 
of religions. As a field of study, the history 
of religions used terms such as Islam, 
Christianity, Judaism, and Buddhism to 
connote organized systems of belief (see 



BELIEF and unbelief) that were differenti- 
ated from one another (Smith, Adeeming 
and end). 

The polymath biblical scholar 
W. Robertson Smith (1846-1894) may not 
have been the first scholar to see a close 
relationship between the stage of develop- 
ment of a social group and the nature of 
its intellectual, religious, and moral life, but 
by the late nineteenth century his Religion of 
the Semites became a foundational text for 
comparative religion. Smith's focus was on 
the relation of text to society in the study 
of the Hebrew Bible, but his travels to the 
Hijaz in 1880 and his monograph entitled 
Kinship and marriage in early Arabia allowed 
him to invoke qur'anic texts alongside 
other religious texts as a means of advanc- 
ing his principal argument on the structure 
of ancient Semitic society and the chang- 
ing role of prophecy in it (see prophets 
and prophethood; pre-islamic Arabia 
and the cjur'an). He saw a close relation- 
ship between what he viewed as the 
"stages" of development of a social group 
and the nature of its intellectual, religious, 
and moral life. Consequently, each prophet 
could speak only for his or her time and 
thus had to convey prophecy in terms that 
could be understood by members of that 
society. 

In common with many other nineteenth 
century scholars. Smith judged some 
societies to be essentially holdovers from 
earlier historical areas. Hence when he 
traveled to western Arabia and neighbor- 
ing Arab countries, his perception of 
Bedouin (q.v.) society was that it was rela- 
tively unchanged from the time of the 
Hebrew Bible and the time of the prophet 
Muhammad (see also Arabs). 

Such an ahistorical assumption was criti- 
cized even in Smith's time, but his efforts to 
relate the structure of social groups sys- 
tematically to their representation in texts 
and to the structure of the texts themselves 



67 



SOCIAL SCIENCES 



find strong parallels in the work of Smith's 
contemporaries, such as Ignaz Goldziher 
(1850-1921), whose primary interests were 
in early Islamic texts. 

Context of qur'dnic revelation: twentieth century 

approaches 
Although it is possible to find approaches 
in philological and historical writings that 
facilitate what later woidd be called a social 
scientific understanding of the Qiir'an in 
its initial setting, most such approaches 
focused not on the qur'anic text itself but 
on the context of its revelation (see 
OCCASIONS OF revelation). This is the 
approach followed also by earlier sociolo- 
gists. Joseph Chelhod's Introduction a la 
sociologie de I'Islam (1958) uses the Qiir'an, 
early Islamic sources (see traditional 
DISCIPLINES OF q^ur'anic study), and 
sources in comparative religions to estab- 
lish imderstandings of the sacred (see 
SACRED AND PROFANE), authority (q.v.), 
governance and ideas of the person. He 
also explored how conceptions of the 
Qtir'an as a text changed over subsequent 
centuries (see textual history of the 
q^ur'an; collection of the q^ur'an; 
inimitability). His argument about Islam 
as a "national religion" for the Arabs is 
strained, but Chelhod's narrative has the 
advantage of juxtaposing qur'anic passages 
in a way that facilitates placing them in a 
sociological context. In contrast, Rodinson's 
Mohammed is a more focused sociological 
biography that takes advantage of the ear- 
lier work on the sources for Muhammad's 
life, using qur'anic text to document the 
Prophet's life and the progression of the 
early Islamic movement from sect to na- 
scent state, differentiating itself from the 
earlier religious ideas and organization 
prevalent in the Arabian peninsula (see 
islam; politics and the q^ur'an). 

One issue that Rodinson and other 
sociologists addressed is the language and 



structure of the Qiir'an, less for an un- 
derstanding of the text in itself but more 
to use it to determine the sociological con- 
text of seventh century Arabia (see 
LANGUAGE AND STYLE OF THE Q^UR'an; 
form and structure of THE QUR'an). 
One issue with which they were con- 
cerned, for example, was how prophetic 
inspiration (see revelation and 
inspiration) was recognized and legiti- 
mized in seventh century Arabia. One in- 
dication was the use of .so; 'verse, short 
sentences in rhythmic prose (see rhymed 
prose), a rival to Muhammad who used 
such verse was Maslama, known in early 
Islamic sources as Musaylima (q.v.), the 
"little Muslim." He identified the source of 
his inspiration as "the Merciful One" («/- 
rahmdn; see god and his attributes). 
There are some indications that Maslama's 
following was primarily related to his tribal 
origins, so that opposition to Muhammad's 
claim to prophecy and the early Islamic 
movement would have been based on the 
understanding among the Banu Hanifa, 
Maslama's tribal group, that prophecy was 
tribe-specific and did not transcend exist- 
ing bonds of commimity (see tribes and 
clans; kinship). 

Framing the question: Qtir'dn and society 
The sociological contribution to the un- 
derstanding of the origins of Islam has 
been strongest in framing explicitly com- 
parative questions. Writing in the ig6os, 
sociologist Robert Bellah (Beyond belief) 
argued that Islam in its seventh-century 
origins was, for its time and place, "re- 
markably modern... in the high degree of 
commitment, involvement, and participa- 
tion expected from the rank-and-file mem- 
bers of the community." Its leadership 
positions were open, and divine revelation 
emphasized equality among believers. 
Bellah argues that the restraints that kept 
the early Muslim commimity from "wholly 



SOCIAL SCIENCES 



68 



exemplifying" these modern principles 
underscore the modernity of the basic 
message of the Qiir'an, which exhorted its 
initial audience in seventh-century Arabia 
to break through the "stagnant localisms" 
of tribe and kinship. In making such state- 
ments, Bellah suggests that the early 
Islamic community placed a particular 
value on individual, as opposed to col- 
lective or group, responsibility (q.v.), so 
that efforts by contemporary Muslims to 
depict the early Islamic community as an 
egalitarian and participant one are not 
unwarranted. 

Of course, these "stagnant localisms" 
offered powerful resistance to the qur'anic 
vision of community in the seventh cen- 
tury (see COMMUNITY AND SOCIETY IN THE 
cjur'an). An often-cited qur'anic verse 
emphasizes that there is "no compulsion in 
religion. Whoever... believes in God has 
grasped a firm handhold of the truth 
(bi-l-'urwati l-wuthqd) that will never break" 
{q_ 2:256; see TOLERANCE AND COMPUL- 
SION). Other verses nonetheless appear to 
justify coercion and severe punishment (see 

CHASTISEMENT AND PUNISHMENT) for apos- 
tates (see apostasy), renegades (see 
hypo(;rites and hypocrisy), and unbe- 
lievers who break their agreement with 
the prophet Muhammad (for example, 
Q, 4:89, g:i-i6; see also (;ontracts and 
alliances; breaking trusts and 
contracts). 

Some commentators (see exegesis of 
THE cjur'an: (;lassical and medieval) 
conclude that such coercion is specific to 
the context of the early Islamic community 
and grounded in "emergency conditions." 
In this view, coercion was needed to em- 
phasize such "basic moral requirements" 
as keeping promises and treaties, and pro- 
tecting a community's "basic welfare and 
security against aggression" (see ethics 
AND THE q^ur'an). The overall emphasis is 
on voluntary consent to the will of God 



"which is prompted by the universal guid- 
ance that is engraved upon the human 
heart (q.v.)." The Qiir'an advises even the 
prophet Muhammad to show tolerance 
toward his opponents (see opposition to 
muhammad): "If it had been your lord's 
(q.v.) will, they would all have believed, all 
who are on earth. Would you [O Muham- 
mad] then compel humankind [against 
their will] to believe?" (q_ 10:99). 

Of course, historians of religion use the 
same style of argument to interpret the 
qur'anic text. Fazlur Rahman (Major themes) 
supports his view that Muhammad "rec- 
ognized without a moment of hesitation 
that Abraham (q.v.), Moses (q.v.), Jesus 
(q.v.), and other Old and New Testament 
religious personalities had been genuine 
prophets like himself" (see scripture and 
THE our'an; torah; gospel) by invoking 
the Q.ur'an: "I believe in whatever book 
(q.v.) God may have revealed" ((j 42:15). 
The idea of "book" (kitdb), as Rahman 
points out, is a generic term in the Qiir'an, 
denoting the totality of divine revelations. 

In such interpretations, the Qiir'an is 
both a historical text and "good to think 
with." In 1999, the Atlantic monthly pub- 
lished an article, "What is the Koran?," 
that brought to the foreground issues re- 
garding the interpretation of the Qiir'an. 
It made public a scholarly controversy sur- 
rounding the discovery of eighth-century 
manuscripts (see manuscripts of the 
(Jur'an) suggesting minor variant readings 
of the Qur'an (q.v.) and the possibility of a 
stage at which the meaning and pronuncia- 
tion of the Qur'an was done "with no ref- 
erence to a living oral tradition" (Rippin, 
The Qur'an, xi; see orality; recitation 
of the cjur'an). One of the developments 
emphasized in this article are those studies 
that treat the Qur'an as a sacred text that 
can be analyzed through scholarly tech- 
niques that have been common since the 
nineteenth century (see post-enlighten- 



69 



SOCIAL SCIENCES 



MENT ACADEMIC STUDY OF THE OUR AN). 
At one end of the spectrum of such studies 
are works in the classic philological tradi- 
tion, such as the pseudonymous C. Luxen- 
berg (2002), who argues that many 
otherwise inexplicable elements of 
qur'anic orthography (q.v.), lexicon, and 
syntax can better be explained when un- 
derstood in a Syriac (Christian Aramaic) 
linguistic context. In Luxenberg's hypos- 
thesis, the Syriac palimpsest for many 
qur'anic words and phrases helps to solve 
the problems of adding diacritical points to 
early Arabic orthography. Such arguments 
necessarily impute a particular social con- 
text in which the text was developed even 
when they do not develop this imputation. 
But studies that elaborate a sustained 
sociological idea of language use in the 
qur'anic text are minimal. 

The Quran and sociolinguistics 
At the other end of the interpretive spec- 
trum is the use of a sociologically-informed 
linguistic analysis of the Qin''an, such as 
the approach that Izutsu used in God and 
man in the Koran (1964). Izutsu's methodol- 
ogy assumes that the qur'anic vision of the 
universe may be drawn from an analysis of 
how the basic concepts of the Qiir'an, such 
as Allah, islam, nabi (prophet), umma (com- 
munity), and Tmdn (belief) are interrelated, 
and how the text of the Qiir'an itself sug- 
gests the way in which qur'anic usage of 
these terms differed from prior usage. The 
relationship between humankind and God, 
the idea of worship (q.v.) and community, 
and the implications of the "acceptance" 
and "rejection" of Islam are all embedded 
in a complex system of belief and practice. 
Izutsu's assumption is that Muslims may 
believe that divine revelation has nothing 
in common with ordinary human speech 
(q.v), but understanding it requires that it 
possesses "all the essential attributes of 
human speech." 



A similar approach underlies Nasr 
Hamid Abu Zayd's approach to an un- 
derstanding of the qur'anic text. Abu Zayd 
was significantly influenced by anthropol- 
ogy and sociology in his doctoral studies at 
the University of Pennsylvania, including 
the structiu'al approach to the study of 
Islam developed by A. El-Zein (1977) at 
nearby Temple University. Abu Zayd's 
treatment of qur'anic texts, like that of 
Muhammad Shahrur and Abdul Hamid 
El-Zein, also exemplifies the erosion of 
boundaries between "Muslim" and "non- 
Muslim" approaches to the social under- 
standing of sacred texts. In El-Zein's 
structural approach, ideas of purity and 
impurity (see cleanliness and ablution; 
RITUAL purity). Sacralization and defile- 
ment (see contamination) are embedded 
in relational constructs that people articu- 
late with history and society in a variety of 
complex ways and possess "a logic which is 
beyond their conscious control" (El-Zein, 
Beyond ideology). Abu Zayd's hermeneutic 
methods for the study of the qur'anic text 
follow a similar path, particularly in his 
seminal A4ajltitm al-nass (1990), in which his 
textual concern is to trace how wahy 
(inspiration) became the Qiir'an, the un- 
limited word of God (q.v.), expressed in 
human language and expressed as a text 
that can be understood like any other, as 
existing in particular social and historical 
contexts. Seen in this way, no text is a pure 
interpretation, but depends on webs of sig- 
nificance that are discussed, re-interpreted, 
and argued in a variety of contexts and for 
a variety of purposes. 

The linguistic approach advocated by 
Muhammad Shahrur in his 1990 publica- 
tion, al-Kitdb wa-l-Qur'dn. Qird'a mu'dsira 
("The book and the Qiir'an: A contempo- 
rary reading"), like Abu Zayd's approach to 
the interpretation of qur'anic text, stimu- 
lated considerable controversy when it first 
appeared because of what he said and how 



SOCIAL SCIENCES 



70 



he said it. Altliougli a civil engineer by 
training, tlie analytical method that he in- 
vokes is principally that of structural lin- 
guistics, thus contrasting significantly with 
conventional qur'anic scholarship. Shahrur 
refers to classic linguists such as Ferdinand 
de Saussure and Edward Sapir, but not to 
Toshihiko Izutsu's linguistic analysis of the 
Qvir'an. 

Writing like an engineer, each chapter of 
his al-Kitdb begins with an outline, a pro- 
cedure also followed in his subsequent 
books. Shahrur argues that the chapters 
and verses of the Qiir'an do not change, 
but understanding of them in any given 
time and place is relative and part of the 
human heritage (turdth). As Shahrtir writes, 
"What happened in the seventh century in 
the Arabian peninsula was the interaction 
of people in that time and place with the 
book. That interaction was the first fruit of 
Islam, not unique and not the last." Some 
elements were meant for all time, but 
others — "clothing (q.v.), drink (see food 
AND drink), style of governance, and life 
style" — are the result of interaction with 
the "objective conditions" of specific times 
and places [Kitdb, 36). 

Echoing C3 3:7 Shahrur distinguishes be- 
tween qur'anic verses which are complete 
in themselves, representing the message of 
the Prophet and setting outer limits (al-dydt 
al-muhkamdt) and those verses (al-dydt al- 
mutashdbihdt) which become clear only 
when interpreted contextually and relative 
to time and place, such as dress codes (see 
modesty). All the verses are God's word, 
but their understanding requires the 
continuous exercise of human reason 
(see intellect). Nor is there a contradic- 
tion between the Qiir'an and philosophy 
(see PHILOSOPHY AND THE ^ur'an). Mus- 
lims have a responsibility to interpret the 
Qiir'an in light of modern linguistics and 
new scientific discoveries (see science and 
THE our'an; exegesis of the our'an: 



EARLY MODERN AND IIONTEMPORARY). "If 

Islam is sound (sdlih) for all times and 
places," then we must not neglect historical 
developments and the interaction of dif- 
ferent generations. We must act as if "the 
Prophet just died and informed us of this 
book" and interpret his message anew 
[Kitdb, 44). 

Consider how knowledge is passed be- 
tween father and son, Shahrur writes. 
Fathers pass knowledge little by little to 
their children, adapting content and style 
according to their age and experience. 
Likewise, in each historical era, the Qiu-'an 
must be interpreted so that people can 
understand it. He writes that this purpose 
is defeated by the jurists, who have mo- 
nopolized interpretation and imply that 
their heritage of interpretations are almost 
as sacred as the Qiir'an itself (see law and 

THE our'an). 

Shahrur adapts the linguistic distinction 
between langue and parole to understanding 
the Qiir'an. Human thought requires lan- 
guage (q.v.). The qur'anic text may be 
fixed, but its expressive and communicative 
side (al-dhikr) must be interpreted for each 
age and evolves like our understanding of 
the universe. The worst mistake of 
Muslims has been to rely heavily on in- 
herited interpretations. Even relying on 
prophetic example can harm Muslims: if 
the Prophet's example was right for his 
own age, following it literally today would 
cause stagnation in knowledge (see 
KNOWLEDGE AND LEARNING) and science. 

One of Shahrur's primary examples is 
the treatment of women in Islam [Kitdb, 
592-630; see WOMEN AND THE cjur'an; 
gender; feminism and the cjur'an). 
Their status can be resolved only by dis- 
tinguishing between qur'anic understand- 
ing and later interpretations. In earlier 
historical eras, Muslims did not distinguish 
between qur'anic verses intended to set 
outer limits (hudud) and those limited to 



71 



SOCIAL S (; I E N C E S 



specific historical contexts (ta'llmdt). Nor 
sliould we blame otir predecessors for fail- 
ing to distinguish between the two, he 
argties. Just as the sttidy of mathematical 
principles accelerated only with Isaac 
Newton's ideas, so too we have had to wait 
until now to understand the theory of 
outer limits (hudud) and its compatibility 
with what we know of human nature today 
(see BOUNDARIES AND PRECEPTs). We 
should not assume that the liberation of 
women began with the Prophet's message 
and ended at his death. "If a woman 
wasn't a judge during the Prophet's lifetime 
or didn't attain a political position, this 
doesn't mean that she was forbidden from 
doing so for all time." As with slavery (see 
SLAVES AND SLAVERY), not all changes can 
occur at once. Islam drew the basic lines 
for freedom and liberation without ruining 
the existing means of production. If Syria, 
for example, tried to convert its economy 
to computer labor overnight, Syrian eco- 
nomic production woidd be destroyed. 
Women were full participants in the first 
acts of allegiance to the Islamic commu- 
nity and fought for Islam (see fighting; 
PATH OR way); no one told them to stay at 
home and take care of the children (q.v.). 
Nonetheless, women's share in inheritance 
(q.v.) was initially less than that of men 
because of their relation to the means of 
production in the seventh century (see 
work; maintenance and upkeep). 

In Shahrur's view, the qur'anic verses 
related to women have been misunder- 
stood. The inherited Islamic jurisprudence 
considers the [literal] interpretation of 
some qur'anic verses, such as "Your women 
are a tillage for you" (q 2:223) in isolation 
from other verses which suggest that 
women and men are equal in Islam, even 
if, in the time of the Prophet, men had a 
functional superiority over women. Thus 
in matters of clothing and modesty (q.v.), 
the qur'anic injunctions apply ecjually to 



both genders (for example, q 24:30-3). 

Shahrur argues that he is following a 
"scientific" method of qur'anic analysis 
based on linguistic analysis, but his inter- 
pretive method is only loosely adapted to 
his approach to solving contemporary is- 
sues. Hence except for the unacceptable 
trades of "striptease" (stribtTz) and prostitu- 
tion, which are sinfully immodest (see 
adultery and fornication), he argues 
that women can practice any available oc- 
cupation suitable to their social context 
and historical conditions, work alongside 
men, and participate in Friday prayers with 
men veiled or unveiled [Kitdh, 623; see veil; 
FRIDAY prayer). Some tasks may be more 
difficult for women to perform, but 
women, not traditional scholars ('ulamd'), 
should decide which tasks these are. 

Shahrur offers a similar argument, re- 
plete with qur'anic citations and arguments 
against misinterpreted sayings of the 
Prophet (see hadith and the qur'an) for 
women to participate as full equals in poli- 
tics, including parliament: "Muslim 
women should know that they have the 
right to elect and to be elected and to prac- 
tice the highest responsibilities in the 
Islamic state, including its leadership, to 
participate in Friday prayers with men, and 
participate in all legislative and judicial 
activities" [Kitdb, 625-6). 

Contemporary case studies 
Two subjects under discussion in contem- 
porary sociological and anthropological 
studies of the Qiir'an will suffice as a con- 
clusion to this survey of social sciences and 
the Qiir'an. 

Qiir'anic schooling: past and present 
Among the topics that has attracted the 
attention of anthropologists who study 
Muslim societies is that of education. In its 
most traditional forms, Muslim education 
centers on the Qiir'an. The Qtir'an is 



SOCIAL SCIENCES 



72 



omnipresent in daily life throughout the 
Muslim world (see everyday life, the 
cjur'an in), and the public recitation of the 
text reaffirms the idea of both divine and 
human ordering (see teaching and 
preaching the qur'an). Understood 
theologically, its recitation reaffirms the 
divine template for society as reiterated 
through a fixed and memorizable text. 
Even if most listeners cannot understand 
the Arabic words and phrases, accurate 
memorization and recitation take priority 
over understanding and interpretation 
and reaffirm the divine order and human 
community. 

The paradigm of all knowledge is the 
Qvir'an (see teaching). Its accurate mem- 
orization in one or more of the seven con- 
ventional recitational forms is the first step 
in mastering the religious sciences through 
mnemonic possession. A distinctive feature 
of rural and urban community life is the 
presence of scholars versed in the Qiir'an 
who are present for all major life-cycle 
events and for major community occasions 
(see FESTIVALS AND COMMEMORATIVE 

days; burial; prayer formulas). In 
Morocco, for example, every urban quar- 
ter and rural community maintains a 
mosque school in which a teacher (fqih) 
conveys the basics of qur'anic recitation 
and participates in recitations for both 
public ceremonies and private ones, such 
as birth (q.v.), circumcision (q.v), marriage 
(see marriage and divorce), celebrations 
of school diplomas, and death (see death 
AND THE dead). 

Throughout the Muslim majority world, 
most males and a fair number of females, 
at least in towns, attend qur'anic schools 
long enough to commit a few passages to 
memory, although these schools have long 
been characterized by a high rate of at- 
trition. Most students leave before they 
acquire literacy and few remain the six to 
eight years generally required (at least in 



Morocco) to memorize the entire Qiir'an. 
In Morocco in the 1970s, according to one 
study, the average number of years spent in 
qur'anic school ranged from almost two 
years in Marrakesh to only four months in 
small Middle Atlas mountain villages 
(Eickelman, Knowledge and power, 61). 

The cognitive style associated with 
Qiir'an memorization is tied closely to 
popular understandings of Islam (see 
popular and talismanic uses of the 
(JUr'an) and has important analogies in 
non-religious spheres of knowledge. Ma'rifa 
is the ordinary term for knowledge in con- 
temporary Arabic; it can convey the tech- 
nical religious connotation of esoteric 
spiritual insight but it also connotes knowl- 
edge related to commerce and crafts, in- 
cluding music and oral poetry. These arts 
share significant formal parallels with the 
religious sciences and are also presumed to 
be contained in fixed, memorized truths. 
Effective public speech involves the skillful 
invocation both of qur'anic phrases and of 
the mundane but memorizable elements of 
knowledge drawn from poetry and prov- 
erbs (see POETRY AND POETs). A further 
parallel lies in the model for the transmis- 
sion of knowledge. The religious sciences 
throughout the Islamic world are transmit- 
ted traditionally through a quasi-genea- 
logical chain of authority that descends 
from master or teacher (shaykh) to student 
(tdlib) to insure that the knowledge of ear- 
lier generations is passed on intact. Knowl- 
edge of crafts is passed from master to 
apprentice in an analogous fashion, with 
any knowledge or skill acquired inde- 
pendent of such a tradition regarded as 
suspect. 

The formal features of qur'anic schools 
have been frequently described, although 
the consequences of this form of pedagogy 
on how people think are not as well un- 
derstood. The traditional emphasis on 
qur'anic memorization, for example, is not 



73 



SOCIAL SCIENCES 



unique to the Muslim world. Elaborate 
mnemonic systems existed in classical 
Greece and Rome to facilitate memoriza- 
tion through the association of material 
with "memory posts," "visual images like 
the columns of a building or places at a 
banquet table" (Yates, Art of memory, 2-7). 
Accompanying such techniques was the 
notion that mnemonic knowledge was 
more pure than that communicated 
through writing (see orality and 
writing in arabia; memory; 
remembrance). 

What is remarkable about memory 
in the context of Islamic education in 
Morocco is not the performance of pro- 
digious mnemonic feats in qur'anic 
memorization — such feats were fully par- 
alleled in Europe. It is the insistence of for- 
mer students that they employed no 
devices to facilitate memorization. None- 
theless, these same students recall visual- 
izing the shape of the letters on their slates 
and the circumstances associated with the 
memorization of particular verses and 
texts. One study (Wagner, Memories, 14) 
suggests that patterns of intonation and 
rhythm systematically serve as mnemonic 
markers. 

Even after the advent of print technology 
(see PRINTING OF the q,ur'an), printed 
books were long neglected in madrasa edu- 
cation through the 1970s in many regions. 
This was partly because of the lack of 
printed or manuscript books, but also be- 
cause of the cultural concept of learning 
implicit in Islamic education. A typical 
qur'anic teacher [fqih in Morocco) had 
between fifteen and twenty students, 
ranging in age from four to sixteen. Each 
morning the fqih wrote the verses to be 
memorized on each student's wooden 
slate (luh) and the student then spent the 
day memorizing the verses by reciting 
them out loud and also reciting the verses 
learned the previous day. Memorization 



was incremental, with the recitation of 
new material added to that already 
learned (for example, a, then a,b, then 
a,b,c). Students were not grouped into 
"classes" based on age or progress in 
memorization. 

Qiir'anic studies have been culturally 
associated with rigorous discipline and the 
lack of clear explanation of memorized 
passages. Both these features are congruent 
with a concept of religious knowledge as 
essentially fixed and, in the Moroccan and 
other contexts, an associated concept of 
"reason" ('aql), which is conceived as a hu- 
man's ability to discipline his or her nature 
in accord with the arbitrary code of con- 
duct laid down by God and epitomized by 
acts of communal obedience (q.v), such as 
the fast of Ramadan (q.v.; Eickelman, 
Aioroccan Islam, 130-8; see also fasting). 
Firm discipline in the course of learning 
the Qiir'an is thus regarded as an integral 
part of socialization. 

When a father handed his son over to a 
fqih, he did so with the formulaic phrase 
that the child could be beaten. Such pun- 
ishment was considered necessary for ac- 
curate qur'anic recitation. Former students 
explained that the teacher (or the student's 
father, when he supervised the process of 
memorization) was regarded as the im- 
personal agency of punishment, which, 
like the unchanging word of God itself, 
was merely transmitted by him. Students 
were also told that the parts of their bodies 
struck in the process of qur'anic memo- 
rization would not burn in hell (see 
reward and punishment; hell and 
hellfire). The same notion applied to the 
beatings apprentices received from crafts- 
men and musicians. In practice, students 
were slapped or whipped only when their 
attention flagged or when they repeated 
errors, although the children of high-status 
fathers were struck much less frequently 
than other children. 



SOCIAL SCIENCES 



74 



Former students emphasize that they 
asked no questions concerning the mean- 
ing of qur'anic verses, even among them- 
selves, and it did not occur to them to do 
so. Their sole activity was properly recited 
memorization. Because the grammar and 
vocabulary of the Qiir'an are not imme- 
diately accessible to speakers of colloquial 
Arabic, and even less so to students from 
regions where Arabic is not the first lan- 
guage, former students readily admitted 
that they did not comprehend what they 
were memorizing until fairly late in their 
studies. "Understanding" (fahm) was not 
measured by the ability to explain particu- 
lar verses, since explanation was consid- 
ered a science to be acquired through years 
of study of the exegetical literature (tafsir). 
Any informal attempt to explain meaning 
was considered blasphemy (q.v.) and did 
not occur. Instead, the measure of under- 
standing consisted of the ability to use 
qur'anic verses in appropriate contexts. 

In the first few years of Qiir'an school, 
students had little control over what they 
recited. They coidd not, for instance, recite 
specific chapters of the Qiir'an, but had to 
begin with one of the sixty principal reci- 
tational sections. Firmer control was 
achieved as students accompanied their 
father, other relatives, or occasionally the 
teacher to social gatherings, where they 
heard adults incorporate qur'anic verses 
into particular contexts and gradually 
acquired the ability to do so themselves, as 
well as to recite specific sections of the 
Qur'an without regard to the order in 
which they had been memorized. Thus the 
measure of understanding was the ability 
to make practical reference to the memo- 
rized text, just as originality was shown in 
working qur'anic references into conversa- 
tion, sermons, and formal occasions. 
Knowledge and manipulation of secular 
oral poetry and proverbs in a parallel fash- 
ion is still a sign of good rhetorical style; 



the skill is not confined to religious learn- 
ing (see RHETORIC AND THE OUr'an). 

The high rate of attrition from qur'anic 
schools supports the notion that mnemonic 
"possession" can be considered a form of 
cultural capital. Education was free aside 
from small gifts to the teacher, yet most 
students were compelled to drop out after a 
short period to contribute to the support of 
their families or because they did not re- 
ceive familial support for the arduous and 
imperfectly understood process of learn- 
ing. In practice, memorization of the 
Qiir'an was accomplished primarily by 
children from relatively prosperous house- 
holds or by those whose fathers or guard- 
ians were already literate (see literacy). 
Nonetheless, education was a means to 
social mobility, especially for poor students 
who managed to progress through higher, 
post-qur'anic education. 

The notion of cultural capital implies 
more than possession of the material re- 
sources to allow a child to spend six to 
eight years in the memorization of the 
Qur'an; it also implies a sustained adult 
discipline over the child. Students' fathers, 
elder brothers, other close relatives — in- 
cluding women in some cases — and peers, 
especially at later stages of learning, were 
integrally involved in the learning process. 
All provided contexts for learning to con- 
tinue, since formal education did not in- 
volve being systematically taught to read 
and write outside the context of the 
Qur'an, even for urban students from 
wealthy families. Students acquired such 
skills, if at all, apart from their studies in 
qur'anic schools (Berqiie, Maghreb, 167-8), 
just as they acquired an understanding of 
the Qur'an through social situations. 

A student became a "memorizer" (hdfi^) 
once he knew the entire Qur'an; this set 
him apart from ordinary society even with- 
out additional studies. In the pre-colonial 
era in Morocco, qur'anic students often 



75 



SOCIAL SCIENCES 



were the only strangers who could travel in 
safety through tribal regions without mak- 
ing prior arrangements for protection. The 
mnemonic "possession" of the Qiir'an 
set people apart from other elements of 
society. 

The Qi_ir'an in daily life 
Yet another aspect of qur'anic studies that 
has generated interest among both anthro- 
pologists and sociologists is the integration 
of the QjLir'an within the social fabric of 
Muslim life. It may be correct to say that 
the Qiir'an continuously plays a central 
role in society, but how this is accomplished 
contextually points to significant differ- 
ences that often are the product of incre- 
mental changes that frequently go 
unnoticed. One significant change is in the 
memorization of the Qiir'an. For an earlier 
generation of religious learning, it could be 
taken for granted that its recitation was 
known by heart. In courtrooms and in 
gatherings of the pious, those not engaged 
in conversation would continue its recita- 
tion sotto voce, using a rosary (tasbih) to keep 
track of the parts recited. Among the most 
able and educated, apposite qur'anic verses 
were dropped into conversation or ser- 
mons. With the spread of literacy and mass 
higher education, memorization of the 
entire Qiir'an has become less common. 
On occasions such as the commemoration 
of a deceased forty days after his or her 
death (the arba'in), the reciters and guests 
who accompany the imam (q.v.) in most 
parts of the Muslim world are likely to re- 
cite from printed copies of the Qur'an. 
This opens the art of recitation to more 
people, although the imam or other expert 
recitational leaders exercise the same care 
for the production of an exact recitation 
according to one of the established forms 
of recitation. In practice, the most skilled 
can exercise control over those at the core 
of such a gathering, occasionally correct- 



ing one another as a sign of authority but 
offering only example, not authoritative 
control, over the larger group. Govern- 
ments offer qur'anic recitation contests 
and commissions to ensure its proper style 
and encouraging it as an art (Nelson, Art 
of reciting). It remains popular, but other 
forms of public religious performance 
increasingly displace it. 

Changes in media have tacitly displaced 
the predominance of the Qur'an in daily 
life (see MEDIA AND THE qur'an). Several 
countries, including Saudi Arabia, 
Morocco, and Egypt, offer non-stop 
qur'anic recitations on the radio and 
nearly all Muslim majority countries offer 
qur'anic recitation for at least part of the 
day on radio and television. In an earlier 
era, such media recitations were central. 
The advent of the new media, including 
audio- and videocassettes and the Internet, 
offer many popular alternatives. The taxi 
driver in Cairo, Amman, or Fez who once 
would have listened to qur'anic recitation 
on his radio is now more likely to listen to a 
popular religious preacher speaking in a 
direct, comprehensible, and forceful way in 
his own dialect. Ideally, listening to 
qur'anic recitation is a complex activity, 
requiring a combination of intent, train- 
ing, and discipline. The same is the case 
when listening to a cassette sermon, except 
that the speaker can build into his sermon 
calls for audience participation, such as 
asking the audience to recite "in the name 
of God" [bi-smi-Udh; see basmala) each 
time a qur'anic verse is invoked, or to re- 
peat certain key phrases from the sermon 
(Hirschkind, Ethics of listening, 637). Such 
interactivity is implicit, not explicit, in 
Qur'an recitation. Qur'anic recitation 
focuses attention on the beauty of recita- 
tion. Its meaning — as the word of 
God — is known in general, but except 
for a stock of commonly invoked passages 
for life-crises occasions, the meaning of 



SOLOMON 



76 



specific phrases is the domain of scholars. 
Sermons are much more accessible to a 
wider public and one that increasingly 
anticipates the ability to participate in 
religious discussion and debate (Eickel- 
man and Anderson, Redefining Muslim 
publics, 9-11). 

The place of the Qiir'an in daily life can 
be highly variable. In places as varied as 
Bulgaria and North America, its presence 
in a room can be venerated and iconic if 
its recitation is limited to a handful of per- 
sons present. In other cases, its study, as in 
women's discussion groups in Iran (Torab, 
Piety as gendered agency, 296), can offer 
women a means of participation in the 
religious life of the wider community. In 
the contemporary world, the role played by 
the Qiir'an as a text, as the idea of a text, 
and as a physical object in printed or 
manuscript form continues to shift. Its 
character may be eternal, but its place in 
society contextually shifts. See also 
COMMUNITY AND SOCIETY IN THE QUr'aN; 
EVERYDAY LIFE, THE CJUr'aN IN. 

Dale E Eickelman 



Bibliography 
N. Abu Zayd, Alajliiim at-nass. Dirdsajt 'ulutn al- 
Qur'dn, Beirut 1990; id., Voice of an exile. Reflections 
on Islam, London 2004; R. Bellah, Beyond belief. 
Essays on religion in a post-traditional world, Ne^v 
York 1970; J. Berque, Maghreb. Histoire et societes, 
Gembloux 1974; J- Chelhod, Introduction a la 
sociologie de I'Islam. De Vanimisme a I'universalisme, 
Paris 1958; D. Eickelman, Knowledge and power in 
Morocco. The education of a twentieth-century notable, 
Princeton 1985; id., Moroccan Islam. Tradition and 
society in a pilgrimage center, Austin, TX 1976; 
id. and J. Anderson, Redefining Muslim 
publics, in ids. (eds.), .New media in the Muslim 
world, Bloomington, IN 2003", 1-18; 
A. El-Zein, Beyond ideology and theology. 
The search for the anthropology of Islam, in 
Annual review of anthropology 6 (1977), 227-54; 
C. Hirschkind, The ethics of listening. Cassette- 
sermon audition in contemporary Egypt, in 
American ethnologist 28 (2001), 623-49; J. Jomier, 
L'islam vecu en Egypte, Paris 1994; T Lester, 
What is the Koran? in Atlantic monthly 283/r 



(January 1999), 43-56; C. Luxenberg, Die Syro- 
Aramdische Lesart des Koran. Ein Beitrag zur 
Entschliisselung der Koransprache, Berlin 2000; 
K. Nelson, The art of reciting the Qur'dn, Austin, 
TX 1985; F. Rahman, Major themes of the Qur'dn, 
Minneapohs, MN 1980; A. Rippin (ed.), The 
Qur'dn and its interpretative tradition, Aldershot 2001; 
M. Rodinson, Muhammad, trans. A. Carter, New 
York 1971 (Eng. trans. o{ Mahomet); M. Shahrur, 
al-Kitdb wa-l-Qur'dn. Qird'a mu'dsira, Damascus 
1990; id., Proposal for an Islamic covenant, trans. 
D. Eickelman and I. Abu Shehadeh, Damascus 
2000; W.C. Smith, The meaning and end of religion. 
A new approach to the religious traditions of mankind. 
New York 1963; W.R. Smith, Kinship and marriage 
in early Arabia, London 1903; id., Lectures on the 
religion of the Semites, Edinburgh 1889; S. Taji- 
Farouki, Modern Muslim intellectuals and the Qur'dn, 
Oxford 2004; A. Torab, Piety as gendered 
agency. A study o^ Jalaseh ritual discourse in an 
urban neighbourhood in Iran, in Journal of the 
Royal Anthropological Institute [N.S.] 2 {1996), 
235-52; D. Wagner, Memories of Morocco, in 
Cognitive psychology 10 (1978), r-28; F. Yates, The art 
of memory, London 1966. 



Sociolos 

q^ur'an 



see SOCIAL sciences and the 



Solomon 

The son of the biblical king David (q.v.) 
and heir to liis throne. Solomon (Ar. 
Sulayman) is presented in the Qiir'an as 
playing three important roles, although 
they are often interwoven in its narrative 
(see narratives). He was a ruler who 
inherited his father's knowledge as well as 
his kingdom (see kings and rulers; 
knowledge and learning; power and 
impotence); a prophet (see prophets and 
prophethood) who, despite occasional 
lapses in devotional practice (see piety; 
worship; ritual and the our'an), 
enjoyed divine protection (q.v.) and was 
assured an honored place in paradise (q.v); 
and a person who possessed wide-ranging 
magical and esoteric powers which he used 
with divine sanction (see magic). 
Solomon's life and accomplishments are 



77 



SOLOMON 



described in cj 21:78-82, 27:15-44, 34:10-14 
and 38:30-40 but many of tliese passages 
are written in a laconic and allusive style 
that stimulated the composition of glosses, 
commentaries and stories (see myths and 
LEGENDS IN THE OUR'an; EXEGESIS OF THE 

q^ur'an: classical and medieval). These 
sources often supply colorful details about 
him and his associates not mentioned in 
the Qiir'an. Solomon's unusual mixture of 
skills and characteristics also encouraged 
symbolic interpretations of his life and 
accomplishments (see symbolic imagery). 

Solomon in the Qur'dn 
As a ruler Solomon was noted for his pos- 
session of knowledge ('ilm) and wisdom 
(q.v.; hikma), characteristics that he inher- 
ited from his father, David, but in which he 
was believed to have surpassed him 
(c) 21:78-9; Tabari, Tafsir, xvii, 50-4; id., 
Ta'nkh, i, 573; Tha'labi, Qisas, 257-g). 
Another area in which the son was more 
accomplished than the father was as a 
builder. The Qiir'an alludes to the various 
objects and structures which were made for 
him, including mihrabs (mahdrib), images 
or sculptures (tamdthil) and watering 
troughs (jijan, C3 34:12-13; Tabari, TafsTr, 
xxiii, 70-1; see art and architecture 
and the ^ur'an; mosque; idols and 
images). Another passage mentions the 
palace with a glass floor where he received 
the Qiieen of Sheba (q.v.; (J 27:44; Tabari, 
Tafsir, xix, 168-70; id., Ta'nkh, i, 583; 
Tha'labi, Qisas, 271, 275-6; see bilcjis). 

Descriptions of the structures and objects 
made for Solomon present them primarily 
as a demonstration of his power to force 
men, birds (see animal life), jinn (q.v.) 
and shaytdna to do his bidding (o 21:82; 
38:37-8; Tabari, Tafsir, xvii, 55-6; xxiii, 160; 
id., Ta'rikh, 1, 575-7; Tha'labi, Qisas, 269-70; 
see devil). Both Solomon and David are 
said to have had the ability to communicate 
with birds and animals (see language, 



CONC.EPT of). David charmed them with 
his mellifluous voice whereas Solomon was 
able to affect their behavior through his un- 
derstanding of their speech (q.v.). His power 
to communicate with both ants and birds is 
specifically mentioned by the Qiir'an 
(0 27:16-18; 'Tabari, Tafsir, xix, 141-2). 

Solomon's ability to command the wind 
(see AIR AND wind) and to make it trans- 
port him wherever he pleased is another 
manifestation of his special powers. This 
ability is referred to in three different 
qur'anic passages affirming its importance 
as an aspect of Solomon's status (o 21:81; 
34:12; 38:36; 'Tabari, Tafsir, xvii, 55-6; xxiii, 
68-9, 160-1; id., Ta'rikh, i, 573-5; Tha'labi, 
Qisas, 260-1). A similar ability to travel 
miraculously is attributed to the jinn under 
his command because they are able to seize 
a throne belonging to the Qiieen of Sheba 
and bring it to Solomon in an instant 
(q 27:23, 38-42; Tabari, Tafsir, xix, 148, 
159-68; id., Ta'nkh, i, 580-1; Tha'labi, Qisas, 
279, 283-4; see TRIPS AND voyages; 
journey). 

Solomon in qur'dnic exegesis and the stories of the 

prophets 
Muslim commentators provide anecdotes 
which demonstrate Solomon's wisdom and 
piety but they also delight in his regal 
pomp and magical powers. Stories about 
his magical levitating throne, his retinue of 
birds, animals, demons and men and his 
connection with the Qiieen of Sheba, 
identified as Bilqls in Muslim sources, cap- 
tured popular imagination. Solomon's tem- 
poral, religious and esoteric powers made 
him a model for both religious and secular 
personages (Melikian-Chirvani, Royaiime). 
His mobility led Muslim commentators to 
link him with far-flung places; rulers dis- 
tant from Jerusalem (q.v.) invoked his 
memory in the construction and decora- 
tion of their residences (Soucek, Throne; 
Koch, Jahangir). On a more popular level. 



SOOTHSAYER 



78 



his attributes and accomplisliments are 
described in stories and depicted in paint- 
ings (Bagci, Divan; Milstein, Ruhrdanz and 
Schmitz, Stones of the prophets). 

Priscilla Soucek 



reeled at tlie propliet Muhammad: that he 
was a madman (see insanity), poet (see 
POETRY AND POETs) or soothsayer or that 
he was instructed by someone else 
(^u'allam; see informants). Tlie text em- 
phatically rejects such slurs: 



Bibliography 
Primary: Kisa^i, Qisas, trans. W.M. Thackston, 
Tales of the prophets of al-Kisd'i, Boston 1978, 
288-96, 300-8, 313-21; TabarT, Tafsir, Cairo 1954; 
id., Ta'nkh, ed. de Goeje, i, 571-97; trans. W.R. 
Brinner, The history of al-Tabari. iii. The Children of 
Israel, Albany 1991, 150-74; Tha'labi, Qisas, Beirut 
1970, 257-393; trans. W.M. Brinner, 'Ard'is al- 
majdlisf Qisas al-anbijd' or "Lives of the prophets" as 
recounted by Abu Ishdq Ahmad Ibn Muhammad Ibn 
Ibrdhim al-Tha'tabi, Leiden 2002, 485-548; 
B. Wheeler (trans.), Prophets in the Qur'dn. An 
introduction to the Qur'dn and Muslim exegesis, 
London 2002, 266-79. 

Secondary: S. Bagci, A new theme of the Shirazi 
miniatures. The divan of Solomon, in Muqarnas 
12 (1995), lOl-li; V. Gonzalez, The aesthetics of 
the Solomonic parable in the Qiir'an, in id.. 
Beauty and Islam.. Aesthetics in Islamic art and 
architecture, London 2001, 26-41; id., Le piege de 
Salomon. La pensee de Vart dans le Coran, Paris 2002; 
E. Koch, Jahangir and the angels. Recently 
discovered wall paintings under European 
influence in the Fort of Lahore, in id., Mughal art 
and imperial ideology. Collected essays, Oxford 2001, 
27-37; J. Lassner, Demonizing the Queen of Sheba. 
Boundaries of gender and culture in post-biblical 
Judaism and medieval Islam, Chicago 1993; A.S. 
Melikian-Chirvani, Le royaume de Saloinon, 
in Le monde Iranien et ITslam I (1971), 1-41; 
R. Milstein, K. Ruhrdanz and B. Schmitz, Stories 
of the prophets. Illustrated manuscripts of Qisas al- 
anbiya', Costa Mesa, CA 1999, 144-8; P. Soucek, 
Solomon's throne/Solomon's bath. Model or 
metaphor, in Ars orientalis 23 (1993), 109-36; id.. 
The temple of Solomon in Islamic legend and 
art, in J. Gutmann (ed.). The temple of Solomon. 
Archaeological fact and medieval tradition in Christian, 
Islamic and Jewish art, Missoula, MT 1976, 73-1 11. 



Soothsayer 

One who foretells or interprets events. The 
Arabic term kdhin, related to Hebrew kohen 
("priest"), designates a soothsayer, seer or 
diviner. It appears twice in the Qiir'an, 
reflecting one of several accusations di- 



Therefore warn (humankind), for, by the 
grace of God, you are neither a soothsayer 
nor a madman" [ci 52:29; see Warner). 
But nay! I swear by all that you see and all 
that you do not see that this is indeed the 
speech (qawl) of a noble messenger (q.v.). It 
is not the speech of a poet — how little 
you believe (see belief and unbelief)! 
Nor is it the speech of a soothsayer — how 
little do you take heed! [q_ 69:38-42). 

The soothsayer was an important religious 
specialist in pre-Islamic Arabia who served 
several functions, showing some affinity 
with soothsayers in ancient Semitic tradi- 
tions (see PRE-ISLAMIC ARABIA AND THE 

q^ur'an; south arabia, religion in 
PRE-iSLAMii;; MAGii;). He was often the 
custodian (sddin, hdjib) of a temple or 
shrine (bayt, ka'ba) within a sacred precinct 
[haram; see sacred precincts), in which 
capacity he maintained the shrine itself, 
supervised sacrifices (see sacrifice) and 
other rites and oversaw donations. As seer, 
he was called on to predict events (see 
foretelling; divination), interpret 
dreams (see dreams and sleep) or provide 
advice regarding difficult decisions such as 
undertaking a journey (q.v.), going to war 
(q.v.), or sealing an alliance (see con- 
tracts AND alliances). He usually per- 
formed divination by casting lots consisting 
of marked rods or arrow shafts (azldm, 
aqddh). In an altered state, often en- 
shrouded in a cloak, he also received orac- 
ular statements through inspiration from a 
familiar spirit ftdbi'). Purporting to be in 
the voice of the spirit, these statements 
addressed the soothsayer himself as "you" 



79 



SOOTHSAYER 



and were couched in rhymed and rhythmic 
cadences {saj'; see rhymed prose), drawing 
on obscure and ambiguous vocabulary and 
often prefaced by oaths (q.v.) sworn upon 
natural phenomena. They included omens, 
charms, prayers, blessings and curses 
(see curse; blessing; portents). The 
soothsayer received remuneration for his 
services in the form of an "honorarium" 
(hulwdn) . 

In addition, the label soothsayer was ap- 
plied to the "false prophets" active during 
the "wars of apostasy (q.v.)" both before 
and following the death of the prophet 
Muhammad: al-Aswad al-'Ansi (d. 10/632) 
in Yemen, Tulayha b. Khuwaylid (d. 21/ 
642) among the Banu Asad, Musaylima b. 
Habib in Yamama and the prophetess 
Sajah among the Banu Tamim (see tribes 
AND clans). Musaylima (q.v.), known as 
"the liar" in Muslim sources, was the most 
important of these prophets historically; 
his religious movement showed many simi- 
larities to that of the prophet Muhammad 
and may have been nascent Islam's most 
formidable rival. After crushing two 
Muslim armies, his forces were defeated by 
the Muslims under the general Khalid b. 
al-Walid, and he himself was killed at the 
battle of 'Aqraba' in 12/634. 

As part of the pagan religion, soothsay- 
ing was rejected under Islam and survived 
only in marginal contexts. The soothsayers' 
claims of access to hidden knowledge 
(ghayb) went against the Islamic attribution 
of this power exclusively to God (see 
knowledge and learning; hidden and 
THE hidden); in the words of al-BaqillanI 
(d. 403/1013), "soothsaying contradicts the 
prophecies" {I'jdz, 87). It is reported that 
the Prophet outlawed three fees: the price 
for a dog (q.v), the payment (mahr) of a 
prostitute (see adultery and fornica- 
tion; temporary marriage) and the 
honorarium of a soothsayer (Bukharl, 
Sahih, bab thaman al-kalb). A report known 



as "the hadith of the fetus" is also cited to 
show that the Prophet rejected the use of 
rhymed prose because of its association 
with soothsaying. Transmitted in various 
versions, the hadith relates a case concern- 
ing two co-wives (see marriage and 
divorce; women and the our'an; 
hadith and the quR'AN), One from the 
tribe of Hudhayl and the other from the 
tribe of 'Amir. The Hudhaliyya struck 
the 'Amiriyya with a pole, killing her and 
also causing a miscarriage. When the 
Prophet ruled that the guilty woman's rela- 
tives had to pay blood money (q.v.) both for 
the 'Amiriyya and for the fetus, her guard- 
ian remonstrated, "O, messenger of God, 
have you ruled (that blood money be paid) 
for one who has neither eaten nor drunk, 
nor let out his first cry, when such as this 
should be left uncompensated?" (qadaytaji 
man Id akala wa-ld shariba wa-ld 'stahal[la] 
fa-mithlu dhdlikayutal[l]). The Prophet re- 
marked, in disapproval, "5(2; 'like the saj' of 
the soothsayers?" (Jahiz, Baydn, i, 287-91; 
Abu Dawud, Sunan, iv, 190-3; 'Askari, 
Sind'atayn, 261; Abu Nu'aym al-Isbahani, 
Dhikr akhbdr Isbahdn, ii, 97, 112). Some au- 
thorities argue, however, that the Prophet 
did not mean to condemn rhymed prose 
altogether but only its use as a rhetorical 
flourish designed to make an illegitimate 
point (Ibn al-Athir, al-AIathal al-sd'ii; i, 274). 
Recommendations to avoid rhymed prose 
in prayers (Bukharl, Sahih, ii, 43 [34. Buyu', 
113 (bdb thaman al-kalb)]; Fr. trans., ii, 5) 
also represent an attempt to distinguish 
Islamic prayers from those of the sooth- 
sayers (see prayer; ritual and the 
quR'AN; prayer formulas). 

Nevertheless, just as the pagan ritual of 
the pre-Islamic pilgrimage (q.v.) was ac- 
cepted in Islam by being reinterpreted 
within a biblical framework, so, too, were 
elements of soothsaying adopted in the 
QjLir'an and Islamic tradition with similar 
modifications. It is curious that Ibn 



8o 



Hisham's (d. 761/1360) Slra uses a sooth- 
saying tradition to legitimate tlie rise of 
Islam. It begins with two renowned south 
Arabian soothsayers, Shiqq and Satih, pre- 
dicting the Ethiopian invasion of Yemen 
and the rise of a great prophet who would 
reverse the invasion. In addition, many 
passages of the Qiir'an exhibit features 
related to the style of soothsayers' pro- 
nouncements. The Prophet receives revela- 
tion when enshrouded (o 73:1; 74:1). He is 
also visited by a spirit (q.v.), though the 
familiar spirit of the soothsaying tradition 
is reinterpreted as the angel Gabriel (q.v.; 
cf. C3 53:1-18). The Prophet is regularly ad- 
dressed as "you" (sing.). Rhymed prose is 
prevalent, particularly in the early Meccan 
suras (see rhetoric and the our'an; 

LANGUAGE AND STYLE OF THE C^UR'an). In 
addition, many specific forms associated 
with soothsaying appear: oaths by celestial 
bodies (see planets and stars) and natu- 
ral phenomena [q_ 37:1-3; 51:1-4; 52:1-6; 
53:1; 74:32-34; 77:1-6; 79:1-5; 81:15-18; 
84:16-18; 85:1-3; 86:1; 89:1-4; 90:1-3; 91:1-7; 
92:1-3; 93:1-2; 95:1-3; 100:1-5; 103:1; see 
nature as signs), omens and predictions, 
often in the form "when" (idhd) . . . "then, 
on that day" [yawma'idhin; cf. C3 77:8-19; 
81:1-14; 82:1-5; 84:1-15; 99), the md adrdka 
construction (cj 69:1-3; 74:26-7; 77:3-4; 
82:14-18; 83:7-8; 83:18-19; 86:1-2; 90:11-12; 
97:1-2; 101:1-3; 104:4-5; see FORM and 
STRUCTURE OF THE q^ur'an), charms 
(o 113; 114; see POPULAR and talismanic 
USES OF THE cjur'an), and curses (c3 104; 
III). The content, though, has presumably 
shifted. For example, all omens or predic- 
tions in the Qiir'an, with the exception of 
Q_ 30:1-2 which are understood to predict a 
victory by the Byzantines (q.v.) over the 
Persians, have to do with the apocalypse 
(q.v.) and judgment day (see escha- 
tology; last judgment). 

DevinJ. Stewart 



Bibliography 
Primary: Abu Dawud; Abu Nu'aym al-lsbahani, 
Ahmad b. 'Abdallah, Dhikr akhbdr hbahdn, ed. 
S. Dedering, 2 vols., Leiden 1931-4; al-'Askarl, 
Abu Hilal al-Hasan b. 'Abdallah, Kitdb al- 
Sind'atayn. al-Kitdba wa-l-shi'r, Cairo 1952; 
Baqillam, I'jdz; BukharT, Sakik, ed. Krehl; Fr. 
trans. O. Houdas and W. Mar^ais, Les traditions 
islamiques, 4 vols., Paris 1903-14 (repr. 1977); Ibn 
al-Athir, Diya' al-Din Abu 1-Fath Nasr Allah, al- 
Mathat al-sd'ir, Cairo 1959-62; Ibn Qayyim al- 
Jawziyya, Tiby an; Jahiz, Baydn; Mas'udl, Aluruj; 
TabarT, Tdnkh. 

Secondary: R. Blachere, Histoire de la litterature 
arabe des origines a la fin du XV siecle deJ.~C., Paris 
1964; id., Introduction; D. Eickelmann, Musaylima. 
An approach to the social anthropology of 
seventh century Arabia, in JESHO 10 (1967), 17-52; 
T. Fahd, La divination arabe. Etudes religieuses, 
sociologiques, etjolkloriques sur le lieu natif de I'Islam, 
Leiden 1966; id., Sadj'. I. As magical utterances 
in pre-Islamic Arabian usage, in EI^, viii, 732-4; 
L. Kandil, Die Schwiire in den mekkanischen 
Suren, in Wild, Text, 41-57; F.R. Midler, Unter- 
suchungen zur Reimprosa im Koran, Bonn 1969; 
Noldeke, GQ; D.J. Stewart, Saj^ in the Qiir'an. 
Prosody and structure, in/4i 21 (1990), 101-39; 
J. Wellhausen, Restc arabischen Heidentums, Berlin 
1927. 

Sorcery see magic 

Sorrow see weeping; joy and misery 



Soul 

That which makes a creature animate, and 
to which individuality is attributed. From 
the second/eighth century until today, the 
vast majority of Muslims have believed 
that each human being has a soul. Opinion 
has varied regarding the soul's nature and 
its relationship to the body, though most 
Muslim scholars have envisioned the soul 
as a subtle form or substance infused 
within or inhabiting a physical body. 
Generally, Muslims have believed that 
souls are created by God, joined to a body 
at birth, taken from the body at death and 
reunited with the body on the resurrection 
day (see creation; birth; biology as 



THE CREATION AND STAGES OF LIFE; 
DEATH AND THE DEAD; RESURRECTION). 

Muslim theologians, philosophers and 
mystics have cited various verses from the 
Qiir'an in support of the soul's existence 

(see THEOLOGY AND THE QUr'aN; 
PHILOSOPHY AND THE Q^Ur'aN; sOfISM AND 

THE our'an). Yet, such readings appear 
indebted more to Aristotle, neo-Platonism 
and Christianity (see christians and 
Christianity) than to the Qiir'an, with its 
holistic view of the human being. 

In Arabic, two words are used inter- 
changeably for soul: ruh, "breath, spirit 
(q.v.; see also air and wind)," and nafs, 
"self." Ruh appears twenty-one times in the 
Qiir'an, always as a singular substantive, 
masculine noun. There, ruh often refers to 
the spirit of revelation (see revelation 
and inspiration) sent by God to his 
prophets (see prophets and prophet- 
hood): "High of rank, possessor of the 
throne (see throne of god), he casts the 
spirit of his command upon whomever he 
wills of his servants (q.v.), that they might 
warn of the day of meeting" (c3 40:15; see 
Warner). The spirit (of God's command) 
may be accompanied by angels (see angel) 
when bringing revelation, ascending to 
their lord (q.v.), and on judgment day 
(c) 16:2; 70:4; 78:38; 97:4; see LAST judg- 
ment). Using similar language, the Qiir'an 
speaks of ruh al-qudus, or "the holy spirit," 
sent by God to assistjesus (q.v.; (J 2:87, 253; 
5:110; see also holy spirit) and to bring 
Muhammad the qur'anic revelation: "Say 
[Muhammad] : Truly the holy spirit 
brought down [revelation] from your lord 
to strengthen those who believe (see belief 
AND unbelief), as guidance (see error; 
astray) and glad tidings (see good news) 
for those who submit!" (c3 16:102; cf. 
26:193; 42:52). The Qiir'an clearly identi- 
fies this spirit of revelation as Gabriel (q.v; 

a 2:97). 

God's spirit also came, in the form of a 



man, to Mary (q.v.), to assist in her concep- 
tion with Jesus (q 19:17), about which the 
Qiir'an says: "And Mary daughter of 
Imran (q.v.), who guarded her chastity 
(q.v.), we breathed into her from our spir- 
it..." (c3 66:12; cf. 4:171; 21:91). Comparable 
to the prophets, who bring revelations from 
God, Mary conceived and gave birth to the 
prophet Jesus. Mary's story also parallels 
that of Adam's creation (see ADAM AND 
eve): "Then [God] proportioned him and 
breathed into him of his spirit, and he as- 
signed you hearing and sight and hearts, 
but little thanks you give!" (q^ 32:9; cf. 

15:29; 38:72; see SEEING AND HEARING; 

heart; gratitude and ingratitude). 
Yet, in the last two examples, the term ruh 
probably does not designate the spirit of 
revelation but, rather, the "breath of life" 
given by God (cf. Hebrew ruah; Gen 2:7; 
Ezek 34:1-14). A related use of ruh is found 
in the verse of the pre-Islamic poet 'Abid 
b. al-Abras (sixth century c.E.): "What are 
we but bodies that pass under the earth 
and breaths to the winds?" Nevertheless, 
many Muslims have taken the story of 
Adam's creation as proof of the existence 
of a soul within each human being. Some 
Muslim scholars have suggested that hu- 
man beings may thus have a portion of 
divinity itself or, at the very least, a very 
special relationship with God. Clearly, the 
meaning of riih in the Qiir'an has been a 
topic of discussion since Muhammad's 
time, as the Qiir'an notes: "They ask you 
about the spirit. Say: 'The spirit is from the 
command of my lord, and you have been 
given little knowledge!' " (o 17:85; see 
knowledge and learning). 

The second word found in the Qiir'an 
which has been read as soul is nafs. Like 
ruh, nafs is derived from a root involving air, 
breath and life; the verb nafasa means "to 
breathe," with nafas meaning "breath," 
though neither word appears in the 
Qiir'an. .J\afs is a cognate of the Hebrew 



82 



nefesh which, in the Bible, generally refers 
to the life force coursing through the blood 
of humans and animals (e.g. Lev 17:11; see 
BLOOD AND bloodclot); by extension, 
nefesh may designate the appetites, a person 
or a slave (see slaves and slavery). 
Among the pre-Islamic Nabataens, napshd 
referred to a tomb, the last resting-place of 
a human being, while in pre-Islamic 
Arabic poetry (see poetry and poets; 

PRE-ISLAMIC ARABIA AND THE Q^Ur'an), the 

feminine noun nafs and its plurals anfus and 
nufis refer to living beings, in general, and 
to one's self or tribe (see tribes and 
clans), in particular. This use of nafs as a 
reflexive particle is very common in the 
Qtir'an, where nafs, anfus and nufus appear 
over 250 times: 

As to those who argue with you about [the 
revelation] after what knowledge has come 
to you, say [to them]: "Gome, let us call 
together our children (q.v.) and your chil- 
dren, our women and your women (see 
women and the our'an), ourselves 
(anfusand) and yourselves (anfusakum). Then 
we will humbly pray and call down God's 
curse (q.v.) upon the liars!" (c) 3:61; see 
also lie). 

Nafs may refer to humans, the jinn (q.v.), 
Satan (see devil) and God: "God has pre- 
scribed mercy (q.v.) for himself" {'aid naf 
sihi, C3 6:12; cf 6:130; 18:51; 21:43). As in 
this last example, nafs may imply an es- 
sential quality, a disposition or intentions: 
"Your lord knows what is within your- 
selves" [fi nufusikum, C3 17:25; see hidden 
and the hidden). This calls attention to 
an important ethical aspect often found in 
the reflexive nafs (see ethics and the 
cjur'an) as the Qiir'an challenges its audi- 
ence to choose between God's commands 
and their own desires (see WISH AND 
desire): "Say: 'O people, the truth (q.v.) 
has come to you from your lord. Whoever 



is guided [by it], is guided for himself (li- 
nafsihi), while he who goes astray, strays 
against himself" ['alayhd, Q_ 10:108). Use of 
the reflexive pronouns in such verses, then, 
underscores human responsibility for one's 
belief and actions: "What they spend on 
this worldly life is like a cold blast that 
strikes and destroys the fields of a people 
who oppress themselves (see parable; 
similes; literary structures of the 
cjur'an). God did not oppress them, but 
they oppress themselves!" ((J 3:117; see 
oppression; oppressed on earth, the; 
freedom and predestination; reward 
and punishment). 

Here, nafs reflects a negative human trait, 
namely selfishness, against which the 
Qiir'an warns: "So be mindfifl of God as 
much as you can, listen and obey (see 
obedience), and spend on charity to help 
yourselves. For those who are saved from 
their selfish greed (shuhh nafsihij, they are 
the successful ones!" ((J 64:16; cf. 53:23; 
59:9; see trade and commerce). This nafs 
corresponds to the appetites or the appeti- 
tive faculties discussed in ancient and 
Hellenistic philosophies. As such, the 
Qiir'an links nafs with greed (see avarice), 
envy (q.v.), and lust. Like Satan, selfishness 
whispers its desires to the individual and 
incites evil acts (q_ 12:18; 20:96, I20; 47:25; 
50:16; see EVIL deeds; whisper). Asjoseph 
(q.v.) declares when faced with Potipher's 
wife and her scheme to seduce him: "I do 
not absolve myself, for, indeed, selfishness 
instigates evil (al-nafsa la-ammdratun bi-l- 
su'i), save where my lord has mercy. 
Indeed, my lord is forgiving and merciful!" 
(cj 12:53; cf 4:128; 5:30; see FOROIVE- 
ness). Thus, the Qiir'an declares that con- 
cupiscence must be fought and controlled 
if one is to obey God: "As for him who 
fears standing before his lord (see fear), 
and who restrains the self (al-nafs) from 
desire (see abstinence), indeed the garden 
(q.v.) will be the place of refuge!" 



83 



(Q, 79-40"I)- The believer resists liis selfisli 
impulses by heeding al-nafs al-lawwdma, his 
"blaming self" or conscience (c3 75:2), so 
that on the judgment day he may appear 
before God with a clear conscience and 
inner tranquility [al-nafs al-mutma'inna, 
0.89:27). 

In these and similar instances, nafs and its 
plurals do not appear to designate a spiri- 
tual substance or soul but rather aspects of 
human character, including selfishness, 
concupiscence, personal responsibility and 
individual conscience. In other verses, 
however, nafs has a more general meaning 
as a living person or human life. When 
God called Moses (q.v.) to go to Egypt 
(q.v.), Moses replied: "Lord, I have killed a 
person (nafs) among them, and I fear they 
will kill me!" (^ 28:33; see murder; 
bloodshed; retaliation). Similarly, the 
Qi_ir'an declares: "And do not kill a person 
(al-nafs), which God has forbidden, save for 
a just cause" (q^ 17:33; cf 18:74; 25:68) 
and most explicitly: "And we decreed for 
them in [the Torah (q.v.)] a life (al-nafs) for 
a life (q.v.), an eye for an eye (see eyes), a 
nose for a nose..." (c3 5:45). Likewise, the 
Qi_ir'an calls Muslims to defend their faith 
(q.v.) with their property (q.v.) and lives: 
"Believe in God and his messenger 
(rasulahu) and strive in the way of God with 
your property and lives (anfus)l" (c3 61:11; 
cf 9:20, 41, 44, 81, 88; see path or way). 
Such loss and death are an inevitable part 
of life's trials: "We will test you with some- 
thing of fear and hunger, and loss of prop- 
erty, lives (al-anfus), and the fruits [of your 
labors] . Yet give good news to the patient 
ones" (C3 2:155). 

The Qiir'an states emphatically that 
every human being will die: "Every person 
(nafs) will taste death, and your wages will 
be paid in full on the day of resurrection!" 
(a 3:185; cf 3:145; 21:35; 29:57). In several 
passages, angels seize the living at the time 
of death. Speaking of unbelievers, the 



Qiir'an says: "If you could only see when 
the oppressors are in the throes of death, 
as the angels stretch out their hands, pull- 
ing out their lives!" [anfus, q 6:93; cf. 4:97). 
Some commentators have read this pas- 
sage as referring to souls, though in a 
larger qur'anic context, anfus might better 
be read as "lives." A related verse, however, 
is more ambiguous: "God gathers up per- 
sons (al-anfus) at their death and, for those 
who do not die, in their sleep (q.v). He 
keeps those upon whom he has decreed 
death, and sends the others back until an 
appointed time..." (c3 39:42; cf 6:60). The 
Qiir'an likens sleep to death for, as the 
commentator al-Zamakhshari (d. 538/ 
1 144) points out, sleep suspends exterior 
movement and consciousness (nafs al- 
tamyiz), while, in death, consciousness, 
movement and life itself (nafs al-haya) are 
ended. Al-Zamakhshari makes a distinc- 
tion here between reason and discrimina- 
tion (nafs al- 'aql wa-l-tamjiz; see intellect) 
and the life force (riih) that is characterized 
by breath and movement. Other commen- 
tators, however, including al-Tabarl (d. 
310/923), al-QiishayrI (d. 465/1072) and 
al-RazI (d. 606/1210) go further, stating 
that in both sleep and death, God takes 
away a person's movement and conscious- 
ness, along with their soul (riih; jawhar mush- 
rig ruhdni). 

Commentators have also found reference 
to the soul in (j 81:7, which says that on 
judgment day, "the nufis will be paired." 
They note that one possible meaning is 
that souls (al-arwdh) will be joined with 
their bodies. Yet some of these commenta- 
tors, especially al-Tabari, point out that 
the probable meaning is that each person 
(al-insdn) will be gathered with people of a 
similar sort, as good persons enter paradise 
(q.v.), evil people, hell (cf q 56:7; 37:22; see 

GOOD AND evil; HELL AND HELLFIRE). 

This reading is consistent with the 
Qiir'an's many other references to the 



SOUTH ARAB I A 



84 



nafs on judgment day when individuals are 
called to account: 

Every person (nafs) is held accountable for 

what she earned ((J 74:38). 

We do not burden a person (nafs) beyond 

her capacity. We have a book (q.v.) that 

speaks the truth, and they will not be 

wronged! (c3 23:62; see also heavenly 

book). 

[On a day] when a person (nafs) will know 

what she sent forward and what she left 

behind [q_ 82:5). 

Nafs in such passages probably means the 
person held responsible for his or her be- 
liefs and actions and not the soul. This is 
suggested by nearly identical passages in 
which the feminine nafs is replaced, not by 
ruh or some other synonym for soul, but by 
the masculine noun insdn, meaning human 
being. "On that day, the human being (al- 
insan) will be informed of what he sent for- 
ward and what he left behind" ((J 75:13; cf. 
82:5; 91:7). Similarly, regarding the creation 
of the human race, the Qiir'an says: "He it 
is who created you from a single person 
(nafs) and made from her, her mate, that he 
might find rest in her" ((3 7:189; see pairs 
and pairing). Though the feminine nafs is 
used here, this person clearly refers to 
Adam as reflected in the shift in gender 
within the verse (cf Q^ 4:1; 38:71-2; 39:6). 

Clearly, then, in accounts of creation and 
resurrection, the Qiir'an never states that 
the nafs is a soul that joins or enters a body. 
Rather, in the Qiir'an, it is the entire per- 
son in all of his or her physical, emotional 
and spiritual capacities that is created, dies 
and will be recreated on judgment day: 
"Your creation and resurrection are but 
like that of a single person (nafs). Indeed, 
God hears and sees all!" (c) 31:28; see god 
and his attributes). 

Th. Emil Homerin 



Bibliography 
Primary: 'Abid b. al-Abras, Diwdn, Beirut 
1384/1964, 51; BaydawT, ^7Zi:£;(2?; Beirut 1992 
{reprint of the 1329/1911 Egyptian ed.), 184, 548, 
612, 786; QiishayrT, Latd'if Cairo 1968-71, iii, 
263, 283-4, ^93' RazT, Tafsir, Cairo 1352/1933, 
xiii, 85-6; xxvi, 283-4; xxxi, 69; TabarT, Tafsir, 
Cairo 1373-77/1954-7, vii, 182-3; ^^i> ^^j xxiv, 7; 
xxx, 44-5; ZamakhsharT, Kashshdf, Beirut 
1366/1947, ii, 228; iii, 219-20, 349; iv, 188. 
Secondary: 'Abd al-BaqI;J. Bemporad, Soul. 
Jewish concept, in er, xiii, 450-5; R. Blachere, 
Note sur le substantif nafs "souffle vital", "ame" 
dans le Coran, in Semetica I (1948), 69-77; E-E- 
Calverley/I.R. Netton, Nafs, in El', vii, 880-4; 
S. Fraenkel, Miscellen zum Koran, in zdmg 56 
(1902), 71-3 {esp. 71-2, on (J 6:60, the soul during 
sleep); J.F. Healey, The religion of the Nabaiaeans, 
Leiden 2001, 169-71; T.E. Homerin, Echoes of a 
thirsty owl. Death and the afterlife in pre-Islamic 
Arabic poetry, in JNES j^^ (1985), 165-84; Izutsu, 
God, 121-32; D.B. Macdonald, The development 
of the idea of spirit in Islam, in M\V'^2 (1932), 
25-42, 153-68; A. Murtonen, The living soul. A 
study of the meaning of the word naefaesh in the 
Old Testament Hebrew language, in Studia 
orientalia 23/1 (1958), 3-105; T O'Shaughnessy, 
The development of the meaning of spirit in the Koran, 
Rome 1953; E Rahman, Adajor themes of the 
Qur'dn, Chicago 1980, 17-18, 95-7, ii2;J.L Smith 
and Y.Y. Haddad, The Islamic understanding oj death 
and resurrection, Albany 198 1. 



South Arabia, Religions in 
Pre-Islamic 

The religiotis history of south Arabia is 
divided into two periods of uneqtial length: 
polytheistic from its beginnings (eighth 
century B.C. e.) until around 380 c.E. (see 
polytheism and atheism), then 
monotheistic thereafter. Only the first is 
dealt with here; for the second, see Yemen; 
JEWS AND JUDAISM; CHRISTIANS AND 
CHRISTIANITY. (For other aspects of pre- 
Islamic religiotis traditions of which the 
Qiir'an evinces knowledge, see e.g. 
Abyssinia; magians; mecga; medina; 
najran; sabians; sheba; soothsayer; 

SYRIA.) 

The main source for understanding the 
religions of pre-Islamic sotith Arabia 



85 



SOUTH ARAB I A 



consists of inscriptions, whicli are engraved 
on durable materials and are numbered in 
tlie tliousands (see also epioraphy and 
THE cjur'an). Archaeological investigation 
of ancient cult places complements the 
information taken from the texts (see also 
ari;haeology and the cjur'an). By 
comparison, external sources, whether 
ancient works in classical or oriental 
languages or the rare pieces of information 
passed on by the Arab traditions of the 
Islamic era, provide us with very little (see 
ORALITY AND WRITING IN ARABIA; 
PRE-ISLAMIC ARABIA AND THE OUr'an). 

Such sources, which could clarify the 
religious conceptions of ancient south 
Arabians for us and give us an organized 
presentation of the divine cosmos (see 
cosmology), have not been preserved as 
literary texts (myths, epics, poems or 
rituals; see myths and legends in the 
q^ur'an; poetry and poets; ritual and 
the {jur'an). Most of the time, such 
sources simply mention the divinities, 
sanctuaries (see sacred precinc;ts; 
sacred and profane; house, domestic 
AND divine) or rituals. 

The inscriptions deal only with a re- 
stricted range of subjects. The vast major- 
ity of them commemorate specific actions, 
setting out the rights of men or gods: 
building or construction operations which 
establish property (q.v.) rights; offerings to 
a divinity in order to obtain favor; rites 
carried out at important moments in the 
life of the community. These texts almost 
always provide important information for 
understanding religion (q.v.). The particu- 
lar titles of their authors may make men- 
tion of a priestly office. The dedications 
quote the name of the intended divinity, 
particular titles (epithet, temple name) and, 
after the start of the Christian era, the rea- 
sons why the believer was making his of- 
fering. The dedications and texts which 
commemorate building or construction 



works normally end with "invocations," 
that is, a detailed list of the earthly and 
supernatural powers from whom the au- 
thors had obtained support or approval 
(see prayer formulas). Prescriptive texts, 
which are few in number, are equally in- 
teresting. Some control access to the sanc- 
tuary, while others call upon divinities to 
grant greater weight to their prescriptions. 



Gods and goddesses 
The inscriptions name a whole host of di- 
vinities. Several, slightly dated works 
(Hofner, Die Stammesgruppen; id., 
Vorislamischen Religionen; Ryckmans, 
Religions arabes; id.. Religions ambes) pro- 
vide a list of these. Clearly this collection 
of divinities does not constitute a south 
Arabian pantheon as such. The first rule of 
classification is to identify those sites where 
a divinity is venerated or invoked: it is im- 
mediately clear that the majority of divini- 
ties have a special link with a particular 
family (q.v), a named tribe (see tribes and 
clans; kinship), a tribal federation or a 
kingdom (see kings and rulers). These 
divinities may be termed "institutional" 
since they intervene in the life of the com- 
munity at a certain level. It is these divini- 
ties that are invoked at the end of 
inscriptions. 

Institutional divinities 
Each kingdom had an official pantheon, 
made up of a small number of divinities, 
around five in total. This list of divinities is 
easy to determine for the kingdom of 
Saba' ('Athtar, Hawbas, Almaqah, dhat- 
Himyam and dhat-Ba'dan""', 'Mr, Hwbs', 
'Imqh, dt-Hmym, dt-B'dn'"; see sheba) and 
Qataban ('Athtar, 'Amm, Anbi, dhat- 
Sanat"'" and dhat-Zahran, 'ttr, 'm, 'nby, 
dt-Snt", dt-^hr") because the most solemn 
inscriptions always call upon them in that 
order (for the precise location of ethnic 
groups and place names, see Robin and 



SOUTH ARAB lA 



Brunner, Map of ancient Yemen). Elsewhere 
the hst is much more a matter of con- 
jecture. In the small kingdoms of 
al-Jawf, it is reconstructed from the rite 
celebrated by those in authority. Finally, 
for the Hadramawt there is almost no 
information at all. 

Before the Christian era, the political 
cohesion of states was based upon the cult 
of divinities in the official pantheon; each 
divinity was the object of particular rites, 
which suggests a specific role, complement- 
ing the role of associated divinities. 
Changes in political organization, follow- 
ing conquests, annexations, secessions, 
alliances, etc., logically translated into 
change in the religious sphere also. For 
example, Sabaean domination of the city 
kingdom of Nashshan (in al-Jawf) led to 
the construction of a temple to the 
Sabaean god Almacjah in the town center; 
and when Saba' (Sheba) annexed the tribal 
federation of Sam'i, the great Sami'yan 
god (Ta'lab) decreed that the federation 
should henceforth take part in the official 
Sabaean pilgrimage to Almaqah at Marib 
(today, Ma'rib; see al-'arim), in the month 
of dhu-Abhi [d-'bhj, roughly July; see 
months; calendar). The introduction to 
the Sabaean pantheon of a new god, 
Hawbas, around the sixth century B.i;.E., 
may perhaps be explained by new alli- 
ances. This parallel political and religious 
organization broke up from the beginning 
of the Christian era, when the redrawing 
of the political map ceased to have a cor- 
responding religious effect. Henceforth, 
whoever held power (whether sovereign or 
tribal leader) replaced the divinity as the 
basis of political entities and more and 
more often kingdoms and principalities 
were collections of tribes with different 
cults. 

A large number of divinities were only 
worshipped by a single kingdom, such as 
Almaqah (Saba'), 'Amm (Qataban) or 



Sayin (Hadramawt), others, such as 
Wadd""" (Wd'") or dhat-Himyam (dt-Hmym), 
in many. Only one, 'Athtar ('ttr), is 
common to the entire population of south 
Arabia. A single divinity common to 
several groups is often individualized by a 
qualifying name or title. 'Athtar, for 
example, is always qualified by dhu- 
Qabd'"" (d-Qbd'") when describing the 
principal god of the kingdom of Ma'in. 
The title often denotes the name or 
location of a sanctuary, and sometimes 
both, as with "Ta'lab Riyam'"" lord (of 
the temple) of Qadman (of the city) of 
Damhan" (T'lb Rym'" b'l Qdm" d-Dmh"). 

For some uncommon divinities, the texts 
make explicit mention of their tribe of ori- 
gin, such as dhu-(l)-SamawI, "the heavenly 
one" (dr- S'mwy), who is often called "god 
(of the tribe) of Amir'""," an Arab tribe 
(see Arabs) based between al-Jawf and 
Najran (q.v.). His principal temple (called 
d-ygrw) was located at the heart of Amir'"" 
territory, in wadi 1-Shudayf, (some sixty km 
north of al-Jawf), but some sanctuaries 
were also dedicated to him by other tribes 
elsewhere: at Haram (in al-Jawf), at 
Marib (capital of Saba'), at Tamna' (capital 
of Qataban) and at Sawa"' (22 km south of 
Ta'izz). 

Some divinities are not exclusively 
Yemeni. There is evidence for the god 
Wadd'"" in the Persian Gulf, and according 
to tradition, he was also worshipped by the 
Kalb at Dumat al-Jandal. The gods SayIn 
and Anbl had corresponding gods in 
Mesopotamia (Sin and Nabu), the gods 
Sahar and Ramman, just like the goddess 
Athirat, in the near east (Shahar and 
Athirat in Ugarit, Ashera in the Bible, 
Ramman as an epithet of the Aramaic god 
Hadad; Bron, Notes sur le culte; id., 
Divinites communes). The most 
widespread divinity was 'Athtar, with a 
dual male and female aspect, as can be 
seen at Ugarit and Hadramawt, even if 



87 



SOUTH ARAB I A 



one of the two is very often dominant (the 
male aspect in south Arabia, except at 
Hadramawt, the female aspect in 
Mesopotamia). 

A large number of divinities do not have 
a proper name as such, but are indicated 
by a quality (Wadd'"", "Love"), a family 
relationship ('Amm, "Uncle on the father's 
side"), a locale (and perhaps sometimes by 
a quality or a function) introduced by the 
pronouns "He who ..., she who ..." (dhu- 
[l-]SamawI, dhu-Qabd""', dhat-Himyam, 
dhat Badan'"", etc.). Most likely the real 
names of these divinities were taboo. The 
same phenomenon can be seen in the 
Arabian desert with al-Lah ("the god"), 
al-Lat ("the goddess"), al-'Uzza ("the most 
powerful"; cf o 53:19-20) and all the 
names with dhu- or dhat- (dhat Anwat, 
dhu 1-Ka'bat, dhu 1-Khalasa, dhu 1-Kaf- 
fayn or dhu 1-Laba'). 

The development of formal pantheons is 
most obvious at the level of kingdoms, 
which could be extremely varied in size, 
ranging from the simple city-tribe (like 
Kaminahu or Haram in al-Jawf) to the 
assembly of enormous collections of tribes 
(like Saba'). But tribes, towns, clans, lin- 
eages and families had their own cults, too, 
and these were added to the collective rites 
of the kingdom. It follows from this that 
the structure of the divine world faithfully 
reflected the organization of society. The 
same phenomenon can be seen elsewhere 
in Arabia, for example in the Yathrib oasis 
when Muhammad arrived there (Lecker, 
Idol worship; see Medina). 

Some minor divinities, divided into four 
classes entitled b 7 byt-, mndh, s'ms' and rb ', 
are entrusted with the protection of 
palaces, temples, family groups or 
individuals. The terms which denote these 
classes may be translated as "master of the 
palace of...," "household divinity," 
"genium (lit. sun)" and "protector." 

Some divinities have a double name, like 



those of mere mortals, in which we can 
see a divine name, such as 'Izazallat 
("Power of al-Lat"), Hawfi'il ("II has 
saved"), Lahay'athat ("'Athtar shines"), 
Sumuyada' ("His name knew") or 
Yada'ismuhu ("He knew his name"). These 
are probably deified individuals, ancestors 
or heroes. Normally living human beings, 
including the sovereign, are not described 
thus. There is, however, one somewhat 
puzzling exception, a king of Awsan from 
the Hellenistic era, who is called "son of 
(god) Wadd'""" and receives offerings, as if 
he were himself a god. 

J^ on-institutional divinities 
A relatively large number of divinities have 
no clear link with any political or tribal 
entity. These apparently include the 
"Daughters of II," mostly worshipped by 
women. Their name suggests that they 
were a class of supernatural entities acting 
as intermediaries between human beings 
and the assembly of gods. Other unnamed 
divinities can also be added, who may be 
identified by a parental relationship with a 
divinity: "Son of Hawbas," "Mother of 
'Athtar," or "Mother of goddesses." 
Instances of divinities particular to a place 
or sanctuary are more doubtful: e.g. "He 
who is at Raydan," the "Lord of Awran," 
the "Lord of Bahr""'," the "Lord of 
Yaf an," the "Lord of Hadas""'," the 
"Mistress of Hadath, she who is from 
Zarb""'," the "god in the chapel (of 
worshippers) Kharif at Mayfa'," etc. It is 
possible that these divinities, or some of 
them at least, provided individuals or 
non-tribal groups (women, those of the 
same age group, or in the same trade) the 
chance to meet with each other and 
express their solidarity. 

Divinities borrowed from the Arabs 
Several divinities of Arab origin were 
known and worshipped in south Arabia. 



SOUTH ARAB I A 



They were introduced after Arab tribes 
settled in tlie lowlands of Yemen from tlie 
second century B.c.E. Dliu-(I-)SamawI, tlie 
Amir""' god, has already been mentioned. 
Another god of the same sort is Kahilan 
(who may perhaps be identified with the 
god Khl'" of Qaryat al-Faw), known from 
the kingdom of Ma'in (Bron, Mam, 30). 
Above all, however, there are the three 
goddesses al-Lat, Manat and al-'Uzza, 
mentioned in C3 53:19-20 (cf Robin, Filles 
de Dieu, 139 f ; see SATANIC verses). 

Al-'Uzza, Sabaean 'Uzzayan ('zy"), is the 
only Arab divinity, along with dhu-(l-) 
Samawl, whose cult was widespread in 
south Arabia. There is evidence for her in 
twelve texts (two of which are 
fragmentary): five commemorate offerings 
in one of her temples; two, on amulets 
(q.v.), call upon her as a protectress; and 
three call upon her as the guardian divinity 
of the final royal palace of Qataban. The 
name 'Uzzayan is also found in several 
theophoric anthroponyms, almost all 
relating to the same inscription. An 
onomastic, 'Uzzayan first appeared in 
south Arabia in the third century b.c.e. 
This was not far from Najran, a region 
inhabited by north Arabian tribes. The 
first sign of a cult (a dedication in a 
sanctuary consecrated to the goddess) 
comes from Qataban dating from the 
second century b.c.e. 

Al-Lat, Sabaean Latan and Lat (Lf and 
It), who was popular in northwestern 
Arabia and among the Arabs of the near 
east, does not seem to have been the object 
of an organized cult in south Arabia. The 
only indications of veneration are two 
amulets. The name of the goddess is 
written once with the article -n, and once 
without. The goddess, however, seems to 
have been extremely popular among the 
Arab tribes on the northern borders of 
Yemen, then among the south Arabians 
themselves, judging by theophores with -It, 



of which there are dozens. The appear- 
ance of these theophores in al-Jawf may be 
dated to the second century b.c.e. 

Manat, south Arabian Manawt (Mnwt), 
whose cult is well documented among the 
Palmyrenians and in northwestern Arabia 
(notably at Tayma' and al-Hijr), makes 
almost no appearance in the epigraphic 
records of south Arabia. At present there is 
only a single reference in a text from Ma'in 
dating from the fifth century b.c.e. (Bron, 
Ma'Tn, 30). This occurrence, seemingly 
older than everything found elsewhere, 
suggests that Manawt was a divinity of 
Ragmat (the ancient name of Najran). 
Similarly, the name Manawt appears in 
several anthroponyms from the Najran 
region in its broadest sense. 

These three goddesses, introduced by the 
Arabs, should be distinguished from the 
"Daughters of II," who are local divinities 
(Robin, Filles de Dieu). All these, however, 
are minor divinities, a fact which prefigures 
the compromise proposed by Muhammad 
in the "satanic verses," namely the recogni- 
tion of divinities which served Meccan 
interests, provided that they were reduced 
to the status of "Daughters of Allah" (the 
local version of the south Arabian 
"Daughters of II"), that is, divine messen- 
gers (see messenger). 

Strangely enough, all the known south 
Arabian divinities had a positive or protec- 
tive role. Evil powers are alluded to in in- 
vocations but are never personified. 
Magical thinking is afraid to name evil, lest 
it contribute to making it real (see magic; 

GOOD AND evil). 

Cult organization 
Places of cult worship, whether of human 
design ("temples") or otherwise 
("sanctuaries"), were quite varied in size. 
The plans, the quality of the building and 
the organization were incredibly diverse, 
even in the same tribe. This is equally true 



89 



SOUTH ARAB I A 



for the locations, at the center of town, 
outside the walls, in the countryside or the 
steppe, at the top of a mountain or in the 
midst of the rocks (Jung, Religious monu- 
ments). The temple seems to have played 
an important economic role (see 
EcoNOMii;s; trade and i;ommerce). It 
owned property (q.v.; mb'l). Furthermore, 
at Saba' and Hadramawt, the ctirrency 
was placed under the control of the chief 
god (see money). Certain temples and 
sanctuaries display features which can be 
found in the Meccan haram. The temple of 
Sirwah (go km east of San'a'), witli a half- 
oval precinct, recalls the form of hijr and is 
bounded by a semi-circular cloister. The 
low walls which enclose the sanctuary of 
Jabal al-Lawdh (135 km north-east of 
San'a') seem comparable to the 'ansh (the 
building with no roof and with walls so low 
that cattle can step over them) which stood 
there, prior to the Ka'ba. The sacred pe- 
rimeter of the sanctuary of Darb al-Sabi, 
near Baraqish (95 km northeast of San'a', 
ancient Yathill) is marked by boundary 
stones (nine are preserved, with the inscrip- 
tion "botmdary of the sanctuary"), just like 
the Meccan haram. 

To the best of our knowledge, places of 
worship were not under the authority of 
an actual clergy, mediating between 
liumans and the gods. Nonetheless, certain 
individuals were engaged in the service of 
the temples. They held titles such as rs^w 
("priest"), qyn ("administrator"), mrtd 
("consecrated to a particidar divinity") or 
'jkl (pi. 'jklt, "priests," an Akkadian loan 
word, which is only found at a very early 
period). 

Rituals 
The most frequent ritual was apparently 
the presentation of offerings, 
commemorated by an inscription, which 
commends in a lasting manner the 
generosity of the person making the 



offering. In ancient times, these offerings 
consisted either of people (who seem to 
have entered into the service of the 
divinity) or of produce or various other 
objects. From the start of the Christian 
era, or a short time earlier, offerings of 
people were replaced by the dedication of 
small statuettes; such representations were 
called slm (in Arabic sanam) when a man 
was represented and slmt when a woman 
was concerned. By means of these 
statuettes, those individuals consecrated to 
the divinity were symbolically present in 
the temple, without actually performing 
any service as such. 

The divinity was regularly honored by 
great pilgrimages (usually called hdr and 
mwfrt, and less commonly hg; see 
pilgrimage). For Saba', the most impor- 
tant was definitely the pilgrimage of 
Almacjah at Marib, in dhu-Abhi (roughly 
in July, the main period of rains). Another, 
the pilgrimage of Almaqah dhu-Hirran at 
'Amran (45 km northwest of San'a'), is 
known because of two references. The 
principal god Sam'i, Ta'lab Riyam'"", was 
visited at Mount Tur'at (modern-day Jabal 
Riyam, 50 km north of San'a') and the 
Zabyan temple at Hadaqan (30 km north 
of San'a'). Finally, a pilgrimage in honor 
of dhu(l-)SamawI took place at Yathill. 
Apart from Saba', the only known pilgrim- 
age is of Sayin, at Shabwat. 

The divinity provided oracles and issued 
commands — in an unknown manner (see 
divination; foretelling), and reveals 
itself via visions in the temple (see vision; 
dreams and sleep). He or she was asked 
to provide rain (a ceremony called istisqd' in 
Arabic) during particular ceremonies (see 
water; prayer formulas). Several texts 
mention the practice of divination, al- 
though this is difficult to identify precisely. 
South Arabians definitely offered blood 
sacrifices, but there are few allusions to 
this, apart from some Minaean inscriptions 



SOUTH ARAB I A 



90 



(see bloodshed; blood and blood 
clot). Ritual banquets accompanied 
certain celebrations. Fumigation with 
aromatic substances such as incense was 
common practice, to judge from the num- 
ber of perfume burners found so far (see 
smell). Similarly, there would have been 
libations (consisting of what?) which were 
carried out on tables or altars (see table; 
FOOD AND drink). Finally, several rites 
took place outside of the temple, such as 
ritual himting (see hunting and fishing) 
or erecting memorials. (Regarding the cults 
of south Arabia, see Ryckmans, Rites du 
paganisme; Robin, Sheba. II, 1156-83.) 

Representation of divinities 
In south Arabia, human or animal rep- 
resentation was not taboo (see 
iconoclasm). Statues and historical tab- 
leaux adorned temples and palaces; images 
of the dead were placed in tombs (see 
burial). It is worth noting, however, that 
in this large number of images, very few 
are definitely those of divinities. The most 
significative have been discovered very 
recently (Arbach, Audouin, Robin, La 
decouverte). It is not certain whether the 
tentative identification of the young female 
figures on the temples of al-Jawf as the 
"Daughters of 11" is indeed correct. The 
bust of a woman holding ears of corn in 
one hand and giving a blessing with the 
other, identified by Jacqueline Pirenne as 
the goddess Dhat-Himyam, or the young 
man whom she regards as Almaqah, rep- 
resent believers, not divinities. 

Representation of divinities in animal 
form is somewhat better documented. 
Large size coins from Hadramawt depict 
Sayin, the kingdom's principal god, in the 
shape of an eagle attacking a serpent and 
there is an inscription which explicitly 
likens him to this powerful bird. Some 
coins of smaller size also depict Sayin in 
the shape of a bull. Other divinities must 



also have appeared in the shape of a bull, 
such as Thawr-Ba'al'"" ("Bull-Lord"), 
associated with and then identified as 
Almaqah or Sam'i, when he is called "Bull 
of Abdu'""'." 

Comparisons with the ritual practices of pre - 

Islamic Hijdz 
The prohibitions entailed by the demand 
for ritual purity (q.v.; see also 
contamination; cleanliness and 
ablution) at Mecca and in south Arabia 
are often comparable. In the haram, the 
area where the "idols" of Isaf and Na'ila 
(see IDOLS and images) stood was out of 
bounds for menstruating women (see 
menstruation), and this rule applied to all 
the "idols," if we are to believe Ibn al- 
Kalbi (d. ca. 205/820; Kitdh al-Asndm, 26). 
A south Arabian inscription from al-Jawf 
(Haram 34 = CIH ^Q,'^) echoes an identical 
prohibition. Ibn al-Kalbl (Kitdb al-Asndm, 6) 
narrates that Isaf (son of Ya'la) and Na'ila 
(the daughter of Zayd of Jurhum) were 
two young lovers who made love in the 
Ka'ba and had been turned to stone and 
joined in the Ka'ba (q.v.); this etiological 
story recalls the prohibition on sexual 
intercourse in the temple, set out in two 
other south Arabian inscriptions. 
According to some traditions, pilgrims 
coming to Mecca were given milk (q.v.) and 
honey (q.v). In other temples, Ibn al-Kalbl 
[Kitdb al-Asndm, 40, 46) notes that flour and 
milk were used for the ritual. These are 
listed in the inscription Haram 13 — CIH 
548/12-13: for some offence, the precise 
nature of which is unclear, the believer 
must hand over a bull to the temple of 
Arathat "and throughout the temple, flour, 
the cost of curds, honey, heart of palm and 
full expenses (imposed) on everyone." The 
practice of circumcision (q.v.) in the Arab- 
ian desert is mentioned by two external 
sources, Sozomen and the Talmud, and by 
Arab tradition. As regards Yemen, the 



91 



SOUTH ARAB lA 



information is contradictory. We liave two 
representations of an uncircumcised male. 
First tliere is the bronze statue of a 
Himyari sovereign, depicted in Roman 
style, completely naked, and there is also a 
male member in relief on a small glass disc 
(Ghul, New Qatabani inscriptions); these 
two artifacts are not decisive, however, 
since the first imitates a foreign model and 
the second may have been imported. 
Nonetheless, one external source remarks 
that the Himyaris practiced circumcision, 
at least in the middle of the fourth century 
c.E. (Philostorgius, Kirchengeschichte, iii, 4). 
The practice of covering the Ka'ba with 
hangings (kiswa) is not without parallel in 
Yemen. Three inscriptions from Qataban 
commemorate the offering of ks^wt to 
lesser divinities. It is not known, however, 
whether these ks^wt were intended to cover 
the god or liis dwelling place. 

Development towards a supreme god? 
In the third century c.E., the Sabaeans 
began to give the principal god, Almaqah, 
the title of "lord" (q.v; mr'); in the same 
period, in the inscriptions dedicated to him 
in the temple of Awwam, they ceased to 
invoke the other divinities of the pantheon. 
This has been seen as the evolution 
towards henotheism, as it is surmised from 
this that a supreme divinity was beginning 
to emerge and take on the main functions 
of a chief god. In fact, the arguments put 
forward are not decisive. The Sabaeans 
gave the same title "lord" to other divin- 
ities. As for the fact that only Almaqah is 
mentioned by the invocations in the temple 
of Awwam, there are other possible explan- 
ations for this, such as clerical rivalry. 
It nevertheless remains true that the 
greater divinities of every pantheon tended 
to assume the majority of functions from 
the start of the Christian era. An analysis 
of dedicatory inscriptions is illuminating. 
Their authors thank the divinity for the 



following reasons: political, military, dip- 
lomatic or hunting success (see victory); 
help given in peril (sickness, misfortune or 
battle; see fighting; war); protection 
(q.v.) bestowed upon their people and their 
goods; their well-being; their cure in case 
of illness; the birth of children, preferably 
male (see infanticide; patriarchy); the 
abundance of agricultural produce and 
livestock (see agriculture and 
vegetation; hides and fleece); rainfall; 
the granting of visions or favorable oracles 
(see portents), etc. Petitions for the future 
are principally: humiliation of the enemy 
(see enemies); good health, success and 
well-being; protection from various 
dangers, particularly sickness; good 
harvests; children, preferably male (see 
grace; blessing); the favor of the sov- 
ereign (see sovereignty; kings and 
rulers), etc. 

It does not, however, seem that any 
polytheistic divinity of south Arabia 
attained the status of supreme god. Until 
the rejection of polytheism, in the formulas 
which symbolize each kingdom, we note 
that two divinities are mentioned: Sayin 
and Hawl for the Hadramawt; 'Amm and 
Anbl for Qataban; 'Athtar and Almaqah 
for Saba'; Wagl and Sumuyada' for 
Himyar, without exception. We may also 
add Balaw and Wadd"'" for Awsan, even if 
the two gods are not mentioned in the 
same formula. It seems that one of the two 
divinities was the guardian of the throne 
(thus guaranteeing order and justice) and 
the other protected the tribe (watching 
over its growth and wealth). Anbl, 'Athtar 
and Wadd""' are undoubtedly in the first 
category, 'Amm, Almaqah and Balaw in 
the second. 

South Arabian polytheism according to Islamic 

tradition 
Islamic authors know little of the paganism 
of south Arabia. The most knowledgeable 



SOUTH ARAB I A 



92 



are Hisham b. al-Kalbi (ca. 120-204/ 
737-819), who produced a work — Kitdb 
al-Asndm — entirely devoted to pre-Islamic 
paganism, and al-Hasan b. Aliinad al- 
Hamdani (d. 360/971), a Yemeni wlio 
spent liis entire life on the Arabian 
peninsula. Al-Hamdanl's Kitdb al-Iklil 
reflects his interest in the history and 
remains of pre-Islamic Yemen. Some 
information on south Arabia is also given 
by Ibn al-Kalbl in Kitdb al-Asndm; he 
mentions five Yemeni "idols": Yaghuth 
(venerated, according to him, by the 
Madhhij tribe and the people of Jurash, 
that is by the peoples who were living at 
Najran and in 'Asir in Ibn al-Kalbl's era), 
Ya'uq (worshipped by Hamdan and their 
Yemeni allies at Khaywan, a small village 
100 km north of San'a'), Nasr (the eagle 
god, worshipped by the Himyarites at 
Balkha', a location which has not been 
identified), Ri'am (in fact a temple, bajt, in 
the province of San'a') and Amml'anas, 
worshipped by the tribe of Khawlan- 
Sa'da. 

Yaghuth, Ya'uq and Nasr are three of the 
five "idols" mentioned by Noah (q.v.) in 
q 71:23 (see also idolatry and 
idolaters). There is no mention of 
Yaghuth in the inscriptions of south 
Arabia; his name occurs only in the 
Safaitic inscriptions (of Syria and Jordan), 
where it is an anthroponym; elsewhere, we 
find 'mry 'wt as a man's name in three 
Nabataean inscriptions, consisting of 'mr' 
(in Arabic imru ') andj) 'wt (the Aramaic way 
of wntingyaghdth) . Finally, in pre-Islamic 
Arabic onomastica, such as that which Ibn 
al-Kalbl sets out in his Jamharat al-nasab 
(Caskel, Gamharat), the name 'Abd Yaghuth 
reoccurs forty-two times (eighteen of these 
in the Madhhij genealogies). It is possible 
that a god Yaghuth, apparently an indi- 
vidual who had been made a hero, existed 
and was commonly known among the 
Nabataeans and Madhhij. The name 
Ya'uq does not occur in Arabian epigra- 



phy, except as the name of a synagogue 
(mkrb) built in January 465 c;.E. [d-d'w" 574 
of the Himyarite era), at Dula' (twelve 
kilometers north-west of San'a'). Nasr was 
indeed a divinity worshipped by the south- 
ern Arabs, especially in Hadramawt and at 
Saba' (Miiller, Adler und Geier), but the 
link with the mysterious Balkha' made by 
Ibn al-Kalbl seems without foundation. 
Regarding Ri'am, Ibn al-Kalbi is a little 
better informed. He is aware that it is a 
temple in the province of San'a' but he 
does not know the name of the god to 
whom this building is dedicated. The 
ancient temple was in fact called Tur'at 
and the god worshipped there was 
Ta'lab Riyam""'; his epithet eventually 
came to indicate both the building and 
the mountain upon which it was located 
(modern day Jabal Riyam, 50 km north 
of San'a'). 

Finally, there is no epigraphic evidence of 
'Amml'anas, but the existence of such a 
divinity cannot be ruled out because we 
know of a Khawlanite leader of this name 
in the third century c.E. 'Amml'anas could 
have been an ancestor or a deified hero. 
Ibn al-Kalbl (or his source) thus provides 
more or less accurate information regard- 
ing four out of five divinities. That being 
said, two caveats should be borne in mind. 
First, Ibn al-Kalbl ignores all the major 
divinities of the ancient kingdoms, notably 
Almaqah (Saba'), 'Amm (Qataban), Sayin 
(Hadramawt), 'Athtar dhu-Qabd'"" (Ma'ln) 
and Balaw (Awsan); his knowledge is thus 
extremely incomplete. Secondly, he is 
more concerned with providing details 
of the idols mentioned in the Qiir'an or 
tradition (see hadith and the q^ur'an) 
rather than with researching first-hand 
information. 

The second original author on south 
Arabian paganism was the Yemeni al- 
Hasan al-Hamdani. In addition to a fairly 
accurate description of the temple of 
Riyam, he mentions the names of three 



93 



SOUTH ARAB lA 



south Arabian divinities, reinterpreted as 
anthroponyms: Sinan dhu-Illm, a king of 
Hadramawt in ancient times (Sayin dliu- 
Ilim in the Hadramawt inscriptions); 
Ta'lab Riyam b. Shahran, who is supposed 
to liave married Tur'a (a misunderstanding 
of the divine title "Ta'lab Riyam'"" lord of 
Tur'at," in which the word ba'al, "lord," 
has been taken to mean "spouse"); 
Almaqah (the Sabaean god Almaqah) 
identified with Bilcjis (q.v.; the traditional 
name of the Qiieen of Sheba). Finally, in a 
short passage of Kitcib al-Jawharatayn, he 
observes: "The sun (q.v.), the moon (q.v.) 
and the stars (see planets and stars) were 
depicted on the silver and gold coinage of 
the Himyarites, because they worship 
them. Tliey call them 'Athtar, Hubas (the 
moon) and Alamiqa (the stars), in the 
singular Almaq or Yalmaq. This is why 
Bilqis is called 'Yalmaqa' and one speaks of 
Zuhra [i.e. Venus]." Al-HamdanI not only 
knew that Almaqah was a divinity (and not 
a queen), he also knew the gods 'Athtar 
and Hubas (Sabaean Hawbas), whose 
name appears in no other Islamic source 
(Robin, Sheba. II, 1 184-9). Yemeni authors 
are thus a little better informed concerning 
the paganism of south Arabia than is the 
rest of Islamic tradition. Tliey know the 
names of several important divinities, such 
as tlie principal gods of Saba', Hadramawt 
and Sam'l, whereas Ibn al-Kalbi only 
refers to minor divinities. Their knowledge 
is nonetheless limited to a few divine 
names and some uncertain identifications. 
Rather than vague recollections from 
memory, we are talking of names they have 
deciphered from inscriptions and 
interpreted more or less correctly. They 
were indeed able to read the south Arabian 
script, although they often confused letters 
of a similar shape and interpreted the text 
very freely. The feeble nature of such 
knowledge in traditional sources is 
undoubtedly explained by the fact that 
polytheism had been rejected by Himyar 



almost 250 years before the appearance of 
Islam and that it survived only tmder- 
ground, except perhaps in certain outlying 
tribes. 

Christian Julien Robin 

Bibliography and abbreviations 
Primary: al-Hamdanl, Abu Muhammad al- 
Hasan b. Ahmad, Kitab al-Jawharatayn al-'atJqatajn 
al-md'Vatayn as-safrd' wa'l-baydd\ Die beiden 
Edelmetalk Gold und Silber, ed. and Ger. trans. Ch. 
Toll, Uppsala 1968; Ibn al-Kalbl, Abu 1-Mundhir 
Hisham b. Muhammad al-Kalbl, Kitab al-Asndm, 
Les idoles de Hicham ibn al-Kalbi, ed. and Fr. trans. 
W. Atallah, Paris 1969; Philostorgius, 
Kirchengeschichte, ed. J. Bidez, rvw. of and ed. by 
F. Winkelmann, coll. Die Griechischen Christlichen 
Schriftsteller der ersten drei Jahrhunderte, Berlin 1972. 
Secondary: M. Arbach, R. Audouin, Ch.J. 
Robin, La decouverte du temple d'Aranyada' a 
Nashshan et la chronologie des Labu'ides, in 
Arabia 2 (2004), 23-41 (pi. 20-41 and 70: 205-16 
and 234); J. Briend, Sheba. I. Dans la Bible, in 
Supplement au Dictionnaire de la Bible, Fascicule 70, 
Sexualite — Sichem, Paris 1996, col. 1043-6; 
F Bron, Divinites communes a la Syrie-Palestine 
et a I'Arabie du Sud preislamique, in Aula 
orientalis 17-18 (1999-2000), 437-40; id., Ala'Tn, 
Paris and Rome 1998; id.. Notes sur le culte 
d'Athirat en Arabic du Sud preislamique, in 
Ch.-B. Amphoux, A. Frey and U. Schattner- 
Rieser (eds.), ...Etudes semitiques et samaritaines 
ojfertes a Jean Margain, Lausanne 1998, 75-9; 
W. Gaskei, Gamharat an-nasab. Das genealogische 
Werk des Hishdm Muhammad at-KalbT, 2 vols., 
Leiden 1966; M.A. Ghul, New Qatabani 
inscriptions, in BSOAS 22 (1959), 1-22, 419-38; 
M. Hofner, Die Stammesgruppen Nord- und 
Zentralarabiens im vorislamischer Zeit, in H.W. 
Haussig (ed.), Gbtter und Mythen im Vorderen Orient, 
Stuttgart 1965, 407-81; id.. Die vorislamischen 
Religionen Arabiens, in H. Gese, M. Hofner and 
K. Rudolph, Die Religionen Altsyriens, Altarabiens 
und der Alandder, Stuttgart 1970, 233-402; M.Jung, 
The religious monuments of ancient southern 
Arabia. A preliminary typological classification, 
in Annali deiristituto Orientate di Napoli ^H (1988), 
177-218 and pi. I-XII; M. Lecker, Idol worship in 
pre-Islamic Medina (Yathrib), \n Museon 106 
(1993}, 331-46; repr. in \d.,Jews and Arabs in pre - 
and early Islamic Arabia, Aldershot 1998, I, and in 
FE. Peters (ed.), The Arabs and Arabia on the eve of 
Islam, Aldershot 1999, 129-44; W.W. Miiller, 
Adler und Geier als altarabische Gottheiten, in 
I. Kottsieper et al. (eds.), "H^r ist wie du, Herr, 
unter den Gbttern?". Studien zur Theologie und 
Religionsgeschichte Israels fiir Otto Kaiser zum yo. 



SOUTH ASIAN LITERATURES 



94 



Geburtstag, Gottingen 1994, 91-107; ChJ. 
Robin, Les "Filles de Dieu" de Saba' a la 
Mecque. Reflexions sur ragencenient des 
pantheons dans 1' Arable ancienne, in Semitica 
50 (2001), 113-92; id., Sheba. II. Dans les 
inscriptions d'Arabie du Sud, in Supplement au 
Dictionnaire de la Bible, Fascicule 70, Sexualite — 
Sichem, Paris 1996, col. 1047-1254; id. and U. 
Brunner, A4ap of ancient Yemen — Carte du Yemen 
antique, 1:1 000 000, Miinchen 1997 
{archaeological map, 70 x lOO cm, in three 
colors, with index); G. Ryckmans, Les religions 
arabes preislamiques, in M. Gorce and R. 
Mortier (eds.), Histoire generate des religions, iv, 
Paris 1947, 307-32, 526-34; id., Les religions arabes 
preislamiques, Louvain I95l";j. Ryckmans, Rites 
du paganisme de I'Arabie meridionale avant 
I'islam, in Bulletin de la Classe des Lettres et des 
Sciences Alorales et Politiques (6e serie) 4/1-6 {1993), 
125-42. 

Sigla: CIH: Corpus inscriptionum semiticarum. Pars 
quarta. Inscriptiones himyariticas et sabaeas continens, 
Paris 1889-; Haram 13 (= C///548) and 34 (= alH 
533): see Inventaire des inscriptions sud arabiques, I, 
Paris and Rome 1992. 



South Asian Literatures and the 
Qiir'an 

With a Muslim population of over 300 mil- 
lion, south Asia (India, Pakistan, 
Bangladesh) is home to the largest con- 
centration of Muslims in the world. 
Muslims in the region have employed a 
wide variety of languages to compose their 
literatures. Among these languages, Arabic 
and Persian have historically played a cos- 
mopolitan role, for they have enabled 
south Asian elites to participate and share 
in literary cultures that extend well beyond 
the subcontinent to central Asia and the 
Middle East. In addition to these trans- 
national languages, Muslims have em- 
ployed a host of other languages that are 
indigenous to south Asia. Ranging from 
Baluchi and Bengali to Tamil and Urdu, 
these vernaculars, in contrast to Arabic 
and Persian, have been local, or regional, 
in their geographic significance. They 
encompass a broad spectrum of literary 
traditions that include folk songs sung by 



village women as well as sophisticated 
poems composed by erudite scholars. This 
article focuses on the interaction of the 
Qiir'an with literary cidtures in the ver- 
nacular traditions. The corpus of these 
literatures is so vast and diverse that in this 
brief article we can only touch upon a few 
key ideas, citing examples from a limited 
range of linguistic traditions (see also 
LITERATURE AND THE ^UR'an). 

It is hardly surprising that the Qiir'an, 
the sacred scripture of Islam, should have 
influenced Muslim poets and writers in 
south Asia. The nature of the Qiir'an's 
impact on the vernacular traditions varies, 
however. At its most obvious, it consists of 
the insertion of qur'anic quotations into 
literary works, particularly poetry. Called 
iqtibds, this popidar literary device assumes 
that every reasonably educated Muslim 
would know the Arabic Qiir'an well 
enough to understand a scriptural allusion, 
no matter how obscure it may be (see 
TEACHING AND PREACHING THE CJUR'an; 
REt;iTATiON OF THE cjur'an). The incor- 
poration of a qur'anic verse into a ver- 
nacular text served several purposes. First, 
it sanctified the text for both the author 
and the audience, thus making it more sub- 
lime. Second, the skill with which the 
Arabic sacred text (see book; Arabic 
language) was woven into the fabric of 
the vernacular demonstrated the author's 
literary prowess. Third, the verse could 
also serve as a proof text validating the 
author's religious beliefs and convictions. 
For instance, C) 7:172, a-lastu bi-rabbikum? 
qdla bald shahidnd, " Am I not your lord 
(q.v.)?' They said ^Yes we witness it'" (see 
WITNESSING and TESTIFYING), is a par- 
ticidarly popular quote among mystically 
inclined Muslims, for it supports a concept 
that is pivotal to Sufism: the existence of a 
primordial covenant (q.v.) of love (q.v.) be- 
tween God and creation (c[.v.; Schimmel, 
Two colored brocade, 57-8; see also sufism 



95 



SOUTH ASIAN LITERATURES 



AND THE our'an). To illustrate the inser- 
tion of this qur'anic verse into a vernacular 
text, we may cite a verse in Sindhi by the 
poet Shah 'Abdu 1-Latif (d. 1752 c.E.) in 
which Marul, a Sindhi folk heroine whom 
the poet uses to represent the human soul 
(q.v.), proclaims: 

When I heard "Am I not your lord?" 

Right there and then I said "Yes" with all 

my heart 

At that time I made a promise [of loyalty] 

to my love 

(Shah 'Abdu 1-Latif, Risdlo, Sur Marui, i, 

I. 255)- 

Shi'i writers, on the other hand, are more 
likely to quote those qur'anic verses that 
best champion a Shi'l perspective (see 
SHi'lsM AND THE q^ur'an). Such is the case, 
for example, with Mir Anis (d. 1874 c.E.), a 
prominent Shi'i poet, who embedded 
within his Urdu elegies those qur'anic 
verses that could be interpreted as sup- 
porting the Shi'i notion of the imamate 
(for instance, C3 36:12 and its reference to 
the imam mubin, "manifest imam"; Haider, 
Ru?nuz, 80-2; see imam). In this manner, 
many a qur'anic verse has been incorpo- 
rated into south Asian vernacular litera- 
ture, the choice of verse being determined 
by the author's religious worldview. 

Frequently, a quotation from the Qiir'an 
may consist of only one or two words (see 
SLOOANS FROM THE cjur'an); yet allusions 
to these isolated words, no matter how ob- 
scure they may seem, are sufficient to trig- 
ger a range of associations in the minds of 
those familiar with the scripture. Hence, in 
many vernacular poems in praise of the 
Prophet of Islam, Muhammad may be 
referred to not by his name (see names of 
THE prophet) but by names or epithets 
that some Muslims claim to have discov- 
ered in the Qiir'an: td' hd anAyd'sTn, the 
unconnected letters that appear at the be- 



ginning of suras 20 and 36 or muzzn^^H 
and muddaththir, divine addresses to the 
Prophet found in the introduction to o 73: 
yd ayyuhd l-muzziftmil, "O you enwrapped 
one," and cj 74-J)"^ ayyuhd l-muddaththir, "O 
you covered one" (see revelation and 
inspiration; soothsayer). 

Even more frecjuent than allusions to 
verses and words are references to figures 
mentioned in the Qiir'an, particularly 
prophets (see prophets and prophet- 
hood), and events associated with them 
(see narratives). Abraham (q.v.), the ideal 
monotheist (see hanif) who destroyed the 
idols (see idols and images) made by his 
father Azar (q.v.; cf. (j 6:74); Moses (q.v.) 
and the burning bush ((J 20: lof.); Jesus (q.v.) 
who could heal the sick and revive the 
dead, and give life to inanimate objects 
with his breath (q 5:110; see death and 
the dead; illness and health; mira- 
cles; marvels) are but a few examples 
from the rich prophetic lore of the Qvir'an 
to which many south Asian poets may refer 
(Schimmel, Two colored brocade, 62-79). I'^ 
many instances, however, these figures are 
assigned interpretations and meanings that 
are not obvious in the original qur'anic 
text. For instance, q 21:69 mentions that 
when the tyrant Nimrod (q.v.) threw 
Abraham into a fire (q.v.), God saved him 
by commanding the fire to be cool and 
peaceful (see hot and cold; pairs and 
pairing). In the hands of many poets, 
Abraham becomes the .symbol of a daring 
love that has the strength to accomplish 
the most miraculous feats. Hence, the 
seventh/thirteenth century poet Lai 
Shahbaz Qalandar alludes to this qur'anic 
verse when he joyously sings: "[Because 
of] my friend's love, I dance every moment 
in the midst of fire!" (as quoted in Schim- 
mel, Two colored brocade, 63). 

Similarly, God's response to Moses "you 
shall not see me" (q 7:143; see seeing and 
hearing) becomes in vernacular poems 



SOUTH ASIAN LITERATURES 



96 



the standard answer that a veiled or other- 
wise inaccessible beloved gives to a lover 
who yearns to see his/her face. The most 
dramatic reinterpretation of a qur'anic 
figure, however, occurs in the case of 
'Azazll/Iblis (Satan; see devil), the angel 
who refused to bow to Adam (see ADAM 

AND eve; bowing AND PROSTRATION) and 

hence was cursed by God for disobedience 
(q.v.; q_ 7:11 f ; see also insolence and 
obstinacy; arrogance). While it is true 
that in some south Asian literatures Iblls is 
traditionally perceived as a character as- 
sociated with rebellion (q.v.) and evil (see 
GOOD and evil), he is viewed, in at least 
one powerful current of Muslim mystical 
poetry in the vernacular, as a positive 
figure — the paradigmatic lover who suf- 
fers for his unswerving loyalty to the one 
beloved (Schimmel, Two colored brocade, 
60-1). Shah 'Abdu 1-Latlf 's memorable line 
in Sindhi bears eloquent testimony to this 
tendency: 

'Azazll is the lover, all others are frauds 
The cursed one was honored by way of 
love (Shah 'Abdu 1-Latlf, Risalo, Sur 
Yaman Kalyan, v, 18, 32). 

Although all major prophets named in the 
Qiir'an appear in south Asian literatures, 
perhaps the true favorite is Joseph (c[.v.; 
Yusuf ), whose story is told in the twelfth 
sura of the Qiir'an. The Joseph story, 
which the Qiir'an calls "the most beautiful 
of stories," has inspired epic narratives in 
several south Asian languages such as 
Bengali, Urdu, Panjabi and Sindhi. In 
some instances, the epic has even been 
illustrated with miniature paintings. 
Typically, these epics interpret the ro- 
mance between Joseph and Potiphar's wife 
within a Sufi framework. Potiphar's wife, 
identified in popular tradition as Zulaykha, 
represents the woman-soul at the lowest 
level of spiritual development — the nafs 



ammara, or "the soul inciting to evil" (al- 
nafsa la-ammdratun hi-l-su'a, C3 12:53), who 
must first be transformed into the nafs 
lawwdma, or "the blaming soul" (o 75:2) 
and finally into "the soul at peace" {al-nafs 
al-mutma'inna, cj 89:27) before she can be 
accepted by the divine beloved. 

It is, perhaps, inevitable that the "most 
beautiful story" of the Qiir'an, when recast 
in the vernacular tradition, would be ac- 
culturated to the local environment, that is, 
the composers of the vernacular epic 
would set it within the geographical, social 
and cultural milieu of their region. A typi- 
cal example would be the Bengali poet. 
Shah Muhammad Saghir (late thirteenth/ 
early fourteenth century c.E.), who com- 
posed a version of the Yusuf-Zulaykha 
epic set entirely in Bengal. In his version, 
he recreates the landscape of Egypt with 
the fauna and flora typical of Bengal, 
introduces the river Nile as the Ganges, 
gives the merchant who bought Joseph a 
typical Bengali name, and has Zulaykha 
send her feinale companions to Vrin- 
davan, famed for being the location of the 
dalliance between Krishna and the gopis, 
"cow maids" (Roy, The Islamic tradition, 
104-8). 

The indigenization of the qur'anic story 
of Joseph in the Bengali epic should also 
be seen within the larger context of 
Muslim Bengali literary culture and the 
development of a distinctive Bengali 
Muslim identity in medieval India that is 
reflected in the genre of the puthi literature. 
In this hterature, the qur'anic concept of 
nabi/rasUl, or "prophet/messenger (q.v.)," is 
identified with the local Hindu concept of 
avatdra, "divine descent or incarnation." 
This identification allowed authors to in- 
corporate various Indian deities, particu- 
larly Krishna, into a long line of qur'anic 
prophets that ends with Muhammad (Roy, 
The Islamic tradition, 95-7). Just as Islam in 
the Middle Eastern context was seen as a 



97 



SOUTH ASIAN LITERATURES 



culmination of Judeo-Cliristian monothe- 
ism (see JEWS AND Judaism; christians 
AND CHRISTIANITY), in medieval Bengal 
and several other Indian regions, the re- 
ligion came to be seen as the continuation 
and culmination of the local Hindu tradi- 
tion. Seen within this framework, the 
Qur'an became the Veda (scripture) of the 
Kali Tug, the last chronological age of 
Hindu mythology. 

Although such localized or acculturated 
understandings of the prophetology of the 
Qur'an and the Qiir'an itself have fre- 
quently been characterized as syncretistic, 
mixed or heterodox, they are, perhaps, 
better understood as attempts to "trans- 
late" universal Islamic teachings within 
"local" contexts. The validity in approach- 
ing vernacular Muslim poetry through the 
lens of "translation theory," as proposed by 
Tony Stewart (In search of equivalence), is 
confirmed by the fact that communities 
who recite and sing vernacular religious 
poems frequently regard them as texts 
which encapsulate the teachings of the 
Arabic Qi_ir'an. Sindhi-speaking Muslims 
in southern Pakistan revere Shah 'Abdu 
1-Latlf 's poetic masterpiece in the Sindhi 
language, the Risdlo, as a book that con- 
tains within it the essence of the spiritual 
teachings of the Qiir'an. Through his ex- 
egetical remarks on dramatic moments and 
events in popular Sindhi folk romances. 
Shah 'Abdu 1-Latif is perceived to be con- 
veying cjur'anic ideas on the spiritual sig- 
nificance of the human situation. In the 
Punjab, poems attributed to Punjabi Sufi 
poets, such as Sultan Bahu (d. 1691 c.E.), 
BuUhe Shah (d. 1754 c.E.) and Varis Shah 
(d. 1766 C.E.), are also commonly regarded 
as spiritual commentaries on qur'anic 
verses. Similarly, the gindns, of the Khoja 
Isma'lll communities of western India and 
Pakistan, composed in various vernacular 
languages such as Gujarati, Hindi, Punjabi 
and Sindhi and embodying the teaching of 



Isma'lll preacher-saints (see saint), have 
also been regarded as texts embodying the 
inner signification of the Qiir'an (Asani, 
Ecstasy and enlightenment, 29-31). 

The conception of some genres of ver- 
nacular poetry (such as the Sindhi Risdlo, 
Punjabi Sufi poems or the Isma'lll ^ZKflns) as 
secondary texts that provide non-Arabic 
speaking Muslims access to the inner (bdtin) 
meaning of the Qur'an (see polysemy) is 
not without parallels. In Persian-speaking 
parts of the Muslim world, Mawlana Jalal 
al-Din Ruml's Masnavui, popularly called 
the "Qur'an in Persian," is regarded as a 
vast esoteric commentary on the Qur'an, 
many of its verses being interpreted as 
translations of qur'anic verses into Persian 
poetry (see Persian literature and the 
(jur'an). Significantly, the mediating role 
that these vernacular texts play between 
the faithful and the Qur'an provides evi- 
dence of a process that Paul Nwyia has so 
aptly called the "Qur'anization of mem- 
ory" [Ibn 'Atd' Allah, 46). Referring specifi- 
cally to early Sufis, he argues that, because 
they were constantly preoccupied with the 
Qur'an as the word of God (q.v.), their 
memories were eventually "qur'anized." 
Consequently, they saw everything in the 
light of the Qur'an, interpreting their own 
experiences and contexts within the larger 
framework of the revelation (see 
REVELATION AND INSPIRATION). We may 
extend Nwyia's perceptive comments to 
include Muslim poets writing in the south 
Asian vernaculars, many of whom were 
influenced, directly or indirectly, by Sufi 
ideas. Their worldviews were so thor- 
oughly colored by cjur'anic ideas that even 
though they did not always cite specific 
qur'anic verses in their compositions, many 
of their lines seem either to echo a 
qur'anic concept or to be a literal transla- 
tion of the qur'anic text into the vernacu- 
lar (see LANGUAGE AND STYLE OF THE 

q^ur'an). This is why the student of south 



SOUTHEAST ASIAN 



98 



Asian Muslim literatures, wlietlier reading 
tlie liighly philosophical Urdu poetry of 
Sir Muhammad Iqbal (d. 1938 t;.E.) or lis- 
tening to Punjabi songs attributed to the 
folk poet BuUhe Shah, is often surprised to 
discover that a seemingly simple line in the 
vernacular is in fact inspired by a qur'anic 
verse. 

Ali S. Asani 



Bibliography 
Primary: Shah 'Abdu 1-LatTf, Shah jo risdlo, ed. 
K. Advani, Bombay 1966. 

Secondary: A.S. Asani, Ecstasy and enlightenment. 
The Ismaili devotional literatures of south Asia, 
London 2002; S.R. Haider, RumUz-i kaldm-i ams, 
Allahabad 1997; P. Nwyia, Ihn 'Atd' Allah et la 
naissance de la confrerie sddilite, Beirut 1970; A. Roy, 
The Islamic syncreiistic tradition in Bengal, Princeton 
1983; A. Schimmel, A two colored brocade. The 
imagery of Persian poetry, London 1992; id.,^j 
through a veil. Mystical poetry in Islam, New York 
1982; T. Stewart, In search of equivalence. Con- 
ceiving the Muslim-Hindu encounter through 
translation theory, in History of religions 40/3 
(2001), 260-87. 



Southeast Asian Qiir'anic 
Literature 

This entry is meant to provide an overview 
of literature of the Qrir'an in southeast 
Asia, including both texts produced locally 
and those imported from elsewhere in the 
Muslim world that have been important 
to the region's religious and intellectual 
history. 

Commentary in Arabic 
As in many parts of the Muslim world, the 
most popular Arabic work of commentary 
(tafsir) in southeast Asia from the seven- 
teenth through the nineteenth centuries 
was the Tafsir al-Jalcilajn. In addition to 
being read and studied in its original 
Arabic, this text formed the primary basis 
of the most popular early modern work in 
Malay, the Tarjumdn al-mustafid of 'Abd al- 
Ra'uf Singkeli. For three centuries, this 



work remained the standard work of tafsir 
in the Malay-language curricula of the 
regions pesantren Islamic educational mi- 
lieu. Other early Malay works of tafsir 
drew on a range of Arabic texts, including 
those of al-Baydawi (d. prob. 716/1316-17). 
Despite their openness to works of tafsir 
from elsewhere in the Muslim world, how- 
ever, southeast Asian scholars were not 
mere passive recipients of the Arabic tradi- 
tion of tafsir. For some attained the erudi- 
tion and proficiency to produce Arabic 
works of their own. The most notable of 
this type is Muhammad al-Nawawi Jawi 
(Banten's; 1813-97) Mardh Labid (which 
draws in large measure on Fakhr al-Din 
al-Razi's [d. 606/1210] Tafsir al-Kabir; cf. 
Johns, Qrir'anic exegesis), which has been 
printed and distributed in the Middle East 
as well as in southeast Asia. 

Translations into southeast Asian languages 
The earliest textual evidence we have of 
qur'anic exegetical activity in Muslim 
southeast Asia comes to us in a manuscript 
containing the Arabic text of (j 18, Surat 
al-Kahf ("The Cave"), written in red ink 
along with a Malay translation and run- 
ning commentary, primarily following al- 
Baghawl(d. ca. 516/1122) and al-Khazin 
(d. 740/1340), in black (Riddell, Islam and 
the Malay-Indonesian world, 139-67). The 
translation of such earlier commentaries 
appears to have been largely eclipsed by 
'Abd al-Ra'uf 's Tarjumdn al-mustafid in the 
seventeenth century. While this work domi- 
nated the field of qur'anic exegesis in 
southeast Asia for generations, in the early 
twentieth century an increasing amount of 
attention was given to other, more recent 
works of tafsir in Arabic as well. This 
expansion of the curriculum of qur'anic 
studies in the region was an important 
aspect of broader developments of Islamic 
reformism in modern southeast Asia. 
Among the works translated in these 
contexts were those of modern Muslim 



99 



SOUTHEAST ASIAN 



exegetes of various orientations, both 
from the Middle East and south Asia. 

Indonesian translations of selections from 
the Tafsir al-Mandr (a work initiated by the 
Egyptian reformer Muhammad 'Abduh 
and continued after his death in 1905 by 
Rashid Rida) by various translators ap- 
peared, starting in 1923. The Indonesian 
translation of Maulana Muhammad 'All's 
The holy Qur'dn and accompanying com- 
mentary by Tjokroaminoto began to ap- 
pear in 1928 but the Muhammadiyyah and 
other Indonesian Muslim groups protested 
the project for its Ahmadiyya (q.v.) orienta- 
tion (see also translations of the 
cjur'an). The pace of such translation ac- 
tivity increased dramatically as the century 
progressed, with economic development 
under the New Order supporting a vibrant 
publishing industry producing Indonesian 
translations of Arabic-language works of 
tafsir by Mahmud Shaltut, Mustafa al- 
Maraghi and Sayyid Qtitb as well as thou- 
sands of other Muslim religious texts. 

Commentaries in southeast Asian languages 
Manuscript collections and library hold- 
ings in Indonesia and Europe contain a 
remarkable range of works on the Qtir'an 
written in a number of different southeast 
Asian languages. One striking example 
may be found in an early nineteenth-cen- 
tury Makassarese text that offers a para- 
phrase of the Qiir'an in that language. 
Another method of qur'anic "translation" 
and interpretation can be found in 
Javanese literature, where a tradition 
developed of inserting an interlinear 
Javanese translation (written in pegon, or 
modified Arabic script) into the text of the 
Qtir'an itself. This tradition of pegon-script 
qur'anic literature in Javanese continued 
into the twentieth century with works like 
the Tafsir al-Ibriz of Bisri Mustofa. An 
analogous work in the Arabic script, or 
jawi, an adaptation of the Arabic script 
used for writing Malay, can be found in 



Syekh Haji Abdul Karim AmruUah's al- 
Burhdn, a commentary on the last thirtieth 
part of the Qiir'an (juz' 'am). 

Such works in jawi and pegon script were 
accessible only to pesantren students, and as 
the twentieth century progressed they were 
thus largely overlooked by the bin"geoning 
ranks of new readers literate in the 
Roman, rather than Arabic script. Pub- 
lishers catering to these growing markets 
produced an explosion of works in various 
fields of the Islamic religious sciences com- 
posed in modern Bahasa Indonesia. One 
of the first major original works of tafsir to 
appear in this format was A. Hassan's 
Tafsir al-Furqiin, which first appeared seri- 
ally starting in 1928. This work by one of 
the leading figures of the radical reformist 
organization PERSIS is actually more of a 
"translation" than a tafsir proper, as what 
little non-literal interpretation there is 
comes only in the form of short footnotes. 
Nonetheless, it also contains a fairly 
lengthy preface in which the author out- 
lines his method of interpretation, laying 
out a set of radical and narrowly scriptural 
exegetical principles differing significantly 
from most works produced in southeast 
Asia before that time. When Hassan's work 
appeared, a parallel project was already in 
preparation by another Indonesian reform- 
ist, Mahmoed Joenoes. This work, begun 
in 1922, finally appeared in its first com- 
plete published edition in 1938 and con- 
tained a thirty-page indexed outline of 
"the summarized essence of the Qiir'an" 
for modern readers, in addition to an 
Indonesian translation of the text and 
explanatory footnotes. 

From the 1950s on, one finds a steady 
increase in the number of new tafsir works 
written in the modern Indonesian lan- 
guage with the Latin script. Among these 
the Tafsir al-Azhar of Hamka (Haji Abdul 
Malik Karim AmruUah) is one of the most 
enterprising endeavors of modern qur'anic 
exegesis, not just in southeast Asia, but in 



SOUTHEAST ASIAN 



the Muslim world as a whole. Although 
often described as a "Modernist," Hamka's 
thinking reflects a mixture of ideas and 
orientations to the tradition ranging from 
Sufism to Salafism. Hamka's work of tafslr 
runs to ten volumes totaling over 8,000 
pages in its hardcover edition. The work 
began as a series of early morning lectures 
at the al-Azhar mosque in Kebayoran, 
Jakarta. The commentary expounded in 
these oral settings was first published seri- 
ally in the magazine Gema Islam. Shortly 
after beginning the project, however, 
Hamka was imprisoned by the increasingly 
left-leaning government of Soekarno and 
the work was thus completed during his 
two years of incarceration. Hamka's copi- 
ous commentary draws on a number of 
authorities with a heavy emphasis on mod- 
ern Egyptian exegetes. The commentary is 
not, however, simply a rehashing of 
Egyptian modernism under the rubric of 
qur'anic exegesis but rather incorporates 
select elements of Egyptian modernism 
and other aspects of Muslim tradition with 
considerable original material, including 
even a number of rather revealing per- 
sonal anecdotes. This work continues to 
enjoy popularity not only in Indonesia but 
in other parts of southeast Asia as well, 
including Malaysia and Singapore, where 
the "deluxe edition" was published by 
Pustaka Nasional from 1982 to 1993. 

With the establishment of Soeharto's 
New Order regime in 1965, the Indonesian 
government itself began to sponsor ambi- 
tious projects in the area of tafsir. In 1967, 
the Ministry of Religious Affairs initiated a 
special foundation that was given the as- 
signment of producing works of Qiir'an 
translation and commentary. This resulted 
in the publication of two major works: Al 
Quraan dan terjemahannya, "The Qiir'an and 
its translation," anAAl Quraan dan tafsirnya, 
"The Qrir'an and its commentary." Both 
works may be seen as officially-sponsored 
attempts to provide Indonesian Muslims 



with "standard" works of reference and 
thus ensure a greater uniformity in na- 
tional discourses on the sacred text. 
Nevertheless, over the course of the twen- 
tieth century the number of privately con- 
ceived and published works of translation 
and exegesis has continued to proliferate, 
thus offering a considerable range of 
interpretations of the text and its 
exegetical traditions. These range from the 
multi-volume works covering the entire 
qur'anic text like that of Ash Shiddieqy's 
Tafsir al-Qurdnul madjied "an-nur" to a host of 
shorter works that deal only with certain 
suras (especially o i, Surat al-Fatiha, "The 
Opening"; see fatiha) or selections from 
qur'anic narrative (see narratives). 
Popular works of both of these latter 
genres are those by Bey Arifin: Samudera 
al-Fatihah and Rangkaian tjerita dalam al- 
Quran, respectively. Later editions of the 
latter relate embellished tales of Islamic 
prophets and the early Muslim community 
complete with illustrations (see prophets 
AND prophethood). There are likewise a 
number of handbooks on tajwid, qur'anic 
recitation, an art form in which Indonesian 
and Malay reciters have received 
international acclaim. 

Just a few years after the completion of 
these works another Indonesian translation 
of the Qiir'an was published by the well- 
known literary critic H.B. Jassin. It was 
entitled Bacaan mulia, "the glorious read- 
ing," an Indonesian rendering of al-Qur'dn 
al-karim, and met with strong criticism from 
conservative w/a/na'who objected to the 
fact that it claimed to be a "poetic" transla- 
tion (see poetry and poets; languaoe 
AND STYLE OF THE our'an). Critical re- 
sponses appeared in a number of Indone- 
sian magazines and newspapers and some 
even found their way into a number of 
polemic monographs. Jassin, however, 
seemed undeterred by all of this; some 
fifteen years later he published another 
edition of the Qiir'an, this one in Arabic 



SOUTHEAST ASIAN 



rather than in Indonesian translation. Tliis 
work, entitled al-Qur'dn berwajah puisi, did 
not alter the contents of the Qvir'an in any 
substantive way but rather experimented 
with new typographical arrangements of 
the Arabic text that highlighted its rhyth- 
mic and assonant qualities — giving it, 
in a sense, a "poetic" face (see form and 
STRUCTURE OF THE q^ur'an). Following 
the publication of this text, many of 
Jassin's earlier critics resurfaced to protest 
what they saw as his "deviation" from 
the established practice of printing the 
qur'anic text (see printing of the 
c3Ur'an), resulting in a new wave of pub- 
lic polemics and hampering the distribu- 
tion of Jassin's text. 

At about the same time tliat these 
developments were taking place in 
Indonesia, we see an unprecedented 
upsurge in the production of works of 
Qur'an "translation" and exegesis in a 
wide range of southeast Asian languages 
beyond Malay/Indonesian. Prominent 
among them were a number of commen- 
taries in Sundanese, including those of 
Qamaruddin Shaleh and Muhammad 
Ramli. Yet such activity was not even re- 
stricted to soutlieast Asian languages with 
predominantly Muslim speakers. For, at 
this time we find the first full Thai transla- 
tion of the Qiir'an, completed by Direk 
Kulsiriswasd, a.k.a. Ibrahim Qiireyshi. 
The translation of the Qiir'an into 
Vietnamese is an even more recent phe- 
nomenon, the first example of which the 
present writer is aware having been pub- 
lished not in southeast Asia but in southern 
California in 1997. Two of the first sig- 
nificant works on the Qiir'an in Tagalog 
date back to the early 1980s. The first, Ang 
banal na Kuran, is a fairly straightforward 
translation following the order of the stan- 
dard arrangement of the text in Arabic. 
The second is a topically arranged treat- 
ment of legal categories and related con- 
cepts as illustrated by qur'anic verses. In 



each section the verse is given first in 
English (text from Yusuf 'All's translation) 
and then followed by a Tagalog translation 
without further commentary. 

This approach to topical (mawdu'T) tafsTr 
was also gaining popularity in Indonesia 
during the 1980s. Works of this kind ap- 
pealed more to a modern lay Muslim read- 
ership than did works following the more 
traditional, verse-by-verse (tartlb al-dycit) 
arrangement. One of the most ambitious 
works of this type is Dawam Rahardjo's 
700-plus page Ensiklopedi al-Qur'an, which is 
comprised of chapters dealing with topics 
like "justice," "mercy," "religion," "knowl- 
edge," etc. In addition to this, the work 
also contains important chapters on his 
interpretive methodology and his under- 
standing of the "social vision" of the 
Qiir'an (see ethics and the qur'an; 

social SCIENCES AND THE CJUR'aN; 
community and SOCIETY IN THE QUR'an). 

Other significant Indonesian works of this 
type include the work of Jalaluddin Rakh- 
mat, a popular preacher from Bandung 
with a degree in communications from the 
University of Iowa. 

With such work we enter a new period in 
the history of interpretive literature on the 
Qur'an in Indonesia, one in which tra- 
ditional methodologies have largely given 
way to works addressing tire needs of a 
wider readership whose education has not 
been in the traditional Islamic sciences (see 

TOOLS FOR THE STUDY OF THE OUr'an; 
traditional DISCIPLINES OF {^UR'aNIC 
study). Over the past decade, these de- 
velopments have been paralleled by a 
marked increase in Indonesian translations 
of works of modern qur'anic scholarship 
that have been produced not in Arabic but 
in Western languages by Muslim scliolars 
working in European and North American 
university contexts. Some of the most pop- 
ular works of this type have been transla- 
tions of Fazlur Rahman's Alajor themes of the 
Qur'an and Muhammad Arkoun's Lectures 



S O VERE IGNT Y 



du Coran (see contemporary iiritical 

PRACTICES AND THE qUR^AN). 

R. Michael Feeiier 



Bibliography 
'Abd al-Ra'uf Singkeli, al-Qur^dn al-kanm. wa-bi- 
hdmishih. Tarjumdn al~mustafid, 2 vols., Cairo 1951 
(injawi); Al Quraan dan tafsirnya, 11 vols., Jakarta 
1975 (in Bahasa Indonesia); Al Quraan dan terje- 
mflAflHHjfl, Jakarta 1967 (in Bahasa Indonesia); 
M.M. Ali, Qper'an soetji, disertai salinan dan 
keterangan dalam bahasa melajoe, Weltevreden 1928 
(in Bahasa Indonesia); H.A.K. Amrullah, Al- 
Burhdn, Sungai Batang/Manindjau 1935 (injawi); 
B. Arihn, Rangkaian tjerita dalam al-Qur'dn, Ban- 
dung 1963 (in Bahasa Indonesia); id., Samudera al- 
Fatihah, Bandung 1968 (in Bahasa Indonesia); 
A.R.H. Bruce, Ang banal na Kuran, Manila 1982 
(in Tagalog); R. M. Feener, Notes toward a 
history of qur'anic exegesis in southeast Asia, in 
Studia Islamika 3 (1998), 47-76; Hanika, Tafsir al- 
^^Aflri, Jakarta 1967-73 (in Bahasa Indonesia); 
A. Hassan, Tafsir al- Fur qdn, Bangil 1986 (in 
Bahasa Indonesia); H.B. Jassin, _i4/-Qz/ranM 
H-karim. Bacaan mu/za, Jakarta 1977 (in Bahasa 
Indonesia); id., Kontroversi al-Qur'dn berwajah puisi, 
Jakarta 1995 (in Bahasa Indonesia); M. Joenoes, 
Tafsir Quran Aanm, Jakarta 1954 (in Bahasa 
Indonesia); A.H.Johns, Qiir'anic exegesis in the 
Malay-Indonesian world. An introductory 
survey, in A. Saeed (ed.). Approaches to the Qur'dn 
in contemporary Indonesia, London (Oxford 
University Press) 2005 (forthcoming); id., 
Qiir'anic exegesis in the Malay world. In search 
of a profile, in Rippin, Approaches, 257-87; id., 
Qur'anic exegetes and exegesis. A case study in 
the transmission of Islamic learning, in P. Riddell 
and T. Street (eds.), Islam. Essays on scripture, 
thought and society, Leiden 1997, 4-49; H.A. Karim, 
Kinh Qur'dn, Santa Ana, CA 1997 (in Vietnamese); 
S. Keijzer, De twee eerste Soera's van den 
Javaanschen Koran, in Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- 
en Volkenkunde 10 (1863), 314-66; I.M. al-L. de 
Leon, The meaning of the holy Qur'dn in Tagalog on 
Islamic legislation, Manila 1982; H.C. Millies, 
Inleiding. Proeven eener Makassarsche vertaling 
des Korans door B.F. Matthes, in Bijdragen tot de 
Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde 3 (1856), 89-106; K.B. 
Mustofa, al-Ibriz li-ma'rifat tafsir al-Qur'dn al-'aziz, 
Kudus i960 (in Javanese); NawawT al-jawl, Mardh 
Labid li-kashf ma'nd Qur'dn majTd, 2 vols., Beirut 
1997; M.D. Rahardjo, Ensiklopedi al-Qur'dn. Tafsir 
sosial berdasarkan konsep-konsep A:^^^, Jakarta 1996 
(in Bahasa Indonesia); J. Rakhmat, Tafsir bil 
ma'tsur. Pesan moral Alquran, Bandung 1994 (in 
Bahasa Indonesia); K.H.M. ^?ira\\, Al kitabul 
mubin. Tafsir al-Qur'dn basa sundai, 2 vols.. 



Bandung 1981 (in Sundanese); P. Riddell, Islam 
and the Malay-Indonesian world. Transmissions and 
responses, Honolulu 2001; H.Q. Shaleh, Tardjaman 
DjuzAmma, Bandung 1965 (in Sundanese); M.H. 
Shiddiqy, Tafsir al-Qurdnul madjied "an-nur", 
Jakarta 1965 (in Bahasa Indonesia). 



Sovereignty 

(Sole) authority and power, rulership. In 
exploring the notion of sovereignty much 
care should be given to terminology. 
Sovereignty generally means authority 
(q.v.) and power (see power and 
impotence) but it lacks precise definition 
and has many divergent interpretations in 
English usage as do its cognates in other 
Western languages. The word hdkimiyya, a 
derivative of the verb hakama, has been 
commonly used in modern Islamic thought 
to denote sovereignty. The form hdkimiyya 
itself does not occur in the Qiu^'an but 
hakama and other derivatives of h-k-m. are 
used in more than a hundred places. The 
verb hakama primarily means "to restrain 
from doing that which is desired." In 
Arabic dictionaries it signifies "to judge, 
decide order, exercise authority, ride and 
govern." An examination of the occur- 
rences of the word and its derivatives in 
the Qur'an reveals that they have been as- 
sociated with both God and human beings 
but at varying levels and for varying types 
of authority (see also judgment; wisdom). 

The doctrine of God occupies a central 
position in the qur'anic discourse, where 
God is portrayed with absolute authority 
over the world. Among the terms used to 
signify his divine authority is hakama and its 
derivatives. For instance, hakam, hakim and 
hakim are all attributes of God that include 
his qualities as lord (q.v.) and rider of the 
universe (see god and his attributes; 
creation). The Qur'an has also empha- 
sized repeatedly that hukm, "command, 
judgment and decision," belongs ulti- 
mately to God (e.g. q 95:8; 11:45; 12:40; 



103 



S O VERE IGNTY 



13:41; 18:26). The usage of the term in the 
Qiir'an has been understood to comprise 
several significant concepts. Tlieologically, 
it is understood to signify that God deter- 
mines and causes all that happens in the 
universe (q 4:78; 7:54; see freedom and 
predestination) and that he is the sole 
adjudicator among humans on the day of 
the judgment ((J 22:55-7; see last 
judgment). On the other hand, God is also 
viewed as a lawgiver in the sense that he 
prescribes the rules that govern human 
affairs (see law and the q^ur'an; 
boundaries and precepts). On the basis 
of these understandings, it has been ar- 
gued that sovereignty belongs to God, not 
only in the theological sense but also in the 
political and legal sense (Qiitb, ^ildl, 
II91-9, 1213-34; see THEOLOGY AND THE 

q^ur'an; politics and the ^ur'an). 

But the Qiir'an does not confine hukm to 
God alone. It is assigned also to various 
humans: to the rabbis and scholars (q.v.) 
who judge, jiaMMm, applying the Torah 
(q.v.) code (q 5:44; see JEWS and Judaism); 
to David (q.v.) who was commanded to 
judge between people justly (c3 38:26; see 
JUSTICE and injustice); to Muhammad 
who must judge in accordance with the 
Qiir'an (cf. C3 4:65, 105). And, there are two 
further incidents where the authority of 
hukm is conferred: on the arbitrators who 
settle a marriage dispute (c) 4:35; see 
MARRIAGE AND DIVORCE) or estimate the 
compensation to be paid by a pilgrim as 
atonement (q.v.) for the sin (see sin, major 
AND minor) of killing game during the pil- 
grimage (q.v.; (I 5:95; see also hunting 
AND fishing). 

Closely related to the term hdkimiyya are 
two other terms relevant to the concept of 
sovereignty in the Qiir'an: uluhijya (divin- 
ity) and mulk (kingship). Uliihiyya denotes, 
among other things, the absolute right of 
command over the creation (e.g. Q_ 7:54) 
and the authority to legislate for human- 
kind (e.g. C3 42:21), both of which belong 



exclusively to God. Therefore, it appears 
that the term uliihiyya comprises the mean- 
ings that those who assigned sovereignty to 
God wanted to attribute to him. On the 
other hand, human governance has been 
mostly denoted by derivatives of m-l-k, 
such as mulk (e.g. Q 2:102, 251, 258; 12:43, 
50, 54, 72, 76, lOi) though it has sometimes 
been used to refer to God's sovereignty 
(Ci 3:26; 23:116; see KINGS AND rulers). Ibn 
Khaldun (d. 808/1406), the famous 
Muslim historian and sociologist, defines 
the nature of mulk in a way that is very 
similar to the Western concepts of politi- 
cal, legal and coercive sovereignty (see also 
TOLERANCE AND COMPULSION; OPPRES- 
SION; OPPRESSED ON EARTH, the). He says: 

Mulk, in reality, belongs only to one who 
dominates the subjects, subjugates the peo- 
ple, collects revenues (see taxation; poll 
tax), sends out military expeditions, and 
protects the frontiers; and there is no other 
human power over him. This is generally 
accepted as the real meaning of the true 
character of mulk (Ibn Khaldun, Muqad- 
dima, ii, 574). 

Historically, the slogan of the Kharijis 
(q.v.) that hukm belongs to God alone seems 
to be the earliest use of the term in politics. 
Modern Muslim reformers have attempted 
to find an Islamic equivalent to the 
Western concepts of political and legal 
sovereignty (see exegesis of the cjur'an: 
EARLY modern AND CONTEMPORARY). A 
number of them, including Namiq Kemal 
(d. 1888), Rashid Rida (d. 1935) and Hasan 
al-Bamia (d. 1949), advocated the view that 
Islam approves of popular sovereignty. 
Others, among them Abu A'la 1-Mawdudl 
(d. 1979) and Sayyid Qiitb (d. 1966), denied 
that sovereignty can be attributed to a 
human being and argued that it belongs 
exclusively to God. In spite of those dif- 
ferences about the type and location of 
sovereignty, it appears that many accept 



SPATIAL RELATIONS 



104 



the principle of tlie supremacy of God's 
laws, the shana, the rights of the ruler and 
the role of the people in the collective 
decision-making process in Muslim politics. 

Bustami Khir 



Bibliography 
Primary: Ibn Khaldun, Abu Bakr 'Abel al- 
Rahman b. Muhammad, al-Aiuqaddima, trans. 
F. Rosenthal, 3 vols., London 1985; Qiitb, ^ildl. 
Secondary: I. Ahmed, Sovereignty, Islamic and 
modern. Conception of sovereignty in Islam, Karachi 
1965; D. Gimaret, Les noms divins en Islam, Paris 
1988, 271-2, 347-9; B. Khir, The concept of sover- 
eignty in modern Islamic political thought, Leeds 1996. 



Sowing see AGRICULTURE . 



VEGETATION 



Spatial Relations 

Relative physical and geographic place- 
ment (above, below, close, etc.). In Islamic 
tradition, the qur'anic corpus is under- 
stood as consisting of two kinds of text 
units, Meccan suras and Medinan suras 
(see MECCA; Medina; sijra). While this di- 
vision serves the juridical purpose of dis- 
tinguishing earlier texts from later texts (see 
abrogation), by such geographic iden- 
tification suras are explicitly related to 
places (see geography and the qur'an) 
rather than time periods (see chronology 
and the cjur'an). This is in accord with a 
general qur'anic trend to focus on space 
rather than time (q.v.). The Qur'an fur- 
thermore displays a strong tendency to 
arrange essential phenomena of creation 
in pairs, sometimes antithetical, sometimes 
complementary (see pairs and pairing; 

RHETORIC AND THE OUr'an). Although 

there occasionally occurs a similar kind of 
structuring speech in the Bible — see the 
passages about God's promise to Noah [Gen 
8:22) or the sequence of antithetical men- 



tal dispositions (in Koh 3:1-8) — this ten- 
dency is much further developed in the 
Qiir'an (see Neuwirth, Qiir'anic literary 
structure revisited; see literary 
STRUCTURES OF THE Q^UR'an; FORM AND 

STRUCTURE OF THE qur'an). Among the 
many phenomena presented as coupled in 
the Qiir'an, spatial notions figure promi- 
nently. They are presented in some cases as 
related closely enough to constitute to- 
gether one complete whole — linguistically 
reflected in the rhetorical figure of a me- 
rismos (see Lausberg, Handbuch). Although 
each part of the pair does exist by itself, it 
is always perceived as related to the other. 
Among these pairs, we find in the early 
suras the figure of "present life/hereafter" 
[al-hajdt al-dunyd/ al-dkhira; see 
eschatology; earth; transitoriness; 
eternity), as well as that of paradise (q.v.) 
and hell [al-janna andjahannam; see hell 
and hellfire; garden). A less tightly 
connected pair in the early suras is Mecca 
and the holy land (see sacred and 
profane; sac.red precincts). It is exactly 
this pair, however, that will gain impor- 
tance in the later suras, where it appears 
emblematically coded as al-masjid al- 
hardm/ al-masjid al-aqsd, the first being a 
coded designation of Mecca, the second of 
Jerusalem (q.v.). In the later Meccan suras, 
the biblical pair heaven and earth (q.v.; 
al-samd' wa-l-ard / al-samdwdt wa-l-ard) axe 
frequently invoked (see heavens and sky; 
scripture and the our'an). a more mar- 
ginal relation is that between Egypt (q.v.) 
and the holy land as portrayed in C) 12 
(Surat Yusuf, "Joseph") and in the story of 
the Children of Israel (q.v.; Banu Isra'll), as 
narrated repeatedly throughout the de- 
veloping revelation of the (Qur'an. Mecca 
and Medina are never juxtaposed explicitly 
in the Qiir'an, nor is the migration of the 
Prophet and his adherents portrayed in the 
Qiir'an (see emigration; emigrants and 
helpers). Another relation between cities 



105 



SPATIAL RELATIONS 



(see city) appears more significant: Mecca 
and, later, Medina are virtually related to a 
third, symbolic center — Jerusalem — a 
relation that develops into Mecca's absorp- 
tion of Jerusalem's prerogatives (see 
Nenwirth, Spiritual meanings). Whereas a 
real journey is made from Mecca to 
Medina, a virtual and symbolic trajectory 
leads from Medina back to Mecca. In the 
following the three most prominent com- 
plementary (or antithetical) figures of spa- 
tial relations will be discussed, as well as 
some less explicit ones. 

Earthly life and the hereafter, al-hayat al- 

dmiya/al-akhira 
Since the early suras are dominated by the 
imagination of eschatology, it is the 
antagonism of the present life and the 
hereafter [al-hajdt al-dunjd vs. al-haydt al- 
dkhira) that appears first in the Qvir'an. 
Whereas the English translation of the pair 
might suggest a temporal rather than a 
spatial relation, the Qvir'an obviously views 
the two worlds as spatial units. This is all 
the more surprising since the likely rab- 
binical model for the idea of the two 
worlds (see jEws and Judaism; foreign 
vocabulary), the Hebrew notion of ha- 
'oldm ha-zeh vs. ha-'dldm ha-bd, this world vs. 
the coming world, does presuppose a tem- 
poral secjuence, 'dldm being a temporal 
term in both Hebrew and Aramaic ('almd). 
It is noteworthy, however, that with respect 
to terminology, the Hebrew discourse of 
the two temporally juxtaposed worlds did 
leave a trace in the Qiir'an, which from the 
middle Meccan suras onward (the two first 
instances being still early Meccan, C3 81:29 
and Q^ 83:6) employs the formula rabb al- 
dlamin to express a crucial divine predi- 
cate, one that becomes a standard formida 
through the Fatiha (q.v; see Neuwirth, 
Fatiha). Although rabb al-'dlamin reflects 
Hebrew ribbon 'dldm (in the sense of "lord 
[q.v.] of eternity [q.v.]"), the Arabic cog- 



nate of 'dldm, i.e. 'dlam, which appears in 
the Qiir'an exclusively as 'dlamin (see trans- 
lation of I John 4:19), is not always used in 
a temporal sense but in some instances 
seems rather to denote the inhabited 
earthly world, represented by humans. 
'Alamin in this sense (which is reflected in 
various translations of the Qiir'an into 
western languages) could be explained as a 
contracted plural of an adjectival form 
(nisba), 'dlami. 

It appears, however, as if 'dlamin was at 
first used in another sense: to denote some- 
thing like "eternity," such as in the formula 
rabb al-'dlamin (early suras, C3 56:80; 69:43; 
81:29; 83:6) which is a loan from the 
Hebrew but is well isolated from the word 
rabb in dhikrun lil-'dlamin (q 68:52; 81:27), 
perhaps in the sense of "a remembrance 
(q.v.) forever." Only later, from middle 
Meccan suras onward, do contexts like 
wafaddalndhum 'aid l-'dlamin (q 45:16; see 
grace; blessing) or nisd' al-'dlamin (o 3:42; 
see WOMEN AND THE qur'an), suggesting 
the meaning of "humans," occur. It is 
worth noting that the word 'dlam in 
Christian Arabic expresses a spatial notion 
(see I John 4:19), obviously reproducing the 
signification of the Greek kosmos, which is a 
spatial rather than temporal notion. 

The qur'anic structuring of the universe 
into two worlds is certainly inspired by the 
imagination of the Aristotelian-Ptolemaic 
edifice of the universe as made up of 
spheres viewed as encompassing each 
other (see cosmology). The lowest or clos- 
est of these is encompassed by the "nearest 
heaven," al-samd' al-dunyd (q 67:5), which is 
the world, and by the last (al-dkhira), i.e. the 
most remote, which is the transcendent 
world, hosting the heavenly court. Since 
paradise is imagined in the Qiir'an to be 
situated in a higher place than the earth, 
al-dkhira, the "last," may well be alluding to 
the highest, the "last sphere." 

Whereas in early and middle Meccan 



SPATIAL RELATIONS 



io6 



texts al-dunja is always positioned as an 
attribute to al-haydt, and al-dkhira — tliougli 
not directly connected to al-dunjd — refers 
back to al-haydt as well, in late Meccan and 
Medinan siiras, al-dunyd becomes an in- 
dependent designation of the earthly 
world, as does al-dkhira (which also appears 
as ddr al-dkhira, C3 28:77) for the hereafter. In 
these texts the direct juxtaposition al-dunyd 
wa-l-dkhira (^ 12:101) marking a 
merismos — the earthly world and the here- 
after equals reality in toto — becomes 
familiar. 

Paradise versus hell, al-janna vs. jahannam [or 
al-nar, al-sa'ir, al-jahim, al-hutama) 
This pair, another major element of es- 
chatology does not appear in direct jux- 
taposition, though the two abodes are 
described almost always in close context 
with each other. Jahannam is the second 
most common (seventy-seven occurrences) 
designation of hell in the Qiir'an after al- 
ndr. Jahannam. originally denotes a site in 
Jerusalem, Ge Hinnom, the valley of Bne 
Hinnom, the biblical locus of the immola- 
tion of human offspring to Moloch [Jer 
7:3if.). The eschatological landscape of 
Jerusalem, which locates the diverse stages 
of the resurrection in single parts of the 
city (see Neuwirth, The spiritual meaning), 
is otherwise not reflected in the Qiir'an; it 
will come to the fore in early Umayyad 
times. The name is obviously already es- 
tablished as a geographically neutral term 
in Christian tradition and has possibly en- 
tered Arabic through Ethiopian (Jeffery, 
For vocab., 105-6; see christians and 
Christianity). 

[AI-] janna is the counterpart of the bibli- 
cal ^an or gan 'eden. As a designation for 
paradise, the primordial human abode, its 
biblical use does not denote the hereafter, 
eschatological thinking having emerged 
only after the completion of most biblical 
books. [AI-] janna is from middle Meccan 
times onward connected with the deter- 



mination Eden ('adn) which, however, has 
no topographical reference in qur'anic cre- 
ation (q.v.) stories. In early suras paradise 
and hell are often depicted with cognate 
literary devices, their respective attributes 
often matching each other, the one being 
extremely delightful, the other extremely 
abhorrent. Their depiction tends to be 
structured as constituting equal numbers of 
verses (e.g. o 51:10-14, 15-19; five verses 
each) or as two verse groups displaying a 
proportional relation to each other (e.g. 
Q, 69:19-24 as against 69:25-37, six and thir- 
teen verses, respectively; see form and 
STRUCTURE OF THE q^ur'an). As such, they 
remind one of the closely juxtaposed picto- 
rial representations of both forms of the 
hereafter that are familiar from Christian 
ecclesiastical iconography, thus suggesting 
the designation of "diptycha" (see 
Neuwirth, Studien). ^oXhjanna andjahannam 
share the presence of trees and abundant 
water,janna, however, being shRdj, jahannam 
being burning hot. Both are eternal abodes 
for their inhabitants. The most impressive 
depiction of paradise is presented in C3 55 
(Sural al-Rahman, "The Merciful"; see 
GOD and his attributes), one of the few 
cases where the negative counterpart jaAan- 
nam is marginalized (see Neuwirth, 
Qur'anic literary structure). The biblical 
characterization of paradise as a landscape 
where four mythic rivers are flowing is re- 
flected in the Qiir'an in a more general 
way, the phrase "rivers flowing beneath it" 
[tajnmin tahtihd l-anhdru; cf q^ 18:31) being 
often added to the mention oi janna (see 
SPRINGS AND FOUNTAINS). A characteristic 
of the cjur'anic paradise that has no coun- 
terpart in the Bible is the existence of vir- 
tuous virgins destined to become the wives 
of the resurrected males (c3 44:54; 55:56-8; 
see HOURis; myths and legends in the 
(JUr'an). The banquets in which they 
participate have been interpreted by 
J. Horovitz (Das koranische Paradies) as mag- 
nifications of festal banquets familiar in 



loy 



SPATIAL RELATIONS 



the circles of tribal elites and thus well- 
known to the Qiir'an's listeners from an- 
cient Arabic poetry (see poetry and 
poets; pre-islamic Arabia and the 
(3Ur'an). The hypothesis that the presence 
of virgins in the Qiir'an is due to a mis- 
reading of the text (see Luxenberg, Die 
syro-aramdische Lesarf) is unfounded (see 
Wild, Lost in translation). These depic- 
tions are exclusively early and middle 
Meccan; later, once a community had been 
established where women played vital 
roles, the issue of transcendent happiness 
had to be rethought. In the course of that 
development, family members took the 
place of the houris as companions to the 
males in paradise. In the early suras, para- 
dise and hell appear to be juxtaposed; the 
antagonism between earth and paradise, 
resulting from the first couple's expulsion 
from al-janna (see fall of man), is intro- 
duced only in later texts, where, however, it 
does not play as momentous a role as in 
Christianity. 

Mecca and the holy land 
In their introductory sections, a few suras 
focus on a place or a set of places held sa- 
cred in monotheistic tradition, to which 
Mecca has been added: cj 52:1-6 (Mount 
Sinai and Mecca), (J 95-1-3 (Mount Sinai, 
and, perhaps symbolically coded, 
Palestine — wa-l-tin wa-l~ziylun, "the fig 
and the olive," and Mecca — hddhd l~balad 
al-amin, "this safe city"), whereas in 
Q_ 90:1-2 Mecca [hddhd l-balad, "this city") is 
mentioned alone. The places are obviously 
regarded as being related, Mecca thus be- 
ing put in a position that allows it to share 
the blessing inherent in the other place(s). 
The relation between Mecca and the holy 
land is thus established from the beginning 
of the Qiir'an's development. In middle 
and late Meccan suras the holy land, al-ard 
al-muqaddasa (q^ 5:21), al-ard allati bdraknd 
hawlahd/JThd, literally, "the land that we 
have blessed" (c3 21:71; cf. 7:137; 17:1; 34:18), 



is evoked on different occasions. At this 
stage, the earlier reminiscences of Arabian 
salvation (q.v.) history, the sites of 'Ad 
(q.v.), Thamud (q.v.) and other ancient 
peoples are replaced by recollections of 
biblical history featuring the Children of 
Israel (see Speyer, Erzdhlungen). Local lieux 
de memoire are substituted by geographically 
remote ones and a new topographia sacra 
emerges, adopted from the "others," not 
the genealogical, but the spiritual fore- 
bears. The community that was in late 
Meccan time urged to go into an inner 
exile yearned for a substitute for the emo- 
tionally alienated and politically hostile 
landscape of their origin. Through the 
adoption of the orientation in prayer, the 
qibla (q.v.), towards Jerusalem dating to the 
last years of Muhammad's Meccan activi- 
ties, a trajectory has been constructed. 
(3 17:1, the sole verse that connects the holy 
land directly with the biography of the 
Prophet (see Neuwirth, Sacred mosque; see 
sira and the q^ur'an; ascension), is also 
a testimony of the establishment of the 
first qibla (see also geooraphy). This ori- 
entation taken by a community in spiritual 
exile towards the spiritual home is under- 
stood as an emulation of the practice of 
Moses (q.v.) who in Egypt, equally in a situ- 
ation of external pressure, ordered the 
Children of Israel to adopt a qibla (o 10:87) 
for their prayer (q.v). 

Only a few years later, in Medina, as a 
result of complex developments, the trajec- 
tory from the familiar but now banned 
and forbidden hometown Mecca to the 
"remote," imaginary sanctuary of 
Jerusalem is called into question. When, 
after the battle of Badr (q.v.), hostility be- 
tween the community and the Medinan 
Jews broke out, the incompatibility of the 
rivahng lieux de memoire, the two topographiae 
sacrae, Jerusalem with the holy land on the 
one hand and Mecca with the HijazI land- 
scape on the other, became evident. The 
spiritual return of the worshippers to the 



SPEECH 



io8 



Ka'ba (q.v.) at Mecca is heralded in the 
verses that prescribe the realignment of 
the orientation in prayer, now directed 
towards Mecca (q^ 2:142-4). In the prayer of 
Abraham (q.v.; (j 2:i26f.), finally, the Ka'ba 
appears as the monument of a new divine 
foundation. According to Abraham's in- 
augural prayer, verbal worship (q.v.) and 
the reading of scripture shall take place in 
this sanctuary in addition to the constitu- 
tive rites of the ancient cult (see also 
RITUAL AND THE q^ur'an) that reflects 
Solomon's prayer at the inauguration of 
his Temple (i Kings 33-4). The prayer re- 
lated in the Qiir'an reaches its fulfillment 
with the appearance of the prophet 
Muhammad and the emergence of a scrip- 
ture for the worshippers of the ancient cult 
(see book; hanif). What had been a pre- 
rogative of Jerusalem to be the site of di- 
vine communication [ha 2:3) is finally 
conferred on Mecca (see revelation and 
inspiration). Finally, both Mecca and the 
peninsula acquire biblical associations and 
become the site of monotheistic salvation 
history. 

Various further spatial relations have 
been discussed in the context of other 
articles or in monographs: for heaven and 
earth (al-samdwdt wa-l-ard), see 
cosmology; for the hidden and the re- 
vealed [al-ghayb and al-shahdda), see hidden 
AND THE HIDDEN and Izutsu, God; for earth 
and the two oceans, see barrier; 
barzakh; for world vs. underworld (the 
story of Moses in (J 18:60-82), see Francke, 
Begegnung mit Khidr (see also 
khadir/khidr). See also left hand and 
RIGHT hand; symbolk; imagery. 

Angelika Neuwirth 

Bibliography 
P. Francke, Begegnung mit Khidr. Qiiellenstudien zum 
Imaginaeren im traditionellen Islam, Beirut/Stuttgart 
2000; J. Horovitz, Das koranische Paradies. Scripta 
universitatis atque bibliothecae hierosolymitarum. 



Orientalia et Judaica volumen /, Jerusalem 1923; 
Izutsu, God; H. Lausberg, Handbuch der literarischen 
Rhetorik. Eine Grundlegung der Literaturwissenschaft, 
Munich i960; Ch. Luxenberg, Die syro-aramdische 
Lesart des Koran. Ein Beitrag zur Entschlusselung der 
Koransprache, Berlin 2000; A. Neuwirth, From the 
sacred mosque to the remote temple. Surat al- 
Isra' between text and commentary, in J.D. 
McAuliffe, B. Walfish and J. Goering (eds.). With 
reverence for the word, Oxford 2003, 376-407; id., 
Qiir'anic literary structure revisited. Sural al- 
Rahinan between mythic account and 
decodation of inyth, in S. Leder, Story-telling in the 
framework of non-fictional Arabic literature, 
Wiesbaden 1998, 388-420; id.. The spiritual 
meaning of Jerusalem in Islam, in N. Rosovsky 
(ed.). City of the great king Jerusalem from David to the 
present, Cambridge, MA 1996, 93-116, 483-95; id, 
Studien; id. and K. Neuwirth, SUrat al-Fdtiha. 
Eroeffnung des Text-Corpus Koran oder Introi 
tus der Gebetsliturgie?, in W. Gross, H. Irsigler 
and T Seidl (eds.). Text, Methode und Grammatik. 
Wolfgang Richter zum 6^. Geburtstag, St. Ottilien 
1991, 331-58; Speyer, Erzdhlungen; S. Wild, Lost in 
translation. The virgins of paradise in the 
Qiir'an, in M. Marx, A. Neuwirth, N. Sinai 
(eds.). The Qur'dn in context. Historical and literary 
investigations into the cultural milieu of the Qiir'dn, 
Leiden (forthcoming). 



Speech 

The act of speaking and the expression or 
communication of tliouglits and feelings 
by spoken words. The Arabic word for 
"speech" is kaldm. It is derived from the 
root k-l-m, just like the Arabic verbs "to 
speak," kallama and takallama. Several other 
qur'anic verbs refer to the act of speaking, 
such as the verbs qdla, "to say," nataqa, "to 
articulate," and nddd, "to call or shout." 
Some verbs indicate the speaker's inten- 
tion, such as sa'ala, "to ask," ajdba, "to 
answer," nabba'a, "to inform" (see news), 
wa'ada, "to promise" (see reward and 
punishment), nahd, "to forbid" (see 
forbidden; virtues and vices, com- 
manding AND forbidding), and amara, 
"to command." 

The most important speaking person in 
the Qiir'an is God. He brings things into 



log 



SPEECH 



existence by speaking to tliem and ordering 
them to exist. He says to a thing "Be!" 
(kun), whereupon the thing in question ex- 
ists (c) 2:117; 3:47; 6:73; 16:40; 36:82; 40:68; 
see cosmology). After God had created 
Adam from dust (see ADAM and eve; 
creation; clay), he said to liim "Be," 
whereupon Adam existed (c3 3:59). God 
may also speak to something and order it 
to change its quality. When Abraliam's 
(q.v.) people intended to burn him, God 
said to the fire (q.v.) "Be cool!" (^ 2i:6g; see 
HOT AND cold). Another example of a 
divine command that affects a change is 
God's ability to end people's lives, by or- 
dering them: "Die!" (c) 2:243; see death 

AND THE dead). 

God speaks to the creatures he has cre- 
ated. There are some qiir'anic reports of 
conversations between God and the angels 
(see angel). Before God created Adam, he 
informed the angels of that [q_ 15:28; 38:71) 
and they commented on it (cj 2:30). After 
the creation of Adam, God ordered the 
angels to prostrate themselves to Adam 
(a 2:34; 7:11; 15:29; 17:61; 18:50; 38:72; see 
bowing and prostration). Thereupon a 
discussion took place between God and 
Iblls (see devil) who refused to do so 
(a 7:12-18; 15:32-42; 17:61-5; 38:75-85; see 
insolence and obstinacy; arrogance; 
pride). Adam was the first human being to 
whom God spoke: "He taught Adam all 
the names" [q_ 2:31; see teaching; 

KNOWLEDGE AND LEARNING). The CXegeteS 

disagree about whether God taught Adam 
the name of everything there is or simply 
the names of angels or humans (Tabarl, 
Tafsir, ad c) 2:31; see exegesis of the 
our'an: classical and medieval). Some 
Arab grammarians (see grammar and the 
q^ur'an; ARABIC LANGUAGE) referred to 
this verse to support their opinion that hu- 
man speech finds its origin in revelation 
(see revelation and inspiration). They 
rejected the idea that language is the result 



of agreement between humans (Versteegh, 
Arabic linguistic tradition, 101-2). God also 
spoke to Adam and his wife when he told 
them to live in paradise (q.v.) but not to 
approach the tree [of immortality] ((J 2:35; 
see trees; eternity). After their disobedi- 
ence (q.v.), God spoke to them again, when 
he told them to leave paradise (q 2:38; 
20:123). 

These conversations took place in para- 
dise (q.v.) but God also spoke to prophets 
(see prophets and prophethood) who 
lived as human beings in this world. God 
spoke to Noah (q.v.; e.g. o 11:46), Abraham 
(e.g. o 2:124), Moses (q.v.; e.g. o 7:143-4), 
Jesus (q.v.; e.g. C3 3:55) and Muhammad 
(q.v.). In most accounts of these commu- 
nications, the verb "to say" (qdla) is used, 
for instance, "God said" (qdla lldhu), "his 
lord (q.v.) said" (qdla rabbuhu), "he [God] 
said" (qdla), and "we [God] said" (qulnd). 
(For the use of personal pronouns with 
respect to God, see Robinson, Discovering, 
224-55.) The whole Qur'an is considered to 
be what God said to Muhammad through 
the intermediation of Gabriel (q.v), but 
when the Qiir'an refers to God's giving 
information to Muhammad, the verb qassa, 
"to narrate," is repeatedly used (e.g. 
c^ 40:78; 11:120; 12:3; see narratives; 
heavenly book; inimitability; cre- 

ATEDNESS OF THE OUr'aN; COLLECTION 
OF THE Q^Ur'an). 

These reports about the prophets raise 
the question of whether they heard God's 
voice when he spoke to them (see seeing 
AND hearing). The answer is given in the 
QjLir'an itself. It is said that God speaks to 
humans only "by revelation, or from be- 
hind a veil (q.v.), or he sends a messenger 
(q.v.) who, with his permission, reveals 
what he wills" (o 42:51). According to al- 
Zamakhsharl (d. 538/1144; Kashshdf, iv, 
226-7), th^ fiy^^t way means that God gives 
someone inspiration (ilhdm) and "throws" 
something in his heart (q.v.) or in a dream 



SPEECH 



(see DREAMS AND SLEEp). It is also possible 
that God creates a voice in some object 
(ba'd al-ajrdm) without the listener seeing 
who speaks to him. The second way in 
which God speaks, i.e. from behind a veil, 
means that those who are addressed can 
liear his voice but cannot see him. 
According to al-Zamakhsliarl, God spoke 
to Moses in this way. It is also the way in 
which God speaks to the angels. The other 
prophets did not hear God's voice. God 
spoke to them through an angel who acted 
as intermediary, bringing God's words to 
the prophet in question. This is the way in 
which God spoke to Muhammad. The 
third way, according to al-Zamakhshari's 
explanation, is that God speaks through 
the intermediation of a prophet. In this 
way, God speaks to the common people. 
They hear God's word from prophets who 
speak in their own languages (see lan- 
guage, CONCEPT of). 

"God really spoke to Moses" [kallama lldhu 
Musd takliman, {) 4:164). Muslim scholars 
agree that Moses is the only prophet to 
whom God spoke directly. This does not 
become clear from (J 2:253, where it is said 
that God spoke to one (or some, minhum 
man kallama lldhu) of the messengers. 
According to al-Zamakhshari [Kashshdf, i, 
293), Moses is meant here. God said to 
Moses that he had chosen him above other 
people by means of his messages and his 
speech [kaldm, (j 7:144; see election). A 
comparison of the verses about God's 
speaking to Moses indicates that not only 
the verb kallama but also other verbs are 
used to render God's speaking to Moses, 
such as nddd, "to call," as in "When his lord 
called him in the holy valley of Tuwa" 
(q.v.; Q_ 79:16, cf 19:52; 26:10; 28:46). This 
verb is also used in the passive sense, al- 
though from the context it is evident that 
God is speaking. "When he [Moses] came 
to it [the fire], he was called (nudija) from 
the right side of the valley, in the blessed 



spot (see SACRED and profane), from the 
tree: ^Moses, I am God, the lord of the 
worlds'" [q_ 28:30; cf 20:11; 27:8). 

In the QjLir'an it is reported that God 
spoke to humans who were not prophets, 
such as the apostles of Jesus (() 5:115; see 
apostle) and the Israelites (e.g. Q_ 5:12; 

2:58; 17:104; see CHILDREN OF ISRAEL). As 

we have seen before, the explanation must 
be that he spoke to them through the in- 
termediation of a prophet. It is not clear in 
which way God will speak to those who are 
brought back to life on the day of judg- 
ment (see resurrection; last judgment). 
It is said that he will speak to them, includ- 
ing to the unbelievers (see belief and 
unbelief). "Then I will inform you (unab- 
bi'ukum) of what you did" (c3 31:15). God 
will not, however, speak (yukallimu) to peo- 
ple who have sold their covenant (q.v.) with 
him (c3 3:77; see trade and commerce) or 
the book (q.v.) he has sent down to them 
(q^ 2:174). Only those will speak who have 
received permission ((J 11:105) ^'^'^ those 
who speak rightly (c) 78:38). Those who 
have declared the prophets to be liars will 
not be allowed to speak (e.g. o 77:34-6; see 
lie; gratitude and ingratitude). 
Unbelievers will not be able to speak be- 
cause God will seal up their mouths. In- 
stead, their hands (q.v.) will speak (tukallimu) 
to God and their feet (c3 36:65), tongues 
(q, 24:24), ears (q.v.), eyes (q.v.) and skins 
((J 41:20-3) will bear witness against them 
as to what they have done (see witnessing 
AND testifying). Probably, this is meant 
hterally, as it is said that God can give each 
thing the power of speech (q 41:21; see 

LITERARY STRUCTURES OF THE OUr'an). 

In the Qiir'an some inanimate things are 
mentioned as speaking to God, such as the 
sky and the earth (q.v.; C3 41:11; see also 
heaven and sky) and hell (q_ 50:30; see 
HELL AND hellfire). There are also writ- 
ten documents that can speak. "We have a 
book that speaks the truth" [yantiqu bi-l- 



SPEECH 



haqq, c) 23:62; cf. 45:29). In this case, speak- 
ing may be understood metaphorically (see 
metaphor), just as in "This Qiir'an tells 
(yaqussu) to the Israelites..." [q_ 27:76) and 
"Did we [God] send them an authorization 
that speaks (jatakallamu)? . . ." (cj 30:35). 

God's speech (kalam Allah) as a theological 

question 
The word kaldm "speech" occurs four times 
in the Qiir'an. In all these cases it concerns 
God's speech. In cj 7:144 God says that he 
chose Moses above other people by means 
of the speech and messages that God re- 
vealed to him. In this case kaldm may be 
understood as taklTm, "addressing some- 
one," as al-Zamakhsharl says {Kashshdf, ii, 
151), but it may also refer to the Torah 
(q.v.), which Moses received from God. In 
the other three cases, kaldm cannot have 
the meaning of "addressing someone." It 
must mean God's message or the Qiir'an, 
as it is said that idolaters hear it (cj 9:6; see 
IDOLATRY AND IDOLATERS; POLYTHEISM 
AND atheism) and people wish to change it 
(c3 48:15) or changed it after they had un- 
derstood it (o 2:75; see revision and 
alteration; forgery; corruption). 
Because of this, all Muslims agree that the 
Qur'an is God's speech. Disagreement 
arose, however, about the nature of God's 
speech (see theolouy and the q^ur'an). 

There is a close relationship between the 
discussions about the nature of God's 
speech and the discussions about the cre- 
atedness of the Qiir'an (q.v.). Jahm b. 
Safwan (d. 128/745-6) and his adherents 
asserted that God's speech is created but 
they denied that God speaks in the same 
way as humans do. They took into 
consideration the fact that human speech 
needs a special organ and movements of 
tongue and mouth. Because of their rejec- 
tion of anthropomorphism (q.v), they were 
convinced that God does not produce 
speech in this way. According to them. 



God does not really speak but when he 
wishes to "speak" to a creature, he creates 
the sound of speech, which is heard by this 
creature and is called "speech" (Madelung, 
Origins, 506-8). 

The Mu'tazills (q.v), too, were convinced 
that God's speech is created. The majority 
of the Mu'tazills defined speech as sepa- 
rately articulated sounds (aswdt muqatta'a). 
For this reason they rejected the idea that 
speech is something that exists in the soul 
(q.v; nafs). They acknowledged that God 
has the attribute of "speaking" and 
pointed out that someone is described as 
"speaking" (mutakallim) because he pro- 
duces speech in accordance with his inten- 
tions. Depending on these intentions, 
speech occurs as information, command or 
prohibition. These Mu'tazills denied that 
speech can inhere in God but they deemed 
it possible that God creates speech directly 
in some substrate, in a tree, for instance, 
which explains how God spoke to Moses 
(see theophany). Another question is 
whether the Qur'an in its recited, written 
and remembered form is identical to God's 
speech (see teaching and preaching the 
cjur'an; REi;iTATioN of the c3ur'an; 
memory). According to the Mu'tazill 'Abd 
al-Jabbar (d. 415/1025), the Qur'an is 
God's speech as he really produced it. 
When we hear a recitation (qird'a) of the 
Qur'an, we hear a reproduction (hikdya) of 
God's speech as it was sent down to 
Muhammad through his intermediary, the 
angel Gabriel. 

Theologians who adhered to the opinion 
that God's speech is uncreated, such as the 
Hanballs, the KuUabis and the Ash'aris, 
took into consideration that "speaking" is a 
divine attribute which can be equated with 
other essential attributes of God, such as 
his being knowing (see god and his 
attributes). In their opinion, this implies 
that God is eternally "speaking" (mutakal- 
lim). Their opinion about speech differed 



SPIDER 



from the Mu'tazill definition of speecli. 
Ibn Kullab (d. ca. 240/854) declared tliat 
"God's speeclr (kaldm) does not consist of 
letters and is not a sound. It is indivisible, 
impartible, indissectible and unalterable. It 
is one thing (ma'nd) in God" (Ash'ari, 
Maqdldt, 584). This was the basis for the 
principle of "inner speech" (kaldm nafsi). 
Probably, al-Ash'ari (d. 324/935-6) himself 
did not speak about it but his adherents, 
al-Baqillani (d. 403/1013) and al-Jtiwaynl 
(d. 478/1085), used this term in reference 
to God's eternal uncreated speech. Inner 
speech is speech that is not yet expressed in 
words. In their opinion, the Qiir'an is an 
expression ('ihdra) of God's inner speech 
but, as distinct from inner speech, it con- 
sists of sounds and letters. The expression 
may be Arabic or Hebrew. They declared 
that in the recitation (qird'a) of the Qtir'an, 
the prontinciation (laf^) is a human act btit 
what we understand from the words is 
God's eternal speech. 

The Hanballs declared that the Qiir'an, 
in whatever form, be it written, memo- 
rized, or recited, is God's uncreated 
speech. In their opinion, God's speech con- 
sists of sounds and letters and is identical 
to the letters of the Qiir'an (see preserved 
tablet; ARABIC SCRIPT; calligraphy). 
The Hanballs rejected the idea that the 
Qiir'an is an expression or a reproduction 
of God's speech. They admitted that when 
the Qiir'an is recited, the pronunciation is 
a human act but they declared that what 
we hear and read is God's uncreated 
speech. H.A. Wolfson [Philosophy, 252-4) 
described this as the "inlibration" of God's 
uncreated speech (see also orality; 
orality and writing in Arabia). 

Margaretha T. Heemskerk 

Bibliography 
Primary: 'Abd al-Jabbar [Ibn Mattawayh], Kitdb 
al-Majmff^fi l-mahit bi-l-takUf, vol. i, ed. J.J. 



Houben, Beirut 1965, 316-46; id., al-Mughniji 
abwdb al-tawhid wa-l-^adl. vii. Khalq al-Qur'an, ed. 
I. al-Abyarl, Cairo 1961; id.. Shark al-usul al- 
khamsa, ed. A. 'Uthman, Cairo 1965, 527-63; al- 
Ash'arT, Abu 1-Hasan 'All b. Isma'll, al-Ibdna 'an 
Usui al'diydna, ed. F.H. Mahmud, Cairo 1986 
{1987^), 65-104; id., Kitdb Maqdldt al-isldmiyyin, ed. 
H. Ritter, Wiesbaden 1929-30 (1980^), 191-4, 
425-7, 516-17, 581-607; Baqillanl, Kitdb Tamhid al- 
awd'il wa-talkhTs al-dald'il, ed. LA. Haydar, Beirut 
1987, 268-84; al-Dariml, 'Abdallah b. 'Abd al- 
Rahman, Kitdb al-Radd 'aid l-jahmijya, ed. 
G. Vitestam, Lund i960, 71-89; Ibn Abl Ya'la, 
Tabaqdt al-Handbila, ed. M.H. al-Fiqi, 2 vols, in i, 
Cairo 1952, ii, 295-6; al-Juwaym, Abu 1-Ma'alT 
'Abd al-Malik, A guide to conclusive proofs for the 
principles of belief (K. al-Irshdd ild qawdti' al-adillajt 
Usui al-itiqdd), trans. RE. Walker, Reading 2000, 

56-75- 

Secondary: van Ess, 'IG, iv, 179-227, 604-30; id.. 
Verbal inspiration? Language and revelation in 
classical Islamic theology, in Wild, Text, 177-94; 
L. Gardet, Kalam, in £1^, iv, 468-71; Izutsu, God, 
151-97; W Madelung, The origins of the con- 
troversy concerning the creation of the Koran, 
in id.. Religious schools and sects in medieval Islam, 
London 1985, 504-25; J.R.T.M. Peters, God^s 
created speech. A study in the speculative theology of the 
Mu'tazilT QadT l-Quddt Abu l-Hasan Abd al-Jabbdr 
bn Ahmad al-Hamaddm, Leiden 1976, 293-402; 
N. Robinson, Discovering the Qur'dn. A contemporary 
approach to a veiled text, London 1996, 224-55; A.S. 
Tritton, The speech of God, in 5/36 (1972), 5-22; 
K. Versteegh, The Arabic linguistic tradition, Lon- 
don 1977, 101-14; WM. Watt, Early discussions 
about the Qur'an, in MIV ^0 (1950), 27-40, 96-105; 
H.A. Wolfson, The philosophy of the kalam, Cam- 
bridge, MA 1976, 235-303. 

Spell (to cast a) see magic 

Sperm see biology as the creation 

AND STAGES OF LIFE 



Spider 

Creature whose body contains two main 
divisions: one with four pairs of walking 
legs, the other with two or more pairs of 
spinnerets for spinning the silk that is used 
in making the cocoons for its young, nests 
for itself or webs to entangle its prey. The 
word spider ('ankabut), which provides the 



113 



SPIDER 



name for q 29, Sural al-'Ankabut, occurs 
twice in the Qiir'an in one and the same 
verse, C) 29:41. In this verse, the spider ex- 
emplifies an agent for warning and threat- 
ening tlie infidels for their ungrateful 
conduct (see animal life; belief and 
unbelief; gratitude and ingratitude). 
Those who choose for themselves benefac- 
tors other than God (see polytheism and 
atheism) are likened to the spider because 
this animal opts for the frailest of houses to 
live in. This qur'anic passage alludes to the 
spider's web and its fragility and is one of 
the very few passages in the Qiir'an that 
refers to animal behavior. In reality, the 
spider's thread is strong enough for the 
spider itself and for its catch; so only from 
a human viewpoint can the web be con- 
sidered weak. 

In Arabic zoological literature, the spi- 
der's web plays an important role in 
describing the spider. (For other topics in 
connection with the descriptions of the 
spider in Arabic literature, e.g. its copula- 
tion, see Ruska, 'Ankabut; Eisenstein, 
Einjiihrung, index.) It remains unclear for 
Arab authors whether it is the male or the 
female who fabricates the web in which the 
spider and its spittle wait for a catch. 
Although the spider's web is always de- 
scribed as weak it is also the reason for its 
reputation as a wonderful creature. For, 
according to the Arabic authors, the spider 
is able to spin its marvelous net immedi- 
ately after its birth. Therefore, the spider is 
seen as one of the animals with inborn 
proficiencies, which do not have to be 
taught by parents. The spider only assumes 
its full shape, according to the Arabic 
sources, three days after birth. Among ani- 
mals, the spider is considered impure and 
disgusting, and may therefore not be eaten. 
The prophet Muhammad himself is said to 
have called the spider a shaytdn (devil) 
transformed by God and ordered it to be 
killed; this hadlth is, it should be noted. 



considered weak (al-Damlrl, Hajdt, ii, 223; 

see HADITH AND THE CJUR'an). 

In other words, contradiction and dis- 
crepancy determine the spider's image in 
Arabic literature. To make things more 
complicated, the spider and its web once 
saved the Prophet himself. According to 
tradition, the prophet Muhammad and his 
Companion Abu Bakr had, on their way to 
Medina (q.v.) during the hijra (see emigra- 
tion), taken refuge for three days in a cave 
(q.v.) located in the Thawr mountain. 
While they were in the cave, a spider built 
its web over the entrance of the cave pro- 
tecting them from discovery by the 
Qiiraysh (q.v.) who were intent on harming 
them. A comprehensive account of this 
event may be found in Ibn Kathlr's 
(d. 774/1373) biography of the Prophet 
(Le Gassick, Imam Abu l-Fidd', ii, I58f.; see 
sIra and the cjur'an), whereas in Ibn 
Hisham's account, the spider is not ex- 
plicitly mentioned in this connection. (As 
an aside, other accounts have it that the 
Prophet was saved during the hijra not by a 
spider but by two doves.) At any rate, this 
event led to the conclusion that a spider 
could build its web very quickly. Moreover, 
the prophet Muhammad was not the only 
one to be protected from danger by a 
quickly-built spider's web. Among the 
prophets, David (c[.v.; Dawud) had the 
same experience. An account of this epi- 
sode and a listing of other people saved by 
a spider are found in al-Damiri's (d. 808/ 
1405) book on animals. 

Herbert Eisenstein 

bibliography 
Primary: Damlri, Haydt, ii, 222-5; T- Le 
Gassick, Imam Abu l-Fidd' Ismd'il ibn K'athir, 
The life of the prophet Muhammad, A translation of 
al-Slra al-nabawiyya, 2 vols, Reading 1998; 
al-Jahiz, 'Amr b. Bahr, Kitdb al-Hayawdn, ed. 
'A.S.M. Harun, Cairo 1938-45 (rev. 1969^), 
vii, index. 



114 



Secondary; A. A. Ambros, Gestaltung und Funk- 
tion der Biosphare ini Koran, in zdmg 140 
{1990), 290-325; H. Eisenstein, Einfiihrung in die 
arabische ^oographie, Berlin I99i;j. Ruska, 
'Ankabut, in Ef, i, 509. 



Spirit 

Life force or supernatural being. In pre- 
Islamic poetry the Arabic word mh refers 
to a blowing or breathing (see air and 
wind; poetry and poets; pre-islamic 
ARABIA AND THE q^ur'an). In the Qur'an, 
the word appears twenty-one times but in 
the sense of spirit rather than of blowing, 
in a manner analogous to its Hebrew cog- 
nate, ruach, in the Bible (see scripture and 
THE cjur'an). The qur'anic mh evokes spirit 
in passages related to the three boundary 
moments in the Qiir'an: creation (q.v.), the 
sending down of prophetic revelation (see 

REVELATION AND INSPIRATION; PROPHETS 

AND prophethood), and the eschatology 
(q.v.) of the day of reckoning (jiawm al-din; 
see LAST judgment). At divine behest or 
command (amr), spirit mediates the eternal 
and the temporal, coming down or rising 
up from one realm to another (see 
eternity; time; world). It comes down 
as the breath of life into Adam (see ad am 
AND eve; cosmology), as the conception 
of Jesus (q.v.) for Mary (q.v.), and with (or 
as) revelation to the prophets. It rises with 
the angels (q.v.) into the divine realm, 
bringing the temporal world to its conclu- 
sion and humans to their second creation 
(see resurrection). 

The qur'anic concept of spirit is com- 
plicated by allusion, referential multiva- 
lence and theological allusion well beyond 
the issue of a possible equivalence of the 
spirit with Gabriel (q.v.; see also holy 
spirit). These more subtle features are 
expressed through parallelism — in phras- 
ing (see FORM AND strlicture of the 
5^ur'an), rhythm (see rhymed prose), 



grammatical (see grammar and the 
cjur'an) and personal gender (q.v.) and key 
themes — which ties together passages 
across different suras (q.v.) and allows dis- 
parate passages to reverberate semantically 
and sonically from one to the other (see 
LANGUAGE AND STYLE OF THE OUR'aN; 

rhetoric and the our'an). The result is 
that each boundary moment (creation, 
prophecy, reckoning) can be heard echoed 
within the others. 

Spirit and creation 
In the passages depicting the creation of 
Adam, the primordial human being [insdn 
or bashar) is first shaped out of mud or clay 
(q.v.) and then brought to life as the creator 
breathes spirit into the shaped form (see 
BIOLOGY AS the CREATION AND STAGES OF 
life). God as creator speaks in the first 
person singular (c3 15:29; 38:72): "When I 
formed him and breathed into him some of 
my spirit" (idhd sawwajtuhu wa-nafakhtu Jihi 
min ruhi). Other passages on the creation of 
Adam employ the exact same formula but 
in the third person (c3 32:9): "He formed 
him and breathed into him some of his 
spirit" (sawwdhu wa-nafakhajihi min rUhihi). 
The inbreathing actualizes and brings to 
life the material form of the creature after 
the shaping (taswiya). Before breathing into 
Adam, the creator shapes, kneads, molds, 
forms (sawwd) the substance of the crea- 
ture into a form receptive of the spirit. 

The formula used to depict spirit within 
creation found in the passages on Adam 
recurs in the passages depicting the con- 
ception of Jesus. Speaking about Mary, in 
one passage, God relates: "We breathed 
into her some of our spirit" [nafakhndJThd 
min ruhind, Q_ 21:91). Another passage is 
identical, except that the "into her" has 
been changed to "into it" (Jihi): "We 
breathed into it some of our spirit" 
({) 66:12). The same verse had begun by 
referring to Mary as one who "guarded her 



private parts" (farjahd). Thus some com- 
mentators interpret the "into it" as a refer- 
ence to the breatliing of the spirit directly 
into her vagina (see sex and sexuality; 
modesty; chastity). The most extended 
narrative concerning Jesus and Mary is 
found in o 19:16-33. In q 19:17 tlie divine 
voice relates that "We sent down to lier our 
spirit which took on tlie likeness of a 
human being well formed (basharan 
sawiyyan) ." Mary expresses shock and fear 
at the sight of the figure (interpreted in 
commentaries as Gabriel) and her reaction 
shows clearly that the figure is male in ap- 
pearance. The figure (spirit in the likeness 
of a human form) replies that it is the mes- 
senger of her lord (q.v.; rasiilu rabbiki) sent 
to bestow on her a pious male child (for the 
efforts of commentators to distinguish the 
"our spirit" that God breathed into Mary 
from the "our spirit" that God sent down 
to Mary in the shape of a human, see 
mary; and for a more philosophical dis- 
cussion of the complex relationship of 
Mary to spirit, see Ibn al-'Arabi, Fusus, 
138-67). 

Spirit and revelation 
With Jesus, the spirit is associated not only 
with creativity in his conception but with 
his prophetic mission as well. In three pas- 
sages, Jesus, son of Mary, is depicted as 
being given the holy spirit (ruh al-qudus) as 
a support (cj 2:87, 253; 5:110). In the first 
two of those passages, the holy spirit's sup- 
port is linked to Jesus' bringing of clear 
proofs [bayyindt; see proof). In the third 
passage, God speaks directly to Jesus, 
explaining how the holy spirit was sent as a 
support to him at the time he was proph- 
esying while yet an infant. The passage 
goes on to remind Jesus how, with the per- 
mission of God, Jesus was able to shape 
birds from clay, breathe into them and 
bring them to life; this is a sequence that is 
precisely parallel to God's activity in bring- 



ing Adam to life. In yet another discussion 
of Jesus, he is identified with the spirit 
(q 4:171). The different relations of Jesus to 
spirit can be summed up in the following 
way: Jesus was conceived through the 
spirit; prophesies with the support of the 
spirit; shapes creatures and brings them to 
life with divine permission by breathing 
into them in exactly the fashion through 
which God brought Adam to life; and is 
the spirit (see power and impotence; 
miracles; marvels). 

Spirit plays the central role in all proph- 
ecy which occurs through the spirit by the 
command (ami) of God (q 16:2; 17:85; 
40:15) and as a support for believers 
(c5 58:22). Other passages relate the spirit to 
the specific movement of the bringing 
down (tanzil) and the coming down (tanaz- 
zul) of prophetic revelation. In a reference 
to the role of prophets as those who warn 
that there is no god but God (see Warner; 
polytheism and atheism), the Qiir'an 
states ((J 16:2): "He sends down the angels 
with the spirit by his command to which- 
ever of his servants (see servant; 
worship) he wills." The spirit is sent down 
according to, through, or at the behest of 
the divine command. In a reference to the 
spirit sent to Muhammad that empowers 
him to be a prophetic warner it is called 
the trustworthy (amin) spirit. 

In (J 16:102 it is the holy spirit that ac- 
tively sends down (nazz<ili) the verses or 
signs (dydt) of revelation. Most classical 
commentaries identify the holy spirit with 
Gabriel. Nowhere in the Qur'an is such an 
identification made explicit and the name 
Gabriel appears in only two verses in the 
Qiir'an. The strongest evidence for assum- 
ing an identification between the spirit and 
Gabriel is found in C3 97:4, where the an- 
gels and the spirit descend (tanazzslu) by 
permission of their lord, a terminology 
and phrasing that relate to q i6:i02 on the 
role of the holy spirit. The Qiir'an refers 



ii6 



neither to the spirit nor to Gabriel as an 
angel. The spirit does act in close proxim- 
ity with the angels, leading to the common 
assumption that Gabriel and/or the spirit 
were the highest form of angel (see angel; 
for further discussion and the alternative 
views of Ibn Zayd who interpreted the 
holy spirit as a reference to the Qiir'an 
and/or the Gospel, see Ayoub, Qur'dn, 
124-5). Ii^ Q. 81:19, the revelation to 
Muhammad is referred to as the speech 
(q.v.) of a noble messenger (q.v; rasiil 
kanm), which would fit the role of the spirit 
or that of Gabriel. 

The spirit passages concerning Mary and 
Jesus tie creative activity to prophecy and 
revelation. Parallel constructions and 
vocabulary link those passages of the 
bringing to life of Adam to the act of pro- 
phetic inspiration (in the strong sense of 
inspiration), o 97 recounts the sending 
down of revelation to Muhammad. It be- 
gins with the divine voice announcing that 
"We sent him/it down (anzalndhu) on the 
night of destiny (see night of power)." If 
the pronoun hu is taken as indicative of a 
person, it is interpreted as Gabriel. When 
taken as indicative of a non-animate 
object, it is interpreted as the Qiir'an or 
associated with the revelatory vision(s) of 
Muhammad depicted most famously in 
Q, 53:1-18 and C3 81:19-24. C3 97:4 contains a 
complex formulation: The angels came 
down — the spirit — by the permission of 
their lord through/from every order. The 
central phrase, wa-l-ruhu Jihd, is multiva- 
lent. The angels came down with the spirit 
among them; the angels came down with 
the spirit during it (the night of destiny or 
power, qadr); the angels came down upon 
the night (personified as female) of destiny. 
The grammatical and referential indeter- 
mination of the key phrase, its place at the 
rhythmic and semantic nexus of the verse 
and the dramatic placement of the verse in 
the larger sura, heighten the sense of mys- 



tery and wonder siu'rounding the opera- 
tion of the spirit (Sells, Sound). 

Spirit and reckoning 
The third boundary moment is the day of 
reckoning, a day when the angels will ap- 
pear with the spirit in array (saffan; see 
RANKS AND ORDERs). The Spirit passages 
relating spirit to creation and prophecy 
parallel strongly the portrayal of the role of 
spirit in eschatology. In one case, the exact 
same wording is used stretched across dis- 
parate suras concerning prophecy and 
reckoning. But the movement is reversed 
from downwards to upwards. In o 97:4, 
"The angels come down with the spirit 
upon her/among them (al-ruhujjhd).^' In 
C3 70:4, the angels rise with the spirit to him 
(wa-l-ruhu ilayhi). The link between these 
two passages and the events they depict is 
heightened by the stretching out of tem- 
poral limits in both prophecy and reckon- 
ing and by the inversion of night and day 
(see DAY AND night). Thus the night on 
which the spirit descends is "better than a 
thousand months" (q.v; cj 97:3) while the 
day of reckoning is "a span of fifty-thou- 
sand years (see year)." In addition, the 
grammatically feminine indirect object (hd) 
is balanced by the masculine indirect 
object (hi). The intertwining of the two 
passages — one on the night of destiny, the 
other on the day of reckoning — intimate 
something imdefined and perhaps indefin- 
able hidden within the intensely lyrical 
imagery of daybreak (see dawn; day, 
TIMES of). The ambiguity in both passages 
concerning the role of the spirit in the rise 
and descent of the angels creates an open- 
ness of meaning that keeps the spirit from 
being limited to a particidar finite being or 
form. The word "to breathe" or "to blow" 
(nafakha) intensifies the association of spirit 
with the day of reckoning. In the Qtir'an 
nafakha is used in only four contexts: the 
bringing to life of Adam; the conception of 



117 



SPIRITUAL BEINGS 



Jesus; Jesus' bringing tlie material forms of 
birds to life; and (in twelve different places) 
the day on which the trumpet will be 
blown, that is, the day of reckoning and 
resurrection (see also apocalypse). 

Spirit and gender 
Ruh is one of only a handful of nouns in 
Arabic that can be either masculine or 
feminine according to the grammatical 
gender (see arabih languaoe). The way 
in which the differing spirit passages 
intersect and interweave with one another, 
particularly in the passages on the concep- 
tion of Jesus and the descent of the spirit 
on or upon the night of destiny, suggest 
that spirit serves to mediate not only the 
temporal and eternal but also the male and 
female. The night of destiny is partially 
personified as female in a manner similar 
to the personification of the earth (q.v.) as 
giving birth to "her secret" in q gg (see 
secrets; hidden and the hidden). The 
implication of a personified animate being 
for the night would be especially pro- 
nounced in readings of verse one of C3 gy 
(Surat al-Qadr, "Destiny"), "we sent it/him 
down," as a reference to Gabriel, animate 
and conventionally male (at least in his 
appearance on earth). In its final verse, the 
sura of Destiny closes with the emphatic 
"peace (q.v.) it is" or "peace she is" (saldmun 
hiya) "until the rise of dawn." The descent 
of the spirit upon or into Mary at the con- 
ception of Jesus strongly parallels the de- 
scent of the spirit on or into the night of 
destiny (Sells, Approaching, 183-207). 

Michael Sells 



Bibliography 
Primary: Ibn al-'Arabl, Fusus al-hikam, ed. A. A. 
'AfTfl, Cairo 1946; Qiirtubl, TafsTr; RazT, TafsTr; 
Tabarl, TafsTr, ed. Shakir (up to (^ 14:27); ed. 'All 
et al. 

Secondary: M. Ayoub, The Qur^an and its 
interpreters, vol. I, Albany 1984; 'Abd al-Baql; 



E.E. Calverley, Doctrines of the soul (nafs and 
ruli) in Islam, in AiH'33 (1943), 254-64; Izutsu, 
Concepts; D.B. MacDonald, The development of 
the idea of spirit in Islam, in AO 9 (1931), 307-51; 
Th. O'Shaughnessy, The development of the meaning 
of spirit in the Koran, Rome 1953; M. Sells, 
Approaching the Qur'dn, Ashland 1999; id., A 
literary approach to the hymnic suras of the 
Qiir'an. Spirit, gender, and aural intertextuality, 
in I. Boullata (ed.). Literary structures of religious 
meaning in the Qur'dn, London 2002, 3-25; id., 
Sound, spirit, and gender in surat al-qadr, in JAOS 
"1/2 (1991), 239-59. 



Spiritual Beings 

Supernatural creatures, either benevolent 
or malevolent. Within the Islamic world 
the expression "spiritual beings" carries 
different significations, depending on 
whether reference is made to the theologi- 
cal sphere (Qrir'an and hadith; see hadIth 
AND THE qur'an), or to the knowledge of 
the scholars or to local traditions. This 
wide world of chthonic spirits, that at first 
seems confused and undefined, consists of 
elements and cultural representations de- 
veloped through the encounter with vari- 
ous ethnic groups and stratified throughout 
the course of history. 

The belief in spiritual beings is already 
attested in the pre-Islamic period. The su- 
pernatural beings who survived the demise 
of Arab paganism, however, do not co- 
incide with their status and significance in 
the animistic world of the Jahiliyya (see 

AGE OF ignorance; IDOLATRY AND 

idolaters; polytheism and atheism). At 
first, they were utilized by some in the early 
Muslim community as more approachable 
entities who could intercede with God. 
The charges of shafd'a, "intercession" (q.v.), 
in various suras of the Meccan period are 
an indication of this utilization (<j 6:g4; 
10:18; 30:13; see Mecca). Subsequently, 
they were firmly rejected as impotent, or 
even changed into shaydtin, evil beings 
(see devil; power and impotence). 



SPIRITUAL BEINGS 



ii8 



As these preliminary remarks indicate, 
from its beginning, Islam has accepted the 
existence of subtle, non-human beings as 
part of God's creation (q.v.). In various 
passages the Qiir'an makes matter a meta- 
phor (q.v.) of the spirit (q.v.; o 42:49-53), 
whether this matter is fire (q.v), air or light 
(q.v; see also JINn; air and wind). 
Belonging to the world of the invisible 
{'dlam al-ghayb; see hidden and the 
hidden), these spirits are characterized by 
their transient, volatile forms. They perme- 
ate the cosmos in order to direct the mul- 
tifaceted variety of creation to the 
indivisible oneness of God (see OOD and 
his attributes). But they are not thought 
to participate in God's transcendence; 
rather, the Qiir'an underscores their im- 
potence and affords them a status not 
higher than humans (see angel). 

Qiir'anic and later references tend to dis- 
tinguish malignant from benevolent spirits 
and to create a hierarchy within these cat- 
egories. Whereas angels are considered to 
be benevolent, the scriptural conception of 
the jinn is somewhat more ambivalent. 
Angels (mald'ika), devils (shaydtin) and jinn, 
the largest gatherings of spiritual beings 
that appear in the Qi_ir'an, do not belong 
to the same cosmic sphere. All they share 
in common is being invisible; otherwise 
they are differentiated in terms of essence 
and nature, function, and place in the cos- 
mos (see cosmology). The merciful angels 
are made of nur, which can be translated as 
"cold light," while the angels of punish- 
ment are made of ndr, "fire," indicating 
distinctions of both density and weight (cf. 
C3 66:6; Huart, Livre de la creation, i, 169). 

Whether they are "supervisors" (al- 
mudabbirdt), as in q 79:5 or, expressed dif- 
ferently, "agents of beings" (mawkuldt 
bi-i-kd'indt), as al-QazwInI (d. 682/1283) 
says, or, again, spiritual entities (ruhdnijjun), 
as mentioned by the Ikhwan al-Safa', they 
govern the three realms of nature, "man- 



aging the mysterious development of life 
through their clever delicate hands" 
(Qazwlni, 'Ajd'ib, 62). Among these innu- 
merable creatures, some have proper 
names: ruh al-qudus (q^ 16:102; see holy 
spirit), Gabriel (q.v.; Jibrll), Michael (q.v.; 
Mika'il), Harut and Marut (q.v; c) 2:102), 
Iblis (see devil). Others are identified only 
by their functions. There are the hafa^a, 
honorable scribes, who attend human be- 
ings and record impartially their good or 
evil actions (see good deeds; evil deeds; 
heavenly book; writing and writing 
materials). There are the kirdm kdtibm, as 
they are identified in C3 82:11 (cf C3 43:80), 
who sit on a human's shoulders to note 
down his or her thoughts, and are termed 
al-hafa^ia in q^ 6:61 or hdji^ in q^ 86:4 (cf. 
(J 82:10). Their role is revealed by the epi- 
thets "observer" [raqib, () 50:18), "guide" 
(sd'iq) and "witness" [shdhid, C3 50:21; see 
WITNESSING AND TESTIFYING). 

The mu'aqqibdt (q^ 13:11), "those who fol- 
low one upon the other," establish a con- 
tinuous relationship between humankind 
and heaven (see heaven and sky), coming 
down with divine grace and re-ascending 
('urilj) with human actions (cf. c) 32:5; 34:2). 
This term has generated diverse interpre- 
tations and some commentators under- 
stood it to be a dual of the second verbal 
form 'aqqaba, that here replaces the third 
form 'dqaba (Tabari, Tafsa; xiii, 68). In 
function, however, these beings watch lov- 
ingly over every person: "Alike (to him) of 
you is he who conceals (his) words and he 
who speaks them openly, and he who hides 
himself by night and (who) goes forth by 
day (see day and night). For his sake 
there are those who follow one another 
[mu'aqqibdt, angels, according to Ibn 
'Abbas], before him and behind him, who 
guard him by God's commandment" 
(a 13:10-11). 

The concept of "guardian angels" had 
already been developed throughout the 



119 



SPIRITUAL BEINGS 



Semitic world. We find angels in charge of 
human souls and recording human actions 
in Enoch's Book of secrets, as well as in 
Jubilees (4:6 and 17:5), and in Sabbat, Ta'anit, 
Hagigah and Berakot, where two angels 
standing near every htiman being are men- 
tioned. These figures may have been in- 
spired by Thot, the scribal god in the 
Egyptian pantheon, who appears in 
fiineral processions as the one who notes 
down the past actions, both good and 
bad (cf. Dubler, L' ancient orient, 71, who 
considers (J 101:5-8 to show a close 
resemblance to the Egyptian tradition con- 
cerning the last judgment). In reference to 
the judgment, q_ 50:17 hints at two entities, 
al-mutalaqqiydn, "receivers," who are named 
munkar and nakir in hadith and the com- 
mentaries (see EXEGESIS OF THE (JUr'an: 
CLASSICAL AND MEDIEVAL). "The two del- 
egated to receive" carry out the torment of 
the grave ('adhab al-qabr), repeatedly men- 
tioned in the Quran; it takes place after 
burial (q.v.). This idea rectirs in rabbinic 
literature and its remote origins could be 
traced back to Iranian Mazdaism. 

In the Qiir'an, as in other early sources, 
the angels are compared to the lightness of 
the wind. This is the element that best 
evokes the incorporeity of God but since it 
is still a stibstance it becomes identified 
with angels and spirits, q 77:1, like C3 51:1, 
cites an oath by "those who have been sent 
one by one, and are blowing furiously," 
which affirms the similitude between winds 
and heavenly messengers (cf. o 25:48; 
27:63; 30:46). The connection of messen- 
ger and wind recurs in two lines of verse 
attributed to Umayya b. Abl 1-Salt, a con- 
temporary of the Prophet and the linkage 
was maintained by the Islamic tradition, as 
the words of al-Maqdisi (d. 340/934) tes- 
tify: "And we said that the wind is an angel 
as well as al-riih" (cf Huart, Livre de la cre- 
ation, i, 176). Such angels are also equated 
with the nineteen al-zabdnija (o 96:18; cf. 



74:30), under the leadership of one mdlik 
fe 43 -y?! possibly to be interpreted as the 
"owner of the doors of hell"; see HELL and 
hellfire), but there are other spiritual 
beings whose provenance is unspecified. 
The root of the word qarin connotes the 
idea of a "double" — it is an adjectival 
form that indicates being one of a pair. 
This human "double," the companion or 
twin spirit, takes life upon the birth of a 
human being. C3 41:25 and its mention of 
qurand' can be understood to contain refer- 
ence to the tempting spirit or 
shaytdn — synonymous with musdhib (cf. 
Lisdn al-'Arab, s.v.) or khidhn (cf. Baydawl, 
Anwar, ad Q^ 41:25) — to which C3 4:38 may 
allude. Commenting on cj 50:23, al-Suyutl 
(d. 911/1505) wonders whether the word 
qarm denotes a shaytdn or an angel; but the 
author is sure that elsewhere in the same 
sura (c3 50:27) it denotes a shaytdn (SuyutI, 
Durr, iv, 124). Al-Tabari (d. 310/923), in his 
Tafstr at cj 43:36, reports the tradition ac- 
cording to which every human has a qarin 
or shaytdn and an angel, inciting evil and 
good respectively. These two beings are 
not to be confused with the two recording 
angels. 

While a benevolent spirit in the pre- 
Islamic period, in which period the word 
indicated the spirit which follows a poet 
and inspires his verse (see poetry and 
poets; rhymed prose), this entity changes 
within the monotheistic orientation of 
Islam to a sort of keeper-demon who leads 
humans into temptation. The Islamic state- 
ments about qann recall the ancient 
Egyptian beliefs about "ka, " the abstract 
individuality of every human being, which 
in turn goes back to the Babylonian idea of 
an undefined personal god "walking beside 
man" (see Blackmann, Karm and karineh; 
Hornblower, Traces of a ka-belief ). 
In the Qiir'an, those who believe in tdghut, 
along with jibt (q.v), are said to be those 
who have received only a part of the scrip- 



SPIRITUAL BEINGS 



tures (q 4:51; see book; people of the 
book; idols and imaoes) and it contrasts 
belief in God witli belief in the tfighut, 
equating the latter with the leaders of the 
unfaithful ((^ 2:257; see belief and 
unbelief). The qur'anic denunciation of 
those who "desire to go to judgment before 
the tdghfd, although they have been com- 
manded not to believe in him; and Satan 
desired to seduce them into a wide error" 
(q.v.; o 4:60; see also astray) indicates that 
tdghut may refer to a spiritual entity or an 
idol (see also Atallah, Gibt and Taghut, for 
an interesting theory that relates these two 
words with magical practices in ancient 
Egypt). It is thus connected to the religious 
and political spheres of pre-Islamic society 
(see pre-islamic Arabia and the cjur'an). 
The meaning of the term tdghut, however, 
remains a matter of speculation (for an 
Aramaic derivation — cf. Syr tdje, "planet/ 
planet god" — see Kobert, Das koranische 
"tagut"; cf. Bukhari, Sahih, bk. 10, A. Adhdn, 
129 ffadl al-sujud], ed. Krehl, i, 207; trans. 
Houdas, i, 268: "Et il en est qui suivront le 
soleil, d'autres la lune, d'autres enfin les 
idoles"). Lexicographers and commenta- 
tors have interpreted al-jibt and al-tdghut as 
"everything that is adored instead of God," 
without identifying the origins of these 
words (see Fahd, Le pantheon, 240). Accord- 
ing to both Qiir'an and hadlth, the Prophet 
recognized the existence of the heathen 
gods, but classed them among the demons. 

In the Qiir'an, the word jinn acquires a 
connotation that is definitely pejorative, 
particularly in Medinan passages (see 
Medina). The original meaning of this 
term is probably "covert" (from the Semi- 
tic rootJ-«-n); another word for it is jann (to 
which the Ethiopic ganen, "demon," cor- 
responds); it is sometimes used as a name 
of Iblis [al-jdnn, {) 15:27), or with the mean- 
ing of serpent (c3 27:10; 28:31), or as a syn- 
onym to jinn (c3 55:39; see also insanity). 

An examination of the qur'anic data 



reveals identification between shaydtin and 
jinn, as is the case in the Solomon (q.v.) 
legend (cj 2:102; 21:82; 38:37) or the abduc- 
tion of human beings through the agency 
of spirits ((J 6:71). There are also several 
passages in which shaydtin means "pagan 
idols" (cj 2:14; 4:76; 5:90; 19:44) and a simi- 
lar meaning is assigned to the word jinn in 
C3 6:100 and 34:41. This interpretation of 
their identity is a consequence of super- 
imposing two different demonologies, one 
the outcome of monotheism, the other, 
previously known in the Arab world, aris- 
ing from polytheism (see south Arabia, 
RELIGIONS IN PRE-iSLAMic). Nevertheless, 
in the qur'anic purview, they are God's 
creatures and never appear as God's en- 
emies (q.v.) or as an anti-divine power. The 
Qiir'an refers to the army of Iblls (o 26:95) 
and to Satan's party (c3 58:19), but these 
expressions have no dualistic flavor (see 
troops; parties and fai;tions; ranks 
AND orders). M. Iqbal (Reconstruction) even 
considers Iblis and the devils to be a neces- 
sary force in life because only by fighting 
them can one grow into a perfect human 
being. Though the jinn and shaydtin have 
no individuality, they fall into various 
classes, and some of them are mentioned 
as particularly harmful. 

The most dangerous kind of harmful 
being is the ghul (a feminine noun). This 
word, which comes from a root signifying 
"to destroy," does not appear in the 
Qiir'an except in the derivative form ghawl 
(Q. 37 -47)! which refers to the dangerous 
effects of wine (q.v.). The^Aa/is supposed 
to lie in wait at places where men are des- 
tined to perish; she entices them there, es- 
pecially by night. Poets sometimes depict 
the ghul as the daughter of the jinn 
(Qazwlni, 'Ajd'ih, 370). Some words which 
are often understood as referring to de- 
mons actually have a different sense. 'Ifrit 
(q.v.) in C3 27:39 is an epithet of somewhat 
doubtful meaning (it seems to have the 



SPRINGS AND FOUNTAINS 



general value of "skillful" with a shade of 
"rebel"; see rebellion), which is applied 
to a jinn, but it is not the name of a par- 
ticular class of demons. 

As with other aspects of belief, the 
qur'anic account of spiritual beings has 
generated a wide range of variations at the 
local level. For a large group of believers 
these spiritual beings are, at best, of philo- 
sophical importance only and of little 
practical concern as a sensible representa- 
tion of the spiritual world. Others consider 
the veracity of their possible interference 
only in rare circumstances. But recent 
ethnographic research has shown that 
belief in spiritual beings persists as a regu- 
lar ingredient of everyday life in various 
parts of the Muslim world. 

Stefania Cunial 

Bibliography 
Primary: Bukharl, SakTli; trans. O. Houdas and 
W. Marqais, Les traditions islamiques, 4 vols., 
Paris 1977; Ibn al-'Arabl, Muhyi 1-Dln Abu 
'Abdallah Muhammad b. 'All, al-FutUhat al- 
makkiyya, 4 vols., Cairo 1911; al-Ikhwan al- 
Safa', Rasd'il Ikhwdn al-Safa\ Beirut 1957; 
al-Q^azwTni, Abu Zakariya', 'Ajd'ib al-makhluqdt 
wa-ghard'ib al-mawjdddt, Cairo 1956; SuyutT, 
Durr; id., al-Habd'ikji akhbdr al-mald'ik, Cairo 
1990; id., Laqt al-marjdnji ahkdm al-jdnn, Cairo 
1908; Tabarl, Tafsir, ed. Shakir. 
Secondary: W. Atallah, Gibt and Taghut dans 
le Coran, in Arabica 17 (1970), 69-82; L. Berger, 
Esprits et microbes. L'interpretation des ginn-s 
dans quelques commentaries coraniques du 
XX siecle, in Arabica 47 (2000), 554-62; W.S. 
Blackman, The karin and karineh, in Journal of 
the Royal Anthropological Institute ^i^ (1926), 163-9; 
C.E. Dubler, L'ancient orient dans I'Islam, in 
5/7 {1957)5 47-75; T. Fahd, Angeli, demoni e 
ginn in Islam, in D. Meeks et al., Geni, angeli e 
demoni, Roma 1994, 129-80; id., Le pantheon de 
lArabie centrale a la veille de I'Hegire, Paris 1968; 
G. Fartacek, Begegnungen mit Jinn, in 
Anthropos 97 (2002), 469-86; A. Gingrich, Spirits 
of the border, in QSA 13 (1995), 199-212; 
J. Henninger, Geisterglaude bei den 
vorislamischen Arabern, in Festschrift Paul 
Schebesta zum 75. Geburtstag, Vienna 1963, 
279-316; repr. J. Henninger, Arabica sacra, 



Freiburg 1981, 118-69; G.D. Hornblower, 
Traces of a ka-belief in modern Egypt and old 
Arabia, in ic I (1927), 426-30; CI. Huart, Le livre 
de la creation et de I'histoire, 2 vols., Paris 1901; 
M. Iqbal, The reconstruction of religious thought in 
Islam, ed. and annot. M.S. Sheikh, Lahore 
1986; A. Khadir, Aial, maladies, croyances et 
therapeutiques au Maroc, PhD diss, Universite de 
Bordeaux 1998; R. Kobert, Das koranische 
"tagut", in Orientalia n.s. 30 (1961), 415-16; repr. 
Paret (ed.), Koran, 281-2; G.J. Obermeyer, 
TdghUt, man\ and sharVa. The reahns of law in 
tribal Arabia, in W. al-Qadi (ed.), Studia Arabica 
et Islamica. Festschrift for Ihsdn Abbas on his sixtieth 
birthday, Beirut 1981, 365-71; S.M. Zwemer, 
Animism in Islam (Hair, finger-nails and tlie 
hand), in J/Il' 7(1917), 245-55. 



Spring see SEASONS 



Springs and Fountains 

Natural or artificial sources of water that 
issue from the earth and — in contrast to 
wells — provide running water (q.v.). 
There are several Arabic words for a natu- 
ral spring. The most common designation 
is 'ayn, which occurs twenty-one times in 
the Qiir'an (with the respective dual and 
plural forms 'ajnan and 'ujiUn; e.g. cj 2:60; 
15:45; 34:12; 55:50)- The word 
ma'in — probably of Syriac or Hebrew 
origin (see foreign vocabulary) — is 
used four times (c3 23:50; 37:45; 56:18; 
&T-^o);janbu' {q_ 17:90) and its plural jflna^r 
{q_ 39:21) each appear only once. Although 
the Arabic term for hot springs, hamma (pi. 
hammdt), does not appear in the Qiir'an, 
hamim is used fourteen times for the boiling 
water of hell (e.g. C3 6:70; 10:4; 22:19; see 

HELL AND HELLFIRE; REWARD AND 

punishment). There is no special qur'anic 
expression for artificial fountains, such as 
fawwdra (pi. fawwdrdl) or ndfdra (pi. nawdfir). 

General characteristics 
As objects of religious interest, springs are 
characterized above all by two aspects: on 



SPRINGS AND FOUNTAINS 



the one hand, with their life-giving water, 
they stand for vitality and purity; on the 
other hand, when considered as openings 
into the interior of the eartli, they appear 
to be mysterious and strange. Especially 
when they are located in the immediate 
vicinity of other remarkable natural fea- 
tures, such as mountains, grottoes or 
trees (q.v.) — and even more so if they 
are hot or periodic — springs have at- 
tracted religious veneration and could per- 
sist as sacred locations even when the 
people living there changed (see nature as 
signs; agrk;ulture and vegetation). 
The chthonic aspect often ascribed to 
springs appears in the widespread behef, 
held since time immemorial, that they are 
inhabited by spirits — a belief largely ad- 
opted in Islam as well (see spiritual 
beings; jinn; demons). Particularly when 
springs are situated in lonely, gloomy 
places, the inhabiting spirits are described 
as evil demons (jinn; ghildn) who appear in 
the shape of animals or of seductive 
women. Yet other springs are associated in 
one way or another with saints (q.v.) and 
holy men, whether Christian or Muslim; in 
this case, the spirits (arwdh) who dwell there 
may be benevolent. In Greek antiquity, 
springs often stood under the patronage of 
particular gods, such as Apollo and 
Artemis. From Hellenistic times onward, 
however, hot springs were increasingly 
ascribed to the healing god Asclepius. 
According to Ibn al-Kalbl's (d. ca. 205/ 
820) Kitdb al-Asndm (Book of Idols), it was 
after the legendary 'Amr b. Luhayy of pre- 
Islamic times had visited the spas of the 
Balcja', which were associated with a cult of 
healing gods, that he introduced their idols 
in Mecca (q.v.; see also idols and images). 
And though Ibn al-Kalbl remains silent on 
this subject, it has been suggested that the 
female Arabic goddesses al-Lat, Manat 
and al-'Uzza — "the exalted cranes" (al- 
ghardnlq al-'uld) according to the well- 



known story about a later abrogated 
Satanic inspiration (cf. commentaries on 
Q. 53-i9"2o; see SATANIC verses; poly- 
theism AND atheism) — were originally 
venerated as water nymphs of some kind. 
Also, Ibn Ishaq's (d. ca. 150/767) report 
of how 'Abd al-Muttahb, the Prophet's 
grandfather, found golden figurines, 
swords and coats of mail while excavating 
the shaft of the Zamzam spring can be 
seen as hinting at ritual offerings made at 
springs. 

The idea of pure and vital spring water 
has its most influential expression in the 
mythical notion of the fountain of life, 
which provides those who drink from it 
with everlasting health and youth. The 
search for the fountain of life is the subject 
of countless tales and legends, including 
the late-antique legend of Alexander (q.v.). 
There is an allusion to this story in 
C) 18:60-4 (with Musa, Moses [q.v.], instead 
of Alexander) and it is retold at great 
length in several subsequent forms of 
Islamic literature, for example by the 
Persian poet Nizami (fi. sixth/twelfth cent.) 
in his Iskandarndme. The fountain of life is a 
familiar theme in the biblical tradition as 
well (see scripture and the our'an; 

MYTHS AND LEGENDS IN THE Q^UR'an). The 

Psalms (e.g. Ps 36:9; 42:2-3) state that the 
fountain of life is with God; and the visions 
of Ezekiel 47, Zechariah 14 and John 22 
describe the living water that issues from 
the temple in Jerusalem at the end of time. 
The early Christians frequently interpreted 
the baptismal font, the piscina, as fans vitae 
(cf. John 4:11 f.). The redemption obtained 
through baptism, on the other hand, is 
closely linked with the blood of Christ and, 
therefore, with the wine of the Eucharist. 
As a result, the predominant early-Byz- 
antine symbol for the fountain of life is a 
goblet — itself an age-old symbol for the 
water-spring — with vine tendrils growing 
out of it, sometimes flanked by peacocks, 



123 



SPRINGS AND FOUNTAINS 



which signify immortality. This imagery 
found its way into early Islam. In the mosa- 
ics in the Umayyad Dome of the Rock, 
goblets and tendrils adorned with pearls 
are one of the dominant motifs and can be 
read as metaphors for paradise (q.v.; for the 
symbolism of pearls, see Flood, Great 
mosque, I5f.). Finally, it should be remarked 
that these pictorial elements, viz. goblets 
(see GUPS AND vessels), pearls (see metals 
AND minerals), vine tendrils and birds, are 
also features of the qur'anic descriptions of 
paradise, although they appear there in a 
recontextualized manner — goblets 
(akwdb): e.g. q_ 43:71; 76:15; pearls 
flu'lu'): e.g. C3 22:23; 56:23; clusters (qutuf): 
Q, 69:23; 76:14; birds (tayr): Q, 56:21; cf. 
52:22. 

Springs and fountains in tlie qur'anic paradise 
In the Qiir'an, springs never appear as 
neutral natural phenomena. They are al- 
ways connected with the idea of God's 
omnipotence (see power and impotence) 
and are predominantly .symbols for his 
mercy (q.v.). This is especially clear in the 
qur'anic descriptions of the landscape of 
paradise where springs appear as its most 
characteristic element. Several times, the 
Qiir'an promises that in the hereafter 
"those who show piety (q.v.) are among 
gardens (see garden) and springs" (inna 
l-muttaqinajijanndtin wa-'uj/Unin, <j 15:45; 
51:15; cf 44:51-2; 55:50, 66; 77:41; 88:12; see 
eschatology). Still more often, paradise 
is referred to as "gardens underneath 
which rivers flow" (janndtun tajrimin tahtihd 
l-anhdr). This usage appears some forty 
times (e.g. Q^ 2:25; 3:15; 4:13; 5:12) and 
implies the idea of springs as well. 

The Qiir'an, however, does not give a 
clear picture of the design of this garden 
landscape, with its springs and rivers. 
Some passages suggest that there is only 
one — or at least only one distinc- 
tive — spring in paradise (c) 76:6, 18; 



83:28; 88:12). For example, Q_ 83:25-8, in 
speaking about the beverage of the pious 
(al-abrdr), mentions one spring only: "They 
are given to drink of a wine (q.v.) sealed 
whose seal is musk so after that let the 
strivers strive and whose mixture is tasnini 
(wa-mizdjuhu min tasnim), a foimtain (^ayn) at 
which do drink those brought nigh (al- 
muqarrabun) y While most commentators 
understand tasmm as the fountain's proper 
name, al-Tabarl (d. 310/923) reports that 
Mtijahid (d. 104/722) and al-Kalbi (d. 146/ 
763) explained the expression min tasnim as 
meaning "from above." This explanation 
suggests a vertical concept of paradise, 
similar to the idea of the paradisiacal 
mountain, with the pious (abrdr) dwelling 
below, above them "those brought nigh" 
(al-muqarrabUn), and at the top the divine 
presence (see face of god; shekhinah). 

This passage can be compared to 
(J 76:5-19. In the latter, verses 5 and 17 
promise that the pious (abrdr) will drink 
from a cup "whose mixture is camphor 
(q.v.)" and "ginger," respectively; whereas 
verse 6 seems to indicate that the "servants 
of God" f'ibdd Alldh) drink directly from 
that spring; and in verse 18, the spring is 
given the enigmatic name salsabil. 
Although these verses contain no indica- 
tion of a vertical structure of paradise, 
here, too, an implicit differentiation is 
made between the pious who drink mixed 
and strongly flavored beverages and an- 
other, privileged class of inhabitants of 
paradise, viz. the "servants of God," who 
have direct access to the pure divine spring 
(cf. q_ 55:46, 62; 56:10, 27). In this context, 
it should be noted that only in q 88 is the 
paradisiacal spring contrasted with a 
spring in hell: "Faces on that day 
humbled,... watered at a boiling fotintain 
("ayn dniyaj,... Faces on that day jocund,... 
in a sublime garden,... therein a running 
fotintain {'aynjdriya, q 88:2-12)." Here, the 
dark side of springs appears as a symbol 



SPRINGS AND FOUNTAINS 



124 



for evil and punishment (see good and 
evil; reward and punishment; 

CHASTISEMENT AND PUNISHMENT). This is 
remarkable because the polarity of para- 
dise and hell, which is usually expressed in 
the Qur'an through the polarity of water 
and fire (q.v.), appears here as the contrast 
between (cool) running and boiling (stag- 
nant) water (see also pairs and pairing). 

Inspired by qur'anic passages such as 
those mentioned above, Islamic culture 
commonly designates single fountains as 
symbols for paradise as a whole. This holds 
true, for example, for the basins or foun- 
tains that provide drinking water in the 
courtyards of mosques (see moscjue). 
(There are several designations for these 
basins, such as hawd, birka or jisqijya, de- 
rived from the Latin piscina, the [baptismal] 
font, in contradistinction to the facilities for 
ablution, which are called matdhir or 
majiddi'; see cleanliness and ablution.) 
It holds as well for the asbila (sing, sabil), 
the public drinking fountains that were 
built and established as religious founda- 
tions from the sixth/twelfth century on- 
ward in some of the major cities of the 
Islamic world. 

C3 55-46f. expresses the idea of a bipartite 
paradise and presents the vision of a dou- 
ble set of twin gardens. In describing the 
first pair of gardens it says: "therein two 
fountains of running water" [Jihimd 'ajndni 
tajriydni, c) 55:50). Referring to the second 
pair, which is situated min dunihim 
fe 55-62) — an expression that can either 
mean "below" or "besides these" two — it 
says: "therein two fountains of gushing 
water" [Jihimd 'ajndni nadddkhatdni, o 55:66). 
Although the qur'anic text says nothing 
about it, the exegetical tradition (see 

EXEGESIS OF THE Q^UR'an: CLASSICAL AND 

medieval) is nearly unanimous in declar- 
ing that a difference exists in rank between 
the two pairs of gardens and that the first 
pair is reserved for the muqarrabun . 



According to al-Zamakhsharl (d. 538/ 
1144), al-Hasan al-Basri even identified the 
two springs therein as salsahll and tasnlm. 
While it is possible that the continuous use 
of the dual in (J 55 is merely a stylistic 
means to intensify the meaning, the idea of 
four gardens indicated there exerted a very 
great influence upon later Islamic repre- 
sentations of paradise. This is especially 
true in painting and horticulture, where 
the chahdr bdgh — the four-partite garden of 
the Achaemenid tradition, with its central 
basin and its four dividing canals — be- 
came the paradigm of paradise (see art 

AND ARCHITECTURE AND THE QUR'an). 

Q, 47:15 contains a third important con- 
cept concerning the celestial springs and 
rivers: "This is the similitude of paradise 
[mathalu l-jannati; see parable) which the 
godfearing have been promised: therein 
are rivers of water untainted, rivers of milk 
(q.v.) unchanging in flavor, and rivers of 
wine — a delight to the drinkers — rivers, 
too, of honey (q.v.) purified." The idea of 
four cosmic rivers that structure the world 
was already known to the Sumerians in the 
third millennium B.c.E. Genesis 2:10 
adopts this notion and states that "a river 
went out of Eden to water the garden; and 
from thence it was parted, and became 
four heads." In the Genesis report, it is not 
clear whether the river's source is situated 
within the garden or whether the river 
divides into four inside of the garden or at 
its exit. The belief in the existence of four 
rivers inside paradise emerged, however, 
when, from exilic times onwards, the 
desired eschatological fate was described 
as a recovery of the garden of Eden. 
Later this became associated with the 
pairidaeza — the royal garden of the 
Achaemenids. In Hellenistic times, this 
conception was embellished by the idea 
that the four rivers were flavored with the 
tastes of milk, honey, wine and oil — sa- 
cred liquids in the ancient near east and 



125 



SPRINGS AND FOUNTAINS 



symbols for the promised land (cf. Lev 2; 
Mum I3:23f.). But while St. Ephraem the 
Syrian (fl. fourth century c.E.) mentions 
four kinds of paradisiacal springs, (j 47:15 
speaks only of four kinds of rivers and 
leaves the question of their origin unan- 
swered. Among the flavors of these rivers 
the "water untainted" now replaces the 
oil — certainly not because Muhammad 
considered water necessary to dilute wine, 
as J. Horovitz suggested {Das koranische 
Paradies, g), but rather because of the sym- 
bolic value inherent in living water. At any 
rate, the Qtir'an unmistakably charac- 
terizes this description of the rivers of 
paradise as a "similitude" (mathal) and em- 
phasizes thereby its metaphorical dimen- 
sions (cf. C3 13:35; 24:35; see metaphor). 

In this context, mention must be made of 
(3 108:1: "Surely we have given you al- 
kawthar." Many commentators understood 
the word al-kawthar to mean "the abim- 
dance" and interpreted this as "the plen- 
titude of grace" (al-khayr al-kathir) that God 
granted to his Prophet. According to a 
popular explanation (especially in con- 
nection with the story of the mi'rdj, 
Muhammad's ascent to heaven; see 
ascension), however, al-kawthar is said to 
be the proper name of a river in paradise 
or of the pool (hawd) into which this river 
flows. Of particular interest here is the way 
the river al-kawthar is usually described in 
exegesis: its water — more delicious than 
honey — is of a brighter whiteness than 
milk or snow, and runs over precious stones 
and pearls, with banks of gold (q.v.) and 
silver (cf. e.g. Tabari, TafsTr; Zamakhshari, 
Rashshdf; ^iaydawT, Anwar, ad q 108:1). 
Q. 37-45"6j too, clearly states that the non- 
intoxicating, pure paradisiacal beverage 
(Q. 37-46-7; 56:19; 76:21) — which is wine, 
according to al-Tabari and al-Razi 
(d. 606/1210) — has a white color (baydd'). 

It should be pointed out here that pearly 
whiteness is also the characteristic feature 



of the qdsirdt al-tarf 'in and the hur 'in, 
which have been traditionally understood 
as metaphors for the maidens awaiting the 
believers in paradise — "those of modest 
gaze, with lovely eyes" and as "fair ones 
with wide, lovely eyes," respectively (for an 
opposing interpretation, see Luxenberg, 
Syro-aramdische Lesart, 22if.; see houris). 
The qdsirdt al-tarf 'in are likened to hidden 
white objects {bayd maknun, (j 37:49), pearls 
or eggs, and the hdr 'in are described "as 
the likeness of hidden pearls" {al-lu'lu' al- 
makndn, (J 56:23). In addition, the Arabic 
root h-w-r that underlies the word hur car- 
ries the meaning "whiteness," and 'in (de- 
rived from 'ayn, denoting either "spring" or 
"eye") implies the idea of shimmering and 
brightness as well. In hadlth and later 
Islamic literature (see HADITH and the 
quR'AN), this paradisiacal feature of pearly 
white shininess was enriched with the bibli- 
cal vision of paradise as a garden of pre- 
cious stones and metals [Jes 54:11-12; Ez 
28:13-14; cf Rev 2i:iof ) — a vision that not 
only underscores the beauty of paradise 
but emphasizes its everlastingness as well 
(see eternity). (In passing, reference can 
be made here to the use of rock-crystal in 
Islamic art: as a working material, it si- 
multaneously stands for water and light 
and was therefore considered apt to sym- 
bolize God as the fountain of life and as 
the "light upon light" of C3 24:35; see life; 
light.) 

Given the varying glimpses of the para- 
disiacal landscape in the Qtir'an, it is not 
surprising that Islamic theology elaborated 
at least three different conceptions of it 
(see THEOLOGY and the our'an): paradise 
as one extensive park, paradise as four 
neighboring gardens, or paradise consist- 
ing of seven concentric and ascending cir- 
cles. In each conception of paradise 
particular importance is imputed to its 
springs, which, by virtue of their hidden 
origin, point to another, transcendent 



SPRINGS AND FOUNTAINS 



126 



dimension. One group of traditions locates 
tlie sources of tlie four rivers of paradise at 
tlie foot of tlie sidrat al-muntahd, the "lote- 
tree of the boundary," in the seventh 
heaven below God's throne (see al-Tabarl, 
Tafsn, ad Q^ 53:14; see throne of god). 
The idea of the divine origin of the para- 
disiacal springs also finds its appropriate 
expression in a later tradition that relates 
how, during the mi'rdj, the prophet 
Muhammad is shown a huge cupola made 
from a white pearl (min durra baydd'), from 
whose four corners the four rivers of para- 
dise flow. Entering the cupola, the Prophet 
sees that over its corners the basmala (q.v.) is 
written in such a way that the river of wa- 
ter springs from the letter mim of the bi-ism., 
the river of milk from the hd' oi Allah, the 
river of wine from the mim of al-rahmdn 
and the river of honey from the mim of al- 
ralum (see Qadi, Daqd'iq, I07f.; see god and 
HIS attributes). 

Qur'dnic cosmologj) and springs 
Paradise is connected with earth (q.v.), and 
cosmology (q.v.) explains how. Following 
the ancient near east tradition all the way 
back to Enuma elish, the Babylonian myth of 
creation (c[.v.; cf. also Gen 1:6-7), '^^ Qiir'an 
assumes the existence of two oceans that 
surround the cosmos, one of sweet f'adhb 
fiirdt), the other of salt (milh ujdj) water 
(c3 25:53; 35:12; cf 27:61). The clearest 
qur'anic traces of the idea that the cosmos 
was created by dividing these primeval wa- 
ters can be found in references to the del- 
uge. There, it is stated that the destruction 
of the cosmos took place in reverse order 
of its creation, namely by the reuniting of 
the upper and lower ocean: "Then we 
opened the gates of heaven to water tor- 
rential, and made the earth gush with 
fountains (wa-fajjarnd l-arda 'uyunan), and 
the waters met for a matter decreed" 
(c3 54:11-12; cf 11:44; 21:30 and Gen 7:11). 
According to two other verses (q 11:40; 



23:27) the flood began when "the oven 
boiled (fira l-tannur)." Most Muslim com- 
mentators explained this expression by 
saying that the water flowing out of his 
oven was the sign for Noah (q.v.) to em- 
bark; yet at its root lies the rabbinic convic- 
tion that the waters of the flood were 
boiling hot, like hell (cf. above at C3 88:5). 

In the Ugaritic Baal mythology, the salty 
ocean represents the chaotic monster 
"Yamm," who threatens the gods (cf. Ps 
93). Also, although the Qtir'an stresses that 
God exerts his control over both oceans by 
setting "between them a barrier (q.v.), and 
a ban forbidden" (q 25:53), it may be con- 
sidered a reminiscence of Ugarit, that the 
word jamm in the Qtir'an always denotes 
the sea in its negative aspects (e.g. C3 7:136; 
20:39, 78, 97). Since, according to the 
qur'anic cosmology, the salt-water ocean 
consists of the terrestrial sea, the sweet- 
water ocean must be located above the 
firmament where paradise is also situated, 
as H. Toelle [Le Goran revisite,i2/^-6) has 
pointed out. Even though the Qiir'an re- 
mains silent about the precise spatial re- 
lationship of paradise on the one hand and 
of the sweet water ocean on the other, par- 
adise is characterized by the element of 
sweet water, and the celestial ocean in turn 
bears paradisiacal traits. From above, God 
sends down water which is blessed (o 50:9; 
cf. 7:96), pure (q 25:48) and purifying 
(q 8:11) and which makes gardens flourish, 
whose description is reminiscent of the 
gardens of paradise ((J 23:19; 50:9-11). This 
is in contrast to Genesis 2:10-14, where the 
four rivers of paradise, especially the 
Tigris and the Euphrates, actually translate 
paradise to earth. Here, according to the 
Qiir'an, it is the rain that safeguards this 
connection. And since rain is the reason 
for springs to gush forth and for valleys to 
flow (q 13:17; 23:18-20; 39:21), both springs 
and rivers are, although indirectly, of para- 
disiacal origin, too. 



127 



SPRINGS AND FOUNTAINS 



In the Islamic tradition, another concept 
for the connection of paradise and earth is 
that of the navel. This theory centers on 
the idea that one place on earth is distin- 
guished as the point of contact to the up- 
per world. In early Islam, this navel was 
identified as the rock in Jerusalem (q.v.); 
later on it was transferred to the Ka'ba 
(q.v.) in Mecca. Thus, according to Ka'b 
al-Ahbar (d. ca. 32/652-3), each source of 
sweet water on earth originates below the 
rock in Jerusalem. A similar idea evolved 
concerning Zamzam in the Ka'ba district. 
Yaqut (d. 626/1229) relates that when 
Zamzam first gushed out to save Ishmael 
(q.v.; Isma'll) and Hagar (Hajar), it was a 
spring, and had Hagar not built an en- 
closure around it, its waters would have 
flooded the whole earth. Ibn Jubayr (d. 
614/1217; Travels, 139, 11. I2f), in turn, re- 
ports that upon his visit to Mecca in 
579/1183, pilgrims believed that on laylat 
al-bard'a, the "night of repentance" fol- 
lowing the 14th of Sha'ban, when God 
descends to the lowest heaven to forgive 
the repentant sinners (see forgiveness; 
REPENTANCE AND penance), the water 
level of Zamzam will rise. Finally, Zamzam 
is thought to have a subterranean connec- 
tion with other springs. Yaqut reports the 
popular belief that each year on the day of 
'Arafat (q.v.), the 9th of Dhu I-Hijja, the 
spring in Sidwan, a spot in the environs of 
Jerusalem, is "visited" by the water of 
Zamzam. Likewise, at the beginning of the 
last century, it was still a widespread belief 
that on the lOth of Muharram, the day of 
'Ashura' (see fasting; Ramadan), 
Zamzam water combines with the springs 
of Hammam al-Shifa in Palestine. 

As symbols for paradise on earth, springs 
are considered signs of God's blessings for 
humankind (see blessing). Time and 
again, the Qiir'an admonishes people to be 
thankful for this (q^ 2:74; 26:134, 147; 
36:33-5; 39:21). If, however, man proves 



to be imgrateful (see gratitude and 
ingratitude; belief and unbelief), God 
may expel him from the springs or cause 
the springs to dry up (cf q 2:266; 18:32-46; 
23:18-20; 26:57; 44:25; 67:30). In addition, 
springs appear as marks of distinction for 
persons important in salvation (q.v.) history 
(see HISTORY AND THE our'an): at God's 
command Moses (q.v.) strikes the rock with 
his staff (see rod) and twelve springs gush 
out {'ajn, o 2:60; 7:160). God makes the 
"fount of molten brass" flow for Solomon 
(q.v.; 'ajna l-qip; c) 34:12; cf i Kings 7:23f.). 
When Mary (q.v.) — leaning against the 
trunk of a palm (see date palm) and sur- 
prised by birth pangs — cries in despair 
(q.v.), [a voice] "below her" calls to her, 
"No, do not sorrow; [see] your lord (q.v.) 
has set below you a rivulet" [sariyyan, 
<J 19:24). Both Mary and Jesus (q.v.) are 
given refuge upon "a height with a secure 
abode and a spring" [ma%n, c) 23:50). 
Finally, the unbelievers' demand that the 
Prophet legitimate his mission by making a 
spring gush [yanbu', cj 17:90-1) can be seen 
in this context as well (see miracles; 
marvels; opposition to muhammad; 
provocation). 

Matthias Radscheit 



Bibliography 
Primary: BaydawT, ^nwar; J.Chr. Biirgel (trans.), 
J^izami, Das Alexanderbuch. Iskandarname, Zurich 
1991, 369-87; Ibn Ishaq, Sira, ed. M.M. 'Abd al- 
Hamld, 4 vols., Cairo n.d., i, 154-8; Ibn Jubayr, 
The travels of Ibn Jubayr. Edited from a manuscript in 
the University Library of Leyden, ed. W. Wright, 2nd 
TVS. ed. M.J. deGoeje, Leiden 1907; Ibn al-Kalbi, 
Abu 1-Mundhir Hisham b. Muhammad, Kitdb al- 
Asndm, ed. A. Zaki, Cairo 1384/1965; al-Qadi, 
'Abd al-Rahlm b. Ahmad, Daqd'iq al-akhbdr fi 
dhikr al'janna wa-l-ndr, ed. and German trans. 
M. Wolf, Muhammedanische Eschatotogie, Leipzig 
1872; RazT, TafsTr; Tabarl, Tafsir; Yaqut, Bulddn, 
ed. Wiistenfeld; Zamakhsharl, Kashshdf. 
Secondary: M.A.S. Abdel Haleem, Water in the 
Qur'an, in H. Abdel Haleem (ed.), Islam and the 
environment, London 1998, 103-17; A. Ambros, 



128 



Gestaltung unci Fiinktion der Biosphare im 
Koran, in zdmg 140 (1990), 290-325; N. Ardalan, 
The paradise garden paradigm, in S.J. Ishtiyan 
et al. (eds.), Consciousness and reality. Studies in 
memory of Toshihiko Izutsu, Leiden 2000, 97-127; 
H.J.D. Astley, A sacred spring and tree at 
Hammam R'Irha, Algeria, in Man 10 (1910), 
122-3; J. Brookes, Gardens of paradise, London 
1987; T. Canaan, Haunted springs and water 
demons in Palestine, in Journal of the Palestine 
Oriental Society i {1920-1), 153-70; E. Clark, 
Underneath which rivers flow. The symbolism of the 
Islamic garden, London 1996; Clermont-Ganneau, 
La lampe et I'olivier dans le Coran, in Revue de 
r/ustoire des religions 81 (1920), 213-59; J.H. Croon, 
Hot springs and healing gods, in Mnemosyne 4/20 
{1967), 225-46; M. Eliade, Die Religionen und das 
Heilige, Frankfurt 1998, 219-48; G. Fartacek, 
Pilgerstdtten in der sy rise hen Peripherie, Vienna 2003, 
I52f.; F.B. Flood, The great mosque of Damascus. 
Studies on the making of an Umayyad visual culture, 
Leiden 2001; P. Franke, Begegnung mit Khidr. 
Quellenstudien zum Imagindren im. traditionellen Islam, 
Beirut 2000, 45-52; O. Grabar, The Dome of the 
Rock in Jerusalem, in S. Nuseibeh, The Dome of 
the Rock, New York 1996, 12-70; H. Halbfas, Der 
Paradiesgarten, in U. Heindrichs and H.-A. 
Heindrichs (eds.), ^auber Mdrchen. Forschungs- 
berichte aus der Welt der Mdrchen, Munchen 1998, 
45-52; J. Horovitz, Das koranische Paradies, 
Jerusalem 1923; Jeffery, For. vocab.; I. Lichten- 
staedter, A note on the "gharamq" and related 
qur'anic problems, in lOS 5 {1976), 54-61; Ch. 
Luxenberg, Die syro-aramdische Lesart des Koran. Fin 
Beitrag zur Fntschlusselung der Koransprache, Berlin 
2000, 221-69; J.D. McAuliffe, The wines of earth 
and paradise. Qiir'anic proscriptions and 
promises, in R.M. Savory and D.A. Agius (eds.), 
Logos Islamikos. Studia Islamica in honorem Georgii 
Michaelis Wickens, Toronto 1984, 159-74; ^-L- 
Mostafa, The Cairene sabil. Form and meaning, 
in Muqarnas 6 (1989), 33-42; E.B. Moynihan, 
Paradise as garden in Persia and Mughal India, New 
York 1979; W. Miiller, Die heilige Stadt. Roma 
quadrata, himmlisches Jerusalem und die Mythe vom 
Weltnabel, Stuttgart 1961; A. Neuwirth, Sym- 
metrie und Paarbildung in der koranischen 
Eschatologie. Philologisch-stilistisches zu Sdrat ar- 
Rahmdn, in mfob 50 (1984), 445-80; A. Petruccioli 
(ed.), Der islamische Garten, Stuttgart 1995; 
M. Radscheit, The iconography of the Qiir'an, 
in Chr. Szyska and Fr. Pannewick (eds.). Crossings 
and passages in genre and culture, Wiesbaden 2003, 
167-83; A. Roman, Une vision humaine des fins 
dernieres. Le Kitab al-Tawahhum d'al Muhdsibi, 
Paris 1978; M. Rosen-Ayalon, On Suleiman's 
sabils in Jerusalem, in C.E. Bosworth et al. (eds.). 
The Islamic world, Princeton 1989, 589-607; 



B. Schrieke, Die Himmelsreise Muhamnieds, in 
Der Islam 6 (1916), 1-30; N. Sed, Les hymnes sur le 
paradis de Saint Ephreni et les traditions juives, 
in Museon 81 (1968), 455-501; A. Shalem, 
Fountains of light. The meaning of medieval 
Islamic rock crystal lamps, in Muqarnas 11 (1994), 
i-ii; Speyer, Frzdhlungen; H. Toelle, Le Coran 
revisits. Lefeu, I'eau, Vair et la terre, Damascus 1999; 
P. Underwood, The fountain of life in 
manuscripts of the Gospels, in Dumbarton Oaks 
papers 5 (1950), 41-138; A.J. Wensinck, The ideas of 
the western Semites concerning the navel oj the earth, 
Amsterdam 1916. 



Staff see ROD 

Stages of Life see biology as the 

CREATION AND STAGES OF LIFE 

Stars see PLANETS AND STARS; 
PARADISE 

Station of Abraham see plage of 

ABRAHAM 
Statue see IDOLS AND IMAGES 

Steadfast see trust and patience 



Steal see THEFT 



Stone 

Concreted earthy or mineral matter. Stone, 
hajar (pi. hijdra)^ attested in eleven verses of 
the Qiir'an, is never mentioned as part of 
the landscape or as a natural object; it is 
used as a symbol or a metaphor (q.v.) 
whose meaning is patterned by the inter- 
textual relations between the stone motifs 
in the Qiir'an and the Bible (see scripture 

AND THE Q^UR'aN; SYMBOLIC IMAGERY). 

The image of the stone appears in the 
Qur'an at the same time that biblical im- 
ages, narratives (q.v.) and persons, which 
are virtually absent from the early suras, 
flood the text (see chronology and the 



129 



STONING 



(JUr'an). Most of the mentions are found 
in tlie late Meccan suras and the Medinan 
suras (see Mecca; Medina). 

The /ifl/flr-contexts can be divided into 
two groups: i) those related to the idea of 
stoning (q.v.; five occurrences); 2) those 
witlr a different symbolic weight (six oc- 
currences). The first group is very homo- 
geneous in meaning. All the contexts 
(a 8:32; 11:82; 15:74; 51:33; 105:4) convey 
one and the same idea, that of God's direct 
punishment of sinners (see sin, major and 
minor) and infidels (see belief and 
tJNBELiEF) by throwing stones from the sky. 
This has a clear biblical prototype (Josh 
19:8-10; see chastisement and punish- 
ment; PUNISHMENT STORlEs). The main 
difference between the Bible and the 
Qiir'an with respect to this motif is that 
the qur'anic stones for punishment are 
made of clay (q.v.). This would be impos- 
sible for the Hebrew Bible, where clay and 
stone constitute the opposition between a 
natural substance and a material symboli- 
cally intertwined with the idea of the cho- 
sen people (see election). The qur'anic 
image of clay stones marked with inscrip- 
tions (hijdmtan min musawwamatan, 
Q. 5i-33"4> hij^i'^i '"^n sijjil, cj 11:82; 15:74; 
105:4) recalls clay tablets with cuneiform 
inscriptions from Mesopotamia and hints 
at its Mesopotamian, not biblical, back- 
ground. The second group of mentions is 
centered on the opposition between life 
(q.v.) and death (see death and the dead; 
PAIRS and pairino) — where stone is a 
metaphor for the dead matter — and the 
possibility of overcoming this opposition 
by God's omnipotence (see power and 
impoteni;e). Two instances (q^ 2:60; 7:160) 
are reminiscences of the biblical story of 
Moses (cj.v.), who struck water (q.v.) from 
the stone with his rod (q.v.; Exod 17:5-6) and 
thus produced life (water) from dead mat- 
ter with the lord's (q.v.) help. Conversely, 
o 2:74, also placed within the framework of 



the story of Moses, asserts that live matter 
(e.g. the hearts of unbelievers; see heart; 
BELIEF and unbelief) can turn into dead 
matter (stones) if they do not have faith 
(q.v.) and, on the contrary, stones can be- 
come alive and produce water if they fear 
(q.v.) God (cf. the motif of "hearts of 
stone" in the Bible: i Sam 20:37; J/oi 41:16; 
Ezek 11:19; 36:26; ^ech 7:12; cf also cj 2:264 
for a very close motif in the Qiir'an but 
without stone). Along the same lines, 
C3 17:50 expressly asserts God's ability to 
resurrect people (see resurrection) even 
if they became stones and has a direct par- 
allel in the New Testament (Matt 3:9). The 
remaining instances ((j 2:24; 66:6) speak 
about people and stones as fuel for the 
fire of hell (see hell and hellfire), and 
thus once more show that God's might is 
able to transcend such opposites (cf. a par- 
allel to this motif in the Bible: i Kings 
18:31-8). 

Dmitry V. Frolov 

Bibliography 
Primary: Ibn KatliTr, TafsTr; Jaldlayn; Lisdn at-'Arab 
(for furtiier details on the usage and meaning of 
the term); SuyutT, Durr; TabarT, TafsTr; Zamakh- 
sharT, Kashshaf. 

Secondary: J. Chabbi, Le seigneur des tribus. L'Islam 
de Mahomet, Paris 1997, 625-6; H. Toelle, Le Coran 
revisite. Lefea, i'eau, Vair et ta terre, Damascus 1999, 
111-12. 



Stoning 

A capital punishment for grave sins at- 
tested in the ancient Near East from time 
immemorial, representing part of the bibli- 
cal legacy in the Qiir'an (see scripture 
AND THE ^ur'an). The motif of stoning is 
expressed in two ways in the Qiir'an. It is 
either the verb rajama, "to stone" (equiva- 
lent to the biblical ragam), and its deriva- 
tives (thirteen occurrences); or verbs that 
convey the idea of "throwing, showering. 



130 



sending down" (ramd, amtara, arsala), with 
hajar, "stone" (q.v.), as an instrumental 
complement (five occurrences). 

The punishment of stoning occurs in 
four different situations in the Qiir'an and 
the origin of most of them can be traced 
back to the Bible. The first is the piuiish- 
ment inflicted from the sky by the lord 
(q.v.) on his enemies (q.v.) expressed ex- 
clusively by a verbal phrase with hajar as a 
complement (see chastisement and 
punishment; punishment stories). It has 
evident biblical connotations as three of 
the five contexts which depict this are part 
of the story of Abraham (q.v.; Ibrahim) 
and Lot (q.v; Lut; Q 11:82-3; 1574; 5i:33) as 
well as a direct prototype in the Bible [Josh 
ig:8-io). The two remaining contexts are 
related to the biography and mission of 
Muhammad (see o 8:32; 105:4; see sIra 
AND THE quR'AN), including the episode of 
a miraculous punishment from the sky vis- 
ited upon the "companions of the ele- 
phant," or the invaders from south Arabia 
who intended to conquer Mecca (q.v; see 
also abraha; people of the elephant). 
In a second, variant occurrence God in- 
flicts punishment by stoning not only peo- 
ple but also the devil (q.v; shaytdn) and his 
army. This act of the lord, which has no 
parallels in the Bible, emerges as part of 
the story of the creation (q.v.) of human- 
kind (c3 15:16-17; 67:5) and connotes the 
eternal condemnation of Satan. This nar- 
rative in turn gives birth to a well-known 
epithet of the devil, namely rajim (stoned; 
(^ 3:36; 16:98; 81:25) and to a ritual of ston- 
ing during the pilgrimage (q.v.) to Mecca. 
Its relation to the first situation is shown by 
the contexts where devils are stoned from 
the sky with projectiles in the form of the 
fallen stars (o 15:17; 67:5). The third in- 
cident is opposed to the first two. The ston- 
ing or the threat of stoning of the prophets 
and the believers by the infidels is attested 



both in the Bible [Exod 8:25-6) and the 
Qiir'an, where this occurs not only in the 
story of Moses (q.v; Musa; (j 44:20) but 
also in the story of Noah (q.v; Nuh; 
Q_ 26:116), Abraham ({^ 19:46) and Shu'ayb 
(q.v; C3 11:91; see also Q_ 18:20; 36:18; see 

also BELIEF and UNBELIEF; PROPHETS AND 

prophethood). The most paradoxical 
situation has to do with the fourth situation 
which, according to Muslim tradition, is 
present in the qur'anic text "virtually," not 
actually. Stoning as the capital punishment 
prescribed by the law for certain major 
crimes (see sin, major and minor), which 
is very frequent in the Bible, is absent from 
the textus receptus of the qur'anic vulgate 
(see CODICES OF the q^ur'an; collection 
OF THE our'an). Muslim scholars never- 
theless postulate the existence of a qur'anic 
verse which has been "abrogated" (man- 
sukh; see abrogation) textually but still 
remains one of the foundations of Muslim 
law (see law and the q^ur'an): "If a man 
or a woman commits adultery, stone 
them..." (on this "stoning verse," see 
Suyuti, Itqdn [chap. 47], iii, 82; Noldeke, 
OQ, i, 248-52; Burton, Collection, 70-80, 
89-96 and passim; see also adultery and 
fornication). 

Dmitry V. Frolov 

Bibliography 
Primary: Ibn Kathlr, Tafsir; Jaldlayn; Lisdn al-'Arab 
(for further details on the usage and meaning of 
the term); SuyutT, Dun; id., Itqdn; Tabarl, Tafsir; 
id., TatidliTb al-dthdr. Musnad 'Umar b. al-Kliattdb, 
ed. M. Shakir, 3 vols., Cairo 1983, ii, 870-80 (for 
many traditions on the "stoning verse," dyat at- 
rajm); Zamakhsharl, Kashstidf. 
Secondary: Burton, Collection; id., The sources oj 
Islamic law. Islamic theories of abrogation, Edinburgh 
1990; Noldeke, gq. 



St 



orm see WEATHER 



Story see narratives; JOSEPH 



131 



STRANGERS AND FOREIGNERS 



Straight Path see path or way; 
astray; error; community' and society 

IN THE Q^UR'aN 



Strangers and Foreigners 

Those who are away fi-om their usual place 
of residence and find themselves among 
people who view them as outsiders. In this 
sense, stranger and foreigner are social cat- 
egories whose referent cannot be fixed but 
will vary according to time, place and cul- 
ture. In medieval Arabic, Persian and 
Turkish, both categories were best ex- 
pressed by the term gharib, which, however, 
does not occur in the Qiir'an. Ajnabi, a 
term that has come to mean "foreigner" in 
all three languages especially in the era of 
modern nation-states, is also absent from 
the Qiir'an but it is represented in the 
forms al-jdr al-junubi and al-sdhib bi-l-janbi in 
q 4:36 mentioned among categories of 
people that are to be shown kindness (see 
love; mercy). Most commentators are 
agreed that the former phrase shoidd be 
understood as the opposite of the phrase 
al-jdr dhi l-qurbd, "near or related neigh- 
bor," that precedes it in the verse (see 
kinship). Al-Tabarl(d. 310/923; Tafsir, iv, 
82-3) reports "unrelated neighbor" and 
"neighbor who is a mushrik (see poly- 
theism AND atheism)" as the two alterna- 
tive readings for al-jdr al-junubi, and he 
himself opts for "unrelated stranger" as the 
best reading (translation of key passage in 
Rosenthal, Stranger, 39-40). Al-Baydawi 
(d. prob. 716/1316-17; ^niffl^ i, 214) and, 
following him, the modern Turkish exegete 
Elmalih [Kur'dn Dili, ii, 1354-5) simply read 
the two phrases al-jdr dhi l-qurbd and al-jdr 
al-junubi to mean "near [i.e. related and/or 
close] neighbor" and "far [i.e. unrelated 
and/or far] neighbor" respectively, and 
linked them to the following hadlth (which 



does not appear in the six canonical col- 
lections [see hadIth and the q^ur'an], 
but is attributed to a Companion of the 
Prophet in a number of other works; 
see COMPANIONS OF THE PROPHET; cf 
Zabldi, Ithdf, vii, 268; DaylamI, Firdaws, 
ii, 120, no. 2628; see also Ghazall, Ihyd', 
ii, 231): 

There are three [kinds of] neighbors. The 
first [i.e. the Muslim who is both a neigh- 
bor and a relative] has three rights: the 
right of proximity, the right of relatedness, 
the rights accorded him on account of 
being a Muslim. The second [i.e. the non- 
related Muslim who is a neighbor] has 
two rights: the right of proximity and the 
right of being a Muslim. And the third 
[i.e. the neighbor who is neither Muslim 
nor a relative] has one right: the right of 
proximity, and these are mushriks [and ahl 
al-kitdb] . 

As for the qur'anic phrase al-sdhib bi-l-janbi, 
it is not clear whether it should be read in 
conjunction with what precedes it (which is 
the phrase al-jdr al-junubi^ or in isolation 
from what surrounds it. The first alterna- 
tive would seem to be ruled out by the con- 
joined reading of the two preceding 
phrases as "near and far neighbors," while 
the second alternative is picked up by al- 
Tabari {Tafsu; iv, 83-4), who lists the mean- 
ings "travel companion (see trips and 
voyages; journey)," "a man's female 
companion," and "friend, comrade," and 
endorses all of them. Whatever their exact 
meanings may be, however, it is clear that 
of the two phrases al-jdr al-junubi and al- 
sdhib bi-l-janbi, only the former may per- 
haps be slightly relevant to a discussion of 
strangers in the Qtir'an and neither expres- 
sion really refers to those away from their 
usual place of residence. 
Another qur'anic locus for the concept of 



SUFFERING 



132 



foreignness might be the term ajami, 
meaning "non-Arab" and "non-Arabic" 
(see Arabs). Tlie term is used in C) 16:103, 
41:44 and 26:198 but in all three 
instances the element of linguistic differ- 
entiation seems to be foregrounded and it 
is difficult to see anything other than an 
attempt to emphasize the inimitability (q.v.) 
of the Qiir'an. A better candidate for a 
qur'anic approximation to the concept 
"stranger," however, is the phrase ibn al- 
sabTl, meaning "traveler," "wayfarer," or, 
though only secondarily, "guest," which is 
mentioned eight times in the Qiir'an 
(c3 2:177, 215; 4:36 [where it follows the 
phrase al~sdhib bi-l-janbi discussed above] ; 
8:41; 9:60; 17:26; 30:38; 59:7) always as one 
of the many different social categories 
listed as recipients of charity. Arguably, the 
traveler is the stranger j(iflr excellence; the 
Qi_ir'an can be said to endorse travel 
((^ 20:53: "He spread out the earth for you 
and lined it up with roads," and Q^ 67:15: 
"It is he who has made the earth manage- 
able for you, so travel its regions") and des- 
ignates the traveler as deserving of charity 
and kind treatment. Thus it is possible to 
see here a genuine concern for the welfare 
of strangers, which would be in keeping 
with the qur'anic insistence on social jus- 
tice (see JUSTICE and injustice; 

OPPRESSED on earth, THE; OPPRESSION). 

Finally, while not necessarily falling into 
the category of "strangers" as "outsiders," 
"guests" — and their proper treat- 
ment — also appear in the qur'anic dis- 
course (see visiting; hospitality and 
courtesy). The "honored guests of 
Abraham" [dayf ibrdhim al-mukramina, 
Q_ 51:24; cf. 15:51) figure in four qur'anic 
narratives (q.v.; (j_ ii:6gf ; I5:5if.; 29:3if ; 
5i:24f.), in which Abraham (q.v.) is por- 
trayed as the host par excellence, much as in 
the biblical account (see scripture and 
THE cjur'an). In these narratives, both 
Abraham and Lot (q.v.) fear lest their 



guests be dishonored and mistreated (cf. 
esp. Q_ 11:78; 15:68; 54:37), echoing the 
qur'anic exhortation to proper treatment 
of visitors (and, by extension, foreigners). 

Ahmet T. Karamustafa 



Bibliography 
Primary: Baydawi, Anwar; DaylamI, Shirawayh 
b. Shahradar, al-Firdaws al-akhbdr bi-ma'thur al- 
khitdb, ed. S. Zaghlul, 5 vols., Beirut 1986; 
Elmalili Muhammed Hamdi Yazir, Hak Dini 
Kur'dn Dili, 9 vols., Istanbul 1935-9; al-Ghazall, 
Abu Hamid Muhammad, Ihyd' 'ulum al-din, 5 
vols., Beirut 1996; Tabarl, TaJsTr, 12 vols., Beirut 
1992; Murtada al-Zabidl, Muhammad b. 
Muhammad, Kitdb Ithdf al-sdda al-muttaqm bi- 
Sharh Ihyd' 'ulum al-dln, 14 vols., Beirut 1989; 
ZamakhsharT, Kashshdf, 4 vols., Beirut 1995. 
Secondary: F. Rosenthal, The stranger in 
medieval Islam, in Arabica 44 (1997), 35-75. 



Straw see GRASSES 

Style (of the Qur'an) see language 

AND style of THE (JUR'aN; RHETORIC AND 
THE OUR'aN 

Submission see faith; islam 

Suckling see children; lactation; 
wet-nursing 



Suffering 

Pain, distress or injury, and the endurance 
of pain, distress or injury. The noun 
"pain" [alam or waja ') does not occur in the 
Qiir'an. The verb "to feel pain" (alima) is 
used only three times, all in the same verse 
((J 4:104), in which it refers to suffering in 
warfare. The adjective "painful" (alim), a 
derivation of the same root ('-l-m), is more 
commonly used. It occurs seventy-two 
times, mostly in combination with the 
word "punishment" ('adhdb). 
With the exception of c) 36:18, the 



133 



SUFFERING 



expression "painful punishment" ('adhdb 
alim) relates to punishment from God (see 
CHASTISEMENT AND PUNISHMENT; REWARD 
AND punishment). "My punishment is the 
painful punishment" ((J 15:50). Sometimes, 
the content of this punishment is men- 
tioned. It is a wind that destroys everything 
(q, 46:24; see AIR AND wind), smoke (q.v.) 
that covers the people (c3 44:10-11) or pun- 
ishment in hell (q_ 5:36; see HELL AND 
hellfire). That the punishments in hell 
will be very painful can be concluded from 
their descriptions in the Qiir'an (e.g. 
a 4:56; 9:35; 18:29; 22:19-21; 56:42-4). 
People in hell will undergo intense pain 
and suffering. They will sigh and groan 
((J 11:106), distort their burnt faces 
(c3 23:104) and be distressed and despairing 
(a 22:22; 43:75). 

Part of God's punishment may be given 
in advance in this world (o 24:19; 9:74). 
According to the qur'anic punishment nar- 
ratives (q.v.; see also punishment stories), 
God has already punished unbelieving 
peoples by sending a flood [tujan, q 29:14), 
an earthquake [rajfa, C3 29:37), a violent 
storm [hdsib, q_ 29:40) or a roaring wind [rih 
sarsar, Q_ 69:6; see weather). These cala- 
mities annihilated the imbelievers because 
of their persistence in unbelief after a 
prophet had warned them (see belief and 
unbelief; prophets and prophethood; 
warning). God's sending of a prophet 
may be accompanied by calamities that 
support the prophet's warning, so that the 
unbelievers will abandon their sins (q 6:42; 
7:94; 32:21-2; see SIN, major and minor). 
This happened to the people of Egypt 
(q.v.). God sent them calamities as a warn- 
ing, but when they did not heed these 
warnings and persevered in their sins, God 
drowned them in the sea (c3 7:133-6; see 
drowning). 

Other afHictions and calamities are not 
meant to be punishments but trials (see 
trial). God tests (jablii) the people's belief 



by giving them either welfare or adversity 
(0,5:48; 6:165; 21:35; see grace; blessing; 
TRUST and patience) because he wants to 
know how they behave in prosperity and in 
adversity (q 47:31; 67:2). For this purpose, 
he has created earth (q.v.), life (q.v), death 
(see death and the dead), and people 
themselves (q 11:7; 18:7; 67:2; 76:2; see 
creation). God tries them by restricting 
their sustenance (q.v; (J 89:16). He imposes 
hunger (see famine), poverty (see poverty 
AND THE poor), and the loss of property 
(q.v.), lives and crops upon them to test 
them (c3 2:155). Being tried by these afHic- 
tions, people should show their belief in 
God by patient endurance (c) 2:156, 177; 

22:35; 31:17)- 

Forms of suffering connected to liuman 
existence are the undergoing of illness, 
pain and infirmities (see illness and 
health). In the Qiir'an some illnesses and 
infirmities are mentioned without being 
indicated as trials or punishments from 
God. Abraham (q.v.) referred to illness 
when he said that God gave him health 
when he was ill (c3 26:80). Leprosy and 
blindness are mentioned in q 3:49 and 
q 5:110, where it is said that Jesus (q.v.) 
healed the leper and those born blind (see 
seeing and hearing; vision and 
blindness; miracles; marvels), q 22:5 
refers to the infirmities of old age, stating 
that humans lose their knowledge (see 
KNOWLEDGE AND LEARNING) when they 
grow old (see youth and old age). The 
pains of childbirth are mentioned in 
q 19:23, where it says Mary (q.v.) under- 
went them (see biology as the creation 
AND STAGES OF life). Blindness and other 
infirmities are mentioned when it is said 
that the blind, the cripple and the sick are 
excused for not being able to fulfill all their 
duties (e.g. q 24:61; 48:17). There is no in- 
dication that these illnesses and infirmities 
are a punishment from God. An exception 
may be the blindness of Lot's (q.v.) people, 



SUFFERING 



134 



whose eyes (q.v.) God effaced. This was a 
punishment and a warning (c3 54:37). The 
terms ilhiess, bhndness and deafness (see 
HEARING AND DEAFNESs) are, however, of- 
ten used metaphorically in the sense of 
wavering in belief or failing to heed a 
prophet's message (see metaphor). 

An example of suffering which is a trial 
imposed by God is that endured by proph- 
ets, a group who cannot have deserved 
punishment. We have already seen that 
Abraham suffered illness. An often-cited 
example of patient suffering is Job (q.v.), 
whose suffering was not from God but 
Satan (q 21:83; 38:41; see devil). 
According to the exegetes, however, this 
was done with God's permission. When 
Job endured affliction without losing his 
belief in God, God rewarded him by tak- 
ing away the affliction, returning his family 
and doubling their number (q 21:84; 
38:42-3). Another prophet who suffered 
was Jacob (q.v.), who was told that his son 
Joseph (q.v.) had been killed by a wolf 
(5) 12:16-18). He patiently endured the loss 
of his son, although he became blind be- 
cause of his distress (o 12:84). Later he 
found out that Joseph had not died and he 
regained his sight (q^ 12:96). 

Job and Jacob suffered both mentally and 
physically but the suffering of other proph- 
ets was largely mental. They suffered dis- 
tress, being called liars (see lie) and being 
rejected by the unbelievers ((J 6:34; 14:12). 
This also happened to Muhammad (see 
OPPOSITION TO MUHAMMAD). He was dis- 
tressed and depressed because of what the 
unbelievers said to him (o 6:33; 15:97) and 
their unbelief caused him great sorrow. 
"Perhaps you [Muhammad] will kill your- 
self with grief (asaf), because they do not 
believe in this message" (c3 18:6; cf. 26:3; 
see JOY AND misery). God told him not to 
grieve (c3 5:41; 10:65; 27:70; 31:23; 36:76) 
but to endure patiently (c3 16:127; 20:130; 
73:10). Just like Muhammad, the believers 



should patiently endure distress and 
affliction (e.g. C3 3:200). If they hold out 
and keep to their belief in God in difficult 
situations, God will reward them (q 23:111; 
25:75; 33:35; 76:12). He will even double 
their reward (c) 28:54) and remit the bad 
actions of those who suffered because of 
their religion (c3 3:195). 

More details about suffering can be 
found in the hadlth (see hadith and the 
(Jur'an). It is reported that Muhammad 
said that for each harm that a Muslim 
meets in the form of illness, tiredness, sor- 
row, distress and pain, "even if it were the 
prick of a thorn," God will grant remission 
of some of his or her sins (Bukharl, Sahih, 
bk. 75, K. Mardd, i/i, iv, 40; Fr. trans, iv, 50; 
and 2/2, iv, 41; trans, iv, 51). As God does 
not punish twice and some sins are already 
paid for by suffering imposed by him, they 
will not be counted on the last day (see 
LAST judgment). Suffering is also seen as a 
trial from God. Those who patiently en- 
dure it will be generously rewarded. A 
hadlth qudsi (prophetic dictum attributed to 
God that is not in the Qiir'an) says that 
when God tests a Muslim by depriving him 
of his eyes, and he patiently undergoes it, 
he will enter paradise (q.v.) as compensa- 
tion (Bukharl, Sahih, bk. 75, 7, iv, 42; Fr. 
trans, iv, 52-3). God's imposition of illness 
and pain can be seen as a sign of his spe- 
cial attention or as a favor. Only those who 
suffer get the opportunity to practice 
patient endurance. Abu Hurayra (d. ca. 
58/678) reported that Muhammad said: "If 
God wants to do good to somebody, he 
afflicts him with trials" (Bukharl, Sahih, bk. 
75, 1/5, iv, 41; Fr. trans, iv, 51, which con- 
tains an alternative reading of the final 
phrase: "Celui a qui Dieu veut du bien 
reussit toujours a I'obtenir"; cf. Ibn Hajar, 
Fath, x, 108 for both readings). A closely 
related view is that those who are most 
loved by God suffer most. This finds its 
expression in the saying that the people 



135 



SUFFERING 



who are most visited witli afflictions are the 
propliets, then tlie most pious people (see 
piety), and so on. According to 'A'isha (see 
'a'isha bint abi bakr), nobody suffers as 
mucli pain as Muliammad did (Bukhari, 
Sahih, bk. 75, 2/1, iv, 41; Fr. trans, iv, 51). 

Suffering is an important element in 
Islamic mysticism (see SUFISM and the 
qUR'AN). Patient endurance (sabr) of 
affliction (bala') is one of the stations 
(maqdmdt) of the mystical path. It is closely 
related to tawakkul, "complete trust in 
God," and ridd, "contentment about all 
that comes from God." According to the 
descriptions of the mystical path, the mys- 
tic's attitude to suffering changes in ac- 
cordance with his mystical progress. First, 
he patiently endures affliction as a trial 
from God. Next, he willingly accepts it in 
the belief that affliction is a grace from 
God. At a still higher mystical level, he re- 
ceives affliction with contentment and joy 
because God, the object of his love, sent it 
to him. Those who love God are happy to 
receive afflictions because they consider 
these as signs of divine love. The afflictions 
teach them that they are friends of God 
(see FRIENDS AND FRIENDSHIP), and that 
they are tested by him because he wishes to 
know the sincerity of their love. 

The ImamI Shi'l (see shi'ism and the 
qUR'AN) doctrine of suffering focuses on 
the sufferings of Muhammad and his de- 
scendants, the Imams (see imam), and in 
particular on the sufferings of Muham- 
mad's son-in-law 'All b. Abi Talib (q.v.; 
d. 40/661) and his grandson, al-Husayn 
(d. 61/680). On the day of judgment, the 
Prophet, his daughter Fatima (q.v.), and 
the Imams will be allowed to intercede for 
the faithful, as a reward for their sufferings 
(see intercession). 

Suffering as a theological question 
The view that suffering imposed by God is 
either a punishment or a trial raises the 



question of why innocent children (q.v.) 
and animals suffer. Adults of sound mind 
(see maturity) are considered to be mukal- 
laf, which means that they are subject to 
God's imposition of obligations (taklif). 
They will be rewarded for fulfilling these 
obligations and will be punished for failing 
to do so. Children, the insane (see insan- 
ity), and animals (see animal life ) are 
not mukallaf, which means that their suf- 
fering cannot be a punishment, and cannot 
be a trial, either, because they are not eli- 
gible for a reward for patient endurance. 
Some theologians believed that children 
suffer as an advance punishment for sins 
they will commit as adults. This does not 
answer the question of the suffering of 
children who die before reaching adult- 
hood, and the suffering of animals. 

The Mu'tazills (q.v.) were convinced that 
the suffering of children, the insane, and 
animals cannot be intended to punish 
them because this would be in conflict with 
God's justice (see justice and injustice). 
According to the Mu'tazili scholar 'Abd 
al-Jabbar (d. 415/1025), God imposes suf- 
fering upon children and animals because 
he wants to warn the adults near them. 
The children and animals will be com- 
pensated for this in the hereafter (see 
eschatolooy). For that reason, they will 
be revived on the last day (see resurrec- 
tion), together with those who were mukal- 
laf. According to 'Abd al-Jabbar, all those 
who are brought back to life will receive 
compensation for undeserved suffering, but 
they will have to give up some of this com- 
pensation in order to compensate for pain 
they themselves inflicted on other living 
beings without God's permission. The peo- 
ple of paradise will receive their compen- 
sation in addition to their reward, whereas 
the people of hell will receive it in the form 
of a temporal reduction of their punish- 
ment. Some adherents to parts of the 
Mu'tazili doctrine, such as the Imami Shi'ls 



SUFFERING 



136 



al-Shaykh al-Mufid (d. 413/1022) and al- 
Sharlf al-Murtada (d. 436/1044) and the 
Karaite Yusuf al-BasIr (fl. first half fifl;h/ 
eleventh century) held largely similar opin- 
ions about suffering and its compensation. 

The Ash'arls rejected the Mu'tazili 
rationalizations about God's actions (see 

THEOLOGY AND THE Q^Ur'an). What 

counted for them was that everything in 
this world, good or bad, happens in ac- 
cordance with God's will. God imposes 
suffering on his creatures but humans can- 
not know why he does so (see knowledge 
AND learning; freedom and predesti- 
nation; intellect). The incomprehen- 
sibility of God's actions may be illustrated 
by the qur'anic story of Moses' (q.v.) 
friend, whose name, according to the 
majority of the exegetes, was al-Khidr (or 
al-Khadir; see khadir/khidr). He told 
Moses not to ask him about his actions, 
which included the killing of a boy (see 
murder; bloodshed). Nevertheless, 
Moses could not stop himself asking why 
he did such things. In the end, his friend 
explained his motives to him. Then it be- 
came clear to Moses that in reality his 
friend's actions were deeds of mercy (q.v.). 
The friend, however, left him because of 
his qviestioning (c3 18:66-82). This may ex- 
plain why the Ash'arls and mainstream 
SunnI Islam did not develop a theory 
about suffering in this world. Al-Baqillani 
(d. 403/1013) and al-Juwaynl (d. 478/1085) 
discussed suffering mainly in order to re- 
fute their opponents. Al-Juwaynl explained 
that there is no need to value pains im- 
posed by God because we know that they 
are good, as they come from God (see 
GOOD and evil). Al-Ghazall (d. 505/1111) 
pointed out that humans do not have the 
right to ask God for an explanation of his 
actions (c) 21:23). As God is the master of 
all (see lord; kings and rulers; 
sovereignty), he is entitled to impose 
pain without it being deserved or com- 
pensated for {Ihyd', i, gg \kitdb 2, fad 3, 



rukn 3: al-'ilm bi-af'fil Allah, al 6]). He 
declared that although we cannot know the 
reasons for God's actions, believers should 
be convinced that all afflictions from God 
in this world may contain secret blessings 
(Ormsby, Theodicy, 256). 

Margaretha T. Heemskerk 

Bibliography 
Primary: 'Abd al-Jabbar b. Ahmad Abu 1-Hasan, 
al-Mughnifi abwdb al-tawhid wa-l-^adl, various eds., 
16 vols., Cairo 1960-9, xiii \al-Lutf['if\. A. 'Aflfl, 
1962)], 229-568; Abu l-'Arab b. Tamlm al- 
TamlmT, Kitab al-Mihan, Beirut 1983; BaqillanT, 
R'itdb Tamhid al-awd'il wa-talkhis al-dald'il, ed. 'I. A. 
Haydar, Beirut 1987, 382-6; Y. al-BasIr, al-Kitdb 
al-mahtawi, trans, and comm. G.Vajda, Leiden 
1985, 335-86; BukharT, Sahih, ed. Krehl; Fr. trans. 
O. Houdas and W. Margais, Les traditions 
islamiques, 4 vols., Paris 1903-14, repr. 1977; al- 
GhazalT, Abu Hamid Muhammad b. Muham- 
mad, Ihyd' 'ulum al-din, 4 vols., Cairo 1933 (repr. 
of Biilaq 1872 ed.); Ibn Mattawayh, Abu 
Muhammad al-Hasan b. Ahmad, Kitdb al-Majmu' 
fi l-muhit bi~l-taklif, ed. J.J. Houben et al., 3 vols., 
Beirut 1962-99, iii [ed. J. Peters, 1999], 11-129 
(the first volume has been wrongly attributed to 
'Abd al-Jabbar b. Ahmad Abu 1-Hasan); al- 
Juwayni, Abu l-Ma'all 'Abd al-Malik, A guide to 
conclusive proofs for the principles of belief (Kitdb al- 
Irshdd ild qawdtV al-adillaf usul al-Vtiqdd), trans. 
PE. Walker, Reading 2000, 149-56. 
Secondary: M. Ayoub, Redemptive suffering in Isldm. 
A study of the devotional aspects of Ashurd' in Twelver 
ShiHsm, The Hague 1978; J. Bowker, Problems of 
suffering in religions of the world, Cambridge 1970, 
99-122; M.T. Heemskerk, Suffering in the MuHazilite 
theology. Abd al-Jabbdr's teaching on pain and divine 
justice, Leiden 2000; M.J. McDermott, The 
theology of al-Shaikh al-Mufd (d. ^ij/ 1032), Beirut 
1978, 181-7, 382-4; E.L. Ormsby, Theodicy in 
Islamic thought. The dispute over al-GhazdlVs ''Best of 
all possible worlds," Vrinc&ton, NJ 1984; B. Reinert, 
Die Lehre vom tawakkul in der klassischen Sujik, 
Berlin 1968, 90-140; H. Ritter, Das Meer der Seele. 
Mensch, Welt und Gott in den Geschichten des 
Fariduddin Attdr, Leiden 1978, 54-62, 228-52, 
527-31; A. Schimmel, Mystical dimensions of Islam, 
Chapel Hill 1975; W.M. Watt, Suffering in 
Sunnite Islam, in A750 (1979), 5-19; H. Zirker, 
"Er wird nicht be- fragt..." (Sure 21,23). Theo- 
dizee und Theodizeeabwehr in Koran und 
Umgebung, in U. Tworuschka (ed.), Gottes ist der 
Orient, Gottes is der Okzident. Festschriflflr Abdoldja- 
vad Falaturi zum 6^. Geburtstag, Koln 1991, 409-24. 



137 



SUFISM AND THE OUR AN 



Sufism and the Qiir'an 

Tasawwuf, Islamic mysticism, is an ascetic- 
mystical trend in Islam characterized by a 
distinct life-style, values, ritual practices, 
doctrines and institutions. Sufism emerged 
as a distinct ascetic and mystical trend in 
Islamic piety under the early 'Abbasids at 
about the same time as similar movements 
in Syria, Iran and central Asia which, 
though designated by different names, 
shared the same world-renouncing, 
inward-looking and esoteric attitude. By 
the fourth/tenth century, the Iraq-based 
trend in Islamic ascetic (see asceticism) 
and mystical piety (q.v.) known as "Sufism" 
(tasawwuf) gradually prevailed over and 
integrated the beliefs and practices of its 
sister movements in the other regions of 
the caliphate (see caliph). By the end of 
the fourth/tenth century, leading repre- 
sentatives of this syncretic ascetic and mys- 
tical trend in Islam had generated a 
substantial body of teachings, practices 
and normative oral and literary lore that 
became the source of inspiration, life- 
orientation, ethos and identity for its 
subsequent followers, whose number con- 
tinued to grow with every century. With 
the emergence first of Sufi lodges, and, 
somewhat later, Sufi "brotherhoods" (the 
fifth-seventh/eleventh-thirteenth centuries) 
or "orders" [turuq, sing, tanqa), Sufism 
became part and parcel of the spiritual, 
social and political life of pre-modern 
Islamdom. With the advent of modernity 
in the thirteenth/nineteenth century 
Sufism was subjected to strident criticism 
by Muslim modernists and reformers, and 
in the course of the fourteenth/twentieth 
century lost ground to competing ideolo- 
gies, both religious and secular (see 
POLITICS and the (^ur'an). Neverthe- 
less, it has managed to survive both criti- 
cisms and overt persecutions and even 
won converts among some Western 
intellectuals. 



Early Siiji attitudes to the Qur'an 
From the outset, the Qiir'an was the prin- 
cipal source of contemplation and inspira- 
tion for every serious Muslim ascetic and 
mystic, whether formally Sufi or not. In 
fact, many Sufi concepts and terms have 
their origin in encounters with the qur'anic 
text, endowing Sufism with much-needed 
legitimacy in the eyes of both Sufis and 
Muslims not directly affiliated with it. Yet, 
from the very beginning Sufi interpreta- 
tions of the scripture (as well as Sufi prac- 
tices, values and beliefs) were challenged by 
influential representatives of the SunnI 
and Shi'l religious establishments (see 
TRADITIONAL DISCIPLINES OF Q^UR'aNIC 
study), occasionally resulting in persecu- 
tion of individual mystics. Sufis were ac- 
cused of overplaying the allegorical aspects 
of the Qiir'an, claiming privileged, esoteric 
understanding of its contents and distort- 
ing its literal meaning (see polysemy; 

LITERARY STRUCTURES AND THE ^Ur'an). 

To demonstrate their faithfulness to the 
spirit and letter of the revelation (see 
REVELATION AND INSPIRATION) advocates 
of Sufism drew heavily on the qur'anic 
verses (q.v.) which, in their view, legiti- 
mized their brand of Islamic piety. Such 
verses usually emphasize the proximity and 
intimacy between God and his human ser- 
vants (e.g. o 2:115, 186; 20:7-8; 58:7; see 
servant; worship; cod and his 
attributes). God's immediate and 
immanent presence among the faithful is 
forcefully brought home in C3 50:16, in 
which he declares himself to be nearer to 
man than "his jugular vein" (see artery 
AND vein). The relationship of closeness 
and intimacy is occasionally presented in 
the Qiir'an in terms of mutual love (q.v.) 
between the maker and his creatures (see 
creation; cosmology), as, for instance, 
in Q. 5:54 (cf- Q. 3:31= 76, I34> 146, 148, 159; 
5:93, which also describe different catego- 
ries of believers deserving of divine 
affection). Deeming themselves paragons 



SUFISM AND THE OUR AN 



138 



of piety and devotion to God and true 
"heirs" of his Propliet (see prophets and 
prophethood; muhammad), representa- 
tives of the early [proto-] Sufi movements 
viewed such verses as referring primarily, if 
not exclusively, to them. With the emer- 
gence of mystical cosmology and meta- 
physics, which provided justification for the 
mystical experiences of the Sufis, they put 
the Qiir'an to new, creative uses. Thus, in 
the famous "Light Verse" (c3 24:35) God's 
persona is cast in the imagery of a sublime, 
majestic and unfathomable light, which 
renders it eminently conducive to gnostic 
elaborations on the theme of light (q.v.) 
and darkness (q.v.) and the eternal struggle 
between spirit (q.v.) and matter. According 
to early Sufi exegetes, God guides whom- 
soever he wishes with his light (see error; 
astray; freedom and predestination) 
but has predilection for a special category 
of pious, god-fearing individuals (see fear) 
who devote themselves completely to wor- 
shipping him. In return, God assures them 
of salvation (q.v.) in the hereafter (c) 2:38, 
262, 264; 3:170; etc.; see eschatology). As 
to those "who prefer the present life over 
the world (q.v.) to come," "a terrible chas- 
tisement" awaits them (c3 14:3; cf. 2:86; see 
reward and punishment). From the be- 
ginning, Muslim ascetics and mystics iden- 
tified themselves with God's "proteges" 
(awliyd') mentioned in cj 10:62 (cf o 8:34; 
45:19; see CLIENTS and clientage; 

FRIENDS AND FRIENDSHIP). With time Sufl 

exegetes came to portray them as God's 
elect "friends" and confidants who are able 
to intercede on behalf of the ordinary be- 
lievers and guide them aright (see 
interi;ession; saints). In Sufi lore such 
"friends of God" were identified with au- 
thoritative Sufi masters, both living and 
deceased. In (J 7:172, which figures promi- 
nently in early Sufi discourses, the relations 
between God and his creatures are placed 
in a cosmic framework, as a primordial 



covenant (q.v.; 7nTthdq) between them. 
During this crucial event the human race 
presented itself before God in the form of 
disembodied souls (q.v.) to bear witness to 
the absolute sovereignty (q.v.) 
of their lord (q.v.) at his request (see 
WITNESSING AND TESTIFYING). Once ill 
possession of sinful and restive bodies (see 
SIN, MAJOR AND minor), liowcver, most 
humans have forgotten their promise of 
faithfulness and devotion to God and 
therefore have to be constantly reminded 
of it by divine messengers (see messenger) 
and prophets. The goal of the true Sufi is 
to return to the state of pristine devotion 
and faithfulness of the day of the covenant 
by minimizing the corruptive drives of his 
body and his lower soul — one that "com- 
mands evil" (ammdra bi-l-su', (3 12:53; see 
good AND evil). If successful, the mystic 
can transform his lower, restive self into a 
soul "at peace" [al-nafs al-mutma'inna, 
C3 89:27) that is incapable of disobeying its 
lord (see disobedience). This can only be 
achieved through the self-imposed stric- 
tures of ascetic life, pious meditation and 
the remembrance (q.v.) of God (dhikr) 
as explicitly enjoined in q 8:45, 18:24 
and 33:41 (see also reflection and 
deliberation). Finally, on the level of 
personal experience, verses describing the 
visionary experiences of the prophet 
Muhammad (namely, o 17:1 and C3 53:1-18; 
see visions) provided a fruitful ground for 
mystical elaborations and attempts by mys- 
tically minded Muslims to, as it were, 
"recapture the rapture" of the founder of 
Islam, all the more so because the Qur'an 
and the sunna (q.v.) repeatedly enjoin the 
believers to imitate him meticulously. 
While all of these verses resonated well 
with the aspirations of early Muslim ascet- 
ics and mystics, there were also those that 
did not, in that they prescribed moderation 
in worship, enjoyment of family (q.v.) life 
and fulfillment of social responsibilities. 



139 



SUFISM AND THE OUR AN 



while at the same time discouraging the 
"excesses" of Cliristian-style monasticism 
(a 4:3-4, 25-8, 127; 9:31; 57:27; see CHRIS- 
TIANS AND CHRISTIANITY; MONASTICISM 

AND monks; abstinence). Yet, these pas- 
sages, as well as numerous injunctions 
against the renunciation of this world 
found in the Prophet's sunna, could be 
either ignored or allegorized away, espe- 
cially since some of them were inconclu- 
sive or self-contradictory (e.g. C3 5:82, 
which may be interpreted as praising the 
Christian monks for their exemplary right- 
eousness). Eventually, however, the weight 
of scriptural evidence and social pressures 
forced most adherents of Sufism to steer a 
middle course, which allowed them to par- 
ticipate in social life and raise families 
while not compromising their ascetic-mys- 
tical vocations. As the body of Sufi lore 
grew with the passage of time and Sufism 
became a distinct life-style and a system of 
rituals (see ritual and the q^ur'an), prac- 
tices and beliefs, there emerged a specific 
Sufi exegesis aimed at justifying them (see 

also EXEGESIS of the qUR'AN: CLASSICAL 

and medieval). 

The rise and early development of Suji exegesis 
The earliest samples of the Sufi exegetical 
lore were collected by an eminent Sufi 
master of Nishapur, Abu 'Abd al-Rahman 
al-SulamI (d. 412/1021) in his Haqd'iq al- 
tafsir. This work, which still awaits a critical 
edition (but cf. Bowering's ed. of Sulaml's 
^ijdddt, an appendix to the Haqd'iq), is 
practically our only source for the initial 
stages of mystical exegesis in Islam. Its 
major representatives, al-Hasan al-BasrI 
(d. 110/728), Ja Tar al-Sadiq (d. 148/765), 
Sufyan al-Thawrl (d. 161/778) and 
'Abdallah b. al-Mubarak (d. 181/797) were 
not Sufis stricto sensu, since the Baghdad 
school of Sufism was yet to emerge. 
Rather, these pious individuals were 
appropriated by Sufism's later advocates. 



who presented them as paragons of Sflfi 
piety avant-la-lettre. While their preoccupa- 
tion with the spiritual and allegorical as- 
pects of the scripture is impossible to deny, 
the authenticity of their exegetical logia, 
which were collected and transmitted by 
al-SulamI and some of his immediate pre- 
decessors more than a century after their 
death, is far from certain. The problem is 
particularly severe (and intriguing) in the 
case of the sixth Shi'l imam (q.v.), JaTar al- 
Sadiq (see also SHl'lSM AND THE (JUr'an). 
His role as a doyen of primeval mystical 
exegesis is difficult to prove, especially 
since his exegetical logia transmitted by 
al-SulamI are devoid of any of the ex- 
pected Shi'l themes. Unless his other tafslr 
transmitted in Shi'l circles proves similar or 
identical to the one assembled by al- 
Sulaml, the matter will remain uncertain 
(for details see Nwyia, Exegese, and 
Bowering, Mystical ziision). One should not 
rule out the possibility of Shi'l elements 
having been expunged from Ja Tar's ex- 
egetical logia by SunnI Sufis who transmit- 
ted them through separate channels (see 
THEOLOGY AND THE q^ur'an). Alter- 
natively, one may suggest that Sufi and 
Shi'l esotericism originated in the same 
pious circles (JaTar al-Sadiq is frequently 
quoted in the standard Sufi manual of Abu 
1-Qasim al-QiishayrI; d. 465/1072), where- 
upon it took on different forms in the 
SunnI and Shi'l intellectual environments. 
The problem of authorship is less severe in 
the case of such ascetically minded indi- 
viduals as al-Hasan al-BasrI, al-Thawrl, 
and Ibn al-Mubarak who were major 
exponents of SunnI Islam in their age, al- 
though their role as the bona fide progeni- 
tors of the Sufi tradition is problematic. If 
authentic, Ja Tar's logia are probably the 
earliest extant expression of the method- 
ological principles of mystical tafsTr, which 
were adopted and elaborated by subse- 
quent generations of Sufi commentators. 



SUFISM AND THE OUR AN 



140 



According to Ja'far's statement cited by 
al-Sulami at the beginning of iiis Haqd'iq 
al-tafsir, tiie Qiir'an lias four aspects: 'ibdra 
(a literal or obvious articulation of the 
meaning of a verse); ishdra (its allegorical 
allusion); latd'if {its subtle and symbolic as- 
pects; see SYMBOLIC imagery) and haqd'iq 
(its spiritual realities; cf. Bowering, 
Scriptural "senses"). Each of these levels of 
meanings has its own addressees, respec- 
tively: the ordinary believers (al- 'awdmm), 
the spiritual elite (al-khawdss), God's inti- 
mate friends (al-awliyd') and the prophets 
(al-anbijd'). On the practical level, Ja'far 
and his Sufi counterparts usually dealt with 
just two levels of meaning: the outward/ 
exoteric (idhir) and the hidden/esoteric 
(bdtin), thereby subsuming the moral/ 
ethical/legal meanings of a given verse (see 
ETHICS AND THE Q^UR'aN; LAW AND THE 
C3Ur'an) under "literal" and its allegorical/ 
mystical/anagogical subtext under "hid- 
den." As demonstrated by P. Nwyia, Ja'far's 
exegetical interests were worlds apart from 
those of his contemporary Muqatil b. 
Sulayman (d. 150/767) who pursued a 
more conventional (albeit imaginative) his- 
torical and philological tafsir (see grammar 
and the qUR'AN). For instance, unlike 
Muqatil, Ja'far shows no interest in the 
historical circumstances surrounding the 
battle of Badr (q.v.), as presented in the 
Qiir'an (see also occasions of reve- 
lation). When the Qiir'an says that "God 
supported him [Muhammad] with the le- 
gions you [his followers] did not see" 
(c3 9:40), Ja'far interprets the "legions" not 
as "angels" (as argued by Muqatil and 
other exoterically minded exegetes; see 
angel; ranks and orders; troops) but 
as spiritual virtues that the mystic acquires 
in the course of his progress along the path 
to God (tariq), namely, "certitude" (yaqin), 
"trust in God" (thiqa) and a total "reliance" 
on him in everything one undertakes 
{tawakkul; see trust and patience; 



virtue). Likewise, the qur'anic injunction 
to "purify my [God's] house (namely, the 
Ka'ba [q.v.]; see also house, domestic 
and divine) for those who shall circum- 
ambulate it" (q 22:26) is interpreted by 
Ja'far as a call upon the individual believer 
to "purify [his] soul from any association 
with the disobedient ones and anything 
other than God" (see polytheism and 
atheism), while the phrase "those who stay 
in front of it [the Ka'ba] " is glossed as an 
injunction for the ordinary believers to 
seek the company of "the [divine] gnostics 
('drijun), who stand on the carpet of 
intimacy [with God] and service of him." 
The notion of the divinely bestowed "gno- 
sis," or mystical knowledge (ma'rifa), which 
characterizes these elect servants of God 
figures prominently in Ja'far's logia (see e.g. 
his commentary on <J 7:143, 160; 8:24; 
27:34). This was to become a central con- 
cept in later Sufi epistemology, where it is 
usually juxtaposed with both received (tra- 
ditional) wisdom (naql) and knowledge ac- 
quired through rational contemplation 
['aql; see knowledge and learning; 
intellect). The Qiir'an was, for Ja'far 
and Sufi commentators, a source of and a 
means towards the true realization (tahqiq) 
of God (see truth). 

The next stage of the development of 
Sufi exegesis, or, as Nwyia aptly calls it, une 
lecture introspective du Coran, is associated with 
a fairly large cohort of individuals who 
lived in the third/ninth-early fourth/tenth 
centuries. Their Sufi credentials, a few ex- 
ceptions apart (e.g. al-Hakim al-Tirmidhi, 
fl. third/ninth cent.), do not raise any seri- 
ous doubts. At least one of them, Ahmad 
b. 'Ata' (d. 309/922), and possibly also Dhu 
1-Nun al-MisrI (d. 246/861) were involved 
ill the transmission of Ja'far's exegetical 
logia, which they amplified with their own 
elaborations. The others — namely Sahl 
al-Tustarl (d. 283/896), Abu Sa'ld al- 
Kharraz (d. 286/899), Abu 1-Husayn al- 



141 



SUFISM AND THE OUR AN 



Nuri (d. 295/907), Abu 1-Qasim al-Junayd 
(d. 298/910), Abu Bakr al-WasitI (d. 320/ 
932) and Abu Bakr al-Shibll (d. 334/ 
946) — were frequendy cited in Sufi lit- 
erature as authoritative sources of exegeti- 
cal logia and, in the case of al-Tustari, Ibn 
'Ata' and al-Wasiti, also as authors of full- 
fledged qur'anic commentaries (Bowering, 
Sufi hermeneutics; id.. Mystical vision). 

The centrality of the Qiir'an to SUfi piety 
The methods of Qiir'an interpretation 
characteristic of early Sufi masters were 
examined by Nwyia (Ja'far al-Sadiq, 
Shaqiq al-Balkhl, Ibn 'Ata', and al-Nurl) 
and Bowering (al-Tustari, al-SidamI, and 
al-Daylami). They should be viewed 
against the background of the practices, 
life-style, values and beliefs ciu"rent among 
the members of the early Sufi movement. 
On the practical level, the recitation of the 
Qiir'an (q.v.) was an indispensable part of 
quotidian Sufi life. Thus, Ibn 'Ata' is said 
to have recited the entire text of the 
Qiir'an on a daily basis and thrice a day 
during the month of Ramadan (cpv), 
which along with other rituals and super- 
erogatory prayers (see prayer) left him 
only two hours of sleep; Sahl al-Tustarl 
(d. 283/896) learned the entire Qur'an by 
heart when he was six or seven years old 
and kept reciting it throughout the rest of 
his Ufe; Malik b. Dinar (d. 131/748) "was 
^chewing' it for [the first] twenty years [of 
his life] only to take pleasure in its recita- 
tion (tildwa) for the next twenty years" 
(Sarraj, Kitcib al-Luma', 43); Ibn Khaflf 
(d. 371/981) recited C3 112:1 ten thousand 
times duringjust one prayer and occasion- 
ally recited the entire text of the Qiir'an 
in the course of one prayer, which took 
him an entire day and a good part of the 
night, etc. 

In most cases, esoteric interpretations of 
the Qiir'an by the above-mentioned Sufis 
were the fruits of many years of incessant 



recitation in an attempt to grasp and 
"extract" its hidden meaning (istinbdt). 
This term, which is derived from q 4:83, 
became the hallmark of Sufi methods of 
Qiir'an interpretation. Alerted to the pres- 
ence of a hidden meaning in a given verse 
by its subtle "allusion" (ishdra), the Sufi felt 
obligated to "extract" it by means of 
istinbdt. This process is limited to those in- 
dividuals who have fully engrossed them- 
selves in the "sea" of the divine revelation 
after having purified their souls of any 
worldly attachments. Commenting on 
q 4:83, al-Hallaj (d. 309/922) stated that a 
Sufi's ability to exercise istinbdt corresponds 
to "the measure of his piety, inwardly and 
outwardly, and the perfection of his gnosis 
(ma'rifa), which is the most glorious station 
of faith" (q.v.; ajall maqdmdt alTmdn; Sulami, 
Haqd'iq, i, 157). The close link between 
one's ability to practice istinbdt and one's 
strict compliance with the precepts of the 
divine law is brought forth by Abu Nasr 
al-Sarraj (d. 378/988), a renowned col- 
lector and disseminator of early Sufi lore. 
In his words, "extractions" (mustanbatdt) are 
available only to those who "act in accord 
with the book (q.v.) of God, outwardly and 
inwardly, and follow the messenger of 
God, outwardly and inwardly." In return, 
God makes them "heirs to the knowledge 
of subtle allusion ('ilm al-ishdra)" and "un- 
veils to the hearts of his elect [servants] 
carefully guarded meanings (ma 'dm 
madhkhura), spiritual subtleties (latd'if) and 
well-kept secrets" [asrdr makhzuna; Sarraj, 
Kitdb al-Luma', 105). 

In the case of the early Sufi exegete Sahl 
al-Tustarl, we find a deeply personal and 
experiential relationship of the Sflfi to the 
Qur'an, which evolves within the frame- 
work of an oral recitation and reception of 
the divine word (see orality; word of 
ood). On hearing or reciting a verse that 
resonates with the mystic's spiritual state he 
may occasionally find himself gripped by 



SUFISM AND THE OUR AN 



142 



an intense eestasy and even lose conscious- 
ness. According to Bowering {Mystical, 136), 
al-Tustarl's commentary can be seen as a 
product of sucli experiential encounters 
"between the qur'anic keynotes and the 
mystical matrix of [the mystic's] world of 
ideas." Inspired by a certain verse, al- 
Tustari spontaneously endeavored to com- 
municate to his disciples his deeply 
personal and experiential understanding of 
it, which often had very little to do with its 
literal meaning. To sum up, 

The Sufis... read the Qiir'an as the word 
of God, and what they seek there is not the 
word as such (which may even become a 
veil between them and God), but a God 
who makes himself accessible [to his wor- 
shippers] by means of this word (Nwyia, 
Twis oeuvres, 29). 

The themes of the first Sufi commentaries 
on the Qur'an are diverse and rather dif- 
ficult to summarize. They usually deal with 
mystical cosmology, eschatology and the 
challenges faced by the human soul on its 
way to God (see trial). After professing 
their allegiance to their divine sovereign on 
the day of the primordial covenant 
(c3 7:172) human beings have found them- 
selves plunged into a world of false values, 
temptations and illusions designed to test 
the integrity of their pact with God. God 
created good and evil and arbitrarily im- 
posed his command (amr) on his human 
servants in order to distinguish the blessed 
from the evildoers (see elect; evil deeds; 
blessing; grace). Within the former cat- 
egory he designated a special class of be- 
lievers whom he endowed with an intuitive, 
revelatory knowledge of himself and his 
creatures (ma 'rifa), leaving the rest of hu- 
mankind to be content with the "exter- 
nals" of religious faith and practice. These 
elect "friends of God" (awliyd' Allah) carry 
divine light in their hearts (see heart) and 



thus can be seen as embodiments of his 
immanent and guiding presence amidst 
humankind. By imitating the friends of 
God (who, in turn, imitate the godly ways 
of his Prophet) ordinary believers can hope 
to escape the allure and temptations of 
mundane existence and to achieve salva- 
tion in the hereafter. Attaining the status of 
God's friend and gnostic is not automatic, 
however, and requires painstaking efforts 
on the part of the aspirant (mund) as well 
as God's continual assistance. The seeker's 
greatest challenge is the corruptive influ- 
ences of his vile body and the base soul 
(nafs), which acts as a constant temptress 
and an ally of Iblls (see devil). Its machi- 
nations can only be overcome by constant 
remembrance of God (dhikr), including the 
recitation of God's word and remem- 
brance of his "most beautiful names." This 
goal can only be achieved by the elect few 
who traverse the entire length of the path 
to God in order to enter into his presence 
(see path or way; face of god). In this 
state they become completely oblivious of 
the corrupt world around them, taking 
God as their sole focus and raison d'etre. By 
any standard, since its inception Sufi ex- 
egesis was thoroughly elitist and esoteric. 
Its practitioners implicitly and, on occa- 
sion, explicitly dismissed the concerns of 
mainstream Qi_ir'an interpreters (legal, 
historical, philological and theological) as 
inadequate and even misguided inasmuch 
as they focused on the Qiir'an's "husks," 
while ignoring its all-important spiritual 
"kernel." The Sufis regarded themselves as 
the sole custodians of that kernel and 
sought to protect it from outsiders by using 
subtle allusions and recondite terminology. 

Some Muslim scholars were enraged by 
the Sufi claim to a privileged knowledge of 
the scripture and denounced Sufi exegesis 
as fanciful, arbitrary and not supported by 
the authority of the Prophet and his 
Companions (see companions of the 



143 



SUFISM AND THE OUR AN 



prophet; hadith and the qur'an). Thus, 
a renowned Qi_ir'an commentator, 'All b. 
Muhammad al-Wahidi (d. 468/1076), not 
only refused to accord al-Sulaml's exegeti- 
cal summa the status of tafsir but even pro- 
claimed it an expression of outright 
"unbelief" (see belief and unbelief). 
Similar negative opinions of that work 
were voiced by Ibn al-jawzl (d. 597/1201), 
Ibn Taymiyya (d. 728/1328) and al- 
Dhahabl (d. 748/1348), who declared it to 
be a collection of "distortion and heresy" 
(q.v.; tahnf wa-qarmata; see also corrup- 
tion; foroery) reminiscent of Isma'lli 
exegesis (ta'wildt al-bdtiniyya). Yet, despite 
such criticism al-Sulaml's voluminous 
work, which contains more than twelve 
thousand glosses on some three thousand 
qur'anic passages, gained wide popularity 
among Sufis of various stripes. As was the 
case with Ja'far, Ibn 'Ata' and al-Tustari, 
al-Sulami did not include in his compen- 
dium any conventional exegetical material, 
be it legal, philological or historical 
(Bowering, Sufi hermeneutics). His posi- 
tion is clearly stated in the introduction to 
his magnum opus: 

Upon discovering that — among the prac- 
titioners of exoteric sciences ('uliim ^awdhir) 
[who] have compiled [numerous] works 
pertaining to [beneficial] virtues (fawd'id) 
of the Qiir'an, such as methods of its reci- 
tation {qird'dt; see readings of the 
qUR'AN), its [historical] commentaries 
(tafsTr), its difficulties [mushkildt; see 
difficult passages), its legal rulings 
(ahkdm), its vocalization (i'rdb), its lexico- 
logical aspects (lugha), its summation and 
detailed explanation (mujmal wa-mufassal), 
its abrogating and abrogated verses [ndsikh 
wa-mansukh; see abrogation), and so 
on — no one has cared to collect the un- 
derstanding of its discourse (khitdb) in 
accordance with the language of the peo- 
ple of the true reality (ahl al-haqiqa) ... I 



have asked God's blessing to bring together 
some of it. 

All told, al-Sulaml's exegetical methods 
and goals are similar to those of about a 
hundred of his authorities, who lived in the 
third/ninth and fourth/tenth centuries and 
whose foremost representatives have al- 
ready been discussed. To quote the major 
Western expert on this work. 

The Haqd'iq al-tafsir is the crowning event 
of a long creative period of Sufi terminol- 
ogy and ideology, developing in close 
relationship with its Koranic foundation 
and yet breaking through to a continuous 
process of inspired revelation by the meth- 
odological means of allusion (Bowering, 
Sufi hermeneutics, 265). 

The growth and maturity of Suji exegetical 

tradition (from the fifth/ eleventh to 

the seventh/ thirteenth centuries) 
Al-Sulaml's monumental work, which 
played the same role in Sufi tafsir as al- 
Tabarl's (d. 0,10/0^2'^) Jdmi' al-baydn in tra- 
ditional exegesis, laid the foundations for 
the subsequent evolution of this genre of 
Sufi literature. With time there emerged 
several distinct trends within the body of 
Sufi exegetical literature, which reflected 
the growing internal complexity of the Sufi 
movement in the period leading up to the 
fall of the Baghdad caliphate in 656/1258. 
One such trend can be described as "mod- 
erate" or "i'Aarf'fl-oriented." It is repre- 
sented by such Sufi luminaries as 
al-QiishayrI (d. 465/1074), Abu Hamid 
al-Ghazall (d. 505/11 11) and Abu Hafs 
'Umar al-Suhrawardi (d. 632/1234). 

Abu 1-Qasim al-QiishayrI of Nishapur is 
famous first and foremost as the author of 
the popular tract al-Risdla [al-Qushayriyya] fi 
'ilm al-tasawwufv/hich combines elements 
of Sufi biography with those of a Sufi 
manual. Like the Risdla, al-Qiishayrl's 



SUFISM AND THE OUR AN 



144 



qur'anic commentary Latd'if al-ishdrdt pur- 
sues a clear apologetic agenda: the defense 
of the teachings, vahies and practices of 
"moderate," Junayd-style Sufism and the 
demonstration of its full compliance with 
the major precepts of Ash'arl theology. 
Written in 410/1019, this exegetical work 
consistently draws a parallel between the 
gradual progress from the literal to the 
subtlest meanings (latd'if) of the qur'anic 
text and the stages of the Sufi's spiritual 
and experiential journey to God. The suc- 
cess of this exegetical progress, as well as of 
the Sufi journey, depends on the wayfarer's 
ability to combine the performance of pi- 
ous works and feats of spirit with sound 
doctrinal premises. Giving preference to 
one over the other will result in failure. 
Even when this delicate balance is suc- 
cessfidly struck, one still needs divine as- 
sistance in unraveling the subtleties of the 
divine revelation, which is equally true of 
the Sufi seeker's striving toward God. 
Hence the notion of a privileged, esoteric 
knowledge of both God and this word that 
God grants only to his most intimate, elect 
"friends," the awlijd'. This idea is stated 
clearly in the introduction to Latd'if al- 
ishdrdt: 

[God] has honored the elect (asfijd') among 
his servants by [granting them] the under- 
standing of his subtle secrets (q.v.; latd'if 
asrdrihi) and his lights so that they can see 
the elusive allusions and hidden signs (q.v.) 
contained therein [in the Qiir'an]. He has 
shown their innermost souls hidden things 
so that by the emanations of the unseen 

(see HIDDEN AND THE HIDDEN) whicll he 

has imparted solely to them they can be- 
come aware of that which has been con- 
cealed from all others. Then they have 
started to speak according to their degrees 
[of attainment] and capabilities, and 
God — praise be to him — inspired in 
them things by which he has honored 



them. So, they now speak on behalf of 
him, inform about the subtle truths that he 
has imparted to them, and point to him... 

[Latd'if i, 53). 

The exegete's progress toward the inner- 
most meaning of the scripture is described 
by al-QiishayrI as a movement from the 
intellect (q.v.) to the heart, then to the spirit 
(al-riih), then to the innermost secret (al- 
sin) and, finally, to the secret of secrets (sirr 
al-sirr) of the Qiir'an. Al-Qiishayri's ap- 
proach to the Qiir'an is marked by his me- 
ticulous attention to every detail of the 
qur'anic word, from an entire verse to a 
single letter found in it (see Arabic 
script). Typical in this regard is his in- 
terpretation of the basmala (q.v), in which 
each letter of this phrase is endowed with a 
symbolic meaning: the Aa' stands for God's 
gentleness (birr) toward his friends (awlijd); 
the sin for the secret he shares with his elect 
(asfijid); and the mim for his bestowal of 
grace (minna) upon those who have at- 
tained intimacy with him (ahl wildyatihi) . In 
an attempt to achieve comprehensiveness 
al-Qiishayri marshals several alternative 
interpretations of the basmala, e.g. one in 
which the ia' alludes to God's freedom 
(bard'a) from any fault; the sin to the ab- 
sence of any defect in him (saldmatuhu min 
'ayb); and the mim to the majesty of his at- 
tributes (Latd'if i, 56). 

While such speculations are not unique to 
al-Q_ushayri and can be found in exegetical 
works contemporary to his, both Sufi and 
non-Sufi alike, there is one feature that sets 
Latd'if al-ishdrdt apart from them. For al- 
Qiishayrl, the basmala is not a simple rep- 
etition of the same set of meanings, for the 
divine word allows no repetition. Rather, 
the meaning of the basmala may change 
depending on the major themes contained 
in the suras (q.v.) that it precedes. Thus, in 
discussing the symbolism of the letters of 
the basmala preceding o 7, al-Qiishayri 



145 



SUFISM AND THE OUR AN 



implicitly links them to the themes of sub- 
mission (islam), humility and reverence req- 
uisite of the true believer as opposed to the 
rebellious behavior (see rebellion) of Iblis 
and his host (e.g. q 7:11-15, 31-3, 35-6, 
39-40, etc.) by arguing that the letter bd' 



whatever he wants. [In the same way,] he 
can single out whomever he wants with 
whatever he wants. His creation has no 
cause, his actions have neither a purpose 
nor a goal [Latd'if, iii, 5; see freedom and 
predestination). 



is of a small stature in writing and the dot 
[underneath it] , which distinguishes it from 
other [letters] is single and, to boot, small 
to the extreme. Moreover, it [the dot] is 
positioned underneath the letter, [all of 
which] alludes to modesty and humility in 
all respects (Latd'if, i, 211-12). 

Likewise, the presence of the sukun (ab- 
sence of a vowel) over the letter sin follow- 
ing the "humble" and "submissive" bd' 
alludes to its silent acceptance of the di- 
vine decree and complete contentment 
with it. Finally, the letter mim points to "his 
[God's] bestowal of grace [upon you] (min- 
natuhu), if he so pleases, then to your agree- 
ment (muwdfaqatuka) with his decree and 
your satisfaction with it, even though he 
may not bestow anything [upon you] 
(ibid.). 

Al-Qiishayrl's interpretation of the bas- 
mala of C3 15 (Surat al-Hijr) is quite differ- 
ent. The omission of the alif'va the basmala 
of that sura without any rationally justifi- 
able reason, either grammatically or mor- 
phologically, according to al-Q;LishayrI, 
symbolizes God's arbitrary "raising" of 
Adam (despite his "base" nature; see adam 
and eve) and his subsequent "humiliation" 
of the angels (despite their elevated status), 
as described in the main body of the sura. 
In a similar vein, the omission of the bas- 
mala in q 9 is interpreted by al-Qiishayri in 
the following manner: 

God — praise be to him — has stripped 
(jarrada) this sura of the basmala, so that it 
be known that he can endow (yakhuss) 
whomever and whatever he wants with 



This, of course, is an Ash'arl stance for- 
mulated in implicit opposition to that of 
the Mu'tazilis (see mu'tazila) who advo- 
cated the underlying rationality and pur- 
posefulness of divine actions. Thus, as 
mentioned, in al-Qiishayrl's commentary, 
Sufi symbolism and the Ash'arl dogma go 
hand in hand and are deployed to support 
each other. 

Al-Qiishayri's interest in the symbolism 
of letters comes to the fore in his discus- 
sions of the "mysterious letters" (q.v.) that 
appear at the beginning of some qur'anic 
chapters. Typical in this respect is his ex- 
egesis of the combination alif 1dm mim that 
precedes q 2. Upon stating that the alif 
stands hr Alldh, the lam for latd'if (the sub- 
tle realities; also one of the epithets of 
God, latf) and the mim for majid (the glori- 
ous) and malik (the king; see kings and 
RtJLERs), he proceeds to argue that 

The alif IS singled out from among the 
other letters by the fact that it is not con- 
nected to any letter in writing, while all but 
a few letters are connected to it. May the 
servant of God upon considering this fea- 
ture become aware of the need of all crea- 
tures for him [God], with him being 
self-sufhcient and independent of any- 
thing [Latd'if, i, 41). 

Furthermore, the alif 'a singularity is evi- 
dent from the fact that all other letters have 
a concrete site of articulation in the hu- 
man speech (q.v.) apparatus, while it has 
none. In the same way, God cannot be 
associated with (juddf ild) any particular 
location or site. Finally, "The faithful 



SUFISM AND THE OUR AN 



146 



servant of God is like the alif in its not be- 
ing connected to any letter, in its constant 
uprightness and its standing posture before 
him" (ibid.). 

As one may expect of a Sufi master, al- 
Qushayri showed little interest in the his- 
torical and legal aspects of the qur'anic 
text. For him, they serve as windows onto 
the spiritual and mystical ideas and values 
characteristic of Sufi piety. Thus, in dis- 
cussing the spoils of war (ghamma) men- 
tioned in C3 8:41 (see booty) al-QiishayrI 
argues: 

Jihad (q.v.) can be of two types: the ex- 
ternal one [waged] against the infidels and 
the internal one [waged] against [one's] 
soul and Satan. In the same way as the 
lesser jihad involves [the seizure of] spoils 
of war after victory, the greater jihad too 
has the spoils of war of its own, which in- 
volves taking possession of his soul by the 
servant of God after it has been held by his 
two enemies — [his] passions and Satan 
[Latd'if, ii, 321). 

A similar parallel is drawn between or- 
dinary fasting (q.v.) which involves absten- 
tion from food, drink (see food and 
drink) and sex (see sex and sexuality) 
and the spiritual abstention of the Sufi 
from the allure of this world and from 
seeking the approval of its inhabitants. In a 
similar vein, al-QiishayrI likens the juridi- 
cal notion of abrogation (naskh) to the ini- 
tial strict observance of the divine law by 
the Siifl novice, which is supplanted, or 
"abrogated," when he reaches the stage at 
which God himself becomes the guardian 
of his heart. In al-Qiishayrl's commentary 
all ritual duties sanctioned by the Qtir'an 
are endowed with a deeper spiritual sig- 
nificance: the standing of pilgrims on the 
plain of 'Arafat (q.v.) is compared to the 
"standing" of human hearts in the pres- 
ence of the divine names and attributes 



(see pilgrimage). Despite its overall "mod- 
erate" nature, the Latd'if al-ishdrdt is not 
devoid of the monistic and visionary ele- 
ments that characterize what is usually 
described as the more "bold" and "eso- 
teric" trend in Sufi qur'anic commentary. 
This aspect of al-Qiishayrl's exegesis 
comes to the fore in his interpretation of 
C3 7:143, in which Moses (q.v.) comes to 
God at an appointed time (li-miqdtind) and 
requests that God appear to him, only to 
be humbled by the sight of a mountain 
crumbling to dust, when God shows him- 
self to it (see theophany). According to 
al-QiishayrI, 

Moses came to God as [only] those pas- 
sionately longing and madly in love could. 
Moses came without Moses. Moses came, 
yet nothing of Moses was left to Moses. 
Thousands of men have traversed great 
distances, yet no one remembers them, 
while that Moses made [only] a few steps 
and [school] children will be reciting until 
the day of judgment (see last judgment): 
"When Moses came..." (Latd'if, ii, 259). 

Despite such "ecstatic" passages, al- 
Qiishayrl's book can still be considered a 
typical sample of "moderate" Sufi exegesis 
because of its author's overriding desire to 
achieve a delicate balance between the 
mystical imagination and the respect for 
the letter of the revelation or, in Sflfi par- 
lance, between the shan'a and the haqiqa. 
One should point out that al-QiishayrI is 
also the author of a conventional histor- 
ical-philological and legal tafsTr entitled 
al-TaysirJi l-tafsTr, which is said to have been 
written before 410/1019. This is an elo- 
quent testimony to his dual credentials as 
both a Sufi and a conventional scholar 
('dlim) . 

Another example of "moderate" Sufi 
tafsirh al-Kashf wa-l-bajdn 'an tafsTr al-Qur'dn 
by Abu Ishaq Ahmad b. Muhainmad al- 



147 



SUFISM AND THE OUR AN 



Tha'labi (d. 4.27/1035). Drawing heavily on 
Haqd'iq al-tafsTi; al-Tha'labi augmented the 
Sufi exegetical logia assembled by al- 
Sulaml with conventional exegetical 
materials derived from hadith as well as 
detailed discussions of the philological as- 
pects and legal implications of the qur'anic 
text (Saleh, Formation). Al-Tha'labi's work 
formed the foundation of the famous com- 
mentary Ma 'dlim al-tanzilfi tafsir al- Qur'dn 
by Abu Muhammad al-Husayn al-Baghawi 
(hence its better known title — Tafsir al- 
Baghawi). He was born in 438/1046 in the 
village of Bagh or Baghshur located be- 
tween Herat and Marw al-Rudh and dis- 
tinguished himself primarily as a Shafi'i 
jurist and muhaddith, whose thematically 
arranged collection of prophetic reports 
titled Masdbih al-sunna became a standard 
work of its genre. Although al-Baghawi 
was not considered a full-fledged Sufi, he 
led an ascetic and pious way of life and 
avoided any contact with ruling authori- 
ties. His tafsir is marked by his meticulous 
concern for the exegetical materials going 
back to the Prophet and his Companions 
(al-tafsir hi-l-ma'thur) and his desire to elu- 
cidate all possible aspects of the qur'anic 
text. In seeking to achieve comprehensive- 
ness he availed himself of diverse sources: 
from the leading Arab grammarians to the 
Shi'i imams and legal scholars. His Sufi 
authorities include Ibrahim b. Adham 
(d. 160/777), Fudayl b. 'lyad (d. 188/803), 
al-Tustarl and al-Junayd (d. 298/9 lo), 
whose ideas had probably reached him 
via al-Sulaml's Haqd'iq al-tafsTr and al- 
Tha'labl's al-Kashf wa-l-baydn. Al- 
Baghawl's use of this material was 
probably dictated by his drive to highlight 
all possible interpretations of the sacred 
text without privileging any one of them. 
Since by his age Sufism had established 
itself as a legitimate and praiseworthy 
strain of Islamic piety he felt obligated to 
mention Sufi views of the revelation, 



avoiding, however, their more controversial 
aspects. Thus, his inclusion of Sufi exegesis 
did not necessarily reflect his own spiritual 
and intellectual priorities — a trend that 
we observe in many later exegetical works. 

A typical representative of this trend in 
the later period is Abu 1-Hasan 'All b. 
Muhammad al-Shlhl al-Baghdadi, better 
known as "al-Khazin" (d. 741/1341), whose 
Lubdb al-ta'wTlfi ma'dni al-tanzil is an 
abridged rendition of al-Baghawl's Ala 'dtim 
al-tanzil- As with al-BaghawI, Sufi exegesis 
is just one of the aspects of the qur'anic 
text that preoccupy al-Khazin who explic- 
itly states this in the introduction to his 
commentary. His other concerns include 
the rules of recitation, material transmitted 
by the Prophet and his Companions (tafsir 
bi-l-ma'thdr), legal implications (al-ahkdm 
al-jiqhiyya), the "occasions of revelation," 
curious and unusual stories of past proph- 
ets and generations (q.v.; al-qisas al-ghanba 
wa-akhbdr al-mddin al-'ajiba). Therefore, the 
reason why this tafsir is sometimes classified 
as Sufi (e.g. AyazI, Mufassirun, 598-602; al- 
Baghawl's tafsir, on the other hand, is not 
identified as such, ibid., 644-9) remains 
unclear. In any event, it is certainly indica- 
tive of the trend toward comprehensive- 
ness that gradually led to the blurring of 
the borderline between "Sufi" and "non- 
Sufl" exegesis and the inclusion of Sufi 
exegesis in conventional commentaries, 
both SunnI and Shl'l. 

On the other hand, we observe the 
opposite tendency in approaching the 
Qur'an, when renowned Sufi masters pro- 
duce quite conventional exegetical works 
that are practically devoid of any Sufi ele- 
ments. .Nughbat al-baydnfi tafsir al-Qur'dn by 
the influential Sufi scholar and statesman 
under the caliph al-Qadir, Abu Hafs 
'Umar al-Suhrawardi (d. 632/1234), which 
is occasionally classified under the rubric of 
"moderate" Sufi exegesis (e.g Bowering, 
Sufi hermeneutics, 257), is a case in point. 



SUFISM AND THE OUR AN 



This work, which remains in manuscript 
(see Diizenli, §ihabuddin), is cliaracterized 
by a Western scholar as "a very standard, 
non-mystical commentary" that is "firmly 
situated in the type of philological and 
situational exegesis represented in the 
standard Sunni commentaries and exegeti- 
cal tradition upon which al-Suhrawardi 
was drawing" (Ohlander, Abu Hafs). 
Indeed, even a cursory glance at the first 
dozen pages of its manuscript demon- 
strates an almost complete lack of any 
recognizable Sufi motifs and methods. 
Moreover, the author explicitly states 
in the introduction that he has chosen to 
"stick to the basics" of the tafsir genre 
and to abstain from composing a sophis- 
ticated and recondite esoteric commentary 
(an ubrizii min sawdnih al-ghujub md yarwi 
'atash al-qulub) because of lack of time 
(fol. 2). 

Our survey of "moderate" Sufi exegesis 
would be incomplete without mentioning 
Persian tafsTrs by Abu 1-Fadl Rashid al-Din 
Ahmad al-Maybudi (d. 530/1135) and Abu 
Nasr Ahmad al-Darwajiki (d. 549/1154)- 
The former is based on the exegetical work 
of the renowned Hanball mystic 'Abdallah 
al-Ansari 1-HarawI (d. 481/1089), as the 
author explicitly states in the introduction. 
It is no wonder that it is sometimes re- 
ferred to as Tafsir khawdja 'Abdalldh al- 
Ansdri; but the title given to it by the author 
is Kashf al-asrdr wa-'uddat al-abrdr. Born of a 
family renowned for its learning and piety 
in a town of Maybud (the province of 
Yazd in Iran), al-Maybudi combined the 
traditional education of a Shafi'i jurist and 
muhaddith with a propensity to mysticism 
and an ascetic life-style. Like the other 
"moderate" Sufi commentaries discussed 
above, al-Maybudi's Kashf al-asrdr com- 
bines conventional historical, philological 
and legal exegesis with Sufi ishdrdt and 
latd'if The former is usually expressed in 



Arabic and the latter in Persian, thereby 
setting a precedent to be followed by many 
Persophone Sufi authors in Iran and India. 
The commentator describes his method as 
consisting of three "stages" (nawba). The 
first involves a translation of selected verses 
from Arabic into Persian (see Persian 

LITERATURE AND THE Q^Ur'aN; LITERATURE 

AND THE q^ur'an); the second provides a 
conventional historical, philological and 
legal commentary; while the third deals 
with the mystical aspects of the revelation. 
The latter relies heavily on al-Ansarl's mys- 
tical commentary, which in turn is based 
on al-Sulami's Haqd'iq al-tafsTr and its Sufi 
authorities such as Abu Yazld al-BistamI 
(d. 234/848 or 261/875), al-Junayd, al- 
Tustari, and al-Shibli (d. 334/946), etc. As 
befits a "moderate" commentator, al- 
Maybudi avoids Sufi interpretations that 
conflict with the literal meaning of the 
qur'anic text. His treatment of the con- 
troversial issues of anthropomorphic 
features of God, the provenance of 
good and evil, and divine predetermina- 
tion of all events is that of an Ash'arl 
theologian (see freedom and pre- 
destination). 

Little is known about the other Persian 
tafsir of that age by al-Darwajiki, nick- 
named the "ascetic" (zdhid), beyond a cur- 
sory mention of his work, which remains 
unpublished. Even the exact title of his 
tafsir remains debated, although it is often 
referred to as Tafsir al-zdhid. The author's 
sobriquet indicates his propensity for an 
ascetic life-style; however, in the absence of 
an available text of this work its exact 
character is impossible to determine. 

A totally different vision of the qur'anic 
revelation was presented by the celebrated 
SunnI theologian and jurist Abu Hamid 
al-Ghazall, whose famous tract Jawdhir 
al-Qur'dn can hardly be defined as exegeti- 
cal in the conventional sense of the word. 



149 



SUFISM AND THE OUR AN 



Nevertheless, its emphasis on the numer- 
ous layers of meaning embedded in 
qur'anic chapters and verses and the idea 
that the most elusive and subtle of them 
constitute the exclusive domain of Sufi 
gnostics gives it a distinctive Sufi flavor. In 
this work al-Ghazall undertakes a classi- 
fication of several types of qur'anic verses 
according to their contents. In so doing he 
establishes a hierarchy of verses by likening 
them to various types of precious stones, 
pearls and rare substances. Thus, the 
knowledge (ma nfa) of God is symbolized 
by red sulfur (the precious substance which 
according to medieval alchemy could 
transform base metals into gold), while the 
knowledge of God's essence, attributes and 
works is likened to three types of corun- 
dum. Below this sublime knowledge lies 
what al-Ghazall describes as "the defini- 
tion of the path advancing to God," 
namely the verses of the Qiir'an that elu- 
cidate the major stages of the believer's 
progress to God. This progress is couched 
by al-Ghazall in a typical Sufi imagery of 
"polishing" the mirror of the heart and 
soul and actualizing the divine nature 
(Icihut) inherent in every human being. Al- 
Ghazall likens this category of qur'anic 
verses to "shining pearls." The third cat- 
egory contains verses dealing with man's 
condition at the time of his final encounter 
with God, namely, resurrection (q.v.), reck- 
oning, the reward and the punishment, the 
beatific vision of God in the afterlife, etc. 
According to al-Ghazall, this category, 
which he dubs "green emerald," comprises 
"a third part of the verses and suras of the 
Qi_ir'an." The fourth group includes 
numerous verses describing "the conditions 
of those who have traversed [the path to 
God] and those who have denied him and 
deviated from his path," namely, various 
prophetic and angelic figures and other 
mythological individuals mentioned in the 



Qiir'an (see lie; gratitude and inorati- 
tude; myths and legends in the 
(JUr'an). In al-Ghazall's view, their goal is 
to arouse fear and give warning to the be- 
lievers (see Warner) and to make them 
consider carefully their own condition vis- 
a-vis God. He compares these verses to 
grey ambergris and fresh and blooming 
aloe-wood. The fifth group of verses deals 
with "the arguments of the infidels against 
the truth and clear explanation of their 
humiliation by obvious proofs." According 
to al-Ghazall these verses contain the 
greatest antidote (al-tirydq al-akbar). The 
sixth category of verses deals with the 
stages of man's journey to God and the 
management of its "vehicle," the human 
body, by supplying it with lawful means of 
sustenance (q.v.) and procreation (see 
lawful and unlawful). All this presup- 
poses the wayfarer's interaction with other 
human beings and their institutions, the 
rules of which, according to al-Ghazall, 
are stipulated in the verses belonging to the 
sixth category. Al-Ghazall likens it to the 
"strongest musk." 

Upon establishing this hierarchy of 
qur'anic verses, al-Ghazall proceeds to 
classify the "outward" and "inward" sci- 
ences associated with the Qiir'an. To the 
former belong (a) the science of its recita- 
tion which is represented by Qiir'an read- 
ers and reciters (see regiters of the 
(JUr'an); (b) the knowledge of its language 
and grammar which is handled by philolo- 
gists and grammarians (see language and 
STYLE OF THE q^ur'an); and (c) the science 
of "outward exegesis" (al-tafslr al-^dhir) 
which its practitioners, those scholars 
whose focus rests on the Qiir'an's "external 
shell" (al-sadaf), mistakenly consider the 
consummate knowledge available to hu- 
man beings. While al-Ghazali recognizes 
the necessity of these "outward" sciences 
and their practitioners, he dismisses their 



SUFISM AND THE OUR AN 



150 



claims to represent the ultimate knowledge 
about the Qiir'an. He attributes this honor 
to the "sciences of the kernels of the 
Qiir'an" ('ulfim al-lubdb), which are sub- 
divided into two levels: the lower and the 
higher. The former, in turn, is subdivided 
into three groups: (a) the knowledge of the 
stories of the qur'anic prophets, which is 
preserved and transmitted by story-tellers, 
preachers and hadlth-transmitters (see 

TEACHING AND PREACHING THE OUr'an); 

(b) the knowledge of God's arguments 
against his deniers, which gave rise to the- 
ology (al~kaldm) and its practitioners (the 
mutakallimun); and (c) the knowledge of the 
legal injunctions of the Qiir'an, which is 
represented by the jurists (fuqahd'). The 
latter, according to al-Ghazali, are more 
important than the other religious special- 
ists because the need for them is "more 
universal." The upper level of the sciences 
that branched off of the Qiir'an includes 
the knowledge of God and of the world to 
come, followed by the knowledge of the 
"straight path and of the manner of tra- 
versing it." 

Having established the hierarchy of sci- 
ences that have grown out of the Qiir'an, 
al-Ghazali lays out his exegetical method, 
which hinges on the notion of the allegori- 
cal and symbolic nature of the revelation: 

Know that everything which you are likely 
to understand is presented to you in such a 
way that, if in sleep you were studying the 
Protected Tablet {al-lawh al-mahju^; see 
PRESERVED TABLET) with yoiir soiil, it 
would be related to you through a suitable 
symbol which needs interpretation (Eng. 
trans, in GhaziAi, Jewels, 52). 

Hence, "The interpretation of the Qur'an 
(ta'wil)," according to al-Ghazall, "occu- 
pies the place of the interpretation of 
dreams" [ta'bir; ibid.) and the exegete's task 
is to "comprehend the hidden connection 



between the visible world and the invisible" 
(Ghazali, Jewels, 53) or unseen in the same 
way as the interpreter of dreams strives to 
make sense out of somebody's dream or 
vision (see dreams and sleep). This idea is 
brought home in the following program- 
matic statement: 

Understand that so long as you are in this- 
worldly life you are asleep, and your 
waking-iip will occur only after death (see 
DEATH AND THE DEAD; SLEEP), at which 
time you become fit to see the clear truth 
face to face. Before that time it is impos- 
sible for you to know the realities except 
when they are molded in the form of 
imaginative symbols (Ghazali, Jewels, 54). 

The only way to gain the knowledge of the 
true reality of God and his creation is, 
according to al-Ghazall, through the re- 
nunciation of this world and righteousness. 
Those who seek "the vanities of this world, 
eating what is unlawful and following 
[their] carnal desires" are barred from the 
understanding of the qur'anic message. 
Their corrupt and sinful nature makes 
them see nothing in the Qur'an but con- 
tradiction and incongruence. Hence, the 
perception of the qur'anic allegories and 
symbols by different people correspond to 
their level of spiritual purity and intellec- 
tual attainment. In commenting on the 
special virtue of c) i (Sural al-Fatiha, "The 
Opening"; see fatiha), which many ex- 
egetes consider to be the key to paradise 
(q.v.), al-Ghazall argues that a worldly in- 
dividual imagines the cjur'anic paradise to 
be a place where he will satisfy his desire 
for food, drink and sex, while the perfected 
Sufi gnostic sees it as a site of refined spiri- 
tual pleasures and "pays no heed to the 
paradise of the fools." 

Apart from the Fatiha, al-Ghazall singles 
out the following verses for a special discus- 
sion: c) 2:255, "The Throne Verse" (see 



151 



SUFISM AND THE OUR AN 



THRONE OF god), q 112 (Surat al-Ikhlas, 
"Purity of Faith"), q 36 (Surat Ya Sin), 
wliereupon he declares tlie Fatilia to be 
"the best of all suras" and the "Throne 
Verse" to be "the chief of all verses." In 
the subsequent narrative he enumerates 
763 "jewel verses" and 741 "pearl verses." 
Al-Ghazall never directly addresses the 
issue of how and why some divine state- 
ments can be better than others, although 
he profusely quotes prophetic reports that 
assert the special virtues of certain verses 
and suras. 

Like al-Qiishayri and earlier exegetes, 
al-Ghazall is convinced that the depth of 
one's imderstanding of the Qiir'an is 
directly linked to one's level of spiritual 
purity, righteousness and intellectual prog- 
ress. It is no wonder that in his ranking of 
exegetes the highest rank is unequivocally 
accorded to the accomplished Sufi gnostic 
('drif). To him and only to him is dis- 
closed the greatest secret of being. This is 
stated clearly in al-Ghazali's Mishkdt 
al-anwdr — an esoteric reflection on the 
epistemic and ontological implications of 
the "Light Verse" (q^ 24:35): 

The gnostics ascend from the foothill of 
metaphor (q.v.; al-majdz) to the way-station 
of the true reality (al-haqiqa) . When they 
complete their ascension, they see directly 
that there is nothing in existence except 
God most high (Ghazali, Mishkat, 58). 

Therefore, for the gnostics, the qur'anic 
phrase "Everything perishes save his face" 
({) 28:88) is an expression of the existential 
truth, according to which "everything ex- 
cept God, if considered from the viewpoint 
of its essence, is but a pure nonexistence 
('adam mahd),"" God being the only reality of 
the entire universe [Mishkdt, 58). This bold 
idea prefigures the monistic specidations of 
Ibn al-'Arabi and his followers, who also 
were to make extensive use of esoteric ex- 



egesis in order to showcase their monistic 
vision of the world. 

The blossoming of ecstatic/ esoteric exegesis 
The works of Persian Sufis Abu Thabit 
Muhammad al-DaylamI (d. 593/1197) and 
Rtlzbihan Baqll (d. 606/1209) constitute a 
distinct trend in Sufi exegetical literature 
that is characterized by "intense visions 
and powerfid ecstasies interpreted in terms 
of a qur'anically based metaphysics" 
(Ernst, Ruzbihdn, ix). The prevalence of 
such elements in the exegetical works of 
these two writers prompted Bowering (Sufi 
hermeneutics, 257) to describe them as be- 
ing more "esoteric" than their "moderate" 
counterparts discussed above. Al-DaylamI, 
a little known, if original and prolific 
author, wrote a mystical commentary en- 
titled Tasdiq al-ma'drif (it is also occasionally 
referred to as Futuh al-rahmdnji ishdrdt al- 
Qur'dn). It creatively combines early Sufi 
exegetical dicta borrowed from al-Sulaml's 
Haqd'iq al-tafsir — they constitute about 
half of al-Daylaml's work — with the 
author's own elaborations. Surprisingly, 
al-DaylamI never mentions al-Qtishayrl's 
Latd'if al-ishdrdt, which was composed some 
one himdred years before his own. As 
already mentioned, al-Daylaml's own texts 
reflect his overwhelming preoccupation 
with "the visionary world of the mystic," 
which "is seen as totally real and fidly iden- 
tical with the spiritual world of the invis- 
ible realm" (ibid., 270). In the absence of 
an edited and published text of this 
commentary — which seems to exist in a 
unique manuscript — one cannot provide 
a detailed analysis of its content. Accord- 
ing to Bowering who discovered the 
manuscript in a Turkish archive, it is "a 
continuous yet eclectic commentary on 
selected koranic verses from all suras pre- 
sented in sequence" which "consists of two 
parallel levels of interpretative glosses on 
koranic phrases, specimens of Sufi sayings, 



SUFISM AND THE OUR AN 



152 



and items of the author's own explana- 
tion." His work foreshadowed "ideas that 
emerged in the Kobrawi school" [of 
Sufism] (Bdwering, Deylami), whose ex- 
egetical production will be discussed below. 

Somewhat better known is the commen- 
tary of al-Daylaml's younger contempo- 
rary Ruzbihan [al-]Baqll al-ShlrazI 
(d. 606/1209) entitled 'Ard'is al-baydnji 
haqd'iq al-Qur'dn. This massive exegetical 
opus reflects Ruzbihan's overriding pro- 
pensity for visions, dreams, powerful ec- 
stasies and ecstatic utterances that "earned 
him the sobriquet 'Doctor Ecstaticus' 
(shaykh-i shattdhj" (Ernst, Ruzbihan). Like 
al-Daylami's Tasdiq ai-ma'drif, 'Ard'is al- 
baydn was written in Arabic and consists 
almost equally of earlier exegetical 
material — mostly borrowed from 
al-Sidami — and of the author's own 
glosses. In contrast to al-Daylaml, 
Ruzbihan also availed himself of the 
materials borrowed from al-Qiishayri's 
Latd'if al-ishdrdt. Ruzbihan's uses of the 
Qiir'an in both his commentary and other 
works, however, are much bolder than 
those of the Sufi exegetes already de- 
scribed. Not only does he constantly invoke 
the sacred text in describing his spiritual 
encounters with and visions of God, but he 
also claims to have symbolically eaten it 

(see POPULAR AND TALISMANIC USES OF 

THE q^ur'an). Thus in his Kashf al-asrdr, 
"Unveiling of secrets," he provides the 
following description of his visionary 
experiences: 

When I passed through the atmosphere of 
eternity (q.v.), I stopped at the door of 
power (see power and impotence). I saw 
all the prophets present there; I saw Moses 
with the Torah (q.v.) in his hand, Jesus (q.v.) 
with the Gospel (q.v.) in his hand, David 
(q.v.) with the Psalms (q.v), and Muham- 
mad with the Qiir'an in his hand. Moses 
gave me the Torah to eat, Jesus gave me 



the Gospel to eat, David gave me the 
Psalms to eat and Muhammad gave me the 
Qiir'an to eat. Adam gave me the most 
beautifid names [of God] and the Greatest 
Name to drink. I learned what I learned of 
the elect divine sciences for which God 
singles out his prophets and saints (Ernst, 
Ruzbihdn, 51). 

One can hardly be any bolder than this. 
According to Ernst, this dream is deemed 
to symbolize Ruzbihan's "complete in- 
ternalization" of the inspiration of these 
scriptures. The Qtir'an and its imagery 
figure prominently in the Sufi's ecstatic 
visions. Thus he compares his condition in 
the presence of God with that of Zulaykha 
in the presence of Joseph (c[.v.; C3 12:22-32), 
as described in the following passage: 

He wined me with the wine (q.v.) of in- 
timacy and nearness. Then he left and I 
saw him as the mirror of creation wherever 
I faced, and that was his saying, "Whereso- 
ever you turn, there is the face of God" 
(q^ 2:109 [sic]). Then he spoke to me after 
increasing my longing for him. . . and [I] 
said to myself: "I want to see his beauty 
without interruption." He said: "Remem- 
ber the condition of Zulaykha and 
Joseph..." (Ernst, Riizbihdn, 42). 

Ruzbihan also draws a bold comparison 
between himself and Adam and has God 
say the following: 

I have chosen my servant Ruzbihan for 
eternal happiness, sainthood (wildya), and 
bounty. . . . He is my vicegerent (khalifa) in 
this world and all worlds; I love whosoever 
loves him and hate whosoever hates him..., 
for I am "one who acts when he wishes" 
(c) 107:11 [sic]; Ernst, Ruzbihan, 48). 

This feeling of mutual love, intimacy 
and [com] passion between God and his 



153 



SUFISM AND THE OUR AN 



mystical lover is the hallmark of Ruzbi- 
han's entire mystical legacy. According to 
Ernst, the very title of Ruzbihan's 
commentary — 'Ard'is al-baydn, "The 
brides of explanation" — "invokes the un- 
veiling of the bride in a loving encounter 
as the model of initiation into the esoteric 
knowledge of God" (Ernst, Ruzbihdn, 71). 
One can argue that Ruzbihan's visionary 
and ecstatic experiences are virtually per- 
meated by qur'anic language and imagery. 
As with early Sufi masters, the Qiir'an 
serves Ruzbihan as a means of transform- 
ing himself and, eventually, achieving the 
ultimate intimacy with and knowledge of 
God. 

Ibn al- 'Arabi and the Kubrawi tradition 
According to Bowering's classification (Sufi 
hermeneutics, 257), the subsequent stage in 
the development of Sufi exegesis was dom- 
inated by its two major strains: Muhyi 
1-Dln Ibn al-'Arabi (d. 638/1240) and his 
followers (mostly in the Muslim east) and 
Najm al-Din Kubra (d. 618/1221) and the 
Kubrawi school of Sufism. 

One can say that Ibn al-'Arabl's long- 
lasting influence on the subsequent Sufi 
tradition springs from his role as an intel- 
lectual bridge between eastern and western 
strains of Sufism. While Sufi ideas initially 
spread westwards — from Sahl al-Tustarl 
and the Baghdadi school to Ibn Masarra 
al-Jaball (d. 319/931) and his AndalusI and 
Maghribi successors — by the sixth/ 
twelfth century western Sufism acquired a 
distinctive character and was represented 
by such versatile and original thinkers as 
Ibn Barrajan (d. 536/1141), Ibn al-'Arif 
(d. 536/1141), Ibn QasI (d. 546/1151), Abu 
Madyan (d. 594/1197) and Ibn al-'Arabi, to 
name but a few (Gril, 'La lecture', 521-2). 
Of these Ibn Barrajan deserves special 
notice as the author of at least one, and 
possibly two, Sufi commentaries that seem 
to have had a profound influence on Ibn 



al-'Arabi and his numerous followers in the 
Muslim east. 

As with earlier Sufi exegetes, Ibn 
Barrajan envisioned the realization of the 
qur'anic message by the mystic as his pro- 
gressive immersion into its mysteries, 
which eventually results in what the 
AndalusI master called "the paramount 
reading" (al-tildwa l-'ulyd) of the Qiir'an. In 
the process, the very personality of the 
mystic is transformed by this encounter 
with the divine word as he passes from its 
literal message ('ibra; i'tibdr) to its underly- 
ing, "crossed over to" truth (al-ma'bur ilajhi) 
and from a physical perception (basar) of 
the sacred text to an interior, intuitive 
grasp of its inner reality (Gril, 'La lecture', 
516). In other words, in the process of "re- 
membering" (dhikr) and contemplating the 
Qiir'an the mystic develops a deep and 
genuine insight that allows him to realize 
its true meaning and implications. As a 
result, he is eventually transformed into the 
"universal servant" (al-'abd al-kulli), whose 
recitation of the sacred text is twice as 
effective as the recitation of the ordinary 
believer or the "partial servant" (at- 'abd 
al-juz'i). 

Ibn Barrajan's exegesis displays the fol- 
lowing characteristic features that set it 
apart from the mainstream interpretative 
tradition (whose elements are duly rep- 
resented in his work): (i) the insistence that 
dhikr should serve as the means of achiev- 
ing a total and undivided concentration on 
the sacred text; (2) the continual awareness 
of the subtle correspondences between the 
phenomena and entities of the universe 
and the "signs" embedded in the scripture; 
(3) the aifirmation that the heart of the 
"universal servant" is capable of encom- 
passing the totality of existence in the same 
way as it is contained in the Preserved 
Tablet; and (4) the notion that the divine 
word constitutes the supreme reality of 
human nature, which makes it possible to 



SUFISM AND THE OUR AN 



154 



erase the boundary that separates the crea- 
ture from its creator and thereby achieve a 
cognitive and experiential union between 
them (ibid., 520-1). Finally, Ibn Barrajan 
restricts this superior realization of the 
divine word to a small group of divinely 
elected individuals, whom he identifies as 
"the veracious ones" (siddiqfm) . His bold 
ideas were elaborated upon and brought to 
fruition in the legacy of Ibn al-'Arabl and 
his school. 

Ibn al-'Arabi's uses of the Qvir'an are 
rich and variegated. He claims to have 
composed a multi-volume commentary on 
the Qiir'an entitled al-Jdmi' wa-l-tafsTlJi 
asrdr ma'dm l-tanzil, which seems to have 
been lost. On the other hand, his entire 
work, including his major master- 
pieces — Fusus al-hikam and al-Futuhdt 
al-makkijja — may be seen as a giant run- 
ning commentary on the foundational texts 
of Islam, the Qiir'an and the sunna of the 
Prophet. His overall approach to the 
Qiir'an must be considered in the general 
context of his thought which is character- 
ized by the belief that the true realities of 
God and the universe are concealed from 
ordinary human beings behind a distorting 
veil of images and appearances. These true 
realities, however, can be rendered acces- 
sible to the elect few through a spiritual 
awakening and special intellectual insight 
or "unveiling" (kashf) bestowed upon them 
by God. Ibn al-'Arabi calls the possessors 
of this insight "the people of the true real- 
ity" (ahl al-haqiqa), or "divine gnostics" 
('drijun). They and only they can decipher 
the true meaning of the symbols that con- 
stitute both the qur'anic text and the enti- 
ties and phenomena of the empirical 
universe, which are likened by Ibn al- 
'Arabl to a giant book. For him, both the 
Qiir'an and the universe are but "books" 
of God — assemblages of symbols and 
images behind which lie the ultimate reali- 
ties of existence that, in the final account, 



take their origin in and are somehow iden- 
tical to the divine reality (al-haqq). The de- 
ciphering of these symbols and images 
becomes possible through God's revelatory 
manifestations (tajalli) to his elect "friends" 
and through their ability to perceive their 
hidden meaning by means of their imagi- 
native faculties. 

Since Ibn al-'Arabi considered himself to 
be the greatest 'drifoi his age (and possibly 
of all times) and the spiritual "pole" (al- 
qutb) of the universe, he saw no reason to 
legitimize his understanding of the mean- 
ing of the scripture or — as he put it, of its 
"spirit" (ruh) — by reference to any prior 
exegetical authority or tradition. In his 
opinion, he is absolved of such a justifica- 
tion because his "epistemic source" is 
nothing other than divine inspiration 
(Nettler, Sufi metaphysics, 29). This attitude is 
evident from his poetic commentaries on 
selected qur'anic suras included in his 
poetic collection [Diwdn, 136-79). Here Ibn 
al-'Arabl offers an exegesis aimed at bring- 
ing out the "spiritual quintessence" (rd/i) of 
these suras. In so doing, he deliberately 
relegates his role to that of a simple trans- 
mitter of the outpourings of divinely in- 
duced insights that are dictated to him in 
the "mystical moment" (wdrid al-waqt) in 
which he happens to find himself. He is 
adamant that he has added nothing to 
what he has received from this divine 
source of inspiration (Bachmann, Un com- 
mentaire, 503). His use of poetry — an art 
associated with pre-Islamic paganism (see 
POETRY AND POETS; PRE-ISLAMIC ARABIA 
AND THE cjur'an) — and his occasional 
imitation of the meter and rhythm of 
qur'anic chapters (see inimitability; 
provocation) no doubt raised many 
scholarly eyebrows, both during his lifetime 
and after his death. So did his radical de- 
parture from the conventions of traditional 
exegesis. Thus in elucidating the "spirit" of 
the Fatiha Ibn al-'Arabl boldly and some- 



155 



SUFISM AND THE OUR AN 



what incongruously refers to God as "a 
light not like any other light" — a clear 
allusion to the Light Verse {dyat al-niir, 
o 24:35) — then proceeds to discuss its 
implications, which have little to do with 
the sura that he is supposedly discussing 
(Bachmann, Un commentaire, 505). 

His claim to be a simple motithpiece of 
the divine inspirer absolves him, however, 
of the necessity to justify his exegetical 
method or to follow any conventional 
logic. This inspirational exegesis, according 
to Ibn al-'Arabi, assures absolute certainty 
in interpretation of the divine word and 
overrules all alternative understandings of 
it. Ibn al-'Arabi also revisits q 24:35 in 
many passages of his magnum opus, 
al-Futuhdt al-makkiyya. Here his interpreta- 
tion of this verse reveals three distinct lev- 
els of understanding of its meaning: the 
metaphysical and cosmological, the ana- 
logical (btiilt around the implicit corre- 
spondences between the universe and the 
human individual) and the existential- 
experiential based on the notion — so dear 
to Ibn al-'Arabi — of the underlying unity 
(and tinion) of God, humankind and the 
universe (Gril, Le commentaire, 180). In 
Fusus al-hikam — Ibn al-'Arabl's contro- 
versial meditation on the phenomenon of 
prophethood and its major represen- 
tatives — his uses of the qur'anic text are 
partictdarly bold and challenging (the same 
is true of his uses of the sunna). The 
Qtir'an radically and dramatically rein- 
terpreted by the Sufi master serves as a 
showcase for his monistic metaphysics (see 
also PHILOSOPHY AND THE QUR'an). 
Moreover, for Ibn al-'Arabi his monistic 
vision of God, humankind and the uni- 
verse constitutes the very truth and ulti- 
mate meaning of the cjur'anic revelation 
(Nettler, Sufi metaphysics, 13-14). In the Fusus, 
the traditional exegetical lore associated 
with the prophets and other individuals 
mentioned in the qur'anic text is inextri- 



cably intertwined with "an extremely 
abstruse 'Sufi metaphysics,' " which for Ibn 
al-'Arabi presumably reflected its inner, 
essential, truth (ibid., 14). This kind of ex- 
egesis is so distinctive and unique that it 
"may be considered an Islamic religious 
genre in its own right" that can be dubbed 
"Sufi metaphysical story-telling" (ibid.). 
As an example of Ibn al-'Arabi's exe- 
getical method, one can cite his audacious 
rendition of the story of Aaron (q.v), 
Moses and the golden calf (tj 7:148-55 
and q 20:85-94; see calf of gold). 
Here — contrary to the literal meaning of 
the qur'anic narrative — Aaron and the 
worshippers of the golden calf are por- 
trayed as being wiser than Moses, who 
misguidedly scolds them for lapsing into 
idolatry (see idolatry and idolaters). 
Unlike Moses, they realize that God can be 
worshipped in every object, for every ob- 
ject, including the golden calf, is but "a site 
of divine self-manifestation" [ha 'd al-majdlT 
l-ildhiyya; Fusus, 192; Nettler, Sufi metaphysics, 
53). In this interpretation, the original 
qur'anic condemnation of idolatry is com- 
pletely inverted: the idolaters become 
"gnostics," who 

know the full truth concerning idolatry, but 
are honor-bound not to disclose this truth, 
even to the prophets, the apostles and their 
heirs, for these all have their divinely-ap- 
pointed roles in curbing idolatry and pro- 
moting the worship of God in their time and 
their situation (Nettler, Svfi metaphysics, 67). 

The ultimate truth, however, is that God is 
immanent to all things and can be wor- 
shipped everywhere. Here, and throughout 
the Fusus, Ibn al-'Arabi's unitive, monistic 
vision of God and the world is presented 
within the framework of qur'anic narra- 
tives (q.v.) pertaining to the vicissitudes of 
the prophetic missions of the past (see 
PUNISHMENT STORiEs). For him, however, 



SUFISM AND THE OUR AN 



156 



this is not his personal vision but the true and 
unadulterated meaning of the divine word 
(ibid., 94). 

The major themes of Ibn al-'Arabl's leg- 
acy were explored and elucidated by his 
foremost disciple, Sadr al-Din al-Qunawi 
(d. 673/1274), the author of numerous 
influential works on theoretical Sufism. His 
major exegetical work, Ijdz al-baydnfi ta'wil 
al-Qur'dn, is a lengthy disquisition on the 
metaphysical, epistemological and psy- 
chological implications of the first sura of 
the Qiir'an based on the assumption that it 
constitutes the very gist of the revelation. 
The author's indebtedness to Ibn al-'Arabi 
is obvious from the outset, when he states 
that 

God made the primeval macrocosm (al~ 
'dlam al-kabir) — from the viewpoint of its 
[outward] form — a book carrying the 
images of the divine names... and he 
[God] made the perfect man — who is but 
a microcosm (al- 'dlam al-saghir) — an in- 
termediate book from the viewpoint of 
[its] form, which combines in itself the 
presence of the names and the presence of 
the named [i.e. God]. He also revealed the 
great Q;Lir'an as a guidance to the human 
being — who is fashioned in his 
image — in order to explain the hidden 
aspect of his way, the secret of his sura and 
of his rank (Qunawl, al-TafsTr, 98). 

Al-Qunawl identifies five levels and realms 
of existence and their correspondence to 
the five layers of meaning of the divine 
word. For the exegete, this task of iden- 
tification is much more important than the 
minutia of conventional tafsir with which 
he claims to have deliberately dispensed 
(ibid., 103). Al-Qunawi's emphasis on the 
hierarchies of the divine names and their 
ontological counterparts (realms of ex- 
istence) constitutes probably the most dis- 
tinguishing feature of this highly technical 



and recondite mystical commentary, which 
came to characterize the intellectual legacy 
of Ibn al-'Arabl's school of thought as a 
whole. 

In 'Abd al-Razzaq Kamal al-Din al- 
Qashani (d. 730/1329), a native of the 
Iranian province of Jibal, we find another 
scholar fully committed to Ibn al-'Arabi's 
spiritual and intellectual legacy, while re- 
maining an original mystical thinker in his 
own right. Not only did al-QashanI dis- 
tinguish himself as an advocate of his 
great predecessor but also as an effective 
disseminator of the latter's mystical teach- 
ing which by that time had come to be 
known as "the doctrine of the unity/one- 
ness of being/existence" (wahdat al-wujud). 
As a promoter of Ibn al-'Arabl's ideas, his 
main achievement lies in his ability to strip 
them of their original ambiguity, and 
open-endedness and to present them in a 
lucid and accessible form to anyone who 
cared to learn them. Al-QashanI excelled 
in this task to such an extent that his popu- 
lar mystical commentary, originally titled 
Ta'wil al-Qur'dn, was for several centuries 
considered by many to be a work of Ibn 
al-'Arabi himself. In fact, its latest edition, 
which appeared in Beirut in 1968, was en- 
titled TafsTr al-Qur'dn al-karim lil-shaykh al- 
akbar. . . Ibn 'Arabi. A systematic and 
clear-headed thinker, al-QashanI provides 
a detailed self-refiective exposition of his 
exegetical method in the introduction to 
his commentary. Citing a famous prophetic 
hadith according to which each qur'anic 
verse has two aspects — the "outward" 
(Z^-hr) and the "inward" (batn) — al- 
Qashanl identifies the understanding of 
the former as tafsir and of the latter as 
ta'wil (QashanI, Ta'wil, i, 4). His own in- 
terpretation is consistently identified as 
ta'wil throughout the rest of his work. This 
indicates that by his time the rigid tafsir/ 
ta'wil dichotomy, which does not seem to 
have existed in the earlier periods — both 



157 



SUFISM AND THE OUR AN 



al-Taban and al-BaydawI (d. prob. 716/ 
1316) had no compunctions about applying 
the word ta'wil to their conventional 
commentaries — had become widespread, 
at least in some Sufi circles (cf. however, 
Shah Wall Allah, who defined ta'wil as a 
regular historical and contextual commen- 
tary; Baljon, Religion and thought, 141). In a 
revealing passage from the introduction to 
his Ta'wil al-Qashani describes his personal 
relationship with the qur'anic revelation 
which, in a sense, epitomizes the Sufi 
stance vis-a-vis the divine word: 

For a long time I made the recitation 
(tildvua) of the Qiir'an my habit and custom 
and meditated on its meaning with the 
[full] strength of my faith. Yet, despite my 
assiduousness at reciting passages from it 
(al-awrdd), my chest was constrained, my 
soul troubled and my heart remained 
closed to it. However, my lord did not 
divert me from this recitation until I had 
grown accustomed and habituated to it 
and begun to taste the sweetness of its cup 
and its drink. It was then that I felt invigo- 
rated, my breast opened up, my conscience 
expanded, my heart was at ease, and my 
innermost self liberated... by these revela- 
tions. Then there appeared to me from 
behind the veil the meanings of every verse 
such that my tongue was incapable of de- 
scribing, no capacity able to determine and 
count, and no power could resist unveiling 
and disclosure" [Ta'wil, i, 4). 

Unlike the authors of "moderate" Sufi 
commentaries discussed above, al-Qashani 
consciously ignores those passages of the 
Qiir'an that, in his view, are not susceptible 
to esoteric interpretation (hull md Idyaqbalu 
al-ta'wil 'indi aw Idyahtdju ilayhi). With more 
than five centuries of Sufi exegesis behind 
him, al-QashanI no longer feels obligated 
to pay tribute to the trivia of conventional 
tafsir and focuses only on those aspects of 



the sacred text that resonate with his eso- 
teric vision of the world. Even some 
favorite "Sufi" verses such as C3 7:172 and 
(J 85:22 are passed over in silence, perhaps 
because al-QashanI feels that their inter- 
pretative potential has been exhausted by 
his predecessors (Lory, Commentaires, 31). 
Addressed to his fellow Sufis, "the people 
of [supersensory] unveiling" (ahl al-kashf), 
al-Qashanl's exegesis brims with classical 
Sufi terminology and themes borrowed 
from Ibn al-'Arabl's monistic ideas and 
imagery. In many cases, this terminology is 
not explained, presupposing its prior 
knowledge by the reader (ibid., 30). 
Al-QashanI is completely at home in deal- 
ing with all major levels of exegesis estab- 
lished by his predecessors: the monistic 
metaphysics with its tripartite division of 
being into the empirical realm ('dlam al- 
shahdda), the intermediate realm of divine 
power (al-jabarut) and the purely spiritual 
realm of divine sovereignty (al-malakut); the 
parallelism and correspondence between 
the universe (the macrocosm) and its 
human counterpart (the microcosm); the 
major stages and spiritual states of the 
mystic's progress to God; the symbolism of 
the letters of the Arabic alphabet; numer- 
ology (q.v.); etc. As a typical example of his 
method one may his cite his glosses on 
Q, 17:1: 

"Glory be to him, who carried his ser- 
vant," that is — [who] purified him from 
material attributes and deficiencies associ- 
ated with [his] creation by means of the 
tongue of the spiritual state of disengage- 
ment [from the created world] (al-tajarrud) 
and perfection at the station of [absolute] 
servanthood... — "by night" — that is, in 
the darkness of bodily coverings and natu- 
ral attachments, for the ascension and rise 
cannot occur except by means of a 
body — "from the holy mosque" — that is, 
from the station of the heart that is pro- 



SUFISM AND THE OUR AN 



158 



tected from the circumambulation of the 
polytheism of carnal drives... (Ta'wTl, i, 705). 

In this passage and throughout, the cor- 
respondences between qur'anic images and 
Sufi psychology, epistemology and ontol- 
ogy are clearly and firmly established, leav- 
ing little room for the ambiguity of 
reference and referent and a general opac- 
ity of meaning that characterize the works 
of Ibn al-'Arabl. One can thus conclude 
that in al-Qashanl's commentary the eso- 
teric exegesis of the previous centuries re- 
ceives a succinct, systematic — perhaps 
overly-systematic — and lucid articulation. 
The exegetical method derived from 
Ibn al-'Arabl and his predecessors has 
become stabilized. Its subsequent re- 
articulation by such later Sufis as Badr 
al-Din Simawi (d. 820/1420), Isma'll 
Haqql (d. 1137/1725), Shah Wall Allah 
(d. 1176/1762), and Ibn 'Ajiba (d. 1224/ 
1809) — to name but a few — evinces a 
remarkable continuity that may be con- 
strued by some as a lack of originality. In 
the case of the last two authors, mystical 
exegesis is offered alongside other types 
of commentary, of which Ibn 'Ajiba, for 
example, cites as many as eleven in his 
al-Bahr al-madid (i, 129-31). His tafsir dem- 
onstrates his equal facility with both eso- 
teric and exoteric commentary, without 
privileging either one of them (Michon, 
Le soufi, 88-9). 

While the tradition of Qiir'an interpreta- 
tion associated with the central Asian Sufi 
master Najm al-Din Kubra (d. 618/1221) 
and his followers Najm al-Din Daya [al-] 
RazI (d. 654/1256) and 'Ala' al-Dawla 
SimnanI (d. 736/1336) is often treated as a 
separate school of Sufi exegesis (e.g. 
Bowering, Sufi hermeneutics, 257), this 
perception has more to do with two dif- 
ferent spiritual and intellectual lineages 
than with differences in their approaches 
to the Qiir'an. Unlike the Sufi commentar- 



ies discussed above, we are dealing here 
with what amounts to a collective exegeti- 
cal work that was started by Kubra, con- 
tinued by Daya [al-]RazI and completed 
by Simnani, although "it is possible that 
there are two different continuations to 
Kubra's commentary, one by Simnani and 
the other by Daya" (Elias, Throne carrier, 
205). "It is also conceivable that Daya re- 
vised Kubra's commentary" (ibid.). In any 
event, this commentary remains unpub- 
lished and our knowledge of its contents is 
derived from a recent Western study of 
Simnani's oeuvre byjamal Elias (ibid., 
107-10). 

As with earlier Sufi exegetes, Simnani 
spoke of "four levels of meaning [of the 
Qiir'an] corresponding to four levels of 
existence" (ibid., 108). Its exoteric dimen- 
sion corresponds to the realm of "human- 
ity" (ndsut); its esoteric dimension to the 
realm of divine sovereignty (malakut); its 
limit (hadd) relates to the realm of divine 
omnipotence (jabaritt); and its point of 
ascent, or anagoge (matla'/muttala') corre- 
sponds to the realm of divinity [Idhfit, ibid., 
108). These realms, in turn, correspond to 
four levels of the human understanding of 
the Qur'an — that of the ordinary believer 
(muslim), who relies upon his faculty of 
hearing (see seeing and hearing; 
HEARING and deafness); that of the faith- 
ful one (mu 'min), who relies on divine in- 
spiration; that of the righteous one 
(muhsin), who should not disclose what he 
understands except with divine permission 
(idhn); and, finally, the [direct] witness 
{shdhid; see witness to faith) whose un- 
derstanding is so sublime that he should 
refrain from disclosing it to anyone for fear 
of confusion and sedition (ibid.). God's 
purpose in sending his revelation is to 
cleanse the hearts and souls of human be- 
ings from mundane distractions and 
thereby lead them to salvation. To this end, 
he has supplied them with special faculties 



159 



SUICIDE 



or "subtle centers" (latd'if) that orient them 
toward God and, eventually, lead the elect 
few of them to "a complete revelation of 
the true nature of reality" (ibid., 85). 

Finally, mention should be made of the 
exegesis that combines esoteric exegesis 
and mystical metaphysics with Shf 1 theol- 
ogy. Here one thinks primarily of the ex- 
egetical works by Haydar-i Amuli (d. after 
7^7/^3^5) — who consistently sought to 
integrate Ibn al-'Arabi's ideas and exegeti- 
cal methods into the Shf T intellectual 
universe — and MuUa Sadra (d. 1050/ 
1640) and his school, including what ap- 
pears to be an extremely rare, if not 
unique, example of a mystical commen- 
tary written by a female scholar from Iran 
named Nusrat bt. Muhammad Amin, bet- 
ter known as Banu-yi Isfahan! (d. 1403/ 
1982; AyazT, Mufassirun, 310-15, 629-33; 
Amuh, Jdmi' al-asrdr; Mulla Sadra., Asrdr 
al-dydt; Amln, Tafsir-i makhzo-n). 

This survey does not discuss the dev- 
elopment of Sufi exegesis in modern 
times, which in Western scholarship re- 
mains largely a terra incognita (see 

POST-ENLIGHTENMENT ACADEMIC STUDY 

OF THE our'an). For some representative 
works of this genre see AyazT, Mufassirun, 
833. See also wisdom; science and the 
q^ur'an; time. 

Alexander D. Knysh 

Bibliography 
Primary: N. Amin (Banu-yi Isfahan!), Tafsir-i 
makhzan al-'irjan, 10 vols., Tehran 1982; 
H. Amuli, Jdmi' al-asrdr, ed. O. Yahya and 
H. Corbin, Tehran/Paris 1969; BaghawT, 
Ma'dlim; al-Ghazall, Abu Hamid Muhammad b. 
Muhammad, Jawdkir ai-Qur'dn, ed. M. al- 
QabbanT, Beirut 1985, trans. M.A. Qiiasem, The 
jewels of the Qiir'dn, London 1983; id., Mishkdt al- 
anwdr, ed. S. Dughaym, Beirut 1994; Ibn AJTba, 
Abu 1-Abbas Ahmad b. Muhammad, TafsTr al- 
Fdtiha al-kabir al-musammd bi-l-Bahr al-madid, ed. 
B.M. Barud, 2 vols., Abu Dhabi 1999; Ibn al- 
Arabl, Abu Bakr Muhammad b. Abdallah, 
Diwdn, Beirut n.d.; id., Fusiis al-hikam, ed. A. A. 



Aflfl, Beirut 1980; id., al-Futuhdt al-makkiyya, 
4 vols., Beirut 1968; Khazin, Lubdb; al-Maybudl, 
Abu 1-Fadl Rashld al-Dln Ahmad, Kashf al-asrdr 
wa-'uddat al-abrdr, ed. 'A. A. Hikmat, 10 vols., 
Tehran [1952-61]; Mulla Sadra (Sadr al-Dln 
^\n.Y?i7A),Asrdr al-dydt, ed. M. KhvajavT, Beirut 
1993; al-Qashanl, Ta'wU; al-QunawT, Sadr al- 
Dln, al-Tafsir al-sufi lil-QuT'dn. Ijdz al-baydnfi ta'wil 
al-Qur'dn, ed. A.Q.A. Ata, Cairo 1969; QushayrT, 
Latd'if; al-Sarraj, Abu Nasr Abdallah b. All, 
Kitdb al-Luma'fi l-tasawwuf ed. R.A. Nicholson, 
Leiden/London 1914; Sulami, Haqd'iq al-tafsir, 
ed. S. Imran, 2 vols., Beirut 2001; id., ^iydddt. 
Secondary: S.M. Ayazi, al-Mufassirun. Haydtuhum 
wa-manhajuhum, Tehran 1414/1993; P. Bachmann, 
Un commentaire mystique du Goran, in Arabic a 
47 (2000), 503-9; J.M.S. Baljon, Religion and thought 
of Shdh Wall Alldh Dihlawi, lyo^-iyGs, Leiden 
1986; G. Bowering, Deylami, Sams al-Dln Abu 
Tabet Mohammad b. Abd al-Malek Tusi, in 
Encyclopedia Iranica, vii, 341-2; id.. Mystical; id. 
The scriptural "senses" in medieval Sufi Qiir'an 
exegesis, in J.D. McAuliffe, B.D. Walfish andJ.W. 
Goering (eds.). With reverence for the word. Medieval 
scriptural exegesis in Judaism, Christianity, and Islam, 
New York 2003, 346-65; id., Sufi hermeneutics in 
medieval Islam, in R£l ^^-y (1987-9), 255-70; 
Y. Diizenli, ^ihabuddin Suhreverdi ve JSugbetii l-beyan, 
PhD thesis, Marmara University, Istanbul 1994; 
J. Elias, The throne carrier of God, Albany, NY 1995; 

C. Ernst, Ruzbihan [al-Bakll], in Ei^, viii, 651-2; 
id., Ruzbihdn BaqlT, Richmond, Surrey 1996; 

D. Gril, 'La lecture superieure' du Goran selon 
Ibn Barrajan, in Arabica 47 (2000), 510-22; id., Le 
commentaire du verset de la lumiere d'apres Ibn 
'Arabl, in Bulletin de VInstitutfrangais d'archeologie 
orientate 90 (1990), 179-87; A. Keeler, Sufi 
hermeneutics. MaybudVs Persian commentary on the 
Qur'dn, the Kashf al-asrdr, Oxford (forthcoming); 

J.-L. Michon, Le soufi marocain Ahmad Ibn Ajiba 
(124.6- i8og), Paris 1973; R. Nettler, Sufi meta- 
physics and qur'dnic prophets, Gambridge 2003; 
Nwyia, Exegese; id., Trois oeuvres inedites de mystiques 
musulmans, Beirut 1972; E. Ohlander, Abu Hafs 
'Umar al-Suhrawardi and the institutionalization of 
Sufism, PhD diss., U. Michigan 2004; W. Saleh, 
The formation of the classical tafslr tradition, Leiden 
2004; K.Z. Sands, Suji commentaries on the Qur'dn in 
classical Islam., London 2005. 



Suicide 

The act of taking one's own life, killing 
oneself. Although several qiir'anic verses 
appear to be relevant to suicide, in par- 
ticular q 2:54, 4:66, 4:29 and 2:195, only 



SUICIDE 



1 60 



the last two prove to be related to self- 
killing. 

Moses (q.v.) said to his people, "My people, 
you have wronged yourselves by worship- 
ping the calf (see calf of gold), so repent 
to your maker and kill yourselves; that is 
best for you in the eyes of your maker." 
Then he accepted your repentance: he is 
all-forgiving and most merciful ((J 2:54; see 
forgiveness; mercy; god and his 
attributes). 

The majority of the commentators (see 

EXEGESIS OF THE Q^Ur'aN! CLASSICAL AND 

medieval) are in agreement that the 
phrase "kill yourselves" (fa-qtulu anfusakum) 
means "those who have not worshipped 
the golden calf should kill those who wor- 
shipped it" (e.g. Tabarl, TafsTr, i, 326-7). 
Some commentators, however, emphasize 
the metaphorical meaning (see metaphor; 
SYMBOLIC imagery), that is, the Israelites 
are asked to repent through suppression of 
lustful desires (bakh ') since such desire was 
the root cause of their sin (Baydawi, Anwar, 
i, 62; Zamakhsharl, Kashshdf, i, 143; see 

CHILDREN OF ISRAEL; SIN, MAJOR AND 

minor). Another possible reading, collec- 
tive suicide, is never mentioned by most 
commentators and is explicitly rejected by 
a few (e.g. Elmalili, Kur'dn Dili, i, 355-6, 
who says that collective suicide is clearly 
not the intended meaning since that would 
have led to the extinction of the Jews; see 
JEWS AND Judaism; exegesis of the 
qur'an: early modern and 
contemporary). 

The phrase "kill yourselves" also appears 
in Q_ 4:66, "If we had decreed to them 
[the hypocrites; see hypocrites and 
hypo(;risy] 'kill yourselves' or 'leave your 
homes,' only a few would have done so" 
but, as in the case of C3 2:54, commentators 
normally see mutual killing in this verse 
and, even though collective suicide is men- 



tioned by some as a possible reading 
(Elmahli, Kur'dn Dili, ii, 1385-6), this is 
stated to be moot since the verse is not 
applicable to the Muslims who are com- 
manded not to kill one another (see 
murder; bloodshed). 

cj 4:29 is much inore to the point: "You 
who believe (see belief and unbelief), do 
not consume each other's property (q.v.) 
unjustly (see justice and injustice), but 
trade through mutual goodwill is different 
(see TRADE AND COMMERCE; WEALTH), and 
do not kill yourselves, for God is the most 
merciful towards you." Al-Tabarl (d. 
310/923; Tafsn, iv, 38-9) reads the second 
part of this verse as a command against 
the believers' killing each other (see 
fighting; war) and understands God's 
prohibition of unjust trade and believers' 
killing each other (except for a just reason) 
as a sign of his mercy. Al-Baydawl (d. prob. 
716/1316-17; ^4raiX'a!; i, 2ii), however, sees 
here an injunction against self-killing 
through suppression of self (bakh'), placing 
oneself in danger, or through committing 
crimes that would incur death or abase- 
ment (presumably including usurious 
trade; see usury; boundaries and 
precepts; chastisement and 
punishment), though he clearly does not 
view any of these as "intentional self-kill- 
ing." In any case, the recommendation of 
the verse, he thinks, is for combined pro- 
tection of self (nafs) and property (mdl), 
which are joined as "halves." Al- 
Zamakhshari (d. 538/1144; Kashshdf, i, 492) 
understands the verse as an injunction 
against the believers' killing each other 
and/or killing oneself (cf. Ibn al-jawzl [d. 
597/1200], ^dd, ii, 61, ad Q^ 4:29, who 
maintains that the first meaning of Id 
taqtulu anfusakum is that God forbids his 
servant from killing himself). And, accord- 
ing to al-Qurtubl (d. &']i/ 12']2', Jdmi\ v, 
156-7, ad (I 4:29), while the text itself (laf^^) 
indicates that this phrase deals with (and 



i6i 



SUICIDE 



urges against) killing oneself intentionally 
(bi-qasdin minhu lil-qatl) — by bringing him 
or herself to the folly that leads to destruc- 
tion (as in the possible response to situ- 
ations of boredom or anger: "do not kill 
yourselves") — the interpreters have 
agreed that this passage means that people 
should not kill one another. Elmalih, a 
twentieth century Turkish interpreter 
[Kur'dn Dili, ii, 1343-4), ™les out the 
apparent meaning (see polysemy), which 
is suicide, and argues that the applicable 
meaning is "forbidding one to cause one's 
own destruction," which is possible in one 
of three ways (i) excessive asceticism 
(q.v.) — according to Elmalih, this fits the 
context of the verse — ; (ii) behavior that 
would lead to committing sins that call for 
killing, including illicit consumption of 
property of others; and (iii) placing oneself 
in harm's way, even if for a charitable pur- 
pose (see GOOD AND evil), where Elmalih 
(like al-Tabarl) refers to the story of 'Amr 
b. al-'As who refrained from taking major 
ablution with ice cold water on the basis of 
this verse (he resorted to tayammum instead) 
and the Prophet's acceptance of his prac- 
tice (see cleanliness and ablution; 

RITUAL purity). 

The relevance of C3 2:195 to suicide is 
indirect but clear: "Spend in God's cause 
(see PATH or way) and do not throw 
[yourselves] with your own hands to 
danger." Here, the question is about what 
the phrase "do not throw [yourselves] with 
your own hands to destruction/danger" 
means. In his extensive coverage of this 
question, al-Tabarl [Tafsir, ii, 206-12) re- 
ports the following different readings: (i) 
spend in God's cause (no other meaning 
intended); (ii) spend in God's cause and do 
not jeopardize yourselves by fighting for 
God's cause unless there is (sufficient) pro- 
vision and power; (iii) do not place yourself 
in harm's way, do not give yourself up to 
danger because you despair (q.v.) of God's 



forgiveness on account of your past sins 
(cf. q_ 12:87: "Do not despair of God's 
mercy — only disbelievers despair of 
God's mercy," and q 15:56: "Who except 
those who are astray despairs of his lord's 
mercy?"; see lord); (iv) spend in God's 
cause and do not quit fighting; (v) a com- 
bination of the third and fourth: whoever 
does not give away in charity what he or 
she does not need places himself or herself 
in danger (see almsoiving). Similarly, 
whoever is despondent because of past 
sins places herself or himself in danger 
because of the command in o 12:87 and 
whoever quits fighting when fighting is 
clearly mandatory places herself or 
himself in danger of incurring God's 
punishment. 

The reality of the temptation to end 
one's own life has not been denied by 
Islamic tradition. On the authority of Abu 
Hurayra (d. ca. 58/678), the Prophet him- 
self is said to have said: "Whoever kills 
himself with an iron [instrument] (bi- 
hadidatin), his iron [instrument] would be in 
his hand, poking his belly with it in hellfire 
forever and ever (see hell and hellfire; 
eternity; reward and punishment). 
And whoever kills himself with poison, 
then his poison would be in his hand and 
he would sip from it in hellfire forever and 
ever. And whoever falls from a mountain 
killing himself, he would fall in hellfire for- 
ever and ever" (Ibn Hanbal, Alusnad, xiii, 
185; Muslim, Sahih, i, 103-4, bdb 47, hadlth 
no. 175). And, although not qur'anic, al- 
Tabari (Ta'rikh, i, 1150; Eng. trans. Watt 
and McDonald, History, vi, 71) preserves a 
tradition transmitted by Ibn Ishacj (d. 
150/767) that Muhammad himself con- 
templated suicide when he first received 
the revelations (see revelation and 
inspiration): "I shall take myself to a 
mountain crag, hurl myself down from 
it, kill myself and find relief in that 
way." 



l62 



In ethical discussions over botli tlie 
qur'anic positions on suicide and tliose 
developed in later Islamic thought, the mo- 
tivations (e.g. despondency for one's own 
personal situation, vs. the decision to go 
into battle to defend one's community; see 
EXPEDITIONS AND BATTLEs), as Well as the 
results and means (killing oneself, killing 
others) of the action are considered. In 
both classical and contemporary discus- 
sions, no clear consensus has been reached 
and debated issues remain: does the benefit 
of a martyrdom outweigh the sin of killing 
oneself?; what, exactly, comprises an 
"unlawful" killing? Especially in the post- 
colonial period and with the use of suicide 
or martyr missions to secure political and 
social change have these questions become 
particularly pressing (cf. Malka, Must in- 
nocents die?; see also politics and the 
q^ur'an). While neither C3 4:29 nor Q^ 2:195 
can be said to contain a clear injunction 
against suicide, it is safe to conclude that 
they may indeed be understood as ruling 
out killing oneself especially if they are 
considered in connection with one another. 
It is also possible to view suicide, at least 
from an ethical perspective (see ethics 
and the cjur'an), as a special case of mur- 
der, in which case all the qur'anic verses 
that prohibit unlawful killing of a human 
being — in particular C3 6:151 and o 17:33: 
"Do not take life that God has rendered 
sacred except for just cause," 5) 5:32: 
"Whoever kills another, unless for murder 
or highway robbery (see theft; 
corruption), it is as though he has killed 
all humanity," and C3 4:93: "Whoever kills a 
believer intentionally, his punishment is to 
dwell in hell forever; God is angry with 
him (see anger), he curses (see curse) him 
and prepares a terrible punishment for 
him" — would also apply to suicide. 

Ahmet T. Karamustafa 



Bibliography 
Primary: BaydawT, Anwar, Beirut 1988; Elnialili, 
Muhammed Hanidi Yazir, Hak Dini Kurgan 
Dili, 9 vols., Istanbul 1935-9; ^^^ Hanbal, 
Aiusnad, ed. Shakir; Ibn al-JawzT, ^dd, 9 vols., 
Beirut n.d.; Muslim, Sahih; (^irtuhi, J dmi\ 
20 vols., Beirut n.d.; TabarT, TafsTr, 12 vols., 
Beirut 1992; id., Ta'nkh, ed. de Goeje et al., 
trans. W.M. Watt and M.V. McDonald, Tlie 
history of al-TabarL vi. Muhammad at Mecca, 
Albany 1988; ZamakhsharT, Kashshdf, Beirut 

1995- 

Secondary; H. Bleuchot, Le conflit des 
interpretations, le onze septembre et le 
droit musulman, in Droit et cultures 45 (2003), 
241-76, 281; R. Denaro, II suicidio nell'Islam 
medie\'ale. Un'ipotesi di lettura della 
Sunna, in Rivista degli studi orientali 70 (1997), 
23-34; H- Malka, Must innocents die? The 
Islamic debate over suicide attacks, in 
Middle East quarterly (Spring 2003), on http: / / 
www.brookings.edu / Fp / saban / analysis / 
malka 20030501 .htm ; F. Rosenthal, Intihar, in Ef, 
iii, 1246-8; id.. On suicide in Islam, inJAOS 66 
(1946), 239-59; repr. in id., Muslim intellectual and 
social history, Hampshire, UK 1990. 



Summer see seasons 



Star at the center of earth's solar system. 
The sun is the brightest and most powerful 
of all the celestial bodies orbiting — ac- 
cording to the geocentric cosmological 
view of the world current in antiquity 
and the Middle Ages (cf. Van Dalen, 
Shams) — the earth (q.v.; see also planets 
AND stars). Not inappropriately, it is men- 
tioned thirty-three times in the Qiir'an. 
There are hints at its being worshipped in 
Babylonia ((J 6:74, 78) and in pre-Islamic 
Arabia (c3 41:37; see pre-islamic Arabia 

AND THE Q^UR'aN; SOUTH ARABIA, 
RELIGIONS IN PRE-lsLAMic), especially by 
the Sabaeans (q 27:24; cf. Fahd, Shams; see 
sheba), and it is stressed that this was idol- 
atry (see IDOLATRY AND IDOLATERS) and 
that, conforming to the order of God's 



i63 



creation, also the sun, like the other 
celestial bodies, is subject to God's 
supreme authority (q.v.; {) 22:18). A rem- 
nant of such earlier beliefs may be seen in 
the oath in C3 91:1, "By the sun and its light 
in the morning (q.v.)," after which the sura 
(q.v.) was entitled al-shams, "The Sun" (see 
oaths; form and structure of the 
cjur'an; language and style of the 
q^ur'an; literary structures of 

THE OUr'an). 

The sun (like the moon [q.v.]) has been 
created to serve humankind (cf. c) 7:54; 
13:2; 31:29; 35:13; 39:5; 14:33; 16:12; 29:61; 
see cosmology; creation). It is the great 
light (q.v.), diyd' [(I 10:5) or sirdj (q_ 25:61; 
71:16; 78:13), by day (see lamp). It was cre- 
ated husbdnan or bi-husbdn (cf. q 6:96; 55:5), 
as a means for calculating time (q.v.) and 
organizing human life (see measurement; 
WEIGHTS AND MEASURES). But its heat may 
become onerous (c) 18:90; 76:13; see hot 
AND cold). Elements of the physical be- 
havior of the sun are well-known and men- 
tioned on several occasions. Its course is 
firmly fixed [li-ajalin/ild ajalin musammd, 
a 13:2; 31:29; 35:13; 39:5); in its daily rota- 
tion, it reaches a resting place, mustaqarr, 
where it abides by night (c3 36:38; see 
NIGHT AND day). It movcs in an orh, falak, 
like the moon (c) 21:33; 36:40), and these 
two can never touch (tudrika) each other 
(Q, 36:40). It rises in the east and sets in the 
west (cf C3 18:17, 86, 90). The sun has also 
been employed in the service of Islam as, 
notably, for the fixing of prayer (q.v.) times. 
Already in Muhammad's lifetime, when 
the system of five daily ritual prayers (saldt) 
had not yet been set up, prayers were pre- 
scribed at sunset, duluk, and at dawn (q.v.), 
fajr (c3 17:78), as well as before the sun's 
rising, tulu', and setting, ^//ii™/' (o 20:130; 
50:39; see also day, times of; evening). 
Observation of the sun's shadow is also 
mentioned (c) 25:45), though not in con- 



nection with the fixing of prayer times. 
Later, Islamic legal scholars (see law and 
THE cjur'an) developed several systems for 
fixing the times of prayer dependent on 
the sun's position and on shadow observa- 
tion (cf King, Mikat). Still later, Muslim 
astronomers devised many more scientific 
methods for determining the times of 
prayer (cf. King, Mikat; id., Mizwala; see 
SCIENCE AND THE qur'an). Lastly, the 
Qtir'an mentions the sun in the eschato- 
logical (see eschatology) context of the 
day of resurrection (q.v.), when "the sun 
and the moon are joined [or fused]" [wa- 
jumi'a l-shamsu wa-l-qamaru, q 75:9 — per- 
haps in distinct contrast to (^ 36:40, where 
it is said that these two can never touch 
each other) and when "the sun is wrapped 
up" [idhd I'shamsu kuwwirat, (381:1; on 
kuwwirat, cf. wkas, i, 427b, 8-16). 

In sum, it can be said that the Qtir'an 
covers the most important aspects of the 
sun's role in human life, in earlier history 
as well as for the Islamic community. 
Within the contemporaneous geocentric 
understanding of the world, the physical 
behavior of the sun is correctly described. 

Paul Kunitzsch 



Bibliography 
B. van Dalen, Shams-2, in EI^, ix, 291-4; T. Fahd, 
Le Pantheon de VAmbie centrals a la veille de VHegire, 
Paris 1968, 150-3; id., Shams-r, in El^, ix, 291; 
D.A. King, Mikat, in Ei', vii, 26-32; id., Mizwala, 
in E1-, vii, 210-11; H. Toelle, Le Goran revisite. Le 
feu, I'eau, fair et la terre, Damascus 1999, esp. 
97-100; A.J. Wensinck, Tree and bird as cosmological 
symbols in western Asia [in Verhandelingen der Konin- 
klijke Akademie van Wetenschappen te Amsterdam] , 
Amsterdam 192 1 (on tree and sun, and bird and 
sun): WKAS. 



Sunna 

Arabic term for "way of acting." The an- 
cient Arab concept sunna (pi. sunan) occurs 



164 



eighteen times in the Qiir'an. Gener- 
ally — that is to say outside the strict con- 
text of the Qiir'an — it is defined as a way 
of acting, whether approved or disap- 
proved, and is normally associated with the 
people of earlier generations, whose ex- 
ample has to be followed or shunned by 
later generations. The concept occupies a 
crucial place in Islam. In the development 
of Islamic theology, it eventually came to 
be associated with orthodoxy, the bastion 
against heterodox innovation [bid'a; see 
innovation; theology and the 
C3Ur'an; for a study of the first adherents 
of sunna, see JuynboU, Excursus on the 
ahl as-sunna). 

As far as the qur'anic context is con- 
cerned, the occurrences of the term can 
roughly be divided into two categories: 
"sunna" either denotes God's way of deal- 
ing with the as-yet unbelieving people of 
the world, or it is a word for the behavior of 
those rebellious unbelievers who refuse to 
comply with divine institutions by declin- 
ing to submit to divine messengers (see 
INSOLENCE AND OBSTINACY; MESSENGER; 
BELIEF AND UNBELIEF; REBELLION). 
Examples of sunna within the first cat- 
egory comprise references to God's treat- 
ment of anonymous unbelievers in the 
Meccan verse Q^ 40:85 (see CHRONOLOGY 
AND THE quR'AN), or Qiirashls and/or the 
hypocrites [mundjiqun; see (jltraysh; 
hypoi;rites and hypocrisy) in the 
Medinan verses o 17:77, 33:38, 62 and 
48:23. Examples of sunna within the sec- 
ond category refer in the Meccan suras to 
anonymous peoples (cf. o 15:13, 18:55, 
35:43) and in a Medinan sura to the 
prophet Muhammad's Meccan adversaries 
among the Qiiraysh (cf. C3 8:38; see 
OPPOSITION TO Muhammad). Moreover, in 
the Medinan verse (j 3:137 the plural sunan 
is glossed by al-Tabari (d. 3 10/923 ;7a/yz>; iv, 
99) as mathuldt, i.e. the punitive measures 
meted out to pre-Islamic peoples like 'Ad 



(q.v.) and Thamud (q.v.), who refused to 
heed the preaching of prophets sent to 
them by God (see prophets and 
prophethood), whereas in the other 
Medinan verse in which the plural occurs 
[q_ 4:26) it stands for the pious "ways of 
life" of certain people and prophets of old 
(see generations). 

In addition to these uses of the term 
sunna in the Qiir'an, the concept of sunna 
can be traced along various lines, encom- 
passing a number of different nuances. 
Some of these were later tentatively traced 
back to the Qiir'an, that is to say, to 
qur'anic lexemes other than sunna, where it 
was thought that sunna was implied. 
Initially, sunna was a neutral term for good 
or bad precedents set by earlier genera- 
tions, and it played a crucial role in the 
evolution of Islamic law, the sharT'a (see 
LAW AND THE cjur'an). In the course of 
the second/eighth century, sunna came to 
be considered one of the roots (usfd) of 
Islamic law, indeed, after the Qiir'an, the 
second most important root. It was the 
legal theoretician al-Shafi'l (d. 204/820) 
who was especially instrumental in raising 
the concept of sunna to this unassailable 
level of legal authority. As a legislative 
source, the Qur'an contains a fair number 
of injunctions that are pivotal in the for- 
mulation of laws dictating human behav- 
ior. But most of these injunctions are 
worded in terms that are either too broad, 
or ambiguous (q.v.) or downright opaque. 
Analyzing, and where possible elucidating, 
those terms became the task of early 
Islamic exegetes (see exegesis of the 
q^ur'an: classical and medieval). These 
commentators acted in conformity with 
the gradually prevailing rule that, rather 
than an example set by any religious ex- 
pert, a corroborative prophetic example 
had to be adduced. Thus these exegetes 
sought and disseminated reports (ahddith) 
which transmitted what the prophet 



165 



Muhammad and the eariiest learned 
authorities f'ulamd') had allegedly said con- 
cerning certain qur'anic verses and, where 
relevant, their application in daily life (see 
SIRA AND THE Q^Ur'an; TRADITIONAL 

DISCIPLINES OF q^ur'anic study). Among 
the earliest strata of authorities, the 
prophet Muhammad was to play an in- 
creasingly important role. One indispens- 
able need was clarification of obscure 
qur'anic passages, and this need is reflected 
in a number of wide-ranging traditions, for 
which the introduction to the collection of 
al-Darimi (d. 255/869) is especially famous. 
More than his fellow traditionists, it was 
al-Darimi who brought together a number 
of hadlths that dealt with the issue of the 
inter-dependence of Qiir'an and sunna 
(see hadith and the qur'an). That most 
of these sayings are probably of his own 
making may be deduced from their ab- 
sence from other early collections ascribed 
to his peers. Perhaps the most concise 
among the somewhat later sayings is the 
one that runs: "the Qiir'an needs [the elu- 
cidation contained in the] sunna more 
than the other way around" (inna l-Qur'dn 
ahwaju ild l-sunna mina l-sunna ild l-Qur'dn; cf. 
the theologian al-Barbaharl [d. 329/941] in 
his Kitdb al-Sunna, which Ibn Abi Ya'la 
[d. 526/1131] extensively quotes in his 
Tabaqdt al-Handbila [cf. ii, 25]). 

The inter-relatedness of Qiir'an and 
sunna was transferred gradually to the del- 
icate field of abrogation (q.v; naskh). 
Initially it went without saying that a 
qur'anic passage could abrogate a sunna; 
but eventually the question was raised 
whether a sunna laid down, for instance, in 
a prophetic hadith, could perhaps abrogate 
a qur'anic injunction. The statement 
"sunna may determine the Qiir'an but not 
vice versa" (al-sunna qddiyatun 'aid l-Qur'dn 
wa-laysa al-Qur'dn bi-qddin 'aid l-sunna) is 
ascribed to an early authority, Yahya b. Abi 
Kathir (d. 132/749) but is probably al- 



Darimi's own handiwork (cf. his Sunan, i, 
153, no. 587). This highly controversial is- 
sue kept theologians and jurisprudents oc- 
cupied for a considerable period. In early 
tafsTr literature there are no discernible at- 
tempts to equate certain terms from scrip- 
ture with sunna or, specifically prophetic 
sunna (sunnat al-nabi). It was the aforemen- 
tioned legal scholar al-Shafi'i who was the 
first to try to link an important qur'anic 
term with sunna, in an attempt to provide 
scriptural evidence for his insistence that 
sunna should automatically be equated 
with sunnat al-nabl. The word chosen by 
him was hikma, "wisdom" (e.g. his Risdla, 



32, 



, etc.); but even after his lifetime this 



identification does not seem to have caught 
on with other jurists. The only explanation 
early exegetes like al-Hasan al-BasrI 
(d. 110/728) and Qatada b. Di'ama (d. 117/ 
735) are alleged to have offered for al-hikma 
was simply the gloss al-sunna without fur- 
ther specification (cf. Tafsir al-Hasan al- 
BasrT, i, 115, Tabari, TafsTr, i, 557, ad 
Q_ 2:129). Then, at the hands of al-Shafi'i, 
that is extended to sunnat rasuli lldh. The 
verse that comes to mind most readily as 
providing a good opportunity for tracing 
the concept of sunna of the Prophet 
and/or that of his faithful followers in the 
Qur'an, is (J 33:21: "You had (conceivably: 
have) in the messenger of God a perfect 
example..."; but al-Shafi'l did not even 
hint at this verse in his Risdla. It is the tra- 
ditionist Ahmad b. Hanbal (d. 241/855) 
who mentions the verse (cf. his Musnad, ii, 
15 — ed. A.M. Shakir, no. 4641) in connec- 
tion with sunna. The debate was couched 
in cautious terms, lest a sunna, which is 
after all a custom instituted by man, be too 
readily taken to be capable of abrogating 
or modifying the prima facie interpretation 
of scripture, which is, after all, of divine 
origin. 

Another term bracketed with al-sunna 
next to the Qur'an is the word habl, "rope. 



SURA S 



i66 



cord," in C3 3:103 (cf. Ibn Hajar, Path al-ban, 
xvii, 3, apud Bukhari, K. al'I'tisdm, i). In 
exegedcal literature, however, habl is almost 
exclusively associated with the Qiir'an, or 
the religion, or the community (jamd'a) of 
believers, but not with sunna. 

The term sunna does not occur more of- 
ten than in the verses dealt with above, 
whereas there are numerous qur'anic pas- 
sages in which sunna and/or its derivative 
sunnat al-nabi are quite clearly intended. 
The frequently repeated command that 
the believers must obey God and his mes- 
senger (cf. Kassis, Concordance, s.v. atd'a, 
"to obey"; see obedience) can virtually 
always be construed as pointing to sub- 
mission to the exemplary behavior of 
the Prophet. 

G.H.A.JuynboU 

Bibliography 
Primary: al-Darimi, 'Abdallah b. ^Abd al- 
Rahmaii, Sunan, ed. F.A. ZamarlT and Kh. al- 
Sab' al-'Alami, 2 vols., Cairo 1987; al-Hasan 
al-Basri, TafsTr, ed. M. 'Abd al-Rahlm, Cairo 
[1992]; Ibn Abl Ya'la, Tabaqdt al-Handbila, ed. 
Muhammad Hamid al-Fiql, Cairo 1952; Ibn 
Hajar al-'Asqalanl, Fath al-bdn bi-sharh [Sahih] 
al-Bukhdn, Cairo 1959; al-Shafi'T, Muhammad b. 
IdrTs, Risdla, ed. A.M. Shakir, Cairo 1940. 
Secondary: G.H.A.JuynboU, An excursus on the 
ahl as-sunna in connection with van Ess, Theologie 
und Gesellschafl, vol. IV, in Der Islam 75 {1998), 
318-30; id., Sunna, in Dictionary of the Aiiddle Ages, 
ed. J.R. Strayer et ah, 13 vols, to date, New York 
1982-, xi, 510-13; id.. Some new ideas on the 
development of sunna as a technical term in early 
Islam, \nJSAI 10 (1987), 97-118; id., Sunna, in EI-, 
ix, 878-81; H.E. Kassis, A concordance of the Qur'an, 
Berkeley 1983. 

Sunrise see dawn; day, times of 
Sunset see evening; day, times of 
Supererogation see almsgiving 
Supplication see prayer formulas 



A literary unit of undetermined length 
within the Qiir'an, often translated as 
"chapter." In the printed editions of the 
Qiir'an, but not in the earliest manuscripts 
(see MANUSiiRiPTS OF THE ^ur'an), it is 
marked as such by a title section that pro- 
vides the name of the sura, followed by a 
number that defines its place in the se- 
quence of the 1 14 suras of the entire cor- 
pus. Sura names are not abbreviations of 
the content but "catchwords," taking up a 
particular lexeme from the text that is ei- 
ther a rare word in the Qiir'an (e.g. C3 80, 
Surat 'Abasa, "He Frowned") and thus 
easy to remember, or a major issue dis- 
cussed in the sura (e.g. C3 4, Surat al-Nisa', 
"The Women"), or, occasionally, the initial 
word of the sura. There is no complete 
agreement about the names of the suras, 
some suras being known under more than 
one title. Whereas the naming and the or- 
dering of the suras are later textual adjust- 
ments (see mushaf; c.odu;es of the 
(JUr'an), the arrangement of the text as a 
sequence of suras goes back to the redac- 
tion of the Qiir'an itself, which tradition 
dates to the reign of the third caliph 
'Uthman b. 'Affan (r. 23-35/644-56). 
Although that dating is not confirmed by 
external evidence, the redaction and 
official publication should have taken place 
some time before the Umayyad caliph (q.v.) 
'Abd al-Malik's reign (65-86/685-705), since 
it is attested among scholars of his time 
(see Hamdan, al-Hasan al-Basri). Inas- 
much as the somewhat mechanical ar- 
rangement of the suras according to their 
length does not betray a particular histori- 
cal or theological interest on the part of 
the redactors, but rather an awareness of 
the already achieved canonical status, the 
suras as units should go back to a very 
early time (see form and structure of 



167 



SURA S 



THE cjur'an). There is also no substantial 
contrary evidence to be gleaned from the 
findings of Qiir'an fragments at San'a', 
Yemen, whose analysis still awaits publica- 
tion (Puin, Observations; but cf. ibid., iii 
for the variations from the 'Uthmanic co- 
dex found in some of these fragments). 
Although there are no complete copies 
preserved, folios with overlapping sura 
texts confirm the traditional sequence. 

Etymologically, the term sura is difficult 
to trace (see Jeffery, For. vocab.), but may 
have been derived from Hebrew shurah, 
"line," as well as from Syriac shurayd, "be- 
ginning," or short psalms that are sung 
before the reading of scripture. None of 
these etymologies, however, is totally con- 
vincing. In Arabic, the word makes its first 
appearance in the Qiir'an itself. 

The word sura is used ten times in the 
Qi_ir'an, all of which being rather late (see 
CHRONOLOGY AND THE cjur'an): The old- 
est evidence is C3 10:38, "Say, 'Bring a sura 
like it and [for assistance] call upon whom 
you can besides God' " (qui fa- 'tu bi-suratin 
mithlihi wa-d"u mani statu 'turn min duni lldhi), a 
verse belonging to the so-called tahaddi- 
verses (see Radscheit, Die tahaddi-Verse), 
i.e. the polemic discourse about the 
inimitability (q.v.) of qur'anic speech (see 
also WORD OF god; provocation; 
createdness of the cjur'an). The term 
"sura" is part of that debate, and it reap- 
pears in q 11:13 ^'^'^ Q. 2:23. "Sura" is 
employed in more general contexts to 
cover an unspecified text unit of the revela- 
tion (see revelation and inspiration), 
mostly in polemical contexts (like o 9:64, 
86, 124; see POLEMIC AND polemk;al 
language). It is only used once — in place 
of the more usual kitdb (see book) — in a 
hymnal annunciation of a revealed text to 
be communicated ((J 24:1). 

Thus, sura certainly has to do with 
"text," but not necessarily with a written 



text (see orality and writing in 
Arabia). It seems to denote a recited text, 
more precisely, the quantity that is pre- 
sented in public on a single occasion (see 

RECITATION OF THE Q^UR'an). It is, llOW- 

ever, highly questionable if the term sura 
was used during the Prophet's lifetime to 
denote the "chapters" of the Q;Lir'an in 
general which were only later designated as 
suras. 

It appears that the sura in the qur'anic 
context fulfills, to some degree, the func- 
tion of textual subdivisions familiar from 
Judaism and Christianity (see below; see 

SCRIPTURE AND THE OUr'aN; JEWS AND 
JUDAISM; CHRISTIANS AND CHRISTIANITY). 
But, whereas the canonical texts in those 
traditions have been subdivided for liturgi- 
cal use only after the completion and 
canonization of the textual corpus, the 
arrangement of the qur'anic text grosso 
modo seems to go back to the oral use of the 
text in the earliest community, a practice 
that preceded its codification as a whole 
(see orality). A number of suras display 
the character of intended literary units, 
composed as such for recitation; others 
seem to have been extended with repeated 
use; others again appear as collections of 
text units rather unrelated to each other 
that may not have had a Sitz im Leben in 
oral transmission. This complex problem 
still awaits evaluation. The sura as an en- 
tity with a coherent unity has not yet been 
adequately studied (see literary 

STRUCTURES OF THE Q^Ur'an), although 

there have been, more recently, new ap- 
proaches, often focusing on C3 12, Surat 
Yusuf ("Joseph"; see Mir, Coherence; id., 
The sura as a unity; id.. The qur'anic story 
of Joseph; Neuwirth, Zur Struktur; De 
Premare, Joseph et Muhammad; Sells, 
Approaching the Qur'dn; id.. Literary ap- 
proach; Waldman, New approaches; see 
also JOSEPH; narratives). 



sura(s) 



i68 



In the following, an attempt will be made 
to trace the development of the sura from 
early Meccan, to later Meccan and then to 
Medinan times (see Mecca; Medina; 

LANGUAGE AND STYLE OF THE Q^UR'an). 

Finally, a brief comparison to sections in 
other scriptures will be undertaken. 

Early Meccan suras 
To embark on an analysis of the sura as a 
literary form we must first define our 
stance vis-a-vis the Q;Lir'an as our textual 
basis. It is one task to discuss the sura as a 
fixed textual unit within the transmitted 
text and an entirely different task to discuss 
it in its earlier function as an oral com- 
munication whose context was not the 
entire corpus of the Qiir'an but rather sin- 
gle, earlier qur'anic communications (see 
OCCASIONS OF revelation) and — per- 
haps more importantly — individual re- 
ligious debates (see debate and 
disputation) that must have taken place 
among the early followers of Muhammad 
and their neighbors in their particular cul- 
tural milieu, Mecca and Medina. 
Revisionist scholarship has ruled out the 
possibility of exploring the situation of the 
first communications of cjur'anic texts, 
which are indeed impossible to re-con- 
struct in full (see post-enlightenment 
academic study of the quR'AN). Still, to 
confine the analysis to the canonical shape 
of the Qiir'an, neglecting both its complex 
referentialities and its hints to the Sitz im 
Leben of particular text units, would render 
an insufficient reading. What qur'anic 
scholarship still must do is consider sys- 
tematically both intra-qur'anic and extra- 
qur'anic evidence on the religious situation 
at the time of the Prophet. Not least the 
largely blank map of the religious setting 
of central Arabia has made revisionist 
scholars look for a different milieu for the 
genesis of the Qrir'an, jumping over, how- 
ever, the necessary step of a micro-struc- 



tural reading of the QjLir'an itself. In what 
follows, a sketch of the pre-canonical 
development of the sura as a literary genre 
will be attempted. 

The earliest suras must have been those 
that made use of the particular style 
related to the pre-Islamic kdhin, a sooth- 
sayer (q.v.) or seer, who claimed super-hu- 
man origin for his enunciations. This 
literary form is known as saj\ and it con- 
sists of short syntactical units marked by 
an expressive rhyme, often ultima-stressed 
(see RHYMED prose). This pattern of pho- 
netic correspondence between the verse 
endings (Jasila) is not only more loose than 
the poetic rhyme (qdfija), but is also more 
flexible, thus allowing semantically related 
verses to be bracketed by a rhyme of their 
own and marked off by clearly distinct 
verse-groups (see verses). The highly 
sophisticated phonetic structures produced 
by this style have been evaluated by 
Michael Sells (Approaching the Qur'dn). 
Among these earliest suras should be 
counted the following, which are cited in 
an order that roughly follows the textual 
chronology: C3 iii, 99-108, 77-97, 73-5, 
68-70, 55-6, 51-3. As against those suras 
that remain close to the kdhin speech model 
attesting the speaker's ecstatic disposition 
(e.g. (3 III, lOi, 100, 99, 84, 82, 81, 79, 77, 
etc.), there are other early suras that in 
their quiet and solemn mood (c3 95, 94, 93, 
87, 74, 73, etc.) remind one of Christian 
hymns or adaptations of psalms (q.v.) 
rather than of a pagan ritual such as the 
performance of the kdhin (see also 

POLYTHEISM AND ATHEISM; IDOLATRY AND 

idolaters). What they still have in com- 
mon is the shortness of the verses, which 
do not exceed one syntactically complete 
sentence. In those suras that remind one of 
the pagan model, the expression itself is 
often enigmatic, thus stressing the strange- 
ness that adheres to a super-human com- 
munication. A striking characteristic of 



iGg 



sura(s) 



this style is the use of oatlis (q.v.) and oath- 
clusters (see Neuwirth, Images, and also 
FORM AND STRUCTURE OF THE Q^UR'an), 
conjuring heavenly bodies (see planets 
AND stars; sun; moon), thunderstorms 
(see weather) and bands of inimical raid- 
ers, all of which are phenomena pertaining 
to the imagination of desert-dwellers 
rather than to the stock of images in the 
monotheistic tradition (see nomads; 
bedouin; desert; city; nature as signs). 

There are equally less menacing oaths 
that conjure sacred places — including 
monotheistic shrines — and sacred times, 
times of the day (see DAY, times of) that 
have been known as times of prayer (q.v.) 
in pre-Islamic times (see Neuwirth, Images 
and metaphors; see also time; sacred 
precincts; sacred and profane). These 
texts document a merger between a "pa- 
gan" form and a biblically inspired con- 
tent. Suras introduced by oath clusters, 
thus, are not necessarily imprinted by pa- 
gan thinking. On the contrary, the 
oath-cluster — a very dense and rhythmi- 
cally dynamic section — is sometimes used 
to convey the urgency, the threatening 
closeness of the catastrophe that is the only 
thing that matters in the monotheistic con- 
text: the day of judgment (see last 
judgment; apocalypse). The clusters 
here serve as a sign of alarm transposed 
into the language of the standard Arabian 
Warners (see Warner), the soothsayers. A 
comparable re-interpretation of pre- 
Islamic lore is observable with the other 
oath-clusters: "pagan" sacred times be- 
come ritually occupied by monotheistic 
cultic acts, a development that is mirrored 
in the text where praises and prayers 
continue the oath-cluster (see praise; 
laudation; pre-islamic Arabia and the 
(JUr'an). Moreover, many early suras are 
replete with hymnal elements that are stan- 
dard expressions in Christian and Jewish 
worship (q.v.; see Baumstark, Jiidischer 



Gebetstypus; Speyer, Erziihlungen). The as- 
sumption of a strong Christian presence in 
Mecca and an equally strong Jewish one in 
its vicinity, at least since the emigration 
(q.v.; hijra), and the familiarity of the 
Prophet and his followers with Christian 
and Jewish pious texts of worship, are in- 
dispensable for the understanding of the 
early suras. "Paganism" in the Qiir'an has 
to be understood not as a fixed system of 
beliefs but as the larger common denomi- 
nator of a multiple and unstable set of ele- 
ments, already strongly imbued with 
monotheist notions. 

Qur'dnic texts and liturgy 
Whereas the imperative to worship is al- 
ways there (c3 96:1: "recite in the name of 
your lord who created" [iqra' bi-smi rabbika 
lladhi khalaq]; C3 87:1: "glorify the name of 
your lord the most high" [sabbihi sma rabbika 
l-a'ld]; Q_ 96:19: "and bow down and bring 
yourself closer" [wa-sjud wa-qtarib]; 
<J 73:2-4: "stand [for prayer] much of the 
night... and recite the Qiir'an" fqtimi l-layla 
ilia qalilan... wa-rattili l-qur'dna tartilanj) and 
God is always mentioned (in the wording 
"your lord [q.v.]," rabbuka), many texts do 
not seem to be, first and foremost, 
addressed to the Prophet, but covild 
equally be addressed to the believer. This is 
a way of expression familiar from the 
Psalms where the first-person speaker is 
not necessarily the author of the psalm (see 
BELIEF and unbelief; faith). It is thus 
difficult to decide if a sura like o 93 is a 
reflex of the Prophet's biography or not 
(see siRA AND THE qur'an). There is an 
unambiguous paraphrase of a psalm (136) 
in {) 55, which, however, replaces the mem- 
ory of salvation (q.v.) history with a focus 
on the eschatological future (Neuwirth, 
Qiir'anic literary structure; see escha- 
tology). Still, the view, first presented by 
Liiling (Urtext), later in a cruder form by 
Luxenberg (Die sjro-aramdische Lesart) and 



SURA S 



170 



taken into consideration again by 
Bowering (see chronology and the 
cjur'an) that an existing Christian text may 
underhe some qur'anic sections, appears to 
be merely a hypothesis. The famihar for- 
mulas do not make up entire sections or 
strophes — as Liiling would have it — but 
are embedded in exhortative (see 
exhortations) or polemical contexts, 
that, in the early siiras, contrary to the 
later ones, frequently take the shape of 
projections of the scenario of the Qiir'an 
recitation itself, e.g. (j 53:59f: "Do you 
wonder at this speech, will you laugh and 
not weep?... Bow down to God and adore 
[him] " (a-ja-min hddha l-hadithi ta'jabun wa- 
tadhakuna wa-ld tabkun. . . fa-sjudu lilldhi wa- 
'buduj. Particularly the cultic framework in 
which the Qur'an was recited seems to 
have met opposition: q 77:48-50: "and 
when it was said to them, 'Prostrate!', they 
did not do so... and what speech after that 
will they believe?" (wa-idhd qila lahumu rka'u 
Idjarka 'un... fa-bi-ayyi hadithin ba 'dahu 
yu'minun); Q 107:4-5: "and woe to the wor- 
shipers who neglect their prayers" (fa-waj- 
lun lil-musallin alladhina hum. 'an saldtihim 
sdhun); o g6:g-io: "have you seen the one 
who prevents the servant from praying" 
[a-ra'ayta lladhiyanhd 'abdan idhd salld; cf. 
Q. 74-43) 75'3i> ^^^ Neuwirth, 
Rezitationstext). The missing reference to 
the persona of the Prophet as the transmit- 
ter in early texts may be due to the still 
undeveloped consciousness of the speaker's 
own part in the communication. 

There are at the same time unequivocal 
addresses to the Prophet, like C3 74:2 f: 
"Arise and warn and magnify your lord" 
(qumfa-andhir wa-rabbakafa-kabbir), and his 
figure gradually becomes prominent in the 
suras. Many early suras end with an ex- 
hortation to the Prophet to worship God 
either in vigils (o 52:48-9: "and glorify the 
praise of your lord as you stand and glorify 
him part of the night and at the setting of 



the stars" [wa-sabbih bi-hamdi rabbika hma 
taqum wa-mina l-laylifa-sabbihhu wa-idbdra 
l-nujum]; see vigil) or to praise him 
{q_ 56:96: "and glorify in the name of your 
lord the mighty" [fa-sabbih bi-smi rabbika 
l-'aiim]; (5 93:11: "and speak of the bounty 
of your lord" [wa-ammd bi-ni'mati rabbika 
fa-haddith]; C3 108:2: "and pray to your lord 
and sacrifice" [fa-salli li-rabbika wa-nhar]). 
Sometimes he is admonished to worship at 
the very beginning of a sura (c3 74:1 f : "O 
enshrouded one, arise and warn and mag- 
nify your lord" [yd ayyuhd l-muddaththir qum 
fa-andhir wa-rabbakafa-kabbir]). It appears 
that the early recitation took place in the 
framework of already existing rituals (see 
ritual and the q^ur'an), saldt, made up of 
riikii' and sajda (see bowing and 
prostration), being evidently already a 
rite celebrated in Mecca before 
Muhammad's mission (c3 53:62; 77:48). 
These may have taken place in privately 
held vigils as well as publicly performed 
rituals. 

There is, then, an obvious convergence of 
the early qur'anic text to liturgy. Some 
suras sound like calls for repentance (see 
REPENTANCE AND penani;e) in the face of 
the imminent coming of the day of judg- 
ment. This event is the topic of a number 
of sQras and is extensively elaborated: The 
catastrophic events that precede the 
judgment (q.v.) fill large sections of the 
early suras, although the scene of judg- 
ment is less clearly described. The 
retribution — either in punishment by fire 
(q.v.) or in the admittance to lofty gardens 
(see garden) — is of special interest (see 
REWARD AND PUNISHMENT). Indeed, the 
entire corpus of early texts pursue one 
task: to convince the listeners of the omni- 
presence of God (see god and his 
attributes) and thus of the moral respon- 
sibility (q.v.) to which they will be held on 
the last day (see also freedom and 
predestination). As with the Psalms, the 



171 



SURA S 



theme of God's generosity and philan- 
thropic concern enhances his claim to hu- 
man gratitude (see gratitude and 
ingratitude). Also as in the Psalms, 
events from salvation history are recalled: 
in Q^ 51 the story of Abraham (q.v; 
Ibrahim) and Lot (q.v.; Lut), and in Q_ 79 
the story of Moses (q.v.; Musa) and 
Pharaoh (q.v.; Fir'awn). Both are presented 
as an exhortation ['ibra; cf <J 79:26) — and 
dramatize the divine punishment for trans- 
gressors (see SIN, MAJOR AND MINOR; 
boundaries and precepts). Pharaoh's 
behavior clearly reflects that of the 
unbelievers, and his punishment is equally 
historical and eschatological (see 
CHASTISEMENT AND PUNISHMENT; HELL 
AND HELLFIRe). 

The Qiir'an developed diverse motifs and 
structures not known from earlier Arabic 
literature (see form and structure of 
THE cjur'an). Beside the eschatological 
prophecies (see prophets and 
prophethood; foretelling) that abound 
in early Meccan suras, the so-called dydt, 
"signs" (q.v.; see also verses), are also 
prominent. Several descriptions of the 
"biosphere," of copious vegetation, fauna, 
an agreeable habitat for humans, the natu- 
ral resources at their disposal, and the like, 
are incorporated into paraenetic appeals to 
recognize divine providence and accept 
divine omnipotence since all these benefits 
are signs (djdt) bearing a coded message 

(see AGRICULTURE AND VEGETATION; 

grace; blessing). Properly decoded, they 
will evoke gratitude and submission to the 
divine will. The perception of nature, 
which in pre-Islamic poetry (see poetry 
AND poets) appears alien and threatening, 
provoking the poet's heroic defiance of its 
roughness, has crystallized in the Qiir'an 
into the image of a meaningfully organized 
habitat ensuring human welfare and arous- 
ing the awareness of belonging (see 
geography). 



"Signs" (dydt) of divine omnipotence may 
also manifest themselves in history. 
Whereas extended narratives are prevalent 
in later Meccan texts, very short narra- 
tives — an invasion of Mecca (q^ 105) re- 
pelled by divine intervention (see people 
OF THE elephant), the Thamud (q.v.) 
myth about a divine punishment of dis- 
believers (Ci 91:11-15; see PUNISHMENT 
stories), the story of Pharaoh and Moses 
(o 79:15-26) — or ensembles of narratives 
like that in C3 51 including Abraham and 
Lot, Moses and Pharaoh, the 'Ad (q.v.), the 
Thamud, and Noah (q.v; Null) — or evo- 
cations of stories (c3 52, 53, 6g), occur from 
the earliest suras onward. The latter some- 
times form lists (<J 89). Somewhat longer 
narratives are introduced by the formula 
known from dydt on nature, "have you not 
seen" (a-lam tara...), later "and when..." 
(wa-idh ffa'ala]...), i.e. they are assumed to 
be known to the listeners. It is noteworthy 
that the longer narratives from early 
Meccan texts onward are split into equal 
halves, thus producing proportionate struc- 
tures ((5 51:24-37; 79:15-26; 68:17-34). 
Narratives then develop into retribution 
legends or punishment stories, serving to 
prove that divine justice (see justice and 
injustice) is at work in history, the harassed 
just being rewarded with salvation, the 
transgressors and the unbelievers punished 
by annihilation. At the same time, legends 
that are located in the Arabian peninsula 
may be read as re-interpretations of an- 
cient Arabian representations of deserted 
space. Sites no longer lie in ruins due to 
preordained natural processes, but because 
of an ecjuilibrium, maintained by divine 
providence, that balances between human 
actions and human welfare. Deserted 
sites thus acquire a meaning; they carry a 
divine message (see generations; 
geography). 

From the middle Meccan suras onward, 
polemical and apologetic sections (see 



SURA S 



172 



APOLOGETicis) Still do not refer to theoreti- 
cal, let alone dogmatic, issues in the early 
suras. In these middle Meccan texts, po- 
lemical utterances are more often than not 
directed against listeners who do not com- 
ply with the exigencies of the behavioral 
norms of the cult. These listeners are rep- 
rimanded by the speaker in situ (c3 53:59 f). 
Sometimes curses are uttered against ab- 
sent persons ((J 11 1:1 f.) or against human- 
kind in general (q 80:17; see curse). In 
other cases menaces are directed at the 
ungrateful or pretentious [q_ 114:1; see 
arrogance; insolence and obstinacy), 
and these may merge into a catalogue of 
vices {q_ 107:2-7; see virtues and vices, 
commanding and forbidding). Whereas 
in most of the early cases the adversaries 
are not granted an opportunity to reply, 
later suras do present the voices of both 
sides. 

Later Meccan surds 
Suras introduced by oath-clusters — the 
most graphic reference to the kdhin speech 
model — are no longer present once the 
sura becomes complex and polythematic. 
A turn in paradigm occurs with cj 15, a text 
that triumphantly declares the achieve- 
ment of another qur'anic text: Surat al- 
Fatiha ("The Opening," Q_ i; see Neuwirth, 
Referentiality; id., Surat al-Fatiha; see 
fatiha). Here, for the first time, an allu- 
sion is made to the existence of a particu- 
lar form of service in which scripture 
functions as the cardinal section. In such 
suras, the references to the Meccan sanctu- 
ary (haram) as the central warrant for the 
social coherence of the community have 
been replaced by new symbols. Instead of 
introductory allusions to liturgical times 
and sacred space we encounter an evoca- 
tion of the book, be it clad in an oath 
(Q. 36:2; 37:3; 38:1; 43:2; 44:2; 50:1) or in a 
deictic affirmation of its presence (<j 2:2; 
10:1; 12:1; 13:1, etc.). 



Moreover, a new framework of the mes- 
sage in terms of space is recognizable. 
Later Meccan suras broaden the scope of 
space for the listeners, who are transported 
from their local surroundings to a distant 
landscape, the holy land, familiar as the 
setting where the history of the commu- 
nity's spiritual forebears took place. The 
introduction of the direction of prayer 
towards Jerusalem (q.v.), the "first qibla 
(q.v.)," is an unequivocal testimony of this 
change in orientation (see Neuwirth, 
Spiritual meaning). The innovation is re- 
flected in q 17. In view of the increasing 
interest in the biblical heritage, it comes as 
no surprise that the bulk of the middle and 
late Meccan suras seem to mirror a mono- 
theistic worship service, starting with an 
initial dialogical section (apologetic, po- 
lemic, paraenetic) and closing with a 
related section, most frequently an affirma- 
tion of the revelation. These framing sec- 
tions have been compared to the 
ecclesiastic ecteniae, i.e. initial and conclud- 
ing responsoria recited by the priest or dea- 
con and responded to by the community. 
The center of the monotheistic worship 
service and, similarly, of the fully devel- 
oped sura of the middle and late Meccan 
period is occupied by a biblical 
reminiscence — in the case of the service, 
a lectio, and in the case of the sura, a nar- 
rative focusing on biblical protagonists. 
Ritual coherence has thus given way to 
scriptural coherence, with the more com- 
plex later suras referring to scripture both 
by their transmission of scriptural texts 
and by their being themselves dependent 
on the mnemonic-technicalities of writing 
for their conservation. It is true, however, 
that already in later Meccan suras the dis- 
tinct tripartite composition often becomes 
blurred, with narratives gradually being 
replaced by discursive sections. Many 
compositions also display secondary 
expansions — a phenomenon that still re- 



173 



SURA S 



quires further investigation. Yet, for tlie 
bulk of tlie middle and late Meccan 
suras, the claim of a tripartite composi- 
tion is sustainable (see Neuwirth, Vom 
Rezitationstext). 

Salvation history 
The Qiir'an is often criticized for lacking a 
chronological framework for the events of 
pre-qur'anic history and for the repetitive- 
ness of its narrative. While this accusation 
may hold true for the earliest qur'anic dis- 
course, that of eschatology, the situation 
changes substantially when a new para- 
digm is adopted. This new paradigm 
switches the focus from the deserted sites of 
the real homeland to the orbit of the mes- 
sengers of the People of the Book (q.v.), 
whose discourse as intermediaries between 
God and man is much more sophisticated 
(see messenger; heavenly book; 

PRESERVED TABLET). 

Although initially embedded in cata- 
logues of narratives of a partly extra-bib- 
lical tradition, stories about major biblical 
figures like Moses and a number of patri- 
archs known from the Book of Genesis 
gradually acquire a function of their own. 
They become the stock inventory of the 
central part of the longer Meccan suras 
and only rarely do they appear in other 
positions. As mentioned earlier, suras from 
the second Meccan period onward often 
form an ensemble that mirrors the enact- 
ment of a monotheistic service where the 
central position is occupied by the reading 
of scriptural texts. These sections are often 
explicitly related to a divine source labeled 
kitdb. In the qur'anic context, they are em- 
bedded in a more extensive recital, whose 
initiatory and concluding sections may 
contain liturgical but also less universal 
elements such as debates about ephemeral 
community issues. The ceremonial func- 
tion of the biblically inspired narrative as a 
festive presentation of the book is under- 



lined by introductory formulas (q ig:i6: 
"and mention Mary in the book" [wa-dhkur 
fil-kitdbi maryam]). At a later stage, when 
the particular form of the revelation com- 
municated to the Muslim community is 
regarded as a virtual scripture of its own, 
i.e. when community matters are acknowl- 
edged as part of salvation history, whole 
suras figure as manifestations of al-kitdb. 

The phenomenon of recurring narratives 
in the Qiir'an, retold in slightly diverging 
fashions, has often been interpreted as 
mere repetitions, i.e. as a deficiency of the 
Qiir'an. They deserve, however, to be stud- 
ied as testimonies of the consecutive emer- 
gence of a community and thus reflective 
of the process of canonization. They point 
to a progressively changing narrative pact, 
to a continuing education of the listeners, 
and to the development of a moral con- 
sensus that is refiected in the texts. In later 
Meccan and Medinan suras, when a large 
number of narratives are presupposed as 
being well known to the listeners, the posi- 
tion previously occupied by salvation his- 
tory narratives is replaced by mere 
evocations of narratives and debates about 
them. 

As was mentioned above, the 
early — and densely structured — parts of 
the Qur'an reflect an ancient Arabic lin- 
guistic ductus, termed saj', a prose style 
marked by very short and concise sen- 
tences with frequently changing patterns of 
particularly clear-cut, often phonetically 
expressive rhymes. Once this style has, in 
the later suras, given way to a more loose 
flow of prose, with verses often exceeding 
one complete sentence, the rhyme end 
takes the form of a simple -dn or -in pat- 
tern, which in most cases is achieved 
through a morpheme denoting masculine 
plural. One wonders how this rather me- 
chanically applied and inconspicuous end- 
ing should suffice to fulfill the listeners' 
anticipation of an end marker of the verse. 



SURA S 



174 



Upon closer examination, however, one 
discovers that the rliyme as such is no lon- 
ger charged with this end-marker function, 
but there is instead another device to mark 
the end. The verse concludes with an en- 
tire syntactically stereotypical rhymed 
phrase, which one may term cadenza — in 
analogy to the final part of speech units in 
Gregorian chants which, through their par- 
ticidar sound pattern, arouse the expecta- 
tion of an ending. In the Qiir'an what is 
repeated is not only the identical musical 
sound but a lingiustic pattern as well: a 
widely stereotypical phrasing. The musical 
sound pattern comes to enhance the mes- 
sage encoded in the qur'anic cadenza- 
phrase that in many instances introduces a 
meta-discourse. Many cadenza-phrases are 
semantically distinguished from their con- 
text and add a moral comment to it, such 
as "truly, you were one of the sinners" 
(innaki kunti min al-khdtim, cj 12:29). They 
thus transcend the main narrative or ar- 
gumentative flow of the sura, introducing a 
spiritual dimension: divine approval or 
disapproval. They may also refer to one of 
God's attributes, like "God is powerfid over 
everything" (wa-kdna Udhu 'aid kulli shay'in 
qadiran, o 33:27; see power and 
impotence), which in the later stages of 
qur'anic development become parameters 
of ideal human behavior. These meta- 
narrative insertions into the narrative or 
argumentative fabric which woidd, of 
course, in a written text, be meant for 
silent reading, appear rather disturbing, 
delaying the information process. They 
add, however, fundamentally to the impact 
of the oral recitation (see Neuwirth, Zur 
Struktur; see also verses; reciters of the 
C3Ur'an). The Qiir'an thus — as Nicolai 
Sinai has expressed it — consciously styles 
itself as a text evolving on different, yet 
closely intertwined, levels of discourse and 
mediality. Although it is true that not all 
midtipartite verses bear such formulaic 
endings, cadenzas may be considered char- 



acteristic of the later Meccan and all the 
Medinan qur'anic texts. The resounding 
cadenza, thus, replaces the earlier expres- 
sive rhyme pattern, marking a new and 
irreversible development in the emergence 
of the text and of the new faith. It imme- 
diately creates a new literary form within 
Arabic literature. 

Types of Medinan suras 
In Medina, suras not only give up their 
tripartite scheme, but they also display 
much less sophistication in the patterns of 
their composition. One type may be aptly 
termed the "rhetorical" sura or sermon 
(Q. 22, 24, 33, 47, 48, 49, 57-66; see 
RHETORIC AND THE 5)URan); they consist of 
an address to the community whose mem- 
bers are called upon directly by formidas 
such asjifl ayyuhd l-nds ((J 22:1, "Oh peo- 
ple"). In these suras, which in some cases 
((J 59, 61, 62, 64) are stereotypically intro- 
duced by initial hymnal formulas strongly 
reminiscent of the biblical Psalms, the 
Prophet (al-nabi) no longer appears as a 
mere transmitter of the message but as one 
personally addressed by God (c3 33:28, "Oh 
Prophet" [yd ayyuhd l-nabi]) or as an agent 
acting synergistically with the divine per- 
sona (q^ 33:22, "God and his Prophet" 
[alldhu wa-rasiiluhu]). A particularly graphic 
testimony of the new self-positioning of 
the Prophet is Q_ 33, particularly o 33:56. 
As against these "monolithic" addresses, 
the bulk of the Medinan suras are the most 
complex of the entire Qiir'an. Most of the 
so-called "long suras" [tiwdl al-suwar, e.g. 
C5 2-10) cease to be neatly structured com- 
positions, but appear to be the result of a 
process of collection that we can not yet 
reconstruct (see collection of the q^ur'an). 
Initial attempts to claim an intended struc- 
ture for some of these suras have been made 
by Zahniser (Word of God); but a system- 
atic study of all these suras is still an urgent 
desideratum in the field. 
Since we have to understand the Qiir'an 's 



175 



SURA S 



development as one strain of a double pro- 
cess that will result in both a scripture and 
a cultus, the long suras are most interesting 
as milestones of the development of the 
ritual backdrop of the qur'anic commu- 
nication process. Though their structure 
may be secondary, their message sheds im- 
portant light on particular ritual changes 
whose symbolic value cannot be under- 
estimated. 

Although occasional regulations — 
mostly concerning cultic matters — do 
occur in Meccan suras, more elaborate 
regulations about not only cultic but also 
communal affairs figure prominently in the 
Medinan context (see law and the 
qUR'AN). Their binding force is sometimes 
underlined by a reference to the transcen- 
dent source: "it is prescribed for you" 
[kutiba 'alaykum, cj 2:183-7). Among the most 
important ritual rulings is the ruling con- 
cerning the new direction of prayer, the 
qibla, towards Mecca (c3 2:i43f ). This 
ruling marks the separation of the com- 
munity from the Jewish listeners who ear- 
lier had been among the receivers of the 
Qiir'an — a situation that had provoked a 
re-reading of earlier texts that had been 
done from the perspective of particular 
rabbinical discourses (Neuwirth, Oral 
scriptures). Other important rulings con- 
cern the three pillars of what was to be- 
come Islamic cultus and liturgy: the 
establishment of a weekly communal ser- 
vice, the saldt al-jumu'a (cf. q 62:9; see 
FRIDAY prayer), the implementation of a 
fast (see Ramadan; fasting), introduced 
with reference to the Jewish fast — both 
still preceding the exclusion of the 
Jews — and the introduction of the hajj 
ceremony into the festive canon (c3 2:196 f, 
22:27 f; see pilgrimage). The Medinan 
regulations do not display any structured 
composition, nor do they form part of 
neatly composed units; they suggest, rather, 
later insertions into loosely connected 
contexts. 



Time, thus, in the Medinan suras be- 
comes structured by an emerging Islamic 
cultus. Simultaneously, the historical How 
of significant events starts to inform the 
consciousness of the community; indeed, 
they enter the Qiir'an as part of salvation 
history that is now perceived as encom- 
passing the emerging Islamic community 
(see COMMUNITY AND SOCIETY IN THE 
(JUr'an). a new element appearing in 
Medinan suras are accounts of contem- 
porary events experienced or enacted by 
the community, such as the battle of Badr 
(q.v; o 3:123), Uhud (o, 3:155-74), the ex- 
pulsion of the Banu 1-Nadir (q^ 59:2-5; see 
NADIR, BANU L-), the siege of Khaybar 
(c3 48:15), the expedition to Tabuk 

(q, 9:29-35; see EXPEDITIONS AND 

battles) or the farewell sermon of the 
Prophet in C) 5:1-3 (see farewell 
pilgrimage). It is noteworthy that these 
reports do not display a special artistic lit- 
erary shaping, nor do they betray any par- 
ticular pathos. It comes as no surprise, 
then, that, unlike the situation in Judaism 
and Christianity, where biblical history has 
been fused to form a mythical drama of 
salvation, no such great narrative has 
arisen from the Qiir'an itself. A meta- 
historical blueprint of the genesis of 
Islam was constructed only later, through 
the sira. 

Sura — parashah — perikope 
The surely ancient division of the Qiir'an 
into sections, some of which may already 
have been called suras during the Prophet's 
lifetime, has ruled out a later pericopiza- 
tion such as occurred in Judaism and 
Christianity (see Neuwirth, Three religious 
feasts). Both Judaic and Christian ortho- 
doxy bind biblical texts to particular 
temporal frames. To quote Yerushalmi 
[Jewish history, 15 f ): 

The Pentateuchal narratives, which 
brought the historical record up to the 



sura(s) 



176 



eve of the conquest of Canaan, together 
with the weekly lesson from the prophets, 
were read aloud in the synagogue from 
beginning to end. The public reading was 
completed triennially in Palestine, annually 
in Babylonia (as is the custom today), and 
immediately the reading would begin again. 

In an analogous way, the Gospels (q.v.) in 
the Orthodox churches — having replaced 
in Christianity the Torah (q.v.) as the core 
of scriptures — are distributed over the 
course of the year, "cut" into pericopes 
{Greek perikope) and thus reflect the Jewish 
reading of weekly chapters of the Torah 
[Rehrew parashah). This cycle of readings 
from the core of the scripture is accom- 
panied, as in Judaism, by a second se- 
quence of texts taken from other parts of 
the scriptures. The Pauline letters (Greek 
apostolos) and additional readings from the 
historical or prophetic books of the 
Hebrew Bible [Greek propheteia) are meant 
to elucidate the pericopes from the core 
texts, the Gospels. This, of course, con- 
tinues the tradition of the readings from 
the prophets in Judaism (Hebrew haftarah), 
a corpus undisputed in its rank as a vital 
complement and a necessary exegetical 
context for the Torah. 

As against that, no annual cycle of scrip- 
tural reading exists in Islam; the qur'anic 
text has never been divided into required 
weekly or daily portions to be read out in 
public services. That means that a con- 
tinuous recollection of salvation history 
from creation (q.v.) to redemption, as in 
Christianity (see also fall of man), does 
not take place during the weekly ritual nor 
is the believers' predicants and salvation — 
their ever again being saved by divine in- 
tervention, as in Judaism — , made present 
through the weekly service. Suras as 
such — even if arranged in an annual 
cycle of recitations — would not fulfill the 
task of the parasha/i or perikope to "repre- 



sent" salvation history. Reflective as the 
suras are of certain stages of the proto- 
Muslim communal development, they lack 
interest in an extended linear memorial 
representation of salvation history in its 
entirety. Yet the Qiir'an has been justly 
credited with having generated "a ceremo- 
nial of textual repetition with a pro- 
nouncedly obsessional character" 
(al-Azmeh, Muslim canon). This is, of 
course, due to its very structure, which pre- 
disposes it to be chanted. As the reciter 
with his chant re-enacts the practice of the 
Prophet's own recitation, he is — like the 
Prophet — free to select "whatever is easy 
for him to recite" (cf. (3 73:20, md tayassara 
mina l-qur'dni) be it an entire sura or only a 
section of it. 

Angelika Neuwirth 

Bibliography 
A. al-Azmeh, The Muslim canon from late 
antiquity to the era of modernism (unpublished 
paper presented at the Wissenschaftskolleg zu 
Berlin, 1997); A. Baumstark, Jiidischer und 
christlicher Gebetstypus im Koran, in Der Islam 
16 (1927), 229-48; O. Hamdan, Studien zur 
Kanonisierung des Koran. Al-Hasan al-Basn und die 
Religionspolitik der Umayyaden, Wiesbaden 
(Harrassowitz) 2005 (forthcoming); J. Horovitz, 
Jewish proper names and derivatives in the 
Koran, in The Hebrew Union College annual 2 
(1925), 145-227; id., _K(7;Jeffery, For vocab.; G. 
Liiling, Uber den Ur-Qur'dn. Ansdtze zar Rekonstruk- 
tion uorislamishcer christlicher Strophenlieder im Qilr'an, 
Erlangen 1974; Eng. trans. A challenge to Islam for 
reformation. The rediscovery and reliable reconstruction 
of a comprehensive pre-Islamic Christian hymnal hidden 
in the Koran under earliest Islamic reinterpretations, 
Delhi 2003; reviewed by Ibn Rawandi, On pre- 
Islamic Christian strophic poetical texts in the 
Koran. A critical look at the work of Giinter 
Liiling, in Ibn Warraq (ed.), What the Koran really 
says, Amherst 2002, 653-710; Ch. Luxenberg, Die 
syro-aramdisiche Lesart des Koran. Ein Beitrag zur 
EntschlUsselung der Koransprache, Berlin 2000; 
M. Mir, Coherence in the Qur'dn. A study of IsldhVs 
concept of na^m in Tadabbur-i Qur'dn, Indianapolis 
1986; id., The qur'anic story of Joseph. Plot, 
themes and characters, in MW^^ (1986), 1-15; id., 
The sura as a unity. A twentieth century develop- 
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177 



SUSPKUON 



Shared, Approaches, 211-24; A. Neuwirth, Images 
and metaphors in the introductory sections of 
the Makkan suras, in Hawting and Shareef, 
Approaches, 3-36; id., Oral scriptures in contact. 
The bibhcal story of the Calf of Gold and its 
biblical subtext between narrative, cult, and 
communal debate, in S. Wild (ed.), Self 
referentiality in the Qur'dn, in preparation; id., 
Qur'anic literary structure revisited. Surat al- 
Rahman between mvthic account and 
decodation of myth, in S. Leder (ed.), Story-telling 
in the framework of non-fictional Arabic literature, 
Wiesbaden 1998, 388-421; id., Referentiality and 
textuality in Sural al-hijr. Some observations on 
the qur'anic "canonical process" and the 
emergence of a community, in I. Boullata, 
Literary structures of religious meaning in the Qur'dn, 
Richmond 2000, 143-72; id., Studien zur 
Komposition der mekkanischen Suren, Berlin 1981; id., 
Three religious feasts between texts of violence 
and liturgies of reconciliation, in Th. Scheftler 
(ed.). Religion between violence and reconciliation, 
Beirut 2002, 49-82; id., Vom Rezitationstext iiber 
die Liturgie zum Kanon. Zur Entstehung und 
Wiederauflosung der Surenkomposition im 
Verlauf der Entwicklung eines islamischen 
Kultus, in Wild, Text, 69-105; id., Zur Struktur 
der Yusuf-Sure, in W. Diem and S. Wild (eds.), 
Studien aus Arabistik und Semitistik. Anton Spitaler zum 
siebzigsten Geburtstag von seinen Schiilern uberreicht, 
Wiesbaden 1980, 123-52; Noldeke, gq; A.-L. 
Vve\m.re, Joseph et Muhammad. Le chapitre 12 du 
Goran, Aix-en-Provence 1998; G.R. Puin, 
Observations on early Qur'an manuscripts in 
San'a', in Wild, Text, 107-11; M. Radscheit, Die 
koranische Herausf order ung. Die tahaddi- Verse im 
Rahmen der Polemik-Passagen des Koran s, Berlin 1996; 
M. Sells, Approaching the Qur'dn. The new revelations, 
selections, translations, and commentaries by Michael 
Sells, London 1999; id., A literary approach to 
the hymnic suras in the Qiu''an. Spirit, gender 
and aural intertextuality, in I. Boullata (ed.). 
Literary structures of religious meaning in the Qur'dn, 
Richmond 2000, 3-25; id., Sound, spirit and 
gender in Surat al-Qadr, iny^io^ 11 (1991}, 
239-59; ^- ■^inai. From qur'an to kitab, in 
M. Marx, A. Neuwirth and N. Sinai (eds.). The 
Qur'dn in context. Historical and literary investigations 
into the cultural milieu of the Qur'dn, Beirut (forth- 
coming); Speyer, Erzdhlungen; M.R. Waldman, 
New approaches to "biblical" materials in the 
Qur'an, in W.M. Brinner and S.D. Ricks (eds.). 
Papers presented at the Institute of Islamic-Judaic 
Studies. Center for Judaic Studies, Atlanta 1986, 
47-63; Wansbrough, QS; Y.H. Yerushalmi, ^akhor. 
Jewish history and Jewish memory, Seattle 1982; 
A.H.M. Zahniser, The word of God and the 
apostleship of 'Isa. A narrative analysis of Al 
Imran (3:33-62), in 75537 (1991), 77-112. 



'surrenaer see war; fighting 



Suspicion 

Feeling, thought or instance of tentative 
belief without ground or sufficient evi- 
dence; an inclination to accuse or doubt 
the innocence of someone or to question 
the genuineness or truth of something. The 
adjective "suspicious" denotes someone or 
something that arouses distrust, that ap- 
pears to be neither sound nor trustworthy 
(see TRUST AND patienge). The meaning 
of the English word suspicion and various 
other forms of the verb to suspect are con- 
veyed by a number of Arabic words that 
can be derived from the roots ^-n-n, r-y-b, 
sh-b-k, t-h-m, sh-k-k. Some of these words, 
however, belong to the semantic field of 
suspicion only in a wider sense and when 
accompanied by particular other terms, 
since they originally denote acts of accusa- 
tion, expressions of doubt and distrust or 
other kinds of thought (see un(;ertainty). 
Suspicion — in the sense of entertaining 
thoughts without evidence or doubts about 
the existence of God and his power (see 
polytheism and atheism; gratitude 
and ingratitude; power and impo- 
tence) or about the genunineness of his 
messengers (see messenger; prophets 
AND prophethood; lie) — is represented 
in various places in the Qiir'an as an 
attitude that displays or leads to unbelief 
(see BELIEF AND unbelief). For example, in 
q 41:22-3 the enemies (q.v.) of God are 
described as people who wrongly thought 
(^anna) that God would be unable to know 
what they were doing (see hidden and the 
hidden); such people will be punished on 
the day of final judgment for the wrongs 
they commited based on this suspicion (see 
last judgment; reward and punish- 
ment), q 45-24 mentions the lack of knowl- 
edge [%lm; see knowledge and learning; 



SUSTENANCE 



178 



ignorance) that is compounded by sus- 
picion and speculation (ya^unnuna) as a 
trait of tlie atlieists wlio believe that only 
time (q.v.) will determine their fate (q.v.). 
The followers of Muhammad who failed to 
support him during his campaign against 
the enemies of God are described in 
C3 3:154 as temporarily entertaining suspi- 
cious thoughts about God (ya^unnuna bi- 
lldhi ghayra l-haqqi) that resemble those that 
are characteristic for the times of pre- 
Islamic paganism (see hypocrites and 
hypoi;risy; age of ignorance; 
EXPEDITIONS and battles). Ill C3 6:ii6 the 
believer is enjoined not to adopt the opin- 
ion of the majority of those living on earth 
because they follow but their conjecture. 
C3 10:36 implies that the unbelievers replace 
firm reliance on the truth (q.v.; haqq) as 
announced by God with pure conjecture 
(^ann). Also in other verses, words of the 
root ^-n-n are used to describe the suspi- 
cion of those who doubt the capacities of 
God or his messengers, as in {) 72:7, where 
Muhammad, referring to a dream (see 
DREAMS and sleep), puts those among the 
jinn (q.v.) who are of the opinion that God 
is not able to raise anyone on the day of 
final judgment in the context of unbelief 
(see resurrection; death and the dead; 
eschatology). In Q, 12:110 even some 
messengers of God are described as losing 
faith (q.v.) and temporarily suspecting 
(^annuj that God has told them lies. 
There are other passages in the holy scrip- 
ture where suspicion is mentioned without 
any reference to words that originate from 
the root ^-n-n. For example, this is the case 
in the episode of C3 24:11-20 in which the 
Prophet's wife, 'A'isha (see wives of the 
prophet; 'a'isha bint abi bakr), is sus- 
pected of an aberration without any jus- 
tification and where the believers are 
enjoined not to speak of something of 
which they have no knowledge (see 
gossip). 



Firm and unquestioned belief in the 
power of God and in the truth of his mes- 
sengers is an indispensible characteristic of 
the true believers, who distinguish them- 
selves from the unbelievers in that they do 
not doubt (lamyartdbii) the existence of 
God or his messengers (q 49:15). Suspicion 
is identified also as ethically reprehensible 
in o 49:12, where the believers are called 
upon to avoid undue suspicion (lannj as an 
act that in some cases is tantamount to a 
sin [ithm; see sin, major and minor; 

ETHICS AND THE C^Ur'an). 

Lutz Wiederhold 

Bibliography 
Primary; 'Abd-al-BaqT; Arberry; Damaghanl, 
WujUh, ed. al-Zafltl, ii, 61-2 (lann, shakk, tuhma); 
i, 371 (rayb); Lane; M. Sawar (ed.), al-Qur'an 
al-kanm bi-l-rasm al-'uthmdm wa-bi-hdmishihi 
Tafsir al-Jaldlayn, Beirut n.d. 
Secondary: T. Izutsu, The structure of the ethical 
terms in the Koran, Tokyo 1959, 128-9 {t^^^ vs. 'ilm: 
ft 53:28-9; 10:37; 53:19-23; 10:67); 239-40 (on 
<i 48:12, lanna l-saw'i). 



Sustenance 

Nutritional or financial support. In its vari- 
ous and numerous nominal-verbal forms, 
the root consonants r-z-q provide the key 
qur'anic sense of "sustenance" understood 
more particularly as that which sustains life 
(q.v.) and health (see illness and health) 
but in places suggests, too, that which 
provides a livelihood (see wealth). 
Another word signifying "sustenance" 
[aqwdt, sing, qut) occurs once only (q 41:10) 
in a description of God's creation (q.v.) of 
the world. The great provider or sustainer 
({) 5:114; 22:58; 62:11) is, of course, God 
(see GOD AND HIS attributes), who orders 
people in (j 2:60 to "Eat and drink of 
God's sustenance" (and cf. o 20:131 f; see 
FOOD AND drink). In Other places this 
sustenance (rizq) is described as "honor- 



179 



SUSTENANCE 



able" (kanm, Q_ 8:4; 22:50; 33:31) or "lawful" 
[tayyibdt, C) 7:32; see lawful and 
unlawful), or "goodly" [hasan, o 16:67; 
see GOOD AND evil). It constitutes one of 
God's "signs" (q.v.; dydt, ft 45:5; cf 40:13); 
and it is even evidence of the genuineness 
of prophecy (ft 11:88; see prophets and 
prophethood; revelation and 
inspiration). In one instance, a more 
strictly secular context is found in o 18:19 
where it means provisions purchased from 
a city (q.v.) market (see markets). 

The concept illustrates the central 
qur'anic theme of the uniqueness of God 
over and against other mere pretensions to 
divinity (see polytheism and atheism) 
and the dependence of everything upon 
his power (see power and impotence), 
will (see freedom and predestination) 
and mercy (q.v.). Having created the jinn 
(q.v.) and humankind to worship (q.v.) him, 
God has no need that they give him sus- 
tenance (<i 51:57). Indeed, Abraham (q.v.) 
warned his people (see Warner) that the 
idols (see idols and images) they wor- 
shiped could not even provide their daily 
bread (q.v), so they should seek instead the 
bounty of God (q 2:22; 16:73; 29:17), whose 
sustenance was better and more abiding 
(c3 20:131). Compared to God, comments 
al-Tabari (d. 310/923), idols could neither 
harm nor benefit, neither create nor pro- 
vide for their followers. God's power, on 
the other hand, was such that he could 
increase or restrict the livelihood of whom- 
soever he wished (ft 13:26; 29:62; 30:37; 
34:36). This applied equally to rewards in 
the afterlife as in this life (see reward and 
punishment; chastisement and 
punishment; eschatology), as God pos- 
sessed the keys to both (ft 42:12; also 
ft 65:1). Al-Tabari observes that he who 
revelled in the life of this world was ig- 
norant of the favor and felicity of the af- 
terlife that God bestowed on those who 
believed (see belief and unbelief) and 



obeyed (see obedieniie). Yet, whosoever 
enjoyed God's bounty in greater abun- 
dance than others enjoy and was loath to 
share with those for whom he was respon- 
sible denied God's blessings (ft 4:8 f; 16:71; 
also ft 22:28, on giving to the distressed 
and needy; see lie; poverty and the 
poor). The collections of al-Bukharl 
(d. 256/870) and Muslim (d. 261/875) pre- 
serve the Prophet's saying that a dependent 
whom God has placed under one's author- 
ity (q.v.) must be fed and clothed in the 
same measure as one would treat himself 
(see maintenance and upkeep; orphans). 
If conditions of poverty caused fear that 
one's children (q.v.) could not be fed, 
clothed and sheltered, they must not be 
killed, for God would provide for all 
(ft 6:151; see infanticide). 

The believer's proper response to God's 
munificence, as throughout the Qiir'an, is 
gratitude (ft 29:17; see gratitude and 
ingratitude). In one passage (ft 36:47), 
however, the echo of debate with unbeliev- 
ers (see debate and disputation; 
provocation) is found in their mocking 
rejoinder to being urged to spend on others 
from what God had provided them: "Shall 
we feed anyone whom, if (your) God had 
willed, he could have fed himself?" 

Ibn Khaldun (d. 784/1382), citing ft 29:17, 
"So, seek sustenance from God," distin- 
guishes between God-given "sustenance" 
and "profit," the latter being that part of a 
person's livelihood obtained by one's own 
effort and strength (see work). He alludes 
to, but does not discuss, the Mu'tazill argu- 
ment of sustenance that they insist must be 
rightfully gained and possessed (see 

MU'tAZILA; theology and the ftUR'AN). 

David Waines 

Bibliography 
Primary: Bukhari, Sahih; Damaghani, Wujuh, ed. 
al-Zafltl, i, 372-3 (rizq); Ibn Khaldun-Rosenthal, 
ii, 311-13; Lisan al-'Arab; Muslim, Salnh; Tabarl, 
Tafsn, ed. Shakir (to (^ 14:27); ed. 'All et al. 



SYMBOLIC IMAGERY 



i8o 



Secondary; van Ess, TG, iv, 497-9 (on rizq in 
theology); A. Ghabin, Sina'a, in Ef, ix, 625-9; 
D. Giniaret, Les noms divins en Islam, Paris 1988, 
397-400 (rdziq, razz^g); J.T). McAnliffe, Rizq (in 
tlie Kur'an), in Ef, viii, 568. 



ouwa see IDOLS and images 

Swear see oath; curse 

Swine see lawful and unlawful; food 

AND drink 



Symbolic Imagery 

The use of allusion and figurative language 
to produce vivid descriptions and complex 
levels of meaning. The symbolic imagery 
in the Qiir'an arises out of the symbolic 
imagery of previous revelations as well as 
out of the poetic conventions of pre- 
Islamic Arabia (see scripture and the 
cjur'an; poetry and poets; pre-islamic 
ARABIA AND THE ^ur'an). While a key 
verse in the Qur'an (q 3:7) has sometimes 
been read to suggest that Muslims should 
not attempt to interpret its more ambigu- 
ous (q.v.) or symbolic passages, most 
Muslim exegetes (see exegesis of the 
qur'an: classical and medieval) have 
not shied away from examining the sym- 
bolic imagery that radiates from virtually 
every chapter of the sacred text. Since the 
Qiir'an is first and foremost an oral text 
(see orality; orality and writing in 
Arabia; recitation of the cjur'an), 
studies of symbolic imagery should not be 
limited to its visual dimension but should 
also take into account its aural dimension. 
At this stage in qur'anic studies, however, 
much more attention has been paid to the 
Qiir'an's visual symbolism and the discus- 
sion that follows will focus upon examples 
of this visual dimension of qur'anic 



imagery with particular emphasis on its use 
of paired symbolic concepts (see pairs and 
pairing). 

Symbolic imagery of paradise and hellfire 
Passages throughout the Qur'an use rich 
figurative language, often employing sym- 
bols that refer to desert life (see bedouin; 
Arabs) or to poetic conventions that would 
have been familiar to those who first heard 
the revelations in seventh century Arabia. 
For example, Angelika Neuwirth has 
shown how the Qiir'an combines oath 
statements (see oaths) with symbolic al- 
lusions to tribal raids in order to construct 
meaning through what she calls a "matrix 
of images" or Bildmatrix (see Neuwirth, 
Images; see also rhetoric and the 
q,ur'an; form and structure or the 
(JUr'an). The qur'anic use of desert im- 
agery takes place on a more mundane level 
as well, for instance in its juxtaposition of 
the heat of the open desert with the cool of 
the oasis (see HOT and cold), a contrast 
that would have been immediately com- 
prehensible to anyone living in such an 
environment. Understanding this latter 
type of symbolic imagery helps one to 
understand the juxtaposition between the 
tortures of the fire (q.v.) of hell (see hell 
and hellfire) and the pleasures of the 
garden (cj.v.) of paradise (q.v.). In addition, 
the cool oasis evokes the trope of the fertile 
garden and the remembrance of the lost 
beloved that typically opens the early 
Arabian odes. The example of the garden 
thus illustrates how pre-existing associa- 
tions serve as a vast repository of symbols 
that the Qiir'an draws upon in order to 
produce meaning in a new Islamic context. 

The Qiir'an uses some of its most fre- 
quent symbolic imagery to refer to the two 
abodes of the next life, paradise and hell- 
fire. Although different passages sometimes 
expand upon distinct aspects of paradise. 



i8i 



SYMBOLU; IMAGERY 



this realm is almost invariably depicted as 
a garden of cool, luxurious abundance 
through which rivers flow (see water of 
paradise; springs and fountains). 
Hellfire, on the other hand, becomes as- 
sociated with a number of more complex 
depictions and allusions, evoked through 
Arabic terms such as jahannam,jahim, 
hdwiya, hutama, and the most basic, al-ndr, 
"the fire." Although these varied terms are 
connected to the idea of judgment (q.v.) 
and hellfire in some fashion, to collapse 
them into one collective term "hell" is to 
do violence to the subtleties of the qur'anic 
symbolic discourse (Sells, Approaching, 24-6). 
The Quran refers to fire in a personified 
form in a couple of cases (5) 21:40; 70:15-18) 
and in another as a metonym for idolatry 
(q^ 40:41-2; see Sabbagh, Metaphore, go; see 
idolatry and idolaters). It is important 
to recognize, however, that the Qiir'an 
does not always use fire as synonymous 
with hellfire, idolatry or evil (see good and 
evil). For instance, a verse compares the 
light (q.v.) of a campfire a person builds to 
the light of guidance that God is able to 
take away (c3 2:17; cf. also the fire image in 
the famous "Light Verse" of q 24:35). 

Just as fire is a multivalent symbol in the 
Qiir'an, despite its frequent association 
with hellfire, so water (q.v.) expresses mul- 
tiple values, despite its frequent association 
with paradise. As discussed above, refer- 
ences to the rivers of paradise are ubiq- 
uitous and the sending down of rain is 
often connected symbolically to God's 
sending down of revelations (q 30:49; 
31:34; 42:28; see Toelle, Coran, 115-20; cf 
Lings, Qpranic symbolism; see 
REVELATION AND INSPIRATION) or blessings 
(see blessing; grace). Water also appears 
in the Qiir'an with reference to the flood, 
the treacherous seas and the destructive 
capacities of rain (see weather; 
PUNISHMENT STORlEs). The complex use of 



water symbolism also appears in pre- 
Islamic poetry and evokes the worldview 
of the desert environment in which the 
Qiir'an was first revealed. 

Symbolic pairs that distinguish belief from unbelief 
As with hellfire and paradise, the Qur'an 
contains a number of other paired con- 
cepts whose symbolic meanings transcend 
their simple juxtaposition. One of the most 
important of these paired concepts is the 
distinction between belief and unbelief 
(q.v.). This binary relationship forms the 
basis for a whole series of .symbolic bina- 
ries in the Qur'an: from hearing and deaf- 
ness (q.v.; see also anatomy and ears) to 
sight and blindness (see vision and 
blindness; seeing and hearing; eyes); 
from fertile and withered crops (see 
agriculture and vegetation) to the 
split between humans and animals (see 
animal life); from the distinction between 
the straight path and wandering lost (see 
astray; error) to the ubiquitous imagery 
of light and darkness (q.v). The juxtaposi- 
tion between the believers and their ad- 
versaries (see enemies) in the Qur'an 
provides the basis for some of the most 
expressive of its similes (q.v.), metaphors 
(see metaphor), and parables (see 
parable). 

For instance, the aforementioned Light 
Verse (q^ 24:35; see verses) offers an image 
of God as light and of God's light as of an 
oil lamp in a niche. These images form 
complex symbols that have generated mul- 
tiple and diverse interpretations by Muslim 
exegetes. The images are followed by the 
idea of light as a symbol of God's guid- 
ance: "God guides to his light whom he 
wills, God strikes parables for people, 
and in all things God is most knowing" 
(see freedom and predestination; 
knowledge and learning). This 
equation between light and guidance is 



SYMBOLIC IMAGERY 



182 



developed in a number of other passages 
(e.g. o 2:257; 4:174; 14:5) and is sometimes 
explicitly associated with God's revelations 
of the scriptures (e.g. c) 5:15, 44, 46). 

In addition to the "parables" (amthdl) 
mentioned in the Light Verse, the verses 
that immediately follow it contrast the be- 
lievers who remember God with the dis- 
believers who presumably do not (see 
memory; remembrance; gratitude and 
ingratitude), the latter of whom are de- 
scribed in a pair of expressive similes: 

And [as for] those who disbelieve, their 
works are like a mirage in a level plain that 
the thirsty one considers water until he 
comes to it and finds nothing. . . Or like 
darkness in a fathomless sea, covered by 
wave upon wave, over which are dark 
clouds, some above others. When one puts 
out one's hand, one almost cannot see it. 
He for whom God does not make a light, 
he does not have a light (o 24:39-40). 

The first of these similes makes use once 
again of the imagery of the desert, where 
one who has gone astray and is dying of 
thirst believes his deeds are bringing him to 
water, while they are actually bringing him 
to nothing (cf. <j 13:14). In other passages, 
the Qiir'an employs different similes to 
suggest the futility of the deeds of those 
who deny the qur'anic message, comparing 
their deeds to ashes (q.v.) blown about 
(c3 14:18; see good deeds; evil deeds; air 
and wind) or to empty noises and gestures 
(c3 8:35). In the above passage, the water 
imagery derives from the idea of paradise 
as a garden in which rivers flow, a destina- 
tion that this wayward traveler mistakenly 
believes is ahead of him. The second simile 
that follows the famous Light Verse is 
sometimes known as the Darkness Verse 
((J 24:40) and it enriches the image of the 
light of God's guidance with a description 
of the darkness surrounding the unbe- 



liever. Not only is such a person without a 
light but surging and billowing darkness 
encompasses him or her on all sides: the 
deep and dark waters below, the layers of 
wave upon wave all around, the layers of 
dark clouds above, resulting in darkness so 
complete that sight is practically impos- 
sible. The symbolism of this Darkness 
Verse not only refers back to the Light 
Verse that precedes it and the idea of guid- 
ance, but it also evokes the vision/blind- 
ness binary as a trope for the distinction 
between belief and unbelief, as mentioned 
previously. 

While images of light and darkness are 
frequently associated with the idea of guid- 
ance or lack thereof, another qur'anic sym- 
bol associated with this idea is that of the 
straight road or path [al-sirdt al-mustaqim; 
see PATH or way). This symbol implies 
that there are many ways to travel off the 
straight road, all of which will lead one to 
wander astray. The "opening" chapter of 
the Qiir'an, Surat al-Fatiha (see fatiha) 
mentions this trope in its verse, "Guide us 
on the straight road" (c3 1:6), and this same 
straight road appears in at least thirty 
other qur'anic passages. In a few escha- 
tological passages, this concept of a 
straight path takes concrete form in the 
image of the narrow bridge that spans the 
chasm between this world and the next 
(see eschatology). 

In other passages, the symbol of the road 
or path appears in a related but somewhat 
broader symbolic context, for example 
when the Qiir'an describes righteous be- 
havior as climbing the steep uphill pass 
{al-'aqaba, c) 90:11). The text explains the 
symbol in the following fashion: 

What can tell you of the steep pass? 

To free a slave (see slaves and slavery) 

To feed the destitute on a day of hunger 

(see famine), 

a kinsman orphan (q.v.). 



i83 



SYMBOLIC IMAGERY 



or a poor man in need (see poverty and 
THE poor). 

Be of those who keep the faith (q.v.), who 
counsel one anotlier to patience (see TRtJST 
AND patience), who counsel to compas- 
sion. They are of the right (see LEFT hand 
AND RIGHT hand). As for those who cast 
our signs (q.v.) away, they are of the left; 
over them a vault of fire (c3 go:i2-2o). 

This passage begins with a mysterious sym- 
bolic reference, signaled by the use of the 
phrase "what can tell you of" (md adrdka 
md) which typically introduces terms that 
require further elaboration. The allusion to 
the "steep pass" ('aqaba) here is followed by 
an explanation of the term as a spiritual 
metaphor. 

The description of the "steep pass" above 
illustrates another category of binary sym- 
bols found in the Q;Lir'an, the juxtaposition 
between left and right as morally-charged 
concepts. While this juxtaposition is obvi- 
ously an ancient one, the qur'anic dis- 
course was revealed in the context of an 
Arabian culture in which the left hand was 
considered unclean and the right was used 
for swearing oaths (see contracts and 
alliances). In addition, the Qvir'an refers 
to people "whom your right hand pos- 
sesses" in reference to those people under 
one's control, such as war captives (q.v.) or 
slaves (e.g. Q 4:3, 24-5, 33-6; 24:33, 58; 
30:28). The passage above, however, shows 
how other verses in the Qi_ir'an invest the 
categories of left and right with moral sig- 
nification, associating the former with evil 
and the latter with good (see ethics and 
THE our'an). The distinction between the 
"people of the right" (ashdb al-jamin/al- 
maymana) and the "people of the left" 
(ashdb al-mash'ama/al-shimdl) in C3 90 above 
is elucidated at greater length in o 56. 
Here the former are said to rest content- 
edly in a garden paradise, while the latter 
face punishment in a scorching hellfire 



[fl 56:8-9, 27-38, 41-56, 90-4; see reward 
and punishment). Yet other passages de- 
pict the blessed receiving their book of 
deeds in their right hands on the last day 
(see heavenly book; last judgment), as 
opposed to those unfortunate enough to be 
given their books in another fashion. Such 
examples illustrate the symbolic weight 
that the Qvir'an invests in the concepts of 
right and left, especially when it comes to 
eschatological judgment. 

hnagery of the last day 
Beyond the eschatological references dis- 
cussed above, the Qiir'an presents graphic 
descriptions of what the world will be like 
on the last day (see apocalypse). In these 
passages, those things thought to be stable 
are ripped apart, the graves are opened 
and the earth yields up its secrets as if a 
mother giving birth (e.g. (j gg). One par- 
ticularly striking apocalyptic passage is 
found in C3 lOi, The Calamity (Surat al- 
Qari'a), in which the phrase "what can tell 
you" appears twice to introduce two pre- 
sumably unfamiliar concepts: 

The qdri'a 

What is the qdri'a 

What can tell you of the qdri'a 

A day humankind are like moths scattered 

(ka-l-fardsh al-mabthuth) 

And mountains are like fluffs of wool 

(ka-l- 'ihn al-manjush) 

Whoever's scales weigh heavy (thaqulat 

mawdzinuhu; see weights and measures) 

His is a life that is pleasing (rddiya) 

Whoever's scales weigh light (khaffatun 

mawdzinuhu) 

His mother is hdwiya (see pit) 

What can tell you what she is (wa-md adrdka 

md hiya) 

Raging fire (ndrun hdmiyatun, Q^ ioi:i-ii). 

This sura offers a pair of similes to help 
describe the "calamity" (al-qdri'a) through 



symbolic images. Tlie image of people be- 
coming like "moths scattered" conjures up 
ideas of confused dispersion, rapid move- 
ment and mortal frailty. The image of 
mountains becoming like "fluffs of wool" 
illustrates how a thing that many humans 
see as a symbol of solidity and perma- 
nence transforms on the last day into 
something that will be cut from its roots 
and pliable. The concept of scales of judg- 
ment appears graphically in this sura, 
offering a concrete visual image of deeds 
being literally weighed in the balance on 
the last day. Michael Sells has argued that 
the sound cjuality of the consonants that 
end the verses (see rhymed prose) help to 
extend the similes "into more elaborate 
metaphors," and that the terms "are 
heavy" (thaqulat) and "are light" (khaffat) as 
used in the scale imagery "have onomato- 
poetic effects" [SeWs, Approaching, 178). This 
insight reminds us that when examining 
the symbolic imagery of the Qiir'an, not 
only vistial images but also aural images 
("soinid figures") help to generate layers of 
meaning that deserve scholarly attention. 

Frederick S. Colby 

Bibliography 
Bint al-Shati' {'AHsha 'Abd ai-Rahman), al-TafsTr 
al-baydm lil'Qur^dn, Cairo 1962; M. Lings, The 
qoranic symbolism of water, in Studies in compa- 
rative religion 2 (1968), 153-60; T. Lohman, Die 
Gleichnisreden Muliammeds im Koran, in Mitteilungen 
des Institutsfur Orientforschung [Berlin] 12 (1966), 
75-118; 416-69; A. Neuwirth, Images and 
metaphors in the introductory sections of the 
Makkan suras, in Hawting and Shareef, 
Approaches, 3-36; T.J. O'Shaughnessey, God's 
throne and the biblical symbolism of the Qiir'an, 
in J^umen 20 (1973}, 202-21; R. Paret, Symbolik des 
Islam, Stuttgart 1958, completed by J. Chr. Biirgel 
and Fr. Allemann, Symbolik des Islam, Stuttgart 
1975; T. Sabbagh, La metaphore dans le Coran, Paris 
1943; W. Saleh, Formation of the classical tafsTr 
tradition, Leiden 2004, 119-24; M. Sells, 
Approaching the Qur'dn. The early revelations, 
Ashland, OR 1999; id., Sound and meaning in 
Surat al-C^ari'a, in Arabica 40 (1993), 403-30; 



M. Siddiqi, Who is who in the holy Qur'dn? Qur'dnic 
names and symbols, Lahore 1994; M. Sister, 
Metaphern und Vergleiche im Koran, in 
Mitteilungen des Seminars Jilr Orientalische sprachen ZM 
Berlin. 2 Abt. Westasiatische Studien 34 (1931), 
103-54; H. Toelle, Le Coran revisite. Lefeu, Peau, 
I'air et la terre, Damascus 1999; B. WardT, Hawla 
rumuz al-Qur'dn, Casablanca 1983; Watt-Bell, 
Introduction. 



Synagogue see jews and judaism; 

RELIGIOUS PLURALISM AND THE OUr'aN 



Synonyms see arabic language 



Syria 

In the larger sense, Syria (in Arabic al- 
Shdm) extended from the Euphrates 
River/Amanus Mountains to the Gulf of 
Clysma/Suez. The region was known to 
the pre-Islamic Arabs (q.v.), especially the 
Meccans, whose caravans (see caravan) 
traversed the spice-route, the two termini 
of which, Gaza and Busra, were visited by 
them, as was the Sinai (q.v.) peninsula (see 
also pre-islamic Arabia and the 
q^ur'an). 

The term Syria or al-Sham does not 
appear in the Qur'an but, as al-Sham 
included the holy land, references to it in 
the Qiir'an as the land of the biblical 
prophets and of the scenes of biblical his- 
tory do occur, however allusively and 
anonymously (see scripture and the 
^ur'an; history and the q^ur'an; 
geography). Such are al-ard al-muqaddasa 
((J 5:21), Jerusalem (q.v.) by implication, 
where the masjid and the mihrdb were lo- 
cated (c) 3:37, 39; 17:7; see mosoue; sacred 
precincts); the Mount of Olives (^ 95:1); 
anonymously, the Jordan river [nahr, liter- 
ally "river," (^ 2:249; see water; springs 
and fountains); the villages of Lot (q.v.; 
al-mu'tafika, q_ 53:53; cf 69:9; see 
punishment stories); Iram dhat al-'Imad, 



i85 



in present day Wadi Rumm in Trans- 
Jordan ((3 89:7; see iram); al-Raqlm 
(c3 18:9; see racjIm), possibly in al-Balqa' in 
Trans-Jordan; and Sinai (q 23:20). 
Altliough not mentioned by name, 
Jerusalem represented the strictly Islamic 
dimension of the holy land for two rea- 
sons: it was the destination of the isrd] the 
nocturnal journey of the prophet 
Muhammad (c) 17:1; see ascension) and 
the gateway to his mi'rdj, ascent to the sev- 
enth heaven (see heaven and sky); and it 
was the qibla (q.v), the spot to which the 
Muslims turned in their prayers for twelve 
years before the direction of prayer was 
changed to Mecca (q.v.). 

Al-Sham was known to the prophet 
Muhammad before his call. According to 
tradition (see sira and the qur'an), his 
great-grandfather, Hashim, was buried in 
Gaza, and he accompanied liis uncle, 
Abu Talib, during the latter's journeys to 
al-Sham. Later he led the caravans of 
Khadija (q.v.) after he married 
her — hence his references to places and 
areas in al-Sham during the twenty-two 
years of his prophethood: such, among 
others, were Saffuriyya (Sepphoris) and 
Habrun (Hebron) in Palestine, Mu'ta and 
al-Balqa' in Trans-Jordan and al-Darum in 
southern Palestine. After the campaign 
against Tabuk in 630 c.E. (see expeditions 
and battles), the Prophet concluded trea- 
ties (see contracts and alliances) with 
four of the towns of southern al-Sham, 
namely Ayla, Adhruh, Maqna and Jarba, 
places he had known before his prophetic 
call. 

Al-Sham was the first target of the 
Muslim conquests. It was the region that 
Islam conquered immediately after the 
death of the Prophet. By 635 c.E., the holy 
land within al-Sham was already in 
Muslim hands after the two battles of 
Ajnadayn in Palestine and Fihl in Trans- 
Jordan. In 638 t:. E.Jerusalem surrendered 



to none other than the caliph 'Umar him- 
self; its surrender clinched the possession of 
the holy land by Islam and opened the first 
chapter in the long struggle between Islam 
and Christianity (see christians and 
Christianity), which reached its climax in 
the crusades. The Muslim victory at 
Yarmuk in 636 c.E. decided the fate of the 
rest of al-Sham, the cities which surren- 
dered one after the other being Damascus, 
Hims, Hama and Antioch, among others. 

The Muslim conquest of al-Sham and 
the holy land imparted a peculiarly new 
Islamic dimension to its holiness (cf. the 
several traditions on the "merits" of 
Syria/Damascus — and Jerusalem, for 
example "happy Syria... the angels of the 
merciful one spread their wings upon it," 
tuba li-Shdm,,, inna mald'ikata l-mhmdn 
bdsitatun ajnihatahum 'alajhi, in e.g. Ibn Han- 
bal, Musnad, xvi, 38, no. 21499; cf Gilliot, 
Traditions, 18; Sivan, Beginning). Those 
who died in the battles were martyrs (q.v.) 
for the faith (q.v.) and many of them were 
sahdba, Companions of the Prophet (q.v.); 
such were the three commanders who died 
at Mu'ta and others who settled in the re- 
gion. The conquest was initiated by the 
Prophet himself before he died, which im- 
parted to it the religious tone of a holy war 
(q.v.; see also jihad), especially as it was 
preceded and supported by letters which 
announced to their recipients the new 
Islamic kerygma. 

It was, however, in the Umayyad period 
that al-Sham attained the acme of its im- 
portance as the metropolitan province of 
the first Arab dynasty of the Islamic em- 
pire. Furthermore, its character as a holy 
land was ratified by the first Umayyad 
caliph (q.v.), Mu'awiya, who announced 
his caliphate and received allegiance in 
Jerusalem itself, as did Yazld and 'Abd al- 
Malik after him. But it was the Marwanid 
Umayyad branch that enhanced the 
Islamic component in the holy land, when 



i86 



'Abd al-Malik built the Dome of the Rock 
and al-Wahd, his son, built the Aqsa 
Mosque (q.v.), without which the Islamic 
presence in Jertisalem would have re- 
mained unclear, based on sura 17 in the 
Qiir'an, entitled Surat al-Isra' ("The Night 
Journey"). The two structures dwarfed 
architecturally all other strticttires in 
Jerusalem and reflected a powerful Islamic 
presence in the holy city. The future 
Umayyad caliph Sulayman enhanced 
further the importance of the holy land 
when, during his governorship of 
Palestine, he btiilt a new city, Ramla, and 
its White Mosqtie, and added to the 
Umayyad structures in Jerusalem. When 
he became caliph (r. 96-9/715-17), 
Palestine, the holy land, became the metro- 
politan province of the vast Muslim em- 
pire, which extended from India to Spain. 

Islam raised to a higher level of impor- 
tance not only Jerusalem but the sister city 
Hebron, where Abraham (q.v.) and his son 
Isaac (q.v.) and grandson Jacob (q.v.) were 
buried together with their wives. Hebron 
had been relatively obscure in the 
Byzantine period (see Byzantines) but 
Islam revived it, commensurately with the 
fundamental place of Abraham in the 
Qur'an and in Islam. 

It was also dtiring the Umayyad period 
that the concept of the holy land expe- 
rienced an extension of its boundaries 
from the old traditional ones to encompass 
practically the whole of al-Sham. The 
Umayyad Mosqtie of Damasctis built by 
al-Walld contributed to the veneration of 
the city as a Muslim center and Busra 
was also venerated as the ventie of 
Muhammad's encounter with Bahira (see 
MONASTicisM AND MONKs). The extension 
of the boundaries of the holy land had 
started in the Byzantine period, when 
other cities in the region acqttired a certain 
holiness by association: such was 
Damascus with St. Patd, Emesa with the 



head of John the Baptist (q.v), and Antioch 
as the place where the followers of Jesus 
(q.v.) of Nazareth were first called 
Christians. These loca sancta of Christianity 
were not difficult for the Umayyads to 
accept in view of the insistence of the 
Qur'an on its close relation to Christianity 

(see POLEMIC AND POLEMICAL LANOUAGE; 
RELIGIOUS PLURALISM AND THE ^UR'aN; 
religion), but still more in view of the 
strong Muslim-Christian symbiosis in al- 
Sham, accepted and promoted by the 
Umayyads after being initiated by 
Mu'awiya, whose wife Maysun was a 
Christian, the mother of his son and stic- 
cessor Yazld I, who also married a 
Ghassanid Christian princess, Ramla. In a 
religious context this symbiosis is reflected 
in the fact that the mosque in Damascus 
has within its precinct the tomb of John 
the Baptist. 

With the proliferation of loca sancta (see 
SACRED and profane), mashdliid and 
mazdrdt, in al-Sham, the whole region 
acquired a certain holiness — so much so 
that the medieval Muslim traveler, al- 
Harawi (d. 611/1215), devoted to al-Sham 
one third of his work on the loca sancta of 
the Islamic world. 

Irfan Shahid 

Bibliography 
Primary: al-HarawT, Taql 1-Dln Abu 1-Hasan ^All 
b. Abl Bakr al-Mawsili, Ritdb al-Isbdrdt ild ma'rifat 
al-ziydrdt, ed. J. Sourdel-Thomine, Damascus 
1953, 4-34; Ibn Hanbal, Musnad, ed. Shakir; Ibn 
Ishaq-Guillaume, 532, 678; Tabarl, Tdnkli, ed. de 
Goeje, 2078-159. 

Secondary: E.G. Bosworth, al-Sham, in El-, ix, 
261-75; CI. Gilliot, Les traditions sur la 
composition ou coordination du Goran (ta'lij al- 
Qur'dn), in id. and T. Nagel (eds.), Das Prophen 
hadlt. Dimensionen einer islamischen Literaturgattung 
[Proceedings of the Gottinger Kolloquium uber das 
Hadit\, Gottingen 2005, 14-39; Ph.K. Hitti, 
History of the Arabs, London 1981 (repr.), 147-54, 
189-278; R. Lescot, Un sanctuaire des dormants 
en Jordanie, in KEl 36 (1968), 3-9; M.M. 
Mandell, Syria, in A. Kazhdan (ed.), Oxford 



i87 



SYRIA (3 AND THE OUR AN 



dictionary of Byzantium, 3 vols., Oxford 1991, iii, 
1997-2000; E. Sivan, The beginning of the Fadd'il 
al-Qiids hteratiire, in los i (1971), 263-71; S. Ward, 
Muhammad said: You are only a Jew from the 
Jews of Sepphoris, uijNES 60 {2001), 31-42. 



Syriac and the Qur'an see foreign 
vocabulary; language and style 

OF THE C)Ur'an; CHRISTIANS AND 
CHRISTIANITY 



Table 

A supported horizontal surface that 
facihtates actions like working, writing or 
eating. There is no precise equivalent in 
classical Arabic for this English term. 
Words like mindada, sufra and simdt only 
signify "table" by derivation; their basic 
meanings are respectively "a device where 
mats, carpets or cushions are piled up," 
"food provision for the traveler," and "a 
cloth or coat upon which the dishes are 
put." By contrast, several designations for 
"table" entered Arabic from neighboring, 
non-Semitic languages. These include mez 
and khiwdn from Persian, tarabeza from 
Greek, tdwula from Latin, and md'ida via 
Ethiopian, possibly originating from Latin 
as well (see foreign vocabulary). Only 
this last term occurs in the Qiir'an, where 
it appears twice, namely in q 5:112 and 114; 
it also gives the fifth sura its title, al-md'ida, 
"The Table." 

Strictly speaking, the table episode — a 
much debated issue in the Qiir'an — com- 
prises verses C) 5:112 to 115 only. In order to 
understand the story properly, however, 
one must consider its broader context. The 
leitmotif oi the whole passage is that God's 
messengers (see messenger) have no 
knowledge of (see knowledge and 



learning) — and therefore no responsibil- 
ity (q.v.) for — the outcome of their mis- 
sions (c3 5:109). This holds true for Jesus 
(q.v.) as well. God guided him throughout 
his lifetime, from when he spoke in the cra- 
dle supported by the spirit (q.v.) of holiness 
(see also holy spirit), to his divine protec- 
tion (q.v.) from the Israelites (c) 5:110; see 
children of Israel). On God's prompt- 
ing, the apostles (see apostle) readily pro- 
fessed their belief in him and his 
messenger (q 5:111). The passage then 
reads: 

And when the apostles said, "O Jesus son 
of Mary (q.v.), is your lord able to send 
down on us a table (md'ida) out of heaven 
(see HEAVEN AND sky)?" He said, "Fear you 
God, if you are believers" (() 5:112; see 
belief and unbelief; miracles; 
marvels; fear). 

They said, "We desire that we should eat 
of it and our hearts (see heart) be at rest; 
and that we may know that you have spo- 
ken true to us, and that we may be among 
its witnesses" (0,5:113; see truth; 

WITNESSING AND TESTIFYING). 

Said Jesus son of Mary, "O God, our 
lord, send down upon us a table out of 
heaven, that shall be for us a festival, the 
first and last of us, and a sign from you. 



i89 



And provide for us; you are the best of 
providers" (0^5:114; see sustenan(;e). 
God said, "Verily I will indeed send it 
down to you; whosoever of you hereafter 
disbelieves, verily I shall chastise him with 
a chastisement such as I chastise no other 
being" (q 5:115; see chastisement and 
punishment). 

It was not Jesus who deified himself and 
his mother Mary. During the time he lived 
among men, he exhorted them only to 
serve God alone, his lord and theirs 
(c3 5:116-17). It is God who punishes or for- 
gives (C3 5:118; see REWARD AND 

punishment; forgiveness). 

The broad scholarly consensus is that the 
qur'anic table episode basically refers, in 
one way or another, to the Lord's Supper, 
although other biblical passages can be 
adduced as possible reference points as 
well, such as the feeding of the five thou- 
sand, Jesus' discourse on "the bread of 
life" (John 6: 22 f), Peter's vision in Acts 
10:10 f , or Psalms 78:19 and 23:5. But 
when it comes to understanding the mean- 
ing of the episode, opinions are divided. 
Are we dealing here with the demand for a 
miracle (K'ais'anen, Jesusbild; Graf, 
Christlichen Einfliissen; Busse, Theologischen 
Beziehungen; and most of the Muslim com- 
mentators)? Is the table a sign of God's 
providence (Bowman, Debt of Islam; al- 
Nadjdjar, Qisas; see signs) or a simile (q.v.) 
for spiritual knowledge (the Sufi interpreta- 
tion according to al-Baydawl)? Do the 
apostles want to celebrate a kind of thanks- 
giving ('Abd al-Tafahum, Qiir'an and com- 
munion) or a commemorative meal (Beltz, 
Mythen)? Or is the whole episode finally 
nothing but confusion (Macdonald, 'Isa; 
Bell, Origin of Islam; cf. Comerro, Nouvelle 
alliance, 305f.; Radscheit, Iconography, 
I72f.)? The question of the meaning of the 
table motif in the Qiiran has proved to be 
especially intractable. 



Nevertheless, two explanations present 
themselves. On the one hand, as stated 
above, the word md'ida is borrowed from 
Ethiopian, where it signifies the lord's table 
(see CHRISTIANS and Christianity). This 
original usage probably had the double 
meaning of the altar of the Eucharist 
(which in early times was a simple table) 
and of the Eucharistic offering, viz. bread 
(q.v.) and wine (q.v.). If one assumes that 
this word still carried both meanings after 
its adoption in Arabic, it is possible that the 
apostles' request for md'ida sent down from 
heaven does not refer to "a table," but 
rather to "food" (see food and drink). In 
fact, the Lisdn al- 'Arab even asserts that this 
is the basic meaning of md'ida. On the 
other hand, the table episode may be con- 
sidered an instance of quranic allusion to 
visual representations. In all the varying 
interpretations of the Lord's Supper in 
early Christian theology, the Eucharist is 
always regarded as closely related to 
Christ's being the son of God. Christian 
depictions of the Lord's Supper can there- 
fore be considered to represent the core of 
Christian belief. The Qiir'an, however, 
categorically denies the divine nature of 
Jesus (see polemic and polemical 
language). Any qur'anic reference to the 
Lord's Supper, then, can only occur in a 
polemic, i.e. a reinterpreting, form. 
Although the table motif is admittedly 
rather marginal in the Gospels' account of 
the Lord's Supper, the table is nevertheless 
one of the necessary elements in the 
Christian depictions of the event: it is the 
place where Jesus and the apostles reclined 
for the Passover meal. Yet in a Christian 
interpretation of such a picture, the table 
still has no function of its own; it merely 
serves to hold the food. Here one may ar- 
gue that the Qur'an, in a deliberate re- 
interpretation of the Lord's Supper, takes 
its visual elements — Jesus, the apostles 
and the table itself — at face value and 



igo 



re-contextualizes them in such a way that 
the element "table" receives a prominent 
place. 

No matter whether the linguistic or the 
cross-media explanation for the presence of 
md'ida is more likely, in order to understand 
the meaning of the table episode, it must 
be noted that the major theme in Q, 5 is the 
notion of "covenant" (q.v.; cf Comerro, 
Nouvelle alliance). (^5:12 is a reminder of 
God's covenant with the Children of Israel 
(cf. 0^5:70); 5)5:14 mentions his covenant 
with "those who say 'We are Christians' " 
(cf. q 5:111); and 0,5:7 recalls to mind the 
covenant God made with the actual com- 
munity of believers (cf. o 5:3, "Today I 
have perfected your religion [q.v.] for you, 
and I have completed my blessing [c[.v.] 
upon you, and I have approved al-isldm for 
your religion"; see islam). But both the 
Israelites and the Christians broke their 
respective covenants, the first by disobey- 
ing God and his messengers (cf. 0,5:13, 
20-6, 70; see disobedience), the latter by 
violating true monotheism (cf. o 5:14, 17, 
72-6; see POLYTHEISM AND ATHEISM; 
IDOLATRY AND IDOLATERS). Since the anti- 
Trinitarian argumentation in 5:116-17 
(see trinity) stresses that the covenant 
with the Christians was broken only after 
God took Jesus to himself, it seems likely 
that the preceding verses also refer to this 
very covenant. 5:iHj then, marks the mo- 
ment the (twelve) apostles consent to this 
covenant (cf. the motif of the twelve chief- 
tains of Israel in 05:12 and of the twelve 
men of the first 'Aqaba in the Sira [see sIra 
AND THE oui^'an]; for references to the 
apostles' speech [q.v.] act, see 5:7 and, in 
a distorted form, o 2:93). Seen in this light, 
05:112-14 must be understood as a request 
to establish a commemoration feast ('id) for 
this event. In the motif of the heaven-sent 
food one may detect the early Christian 
belief that the Holy Spirit comes down in 



the Eucharist. But what is more, the two 
ideas that food is a divine gift and that God 
sends down "tranquility into the hearts of 
the believers" are firmly rooted in the 
Qiir'an, too (cf. for the former o 2:57; 
50:9-11; 56:10-26, for the latter 048:4; see 
shekhinah). Finally, since the early 
Church considered Judas to be the pro- 
totype of a traitor in the community, in the 
singidar threat in 5'ii5 i' i^ possible to see 
a transformation of Jesus' prophecy of woe 
for Judas [Mt 26:24; Mk 14:21) into a gen- 
eral verdict against all those who break the 
covenant (05:13; ^^- Graf, Christlichen 
Einfliissen, who suggests a connection with 
I Cor 11:27-9). 

To sum up, although the table episode 
carries strong biblical overtones (see 
SCRIPTURE AND THE O^R'aN; NARRATIVES), 
it is basically a re-reading of the Lord's 
Supper. In this reinterpretation, the person 
of Jesus loses its paramount importance 
and his being the son of God is expressly 
denied. Instead, the Eucharist is inter- 
preted as confirmation and remembrance 
of God's covenant with the apostles. With 
that, the Eucharist is added to the line of 
covenants God has made both with the 
Children of Israel previously and with the 
new community of believers afterwards. 

Matthias Radscheit 



Bibliography 
Primary: Tha'labl, Qisas, 397f. 
Secondary: 'Abd al-Tafahum, The Qiir^an and 
the holy communion, in il/ll'4g (1959), 239-48; 
E. Beck, Die Eucharistie bei Ephraem, in Oriens 
christianus 38 (1954), 41-67; R. Bell, The origin of 
Islam in its Christian environment, London 1926', 
London 1968, 136; W. Beltz, Die Mythen des Koran, 
Diisseldorf 1980, 183; J. Bowman, The debt of 
Islam to monophysite Syrian Christianity, in 
J^ederlands Theologisch Tijdschrifi 19 (1964-5), 177- 
201; H. Busse, Die theologischen Beziehungen des Islams 
zu Judentum und Christentum, Darmstadt 1988, 130 
f.; V. Comerro, La nouvelle alliance dans la 
sourate at-md'ida, in Arabica 48 (2001), 285-314; 



igi 



TALENT 



L. Goppelt, Trapeza, in G. Friedrich (ed.), 
Theologisches Wbrterbuch <;i/m Ncuen Testament, 
10 vols., Stuttgart 1932-79, viii, 209-15; E. Graf, 
Zii den christlichen EinHiissen ini Koran, in Al- 
Bahit. Festschrift Joseph Henninger, St. Aiigiistin 
1976, 111-44; M. Kropp, Viele fremde Tische, 
iind noch einer im Koran, in Oriens christianus 87 
(2003), 141-4; K. Liitlii,Jndas. i. Dasjudasbild 
vom Neuen Testament bis zur Gegenwart, in 
Theologische Realenzyklopaedie 17 {1988), 296-304; 
D.B. Macdonald, Tsa, in EI', ii, 562; 'A. al- 
Nadjdjar, Qisas al-anbijid\ Cairo n.d.^; O. Paiitz, 
Muhammeds Lehre von der Ojjenbarung quellenmdjiig 
untersucht, Leipzig 1898; M. Radscheit, The 
iconography of the Qur'an, in C. Szyska and 
R Pannewick (eds.), Crossings and passages in genre 
and culture, Wiesbaden 2003, 167-83; H. Raissa- 
nen, Das koranische Jesusbild, Helsinki 1971, 43; 
A. Shalabi, al-Masihiyya, Cairo 1998"^, 50 f. 



Tablet see book; preserved tablet 
Taboo see forbidden 
Tabut see ARK 

Taghut see IDOLS AND IMAGES 

Tale see narratives; Joseph 
Talent 

A gift, ability or propensity provided by 
God. There is no specific qur'anic term for 
talent although meanings related to this 
concept may be associated with ideas such 
as degrees, ability, capacity and gifts (see 

GIFT AND gift-giving; GRACE; BLESSING). 

In modern Arabic, terms derived from the 
root w-h-b, "gifts," and '-d-d, "preparation," 
refer to talent, but these roots and their 
derivations are not employed in this sense 
in the Qiir'an. In addition, istitd'a, "ability, 
capacity," is an important theological con- 
cept in Islam (see theology and the 
(JUr'an), but it is usually discussed more in 
terms of the extent to which humans have 



the independent strength and ability to 
make choices and perform actions (cf. 
Gardet, Istita'a; see freedom and 
predestination). 

The concept of exceptional or distinctive 
abilities may be extrapolated from qur'anic 
expressions regarding preferring (faddala) 
or degrees and rankings (darajdt). These 
terms usually convey the idea that certain 
people are raised by degrees both in this 
world and in the next life (see reward and 
punishment; eschatology), on the basis 
either of their effort (q 4:95; see path or 
way), belief (c3 58:11; see belief and 
unbelief) or good deeds (q.v.; o 46:19). 
Sometimes, however, this idea of degree 
seems to be innate, as in the passage 
asserting that males have been preferred 
above females (q_ 4:34; see gender; women 
and the qur'an; patriarchy). This verse 
has attracted attention in the modern 
period on the part of modernists and 
Muslim feminists who interpret the words 
as indicating male responsibility (q.v.) 
derived on the basis of material resources 
(see wealth; property; maintenance 
and upkeep) rather than innate male 
superiority or talent (Wadud, Qur'an and 
woman, 65-9; see feminism and the 
(JUr'an). Inasmuch as ultimately all guid- 
ance and provision (see sustenance; 
error; astray) has a divine source ac- 
cording to the Islamic perspective, diversity 
in human talents, inclinations and abilities 
is understood as being part of God's plan. 
All of these degrees in livelihood arise 
from God's mercy (q.v.; rahma) that is ap- 
portioned or measured [q-s-m; see weights 
and measures; measurement) by God 
alone (c3 43:32). 

The idea of developing the inherent pro- 
pensities or potentialities of each individ- 
ual may be found in the thought of Sufi 
mystics such as Ibn al-'Arabi (d. 638/1 240; 
see sufism and the our'an). This is based 



TAXATION 



192 



on emanationist cosmology (q.v.), in which 
the pre-eternal creative act of God projects 
the divine names and attributes (see god 
AND HIS attributes) into creation (q.v.) 
and therefore into individuals as well. It is 
individual receptivity (qabul) or prepared- 
ness (isti'ddd) that must be discerned and 
developed through appropriate contempla- 
tion and action (Ghittick, Sufi path, 91; see 
remembrance). 

Marcia Hermansen 



Bibliography 
W. Ghittick, The Suji path of knowtedge, Albany 
1989; L. Gardet, Istita'a, in EI^, iv, 271-2; 
D. Giniaret, Les noms divins en Istam, Paris 
1988, 389-91 (diiU t-fadt, mutafaddit), 400-1 
(wahhdb)' A. Wadud, Qur'dn and woman, 
New York 1999. 



Talisman see amulet; popular and 
talismanic uses of the our'an 

Talk see speech; gossip 

Talut see SAUL 

Tasnim see springs and fountains 



Tawrat see torah 



Taxation 

Extraction of a part of communal wealth 
for its social redistribution and for its use in 
maintaining governing authority (q.v.), its 
various institutions, and public works. The 
Qiir'an offers no trace of the fiscal system 
first developed under 'Umar b. al-Khattab 
(r. 2-12/634-44), in substance a reformula- 
tion of Byzantine and Sasanian models 
(see Jeffery, For. vocab. and relevant El" 
articles — e.g. Cahen, Djizya; Zysow, 
Zakat; Cahen, Kharadj — for discussion of 



the foreign origins of taxation terminology 
in the Qiir'an; see also foreign vocab- 
ulary). That fiscal system was a product of 
empire (see Dennett, Conversion; al-Durl, 
Nu^um; Lokkegaard, Islamic taxation), itself 
the fruit of post-prophetic conquests (see 
conquest), eventually being detailed by 
state servitors in administrative handbooks 
(e.g. Qiidama b.Ja Tar's [d. 337/948] Kitdb 
al-Khardj wa-sind'at al-kitdba) or legal trea- 
tises (e.g. Abu Yusuf's [d. 182/798] Kitdb 
al-Khardj) and by religious scholars 
seeking to define imperial administra- 
tion in Islamic terms (e.g. Abu 'Ubayd 
al-Qasim b. Sallam's [d. 224/839] Kitdb 
al-Amwdl). 

Taxation in the imperial context was ori- 
ented primarily towards the legal status of 
land (e.g. conquered, state, private); in con- 
trast, the Qiir'an says nothing of a concept 
of land-based taxation, with only a single 
(and vague) reference at Q_ 23:72 to khardj 
(the term later used to designate land tax) 
as the bounty of the lord (q.v.; ci. Jaldlayn, 
ad loc, where it is referred to as ajr, "rec- 
ompense"; see also blessing; grace). Nor 
is there any evidence in the hadlth that the 
Prophet instituted such a system of taxa- 
tion. State control of communal wealth 
(q.v.) became a point of contention, 
Kharijis (q.v.) seeing it as a threat to the 
sovereignty (q.v.) of God (Sayf b. 'Umar, 
Ridda, i, 357) and Shl'ls (see SHl'lsM and 
THE qur'an) viewing it as a transgression 
of the authority of the Imams (Madelung, 
Shi'ite; see imam). Moreover, the Qur'an's 
single reference to jizya at Q^ 9:29 suggests 
tribute and not poll tax (q.v.) in the sense of 
a tax per capita, as the term was to be de- 
fined in the imperial context (the Prophet 
may have instituted a poll tax of sorts, 
which was assessed according to the num- 
ber of adults \hdlini\ but imposed on a sub- 
ordinate group as a whole, e.g. Yahya b. 
Adam, Khardj, I07f ). Finally, the Qvir'an 
makes no mention of the tithe f'ushr) levied 



193 



TAXATION 



on Muslim-owned land (especially within 
the confines of the Arabian peninsula). 

Rather, if taxation of any kind is to be 
read in the Qiir'an, it must be seen 
through two lenses: (i) a nascent Medinan 
polity attempting to extend its political au- 
thority and religious message over a largely 
tribally oriented society (see tribes and 
clans; Medina) by managing the distribu- 
tion of booty (q.v.); and (2) a charity- 
oriented economy of exchange, in which 
deserving groups (warriors, orphans [cj.v.] , 
the poor, etc.; see poverty and the poor) 
were supported through almsgiving (q.v.) as 
a function of the qur'anic call to renounce 
the luxuries of this world in favor of the 
one to come (cf. Rippin, Commerce; see 
also TRADE AND COMMERCE). Both lenses 
reflect a broader qur'anic message, namely 
God's singular sovereignty and thus right 
to consume all material goods even if he 
permits their distribution to his "vassals," 
i.e. those faithful to his lordship — a mes- 
sage echoed in the Bible, which makes the 
similar claim that the spoils of war, even if 
designated for the communal good of the 
Israelites (see children of Israel; 
election), belong ultimately to God in 
recognition of his exclusive sovereignty 
[e.g. Josh 6:17; see also Josh 7 which tells the 
tale of Achan and his kinsmen who, 
although Israelites, are wiped out for vio- 
lating the holy ban instituted by God; cf. 
q 9:79, which speaks of the punishment 
awaiting those who deride believers for 
their material and personal support of the 
cause of God; cf. also Acts 5:1-10; see also 
PATH OR way; chastisement and 
punishment). If there is any connection 
between the "fiscal" message of the 
Qiir'an and the later imperial system of 
taxation, it may lie in this idea of religious 
sovereignty over (and potential consump- 
tion of) all material goods, represented in 
the Qiir'an by God and his messenger (q.v.) 
and later in the imperial context by the 



caliphal (or sultanic) ruler and his various 
military and administrative servitors. 

The fiscal program of the Qiir'an was 
generally conceived in terms of material 
(and also personal) support (nafaqa) of the 
Islamic cause (i.e. as set by God and his 
messenger), to be given by Muslims (i.e. 
Companions of the Prophet [cj.v.]) and 
their tribal allies (see Tabarl, Tafsir, ad 
(3 9:103, who connects nafaqa [support of 
the Islamic cause], jihad [q.v; struggle in 
the way of God] and sadaqa [charitable 
donation]). In support of this, later ex- 
egetes (see exegesis of the cjur'an: 
CLASSICAL and medieval) note the strong 
rhetorical opposition in the Qiir'an be- 
tween those who support (munfiq) the 
Islamic cause and those who support the 
enemy: al-Zamakhsharl (d. 539/1144, 
Kashshdf, ad q 2:270) explains this as an 
option — given to the qur'anic 
audience — of making expenditure in the 
path (or way) of God (Ji sabil Allah) or in 
the path of Satan [Jj sabTl al-shaytdn; see 
enemies; parties and factions; devil). 
The Constitution of Medina, an early at- 
tempt to define the nature of the first 
Muslim polity, also strongly exhorts its 
addressees to contribute nafaqa to the com- 
munal cause. This qur'anic vision of com- 
munal wealth, reenacted in Medina, is 
detailed in later works on law and the pro- 
phetic tradition under three categories (see 
law and the our'an): division of booty, 
alms-giving and tribute. Discussion here 
will be limited to the first two categories (as 
these relate to the two fiscal lenses of the 
Qiir'an mentioned above). Tribute, later 
expanded into poll tax (jizya) and land tax 
(khardj), is discussed elsewhere (see poll 
tax). 

Division of booty 
The legal (fiqh) and prophetic (hadith) com- 
pendia treat division of booty as a distinct 
category, qism alfay', reflecting an attempt 



T AXATI ON 



194 



by piety-minded jurists and traditionists to 
keep intact the qur'anic vision of com- 
munal wealtli alongside state efforts to 
immobilize land under its own domain and 
extract taxes from those cultivating it. The 
fiscal message of the Qiir'an originated in 
the Prophet's practice of dividing the spoils 
of raids (ghazawdt) and expeditions 
[maghdzi; see expeditions and battles), 
first as a means of livelihood and then as 
part of the struggle to preserve the Islamic 
cause (see, in general, the accounts of 
Ibn Ishaq [d. 150/767] and al-Waqidi 
[d. 207/822]), with a first share — later 
identified as the "choice" share 
(al-sdji) — going to the Prophet as leader of 
the Muslim community and distributed to 
those whom the Qiir'an had defined as 
worthy recipients such as the Prophet's kin, 
orphans, the poor, wayfarers (cf. C3 59:7 and 
C3 8:41, although some scholars thought the 
latter verse abrogated the former). 

The Qur'an uses three terms for booty: 
maghnam (only in the plural, maghdnim, 
Q_ 4:94; 48:15, 19, 20; and twice in verbal 
form, ghanimtum, C3 8:41, 69); nafl (also only 
in the plural, anjdl, (38:1, for which 
c) 8 — Sural al-Anfal — is named); and fay' 
(only in verbal form, afd'a, C3 33:50; 59:6, 7), 
which has the general sense of bounty 
bestowed by God upon those faithful to his 
cause (see belief and unbelief; trust 
and patience). Exegetes understood booty 
to function as an incentive {tahnd; see 
Tabari, TafsTr, ad o 8:1) to work for the 
Islamic cause, as implied in the qur'anic 
claim that Muslims can expect not merely 
earthly booty but heavenly-bestowed booty 
(c3 4:94, _/«- 'inda lldhi maghdnimu kathira; the 
three other instances of the term in refer- 
ence to Hudaybiya [q.v.] also suggest an 
eschatological conception of booty, cf. 
Rippin, Commerce; see esghatology). In 
other words, the Qiir'an has reoriented a 
common tribal notion to the purposes of 



its prophetic message of God's final sov- 
ereignty in settling all accounts on judg- 
ment day (see last judgment). 

The "tax" to be extracted from the divi- 
sion of booty and distributed by Medinan 
leadership is called the fifth (khums), as 
mentioned at q 8:41: 

And know that whatever you take as booty 
(ghanimtum), a fifth [of it] is for God, the 
messenger, relations [of the messenger] , 
orphans, the poor [or helpless] (masdkin), 
and the wayfarer (ibn al-sabil), if you be- 
lieve in God and that which we have re- 
vealed to our servant on the day of 
criterion [c^.v.;yawma l-furqdn, i.e. between 
right and wrong, but here in reference to 
the battle of Badr [q.v.]), when the two 
groups met [in battle] . God is master 
over all. 

Income, then, is to play a significant role in 
the formation of the values of the Muslim 
community as a religio-political entity in 
which recognition of the sovereignty of 
God and the corresponding authority of 
his messenger is embodied in the redis- 
tribution of wealth to worthy 
recipients — those genealogically close to 
the Prophet and those in material need of 
some kind (see also people of the house; 
OPPRESSED on earth, the). Emphasis on 
the redistribution of wealth is confirmed at 
(J 59:7. Since, however, this is not framed 
as "the fifth," Simonsen [Studies, 61-70) sug- 
gested that all booty — regardless of 
origin — was subject to division only in 
practice but fell entirely to the prophet 
Muhammad in principle. He argued that 
the fifth is a post-prophetic innovation as- 
cribed retroactively to prophetic decree in 
the battle of Badr to give Islamic legiti- 
macy to the tribal practice of distributing 
the bulk of the booty, four-fifths in this 
case, to the warriors who captured it: 



195 



TAXATION 



That which God has bestowed as booty 
upon his messenger from [the spoils of] tlie 
people of the villages [i.e. in the vicinity of 
Medina] is for God, the messenger, rela- 
tions [of the messenger] , orphans, the 
helpless, and the wayfarer, lest it circulate 
[only] among the wealthy among you. And 
take what the messenger gives you and re- 
frain from what he forbids (see 
forbidden). Fear (q.v.) God, for God is 
severe in the infliction of punishment (see 

REWARD AND PUNISHMENT). 

Finally, C3 8:i: "They ask you 
[Muhammad] about the spoils (anjal). Say: 
The spoils belong to God and the mes- 
senger. So fear God, repair what is be- 
tween you [i.e. communal disharmony] 
and obey God and his messenger (see 
obedience), if you are believers." This is 
explained by al-Zamakhshari [Kashshaf, ad 
q 8:i) to mean that judgment (q.v.) in the 
division of the spoils is reserved for God 
and his messenger (in echo of the biblical 
vision; see si;ripture and the our'an). 
Here, like c) 59:7, no mention is made of 
"the fifth"; this is explained by al- 
Zamakhsharl who defines anfdl as booty 
promised to a warrior beyond his normal 
share as an incitement to battle. So 
defined, such booty would not be subject to 
the fifth. If read on its own terms, however, 
this verse associates booty-division with 
communal harmony (wa-aslihu dhdta bayni- 
kiim). Al-Tabarl (d. 310/923; Tafsir, ad 
C3 8:1) cites a report that attributes the 
occasion for the revelation of this latter 
part of the verse (see verses; occasions 
OF revelation) to the complaint brought 
to the Prophet by the weaker members of 
the community (ahl al-daj), who protested 
that the strong had made off with the 
spoils (dhahaba ahl al-quwwa bi-l-ghand'im), 
leaving the weaker members of the com- 
munity with nothing (Zamakhsharl, 



Kashshaf, ad loc, echoes this by interpreting 
the verse as a call for a just/equitable dis- 
tribution of communal wealth: iqtasimu. . . 
bi-l-'adl). The upshot of all this is the 
intimate link between claims of the 
Medinan leadership (i.e. the Prophet) to 
authority over the nascent community in 
general and its adjudication of the just dis- 
tribution of communal wealth (see justice 
AND injustice) in a way that engendered 
communal solidarity between its various 
members, both rich and poor (cf. Deut 15:11 
and Rom 15:25-9), strong (i.e. the fighting 
members of the community) and weak 
(i.e. the rest of the community; cf. ,A«m 
31:25-47). 

It should be mentioned as an aside that 
the caliphal state (especially the 'Abbasid 
dynasty) and its scholarly servitors did turn 
to the Qiir'an to establish canonical jus- 
tification for its fiscal system in general and 
the land tax specifically (see Heck, 
Construction, chap. 4; see caliph). The legal 
framework for the land tax drew a distinc- 
tion between lands conquered by force 
f'anwa) and lands which submitted to the 
Muslim conquerors peacefully (sulh), a dis- 
tinction of paramount importance for de- 
termining a region's tax terms and land 
ownership. Still, the Qvir'an and sunna 
(q.v.) had to be at least referenced to ensure 
Islamic legitimacy for this framework. 

The belief that the Prophet had, in prin- 
ciple, divided the proceeds of 
conquest — both land and moveable prop- 
erty (q.v.), including captives (q.v; see 
Q_ 8:67-71; cf Paret, Kommentar, 192) — was 
met by the state position, based on 
Q. 59-7"9' that the canon also made provi- 
sion for Muslims yet to come, a recognition 
of the need to extend the idea of com- 
munal solidarity to future members. The 
community was ongoing (and no longer 
eschatological) and subsequent generations 
who would "emigrate" to Islam as had the 



TAXATION 



196 



first Emigrants (al-muhdjirun) were equally 
entitled to a share in the community's rev- 
enues (see emioration; emigrants and 
helpers). This would be accomplished by 
immobilizing the land and levying a tax on 
those cidtivating it, payable to the com- 
mimal treasury (bayt al-mdl), a practice ini- 
tiated by the Companion (see companions 
OF the prophet) and second Rightly- 
Guided Caliph, 'Umar b. al-Khattab. 

This qur'anic justification of the land tax 
was eventually accepted by piety-minded 
circles (see piety), although when is not 
exactly clear. (Interestingly, C3 23:72, the 
sole qur'anic attestation of kharaj, is not 
used as a rationale.) The distinction be- 
tween poll tax and land tax is often attrib- 
uted to the Umayyad caliph, 'Umar b. 
'Abd al-'AzIz (r. 99-101/717-20; see Heck, 
Construction, 163-5), '-'"' Malik b. Anas 
(d. 179/796) makes no mention of the land 
tax and understands taxation in Islam in 
strictly religious terms (fanda). For his part, 
al-Shafi'i (d. 204/820) is indecisive, first 
looking down upon the state's decision to 
immobilize the lands of concjuest as extra- 
canonical but then deciding to leave the 
decision — to divide or immobilize — to 
the judgment of the leader [Umm, iv, 103, 
bildd al-'anwa wa-bildd al~sulh). 'Abd al- 
Razzaq (d. 211/826) mentions the land tax 
in scattered places (e.g. Musannaf, entry 
10,133) without treating it systematically. 
The canonical status of the land-tax, as 
mentioned above, never a dead issue, was 
at play especially in Sunnl-Shl'l polemic 
(see Modarressi, Khardj ), partly as a func- 
tion of competition over the share in com- 
mimal wealth due to the successor of the 
Prophet (see Modarressi, Crisis). 

Almsgiving 
Almsgiving, the second important lens for 
qur'anic notions of taxation, is charity ex- 
tended mainly to those in need of some 
kind. It functions primarily in a ritual way. 



hence its inclusion as one of the five pillars 
of the religion, i.e. as a means by which the 
salvation (q.v.) of one's soul (q.v.) is sought. 
It is designated in the Qiir'an by two 
terms, zikdt and sadaqa, which are used 
interchangeably in the early period. The 
later distinction between them (although 
never decisively made; see Weir/Zysow, 
Sadaka) as obligatory and voluntary alms, 
respectively, is not specified in the Qiir'an. 
Yet they are never used in identical fashion 
or paired in a single verse. It is the exegeti- 
cal tradition that for good reason (see 
below) defined z'lkdt as a religious duty (e.g. 
Tabari, Tafsir, ad C3 2:177, al-zakdt al- 
mafmda), hence one of the five pillars of 
Islam (see religion; ritual and the 
q^ur'an). 

In line with (J 59:7, which is concerned 
with the monopoly of wealth by the rich, 
almsgiving in the Qtir'an functions practi- 
cally as a way to redistribute communal 
wealth, thus serving to define a charity- 
based economy with a particular interest in 
the poor, needy and dispossessed (see 
Bonner, Poverty; see economics). It is not, 
however, simply a matter of charity but an 
eschatological-oriented charity for the sake 
of one's own salvation (or, in the case of its 
neglect, damnation; see C3 69:34; 89:17-20; 
90:13-20; 107:3). ^akdt, mentioned thirty 
times, mainly in Medinan verses, is thus a 
way of purifying not merely one's wealth 
but one's soul, giving a ritual efficacy to its 
practice — charity in the function of gain- 
ing one's salvation. As C3 92:18 indicates, 
"Whoever gives from his wealth is made 
pure (yatazakkd)" — purification of one's 
soul (i.e. being made acceptable to God, 
qurb) through a religiously ordained ex- 
hortation to material giving (cf. (3 9:99). 
Those who give alms can expect a reward 
(ajr) from God (c) 2:277; 4:162; cf 2:110) in 
the next life ({) 27:3; 31:4), effectively secur- 
ing God's protection (q.v; q 22:78), which 
makes almsgiving an essential part of true 



197 



TAXATION 



religion, being included in the primordial 
covenant (q.v.; mithdq) made between God 
and humankind (q 2:83; 4:154; cf. 5:12 
which speaks of it in terms of both reward 
and covenant). This is summed up in 
creed-like form at cj 2:177: 

. . . the righteous are those who believe in 
God, judgment day, the angels (see angel), 
scripture [al-kitdb; see book), the prophets 
(see PROPHETS AND prophethood), and 
give wealth (mdl) out of love (q.v.) of him 
[or in spite of love for it, cf. o 76:8 and 
Tabarl, Tafsir, ad loc], to relatives [pre- 
sumably indigent ones; see family; 
kinship], orphans, the helpless (al-masdkin), 
the wayfarer, beggars (al-sd'ilin), and to 
ransom captives; and who undertake ritual 
prayer (q.v.) and give alms 

The religious quality of almsgiving here 
suggests association with the patriarchs of 
Israel (q^ 21:73; see children of Israel) 
and the life of Jesus (q.v.; Q_ 19:31). It enjoys 
sufficient religious status that its payment 
by a polytheist (mushrik; see polytheism 
and atheism) requires a Muslim to cease 
fighting (q.v.) him {q_ 9:5; Tabarl, Tafsir, 
ad loc, identifies it as repentance, tawba, 
on the part of the polytheist) and, instead, 
to consider him a brother in religion 
(q, 9:11; see BROTHER and brotherhood). 
There is no clearer sign of the salvific (i.e. 
ritually efficacious) character of zukdt than 
its almost exclusive coupling (twenty-eight 
out of thirty occurrences) with ritual 
prayer, "undertaking prayer and giving 
alms" (iqdmat al-saldtwa-itd' al'zakdt), which 
constituted grounds for its later designation 
as a religious duty {Janda; see Tabarl, Tafsir, 
ad C) 2:83, mdkdna lldhfarada 'alajhimfi 
amwdlihim min al-zakdt; cf. Siddicjui, Zakat, 
who sees this coupling as epitomizing the 
religion itself, prayer representing the verti- 
cal relation of the love of God and alms 
the horizontal one of love of other). The 



connection was later to become the crux of 
the "wars of apostasy" (q.v.; see Shoufani, 
Riddah) conducted by the first caliph Abu 
Bakr (q.v.) against those tribes claiming 
that loyalty (q.v.) and tribute owed to 
Medina ceased upon the Prophet's death 
and that undertaking prayer was enough to 
make one a Muslim. 

This raises many questions about the 
nature of almsgiving in early Islam: Was it 
conceived as tribal tribute in recognition of 
Medina as regional hegemon (for a more 
recent example of this, see Wilson, 
Hashemites, 216), making its payment a 
state concern (on the development of 
Islamic administrative institutions in gen- 
eral, see Sijpesteijn, Shaping a Muslim state)? 
Or was it a mark not of state authority 
over communal wealth but of 
communal/confessional solidarity.^ C3 58:13 
mentions that tribal groups were expected 
to pay zokdt prior to an audience with the 
Prophet and, yet, as we have seen, zi^kdt in 
the Qur'an is decidedly salvific. The two 
points of view, however, need not be 
viewed as mutually exclusive, especially 
when the Prophet, as messenger of God, is 
the foundational reference point in rep- 
resenting the pronouncements of God (see 

REVELATION AND INSPIRATION). So, if 

almsgiving is a means for seeking the face 
of God (q.v; i.e. salvation, o 30:39, in 
contrast to the practice of usury [q.v.] 
which yields no retiu'n from God), it is also 
a part of the process of binding men and 
women together in moral solidarity under 
the authority of God and his messenger 
(o 9:71). It is partly for this reason that 
jurists later associated zokdt with the tithe 
('ushrj on agricultural produce, a "tax" 
only on Muslims, assessed at five or ten 
percent depending on irrigation method 
(natural or human). (J 6:141, known as 
"the verse of almsgiving" (djat al-zakdt), 
was used to support this association: 
"And give [him] his due on the day of his 



TAXATION 



198 



harvest" (see Ibn Adam, Kharaj, 146-51). 
The alms-tax, generally assessed at two 
and one-half percent of property, has a 
more complex formulation in the case 
of livestock and agricultural produce 
(see Aghnides, Mohammedan theories, 

203-95)- 

Sadaqa (pi. sadaqdt, also occurring in ver- 
bal form, tasaddaqa) shares the basic mean- 
ing of charity (e.g. (J 12:88, where Joseph's 
[q.v.] brothers ask him to be charitable to 
them in their need) and is used inter- 
changeably with z<ikdt in exegetical and 
legal literature (e.g. equated with z^kat and 
treated as the tithe by Ibn Adam, Kharaj, 
entry 356) and even with nafaqa (ibid., entry 
428: al-nafaqaji l-Qur'dn hiya l-sadaqa). Still, 
the term has its own semantic range in the 
Qiir'an. It is considered a voluntary of- 
fering (o 9:79, the verse used byjurists to 
characterize it as voluntary in distinction 
from the obligatory z^kat), with the amount 
to be given left to the discretion of the 
benefactor. It also carries a religio-moral 
connotation, serving (i) to purify the bene- 
factor (c) 9:103; Tabarl, Tafsir, ad loc, says 
that it transforms belief from hypocrisy to 
sincerity, wa-taifa'uhumji khasis mandzil ahl 
al-nijdq bihd ild mandzil ahl al-ikhlds; see 

HYPOCRITES AND HYPOCRISY), (2) to test 
the right intent of those seeking the coun- 
sel (najwd) of the Prophet (c3 58:12) and (3) 
to expiate (takjir) evil deeds (q.v.; sayji'dt, 
(J 2:271) or to compensate for the failure to 
perform — as a result of illness (see 
ILLNESS AND HEALTH) — the ritual obliga- 
tion of not shaving while on pilgrimage 
(q.v.; o 2:196). Debt (q.v.) forgiveness is also 
designated charity (c3 2:280; cf. 4:92 and 
5:45 where remission of the blood-pay- 
ment for murder [q.v.] is labeled charity; 
see BLOOD money). 

In other words, sadaqa signifies a proper 
response to God's abundant grace [fadl, 
C3 9:75; cf. Bonner, Poverty), in the sense of 
gratitude (see gratitude and 



inoratitude) for his sustenance (q.v.; rizq) 
embodied in care for others. Hence, sadaqa 
was never reduced to material gift (see gift 
and gift-giving) but included recognition 
of a beggar with a smile when one had 
nothing to give, and also lawful sexual in- 
tercourse [saddq, cognate with "righteous," 
siddiq; see lawful and unlawful; sex 
AND sexuality). Its purposeful use for 
those in need implies distributive justice 
({) 9:60; cf. 2:276 where it is contrasted to 
ribd, i.e. [self-] interest), but also — since its 
recipients at (J 9:60 include "those who 
work upon (for?) it" (understood as "col- 
lecting agents" but also likened, e.g. by Ibn 
Adam, Kharaj, entry 354, to holy warrior 
[mujdhid]) and hearts to be reconciled (i.e. 
swayed to the prophetic cause, e.g. Meccan 
tribal leaders) — as a religious duty (farida) 
set by God (cf. (3 2:273). Such charity, it is 
explained, should not be thought to relieve 
the benefactor of proper moral behavior 
(q^ 2:263-4) and is better undertaken in se- 
crecy (c) 2:272; 4:114; cf Prov 21:14 and Matt 
6:3-4; Zamakhshari, Kashshdf, ad c) 2:271-2, 
says that sadaqa as a voluntary act is best 
done secretly whereas z^ikdt as an obliga- 
tory one should be done openly to avoid 
any accusation of failing to perform one's 
religious duty). 

It should be noted that Simonsen {Studies, 
32-5), largely on the basis of o 58:12, strips 
sadaqa of any religious significance, viewing 
it as a payment required of Bedouin (q.v.; 
a'rdb) for an audience with the Prophet. 
Once the social matrix shifts, he argues, 
from the tribally oriented caravan city of 
Medina (see caravan; city) that was at- 
tempting to consolidate control of trade in 
the Arabian peninsula to a vast empire 
built upon the heritage of former empires, 
the logic of sadaqa as Bedouin tribute was 
tabled in view of richer sources of fiscal 
exploitation (lands of conquest), finally 
coming to be conflated with z^ikdt (cf. 
Sijpesteijn, Shaping a Muslim state). This 



199 



TAXATION 



hypothesis is borne out in certain passages 
in Ibn Sa'd's (d. 230/845) account of tribal 
delegations to the Prophet. He relates 
[Tabaqdt, e.g. i, 293) an incident where the 
Banu Tamlm renounce certain sadaqa con- 
ditions, forcing the collector to inform the 
Prophet, but not in others (ibid., i, 300, 
where a letter from the Prophet is read to 
the Banu Kilab delegation, calling them, 
among other things, to respond to God 
and his messenger, who will take sadaqa 
from the rich and distribute it to the poor). 
In yet another passage (ibid., i, 307), the 
Prophet is depicted writing out sadaqa ob- 
ligations [fard'id al-sadaqa; cf Abu 'Ubayd, 
Amwdl, entry 1848, which shows al-Zuhri 
[d. 124/742] recording the prophetic prec- 
edent fsunna] on sadaqa assessment for the 
Umayyad caliph 'Umar b. 'Abd al-Aziz). 

The qur'anic conceptualization of sadaqa, 
however, cannot be reduced to such a 
politico-economic view; its religious sig- 
nificance remained constant even if col- 
lection and distribution took on different 
forms in different times. As in the case of 
Zakdt what stands out is its salvific role, not 
merely as charity but also as a sacrificial 
offering of sorts (see sai;rifi(:e) that in- 
dicates a penitent heart (q.v.). q 9:104 
states: "Do they not know that it is God 
who accepts repentance from his servants 
(see servant) and takes alms (sadaqdt) and 
that it is God who grants repentance and 
mercy [q.v.; i.e. salvation]." Alms thus be- 
comes an important soteriological stage in 
seeking the face of God (q 2:271-3; cf. 
30:39), making almsgiving a sub-category 
of gift-giving to God as ultimate recipient 
(the gift thus being irrevocable) and to his 
messenger as proxy in support (nafaqa) of 
God's cause. This is not to discount the 
tribal context but rather to note the close 
association of material sacrifice with a true 
desire to encounter the face of God as icon 
of salvation, for it is in sacrifice and self- 
denial that the will of the believer is hum- 



bled and God's glorified (e.g. Tabarl, Tafsir, 
ad C3 2:271-3). To seek the face of God, one 
must prepare by purification — confirmed 
via alms payment — of one's sinfulness 
(Tabarl, Tafsir, ad c) 9:103, where sadaqa 
removes the stain of sin; see sin, major 
AND minor). Since, in the qur'anic view, 
the rule of God and authority of the 
Prophet were so closely intertwined (see 
KINGS AND rulers), sacrificial offering be- 
came part and parcel of building up the 
Medinan polity under the leadership of 
Muhammad — sacrificial alms as a kind of 
"taxation" in support of God's cause. 

Paul L. Heck 



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Abu 'Ubayd al-Qasim b. Sallam, Kitdb al-Amwdl, 
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M. Bonner, Poverty and economics in the 
Qur'an, vn. Journal of interdisciplinary history 35 
(2005), 391-406; CI. Cahen, Djizya (i), in Ei^, ii, 
559-62; id. et al., Kharadj, in El^, iv, 1030-56; 
D.C. Dennett, Conversion and the poll tax in early 
Islam, Cambridge, MA 1950; 'A. 'A. al-DurT, al- 
Nu^um al-isldmiyya, Baghdad 1950; PL. Heck, The 
construction of knowledge in Islamic civilization, 
Leiden 2002; F. Lokkegaard, Islamic taxation in the 
classic period, Copenhagen 1950; H. Modarressi, 
Crisis and consolidation in the formative period of Shi'ite 
Islam, Princeton 1993; id., Khardj in Islam, London 
1983; Paret, Kommentar; Y. al-QaradawI, Fiqh al- 
Zakdt, 2 vols., Beirut 1969; A. Rippin, The 
commerce of eschatology, in Wild, Text, 125-35; 
J. Schacht, Zakat, in Ef, viii, 1202-5; E. Shoufani, 
al-Riddah and the Muslim conquest of Arabia, 
Toronto 1973; M.H. Siddiqui, Zakat, in er, xv, 
550-1; P.M. Sijpesteijn, Shaping a Muslim state. 
Papyri related to a tnid-eighth- century Egyptian official, 
PhD diss., Princeton 2004;J.B. Simonsen, Studies 
in the genesis and early development of the caliphal 
taxation system, Copenhagen 1988; TH. Weir/ 



TEACHING 



A. Zysow, Sadaka, in £/"', viii, 708-16; M.C. 
Wilson, Tlie Haslieniites, the Arab revolt, and 
Arab nationalism, in R. Khalidi et al. (eds.). The 
origins of Arab nationalism. New York 1991, 204-21; 
A. Zysow, Zakat, in EI^, xi, 407-22. 



Teaching 

The act of instructing; imparting knowl- 
edge and information. Most of the numer- 
ous teaching-related passages in the 
Qiir'an are dedicated to the sound instruc- 
tion of the believers in the faith (q.v.) and 
to their spiritual growth as individuals and 
members of the community (see belief 
AND unbelief; knowledge and learn- 
ing; ignorance). These passages include 
instruction on the creed, worship and 
other aspects of religious life. Some pas- 
sages in the Qiir'an, however, also provide 
detailed instruction on secular matters (hu- 
man relations; political, social, and legal 
affairs, etc.; see ethics and the q^ur'an; 
virtues and vices, commanding and 
forbidding; law and the our'an). 

Matters related to teaching are dealt with 
in the Q;Lir'an in a wide variety of ways 
and are to be found in passages containing 
the following lexemes and concepts: 
i) 'allama: to teach, instruct, train; to make 
somebody know; 2) other terms implying 
the idea of teaching; 3) teaching principles; 
4) certain approaches and techniques pro- 
moting the Qiir'an's teaching(s), such as: 

a) passages devoted to specific instructions; 

b) language signs and literary devices used 
as didactic tools (see parable; similes; 
metaphor; symbolic language; nature 
AS signs; literary structures of the 
(jur'an); and 5) pedagogical and didactic 
elements significant for a more general 
context. 

To teach, instruct, train 
The verb 'allama (with various subjects and 
objects) is found a total of forty-two times: 



as 'allama (perfect active, twenty-two times), 
yu 'allimu (imperfect active, sixteen times), 
'ullima (perfect passive, three times), and 
the passive participle mu'allam (once). 

God teaches prophets 
God "taught Adam the names of all 
[things]" (c) 2:31; see ADAM AND eve; 

ANIMAL life; CREATION; COSMOLOGY). 
After David (q.v.) slew Goliath (q.v), David 
was given "the kingship, and the wisdom 
(q.v.), and he taught him such as he willed" 
(Ci 2:251; see KINGS AND rulers). David 
was also taught "the fashioning of 
[armor] . . . , to fortify [his people] against 
[the] violence [q.v.; they directed against 
each other]" ((J 21:80). David's heir, 
Solomon (q.v), "said, 'People, we have 
been taught the speech of birds (mantiqa 
Ttaj/ri)'" (tj 27:16; for this topic and for rel- 
evant biblical passages, see Speyer, 
Erzdhlungen, 384-5). Jacob (q.v.), ancestor of 
all the Israelites, "was possessed of knowl- 
edge for that we had taught him" [la-dhu 
'ilmin li-md 'allamndhu, o 12:68; see also 
Israel). Joseph (q.v), one of Jacob's sons, 
was taught the interpretation of tales and 
events [q_ 12:6, 21, lOi; see news) and of 
dreams (c3 12:36-7; see dreams and sleep). 
Moses' (q.v.) servant [fata, associated by 
most commentators with al-Khidr; see 
khadir/khidr) "had [been] given mercy 
(q.v.) from us, and... taught... knowledge 
proceeding from us" ((J 18:65); thus Moses 
asked his servant: "Shall I follow you so 
that you teach me of what you have been 
taught?" (q 18:66; see also Wensinck, al- 
Khadir). Jesus (q.v.) had been taught "the 
book (q.v.) and the wisdom, the Torah 
(q.v.), and the Gospel" (q.v.; Q_ 5:110), in 
order to "be a messenger (q.v.) to the 
Children of Israel" (q.v.; C3 3:48-9). To 
Muhammad, God revealed "the book and 
the wisdom, and taught [him] that which 
[he] knew not [before]" (cj 4:113; see ummi; 
illiteracy; revelation and inspira- 



TEACHING 



tion). Muhammad was "taught by one 
mighty in power" ((J 53:5), the archangel 
Gabriel (q.v.), "who brought [the Qiir'an] 
down upon [Iris] heart (q.v.) by the leave of 
God, confirming what was before it, and 
for a guidance and good tidings of the be- 
lievers" (q 2:97; see GOOD news; astray). 
Muhammad, however, had not been 
"taught poetry, [for] it [was] not seemly for 
him" (q 36:69; see poetry and poets). 

God teaches humankind/ common people 
Q_ 96 (Surat al-'Alaq, "The Clot"), which 
the Islamic tradition usually considers to 
be the very first revelation to Muhammad, 
gives priority to the fact that God "taught 
man that which he knew not" ((J 96:5) and 
that God did so "by [the use of| the pen" 
(c) 96:4), possibly indicating that God 
taught humankind "the holy scriptures" or 
"writing" (cf also o 2:282; see literacy; 
writing and writing materials; 

ORALITY AND WRITING IN ARABIA; and 

Giinther, Muhammad, 4-5). 

God taught humankind the Qiir'an 
(Q, 55-2) and "the explanation" [al-bajdn, 
Q, 55:4; see also names of the C)Ur'an), i.e. 
"articulated speech" [nutq; cf. Jaldlayn 
and others on C3 55:4; see also C3 43:52, 
wa-ld jakddu yubinu); or "the names of all 
things" (asmd' kulli shay'in) or "all the lan- 
guages" [al-lughdt kullahd; Qiirtubl, ^JamT, 
xvii, 152-3; see language, concept of; 
ARABIC language). It is said to "remem- 
ber God, as he taught you the things that 
you knew not [before]" (o 2:239; see 
remembrance; memory; reflection 

AND deliberation). 

God orders Muhammad to warn people 
about the previous generations (q.v.) who 
did not measure God "with his true mea- 
sure" (see Warner; punishment stories; 
WEIGHTS and measures), denying that 
God had "sent the book... [to] Moses... as 
a light (q.v.) and a guidance to humankind 
(bashar) . . ." (see lie). The unbelievers are 



addressed directly: "you were taught what 
you knew not, you and your fathers" 
[q_ 6:91; see also Q^ 2:151, 239; 4:113; and 
Q_ 2:282; 96:4). That God taught humans 
how to train ("teach") animals is stated in 
Q.5:4- 

God teaches the angels 
God taught the angels (see angel) so they 
said "We know not save what you have 
taught us" (q 2:32). Nonetheless, the angels 
did not have Adam's knowledge, for God 
had taught him the names of all 
things — which resulted in God's setting 
Adam and humankind on the earth as his 
viceroy instead of the angels (see caliph). 

Prophets teach 
God's messengers (see prophets and 
prophethood) were sent to the people 
to "teach them the book and the wisdom, 
and to purify them" (q 2:129; cf 2:151). 
Muhammad was instructed "to recite his 
signs (q.v.) to them, and to purify them, 
and to teach them the book and the wis- 
dom, though before that they were in man- 
ifest error" (q.v.; () 62:2). 

Pharaoh's (q.v.) accusation that Moses 
taught sorcery is implied in Pharaoh's 
threat to his sorcerers: "Have you believed 
him (Moses) before I gave you leave? Why, 
he is the chief of you, the same who taught 
you sorcery" (cj 20:71; cf 26:49; see magic; 
miracles; marvels). 

Humans teach 
Certain humans (Muslims) are warned 
against wanting to "teach" God; this is evi- 
dent in God's command to Midiammad: 
"Say: 'What! Would you (people) teach 
God what your religion (q.v.) is...?' " 
(5349:16). 

The rabbdniyyun, "masters (in the scrip- 
ture), people of the lord (q.v.)," are re- 
minded of their twofold obligation: to 
teach and to continue studying. It is stated: 



TEACHING 



"Be you masters in that you teach the book 
[to your brethren in faith] , and in that you 
[yourselves] study [it]" {kiinu rabbdniyyina 
bi-md kuntum tu'allimuna l-kitdba wa-bi-?nd 
kuntum tadrusuna, () 3:79). According to Ibn 
■Abbas (d. 68/687-8), "the father of 
qiu''anic exegesis" (Veccia Vaglieri, 'Abd 
Allali b. al- 'Abbas; see exegesis of the 
q^ur'an: classical and medieval), the 
rabbdniyyun are "scholars" and "teachers," 
for he remarks: "Be rabbdniyyun, wise, eru- 
dite and learned men; and it is said that a 
[good] rabbdmis, someone who [starts] in- 
structing people in simple [things] , before 
[dealing with] complex ones" [kunu 
rabbdniyyina hukamd', fuqahd', 'ulamd'; wa- 
yuqdlu: al-rabbdni lladhi yurabbi l-ndsa bi- 
sighdri I- 'ilmi qabla kibdrihi; cf. Bukhari, 
Sahih, K. al-'Ilm, bdb 10; Khan, Translation, i, 
59-60). Rabbdniyyun is also a synonym for 
"erudite men" {hukamd'; see Darimi, Sunan, 
n. 329). A different nuance in meaning is 
stressed by al-Razi (d. 606/1210) quoting 
Slbawayhi (d. ca. 180/796): "A rabbdniis 
[somebody] belonging to the lord, in the 
sense of his being knowledgeable of him 
and being persistent in obeying him" (a/- 
rabbdnl l-mansub ild l-rabb, bi-ma'nd kawnihi 
'dliman bihi wa-muwd^iban 'aid td'atihi; RazI, 
TafsTr, xviii, 119; and the etymology offered 
in Horovitz, Proper names, 57; ed. Ohio, 201). 
In C3 5:44, 63, rabbdniyyun is used in con- 
junction with the ahbdr (Jewish/non- 
Muslim doctors, teachers; see also 
Horovitz, KU, 63-4; Proper names, 53-4, 56-7; 
ed. Ohio, 197-8, 200-1; Paret, Kommentar 39, 
122; for the Aramaic word rabb, rabbi, and 
the derived form rabbuni, meaning "[my] 
master/teacher," also a title of a Palesti- 
nian scholar, see '&oko\oii, Aramaic, 511, 513, 
514; Buttrick, Interpreter's dictionary, iv, 522-4). 
In this context, it is worth noting that al- 
rabb in the Qur'an — when referring to 
God, mostly translated as "the lord" — im- 
plies the meaning of the "supreme master, 
divine teacher," to whom humans feel close 



despite his omnipotence (see clients and 
clientage; power and impotence). 

Humans shall "train, teach" animals as 
God has taught them before, as it is men- 
tioned in the context of slaughtering ani- 
mals and dietary rules (see slaughter; 
food and drink; lawful and unlaw- 
ful): "The good things are permitted to 
you, and such hunting creatures you teach, 
training them as hounds, and teaching 
them as God has taught you (see hunting 
and fishing) — eat what they seize for 
you, and mention God's name over it!" 
({) 5:4; see basmala). 

Furthermore, mention is made of 
Muhammad's opponents (see opposition 
TO Muhammad) and of their attempts to 
discredit him and his message by claiming 
that he had not been receiving revelations 
but was being "taught" instead by a human 
teacher: "And we know very well that they 
say, 'Only a human (bashar) is teaching 
him' " ((5 16:103) — perhaps an allusion to 
a monk known as Sergius (Sargis Bahira; 
cf. Giinther, Muhammad, 25-6, n. 124; see 
CHRISTIANS AND CHRISTIANITY; MONAS- 
TICISM AND monks; INFORMANTS). Along 
these lines, Muhammad was accused of 
being a man "tutored (mu'allam), pos- 
sessed" (() 44:14; see insanity). 

Angels/devils teach 
The Qiir'an refutes the idea that Solomon 
knew and taught sorcery: "Solomon dis- 
believed not, but the satans (al-shaydtm) 
disbelieved, teaching the people sorcery, 
and that which was sent down [from 
heaven] upon the two angels in Babylon, 
Harut and Marut (q.v.); they [the two 
angels] taught not anyone [sorcery] with- 
out saying, 'We are but a temptation; do 
not disbelieve'" (c3 2:102), for Solomon was 
considered to be the originator of sorcery, 
an idea apparently prevalent among the 
Jews in Medina (q.v; see Tabari, TafsTr, ii, 
408; Fiick, Das Problem, 5-6; Asad, The 



203 



TEACHING 



message, 2i n. 82; for shaytdn meaning satan, 
cf. Tabari, Tafsir, ii, 405, and passim; abr. 
Eng. trans. Cooper, The commentary, 475-91; 
see devil; jews and Judaism). 

Other terms 
This account of Solomon includes tlie only 
two cjur'anic references to ta'allum, "learn- 
ing," the linguistic counterpart of ta 'lim, 
"teaching." It is said that the people in 
Babylon "learned [from the two fallen an- 
gels Harut and Marut] how they might 
separate a man from his wife...; and they 
learned what hurt them, and did not profit 
them..." (c3 2:102; see also Fahd, Sihr). 

Also relevant here is the concept of dirdsa, 
"to investigate, search [the scriptures]" 
(see Q 3:79; 6:105, 156; 7:169; 34:44; 68:37; 
also Horovitz, Proper names, 199, and 
the references given there; see also tradi- 
tional DISCIPLINES OF OUr'aNIC STUDY; 
TEACHING AND PREACIHING THE CJUR'an). 

Most of the numerous other expressions, 
implying more or less directly the idea of 
"teaching," relate to the notion of "God 
teaching the prophet(s)" and "the prophet 
Muhammad instructing the people"; ex- 
amples are amara, "to order" (cf. q 3:80), 
dhakara, "to mention" (e.g. C3 7:2), dhakkara, 
"to remind" (cf. C3 14:5; 51:55), qara'a and 
tald, "to read aloud, recite" (e.g. q 11:17; 

18:27; see RECITATION OF THE Q^Ur'an). 

Adrd, "to cause to know, to teach" (occur- 
ring seventeen times) is used in God's 
orders to Muhammad and the Muslims to 
reply to those who doubt the message of 
the Qur'an (see uncertainty): "Say, 'Had 
God willed, I would not have recited it to 
you, neither would he have taught you it'" 
(c) 10:16; see also the rhetorical questions 
introduced by ma adrdka, "What will teach 
you? What makes you conceive?" in 
ft 69:3; 74:27; 77:14; 82:17, 18; 83:8, 19; 
86:2; 90:12; 97:2; 101:3, 10; 104:5; and md 
yudnka, Q_ 33:63; 42:17; 80:3; see 
exhortations). 



Further relevant terminology includes 
tadabbara, "to ponder, contemplate, seek to 
understand" (e.g. () 4:82; 47:24), istaftd, "to 
ask for a legal opinion" (cf. <j 4:127), the 
indicative designation "those who were 
given knowledge" from God [utii l-'ilma, 
Q, 16:27; 17:107; 22:54; 28:80; 29:42; 30:56; 
34:6; 47:16; 58:11), and terms for "explana- 
tion," such as haydn, tabyin, tafsil, tafsir and 
the like. 

In addition, the Qiir'an often employs 
"alima, "to know," to mean "to gain knowl- 
edge of something, to receive knowledge of 
something." Its qur'anic counterpart, jaAj/a, 
connotes "to be ignorant, not to know" (see 
AGE OF ignorance). Dard is often used 
figuratively in the Qrir'an to mean "to 
learn of something, to know," while sha'ara 
connotes "to know, to realize," and its 
counterpart ghafala, "not to know, to be 
unmindful" (for these latter terms, see 
Flick, Das Problem, 12-19). Tadrls, "teach- 
ing," and ta'dib, "educating," do not occur 
in the Qiir'an. While sharh can imply 
"explanation, explaining," in the Qiir'an, 
derivatives of sh-r-h connote "acceptance, 
opening, expanding," so they are not in- 
cluded in this overview. 

Teaching principles 
The Qiir'an seems to suggest a number of 
teaching principles, such as to be patient 
(q. 17:11; 18:60-82; 75:16; see TRUST AND 
patience), and to be attentive (q 7:204; 
50:37) while receiving instruction; to train 
the mind and improve the memory by 
reading aloud, repeating and pondering 
(o 4:82; 38:29; 47:24; 87:6); to instruct peo- 
ple in their native language (o 12:2; 14:4); 
to dispute only in matters of which one is 
knowledgeable (q^ 3:66; see debate and 
disputation); to argue in a courteous 
manner (<J 16:125; 29:46); and to instruct 
by use of examples and evidence, as 
the many biblical narratives (q.v.) in 
the Qiir'an illustrate (for instance, by 



TEACHING 



204 



suggesting that lessons be drawn from the 
past and the experiences of others; e.g. 
(J 5:32; 11:89); similarly for the passages 
teaching humans confidence (c) 11:38, I20; 
see also Speyer, Erzdhlungen, 87, 462-92; 
al-Gisr, Islamic education, 18-21; Jamali, 
Falsafa, 13; Siddiqi, Qur'dnic concept, i-io). 

Alethods and techniques 
As for the question of what methods and 
techniques the qur'anic text utilizes to pro- 
mote its teaching(s), two points must be 
made. First, there are passages expressly 
dedicated to teaching; C3 2:282-3, for 
example, provides detailed instruction 
on how to handle legal matters: 

O believers, when you contract a debt (q.v.) 
one upon another for a stated term, then 
write it down! And let a writer (kdtib) write 
it down between you justly. And let not any 
writer refuse to write it down, as God has 
taught him (i.e. the art of writing). So let 
him write it down. And let the debtor 
dictate!... And if the debtor be a fool, or 
weak, or unable to dictate himself, then 
let his guardian dictate justly... (see 
maturity; guardianship). And be not 
loath to write it down, whether it (i.e. the 
amount) be small or great...! That is more 
equitable in God's sight... And take wit- 
nesses whenever you are trafficking one 
with another (see witnessing and 
testifying)! And let neither a scribe nor a 

witness suffer harm And if you are 

upon a journey (q.v.), and you do not find a 
writer, then a pledge (rihdn) in hand 
[should be required] . 

Second, there are textual characteristics 
and literary devices that emerge as sophis- 
ticated pedagogical and didactic tools. 
Examples are rhetorical questions, such 
as "Have you not seen...?" "Do you not 
know...?" (see rhetoric and the 



q^ur'an); textual elements that add force to 
already powerful passages (cf. Welch, 
Formulaic features, 77; see form and 
STRUCTURE OF THE q^ur'an); notions of 
forensic activity, such as proving (see 
proof), explaining, making manifest, and 
debating (cf. McAuliffe, Debate, 164); and 
literary signs, such as parallelism, repeti- 
tion, metaphor, parable, simile (see also 
PAIRS AND pairing). The question as to 
how and to what extent the Qiir'an actual- 
izes itself — as an aesthetic object — in 
the consciousness of its recipients seems 
to gain in significance in the context of 
"teaching and the Qiir'an" (see also 
Kermani, Gott ist schon, chap. 2; see 
language and STYLE OF THE CJUr'an; 
TEACHING AND PREACHING THE CJUr'an). 

Pedagogical and didactic elements 
If "teaching (and learning)" were to 
be understood in a wider sense, the 
pedagogical and didactic elements in the 
Qiir'an extend to issues such as the de- 
velopmental stages, habits and socializa- 
tion of the human being (for the child, see 
Q, 2:233; 40:67; 46:15; 65:6; see children; 
parents); ethical norms and values related 
to education (for orphans [q.v.], see 
Q, 2:215; 76:8; 90:15-16; 89:17; for piety 
[q.v.] towards parents, see o 2:83; 4:36; 
6:151; 17:23-4; 18:80; 19:14; 29:8; 31:14-15; 
46:15; see also Izutsu, Concepts, 207-10); hu- 
man psychology (q 3:135; 11:9-10; 12:53; 
17:11; 21:37; 41:49; 96:6-7); and the appeal 
to the mind, reason and understanding 
(also in matters of faith) evident, for ex- 
ample, in the frequent phrase a-fa-ld 
ta'qililna, "do you not understand?" (c3 2:44; 
see intellect), and in the epitome of 
qur'anic praise for the learned: "[Only] the 
erudite among his servants [truly] fear 

God" (a 35:28). 

Sebastian Giinther 



205 



TEACHING AND PREACHING 



Bibliography 
Primary: 'Abd al-Baqi; BukharT, Sahih, ed. in Ibn 
Hajar al-'Asqalam, Fath al-bdn bi-sharh Sahih al- 
Bukhdn, 13 vols., Beirut 1992; DarimT, Sunan; 
Jaldlayn; Qurtubl, J^amf, Cairo 1952-67; RazT, 
Tafsir, ed. 'A. Muhammad, 32 vols., Cairo 1357/ 
1938; TabarT, Tajsir, 12 vols., Beirut 1412/1992; 
abr. Eng. trans. J. Cooper, The commentary of the 
Qur'dn by Abu Ja'far Muhammad b. Janr al-Taban. 
Being an abridged translation t/ Jami' al-bayan fl 
ta'wTl al-Qiir'an, i, Oxford 1987. 
Secondary: S. N. Al-Gisr, The Qiir'an on Islamic 
education, in /c 42 (1968), 1-24; M. Asad, The 
message of the Qur'dn translated and explained, Trow- 
bridge 1997; I.J. Boullata (ed.), Literary structures of 
religious meaning in the Qur'dn, Richmond 2000; 
G. A. Buttrick (ed.) The interpreter's dictionary of the 
Bible, 5 vols., Nashville 1962; T Fahd, Sihr, in 
Ei^, ix, 567-71; J. Fiick, Das Problem des Wissens 
im Qur'an, in S. Giinther [ed.),Johann Fiick. 
Vortrdge ilber den Islam, Halle (Saale) 1999, 1-26; 
S. Giinther, Muhammad, the illiterate prophet. 
An Islamic creed in the Qur'an and qur'anic 
exegesis, in Journal of gur'anic studies 4/1 {2002), 
1-26; 'A.Y. liamza, Ma'dlim al-tarbiyyafi l- Qur'dn 
wa-l-sunna, Doha 1409/1989; L. Hicks, Teaching 
of Jesus, in G.A. Buttrick, The interpreter's diction- 
ary of the Bible, 4 vols, plus Index, Nashville 1962, 
iv, 523-7; J. Horovitz, Jewish proper names and 
derivatives in the Koran, in Hebrew Union College 
annuals (1925), 145-227 [repr. Hildesheim 1964]; 
id., Ku; Izutsu, Concepts; M. F. Jamall, al-Falsafa 
al-tarbawiyyafi I- Qur'dn, n.p. 1966; H. E. Kassis, 
A concordance of the Qur'an, Berkley 1983; 
N. Kermani, Gott ist schon. Das dsthetische Erleben 
des Koran, Miinchen 2000 (see also S. Giinther's 
review^ in Journal of Arabic and Middle Eastern 
literatures 6/1 [2003], 113-17); M. M. Khan, The 
translation of the meaning of Sahih al-Bukhari 
Arabic -English, [Beirut 1979 ?];J. D. McAuliffe, 
'Debate with them in a better way' The 
construction of a qur'anic commonplace, in 
A. Neuwirth et al. [eds,.]. Myths, historical arche- 
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Stuttgart 1999, 163-88; Paret, Kommentar; 
P. Parker, Teacher, in G. A. Buttrick, The 
interpreter's dictionary of the Bible, 4 vols, plus 
Index, Nashville 1962, iv, 522-3; M. Siddiqi, The 
qur'dnic concept of history, Karachi 1965; M. 
Sokoloff, A dictionary of Jewish Palestinian Aramaic, 
Ramat-Gan 1990; Speyer, Erzahlungen; L. Veccia 
Vaglieri, 'Abd Allah b. al-'Abbas, in Ei'^, i, 40-1; 
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meaning in the Qur'dn, Richmond 2000, 77-116; 
A.J. Wensinck, al-Khadir, in ei-, iv, 902-5. 



Teaching and Preaching the Qiir'an 

Since the earliest days of Islam, the Qiir'an 
has been considered the foundation of ail 
knowledge and moral behavior. Originally, 
its study and transmission took place via 
lessons and sermons in the mosque from 
which the informal educational model of 
madrasa schools developed, as well as the 
master-student model, where students 
sought out teachers for their particular 
knowledge and studied with them for vary- 
ing lengths of time. These two models 
formed a more or less uniform system that 
lasted for over a thousand years and actu- 
ally still exists in modernized forms in vari- 
ous countries. There were no exams, no 
tables or chairs, and no distinction between 
religious and secular subjects. In some 
countries venerable mosque-universities 
developed, such as al-Azhar [University] in 
Cairo. 

Students moved in and out of these edu- 
cational structures and, depending on the 
years and intensity of their study, took up 
positions in the hierarchy of scholars (see 

KNOWLEDGE AND LEARNING; SCHOLAR). 

Some, wearing the mantle of their teach- 
er's scholarship, became 'ulamd': scholars of 
Islam who were qualified to participate in 
the science of interpreting the Qur'an 
[tafsir; see exegesis of the q^ur'an: 
CLASSICAL AND MEDIEVAL) and developing 
jurisprudence [fiqh; see law and the 
q^ur'an). They were expected to have a 
deeper knowledge of the Qiir'an and its 
sciences than imams (see imam), leaders in 
the mosque who on Friday delivered the 
ritual sermon (khutba), or held a variety of 
religious positions outside the mosque. The 
prophet Muhammad was the first 
preacher, addressing his followers in his 
house-mosque in Medina (q.v.; beginning 
in 622 C.E.), and those preaching the 
Friday sermon (khatib) still stand in the 



TEACHING AND PREACHING 



206 



tradition of his religious autliority (see also 

FRIDAY prayer). 

By the nineteenth century, tliis traditional 
system of transmitting the Qiir'an and its 
sciences (see traditional dis(;iplines of 
(JUr'anic study) was more or less de- 
stroyed when, under colonial influences, 
Middle Eastern countries started to replace 
the madrasas with secular institutions that 
could produce teachers, medical doctors 
and engineers. This led not only to a crisis 
in the traditional educational system, forc- 
ing the classical institutions to re-invent 
themselves; it also involved a breakdown in 
the traditional authority of those consid- 
ered the custodians of the Qiir'an. 

Over time, those carrying the message of 
Islam graduated from secular institutions 
as well. This was, among others, facilitated 
by the reformist movement initiated by 
Muhammad 'Abduh (1849-1905) that al- 
lowed direct study of the Qiir'an and 
hadlth (see hadith and the cjur'an) while 
bypassing the sources of jurisprudence 
(jiqh). Several influential teachers and 
preachers of Islam, such as the philosopher 
of the Muslim Brotherhood Sayyid Qiitb 
(d. 1966), did not receive their training in 
the traditional scliools that teach the clas- 
sical qur'anic sciences. Some of the most 
famous contemporary orators, such as the 
Egyptian Canadian Jamal Badawi and the 
Indonesian Abdullah Gymnastiar, hold 
graduate degrees in business, which they 
studied in addition to the Qiir'an. 

Concomitant with changes in education, 
new media such as radio, TV, cassettes and 
the Internet developed, all contributing to 
what Patrick Gaffney has called a "frag- 
mentation of Islamic religious authority" 
[Prophet's pulpit, 35). 

As the media became a platform for non- 
ritual preaching and the educational level 
of Muslims in general rose, those deliver- 
ing the message were no longer men only 



but also included women who had become 
more learned in religious topics (see 
women and the qUR'AN). With Muslims 
emigrating to the West, converts to Islam 
such as the African American Siraj Wahaj 
and US-born Hamzah Yiisiif gained prom- 
inence as charismatic preachers, especially 
among the second and third generation 
Muslims who were born in the West. 

Through the activities of reformist 
Islamic movements, the act of preaching 
changed as well (see politics and the 
cjur'an). Non-ritual preaching that is not 
constrained by the strict parameters of the 
mosque sermon (khutba) came to serve as a 
tool of mission or propagation [da 'wa; see 
invitation). In order to make the message 
more attractive, new methodologies and 
modes of delivering it developed. Some 
preachers chant or sing during their ser- 
mon, others allow room for remarks from 
the audience. 

From the beginning of Islam, Friday wor- 
ship has had more than just religious sig- 
nificance. Muslim believers also gathered 
in tlie mosque (q.v.) to intensify a sense of 
solidarity among the members of the com- 
munity and to discuss public issues. The 
message of inspired preachers, inside and 
outside the mosque, can have profound 
spiritual, social and political ramifications. 
It can instill a strong sense of religious pur- 
pose in those within their audience, or 
bring them to the point of revolting 
against a regime or other power. In July 
2004, the Yemeni firebrand preacher 
Husayn Badr al-Din al-HQthl caused an 
uprising that left 300 people dead. At the 
other end of the spectrum, the messages 
preached by Farid Esack and 'Abdiir 
Rashid Omar in South Africa promoted 
what they called "progressive Islam" 
among the black Muslim population which 
helped bring about the demise of the 
Apartheid regime. It also promoted gender 



207 



TEACHING AND PREACHING 



equality (see gender; feminism and the 
qUR'AN) and the development of an 
Islamic liberation theology. 

Despite the fact that sermons, especially 
the Friday khutba, can be a barometer of 
social and political trends in Muslim societ- 
ies, before the terrorist attacks in the 
United States on September ii, 2001, 
preaching had been largely ignored as a 
serious topic for study. 

Terminology 
The English term "preaching" has a 
variety of meanings in Arabic. The fore- 
most act of preaching is the sermon, the 
khutba, that is delivered during the ritual of 
the Friday service, the two major feasts (see 

FESTIVALS AND COMMEMORATIVE DAYs) Or 

during specific gatherings such as prayers 
for rain (see prayer formulas). Preaching 
Other than in the ritual Friday setting is 
called a wa '^, or wa '^a, "sermon, lesson, 
moral warning," or dars, "lesson," in 
Arabic, but, depending on the local lan- 
guage, has many other translations. In 
Indonesia, for example, it is caWeA penga- 

jian, "the act of reciting the Qiir'an" (see 
also RECITATION OF THE q^ur'an), or mojelis 
ta'lim, "educational meeting." 

The art of preaching the Quran took 
and takes place on several levels. By the 
fourteenth century, depending on the au- 
dience's literacy, there were different spe- 
cialists delivering the qur'anic messages for 
a variety of listeners. Apart from the ritual 
aspects (see ritual and the q^ur'an), 
there was and is little to distinguish the 
various types of preachers and their ser- 
mons and speeches from each other. The 
khatib, delivering the khutba or khutbat al- 

juma \ carried some of the authority of the 
Prophet. The wd%^ told stories of the early 
heroes of Islam, whQe the qdss recited pas- 
sages he had memorized from the Qiir'an 
and hadith and encouraged his audience to 



fulfill their religious duties. Storytelling and 
preaching were mixed, and so were the 
roles of their performers; some were highly 
educated jurists, others based their knowl- 
edge on a few years of education in a 
madrasa, or had memorized the lessons of a 
shaykh. 

Those preaching the Friday sermon con- 
tinue to be called khatib (preacher), while 
nowadays the words imdm (leader of the 
ritual prayer, who also is the preacher) or 
(in the Middle East) shaykh are used as well. 
Influenced by trends of Islamic resurgence, 
dd'i [one who performs da'wa, a call or sum- 
mons that invites or proselytizes) has be- 
come another term for those preaching 
non-ritual sermons. In the wake of the re- 
formist movement the term muballigh, from 
tabligh (to communicate, fulfill or imple- 
ment a mission), which developed in 
response to colonialism and Christian mis- 
sionary activities, has gained prominence 
as well. 

Since the beginning of the twentieth cen- 
tury, preaching in general became identi- 
fied as da 'wa, a qur'anic term whose 
meaning has evolved over time and differs 
according to its context. "Preaching is 
da'wa," according to an Islamic scholar 
working at the Islam-online website. The 
basis for the call to exhort believers with 
the message of Islam is in the Qi_ir'an; a 
frequently-cited reference is <i 3:104, which 
refers to "A band of people (ummatun) invit- 
ing to all that is good, enjoining what is 
right and forbidding what is wrong" (see 
GOOD AND evil; VIRTUES AND VICES, 
COMMANDING AND FORBIDDING). Another 
is q 16:125: "Invite (all) to the way of your 
lord (q.v.) with wisdom (q.v.) and beautiful 
preaching " 

The proliferation of da 'wa was further 
enhanced by the advent of the reformist 
movement that contributed to the democ- 
ratization of knowledge by stressing the 



TEACHING AND PREACHING 



208 



importance of education so tliat tlie text of 
tlie Qiir'an could become accessible to a 
general audience. Complex traditions of 
interpretation were bypassed and reading 
the original text was stressed. In countries 
where Arabic was not the local language 
(see ARABIC language), the reformists 
translated the text of the Qtir'an (see 
translations of the ^ur'an) and 
stopped giving sermons in Arabic, as this 
language was understood by few. 

Tabligh 
In the wake of the reformist movement, 
the term tabligh (from b-l-gh, form II, "to 
inform, communicate a message"), became 
interchangeable with da'wa, including the 
phrase tabligh al-da'wa. According to re- 
formist interpretation, for example, as 
espoused by Muhammad Rashid Rida 
(1865-1935), tabligh became the duty of 
every Muslim who had knowledge of the 
language and of Islamic laws. In non-ritual 
preaching it is the preacher's duty to com- 
miuiicate and warn others to follow the 
truth (q.v.) and thus its goal has ranged 
from strengthening Muslim believers to 
inviting non-Muslims to accept Islam 

(see BELIEF AND UNBELIEF). 

Khutba and khatib 
Neither the term khutba nor khatib is men- 
tioned in the Qiir'an. The khutba is part of 
the ritual Friday service, during which it is 
delivered from a minbar (pidpit), precedes 
the saldt (see prayer), and consists of 
two parts. Since it replaces two of the 
four customary rak'dt (see bowing and 
prostration) of the noon (q.v.) prayer, 
listening to it is considered an act of 'ibdda, 
worship (q.v.), and hence should be ob- 
served with appropriate reverence. 

In principle, the authority to deliver the 
khutba belongs to the successor of the 
Prophet and in the early years of Islamic 
history it was held by the caliph (q.v.) him- 



self or his governor. As the Islamic domain 
expanded, the ruler appointed a scholar 
learned in religious matters to represent 
him as the official khatib. Rhutbas were of 
political importance and customarily men- 
tioned the name of the ruler as a recogni- 
tion of his legitimacy (see kings and 
rulers; authority). As time went by, 
their function expanded to providing 
religious instruction and moral guidance. 
Depending on the political conditions, 
the khutba remained a political tool, and 
was, for example, used as a form of 
protest against colonialism in modern 
times. 

The khatib often serves as the imam of the 
mosque and leads the daily prayers; many 
of them used to be trained in a madrasa. 
Nowadays they are trained in one of the 
schools for traditional Islamic higher edu- 
cation such as al-Azhar in Egypt or IAIN 
(Institut Agama Islam Negeri, State 
Institute for Higher Islamic Studies) in 
Indonesia. Those working in state-owned 
mosques are part of the state biuxaucracy. 
The state not only provides their salaries 
but also exercises a certain amount of con- 
trol over the topics and contents of their 
sermons, and, via its publications, guides 
the khatib in the preparation of his mate- 
rial. Especially because of the potentially 
important political ramifications of a ser- 
mon, local governments regidarly interfere 
in its text, sometimes prescribing standard 
pre-screened sermons for state-owned 
mosques. 

The preacher's authority is based on vari- 
ous definitions of knowledge ('ilm). In prin- 
ciple the khatib is a scholar, gifted in oratory 
skills and drawn from among the reli- 
giously-trained scholars f'ulamd'). Since 
these have been the custodians of the 
Islamic tradition for more than a millen- 
nium, it is crucial that their authority be 
based on solid knowledge of the Qur'an, 
Islamic doctrine, and traditional learning. 



209 



TEACHING AND PREACHING 



Teaching 
In the pre-colonial era Islamic education 
took place mostly in madrasah that ranged 
from the elementary to the university level, 
or via the master-student model. During 
the twentieth century, these traditional 
structures were replaced by modern in- 
stitutions. As Muslims emigrated to non- 
Muslim countries, the complexity of 
teaching and preaching the Qiir'an in- 
creased. As many Muslims achieved higher 
levels of education, teaching went beyond 
the schooling of children and future re- 
ligious leaders and expanded to include 
activities on the pre-school level, after- 
school mosque instruction and forms of 
continuing adult edtication. The Qtir'an 
(c3 3:110) refers to the importance of teach- 
ing (q.v.) its injunctions, since they shape 
the character of a good and devout 
Muslim and since the Qiir'an is the 
foundation of all knowledge, its memoriza- 
tion becomes the cornerstone of Islamic 
learning. 

After the traditional forms of education 
broke down, its institutions lost ground and 
became incorporated into the modernized 
national school systems. In many countries 
this not only interrupted the traditional 
teaching models of qur'anic learning, but 
in places such as Morocco, led for a period 
of time to outright neglect of religious ed- 
ucation. Other countries, such as Nigeria 
and Tanzania, were hardly affected by 
these trends and students continued to fol- 
low the model of seeking knowledge from 
a master or shajkh. 

In the struggle to replace the classical 
models of Islamic education, some coun- 
tries were more successful than others in 
creating contemporary alternatives. 
Nowadays, in many countries, kindergar- 
tens and private institutions continue to 
teach children the fundamentals of Islam. 
In countries such as Pakistan, Indonesia, 
Nigeria and Tanzania, madrasas still exist 



and have incorporated the ciu'riculum of 
elementary school subjects. Furthermore, 
in those countries, some madrasas offer sec- 
ondary and higher levels of education. 
Apart from these formal institutions of 
learning, informal programs in schools and 
mosques. Islamic organizations, and edu- 
cational media such as websites play im- 
portant roles in the formation and 
education of Muslims and of those who go 
on to become specialists in the Qtir'an. 
While in earlier times education often 
ended at the madrasa, nowadays, depending 
on the accreditation of the madrasa, upon 
graduation students can continue their 
education in secular universities or in an 
Islamic institution for higher learning such 
as al-Azhar University in Cairo, the 
International Islamic Universities in 
Islamabad, Pakistan and Kuala Lumpur, 
Malaysia, and the IAIN and the Islamic 
State University networks in Indonesia. 

Elementary education 
Until the nineteenth century, the first level 
of traditional Islamic education in the 
Middle East took place in the kuttdb, maktab 
(Iran), or mektep (Turkey) where for a period 
of two to five years boys learned verses 
(q.v.) from the Qiir'an, a limited number of 
hadlths and some basic principles of 
Islamic law (fiqh). Contemporary Islamic 
education on the elementary level takes 
different forms but Muslims agree that 
inculcation of Islamic values and knowl- 
edge should start as early in life as possible, 
especially nowadays when television and 
other media compete with religion in the 
formation of children. In many instances, 
teaching the children also provides an 
opportunity to include mothers in the 
educational process. 

In her book about teaching qur'anic reci- 
tation (Perfection makes practice. Learning, emo- 
tion, and the recited Qur'dn in Indonesia), Anna 
Gade provides several examples from 



TEACHING AND PREACHING 



Indonesia, showing liow a close conneetion 
is formed between preacliing and Q;Lir'an 
recitation in order to create a new cadre of 
religious leaders. During the 1970s, when 
the reformists realized the lack of recita- 
tion skills among their preachers, they 
started a movement (AMM, Angkatan 
Muda Masjid dan MushoUa, Youth groups 
for mosque and prayer house) that tried to 
counter the influence of television by 
teaching children Qiir'an recitation. This 
resulted in an extra-curricular schooling 
system for children under five (TKA, 
Taman Kanak-kanak Al-Qiiran), for 
elementary-school age children (TEA, 
Taman Pendidikan Anak-anak), and for 
youth. In order to instill enthusiasm for 
the Qiir'an in children, these educational 
institutions organized events such as mass 
recitations by children and a large 
pilgrimage (q.v.; hajj) simulation. The 
curriculum for these courses includes 
memorization of the ritual prayers, short 
suras (q.v.), and daily non-ritual prayers; 
studying hadith and the rules of Qiir'an 
recitation (tajwid); writing Arabic and prac- 
ticing rituals such as the ablution before 
prayer [wudW; see cleanliness and 
ablution; ritual purity). Mothers 
whose children participate in these courses 
often form their own groups to learn to 
read the Qiir'an. 

Madrasas 
A madrasa is an endowed, private educa- 
tional institution that originated in the 
Middle East around the eleventh century. 
Originally, it was an instructional center 
connected with a mosque, or a mosque 
complex where students could stay over- 
night. It evolved into an institution that 
until the nineteenth century came to pre- 
serve Islamic learning and orthodoxy. 
Madrasa^ produced 'ulamd', the cadre of 
religious scholars, judges and teachers. 



although, at their inore elementary levels, 
an important aim was to inculcate the 
practices, knowledge and principles that 
shape the ethical and moral principles of a 
good Muslim (see ethics and the 
(JUr'an). All students learned the reading 
and recitation of the Qiir'an in an accurate 
way (see readings of the our'an), since 
this is foundational to the transmission of 
the faith (q.v.). 

In 459/1067 the first formally institution- 
alized madrasa, the Nizamiyya madrasa, 
opened in Baghdad. Its founder, Nizam 
al-Mulk (d. 485/1092), vizier to the Saljucj 
sultans, envisioned a school that would 
teach orthodox Siinnl Islam in order to 
counter the prevailing heterodoxies, both 
theological and philosophical (see 
THEOLOGY AND THE Q^UR'an). The 
Nizamiyya madrasa served as the nucleus 
for the development of scores of madrasas 
that provided education in Islamic sci- 
ences. In addition to study and memoriza- 
tion of the Qiir'an, the curriculum 
included traditionally transmitted sciences 
such as tafsir (exegesis), hadith, usul al-fiqh 
(principles of jurisprudence); the ancillary 
Arabic-language sciences of grammar (see 
grammar and THE cjur'an), rhetoric (see 
RHETORIC AND THE q^ur'an) and literature 
(see LITERATURE AND THE C)Ur'an); theol- 
ogy; and the classical or "rational" sciences 
such as logic, philosophy (see philosophy 
AND THE q^ur'an), astronomy, and arith- 
metic (see SCIENCE and the our'an). 
Learning took place with the students sit- 
ting on the floor around a teacher while 
memorizing and repeating certain texts. 
Arabic was the primary medium of in- 
struction, and students memorized the 
Qiir'an and hadith and, lacking books, 
took notes while committing to memory 
the words of the teacher. There were no 
exams, but students were certified in par- 
ticular texts when they reached a certain 



TEACHING AND PREA(;HING 



level of mastery of them. Other famous 
madrasaa were al-Zaytuna in Tunis, al- 
Qarawiyyin in Fez and al-Sulaymaniyya in 
Istanbul. 

For the most part, madrasa education was 
traditionally for men only and guaranteed 
careers as religious leaders, as, for example, 
imams in local mosques. Where they still 
exist madrasas continue to attract students 
from the poorer and middle classes 
because of their lower tuition fees. In 
Pakistan, for example, they offer a second 
chance and possible upward mobility to 
dropouts from state schools. Those who 
can afford it prefer to send their children, 
especially male children, to secular schools 
since its diplomas open to students a 
broader range of graduate programs or of 
job opportunities. For this reason, in cer- 
tain madrasa?,, for example those in 
Indonesia, the number of female students 
has been gradually surpassing that of male 
students. 

With the demise of the traditional institu- 
tions for Islamic education, private or 
state-owned mosques and institutes started 
to offer alternative religious curricula. 
Here children receive basic education in 
the Qiir'an. Some institutes such as al- 
Azhar University in Cairo continue to offer 
the elementary, middle and higher level 
courses that were the curriculum of the 
madrasas. In Morocco, the state has estab- 
lished religious institutes at the secondary 
and post-secondary level. Several re- 
nowned institutes of classical learning, 
such as the Yusufiyya mosque-university, 
became integrated with the Qarawiyyin 
University. In 1924, Turkey abolished its 
medreses, replacing them with a secular 
school system, and opening special second- 
ary schools to train imams and khatibs. This 
system proved unsatisfactory, and by the 
1950s the imam-hatip okullan were estab- 
lished in order to provide comprehensive 



religious education while the Faculty of 
Theology at Ankara University became the 
most important institute for Islamic higher 
education. 

Generally speaking, the madrasa system 
that offers a comprehensive Islamic educa- 
tion is still most vibrant in countries where 
Arabic is not the national language, such as 
in some sub-Saharan African countries, 
India, Pakistan, Malaysia, and Indonesia. 
In these places, children have to master 
Arabic as a second language before they 
can continue to study the Qiir'an-related 
sciences. In several African countries (e.g. 
Nigeria), new Islamic schools have prolifer- 
ated; these combine traditional and mod- 
ern features in their curriculum. Through 
teacher training colleges for male students 
they offer the traditional madrasa curricu- 
lum where students concentrate on Arabic 
and Islamic studies intensively for four 
years. In Kano, northern Nigeria, 
such a school exists exclusively for women. 

Since the 1960s, the Indian and Pakistani 
governments have attempted to reform the 
religious curricula of the madrasas so that 
their students can meet the standards 
accepted by state schools and can enter the 
mainstream education. These efforts have 
been met with severe criticism from the 
established 'ulamd' who considered the 
introduction of secular subjects a threat to 
their religious authority and an attempt to 
weaken Islam. After it became known that 
leaders of the radical Taliban movement 
that ruled Afghanistan were trained in cer- 
tain Deobandi madrasas (especially the 
Darul Uloom Haqqania; see deobandis), 
the Pakistani government tried to press 
more forcefully for the modernization of 
such institutions. 

As secular models of education grew in 
prominence, an unresolved tension arose 
concerning the status of those graduating 
from madrasas. While these graduates 



TEACHING AND PREACHING 



possessed the traditional knowledge of 
Islam required for sustaining Islamic schol- 
arship, they secured little respect in a so- 
ciety that had come to prefer professions, 
such as engineering or medicine, for which 
one had to have studied at secular schools. 
At the same time, madrasa graduates were 
no longer the sole custodians of Islamic 
knowledge, since "new" religious intel- 
lectuals emerged who had obtained their 
religious education elsewhere. Responding 
to this challenge that redefined the place of 
religion and religious authority in society, 
madrasas and other institutions of Islamic 
learning all over the Muslim world started 
to introduce secular subjects into their 
curricula. 

India and Pakistan 
While there is evidence that madrasas 
existed in north India since the twelfth 
century, the most vigorous madrasah of 
the subcontinent grew out of reformist 
movements whose da'wa activities needed 
trained workers. In 1867, this led to the 
establishment of the Dar al-'Ultim 
Deobandi madrasas where those qualified to 
work in tabligh were educated. This model 
became rapidly replicated in other parts of 
the country. One of the most prominent 
changes in reformist Deobandi madrasas 
was increased attention to the study of 
hadlth in order to combat local, non- 
orthodox beliefs and rituals (see popular 

AND TALISMANIC USES OF THE OUr'aN; 

heresy). The curriculum followed in most 
madrasas in India and Pakistan derives from 
a corpus of texts referred to as Dars-i 
Mizami that was introduced by MuUa 
Nizam al-Din Muhammad (d. 1748). In 
most cases these texts were composed 
between the ninth and the eighteenth 
centuries by Iranian, central Asian and 
Indian scholars. 

The Deobandi schools emidated the 
British educational system in introducing a 



set curriculuin, a separation of academic 
levels, and examinations (Metcalf, Islamic 
revival, 87-137). Concurrent with the 
Deobandi movement, the organization of 
Nadwat al-'Ulama' set up the Dar al- 
'Ulum madrasas that aimed at producing 
scholars of Islam who could guide the be- 
lievers in both religious and non-religious 
matters. Currently it is estimated that there 
are 30,000 madrasas in India. 

The strong Indian madrasas did not ex- 
pand to Pakistan with its establishment in 
1947. There, religious leaders had to build 
a new system. Pakistan tried to reconfirm 
its commitment to Islam through opening 
and reforming the madrasas. In Punjab 
alone, for example, the number of madrasas 
(called dini madaris) grew from 137 in 1947, 
to 2,500 in 1994. State initiatives of 1962, 
1979 and 2001 gradually introduced secular 
modern subjects while also reforming the 
religious subjects. President Muhammad 
Zia ul-Haq (1977-1988), in particular, tried 
to bring the dini madaris under government 
supervision and into the mainstream edu- 
cational system while preserving their char- 
acter as the custodians of Islamic learning. 
In 2001 the Pakistani state issued regula- 
tions that aimed at unifying the curriculum 
of the dini madaris in order to provide a 
comprehensive Islamic as well as a general 
education and so that the degrees these 
madrasas granted could be recognized in 
the national system. As part of this effort, 
the new curriculum comprised subjects 
such as English, mathematics, computer 
science (see also computers and the 
(JUr'an), economics (q.v), and political 
science (see also social sciences and the 
q^ur'an). 

Southeast Asia 
Institutions of Islamic education in 
Singapore, Indonesia, Malaysia and 
Thailand not only serve to educate the 
Muslim populations but also provide a link 



213 



TEACHING AND PREACHING 



to the Middle East where students often go 
to complete their religious education. This 
exchange guarantees a regular How of 
Islamic thought between the Middle East 
and the Far East. Indonesia, the largest 
Muslim country with over 2I0 million 
Muslims, has a large and very efficient sys- 
tem of Islamic education that supplies 
preachers and teachers of the Qiir'an. 
Currently, many madrasas offer levels of 
kindergarten (Raudlatul Athfal), elementary 
(Ibtida'iya), middle (Tsanawiya), and high 
school (Aliya). The current curriculum is 
divided into 70% general education and 
30% religious education, although some 
madrasaa continue to offer religious educa- 
tion only. There are 37,362 madrasas (85 
percent of which are private) with nearly 
six million students. Almost fifty percent of 
the students are women, while more 
women than men study at the Aliya level 
(Jabali andjamhari, lAIM, 130). 

In southeast Asia an indigenous system of 
schools to teach Islamic sciences, called 
pesantren, developed and spread from 
Indonesia to the regions of Kedah and 
Kelantan in Malaysia and to southern 
Thailand. The. pesantren, also c?i\\eA pondok 
pesantren (allegedly bom funduq, hostel), is 
an Islamic boarding school where students 
(called santri) share cramped quarters in 
dormitories where they cook or buy their 
own food, wash their own clothes and 
spend the entire day following a discipline 
of studying or doing study-related activi- 
ties. The majority of the pesantren are situ- 
ated in the countryside. They are always 
independent and often set up by a char- 
ismatic teacher (kiai) who attracts students 
that can number into the thousands. Since 
the 1950s several pesantren have allowed fe- 
male students who live in segregated 
dorms and have their own classes, often 
with female teachers. There are pesantren all 
over Indonesia; on the island of Java alone 
their number is nearly 10,000. Originally 



the pesantren curriculum was entirely re- 
ligious. This changed in the 1980s, as a 
result of which 30 percent of the pesantren 
now offer three to four levels of mixed gen- 
eral and religious education. In many 
pesantren students attend state schools while 
studying the Qiir'an and related sciences 
for four to six hours a day before and after 
school. There are two types oi pesantren: 
those belonging to the networks of the tra- 
ditionalist Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) organ- 
ization and the modernist ones. The 
Gontor pesantren on Java is a modernist 
pesantren, famous for an innovative curricu- 
lum that students can follow in English or 
Arabic. Around one quarter of the stu- 
dents of both types oi pesantren continue 
their studies in the Middle East, mostly in 
Mecca, Medina and Cairo. 

In the traditionalist /'c.frtnZren, the daily 
schedule is organized around the cycle of 
ritual prayers. Apart from learning the 
Qiir'an by heart, there is emphasis on the 
study of the jiqh and on the practice of 
spiritual disciplines similar to those of 
tasawwuj [see SUFISM and the qur'an). 
The topics studied can be classified into 
several groups: qird'a or tildwa, the recita- 
tion of the Qiir'an with its subdivisions of 
syntax and morphology; jurisprudence 
(jiqh); the sources of jurisprudence; tradi- 
tion (hadlth); Q;Lir'an interpretation (tafsir); 
the unity of God {tawhid; see GOD AND His 
attributes); mysticism (tasawwuf), ethics, 
history of Islam and rhetoric. The texts in 
Arabic are called Kitab Kuning, "yellow 
books," and are made up of loose leaflets 
that can be taken out for study. Pesantren 
students are expected to become religious 
leaders who can deliver engaging sermons. 
In their "free time" students learn to give 
speeches (pidato) and practice the art of 
debating (diskusi). The system is based on 
rote learning which leaves little room for 
creative thinking or questioning the kiai's 
teachings. There are no final exams: when 



TEACHING AND PREACHING 



214 



a santri masters a certain text she proceeds 
to the next, more comphcated one. A 
major milestone is to become a hdfi^ or 
hafiia, i.e. someone wlio has memorized 
the Qur'an (see memory; reciters of the 
cjur'an). This is celebrated with much 
pomp in a "graduation" ceremony during 
wliich the public calls out random verses to 
be recited and assures itself that those 
graduating know the Qiir'an by heart. 

Martial arts and other types of sports are 
especially popular among male santri. 
Apart from the academic curriculum, 
many pesantren organize vocational training 
courses and income-generating activities 
such as agricultural projects and business 
cooperations. To the surrounding com- 
munities, pesantren serve as centers for 
intensified expressions of religion. For 
example, during Ramadan (q.v.) the santri 
recite the entire Qiir'an daily following 
tarwiya prayers. 

In Indonesia, the focus on memorizing 
the Qur'an and becoming a hdfii has pro- 
duced unexpected results for women. As 
women learned the Qiir'an by heart, they 
asked that the Nahdlatul Ulama produce a 
fatwd allowing them to recite in public. As 
a result, the Nahdlatul Ulama decided in 
the 1970s that women had the same obliga- 
tion to spread the faith of Islam as men, 
and they were allowed to recite the Qiir'an 
in public. Consequently, women started to 
compete in national Qiir'an recitation con- 
tests, and Maria Ulfa became the first 
woman to win the international Qur'an 
recation contest in Malaysia in ig8o. The 
following year she opened her own insti- 
tute for Qur'an studies for women (IIQ, 
Institut Ilmu Al-Qur'an), which is modeled 
on al-Azhar University, with a subsequent 
division for men. Graduates from this in- 
stitute perform regularly on television and 
radio (see media and the c>ur'an) and 
among them there were two women who 
in 2000, and based on their religious schol- 



arship, gained access to the official bodies 
of male religious authority. They were ap- 
pointed members of the national councils 
of the Nahdlatul Ulama and Majelis 
Ulama Indonesia (MUI), both of which 
issueyatojfls. Although moat pesantren are 
run by men, some women run their own. 
Tutty Alawiya is among the most famous 
preachers who heads her own pesantren in 
Jakarta. 

Since the religious orientation of a 
pesantren depends on the views of its kiai, 
some have received ample press coverage 
because their kiais radical interpretations 
of Islam inspired students to join extremist 
groups such as those who were responsible 
for the Bali bombings in 2002. This event 
did not, however, precipitate a radical ref- 
ormation of the pesantren system because 
such a transformation had already been 
going on since the 1970s. Especially 
pesantren within the Nahdlatul Ulama 
network had designed several projects in 
order to strengthen the Islamic learning of 
their graduates so that they could be cus- 
todians of the orthodox truth, while at the 
same time filling relevant positions in 
society. This reformation aimed at produc- 
ing a counter discourse that could address 
urgent issues concerning human, women's 
and democratic rights. This movement was 
based on the re-interpretation oi fiqh texts 
so that these could become a hermeneuti- 
cal tool to negotiate social pluralism. A 
leader in this process is Abdurrahman 
Wahid, the long-time national chair of the 
Nahdlatul Ulama and former president of 
Indonesia. His innovative approach to the 
interpretation and teaching of the Qur'an 
is based on his education as a classical 
scholar of Islam — he studied in Iraq and 
Egypt — combined with a rigorous train- 
ing in Western philosophy and political 
science (see contemporary critical 
practices and the our'an). 

Through some of these projects, many 



215 



TEACHING AND PREA(;HING 



women studying and teaching in the 
pesantren began re-interpreting the Jiqh texts 
concerning women. Among other con- 
sequences, tliis resulted in a unique effort 
to address women's reproductive rights as 
understood in Islam, including taboo top- 
ics such as marital rape, a phenomenon 
which Islamic scholars do not technically 
admit as a legal category (see marriage 
AND divorce; sex and sexuality). 

The condition of the pesantren in Thai- 
land illustrates the importance of the 
indigenous institutes of Islamic education. 
Since the early 1960s these schools have 
come under the control of the Thai state. 
As a result, future specialists in Islam re- 
ceive their education mainly in Libya and 
Saudi Arabia. Upon their return these stu- 
dents propagate the ultra-conservative 
interpretations of Islam that are practiced 
in those countries. 

Iran and Iraq 
The town of Qpm in Iran has long been 
among the leading centers for Shi'i Islamic 
learning, with a madrasa tradition that pro- 
vides the graduate levels of teaching neces- 
sary for a student to become a mujtahid, an 
authoritative doctor of the law. In the so- 
called hawza 'ilmiyya (center of religious 
learning), the most famous madrasa^ are 
centered around ayatoUahs or niaraji' taqlid 
who are the most authoritative religious 
authorities in the hawza. Their advice and 
learning spreads beyond Qpm, and Shi'ites 
all over the world follow their opinions. 
These authorities give specialized lectures 
at advanced levels. Most madrasa^ offer the 
traditional curriculum with courses in doc- 
trine and jurisprudence. During the 1970s 
new madrasas were added that introduced 
modern teaching methods and subjects 
such as English. Although by the nine- 
teenth century Qpm's educational system 
had lost its vigor, the AyatoUahs rehabili- 
tated it and during the 1940s it had become 



a center of resistance to the Pahlavi mon- 
archy. In the 1960s, reformist ayatoUahs 
tried to modernize the traditional madrasas 
by setting up institutes with alternative 
curricula. After the 1979 revolution of 
AyatoUah RuhoUah Khomeini, Qpm 
served as the center of educational and 
political organizations of Shi'i clergy. 

In Iraq, the shrine cities of Najaf and 
Karbala became strongholds of Shi'ite 
Islam after the center of Shi'ite religious 
learning shifted from Iran to Iraq in the 
mid-eighteenth century. Until the 1920s, 
especially Najaf exercised both political 
and religious influence far beyond its bor- 
ders. Its madrasas produced experts in re- 
ligious law and Iraqi literary figures of 
renown. By the 1920s these cities lost their 
prominence when Iranian scholars re- 
turned home and the number of pilgrims 
and amount of charitable income from 
Iran diminished. Nowadays the cities re- 
main centers of religious study and leader- 
ship for Iraqi Shi'ite Muslims. 

Western countries 
Since the 1960s increasing numbers of 
Muslims have moved to the West in search 
of work, freedom of expression, and up- 
ward mobility. This has led to a prolifera- 
tion of institutes, organizations and schools 
that teach children Islamic learning and 
values. Many offer religious classes during 
the weekend, in schools that are often 
called madrasa, where children learn the 
basics of the Qur'an, Arabic and Muslim 
ethics. In several European countries, sup- 
ported by state money, Muslims opened 
their own schools with mixed curricula of 
religious and non-religious subjects. In the 
United States and Canada four Muslim 
school organizations have established over 
one hundred private schools that provide 
education based on the Qur'an and Islamic 
principles. 
Beyond the middle school level, however. 



TEACHING AND PREACHING 



2l6 



there are limited options for further 
reHgious education. Few schools continue 
to the high school level, and there is little 
interest among students and their parents 
for more advanced study towards a career 
in religious education. In most countries 
the position of imam is not officially rec- 
ognized, and that means that individual 
moscjues take it upon themselves to hire 
their imams. Hence the salaries of imams 
and other religious specialists are very low. 
Following a new trend, the few who do 
graduate with advanced degrees in Islamic 
studies move into specialized professions 
and serve as imams in prisons, hospitals or 
the army, while others become teachers 
and social workers. A lack of home-grown 
leadership, especially imams, is the single 
most important concern facing Muslims in 
the West today. 

The great shortage of western-born 
imams in Europe and North America has 
prompted communities to invite imams 
from various Muslim countries. Unfor- 
tunately, these leaders often lack knowl- 
edge of the local culture and language and 
are not familiar with problems and ethical 
issues that members of their community 
face in their new country. One of the main 
imams in Copenhagen continues to preach 
in English and Arabic — after nearly two 
decades in Denmark — and that forces 
half of his audience to wear headphones 
for simultaneous translation. After the 
events of ii September 2001 this problem 
has become more evident as governments 
have found that some clerics use their 
khutbas and Qrir'an lessons to incite vio- 
lence (q.v.), while others espouse views that 
violate basic human rights, such as those 
concerning wife beating (see insolence 
AND obstinacy). In some cases this led to 
mandatory "integration" courses about the 
values of the host country. In December 
2004, the French government decided that 



it would only accredit imams trained in a 
French university. 

Other governments are trying to create 
"Europeanized" imams by encouraging 
local Islamic institutions of higher learn- 
ing. For example, in the Netherlands the 
Turkish community opened the Islamic 
University of Rotterdam (lUR, 1997) that 
since 2001 has been dominated by the 
Nurculuk, a modern Turkish religious 
movement founded by Said Nursi (d. i960). 
A break-off group from lUR started the 
Islamic University of Europe (lUE) in 
Schiedam and seeks neutrality and coop- 
eration with all Muslim groups present in 
the Netherlands. The Dutch government 
has tried to provide for the needs of 
Muslim communities by launching the 
Godsdienst Islam, De Educatieve Faculteit 
Amsterdam (EFA), a community college 
where Muslim students are taught the 
basics of the Islamic sciences. Only a few 
who graduate from this school, however, 
become imams; rather, the graduates seek 
teachingjobs or consider their education 
as an opportunity to enhance their per- 
sonal Islamic knowledge. In 2005 the 
Dutch Ministry of Education decided 
officially to establish a program that pro- 
vides BA and MA degrees in a combina- 
tion of Islamic and Christian theology at 
the Free University of Amsterdam. 

As a result of the diversity of Muslim 
populations in various western European 
countries, few Muslim communities in 
these countries have managed to find sat- 
isfactory solutions for the need to train lo- 
cal imams. In several instances institutions 
such as the Muslim College in London 
have been funded and infiuenced by Libya, 
Algeria or Saudi Arabia. 

In the United States, imams who work 
with government and health care institu- 
tions are required to complete a master's 
degree. So far there are few schools where 



217 



TEACHING AND PREACHING 



they can prepare for this type of chap- 
laincy. Tlie School of Islamic and Social 
Sciences in Virginia offers a fledgling pro- 
gram for the training of imams, while in a 
few cases Muslim programs cooperate with 
Christian schools to pool resources. Hart- 
ford Seminary in Connecticut has a pro- 
gram for Islamic chaplaincy in hospitals, 
the military and prisons, while some stu- 
dents of the American Islamic College in 
Chicago attend classes at the Lutheran 
School of Theology. (Few students were 
willing to commit to this College full-time 
and the College failed to obtain accredita- 
tion.) In an attempt to fill the gap of 
Islamic education, organizations such as 
the Islamic Society of North America 
(ISNA) organize part-time imam-training 
workshops. ISNA recently established a 
center to set standards for the education of 
imams and chaplains. The struggle to cre- 
ate appropriate venues to educate Muslim 
teachers and preachers means that also in 
Western countries all roads lead to the 
Middle East where many Muslims return 
for graduate education at Islamic institutes 
for higher learning. 

The institutes of higher learning 
In most countries with significant Muslim 
populations students can pursue advanced 
degrees in Islamic studies at the under- 
graduate and graduate levels in state or 
private universities. The most illustrious of 
these graduate institutions is al-Azhar 
University in Cairo, set up in 361/972, ini- 
tially to spread Fatimid Shi'i doctrines. 
After Salah al-Din (d. 589/1193; Eng. 
"Saladin") and his Ayyubid dynasty re- 
stored SunnI Islam in Egypt, al-Azhar be- 
came one of the most important Islamic 
universities, educating students from all 
over the Muslim world. It developed satel- 
lite branches throughout Egypt and in sev- 
eral countries, such as Syria and Indonesia. 



Concurrent with the changes in the tra- 
ditional educational systems, starting in 
1872 it has undergone several reforms in 
efforts to streamline and modernize its cur- 
riculum. Since then, it has changed from 
an institution where students gathered at 
the feet of their professor as he lectured 
from a designated pillar in the mosque, to 
a modern school with classrooms, desks, 
grade -levels, exams and academic depart- 
ments and administrators. After education 
in Egypt was gradually transferred to secu- 
lar state schools, al-Azhar continued to 
offer religious curricula from the elemen- 
tary to high school level, an undergrad- 
uate-level university degree, and specialized 
courses of study in Islamic law, theology, 
pedagogy and preaching and guidance. 
Although pushed by reformers such as 
Muhammad 'Abduh (d. 1905) and Mustafa 
al-Maraghi (d. 1945), reform did not come 
easily to al-Azhar because it had positioned 
itself as the conservative custodian of tra- 
ditional knowledge and the methods of 
transmitting it. Reality overtook it several 
times when Egyptian authorities opened 
alternative schools that could train profes- 
sionals more effectively. At the beginning 
of the twentieth century, the Egyptian gov- 
ernment opened the Dar al-'Ulum teacher 
training college and the school forjudges 
[qadh), both of which offered severe com- 
petition to al-Azhar. This trend forced al- 
Azhar to become a university, and in 19 61 
the state passed a law that mandated the 
addition of secular subjects to its curricu- 
lum. Especially Mahmud Shaltut (1893- 
1963), at that time al-Azhar's president, or 
Shaykh al-Azhar (1958-1963), envisioned 
an institute that would educate well- 
prepared scholars who could fight reli- 
gious fanaticism and unite the global 
Islamic community. Under his auspices, 
al-Azhar opened non-religious colleges for 
engineering, medicine, commerce, science. 



TEACHING AND PREACHING 



agriculture, and education. Students at 
tliese colleges were obliged to take a pre- 
paratory year of religious studies. He tried 
to raise al-Azhar's international profile by 
instituting a Department of Culture and 
Islamic Missions (Iddrat al-Thaqdfa wa-l- 
Bu'uth al-Isldmiyya) which sent al-Azhar 
graduates to teach and preach in other 
coimtries. Primary and secondary Islamic 
institutions (ma'dhid azharijya) graduated 
both men and women missionary preach- 
ers [dd'is) to work inside and outside of 
Egypt. Finally, a Girl's College (Kulliyyat 
al-Bandt) was added; it offers degrees in 
Islamic, Arabic and social studies, as 
well as technical subjects and European 
languages. 

Although nowadays many professors at 
al-Azhar send their own children to secular 
universities, al-Azhar continues to main- 
tain its old aura of authority throughout 
the Muslim world. From the pesantren in 
Indonesia to the madmsas in Tanzania or 
the USA, for many future 'ulamd' the road 
to learning eventually leads to Cairo. The 
Kulliyyat al-Da 'wa (Faculty for Islamic 
Mission) provides fidl-time programs and 
short courses in da'wa and trains many 
future teachers and preachers whose re- 
ligious authority is socially and culturally 
reinforced for the Muslim audiences. 
Al-Azhar graduates can deliver their ser- 
mons in classical Arabic and a mediocre 
preacher from outside the Arabic-speaking 
coimtries, even after a cursory stay in the 
Middle East, can claim an exorbitant 
amount of religious authority upon return 
to the homeland. Al-Azhar ordinarily pro- 
duces graduates who are conservative and 
moderate in their interpretation of Islam. 
Through its censorship activities, al-Azhar 
guards Islamic standards by banning books 
of those considered "heretics." In its ongo- 
ing efforts to keep pace with the times, in 
2004 it chose Muhammad Tantawi as the 
Shaykh al-Azhar. 



Some other institutes outside the Middle 
East that have become prominent institutes 
for Islamic learning are the International 
Islamic University at Kuala Lumpur, 
Malaysia, the International Islamic 
University of Islamabad, Pakistan, and the 
network of IAIN schools in Indonesia. 
They are not as international as al-Azhar 
University but do serve local and regional 
needs. The International Islamic Uni- 
versity was set up by the Malaysian govern- 
ment in 1983 and is co-sponsored by seven 
other Muslim coimtries. Inspired by the 
recommendations of the first World 
Conference on Muslim Education (Mecca, 
1977), it aims at the integration of Islamic 
knowledge and secular sciences. It offers a 
large number of non-religious disciplines, 
all infused with Islamic values and knowl- 
edge. In 1985, the International Islamic 
University of Islamabad established the 
Da'wa Academy, which publishes material 
on da'wa and organizes leadership pro- 
grams, as well as courses and workshops to 
train imdms, community leaders, and pro- 
fessionals in Islamic knowledge. 

The network of IAIN schools (Institut 
Agama Islam Negeri, State Institute for 
Higher Islamic Studies) in Indonesia was 
established in the 1950s to create a balance 
between traditional Islamic knowledge and 
indigenous modes of learning. Initially 
working with professors visiting from al- 
Azhar, these schools now have their own 
professors who have obtained Ph.D.'s from 
universities both in the West and in the 
Middle East. The curriculum is predomi- 
nantly religious and provides a channel for 
advanced education and upward mobility 
for students from schools that do not offer 
the secular curriculum. Some of Indo- 
nesia's most prominent public scholars, 
such as Bahtiar Effendy and Komaruddin 
Hidayat, graduated from the IAIN 
network. 

IAIN schools cooperate closely with 



2IC 



TEACHING AND PREACHING 



McGill University in Canada, Leiden 
University in the Netlierlands and al-Azliar 
University. Unique to the IAIN are some 
undergraduate and graduate programs in 
comparative religions. Tlieir founders 
stressed the application of Islam in society, 
and envisioned a well-rounded education 
in moderate Islam based on rationalism 
(see intellect), modernity and tolerance 
of other religions (see tolerance and 
compulsion; religious pluralism and 
THE q^ur'an). While it offers traditional 
subjects, its staff has ventured into new 
directions, which has led to innovative 
projects of learning and research. For ex- 
ample, IAIN Jakarta (the largest IAIN, 
which became a university in 2001) has an 
institute for research on Islam and society 
(PPIM) that is active in developing an 
Islamic discourse on civil society and de- 
mocracy. IAIN Yogyakarta operates a 
Women's Study Center (PSW) which has 
prepared material that helps faculties of all 
lAIN's to re-evaluate their educational 
material from a gender-sensitive point of 
view. Several alumni and professors of 
IAIN have become well-known advocates 
for human rights and social justice based 
on Islam (see justice and injustk;e). 

Preaching 

Ritual preaching: The khutba 
While there are no rules for non-ritual 
preaching, there are several for the khutba 
and the one who offers it, the khatib. 
Preferably, the khatib or preacher stands on 
the minbar or, if this is not available, on any 
elevated place. Facing the people, he pro- 
nounces at the outset the greeting al-saldmu 
'alaykum wa-rahmatu lldh wa-barakdtuhu. After 
the response of the audience, he sits down 
to hear the call to prayer (adhdnj before the 
khutba. 

The khutba is encased in a formal ritual 
framework consisting of two parts. The 



first part, al-khutba al-wa'^iyya, sermon of 
admonishing or warning, is longer than the 
second part. It begins with two repetitions 
of "Praise (q.v.) be to God" (the hamdala; 
see laudation; glorification of god), 
the declaration of faith {shahdda; see 
WITNESS to faith), the saldt on the 
Prophet ("May God bless him and greet 
him with peace"); and must contain at least 
one verse from the Qur'an. The second 
part, al-khutba al-na 'tiyja, the descriptive or 
qualifying sermon, should end with peace 
and blessings on the Prophet and his 
Companions (see companions of the 
prophet) and prayer or supplication 
(du'd') on behalf of all the Muslims (see 
intercession). Prayer manuals teach that 
the sermon should be short in accord with 
the Prophet's saying: "Make your saldt long 
and your khutba short." Traditionally, in the 
manner of the Prophet, the khatib delivered 
the sermon standing while holding a staff 
in his hand, a pre-Islamic symbol of cer- 
emony and authority (see rod). In the 
Arabic-speaking countries the khatJb says 
"now then" (ammd ba'd) to indicate the 
beginning of his sermon. 
The khutba admonishes and calls the believ- 
ers to action. Although the contents of the 
sermons vary, there are certain recurring 
themes taken from the Qiir'an, tradition. 
Islamic history, the political situation and 
current events. To prepare the khutba 
preachers rely as sources, on the Qiir'an, 
hadlth, qur'anic commentaries (for exam- 
ple, the Tafsir al-Jaldlayn written by Jalal 
al-Din al-Mahalli, d. 864/1459, and his 
student Jalal al-Din al-Suyuti, d. gii/1505, 
is a popular source, and so is the tafsir of 
al-Tabari, d. 310/923), and writings by 
scholars such as al-Ghazali (d. 505/11 11) 
and Ibn Taymiyya (d. 728/1328). In his 
book describing the work of a rural 
preacher, Richard Antoun provides lists of 
titles from the preacher's library (Muslim 
preacher, 96-100) and remarks that the 



TEACHING AND PREACHING 



preacher does not use his many books on 
Islamic jurisprudence (fiqh) to prepare the 
khutba but reserves tliose books for other 
lessons on the Qi_ir'an. 

Originally, Arabic was the language used 
for preaching khutba^ all over the Muslim 
world. Since most people in many coun- 
tries did not know Arabic they were unable 
to comprehend what they were hearing. 
During the medieval period, khutbaa and 
other sermons or moral lessons formed a 
seamless part of Middle Eastern and other 
societies in which knowledge was transmit- 
ted orally (see orality). By the nineteenth 
century, however, even in Arabic-speaking 
countries the khutba had become fossilized 
into forms of standardized discourse. The 
classical Arabic text for a sermon was often 
taken from a medieval source and repeated 
with minimal chance for comprehension 
by the mostly illiterate audience (see 
literac;y; illiteracy). Influenced by the 
reformist movements this changed, al- 
though the sermons of medieval preachers 
such as Ibn al-Jawzi (d. 597/1200) are still 
readily available in the bookstalls around 
al-Azhar university. 

There has been some debate about 
whether or not the khutba should be in 
Arabic. Some scholars consider it part of 
the ritual prayer (saldt) and argue that it 
should. In 1975, hundreds of imams and 
'ulamd' at the World Conference of 
Mosques in Mecca agreed that it could be 
delivered in local languages. But the dis- 
cussion continued and as late as 200 1, the 
Mufti of Egypt (Shaykh Dr. Nasr Farld 
Wasil) ruled that it was admissible to de- 
liver the Friday sermon in a language other 
than Arabic provided that qur'anic verses 
were recited in Arabic, followed by transla- 
tion. Even when the khutba is delivered in a 
language other than Arabic, it is still com- 
monly laden with many Arabic quotes and 
expressions. 



Medieval preaching 
Collections of sermons of famous Muslim 
preachers from the medieval period in- 
spired those coming after them and testify 
to the importance of preaching in the 
transmission of the Qrir'an during that 
time frame. The sermons of famous 
preachers such as Ibn Nubata al-Faric[i 
(d. 374/984-5) and 'Abd al-Rahman b. 'All 
b. al-Jawzi (d. 597/1200) were delivered by 
many minor preachers after them. Preach- 
ing often overlapped with what was taught 
in the madrasaa. Some preachers are re- 
ported to have attracted audiences of over 
thirty thousand while others so inspired 
listeners that they fought to touch the 
preacher after he had descended from 
the minbar. 

Depending on the context and the time, 
sermons could be politically charged. Ibn 
Nubata called ior jihad (q.v.) when preach- 
ing in a court on the Byzantine frontier 
while 'Izz al-Din b. 'Abd al-Salam al- 
Sulami (d. 660/1262) reprimanded the 
Ayyubid sultan of Damascus for handing 
over property to the Crusaders. Preaching 
had potentially great impact. In the early 
centuries, while the legal schools were tak- 
ing shape and theological battles raged, 
preachers contributed to the legitimization 
of Ash'arite theology over and against 
Mu'tazili teachings (see mu'tazila). 
Sermons were a battleground about which 
interpretations of the Qiir'an should be 
considered the most authoritative. As the 
rapprochement between Sufism and more 
formal Islam took shape, Sufi preachers 
became among the most popular. At times 
this created tensions: for example, the ser- 
mons of famous Sufi preachers such as 
Shaykh Shu'ayb al-Hurayflsh (d. 801/ 
1398-9) vexed the legalistic mind of many 
a jurist. 

The Hanballjurist and theologian Ibn 
al-jawzl not only drew crowds of thou- 



TEACHING AND PREA(;HING 



sands with his moving sermons, but was 
also moved to admonish the popular 
preachers (the qussds; sing, qdss) who in his 
view broke the conventional boundaries of 
religious authority. In his famous work 
Kitdb al-Qussds wa-l-mudhakkinn, "The Book 
of Storytellers and Remonstrators," he 
reminds them of their potential power in 
transmitting and explaining religious 
knowledge, since their words reach all lev- 
els of society while the teachings of jurists 
are known only in limited circles. Preach- 
ers could jeopardize the Islamic heritage of 
knowledge by spreading false stories and 
unsound traditions, and by the ninth/fif- 
teenth century famous scholars such as 
Jalal al-Din al-SuyutI continued to write 
treatises against the "lies" spread by the 
qdss. Others were vexed by the salaries 
some preachers commanded. The themes 
of sermons were matters close to peoples' 
hearts: poverty (see poverty and the 
poor), suffering (q.v.), death (see death 
and the dead) and redemption (see 
salvation; fall of man). Also popular 
were the qisas al-anbiyd', the stories about 
the pre-Islamic prophets (derived some- 
times from Isrd'ilijydt; see JEWS and 

JUDAISM; SCRIPTURE AND THE Q^Ur'aN; 
CHRISTIANS AND CHRISTIANITY), 
especially those about Moses (q.v.) and 
Joseph (q.v.). Preachers challenged the 
boundaries of religious authority and 
sometimes those of gender, especially 
when women flocked to the mosques to 
hear them as well. They could elicit raw 
emotions from their critics because, unless 
they uttered blasphemies (see blasphemy), 
given the absence of a formal ecclesiastical 
structure in Islam, and short of direct 
interference by the sultan or state, their 
words were hard to control. In the end, 
the issue at stake was about legitimate 
religious knowledge and its corollary, 
religious authority. 



Contemporary preaching 
Debates about who holds the authority to 
interpret and preach Islam have never 
completely disappeared and have recently 
acquired the public's attention as govern- 
ments in Muslim and non-Muslim coun- 
tries have begun to realize the impact of 
sermons, formal or informal. Both in the 
West and in countries with a Muslim ma- 
jority, or a substantial Muslim minority, 
there is an increasing tendency to control 
the mosques and the message. 

Those bringing the message of the 
Qi_ir'an, be it in the khutba or other non- 
ritual forums, are expected to demonstrate 
high moral standards. Considered to be 
du'dt (sing, dd'in), propagandists or callers 
to Islam, C3 41:33 refers to them in its say- 
ing "Who is better in speech (q.v.) than one 
who calls [people] to God." The Prophet is 
reported to have said in a hadlth that "The 
best among you are those who study and 
teach the Qur'an." 

Based on their high calling, those preach- 
ing and teaching the Qiir'an are expected 
to practice the virtue of ikhlds, sincerity 
and purity of intentions and actions. 
Secondly, having thorough knowledge of 
the topic discussed is an essential obliga- 
tion for a preacher (cf. cj 12:108). Thirdly, 
they should imitate the Prophet's behavior 
and translate excellence of character into 
patience (see trust and patience), toler- 
ance and forbearance (q 3:159; 16:125; 
20:44). Preachers cannot be effective unless 
they possess excellent moral character and 
conduct: they should exemplify what they 
preach since the Qiir'an states (o 61:2-3): 
"why do you say that which you do not do? 
Grievously odious is it in the sight of God 
that you say that which you do not do." 

Standards of morality and learning are 
important because not all preachers are 
scholars of Islam. In principle, preachers 
or imams can be of any background and 



TEACHING AND PREACHING 



many of them also have professional 
careers as engineers, economists or busi- 
ness men. Whatever their background, 
they practice da'wa, calling others to Islam, 
and emphasize correct behavior and 
attitude. Scholars of Islam, the 'ulamd', are 
expected to have a more advanced reli- 
gious education. They are expected to have 
studied the Arabic language intensively 
and to use their deep knowledge of the 
Qur'an.Jiqh and shan'a to offer interpreta- 
tion (tafsTr) and guide the believers, par- 
ticularly through Xhefatwcm they issue. With 
their writings, scholars guide preachers 
who are not trained as 'ulamd' in the prepa- 
ration of their messages. In the hierarchy 
of learning, 'ulamd' nee A deeper training in 
religion than khatibs, and the demands of 
learning for those delivering non-ritual 
messages are less than those of the khalTbs. 
Perhaps this is the reason that in the 1990s 
the participation of women in non-ritual 
preaching began to grow rapidly in some 
Muslim countries. 

Demanding strict moral and educational 
guidelines for preachers is also crucial, 
since in most countries they are woefully 
underpaid. This reality has forced 
preachers nowadays and in the past to find 
other means of income, for example, as 
merchants or schoolteachers. In Indonesia, 
it has long been held that the kiai in the 
pesantren should not benefit in material 
ways from preaching and teaching the 
Qiir'an. Hence many still offer their 
service for free, earning money by run- 
ning a business, writing, and speaking 
engagements. 

Frequent topics 
Friday sermons often consist of a mix of 
Islamic teachings, exhortations and refer- 
ences to local and international events. 
The themes depend on the place and time 
a sermon is given. The Jordanian village- 
shaykh described by Antoun [Aluslim preacher, 



137) addressed mainly matters of belief, 
ethics, family (q.v.), society and the specific 
religious occasion, while his colleagues in 
Amman and Jerusalem referred regularly 
to colonialism, Jews and Zionism. Often 
the first part of the sermon contains the 
religio-spiritual message while the second 
part refers to political or other current 
issues, especially those concerning 
Palestine, Iraq and places where Muslims 
suffer oppression (q.v; see also oppressed 
ON EARTH, the). In Indonesia and 
Malaysia, where non-Muslim minorities 
and pre-Islamic ideas still pervade society, 
preachers stress the centrality of the 
Qur'an as a guide and tend to refer repeat- 
edly to the need to behave correctly, to per- 
form the ritual duties, and to the parents' 
(q.v.) role in raising children (q.v.). Occa- 
sionally they also discuss doctrinal points 
such as predestination (see freedom and 
predestination) and the right to practice 
ijtihdd, individual interpretation of the 
Qiir'an (inspired by the ongoing debate 
between modernists and traditionalists; see 
EXEGESIS OF THE Q^UR'aN: EARLY MODERN 

AND contemporary). Of course, other 
subjects such as Islam in the modern 
world, daily concerns and political themes 
are prevalent as well. Imams preaching the 
khutba in Western countries face a com- 
plicated social environment that poses 
questions about moral and ethical issues 
such as dating, homosexuality (q.v.), and 
the relationship between Muslims and non- 
Muslims. Most of these topics are of little 
relevance in Muslim-majority countries. 

During Shi'i ritual preaching, the names 
of the Imams have to be mentioned and 
qunut prayers are pronounced on behalf of 
them. A Shi'l preacher needs to commu- 
nicate in a precise, attractive way in order 
to gain followers. Their sermons stress 
signs and symbols peculiar to Shi'ism. 
They refer to 'All (his wisdom, ingenuity, 
and fairness in contrast to the behavior of 



223 



TEACHING AND PREACHING 



the Other three cahphs; see 'ali b. abi 
talib), the Prophet's daughter Fatima 
(q.v.), his granddaughter Zaynab and, of 
course, to the martyrdom of Husayn b. 'All 
(see shi'a; family of the prophet; 
PEOPLE OF the house). This last theme is 
especially popular during the month of 
Muharram when preachers also recount 
the sufferings of the Imams, sometimes 
engaging in anti-Sunnl polemics. 

For several decades, governments of 
Muslim countries have tried to influence 
the tone of sermons by sending around 
suggestions to preachers or, at times, com- 
plete texts. Not only do those suggestions 
aim to curb religious extremism, they are 
also a tool to familiarize the believers with 
government policies such as those on birth 
control (q.v.). Some groups of Muslim 
activists have started to emulate this gov- 
ernmental pattern. In an attempt to com- 
bat the increasingly aggressive attempts by 
Muslim conservatives to promote polygyny, 
an Indonesian women's group called YKF 
mined the Qiir'an, hadith andfiqh sources 
for a counter discourse and sent texts for 
Friday sermons based on this research to 
every mosque in Java (see patriarc.hy). 

Star preachers 
The influence of preachers who have risen 
to stardom is enormous. Sermons by Ibn 
al-Jawzi from the sixth/twelfth century 
were repeated for centuries. Nowadays, 
popular preachers (who preach ritual and 
non-ritual sermons) expand their audience 
through the media of newspaper columns, 
cassettes, CD's, DVD's, television and the 
Internet. Most of these preachers stand 
out because of the clarity and simplicity of 
their speech that directly connects with the 
audience, addressing issues of daily life (see 
EVERYDAY LIFE, THE ^UR'aN IN). During 
the 1990s several came on the scene who 
were especially popular with youth and 
women. Their messages are open to mod- 



ern life and stress the individual respon- 
sibility to purify one's heart. The platforms 
of such preachers are no longer limited to 
mosques, and governments find it hard to 
control their activities. 

It is impossible to mention all the star 
preachers operating in the Muslim world. 
Some, however, are noteworthy because 
they have strongly influenced other preach- 
ers and also public opinion. Others stand 
out for combining preaching with social 
action. The examples of three popular 
preachers from Egypt illustrate how the 
use of media and new types of education 
are influencing contemporary models of 
preaching and causing the centers of tra- 
ditional religious authority to shift from the 
traditional, conservative al-Azhar gradu- 
ates to a new type of lay preacher who 
does not follow classical paths of training. 
An important factor in the audio and 
visual media is that they convey the col- 
loquial language and emotions of the 
preachers that cannot be transmitted via 
the written, edited sermons in which the 
colloquial is often replaced by classical 
Arabic. 

The al-Azhar-trained blind shaykh, 'Abd 
al-Hamid Kishk (b. 1933), once called "the 
star of Islamic preaching," was immensely 
popular during the 1970s and igSos. Early 
in his career he was barred from preaching 
in official state mosques in Egypt because 
he used his sermons to promote the ideol- 
ogy of the Muslim Brotherhood. Although 
boycotted by the Egyptian mass media 
during the Sadat era, his sermons were 
widely distributed via cassettes and pam- 
phlets that served as what Gilles Kepel 
(Prophet and pharaoh) has called "antidotes to 
official discourse." Chanting his sermons, 
he stressed personal and private piety — a 
message attractive to Sufis as well. But his 
preaching also had strong political implica- 
tions, for example when he attacked Jews 
and Christians (see christians and 



TEACHING AND PREACHING 



224 



christianity; polemic and polemical 
language; apologetics). 

Chronologically, Shaykh Muhammad 
Mutawalll 1-Sha'rawi's (ig 11-98) star rose as 
that of Shaykh Kishk waned. His sermons 
were televised on the Friday prime-time 
slot, immediately following the Friday 
prayers. Egyptians could see him in a 
mosque, surrounded by a male-only audi- 
ence. Delivering a khutba or dars, he was 
cloaked in the mantle and ambiance of a 
traditional al-Azhar scholar. In his pre- 
sentations he could switch from classical 
Arabic to pedestrian coUocjuial, explaining 
complex Islamic principles with simple 
language and examples drawn from 
everyday life. His speech and traditional 
views, interspersed with jokes, were 
especially attractive to the lower and 
middle classes. He attacked non-Muslims, 
exhorted actresses to halt their sinful work 
and, with one sermon in which he con- 
doned the practice of female genital 
mutilation, he virtually destroyed years of 
activist work against it. After his death, his 
sermons and religious sessions were — and 
are still — televised, and can be found in 
the form of booklets and painphlets on the 
streets of Cairo. 

The star of the iggos, 'Amr Khalid is a 
lay preacher. Not trained at al-Azhar, the 
former accountant refrains from practicing 
tafsir or issuingy?;toas. His informal preach- 
ing takes place on a talk show on television 
{Kaldm min al-qalb, "Words from the heart"), 
and in mass gatherings that are not gender 
segregated. His speeches are available via 
MP3 recordings, DVD's, CD's, cassettes 
and booklets. He is a master of new media 
technologies and techniques, such as hold- 
ing on-line dialogues with his audience. He 
is popular with youth and women from the 
elite classes, reminding them of the futility 
of life and the possibility of sudden death. 
Unlike Kishk and Sha'rawi he is not ad- 
dressed as shaykh or ustddh ("university 



teacher") but is called a dd'iya. Comparable 
to a born-again evangelical television 
preacher, he brings a moderate message 
that allows youth to moderate the injunc- 
tions of Islam with the demands of mod- 
ern life. 'Amr Khalid's influence is 
enormous and he has used his fame to 
launch a drive against smoking, for exam- 
ple. He embodies a new search and desire 
among young people to be good Muslims 
while remaining trendy. For challenging 
traditional notions of religious authority, 
the Egyptian government more or less 
exiled him in 2002. 

These Egyptian preachers have coun- 
terparts all over the Muslim world. Before 
becoming a politician, the Indonesian 
H. Zainuddin M.Z. (b. 1951), nicknamed 
"Da'i of Thousands" (Da'i Berjuta Umat) 
rose to prominence during the 1980s. A 
graduate of IAIN and the Malaysian 
Universitas Kebangsaan, he delivered con- 
servative, clear and straightforward mes- 
sages laced with humor that at times were 
intolerant of religious pluralism. By the 
end of the iggos, K.H. Abdullah Gym- 
nastiar (b. ig62) came on the scene. Mixing 
his lessons with songs, this owner of fifteen 
media ventures preaches about "managing 
the heart." Using the style of evangelistic 
theatrics, he urges the faithful to improve 
themselves instead of blaming others. He 
brings crowds of both Muslims and 
Christians to tears and is one of the few 
Muslims ever to have preached in a church 
(in Palu, Sulawesi). It is said that he de- 
rived his knowledge from a three-day 
"direct inspiration" experience with a guru 
rather than through cumbersome years of 
learning. 

A Canadian professor of economics, 
Jamal Badawi, was the da'i of the 1980s. 
His enormous conservative output, often 
about Muslim-Christian dialogue, consists 
of a 352-segment television series on Islam, 
and cassettes and lessons that are readily 



225 



TEACHING AND PREACHING 



available on the Internet. His counterpart 
in Etirope is Tariq Ramadan, the Swiss- 
educated grandson of Hasan al-Banna, the 
fotinder of the Muslim Brotherhood. 
Nowadays, the US convert to Islam, 
Shaykh Hamza Yusuf (b. 1959), is influenc- 
ing Muslim youth in the West with Sufl- 
inspired talk about "purification of the 
heart" and how to live as a Muslim in the 
United States. He lived many years in the 
Middle East where he studied at universi- 
ties and with individual shaykhs. Young 
Muslim adults born in the US consider 
him an antidote to conservative clerics 
from the Middle East whose message about 
the West they perceive to be too harsh. In 
the United States there are several char- 
ismatic African American preachers who 
arouse audiences to clapping and shouting 
responses. The charismatic Imam Siraj 
Wahhaj is an African-American convert to 
Islam who studied in Mecca. He currently 
leads a mosque in New York City where 
he has gained fame with his anti-drugs 
program. 

In Shi'i circles, various mardji' living in 
Qpm, Najaf, or Kerbala, guide the believ- 
ers from their respective countries of resi- 
dence. They are considered the highest 
juridical authorities who can interpret the 
Islamic message to meet the challenges of 
modernity. Through their religious depu- 
ties, mardji' such as the Iraqi ayatoUah, 'All 
Husayni 1-Sistani, try to formidate answers 
for questions and needs of Shi'ls living in 
the West. In 1999, al-SistanI published a 
Code of practice for Muslims in the West. 

The Lebanese marja' ayatollah, 
Muhammad Husayn Fadl Allah, runs a 
website in Arabic and English where 
believers can read his Friday sermons. He 
holds conference calls by phone with 
believers in the West and his accessibility, 
pragmatism and leniency have made him 
popular with Shi'l youth. His teachings 
about gender equality have also gained 



him an audience among women. Finally, 
the messages of a convert to Shi'ism from 
Sunnite Islam, Tunisian-born Muhammad 
al-TijanI al-SamawI, have attracted many 
in prison to Shi'ite Islam. 

Women teachers and preachers 
In early and medieval Islamic works there 
are references to women who became spe- 
cialists in hadlth and the names of women 
figure in some chains of transmission. Yet 
during most of Islamic history women's 
role in the transmission of the Qiir'an and 
its sciences was peripheral at best. Women 
were not allowed access to madrasas,, and 
this led to the demise of female activity in 
the transmission of hadlth and other forms 
of Islamic learning. Later, and in isolated 
cases they attended the kuttdb but were de- 
nied access to the institutes of higher 
Islamic learning. This began to change in 
the 1970s as the general level of education 
for women has risen as a result of manda- 
tory public education for boys and girls in 
many coimtries. Limited numbers of 
women (less than five percent) were al- 
lowed to attend, for example, the Umm 
al-Qiira institute in Mecca. In Indonesia 
they obtained degrees in pesantren and the 
IAIN and Islamic State Universities. In 
Iran, the seminaries in Qpm were opened 
for women between the ages of sixteen to 
twenty. Nigerian schools with a madrasa 
curriculum started to admit women during 
the 1980S-199OS. This is slowly producing 
women 'ulamd'. 

In Western coimtries, Islamic education 
has become popular among women who 
want a career as teachers in Muslim 
elementary schools. Although some south 
Asian Deobandi and Tablighi-oriented 
mosques are still closed to women, in 
Europe mosques organize Qiir'an courses 
for women and girls, and some associations 
allow women to become imams for other 
women. The Turkish Sufi-oriented Siiley- 



TEACHING AND PREACHING 



226 



manlis, for example, encourage women to 
complete advanced religious studies in 
Turkey in order to serve as "madam imam" 
(hoca hanim). During Ramadan, some of 
these women preachers conduct preaching 
tours in Western countries. In the past, 
many scholars allowed women to lead 
other women in the ritual prayers. Thus 
women are actually re-capturing their for- 
mer leadership positions in worship. 

Women's preaching and teaching activi- 
ties take place outside the men's mosques, 
in prayer houses, homes, community cen- 
ters or schools. For example, in central 
Asian countries (such as Kazakhstan, 
Uzbekistan and Tajikistan) the wives of 
imams, called Biblikhalifas, or Bibiotuns, 
organize religious educational circles for 
teenage girls. Several countries, such as 
China, Iran and Indonesia, have a history 
of women preachers who have had some 
basic knowledge of the Qiir'an, tafsir and 
hadlth, and in some cases they have ac- 
quired the same level of knowledge as the 
male 'ulamd'. 

Shi'i women in Iran have long held re- 
ligious meetings exclusively for women 
(forbidden to men). Since the Islamic revo- 
lution of 1979, the number of women with 
religious educations who could lead these 
meetings increased considerably. The 
meetings take place at home and are led by 
women preachers whose Islamic knowl- 
edge is gender specific. Apart from reciting 
the Qiir'an, the material discussed can be 
religious rituals. Islamic teachings, holy 
Shi'i texts, tafsir, special prayers, and read- 
ings on the occasion of Ramadan or feasts. 
Female preachers often have studied the 
Qur'an with their fathers or other scholars. 
Nowadays they can study at religious 
schools or colleges. They need to have 
knowledge of Arabic, philosophy, logic, 
Jigh, and tafstr, and to have studied for at 
least four years. The women preachers 
gain high social status among their follow- 



ers because of their piety and dedication to 
religion. At times, some female khatibdt are 
invited to the United States to preach to 
women's groups, like during the major 
feasts. 

In north, northwest and northeast China 
special mosques for women [quinzhen nusi 
or nusi) appeared as early as the nineteenth 
century. Adjacent to men's mosques, they 
are presided over by a female religious 
leader called nu ahong whose duties encom- 
pass teaching, ritual and worship guidance, 
sermons and counseling. The position of 
the nu ahong is controlled by the male lead- 
ership of the main moscjue and is carefully 
mapped out within a systein of strict gen- 
der segregation. 

Women's agency is based on Chinese par- 
adigms that were developed between the 
sixteenth and eighteenth centuries to pro- 
mote women's virtuous and religious 
development. When adopted by Chinese 
Muslims, these values were translated into 
the call for Islamic education for women in 
order to construct an ideal of Muslim 
womanhood. Consecutive revival move- 
ments of Islamic reformism in the late 
nineteenth century and the 1980s stressed 
women's participation in religion. The level 
of training that female ahongs can obtain in 
the religious schools for women (nuxue), 
however, is far inferior to that of the male 
leaders. Chinese Islamic colleges do not 
admit women, and this has perpetuated 
the limited education of women leaders. 

Indonesian women connected to the 
reformist Muhammadiyya organization 
started preaching activities as early as 1917. 
During the 1920s they built their own 
prayer houses supervised and funded by 
women. Since women have started to grad- 
uate from pesantren, IAIN and other Islamic 
universities, there are women preachers 
and teachers who have reached the same 
level of knowledge as male scholars of 
Islam. Women preach not only in segre- 



227 



TEACHING AND PREACHING 



gated gatherings, but also deliver sermons 
in mixed, non-ritual meetings. The cas- 
settes of some women star preachers such 
as Tutty Alawiyah are sold widely. Female 
preachers appear on television regularly 
and many participate in talk shows and 
call-in shows. 

All over the world, new classes of edu- 
cated Muslim women have started to de- 
mand better religious education and more 
religious rights. This has resulted in a va- 
riety of initiatives, either mounted by 
women or orchestrated by the state. For 
example, the Turkish Diyanet, the govern- 
ment body that oversees the country's 
mosques, has appointed women preachers 
and women who act as deputies to muftis. 
The task of these deputies is to supervise 
the work done in mosques as that relates to 
women. Women in India recently an- 
nounced that they want a mosque of their 
own, while women from the Progressive 
Muslims Union in the United States stated 
that the time has come for appointing 
women imams. In 1994, the African 
American scholar of Islam, Amina 
Wadud-Muhsin, preached a Friday sermon 
at the South African Claremont Main 
Road Mosque. She delivered the text 
standing on the rostrum in front of the 
minbar, while afterwards the imam climbed 
the minbar and performed the required rit- 
uals for the liturgical sermon. The same 
pattern is now followed regularly in a 
mosque in Johannesburg. In March 2005, 
Wadud-Muhsin created a world-wide ava- 
lanche of comments and protests when in 
New York she led a group of women and 
men in Friday prayers. This immediately 
led to afatwd by Yusuf al-Q_ardawi insist- 
ing that leadership in prayer is reserved to 
Muslim men only. 

Women have more religious room to 
move in countries far from the Middle 
Eastern heartland of Sunnl Islam. 
Occasionally, we do hear of women, even 



in Saudi Arabia, holding Qin"'an circles in 
their houses but, on the whole, their 
preaching and teaching activities remain 
hidden from the public eye. Influenced by 
the Islamist trends within contemporary 
Egyptian society, women preachers there 
urge women to become more observant 
Muslims and to strengthen themselves in 
piety, patience and perseverance. These 
preachers obtain their religious knowledge 
from private institutes and Islamic volun- 
tary associations that offer religious classes 
for women or from the al-Azhar College 
for Girls. They meet with women in build- 
ings adjacent to mosques and at times earn 
bitter public criticism from those who find 
them inept and their sermons "futile." 

Women preachers often address topics 
specific to women. Universal are basic 
teachings from the Qiir'an and guidance 
during the feasts and Ramadan. Further- 
more, the correct execution of rituals con- 
nected to womanhood and children (see 
menstruation; birth) as well as forms of 
ablutions, and issues of morality are im- 
portant topics (see modesty). Depending 
on the local culture, sexual ethics and 
health care connected with the Islamic 
concepts of cleanliness and purity can be 
important as well. 

Islamic organizations 
During the twentieth century several 
organizations — mostly reform- 
ist — emerged that aimed at reviving and 
strengthening Islam via da'wa and its mani- 
fold related activities. Through their 
courses, instructions, and handbooks, these 
organizations became influential gateways 
in recruiting and training missionary 
preachers. Nowadays their use of multi- 
media facilitates the dissemination of their 
material. Most organizations have their 
own web pages that provide support for 
preachers as well as model sermons, and 
on-line courses. Several organizations have 



TEACHING AND PREACHING 



228 



set up their own schooling system from 
elementary to university level, thus provid- 
ing informal and formal Islamic education. 
Some of these organizations have re- 
mained local while others have trans- 
formed themselves into global networks. 

In 1912, inspired by the reformist teach- 
ings of Muhammad 'Abduh and Rashid 
Rida, the Indonesian kiai Ahmad Dahlan 
(1868-1923) initiated the Muhammadiyya 
movement that currently counts around 
twenty million followers. Through its 
Department for Tabligh it trains thousands 
of male and female missionary preachers 
who are active all over the Archipelago. 
In 1927, Mawlana Muhammad Ilyas 
(1885-1944) started a movement that grew 
into the Tablighl Jama'at that now counts 
several millions of followers. Reacting to 
increasingly aggressive Hindu efforts to 
convert Muslims, it aimed at reinvigorating 
Islamic beliefs and practices among the 
Muslims of the Indo-Pakistani subcon- 
tinent. Abu 1-A'la Mawdudi (d. 1979), the 
founder of Jama'at-i IslamI, elaborated on 
the method of tabligh, stressing that it did 
not require coercion. By the 1960s, 
deliberate attempts were made to create 
comprehensive international networks such 
as the Higher Council of Islamic Affairs 
(al-Majlis al-A'lci lil-Shu'un al-hldmiyja) that 
was founded in Cairo, in i960. In 1961, an 
Islamic university opened in Medina to 
train missionaries who coidd work in mi- 
nority commimities, and in 1962, the trans- 
national Muslim World League (Rdbitat 
al-'Alam al-hldmij was founded in Mecca. 
Its constitution states the wish to "spread 
the Muslims' word," and its training center 
produces da'wa workers who operate all 
over the world. 

The Muslim Brotherhood (Jam 'iyyat al- 
Ikhwdn al-Muslimin) set up in 1928 by the 
Egyptian Hasan al-Banna (1906-49), 
together with the Jama'at-i IslamI, became 
among the most influential forces guiding 



Muslims in Western countries. Both en- 
tered North America through the Muslim 
Student Association (MSA), which was 
founded in 1963. Naturally their ideas 
about da 'wa were heavily influenced by the 
philosophies of Hasan al-Banna and Abu 
1-A'la Mawdudi. In 1981, the MSA merged 
into the large umbrella organization of 
ISNA (the Islamic Society of North 
America). Through national and regional 
conferences, publications and a website, 
ISNA has become instrumental in guiding 
Muslims in North America. Websites also 
serve as important transnational tools of 
guidance and education. The Islam-Online 
site, for example, has special sections in 
English and Arabic to serve preachers. 

Nelly van Doorn-Harder 

Selected bibliography 
Primary: Abu 'Ubayd al-Qasim b. Sallam, al- 
Khutab wa-l-mawaHi, Cairo 1986; [AyatoUah] 
Muhammad Husayn Fadl Allah, World of oar 
youth, Montreal 1998; al-Ghazall, Abu Hamid 
Muhammad b. Muhammad, Ihyd^ 'ulum at-dm, 
book 9, Kitdb al-adhkdr wa-l-da'awdt, trans. 
K. Nakamura, Invocations and supplications, 
Cambridge 1973; Abdullah Gymnastiar, Rejleksi 
manajemen qolbu, Bandung 2003; Ibn al-jawzl, 
Abu 1-Faraj 'Abd al-Rahman b. 'All, Kitdb al- 
Qussds wa-kmudhakkinn, ed. and trans. M.L. 
Schwartz, Beirut 1971; 'Amr Khalid, Ibdddt 
al-mumin, Cairo 2003; [Shaykh] Mutawalll 
1-Sha'rawT, Good and evil, London 1995; 
[AyatoUah] al-Sayyid 'All l-Husaynl al-Sistanl, A 
code of practice, London 1999; H. Yusuf, Purification 
of the heart. Signs, symptoms and cures of the spiritual 
diseases of the heart, Chicago 2004. 
Secondary: Teaching: H.N. Boyle, Quranic schools. 
Agents of preservation and change, London 2004; 
B. T)odge, Al-Azhar A millenium of Muslim learning, 
Washington, DC 1974 (popularly written history 
that ends at the 1961 reform); Ch.A. Eccel, Egypt, 
Islam, and social change. Al-Azhar in confiict and 
accommodation, Berlin 1984 (a detailed, at times 
somewhat convoluted study on internal changes 
within al-Azhar and its role in Egyptian society); 
D.F. Eickelman, Knowledge and power in Morocco. 
The education of a twentieth-century notable, 
Princeton 1985 (description of a traditionally 
educated Moroccan scholar of Islam); A. Fathi, 
Preachers as substitutes for mass media. 



229 



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The case of Iran, 1905-1909, in E. Kedourie and 
S.G. HaiiTi (eds.), Towards a modern Iran, London 
1980, 169-84 (provides examples of the role of 
preachers in agitating the people during the 
Constitutional Movement [1905-9] in Iran); 
M. Fischer, Iran. From religious dispute to revo- 
lution, Cambridge, MA 1980 (detailed de- 
scriptions of Shl'l madrasa education and 
religious leadership in Qpm); id. and M. Abedi, 
Debating Muslims, Madison 1990; N. Grandin and 
M. Gaborieau, Madrasa. La transmission du savoir 
dans le monde musulman, Paris 1997; K.M. Hassan, 
International Islamic University at Kuala 
Lumpur, inJ.L. Esposito (ed.), The Oxford ency- 
clopedia of the modern Islamic world, 4 vols.. New 
York 1995, ii, 2i\-i2'^ F. Jabali andjamhari, IAIN 
dan modernisasi Islam di Indonesia, Jakarta 2002 (an 
analysis of the effects of IAIN education); 
J. Jomier, al-Azhar, in Ei^, i, 8r3-2i;J. Landau, 
Kuttab, in Ei^, v, 567-70; G. Makdisi, The rise of 
colleges. Institutions of learning in Islam and the West, 
Edinburgh 1981 (provides detailed descriptions of 
schools, how they were financed, what type of 
knowledge was transmitted, and the various 
categories of religious professions pursued by 
those "graduating" from these institutions); 
Y. Nakash, The ShVis of Iraq, Princeton 2003 
(1994) (provides details on the influence and 
developments of the shrine cities of Karbala and 
Najaf and on the differences between Iraqi and 
Iranian Shl'ism); J. Pedersen et al., Madrasa, in 
El'', y, 1123-54; D.M. Reid, al-Azhar, inJ.L. 
Esposito (ed.), The Oxford encyclopedia of the modern 
Islamic world, 4 vols.. New York 1995, i, 168-71; 
A.E. Sonbol, Shaltut, Mahmud, inJ.L. Esposito 
(ed.), The Oxford encyclopedia of the modern 
Islamic world, 4 vols.. New York 1995, iv, 42-3; 
G. Starrett, Putting Islam to work. Education, politics 
and religious transformation in Egypt, Berkeley 1998; 
A. Talas, La Madrasa jSfizamiyya et son histoire, Paris 
1939 (study about the first official madrasa); A.L. 
Tibawi, Origin and character of al-Madrasah, in 
BSOAS 2^/2 (1962), 225-38; M.Q. Zaman, 
Religious education and the rhetoric of reform. 
The madrasa in British India and Pakistan, in 
Comparative studies in society and history 41/2 (1999), 
294-323; id.. The Ulamu in contemporary Islam. 
Custodians of change, Princeton 2002; M. Zeghal, 
Gardiens de VIslam. Les ulama d'al-Azhar dans 
VEgypte contemporaine, Paris 1995. Preaching and 
preachers: R. Antoun, Muslim preacher in the modern 
world. A Jordanian case study in comparative perspective, 
Princeton 1989; W. Armbrust, Mass culture and 
modernism in Egypt, Cambridge 1996; id.. Mass 
mediations. New approaches to popular culture in the 
Middle East and beyond, Berkeley 2000; Th.W. 
Arnold, The preaching of Islam. A history of the 
propagation of the Aluslim faith, London 1913" 



(analyzes the spread of Islam and the issues 
concerning tabligh);^.V. Berkey, Popular preaching 
and religious authority in the medieval Islamic Near 
East, Seattle 2001 (a comprehensive analysis of 
medieval preachers, their message, the influence 
they wielded on the audiences and rulers of their 
time, and the issues concerning religious 
authority that surrounded their performance); 
id., The transmission of knowledge in medieval Cairo, 
Princeton, NJ 1992; B.M. Borthwick, The 
Islamic sermon as a channel of political 
communication, in Middle East journal 21/3 (1967), 
299-313; P.D. Gaffney, The changing voices of 
Islam. The emergence of professional preachers 
in contemporary Egypt, in MTv8i (1991), 27-47; 
id., The Prophet's pulpit. Islamic preaching in 
contemporary Egypt, Berkeley 1994 (an important 
study that analyzes the discourses of several 
preachers in Upper Egypt); A. A. GhaWash, al- 
Da'wa al'isidmiyya. Usuluhd wa-wasd'iluhd ("The 
principles and problems of Islamic mission"), 
Cairo 1978; T Howarth, The Twelver Shi'a as a 
Muslim minority in India. Pulpit of tears, London 
2005; L.G.Jones, The boundaries of sin and 
communal identity. Muslim and Christian preaching and 
the transmission of cultural identity in medieval Iberia 
and Maghreb (12th to ijth centuries), PhD diss., 
U. Santa Barbara, GA 2004; F.I. Khuri, The 
ulama. A comparative study of Sunni and Shi'a 
religious officials, in Middle Eastern studies 23 
(1987), 291-312; J. Pedersen, The criticism of the 
Islamic preacher, in Wl 2 (1953), 215-31; id., 
KhatTb, in Ei^, iv, 1109-12; B. Radtke andJ.J.G. 
Jansen, Wa'iz [i and 2], in El^, xi, 56-7; 
O. Roy, Globalized Islam. The search for a new 
ummah. New York 2004; M. 'Izz al-Dln Tawflq, 
Khutbat al-jumu 'a wa-dawruhdfi l-tawjih al-tarbawi, 
Casablanca 1994; L. Wise, "Words from the heart". 
New forms of Islamic preaching in Egypt, Oxford 

2003 (engaging M.Phil, thesis about the 
phenomenon of the popular preaching of 'Amr 
Khalid; available on line). Africa: A.M. 
Abdurrahman and P. Canham, The ink of the 
scholar. The Islamic tradition of education in Nigeria, 
Lagos 1978; R. Otayek (ed.), Le radicalisme 
islamique au sud du Sahara. Da'wa, arabisation et 
critique de I'Occident, Paris 1993; S. Reese (ed.). The 
transmission of learning in Islamic Africa, Leiden 

2004 (useful study that presents various articles 
about teaching the Qiir'an in sub-Saharan 
Africa); M.S. Umar, Mass Islamic education and 
emergence of female \ilama^ in northern 
Nigeria. Background, trends, and consequences, 
in S. Reese (ed.). The transmission of learning in 
Islamic Africa, Leiden 2004, 99-120 (describes the 
process of granting women access to religious 
education in northern Nigeria and how this led 
to the emergence of women 'ulama); id., Profiles 



TEACHING AND PREACHING 



230 



of new Islamic schools in northern Nigeria, in 

The Maghreb review 28 (Summer/Fall 2003), 
146-69. Indonesia and Malaysia: M. van 
Bruinessen, Kitab Kuning. Books in Arabic 
script used in the pesantren miheu, in Bijdragen 
Koninklijk Instituut voor de Tropen 146 {1990), 226-69 
{provides a detailed description of books used in 
Indonesian pesantren); Dh. Z. Dhofier, The 
pesantren tradition. The role of the Kiai in the 
maintenance of traditional Islam in Java, Tempe, AZ 
1999 (provides detailed information and 
descriptions about the ^&h\i\T\ng pesantren in 
Jombang, Java); A.M. Gade, Perfection makes 
practice. Learning, emotion, and the recited Qur'dn in 
Indonesia, Honolulu 2004;J. Nagata, The 
refiowering of Malaysian Islam, Vancouver, BC 
1984; P. Riddell, Islam and the Malay -Indonesian 
world. Transmission and responses, Honolulu 2001 
{chapter 13 is on preaching in Malaysia and 
Indonesia); K.H. Abdurrahman Wahid, 
Principles of pesantren education, in 
M. Oepen and VV. Karcher (eds.), The impact of 
pesantren in education and community development in 
Indonesia, ^3ik?iYta. 1988; G. Weix, Islamic prayer 
groups in Indonesia. Local forums and gendered 
responses, in Critique of anthropology 18/4 (1998), 
405-20. Europe and J^orth America: O. Cherribi, 
Imams d'Amsterdam: A travers I'exemple des imams de 
la diaspora m.arocaine, PhD diss., Amsterdam 2000; 
F. Fregosi {ed.). La formation des cadres religieux 
tnusulmans en France. Approches socio-jurisdique, Paris 
1998; A. Ljamai, Imams in tekst en context, 
Zoetermeer 2004 (details and analyzes the 
sermons of three imams working in the Nether- 
lands); B. Metcalf (ed.). Making Muslim space in 
North America and Europe, Berkeley 1996; 
L. Poston, Islamic da'wah in the West. Muslim 
missionary activity and the dynamics of conversion to 
Islam, New York 1992; M. Reeber, Islamic 
preaching in France. Admonitory address or 
political platform? in Islam and Muslim-Christian 
relations 4/3 (1993), 2ii-22; id., Les khutbas de la 
diaspora. Enquete sur les tendances de la 
predication islamique dans les mosques en 
France et dans plusieurs pays d'Europe 
occidentale, in F. Dassetto (ed.), Paroles d'islam: 
Individus, societes et discours dans I'islam. europeen 
contemporain, Paris 2000, 185-203; id., Les minbars 
de la diaspora. A propos de la predication, in 
Projet: Revue trimestrielle 231 [special issue: 
Musulmans en terre d'Europe] {1992), 55-9; id., 
A study of Islamic preaching in France, in Islam 
and Muslim-Christian relations 2/2 (1991), 275-94; 
J.I. Smith, Islam in America, New York 1999; 
L. Walbridge, Without forgetting the imam. Lebanese 
Shi'ism in an American community, Detroit 1997; 
K. Vogt, Religious associations: Western Europe, 
in S.Joseph (ed.), Encyclopaedia of women and 



Islamic cultures, Leiden 2003-, ii, 451-4. Women 
preaching: N. van Doorn-Harder, Women shaping 
Islam. Indonesian Muslim women reading the Qur'dn, 
Urbana, IE 2006 (analyzes preaching and 
teaching activities by women belonging to the 
organizations of Nahdlatul Ulama and 
Muhammadiyya); Sh. Hafez, The terms of 
empowerment. Islamic women activists in Egypt, Cairo 
2003; M. Jaschok and Sh. Jingjun, The history of 
women's mosques in Chinese Islam. A mosque of their 
own, Richmond, Surrey 2000; Z. Kamalkhani, 
Women's Islam. Religious practice among women in 
today's Iran, London 1998; S. Mahmood, Politics 
of piety. The Islamic revival and the feminist 
subject, Princeton 2004; L. Marcoes-Natsir, 
The female preacher as mediator in religion. 
A case study in Jakarta and West Java, in 
S. van Bemmelen et al. (eds.). Women and mediation 
in Indonesia, Leiden 1992, 203-28; id. Muslim 
female preacher and feminist movement, in 
A. Samiuddin and R. Khanam (eds.), Aluslim 
feminism, and feminist movement. South-east Asia, Delhi 
2002, 253-89 (two detailed articles on the topics 
and sermons of several women preachers on 
Java). Aiiscellaneous: Shaykh '^Abd al-'AzTz b. 
'^Abdallah b. Baz, Inviting towards Allah 
and the qualities of the callers, on http:// 
www. salafipublications.com/sps/sp.cfm? 
subsecID=DAW^Oi&articleID=DAWoioo02& 
articlePages==i (written by the former Grand 
Mufti of Saudi Arabia [d. 1999], this is one of 
many such treatises available via the Internet 
about the requirements for those preaching 
and teaching the Qiir'an); D.F Eickelman 
and J.W. Anderson (eds.). Mew media in the 
Muslim world. The emerging public sphere, 
Bloomington, IN 1999 (discusses how the 
emergence of new^ media such as the Internet 
has contributed to the re-shaping of religious 
authority in the Muslim world); F Esack, Qur'dn, 
liberation and pluralism. An Islamic perspective of 
interreligious solidarity against oppression, Oxford 
2002* (describes Amina Wadud-Muhsin's Friday 
sermon and the preaching activities of the 
imams leading progressive Muslims in South 
Africa); J.J.G.Jansen, The neglected duty. The creed of 
Sadat's assassins and Islamic resurgence in the Middle 
East, New York 1986 (provides detailed descrip- 
tions of the sermons of Shaykhs Kishk and 
Sha'ra^vl); G. Kepel, The Prophet and the pharaoh, 
London 1985 (provides the transcript of a ser- 
mon by Shaykh Kishk with an insightful analy- 
sis); id. and Y. Richard, Intellectuals et militants de 
I'Islam contemporain, Paris 1990 (essays about the 
tensions between traditionally Islamic and 
Western-trained intellectuals in contemporary 
Muslim society); B.D. Metcalf, Islamic revival in 
British India. Deoband 1860-igoo, Princeton 1982 



231 



(a comprehensive study of the Deoband 
movement and the role of Muslim religious 
leaders in Indian politics); R. Schulze, Islamischer 
Inter nationalismus im 20. Jahrhundert: Untersuchungen 
zur Geschichte der Islamischen Weltliga, Leiden 1990; 
M. Sharon, Black banners from the ^aj/, Jerusalem 
1983 (analyzes the evolving interpretations of the 
principle of da'wa, first introduced by the 'Abba- 
sids as a politico-religious principle used to bring 
them to power by re-creating the divine order). 
Selected websites: http;//www.bayynat.org/{official 
website of AyatoUah Fadl Allah); http://www. 
isna.net/lilbrary/khutbahs/FridayKhutbahs.asp; 
http://www.IslamOnline.net. 



Tears see weeping 

Technology see media and the 
q^ur'an; computers and the q_ur'an 



Teeth 

Hard bony appendages found in die 
mouths of vertebrates that assist in the 
chewing of food, as well as in defense and 
the capturing of prey. The word for tooth 
(sinn) occurs once in the Qur'an, in a verse 
that refers to the biblical lex talionis (law of 
retaliation [q.v.]): "We prescribed for them 
[the Jews; see JEWS and Judaism] therein 
[in the Torah (q.v.)]: life (q.v.) for life, eye 
for eye (see eyes), nose for nose, ear for ear 
(q.v), tooth for tooth, and for injuries like 
retaliation. If someone forgoes (retaliation) 
out of charity, it shall be an expiation for 
him. Whoever judges not by that which 
God has revealed: such are wrong-doers" 
(Q. 5-45) see judgment; revelation and 
inspiration; evil deeds; virtues and 
vices, commanding and forbidding). 
This statement occurs in the course of a 
passage discussingjews and Christians (see 

CHRISTIANS AND CHRISTIANITY) who reSOrt 

to the prophet Muhammad for the adju- 
dication of legal disputes (o 5:42-50). 

The basic principle established in the 
Qiir'an is that legal disputes within each 



religious community should be settled by 
reference to that community's sacred text. 
Disputes among Jews should be settled by 
reference to the Torah, disputes among 
Christians should be settled by reference to 
the Gospel (q.v.) and disputes among 
Muslims should be settled by reference to 
the Qiir'an, no matter who is acting as 
judge. This passage makes it clear that 
each community (umma) has its own law 
(c3 5:48) and that this law is contained in 
the scripture (see LAW AND THE ciur'an). 
The important role played by the sacred 
text in judgment is recognized in several 
ways. The Prophet or others are said to 
judge between disputants by that which 
God has revealed (q^ 5-44) 45) 47)- In other 
passages, the sacred text is personified and 
itself gives a verdict or judges between dis- 
putants: "Have you not seen how those 
who have been given a portion of the 
scripture invoke the scripture of God (in 
their disputes) that it may judge between 
them, then a faction of them turns away, 
opposed (to it)?" (c) 3:23; see parties and 
factions). 

In addition, mention of the lex talionis 
shows an awareness in the Qiir'an of spe- 
cific biblical legal rulings (see scripture 
and the {)Ur'an): "Anyone who maims 
another shall suffer the same injury in 
return: fracture for fracture, eye for eye, 
tooth for tooth; the injury inflicted is the 
injury to be suffered" [Lev 24:20; see also 
Exod 21:24; Deut 19:21). The principle of 
like retaliation (qisds) was adopted in 
Islamic law as well, but was supplemented 
by an alternative regime of monetary com- 
pensation. For the life of a free, adult male 
(see murder; bloodshed), compensation 
was set at one hundred camels and for the 
loss of limbs and other injuries, as well as 
for the death or injury of women (see 
WOMEN and the our'an), children (q.v), 
and slaves (see slaves and slavery), vari- 
ous fractions of that amount were awarded 



TEMPORARY MARRIAGE 



232 



[see vengeance; revenge; blood 
money). 



De 



ij. Stewart 



Bibliography 
C. Carmichael, Biblical laws of talion, in Hebrew 
annual review g (1985), 107-26; J. Chelhod, Les 
structures du sacre chez les Arab es^ Paris 1986, 155, 
176; W.B. Hallaq, A history of Islamic legal theories, 
Cambridge 1997; B.Jackson, Tlie problem of 
Exod. XXI 22-25 (1^1^ talionis), in Vetus testamen- 
tum 23 (1973), 273-304; S. Loewenstamm, Exodus 
XXI 22-25, ^^ Vetus testamentum 27 (1977), 352-60; 
F. Rahman, Some key ethical concepts of the 
Qiir'an, ui Journal of religious ethics ri (1983), 
170-85; R. Roberts, The social laws of the Qprdn, 
London 1925, repr. London 1990 (Eng. trans, of 
Familienrecht im Qordn)] R. Westbrook, Lex talionis 
and Exodus 21,22-25, in Revue biblique 93 (1986), 
52-69- 



Temperature see hot and cold 
Temple see saiired precincts; house, 

DOMESTIC AND DIVINE 



Temporary Marriage 

Financial contract between a man and an 
unmarried woman permitting sexual rela- 
tions for a fixed amount of time upon com- 
pensation of the woman. Although the 
Arabic term for this concept (niut'a) does 
not occur in the Qiir'an, the tenth verbal 
form of the root m-t- ' is employed at 
C3 4:24, likely with reference to this practice 
as a pre-Islamic Arabian tradition (despite 
the explanations of many exegetes; cf. e.g. 
the traditions preserved in Tabari, TafsTr, 
ad loc, which identify al-istimtd' Wit\i 
"nikdh" or "tazwy"; cf also Heffening, 
Mut'a). This practice developed into a 
complex Shi'l religious institution abotit 
which there has been much cultural and 
moral ambivalence, yet in Iran, since the 
revolution of 1979, it has become more 
commonplace (Haeri, Law of desire). 



Literally "marriage of pleasure," mut'a is a 
form of a pre-Islamic tradition in Arabia 
(Robertson-Smith, Kinship and marriage; see 

PRE-ISLAMIC ARABIA AND THE OUR'an) that 

still retains legitimacy among the Twelver 
Shl'ls who live predominantly, though not 
exclusively, in Iran (see SHi'isM and the 
(Jur'an). Legally, mMi a-marriage is a con- 
tract ('aqd) in which a man and an unmar- 
ried woman decide how long they want to 
be married to each other and how much 
money, or bride-price, is to be given to the 
temporary wife (see contracts and 
alliances; marriage and divorce; 
bridewealth). Unlike in the case of per- 
manent marriage [nikdh) a temporary wife 
is not legally entitled to financial support 
(nafaqa) above and beyond the bride-price, 
even in the event of pregnancy, unless it is 
agreed upon beforehand (see mainte- 
nance AND upkeep). Doctrinally, the Shi'i 
jurists distinguish temporary marriage 
from permanent marriage by stating that 
the objective of mut'a is sexual enjoyment, 
while that of nikdh is procreation (Tusi, 
Mhdya, 497-502; HiUij Shard'i', 524; Kashif 
al-Ghita', Ayin-i ma; Tabataba'i, Shi'ite 
Islam; Mutahhari, JVi^dm-i huquq-i zan, 38; 
Khomeini, Tawdlh al-masd'il; id., Mut'a; 
Levy, Introduction; Murata, Temporary mar- 
riage; Haeri, Law of desire). 

According to Shi'l literature, the second 
caliph 'Umar (r. 13-23/634-44; see caliph) 
outlawed the custom of mut'a marriage in 
the first/seventh century and threatened its 
practitioners with stoning (q.v). The Shl'is 
have systematically contested the caliph's 
decision. They argue, on the basis of the 
qur'anic reference to mut'a [md stamta'tum 
bihi minhunna, c) 4:24) and the lack of any 
unambiguous prophetic hadlth banning its 
practice (see hadIth and the cjur'an), 
that 'Vmar's fatwd lacks legitimacy (al- 
Aminl, al-Ghadir; Tabataba'i, Shi'ite Islam; 
Shafa'l, Mut'a; 'Amill, Mut'a; Haeri, Law of 
desire, 61-4; see law and the qur'an). 



233 



TEMPORARY MARRIAGE 



Indeed die Shl'is point to the fact that tem- 
porary marriage was common at tlie time 
of tlie prophet Muliammad and tliat many 
of the early converts were cliildren of mut'a 
marriages: 'Adi, son of Hatim and 
Mawiyya, is an example (al-Amim, al- 
Ghadir, vi, 129, 198-240; Robertson-Smith, 
Kinship and marriage, 81; cf Tabataba'l, 
Shi'ite Islam, 227). 

The Siinnis and Shl'is have not ceased to 
dispute the religious legitimacy and moral 
propriety of temporary marriage. Al- 
though strongly opposed by the SunnI 
'ulamd' [see suholar), the custom of tem- 
porary marriage has apparently continued 
among some Sunnis into modern times 
(Snouck Hurgronje, Mekka, 12-13). 

Rules and procedures regarding mut'a 
developed piecemeal and by analogical 
reasoning. Its present form is the result of 
dialogues and debates among Shi'i schol- 
ars, the most prominent of whom was the 
sixth imam (q.v.), Ja'far al-Sadiq (d. 148/ 
765; TusI, .MAtyiflj 497-502; Hilli, Shard'i', 
515-28; Ghazanfari, Khuddmdz-i lum'a, ii, 
126-34; Kashif al-Ghita , Ayin-i ma, 372-92; 
Khomeini, Tawdih al-masd'it; Mutahharl, 
M^dm-i huqUq-i zan, 21-54; Imami, Huqiiq-i 
madam; Levy, Introduction, i, 131-90; Fayzee, 
Outlines, 117-21; Murata, Temporary marriage; 
Haeri, law of desire). 

Arabic in origin, the term mut'a has mul- 
tiple meanings: "that which gives benefits, 
for a short while," "enjoyment, pleasure" 
(i.e. to saturate), "to have the usufruct of 
something" (Dihkhuda, Sigha, 318). Al- 
though the specified purpose of temporary 
marriage is sexual pleasure (specifically 
male pleasure), the religious language that 
describes it places — or misplaces — the 
emphasis on its marital aspect, thereby 
creating the impression that mut'a is simply 
a form of marriage but with a built-in time 
limit. Outside of religious circles, everyday 
language in Iran has remained more faith- 
ful to the literal meaning of mut'a, which 



has colloquially been substituted with the 
vernacular Persian term sigha. Used in both 
nominal and verbal forms, properly speak- 
ing sTgha means "form" or "type" of a con- 
tract. It is a pejorative term that has been 
applied to a woman who is temporarily 
married but not to the man who engaged 
her services. 

Primarily an urban phenomenon, tem- 
porary marriage is culturally stigmatized 
and is popularly perceived to be similar to 
"legalized prostitution." Ironically, it is also 
believed to be more prevalent around the 
pilgrimage centers in Iran than elsewhere 
in the country (cf. e.g. Haeri, law of desire, 
9-10). Temporary marriage is a form of 
contract that may be performed privately 
and in any language as long as the partners 
agree on the exact period the marriage 
shall last and the amount of bride-price to 
be given to the temporary wife (sigha). A 
temporary marriage need not be witnessed 
or registered (TusI, Nihdya, 498). Presently, 
however, the Islamic state in Iran requires 
its registration, ostensibly to ascertain the 
legality of a woman's claim in case she 
may become pregnant. 

At the end of the specified period, the 
temporary marriage automatically comes 
to an end without any divorce ceremony. 
Regardless of its length, women must keep 
a period of sexual abstinence, 'idda, after it 
ends (see waiting period). Also a feature 
of permanent marriage and divorce, the 
'idda of temporary marriage is shorter by 
one month. It is two menstrual cycles for 
women who menstruate regularly, and 
forty-five days for women who are at an 
age where they normally ought to menstru- 
ate but for some reason they do not. 'Idda 
is not required of menopausal women. 
Temporary spouses do not legally inherit 
from each other, though theoretically they 
may negotiate such a condition in their 
contract. In addition to the four wives re- 
ligiously allowed all Muslim men, a Shl'l 



TENTS AND TENT PEGS 



234 



man may simultaneously contract as many 
temporary marriages as he wishes and re- 
new any of them for as many times as the 
partners desire it, provided that certain 
conditions are met. A Shi'i woman is per- 
mitted only one marriage at a time, be it 
temporary or permanent. 

Temporary marriage is an institution in 
which the relationship between the sexes 
(see SEX AND sexuality), marriage, sexual- 
ity, morality, religious rules, secular laws 
and cultural practices converge. At the 
same time it is a kind of custom that puts 
religion and popular cidture at odds. 
Despite its legality and religious sanctity, 
temporary marriage has never enjoyed 
widespread support culturally, particularly 
among the more "secidar" middle and up- 
per middle classes in Iran, Iraq and 
Lebanon, where a substantial number of 
Shi'ls live. 

Shahla Haeri 



law, London 1987; M. Mutahharl, Ni/idm-i huquq-i 
zan ddr Islam (Legal rights of women in Islam), 
Qpm 1353/1974^; id., The rights of women in 
Islam. Fixed-term marriage, part 3, in Alahjuba 
(Oct/Nov 1981), 52-6; W. Robertson-Smith, 
Kinship and marriage in early Arabia, Boston 1903; 
M. Shafa'T, Mut'a wa-dthdr-i huqUq wa-ijtimd'-yidn 
(Mut'a and its legal and social effects), Tehran 
1352/1973^ [in Pers.]; C. Snouck Hurgronje, 
Mekka in the latter part of the igth century, trans. J.H. 
Monahan, London 1931; Tabataba'i, Muham- 
mad Husayn, Mut'a ya izdiwaj-i muwaqqat 
(Mut'a or temporary marriage), in Maktab-i 
Tashayyu' 6 (1343/1964), 10-20; id., Shi'ite Islam, 
trans, (from Pers.) and ed. S.H. Nasr, Albany 
1975; id., Zan dar Islam (Women in Islam), in 
Maktab-i Tashayyu' i (1338/1959), 7-30; id. et al., 
Izdiwdj-i muwaqqat ddr Islam (Temporary marriage 
in Islam), Qpm 1985; TusI, Abii JaTar Muham- 
mad, al'JVihdyaJi mujarrad al-Jiqh wa-l-fatdwd, Pers. 
trans. M.T Danishpazhidi, Tehran 1343/1964. 



Temptation see whisper; devil 
Ten Gommandments see 

COMMANDMENT 



Bibliography 
'Amili, Sayyid Husayn Yusuf Makkl, Mut'a dar 
Islam (Mut'a in Islam), Damascus 1342/1963 
[Pers. trans, of al-Mut'afi l-Isldm\; A. A. al-Amim, 
Tarjuma-i al-Ghadir, vols. 5-6, Tehran 1372/1952"; 
'A. A. Dihkhuda, Sigha, in Lughatndma (Dihkhuda 
dictionary), ed. M. Mu'ln, serial no. 204, Tehran 
133S/19595 315J A. A. A. Fayzee, Outlines of 
Mahammadan law. New Delhi 1974"^; M. Ghazan- 
farl, KhuddmUz lum'a, Tehran 1336/1957; A. Gri- 
betz. Strange bedfellows. Mut'at al-nisa^ and mut'at 
al-hajj . A study based on Sunm and ShT'i sources of 
tafsTr, hadith andfiqh, Berlin 1994; Sh. Haeri, Law 
of desire. Temporary marriage in Shi'i Iran, Syracuse 
1989, 1993; VV. Heffening, Mut'a, in El", vii, 
757-9; al-Hilli, Najm al-Dln Abu 1-Qasim Ja'far, 
ShardY al-Isldm (Islamic law), Pers. trans. 
A. Ahmad YazdT and M.T. Danishpazhuh, 
vol. 2., Tehran 1347/1968; Sayyid H. ImamI, 
Huqq-i madam [Civil law), 5 vols., Tehran 1350-3/ 
1971-4; Kashif al-Ghita', Muhammad Husayn, 
Ayin-i md (Our custom), trans. N.M. ShirazI, 
Qpm 1347/1968; Ruhollah Khomeini, Mut'a, in 
Mahjuba 2/5 (1982), 38-40; id., Tawdih al-masd'il, 
Mashhad 1977 [in Pers.]; R. Levy, Introduction to 
the sociology of Islam, 2 vols., London 1931-3; 
S. Murata, Temporary marriage fmut'aj in Islamic 



Tents and Tent Pegs 

Portable shelters for nomadic peoples and 
the means to affix them in the ground. 
Arabic lexicographical works and diction- 
aries provide us with a considerable variety 
of terms designating a tent (see tools for 
THE study of the our'an). Most of this 
vocabulary goes back to Arab philologists 
of the eighth/ninth centuries c.E. like 
al-Asma'i (d. 213/828), Abu 'Ubayda 
(d. 209/824-5) and Abii Zayd al-Ansari 
(d. 215/830) to whom later lexicographers 
owe most of their knowledge about pre- 
Islamic Arabs, their culture and language 
(see ARABS; pre-islamic Arabia and the 

Q^UR'an; ARABIC LANGUAGE; ARABIC 
script). Only four of the terms designat- 
ing a tent occur in the Qiir'an: bajit, khayma, 
^ulla, and surddiq. 

The Bedouin (q.v.) calls his tent a bayt. 
That is the common Semitic root for 



235 



TENTS AND TENT PEGS 



"dwelling," regardless if what is meant is 
the tent of the Bedouins or a house built of 
brick or stone for sedentary people (see 
nomads; city). The more precise term for 
a tent is bayt sha \ "hair tent," which in- 
dicates the material used for making it (see 
HIDES AND fleece). The preferred fiber for 
the Bedouin tent is goat hair the color of 
which gives the tent its characteristic 
"blackness," even though "black tents" are 
often not black at all but are dyed in other 
colors (IsfahanI, Aghdm, viii, 65 mentions 
red tents: ahlu l-qibdbi l-humr). Many tents 
are made of pure goat hair because it is 
stronger and warmer in winter than other 
sorts of wool. Furthermore, rain water 
slides off the surface of goats' hair so that 
the tent inside remains dry. Often sheep or 
camel wool or a plant fiber are added; a 
certain percentage of goat hair, however, is 
always needed because sheep wool 
stretches too much and cainel wool is too 
short and weak (see camels; animal life). 
The origin of the black tent is connected 
with the domestication of goats and sheep, 
the animals which provided the material 
for the tent cloth. The earliest mention of 
goat hair as tent material can be found in 
the Bible [Exod 26:7): "You shall also make 
the curtains of goats' hair for a tent over 

the tabernacle " There are two basic 

types of black tent — the eastern or 
Persian type and the western or Arab type 
(according to Feilberg, La tente noire). The 
Persian black tent seems to be closer to the 
black tents of biblical times which are of 
the simple construction described in 
Exodus. The Arab black tent is used by the 
Bedouin tribes of Arabia, Iraq (q.v.) and 
Syria (q.v.) and the tribes to the west of 
them (Rackow, Beduinenzelt; see tribes 
AND clans). The shape of the Arab tent is 
an extended cube. The length of a tent can 
vary from 4-5 meters to about 40 or 50 me- 
ters. The more rooms the tent has, the 
more wooden center poles are erected. 



Secondary poles are used for supporting 
the side and the open front of the tent. 
The most important component of a tent 
is the cloth panels: For a two-room tent 
about eight panels are needed, each ten or 
twelve meters long and 60 or 70 centime- 
ters wide, which are stitched together. In 
addition to the tent cloth of the Persian 
type, the Arab type has tension bands sewn 
across the cloth breadths. These tension 
bands serve as reinforcement of the tent 
cloth. 

Pre-Islamic Arabic poetry gives only 
scanty information on the construction of 
tents and materials used for them (see the 
examples in Jacob, Leben, 41-3; see poetry 
AND poets). The Qiir'an itself does not 
describe the characteristics of the tent any 
further. The term bayt occurs only once in 
the sense of "tent," in C) 16:80, whereas in 
all other cases bayt denotes a holy place or 
"God's house" (see house, domestic and 
divine). The same verse mentions leather 
(skins) as the material used for making the 
tent: "God has appointed for you from 
your tents (buyut) a rest, and from the skins 
of the cattle (juliid al-an 'dm) he has ap- 
pointed for you houses (buyut) which were 
light for you on the day you strike them 

and the day you set them up " The term 

khayma, interpreted by early Arabic lexi- 
cographers as some sort of tent-like shelter, 
occurs in C3 55:72 in the plural (al-khiydm) as 
tent for the houris (q.v.): "cloistered in 
(cool) pavilions." This term is found again 
in the same meaning in classical poetry (see 
also Lisdn al-'Arab, xii, 193; about a possible 
origin of the word from Ge'ez see Leslau, 
Dictionary, 269; see foreign vocabulary). 
Al-Asma'i holds that a khayma is built only 
of branches of trees, and that otherwise it 
is called bayt (similarly in Mutarrizi, 
Mughrib, 94); other lexicographers hold that 
it is made with pieces of cloth and tent 
ropes. The term ^uUa occurs in o 7:171 and 
could denote some sort of unstable shelter: 



TENTS AND TENT PEGS 



236 



"And when we shook the mountain above 
them as if it were a ^w/Zfl" (cf. other transla- 
tions of the term as "covering" or 
"shadow"). The commentators (e.g. 
Bajdawl, Anwar, ad loc.) conceive this pas- 
sage to mean that God hfted the mountain 
like a roof. Arabic lexicographers interpret 
the term as a "thing that covers, or protects 
one, overhead" (Lane, 1916). According to 
A.S. Yahuda (Contribution, 285), the Jews 
in Arabia used ^ulal (pi. of ^ulla) for the 
"booths" (Heb. sikkot) that they erected for 
the Feast of Tabernacles (see JEWS and 
Judaism). The Lisdn al-'Amb (xi, 416-17) says 
that ^ulla is of Aramaic ("Nabatean") ori- 
gin. Yahuda therefore proposes as transla- 
tion "booths of foliage made for shelter." 
In European translations of the Qi_ir'an the 
word is similarly translated as "canopy" 
(Arberry; Bell, Quran) or "Hiitte" (Paret, 
Koran), whereas Blachere has "dais." 
According to Arabic dictionaries, surddiq 
denotes a pavilion or a cloth tent of quite 
large dimensions. Surddiq is a Persian loan- 
word (sardparda) signifying a curtain, 
especially at the door of a pavilion (Jeffery 
For vocab., 167; Asbaghi, Persische Lehnworter, 
157; see also Jawaliqi, Mu'arrab, 90). Arabic 
lexicographers interpret this word, besides 
the above-mentioned meaning, as an aw- 
ning extended over the interior court of a 
house or as a tent-enclosure without a roof 
(e.g. Mutarrizi, Mughrib, 130). The wording 
in Q_ 18:29, "We have prepared for the evil- 
doers a fire (q.v), whose surddiq encom- 
passes them" (Arberry: "pavilion"; Bell, 
Qur'dn: "awnings"; Blachere: "flammes"; 
Paret, Koran: "Zeltdecke"), evokes the im- 
age of a wall of flames surrounding the 
sinners, indicating that the term should be 
understood rather in the sense of an 
enclosure or a surround (see also Lisdn al- 
'Arab, x, 157-8; see hell and hellfire; 
reward and punishment; sin, major 
AND minor; good and evil). 
Of the components of a tent only tent- 



pegs [awtdd, pi. of watad) are mentioned in 
the Qiir'an. The term occurs twice, in 
C3 38:12 and 5) 89:10, in connection with 
Pharaoh (q.v.) where he is described as dhu 
l-awtdd, "possessor of the pegs" (Bell, 
Qur'dn: "possessor of the stakes"; Blachere: 
"Maitre des Epieux"; Paret, Koran: "der mit 
den Pfahlen"). No satisfactory explanation 
of this epithet has been found; most of the 
commentators interpret the passage as a 
metaphor (q.v.) for power or grandeur (see 
POWER AND impotence; SYMBOLIC 

imagery). J. Horovitz {ku, 130) suggests 
that it refers to his buildings, and H. 
Speyer (Erzdhlungen, 238) sees in it an 
allusion to the tower of Babel. It is often 
supposed to refer to some form of torture 
(impale) practiced by Pharaoh, which 
seems to be the most acceptable explana- 
tion (see Bell, Qur'dn, ii, 451; also 
Kratchkovsky Koran, 632). A third passage, 
Q^ 78:6, "Have we not made... the moun- 
tains as pegs?," reminds one of the biblical 
idea of the sky as tent [Ps 104:2; Is 40:12) 
stretched out [Is 40:22) and fitted out with 
pillars (2 Sam 22:8; see heaven and sky). 
The concept of a pavilion as an image of 
the sky is widespread in Christian literature 
(see for Syriac and Coptic examples 
Lumpe and Bietenhard, Himmel, 207; see 
christians and Christianity) and plays 
also a role in the Persian symbolism of 
power. Plutarch [Vit. Alex., 37:3) describes 
the golden pavilion of Alexander the Great 
(see dhu l-oarnayn) representing the sky 
(other examples in L'Orange, Studies, 74f.). 
The Qur'an seems to refer here obviously 
to common cosmological conceptions in 
the Near East (see cosmology). 

Ute Pietruschka 



Bibliography 
Primary: Baydawi, Anwar; Ibn Kathir, Tajsir, 
4 vols., repr. Beirut 1980; IsfahanI, Aghdm, Cairo 
1323/1905; JawalTqT, Mi/'arrai, ed. E, Sachau, 



237 



TEXTUAL CRITICISM 



Leipzig 1867; Lisdn al-'Arab; al-MutarrizT, Biirhan 
al-Din Abu 1-Fath Nasir b. Abi Makarim, al- 
Mughrib fi tartib al-mu'rib, ed. M. Fakhurl and 
'A. Mukhtar, Aleppo 1982, repr. Beirut 1999. 
Secondary: A. Asbaghi, Persische Lehnworter im. 
Arabischen, Wiesbaden 1988; T. Faegre, Tents. 
Architecture of the nomads, London 1979; C.G. 
Feilberg, La tente noire. Contribution ethnographique d 
Vhistoire culturelle des nomades, Copenhagen 1944; 
Horovitz, A't^; J.S. Jabbur, 77?^ Bedouins and the 
desert. Aspects of nomadic life in the Arab east, trans. 
L.L Conrad, New York 1995, esp. 241-56; 
G.Jacob, Das Leben der vorisldmischen Beduinen nach 
den Quellen geschildert, Berlin 1895; A. Jaussen, 
Coutumes des Arab es au pays de Moab, Paris 1948, 
74-7; Jeffery, For. uocab.; LY. Kratchkovsky, Koran, 
Moscow 1963; W. Leslau, Comparative dictionary of 
Ge'ez (classical Ethiopic), Wiesbaden 1991; H. List, 
Notizen zu den Bezeichnungen von Zelt, 
Kleidung und Kochgeschirr bei nahostlichen 
Beduinen, in zal 17 (1987), 69-90; H.P. 
L'Orange, Studies in the iconography of cosmic 
kingship in the ancient world, Oslo 1953; A. Lumpe 
and H. Bietenhard, Himniel, in Reallexikonfdr 
Antike und Christentum 15 (1991), 190-211; Plutarch, 
Plutarch's Lives, Eng. trans. B. Perrin, 11 vols., 
London 1919, repr. 1994 (tome vii); E. Rackow, 
Das Beduinenzelt. Nordafrikanische und 
arabische Zelttypen mit besonderer 
Beriicksichtigung des zentralalgerischen Zeltes, 
in Baessler-Archiv 21 (1938), 151-69, 170-84; Speyer, 
Erzdhlungen; A.S. Yahuda, A contribution to 
Qiir'an and hadith interpretation, in D.S. 
Lowinger andj. Somogyi (eds.), Ignace Goldziher 
memorial volume, 2 vols., Budapest 1948-58, i, 
280-308. 



Terror 



see FEAR 



Test 



see TRIAL 



Testifying see witnessing and 

TESTIFYING 

Textile see material culture and the 
q^ur'an 



Textual Criticism of the Qur'an 

Introduction 
Anyone who writes on textual criticism 
sliould begin with definitions. So let it be 



said from tire outset that textual criticism 
has nothing to do with the criticism of 
music, art or literature. In simplest terms, 
textual criticism is the correction of errors 
in texts. Classical scholars are, however, a 
bit more sophisticated. A. E. Housman 
(Application, 67) defines textual criticism as 
the "science of discovering error in texts 
and the art of removing it." But he goes on 
to say that it is not an exact science, so per- 
haps we might be justified in calling textual 
criticism "the art of discovering error in 
texts and the art of removing it." 
Regardless of how we define it, it is un- 
fortunately true that cjur'anic studies have 
not profited much from it. Most Muslim 
scholars have been unwilling to "discover 
and remove error" in the qur'anic text, and 
most non-Muslim scholars have followed 
suit, preferring to devote themselves to as- 
pects of qur'anic studies that do not im- 
pinge directly on the text. There have 
been, however, a few exceptions to this 
rule, some of which we shall mention later 
on. Classicists divide the process of textual 
criticism into three phases: recension, ex- 
amination and emendation. Recension is 
the establishment of a preliminary text; 
one examines it to determine whether it is 
the best possible text and, where it is not, 
one tries to emend. If the work is well 
done, the residt should be a revised version 
that is closer to the author's original. Since 
the standard Egyptian edition of the 
Qtir'an is quite good, there is no need to 
produce a recension of the qur'anic text, 
which would be impossible in any case, 
since there is not sufficient manuscript ma- 
terial to prepare a fully documented recen- 
sion (see MANUSCRIPTS OF THE OUr'an). It 
is, however, important to get an idea of just 
what this extant recension consists of, since 
it differs considerably from what we would 
expect in an ordinary literary text. 

The Qur'an began as a work of oral 
composition which took twenty-odd years 



TEXTUAL CRITICISM 



238 



to complete (see orality; orality and 
WRITING IN Arabia; recitation of the 
cjur'an). Parts, if not all, of it were copied 
at the Prophet's dictation, but because the 
Arabic alphabet has no vowels, only the 
consonantal outline (rasm) of the words 
could be written (see ARABIC script). 
Moreover, the diacritics that distinguish 
some consonants from others, though they 
existed at the time, were not used, prob- 
ably because the copyists had to write 
quickly to keep up with the dictation. 
These features of the orthography (q.v.) 
can make the reading of individual words 
uncertain — although this difficulty is of- 
ten exaggerated. The great majority of 
words in the Qvir'an can be read in only 
one way, determined by sense and syntax 
(see GRAMMAR AND THE cjur'an). Oral 
transmission was the norm, however, and 
there is no evidence that anyone in the 
early years ever read the Qiir'an from a 
written text in public (see reciters of the 
(JUr'an). The oral tradition dominated 
until an official written version, known as 
the 'Uthmanic recension, was produced 
(see codices of the q^ur'an; collection 
OF THE ^ur'an). But even thereafter, the 
oral tradition remained of primary im- 
portance. Readers reciting in public, 
whether they were dependent on the 
'Uthmanic recension or not, could not sim- 
ply omit ambivalent words (see 
ambiguous), nor could they recite one or 
two variants of a single rasm. They had to 
make choices. 

Qur'anic recitation soon became profes- 
sionalized and many reciters made col- 
lections of variants for their own use. The 
results were rather chaotic but gradually 
some order was introduced as the 
'Uthmanic recension was accepted by 
more and more readers. Ultimately com- 
patibility with the 'Uthmanic recension 
became a sine-qua-non for any acceptable 



reading (see mushaf; 'uthman; politics 
AND THE q^ur'an). The sacrality of the 
'Uthmanic recension for Muslims is dem- 
onstrated by the fact that it has been faith- 
fully transmitted, including its errors, for 
over 1300 years (see everyday life, the 
q^ur'an in; teaching and preai;hing the 
(Jur'an). One cannot really doubt that it 
was the 'Uthmanic recension that pre- 
served the Qiir'an from complete disin- 
tegration. Competing recensions, ascribed 
to Ibn Mas'ud (d. 32/652-3), Ubayy b. 
Ka'b (d. bet. 19/640 and 35/656), 'All 
(d. 40/660; see 'ali b. abi talib) and 
others, were eclipsed by the 'Uthmanic 
recension and were ultimately declared 
non-canonical. Likewise the variant read- 
ings that could be applied to the 'Uth- 
manic recension were much reduced, and 
in the early fourth/tenth century, a scholar 
named Ibn Mujahid declared that only 
seven systems of readings were canonical; 
the others were shddhdh, "deviant," and 
could not be used for ritual recitations (see 
readings of the our'an). Not everyone 
agreed with his decision but in the course 
of time even more of them fell out of use, 
so that today only two are in common use. 
Another progressive feature was the de- 
velopment of vowel signs and the regular 
use of diacritics (see ornamentation and 
illumination). These have been incor- 
porated into the bare text so that a copy of 
the Qiir'an purchased today combines the 
'Uthmanic recension with one particular 
reading. To be precise, the recension used 
today is the 'Uthmanic recension, to which 
has been affixed the reading of 'Asim b. 
Abll-Najud, a Kufan scholar (d. 127 or 
128/744-6), as transmitted by his student 
Hafs b. Sulayman (d. ca. 190/805-6). The 
printed edition most frequently used, 
referred to as the Egyptian Qiir'an, or 
the Royal Egyptian Qur'an, since it was 
produced under the sponsorship of 



239 



TEXTUAL CRITICISM 



King Fu'ad of Egypt in 1342/1923-4, is 
much superior to all previous editions 
(see PRINTINGS OF THE OUR'an). 

Tlie next step is to examine the text with 
the purpose of isolating possible errors. 
The most important clue that an error may 
have occurred is the lack of good sense in 
the word or passage and the resulting va- 
riety of opinion among scholars as to what 
it means (see traditional disciplines of 
q^ur'anic study; exegesis of the 
cjur'an: classical and medieval). 
Another clue is when the word is transmit- 
ted in more than one form. Different views 
about the meaning and/or form of a par- 
ticular word make it likely that the word is 
wrong. Still another clue is when the word 
in question is said by the commentators to 
be dialectal or foreign (see dialects; 
foreign vocabulary). Such claims may 
indicate that the word was unfamiliar to 
the scribes and reciters and so probably 
could be a mistake. In proposing emenda- 
tions of my own, and in judging the emen- 
dations of others, I have followed rules laid 
down by the classicists. In order to be ac- 
ceptable, an emendation must make better 
sense than the received text; it must be in 
harmony with the style of the Qiir'an (see 

LANGUAGE AND STYLE OF THE OUr'an; 

form and structure of the cjur'an; 
rhetoric and the our'an); it should be 
paleographically justifiable; and, finally, it 
should show how the corruption occurred 
in the first place. The most important of 
these is the semantic criterion. 

The earliest generation of reciters and 
transmitters of the 'Uthmanic recension 
soon realized that it contained mistakes, 
some of which they claimed were copyists' 
errors. The problems of recitation pre- 
sented by these mistakes were solved in 
three ways: Some simply corrected the text 
(i.e. emended it), others retained the text as 
it was and corrected only their recitation; 



still others — and this was the most com- 
mon solution — recited the text as it was 
written. G. Bergstrasser (in Noldeke, GQ^, 
iii, 2f.) notes several of these early-iden- 
tified mistakes. For example, in (i 20:63 we 
find the consonantal structure (rasm) 'n hdhn 
Ishrn read by Hafs as in hddhdni la-sdhirdni. 
This is wrong since in in the construction 
in... la-... introduces verbs only, most of 
which begin with kdf, especially kdna and 
kdda (see Rabin, Ancient West-Arabian, iGgf). 
I prefer to read inna hddhayni la-sdhirdni, 
accepting the emendation of Abu 'Amr b. 
al-'Ala' (d. 154/771), a Basran scholar, and 
one of those approved by Ibn Mujahid 
(DanI, Taysir, 151). Thejfl'was lost not be- 
cause the scribe was ignorant of grammar 
but because of bad handwriting. ^Trt' before 
a final nUn and after a space is often mi- 
nuscule and can easily be missed. More 
important, however, the same 
story — Moses (q.v.) before Pharaoh 
(q.v.) — is told twice again in the Qur'an 
with the same construction but in the sin- 
gular: inna hddhd la-sdhirun 'alTmun (q 7:109; 
26:34) and once more with reference to 
Muhammad: inna hddhd la-sdhirun muhlnun 
(cj 10:2; see narratives). Although hddhd 
does not change for the accusative, inna 
indicates that an accusative was under- 
stood, so there is no good reason to read 
q 20:63 differently (see also Gilliot, Elt, 
196-7 on q 20:63). In the second chapter of 
his study (Zur Sprache des Korans), Th. 
Noldeke deals with stylistic and syntactic 
peculiarities in the text. He points out a 
number of peculiarities in qur'anic style 
but does not go so far as to note errors or 
propose emendations. A possible exception 
(p. 27) is the passage in q 12:17 where 
Joseph's (q.v.) brothers (see brother and 
brotherhood) tell their father that he has 
been eaten by a wolf and then add: wa-md 
anta bi-mu'minin land wa-law kunnd sddiqin, 
"but you would not believe us even if we 



TEXTUAL CRITICISM 



240 



were telling the truth." Noldeke calls this 
"zu ungeschickt," since they are in effect 
admitting that they are lying. What they 
really mean is "Yon do not believe us even 
though we are telling the truth." Despite 
this, Noldeke tries to save the text by sug- 
gesting that Muhammad might be putting 
his own condemnation of the speakers in 
their own mouths. One shotild note, how- 
ever, that Reckendorf [Arabische Syntax, 494) 
gives several examples of law where, he 
says, it is not used to convey what is coun- 
ter factual but only more strongly than in, 
gives "the mere mental object" (die blosse 
Gedachtheit) of the case, or sometimes, of 
the point in time, and so is related in sense 
and tise to idhd. The statement by Noldeke 
just quoted reveals very clearly the attitude 
of nineteenth-century scholars towards the 
qur'anic text. If Muhammad's audience 
was unaware of the flaws of expression, 
then he, too, must have been unaware of 
them. Consequently, no one admitted that 
they existed until they were discovered by 
later scholars and were rescued from this 
strange limbo of unawareness. Noldeke 
was wise not to emend them, and one im- 
portant lesson we can draw from his study 
is never to assume that flaws of expression 
are always errors. 

Another method of emendation is em- 
ployed by J. Barth (Studien zur Kritik imd 
Exegese des Qprans), who tries to test the 
inner connections ("Zusammenhange") of 
the suras (q.v.) and their possible disjunc- 
tions, and to point out insertions in the 
original contexts as well as to make other 
critical and text-critical contributions. 
Most of Earth's proposals are based on the 
assumption that the text has been disar- 
ranged and that many verses, phrases and 
words are out of place and should be re- 
turned to their original locations. He thus 
inaugurates the method that was applied 
on a larger scale by R. Blachere, and was 
carried to an extreme by R. Bell (see 



POST-ENLIGHTENMENT ACADEMIC STUDY 

OF THE quR'AN). Few later scholars refer to 
Barth though Blachere cites him occasion- 
ally in the notes to his translation (see 
TRANSLATIONS OF THE c>ur'an). An ex- 
ample of Barth's method can be seen in his 
treatment of c) 97'4-5' tanazzult^ l-mald'ikatu 
wa-l-ruhu fihd {i.e.Ji lajlati l-qadri) bi-idhni 
rabbihim min kulli amrin; saldmun hiya hattd 
matla'i l-fajri. He claims that min kulli amr 
cannot be construed since it cannot mean 
bi-kulli amr, nor "wegenjeder Sache," since 
this would be indicated by min. He pro- 
poses to read the last portion: bi-idhni rab- 
bihim hattd matla'i l-fajr; saldmun hiya min kulli 
amr, "Sie ist ungefochten von jeder (bosen) 
Sache" (Barth, Studien, ig). In my view, if 
emendation is necessary, which is doubtful, 
it would be much simpler to emend min to 
Ji, thus correcting a mistake that is fre- 
quently found in later manuscripts. Barth 
can, however, be given credit for one 
emendation which is undoubtedly correct. 
In ^ 37:78, 108, 119, and 129 he reads, in- 
stead of taraknd 'alayhiji l-dkhirina, which 
makes no sense, bdraknd 'alayhiji l-dkhirm, 
"we blessed him among later genera- 
tions." (Note that q 37:113 correctly reads 
bdraknd.) Luxenberg (Syro-Aramdische Lesart, 
138) also prefers bdraknd but does not 
note that Barth was the first to make this 
emendation. 

Scholars, like Barth and Blachere, who 
try to restore the original by moving bits 
and pieces of text from one place to an- 
other have great difficulty in fulfilling the 
fourth requirement for an acceptable 
emendation, namely showing how the cor- 
ruption came about. If they claim that 
these textual rearrangements are the 
Prophet's revisions and alterations (see 

REVISION AND ALTERATION; CORRUPTION; 

forgery), they must admit that in the end 
he did not really care whether the text 
made sense or not. If they ascribe them to 
the mistake of reciters, copyists, or editors. 



241 



TEXTUAL CRITICISM 



they argue for a level of corruption that 
cannot be admitted since the assumed dis- 
locations run into the hundreds. Such a 
high level of corruption could have oc- 
curred with a written text only if someone 
had taken the original, i.e. correct, text and 
worked through it systematically, shifting 
passages to wrong locations, thus leaving it 
for later scholars to put right, something 
that no one would suggest. The simultane- 
ous presence of oral and written transmis- 
sions of the qur'anic text complicates this 
further and the most elaborate effort to 
explain textual misplacement — that of 
Richard Bell — remains unconvincing 
to me. 

Almost from the beginning of Islamic 
studies in Europe, controversy arose be- 
tween two groups of scholars, one of 
which believes that Judaism, the other that 
eastern (Syrian) Christianity, exercised the 
greater influence on Muhammad, the 
Qiir'an and the subsequent development of 
Islam (see JEWS AND Judaism; christians 
AND c;hristianity; religious pluralism 
AND the (jur'an). The supporters of 
Christianity have until now made little use 
of textual criticism in their arguments, al- 
though it has always been admitted that 
the Arabic of the Qiir'an contains a large 
number of borrowings from Syriac. 
Recently, however, a book has appeared 
under the name of Christoph Luxenberg, 
in which the author, who prefers to write 
under a pseudonym, deals critically with 
what he deems to be traces of Syriac in the 
qur'anic text, which include single words, 
phrases and syntactic constructions. This 
work should be carefully reviewed by 
someone familiar with the methods of tex- 
tual criticism and equally at home in both 
Arabic and Syriac. Here, in some of the 
examples that follow, I shall have to limit 
myself to citing a few instances of Luxen- 
berg's emendations in order to contrast 
them with my own, so that the reader can 



get some idea of the type of textual criti- 
cism he is practicing. 

Selected emendations 
In the proposed emendations that follow, 
because of limitations of space, I have 
omitted most of the discussions that ac- 
companied the original publications, which 
consisted by and large of proposals by 
Western scholars and the comments of 
Muslim commentators (see tools for the 
study of the q,ur'an; contemporary 
critical practices and the our'an). 
This material is instructive for the history 
of tafsir and displays the difficulties that 
scholars have had in coming to grips with 
the text, but in my judgment it is mis- 
guided and does not contribute much to 
the correction of the text. I shall, however, 
mention those comments of the commen- 
tators which are helpful in emending the 
text. For many, Arabic was their native lan- 
guage, so they could sometimes sense the 
correct meaning of a difficult passage (see 
DiFFii;uLT passages) and "redefine" the 
crucial word accordingly, even when this 
was lexically impossible. The modern 
textual critic has only to emend following 
their lead. There are several examples of 
this redefinition in the following 
emendations. 

Hasab: fuel. Read hatab, with Ubayy b. 
Ka'b, in C3 2i:g8. Hasab cannot mean 
"fuel"; hatab occurs with this meaning in 
Q^ 111:4 ''■^'^ 'i. 72-I5- The mistake was 
caused by a copyist omitting the vertical 
stroke of the td ', turning it into a sad 
(Bellamy, Some proposed emendations, 

564)- 

Ummah: time, while, (^ 11:8 and o 12:45. 
Read amad, which has this meaning four 
times, in o 3:30; 18:12; 57:16; 72:25. Final 
ddlv/cLS turned into ha', either because the 
copyist's pen fed too much ink or his hand 
was unsteady and twitched upward and to 
the right after the ddi was complete 



TEXTUAL CRITICISM 



242 



(Bellamy, Some proposed emendations, 

564)- 

Abban: fodder, pasturage, C3 80:31. Read 
lubban, "nuts." Abb has no acceptable 
meaning here but lubb fits in well with the 
other blessings that God has bestowed on 
hiunankind (q 80:27-31; see grace; 
blessing). The copyist's pen as it turned to 
the left after the lam briefly ceased to flow, 
breaking the connection with the following 
bd' and converting the lam into alif 
(Bellamy, Some proposed emendations, 

564)- 

Sijill: writer of a document, C3 21:104. 
Read musjil or musajjil. Sijill means only 
"document." In older hands, mim after the 
definite article does not turn back under 
the alif as in later hands but is no more 
than a thickening of the line between the 
lam and the following letter. A leaky pen 
may have run the mmi into the first tooth of 
the sin, causing the imm to lose its identity; 
possibly one of the teeth of the sin was in- 
distinct, thus facilitating the misreading 
(Bellamy, Some proposed emendations, 
566). 

Hittah: forgiveness, q 2:58; 7:161; read 
khitatan. This word has nothing to do with 
hatta, which means "put down," but comes 
from the verb khati'a, which in the Hijazi 
dialect would become khatiya "commit a 
sin," with masdar khitah, omitting the hamza. 
The spelling is like that of shth — shat'ahu 
"its sprout" in c) 48:29. The people are 
appealing for forgiveness (q.v.), but they 
first must confess their sins (see sin, major 
AND minor; repentance and penance). 
Khitatan, with the implied omission of the 
verb khatind < khati'nd, is the equivalent of 
"we have sinned" (Bellamy, Some proposed 
emendations, 566). 

Surhunna ilajka: incline them (the birds) 
toward you, (J 2:260. Vjiadjazzihinna (wa-) 
Ibuk, or wa-labbik. Abraham (q.v.; Ibrahim) 
is instructed by God, "Take four birds and 
incline them towards yourself (fa-surhunna 



ilayka) then put a part of them on each 
mountain, then call them, and they will 
come to you flying." Al-Tabarl (d. 310/923; 
Tafsn; iii, 35f.; cf Gilliot, Elt, 107) cites the 
two major views on the meaning of sur, 
"incline" and "cut up," and chooses the 
latter because the majority of the exegetes 
accept it; he takes issue with a few Kufan 
lexicographers who maintain that sur never 
means "cut up." Each group, however, is 
right in its own way. Sur never means "cut 
up" but the meaning must be "cut to pieces 
and mix them up." With the emendation 
suggested above the meaning would be, 
"make them into pieces and mix them up." 
Emending sad tojTm is simple;ja<:<;j is the 
classical jrt^^z J since in the Hijazi dialect, 
all the hamzas had been lost. The meaning- 
less ilayka is removed by reading ulbuk with 
no change in the rasm; the wdw was 
dropped when the word was misread as 
ilayka. Another possibility is that the phrase 
originally read wa-labbik, which has the 
same meaning, on the assumption that the 
wdw was mistaken for an a/ff (Bellamy, 
Some proposed emendations, 567). 

Sab'an mina l-mathdm: seven mathdni {?). 
This and the following two emendations 
are of special interest since they depend on 
assuming the same mistake. One can argue 
that they were copied by the same scribe 
with a certain peculiarity in his liandwrit- 
ing. Mat/idm occurs in q 15:87: "We have 
given you seven mathdm and the mighty 
Qiir'an," and again in q 39:23: "God has 
sent down the best account, a book (q.v.) 
alike (in its parts), mathdm, at which the 
skins of those who fear (q.v.) their lord 

(q.v.) creep " Read: matdliyi and matdliya, 

the broken plural of matluw, meaning "rec- 
itations," literally "something that has been 
or is to be recited." The copyist mistook 
the Idm for a nun because it was too short. 
We also emend sab'an to shay 'an. The scribe 
wrote a small loop instead of the minim of 
theyd'. The next scribe, seeing what he 



243 



TEXTUAL CRITICISM 



took to be a sin and an 'ayn, could hardly 
do anything but add the bd'. So (3 15:87 
should read wa-la-qad dtayndka shay 'an mina 
l-matdlTyi wa-l-qur'dna l-'a^im, "We have 
given you some recitations and the mighty 
Qur'an" (Bellamy, Some proposed emen- 
dations, 567). 

Tamannd; ji umniyatihi: to desire, in his de- 
sire. In Q^ 22:52 we read: "We have not sent 
down before you any messenger or prophet 
but that when he desired (idhd tamannd) 
Satan injected (something) into his desire 
(Ji umniyatihi) but God cancels what Satan 
injects, then God makes his signs (q.v.) 
strong" (see abrogation; devil; satanic 
verses). The word "desire" (verb and 
noun) makes little sense here; the sense 
required is recite, recitation, which was 
recognized by some commentators, who 
redefine tamannd to mean qara'a, even in- 
venting shawdhid in support of this redefini- 
tion (Ibn Ishaq, Sira, 370 f). The redefinition 
is correct. We emend tamannd tojMm/fand 
umniyatihi to im/fl'zAz, "dictates" and "in his 
dictation." The latter word was originally 
written 'mlyh, with no alif for the long d. 
The nun was written for lam because it was 
too short as in mathdm, and one of the min- 
ims was lost. After jMm/i" was corrupted to 
tamannd, umniyatihi was inevitable (Bellamy, 
Some proposed emendations, 568). 

Hid amdniyya: except desires. Read 
amdliyya, "dictations." C3 2:78 wa-minhum 
ummiyyuna (i.e. ignorant people who do not 
know the scriptures; see ignorance; ummi; 
SCRIPTURE AND THE q^ur'an) Id ya'lamunu 
l-kitdba Hid amdniyya wa-in hum illdyag^unnuna, 
"And among them are ummiyyuna who do 
not know the book except desires and they 
can only guess." The exegetes were not 
satisfied with amdniyya, and try to redefine 
it. Al-Tabarl [Tafsir, i, 2g7f.) prefers the 
meaning "hes, falsehoods," but the best 
suggestion comes from al-Zajjajl (d. 
311/923), who says plainly "They do not 
know the book except by recitation" [Hid 



tildwatan, Lisdn al- 'Arab, xv, 294; Bellamy, 
Some proposed emendations, 569). 

Sibghat Alldh: God's religion, C3 2:138. 
Read sani'a or kijaya. "But if they turn 
away, they are in schism, but God will take 
care of them for you [Muhammad;Ja-M- 
yakjikahumu lldhu] for he hears and knows 
(see SEEING and hearing; knowledge 
AND learning); the sibgha of God and who 
is better at sibgha than God" ((J 2:137-8). 
The word sibgha refers to the Christian 
baptism (q.v), so the exegetes were obliged 
to redefine it. They take it to mean din or 
imdn, or they equate it with the millat 
Ibrdhim, in q 2:135, which they take to 
mean Islam (see religion; faith). It 
seems inconceivable that one should find 
in the Q^ur'an the name of a Christian sac- 
rament used — even metaphorically — for 
Islam or imdn. The whole idea runs counter 
to the general attitude toward Christianity 
and Judaism in the Qiir'an (see polemic 
and polemical language; 
apologetics), and is so disturbing that the 
word practically announces itself as a mis- 
take. In my view, sibghat Alldh refers to the 
words immediately preceding,y?!-jfl- 
yakjikuhum Alldh. Taken thus, sibgha is an 
exclamatory accusative, used in praise of 
God's action in sparing the Prophet the 
trouble of dealing with his own enemies 
(q.v; see also opposition to muhammad). 
There are two emendations that would 
give this sense. The first is to read sani'a, 
"favor." This emendation can be effected 
without altering the rasm if we assume that 
the original sdd did not have the little nub 
on the left — this is often omitted in 
manuscripts — but that the next copyist 
took the nun to be the nub. Otherwise it is 
possible to add a minim to the rasm, a mi- 
nor change. The second possibility is to 
read kijaya, the masdar of kaja, which would 
have been spelled kjyh, the long d without 
alij. In older manuscripts, kdjis, often writ- 
ten without the diagonal stroke that we add 



TEXTUAL CRITICISM 



244 



separately, but is written first and then 
turns left and under to complete the letter. 
The copyist misread kdfas sad, and then 
took the loop of the^'for a miniin. 
Initially, it was my assessment that sam'a 
was preferable, since fewer changes were 
necessary to bring it into line (Bellamy, 
Some proposed emendations, 570), but 
kijaya is what should be expected, given 
sajakjikuhum and good sense should take 
precedence over paleography. 

Ashdb al-a 'raj: the People of the Heights 
(q.v.), (J 7:48 (cf. (J 7:46). The verses refer to 
a group of men who are situated in some 
vantage point from which they can observe 
both the blessed in heaven and the damned 
in hell (see reward and punishment; 
paradise; hell and hellfire). "Between 
them is a curtain (hijdb), and on the a'rdf 
('aid l-a'rdj) are men who know each by 
their mark, and they call to the people of 
heaven... and the people of the a'fdfcall to 
men whom they know by their mark; they 
say 'Your collecting [of money] has not 
helped you nor has your arrogance (q.v.).'" 
The word a'rdf is the plural of 'urf, which 
means "mane" or "comb" of a cock, and it 
may not be incorrect. It could be used met- 
aphorically of some high place on which 
these observers are located. What makes it 
a bit suspicious is that the metaphor (q.v.) 
does not appear to have been used either 
before or after the revelation of this pas- 
sage. Furthermore, if the word refers to the 
top of the hijdb (see veil), as some think, 
one should expect 'aid a'rdfihi. Two emen- 
dations can be proposed here, neither of 
which has to be metaphorical, though the 
second may be. The first is ajrdf, pi. oi jmf 
or juruf, which means "bank," specifically 
of a wddi that has been undercut by the 
current, or, simply, "a bank that rises 
abruptly from a torrent or stream" (Lane, 
411). Paleographically there is no difficulty. 
Sometimes in early manuscripts and papyri 
initial Aa' begins with a lead-in line like a 



small arc with the concavity facing right, 
which then continues toward the right 
completing the main body of the letter. If 
this arc is exaggerated the whole letter can 
be mistaken for an 'ayn. The other sug- 
gestion is ahruf, pi. of harf, which means, 
among other things, "point, ridge, brow, 
ledge, of a mountain" (Lane, 550). The 
same emendation, 'ayn to Aa'is needed here 
as in ajrdf, and the a/zf presents no problem. 
It might have been introduced at the time 
of the 'Uthmanic recension, or it could 
have been added by 'Ubaydallah b. Ziyad, 
who during his governorship of Kufa 
(53"9/673-9) instituted a reform in cjur'anic 
spelling, which consisted of the introduc- 
tion of about 2,000 alifs into the text 
(Noldeke, GQ_, iii, 255f ). Taken this way, 
ahruf IS not metaphorical but we find the 
singular harf used metaphorically in 
(J 22:11: "And among the people there are 
those who serve God on a Aarf and if good 
comes to them they are at ease with it but 
if trouble comes to them, they turn back to 
their (old) ways" (see good and evil; 
TRUST AND PATIENCE). These people who 
serve God on a ridge (harf) are fence-sitters 
who are not sure which way they will jump 
since circumstances can vary. The same is 
true of the ashdb al-a'rdf who are not sure 
whether they will end in heaven or hell, 
since it depends on God's will, which they 
do not yet know (see freedom and 
predestination). The two usages are not 
exactly parallel, since a'rdf is plural and 
definite and harf is singular and indefinite; 
nevertheless the similarity is striking. In 
general, I prefer the reading ahruf hut 
would suspend judgment on whether it 
should be taken metaphorically or not 
(Bellamy, Some proposed emendations, 

571)- 

Wa-inna kullan lammd la-yuwaffyannahum 
rabbuka a'mdlahum, cj 1 1:1 11. The crux is the 
word lammd, for which we find the variants 
la-md, lamman (ace), which is said to mean 



245 



TEXTUAL CRITICISM 



"all" (jamT'an); or, inna is changed into neg- 
ative in, and lammd given the sense of ilia 
"except." Barth (Studien, 136) must be cor- 
rect in saying that lamma cannot be con- 
strued and ought to be deleted. Once this 
is done the sentence is good grammatical 
Arabic and fits perfectly in the context: 
"Surely to all, your lord will give full re- 
quital for their deeds" (see good deeds; 
EVIL deeds; heavenly book). Barth does 
not explain, however, how lammd got into 
the text; that is, he ignores the fourth re- 
quirement for an acceptable emendation. 
The copyist's eye, after he had written kal- 
ian, strayed back to verse 108, where we 
find wa-innd la-muwajfuhum nasibahum, 
"Indeed we shall give them their fidl por- 
tion." He proceeded to write la-muwaffuhum 
but caught his mistake after writing only 
lam and mim, which he cancelled with a 
vertical stroke. This stroke was read by a 
later copyist as a/jf after the mim, thus pro- 
ducing the meaningless lammd (Bellamy, 
More proposed emendations, 196). 

The earliest version of the story of the 
prophet Shu'ayb (q.v.) is found in 
Q^ 26:177-89, in which it is told how he was 
sent to the People of the Thicket (q.v.; 
ashdb al-ayka, cf q^ 26:176), whom he urged 
to obey God and the prophet. He was re- 
jected by his people and they were pun- 
ished by a day of shadow. There are two 
problems in the story: the form of the 
prophet's name, and the identity of the 
ashdb al-ayka. The name Shu'ayb does not 
appear in pre-Islamic sources or in proto- 
Arabic inscriptions and it does not have a 
good Arabic etymology. It does, however, 
contain an 'ajn, which argues for a Semitic 
origin, so the natural place to look for the 
original is the Hebrew Bible. I believe that 
Shu ayb is a mistake for Sha'ya (spelled 
with final alif), the Arabic form of Isaiah. 
The difference between Sha'ya and 
Shu'ayban (in the accusative) is only a sin- 
gle minim, so the name in the original 



(Arabic) source was probably in the ac- 
cusative. The next step is to turn to the 
book of Isaiah to see if we can find any 
features common to the text of Isaiah and 
that of the Qur'an that will corroborate 
our claim that the two are the same. In 
Isaiah 21:13-17 we find: 

the oracle concerning Arabia. In the thick- 
ets of Arabia you will lodge, O caravans of 
Dedanites. To the thirsty bring water, meet 
fugitives with bread, O inhabitants of the 
land of Tema, for they have fled from the 
swords, from the drawn sword, from the 
bent bow, and from the press of battle. For 
the Lord said to me, "Within a year, ac- 
cording to the years of a hireling, all the 
glory of Kedar will come to an end; and 
the remainder of the archers of the mighty 
men of the sons of Kedar will be few, for 
the Lord, the God of Israel has spoken" 
(Oxford translation). 

I believe that the ashdb al-ayka are the 
Dedanite merchants who were driven into 
the thickets of Arabia by an incursion of 
the sons of Kedar, who are to be punished 
for their sins. That there is some confusion 
between the two versions over who the real 
sinners were is not serious enough to in- 
validate this piece of evidence, which, 
taken together with the emendation, is suf- 
ficient not only to identify the ashdb al-ayka, 
but also to confirm that Shu'ayb and Isaiah 
are the same (Bellamy, More proposed 
emendations, 197). 

Q, 74'49"5i describes the rejection by the 
Meccans of Muhammad's message: "Why 
do they turn away from the reminder (q.v.) 
as if they were frightened asses fleeing 
from a qaswara?" There is much uncer- 
tainty among the exegetes and lexicog- 
raphers about this word, which is usually 
translated as "lion." I believe that it derives 
from the Syrmc. pantord "panther," which 
goes back ultimately to the Greek panther. 



TEXTUAL CRITICISM 



246 



The Greek was transcribed into Syriac 
with the ambivalent letter ^/f; this in turn 
was transliterated into Arabic with the am- 
bivalent letter f/q, which closely resembles 
Syriac jS, and which of course was left 
without dots. The only real mistake in the 
qiu''anic rasm is a minim error which oc- 
curred when a copyist wrote a sin instead of 
n-t. Panther is a better comparison in this 
passage than lion, since it is unlikely that 
Arabs ever had the opportunity to see a 
lion chasing an onager. The cheetah, how- 
ever, under the name fahd, which also 
means "leopard" and "panther," was well 
known to the Arabs as a hunting animal. 
Fanturah does not present a perfect rhyme, 
probably because it derives from a written 
source that was neither pointed nor vocal- 
ized, so the reader who first attempted to 
pronounce the unfamiliar word changed 
the vowel « to the consonant w, just as 
he read q for f. If panturah had been 
borrowed orally it would probably have 
been pronounced bamturah, since p in 
foreign words borrowed into Arabic 
becomes b (Bellamy, More proposed emen- 
dations, 198). 

An alternative emendation is given by 
Luxenberg [Syro-Aramdische Lesart, 45f.) 
who derives qaswarah from the Syriac root 
q-s-r (Arabic qasura, "be incapable"), from 
which a dialect word qusrd, also qiisrd, is 
found, which means "decrepit old ass un- 
able to carry a load." The spectacle of 
asses fleeing from a tired decrepit ass is 
explained as a foolish action, unjustified 
because there is no real threat. Likewise 
there is no good reason for men to flee 
from the reminder The Arabic has pre- 
served the classical Syriac pattern qasord. 

The name of the prophet or holy man 
Dhu 1-Kifl (q.v.) appears twice in the 
Qiir'an: "And Ishmael (q.v.; Isma'il) and 
Idris (q.v.) and Dhu 1-Kifl were of those 
who were patient and we caused them to 
enter into our mercy" (o 21:85-6); and 



"and remember Ishmael, Elisha (q.v.; al- 
Yasa'), and Dhu 1-Kifl, they were all of the 
best" (o 38:48). Kifl can mean "pledge, 
guarantee" and "double," but no satisfac- 
tory interpretation of the name has been 
offered. I think that Dhu 1-Kifl is a copyist's 
error for Dhu 1-Tifl, "he of the child," and 
that it, like the story of Shif ayb and the 
ashdb al-ajka, goes back ultimately to the 
book of Isaiah. In Isaiah 9:6 we read: "for 
to us a child is born, to us a son is given, 
and the government shall be upon his 
shoulder, and his name will be called 'won- 
derful counselor, mighty God, everlasting 
father, prince of peace"' and in Isaiah 11:6, 
"the wolf will dwell with the lamb, and the 
leopard shall lie down with the kid and the 
lion and the falling together, and a little 
child shall lead them." These verses were 
regarded by Christians as foretelling the 
coming of Christ, so they woifld be the 
parts of Isaiah most likely to be widely cir- 
culated among Christians, and so most 
likely to be picked up by Muhammad or 
his source. The use of the particle dhu is a 
bit puzzling, but since the child is men- 
tioned in the book of Isaiah, the phrase 
Dhu 1-Tifl probably refers to Isaiah him- 
self. He was of course a prophet and so 
deserves to be mentioned along with 
Ishmael, Idrls, and Elisha. Confusion of t 
and k is a common mistake in Arabic man- 
uscripts (Bellamy, More proposed emenda- 
tions, 199). 

In q 44:23 God orders Moses to lead the 
Children of Israel (q.v.) through the Red 
Sea: "Make my servants travel by night 
(fa-asri bi-'ibddi laylan); indeed you will be 
pursued; and leave the sea gaping wide 
(wa-truki i-balim rahwan); indeed they are an 
army that will be drowned" ((J 44:23-4; see 
DROWNiNo). The crux lies in the words of 
command which the exegetes assume God 
addressed to Moses after the Israelites had 
crossed over, although the first clause could 
only have been spoken before they started 



247 



TEXTUAL CRITICISM 



out. The word rahwan is taken by most ex- 
egetes to mean "gaping wide," and most 
translators accept this, though Blachere 
(170) notes tliat tlie phrase makes no sense 
to the commentators and that rahwan 
means only "marcher doucement." The 
necessary emendation is obvious. One 
sliould read wa-nzili l-bahra rahwan, "and 
descend into the sea at an easy pace." 
There is no longer any need to shift tlie 
scene from before to after tlie crossing, and 
rahwan now has its most common meaning. 
Confusion of isolated lam and kdf'ia com- 
mon in Arabic manuscripts (Bellamy, More 
proposed emendations, 198). 

In q 70:10-14 the Qiir'an describes the 
desperate situation of those sinners who 
are about to be punished on judgment day 
(see LAST judgment): "And friends will not 
ask friends (wa-ldyas'alu hamimun hamiman); 
they will be made to see them 
(yubassariinahum); the sinner would like to 
rescue himself from the punishment of 
that day by his children (q.v.), his wife, and 
his brother, and his kinfolks (see kinship) 
who give him refuge and everyone on 
earth, then (he thinks) this would save 
him." Tubassarunahum makes little sense in 
the context. Blachere (94) and Paret [Koran, 
482) note that the meaning is uncertain. 
Since Idyas'alu requires a second object, 
the best emendation here is to read 
jansurunahum without altering the rasm, and 
translating, "Friends will not ask friend to 
help them." Since they are willing to ran- 
som themselves with the whole world, they 
would not consider asking mere friends for 
help (see friends and friendship; 
intercession). The word hammi may be 
used as a plural justifying the plural verb 
(Lane, 637). When an is omitted, the fol- 
lowing verb is in the indicative. Another 
qur'anic example is found in (J 39:64; 
a-Ja-ghayra lldhi ta'murunm a'budu, "Do you 
command me to worship (q.v.) other than 
God?" This construction is found after 



verbs of command, including qdia, refus- 
ing, forbidding, knowing, and in oaths and 
asseverations (Reckendorf, Arabische Syntax, 
384). Since asking is a mild form of com- 
mand, it is reasonable to admit the con- 
struction here, although I have not found 
another example with sa'ala (Bellamy, 
More proposed emendations, 200). 

The word siira occurs nine times in the 
Qur'an in the singular and once in the plu- 
ral suwar. The word always refers to a por- 
tion of the divine revelation but not as yet 
a specific portion. The problem with sura is 
not its meaning but its derivation, and on 
this point there is much variation among 
the Muslim exegetes and the non-Muslims 
scholars alike. For an extensive survey of 
the proposals by the latter, see Jeffery [For. 
vocab., 180-2); none of them is convincing. 
The lexicographers are equally at a loss. 
They etymologize the word, trying to de- 
rive it from s-w-r or s-'-r. The word sura 
may mean "eminence of nobility, exalted 
state, rank," as well as "row of bricks or 
stones in a wall" (Lane, 1465). Su'ra means 
"a remnant of food or drink left in a ves- 
sel" or "remnant of youthfid vigor." But 
one cannot really believe that Midiammad 
would employ a word meaning "dregs" 
and "orts" or "row of bricks" as a meta- 
phor for a divine revelation. In emending 
the text, the main consideration is to find a 
word that is fitting and appropriate for a 
revelation sent down by God from on high 
(see revelation and inspiration). I be- 
lieve we can find it in the Heb. be'sordh, 
which means "tidings, good tidings, news 
(q.v.; see also oooD news)." The mistake is 
another instance of a minim error in 
which the copyist wrote three minims in- 
stead of four. As in the case of Shu'ayb 
and qaswara, the error did not originate in 
the qur'anic tradition, but was already 
present in the source from which sura was 
taken. The borrowing must have been 
fairly old, since the word had already 



TEXTUAL CRITICISM 



248 



acquired a broken plural (Bellamy, More 
proposed emendations, 201). 

In Exodus 3:1-5, die lord speaks to Moses 
from the burning bush: "Do not come 
near; put off your shoes from your feet 
(q.v.), for the place on which you are stand- 
ing is sacred ground" (see sacred and 
profane). In the story as retold in the 
Qiir'an (c3 20:12), the lord says: "I am your 
lord, so take off your sandals; verily you 
are in the sacred valley, Tuwa" (q.v.; bi- 
l-wddi l-muqaddasi tuwan). The best that the 
exegetes could offer is that tuwan is the 
name of the valley, but they do not know 
what it means. There is an episode in the 
Bible, however, that will give us a clue as to 
the meaning of tuwan. In Joshua 5:15 the 
commander of the lord's army comes to 
Joshua and says, "Put off your shoes from 
your feet, for the place where you stand is 
holy, and Joshua did so." The event oc- 
curred in a place near Jericho called 
Gilgal, where the Israelites were en- 
camped. The Bible, with a play on words, 
associates Gilgal with the g-l-l, which in the 
yfl/-form means "to roll." By changing the 
vowel damma in tuwd to fatha we get a verb 
tawd, which means among other things "to 
roll" (transitive), literally "he rolled." It is 
reasonable to assume that tawd is a transla- 
tion of the exegetical definition of Gilgal. 
The discrepancy between Motint Horeb 
and Gilgal and between Moses and Joshua 
should not give tis pause, since the Qiir'an 
in telling biblical stories often modifies 
them. No emendation of the rasm is neces- 
sary; however, the damma in Tuwa may 
have been influenced by the fact that there 
is a locality near Mecca (q.v.) called Dhu 
Ttiwa, where the pilgrims rest up before 
coming into the city (Bellamy, Textual criti- 
cism, 2; see pilgrimage). 

Q, 4:51 states that those who have been 
given (only) a portion of the book believe 
in the jibt (q.v.) and the tdg/iut (see idols 
and images). No one really knows who or 



what the jibt is or are. The Muslim 
commentators equate it with the tdghut, 
that is "idol, priest, sorcerer" (see magic; 

POLYTHEISM AND ATHEISM; PRE-ISLAMIC 

ARABIA AND THE (JUr'an). For the views of 
non-Muslim scholars, see Jeffery [For. 
vocab., 99). If, however, we emend jibt very 
slightly, by moving the dot from beneath 
the hd' to above the letter, we get al-jinnat, 
which means the jinn (q.v.), a word that 
also occurs frequently in the Qtir'an. The 
only unusual thing about it is the use of the 
long td', instead of td' marbuta, for the femi- 
nine singular ending. Jinnah, which also 
means "madness" (see insanity), occurs 
ten times in the Qiir'an, always spelled 
with td' marbuta. G. Bergstrasser (in 
Noldeke, gq, iii, 27), however, lists thirty- 
six instances in the Qiir'an where feminine 
singular ending is long td', and a number of 
cases where it may be either singtilar or 
plural. The fact that all the other occur- 
rences of the word have td' marbuta may 
have been responsible for the readers' not 
recognizing the word here. In the time of 
Muhammad the jinn or jinna were im- 
personal gods: "The Arabs of Mecca as- 
serted the existence of a kinship (nasab) 
between them and Allah (Ktir'an 
XXXVII, 158), made them companions of 
Allah (VI, 100), offered sacrifices to them 
(VI, 128), and sought aid of them (LXXII, 
6)" (Macdonald/Masse, Djinn, 547; see 
sacrifh;e; idolatry and idolaters). 
Particularly close to the phrase "they be- 
lieve in the jibt —jinnat" (yu'minuna bi-l-jibt) 
is (J 72:6, "there are people of mankind 
who seek refuge with the people of the 
jinn" (ya'udhuna bi-rijdlin mina Ijinni). Here 
again we do not need to emend the rasm 
(Bellamy, Textual criticism, 3). 

In q 6:74 Abraham asks his father Azar 
(q.v.), "Do you take (a-tattakhidhu) idols as 
gods?" The problem is that in the Bible 
Abraham's father is not Azar but Terah. 
(See Jeffery, For vocab., 54f. for the opinions 



249 



TEXTUAL CRITICISM 



of Western scholars on this name.) More 
useful is the view of some Muslim exegetes 
who believe that Azar is an expression of 
blame; it is likejjfl a'raj, "O limper," as if he 
were saying to his sinful father, "O sinner, 
O dotard, O old man," or that it is a word 
of rebuke or forbidding wrong-doing {Taj 
al-'arus, x, 46f.). Although the canonical 
reading ('-r-r) does not vary, there is an 
unusual shddhdh reading, ascribed to Ibn 
'Abbas, which takes the alifoi the follow- 
ing word as the last letter of the previous 
word. Jeffery thinks the reading was origi- 
nally 'a-'izran, with the first a/i/^ represent- 
ing two hamzas and the last the tanwm of 
the accusative. This, he says, was the read- 
ing of Isma'il al-Shami (Jeffery, 
Marginalia, 137). Iz^ is a variant of wizr, 
"burden," but it can hardly be correct; it 
does not occur in the Qiir'an, whereas wizr 
and its plural awzar occur twelve times, so 
it is clearly the form preferred by 
Muhammad. Combining the insight of the 
Muslim exegetes noted above (that the 
word is some kind of reproach) with the 
deviant readingjust mentioned, the residt 
is the reading '-r-r- \ which can be vocal- 
ized 'izra'an, and translated "contemptu- 
ously": that is, "when Abraham said to his 
father contemptuously 'You take idols as 
gods.'" The only objection that one might 
make is that azrd takes the prepositions bi- 
or 'aid before the object; but one can argue 
here that the masdar is used absolutely, so it 
is not necessary to mention the object, 
which is clear from the context. No real 
change in the rasm is necessary (Bellamy, 
Textual criticism, 3). 

Three names which have created difficul- 
ties for the Muslim exegetes and Western 
scholars alike are Idrls, 'Uzayr (see Ezra), 
and al-Rass (q.v.). I believe that all three 
refer to the same person, Esdras or Ezra, 
the presumed author and protagonist of 
the Jewish apocalyptic book 2 Esdras (4 
Esdras in the Catholic Bible). Idrls is men- 



tioned twice in the Qiir'an: "And mention 
in the book Idrls; verily he was truthful and 
a prophet, and we raised him to an exalted 
place" [q_ 19:56-7; see prophets and 
prophethood), and again in cj 21:85-6, 
where he is mentioned along with Ishmael 
and Dhu 1-Kifl. The Muslim commenta- 
tors identify him with the biblical Enoch 
because "Enoch walked with God, and he 
was not, for God took him" [Gen 5:24), 
which seems to refer to his "exalted place" 
in {) I9-57- Among non-Muslim scholars, 
P. Casanova correctly suggested that the 
reference was to Esdras, and Bell in his 
translation of the Qiir'an (p. 288) agrees 
with Casanova that Idrls is probably 
Esdras. The connection between Esdras 
and Idrls is obvious. Arabic does not admit 
consonantal clusters, so when a foreign 
word is borrowed that has one, either an 
epenthetic vowel is inserted or one of the 
consonants is dropped, which reduces the 
cluster to two; in this case the sigma has 
been dropped. The following consonant jifl' 
was pronounced (« or c as a result of the 
imdla of the alif. There is moreover in 2 
Esdras 14:9 a clear statement that Esdras 
will be raised up. God says to him: "You 
shall be taken up from among men and 
henceforth you shall live with my son and 
with those who are like you until the times 
are ended." This is clearer than the state- 
ment in Genesis about Enoch. No emenda- 
tion of the rasm is necessary. 

In C3 9:30 we read: "The Jews say: "Uzayr 
is the son of God,' and the Christians say, 
'The Messiah is the son of God.'" Even 
more curious than the form of the name is 
the statement that 'Uzayr was believed by 
the Jews to be the son of God (see people 
OF THE book). I believe that we can solve 
both problems. Jeffery says that the form of 
the name is difficult but that it must come 
from the biblical 'Ezra. "The form may be 
due to Muhammad himself not properly 
grasping the name, or possibly giving it the 



TEXTUAL CRITICISM 



250 



contemptuous diminutive form" (Jeffery, 
For. vocab., 2i4f.). The last statement is most 
unlikely since the Qtir'an does not else- 
where treat biblical figures with contempt. 
The first step in solving the textual prob- 
lem is to take the a/ff from the beginning of 
ib?i and attach it to 'Uzayr, as we did in the 
case of Azar. This gives us 'Uzayra, which 
could be the diminutive of 'Ezra. It is, 
however, a feminine form (Howell, 
Grammar, i/3, I232f.), and probably would 
not have been used of a prophet who was a 
man. Moreover, the Arabic diminutive 
(orm fu 'ay I is used only when it is formed 
from a noun with three consonants and no 
long vowel, e.g.fa'i,fu'l, etc. (see ARABIC 
language). So 'Uzayr could not be a di- 
minutive of 'Ezra. I do not believe, how- 
ever, that a diminutive was intended, but 
that the yd' is intrusive, caused by a rough 
spot in the papyrus or vellum, or by an 
overflowing pen. Once this is eliminated, 
two possibilities present themselves. First 
we have '-.j-r-', an exact transliteration of 
the biblical 'Ezra. We note, however, that 
the word ibn in the Qiir'an is always writ- 
ten with the alij^ but in later texts the alif is 
often omitted contrary to the rules, and the 
orthography may have been standardized 
sometime after the original recording. A 
second, even more likely, possibility is that 
the long a was shortened in recitation be- 
cause of the cluster bn which follows. The 
scribe may simply have reproduced what 
he heard the Prophet say, which was 
'azrabnu, retaining, however, the conven- 
tional alif in ibn. The question why the Jews 
are said to believe that 'Uzayr is the son of 
God can be answered by again referring to 
2 Esdras 14:9. There is, however, an even 
more pertinent reference in 2 Esdras 
2:42-8. Esdras on Mount Zion sees a vision 
of a yoimg man who is placing crowns on 
the heads of a midtitude of people. He 
asks an angel who the young man is, and is 
told: "He is the son of God, whom they 



confessed in the world." It is clear that 
Muhammad or his informant confused the 
name of the prophet Esdras, which is also 
the name of the book, with the son of God 
seen by Esdras in his vision. 

The phrase ashdb al-rass occurs in two lists 
of people who disbelieved in the prophets 
sent to them and so perished (q 25:37-8; 
50:12-14; see PUNISHMENT stories). The 
word rass has several meanings but the one 
adopted by most commentators, and con- 
sequently by some translators, is "well," so 
the ashdb al-rass become the People of the 
Well. The commentators, however, do not 
agree on who they were, where the well 
was located, or precisely what the name of 
their prophet was. This is not surprising, 
since al-rass is nothing more than Idris mis- 
spelled. The ra'was written too close to the 
ddl, which was then read as a Idm. Theyd', 
which has only one minim, was probably 
lost through a flattening-out of the minims. 
It may never have been there, however, 
since the following vowel could have been 
read as long d, but pronounced without 
imdla and so not reproduced in the writing. 
The only other letter that could have been 
read instead of ddl/dhdl is kdf, but the roots 
k-r-s and k-r-sh gave no satisfactory mean- 
ing. So in sum, Idris and al-Rass go back to 
Esdras and 'Uzayr goes back to 'Ezra, and 
in the apocryphal tradition Esdras and 
'Ezra are the same (Bellamy, Textual criti- 
cism, 4). 

Perhaps the most mysterious textual 
problem in the Qiir'an is the name 'Isa, 
which is the name given to Jesus (q.v). No 
one has yet satisfactorily explained why the 
Qiir'an should call Jesus 'Isa, since he is 
referred to by eastern Christians as Yasu' 
or Iso'. 'Isa does not occur before the 
Qiir'an but Yasu' is used in personal names 
at an early period. The fact that 'Isa has no 
satisfactory derivation and no pre-qur'anic 
history should have suggested to scholars 
that the word might be a mistake. I had 



251 



TEXTUAL CRITICISM 



originally emended the text to m-s-j-ji, to 
be read Massiya, whicii I tliought derived 
ultimately from the Greek messias without 
the nominative singular ending. I now pre- 
fer to derive it from the Arabic al-Masih, 
from which the definite article has been 
dropped. This involves emending the 'ayn 
to mlm, and dividing the four minims into 
sin anAjd', then emending the finaljrt'to 
final hd'. It is much more likely that the 
Prophet would have known the Arabic 
term than the Greek, so we do not have to 
assume that he vacillated between Greek 
and Arabic. The real problem is why 
Muhammad would have rejected Yasu' for 
any alternative. I believe that his choice 
was dictated by the fact that Yasu' could 
have been turned into an obscene insult by 
his enemies. The verb aswa'a and also ap- 
parently sd'a, jasu'u refer to the action of 
the two Cowper glands, which secrete a 
fluid when sexually stimulated [Tdj al-'arus, 
xxi, 243). The ras?ns of the two verbs are 
the same, ji-s-w-'. The phrases "Yasu' 
Yasu"' or "Yuswi' Yasu'" could have been 
used to ridicule Muhammad's claim that 
Jesus was a prophet (Bellamy, Textual criti- 
cism, 6; id.. Further note, 587-8). 
Luxenberg (Syro-Aramdische Lesart, 26f.), on 
the other hand, derives 'Isa from the bibli- 
cal Isay, (Jesse, in the English Bible) the 
father of David (q.v.). The eastern Syrians 
weaken initial 'ayn so that it is realized by 
hamza, and the final 'ayn vanishes com- 
pletely. This agrees with Mandaean spell- 
ing in which 'ayn is used for hamza, and 
final 'ayn is dropped. The diphthong 
— ay — was eventually monophthongized 
to d, a common feature in eastern Syriac. 

The tale of the Seven Sleepers of 
Ephesus is told in q 18 (see men oe the 
cave). In C3 18:9 God speaks to the 
Prophet: "Or did you think that the com- 
panions of the cave and (of) al-Raqim (q.v.; 
anna ashdba l-kahfi wa-l-raqimi) were one of 
our marvelous signs?" The word al-raqim 



has not been satisfactorily explained, which 
makes it likely that the word is wrong. I 
suggest that it is a mistake for al-ruqud, pi. 
of rdqid, "sleeping, sleeper," so the phrase 
should read ashdba l-kahji l-ruqudi, "the 
sleeping companions of the cave." The 
corruption began with the loss of the final 
ddl; detached letters when final are some- 
times omitted through carelessness. The 
other mistakes occurred because of the 
effort of a copyist to correct the text. The 
remaining letters rqw make no sense, so he 
mistook w for m, and addedjc to give the 
word a common nominal pattern, but 
since the new word does not fit with what 
precedes, he added the conjunction to 
make it a separate phrase. We note further 
that ruqud is also found in C3 18:18, wa- 
tahsibuhum ayqd^an wa-hu?n ruqudun, "you 
would think them awake but they are 
sleeping" (Bellamy, Al-racjim, 115). 
Similarly, Luxenberg [Syro-Aramdische Lesart, 
65f.) emends al-raqtm to al-ruqdd, "sleep," 
taking thejffl' as representing long d, read- 
ing "the people of the cave and of the 
sleep." This goes against the orthography 
of the Qiir'an, in which d after qdf, which 
occurs hundreds of times, is either omitted 
or is represented by alif. Exceptions occur 
when alif IS, alif maqsurd, as in '-sh-q-y = 
ashqd ((j 87:11), and is retained when a suf- 
fix follows, e.g. '-sh-q-h-' = ashqdha (q 91:12); 
this represents the pronunciation — ay (see 
JLahin, Ancient West-Arabian, ii^i. and 160, 
who treats the matter in detail). In o 3:28, 
however, we do find t-q-y-h = tuqdt, but in 
q 3:102, with attached pronoun, t-q-'-t-h or 
t-q-t-h = tuqdtihi (Noldeke, gq, iii, 40). This 
word made difficulties for some readers: 
Ya'qilb al-HadramI and Hasan al-Basra 
(d. 110/728) read taqiyatan (ibid., n. 4). This 
one exception, which is probably a mistake 
itself, is not sufficient to justify the reading 
al-ruqdd. 

In C3 101:6-11 we read "As for him whose 
scales are heavy (see weights and 



T H A M U D 



252 



measures), he shall be in a pleasing way of 
life, as for him whose scales are light^i- 
ummuhu hdwiyah, but how should you know 
what that is? A hot fire." Even though the 
phrase in <J I0i:g is defined in verse 11, no 
one has been able to explain how the 
phrase can mean what it surely must mean 
(see pit). The literal meaning is "his 
mother shall perish" or "his mother shall 
be bereft," but "hot fire" cannot explain it. 
Of the several Western scholars who have 
commented on this passage, Blachere 
(p. 26) comes close to solving the problem. 
He admits that the phrase does not make 
good sense; he translates it, "s'acheminera 
vers im abime," but he thinks it would be 
simpler to take umm (perhaps to be read 
amm) as a verbal noun of amma, "se diriger 
vers, aller vers un but." I, however, believe 
that what is required is an ordinary femi- 
nine noun, which was supplied by ummuhu, 
but which is inappropriate here. Read in- 
stead, without changing the rasm, ummatun 
"path, way, course," and translate "then a 
steep course downward shall be his." 
Ummatun hdwiyatun is an incomplete nomi- 
nal sentence, which can easily be com- 
pleted by reference to the context. Such 
sentences are common in the Qiir'an; they 
occur most often in the apodoses of con- 
ditional sentences, as in this passage (see 
Q, 2:265; 4:92; 56:88-94, for other exam- 
ples; also Bellamy, Fa-ummuhu hawiyah, 
485)- 

James A. Bellamy 

Bibliography 
Primary: Abu 'Ubayd al-Qasim b. Sallam, Fada'il 
al-Qur'dn wa-ma'dlimuhu wa-dddbuhu, ed. A. b. 
A.al-W. al-KhayyatT, 2 vols., Rabat 1995, ii, 
91-104 {traditions on mistakes in the codices); 
Danl, Taysir; Ibn Ishaq, Sira; Lisdn al-'Arab; 
TabarT, TafsTr; Tdj al- 'arus. 
Secondary: J. Barth, Studien zur Kritik und 
Exegese des Qprans, in Der Islam 6 (1916), 113-48; 
Bell, Qiir'dn; ^.K. Bellamy, A further note of 'Isa, 
in JAOS 122 (2002), 587-8; id., Al-raqlm or 



al-ruqud. A note on surah 18:19, in jaos hi 
{1991), 115-17; id., Fa-ummuhu hawiyah. A note 
on surah 101:9, in jaos ri2 (1992), 485-7; id.. 
More proposed emendations to the text of the 
Koran, in jAOs 116 {1996), 196-204; id., Some 
proposed emendations to the text of the Koran, 
in JAOS 113 (1993), 562-73; id.. Textual criticism 
of the Koran, in JAOS 121 (2001), 1-6; Blachere; 
J. Burton, Linguistic errors in the Qur^an, in jss 
33 (1988), 181-96; Gilhot, EH; A.E. Housman, 
The application of thought to textual criticism, 
in Proceedings of the Classical Association 18 (1921), 
67-84; M.S. Howell, Grammar of the classical Arabic 
language, repr. Delhi 1986; Jeffery, For. vocab.; id.. 
Marginalia to Bergstrasser's edition of Ibn 
Khalawih, in Islamica 7 (1935-6), 130-55; Lane; 
Ch. Luxenberg (pseudonym). Die Syro-Aramdische 
Lesart des Koran. Ein Beitrag zur EntschlUsselung der 
Koransprache, Berlin 2000; D.B. Macdonald/ 
H. Masse, Djinn, in Ei", ii, 546-9; Noldeke, gq; 
id., Zur Sprache des Korans, in id., J\feue Beitr age 
zur semitischen Sprachwissenschaft, Strassburg 
1904-10; repr. Amsterdam 1982, 1-30 (Fr. trans. 
G.-H. Bousquet, Remarques critiques sur le style et la 
syntaxe du Coran, Paris 1953); Paret, Koran; 
G. ^ahin, Ancient West-Arabian, London 1951; 
H. K^e ckendorf, Arabische Syntax, Heidelberg 
1921. 



Textual History of the Qiir'an see 

UNITY OF THE TEXT OF THE Q^UR'aN; 

mushaf; textual criticism of the 
q^ur'an; collection of the our'an; 

CODICES of the OUr'aN 



Thamud 

An ancient tribe, mentioned twenty-six 
times in the Qiir'an, counted among many 
peoples who rebelled against God and his 
messengers (see messenger; prophets 
AND prophethood). The story of 
Thamud forms part of a repeated trope of 
human rebellion (q.v.) and subsequent de- 
struction (see PUNISHMENT stories; 
generations) appearing in reference to 
other lost peoples such as the 'Ad (q.v.) and 
the people of Lot (q.v.), Noah (q.v), 
Midian (q.v.), Pharaoh (q.v), Tubba' 
(q.v), Iram (q.v) and the ashdb al-rass 



253 



T H A M U D 



(see PEOPLE OF THE THICKET; see also 
geography). 

Most often the Thainud are mentioned 
along with the 'Ad and represent lost pre- 
Islamic Arabian tribes (see tribes and 
clans; pre-islamic arabia and the 
q^ur'an) that fit the pattern of rebellion 
and destruction. The Thamud succeed the 
'Ad and live in homes hewn out of the 
earth (o 7:74; 26:149). Salih (q.v.) is God's 
Thamudic prophet (o 7:73; 11:61; 26:141-2; 
27:45) and the Qiir'an retains the oral 
memory (see orality and writing in 
Arabia): "And to Thamud their brother 
Salih. He said: 'O my people! Serve God. 
You have no other god save him' " ((j 11:61; 
see worship; polytheism and atheism). 
Salih's people acknowledge his qualities 
(q, 11:62) but refuse to abandon the ances- 
tral, polytheistic, tradition. They repudiate 
him because he is only mortal (o 26:154; 
54:24) and demand a sign (see signs). He 
provides a she-camel, a camel (q.v.) of God 
(Q. 7-73)> ^^<i recjuires that she not be 
harmed or that both she and the people 
drink their well water on equal terms 
{q_ 11:64; 26:155-6; 54:27-8). They respond 
by wounding or hamstringing her (c) 7:77; 
11:65; 26:157; 54:29; 91:14); the term for 
this, '-q-r, is far less common tha.nj~r-h and, 
in some of its forms (e.g. 'aqir, a barren 
[woman]), connotes infertility. As a result 
the Thamud are destroyed except for their 
messenger Salih, or Salih and a few right- 
eous survivors (c3 11:66; 27:53; 41:18). The 
Thamud are destroyed by an earthquake 
[rajfa, q_ 7:78, associated with the last day in 
Q, 79:6; see LAST judgment; apocalypse), 
a thunderbolt {sd'iqa, c) 41:13, 17; 51:44), a 
shout [sayha, (j 54:31), a terrible storm 
{tdghiya, associated linguistically with a 
common term for transgression, t-gh-y, 
^ 69:5) or by burying [damdama 'alayhim, 
Q_ 91:14). It is interesting to note that these 
forms of destruction correlate with the saj' 
rhyme of the different passages in which 



the story is placed (see rhymed prose; 
FORM AND STRUCTURE OF THE Q^UR'an; 
language and STYLE OF THE Q^UR'an). In 
Q^ 27, the story blends into a narrative rem- 
iniscent of biblical and midrashic sources 
treating the destruction of Sodom, with 
nine evil, violent, plotting people who 
caused the destruction (o 27:48-51), fol- 
lowed by direct reference to Lot (<j 27:54; 
see narratives; scripture and the 
q^ur'an). 

The story is expanded in the exegetical 
traditions (see exegesis of the qur'an: 
CLASSICAL AND MEDIEVAL) in ways that 
provide meaning to obscure scriptural 
verses, but with some renderings (i.e. 
Kisa'i, Qisas, 117-28) utterly fantastic. The 
Thamud was a mighty people living in al- 
Hijr (see hijr) who served idols (see idols 
AND images), were corrupt, and failed to 
heed the warnings of their prophet, Salih, 
unless he would show them a miracle (see 
Warner; miracles). He asked them to tell 
him what he should show them, so they 
called on him to bring forth a specific kind 
of pregnant camel from solid rock. When 
he did so, some immediately agreed to fol- 
low the prophet and encouraged others to 
join them but were forbidden by powerful 
tribesmen. The camel gave birth to a foal 
and would drink all the water in a certain 
well every other day, after which she would 
give huge amounts of milk to the people. 
On the other days, the Thamud would 
drink abundantly and store enough until it 
was again their turn. The camel's behavior 
harmed some of the people's other flocks 
and Salih made enemies inadvertently in 
other ways as well. Certain women are in- 
cluded among the ringleaders in the plot to 
hamstring the camel, and nine people lead 
in the process that would result in the 
wounding and eventual destruction of the 
camel. When the prophet warns them of 
their impending doom, they try but fail 
to kill him. He warns them that their 



254 



punishment would come in three days and 
that each morning they would awake to 
find the color of their sldn changing to yel- 
low, red and, on the final day, black. This 
terrified the Thamud as they observed the 
changing color of their skin, but by that 
time it was too late, with horrific destruc- 
tion as a result. 

A people called Thamud are mentioned 
in non-Arabian sources such as Ptolemy 
(Geography) and Pliny (.Natural history) . The 
earliest mention is in a list of tribes de- 
feated by the Assyrian Sargon II (721-705 
B.C.E.). The name and other features of 
the qur'anic story may be found in poetry 
attributed to Umayya b. Abi 1-Salt, a 
contemporary of Muhammad. 

According to Ibn Sa'd (d. 230/845; 
Tabaqdt, i, 37), the Thamud were the 
Nabateans. Al-Bukharl (d. 256/870; Sahih, 
iv, 358-60) relates a tradition in which, 
when traveling northward through "the 
land of Thamud, al-Hijr," Muhammad 
forbade his troops from drinking the water 
from its wells or using it in food produc- 
tion. He further forbade them to enter the 
ruined dwellings "unless weeping, lest oc- 
cur to you what happened to them." Some 
traditions find the Thaqif tribe of Ta'if to 
have derived from a Thamudic survivor or 
slave of Salih. Popular legend associates 
the cliff dwellings, inscriptions and sculp- 
tures in or near the northern Hijazi town 
of Mada'in Salih ("The towns of Salih") 
with the Thamud (see Yemen; south 

ARABIA, RELIGIONS IN PRE-ISLAMIc). These 

"Thamudic inscriptions" reference a real 
community that is no longer extant. 

Reuven Firestone 



Bibliography 
Primary: BukharT, SallTh, trans. M. Khan, Lahore 
1983, iv, 358-60; Ibn Kathir, Tafsir, Beirut 1985; 
Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqdt, 9 vols., Beirut 1997, i, 37; 
trans. S.M. Haq, Ibn Sard's Kitdb al-Tabaqat at- 
kabir, 2 vols., New Delhi n.d., i, 33-4; Kisa'l, 



Qisas, trans. W.M. Thackston, Jr. , Tates of the 
prophets of at-Kisa\ Boston 1978, 117-28; Mas'udi, 
Muriij, 7 vols., Beirut 1966-79, ii, 156-9 (sect. 
929-35); ed. and trans. Ch. Pellat, Les Prairies d'or, 
5 vols., Paris 1962-97, ii, 350-3; TabarT, Tafsir, 
Beirut 1984; id., Ta'rikh, ed. de Goeje; Thalabi, 
Qisas, 57-63, trans. W.M. Brinner, 'Ard'is at-majdtis 
Ji qisas at-anbiyd', or Lives of the prophets, Leiden 
2002, 114-23; Umayya b. Abi al-Salt, in 
F. Delitzsch, Umajja ibn Abi s-Satt, Leipzig 1911, 
xxxiii, 23-8 (lOi); Yaqut, Butddn, Beirut 1990. 
Secondary; Horovitz, KV, 94 (Ashdb ai-Higr), 123 
(Sdtih); R. Hoyland, Arabia and the Arabs. From the 
Bronze Age to the coming of Istam, London 2001; 
M.J. Kister and M. Plessner, Notes on Caskel's 
Gamharat an-nasab, in Oriens 25-6 (1976), 48-68. 



Thanksgiving see gratitude . 

INGRATITUDE 



Theft 

The unlawful taking of another's property 
(q.v.) entailing, in some cases, a punish- 
ment stipulated by the Qvir'an (see also 
CHASTISEMENT AND PUNISHMENT; LAW AND 
THE OUR'aN; LAWFUL AND UNLAWFUL; SIN, 
MAJOR AND minor). 

One of the better-known legislative pas- 
sages in the Qiir'an provides: "As for the 
thief, whether male or female, for each, cut 
off the hands in punishment for what they 
did, as an exemplary punishment (nakdlan) 
from God" (c3 5:38). The Arabic wa-l-sdriq 
wa-l-sdriqafa-qta 'it aydiyahumd closely paral- 
lels the syntax of another qur'anic legisla- 
tive pronouncement concerning adultery: 
As for "the adulteress and the adulterer, 
whip each one of them . . ." ((J 24:2, al- 
Zdniya wa-l-z^nifa-jlidii kulla mdhidin 
minhumd; see adultery and fornica- 
tion). Muslim jurists came to include the 
crime of theft among the so-called hudud 
(sing, hadd, "limit"), the small group of 
transgressions defined by the Qur'an that 
constitute Islamic penal law (see Schacht, 
Introduction, 175-8; see also boundaries 
AND PREiiEPTs). Although the Companion 



255 



'Abdallah b. 'Abbas (d. 68/687; see 

COMPANIONS OF THE PROPHET) IS Said tO 

have declared die dieft verse "unrestricted" 
in its application [al-aya 'aid I- 'umum, 
Tabari, Tafsir, x, 296), the jurists rapidly 
undertook to ameliorate its harsh penalty 
by developing numerous exceptions that 
led to a narrow and highly technical defini- 
tion of theft (sariqa). Discussions of specific 
exceptions are reported among early 
Meccan jurists such as 'Ata' b. Abi Rabah 
(d. 115/733) ^'^d his student Ibnjurayj (d. 
150/767; see 'Abd al-Razzaq, Musannaf, x, 
e.g. 195, 207, 232) and are also preserved in 
early compilations of Iraqi jurisprudence 
such as that attributed to Zayd b. 'All 
(d. 122/740; Corpus juris, 817-20, probably 
before 184/800). Most jurists came to con- 
sider that the scope of the verse had been 
considerably narrowed by various pro- 
phetic hadiths (see hadith and the 
(JUr'an), making the verse itself "re- 
stricted" in its application [khass, e.g. 
'Tabari, Tafsir, x, 296, who objects to the 
characterization of Ibn 'Abbas; for a sum- 
mary of the jurisprudence, see Schacht, 
Introduction, 179-80, and for later legal- 
hermeneutical approaches, see Weiss, 
Spirit, 101-8). Legal reform and changing 
sensibilities led to a further decline in 
application of the hudud punishments in 
later centuries (see e.g. Peters, Islamic 
and secular law). 

With regards to forceful theft (robbery). 
Islamic jurisprudence has looked to 
another qur'anic passage ((J 5:33) for penal 
guidelines. This passage decrees execution, 
crucifixion (q.v.), the amputation of the 
opposing hand and foot or exile for those 
who war against God and his messenger 
and strive to sow "corruption" {q.v.;fasdd) 
throughout the land. This has been vari- 
ously interpreted in the penalties for rob- 
bery found in Islamic law: for robbery that 
involved murder, execution or crucifixion; 
for simple robbery (i.e. in which no death is 



involved), amputation of the opposing 
hand and foot (cf. Heffening, Sarika; Carra 
de Vaux/Schacht, Hadd). 

In addition to the aforementioned pro- 
hibition found in Q^ 5:38, the Quran also 
contains a second though more oblique 
injunction against theft. After the treaty of 
Hudaybiya (6/628; see hudaybiya), cer- 
tain Meccan women are said to have come 
to Muhammad to offer him allegiance (see 
women and the our'an; contracts and 
alliances), and (^ 60:12 stipulated that the 
Prophet should accept their pledge and 
also prescribed its form, which included an 
undertaking not to commit theft: "O 
Prophet, if believing women come to you 
to pay you homage, pledging not to 
associate anything with God (see poly- 
theism and atheism), steal, commit adul- 
tery, kill their children (q.v.; see also 
infanticide), come up with a lie (q.v.) they 
invent between their hands and feet or dis- 
obey you in any honorable matter (see 
disobedience; obedience), then accept 
their homage and ask God's forgiveness 
(q.v.) for them" (see Noldeke, gq, i, 219). 
Known as the "pledge of women" (bay 'at 
al-nisd'), this text is considered to be sub- 
stantially identical to the first pledge of 
'Aqaba, made to Muhammad in 621 by a 
group of Medinans (Ibn Ishaq, Sira, i, 433; 
Ibn Ishaq-Guillaume, 198-9; Watt, 
Muhammad at Mecca, 146; for affinities 
with the Decalogue, see Weiss, Law and 
covenant, 53-4). 

Finally, a false accusation of theft plays a 
role in the qur'anic (as in the bibhcal) story 
of Joseph (q.v.). Whenjoseph's brothers 
return to Egypt (q.v.) with Benjamin (q.v.), 
Joseph causes a goblet to be put in 
Benjamin's bag in order to create a pre- 
tense for detaining the brothers (episode 
beginning at c) 12:70; compare Gen 44). 
Joseph's subordinate accuses the brothers 
of being thieves (q^ 12:70; Gen 44:4, not in 
the Hebrew) and they deny that they have 



THEOLOGY AND THE OUR AN 



256 



Stolen (q 12:73; Gen 44:8). The subsequent 
qur'anic elaboration of the narrative con- 
tains several intricacies not found in the 
biblical version (see si;:ripture and the 
q^ur'an; narratives). 

Joseph E. Lowry 



Bibliography 
Primary: 'Abd al-Razzaq, Alusannaf; Ibn Ishaq, 
iSTra, ed. al-Saqqa et al.; Ibn Ishaq-Guillaume; 
TabarT, TafsTr, ed. Shakir; Zayd b. 'All (attrib.), 
Corpus juris, ed. E. Griffini, Milan 1919. 
Secondary: B. Carra de Vaux/J. Schacht, Hadd 
(a.), in El^, iii, 20-r; M. Fakhry (trans.), An inter- 
pretation of the Qur'dn, New York 2004; W. Heffe- 
ning, Sarika, in EI^, ix, 62-3; R. Peters, Islainic 
and secular law in 19th-century Egypt. The role 
and function of the qadi, in Islamic law and society 
4 (^997)' 70"90;J- Schacht, ^H inlroduction to Islamic 
law, Oxford 1965; S.S. Souryal and D.W. Potts, 
The penalty of hand amputation for theft in 
Islamic justice, m Journal of criminal justice 22/3 
(1994), 249-65; W.M. Watt, Muhammad at Mecca, 
Oxford 1953; B. Weiss, Law and covenant in 
Islam, in E. Firmage et al. (eds.). Religion and law, 
Winona Lake 1990; id.. The spirit of Islamic law, 
Athens 1998. 



Theology and the Qiir'an 

The Qiir'an displays a wide range of theo- 
logical topics related to the religious 
thotight of late antiquity and through its 
prophet Muhammad presents a coherent 
vision of the creator, the cosmos and man. 
The main issues of Muslim theological 
disptite prove to be hidden under the 
wording of the qur'anic message, which is 
closely tied to Muhammad's biography (see 
sira and the q,ur'an). 

Preliminary remarks 
Dealing with theology and the Qtir'an 
means looking in two different directions at 
the same time. On the one hand, the 
qur'anic message plays an important role 
in the religious history of late antiquity, 
representing a specific step within the de- 



velopment of monotheism as derived from 
the Torah (q.v.) and its Hellenistic exegesis 
(see POLYTHEISM and atheism; idolatry 
and idolaters; scripture and the 
(JUr'an). On the other hand, one has to 
study the view of the creator and the uni- 
verse (see creation; god and his 
attributes) as expounded in a corpus of 
heterogeneous texts (see form and 
STRUCTURE OF THE j^ur'an), which share 
the characterization of having been 
revealed to the prophet Muhammad (see 
revelation and inspiration). Neither of 
these two aspects must be neglected, al- 
though it wotild be disadvantageous to 
combine them in this essay. Therefore, in 
the interest of a better understanding of 
the different issues, two separate lines of 
inquiry will be followed here. The first 
treats the place of qur'anic monotheism in 
the religious history of the Middle East. 
This problem will be tackled by scrutiniz- 
ing the qur'anic narrative (see narratives) 
about Abraham (q.v.), one that indicates 
the far-reaching changes that the concept 
of the one god underwent after the age of 
the Torah. There is no need to discuss the 
parallels between the qur'anic story and its 
prestimed sources, since this kind of re- 
search has been done frequently and it is 
unlikely that substantially new results can 
be obtained. But beyond the field of liter- 
ary history (see also literary structures 
OF THE OUR'aN; RHETORIC AND THE 

Cjur'an; myths and legends in the 
(JUr'an), the qur'anic narratives offer valu- 
able clues, which have rarely been used to 
deepen our understanding of how 
Muhammad conceived the divine and of 
how his conceptions were related to those 
current in the Middle East of his time. 

The answer to these questions will lead to 
the second major line of investigation, 
which will focus on the qur'anic text itself 
(see COLLECTION OF THE q^ur'an; codices 
OF THE our'an; mushaf; language and 



257 



THEOLOGY AND THE OUR AN 



STYLE OF THE ^ur'an). This investigation 
will include a detailed review of the main 
theological topics of the Qiir'an, following 
an order determined by the emergence of 
particular concerns faced by the new com- 
munity during the vicissitudes of the 
Prophet's career. In other words, this anal- 
ysis of the theological contents of the 
Qiir'an will be conducted in close relation- 
ship to the material of the sTra. That re- 
ligious arguments cannot be understood if 
divorced from their historical contexts is 
accepted as an indispensable hermeneutic 
principle in both Muslim and non-Muslim 
scholarship (see Muhammad; occasions of 
revelation). In the suras (q.v.) there is no 
theological concept that remains un- 
touched by the circumstances under which 
it was pronounced by the Prophet (see 
speech; recitation of the cjur'an). The 
bulk of what the Qi_ir'an says about the 
creator and the role he assigned to humans 
as his viceregents in the world (q 2:30; see 
caliph; ADAM AND EVE; CORRUPTION) 
seems to have been important at least to 
some of Muhammad's contemporaries 
who were concerned with the divine and 
its meaning in human life. Research on the 
intellectual environment in which the 
Qiir'an was revealed has been overshad- 
owed by the Muslim view that there was an 
abrupt change from the error (q.v.) of 
jdhiliyya (see AGE OF ignorance) to the 
truth (q.v.) of Islam (q.v.). But if one takes 
the ample material on the pre-Islamic civi- 
lization of the Arabs (q.v.; see also 
bedouin; nomads; pre-islamii; Arabia 
AND THE our'an) scriously — and there is 
no convincing reason to discard it in 
advance — one gets a distinct impression 
of a society in unrest, looking for some 
new and trustworthy guidance, and of a 
Prophet sensitive to that unrest who con- 
siders himself and his received revelations 
to be the remedy for what was felt to be 
going wrong. His personality and his 



strength of mind were the decisive addi- 
tions that forged the Qiir'an out of a 
wealth of sundry ideas current in the 
Arabian peninsula of those days (see 

ORALITY AND WRITING IN ARABIA; ETHICS 
AND THE Q^UR'an). 

The Qiir'dn within the theological thought of late 

antiquity 
Although a great deal of research has been 
done on the question of whether the 
Qrir'an was influenced by Jewish or 
Christian theological conceptions (see 

CHRISTIANS AND CHRISTIANITY; JEWS AND 

JUDAISM), no certainty has been reached on 
this point. The issue requires a fresh ap- 
proach, but is beyond the scope of this ar- 
ticle. Even focusing the argument on 
matters of theology alone would not do 
justice to even the most important aspects 
of the problem. Nevertheless, a few tenta- 
tive steps are necessary in order to gain 
some insight into the contributions of the 
Qrir'an to the religious history of the Mid- 
dle East. As indicated above, the qur'anic 
figure of Abraham will serve as a guide. 

The Abraham portrayed in the Qiir'an is 
a Meccan citizen (see Mecca). Already in 
the earliest passages where he is mentioned 
the reader notices very close connections 
between Muhammad's own reasoning and 
his idea of Abraham, whom he considers 
his most important predecessor. In 
<J 51:25-34, for example, Abraham wel- 
comes three guests unknown to him; before 
leaving him they convey a warning to him 
or, rather, to his people (see Warner): "We 
have been sent to a people who are sinners 
(see SIN, MAJOR AND minor) that we may 
let loose upon them stones of clay (q.v.; see 
also stone), marked by your lord (q.v.) for 
the extravagant (al-musrifin)." The Mec- 
cans would have recognized that the re- 
proach of extravagance was directed 
against them, too, or even them primarily; 
extravagance, as Muhammad understood 



THEOLOGY AND THE OUR AN 



258 



it, was tantamount to a fatal lack of com- 
pliance with divine guidance (see 
arrogance; insolence and obstinacy; 
disobedience; obedience), and God 
would punish the frivolous in the same way 
that he had annihilated those who a few 
decades ago had dared to wage war (q.v.) 
against Mecca (cf Q^ 10:87; 21:9; 40:28, 34; 
105:4; see also abyssinia). There is much 
evidence showing how the Qiir'an's con- 
cept of the Meccan Abraham and the per- 
son of Muhammad the Prophet were 
overlaid. It is sufficient to quote q 14:35-8, 
where Abraham implores the lord to make 
Mecca a place of security and to prevent 
his children from worshipping idols (see 
IDOLS and images): "O lord, I have caused 
some of my offspring to settle in an un- 
fruitful valley, near your holy house... 
Grant therefore that the hearts of some 
men may be affected with kindness toward 
them; and bestow on them all sorts of 
fruits that they may give thanks (see 
gratitude and ingratitude)...." 

Most frequently, however, the Meccan 
revelations (see chronology and the 
cjur'an) deal with Abraham's struggle to 
convince his people to put an end to idola- 
try (C3 19:41; 21:51; 26:69; 29:16; 37:83; 
43:26). These passages can be read to re- 
flect Muhammad's difficult experiences 
with his unbelieving countrymen (see 
belief and unbelief), but they also reveal 
much about the theology behind the 
qur'anic text, which sometimes seems strik- 
ingly simple to the modern non-Muslim 
reader. The most complete rendering of 
the story is to be found in q 6:74-83 and 
dates back to the time shortly before the 
emigration (q.v.; hijra) to Medina (q.v.). It 
reads: "(Recall) when Abraham said to his 
father Azar (q.v): 'Do you take idols as 
gods? Verily, I think that you and your peo- 
ple are in manifest error.' Thus do we show 
Abraham [our] power (malakut) over the 
heavens and the earth (q.v.; see also 



HEAVEN and SKY; SOVEREIGNTY; POWER 
AND impotence), and [it is] in order that 
he may be one of the convinced. When the 
night came down upon him (see DAY and 
night), he saw a star (see planets and 
stars); said he: 'This is my lord,' but when 
it vanished, he said: 'I love not the things 
which vanish.' Then when he saw the 
moon (q.v.) shining forth, he said: 'This is 
my lord,' but when it vanished, he said: 
'Truly, if my lord guides me not, I shall be 
of the people who go astray (q.v.).' Then 
when he saw the sun (q.v.) shining forth, he 
said: 'This is my lord, this is greater,' but 
when it vanished, he said: 'O my people, I 
am quit of what you associate (with God). 
Towards him who opened up (fatara) the 
heavens and the earth, I have set my face 
as a hanif(q.v.), and I am not one of the 
polytheists.' But his people disputed with 
him; he said: 'Do you dispute with me in 
regard to God, though he has guided me; 
I fear not what you associate with him ex- 
cept [it be] that my lord will something 
[against me] ; my lord's knowledge (see 

KNOWLEDGE AND LEARNING) is wide 

enough for everything; will you not then be 
reminded (see remembrance; memory)? 
How should I fear what you have associ- 
ated (with him), when you are not afraid to 
associate with God what he has not sent 
you down any authority (q.v.) for? Which of 
the two parties is the better entitled to feel 
secure, if you have any knowledge?' Those 
who have believed and have not confused 
their belief with wrong-doing — theirs is 
the security, and they are the guided. That 
argument of ours we gave to Abraham 
against his people; we raise in rank whom- 
soever we will; verily, your lord is wise, 
knowing." 

During the fifth century, Sozomenos 
[Sozomen], born at Bethelea near Gaza, 
wrote an ecclesiastical history covering the 
period from 324 to 422 c.E. In this work 
there is to be found the oldest evidence of 



259 



THEOLOGY AND THE OUR AN 



some sort of popular veneration of 
Abraham: At the ancient holy place of 
Mamre near Hebron, Jews, Christians and 
pagan Arabs were accustomed to gather 
once a year. The pagans would commemo- 
rate the apparition of the angels (q.v.) to 
Abraham and they would sacrifice (q.v.) 
some animals like an ox or a cock. 
Furthermore, they would abstain from sex- 
ual intercourse (see SEX and sexuality; 
chastity; abstinence) in order to avoid 
the wrath of the lord, whom they thought 
to be present at that holy place (Sozomene, 
Histoire ecdesiastique, 244-9). The scene of 
the angels announcing divine guidance to 
Abraham goes back to Genesis 18:1-16. 
The Bible tells us that Mamre was the 
place where Abraham was dwelling when a 
stranger with two companions visited him; 
they predicted that Sarah would give birth 
to a son, a prophecy that made Sarah 
laugh because she knew that she was bar- 
ren (see Isaac). In (j 51:24-34 the visitors 
add the words quoted above, which point 
to Mecca's recent past and to the moral 
deficiencies of its citizens. One might 
assume that those sentences are only a 
digression, but there is much more behind 
them. In a treatise entitled Z)c Deo, Philo of 
Alexandria comments on Genesis 18:2. 
The passage can be summarized as follows: 
When (Abraham) raised his eyes, he saw a 
stranger with two companions: Those who 
study the holy scripture are given the 
capacity to perceive the hidden qualities of 
creation (see hidden and the hidden; 
secret); they gain insight into nature and 
its divine foundations and in this way they 
understand the true meaning of being 
God's creature. The creator, manifest in 
and through nature, bears witness to him- 
self by the process of constantly creating. 
Galling Abraham's attention to this truth is 
the main reason for the visit those men pay 
him. They open his eyes and he can see 
how the creator "makes the earth and the 



water (q.v), the air (see air and wind) and 
the heaven so that (these phenomena) 
would be suspended from himself. . . rais- 
ing the world as if protecting it through 
guardians..." (Siegert, Abrahams 
Gottesvision, 82). 

Thus Abraham is portrayed as a vision- 
ary whose experience testifies to God as 
the indefatigable creator; everything that 
exists in this world is dependent on his con- 
tinuous activity. Philo's commentary points 
to a wide range of religious concepts which 
were alien to the original text of Genesis 
18. Before going into more detail about 
Philo's understanding of this passage, it is 
worthwhile taking a look at the Book of 
Jubilees, which was composed a few de- 
cades before Philo's treatise. The author of 
this work, a revision of Genesis and 
Exodus, is convinced that he has repro- 
duced the original text of the scriptures 
which Moses wrote down on Mount Sinai 
(q.v.), taking dictation from an angel or 
from God himself (see orality). Never- 
theless, the unknown author of the Book of 
Jubilees does not aim at replacing the 
Torah; he only wants to corroborate its 
text. In Exodus 19-24, Moses receives the 
Ten Commandments (see commandment); 
in the Book of Jubilees God orders an an- 
gel to dictate, in addition, a complete re- 
cord of the events from the beginning of 
creation until the erection of the sanctuary, 
which is to last for ever. Comparing these 
two accounts, the figure of Abraham un- 
dergoes some remarkable changes, too. In 
Genesis he is tempted by God who tells 
him to sacrifice Isaac. In the Book of 
Jubilees one reads about further tempta- 
tions: When he is fourteen years old, 
Abraham recognizes the futility of idola- 
try; he forsakes his father and begins to 
venerate the one creator of the world and 
prays to him that he may save him from 
error. Without hesitating, he complies with 
God's order and leaves his country. While 



THEOLOGY AND THE OUR AN 



260 



roaming through the holy land (see syria; 
jerxjsalem), Abraham worships the creator 
in the way the Jews will do after Moses has 
delivered the tablets to them; he is a 
Mosaic Jew avant la lettre (Kratz, Wie 
Abraham Hebraisch lernte). Reflecting on 
what is expressed in the Book of Jubilees 
and what has been quoted above in a 
greatly abridged form, it is not surprising 
to note that Judaism does not accommo- 
date itself to the Hellenistic Weltanschau- 
ung by referring to the figure of Moses; the 
divine law revealed to him on Mount Sinai 
obviously segregates Judaism from any 
other community and plays against the 
cosmopolitan ethos of Hellenism. 

It is Abraham, therefore, father of a pow- 
erful people and the man chosen by God to 
bear witness to his will to bless humankind 
as a whole (see grace; blessing; 
election), who proves most attractive as a 
symbol of religious universalism compat- 
ible with the cosmopolitanism then pen- 
etrating Judaism. Whoever will be 
well-meaning towards Abraham and his 
offspring will pass his life in happiness (Gen 
12:3). It is this interpretation of the figure 
of Abraham that Philo has in mind when 
writing his treatise De Deo, where he un- 
folds his ideas about the creator and his 
relationship to the universe. The God of 
the Pentateuch creates the world; he expels 
Adam and Eve (q.v.) from paradise (q.v.); 
later he annihilates the sinful, saving only 
Noah (q.v.) and his family to make a new 
start for human history, a history which 
culminates in Moses' encounter with him 
on Mount Sinai (see theophany). This is 
the internal logic of the events as narrated 
in Genesis and Exodus; taking possession 
of the holy land (see sacred precincts) 
means the fulfillment of divinely-guided 
history and the god who has caused those 
events to happen is the god of Israel (see 
children of Israel). But now, centuries 
after the composition of the Pentateuch, 



the perception of the world has changed 
and the image of the creator has 
changed, too. 

The Septuagint refers to God as kyrios 
and as theos. Do these two names point to 
different beings? Philo asks himself in De 
specialibus legibus. He answers in the nega- 
tive. It is due to God's remoteness from the 
world that people discern the different 
ways in which God's overwhelming cre- 
ative power takes effect within the universe 
(see NATURE AS signs). Therefore humans 
give him names with reference to the dif- 
ferent ways of his acting, names that no 
longer point to Israel, his people, but to the 
cosmos as a whole, as Philo expounded in 
De Deo. The God of the Pentateuch has 
become a universal deity; he might still 
maintain a special relationship with Israel, 
but his never-ceasing creative actions per- 
tain to the universe and to humanity as a 
whole, regardless of nationality or place of 
dwelling (see strangers and foreign- 
ers). When God reveals himself to Moses 
in the burning bush, the prophet asks him 
in whose name he is to accompany the 
Israelites out of Egypt and God answers: 
"I am, "or "I shall be," "who I shall be." In 
the Septuagint this sentence is rendered as 
Ego eimi ho on, "I am the existing one." This 
translation of the somewhat enigmatic 
Hebrew phrase of Exodus 3:14 is indicative 
of the changed conception of the creator 
that we have just outlined, and it is in this 
way that Philo interprets it in De specialibus 
legibus. God discloses his identity by stress- 
ing the personal character of himself — ho 
on, not to on — but at the same time he re- 
mains the hidden one, who himself cannot 
be perceived by man in this world (see 
FACE of god; anthropomorphism). The 
fact that God is the existing one can only 
be known indirectly, by regarding the ef- 
fects of his uninterrupted creative actions 
which constitute the cosmos, as Philo tells 
us in his treatise De Deo (Siegert, Abrahams 



26l 



THEOLOGY AND THE OUR AN 



Gottesvision, 79). As the builder and in- 
defatigable ruler of the cosmos the "exist- 
ing one" is as near to the Israelites as to 
any other people regardless of their pagan- 
ism, the history of Israel being just one 
sign among innumerable others of his be- 
ing at work (see signs; shekhinah). 

Attention can now be turned back to the 
Qiir'an. In the famous sura "The Star" 
(Sural al-Najm, (j 53), Muhammad relates 
the two visions (q.v.) he has had and con- 
nects them to his understanding of the 
divine. This siira proved problematic for 
later Muslim commentators who grappled 
with the question of God's invisibility in 
this world and, as a rule, declared that it 
was the angel Gabriel (q.v.) who had ap- 
peared to Muhammad — an interpretation 
that retrojects conceptions developed by 
the Prophet at a later date to an earlier 
time. In c) 53, the Qiir'an speaks frankly 
about Muhammad's encounter with the 
one God, repudiating the reproaches of 
Muhammad's fellow Meccan citizens who 
consider him a fool for what he relates (see 
OPPOSITION TO MUHAMMAD). But what he 
relates is nothing but "an inspiration he is 
inspired with, taught by one, strong in 
power, forceful. He stood straight, upon 
the high horizon, then he drew near and 
let himself down, until he was two bow- 
lengths off or nearer and inspired to his 
servant what he inspired. The heart (q.v.) 
did not falsify what it saw. Do you debate 
with him as to what he sees? He saw him, 
too, at a second descent, by the lote tree at 
the nearest boundary, near which is the 
garden of the abode (see gardens; trees; 

AGRICULTURE AND VEGETATION), wheil the 

lote tree was strangely enveloped. The eye 
turned not aside nor passed its limits. 
Verily, he saw one of the greatest signs 
(q.v.) of his lord" (q.v; o 53:4-18). 

The following verses (q.v.) in the same 
sura (o 53:19-30), denouncing al-Lat, al- 
'Uzza, and Manat, three of the goddesses 



worshipped in pagan Mecca (see south 
ARABIA, RELIGIONS IN PRE-ISLAMIC), as 
powerless names, might be a later inser- 
tion, as Bell suggests. The argument made 
against their divine character is in keeping 
with the pagan milieu in which daughters 
were not much appreciated (see children; 
infanticide; gender; women and the 
q^ur'an; patriarchy). Thus ascribing 
daughters to God, the mighty one, is tan- 
tamount to giving offence to him. After this 
subject has been discussed at length, touch- 
ing upon the male gender of the angels 
and emphasizing the incomparable power 
of the lord (see power and impotence), 
Muhammad embarks on a description of 
the extent to which God governs the cos- 
mos (Q, 53'33"48)- "Have you considered 
him who turns his back, gives little and is 
niggardly? Is knowledge of the unseen 
with him so that he sees? Or has he been 
told of what is in the pages of Moses, and 
Abraham who fully performed (his task; 
see book; heavenly book)? That no bur- 
den-bearer bears the burden of another 
one; that man gets exactly (the result of) his 
striving; and that (the result of) his striving 
will in the end be seen; then he will be rec- 
ompensed with the fullest recompense (see 
REWARD and PUNISHMENT); that to your 
lord one comes at last; that it is he who 
causes laughter (q.v.) and weeping (q.v.); 
that it is he who causes to die and causes to 
live (see DEATH and the dead; life; pairs 
AND pairing); that he created the pairs, 
male and female, from a drop emitted in 
desire; that upon him it rests to produce a 
second time (see resurrection); that it is 
he who makes rich and gives possession 
(see wealth; property)." 

In the same manner the lord directs 
history (see history and the q^ur'an; 
generations). It is he who destroyed the 
peoples of 'Ad (q.v.) and Thamud (q.v.) and 
who drowned the people of Noah (see 
drowning) after he had ordered him to 



THEOLOGY AND THE OUR AN 



262 



warn thein against their frivolous way of 
life (see punishment stories; chastise- 
ment AND punishment). One cannot cast 
doubt on the overwhelming power of the 
lord, who now has summoned Muhammad 
to warn his countrymen, for the day of 
judgment has drawn near (cf. q 53:50-8; 
see LAST judgment; apocalypse). 

This is the content of q 53, to the exclu- 
sion of the passages identified as late inser- 
tions by R. Bell. The text brings to the fore 
the main theological subjects of the 
Hellenistic interpretation of Abraham's 
religious experiences pointed out above: 
The lord reveals himself to Muhammad as 
the mighty one, who not only determines 
every being's fate (q.v.; see also destiny) 
but also the history of humankind as a 
whole; his power cannot be resisted, there- 
fore it is wise to comply with his ordi- 
nances. What is added to this conception 
of the divine is Muhammad's prophetic 
self-confidence: he alludes to Noah as his 
predecessor, a topic which is displayed at 
some length in c) 71 (Sural Nuh, "Noah") 
with clear reference to his failure with the 
Meccans. Furthermore, it should be re- 
membered that both Moses and Abraham 
are said to have received "pages." When 
one reflects on the following verses, one 
must conclude that those "pages" did not 
contain the divine law (see law and the 
cjur'an), but were registers of events to 
come and, perhaps, of God's judgment 
(q.v.) on those who had lived sinful lives 
(see VIRTUES and vices, commanding and 
forbidding; evil deeds). The seeds of 
the theological question about the extent of 
a human's capacity to determine his or her 
own actions (see freedom and predesti- 
nation) can be discerned in this qur'anic 
passage; later on they will germinate in 
Medina, as shall be seen. Suffice it here to 
remark that q 53:38-9 ("That no burden- 
bearer...") will later, in Kharijl polemics. 



be interpreted as evidence of human re- 
sponsibility for actions — which, in Kharijl 
thought (see kharijIs), originates in the 
human capacity to do so. This is a striking 
example of distorting the original meaning 
of a qur'anic passage to accord with politi- 
cal circumstances (see politics and the 
qur'an). 

In comparison with q 53 the verses of (J 6 
quoted above do not, at first sight, prove to 
be indicative of the Qiir'an's identification 
of Muhammad with Abraham. The story 
is told of how Abraham came to know the 
identity of the one creator, and there are 
themes in this passage that can be traced 
back to what is told in the Book of Jubilees: 
Abraham denounces idolatry, thereby kin- 
dling the wrath of his people. But there is 
another remarkable detail in this passage. 
(J 6:75 seems to be an enigmatic insertion 
interrupting the flow of the narrative: 
"Thus do we show Abraham (our) holding 
sway over the heavens and the earth, and 
(it is) in order that he may be one of the 
convinced." Such a guiding vision of God 
is the necessary condition for knowing him 
(see intellect). This knowledge cannot be 
deduced from nature or from the course of 
history through human reflection (see 
reflection and deliberation). On the 
contrary, humans must be guided by the 
creator to be open to deliberation of the 
kind expounded in the following verses. 
The cosmos as a whole is a sign of God's 
unceasing creative power, but humans are 
not able to decipher this sign without his 
assistance. That means that the creator is 
not an anonymous force asserting itself in 
this world in which humans must find 
access to some understanding of its nature; 
if the human mind were restricted to its 
own very deficient capacities, it would fail. 
The creator, as conceived of by Philo and 
as he reveals himself to Abraham in q 6, 
is the existing one — ho on — i.e. he has 



263 



THEOLOGY AND THE OUR AN 



an individuality, a personal character. 
Certainly his individuality is unfathomable, 
but because of this personal character God 
is characterized by volition, too. It was his 
intention to show Abraham his all-effecting 
being, as it is now his intention to reveal 
himself to Muhammad. Were it not for 
God's intention, Abraham would not have 
been one of the guided ones; he would 
have gone astray like his countrymen. One 
must also admit that the creator's volition 
may be to the detriment of humanity; this 
possibly grievous consequence of the 
Abrahamic conception of God is hinted at 
in o 6:81: idolatry is not forbidden because 
it proves futile; it must be dismissed from 
one's mind because God has not sent 
down any authority for it. Indirectly, the 
question of independent human reasoning 
is raised here and this shall be touched 
upon. 

The last subject to mention when treating 
the position of Islam within the religious 
history of late antiquity is the cult of 
Abraham. As Sozomenos told us, there was 
a sort of pagan pilgrimage to the grove of 
Mamre. One might suppose that the cult of 
Mamre was emulated at Mecca; the 
sources on the — legendary — history of 
Mecca and the Qtiraysh (q.v.) abound in 
references to the influence of Palestine and 
Syria on the Hijaz, and tell us a lot about 
the Qiiraysh interest in the area on the 
northwestern fringe of the peninsida. 
Once more, it is necessary to look at o 6: 
At that crucial moment when Abraham 
becomes aware of the futility of idolatry he 
sets "(his) face towards him who opened up 
(fatara) the heavens and the earth, as a 
hanif'' (q_ 6:79) and he dissociates himself 
from polytheism. Turning one's face to- 
wards the lord is the spontaneous corollary 
of knowing the creator. As a rule, this ges- 
ture is expressed in the Qvir'an by the verb 
aslama, and the person who has gained 



such knowledge is referred to as hanif: 
"Who is better with regard to his religious 
practice (din) than he who surrenders 
(aslama) his face to God, doing good mean- 
while (see GOOD deeds), and follows the 
creed (milla) of Abraham as a Aflnzf ?" 
(c) 4:125; see also religion). The hamfi are 
men who transform into a ritual the sin- 
gular gesture indicating their attainment of 
true knowledge (see ritual and the 
q^ur'an); they reiterate that gesture several 
times a day, thus confirming that over- 
whelming truth and giving it a stability 
which is required in order to conduct their 
lives in keeping with it. The ritual prayer 
(q.v.), the center of Muslim religiosity, has 
its roots immediately in the history of 
Abraham, as it evolved in late antiquity. 
Except for the meager information in 
Sozomenos there seems to be no further 
evidence about the rites of the pagan cult 
of Abraham. But it is known for certain 
that the saldt was not initiated by 
Muhammad. It was the hamfT^ayd b. 'Amr 
who used to practice it at Mecca. In al- 
Sham he had become acquainted with the 
Abrahamic veneration of the one God; 
back in Mecca, he preached against idola- 
try and performed a saldt every evening 
(Nagel, Abraham in Mecca, 143). 

Abraham is the key figure who leads us to 
a better understanding of the place of 
Islam in religious history. Using this key 
figure, fundamental theological concep- 
tions of the Qiir'an can be related to an 
amalgam of ideas of Jewish and Hellen- 
istic origin: God is the one creator and 
untiring governor of the cosmos; he de- 
termines everything; humanity is guided to 
know him according to his volition and 
after that people interpret everything in 
the universe with respect to this knowl- 
edge; the ritual of prayer is symbolic of 
the act of attaining that ultimate knowl- 
edge and testifies to an individual's 



THEOLOGY AND THE OUR AN 



264 



willingness to live his life before the face of 
the One. 

The main theological themes of the Qur'an: God 

and creation 
A very short summary of the qur'anic idea 
of the divine is found in o 112:1-3: "Say: 
'He is God, one, God, the uniform one 
(al-samad); he brought not forth, nor has he 
been brought forth; co-equal with him 
there has never been any one.'" God is the 
one and uniform god; that means there is 
nothing with him or in him which is not of 
the divine, transcendent nature of his es- 
sence and for that reason he cannot be 
equal to any created being. The anti-Chris- 
tian polemical tone of these verses is evi- 
dent (see POLEMIC AND POLEMICAL 

language). 

The almost dogmatic statement in C3 II2 
does not, however, mark the starting-point 
of qur'anic theological reflection. In the 
earliest revelations pure monotheism is not 
called for. Those who listen to Muham- 
mad's preaching — one should avoid 
speaking of "the Meccans" at that stage of 
his career — are urged to pay veneration 
to the "lord, the most high." A human 
must purify himself (see cleanliness and 
ablution), a very prominent demand, es- 
pecially in the early suras, because he is 
thought to have earned his wealth in an 
unlawful manner (see lawful and 
unlawful). Though one may do more 
than just one's duty with respect to this 
demand, one must not ask God for any 
compensation. One is to do good to the 
poor (see poverty and the poor) simply 
"out of desire for the countenance of one's 
lord, the most high" (c) 92:20). The "coun- 
tenance," literally the face of God, in this 
early revelation and also in later qur'anic 
speech (e.g. (^ 13:22) is the pars-pro-toto 
expression by which God's transcendent 
being is rendered conceivable in human 
thought. When the process of recognizing 



the oneness of the creator attains its aim, 
as has been demonstrated by Abraham, 
one turns one's face to God, thus establish- 
ing a face-to-face relationship with him, 
and this relationship is renewed every time 
one devotes oneself to one's ritual duties. 
"The lord, the most high," of course, still 
is not the One whom 112 preaches in 
uncompromising words. "The most high 
lord" implies there are "less high" divine 
beings. Muhammad had to make his way 
to absolute clarity in this matter through 
painful struggles, which are echoed in C3 53 
and in the famous story about the so-called 
Satanic verses (q.v.). Though q 112 is an 
unmistakable plea for radical monotheism 
and untainted transcendence and therefore 
sheds at least some light on q 92:20 — to 
which <J 87:1 should be added — , the face- 
to-face concept of that early revelation has 
been preserved and proves fundamental in 
the various kinds of Muslim ritual. There 
is thus a characteristic tension between a 
fully elaborated intellectual monotheism, 
on the one hand, and an eager search for 
some kind of immanence that is tolerable 
within the framework of sound theological 
reasoning and indispensable for an emo- 
tional experience of the ritual, on the 
other. This tension may be deduced from 
Muhammad's career because he grew up 
in a polytheistic milieu; but it may also be 
due to the conception of the continuously 
acting creator that had evolved in late an- 
tiquity, as has been shown above. At any 
rate, this tension, present in the qur'anic 
interpretation of deity, will encroach on 
Muslim theological speculation and will 
cause a rupture between pure metaphysics 
and the study of the sharl'a, i.e. "applied 
theology." 

"Glorify (see glory; glorification of 
god) the name of your lord (see basmala) 
the most high, who created and formed, 
who assigned power and guided, who 
brought forth the pasture, then made it 



265 



THEOLOGY AND THE OUR AN 



blackened drift" (cj 87:1-4). Already the 
"lord, most high" is the one power that 
determines everything in this world, the 
good and the bad things. His image is that 
of a sovereign governor who rules without 
paying attention to the benefit of his sub- 
jects; or at least they are not in a position 
to discern the motives behind his decree. 
According to his volition, which is inac- 
cessible to human reason, he created the 
world out of nothing, and since that time 
he has been caring for it, even looking after 
the tiniest details. The Qiir'an frequently 
stresses this idea, making use of the im- 
pressive picture of a rider sitting on his 
throne (see THRONE of god; kings and 
rulers): this is the posture befitting an 
omnipotent creator. By comparison with 
this idea, the reminiscence of creation in 
biblical history is rather shadowy: "We 
have created the heavens and the earth and 
what is between them in six days (see day; 
DAYS OF god), without being affected by 
fatigue (see sleep; sabbath)." Thus reads 
o 50:38. Here God's indefatigability is 
pointed out in order to encourage 
Muhammad to perform the prayers as- 
siduously. In other passages concerned 
with creation, God is referred to as "your 
lord" {q_ 7:54; 10:3), "God" (q 32:4), or "he" 
(cf. Q 11:7; 25:59; 57:4). In each of these six 
references we are told nothing more than 
that God created the world (q.v.) in six 
days; what God did on each of these days 
is passed over in silence. But in each case 
God's throne is mentioned, e.g. C3 7:54: 
"Verily your lord is God, who created the 
heavens and the earth in six days, then 
seated himself on the throne causing the 
night to cover the day, following it quickly, 
and the sun and the moon and the stars, 
subjected to service by his command; is it 
not his to create and to command? Blessed 
be God, lord of the worlds." Only in C3 11:7 
is there a faint reminder of what the Bible 
says about creation: "He it is who created 



the heavens and the earth in six days, and 
his throne was upon the water. ..." But 
again it is the throne, symbol of God's 
unquestionable sovereignty, that Muham- 
mad bears in mind and the Qiir'an 
employs — not the biblical "spirit" (q.v.) 
of God, which seems less instrumental in 
portraying the creator as the rider of an 
empire. 

In the qur'anic text the idea of continu- 
ous creation is closely connected with two 
further theological themes: the first is that 
God's incessant creative action is indicative 
of his all-embracing care for his world, and 
the second that human beings should con- 
sider this care as an irrefutable proof of 
the truth of resurrection and final judg- 
ment. To begin with the first theme, the 
Qiir'an says that God's creative action is 
tantamount to his unlimited mercy (q.v.); 
both are almost synonymous in the 
qur'anic conception of the creator. The 
famous (J 55 (Sural al-Rahman, "The 
Merciful") bears witness to this most viv- 
idly: The merciful lord created this won- 
derful world to the benefit of humankind; 
neither they nor the jinn (q.v.) can deny 
this; everyone in this world will pass away, 
except "the face of your lord full of glory" 
[dhu l-jalali wa-l-ikrdmi, ^ 55:27); "Those in 
the heavens and the earth make request of 
him, each day he [is engaged] in 

something O company of jinn and men 

(al-ins), if you are capable of passing 
through any of the regions of the heavens 
and the earth, pass through; you will not 
pass through without authorization... 
There will be sent upon you a flame of fire 
and smoke, and you two will not find 
help... Then when the heaven is rent and 
becomes rosy like [burning] oil, which then 
of the benefits of your lord will you two 
count false?" [q_ 55:29-38). 

No creature can act without God's per- 
mission, and when he decides to destroy 
this world, thereby doing the utmost harm 



THEOLOGY AND THE OUR AN 



266 



to humankind, even this will be to human- 
ity's benefit; it will be part of God's mercy. 
In addition to that, God's capacity for in- 
cessant creative action is the Prophet's best 
argument to warn his unbelieving country- 
men about resurrection and judgment; to 
quote Q 11:7 again, this time passing to its 
concluding phrases: "... and his throne 
was upon the water; that he might try you 
as to which of you is best in deed (see 
trial; trust and patience). If you say: 
'Verily you will be raised up after death!' 
those who have disbelieved will say: 'This 
is only magic (q.v.) manifest '" 

We have already pointed to the contra- 
diction which arises from the assumption 
that the totally transcendent creator to 
whom nothing is equal (c3 42:11) is simul- 
taneously experienced as the omniscient 
and wise one who takes care of human 
welfare and is therefore "nearer to him 
[each person] than [his] jugular vein" 
(c3 50:16; see ARTERY AND vein). Is there 
anything bridging the gap between tran- 
scendence and immanence, which is felt 
already in Philo's idea of ho on? 

"God it is who created the heavens and 
the earth and what is between them in 
six days, and then sat firm upon the 
throne — apart from him you have neither 
patron nor intercessor (see clients and 
clientage; friends and friendship; 
intercession); will you not then be re- 
minded? He manages the affair from the 
heaven to the earth, then it mounts up to 
him in a day, the length of which is a thou- 
sand years as you reckon" (c) 32:4-5). God 
knows everything, whether concealed or 
open; his creation testifies to his unsurpass- 
able skill. These verses use the Arabic word 
amr that refers to an essence which is ca- 
pable of linking God's creative power to 
the results of its activity, thus making his 
continuous determining of this world con- 
ceivable to humanity. Bell translates amr 
with "affair" (cf o 10:3; 16:1; 17:85; 97:4) or 



"command" (q 7:54), a rendering which, in 
the opinion of the present writer, does not 
suit the qur'anic meaning of the word. To 
grasp the idea expressed by the term let us 
look at the following two qur'anic passages: 
"The amr of God has come, seek not to 
hasten it; glory be to him and exalted be he 
above all that they associate [with him]!" 
((3 16:1). The amr of God has come; it is 
now present in his work and it is just for 
this amr that God is the exalted One. Amr is 
something like his decree, an uninter- 
rupted influx of his volition into this world. 
There is no clear statement as to the ontol- 
ogy of amr. But as soon as the Prophet's 
understanding of the revelation becomes 
connected with the idea of transmitting a 
heavenly book, the term is interpreted as 
denoting God's all-embracing, incessant 
determination of things in this world. Part 
of this amr is the "spirit" manifest in the 
words of the qur'anic revelation: "They 
ask you about the spirit; say: 'The spirit 
belongs to my lord's amr, but you have no 
knowledge bestowed upon you except a 
little'" (q_ 17:85; see also holy spirit). 
When dealing with prophecy below, this 
question will be revisited. 

Humankind 
The contradiction within Muhammad's 
conception of the divine — the transcen- 
dent, inaccessible lord, essentially different 
from his creation versus the omnipresent 
and omniscient care-taker — reasserts it- 
self within the qur'anic understanding of 
humankind, and the twofold roots of 
qur'anic theology become more palpable 
in this context. C3 32:5-9 can serve as a 
starting-point of analysis: "He manages 
the amr from the heaven to the earth... 
That is the knower of the hidden and the 
revealed, the sublime (al-'aziz), the com- 
passionate, who has made well everything 
that he has created. He created man at the 
first from clay; then appointed his progeny 



267 



THEOLOGY AND THE OUR AN 



to be from an extract of a base fluid. Then 
he formed him and breathed into him of 
his spirit, and gave you hearing and sight 

(see HEARING AND DEAFNESS; VISION AND 

blindness; seeing and hearing; eyes; 
ears) and hearts — little gratitude (see 
gratitude and ingratitude) do you 
show." The shaping of humans means the 
natural process of procreation, as can be 
inferred from many other passages of the 
Qi_ir'an (see biology as the greation 

AND STAGES OF LIFE; SEX AND SEXUALITY). 
Yet there seems to have been a remarkable 
development of this conception in the 
Qi_ir'an. In the very early suras only natu- 
ral procreation is mentioned ((j 53-45f-; 
75:37-9; 77:20-3; 86:5-7); the growth of the 
embryo in the womb (q.v.) is the clearest 
evidence of God's creative power [q_ 96:2). 
Then the Genesis account of the history of 
the creation of man finds its way into 
Muhammad's revelations (see ummI). 

In addition to C3 32:5-9 quoted above, 
(I 18:37, 22:5, 23:12, and 40:67 must be con- 
sidered; in each case God creates man 
from clay and immediately after that 
makes his "progeny from an extract of a 
base fluid (nutfa)." At the outset of 
Muhammad's prophetic career, the natural 
world and course of nature are the best 
evidence of the creator's activity; there 
seems in the qur'anic revelations to be no 
place for human singularity, which would 
separate humans to some extent from the 
rest of created beings. Then this idea is 
introduced into the qur'anic reasoning by 
way of the biblical traditions that go back 
to Genesis: "At first" man is formed out of 
clay. God breathes the spirit into him, thus 
endowing him with "hearing and sight and 
a heart," i.e. with reason. It is this act of 
being created from clay which establishes 
humankind's special relationship with 
God, as expressed several times in the 
Qur'an: By shaping the human being from 
clay before the beginning of mundane his- 



tory God has honored him by giving him 
his special attention; no other beings were 
considered worthy of a primordial shaping 
before being initiated into the continuous 
process of creation. It is for this reason that 
God orders the angels to prostrate them- 
selves before Adam (see bowing and 
prostration). All except Iblis (see devil), 
who deems himself nobler than Adam, 
obey; therefore God expels Iblis from para- 
dise (q.v.): " 'Verily you are stoned [rajlm; 
see stoning) and upon you is the curse 
(q.v.) until the day of judgment.' (Iblis) 
said: 'O my lord, grant me respite then till 
the day of their being raised up.' (God) 
said: 'You are one of the respited 
(muniann) till the day of the time ap- 
pointed.' (Iblis) said: 'O my lord, as you 
have perverted me, I will make things ap- 
pear beautiful to them in the earth, and I 
will pervert (aghwd) them all together, ex- 
cept those of them who are your single- 
hearted (al-mukhlasinj servants" (c3 15:34-40; 
see servant; fall of man). Tliis is 
granted to Iblis by God but his faithful ser- 
vants will not be seduced; they will enjoy 
paradise in the hereafter, whereas the 
perverted will suffer eternal pain (see 
suffering) in hell (jahannam, o 15:28-40; 
cf 38:71-85; see HELL AND hellfire). 

To what extent is the human being bur- 
dened with individual responsibility (q.v.)? 
This question arises when one reads the 
story in which humans are declared subject 
to a bet made by their creator and Satan. 
Those who are God's servants will resist 
the seducer's suggestions, the others will 
not — the individual's fate after the day of 
judgment seems to be predetermined. 
Here one should recall that for a human to 
know the one creator is due to God's voli- 
tion, too. Tlius humans are not just part of 
nature, whose growing and passing away is 
the manifestation of God's decree in this 
world; humans must do something about 
good and evil (q.v.), otherwise there would 



THEOLOGY AND THE OUR AN 



268 



be no reason for judgment (q.v.), for eter- 
nal reward or punishment. A creator who 
withdraws from his work at least temporar- 
ily, thus asserting his transcendence, would 
be appreciated as a neutral judge of hu- 
mans; but what about the "creator of 
everything" — the sinful acts of his crea- 
ture included — a creator nearer to each 
human than his jugular vein? In fact, 
qur'anic theology has no systematic con- 
ception of the human being as a respon- 
sible actor. One may suppose that this 
deficiency is due to the qur'anic under- 
standing of the divine as analyzed above. 
God's amr, permeating everything extant in 
the cosmos, reminds one of something like 
pagan animism or fatalism, as interpreted 
in the light of the belief in the one creator 
and fiu'ther overshadowed by reminis- 
cences of the biblical tradition, which 
tends to give prominence to individual 
responsibility. 

In the sira, the Prophet's Meccan enemies 
sometimes call him a Sabian (q.v.; see e.g. 
Baladhiu'i, Ansdb, v, 14; see also religious 
PLURALISM AND THE Q^UR'an). Although 
this may be for polemical reasons, there is 
an interesting remark in al-Shahrastani 
(fl. sixth/twelfth cent.) that comments on 
the religion of the ancient Sabians which, 
as must be inferred from the context, was 
well-known in Arabia in Muhammad's 
time. The Sabians, al-ShahrastanI tells us, 
believe in the acquisition (kasb) of actions 
whereas the hanlfi "maintained the innate 
disposition of man" (fitra). Turning to the 
Qur'an we find evidence of both ideas. 
The term kasb occurs very often, e.g.: "But 
how (will it be) when we gather them to a 
day of which there is no doubt, and each 
one will be paid in fidl what he has 
acquired (kasabat), without being 
wronged?"((;i 3:25; cf. 2:281 and many 
other references). Acquisition is not to be 
understood as the actions of human beings 
directed by their own will and performed 



according to their own deliberations. This 
absence of self-determination must be in- 
ferred from God's comprehensive care for 
his creation and creatures; it is also clearly 
pronounced in the Qtir'an itself: "They 
have no power over anything that they may 
have acquired, and God does not guide the 
people of the unbelievers" (c3 2:264). It is 
God who allots the means of subsistence 
(rizq): "My lord makes generous provision 
for whom he wills, or stints, but most of 
the people have no knowledge" ((3 34:36; 
numerous other references). Following the 
theological discussion that was to evolve in 
the first centuries after the Prophet's death, 
the "acquisition of actions" has to be in- 
terpreted as the manifestation of God's 
decree [amr) to be discerned when one ob- 
serves a certain individual; in fact, the in- 
dividual is nothing but the substance 
needed for making God's incessant acts of 
governing perceptible in this world and to 
its inhabitants. Insofar as it is the individ- 
ual who makes perceptible a certain act 
wrought by God, this individual acquires 
the respective act. One might argue that in 
the Qiir'an the impersonal power of fate 
has assumed the character of a series of 
the personalized orders of the creator, 
tailored for the individual on his or her 
way through this life. 

The second idea mentioned by al- 
Sharastanl claims a certain disposition 
which is innate and inichangeable in hu- 
man beings; this, fitra, says he, is part of the 
belief of the hanifi, who, as can be con- 
cluded from the Qiir'an (cf. q i6:i2o), are 
the followers of Abraham's ritual. Fitra 
only occurs once, in q 30:30, and dates 
back to the middle or even late Meccan 
period of Muhammad's career: "Set your 
face towards religious practice as a 
hanif — the innate disposition laid down by 
God upon which he has created people 
(nds); there is no alteration of the creation 
of God. This is the eternal religious 



269 



THEOLOGY AND THE OUR AN 



practice, but most of the people do not 
know." Looking back at the story of how 
Abraham came to know the one creator 
(c) 6:74-83) and how lie responded to the 
vision granted to him, we are now in a po- 
sition to fathom its meaning: Of course, 
everything one does is wrought by God; 
tliis is borne out by the idea of acquisition; 
but the friglitening consequences of tliis 
conception are warded off by the establish- 
ment of Islam, the face-to-face relationship 
between humans and their creator. This 
relationship, stabilized by ritual — "Set 
your face towards religious practice," has 
to occupy the center of human life; one 
has to be aware of God's untiring activity, 
has to suppress every impulse of self-con- 
ceit including the misperception that one's 
actions are one's own. Bearing this in 
mind, acquisition of good or evil will no 
longer be a cause of concern: Professing 
and hving Islam is tantamount to preserv- 
ing the innate disposition un-spoilt; Islam 
eclipses the perpetual challenge of right or 
wrong. The function of ritual in Muslim 
life and its preeminence over dogmatic 
ethics become apparent. What counts most 
is a human's trustful devotion to his cre- 
ator, a behavior which almost automati- 
cally will save him from doing evil: "Recite 
what has been suggested to you of the 
book (q.v.), and observe the prayer, for the 
prayer restrains from indecency [al-fahshd'; 
see ADULTERY AND FORNICATION) and 
what is disreputable [al-munkar) , and surely 
the remembrance (dhikr) of God is 
greater..." fe 29:45). 

Muslim edifying literature dwells at 
length upon the importance of unlimited 
devotion to God's actions, on the necessity 
of strict observance of the ritual and on 
remembering the creator, which is devel- 
oped into a refined skill of continuous spir- 
itual presence before him. This leads us 
back to reason and its role in human life. 
In accordance with the concepts of kasb 



anAfitra, reason could not serve as a tool to 
find one's way through the activities and 
dangers of this world. As must be inferred 
from the precedent of Satan's condemna- 
tion, the function of reason is only to jus- 
tify and effect total obedience to God's 
orders: Satan refused to prostrate himself 
before Adam, who had been made of clay, 
explaining his refusal by pointing out that 
his own nature, made of fire, was nobler 
than Adam's (c3 38:76). Reasoning, in this 
case within the framework of analogy (see 
LITERARY STRUCTURES AND THE ^UR'an), 
is subordinate to God's will, as has already 
been elucidated in the story of Abraham's 
way to the knowledge of the one creator. It 
is not because of Abraham's reasoning that 
idolatry is futile, but because God does not 
authorize human beings to practice idola- 
try. Keeping to the gist of this argument, 
humans could discern that their reasoning, 
if not immediately guided by God, may be 
successfid as measured by the yardstick of 
mundane affairs, but its success according 
to the measure of the creator remains in- 
herently doubtful. Success in mimdane 
affairs may be tantamount to sin; for in- 
stance, a cunning businessman might mid- 
tiply his profit by giving interest-bearing 
loans, thus trying to acquire more than the 
livelihood {rizq, e.g. (j 16:71) God had al- 
lotted to him (see usury; trade and 
commerce). Such reasoning means to turn 
one's face away from God and to become 
entangled in passions for created things. It 
is from this point of view that usury (ribd) is 
prohibited. There is only one exception to 
this rule: fighting (q.v.) for the victory (q.v.) 
of God's Prophet and his community 
means lending to God a good loan (see 
debt), which he will double (o 57:10-11; see 
also expeditions and battles; jihad). To 
encourage the believers to do so, (^9:111 
was revealed: "God has bought from the 
believers their persons and their goods at 
the price of the garden (q.v.; in store) for 



THEOLOGY AND THE OUR AN 



270 



them, fighting in the way of God and kill- 
ing and being killed (see bloodshed) — a 
promise (see also oaths; contracts and 
alliances; breaking trusts and 
contracts) binding upon him in the 
Torah (q.v.), the Gospel (q.v.), and the 
Qur'an; and who fiilfils his covenant (q.v.) 
better than God? So rejoice in the bargain 

you have made with him " 

Faith (q.v.; imdn) is proved by ruthless 
fighting against the non-Muslim enemies 
(q.v.). Those of the Prophet's adherents 
who do not protect their own lives will be 
superior to their fellows (e.g. o 4:96) in the 
hereafter (see martyrs); they are sure to be 
rewarded with paradise, whereas normally 
God grants high ranks in the world to 
come according to his own impenetrable 
discretion (e.g. (J 12:76). In any case, during 
the decisive years of struggle the Qiir'an 
came to allude to the crucial theological 
subject of a person's justification by way of 
individual merit, an idea that proves sub- 
stantially alien to the fundamental concep- 
tion of the divine underlying Islam. 

Prophecy 
This is an illuminating example of the 
wide range within which the qur'anic theo- 
logical conceptions would oscillate accord- 
ing to the circumstances (see prophets 
AND prophethood). The same is true of 
the understanding of prophecy, which un- 
dergoes far-reaching changes over the life 
of the Prophet and the qur'anic revela- 
tions. Here these changes will only be dis- 
cussed as far as theology is concerned. A 
first step will embark on a short inquiry 
into the scope of knowledge transmitted to 
humankind through revelation; a second 
will attempt to explain the qur'anic con- 
cepts of the relationship between tran- 
scendence and immanence in the context 
of the various stages of Muhammad's pro- 
phetic career. 
God creates Adam to be his vicegerent in 



this world. To fulfill this duty, Adam is de- 
pendent on a sufficient amount of skill, 
which, as has been shown, he cannot ac- 
quire on his own; he needs divine guid- 
ance. Accordingly, the creator does not 
withhold knowledge from him: "[God] 
taught Adam all the names. Then he mus- 
tered [all things created] before the angels 
and said: 'Tell me the names of these, if 
you speak the truth!' They said: 'Glory be 
to you! We have no knowledge but what 
you have taught us (see teaching; 
ignorance). You are the knowing, the wise 
(see wisdom).' He said: 'O Adam, tell them 
the names [of the things created]!' Then 
when Adam told them the names, God 
said: 'Did I not say to you that I know the 
secret [things] of the heavens and the 
earth?'..." (q 2:31-3). 

Adam, considered as the first prophet, 
received complete knowledge of every- 
thing in this world. Therefore he is capable 
of being the creator's vicegerent; he is to 
act within God's cosmos in accordance 
with the divine decree, continuously 
remaining face to face with God. As a 
prophet, Adam is granted the knowledge of 
which humanity is destined to make use. 
Revelation means the act of granting that 
knowledge, which is not specified as divine 
or theological but pertains to all mundane 
affairs as well as to ritual and eschatology 
(q.v.) and to those attributes of God that 
human beings are allowed to understand. 

Knowledge transmitted by revelation is as 
all-embracing as God's decree and its 
effects are manifest everywhere in the cos- 
mos (see cosmology and the q^ur'an). 
We have already stated that in the qur'anic 
view revelation is closely related to the con- 
cept of amr. This relationship becomes 
even more apparent if we analyze the 
meaning of the Arabic root u)-h-y, which is 
used throughout the Qiir'an, even at an 
early stage, to describe the event of revela- 
tion: Abraham was a hanij: "We bestowed 



271 



THEOLOGY AND THE OUR AN 



upon him in this world a goodly (portion), 
and verily, in tiie hereafter he is among the 
upright. Then we suggested (awhaynd) to 
you: 'Follow the creed of Abraham, as a 
hanij, and he was not of the polytheists!'" 
(q, 16:122-3; cf 16:120). It should be noted 
that in this and related contexts (e.g. 
Q, 12:15), translating w-h-y as "suggestion," 
as Bell does, does not imply a specific fixed 
wording, siutable for a heavenly book (q.v.). 
In other cases (e.g. C3 7:117 and 160) the ex- 
pression is followed by God's order refiect- 
ing an actual situation: "We suggested to 
[Noah] : Make the ship under our eye and 
according to our suggestion..." (c3 23:27; 
see ark). Yet it is not only the prophets 
who receive divine suggestions: "(God) fin- 
ished them (as) seven heavens and inspired 
(awhd) each heaven [with] its command" 
[amr, O 41:12). 

From perhaps the beginning of the sec- 
ond half of the Meccan revelations, there 
is a remarkable change in the conception 
of prophecy, though the older concept is 
never completely abandoned: "Thus we 
have suggested to you a spirit (mh) belong- 
ing to our affair (ami). You did not [for- 
merly] know what the book and the faith 
were. But we have made it a light (q.v.) by 
which we guide whomsoever we please of 
our servants, and verily you will guide to 
a straight path, the path of God..." 
(q, 42:52-3; see PATH OR way). Here "sug- 
gestion" is more than a single command 
and more than God's decree; it has be- 
come the text of a law teaching humans to 
behave according to the creator's prescrip- 
tions, a text suitable to be written down in 
a book (see literacy; illiteracy). Still, 
"suggestions" have their origin in the 
realm of amr which is hidden from human 
senses (cf C3 3:44; 11:49; 12:102), but part of 
this amr makes itself manifest as a holy 
message valid beyond time (q.v.). The cre- 
ator, at work without interruption, be- 
comes more and more personalized as the 



revelations progress; the human beings are 
gradually deprived of their shelter in the 
midst of nature, though they still remain 
completely dependent on God's determi- 
nation; the feeling of existential insecurity 
arising from this loss of sheltering is com- 
pensated for by turning to God (islam) and 
this compensation may be enhanced by 
delivering oneself to fighting for the sake of 
God ((J 9:111) or to incessant remembrance 
of him [q_ 29:45). At this critical stage of 
the evolution of qur'anic theological con- 
ceptions, the Prophet is seen to become 
more than a warner — namely the trans- 
mitter of divine law, summoned by the 
creator to pronounce his legislation, his 
guidance of the obedient and his punish- 
ment of the disobedient. This legislation, 
together with the record of divine giud- 
ance and punishment, are to be recited as 
a heavenly book (see preserved tablet). 

In the Qiir'an there are traces of a dis- 
cussion between Muhammad and the 
Meccans about such a heavenly book. The 
Prophet's enemies evidently argued that he 
should ascend to heaven in order to pro- 
cure a divine message for them or for him- 
self In fact, al-Waqidl (d. 207/822) relates 
that Muhammad found himself raised into 
heaven (see ascension) on the seventeenth 
of Ramadan (q.v), some eighteen months 
before the hijra, which is dated to Safar of 
the first year of the Muslim calendar (Ibn 
Sa'd, Tabaqdt, i/i, 143). "They say: 'We 
shall not give you credence till you cause a 
spring to bubble up for us from the earth 
(see SPRINGS AND fountains; miracles; 
marvels)... or you ascend into heaven; 
nor shall we give credence to your ascent 
until you bring down to us a writing (kitdb) 
which we may read'" (c3 17:90-3). It should 
be noted that now, near the end of 
Muhammad's Meccan years, revelation 
tends to be conceived of as a sending 
down (tanzTl) of the divine message. The 
personalized God establishes personal 



THEOLOGY AND THE OUR AN 



272 



relations with his messenger (q.v.); this is a 
very important innovation in the Prophet's 
view of himself and his mission. In 
Medina, where he is free of the sharp criti- 
cism of the Meccans, the far-reaching con- 
sequences of this innovation will be 
realized. The majority of the Meccans, it is 
true, were not much impressed by his claim 
to have received a divine book: "If we were 
to send down a book (written) tipon parch- 
ment and they were to touch it with their 
hands, those who have disbelieved would 
say: This is nothing but magic manifest" 
(c3 6:7; see scrolls; sheets; writino and 
WRITING materials). Evcn if God had 
made his messenger an angel, that angel 
must have assumed the shape of a human 
being in order to transmit the message, and 
therefore the Meccans would have rejected 
him as well. "Messengers have been 
mocked before you..." (q 6:10; see 
mockery). 

^ 97 (Surat al-Q_adr, "Niglit of Destiny/ 
Power"), celebrating the "Night of Power" 
(q.v.), seems to legitimate the new mode of 
revelation; in that night "the angels and 
the spirit (cf. c) 17-85) let themselves down, 
by the permission of their lord, [Ijringing] 
all kinds of divine decree" [amr, C3 97:4). In 
Medina, the month of Ramadan is chosen 
for commemorating the Prophet's vision 
which he had been granted eighteen 
months before leaving Mecca. As q 2 
(Surat al-Baqara, "The Cow") is said to 
have been revealed about eighteen months 
after his arrival in Medina, the famous 
verse of o 2:185 may highlight the third 
anniversary of the event, now considered 
decisive for the Prophet's career. As an 
aside, the problem of the change in the 
understanding of revelation is closely re- 
lated to the question of writing down the 
revealed texts, i.e. making a palpable book 
of "parchment" (see mushaf; manu- 
scripts OF THE OUr'aN; EPIGRAPHY AND 
THE our'an). But since the focus here is 



the theological implications, it is only 
possible to discuss the last stage of 
Muhammad's image of himself as a 
prophet. 

It is evident that most of the qur'anic 
texts dealing with divine legislation and 
with divine comments on actual situations 
the Prophet and his community endiu-ed 
are of Medinan origin. When reading 
these parts of the Qiir'an one gets the 
impression tliat the creator has become an 
alter ego of his Prophet. The formula 
"God and his messenger" is now smoothly 
incorporated in Iris speech. For instance, 
the Qiir'an enjoins his followers to pay un- 
questioned obedience to Muhammad and 
to those he appoints to some duty or other: 
"O you who have believed, obey God and 
obey the messenger and those of you who 
have the command, and if you quarrel 
about anything, refer it to God and tlie 
messenger..." (o 4:59; cf. 3:32, 132; 4:80; 
8:24, 27). It is not surprising that this kind 
of revelation for a particular occasion (cf. 
C) 58:1; 59:2; 33:37-40) would be met with 
sharp criticism from the Medinan Jews (see 
nadir; q^aynuq^a'; ourayza) — and on 
the part of some among the Aws and 
Khazraj (see tribes and clans). It takes a 
considerable amount of credulity to be- 
lieve in the divine origin of verses like 
those. But the Qiir'an stresses the certainty 
that Muhammad is the messenger of the 
one personalized creator, whose amr has 
not ceased to be at work since time began 
and that part of this amr manifest in every 
affair has been transmitted to him through 
the spirit and thereby converted into 
human speecli. The Qiir'an maintains this 
view against the Jews, who would have 
considered revelation an event which 
occurred in distant history, and against the 
skeptic pagans, by its praise for the one 
God of creation: "To God belongs what is 
in tlie lieavens and the earth; verily God is 
the rich [al-ghaniyy), praiseworthy (see 



273 



THEOLOGY AND THE OUR AN 



praise; laudation). If all the trees in the 
earth were pens, and the sea with seven seas 
after it to swell it, the words of God (see 
word of god) would not give out; verily 
God is sublime, wise" (o 31:26-7; cf 18:109). 

Final remarks 
Freeing oneself from the petitio principii that 
all Arabic literary tradition showing 
"qur'anic" ideas and ascribed to authors 
prior or contemporary to Muhammad 
must be a forgery (q.v.; see also corrup- 
tion; musaylima; provocation), one 
succeeds in setting into vivid relief the his- 
torical background of the intellectual 
world of early Islam as depicted in the 
Qtir'an. As expressed in the Qiir'an, 
Muhammad's vision of God and the uni- 
verse governed by him does not imply a 
history of salvation (q.v). Therefore theol- 
ogy first of all is concerned with the cos- 
mos and the creator manifesting himself in 
it and through it. His incessant creative 
activity may have been plausible even to 
the pagans; he revealed himself to Abra- 
ham, announcing the birth of a son to 
him, and it is for this impressive example of 
his all-embracing power, and perhaps for 
others similar to it, that humans should 
venerate him. Muhammad felt that the 
Meccans fell short of this duty for several 
reasons, and when he was sure that he was 
summoned by the "lord, most high" to 
warn his countrymen against frivolous neg- 
ligence towards the one power to which 
they owed their existence, he answered 
this call. 

It is a reasonable assumption that in this 
situation Muhammad would have looked 
for some elaborate theological tradition 
that could furnish him with a system of 
notions suitable to express his ideas. 
Eventually the belief of the hanifi and their 
interpretation of Abraham's path to the 
knowledge of the one creator seemed to fit 
with his experiences. These tended to crys- 



tallize in the image of a highly personal- 
ized God who was on intimate terms with 
his Prophet, although he was to remain the 
transcendent omnipotent one. As for theol- 
ogy, this led to the contradictions outlined 
above, which lie at the base of later 
Muslim theological discussions. To attain 
to a more elaborate analysis of later discus- 
sions than has yet been achieved, a great 
deal of further research on the theological 
meaning of Midiammad's message and its 
contemporary intellectual and spiritual 
background is necessary. 

The following few lines may give an in- 
structive, albeit superficial impression of 
what this means. Human beings cannot 
account for their actions because it is the 
one creator who makes them apparent in 
this world, and even if one were to en- 
deavor to avoid a certain action, one coidd 
not escape God's decree. The amr, emanat- 
ing from him into the cosmos, causes a hu- 
man being to acquire (kasaba) that action. 
Later, SunnI theology will discuss the prob- 
lem of whether the capability of acquiring 
a certain action has been deposited in the 
individual human before that action comes 
about or whether it is granted to the in- 
dividual by God simultaneously with the 
coming about of that action. The second 
view came to be preferred in Ash'arism, 
which is said to have carried predestination 
to its extreme. This, of course, is the opin- 
ion of the Westerner who has the problem 
of freedom of will in his mind; for him this 
is the idea which sets the standard for the 
evaluation of conceptions of humankind's 
position in this world. This is not the back- 
ground of the Muslim view of the ques- 
tion. Their theological reasoning is 
based on the qur'anic picture of the re- 
lationship between the creator and man. 
Nevertheless there are verses which seem 
to suggest one's responsibility for one's 
actions; therefore the freedom of will 
should be granted. "That day [the earth] 



THEOLOGY AND THE OUR AN 



274 



will tell its news (q.v.), as your lord has 
prompted (awhd) it; that day the people will 
come forward separately that they may be 
shown their works. Whoever has done a 
particle's weight of good, shall see it..." 
(q. 99:4-7; see WEIGHTS AND MEASURES; 
measurement). This revelation dating 
from the early Meccan period can be con- 
sidered valid evidence of each person's 
obligation to act according to his or her 
own decisions. Yet this line of argumenta- 
tion is completely mistaken. The early 
Meccan passages of the Qiir'an do not 
plead at all for freedom of will. On the 
contrary, they advocate the all-embracing 
power of the creator's decree, and in (j 99 
the believers are reminded of God's knowl- 
edge, which is all-embracing, too: On the 
day of judgment not a single action that 
has been "acquired" by a human being will 
be forgotten. "... No burden-bearer bears 
the burden of another;... man gets exactly 
[the result oi] his striving" (cj 53:38f.). The 
one God "who causes to die, and causes to 
live... who makes rich and gives posses- 
sion" (<J 53:44, 48) will look strictly into 
everybody's record of actions. It is only in 
Medina that the believers become respon- 
sible for a certain type of action, i.e. those 
greatly needed heroic deeds that would 
save Islam from annihilation. The believers 
now are summoned to sell their lives to 
God who will make them enter paradise as 
a recompense for fighting the enemies of 
Islam. It is remarkable that some Muslim 
scholars hold that C3 99 belongs to this 
Medinan period of Muhammad's life. 
They seem to be conscious of the possibil- 
ity of interpreting C3 99 as an allusion to 
one's responsibility for one's actions and 
one's fate in the hereafter. Nevertheless, the 
Westerner must be aware of the fact that 
verses like (J 99 or (j 53-38 do not aim at 
liberating the human being from divine 
decree; they only point to a rather limited 
range of actions left to human choice be- 



cause God "has sent down authority" (cf 
c) 6:81) for the individual to do them. 

Therefore the question of human free- 
doin of will in Muslim theology is neither 
concerned with some capacity of reason 
and power independent of God nor with 
ethics. It refers to the limits of "authority" 
granted to one by one's creator This is 
even true of Mu'tazili thought (see 
mu'tazilIs) which does not confront the 
individual with the cosmos allowing each 
to find his or her own way, but rather 
obliges the creator to aim at the best (aslah) 
for his creatures. Of course, under such 
conditions it is more plausible that God 
will do justice to the individual on the last 
day (see JUSTICE AND injustice); but, 
strictly speaking, God's authority still far 
surpasses human responsibility. This re- 
quires finally an examination of the hu- 
man position in this world as intended by 
the personalized creator, who "each day [is 
engaged] in something" (c3 55:29). The 
Qiir'an confines itself to calling Adam 
God's vicegerent [khalifa, e.g. c) 2:30). In the 
main, Islamic theological reasoning has 
conceived two different answers, both of 
them rooted in the qur'anic message of the 
one God. The first answer is the elaborated 
system of shan'a law; if one keeps to all of 
its regidations scrupulously, seeing to the 
best for oneself and for the community of 
the believers, one will attain the rank of 
God's vicegerent on earth because God's 
volition and human action will be in per- 
fect harmony (Shatibi, Muwdfaqdt, i, 25if.; 
see BOUNDARIES AND PRECEPTS). The sec- 
ond answer takes o 51:56 into consider- 
ation: "I have not created jinn and men 
but that they may serve me (see worship)." 
The human being is God's servant, a fact 
that is reflected in the dependence of 
human reason on the creator's authority. A 
human being cannot act on his own but 
has to acquire every action, right or wrong, 
wrought by God. And it is this iinques- 



275 



THEOPHANY 



tioned compliance with God's decree (amr) 
that is looked upon as the quintessence of 
one's service to one's creator: By his inces- 
sant creative actions he realizes himself as 
the omnipotent one, and through the sinful 
(and righteous) actions he causes humans 
to acquire, he assures himself and human- 
kind of his being the one legislator. 
Rendering this inestimable service to him, 
humans prove to be his indispensable vice- 
gerents. This idea, elaborated in detail by 
Ibn al-'Arabi (d. 638/1240) and his Sunni 
interpreters, is the deepest understanding 
of qur'anic theology ever arrived at. Both 
answers do not pertain to the Western con- 
cept of humankind hinted at above. The 
careful analysis of the qur'anic message 
and its historical background will guide 
one, as has been demonstrated by this ex- 
ample, to a more appropriate understand- 
ing of Islam and Islamic theology and may 
be instrumental in establishing a reliable 
method of scientific hermeneutics. 

T Nagel 

Bibliography 
Primary: al-Baladhurl, Ahmad b. Yahya, Jumal 
min Kitdb Ansdb al-ashrdf, ed. S. Zakkar, 13 vols., 
Beirut 1996; ShahrastanT, Milal, ed. Cureton; 
al-Shatibi, Abu Ishaq Ibrahim b. Musa, al- 
Muwdfaqdt, 4 vols., Beirut 1991. 
Secondary: Bell, Qjir'dn; I. Goldziher, Intro- 
duction to Islamic theology and law, trans. A. and 
R. Hamori, Princeton 1981 [Ger. orig. Vorlesungen 
iiber den Islam, Heidelberg 1910]; G. Kratz, Wie 
Abraham Hebraisch lernte, in id. and 
T. Nagel (eds.), Abraham unser Vater, Gottingen 
2002, 53-65; id. and T. Nagel (eds.), Abraham unser 
Vater, Gottingen 2002; T. Nagel, Abraham in 
Mecca, in G. Kratz and T. Nagel (eds.), Abraham, 
unser Vater, Gottingen 2002, 143; id., Geschichte der 
islamischen T^heologie, Miinchen 1994; id., Islam. Die 
Heilsbotschaft des Korans und ihre Konsequenzen, 
Westhofen 2001; id., Medinensische Einschube in 
mekkanischen Suren, Gottingen 1995; A. Rippin, 
'Desiring the face of God'. The qur'anic sym- 
bolism of personal responsibility, in I. BouUata, 
Literary structures of religious meaning in the Qur'dn, 
Richmond, Surrey 2000, 117-24 (for an alter- 
native understanding of an element of qur'anic 



theology); F. Siegert, Abrahams Gottesvision im 
hellenistischen Judentum, in G. Kratz and 
T. Nagel (eds.), Abraham unser Vater, Gottingen 
2002, 142; Sozomene, Histoire ecclesiastique, ed. 
B. Grillet and G. Sabbah, Paris 1983. 



Theophany 

Visible appearance of God. In the Qiir'an, 
the closest one comes to a visible appear- 
ance of God is in q 7:143. Moses (q.v.) ex- 
presses his wish to see God, who replies: 
"You shall not see me. Look at the moun- 
tain, though; if it stays in its place, then 
will you see me." The verse continues: "So, 
when his lord (q.v.) manifested himself 
(tajalld) to the mountain, he flattened it, 
and Moses, thunderstruck, collapsed. 
When he came to, he said, 'Glory to you! I 
turn toward you in repentance, and I am 
the first of the believers'" (see repentance 
AND penance; glorification of god). 
The hairsplitting discussions (in the 
qur'anic commentary of al-RazI, for ex- 
ample; see EXEGESIS of the our'an: 
classical and medieval) over the pos- 
sibility of humans seeing God represent 
attempts to vindicate theological positions 
staked out long after the revelation of the 
Qur'an (see revelation and inspiration; 
theology and the qur'an; anthro- 
pomorphism; cod and his attributes). 
Both the letter and the spirit of C3 7:143 
indicate that, according to the Qur'an, in 
this world at least, human eyes (q.v.) cannot 
see God. C3 6:103, "Eyes cannot perceive 
him," makes the same point. The Qtir'an 
does say that God "actually spoke to 
Moses" but this does not mean that, in that 
conversation, Moses, in some sense, saw 
God (cf. Exod 33:11, which, using figurative 
language, says that God spoke to Moses 
"face to face"; see speei;h; word of god). 
q 42:51 says that God speaks to human 
beings in one of three ways — in revela- 
tion, from behind a veil (q.v.) or through a 



THRONE OF GOD 



276 



messenger (q.v.; see also prophets and 
prophethood). Thus, in reference to 
C3 7:143, the most one can say is that God 
did manifest himself on the moinitain but 
that Moses was unable to see him; Moses' 
contrite "I turn toward yoii in repentance" 
upon regaining consciousness is proof of 
Moses' realization that he was a little too 
bold in making the request to see God. 

Not only is there no mention in the 
Qiir'an of the several types of theophany 
found in the Bible, theophany probably 
woidd not have belonged in the theoretical 
framework of the Qiir'an (as we know, 
there is no history, in Islam, of any epiph- 
any festival; see festivals and comme- 
morative days; scripture and the 
cjur'an). C3 4:153 cites disapprovingly the 
Israelites' demand to see God with their 
eyes (see children of Israel). Also, 
theophany woidd be classed as a miracle 
and the Qiir'an is, in principle, averse to 
the idea of showing palpable miracles to 
establish the Qiir'an's veracity or Muham- 
mad's prophethood (see miracles; 
marvels). According to the standard 
Muslim theological position, the Qtir'an is 
the miracle of Islam (see inimitability; 
createdness of the our'an). In a sense, 
the Qur'an — which is the speech of God 
and, as such, a manifestation of one of 
God's attributes — may be called the 
theophany of Islam but this would be a 
figurative use of that word, as Muslim 
theologians do make a distinction between 
God's being and his attributes, just as they 
distinguish between God and his signs 
(q.v.), the Qiir'an being one of those signs. 
In the same vein, the term "inlibration," 
which is sometimes used to distinguish the 
Qiir'an-event in Islam from the Christian 
doctrine of incarnation, has no more than 
a rhetorical value of highlighting a con- 
trast between the two religions. For ad- 
ditional qur'anic allusions to divine 



self-manifestation (albeit not a "visible ap- 
pearance"), see shekhinah; face of god. 

Mustansir Mir 



Bibliography 
Primary: RazI, TaJsTr. 

Secondary: I. Abu Bakar, The Qur'an and the 
beatific vision in Mushm rationahst and tradi- 
tional theologies, in Hamdard hlamicus 27/1 
(2004), 55-61; 'A. Ahdal, 'liam al-minnaji ru'yat al- 
mu'minin rabbahum ji l-janna, Mecca I989;J. van 
Ess, Le mi'rdg et la vision de Dieu dans les 
premieres speculations theologiques en islam, in 
M. Amir-Moezzi (ed.), Le voyage initiatique en terre 
d'islam, Louvain 1996, 27-56; L. Goodman (ed.), 
Maimonides and the philosophers of Islam. The problem 
of theophany, Leiden 2000; 'A. Salama, al-Sam' wa- 
l-basarfi l-Qur'dn al-kanm, Tarabulus 1986; 
A. Tuft, The origins and development of the controversy 
over ruya in medieval Islam and its relation to 
contemporary visual theory, PhD diss., UCLA 1979; 
id.. The ruya controversy and the interpretation 
of Qur'an verse VII (al-A'rdf): 143, in Hamdard 
Islamicus 6/3 (1983), 3-41; H. Wolfson, The 
philosophy of the Kalam, Cambridge 1976, chaps. 
2 and 3. 



Thicket see people of the thicket 
Thief see THEFT 
Thirst see food and drink 
Thread, White and Black see 

RAMADAN 



Throne of God 

Qur'anic (and biblical) image related to 
God's sovereignty. The two terms used 
most commonly in the Qur'an and exegeti- 
cal literature for the throne of God are 
'arsh and kursi, although the latter has often 
been luiderstood not as a seat but as a foot- 
stool or other accessory to the throne itself. 
The word 'arsh appears twenty-five times in 
the Qur'an with reference to God's throne. 



277 



THRONE OF GOD 



as well as the thrones of others: the seat on 
whichjoseph (q.v.; Yusnf) placed his par- 
ents (q.v.) is referred to as an "arsh 
(c) 12:100), as is the throne of Bilqls (q.v.), 
the Qiieen of Sheba (q.v.; {) 27:23, 38, 41, 
42). When referring to the throne of God, 
verses speak either of the throne itself or 
use it in a relational epithet to emphasize 
aspects of God's majesty. The latter cat- 
egory is the more common and God is re- 
ferred to as the "lord (q.v.) of the throne" 
[rabb al-'arsh, q 43:82) or "lord of the noble 
throne" [rabb al-'arsh al-'a^im, (j 9:129; cf. 
rabb al-'arsh al-karim, (3 23:116). Elsewhere, 
God is referred to as "the one with the 
throne" [dhU l-'arsh, c) 40:15; cf 17:42). A 
literal reading of the Qiir'an gives a clear 
sense of the throne of God as a concrete 
object (see literary structures and the 
cjur'an; metaphor; simile; language 
AND style of the our'an). Thiis the 
angels (q.v.) are mentioned as circling 
God's throne (q 39:75); elsewhere the 
Qiir'an describes the throne as being car- 
ried while it is being circled (o 40:7). The 
image of the throne being borne by the 
angels appears explicitly in descriptions of 
eschatological events (see eschatology): 
"And the angels shall be ranged around 
(the heavens') borders (see heaven and 
sky), eight of whom will be carrying above 
them, on that day, the throne of your lord" 
(c) 69:17). The term kursT'is used for 
"throne" on two occasions. One of these 
refers to the throne of Solomon (q.v.; 
Sulayman, (J 38:34). The other instance 
(q, 2:255) is the most famous reference to 
the throne of God in the Qiir'an, and may 
very well be the most popular verse in the 
Qiir'an (see verses), having come to be 
known as the "Throne Verse" (djat al-kursi). 
Eight sentences long, the verse only refers 
to God's throne once: "His throne encom- 
passes the heavens and the earth (q.v.), and 
their preservation does not burden him." 
The throne of God, both as 'arsh and 



kursT, has figured prominently in theologi- 
cal and mystical debates over God's 
transcendence and the status of anthro- 
pomorphic references in the Qiir'an (see 
theology and the qur'an; sufism and 
the q^ur'an; anthropomorphism). Hasan 
al-BasrI (d. 110/728) is said to have re- 
garded the two terms as synonyms, as have 
some later scholars. A wide variety of writ- 
ers have interpreted the throne of God 
metaphorically, beginning with both al- 
Tabari (d. 310/923) and Ibn al-Jawzi 
(d. 597/1200) who credit Ibn 'Abbas (d. ca. 
68/686) with stating that fa(raj" refers to 
divine knowledge {'ilm; see knowledge 
AND learning). Al-Suyuti (d. 911/1505) 
takes a different approach and interprets 
the roof of heaven [al-saqf al-matfi', liter- 
ally "the upraised roof," c) 52:5) as a refer- 
ence to God's throne. 

In Sufi literature the notion of God's 
throne has been a source of much specula- 
tion and interpretation, as has the Throne 
Verse mentioned above. In some schools of 
mystical philosophy, the throne of God 
('arsh) is the lowest or seventh heaven. This 
is sometimes seen to coincide with the 
locus of divine self-manifestation (tajalli). 
Ibn al-'Arabi (d. 638/1240) referred to the 
throne of God on many occasions in his 
writings and viewed the mystical heart 
(q.v; qalb) as a microcosm of God's throne, 
in that it is capable of encompassing all 
things. This concept is perpetuated in Sufi 
thought derived from Ibn al-'Arabi, pri- 
marily through the influence of al-Jlll's 
(d. 561/1166) understanding of the "perfect 
man" (al-insdn al-kdmil). 

The notion of a divine or supernatural 
throne is developed further in hadlth and 
tafsir literature (see hadith and the 
^ur'an; exegesis of the cjur'an: 
CLASSICAL AND MEDIEVAL) where God's 
throne is described as possessing different 
designs and colors as well as being deco- 
rated with precious stones. The collections 



278 



of al-Bukhan (d. 256/870) and Muslim 
(d. ca. 261/875) refer to three celestial 
thrones, including those of Satan (see 
devil) and Gabriel (q.v.; Jibril) along with 
that of God. Muslim and al-Tirmidhi 
(d. ca. 270/883) speak of Satan's throne 
floating on water and being surrounded by 
snakes, an image with important reso- 
nances in the study of comparative reli- 
gion. See also sovereignty; kings and 
rulers; power and impotence. 

JamalJ. Elias 

Bibliography 
Primary: Bukharl, Sahih, 9 vols., Beirut 1980; al- 
BuriLsawT, Abu 1-Fida' Isma^Tl Haqql Tafsir ruh al- 
baydn, 10 vols., Cairo n.d.; Ibn al-'Arabl, 
Muhammad b. 'Abdallah Abu Bakr, al-Futuhdt al- 
makkiyya, 4 vols., Cairo n.d.; Ibn al-JawzT, ^dd, 
9 vols., Beirut 1984; al-Kulaynl, AbuJaTar 
Muhammad b. Ya'qub, al-Usul min al-kdji, ed. 
'A. A. GhifarT, 2 vols., Tehran 1968; Muslim, 
Saliih, Cairo 1987; SuyutT, Z)Mr?; 6 vols., Tehran 
1998; Tabarl, TafsTr, 13 vols., Beirut 1999; 
Tirmidhl, Sunan al-Tirmidhi, 5 vols., Medina 
1965; ZamakhsharT, Kashshdf, 4 vols., Beirut 

1995- 

Secondary: W.C. Chittick, The self-disclosure of 
God, Albany 1998; id.. The Sufi path of knowledge, 
Albany 1989; J.J. Elias, The throne carrier of God, 
Albany 1995; Gilliot, Elt, 249-54 (°n Muham- 
mad's sitting on the Throne, ad <j 17:79); 
D. Gimaret, Dieu a Vimage de I'homme. Les 
anthropomorphismes de la sunna et leur interpretation 
par les theologiens, Paris 1997, 76-89 {"Sur Son 
Trone, ou Son Tabouret"); CI. Huart and 
J. Sadan, KursT, in El^, v, 509; S. Uludag, Ar§, in 
Islam Ansiklopedisi, 27 vols, to date, Istanbul 1988-, 
iii, 410; Y. §erki Yavuz, Ar^, in Islam Ansiklopedisi, 
27 vols, to date, Istanbul 1988-, iii, 406-9; id., 
Kursi, in Islam Ansiklopedisi, 27 vols, to date, 
Istanbul 1988-, xxvi, 572-3. 



Time 

The successive continuum of events and its 
measurement. The Qiir'an employs a rich 
terminology for aspects of time but uses 
these terms ad hoc and at random, in con- 
crete and practical ways, rather than sys- 
tematically and methodically addressing 
abstract and theoretical notions of time. 
This qur'anic vocabulary does not include 
the principal technical terms for time, 
Zamdn, and eternity (q.v.), qidam, which are 
widely used in Islamic philosophy (see 
philosophy and the q^ur'an), nor does 
the Qiir'an contain typical philosophical 
terms such as mudda for extent of time and 
dawdm for duration or azal and abad for 
eternity a parte ante and a parte post (though 
it uses the adverb abadan, "forever and 
ever," twenty-eight times). Three questions 
involving "time" and the Qiir'an will be 
excluded from this article because they are 
treated elsewhere: (i) the scholarly analysis 
of the text of the Qiir'an with regard to 
the sequence of the various stages of its 
composition and fixation as a normative 
text (see chronology and the q^ur'an; 
codices of the our'an; c;ollection of 
the (JUr'an), (2) the vision of history em- 
bodied in the Qiir'an as well as the use of 
the Qur'an as a historiographical source 
(see history and the cjur'an) and (3) the 
fixed times of ritual prayer cited in the 
Qur'an (see prayer; cf. e.g. al-Tabarl's 
[d. 310/923] commentary on "the middle 
prayer," al-saldt al-wustd, of (J 2:238, in his 
Tafsir, ad loc; cf. Gilliot, Elt, 149-50). 



Throne Verse see verses; throne of 
god 

Thunder see weather 

Tidings see news; good news 



The qur'anic day 
Numerous references in the Qur'an refer 
to the full twenty-four-hour cycle of the 
day by the term oi yawm (see day, times 
of). The term is used 374 times as a sin- 
gular noun (yawmj or a temporal adverb 
(yawma), three times in the dual (yawmayn) 



279 



and twenty-seven times in the plural 
(ajydm) as well as seventy times in the form 
of the temporal adverh jawma'idhin, "on 
that day" (see form and structure of 
THE cjur'an; rhetoric and the q^ur'an). 
The entire day, jawm, is understood in 
Semitic fashion as reckoned from sunset to 
sunset (see sun; evening), beginning with 
the darkness of night followed by the 
brightness of daytime, namely "night" (col- 
lectively, lajl, eighty-one times, singular, 
layla, eight times, plural, laydlin, four times 
and never in the dual) and "day" [nahdr, 
fifty-eight times, always in the singular; see 
DAY AND night). Likewise, the use of the 
term sarmad to signify the "continuous 
time" of night or day, which appears twice 
in o 28:71-2, follows this precedence of 
night before day. 

The wordjflttim may also refer to a his- 
torical event, such as "the day of deliver- 
ance" [yawm al-furqdn, (j 8:41; see crite- 
rion; victory) with reference to the battle 
of Badr (q.v.) in 2/624 °^ "'^e day of 
Hunayn" (c) 9:25) with reference to the 
battle of Hunayn (q.v.) in 8/630. Most fre- 
quently, however, it signals an eschatologi- 
cal event (see eschatology), such as "the 
day of resurrection (q.v.)" [yawm al-qiydma, 
seventy times) or "the last day" [al-yawm 
al-dkhir, thirty-eight times), "the day of 
judgment" ( yawm al-dln, thirteen times; see 
LAST judgment), "the day of decision" 
[yawm al-fasl, six times) and "the day of 
reckoning" [yawm al-hisdb, three times). 
This threatening and disastrous day of 
doom is further depicted by an abundance 
of apocalyptic and awe-inspiring attributes 
in the Qiir'an (see apocalypse; fear; 
piety). ¥'vaa\\y, yawm can signify a ritual 
event, such as "the day of assembly" 
[yawm al-jumu'a, Q_ 62:9, referring to the 
congregational prayer on Friday; see 
FRIDAY prayer), "the day of the greater 
pilgrimage (q.v.)" [yawm al-hajj al-akbar. 



(3 9:3) or "the day of their Sabbath" 
(c3 7:163) with reference to the Jewish 
Sabbath (q.v.; see also JEWS and Judaism). 
Ayydm, the plural oi yawm, is used in the 
Qrir'an in a sense congruent with the pre- 
Islamic combats of tribal prowess and bat- 
tles of vengeance (q.v), known collectively 
as "the days of the Arabs" [ayydm al-'arab; 
see TRIBES AND CLANS; PRE-ISLAMIC 
ARABIA AND THE ^ur'an; arabs). For ex- 
ample, j;a«)m bu'dth names the battle be- 
tween the Medinan tribes of Aws and 
Khazraj in 617 i;.E. (see Medina). In the 
Q;Lir'an, however, the term is attributed to 
"the days of God" (ayydm Alldhj, the mag- 
nalia Dei, manifested by God's intervention 
in human history through his acts of cre- 
ation (q.v.), revelation (see revelation 
AND inspiration) and retribution (see 
DAYS of god). In this sense, the ayydm Alldh 
are explicitly compared to God's "signs" 
(q.v.; dydt), revealed through Moses (q.v), 
leading his people from darkness (q.v.) to 
light (q.v; <J 14:5) and to God's final vic- 
tories with their retribution of eternal gain 
or loss for what people's deeds have earned 
(q 45:14; see GOOD deeds; evil deeds; 
REWARD AND PUNISHMENT). Similar to the 
biblical six day-work of creation, the 
Qur'an (q 7:54; 10:3; 11:7; 25:59; 32:4; 
50:38; 57:4) understands God to have ac- 
complished the creation of the heavens 
and the earth "in six days" (Ji sittati ayydm). 
Further, God is seen to create the universe 
for a purpose, rather than for idle sport 
(o 21:16-17; cf 38:27; 44:38), in order to 
provide for the needs and wants of humans 
(o 2:22 and passim) and to put their con- 
duct to the test (o 11:7; see trial). In a pe- 
culiar passage (o 41:9-12), the account of 
creation assigns two days to the creation of 
the earth (q.v), then four days to setting it 
in order and, finally, two more days to the 
creation of the seven heavens (see heaven 
AND sky), while C3 71:14 asserts that God 



28o 



"created you in stages" (literally "times," 
atwdran, with reference to the stages of the 
embryo's growth; see biology as the 

CREATION AND STAGES OF LIFE). 

Other uses of the term ayyam include the 
incident when Zechariah (q.v.; Zakariyya') 
is struck dumb for "three days" (o 3:41) or 
"those days" (tilka l-ayjdm) when defeat is 
anticipated in Muhammad's address before 
the battle of Uhud in 3/625 (q_ 3:140; see 
EXPEDITIONS AND BATTLEs). The Thamud 
(q.v.) were given the sign of a she-camel 
on an "appointed day" [yawm ma'lum, 
C3 26:155) and hid "three days" in their 
dwellings before calamity overtook them 
(cj 11:65; ^^^ camel; punishment stories). 
The 'Ad (q.v.) "were destroyed by a violent, 
roaring wind which [God] impelled against 
them seven nights and eight days, uninter- 
ruptedly" {q_ 69:6-7; see air and wind), "in 
days calamitous" [Ji ayydmin nahisdt, 
Q_ 41:16) or on "a day of constant calamity" 
[Jiyawmi nahsin mustamirrin, C3 54:19). Divine 
warnings are given to unbelieving people 
about "the like of the days of those who 
passed away before them" {mithla ayydmi 
lladhina khalaw min qablihim., <J 10:102; see 
warning; generations; geography) and 
the blessed of paradise (q.v.) are made the 
promise of "eating and drinking with relish 
for what you paid in advance in the days 
gone-by" [Ji I- ayydmi l-khdliya, q 69:24; see 

FOOD AND drink). 

Ritual observances apply on "a certain 
number of days" [Ji ayydmin ma'duddtin, 
Q, 2:203) or "days well-known" [Ji ayydmin 
ma'lumdtin, o 22:28) of the pilgrimage (see 
RITUAL AND THE cjur'an). An exception is 
made for its performance in "two days" 
when one is in haste (o 2:203) and, under 
certain circumstances, its ritual offering 
may be substituted by "a fast of three days 
in the pilgrimage, and of seven when you 
return, that is ten completely" (cj 2:196; see 
fasting). Other ritual excuses with regard 
to the month of fasting (see months; 



Ramadan) are made through "a certain 
number of days" (ayydman ma'duddtin) for 
people who are sick or on a journey (q.v.; 
Q_ 2:184-5; see also illness and health). 
In expiation for a wrong oath (<J 5:89; see 
oaths) "three days" of fasting are re- 
quired. The Jews claim that hellfire (see 
HELL AND hellfire) shall iiot touch them 
except "for a certain number of days" 
[ayydman ma'duddtin, (3 3:24; see also 

POLEMIC AND POLEMICAL LANGUAGE). 

The qur'dnic vocabulary of the times of day 
Night and day are used antithetically in the 
Qiir'an (twenty-four times), e.g. "by night 
and day" [laylan wa-nahdran, C3 71:5; see 
PAIRS AND pairing). Night and day, cre- 
ated by God, are among the signs (dydt) of 
divine power [q_ 17:12; 41:37; see POWER 
AND impotence) and put at the service of 
humankind (c3 14:33). God brings forth the 
day from the night (q 35:13), "covering the 
day with the night it pursues urgently" 
(Q. 7'54)- Night and day are complementary 
(a 6:60; 25:47; 27:86; 30:23; 34:33; 36:40; 
40:61), mutually concurrent (q^ 31:29; 39:5; 
57:6) and succeed one another with regu- 
larity (c) 2:164; 3:190; 10:6; 23:80; 45:5). 
While nahdr follows upon layl consistently 
in the Qur'an, the order reverses as the 
sun, the asterism of the daytime, precedes 
the moon (q.v), the asterism of the night 
when both are cited together (except in 
(J 71:16). This sequence of sun and moon is 
paralleled hy yawm preceding layla in extra- 
qur'anic literature, indicating that both 
lunar and solar reckonings of time were 
known to the Arabs (cf. Fischer, Tag und 
Nacht, 745^9; see calendar). Notice, 
however, the switch of gender (q.v.), the 
sun being feminine and the moon mas- 
culine, while it is the opposite ior yawm 
and layla, whereas layl and nahdr are both 
masculine (see grammar and the 
(JUr'an). 
Specific terms in the Qtir'an identify a 



28l 



number of regular time intervals and par- 
ticular times of day and night. "Daybreak" 
(al-falaq) appears when God, "the lord of 
the daybreak" (c) 113:1), "splits the sky into 
dawn" {q.v.;Jaliq alAsbdh, (^ 6:96). The 
Qur'an swears by the time of "dawn" (fajr, 
(J 89:1) when "the white thread becomes 
distinct to you from the black" (q 2:187), a 
phenomenon defining the time of the 
"inorning prayer" [qur'an cd-fajr, q 17:78; 
saldt al-fajr, C3 24:58) when god-fearing peo- 
ple ask forgiveness at "the times of dawn" 
[bi-l-ashdr, Q 3:17; 51:18; see morning). Lot's 
(q.v.) family was delivered "at dawn" {bi- 
sa/iai; C3 54:34), their appointed time "in the 
morning" [subh, C3 11:81), while his disloyal 
people were punished "in the early morn- 
ing" [bukratan, C3 54:38). Muhammad and 
Zechariah are bidden to give glory (q.v.) to 
God "in the evening and early morning" 
[bi-l-'ashi wa-l-ibkdr, (3 3:41; 40:55) and the 
latter signals his people to give glory "in 
early morning and evening" [bukratan wa- 
'ashiyan, q_ 19:11, cf. 19:62; see glorifi- 
cation OF god). Muhammad, exhorted to 
remember the name of his lord (q.v.) "in 
the early morning and evening" [bukratan 
wa-asilan, Q_ 76:25; cf 33:42; 48:9; see 
remembrance; basmala), is accused of 
having ancient tales recited to him at those 
times (q 25:5; see myths and legends in 
THE cjur'an). The Qiir'an swears by the 
"morning" [al-subh, Q^ 74:34; 81:18; cf 
100:3) and exclaims, "so glory be to God in 
your evening hour and in your morning 
hour" [hina tumsuna wa-hina tusbihun, 
Q^ 30:17). But when punishment descends, 
"evil will be the morning (sabdh) of those 
who have been warned" (o 37:177; see 
CHASTISEMENT AND PUNISHMENT; GOOD 
AND evil). 

Generally, ghadan refers to "tomorrow" 
(q, 12:12; 18:23; 31:34; 54:26), yet every soul 
(q.v.) should consider "what it has for- 
warded for the morrow" [ghad, q_ 59:18, 
possibly with reference to the last day). 



Muhammad is bidden to remember his 
lord, without raising his voice, "at morn 
and eventide" [bi-l-ghuduwwi wa-l-asdl, 
Q_ 7:205), the times when the shadows bow 
to God (q 13:15; see bowing and 
prostration) and God's name is glorified 
by people of prayer [q_ 24:36), "calling 
upon their lord at morning and evening" 
[hi-l-ghaddti wa-l-'ashiyyi, Q^ 6:52; 18:28). The 
folk of Pharaoh (q.v.) will be exposed to the 
fire (of hell) "morning and evening" 
[ghuduwwan wa-'ashiyyan, (j 40:46) and the 
wind, subjected to Solomon (q.v.), blew in 
the morning and in the evening (q 34:12). 
The Qiir'an swears "by the forenoon" 
[duhd, o 93:1) and "by the sun and its morn- 
ing brightness" [duhdhd, c) 91:1) and God 
brings out the "morning brightness" 
[duhdhd, ^ 79:29; cf 79:46). Adam (see 
ADAM AND eve) does not have to "suffer 
the sun" (wa-ld tadhd) in the garden (q.v.) of 
paradise (c) 20:119) and Moses has the peo- 
ple mustered on the feast day (yawm al- 
ZTna) at "the high noon" [duhan, Q_ 20:59). 
"The people of the cities" [ahl al-qurd, pos- 
sibly Jewish villages around Medina; cf. 
Bell, Commentary, i, 243) are warned lest 
they are overcome by divine might at night 
and in "daylight" [duhd, C3 7:97-8). The 
"afternoon" (q.v.; 'asr, c) 103:1), used in a 
qur'anic oath, may actually be another 
term for time as destiny (q.v.; cf. Paret, 
Kommentar, 521; Brunschvig, Le culte et le 
temps, 168; see also fate). "The twilight" 
[shafaq, o 84:16) also appears once in the 
form of an oath in the Qur'an while "the 
evening (q.v.) prayer" (saldt al-'ishd') is cited 
in (3 24:58. Joseph's (q.v.) brothers (see 

BROTHER AND BROTHERHOOD) return tO 

their father in the "evening" ['ishd', q_ 12:16) 
and standing steeds are presented to 
Solomon in the evening [bi-l- 'ashiyy, 
Q. 38:31), while the mountains join with 
David (q.v.) giving glory to God at evening 
and sunrise [bi-l-'ashiyyi wa-l-ishrdq, 
O 38:18). 



282 



Tjpicalfeatures of the qur'dnic language of ti?ne 
The qur'anic language of time commonly 
invokes particular times of day by random 
and mysterious oaths. 

By the dawn fajr) and ten nights (laydlin), 

by the even and the odd (see numeration), 

by the night (layl) when it journeys on! 

(a 89:1-4). 

By the night (layl) enshrouding, by the day 

(nahdr) in splendor! (c3 92:1-2). 

By the bright forenoon (duhd), by the 

brooding night (layl)\ (c) 93:1-2). 

By the sim and her morning brightness 

(duhdhd), by the moon when it follows her, 

by the day (nahdr) when it displays her, by 

the night (layl) when it enshrouds her! 

fe 91:1-4)- 

By the heaven of the constellations, by the 

promised day (alyawm al-maw'ud)l 

(a 85:1-2). 

By heaven and the shooting star (al-tdnq)\ 

(q, 86:1; see PLANETS AND STARs). 

By the afternoon ('asr)\ [c^ 103:1) — an oath 

possibly invoking "time" in a more general 

sense (cf. Paret, Kommentar, 521). 

By the snorting chargers, striking fire in 

.sparks, storming forward in the morning 

(subhan)\ (o 100:1-4). 

Nay! By the moon, by the night (layl) when 

it retreats and by the dawn (subh) when it is 

white! (^ 74:32-4). 

No! I swear by the day of resurrection 

(yawm al-qiydma)\ (o 75:1). 

On the day (yawm) when the first blast 

shivers and the second blast follows it! 

fe 79:6-7)- 

By the night (layl) swarming, by the dawn 

(subh) sighing! (q 81:17-18). 

No! I swear by the twilight (shafaq) and the 

night (layl) and what it envelops! 

(q, 84:16-17). 

In one instance the seeking refuge from 
evil is related to an interval of time, i.e. a 
particular time of day, "I take refuge with 



the lord of the daybreak" {rabb alfalaq, 

o 113:1)- 

References to intervals of day and night, 
expressed in succinct metaphorical 
phrases, are another typical feature. 
Examples include: "the ends of the day" 
[atrdf al-nahdr, c) 20:130), referring to sun- 
rise (al-mashriq) and sunset (al-maghrib), fre- 
quently cited in tandem (whether in the 
singular c) 2:115, 142, 177, 258; 26:28; 73:9, 
in the plural, mashdriq, maghdrib, C3 7:137; 
70:40; cf. 37:5, or in the dual, as "the two 
easts," al-mashriqayn, a 43:38; 55:17; and the 
"two wests," al-maghrib ay n, c) 55:17). 
Intervals of the night, "when it rims its 
course" [idhdyasri, c) 89:4), are termed "the 
watches of the night" {dnd' al-layl, Q^ 3:113; 
20:130; 39:9), while dusk is depicted as "the 
darkening of the night" [ghasaq al-layl, 
5) 17:78) and "the night of the night" 
[zulafan min al-layl, q_ 11:114). Z^ilafan, which 
is plural, may refer not only to dusk but 
also to dawn, which another qur'anic im- 
age calls "the withdrawal of the stars" 
[idbdr al-nujum, (j 52:49). The beginning of 
the day is likened to "the face of the day" 
(wajh al-nahdr, o 3:72) and "the rising of 
dawn" {matla' al-fajr, (^ 97:5). The sunrise is 
described by the images of "the sun shin- 
ing forth" [al-shams bdzighatan, q_ 6:78), the 
actual "rising" of the sun [al-ishrdq, 
(J 38:18), "the sun when it rises" [al-shams 
idhd tala'at, cj 18:17) and "experiencing the 
sunrise" (mushriqin, o 15:73; 26:60), while 
the early morning is the time when God 
"has stretched out the shadow" [madda l- 
Zilla, (J 25:45). Noontime is marked by the 
"heat of noon" [al-iahira, q_ 24:58), "when 
you enter noontide" [hina tu^hirdn, o 30:18), 
just as "you enter the evening and the 
morning" ((J 30:17). "The sinking of the 
sun" {duldk al-shams, C3 17:78) follows the 
time "before the setting [of the sun]" [qabla 
l-ghurub, Q_ 50:39) and the night covers like 
a "garment" (libds, C3 78:10; see clothing) 
offering rest for sleep (q.v.). 



283 



The Qiir'an frequently uses temporal 
clauses, introduced by "when" (idhd) or 
"upon the day, when" (yawma), especially 
in conjuring up the awe-inspiring phenom- 
ena of the last day and impressing these 
upon the listeners. Some examples for idhd: 



ber for what he has striven (q 79:34-5)- 
When earth is shaken with a mighty shak- 
ing and earth brings forth her burdens 

fe 99:1-2)- 

When comes the help of God and victory 

(a 110:1). 



When the sun shall be darkened, when the 
stars shall be thrown down, when the 
mountains shall be set moving, when the 
pregnant camels shall be neglected, when 
the savage beasts shall be mustered, when 
the seas shall be set boiling, when the souls 
shall be coupled, when the buried infant 
shall be asked for what sin she was slain 
(see infanticide), when the scrolls (q.v.) 
shall be unrolled, when heaven shall be 
stripped off, when hell shall be set blazing, 
when paradise shall be brought near, then 
shall a soul know what it has produced 
(a 81:1-14). 

When heaven is split open, when the stars 
are scattered, when the seas swarm over, 
when the tombs are overthrown, then a 
soul shall know its works, the former and 
the latter {q_ 82:1-5). 

When heaven is rent asunder and gives ear 
to its lord, and is fitly disposed, when earth 
is stretched out and casts forth what is in it, 
and voids itself (q 84:1-4). 
When the terror descends (c) 56:1). 
When the earth shall be rocked (c3 56:4). 
When the trumpet is blown with a single 
blast [q_ 69:13). 

When the trump is sounded, that day will 
be a harsh day [jawm, (j 74:8-9). 
When the sight is dazed and the moon is 
eclipsed (a 75:7-8). 

When the stars shall be extinguished, when 
heaven shall be split, when the mountains 
shall be scattered and when the messen- 
gers' time is set (uqqitat), to what day shall 
they be delayed? To the day of decision 
[yamm al-fasl, q_ 77:8-13). 
When the great catastrophe comes upon 
the day (yawm) when man shall remem- 



A cjur'anic passage using idhd, "when it 
reaches the clavicles" ((j 75:26), introduces 
the moment of death, the soul departing 
from the body (see death and the dead). 

Some examples ior yawma: 

On the day when heaven shall be as mol- 
ten copper ((^ 70:8). 

On the day when the trumpet is blown 
fe 78:18). 

On the day when a man shall flee from his 
brother (q_ 80:34). 

On the day when men shall be like scat- 
tered moths (q 101:4). 

The fixing of time in the Qiir'dn 
Fixing the divisions of time for the purpose 
of communal life is a qur'anic preoccupa- 
tion, which combines the pre-Islamic cus- 
tom of reckoning time on the basis of the 
rising and setting of stars, called anwd' 
(a term absent from the Qiir'an, though 
appearing once in the verbal singular, 
la-tanu'u, 53 28:76), with the observation of 
the lunar phases, called mandzil, "stations" 
(a 10:5; 36:39), and the "mansions" (buruj) 
of the signs of the zodiac (q 15:16; 25:61; 
85:1). By and large, the pre-Islamic Arab 
year was lunisolar, with the year beginning 
in autumn and an intercalary month added 
in leap years (see seasons). The Qtir'an, 
however, opted for the lunar year (of 354 
days) as established by God's creation. God 
created the sun and the moon as a pair for 
"reckoning" (husbdn) time (q 6:96; 55:5), 
"stretching out the shadow" and appoint- 
ing "the sun to be its guide" ((J 25:45). By 
divine ordainment, he has the sun return 



284 



to its "fixed resting place" (?nustacjarr) and 
lias the moon marked by "its stations till it 
returns like an aged palm-bough" 
(c3 36:38-9; see DATE palm; symbolic 
imagery). The computation of years and 
months is rooted in the will of the creator, 
"who made the sun a radiance and the 
moon a light, and determined it by stations 
that you might know the number of the 
years ('adada l-simn) and the reckoning [of 
time]" [hisdb, o 10:5; cf 71:16). It is the cre- 
ator who "determines the night and the 
day" [yuqaddiru l-layla wa-l-nahdr, (j 73:20) 
and establishes their order: "We have ap- 
pointed the night and the day as two signs; 
then we have blotted out the sign of the 
night and made the sign of the day to see, 
and that you may seek bounty from your 
lord, and that you may know the number 
of the years and the reckoning" (c3 17:12). 
Sun and moon have each their orbit, and 
night and day have each their measure, 
both assigned by God with neither intrud- 
ing on the domain of the other: "It be- 
hooves not the sun to overtake the moon, 
neither does the night outstrip the day" 
fe 36:40). Time moves in a regular mode, 
in the measurable rhythm of sun and 
moon, with the moon and its phases fixing 
the calculation of the months and years. 

In the Qiir'an, the moon is the actual 
measurer of time, and the beginning of the 
month and the year is established by the 
observation of the new moon [hildl, men- 
tioned once in the Qiir'an in the plural, 
ahilla). Each lunar month begins with the 
sighting of the crescent in the clear sky: 
"They will question you concerning the 
new moons (al-ahilla). Say, they are ap- 
pointed times (mawdqit) for the people, and 
the pilgrimage" (c3 2:189). The month, 
called shahr (twelve times in the singular, 
twice in the dual, and six times in the plu- 
ral ashhur, and once in the plural shuhur), is 
established by God who divided the year 
into twelve lunar months by divine decree: 



"The number of months (shuhur), with 
God, is twelve in the book of God, the day 
he created the heavens and the earth; four 
of them are sacred" [q_ 9:36). The names of 
the pre-Islamic sacred months, Dhu 1- 
Qa'da, Dhu 1-Hijija, al-Muharram and 
Rajab, are absent from the Qiu"'an, but 
there are allusions to them in the qur'anic 
phrases, "Journey freely in the land for 
four months" (09:2) and "When the sacred 
months (al-ashhur al-hurum) have slipped 
away, slay the idolaters" (<J 9:5; see verses; 
IDOLATRY AND IDOLATERS; FIGHTING). 
Of the twelve lunar months only the 
month of fasting is mentioned by name in 
the Quran, "the month of Ramadan 
wherein the Qur'an was sent down" 
(cj 2:185). This statement is frequently 
linked with the verse, "We [God] sent it 
down in the night of destiny" [laylat al-qadr, 
Q, 97:1; see NIGHT OF power), with "it" 
explained as referring to the Qur'an on the 
basis of the parallel passage, "By the clear 
book (al-kitdh al-mubin), we have sent it 
down in a blessed night" (c) 44:2-3). It is 
reasonably certain that Muhammad first 
adopted the Jewish custom of the 'Ashura' 
fast observed on the Day of Atonement 
and replaced it in 2/623-4 ^Y ^^^ institu- 
tion of the fast of Ramadan (c3 2:183-5) 
after the battle of Badr (cf. C) 3:123). This 
battle is usually understood to be the refer- 
ent of cj 8:41, "What we sent down on our 
servant (q.v.; 'ahdind) on the day of deliver- 
ance (yawm al-furqdn) ." It is probable that 
"a certain number of days" or "counted 
days" [ayydman ma'duddtin, Q_ 2:184) repre- 
sents a ten-day fast as a stage of transition 
before the Qiir'an established the month- 
long fast of Ramadan (Goitein, Zur 
Entstehimg, 101-9). It is disputed, however, 
whether the "night of destiny" refers to a 
night in the month of Ramadan when 
Muhammad received his first revelation 
while practicing religious devotion 
[tahannuth; see vigils) on mount Hira' out- 



285 



side Mecca (cf. Ibn Ishaq, Sua, 151-2; Ibn 
Ishaq-Guillaume, 105-6) or whether it sig- 
nifies the sending down of the entire 
Qtir'an (a notion which is in conflict with 
verses stating that the Qtir'an was revealed 
graduaUy, cf. Wagtendonk, Fasting in the 
Koran, 87; see occasions of revelation). 
Scholars also differ over whether the 
"night of destiny" was chosen against the 
background of the ancient Arabian new 
year, celebrated around the summer sol- 
stice and frequently identified with the 27th 
of Ramadan (cf. Wensinck, Arabic new 
year, 5-8) or whether the night of the 27th 
of Rajab should be determined as the night 
of Muhammad's first revelation (Wagten- 
donk, Fasting in the Koran, 113; see year). 

The month of the pilgrimage is clearly 
called "the holy month" [al-shahr al-hardm, 
Q, 2:194, 217; 5:2, 97) although, somewhat 
enigmatically, the pilgrimage (al-hajj) is said 
to fall in "months well-known" (ashhur 
ma'lumdt, q^ 2:197). The practice of adding 
an intercalary month (nasi') to bring the 
limar year in step with the seasons was ex- 
pressly prohibited in the Qiir'an as "an 
increase of unbelief" (<J 9:37; cf. Moberg, 
an-Masi'). The Qiiran's fixing the number 
of months as twelve and its prohibition of 
intercalation prepared the way for Islam to 
adopt the lunar calendar, beginning with 
the 1st of Muharram of the year of the 
hijra (not the hijra itself; see emigration), in 
the caliphate of 'Umar (r. 13-23/634-44; 
see caliph). A random reference to shahr in 
the Qiir'an refers to the wind that was sub- 
jected to Solomon and "blew a month's 
(journey) in the morning (ghuduwwuhu shah- 
run) and a month's (journey) in the eve- 
ning" {rawdhuhd shahrun, q^ 34:12). Ritually, 
a fast of "two successive months" (q^ 4:92; 
58:4) can be substituted if one does not 
find the means to pay the bloodwit (see 
blood money). "A wait of four months" is 
recommended for those who forswear their 
women [q_ 2:226; see abstinence; mar- 



riage and divorce; sex and sexuality). 
Widows (see widow) are to wait "four 
months and ten days" ({) 2:234) before they 
can remarry after the husbands' death, 
while the waiting period is reduced to 
"three months" (c) 65:4) for those whose 
menstrual periods have ceased (see 
menstruation). According to the Qiir'an, 
the bearing and weaning of a child lasts 
"thirty months" (q_ 46:15; see maintenance 
AND upkeep; children; wet-nursing) 
and mothers are required to suckle their 
children "two years completely" [hawlayn 
kdmilayn, cj 2:233), a duration in step with 
Luqman's (q.v.) instruction to his son that 
weaning a child lasts "two years" {'dmayn, 
q 31:14). The week (usbU) is not cited in the 
Qtir'an; Friday ( yawm al-junm'a, C3 62:9) 
appears only once, and the Jewish Sabbath 
five times ({) 2:65; 4:47, 154; 7:163; 16:124). 

For the year, the Qtir'an uses the terms 
Sana (seven times in the singular, and twelve 
times in the plural sinin) and 'dm (eight 
times in the singular and once in the dual) 
interchangeably. Noah (q.v.) remained 
among his people "a thousand years, all 
but fifty" (<J 29:14) and Pharaoh's people 
were struck with years of famine (q.v.; 
C3 7:130). Joseph explains the king's dream 
vision of seven fat and seven lean cows as 
meaning seven fertile and seven hard years 
(o 12:47-9) and, forgetting a fellow-pris- 
oner's wish, Joseph causes him to languish 
in prison for "some years" ((j 12:42). Moses 
also remained among the people of 
Midian (q.v.) for "some years" (c3 20:40) 
and, when sent to Pharaoh, is asked, "did 
you not tarry among us years of your life?" 
(c3 26:18). The people of Israel (q.v.; see 
also children of Israel) wandered about 
the earth "for forty years" (c3 5:26). God 
sealed the ears of the seven sleepers for 
years (q i8:ii; see men of the cave) and 
"they remained in their cave (q.v.) three 
hundred years and nine more" (<j 18:25). 
The Meccans are told that a day (jiaw?n) 



286 



with God is "as a tliousand years" (q 22:47) 
and tlie unbelievers wish to live a thousand 
years (q 2:96; see belief and unbelief; 
OPPOSITION TO Muhammad). The last day 
is compared to a millennium, it is "one day 
(yawm) whose measure is a thousand years 
of your counting" [miqddruhu alfa sanatin 
mimmd ta'uddun, o 32:5), while the angels 
(q.v.) and the spirit (q.v.) mount up to God 
in a day (yawm), "whereof the measure is 
fifty thousand years" (c) 70:4). Perhaps with 
reference to Ezekiel 27, the simile of a man 
who was dead for a hundred years and 
then finds himself raised up believing him- 
self dead for only a day or part thereof is 
given in c) 2:259 (see similes). A similar 
time argument against the resurrection is 
rejected by the rhetorical question of 
c) 23:112, "How long have you tarried in 
the earth, by a number of years?" Accord- 
ing to the Qiir'an, a man reaches maturity 
(q.v.) at "forty years" (o 46:15) and the be- 
lievers are exhorted to go to war (q.v.) once 
or twice a year ((J 9:126) while the idolaters 
are debarred from the sacred mosque of 
the Ka'ba (q.v.) "after this present year" 
{q_ 9:28). Although it is difficult to fix the 
particular event, q 30:4 refers to the defeat 
of the Byzantine forces (al-Rum) on the 
northern borders of Arabia in about 614 
c.E. and promises them victory against the 
Persians in "a few years" [Ji bid'i simn; see 
Byzantines). 

Just as the Qiir'an pays no attention to 
fixing particular historical events in time, 
so it hardly betrays any awareness of his- 
torical epochs preceding its own advent, 
except perhaps with regard to the term 
al-jdhiliyya, which is generally taken as 
denoting the age of Arab pagan ignorance 
(q.v.) preceding the appearance of Islam 
(see AGE OF ionorance). Rather than to 
a historical epoch of pre-Islamic lack of 
knowledge (see knowledge and 
learning), this term primarily refers in the 
Qiir'an to an age of uncouth behavior as 



opposed to moderate conduct {hibn, cf. 
Goldziher, Ms, 201-8; see moderation). 
This may be the primary meaning in 
Q. 33-33j where Muhammad's wives (see 
WIVES OF the prophet) are admonished 
not to act in the immodest ways (see 
modesty) of "the former age of igno- 
rance" (al-jdhiliyya l-uld); in C3 5:50, where 
"the (mode of) judgment (q.v.) of the age of 
ignorance" (hukm al-jdhiliyya) is contrasted 
with God's judgment; in o 48:26, where 
"the fierceness of the age of ignorance" 
(hamiyyat al-jdhiliyya) is overcome by the 
divine assurance of self-restraint; and in 
Q. 3-154; where untrue "assumptions of the 
age of ignorance" (^ann al-jdhiliyya) about 
God are defeated by those peacefully trust- 
ing in God (see trust and patience). 

The vision of time in the (hir'dn 
Arabic, a Semitic language and the lan- 
guage of the Qiir'an, distinguishes two 
aspects of time, complete (mddi) and in- 
complete (muddri), lacking the morphologi- 
cal distinction into three tenses common to 
the Indo-European languages and operat- 
ing without proper verbs for "to be" and 
"to become" (see ARABIC language; 
language and style of the our'an). 
Similarly, the Arabic Qur'an does not 
exhibit a notion of time divided into past, 
present and future, but envisages time 
either as phases of time in the past or 
moments of time understood as instants 
whether present or future. Furthermore, 
the vision of time in the Qur'an is firmly 
rooted in an Arabic vocabulary that be- 
trays virtually no influence of foreign loan- 
words, unlike some of the ritual and 
religious terminology in the Qur'an (see 
FOREIGN vocabulary; COSMOLOGY; 
SCRIPTURE AND THE our'an). Rather, the 
Qur'an seems to intertwine a great variety 
of genuinely Arabic terms of time, com- 
bining them with a vision of God as the 
lord over time in the beginning and at the 



287 



end of creation as well as during all of hu- 
manity's instants of time. 

The Qiir'an rejects the pre-Islamic fatal- 
ism of impersonal time and destiny (dahr, 
(3 45:24; 76:1), also termed "fate's uncer- 
tainty" [rayb al-manun, (3 52:30), which holds 
sway over everything and erases human 
works without hope for life beyond death 
(cf. Ringgren, Studies, 117-18; id., Islamic 
fatalism, 57-9). Rather than being forsaken 
to impersonal destiny, the Qi_ir'an empha- 
sizes that "all things come home" (tasiru 
l-umur) unto God (c) 42:53) and "unto God 
is the homecoming" [al-masir, (3 3:28; 24:42; 
35:18; cf. 2:285; 5:18; 22:48; 31:14; 40:3; 
42:15; 50:43; 60:4; 64:3), which for the 
wicked is an "evil homecoming" {bi'sa 
l-masir, C3 2:126 and passim; sd'at masiran, 
Q_ 4:97, 115; 48:6; cf 25:15) to hellfire 
fe •4'30; cf Berque, I'ldee de temps, 1158). 
Proclaiming the creation of the universe by 
God and affirming the resurrection of the 
body in the world to come, the Qiir'an ex- 
plains time from the perspective of a tran- 
scendent and omnipotent God, who 
obliterates the spell of fate and subdues the 
all-pervading power of time. 

God begins the creation of the world and 
humanity with his creative command, kun, 
"Be!": "When he decrees a thing, he says 
to it, 'Be,' and it is" (c3 2:117; 3:47; 19:35; 
40:68; cf 3:59; 6:73; 16:40). God gave this 
command of creation when he formed the 
first human being [q_ 3:59) and made the 
heavens and the earth (q 6:73), fashioning 
them in six days (q 7:54; 10:3; 11:7; 25:59; 
32:4; 50:38; 57:4). "His are the creation 
(khalq) and the command" [amr, q 7:54). 
God is not only creator at the beginning of 
creation and at the origin of a person's life, 
he also is judge at the end of the world and 
at the individual's death when humankind 
will hear "the cry in truth" ((J 50:42). In the 
final "hour" (sd'a), the only perfect 
moment that there is, the divine command 
is revealed in "the twinkling of an eye" 



{lamh bi-l-basai; c) 54:50; cf 16:77). In the 
Qrir'an, the divine creative command con- 
stitutes the beginning of time brought 
about by God who is beyond time. God 
brings it abruptly to its end in an apoca- 
lyptic termination when "the whole earth 
shall be his handful on the day of resur- 
rection and the heavens will be rolled up in 
his right hand" (c) 39:67). 

In the Qiir'an, the word sd'a, "hour," gen- 
erally denotes a brief lapse of time rather 
than the precise measure of one of the 
twenty-four hours of the day. The term 
appears forty-eight times, always in the 
singular, and predominantly designates the 
last hour. While the vivid imagery of apoc- 
alyptic signs, reversing the natural order 
and producing cataclysmic events (many of 
them quoted in the "when" passages, cited 
above), is depicted in reference to the day of 
doom, these terrifying happenings are 
rarely associated explicitly with the last 
hour. The hour is "coming" [dtiya, (3 15:85; 
20:15; 22:7; 40:59) and comes with God's 
chastisement (c3 6:40; 19:75; 40:46). It 
"comes" [taqumu, C) 30:12, 14, 55; 45:27), 
"there is no doubt of it" [q_ 18:21; 45:32), 
and comes "suddenly" (c3 6:31; 12:107; 
22:55; 43:66; 47:18) with its signs and 
"tokens" [ashrdt, (j 47:18). Only a few 
tokens of the last hour are cited in the 
Q;Lir'an, such as "the earthquake of the 
hour is a mighty thing" ((J 22:1), "the hour 
is their tryst, and the hour is very calami- 
tous and bitter" (q 54:46), and god-fearing 
people "tremble because of the hour" 
(C3 21:49). The unbelievers are in doubt of 
the hour (e.g. q 42:18), are heedless of its 
coming (c3 18:36; 41:50) and do not seek to 
know the hour (q 45:32), believing that it 
will never come to them (o 34:3) and cry- 
ing lies to the hour (q 25:11; see lie). On 
the last day humanity will be mustered as if 
they had not tarried in their graves "but an 
hour of the day" [sd'atan mina l-nahdr, 
q 10:45; cf 46:35), and the sinners will 



swear that they have not remained in their 
graves more than an hour (c3 30:55; see SIN, 
MAJOR AND minor). The term (ajal) of a 
nation can neitlier be put back "by a single 
liour" nor put forward (5) 7:34; 10:49; 16:61; 
34:30), and the Meccan emigrants and 
Medinan helpers followed the Prophet "in 
the hour of difficulty" {Ji sd'ati l-'usra, 

Q_ 9:117; see EMIGRANTS AND HELPERS). 

The Qiir'an insists that only God knows 
the "hour" (a 7:187; 33:63; cf 31:34; 41:47; 
43:61, 85) which is near (q^ 33:63; 42:17; 
54:1), as if in "a twinkling of the eye" (ka- 
lamhi l-basar, cj 16:77; cf. 54:50). In the con- 
text of God's knowledge of the hour, the 
Qur'an uses the term waqt, "moment, in- 
stant," which influenced the notion of an 
atomism of time in Sufism (cf. Bowering, 
Ideas, 217-32; see sOrisM AND THE q^ur'an): 
"They will question you concerning the 
hour, when it shall berth. Say, the knowl- 
edge of it is only with my lord; none shall 
reveal it at its proper time (waqt), but he" 
((J 7:187). Furthermore, the term appears 
twice as a description of the day of doom 
as "a day of a known time" {al-waqt al- 
ma'lum, q^ 15:38; 38:81), "when the mes- 
sengers' time is set" [uqqitat, q 77:11; see 
messenoer) and "when the former and 
later generations will be gathered to the 
appointed time of a known day" [ild miqdti 
jawmin ma'liim, c) 56:50). "Surely, the day of 
decision is their appointed time (nnqdtu- 
hum), all together" (q 44:40). Another use 
of the term miqdt refers to Moses' encoun- 
ter with God, when he came "to our 
(God's) appointed time" [li-miqdtind, 
Q, 7:143; see theophany). In fact, "We 
(God) appointed with Moses thirty nights 
and we completed them with ten more, so 
the appointed time of his lord (miqdt rab- 
bi/ii) was forty nights" (q 7:142). "Moses 
chose of his people seventy men for our 
appointed time" [li-miqdtind, C3 7:155), while 
Pharaoh's sorcerers were assembled for 
"the appointed time of a fixed day" 



[li-mTqdti jawmin ma'lmn, c) 26:38; see 
magic). Both waqt and miqdt denote a 
momentous instant whether it is the es- 
chatological instant of the last hour or the 
moment of Moses' encounter with God. 

Four times the Qiir'an uses the term amad 
for "space of time," considered with regard 
to its end. The believers are admonished to 
be unlike those to whom revelation had 
come before "and for whom the space of 
time was long" (fa-tdla 'alayhimu l-amad, 
Q. 57-^6). Each individual wishes to have a 
"wide space of time" until the reckoning of 
a person's actions on judgment day 
(Q, 3-30)- The seven sleepers calculated the 
"space of time" they had tarried in the 
cave (q 18:12) and Muhammad professes 
not to know whether God has set a long 
"space of time" for the arrival of the last 
day (q 72:25). The Qiir'an also employs the 
temporal clauses, al-ams, "yesterday, the 
day before" (c) 10:24; 28:18-19, 82) and, 
more prominently, hina, "when" (once in 
the form hma'idhin), al-dna, "now, at the 
present time" (q 2:71, 187; 4:18; 8:66; 10:51, 
91; 12:51; 72:9) and ayydna, "when," with 
regard to the instant of the last hour and 
the day of resurrection (q 7:187; 16:21; 
27:65; 51:12; 75:6; 79:42). The indefinite 
noun denoting "an instant" (hin) is used to 
manifest God's causality in its actual 
"efficacy" (e.g. q 21:111; 26:218; 37:174; cf 
Massignon, Time, 108). The Qiir'an's lin- 
guistic stress on the moment exerted an 
influence on the concept of temporal at- 
omism that emerged in the theological oc- 
casionalism of Islam which, however, 
relied heavily on extra-qur'anic nomen- 
clature for its terminology (cf. Macdonald, 
Continuous re-creation, 328-37; van Ess, 
TG, iv, 474; see theology and the 
quR'AN). Thinking atomistically, Muslim 
theologians envision time as a "galaxy" 
or constellation of instants rather than a 
continuous duration (cf. Massignon, 
Time, 108). 



289 



God ends the cosmos by setting a term 
(ajal) to his maintenance of the universe 
and human life. The Qtir'an differentiates 
between an irrevocable period of time as- 
signed by God for each human being in 
this world (dunyd) and an endless period of 
time (khulud) for his/her life in the world to 
come (dkhira), whether in paradise or in 
hellfire. The term ajal, as designating "ap- 
pointed time" of a person's life, carries the 
notion that the date of death is fixed for 
humans, who each have their "stated 
term" of death {ajal musammd, (J 11:3; 
39:42). The Qiir'an uses the phrase ajal 
musammd, probably derived from the legal 
vocabtdary of Muhammad's time, to refer 
to the date when a debt (q.v.) is due 
(c3 2:282; cf 2:231-5; 65:2, 4; see also trade 
AND commercie; economics; money) or to 
Moses fidfiUing the "term" of serving a 
period of years (hijaj) in order to obtain his 
wife (q 28:27-9; see women and the 
(3Ur'an). The Qiir'an, however, ordinarily 
uses the word for God's setting a term to 
his own action. God creates humans from 
dust and appoints for each of them a 
stated term of death (q 6:2). He deter- 
mines the moment when each embryo 
leaves the womb (q.v.; q 22:5) and, every 
day anew, wakes up each soul to life until 
humans reach their "appointed time" of 
death (q 6:60; 39:42). All humanity will 
return to God when the stated term is 
completed on the last day (q 6:60) and all 
those looking to encounter God will 
experience God's term (ajal Alldh) surely 
coming (q 29:5). The ajal is "fixed" [li-kulli 
ajalin kitdb, q 13:38; cf 8:68) for both 
individuals (q 6:2; 11:3; 63:11) and com- 
munities (q 7:34; 15:5; 23:43). It can neither 
be anticipated nor deferred (q 7:34; 10:49; 
16:61; 35:11; 63:10-11), although God grants 
the repentant sinner a respite until a 
"stated term" (q 14:10; 16:61; 35:45; 71:4; 
see repentance and penance). This is 
why the wicked are not punished at once 



and they do not find that sinning shortens 
their existence (q 35:45; 63:10-11). Chal- 
lenged to hasten the final punishment, 
Muhammad declares himself imable to do 
so because it will come suddenly at its 
"appointed time" (q 29:53; see provo- 
cation). Not only humans have their 
appointed time of existence, the whole 
universe was created by God with finality 
built into it. God created the heavens and 
the earth as well as all natural phenomena 
"between them," decreeing their duration 
until "a stated term" (q 30:8; 46:3) and 
established the unchangeable course of the 
sun and the moon, "running to a stated 
term" (q 13:2; 31:29; 35:13; 39:5; see 
nature as signs). God unambiguously 
enunciated the stated term through "a 
word" (kalima) that proceeded from 
him (q 42:14; cf 10:19; 11:110; 20:129; 
37:171; 41:45; 42:21; see speech; word 
OF god). 

There is no place in the Qtir'an for im- 
personal time. God, rather than an im- 
personal agent, rules the universe. The 
destiny of human beings is in the hands 
of God who creates male and female, 
grants wealth (q.v.) and works destruction, 
and gives life (q.v.) and brings death 
(q 53:44-54). God is active even in a per- 
son's sleep, for "God takes the souls unto 
himself (yatawajja l-anfus) at the time of 
their death, and that which has not died, in 
its sleep. He keeps those on whom he has 
decreed death, but releases the others till a 
stated term" [ajal musamman, q 39:42). 
Unless God has decreed a person's death, 
he sends back the soul and the human per- 
son wakes up. The divine command (amr) 
rules all of human life and resembles a 
judicial decision, proclaiming God's decree 
with authority and stating the instant that 
releases the acts which humans perform. 
Both human life and human action begin 
with the announcement of the divine kun 
('Be!') and come to an end at the stated 



TOLERANt^E AND COERCION 



290 



term [ajal, q 40:67) as the irrevocable 
period of life assigned by God comes to an 
end at the moment of divine sanction. 
This appointed term of human life is fixed, 
it can neither be anticipated nor deferred. 
"No one has his life prolonged and no one 
has his life cut short except as [it is written] 
in a book [of God's decrees]" (q 35:11; see 
HEAVENLY book). The imagc-rich promise 
of the new human creation beyond time in 
paradise heightened the awareness that 
nothing escapes the grasp of God's per- 
petual presence. From the kun of his cre- 
ation to the ajal of his death, individual 
human existence falls under the incessant 
decrees of God, which occur instanta- 
neously God is the lord of the instant. 
What God has determined happens. 



Terminologie des islamischen Kultus, in Der 
Islam 16 (1927), 249-63; S. Kadi, Hattd idhd in the 
Qur'dn. A linguistic study, Beirut 1996; M. Ishaq 
Khan, Reflections on time and history vis-a-vis 
the Qur'an, in Hamdard Islamicus 21 (1998), 7-14; 
D.B. Macdonald, Continuous re-creation and 
atomic time in Muslim scholastic theology, in Isis 
9 (1927), 326-44; L. Massignon, Time in Islamic 
thought, in J. Campbell, Man and time. Papers from 
the Eranos yearbooks, Princeton 1957, 108-14; 
A. Moberg, an-Nasi' in der islamischen Tradition, 
Lund 1931; Paret, Kommentar; S. Pines, Beitrdge zur 
islamischen Atomenlehre, Berlin 1936; H. Ringgren, 
Islamic fatalism, in id. (ed.). Fatalistic beliefs, 
Stockholm 1967, 52-62; id.. Studies in Arabian 
fatalism, Uppsala 1955; F. Rosenthal, Sweeter than 
hope, Leiden 1983; K. Wagtendonk, Fasting in the 
Koran, Leiden 1968; Watt-Bell; A.J. Wensinck, 
Arabic new year and the feast of tabernacles, in 
Verhandelingen der Koninklijke Akademie van 
Wetenschappen te Amsterdam, Afdeling Letterkunde, 
JVieuwe Reeks 25/2 (1925), 1-41. 



G. Bowering 



Tiring see sleep; sabbath 



Bibliography 
Primary: Ibn Ishaq, Sua; Ibn Ishaq-Guillaume; 
Tabarl, TafsTr. 

Secondary: M. b. Musa Baba'ammT, Mafhum al- 
Zamanfi I- Qur'dn al-karfm., Beirut 2000; J. Baljon, 
The 'amr of God' in the Koran, in ao 23 (1958), 
7-18; Bell, Commentary; J. Berque, L'idee de temps 
dans le Coran, in Homenaje al Profesor Jacinto Bosch 
Vila, 2 vols., Granada 1991, ii, 1155-64; G. Bowe- 
ring, Ideas of time in Persian mysticism, in Iran 
30 (1992), 77-89; R. Brunschvig, Le culte et le 
temps dans I'Islam classique, in id., Etudes 
d'islamologie, 2 vols., Paris 1976, i, 167-77; 
W. Caskel, Aijam al-'Arab. Studien zur 
altarabischen Epik, in Islamica 4 (1931), 1-99; 
A. Falaturi, Experience of time and history in 
Islam, in A. Schimmel and A. Falaturi (eds.). We 
believe in one God. The experience of God in Christianity 
and Islam, New York 1979, 63-76; A. Fischer, "Tag 
und Nacht" im Arabischen und die semitische 
Tagesberechnung, in Abhandlungen der Philologisch- 
historischen Klasse der koniglichen Sdchsischen 
Gesellschft der Wissenschaften, Leipzig 27 {1909), 
739-58; Gilliot, Fit; F (S.D.) Goitein, Zur 
Entstehung des Ramadans, in. Der Islam 18 (1929), 
189-96; id.. The Muslim month of fasting, in 
S.D. Goitein, Studies in Islamic history and institu- 
tions, Leiden 1966, 90-1 lO; I. Goldziher, Die 
Bedeutung der Nachmittagszeit in Islam, in arw 
9 (1906), 294-302; repr. in id., gs, v, 23-31; 
J. Horovitz, Bemerkungen zur Geschichte und 



Tith 



e see ALMSGIVING 



Today 



see TIME 



Tolerance and Coercion 

Accepting attitude towards a plurality of 
viewpoints and the use of force to influ- 
ence beliavior or beliefs. Qiir'anic vocabu- 
lary lacks a specific term to express the 
idea of tolerance but several verses explic- 
itly state that religious coercion (ikrdh) is 
either unfeasible or forbidden; other verses 
may be interpreted as expressing the same 
notion. Pertinent qur'anic attitudes un- 
derwent substantial development during 
Muhammad's prophetic career. The earli- 
est reference to religious tolerance seems to 
be included in o 109, a sura that recognizes 
the unbridgeable gap between Islam (c[.v.) 
and the religion of the Meccans (see 
POLYTHEISM AND ATHEISM; SOUTH ARABIA, 
RELIGION IN PRE-iSLAMic) and Concludes 
by saying: "To you your religion, and 



291 



TOLERANCE AND COERCION 



to me mine" (c) iog:6). This is best inter- 
preted as a plea to the Meccans to refrain 
from practicing religious coercion against 
the Muslims of Mecca (q.v.) before the hijm 
(Zamakhshari, Kashshdf, i\, 293; c£ q 2:139; 
see emigration), but since it does not de- 
mand any action to suppress Meccan poly- 
theism, it has sometimes been understood 
as reflecting an attitude of religious toler- 
ance on the part of the Muslims (cf. 
C3 2:139; 28:55; see also religious 
pluralism and the cjur'an). 

cj 15:85 and q_ 43:89, dated by Ndldeke 
[00, i, 129, 131-2) to the second Meccan 
period (see chronology and the 
q^ur'an), are also relevant. In contradis- 
tinction to C3 109:6, these verses clearly ad- 
dress the Prophet and enjoin him to turn 
away from those who do not believe (see 
BELIEF and unbelief), o 15:85 reads: 
"Surely the hour is coming; so pardon, 
with a gracious pardoning" (fa-sfahi l-sajha 
l-jamil); this injunction is related to the 
imminent approach of the last day (see 
last judgment). The verse seems to mean 
that the Prophet may leave the unbelievers 
alone because God will soon sit in judg- 
ment (q.v.) and inflict on them the just pun- 
ishment (see REWARD AND PUNISHMENT). 
Then there is Q^ 10:99-100: 

And if your lord had willed, whoever is in 
the earth would have believed, all of them, 
all together. Would you then constrain the 
people, until they are believers? It is not for 
any soul (q.v.) to believe save by the leave of 
God; and he lays abomination upon those 
who have no understanding. 

The verse seeks to convince the Prophet 
that matters of religious belief are in the 
hands of God and that any attempt to 
spread his faith by coercion would be an 
exercise in futility. It also sounds as though 
it were an attempt to allay the Prophet's 
distress at his initial failure to attract inost 



Meccans to Islam: people believe only as a 
result of divine permission and the 
Prophet should not blame himself for their 
rejection of the true faith. Despite pro- 
phetic efforts to the contrary, most people 
opt for unbelief (q 12:103; 16:37). The 
Qur'an declares in numerous passages that 
prophets can only deliver the divine mes- 
sage (see PROPHETS AND prophethood); 
it is not within their power to assure its 
acceptance or implementation (c3 16:35, 82; 
28:56; 29:18 and elsewhere; cf. also Paret, 
Toleranz). This argument may be seen as 
compatible with the idea of predestination. 

Moving to the period immediately fol- 
lowing the hijra, we should consider the 
famous document known as the Con- 
stitution of Medina ('ahd al-umma) which 
included a clause recognizing the fact 
that the Jews have a distinct — and 
legitimate — religion of their own (see 
JEWS AND Judaism): "The Jews have their 
religion and the believers have theirs" 
{lil-jahiid dmuhum wa-lil-mu'minina dinuhum; 
Abu 'Vhayd, Amwdl, 204). Rubin (The con- 
stitution, 16 and n. 45) has already referred 
to the affinity between this passage and 
(J 109:6. Both accept the existence of re- 
ligions other than Islam in the Arabian 
peninsula. It stands to reason that both 
passages reflect very early attitudes of 
nascent Islam, which had been willing, at 
that time, to tolerate the existence of other 
religions in the peninsula. This seems to 
have been the understanding of Abu 
'Ubayd (d. 224/838-9) who thought that 
the 'ahd al-umma clause originated at a time 
when "Islam was not yet dominant and 
strong, before the Prophet was com- 
manded to take jizya (see POLL tax) from 
the People of the Book" (q.v.; gabla an 
ya^hara al-isldm wa-yaqwd wa-qabla anyu 'mara 
bi-akhdh al-jizya min ahl al-kitdb, Abu 
'XlhayA, Amwdl, 207). 

o 2:256, "There is no compulsion in 
religion ..." (Id ikrahaji l-dini) has become 



TOLERANCE AND COERCION 



292 



the locus classicus for discussions of religious 
tolerance in Islam. Surprisingly enough, 
according to the "circumstances of revela- 
tion" (asbdb al-nuziil) literature (see occa- 
sions OF revelation), it was revealed in 
connection with the expulsion of the 
Jewish tribe of Banu 1-Nadir (q.v.) from 
Medina (q.v.) in 4/625 (cf. Friedmann, 
Tolerance, lOO-i). In the earliest works of 
exegesis (see exegesis of the qur'an: 
classical and medieval), the verse is 
understood as an injunction (amr) to re- 
frain from the forcible imposition of Islam, 
though there is no unanimity of opinion 
regarding the precise group of infidels to 
which the injunction had initially applied. 
Commentators who maintain that the 
verse was originally meant as applicable 
to all people consider it as abrogated 
(mansukh) by C3 9:5, o 9:29, or o 9:73 (see 
abrogation). Viewing it in this way is 
necessary in order to avoid the glaring con- 
tradiction between the idea of tolerance 
and the policies of early Islam which did 
not allow the existence of polytheism — or 
any other religion — in a major part of the 
Arabian peninsula. Those who think that 
the verse was intended, from the very be- 
ginning, only for the People of the Book, 
need not consider it as abrogated: though 
Islam did not allow the existence of any 
religion other than Islam in most of the 
peninsula, the purpose of the jihad (q.v.) 
against the People of the Book, according 
to q 9:29, is their submission and humili- 
ation rather than their forcible conversion 
to Islam. As is well known, Islam normally 
did not practice religious coercion against 
Jews and Christians (see christians and 
Christianity) outside the Arabian penin- 
sula, though substantial limitations were 
placed in various periods on the public 
aspects of their worship. 

Later commentators, some of whom are 
characterized by a pronounced theological 
bent of thought, treat the verse in a totally 



different manner. According to them, 
c) 2:256 is not a command at all. Rather it 
ought to be understood as a piece of in- 
formation (khabar), or, to put it differently, a 
description of the human condition: it con- 
veys the idea that embracing a religious 
faith (q.v.) can only be the result of em- 
powerment and free choice (tamkm, 
ikhtiydr). It cannot be the outcome of con- 
straint and coercion (qcisr, ijbdr). Phrased 
differently, belief is "an action of the heart 
(q.v.)" in which no compulsion is likely to 
yield sound results (li-anna l-ikrdh 'aid l-imdn 
Idyasihhu li-annahu 'amal al-qalb). Religious 
coercion would also create a theologically 
unacceptable situation: if people were co- 
erced into true belief, their positive re- 
sponse to prophetic teaching would 
become devoid of value, the world would 
cease to be "an abode of trial" [ddr 
al-ibtild'; Razi, Tafsir, vii, 13; Ibn al-Jawzi, 
^dd, iv, 67; see trust and patience; 
trial) and, consequently, the moral basis 
for the idea of reward and punishment 
would be destroyed. This argumentation 
uses the verse in support of the idea of free 
will (see freedom and predestination). 

These tolerant attitudes toward the 
non-Muslims of Arabia were not destined 
to last. After the Muslim victory in the bat- 
tle of Badr (q.v; 2/624), 'he Qiir'an started 
to promote the idea of religious uniformity 
in the Arabian peninsula. C3 8:39 enjoins 
the Muslims "to fight... till there is no 
temptation [to abandon Islam ;^toa] and 
the religion is God's entirely" (cf. o 2:193). 
Once this development took place, the 
clauses in the 'ahd al-umma bestowing le- 
gitimacy on the existence of the Jewish 
religion in Medina had to undergo sub- 
stantial reinterpretation. The clause stipu- 
lating that "the Jews have their religion and 
the believers have theirs" was now taken to 
mean that the Jewish religion is worthless 
[ammd l-dinfa-laysu minhuji shay'; Rubin, 
The constitution, 19-20, quoting Abu 



293 



TOLERANCE AND COERCION 



'Ubayd, Amwdl, 207). Similar was tlie fate 
of Q_ 109:6, wliicli was declared abrogated 
by Q^ 9:5 (djat al-sajf) or interpreted as a 
threat against the polytheists. This new 
attitude was also expressed in the prophetic 
tradition according to which "no two re- 
ligions will coexist in the Arabian penin- 
sula" [Idyajtami'u dmdnifijazirat al-'arah; 
Friedmann, Tolerance, 91-3). 

Despite the apparent meaning of 
Ci 2:256, Islamic law allowed coercion of 
certain groups into Islam. Numerous tra- 
ditionists and jurisprudents (fuqahd') allow 
coercing female polytheists and Zoro- 
astrians (see magians) who fall into captiv- 
ity to become Muslims — otherwise sexual 
relations with them would not be permis- 
sible (cf o 2:221; see SEX AND sexuality; 
MARRIAGE AND DIVORCE). Similarly, forc- 
ible conversion of non-Muslim children 
was also allowed by numerous jurists in 
certain circumstances, especially if the 
children were taken captive (see captives) 
or found without their parents or if one of 
their parents embraced Islam (Friedmann, 
Tolerance, 106-15). It was also the common 
practice to insist on the conversion of the 
Manichaeans, who were never awarded the 
status of ahl al-dhimma. 

Another group against whom religious 
coercion may be practiced are apostates 
from Islam (see apostasy). As a rule, clas- 
sical Muslim law demands that apostates 
be asked to repent and be put to death if 
they refuse (see repentance and 
penance; boundaries and precepts; 
chastisement and punishment). It has to 
be pointed out, however, that the Qiir'an 
does not include any reference to capital 
punishment for apostasy. The Qiir'an men- 
tions people who abandoned Islam and 
reverted to their former faith; those of 
them who did this willingly are condemned 
in a harsh and vindictive tone. There is a 
sense of resentment at the idea that some- 
one who had perceived the truth of Islam 



and joined it only a short time ago could 
be swayed into reverting to idolatry or an- 
other false religion (see idolatry and 
idolaters). The Qiir'an therefore asserts 
that the endeavors of the unrepentant 
apostates will fail, God will visit them with 
his wrath and will send valiant warriors 
against them; however, the main punish- 
ment of those who abandoned Islam will 
be inflicted upon them, according to the 
Qtir'an, in the hereafter (cf. C3 2:217; 3:86, 

90; 4:137; 5:54; 9:74; 47:25)- But in the 
hadlth andfiqh literature, the attitude to- 
ward the apostate became much harsher. It 
stands to reason that the Bedouin (q.v.) 
insurrection against the nascent Muslim 
state after the Prophet's death was the 
background for this development. The new 
attitude, which effectively transfers the 
punishment for apostasy from the hereafter 
(see eschatology) to this world, is re- 
flected in utterances repeatedly attributed 
to the Prophet in the earliest collections of 
tradition. The most frequently quoted of 
these reads: "Whoever changes his reli- 
gion, kill him" {man baddala or man ghayyara 
dinahu fa-qtuliihu or fa-dribu 'unuqahu; Malik, 
Muwatta', ii, 736). In another formulation, 
taking into account the idea that a person 
forced to abandon Islam is not considered 
an apostate, the Prophet is reported to 
have said: "Whoever willingly disbelieves 
in God after he has believed, kill him" (man 
kafara bi-lldhi ba'da imdnihi td'i'anfa-qtuluhu). 
Most jurists maintain that the apostate 
should be given the opportunity to repent; 
there is a great variety of views concerning 
the time allowed for this purpose (Fried- 
mann, Tolerance, 121-59; see repentance 
and penance). 

Hence, the ideas of tolerance and coer- 
cion have undergone substantial develop- 
ment in the Qiir'an and are characterized 
by a great deal of variety in the literature 
of tradition and jurisprudence. Yet what- 
ever the original meaning of cj 2:256 may 



TOOLS FOR THE S(3HOLARLY STUDY 



294 



have been, it is more compatible with the 
idea of rehgious tolerance than with any 
other approach. Any Muslim who wanted 
to practice religious toleration throughout 
the centuries of Islamic history could use 
t^ 2:256, Q, 10:99 and q 109:6 as a divine 
sanction in support of his stance. On the 
other hand, q^ 9:5, () 9:29 or q 9:73 may be 
interpreted as going a long way in the 
opposite direction. 



democratic pluralism. New York 2001; S. Ward, A 
fragment from an unknown work by al-Tabarl 
on the tradition "Expel the Jews and Christians 
from the Arabian peninsula {and the lands of 
Islam)," in bsoas 53 (1990), 407-20; A.L. Wismar, 
A study in tolerance as practiced by Aiuhammad and his 
immediate successors, New York 1927. 



Tolerance and Compulsion see 

TOLERANCE AND COERCION 



Yohanan Friedmann 



BibUography 
Primary (extensive primary documentation of all 
issues mentioned in this article is available in 
Friedmann, Tolerance): Abu 'Ubayd, al-Qasim b. 
Sallam, Kitdb al-Amwdl, ed. M. Hamid al-Fiqql, 
Cairo 1353/1934; Ibn al-JawzT, ^dd, Damascus; 
Malik, Muwatta', Cairo 1951; RazT, TafsTr. Beirut 
1990; al-SarakhsT, Abu Bakr Muhammad b. 
Ahmad, Kitdb al-Mabsutfi l-furu\ 30 vols. 
{+ index, Beirut 1980), Beirut 1986, x, 98-124 (on 
the murtadd); TabarT, Tafsir (ad o 2:256); 
ZamakhsharT, Kashshdf. 

Secondary: M. Chokr, ^andaqa et zindiqs en Islam, 
all second siecle de Vhegire, Damascus 1993; Y. Fried- 
mann, Tolerance and coercion in Islam. Interfaith 
relations in the Muslim tradition, Cambridge 2003; 
F. Griffel, Apostasie und Toleranz im Islam. Die 
Entwicklung zu al-Gazdlis Urteil gegen die Philosophic 
und die Reaktionen der Philosophen, Leiden 2000; id.. 
Toleration and exclusion. Al-Shafi'T and al- 
Ghazall on the treatment of apostates, in bsoas 
64 (2001), 339-54; W.B. Hallaq, Apostasy, in eq, 
i, 119-22; A.M. Hufi, Samdhat al-isldm, Cairo 1979; 
W. Kerber (ed.), Wie tolerant ist der Islam? Munich 
1991; D. Little, J. Kelsay and A. A. Sachedina, 
Human rights and the conflict of cultures. Western and 
Islamic perspectives on religious liberty, Columbia, SC 
1988; R. Mottahedeh, Toward an Islamic 
theology of toleration, in T Lindhome and 
K. Vogt (eds.). Islamic law reform and huinan rights. 
Challenges and rejoinders, Copenhagen 1993, 25-36; 
Noldeke, oq; R. Paret, Innerislamischer Pluralis- 
mus, in P. Bachmann and U. Haarmann (eds.). 
Die Islamische Welt z^ischen Mittelalter und Neuzeit, 
Beirut 1979, 523-9; id., Sure 2,256: La ikraha fi 
d-dini. Toleranz oder Resignation? in Der Islam 
45 (1969)3 299-300; id., Toleranz und Intoleranz 
im Islam, in Saeculum 21 (1970), 344-65; R. Peters 
and G.J.J, de Vries, Apostasy in Islam, in Wl 17 
(1976-77), 1-25; U. Rubin, The "Constitution of 
Medina." Some notes, in 5/62 (1985), 16 and 
note 45; A. Sa'idi, al-Hurriyya al-diniyyafi l-isldm, 
Cairo n.d.; A. A. Sachedina, The Islamic roots of 



Tomb see burial; death and the 

DEAD 

Tomorrow see time 

Tongue see ARABIC language; speech 



Tools for the Scholarly Study of the 
Qiir'an 

The entire body of scholarship, both Mus- 
lim and non-Muslim, must be the founda- 
tion of any responsible scholarly study of 
the Qiir'an. Certain tools, however, form 
key elements of any scholarly library. 

The text of the Qur'dn 
The basic tool for the study of the Qiir'an 
is, of course, the text itself. Unlike the situ- 
ation in scholarly study of some other 
scriptures, decisions regarding the base text 
to be used for analysis do not face scholars 
from the outset. We have a text of the 
QjLir'an before us, accepted by every 
Muslim. It is the text which is the well- 
known, well-established book, found be- 
tween two covers in virtually every Muslim 
home, known for convenience as the 
'Uthmanic text (see codices of the 
q^ur'an; collection of the our'an; 
^^uthman). That said, it must be admitted 
that this is a somewhat simplistic way of 
presenting the matter (see contemporary 

critical practices and the qUR'AN). 

It is common to speak of the Royal 



295 



TOOLS FOR THE SCHOLARLY STUDY 



Egyptian edition of the Qiir'an published 
under the patronage of King Fu'ad I in 
1342/1923 as being the modern standard 
text of tlie scriptiux (see printing of the 
(3Ur'an). This edition has been criticized as 
not conveying the best rendition of the 
Hafs 'an 'Asini transmission whicli it pur- 
ports to represent because it is based upon 
late Muslim sources for the details of the 
reading (see Bergstrasser, Koranlesung; see 
READINGS OF THE cjur'an). Somc Other 
copies of the Hafs 'an 'Asim tradition 
printed in the Muslim world — including a 
second edition of the Cairo text which 
appeared in 1952 — contain an additional 
(but small) number of minor variations 
especially in orthography (q.v.) and verse 
numbering (see verses). Printed copies of 
other established transmissions (e.g. that of 
Warsh) are available but their distribution 
is not widespread. 

Still useful is the European edition of the 
Qiir'an produced by Gustav Fliigel, which 
was published in 1834 and revised in 1841 
and again in 1858. This edition maintains 
its value — it is typeset in a pleasant font, 
for example — but its verse numbering 
scheme, being at variance with any ac- 
cepted Muslim tradition, has created an 
unfortunate complexity in scholarly ref- 
erencing. To complicate matters further, 
Fliigel constructed an eclectic edition of 
the text using undefined editorial princi- 
ples. His edition has been subject to criti- 
cism on many grounds (see e.g. Ambros, 
Divergenzen; Spitaler, Verszdhlungj. 

Neither the Royal Egyptian text nor the 
Fliigel edition may be considered a criti- 
cally edited text in the sense that is under- 
stood in contemporary scholarly practice. 
Of course, such a concept may be thought 
redundant in the case of the Qiir'an, 
given the Muslim view of the authenticity 
of the written qur'anic text and reliability 
of its transmission (see reciters of 
THE q^ur'an; textual criticism of the 
cjur'an; unity of the text of the 



qUR'AN). Even so, a substantial scholarly 
resource exists related to the establishment 
of such a critical text. Much of the mate- 
rial is the result of a project initiated in the 
1930s which never achieved completion 
(see Noldeke, gq, iii [Die Geschichte lies 
Korantexts] ; Bergstrasser, Plan; Pretzl, 
Fortfuhning; Jcikry, Progress). In recent 
years a new effort has begun, one based on 
the critical analysis of texts written in the 
HijazI script, believed to be the oldest re- 
cord of the text which we have available 
(see Noja, Note; see ARABIC script; 

MANUSCRIPTS OF THE qUR'AN; CALLI- 
GRAPHY). Other manuscripts, epigraphy 
(see EPIGRAPHY AND THE cjur'an), Schol- 
arly emendations and related sources will 
also prove to be important elements in cre- 
ating such a critical text, but attempts to 
gather these into a scholarly tool have yet 
to be made. 

As a part of the effort to establish the 
critical text, attention has been paid to the 
variant readings and traditional codices of 
the Qiir'an. Jeffery's A'laterials was con- 
ceived as a major step along the way to the 
critical text edition, bringing together 
much of the data on variant readings 
(qird'dt) of the text. Such work needs con- 
siderable updating today in light of more 
extensive collections of variant readings 
that are becoming available (see 'Umar 
and Mukram, Aiu'jam; see also al-Khatib, 
Mu'jam; the Qiir'an manuscripts discovered 
in 1973 in the Great Mosque of San'a' 
present yet another potential source of in- 
formation on the early history of the 
qur'anic text; cf. Puin, Observations, iio-ii). 

The text of the Qiir'an is readily avail- 
able in electronic form, following, for the 
most part, the tradition of the printed 
Egyptian edition (see computers and 
THE ^ur'an). The text is available for 
downloading in fully voweled text format 
(for example, see www.al-kawthar.com/ 
kotob/quran.zip [8 September 2005]); 
some imvoweled versions still linger at 



TOOLS FOR THE SCHOLARLY STUDY 



296 



Other sites, the resiiU of Umitations of early 
personal computer applications. The text is 
available for consultation on the Web in a 
variety of formats; the most useful ones are 
in text form rather than graphic images 
as the former facilitates the process of 
"cutting-and-pasting" into other 
applications. 

Concordances 
Even in this age of electronic texts, the 
study of the Qiir'an is substantially eased 
by the existence of printed concordances; 
the closest thing available (which displays 
great potential) is a project at the 
University of Haifa for creating a web- 
accessible tagged qur'anic text (see http:// 
www.cs.haifa.ac.il/~shuly/Arabic/; 
accessed 7 September 2005). Two works 
are especially worthy tools. 'Abd al-Baqi's 
al-Mujam al-mufahras li-alfd^ al-Qur'dn al- 
kanm is a concordance of the Arabic text 
(in the Cairo edition) organized according 
to Arabic word roots. Hanna E. Kassis, A 
concordance of the Qur'dn, is a concordance 
based on the translation by Arberry but 
organized according to the Arabic word 
roots, indexed to their English meanings. 
Such concordances may not be perfect 
tools (as Ambros, Lexikostatistik, 11, has 
pointed out) in that the analysis of the root 
structure of some words (and other techni- 
cal matters) is open to dispute and confu- 
sion. Until, however, a fidly lemmatized 
and annotated computerized text is pro- 
duced (which would have to allow the rec- 
ognition of differences of opinion on 
grammatical issues), these works certainly 
have their place. The issues which Ambros 
raises illustrate the difficulty of the task. 
The concordance function of Paret, Koran, 
is not complete but its attention to the- 
matic and phrase parallels makes it an 
essential and unique tool (cf. also the the- 
matic concordance of Jules La Beaume, 
with a supplement by Edouard Montet). 
An additional merit of Paret's work is its 



inclusion of separate lists of sura (q.v.) 
titles; those lists may be supplemented by 
Lamya Kandil, Surennamen. Since virtu- 
ally every Arabic commentary on the 
Qur'an uses the names of the suras rather 
than their numbers to refer to chapters of 
the text, such listings can be essential in 
clarifying cross-references. 

While the Arabic text of the Qtir'an is 
easily available electronically and is thus 
fully searchable, a morphologically tagged 
text of the Qiir'an does not currently 
appear to be available electronically for 
manipulation on one's computer. Neither 
does there appear to be an electronic ver- 
sion of a concordance such as that of 'Abd 
al-Bac[i. The CD ROM j^amc'; Software of 
quranic tafsir, produced by Nashr-e Hadith-e 
Ahl al-Bayt Institute in Iran, allows for text 
search of the Qiir'an by word roots as well 
as individual words (while also providing 
English and Persian translations of the 
text, Arabic recitation, and fifty-nine com- 
mentaries in Arabic or Persian; see 

REi;iTATION OF THE CJUr'aN; EXEGESIS OF 

THE qur'an: classical and medieval; 

EXEGESIS OF THE Q^UR'aN: EARLY MODERN 
AND contemporary). Only the results of 
such searches, however, may be printed; 
there is no facility for exporting the texts 
themselves. Another useful search facility is 
available online at altafsir.com [February 
26, 2003] which allows searching by root; 
those results allow for successfid "cut-and- 
paste" operations from one's web browser 
into other applications. 

Dictionaries 
Until recently there did not exist a com- 
plete dictionary of the Qiir'an in any 
European language that coidd be consid- 
ered a true modern scholarly tool. Penrice, 
Dictionary, was first published in 1873 and 
was based almost completely upon al- 
Baydawl's (d. prob. 716/1316-17) com- 
mentary. That work continues to be a 
convenient place to start lexical investiga- 



297 



TOOLS FOR THE SCHOLARLY STUDY 



tion, but it is very limited in scope. Otlier 
European languages have been no better 
served; works include F.H. Dieterici, 
Handworterbuch (1881); S. Fraenkel, Vocabulis 
(1880); C.A. Nallino, Chrestomathia (1893). 
The recent publication of Arne Ambros 
and Stephan Prochazka, A concise dictionary 
of Koranic Arabic (Wiesbaden 2004), im- 
proves the situation substantially; the work 
is compiled on the basis of an extensive 
analysis of the text of the Qtir'an and 
consideration of earlier scholarly etymo- 
logical examinations; the lexical impact of 
variant readings is also documented. 

Specialized works on aspects of qur'anic 
vocabidary continue to provide some sup- 
plementary support for lexicographical 
purposes. While not a full dictionary, an 
extensive and usefid work is Mir, Verbal idi- 
oms. For the most part, standard scholarly 
bilingual dictionaries, such as those of 
Lane and its ongoing completion by M. 
UUmann, Worterbuch, and the Dictionnaire of 
R. Blachere, are essential for determining 
the range of possible meaning of many 
qur'anic words. 

Foreign vocabulary (q.v.) and proper 
names have attracted a good deal of schol- 
arly attention and there are a number of 
works that help in the etymological un- 
derstanding of non- Arabic words: Jeffery, 
Foreign vocabulary, has an extensive bibli- 
ography of Qtir'an-related lexicographical 
studies and provides a summary of ety- 
mological data on many words. Such in- 
formation is in need of substantial 
updating in light of modern philological 
principles and more recent research (see 
for example, Zammit, Comparative). 

Additionally, there are a large number of 
scholarly articles that treat a more limited 
range of individual qur'anic words, but the 
lack of an effective bibliographical tool in 
the field means that the material cannot 
always be utilized effectively. Paret's 
Kommentar provides one means of locating 
references in standard scholarly works to 



lexicographical studies but only those pub- 
lished before the last quarter of the twen- 
tieth century. Finally, there is no substitute 
for the critical use of the Muslim commen- 
tary (tafsir) tradition and its subsidiary lexi- 
cographical works when it comes to 
determining the range of meanings that 
Muslims have ascribed to qur'anic words. 
Some of the books that treat "difficult 
words" in the Qtir'an approach the dimen- 
sions of a full Arabic dictionary of the 
Qtir'an; the classic text by al-Raghib al- 
Isfahanl (fl. early fifth/eleventh cent.), 
Mufraddt, is the best example (see diffi- 
cult passages). 

Grammars 
The situation for studying the grammar of 
the Qiir'an is similar to that of vocabulary; 
the best sources for grammatical details 
remain standard grammars such as that of 
W Wright, Grammar, T Noldeke's Gram- 
matik, and R. Blachere and M. Gaudefroy- 
Demombynes, Grammaire. Once again, a 
large number of specialized studies must 
be consulted on individual issues of gram- 
mar, for example Bergstrasser, Verneinungs- 
und Fragepartikeln; M. Chouemi, Le verbe; 
F. Leemhuis, D and H stems; Reckendorf, 
Arabische Syntax. Analysis of qur'anic gram- 
mar is, of course, a part of most tafsir 
works but even in the tradition of Arabic 
grammarians, no extensive and synthetic 
grammar devoted to qur'anic Arabic ap- 
pears to exist (see also grammar and the 
q^ur'an; dialects). 

Thematic indices 
The bibliography of scholarly treatments 
of the contents of the Qtir'an is extensive. 
A few works attempt to provide synoptic 
overviews. Mir, Dictionary, is introductory 
but useful, as is F. Sherif, Guide to the contents. 
Older but still valuable is H.U. Weitbrecht 
Stanton, Teaching of the Qur'dn. 

The punch card analysis, AUard, Analyse, 
is now primitive in its technology but its 



TOOLS FOR THE SCHOLARLY STUDY 



298 



ability to provide access to wliat would now 
be termed "hyperlinks" between subjects 
within the Qiir'an has still not been re- 
placed. One continuing value of the work 
resides in the analytic system that its au- 
thor constructed; it is probably the most 
sophisticated and complete of any attempt 
to thematize the Qiir'an through its 
semantic worldview. 

Commentaries 
Translations of the Qiir'an (q.v.) may be 
considered valuable tools for research since 
such works provide access to interpreta- 
tions of the meaning of the Qiir'an; it is 
important to remember, of course, that the 
nature of a translation is necessarily mon- 
ovalent. Thus the more extensive com- 
mentaries that have been written to 
accompany various translations are more 
useful tools. Paret, Kommentar, is essential; 
certain elements of Bell, Commentary, are 
also helpful. A more recent project is A.T. 
Khoiiry, Der Koran, a twelve -volume com- 
mentary incorporating a translation. Such 
commentaries cannot match the wealth of 
information and analysis available in the 
Arabic (and Persian) tafsir tradition, of 
course. 

Approaches to the Qiir'an 
A number of introductions to the study of 
the Qiir'an exist which can be used with 
great profit because they incorporate many 
of the basic resources needed to orient a 
scholarly reading. As well, in their presup- 
positions, they provide basic methodologi- 
cal orientations to the field. Noldeke, gq; 
Blachere, Introduction; Bell, Introduction, 
updated as Watt-Bell, Introduction, clearly 
stand out as "classics." Protracted and 
explicit discussions of the methods by 
which one approaches the Qiir'an in schol- 
arly study have yet to appear; most such 
reflections have been limited to articles or 
introductions to books. The oeiivre of 
M. Arkoiin is probably the most significant 



in trying to bring attention to the issue (for 
example, Arkoun, Bilan). 

Four books can be singled out because of 
their impact on the field in setting models 
for how studies might proceed; they also 
speak about the general contents of the 
Qur'an and thus provide significant over- 
views of major portions of the scripture. 
These works indicate the range of con- 
cerns of more contemporary scholars and 
each in its own way has had a significant 
impact on qur'anic studies as a discipline. 
Few serious studies of the Qur'an can pro- 
ceed without some acquaintance with the 
following works: (i) Iziitsu, God, and (2) 
Iziitsu, Concepts: each of these works tries to 
define a semantic range of vocabulary cen- 
tral to religious discussion and to examine 
it in the context of Arabia (see sotJTH 
ARABIA, RELIGIONS IN PRE-ISLAMIc). 
Concepts in these books are defined 
broadly, and the two works in combination 
provide a significant view of the religious 
and cognitive structures of the Qur'an. 
The attention to the workings of the se- 
mantic method that is contained in these 
books has had a lasting effect on the dis- 
cipline. (3) F. Rahman, Major the?nes, ap- 
proaches the scripture with a structure that 
reflects the central tenets of Muslim theol- 
ogy as conceived in the late twentieth cen- 
tury: God (see faith; god and his 
attributes; belief and unbelief), man 
as individual, man in society (see ethics 
AND THE q^ur'an), nature (see nature as 
signs), prophethood and revelation (see 
prophets AND PROPHETHOOD; 

revelation and inspiration), eschatol- 
ogy (q.v.), Satan and evil (see devil; good 
and evil; fall of man; virtues and 
VICES, commanding and forbidding), 
and the emergence of the Muslim com- 
munity (see COMMUNITY and society in 
THE C)Ur'an). Rahman's volume is thus 
able to provide a full overview of the 
Qur'an while demonstrating a historical 
mode of analysis within the basic frame- 



299 



TOOLS FOR THE SCHOLARLY STUDY 



work of Muslim assumptions. (4) Wans- 
brougli, gij deals with the content of the 
Qiir'an under the following rubrics: revela- 
tion and canon (the document, its com- 
position), emblems of prophethood, and 
origins of classical Arabic (issues of lan- 
guage; see LANGUAGE AND STYLE OF THE 
qUR'AN). Attention in this book is primarily 
to the relationship between form and con- 
tent (see FORM AND STRUCTURE OF THE 
c3Ur'an). The work has been considered 
controversial in its treatment of the 
Qiir'an's contents because its use of a bib- 
lical-Jewish paradigm to contextualize the 
scripture is criticized as offering only a lim- 
ited view of the contents of the text in all 
its dimensions. Methodologically his study 
draws attention to the need for contex- 
tualization of the Qiir'an as an essential 
part of the process of understanding it. 
His work demonstrates a reading of the 
text that could be constructed outside the 
framework traditionally established for it 
by Muslim historiography (see sira and 
THE ^ur'an; oc.gasions of revelation; 
HISTORY AND THE qur'an). Each of these 
four works, then, provides not only an 
overview of the contents of the Qiir'an but 
also a model by which the analysis of that 
content can proceed. 

Bibliographical aids 
The scholarly study of the Qiir'an has a 
long history, certainly not as long as the 
Bible, but significant nonetheless (see also 
PRE-1800 preoccupations of (jur'anic 
studies). The history of the study has not 
been written, although a number of bib- 
liographically-oriented articles provide 
good introductions. Valuable contribu- 
tions are W.A. Bijlefeld, Some recent 
contributions; A. Jeffery, Present status; 
A. Neuwirth, Koran. As mentioned previ- 
ously, Paret, Kommentar, is the only com- 
prehensive bibliographical tool available, 
although given its age its function is now 
limited to more "classic" works of scholar- 



ship. This Encyclopaedia of the Qtir'dn will 
likely provide the best bibliographical tool 
for scholars for most purposes. See also 
post-enlightenment academic study 
of the (^ur'an; traditional dis(;iplines 
OF qur'anic study. 

Andrew Rippin 

Bibliography 
Primary: al-Raghib al-Isfahanl, Mufraddt. 
Secondary: 'Abd al-BaqT; M. Allard, Analyse 
conceptuelle du Coran sur cartes perforees, 2 vols., Paris 
1963; A. A. Ambros, Die Divergenzen zwischen 
dem Fliigel- und dem Azhar-Koran, in WZKM 78 
(1988), 9-21; id., Eine Lexikostatistik des Verbs 
im Koran, in WZKM 77 (1987), 9-36; Arberry; 
M. Arkoun, Introduction. Bilan et perspectives 
des etudes Coraniques, in Arkoun, Lectures, 
v-xxxiii; translated as Introduction. An 
assessment of and perspectives on the study of 
the Qiir'an, in A. Rippin (ed.). The Qur'dn. Style 
and contents, Ashgate 2001, 297-332; Bell, Com- 
mentary; id.. Introduction to the Qur'dn, Edinburgh 
1953; G. Bergstrasser, Koranlesung in Kairo, in 
Der Islam 20 (1932), 1-13; id., Plan eines Apparatus 
Criticus zum Koran, Miinchen 1930, repr. in Paret 
(ed.), Koran, 389-97; id., Verneinungs; W.A. Bijle- 
feld, Some recent contributions to qur'anic 
studies. Selected publications in English, French, 
and German, 1964-1973, Parts I-III, in 71/ 1 1' 64 
(1974), 79-102, 172-9, 259-74; Blachere, Intro- 
duction; id., M. Chouemi and C. Denizeau, 
Dictionnaire arabe-Jran^ais, Jrangais-arabe, 
Paris 1967-; R. Blachere and M. Gaudefroy- 
Demombynes, Grammaire de I'arabe classique, Paris 
1975^; M. Chouemi, Le verbe dans le Coran, Paris 
1966; EH. Dieterici, Arabisch-deutsches Hand- 
worterbuch zum Koran und Tier und Mensch vor dem 
Konig der Genien, Leipzig i88r; G. Fliigel, Corani 
textus arabicus, Leipzig 1834, 1858^; S. Fraenkel, De 
vocabulis in antiquis arabum carminibus et in Corano 
peregrinis, Leiden 1880; Izutsu, Concepts; id., God; 
Jeffery, For. vocab.; id.. Materials; id.. The present 
status of qur'anic studies, in Middle East Institute- 
Report on current research, Spring 1957, 1-16; id., 
Progress in the study of the Qur'an text, in j/ir 
25 (1935), 4-16; repr. in Paret (ed.), Koran, 
398-410; L. Kandil, Die Surennamen in der 
ofhziellen Kairiner Koranausgabe und 
ihreVarianten, in Der Islam 69 (1992), 44-60; H.E. 
Kassis, ^ concordance of the Qur'an, Berkeley 1983; 
A.Th. Khoury, Der Koran. Arabisch-Deutsch. 
Ubersetzung und wissenschaftlicher Kommentar, 1 2 
vols., Gutersloh 1990-; J. La Beaume, Le Koran 
analyse d^apres la traduction de M. Kasimirski et les 
observations de plusieurs autres savants orientalistes. 



TORAH 



300 



Paris 1878; Ar. trans. M.F. 'Abd al-Baqi, TafsU 
dydt al-Qur'dn al-hakim. Beirut 1969; Lane; 
F. Leemliuis, The D and H Stems in koranic 
Arabic. A comparative study of the function and 
meaning of the fa "ala and 'af'ala forms in koranic 
usage, Leiden 1977; N. Kermani, Gott ist schijn. 
Das dsthetische Erteben des Koran, Munich 1999; 
A. al-K.hatih, Mujam al-qird'dt, 11 vols., 
Damascus 2002; Mir, Dictionary; id., Verbal; C.A. 
Nallino, Chrestomathia Qorani Arabica, Leipzig 
1893; K. Nelson, The art of reciting the Qur'dn, 
Austin 1985; A. Neuwirth, Koran, in gap, ii, 
96-135; S. Noja Noseda, Note esterne in margine 
al 1° volume del "Materiale per un'edizione 
critica de corano," in Istituto Lombardo: Rendiconti 
classe di lettere e science morali e storiche 134 (2000), 
3-38; Noldeke, gq; id., ^ur Grammatik des 
klassischen Arabischen, Darmstadt 1963^ (1897^); 
Paret, Kommentar; id. (ed.), Koran; Penrice, 
Dictionary; O. Pretzl, Die Fortfuhrung des Apparatus 
Criticus zum Koran, Miinchen 1934; G.-R. Puin, 
Observations on early Qiir'an manuscripts in 
San'a', in S. Wild (ed.). The Qur'dn as text, Leiden 
1996, 107-11; F. Rahman, Major themes of the 
Qur'dn, Minneapolis 1980; H. Reckendorf, 
Arabische Syntax, Heidelberg 1921; id.. Die 
syntaktischen Verhdltnisse des Arabischen, 2 vols., 
Leiden 1895; F. Sherif, A guide to the contents of 
the Qur'an, London 1985; A. Spitaler, Die 
Verszdhlung des Koran nach islamischer Uberlieferung, 
Miinchen 1935; H.U. Weitbrecht Stanton, 
The teaching of the Qur'dn. With an account of its 
growth and a subject index, London 1919; 
M. Ullmann, Wbrterbuch der klassischen arabischen 
Sprache, Wiesbaden 1970-; A.M. 'Umar and 
A. Mukram, Aiujam al-qird'dt al-qur'dniyya, 
8 vols., Kuwait 1982-5, repr Cairo 1997; 
Wansbrough, QS; W.M. Watt, Companion to the 
Qur'dn, London 1967; Watt-Bell, Introduction; 
W. Wright, A grammar of the Arabic language, 
2 vols., Cambridge 1859-62; 1896-8'; M.R. 
Zammit, A comparative lexical study of qur'dnic 
Arabic, Leiden 2002. 



Torah 

The scripture revealed by God to Moses 
(q.v.) on Mount Sinai (q.v.). In the Qur'an, 
it is mentioned by name (Ar. Tawrdt) eight- 
een times, but a number of other terms are 
used for the same revelation. The Arabic 
word Tawrdt clearly derives, if perhaps in- 
directly, from the Hebrew Torah, meaning 
law (see Jeffery, For. vocah, 95-6; Lazarus- 



Yafeh, Tawrat). In keeping, however, with 
the widespread belief that the Qvir'an does 
not contain words of foreign origin (see 
FOREIGN vocabulary), Muslim commen- 
tators traced it back to an Arabic root, viz. 
w-r-y, which means to strike fire (q.v), a 
reference to the light (q.v.) said to be in the 
Torah (o 5:44; 6:91; and cf. C3 3:184; 21:48; 
35:25; see Lisdn al-'Arab, xv, 389). Some, like 
the exegetes al-Razi (d. 606/12 lo) and al- 
Zamakhsharl (d. 538/1144), rejected this 
etymology and admitted its non-Arabic 
origin. Although in the Qiir'an the name 
Torah is mostly used in its proper sense, i.e. 
the books of Moses or Pentateuch, it is 
often applied in post-qur'anic Islamic lit- 
erature to the entire Hebrew Bible, and 
even to Jewish extra-canonical literature. 
The rabbinical literature, too, is some- 
times called Torah, which is not sur- 
prising considering the fact that Judaism 
considers these sources to be the "oral 
Torah." 

References to the Torah in. the Qur'dn 
The word Tawrdt appears in the following 
verses: Q 3:3, 48, 50, 65, 93 (twice); 5:43, 44, 
46 (twice), 66, 68, no; 7:157; 9:111; 48:29; 
61:6; and 62:5. In most of these cases it 
is mentioned in combination with the 
Gospel (q.v., Ar. InjTl), the sacred scripture 
of the Christians (see christians and 
Christianity). The Torah had earlier 
been confirmed by Jesus (q.v.; Q_ 3:50; 5:46; 
61:6), and was now once again confirmed 
and clarified by the new revelation brought 
by Muhammad (e.g. Q^ 3:3, and see also 
ft 2:89, 97, lOi; 4:47; 5:15, 19, 48; 6:93; 

46:12, 30; see REVELATION AND INSPIRA- 
TION; SCRIPTURE AND THE Q^UR'an). In 
addition to the instances of the word 
Tawrdt, the Qiir'an contains a much larger 
number of passages which clearly refer to 
this same scripture, describing it as the 
book brought by Moses, the book given to 
Moses, to Moses and Aaron (q.v.), or to the 



301 



T O RAH 



Children of Israel (q.v.; o 2:53, 87; 6:91, 
154; 11:17, no; 17:2; 23:49; 25:35; 28:43; 
37:117; 40:53-4; 41:45; 45:16; 46:12). In nu- 
merous verses the Torah is subsumed un- 
der the collective rubric of the book (q.v.), 
possessed by the People of the Book (q.v), 
which often indicates the Jews and the 
Christians together, but at times seems to 
refer to the Jews alone. Such verses are 
encountered in suras (q.v.) from both the 
Meccan and the Medinan periods (e.g. 
q 2:113, 121, 145, 146; 3:19, 23, 70, 71, 98, 
no, 113. 199; 4:131; 5:59. 65; 6:20, 114; 

13:36; 28:52; 29:46; see CHRONOLOGY AND 

THE C3Ur'an). All verses containing the 
word Torah seem to date from the period 
of the Prophet's preaching in Medina 
(q.v.), after he had come into close contact 
with Jews (see JEWS and Judaism), al- 
though q 7:157, which declares that 
Muhammad can be found in the Torah 
and the Gospel, is assigned by many to the 
late Meccan period (see Mecca). Verses 
referring to the Torah as the Book of 
Moses, however, can be found in suras 
from both periods of Muhammad's 
preaching. Closely related to Tawrdt is an- 
other term: the suhuf or scrolls (q.v.; and see 
also sheets) of Moses, mentioned in com- 
bination with those of Abraham (q.v.; 
Q. 53-36-7; 87:19), which form part of a set 
of ancient or previous scrolls (c3 20:133; 
87:18). The question of whether these 
scrolls of Moses are identical with the 
Torah, or were revealed before it and con- 
stitute a separate set of revelations, is de- 
bated. Figures given for the total number 
of scrolls revealed by God vary between 
fifty and one hundred and sixty three; 
those given to Moses are said to number 
ten or fifty. 

In a series of verses dealing with the rev- 
elation on the Mount, we also encounter 
the tablets [alwdh; see commandments) 
which God gave to Moses (c3 7:145, 150, 
154), and which are believed to have con- 



tained the entire Torah. There is much 
speculation in post-qur'anic literature 
about the kind of precious stone the tablets 
were made of, as well as about their color 
and their number: the familiar figure of 
two is given, as are three, seven, and ten. 
In two of the qur'anic verses mentioning 
the termfurqdn (viz. q 2:53; 21:48; see 
criterion) the revelation to Moses is 
intended. The term is ordinarily translated 
as criterion, and glossed as what distin- 
guishes between true and false, right and 
wrong, allowed and prohibited. Two fur- 
ther terms that should be mentioned as 
belonging to the same semantic field are 
dhikr (remembrance [q.v.]) and z^^bur (pi. 
zubur, revealed scriptures), which are oc- 
casionally interpreted as references to the 
Torah, although the zcibfir is most often 
taken to mean the Psalms (q.v.; see C3 3:184; 
16:43-4; 21:7; 26:196; 35:25). In what fol- 
lows, a composite account will be given of 
the Qiir'an's treatment of the Torah, using 
the whole gamut of terms applied in the 
Qiir'an and its exegesis to the Mosaic law. 
A substantial portion of the verses relates 
to the period of Moses and the Children of 
Israel, while others refer to the Jewish con- 
temporaries of Muhammad. We shall not 
discuss textual parallels between the 
Qiir'an and the Torah (for these, see 
Speyer, Ei'zdhlungen; Thyen, Bibel und Koran), 
nor address the questions of Muhammad's 
acquaintance with the Bible or the extent 
of Jewish or Christian influence on him, on 
which there is a host of scholarly and less 
scholarly literature. Suffice it to say that 
Muhammad's opponents (see opposition 
to Muhammad) accused him of listening 
to, or copying from, Jewish and Christian 
informants (q.v), which is vigorously de- 
nied in the Qiir'an, namely in C3 16:103 and 
q 29:48. Although the first verse seems to 
admit that Muhammad did have interlocu- 
tors from among the People of the Book, 
their role is reversed in Muslim tradition to 



TORAH 



302 



that of recipients of Muhammad's teach- 
ings (see Gilliot, Les 'informateurs'). 

References to the book of Moses in the Qur'dn 
God had given prophethood and scripture 
to the offspring of Abraham and Noah 
(q.v.; 0,4:54; 29:27; 57:26, and cf 3:84; 

6:83-90; see PROPHETS AND PROPHET- 

hood). One of tlieir descendants, Moses, 
was chosen to guide the Children of Israel 
(o 2:53; 11:110; 17:2; 23:49; 32:23; 40:53-4). 
God summoned him to the Mount, where 
a conversation ensued (o 7:142-3; see 
theophany). (This has given rise to the 
composition of a genre of texts called 
Mundjdt Musd, the conversations of Moses 
witli God; see Sadan, Some literary prob- 
lems, 373-4, 395-6.) The meeting lasted 
forty nights, at the end of which God gave 
Moses the tablets, on which he had written 
admonitions and explained all things. This 
is taken as a reference to the Torah. (It is 
said that Moses could hear the squeaking 
of God's pen on the tablets; see Lisdn al- 
'Arab, ix, 192; x, 117.) In Moses' absence, 
the Children of Israel had made a calf 
which they worshiped (see calf of gold). 
Upon seeing this, he threw down the tab- 
lets, but once his anger abated, he took 
them up again. According to later sources, 
Moses had read in the tablets the descrip- 
tion of an exemplary nation (umma). He 
asks God to make them his people, but is 
told that they are the people of 
Muhammad. It is at this point that he shat- 
ters the tablets (see Rubin, Between Bible and 
Qur'dn, ch. 2). According to al-Suyilti 
(d. 911/1505; Itqdn, i, I22f.), it is said that 
the tablets were originally seven in number, 
but that God kept six of them to himself, 
returning to Moses only one tablet. What 
is implied here is that God was saving the 
larger part of his heavenly book (q.v.) for a 
future occasion. 

The verb used for God's revelation of the 
Torah is anzala, and that for the revelation 



of the Qiu''an nazzala (q, 3:3). The differ- 
ence between these two forms of the same 
root, say the commentators, is that the 
Torah was revealed on a single occasion, 
whereas the Qrir'an was sent down piece- 
meal (see OCCASIONS of revelation), and 
for a good reason: like the Israelites before 
them, the Muslims would have found it 
difficult to receive God's commandments 
all at once; it would be much easier to ac- 
cept the new dispensation in small doses 
(SuyutI, Itqdn, i, 121). Unlike the Qiir'an, 
the Torah was revealed directly by God 
(O 4:164), without the mediation of an an- 
gel (q.v). This, says al-SuyutI [Itqdn, i, 
122-3), i^ because the Torah was revealed 
to a prophet who could read and write (see 
literacy), whereas the Qiir'an was sent 
down in separate installments to an illiter- 
ate prophet (the most commonly accepted 
interpretation of the word ummT [c[.v.] with 
which Muhammad is described in c) 7:157; 
see also illiteracy). If Moses was grateful 
for this favor, the Children of Israel were 
not; they were reluctant to accept God's 
covenant (q.v.) contained in the Torah, and 
only accepted it after God held the Mount 
over their heads and threatened to send it 
crashing down on them (c3 2:63, 93; 4:154; 
7:171; this motif is reminiscent of the 
Mishna: Sabbath, 8oa, Avoda Zara, 2b). 
Soon, however, they broke their covenant 
(q. 2:64, 83, 93; 4:155; 5:13, 70), maligning 
and killing the prophets, uttering different 
words from the ones they were ordered to 
speak by God (o 2:59; 7:162; see forgery; 
revision and alteration), and generally 
rejecting God's injunctions. The latter in- 
cluded both the duty to fight for God's 
cause (0 9:111; see fighting; path or 
way) and the order to refrain from killing 
(Q, 5-32; see murder; bloodshed). The 
commentators mention an additional vio- 
lation of the covenant: the Israelites hid 
the description of Muhammad (na't 
Muhammad), which, according to o 7:157, is 



303 



T O RAH 



found in their Torali and whicli they were 
under obligation to divulge (see also 

POLEMIC AND POLEMICAL LANGUAGE; 
INSOLENCE AND OBSTINACY). 

The abrogation of the Mosaic law 
The disobedience (q.v.) of the Israelites 
liad grave consequences for themselves and 
their descendants, the Jews. Not only was 
their punishment in the afterlife assured, 
but in tliis life they were burdened with 
harsh laws (q 4:160; see reward and 
punishment): much of what had earlier 
been allowed is now forbidden (q.v.) to 
them, especially in the realm of dietary 
law, where Israel (q.v.), i.e. Jacob (q.v.), had 
already imposed some restrictions on him- 
self which did not originally form part of 
God's law (e.g. c) 3:93; 6:118-19, 146; see 
Wheeler, Israel and the Torah; see also 
LAWFUL AND UNLAWFUL). Jesus Came to 
abrogate a number of these laws [q_ 3 -50), 
and further restrictions were later lifted by 
Muhammad (5) 5:5; 7:157; see abroga- 
tion). There is obviously no contradiction 
between their confirming the earlier law 
and abrogating it. That the Torah was 
indeed abrogated and had lost its validity, 
inasmuch as it did not correspond with the 
teachings of Islam, was not doubted by any 
Muslim, although there apparently re- 
mained some who believed tliat certain 
Mosaic laws applied to them as well (see 
Adang, Ibn Hazm's critique; that God 
abrogated parts of liis revelation or cast 
them into oblivion, only to replace them 
with something similar or better, is stated 
in C3 2:106, wliich is, however, mostly linked 
to the abrogation of one qur'anic verse by 
another). 

Rejection of the confirming scripture 
In rejecting their covenant, the Israelites 
had behaved exactly like all the other 
nations to which God had sent messengers 
(see messenger), and Muhammad would 



encounter the same reaction during his 
mission (cf C3 3:184; 35:25). When he began 
to preach his message, he was first opposed 
by the polytheists of Mecca (see poly- 
theism AND atheism), and later also by the 
People of the Book, especially the Jews 
among them. They denied that Muham- 
mad was receiving revelations (c3 6:92) and 
demanded that he bring a revelation like 
the one given to Moses, although they had 
not been impressed when Moses brought 
his book, wanting to see God instead 
fe 4- 153)- Despite Muhammad's overtures 
and attempts to point out the similarities 
between their religions (c3 29:46), and the 
fact that he believed in all the earlier 
prophets ((J 3:84), their reaction was nega- 
tive, and there were only a few who be- 
lieved (c) 3:110, 113; cf 29:47, which is seen 
as a reference to the Jewish convert 
'Abdallah b. Salam and tlie sympathetic 
king of Ethiopia; see abyssinia). Yet they 
should have recognized this message (or 
perhaps the Prophet himself; see the com- 
mentaries to q 2:144; 6:20) as they recog- 
nized their own sons. The People of the 
Book, more than anyone else, should em- 
brace it. Instead, they fling the book be- 
liind their backs (q 2:101; this is taken to 
mean either the Torah with its annuncia- 
tions of Muhammad, or God's revelations 
in general; see also Q, 3:187 wliere it is the 
covenant that is discarded). Despite their 
overall hostility, Muhammad is told to con- 
sult the People of the Book if he has any 
doubts about wliat God revealed to him 
(c) 10:94, and cf Q_ 16:43-4; 21:7). Various 
commentators explain that it is only the 
believers among the People of the Book, 
like 'Abdallah b. Salam, who are intended 
here (see belief and unbelief). 

For all the skepticism witli which they 
regarded Muhammad, a group of Jews 
appealed to his judgment (c[.v.; C3 5:42-3; 
cf. also o 3:23). Post-qur'anic sources 
are virtually unanimous about the 



TORAH 



304 



circumstances which supposedly gave rise 
to the revelation of these verses: an adul- 
terous Jewish couple was brought before 
Muhammad, who was asked to pass judg- 
ment on them. This was a test to see 
whether he would apply the law of the 
Torah, which he claimed to confirm. 
Muhammad asks the Jews what punish- 
ment is prescribed in the Torah (see 
CHASTISEMENT AND PUNISHMENT; 
BOUNDARIES AND pre(;epts), SO that he 
can apply it, following the example of the 
prophets, the rabbis and the scholars of the 
Jews (c3 5:44; see scholar). Taken aback, 
the Jews cover the passage which pre- 
scribes stoning (q.v.), and tell him that 
adulterers are to be flogged and their faces 
blackened — which is how they used to 
deal with the more prominent members of 
their community (see flogging; adult- 
ery AND fornication). Muhammad is 
unconvinced, and is proven correct when a 
convert to Islam points to the relevant pas- 
sage in the Torah. The Prophet thereupon 
decides to have the couple stoned, much to 
the horror of the Jews, c) 5:43 expresses 
amazement at the fact that the Jews appeal 
to Muhainmad, when they possess the 
Torah in which God has given his ruling. 
And moreover, say the commentators, why 
should they turn to a prophet whose mis- 
sion they utterly reject? q 3:23, too, is cited 
as proof that the Jews were averse to the 
contents of the Torah. According to the 
exegetes, it was revealed after Muhammad 
entered the Bayt al-Midrds and became em- 
broiled in a discussion about Abraham. He 
told the Jews to bring the Torah to clinch 
the issue, but they refused. This story can 
in turn be connected with q_ 3:65, in which 
the Jews and the Christians are criticized 
for claiming Abraham as one of their own 
although he predated the revelation of the 
Torah and of the Gospel and, therefore, 
the beginnings of their respective religions. 
(That the Jews and the Christians clashed 



with each other, despite the fact that they 
both read the scripture, is stated in 
a 2:113.) 

In two verses (q 5:66, 68) the Jews are 
told that they will not be rightly guided 
unless they observe the Torah, and the 
same is true about the Christians and their 
scripture. The commentators tell us what 
they understood by "observing the Torah": 
accepting its teachings, such as the mission 
of Muhammad, and its laws, which in- 
clude a prohibition of taking interest 
(q 4:161; see usury). But the Jews delib- 
erately ignore the revelation with which 
they have been entrusted, and do not apply 
the Torah. They have as much understand- 
ing as an ass carrying books (q 62:5; see 
metaphor). 

Tampering with the. Torah 
The Qiir'an more than once accuses the 
Israelites, the Jews, and the People of the 
Book in general, of having deliberately 
changed the word of God as revealed in 
the Torah and of passing off as God's rev- 
elation something they themselves wrote 
(c5 2:75-9; 4:46; 5:13). They are charged 
with confounding the truth (q.v.) with false- 
hood (q 2:42; 3:71; see lie), concealing the 
truth (e.g. q 3:187), hiding part of the book 
(q 6:gi), or twisting their tongues when 
reciting the book (q 3:78). In some verses 
we find a combination of allegations (e.g. 
q 2:42; 3:71; 4:46). What may be at the root 
of these allegations is that the Jews denied 
that Muhammad was mentioned in their 
scripture. Since the Qur'an does not al- 
ways explicitly state how, when, and by 
whom this misrepresentation (known as 
tahrif) was effected — some authors ascribe 
a major role to Ezra (q.v.) — different in- 
terpretations of the relevant verses soon 
arose. According to one, the Jews did not 
corrupt the text of their scripture, but 
merely misrepresented its contents. The 
other view, which developed somewhat 



305 



T O RAH 



later and seems to be held by the majority 
of Muslims, asserts that the Israelites and 
later the Jews changed the written text of 
the Torah, adding to and deleting from it 
as they pleased. Its most vocal and influ- 
ential representative was Ibn Hazm of 
Cordoba (d. 456/1064), but several other 
polemicists took his cue, among them 
Jewish converts to Islam such as 'Abd al- 
Haqq al-Islami (wrote ca. 797/1395) and 
Samaw'al al-Maghribi (d. 570/1175), who 
sought to demonstrate the superiority of 
their adopted faith at the expense of 
Judaism. According to both interpretations 
of the tampering-verses, the Israelites and 
the Jews were motivated by a desire to de- 
lete or obscure the scriptural references to 
Muhammad, as well as by their aversion to 
certain God-given commandments, such as 
stoning adulterers, as was seen. The al- 
legation of textual corruption continues to 
be aired even in modern times. It has been 
used to delegitimize Jewish claims to 
Palestine, by stating that in the unadulter- 
ated Torah the land was promised not to 
the descendents of Isaac (q.v), i.e. the Jews, 
but to those of Ishmael (q.v.), i.e. the Arabs 
(q.v.); the former just substituted the names 
(see Haddad, Arab perspectives, 89-122). 



Ambivalent attitudes 
Since the Qi_ir'an calls the Torah a divine 
scripture, Muslims must treat it with the 
respect due any one of God's books 
(c3 2:177, 285; 4:136) even if they have their 
doubts about the authenticity, and hence 
the sanctity, of the Torah which the Jews 
possess. The ambivalent attitude towards 
the Torah is well illustrated in a number of 
texts from the Muslim west. Afatwd from 
fourth/tenth century Qayrawan deals with 
the question of if and how to punish a 
Muslim slave who, in a fit of anger, reviled 
the Torah, if it can be proven that he only 
targeted the forged Jewish Torah and not 
the original divine scripture, in which case 



his offense did not constitute blasphemy 
(q.v.; al-Wansharlsi, Miydr, ii, 362-3, 525-6; 
see Adang, Tunisian mufti). In sixth/ 
twelfth century Cordoba Ibn Rushd "the 
elder" (d. 520/1126) forbade Muslims to 
sell books supposedly containing the Torah 
or the Gospel, since there was no way to 
establish whether these were the true, un- 
corrupted scriptures, and it is unlawful to 
make a profit from such dubious transac- 
tions. But in any case, he adds, even the 
genuine scriptures have been abrogated, so 
that dealing in them is out of the question 
(Ibn Rushd al-Jadd, al-Bajdn, xviii, 559-60). 
In Nasrid Granada afatwd was issued to 
the effect that despite doubts about the 
Torah 's authenticity, Jewish litigants who 
appear before the Muslim qddi and are re- 
quired to take an oath, should solemnly 
swear by their book, and preferably in the 
synagogue, for the fact that they hold the 
Torah to be true and sacred considerably 
reduces the risk of perjury (al-WansharlsI, 
Miydr, X, 309 f; Adang, Swearing). 

Tracing Muhammad in the Torah 
Muslims who believed that the Jews pos- 
sessed the original Torah, and merely in- 
terpreted it incorrectly assumed, naturally, 
that the references to Muhammad of 
which Q^ 7:157 speaks could be found in the 
book (see Rubin, Eye, ch. i, on early 
attempts to trace Muhammad). Paradox- 
ically, however, even commentators who 
regarded the Torah as a corrupted book 
that was not to be relied upon tapped it for 
references to Muhammad, his nation and 
his religion (see McAuliffe, Qiir'anic con- 
text). That such references could still be 
found in an otherwise corrupted book was 
sometimes explained with the claim that 
God had preserved these specific passages 
from distortion. Muslim writers did not 
usually attempt to trace these passages in 
the Jewish scriptures themselves. First of 
all, they did not need to: lists of testimonies 



TORAH 



306 



had been available at least since the late 
second/eighth century, when a number of 
them were included in an epistle sent on 
behalf of the caliph Harun al-Rashid 
(r. 170-93/786-809) to the Byzantine em- 
peror Constantine VI. They are clearly of 
Christian origin, being mostly Messianic 
passages made available to Muslim schol- 
ars by converts to Islam. Even Ibn 
Qiitayba (d. 276/889), one of the few 
scholars to demonstrate some familiarity 
with the Torah, and especially the book of 
Genesis, apparently relied on a list of tes- 
timonies for his "Proofs of Prophethood" 
[dald'il al-nubuwwa; translated in Adang, 
Muslim writers, 267-77), which was used, 
among others, by Ibn Hazm and Ibn 
Qayyim al-Jawziyya (d. 751/1350). The 
testimonies cited most often by Muslim 
authors are Gen. 17:29; Deut. i8:i8f.; 
Deut. 33:2f and Isa. 21:6-10, the latter be- 
longing to the Torah in its wider sense. 
These and other passages became a 
standard ingredient in tracts about the 
proofs of Muhammad's prophethood 
[dald'il — or a 'Idm — al-nubuwwa; see 
Stroumsa, The signs of prophecy). 
Secondly, apart from Jewish and Christian 
converts to Islam, few Muslims knew 
Hebrew, Syriac or Greek, and translations 
of the Torah and further parts of the Bible 
into Arabic were not readily available be- 
fore the mid-ninth century: the claims of 
Ahmad b. 'Abdallah b. Salam (active 
around the end of the second/eighth cen- 
tury) to have produced a full translation of 
the Torah, faithfid to both the source and 
the target language is not altogether cred- 
ible (Ibn al-Nadim, Fihrist, 24; Adang, 
Muslim writers, 19-20), while the translations 
produced in the eighth and ninth centuries 
c.E. in some isolated monasteries in 
Palestine probably did not reach the 
Muslim public. The earliest Arabic transla- 
tions accessible to Muslim readers seem to 
have been those by Himayn b. Ishaq 



(d. 260/873), which is referred to by 
al-Mas'udi (d. 345/956; Tanbih, 112-13) as 
the one considered most accurate, and al- 
Harith b. Sinan, who seems to have been 
active in the latter part of the third/ninth 
and the first half of the fourth/tenth cen- 
tury. Both were translated not from the 
Hebrew, but from the Greek, first into 
Syriac and subsequently into Arabic. 
Further translations, based on the Hebrew, 
had been made by a number of Jewish 
scholars, Rabbanite and Karaite alike. The 
most influential one was that by Sa'adya 
Gaon (d. 942 c.E.). These translations, 
however, were clearly for internal con- 
sumption: since most Jewish scholars used 
the Hebrew script even for their Arabic 
writings, they would not have been easily 
accessible to the Muslims. 

Pseudo-biblical quotations 
Contrary to what might have been ex- 
pected, the increased accessibility of the 
Torah did not lead to an increase in reli- 
able quotations. In the case of the kaldm 
theologians this is understandable: they 
preferred rational to scriptural arguments. 
But apart from some authors of works of 
an encyclopedic or comparative character, 
such as Ibn Qiitayba, al-Mas'udi (d. 345/ 
956), al-MaqdisI (wrote ca. 355/966), and 
al-Blrunl (d. ca. 442/1050), and writers 
moved by polemical considerations, like 
Ibn Hazm, hardly anyone used the Torah 
(as distinguished from islamized versions of 
biblical accounts) as a source. This may be 
explained from the fact that many religious 
scholars were strongly opposed to considt- 
ing this book which was abrogated at best, 
and possibly corrupted as well. They were 
ecjually disapproving of seeking informa- 
tion from Jews about their beliefs, although 
the transmission of biblical narratives (q.v.) 
whose protagonists had become islamized, 
was permitted (see Vajda, Juifs et musid- 
mans; Kister, Haddithu). Spurious quota- 



307 



TO RAH 



tions from the Torah, intended to lend 
authority to certain views, proliferated, 
which shows that the theory of the scrip- 
ture's corruption was not generally ac- 
cepted. Because the Torah remained a 
closed book to most Muslims, it was pos- 
sible to ascribe sayings to it whose con- 
nection with the actual scripture was 
tenuous at best. As is only to be expected, 
the popular genres of Qisas al-anbiyd' and 
Isrd'iliyydt, which deal with the lives of the 
prophets and the Israelites, abound in 
pseudo- or semi-scriptural passages. They 
can be found, however, in smaller or larger 
quantities, in almost all genres of Muslim 
writing, ranging from hadlth (see hadith 
AND THE c^ur'an) and tafsir, to historiog- 
raphy, geography, lexicography, and bi- 
ography. A good example is Hilyat 
al-awliyd', a biographical dictionary of pi- 
ous and ascetic Muslims, which contains 
many statements ascribed to the elusive 
Ka'b al-Ahbar, Wahb b. Munabbih, Malik 
b. Dinar and other putative specialists in 
the sacred books, on the pattern "it is writ- 
ten in the Torah" (maktuhji l-Tawrdt), or "I 
have read in the Torah" (qara'tuft l-Tawrdt), 
usually followed by some moral or ethical 
principle, or saying in praise of ascetical 
attitvides and practices (see asceticism). 

Apart from more or less universal ethical 
principles (see ethics and the cjur'an), 
which can be said to correspond at least to 
the spirit of the Jewish scriptures, less obvi- 
ous things were traced to the Torah as well; 
the Greek theory of the four humors, for 
example, and the description of the second 
caliph, 'Umar ("a horn of iron"; perhaps 
inspired by Dan. 7; see Abu Nu'aym al- 
Isfaham, Hilyat al-awliyd', vi, 25), whose 
murder, too, was foretold in the Torah 
(al-Malacji, Maqtal 'Uthmdn, i, 36). And 
Haydara, one of the names of 'All b. Abi 
Talib (q.v), could be encountered there 
(Khalil b. Ahmad, Kitdb al-'Ayn, iii, 156). 
The Umayyad caliph 'Umar b. 'Abd al- 



'Aziz (r. 99-101/717-20) was allegedly 
described in the Torah as a righteous man, 
whose death was bewailed by the heavens 
for forty days (Abu Nu'aym al-lsfahani, 
Hilyat al-awliyd', v, 339, 342); and not only 
Mecca, but also the city of Rayy is men- 
tioned in the book of Moses in positive 
terms (Yaqut, Bulddn, iii, 118; iv, 225). At 
some point, however, someone must have 
decided that this was going too far: in an 
equally fictitious account, the (unnamed) 
Jewish exilarch told his Muslim interlocu- 
tors that what Ka'b was telling them was a 
pack of lies, and that actually the Torah 
was very similar to their own scripture (Ibn 
Hajar, Isdba, v, 651). 

Similar, yet different 
The notion that there is a large degree of 
correspondence between the Qiir'an and 
the Torah is implicit in the qur'anic state- 
ments that it confirms the earlier scrip- 
tures, that it constitutes a revelation like the 
Torah and the Gospel, and that it is con- 
tained in the earlier scriptures (c) 3:3; 
26:196; 29:47). The exegetes state that cer- 
tain passages from the Qiir'an correspond 
verbatim with the Torah. As proof they 
cite two passages which are assumed to 
occur also in the Torah, namely q_ 5:45, 
which mentions the law of talion (see 
retaliation), and cj 48:29, which states 
that the believers are described in the 
Torah as having a mark on their foreheads 
as a result of their frecjuent prostration (see 

BOWING AND PROSTRATION). 

'Abdallah b. 'Amr b. al-'A.s (whose father, 
incidentally, is said to have received per- 
mission from the Prophet, or from 'Umar, 
to read the true Torah) said that Muham- 
mad is described in the Torah in the same 
way that he is described in the Qiir'an: as a 
witness (see witnessing and testifying) 
and a bearer of good tidings (see GOOD 
news) and a warner (q.v; see q 17:105; 
25:56; 33:45; 48:8); he is not harsh nor 



TORAH 



308 



rough nor does he cry in the streets. And 
Ka'b al-Ahbar attributed the following 
saying to the Torah: "Oh Muhammad, I 
am revealing to you a new Torah, which 
will open blind eyes (q.v.), deaf ears (q.v.) 
and uncircumcised hearts" (Suyuti, Itqdn, i, 
115; see VISION and blindness; hearing 
AND deafness; heart; t;iRc;uMc.isioN). 
These passages are reminiscent of Isaiah 
42:2 and 35:5. The same man is credited 
with the information that the opening 
verse of the Torah corresponds with Q^ 6:1 
("Praise be to God, who has created the 
heavens and the earth, and has appointed 
darkness [q.v.] and light. Yet those who 
disbelieve ascribe rivals to their lord"), and 
that it ends with q 17:111: "Praise be to 
God who has not taken a son [...] and 
magnify him with all magnificence." The 
saying that the final verse of the Torah is 
identical to the second half of the last 
verse of o 11, Sural Hud ("so worship him 
and put your trust in him. Your lord is not 
unaware of what you do," c) 11:123; ^^^ 

KNOWLEDGE AND LEARNING; HIDDEN AND 

THE hidden), however, is also ascribed to 
Ka'b, as is the statement that the first 
verses to be revealed in the Torah were ten 
verses from C3 6 (Surat al-A'nam, "Cattle"), 
starting with (j 6:151: "Say: Come, I will 
recite to you that which God has made a 
sacred duty for you" [md harrama rabhukum 
'alajkum; see sacred and profane; law 
AND the (jur'an). These verses bear a 
striking resemblance to the ten command- 
ments (see Brinner, An Islamic Decalogue), 
c) 62:1 ("All that is in the heavens and all 
that is in the earth [q.v.] glorifies God, and 
he is the mighty, the wise"; see heaven 
AND sky; glorifigation of god) is said 
to appear 700 times in the Torah, and al- 
Rahman, the name by which God made 
himself known to Moses, is said to be 
found throughout the Torah (Suyuti, Itqdn, 
i, 116), which contains an additional ggg 
names for God (Ibn Kathir, Tafsir, i, 20). It 



is said that while the contents of the two 
scriptures are essentially the same, their 
chapters bear different titles. Thus C3 50, 
Surat Qaf, is entitled in the Torah al- 
Mubayyida, since it will whiten the face of 
he who believes in it on the day when faces 
will be blackened; o 36, Surat Ya Sin, ap- 
pears in the Torah under the name al- 
Mu'amma, for it encompasses the good 
things of this life and of the afterlife. Many 
more examples of this kind could be cited. 
But not only isolated passages were attrib- 
uted to the Torah: longer texts purporting 
to contain the true Torah were compiled, 
as were islamized Psalters. The texts in 
question appear to be ethical treatises 
which resemble the Qiir'an rather more 
than the Torah (see Sadan, Some literary 
problems; Jeffery, A Moslem Torah). 

While the Torah, then, is believed to be 
very similar to the Qiir'an, the two scrip- 
tures are also said to differ on important 
points. Although it was important to em- 
phasize that the Qiir'an stood at the end of 
a long line of venerated scriptures, which 
strengthened its authority, it was equally 
important to stress its unique nature and 
superiority (see Shnizer, The Quran). It is 
said, for example, that o i, Surat al-Fatiha 
("The Opening"; see fatiha), is unique to 
the Qur'an, and unparalleled, and that 
neither in the Torah nor in the Gospel did 
God reveal anything like it. But the main 
difference was that unlike the Torah, the 
Qiir'an constituted an inimitable miracle 
and was matchless in style, composition 
and content (see inimitability; language 
and style of the our'an). 

Translatable, therefore inferior 
Many Muslim apologists and polemicists 
were aware that different versions of the 
Torah had existed even prior to its transla- 
tion into Arabic, namely that of the Jews, 
the Samaritan Pentateuch and the Greek 
Septuagint. While some, like Ibn Hazm, 



309 



T O RAH 



pointed to the discrepancies between tliese 
versions as proof of the scripture's cor- 
rupted state, others, like Ibn Qiitayba and 
al-BiSciillanI (d. 403/1013), argued — with- 
out playing the distortion card — that the 
existence of translations of the Torah was 
one of the clearest proofs of its inferiority 
to the Qiir'an which, because of its inimi- 
table character, remained untranslated 
and untranslatable. For the Karaite al- 
Qirqisam (fl. tenth cent. c.E.) the very fact 
that the Qiir'an only existed in one lan- 
guage weakened not the Jewish case, but 
the Muslim one, for, he said, only those 
fluent in Arabic could possibly appreciate 
the miractilous nature of the Qitr'an 
(Ben-Shammai, The attitude). 

Ftirther proof of the Qtir'an's stiperiority 
in the eyes of the Muslims is that it had 
been revealed in the presence of the entire 
nation, tinlike the Torah, which had been 
given to Moses in the presence of a se- 
lected few only, and was not transmitted to 
the entire community, nor was it transmit- 
ted in iminterrupted succession from one 
generation to the other (tawdtur). Although 
hardliners like Ibn Hazm took the view 
that the Israelites and Jews had deliberately 
suspended the transmission of their 
(essentially unwanted) scripture, others, 
like the astronomer al-BlrunI, took a more 
charitable view: the Jews could not possibly 
have transmitted their Torah from genera- 
tion to generation, because of the adversi- 
ties they suffered, like expidsion and 
captivity. 

Jewish reactions to attempts at discrediting the 

Torah 
The Jews took up the defense of their 
scripture in polemical and apologetical 
tracts that were usually for internal con- 
sumption. In Iraq Sa'adya Gaon and his 
Karaite contemporary Ya'qub al- 
Qirqisam, among others, tried to dem- 
onstrate, with rational and scriptural 



argtiments, that the Torah had not been 
and would not be abrogated. They do not 
address the allegation of scripttiral cor- 
ruption, which was not usually raised by 
the Muslim mutakallimUn either; Mu'tazill 
(see mu'tazilIs) and Ash'arl theologians 
attempted to refute the Jewish argument 
for the eternal validity of their scripture by 
rational means (see Sklare, Responses). 
Rabbanite and Karaite commentators did 
not deny that Islam was referred to in the 
Hebrew Bible: it was the last of the four 
kingdoms that subjugated Israel, according 
to the book of Daniel. Redemption will 
come when this kingdom ends. This 
should in no way, however, be taken as an 
endorsement of Muslim claims that 
Muhammad is a true prophet. If anything, 
it was the falsity of his claims that could 
be demonstrated on the basis of the 
biblical text. 

In later centuries it was formidable Jewish 
scholars likejehudah ha-Levi (d. 1141 c.E.), 
Abraham b. Daud (d. 1181 c.E.), Moses 
Maimonides (d. 1204 c.E.), and Solomon 
Ibn Adret (d. 1310 c.E.), interestingly 
enough all Spaniards, who defended 
Judaism and its Torah against the attacks 
of the Muslim scholars. The influence of 
the arguments of their fellow-countryman, 
Ibn Hazm, can easily be discerned in their 
works. 

Camilla P. Adang 



Bibliography 
Primary: 'Abd al-Haqq al-lslami, at-SayJ ai- 
mamdudfi l-radd 'aid ahbdr ai-Tahud, ed. E. Alfonso, 
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awliyd\ 10 vols., Beirut 1405/1984; Ibn Hajar, ai- 
ls aba ji tamyiz ai-sahdba, ed. A.M. al-BajawT, 
8 vols., Beirut 1412/1992; Ibn Hazm, Milal; Ibn 
al-JawzT, al-WaJa' bi-a!iwdi al-AiustaJd, ed. M. 'Abd 
al-Wahid, Cairo 1386/1966; id., ^dd; Ibn Katliir, 
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Jawziyya, Kitdb Hiddyat al-haydrd min ai-Yahud wa- 
l-Nasdrd, Cairo 1323/1905; Ibn Rushd (al-Jadd), 
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TORAH 



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ji l-masd'il al-mustakhraja, ed. M. HajJT et al., 
20 vols., Beirut 1408/1988; J^fl/fl/o^n; al-Khalll b. 
Ahmad, Kitdb al-'Ayn, ed. M. al-Makhzuml and 

I. al-Samarra'l, 5 vols., n.p. n.d.; Judah ha-Levi, 
The Kuzari (Kitab al-Khazari). An argument for the 

faith of Israel, trans. H. Hirschfeld, New York 
1964; Lisdn al-'Arab; Moses Maimonides, Epistle to 
Yemen, in A.S. Halkin (trans.), Crisis and leadership. 
Epistles of Maimonides, Philadelphia 1985, 91-208; 
al-Malaql, Muhammad b. Yahya, al-Tamhid wa-l- 
baydnfi maqtal al-shahid 'Uthmdn, ed. M.Y. Zayid, 
Doha 1405/2003; Mas'udl, Kitdb al-Tanbih wa-l- 
ishrdf ed. M.J. de Goeje, Leiden 1894, 112; 
Muqatil, Tafsir; al-Samaw'al al-Maghribi, Ifhdm 
al-Yahud. Silencing the Jews, ed. and trans. M. 
Perlmann, in Proceedings of the American Academy of 
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wa-l-jdmi' al-mughrib 'anfatdwd 'ulamd' Ifriqiyd 
wa-l-Andalus wa-l-Maghrib, ed. M. HajJT et al., 12 
vols., Rabat/Beirut 1401-3/1981-3; Yaqut, Bulddn. 
Secondary: M. Accad, Muhammad's advent as 
the final criterion for the authenticity of the 
Judeo-Christian tradition. Ibn Qayyim al- 
Jawziyya's Hiddyat al-haydrd fi ajwibat al-Tahud wa- 
l-JVasdrd, in B. Roggema et al. (eds.). The three rings. 
Textual studies in the historical trialogue of Judaism, 
Christianity and Islam, Leuven 2005, 217-35; 
C. Adang, A fourth/tenth century Tunisian mufti 
on the sanctity of the Torah of Moses, in N. Ilan 
et al. (eds.). The intertwined worlds of Isla?n. Essays 
in memory of Hava Lazarus- Tafeh, Jerusalem 2002, 
vii-xxxiv; id., Ibn Hazm's critique of some 
"Judaizing" tendencies among the Malikites, in 
R.L. Nettler (ed.). Medieval and modern perspectives 
on Muslim Jewish relations, Oxford 1995, 1-15; id., 
Muslim writers on Judaism and the Hebrew Bible. From 
Ibn Rabban to Ibn Hazm, Leiden 1996; id., A reply 
to Ibn Hazm. Solomon b. Adret's Polemic 
against Islam, in M. Fierro [ed.),Judiosy 
musulmanes en al-Andalusy el Magreb. Contactos 
intelectuales, Madrid 2002, 179-209; id.. Swearing 
by the Mujaljala. Jewish oaths in the Muslim west 
(forthcoming); H. Ben-Shammai, The attitude of 
some early Karaites towards Islam, in I. Twersky 
(ed.). Studies in Medieval Jewish history and literature, 

II, Cambridge, MA 1984, 3-40; W.M. Brinner, 
An Islamic Decalogue, in id. and S.D. Ricks 
(eds.), Studies in Islamic and Judaic traditions, Atlanta 
1986, 67-84; R. Brunschvig, L'argumentation 
d'un theologien musulman du X siecle contre le 
judai'sme, in Homenaje a Alillds-Vallicrosa, 2 vols., 
Barcelona 1954, i, 225-41; R. Caspar andJ.M. 
Gaudeul, Textes de la tradition musulmane 
concernant le tahrif (falsification) des ecritures, 
in Is lamochristiana 6 (1980), 61-104; A. A. Dawud, 
Muhammad in the Bible, Kuala Lumpur 1969; 



T.A.M. Fontaine, In defence of Judaism. Abraham ibn 
Daud. Sources and Structure oj ha-Emunah h.a-Ram.ah, 
Assen 1990; CI. Gilliot, Les 'informateurs' juifs 
et Chretiens de Muhammad. Reprise d'un 
probleme traite par Aloys Sprenger et Theodor 
Noldeke, in jsai 22 (1998), 84-126 (on the aheged 
source of any similarities between the Torah and 
the Qiir'an); I. Goldziher, Uber muham- 
medanische Polemik gegen Ahl al-Kitab, in 
ZDMG 32 (1878), 341-87, repr. in id., as, ii, 1-47; 
M.Y.S. Haddad, Arab perspectives of Judaism. A 
study of image formation in the writings of Muslim 
Arab authors, ig^8-igy8, PhD diss., Rijksuni- 
versiteit te Utrecht 1984; I. al-Hardallu, al-Tawrdt 
wa-l-Yahudfifikr Ibn Hazm, Khartoum 1984; J. 
Horovitz, Tawrat, in El', viii, 706-7; Jeffery, For. 
VQcak; id., A Moslem Torah from India, in MW 15 
(1925), 232-9; id.. The Qur'dn as scripture. New York 
1952; S. Karoui, Die Rezeption der Bibel in derfrilh- 
islamischen Literature am Beispiel der Hauptwerke von 
Ibn Qutayba (gest. 276/ 88g), Heidelberg 1997; M.J. 
Kister, Haddithu 'an bam isrd'ila wa-ld haraja. A 
study of an early tradition, in lOS 2 (1972), 215-39 
(on the ambivalent attitude toward material of 
Jewish origin); H. Lazarus- Yafeh, Intertwined 
worlds. Medieval Islam and Bible criticism, Princeton 
1992; id., Tahrif, in Ei^, x, 111-12; id., Tawrat, in 
EI'', x, 393-5; JD. McAuliffe, The prediction and 
prefiguration of Muhammad, in J. C. Reeves 
(ed.), Bible and Qiir'dn. Essays in scriptural inter- 
textuality, Atlanta 2003, 107-31; id.. The qur'anic 
context of Muslim biblical scholarship, in Islam 
and Christian-Muslim relations 7 (1996), 141-58; CD. 
Nickel, The theme of "tampering with the earlier 
scriptures" in early commentaries on the Qiir'dn, PhD 
diss., Calgary 2004; M. Perlmann, The medieval 
polemics between Islam andjudaism, in S.D. 
Goitein (ed.). Religion in a religious age, Cambridge, 
MA 1974, 103-38; T Pulcini, Exegesis as polemical 
discourse. Ibn Hazm on Jewish and Christian scriptures, 
Atlanta 1998; N. Roth, Forgery and abrogation 
of the Torah. A theme in Muslim and Christian 
polemic in Spain, in Proceedings of the American 
Academy of Jewish Research 54 (1987), 203-36; 
U. Rubin, Between Bible and Qur'dn. The Children of 
Israel and the Islamic self image, Princeton 1999 (on 
the Torah in its wider sense as a source of 
vocabulary and themes foiuid in hadlth litera- 
ture); id.. The eye of the beholder. The life of 
Muhammad as viewed by the early Muslims. A textual 
analysis, Princeton 1995, ch. i;J. Sadan, Some 
literary problems concerning Judaism and Jewry 
in mediaeval Arabic sources, in M. Sharon (ed.). 
Studies in Islamic history and civilization in honour of 
Professor David Ayalon, Jerusalem/heiden 1986, 
353-98; M. Schreiner, Zur Geschichte der Pole- 
mik zwischen Juden und Muhanimedanern, in 



3" 



TRADE AND COMMERCE 



ZDMG ^2 {1888), 591-675, repr. in id., Gesammelte 
Schriften. Islamische und judisch-islamische Studien, 
ed. M. Perlmann, Hildesheim 1983, 75-159; 
A. Shnizer, The Qur'dn. Aspects of its sacredness 
according to early Islamic tradition (Hebrew), PhD 
thesis, Tel Aviv 2003; D. Siilare, Responses to 
Islamic polemics by Jewish mutakallimun in the 
tenth century, in H. Lazarus-Yafeh et al. (eds.), 
The Majlis. Religious encounters in medieval Islam, 
Wiesbaden 1999, 137-61; Speyer, Erzdhlungen; 
S. Stroumsa, The signs of prophecy. The 
emergence and early development of a theme in 
Arabic theological literature, in Harvard theological 
review 78 (1985), 101-14; J.D. Thyen, Bibel und 
Koran. Eine Synapse gemeinsamer Uberlieferungen, 
Cologne 1994; A.W. Tuwayla, Tawrdt al-YahUd 
wa-l-Imdm Ibn Hazm, Damascus 1425/2004; 
D. Urvoy, Ibn Haldun et la notion de I'alteration 
des textes bibliques, in M. Fierro [ed.], Judiosy 
musulmanes en al-Andalus y el Magreb. Contactos 
intelectuales, Madrid 2002, 165-78; G. Vajda,Jiiifs 
et musulmans selon le hadlt, iny.4 (1937), 57-127 
(on the ambivalent attitude toward material of 
Jewish origin); B.M. Wheeler, Israel and the 
Torah of Muhammad, inJ.C. Reeves (ed.), Bible 
and Qur'dn. Essays in scriptural intertextuality, Atlanta 
2003, 61-85. 



Torment see suffering; reward and 

PUNISHMENT 

Tornado see weather 

Torture see suffering; reward and 

PUNISHMENT 

Touch see hand 

Tower see ART AND architecture and 

THE Q^Ur'aN 

Tower of Babel see babylon 
Towns see geography; city 
Trace/Track see air and wind; 

ASHES 



Trade and Commerce 

Economic activity focused on the exchange 
of goods among people. The language of 
the Qur'an is imbued with the vocabulary 
of the marketplace both in practical, day- 
to-day references and in metaphorical ap- 
plications (see metaphor; literary 
STRUCTURES OF THE q^ur'an). The Way in 
which commercial activities are to be con- 
ducted among people is dealt with as a 
moral issue and a matter of social regula- 
tion (see ETHICS AND THE c^ur'an). For 
example, rules governing contracts and 
trusts, and general economic principles 
find their place in the text and have been 
used within the shari'a to formulate the le- 
gal structures of society (see law and the 
(jur'an). Those aspects of this topic have 
been treated under many entries in this 
encyclopedia: see breaking trusts and 
contracts; contracts and alliances; 
debt; economics; markets; measure- 
ment; property; selling and buying; 
usury; weights and measures. Of par- 
ticular interest in this entry are the terms 
which have sometimes been classified as 
constituting the commercial-theological 
terminology and which consist of a series 
of words linked to trade and commerce 
that are employed in order to provide a 
moral basis for the structures of society. 
Modern scholarship has understood this 
language as pivotal for reconstructing the 
nature of pre-Islamic society, the rise of 
Islam and Muhammad's place in his com- 
munity (see pre-islamic Arabia and the 
qur'an; post-enlightenment academic 
STUDY of the qur'an). The classic analy- 
sis by C.C. Torrey in his 1892 dissertation 
has set the basic dimensions of under- 
standing the semantic field related to 
trade and commerce in the Qur'an 
through an intuitive summary of relevant 
vocabulary; later works which provide a 



TRADE AND COMMERCE 



312 



general treatment of metaphor have added 
some level of greater systematization to the 
definition (see Sabbagh, Metaphore, 212-16, 
and his classification of "Les termes se rap- 
portant au commerce" under "Vie seden- 
taire," a sub-category of "La vie sociale"; 
and Sister, Metaphern, 141-2, "Das gesell- 
schaftliche Leben" under "Der Mensch 
und sein Leben") but the basic scope of the 
concept has remained fairly stable. 

Torrey spoke of the general "business 
atmosphere" of the Qiir'an and he saw the 
vocabulary which relates to this context 
falling into five main categories: 

(i) Marketplace terminology: hisdh, "reck- 
oning," used thirty-nine times plus many 
related verbal uses; ahsd, "to number or 
count," used ten times (see numbers and 
enumeration); wazana, "to weigh," used 
seven times plus miziin, "a balance," used 
sixteen times; mithqdl, "a weight," used 
eight times plus related verbal and adjec- 
tival instances. 

(2) Employment terminology:ja<:a', "rec- 
ompense," used forty-two times plus many 
related verbal uses (see reward and 
punishment; chastisement and 
punishment); thawdb and mathuba, "re- 
ward," used fifteen times plus related ver- 
bal usages; ajr (plural ujiir), "wage," used 
107 times; wajjd, "to pay what is due," used 
nineteen times usually with "wages"; ka- 
saba, "to earn," used sixty-two times (see 
intercession). 

(3) Negative trading terminology: khasira, 
"to lose," used sixty-five times in various 
verbal and nominal forms; bakhasa, "to de- 
fraud," used seven times in various forms; 
Zcdama, "to wrong," used frequently and 
has become, as ^.i^limun, a general ethical 
term for "wrongdoers"; alata, "to defraud, 
used once; naqasa, "to diminish," used ten 
times in various forms. 

(4) Positive trading terminology: shard and 
ishtard, "to sell," used twenty-five times; 



bd^a, "to sell, to bargain," used fifteen times 
in various forms; tijdra, "merchandise," 
used nine times; thaman, "price," used 
eleven times; rabiha, "to profit," used once. 
(5) Finance: qarada, "to provide a loan," 
used thirteen times in various forms; aslafa, 
"paid in advance," used twice; rahin and 
rihdn, "pledge," used three times. 

The terminology is thus wide-ranging and 
the contexts in which it is employed are 
diverse, demonstrating the extent to which 
this range of language permeates the text. 
Three contexts may be isolated for the 
occurrence of the terms, in common with 
the overall themes of the Qiir'an but also 
illustrating the full range of the employ- 
ment of the vocabulary: in recounting the 
stories of the prophets of the past (see 
narratives; generations; prophets 
AND prophethood), in legislating the 
Muslim community and in describing the 
eschatological period (see eschatology). 
Many examples could be cited; the fol- 
lowing is just a sampling. 

Of the seven uses of "defraud," as de- 
rived from bakhasa, the first clearly deals 
with contemporary legal practice since the 
overall context relates to commercial trans- 
actions and the keeping of records, cj 2:282 
contains the statement, "Let him fear (q.v.) 
God, his lord (q.v), and not diminish [the 
debt] at all," when speaking of the scribe 
who will record the transaction (see 

WRITING AND WRITING MATERIALS; 
ORALITY AND WRITING IN ARABIA) where 

the verb Idyabkhas (translated here as "let 
him not diminish") takes on the sense of 
"he shall not defraud" (see cheating). In 
Ci 7:85, the context is that of Midian (q.v.) 
and its prophet, Shu'ayb (q.v), who is com- 
manded to tell his people, "Do not under- 
value (people's goods)," Id tabkhas, that is, 
"do not defraud them of its value." C3 11:85 
puts the same phrase in Shu'ayb's mouth 
again as does q_ 26:183 in which Shu'ayb 



313 



TRADE AND COMMERCE 



addresses the "People of the Thicket" 
(q.v.). In c) 12:20, Joseph (q.v.) is sold by his 
brothers (see brother and brother- 
hood) for "a price which was fraudulent" 
(bakhs) because his brothers did not value 
him. In C3 11:15-16, the context is that of 
speaking of the reward and punishment in 
the voice of God: "If any Qicople] desire 
the life of this world with all its finery, we 
shall repay them in full in [this life] for 
their deeds — they will not be defrauded 
(Id yubkhasuna) — but such people will have 
nothing in the hereafter but the fire (q.v.)." 
Finally in q 72:13, the jinn (q.v.) speak of 
the final reckoning being such that "who- 
ever believes in his lord (see belief and 
tJNBELlEF) need fear no fraud (bakhs) or 
injustice (see justice and injustice)." The 
terminology thus spreads over the focal 
points of salvation (q.v.) history, past, pres- 
ent and future (see also history and the 
^ur'an). 

The same observations can be made con- 
cerning the image of the "balance," mizdn. 
The statement in the Qiir'an, "Fill up the 
measure and the balance with justice," re- 
curs as a regular motif with the end result 
that God is pictured as governing creation 
(q.v.) in the same way that humans should, 
if they are moral beings, run their own 
affairs: that is, with a full sense of justice, 
q 11:84-5 ^^^ Shu'ayb preach, "O my peo- 
ple, serve God! You have no god other 
than him. Diminish not (Id tanqusu) the 
measure (al-mikydl) nor the balance (al- 
mizdn) [in weight] . I see you are prospering 
but I fear for you suffering on an encom- 
passing day. O my people, fill up the weight 
(al-mikydl) and the balance (al-mizdn) justly. 
Do not defraud the people of their things, 
and do not sow corruption (cj.v.) in the 
land." The word mizdn also finds its place 
in passages of a legal nature addressed to 
the contemporary believing audience. In 
Q^ 6:152, Muhammad is commanded to 
enunciate a rule for his followers using the 



same words as those used by Shu'ayb, "Fill 
up the measure and the balance with jus- 
tice." Overall, however, the use of the 
word mizdn predominates as an image in 
eschatological passages which thereby in- 
voke the references in the past (the time of 
the ancient prophets) and in the present 
(the present community of Muhammad). 
<J 21:47 says, "We shall set up the scales 
(al-mawdzin) of justice for the resurrection 
(q.v.) day, so that not one soul (q.v.) shall be 
wronged anything." Other passages which 
use the idea of a balance on the judgment 
day include C3 7:7-8, 23:102-3, 101:6-9, 
among others. It may also be noted that 
wazana, "to weigh," is used verbally in all 
three contexts as well. 

The concept of ajr (plural Wjiir), "wage(s)," 
is also widespread in the Qiir'an. In 
Q^ 11:51, Hud (q.v.) says, "O my people, I do 
not ask of you a wage (ajr) for this; my 
wage (ajr) falls only upon him who origi- 
nated me; will you not understand?" This 
is also found in the sequence of prophet 
stories in (j 26:105-91 where the same 
phrase occurs five times with Noah (q.v.). 
Hud, Salih (q.v.). Lot (q.v.), and Shu'ayb in 
sequence. In terms of passages relating to 
regulations of the Muslim community, 
(^ 4:24-5, 5:5, 33:50 and 60:10 all use 
"wages," ujur, in reference to marriage in 
the sense of "dower," mahr, and also gen- 
eral subsistence (see marriage and 
divorce; bridewealth; maintenance 
AND upkeep; sustenance). The escha- 
tological uses of "wage" abound: "Their 
wage (ajr) awaits them with their lord" and 
variations on that phrase occur five times 
in sura 2 alone (c3 2:62, II2, 262, 274, 277). 

In the study of these words, many schol- 
ars have tended to emphasize, according to 
the principles of the historic-philological 
approach, how the language of the 
qur'anic text must reflect the social situ- 
ation at the time of Muhammad (see 

LANGUAGE AND STYLE OF THE OUr'aN; 



TRADE AND COMMERCE 



314 



FORM AND STRUCTURE OF THE QVH. AN; 

rhetork; AND THE q^ur'an). Thus, the 
language is understood as being extended 
to tlie propliets of tlie past wliose lives are 
retold in a manner which reflects the life 
circumstances of Muhammad, even to the 
level of the vocabulary used to express 
common ideas and motifs (see ARABIC 
language; foreign vocabulary). That 
understanding is also extended to eschatol- 
ogy, reasoning that language would have 
been used in a way in which the people in 
Muhammad's time would best understand 
the concepts of the hereafter and judg- 
ment day (see last judgment). Torrey's 
work set the tone for much subsequent 
work when he declared, "Mohammed's 
idea of God, as shown us in the Koran, is 
in its main features a somewhat magnified 
picture of a Mekkan merchant. It could 
hardly have been otherwise" {Commercial- 
theological, 15). Torrey suggested that these 
words form a cluster of terms derived from 
actual commercial applications which have 
taken on theological overtones in the 
Qiir'an (see theology and the ^ur'an). 
The full implications of the ideas underly- 
ing his work were developed later in works 
by H. Lammens, M. Rodinson and W.M. 
Watt, among many others, in their treat- 
ments of Muhammad and the notion that 
economics and social revolutions are cru- 
cial to the rise of Islam. The evidence for 
those theories is, at least partially, to be 
found in the language of the Qtir'an and 
its commercial emphasis. For example, 
Watt's reading of the Qur'an allows him to 
perceive a society in the throes of the im- 
pact of individualistic capitalism being 
challenged by a prophet of social justice. 
In Watt's seminal Muhammad at Mecca and 
Aduhammad at Medina the theme is clear; 
Watt states, for example. 

The Qiir'an has ample evidence of the 
importance of voluntary "contributions" 



in the plans for the yoimg community at 
Medina. Men are commanded to believe 
in God and his messenger and contribute 
of their wealth. Their contributions are a 
loan they lend to God; he knows more 
than they do; he will replay them the dou- 
ble and more [Medina, 252). 

Watt clearly pictures the social environ- 
ment and its regulations being reflected in 
the language which is used to talk about 
God, the essence of the notion of the 
"commercial-theological" terminology. 
The critique of such a reading of the 
qur'anic text has been raised primarily in 
the context of implications that underlie 
the debates about the pervasiveness and 
depth of commercial activity in pre- 
Islamic Arabia. P. Crone points out that 
there are only vague details for the model 
of a society in the throes of economic 
transformation within the Arab historical 
texts. Arguing that the view provided in the 
classical Greek texts of a flourishing trade 
throughout Arabia speaks of a situation 
some 600 years prior to the rise of Islam, 
Crone suggests that the later Muslim writ- 
ers have been read rather imaginatively in 
light of the information provided about 
this earlier period. When the texts are read 
for what they say rather than for what is 
assumed, she says, 

such information as we have leaves no 
doubt that [the Meccans'] imports were 
the necessities and petty luxuries that the 
inhabitants of Arabia have always had to 
procure from the fringes of the Fertile 
Crescent and elsewhere, not the luxury 
goods with which Lammens woifld have 
them equip themselves abroad (Meccan 



It is noteworthy that the body of early 
Arab poetry (see poetry and poets), 
whether genuinely pre-Islamic or not, doe 



315 



TRADE AND COMMERCE 



not provide testimony to tliis commercial 
environment. As Peters comments (Qiiest, 
292), the poetry "testifies to a quite dif- 
ferent culture." Tlie Meccans traded, cer- 
tainly, but mainly within the confines of 
their own area and in response to their 
basic needs and not for "the commercial 
appetites of the surrounding empires" 
(Crone, Meccan trade, 151). 

It is not clear, however, where such cri- 
tiques leave our understanding of the 
qur'anic vocabulary. The difficulties with 
the common interpretation have certainly 
been noted by writers such as K. Cragg, 
although the matter of how to resolve the 
issue has not been pursued. As Cragg 
notes, 

strangely, the word tdjir (merchant) does 
not figure in the Qiir'an, and tijdra (mer- 
chandise) only on nine occasions, [yet] 
commerce is the central theme in the life it 
mirrors and in the vocabulary by which it 
speaks [Event, 98). 

Further, the question must arise, when the 
issue is considered within the context of 
the entire debate concerning the nature of 
pre-Islamic trade, of whether we can read 
references to the goods of trade such as 
dates (see DATE palm), gold (q.v.) and silver 
(see METALS AND MINERALS) which are 
mentioned in the Qiir'an as allowing us to 
infer historical evidence of the context of 
the time and place of Muhammad (cf 
Heck, Arabia without spices; see also 
money; numismatics). 

One answer might be found through a 
new investigation of the vocabulary in light 
of biblical and general near eastern reli- 
gious metaphors (see religious pluralism 
AND the our'an). One aspect of Torrey's 
argument regarding the reading of this 
vocabulary that justified his tying of these 
particular terms to the historical environ- 
ment of Muhammad is his assertion that 



"the mathematical accounting on the judg- 
ment day is alien to Judaism and Chris- 
tianity" (Commercial-theological, 14; see JEWS 

AND JUDAISM; CHRISTIANS AND CHRISTIAN- 
ITY). This statement may well have re- 
flected the state of research at the turn of 
the twentieth century but such a position 
can no longer be maintained. Torrey him- 
self notes [Commercial-theological, 17 n. 3) that 
he had been informed that the image of a 
balance being used at the final judgment 
was to be found in Egyptian religion. That, 
it is now well known, only scratches the 
surface of the extent to which it may be 
claimed that the Qi_ir'an shares in a near 
eastern mythic universe of judgment day 
symbolism (see symbolic imagery). The 
eschatological vision is that of justice and 
the images used for that are ones which are 
common in near eastern religious lan- 
guage. God's justice on judgment day is the 
grounding image: all prophets, past and 
present, have urged that this must be re- 
flected in human society (see also 
religion; judgment). Ultimately, 
eschatological imagery may be seen to 
drive mundane symbolism and not vice- 
versa (Rippin, Commerce of eschatology). 
In that sense, the symbolism here is not 
necessarily a reflection of the state of 
affairs at the time of revelation (see 
revelation and inspiration). Rather, it 
expresses the aspirations of humans to 
achieve the moral standards of the escha- 
ton, just as those standards are believed to 
have been enacted in the mythic past (as 
demonstrated by the earlier prophets; see 

myths and legends in THE ^UR'an) 

and just as implementation of those 
standards is urged in the present by the 
current prophet. The eschaton functions 
to assert the ultimate justice of the world 
while being the moral goal for human 
existence. 



Andr 



■ Rippi 



TRADITION AND CUSTOM 



316 



Bibliography 
K. Cragg, The event oj the Qur'dn. Islam in its 
scripture, London 1971; P. Crone, Meccan trade and 
the rise of Islam, Princeton 1987; G.W. Heck, 
"Arabia without spices". An alternative hypo- 
thesis, \nJAOS 123 (2003), 547-76; H. Lammens, 
La Mecque d la veille de I'Hegire, Beirut 1924; RE. 
Peters, The commerce of Mecca before Islam, in 
F. Kazemi and R.D. McChesney (eds.), A way 
prepared. Essays on Islamic culture in honor of Richard 
Bayly Winder, New York 1988, 3-26; id., Muham- 
mad and the origins of Islam, Albany 1994; id., The 
quest of the historical Muhammad, in IJMES 23 
{1991), 291-315; A. Rippin, The commerce of 
eschatology, in Wild, Text, 125-35; ^- Sabbagh, La 
metaphore dans le Coran, Paris 1943; M. Sister, 
Metaphern und Vergleiche im Koran, in 
Mitteilungen des Seminars fur Orientaliscke Sprachen 34 
{1931), 104-54; C.C. Torrey, The commercial- 
theological terms in the Koran, Leiden 1892; W.M. 
Watt, Muhammad at Mecca, Oxford 1953; id., 
Muhammad at Medina, Oxford 1956. 



Tradition and Custom 

The way things have been done, or are 
understood as having been done, in the 
past. In many societies the appeal to tradi- 
tion and custom as the basis for current 
practice serves to legitimize the present. 
For a religion emerging in opposition to 
some of the beliefs and practices of its so- 
ciety, however, appeal to tradition or cus- 
tom by its opponents is an obstacle to be 
overcome. At the same time, adherents of 
the new order may well attempt to justify it 
by reference to the past. 

In Islam the positive value of tradition is 
most obviously manifest in the concept of 
sunna (q.v.), the accepted practice. The 
sunna of the Prophet is a model that all 
believers should strive to emulate and, ac- 
cording to the classical Sunni theory of 
law, it is the most important source of the 
law alongside the Qtir'an (see law and 
THE cjur'an). Innovations [hid'ci, hawddith; 
see innovation) on the other hand, are 
commonly regarded as reprehensible. 
Naturally, the attitude towards custom and 
tradition may vary according to circum- 



stances. A category of commendable in- 
novation (hid'a hasana) is recognized and 
what by many has been understood as the 
positive value of adherence to a tradition 
(taqlid) may, in the hands of a religious 
reformer like Ibn Taymiyya (d. 728/1328), 
be reassessed as mere servile and blind 
imitation. 

The Qiir'an reflects these tensions re- 
garding tradition and custom. The prophet 
Muhammad denies that he is anything new 
(bid') among the messengers (q^ 46:9; see 
messenger) and references to preceding 
prophets (see prophets and prophet- 
hood) and messengers emphasize their 
following in the footsteps (dthcir) of their 
predecessors (e.g. (J 5:46; 57:27). One of the 
complaints made against the Christians, 
who are accorded some merits (see 
christians and Christianity), is that 
they had "invented" (ihtada'u) monasticism 
(ft 57-27; see monasticism and monks). 

What is "known" or "recognized" 
(ma'rUf) is good or honorable in contrast to 
what is reprehensible [munkar, q 3:104, etc.; 
see VIRTUES and vices, commanding and 
forbidding; lawful and unlawful). 
Although some commentators gloss ma 'ruf 
as "known or recognized by reason or rev- 
elation" (see intellect; revelation and 
inspiration), the related word 'mfin 
C3 7:199 (where it is contrasted with 
"ignorance" [q.v.;jahl] and understood to 
mean simply "goodness" or "kindness") is 
in Islamic law one of the most common 
words for traditional practice or custom, 
which has a limited role as a legal principle. 

On the other hand, following the foot- 
steps (dthdr) of predecessors and ancestors 
is reprehensible if that means following the 
wrong path (see path or way; astray; 
error). In its arguments against those who 
refuse to accept its message, the Qiir'an 
frequently presents them as appealing to 
the tradition of their fathers in justification 
of their refusal to accept the truth (q.v.). 



317 



TRADITION AND CUSTOM 



Those opponents (see opposition to 
Muhammad), like the opponents of previ- 
ous prophets, are portrayed as using the 
justification that their fatliers' beliefs and 
practices were good enough for them and 
there is no reason why they should go 
against their customs. "We found our fa- 
thers attached to a religious community 
and we are guided by their footsteps (wa- 
inna wajadnd abd'and 'aid ummatin wa-innd 'aid 
dthdrihim muhtaduna/muqtaduna),'" as they are 
reported as saying in c) 43:22 and 23. This 
sentiment, repeated sometimes with rela- 
tively minor variations of wording and 
usually involving reference to the "fathers," 
recurs frequently throughout the Qiir'an, 
in the mouths of the opponents of its 
prophet and of earlier ones like Moses 
(q.v.; e.g. Q_ 2:170; 5:104; 6:148; 7:28; 10:78; 
21:53; 26:74; 31:21). In a slightly different 
manner, reference is made to this assertion 
in the account of the primordial covenant 
(q.v.) that God made with humans prior to 
their earthly lives. Q^ 7:172-3 affirms that the 
conclusion of the covenant by all mankind 
should rid the nonbelievers from claiming 
on the day of judgment (see last 
judgment) that it was only their "fathers" 
who ascribed partners to God and that 
they were their "seed" after them (see 
parents; polytheism and atheism): "So 
will you destroy us on account of that 
which the falsifiers did (see lie)?" 

The social setting is presumably one in 
which a high value is placed on loyalty 
(q.v.) to one's ancestors. C3 2:200 urges peo- 
ple to "remember God as you remember 
your fathers" (see remembrance). In such 
a society loyalty to the family tradition 
would be a major hindrance to prosely- 
tism. o 9:23 commands the believers not 
to take their fathers or brothers as friends 
(awliyd') if they take pleasure in disbelief 
(see belief and unbelief; friends and 
friendship; clients and clientage), and 
the account of Abraham's (q.v.) break with 



his father and his father's religion would 
presumably be especially resonant (see 
idolatry and idolaters). 

In the Qiir'an, sunna never has the sense 
of the exemplary custom of the Prophet. 
When scholars sought a qur'anic support 
for that notion they commonly found it in 
the phrase "the book (q.v.) and the wis- 
dom" (q.v.; al-kitdb wa-l-hikma; e.g. Q^ 2:231; 
4:113; cf 33:34; see also signs; verses), 
which they interpreted as indicating the 
Qrir'an and the sunna of the Prophet (see 
traditional disciplines of q^ur'anic 
study). In the Qi_ir'an sunna nearly always 
refers to God's exemplary and customary 
punishment of earlier nations to whom he 
had sent his messengers only for them to 
be rejected (see punishment stories). The 
believers are exhorted, when they travel in 
the land (see journey; geography), to 
take note of the sunna of those earlier peo- 
ples (sunnatu l-awwalin, sunanu lladhina min 
qablikum) or of the sunna of God regarding 
them (sunnatu lldhiji lladhina khalaw). God's 
sunna in this respect is not subject to 
change or variation (tabdil, tahwll; Q^ 33:62; 
35:43; 48:23). In such passages sunna usually 
appears in collocation with either God or 
the earlier generations (q.v.; al-awwalin or 
alladhina min qablikum). 

Another word signifying "custom" or 
"habit" is da'b. In the Qi_ir'an this occurs 
three times in the expression "as was the 
da'b of the people of Pharaoh (q.v.) and 
those [who were] before them" [ka-da'bi dli 
fir'amna wa-lladhina min qablihim, q_ 3:11; 
8:52, 54) and once (c) 40:31) in a similar 
expression: "like the da'b of the people of 
Noah (q.v.) and 'Ad (q.v.) and Thamud 
(q.v.) and those [who came] after them" 
(mithla da'bi qawmi nuhin wa-'ddin wa-thamuda 
wa-lladhlna min ba'dihim). In each case it is 
not easy to see what force da'b adds to the 
preceding preposition "like" (ka-, mithla) 
but on each occasion the passage refers to 
the divine punishment (see chastisement 



TRADITIONAL DISCIPLINES 



3IC 



AND punishment) that befell the peoples 
mentioned (those of Pharaoh, Noah, 'Ad, 
Thamud and others) and it is likely that 
da'b is the equivalent of sunna in the pas- 
sages mentioned above. Commentators 
(see EXEGESIS OF THE OUR'aN: CLASSICAL 
AND medieval) Sometimes gloss da'b by the 
relatively neutral word "deeds" (mm', fi'l) 
but one also finds it understood as equiva- 
lent to sunna. Its other occurrence (cj 12:47) 
is in the adverbial form da'ban and clearly 
means "as usual" or "as is customary." 

Commentators frequently explain parts of 
the Qiir'an as referring to the traditions and 
customs of the pre-Islamic Arabs (q.v.; see 
also PRE-ISLAMIC ARABIA AND THE CJUR'an). 
Sometimes, as witli infanticide (q.v.; e.g. 
Q, 6:137, 140, 151; 16:57-9; 81:8-9) or "enter- 
ing houses from their backs" (c) 2:189; see 
HOLISE, DOMESTIC AND divine), the alleged 
tradition of the ja/zf/r Arabs is rejected (see 
AGE OF ignorance). Sometimes, as with the 
circumambulation of Safa and Marwa (q.v.; 
(J 2:158) or engaging in commerce while 
making the pilgrimage (q.v.; haj], c) 2:198), it 
is confirmed (see also trade and com- 
merce; months; sacred and profane). 
Cumulatively, such interpretations help to 
substantiate the image of a revelation ad- 
dressed in the first instance to the society of 
the pre-Islamic period (jdhiliyya) . 

On the whole, therefore, the Qtir'an does 
not have the strongly positive evaluation of 
tradition and custom that Islamic culture 
later displays. It portrays the past nega- 
tively as a series of episodes in which vari- 
ous communities have rejected God's 
message and messengers, and those whom 
it addresses have to break the pattern by 
dissociating themselves from the tradition 
of their fathers. Only God's tradition and 
custom — his sending of messengers and 
his destruction of those who do not heed 
them — is consistently good (see also good 
AND evil; history and the cjur'an). 

G.R. Hawting 



Bibliography 
Primary: al-Shafi'l, Muhammad b. IdrTs, Risdlaji 
Usui al-Jiqh, ed. M. Shakir, Cairo 1940; trans. 
M. Khadduri, al-ShdfiVs Risala, Baltimore 1961; 
ShawkanT, Tafsir; Tabarl, Tafsir. 
Secondary: M.M. Bravmann, Sunnah and related 
concepts, in id. (ed.). The spiritual background of 
early Islam, Leiden 1972, 123-98; M. Cook, 
Commanding right and forbidding wrong in Islamic 
thought, Cambridge 2000, 25-6; Goldziher, MS, i, 
4lf.; trans, i, 46f.; R. Gwynne, Logic, rhetoric and 
legal reasoning in the Qur'dn. God's arguments, London 
2004, chap. 3 ("The sunna of God"); J. Schacht, 
Introduction to Islamic law, Oxford 1964, 62, 136 
(on 'urf);^. Wansbrough, The sectarian milieu, 
London 1978, 67. 



Traditional Disciplines of Qiir'anic 
Studies 

In Islamic theological representation the 
Qiir'an is considered the "knowledge/sci- 
ence" film), so it is not surprising that the 
understanding and exegesis (tafsir) of this 
text were considered the most excellent 
kinds of knowledge (see knowledge and 
learning). Thus in a tradition attributed 
to Muhammad (see hadIth and the 
cjur'an), transmitted by the Companion 
Ibn Mas'ud (see companions of the 
prophet), we read: "Whoever wants 
knowledge, has to scrutinize the Qiir'an, 
because it contains the knowledge of the 
first and last (generations)" (Ibn Abl 
Shayba, Musannaf, vi, 127, no. 30,009; Abu 
'Ubayd, Fadd'il, 41-2, no. 79; Abu 1-Layth 
al-Samarqandl, Tafsir, i, 71; Bayhaqi, Shu'ab, 
ii, 332, no. i960; Ghazali, Ihyd' [8,Addb 
tildwat al-Qur'dn], i, 254, 1. 18; Zabidl, Ithdf, 
v, 94; Qurtubi, Tafsir, i, 446-53; Zarkashi, 
Burhdn, i, 8). Or in another tradition at- 
tributed to Muhammad: "The best of you 
is he who learns the Qiir'an and teaches it" 
(Bukhari, Salnh, iii, 402 [66, Fadd'il al- 
Qur'dn, 2i]/trans. iii, 534; see teaching 
AND preaching THE q^ur'an). The supe- 
riority of the Qiir'an's language vis-a-vis 
every other language is similar to the su- 
periority of God vis-a-vis his creatures (in 



319 



TRADITIONAL DISCIPLINES 



some versions: because it comes from him; 
Baglidadl, Fad, i, 234-6; Ibn Durays, 
Fadd'il, 77-8, nos. 132-40; K]\\rri, Akhldq, 
61-8; Razi, Fadd'il, 70-1, nos. 26-7; Ibn 
Rajab, Mawrid, 75-6; SuyutI, Itqdn, iv, 124; 
cf. Biqa'l, Masd'id, i, 378-9, then 298-301, 
and Flruzabadl, Basd'ir, i, 57-64, botli with 
otlier traditions; uqm, i, 69-86). Or accord- 
ing to a tradition attributed to 'All: "God 
has sent down in this Qiir'an 'the exposi- 
tion of all things' (an echo of q_ 16:89), but 
our knowledge is too limited for it" (Biqa'l, 
Masd'id, i, 379, from the commentary of 
'Abd b. Hamid, d. 249/863; Sezgin, gas, i, 
113). For Muslim scholars: "The book of 
God and the traditions of his Prophet are 
the exposition of every knowledge" [baydn 
li-kulli ma'lum; Ibn al-'Arabi, Qdnun, 180). In 
time, the science derived from the Qiir'an 
or applied to it, was divided into many 
"sciences," "the sciences of the Qiir'an" 
('ulUm al-Qur'dn), called in the above title 
"traditional disciplines of qur'anic 
studies." 

The Qur'dn, the noblest of the sciences? 
As noted above, according to Islamic rep- 
resentation, the Qiir'an contains all science 
and particularly all legal knowledge, expres- 
sis verbis or virtually (see law and the 
C^ur'an; see also science and the cjur'an; 
MEDICINE and THE q^ur'an). The locus 
classicus for this conviction is <j 16:89: 
"And we reveal the scripture unto you as 
an exposition of all things (tibydnan li-kulli 
shay 'in)" (see the interpretations below; see 
book; teaching). Sometimes Q, 6:38, "We 
have neglected nothing in the book," is 
also quoted in the same spirit (Siiyuti, 
Itqdn, iv, 28 [chap. 65]). The theme of the 
"seven aspects [ahruf, sing, harf; in a later 
context Aar/"sometimes corresponds to 
what French linguists call 'articulation')" in 
which the Qur'an is supposed to have been 
delivered also played a major role in that 
theological representation, as can be seen 
in the use of this prophetic tradition by the 



Andalusian jurist Abu Bakr Ibn al-'Arabi 
(d. 543/748; Qdnun, 70, 189-95; ^^^ 
oft-repeated; polysemy). For him, "The 
sciences of the hadith are sixty, but the 
sciences of the Qur'an are more" (op. cit., 
193), and for him the sciences of the 
Qur'an are 77,450, i.e. the number of the 
words he said it contained (op. cit., 226-7; 
Zarkashi, Burhdn, i, 16-17; Siiyuti, Mu'tarak, 
i, 23; id., Itqdn, iv, 37 [chap. 65; cf chap, ig, 
i, 242, for the number of words: 77,435, 
77,437, or 77,200]; Rosenthal, Knowledge, 20: 
ca. 78,000). This last declaration seems to 
come from Sufi scholars (see sufism and 
THE our'an); it was already in The revival of 
the religious sciences of al-Ghazali (d. 505/ 
iiii; Ihyd', Cairo 1939, i, 290: 77,200 
sciences). 

In a later period, the Hanbalite tradition- 
ist Ibn Rajab (d. 795/1395) wrote a book, 
now lost, entitled Baydn al-istighnd' bi-l- 
Qur'dnfi tahsil al-'ilm wa-l-imdn ("The ex- 
position showing that the Qur'an is 
sufficient for acquiring science and faith"; 
Hajjl Khalifa, Kashf i, 273, no. 613); he 
mentioned it in his treatise against singing 
and his other treatise on submission to 
God during prayer (q.v.; J\uzhat al-as?nd', in 
Ibn JLRJah, Majmu' rasd'il, ii, 463: against 
singing the Qur'an and singing in general; 
al-Dhull wa-l-inkisdr or al-Khushu'fi l-saldt, in 
Majmu' rasd'il, i, 298: on people who died of 
pleasure on hearing the Qur'an; see 
recitation of the 5^ur'an; weeping). 
This last work is usually mentioned with 
the title al-Istighnd' bi-l-Qur'dn ("That the 
Qur'an is sufficient"; quoted by Biqa'l, 
Masd'id, i, 379). In the introduction to his 
Nafahdt al-Rahmdn fi tafsir al-Qur'dn wa-tabyin 
al-furqdn ("Fragrances of the merciful and 
elucidation of the evidence"), the Shi'i 
Muhammad b. 'Abd al-Rahim al- 
Nihawandl (born 1289/1871; see SHl'lSM 
AND the (JUR'an) provides an impressive 
list of all the knowledge supposed to be 
found in the Qur'an, which "contains ev- 
erything" (quoted in uqm, i, 179-81). 'All is 



TRADITIONAL DISCIPLINES 



320 



purported to have said, "The Qiir'aii was 
sent down in four parts: a part concerning 
us (i.e. the people of the family of the 
Prophet), one part concerning our ene- 
mies, one part obligations and regulations 
(fard'id wa-ahkdm), and one part permitted 
and prohibited (haldl wa-hardm). And tlie 
exalted (kard'im) passages concern us" 
(Furat al-Kufi, d. ca. 310/922, Tafsir, 45-6, 
no. I, with other versions, 46-50; Bar- 
Aslier, Scripture, 88-9). 

Thus studying the Qiir'an is the most 
sublime duty. According to Ibn al-jawzl 
(d. 597/1200): "The holy Qiir'an, being the 
noblest of the sciences, the insight into its 
meanings is the most complete of insights 
(kdna l-fahmu li-ma 'dnihi awjd l-fuhum) be- 
cause the nobility of a science depends 
upon the nobility of the subject of this sci- 
ence" [^dd, i, 3; cf. Ibn Abi Shayba, Musan- 
naf, VI, 125-6 [22, Fadd'il al-Qur'dn, 16]). 

The origins and development of the sciences of the 

Qur'dn 
To enforce recognition of the new religion, 
Muhammad and/or Islam used a kind of 
competitive mimeticism (French mimetisme 
concurrentiel, an expression used by anthro- 
pologists) in viewing the Qiir'an ("al-kitdb") 
as superior to the other sacred books. They 
based this claim on the well-known tradi- 
tion attributed to Muhammad: "The first 
scripture came down according to a single 
Aarf [mode, face, edge, letter, passage, 
meaning or reading? in other versions bdb, 
i.e. gate], while the Qur'dn came down ac- 
cording to seven [other versions have four 
or five]" (Tabari, Tafsir, i, 21-71; Eng. trans, 
i, 16-30; Mahdawi, Baydn, 24-8; Gilliot, 
Lectures, i; id., Elt, 111-33). The alleged 
limitation of the prior scriptures and the 
polysemy of the word Aarf opened the way 
to an interpretation such as the following: 

By the first Book coming down from one 
gate he (Muhammad) meant the Books of 



God which came down on his prophets to 
whom they were sent down, in which there 
were no divine ordinances and judgments, 
or pronoimceinents about what was lawful 
and what was unlawful, such as the Psalms 
of David, which are invocations and ex- 
hortations, and the Evangel of Jesus, which 
is glorification, praise and encouragement 
to pardon and be charitable, but no legal 
ordinances and judgments besides this, and 
scriptures like these which came down with 
one or seven meanings, all of which are 
contained in our Book which God con- 
ferred on our Prophet, Muhammad and 
his community (Tabari, Tafsir, i, 71; Eng. 
trans, i, 30; Gilliot, Lectures, ii, 56). 

The theme of "seven harfi" (in the SunnI 
tradition; cf. uqm, ii, 127-207) has probably 
been borrowed from Judaism or Chris- 
tianity, and their notion of the quadruple 
sense/meaning of scripture (^eh.: peshat, 
remez, derash, sod; Lat: sensus litteralis, sensus 
spiritualis, divided into: littera/historia, al- 
legoria, tropologia/moralis, anagogia; Wans- 
brough, QS, 243; Bowering, Mystical, 
139-40; Gilliot, Elt, 120-1; see Gilliot/ 
Larcher, Exegesis, loob). The tradition on 
the seven (three, four or five; Biqa'i, 
Masd'id, i, 382-8) "meanings/faces" (ahruf) 
of the Qtir'an was interpreted in different 
ways (16 or 35 interpretations in the Sunni 
tradition, which we have reduced to seven 
kinds; Gilliot, Lectures, i, 18). 

Imami Shf a [uQM, ii, 209-38), especially 
the "rationalists" (usuliyya), also discuss the 
Sunni way of interpreting these traditions 
but early Shi'ism and the group of those 
who were called later "traditionists/tra- 
ditionalists" [akhbdriyya; Amir-Moezzi and 
Jambet, Qu'est-ce que le chiisme, 221-3) reject 
the theme of the seven ahruf in accordance 
with their doctrine of the falsification of 
the Qur'an by the Companions (see also 
shi'a). They use as their authority a dec- 
laration attributed to JaTar al-Sadiq 
(d. 148/765): "The Qiir'an was only sent 



321 



TRADITIONAL DISCIPLINES 



down in one harf, and die disagreement 
comes from the transmitters" {uqm, ii, 
237-8). But the tradition was also explained 
as seven possibilities of interpretation, so 
according to JaTar al-Sadiq: "The Qiir'an 
was sent down in seven ahruf, and the most 
suitable for the imam (adnd ma li) is to de- 
liver his opinions (anyuftiya) in seven ways 
(wujuh). Then he said: ^This is our gift, so 
bestow, or withhold, without reckoning'" 
(Q, 38:39; Ibn Babawayh, d. 381/991, Khisdl, 
358; UOM, ii, 212). 

One of these interpretations is especially 
interesting for our subject. According to 
Ibn Mas'ud, Muhammad should have said: 
"The first Book came down from one gate 
according to one haif, but the Qiir'an came 
down from seven gates according to seven 
harfi: prohibiting and commanding (see 
forbidden; virtues and vices, 

COMMANDING AND FORBIDDINo), lawful 

and unlawful (q.v.), clear and ambiguous 
(q.v.), and parables" (Tabari, Tafsir, i, 68, 
no. 67; Eng. trans, i, 29; Abu Shama, 
Murshid, 107, 109, 271-4; Suyuti, Itqdn, i, 
170-1; Gilliot, Lectures, i, 20; cf. Abti 
'Ubayd, Fadd'il [44], i, 278-9, no. 87: dif- 
ferent, and from another Companion; see 
also parable). Or in another version the 
seven are "command and reprimand (^o/V; 
or prohibition, na/iy), encouragement of 
good and discouragement of evil [targhib 
wa-tarhib; see good and evil), dialectic 
[jadal; see debate and disputation), nar- 
ratives (q.v.; qisas) and parable [mathal; 
Tabari, Tafsir, i, 69, no. 68; trans, i, 29, 
modified by us; Mawardi, Nukat, i, 29). We 
are not at all sure that Muhammad ever 
uttered such a declaration, but what 
interests us here is that this tradition with 
the symbolic number seven (see numbers 
AND enumeration; numerology), which 
relates to perfection, was one way to ex- 
press the conviction that the Qiir'an con- 
tains all knowledge. The word knowledge 
('ilm) does not appear in it nor does it use 



substantives, but only participles and ad- 
jectives; yet the way was opened to creating 
categories from these, i.e. different 
"genres" or "sciences." This is exemplified 
in a declaration attributed to the same Ibn 
Mas'ud: "God sent down the Qiir'an 
according to five ahruf: lawful and unlaw- 
ful, clear and ambiguous, and parables" 
(Tabari, Tafsir, 69, no. 70; trans, i, 29). 

The early exegete Muqatil b. Sulayman 
(d. 150/767; Gilliot, Muqatil) has summa- 
rized in two lists, a shorter and a longer, 
the various aspects or genres contained 
in the Qiir'an (see literary structures 
OF THE quR'AN). He does not refer to the 
prophetic traditions on the ahruf oi the 
Qiir'an but his lists clearly relate to that 
subject. They are also an attempt to es- 
tablish some exegetical or hermeneutical 
principles (see exegesis of the q^ur'an: 
CLASSICAL AND MEDIEVAL). He does not 
speak of "science" ('ilm), but we can see in 
these lists an indication for what will be- 
come in the future the "sciences of the 
Qiir'an." In the first list, he says: "The 
Qiir'an was sent down according to five 
aspects/modes/genres [awjuh, pi. of wajh; 
Goldziher, Richtungen, 84-5): its command 
(amruhu), prohibition, promise, threat 
(wa%d), and account of the ancients" 
(Muqatil, Tafsir, i, 26; Nwyia, Exegese, 67; 
Gilliot, Elt, 118). This declaration should 
be compared with that attributed to the 
Companion Ibn 'Abbas (d. 69/688) and 
transmitted by al-Kalbl (d. 146/763), since 
both al-Kalbl and Muqatil have numerous 
exegetical interpretations in common and 
are considered the heirs of the exegesis of 
the Companion Ibn 'Abbas: 

The Qiir'an was [revealed] in four aspects 
(wujiih): tafsir [the literal meaning?] which 
scholars know; Arabic with which the 
Arabs (q.v.) are acquainted (see ARABIC 
language); lawful and unlawful (haldlwa- 
hardm) of which it is not permissible for 



TRADITIONAL DISCIPLINES 



322 



people to be unaware; [and] ta'wll [the 
deeper meaning?] , that which only God 
knows. 



terpretation (Muqatil, Tafsir, i, 27; Gilliot, 
Elt, 118-19; NerAeei^h, Arabic grammar, 
104-5). 



Where a further explanation of ta'wil is 
demanded, it is described as "what will be'' 
[md huwa kd'in; Muqatil, Tafsir, i, 27; see 
Gilliot/Larcher, Exegesis, loob). 



Muqatil's second list is a considerable ex- 
pansion of his first one: 
The Qur'an contains references that are: 
(i) particular and (2) general; (3) particular 
to Muslims; (4) particular to certain idola- 
ters, particular to one idolater (see 
IDOLATRY AND IDOLATERS); (5) general to 
all people; (6) ambiguous and (7) well- 
established (or clear, univocal); (8) ex- 
plained (mufassar) and (g) obscure (or 
unexplained, mubham); (10) implicit (idmdr) 
and (11) explicit (tamdm); (12) connections 
(sildt) in the discourse. It also contains (13) 
abrogating and (14) abrogated [verses (q.v.); 
see abrogation]; (15) anteposition (taqdim) 
and (16) postposition [ta'khir; Gk. hysteron vs. 
proteron); (17) synonyms/analogues (ashbdh), 
with many (18) polysems/homonyms 
(wujuh), and with apodosis (jawdb) in 
another sura (see suras). [It contains also] 
(19) parables (amthdl) by which God refers: 
to himself, (20) to unbelievers and idols (see 
IDOLS AND images), (2i) to this world (q.v.), 
(22) to resurrection (q.v.), and to the world 
to come (see eschatology); (23) report (or 
history; khabar) about the ancients, (24) 
about paradise (q.v.) and hell (see hell 
AND hellfire); (25) particular to one idola- 
ter; (26) duties {fard'id, or perhaps here: 
inheritance.^ [c[.v.]), (27) legal rules (ahkdm) 
and (28) punishments {hudud; see 

BOUNDARIES AND PRECEPTS; CHASTISE- 
MENT AND punishment); (29) accounts of 
what is in the hearts of the believers, (30) 
or in the hearts of the unbelievers; (31) 
polemics (khusuma) against the Arab idola- 
ters; then (32) interpretation (tafsir), and 
(33) the interpretation which has an in- 



This list could be compared to the list of 
thirty aspects attributed to "ancient" schol- 
ars by al-Suyuti (/ijfl/z, iii, 117-18 [chap. 51]). 
As for q 16:89, "And we reveal the scrip- 
ture unto you as an exposition of all 
things" (see above), it played a role com- 
parable to the traditions of the "seven 
ahruf" in preparing the way for the estab- 
lishment or creation of "qur'anic sci- 
ences." Indeed, this verse was interpreted 
by an early exegete, Mujahid (d. 104/722), 
as: "What is permitted and what is forbid- 
den" (Tabari, Tafsir, xiv, 162). For one of 
the first theorists of the methodology of 
law, al-Shafi'l (d. 204/820): 

God has revealed the scripture as an ex- 
position of all things, and this clarification 
(tabyin) has several forms: Either he has 
clearly stated duties (md bayjana fardahu 
fhi), or he has given general revelations [md 
anzalajumlatan; see revelation and 
inspiration), and in this case he has elu- 
cidated how it should be, through the 
tongue of his prophet, or he has given a 
ruling on duties in a general way (jumlatan) 
and ordered to investigate it, but giving 
indications ('aldmdt) which he has 
created... (Shafi'i, K. Jimd' al-'ilm, in id., 
al-Umm, vii, 277; ix, 15; trans, according to 
this latter, better ed.; SuyutI, Itqdn, i, 16; cf. 
ibid., iv, 29 [chap. 65]; Ibn 'Adil, Lubdb, xii, 
140-1, commenting on (J 16:89, adds: con- 
sensus, analogy, information coming from 
a single traditionist, etc.). 

For al-Shafi'i, "the Qi_ir'an virtually con- 
tains all the modes of the baydn^' (Yahia, 
Contribution, 310). It should be noted that 
baydn cannot be translated as a single word 
because it is "the manifestation of the 
divine meanings, the intentions of the 
Creator who conveys them by the acts of 



323 



TRADITIONAL DISCIPLINES 



his will, the ahkdrn^ (i.e. rules). "It is a 
theophany of the meaning" (Yahia, 
Contribution, 362). 

But the same al-Shafi'i related the in- 
terpretation of (n i6:8g with the tradition 
on the "seven ahruf'^ and its interpreta- 
tions, opening the way to a representation 
of "the science (then sciences) of the 
Qiir'an," in ca. 189/805, when he ap- 
peared before the caliph Harun al-Rashid, 
in the presence of the famous Hanaflju- 
rist, Muhammad b. al-Hasan al-Shaybani, 
who defended him. The caliph asked al- 
Shafi'i about his "knowledge/science" of 
the "book of God" (kayfa 'ilmuka bihi), and 
al-Shafi'i answered: 

About what science do you ask, Com- 
mander of the Faithful? Is it the science of 
its descent (revelation, tanzil) or of its in- 
terpretation (ta'wTl)? The science of what is 
clear [muhkam, or well established) or am- 
biguous [mutashdbih, or similar) in it? What 
is abrogating (ndsikh) or abrogated 
(mansUkh) in it? Its narratives (akhbdr) or 
rules (ahkdm)? Its Meccan or Medinan 
(suras or verses; see Mecca; Medina; 

CHRONOLOGY AND THE CJUR'an)? What 

was sent down in the night or during the 
day? During a journey (q.v.; safar; see also 
TRIPS and voyages) or at home (hadan)l 
The elucidation of its description (tabjin 
wasjihi)? The arrangement of its forms (?) 
(taswiyat suwarihi)? Its synonyms/analogues 
(na^d'ir)? Its good pronunciation (or gram- 
matical pronunciation/explanation; i'rdb; 
see GRAMMAR AND THE Q^UR'an)? The 
modes of its reading (wujuh qird'atihi; see 

READINGS OF THE CJUr'an)? Its WOrds 

(hurujihi)? The meanings of its manners of 
speaking (ma'dni lughdtihi)? Its legal punish- 
ments (hududih)? The number of its verses? 

Harun al-Rashid said, "You claim that 
you have a great knowledge of the 
Qtir'an" (BayhaqI, A'landqib, i, 136; 
Zurcjani, Mandhil, i, 26: an abridged re- 



port without references, of which the 
beginning does not seem authentic: "The 
sciences of the Qiir'an are numerous..."). 
This list of al-Shafi'i is not imconnected 
to that of Muqatil b. Sulayman because he 
knew Muqatil's exegesis and held it in high 
esteem, and he reportedly declared that, 
"All people are dependent on ('iydl) three 
men: on Muqatil b. Sulayman for exege- 
sis..." (Ibn Khallikan, Wafaydt, v, 255; 
Abbott, Studies, ii, 100). 

Books on the topic or with the term "sciences of the 

Qur 'dn " in their title 
The emergence of the technical expression 
"sciences of the Qiir'an" has been credited 
to the sixth/twelfth or seventh/thirteenth 
century (uqm, i, 10), or seventh/thirteenth 
century (ZurqanI, Mandhil, i, 27), or even to 
the beginning of the fifth/eleventh century 
(ibid., i, 28). A precise determination, how- 
ever, depends on the state of our knowl- 
edge, and to date no complete study in 
Arabic or any other language exists con- 
cerning this subject. 

What can be said is that this technical 
term already occurs in the title of a book 
from the second half of the third/ninth or 
the beginning of the following century: Ibn 
al-Marzuban (Abu Bakr Muhammad b. 
Khalaf al-Muhawwali al-Baghdadi al- 
Ajurrl, d. 309/921; Brockelmann, gal, i, 
125; S i, 189-90; Sam'ani, Ansdb, y, 221) 
wrote a large book in twenty-seven parts 
fajzd'), entitled al-HdwiJi 'ulum al-Qiir'dn 
("The compendium in the sciences of the 
Qur'an"; Ibn al-Nadim, Fihrist, 149; Ibn 
al-Nadlm-Dodge, 328; Yaqut, Irshdd, vi, 
2645, no. 1 1 15, has: Midiammad b. al- 
Marzuban Abu l-'Abbas al-Dimirati, leg. 
al-DimlratI; Dhahabi, Siyar, xiv, 264; 
Dawudi, Tabacidt, ii, 141, no. 486; Salih, 
Mabdhithi, 122). We know nothing about the 
content of this book, which could be a 
QjLir'an commentary. The author was pri- 
marily a man of letters and he translated 
more than fifty books from Persian into 



TRADITIONAL DISCIPLINES 



324 



Arabic. One of his students, Ibn al-Anbari 
(d. 328/940; Brockelmann, gal, i, 119; S ii, 
182; Sezgin, gas, viii, 148, ix, 144-7) i^ said 
to have composed 'Ajd'ib 'ulum cd-Qur'dn 
("The marvels of tlie sciences of the 
Qur'an"; Sezgin, gas, ix, 147 op. 4: ms. 
Alexandria), in which he dealt with the 
excellent qualities (fadd'il) of the Qiir'an, 
its descent in seven modes, the writing of 
its codices (see codices of the q^ur'an), 
the number of its suras, verses and words, 
etc. (Salih, Mabdhith, 122). This title does 
not appear in the list of his works (Ibn al- 
Anbarl, J^dhii; i, 21-7), but since a presumed 
manuscript of it has been preserved, this 
manuscript should be examined thor- 
oughly to establish authenticity. On the 
other hand, we are sure that he wrote al- 
Mushkilji ma'am l-Qur'dn ("The obscure in 
the meanings of the Qiir'an") which he 
dictated over the years but only completed 
up to o 20 (Surat Ta Ha; Sezgin, gas, viii, 

153)- 

An author who was accused of extremist 
Shl'l tendencies, al-RuhnI (Muhammad b. 
Bahr, fl. early fourth/tenth century; Yaqut, 
Irshdd, vi, 2434-6, no. 1004; Kohlberg, 
Medieval Muslim, no. 441) wrote Muqaddimat 
'ilm al-Qur'dn ("The introduction to the sci- 
ence of the Qiir'an," not extant) in which 
he emphasized that 'All (see 'ali b. abi 
talib) and the People of the House (q.v.; 
i.e. the family of the Prophet; see family 
of the prophet) are the sole authority 
(q.v.) for the interpretation of the Qiir'an, 
stating also that the copies of the Qur'an 
which 'Uthman (q.v.) sent to the great cities 
of the empire differed from each other in 
their reading of certain passages, etc. (see 

also RECITERS OF THE CJUr'an). 

The Mu'tazill philologist al-RiimmanI 
al-Ikhshldl (d. 384/994) wrote several 
books on various qur'anic topics (see QiftI, 
Inbdh, 295), among them a huge qur'anic 
commentary, of which parts 7, 10 and 12 
are extant (part 12 in 150 folios, from 



C) 14:17 to o 18:37!) — namely al-Jdmi'Ji 
'ilm ('ulum) tajsir al-Qur'dn ("The compre- 
hensive treatise on the science [or sciences] 
of the exegesis of the Qur'an"; Sezgin, 
GAS, viii, 112-13, 270; for both, see 
Mubarak, Rummdnl, 93-9). It seems to be 
identical with his al-Tafsir al-kablr ("Great 
commentary"). 

A confusion was made in some sources 
(Ibn al-'Arabi, Qdnun, 119; id., 'Awdsim, 
97-8) between two works of Abu 1-Hasan 
al-Ash'arl (d. 324/935), al-Mukhtazan 
("The depository"), a book on dialectic 
theology, and TafsTr al-Qur'dn ("Com- 
mentary of the Qur'an," in 500 volumes!) 
in which he refuted his opponents and 
especially the Mu'tazilite Abu 'All 1-Jubba'i 
and al-Ka'bi. Ibn al-'Arabi claims that only 
one copy (!) of this work existed in the 
fourth/tenth century, for which al-Sahib 
Ibn 'Abbad (d. 385/995) is reported to have 
paid 10,000 dinars to put it in the Dar al- 
Khilafa, but the copy was destroyed in a 
fire (Gimaret, Bibliography d'Ash'ari, 
255-6, 260-2). Ibn Furak (d. 406/1015) tells 
us that there existed only rare copies of 
this commentary and that it was unknown 
by most of the Ash'arites (Ibn Furak, 
Mujarrad, 165, 325). 

In the second half of the fourth/tenth 
century or the beginning of the following, 
a great exegete of Khurasan, the Kar- 
ramite Ibn Habib al-Nlsaburl (d. 406/1016; 
Gilliot, Exegese, 139), who became a 
Shafi'i, wrote al-Tanbih 'aldfadl 'ulum al- 
Qur'dn ("The exhortation on the prece- 
dence of the sciences of the Qur'an"; not 
in the list of his works, but quoted in 
Suyutl, Itqdn, i, 36), and Kitdb al-TanzTl wa- 
tartibihi ("The book of the descent and its 
arrangement"), which are extant (Saleh, 
Formation, 45-7, 88). His well-known stu- 
dent, the Nisaburian exegete Abu Ishaq 
al-Tha'labi (d. 427/1035) composed al- 
Kdmilfi 'ilm al-Qur'dn ("The complete work 
in the qur'anic science"); one of his most 



325 



TRADITIONAL DISCIPLINES 



noted disciples Abu 1-Hasan al-Wahidi 
(d. 468/1076) read it in liis presence 
(Yaqut, Irshdd, iv, 1663; Gilliot, Exegese, 
140; Saleh, Formation, 51). These tliree 
books are not extant. 

But tlie works of these Nisaburians were 
possibly preceded by those of the 
Karramites of Nisabur (Saleh, Formation, 
87-8: on al-Tha'labl's fourteen hermeneuti- 
cal aspects). Another testimony of their 
great activity in the cjur'anic disciplines is 
The book of foundations (Mabdni, in Jeffery 
Muqaddimas, 5-250; Gilliot, Sciences cora- 
niques) of Ibn Bistam (Abu Muhammad 
Hamid b. Ahmad b. Ja'far b. Bistam al- 
Tuhayrl, or al-Takhirl? Sarlfinl, Muntakhab, 
211, no. 638; Gilliot, Sciences coraniques, 
19-20, 59). This book on qur'anic sciences 
was completed in 425/1034, as an intro- 
duction to Ibn Bistam's qur'anic commen- 
tary. We had previously attributed it 
erroneously to Abu Muhammad Ahmad b. 
Muhammad b. 'All l-'Asiml (Gilliot, 
Theologie musulmane, 183) but the right 
attribution has recently been definitively 
establislied (Ansarl, Mulahazat-i, 80). This 
KarramI tradition in qur'anic sciences, 
however, is earlier and comes from the 
great KarramI master of Nisabur, al- 
Haklm Ibn al-Haysam al-Nabi (d. 409/ 
1019; van Ess, Ungeniitzte Texte, 60-74), who 
had a Kitdb Fjdz al-Qur'dn ("Book on the 
inimitability of the Qiir'an") and from 
important elements going back to Ibn 
Karram (d. 255/869) himself, as seen in the 
Kitdb al-Iddh of another KarramI, Ahmad 
b. Abl 'Umar al-Zahid al-Andarabi 
(d. 470/1077) who was a student of Ibn 
Bistam (Gilliot, Theologie musulmane, 
18-19, 57-8). Al-Andarabi had also col- 
lected in a manuscript written by his own 
hand (extant in Mashhad, Maktaba 
Ridawiyya, ms. 12405 with a iwaj/^ signed by 
al-Andarabi) five books or treatises on the 
qur'anic sciences pertaining to the 
KarramI legacy, like Qcimdri' al-Qur'dn 



("The book on the verses containing male- 
dictions against Satan," copied by al- 
Andarabl in 429/1038, with certificates of 
audition; edited in Iran but not on the 
basis of the manuscript of al-Andarabi; 
Ansarl, Mulahazat-i, 69-71). The leader of 
the Nisaburian Karramites at his time, 
Abu Bakr 'Atlq b. Muhammad al-Surabadi 
(d. 494/1101; van Ess, Ungeniitzte Texte, 
73-4), composed a commentary on the 
Q;Lir'an which has been edited. Numerous 
manuscripts of the Karramite productivity 
in the field of qur'anic sciences are extant, 
above all in Iranian libraries. 

Al-Baqillanl (d. 403/1013), the Maliki and 
Ash'arl scholar, who lived first in Basra and 
then Baghdad, was the author of Tjdz al- 
Qur'dn ("The inimitability of the Qiir'an"). 
He also wrote [JVukat] al-Intisdr li-naql al- 
Qur'dn ("The victory for the transmission of 
the Qiir'an"), which contains much mate- 
rial on qur'anic disciplines, such as: the 
names of the Qiir'an (q.v.), sura, verse (see 
FORM AND STRUCTURE OF THE QUR'an); its 
transmission and arrangement (see 

MANUSCRIPTS OF THE qUR'AN; MUSHAF); 

refutation of the Shl'ls and others on it, the 
seven aspects (al-ahruf al-sab 'a); its lan- 
guage and style (see language and style 
OF THE (JUr'an); the satanic verses (q.v.); its 
collection (see collection of the 
q^ur'an); the variants and the seven read- 
ers; etc. 

The Egyptian grammarian and exegete 
al-Hawfl (Abu 1-Hasan 'All b. Ibrahim, 
d. 430/1039) wrote a qur'anic commentary 
in thirty volumes, called al-Burhdnfi tafsir 
al-Qur'dn ("The proof concerning the 
exegesis of the Qiir'an"; Brockelmann, 
GAL, ii, 411; S i, 729; Hajjl Khalifa, Kashf ii, 
46-7, no. 1794; i, 241; Yaqut, Irshdd, iv, 
1343-4, ii°- 7^3) Zarkashi, Burhdn, i, 301; iii, 
222). It is extant in about fifteen volumes. It 
is a commentary that follows the order of 
the text but with subdivisions according 
to the "sciences of the Qiir'an": the syntax 



TRADITIONAL DISCIPLINES 



326 



of the verse and its sense in tlie context (i.e. 
al-napn, "the arrangement"; cf. Biqa'i, 
Nairn; Suyuti, Tandsub: on the relation be- 
tween the suras), then the grammatical and 
lexical points, or "prononciation grammaticale" 
{i'rdb; Silvestre de Sacy, Muqni', 307). Al- 
Zarkashi (d. 794/1392; Burhdn, i, 301, puts 
this book in the list of the best books on 
that subject). This commentary treats the 
meaning and the exegesis (ma'nd, tafsir) of 
the verse, then issues concerning the reci- 
tational pause or its impossibility (al-waqf 
wa-l-itmdm), then the textual variants 
(qird'dt), then, if necessary, the legal rules 
(ahkdm), the occasions of revelation (asbdb 
al-nuzul), the abrogation (naskh), etc. 
(ZurqanI, Mandhil, i, 27-8; according to 
al-ZurqanI, al-Hawfl had originally en- 
titled his commentary al-BurhdnJi 'ulum 
al-Qur'dn, "The proof concerning the sci- 
ences of the Qiir'an"). 

In the fifth/eleventh century, the man of 
letters and poet Abu 'Amir al-Fadl b. 
Isma'll al-Tamlmi 1-Jurjani (d. after 458/ 
1066) wrote al-BaydnJi 'ilm/'ulum al-Qur'dn 
("The exposition on the science or sciences 
of the Qur'an"; Yaqut, Irshdd, 2166, 2170; 
Hajjl Khalifa, Kashf, ii, 82, no. 2012). It was 
probably a commentary with special em- 
phasis on the philological and literary as- 
pects of the Qur'an, like Durj al-durar 
("The drawer of pearls"; Brockelmann, 
GAL, S i, 504, op. viii) of his colleague, the 
philologist and rhetorician 'Abd al-Qahir 
al-Jurjani (d. 471/1078; see rhetoric and 
THE q,ur'an), if the attribution of this title 
to al-Jurjani is true (Hajji Khalifa, Kashf, 
iii, 222, no. 5043, expresses a doubt). 

The Shafi'i jurist, judge and Ash'arl 
theologian of Baghdad (who was originally 
from Jilan, which was noteworthy for an 
Ash'ari), Shaydhala (Abu 1-Ma'ali 
'Azizl/'Uzayzi b. 'Abd al-Malik al-Jlll: 
d. 494/1100; Brockelmann, gal, i, 433; S i, 
775; Ibn Khallikan, Wafaydt, iii, 259-60), 
wrote al-BurhdnJi mushkildt al-Qur'dn ("The 



proof about the difficult passages of the 
Qiir'an"). Al-Suyuti [Itqdn, i, 31-2; 177-81) 
puts this book on the list of handbooks on 
the sciences of the Qiir'an that do not pro- 
vide exhaustive coverage of the consti- 
tutent topics of this discipline. It is also 
quoted by al-Zarkashi, especially concern- 
ing the "inimitability" (q.v.) of the Qiir'an 
[Burhdn, ii, 90; iii, 375). 

In the sixth/twelfth century, the 
KhurasanI Shafi'i of Marw al-Rudh, al- 
Zaghrdi (Muhammad b. al-Husayn al- 
Aruzzi, d. 559/1164), is said to have written 
a work in 400 volumes, Qayd al-awdbid, 
"The fettering of the fieeing (animals)"/ 
"The registration of the fleeting (ideas)," a 
kind of huge encyclopedia on the sciences 
of exegesis, tradition, law and language, 
which is not extant (Dhahabi, Siyar, xx, 
492-3; Ahlwardt, Verzeichnis, i, no. 450/2; 
Hajjl Khalifa, Kashf, iv, 590, no. 9688, has 
"four volumes"; ed. Yaltkaya, ii, 1367 has 
"400 volumes"). 

The Hanball polymath from Baghdad, 
Ibn al-jawzl (d. 597/1201), wrote several 
books on the subject, e.g. 'Ajd'ib 'ulum al- 
Qur'dn ("The wonders of the sciences of 
the Qiir'an"; Brockelmann, gal, i, 504, 
op. 30; 'Alwajl, Mu'allafdt, no. 324), which is 
edited (Gilliot, Textes arabes, in MIDEO 19, 
no. 29). The title mentioned by Brockel- 
mann [gal, op. 32), al-A'Iujtabdfi 'ulum al- 
Qur'dn ("The selection on the sciences of 
the Qur'an"), extant in one volume, deals 
not only with qur'anic knowledge (like 
variants), but also with other matters, 
hadlth, etc. l^ Alvia]i, Mu'allafdt, no. 383). 
Ibn al-jawzl also wrote an abridgment of 
it, al-Mujtabd min al-mujtabd ("The selection 
of the selection"; Brockelmann, gal, S i, 
918, sub op. 32; 'Alwajl, Mu'allafat, no. 384). 
A third work, al-AIudhish ("The marvel- 
ous"), also called al-Mudhish wa-l-muhddardt 
("The marvellous and the lectures," or 
"The marvellous on exhortations and ser- 
mons," etc.), completed in 591/1194, treats 



327 



TRADITIONAL DISCIPLINES 



some qur'anic matters in the first chapter 
(2-22), then language, hadlth, historiog- 
raphy, and parenetics, such as legends of 
the prophets, etc., in the remaining four 
chapters (Brockelmann, gal, i, 506, op. 81; 
S i, 920; Hajji Khalifa, Kashf, v, 477, no. 
11704; ii, 1640; 'Alwaji, Mu'allafat, no. 329). 
But the book which is the closest to the 
genre of the later voluminous and exhaus- 
tive handbooks on the sciences of the 
Qi_ir'an, like those of al-Zarkashi and al- 
Suyutl, is Ibn al-Jawzi's Funun al-afndnji 
'ajci'ib 'ulum al-Qur'dn ("The disciplines of 
the branches in the wonders of the sci- 
ences of the Qi_ir'an"; Brockelmann, gal, 
i, 504; S i, 918; 'Alwaji, Mu'allajdt, no. 167). 
It is also extant with other titles like Fann 
al-afndnJi 'ujiun 'uliim al-Qur'dn ("The dis- 
cipline of the branches in the sources of 
the sciences of the Qvir'an"). But the rela- 
tion between the first and the last of these 
works should be checked, taking into ac- 
count the content of the different manu- 
scripts of both. Finally, it should be noted 
that Ibn al-jawzl, like other scholars, also 
wrote separate books on various sciences of 
the Qiir'an (see below; cf also Fanlsan, 
Athdr al-handbila, 94-9). 

In the seventh/thirteenth century at least 
two handbooks were composed on the sci- 
ences of the Quran: Jamdl al-qurrd' wa- 
kamdl al-iqrd' ("The beauty of the Qiir'an 
reciters and the perfection of the recita- 
tion"; Gilliot, Textes arabes, in MIDEO 19, 
no. 24) by 'Alam al-Din al-SakhawI 
(d. 643/1246). It is divided into ten books: 
the sflras and verses of the Qur'an; its in- 
imitability; its meritorious qualities; its 
divisions; the number of its verses; non- 
canonical variants; abrogation; readers and 
readings; recitation (tajwid); pause and be- 
ginning (al-waqf wa-l-ibtidd'). It is one of 
the sources of another handbook: al-Mur- 
shid al~wajiz ild 'ulum tata'allaq bi-l-kitdb al- 
'aziz ("The brief guide to sciences 
connected with the august book"; Hajjl 



Khalifa, Kashf, v, 494, no. ii,8oi) by the 
Damascene historian Abu Shama al- 
MaqdisI (d. 665/1267); it falls in six chap- 
ters: revelation (nuzul), collection, seven 
modes (ahruj), recognized readings, irregu- 
lar readings, and useful sciences of the 
Qur'an. 

The eighth/fourteenth century witnessed 
the most complete handbook on the sub- 
ject yet produced: al-BurhdnJi 'ulum al- 
Qur'dn ("The proof concerning the sciences 
of the Qiir'an") of the Egyptian Badr al- 
Dln al-Zarkashi (d. 794/1392). It was made 
up of forty-seven chapters (Brockelmann, 
GAL, ii, 91-2; S ii, 108, op. 20; Anawati, 
Textes arabes, in mlveo 4, no. 18; no. 15 in 
MIDEO 6). 

The work of the Andalusian Ibn Juzayy 
al-Kalbl 1-GharnatI (d. 741/1340), entitled 
al-Taslul li-'ulum al-tanztl ("The facilitation 
in the sciences of revelation"), is a com- 
mentary, but with a long introduction on 
these sciences (op. cit., i, 4-29). Another 
book, al-Durr al-masunji 'ulum/'ilm al-kitdb 
al-maknun ("The protected pearls on the 
sciences or science of the covered book") 
of al-SamIn (or Ibn al-SamIn) al-Halabi 
(d. 756/1355), which has been edited in six 
volumes, is in fact a commentary limited to 
grammatical and lexical explanations sup- 
ported by numerous poetical quotations 
(see POETRY AND POETs). For this reason it 
is also called I'rdb al-Samin ("The gram- 
matical commentary of al-SamIn"; 
Brockelmann, gal, ii, iii; S ii, 137-8, op. i; 
Hajjl Khalifa, Kashf, iii, 190, no. 4870). 

The genre thrived in the ninth/fifteenth 
century, a century that can be called the 
century of the great handbooks on the 
qur'anic sciences. Thus we have the author 
of a well-known Arabic dictionary (al- 
Qamus), al-Flruzabadi (d. 817/1415), writing 
his Basd'ir dhawT l-tamjizfi latd'f al-kitdb 
al-'aziZ ("Insights of those having discern- 
ment in the subtleties of the holy book"). 
Then Mawdqi' al-'ulu7nfi mawqi' al-nujiim 



TRADITIONAL DISCIPLINES 



328 



("The positions of tlie sciences in relation 
to the places from wliicli the stars set") is 
written by the Egyptian Jalal al-Din 'Abd 
al-Raliman al-Bulcpni (d. 824/1421; 
Brockelmann, gal, ii, 112; S ii, 139). This 
title is inspired by the concept of nazu.1/ 
tanzll (descent) whicli is one of the terms 
used for the Islamic concept of "revela- 
tion." The book of Bulqini, together with 
that of al-Zarkashi, is one of the numerous 
sources of the Itqan of al-SuyutI who was a 
student of the former's younger brother 
Alam al-Din al-Bulqini (Hajji Khalifa, 
Kashf,vi, 233-4, '^°- I3)35i> Suyuti, Itqdn, i, 
17-18, with the introduction of al-Bulqinl; 
id., Tahblr, 27-8). 

The Hanafi of Bergama who settled in 
Cairo, Muhammad b. Sulayman al- 
Kafiyaji (d. 879/1474; Brockelmann, GAL, 
ii, 144-5, "/*• 1)5 ^'^^ °f al-Suyutl's teachers, 
wrote a small handbook entitled al-TaysTrfi 
qawd'id 'Urn al-tafsir ("The facilitation of the 
principles of the science of exegesis"), 
which was completed in 856/1452. It is said 
that the author "was very proud of his 
book, thinking that nobody had produced 
such a good one before him. But he had 
probably not seen al-Burhdn ("The proof") 
of Zarkashi, otherwise he would have been 
ashamed" (Hajji Khalifa, Kashf, ii, 487, no. 
3813). It is divided into two chapters: i. 
The technical terms of the qur'anic sci- 
ences necessary for exegesis. 2. The rules of 
exegesis and various related questions. 

The Egyptian polymath Jalal al-Din al- 
Suyutl (d. 911/1505) succeeded in writing 
the most complete handbook on the genre. 
When he read the book of his master al- 
Kafiyaji on the sciences of the Qiir'an, he 
was disappointed. Then he read the 
Mawdqi' oi Jalal al-Din al-BulqIni, as per 
the advice of the brother of the author, his 
own master, 'Alam al-Din al-BulqInl; he 
found it to be informative and well- 
organized, but thought it needed to be 
completed on a large number of important 



points and to be reorganized. He thus 
compiled al-TahbirJi 'Urn al-tafsir ("The re- 
finement of the science of exegesis"; often 
called al-Takhbir, "The index"; Hajji 
Khalifa, Kashf, ii, 248, no. 2729), which was 
written in 872/1467-8, in 102 chapters 
(Suyuti, Itqdn, i, 16-23). Still unsatisfied, he 
wanted to do better and to write an ex- 
haustive work. At this point, he discovered 
al-Zarkashl's Burhdn, which pleased him 
greatly. He decided to reorganize it in a 
better way, and to add chapters and ques- 
tions to it. This resulted in his writing al~ 
Itqdn ji 'ulum al-Qur'dn ("The perfection of 
the sciences of the Qiir'an"; Itqdn, i, 23-31), 
which was completed in 878/1474, in 
eighty chapters, as an introduction to his 
major qur'anic commentary, Alajma' al- 
bahrayn wa-matla' ai-badrajin, which he had 
already begun (Ahlwardt, Verzeichnis, i, no. 
423, on the genesis of the Itqdn; Brockel- 
mann, GAL, ii, 144; S ii, 179, op. i). In spite 
of the smaller volume of the Burhdn, it con- 
tains things which are not in the Itqdn. 
Before his Itqdn, al-SuyutI had written 
Mu'tarak al-aqrdnji ijdz al-Qur'dn ("The 
gymnasium of the equal [plurivocal words] 
about the inimitability of the Qiir'an"; 
Hajji Khalifa, Kashf, v, 620, no. 12,346), on 
the rhetorical and stylistic aspects of the 
Qiir'an. Although it does not deal with all 
the sciences of the Qiir'an, this book has 
numerous chapters in common with the 
Itqdn (e.g. Itqdn chapters 22-'] / Mu'tarak 
chapter 10; 37-8/13; 43/9; 44/11; 45/14; 
47/8; 48/7; 55/12; 60/5; 62/4; 63/6; 65/1; 
67/29; 68/30, etc.). 

The Shafi'l Sufi of Damascus, Ibn 'Arraq 
(Muhammad b. Ahmad b. 'Abd al- 
Rahman, d. 933/1526) wrote a kind of 
anthology in 138 folios entitled Jawharat 
al-ghawwds wa-tuhfat ahl al-ikhtisds 
(Brockelmann, gal, ii, 332, op. i; Ahlwardt, 
Verzeichnis, i, no. 427), on the sciences of the 
Qiir'an, the Prophet, legends, the Com- 
panions, and mystical notions. In it he 



329 



TRADITIONAL DISCIPLINES 



copied Ibn al-Jawzi's Risdlaji 'Urn al- 
mawd'i^ ("Treatise on tlie science of reli- 
gious exhortations"; Brockelniann, gal, 
S i, 919, op. 75a; 'Alwaji, Mu'allajdt, no. 168, 
not extant apart from tliis ms.), in four 
chapters: sciences of the Qvir'an, Qiir'an 
and philology, the sciences of tradition, 
historiography. He also copied Radd ma "dm 
al-djdt al-mutashdbihdt, or Radd al-mutashdbih 
ild l-muhkam ("The meanings of the 
ambiguous passages of the Qiir'an") by 
al-Labban al-MisrI (d. 749/1349; Brockel- 
mann, GAL, i, iii, op. 3; Ahlwardt, 
Verzeichnis, i, no. 716). Ibn 'Arraq followed 
this with his own Mawh al-qulub ("The 
intention of the heart") on the Prophet and 
Companions, etc., which has nothing to do 
with qur'anic sciences, and then included a 
small treatise on special qur'anic expres- 
sions coming from dialects (q.v.), according 
to the order of the suras (ff. 14-30), trans- 
mitted by Abu Tahir al-Silafi (d. 576/1 180), 
in 572/1176, which is in reality Kitdb Lughdt 
al-Qur'dn ("The dialectal expressions in the 
Qtir'an"), attributed to Ibn 'Abbas, trans- 
mitted to al-Silafi by al-Wazzan (Rippin, 
Ibn 'Abbas, 19; Biqa'l, Kitdb Lughdt al- 
Qur'dn, 137-8). Ibn 'Arraq ends his collec- 
tion with Sufi explanations of a himdred 
qur'anic expressions, drawn from the be- 
ginning of the qur'anic commentary writ- 
ten by Abu 1- 'Abbas al-Buni (d. 622/1225; 
Brockelmann, gal, i, 497-8). 

In his Adiftdh al-sa'dda wa-misbdh al-siyddaji 
mawdu'dt al-'ulum ("The key of happiness 
and the lamp of mastership on the subjects 
of the sciences"), an encyclopedic bio-bib- 
liographical work on the classification of 
the sciences, Abu 1-Khayr 'Tashkubrizadah 
(d. 968/1561) devotes the sixth chapter to 
the legal sciences (vol. ii), i.e. Qtir'an, 
hadith and law (fiqh), in which the qur'anic 
sciences receive considerable attention: 
exegesis of the Qiir'an, particularly the 
books written about this discipline (ii, 
62-128); the branches of the [variant] read- 



ings [furu' al-qird'dt; 369-77); the branches 
of exegesis [furu' al-tafsir; 380-595). That 
means that for him most of the qur'anic 
sciences center on exegesis. Others con- 
sider them to be studies about the Qtir'an, 
except those devoted to "the meanings 
(ma'dni) and exegesis (tafsir) of its verses" 

(UQM, i, 9). 

The writing of handbooks on qur'anic 
sciences continued in the following cen- 
turies, until the present day. We have thus 
Mahdsin al-ta'wil ("The beauties of exege- 
sis") of Jamal al-Din al-Qasimi (d. 19 14), 
which is a qur'anic commentary containing 
much information on the sciences of the 
Qiir'an; Tibjdn al-furqdnji 'ulum al-Qur'dn 
("The exposition of the discrimination of 
the sciences of the Qiir'an") of the 
Damascene Tahir al-Jaza'iri (d. 1920); 
Mandhil al-'irjdnji 'ulum al-Qur'dn ("The 
springs of the knowledge of the sciences of 
the Qiir'an") of the Azhari scholar of the 
first half of the twentieth century, 
Muhammad 'Abd al-'AzIm al-Zurqani, 
published in 1943, and quoted by some 
scholars as a source, although it is devoid 
of references; Alanhaj al-furqdn fi 'ulum al- 
Qur'dn ("The method of the discrimination 
of the sciences of the Qur'an") of M.'A. 
Salama; Fi 'ulum al-qird'dt ("On the sciences 
of the qur'anic readings") of S.R. al-Tawil, 
etc. And recently an anonymous collection 
was published under the title 'Ulum al- 
Qur'dn 'inda l-mufassirin ("The sciences of 
the Qur'an according to the exegetes," 
which has been abbreviated to uqm in this 
article) in three volumes, and also al-Tamhid 
fi 'ulum al-Qur'dn ("The facilitation of the 
sciences of the Qur'an") of Ayatollah 
Muhammad Hadi Ma'rifa. 

It should be also noted that several 
exegetes wrote introductions to their com- 
mentaries which include different aspects 
of the sciences of the Qur'an {uQM, i, 12), 
e.g. al-Tabari (d. 310/923; TafsTr, i, 3-110; 
Eng. trans, i, 5-51); al-Tha'labi (d. 427/ 



TRADITIONAL DISCIPLINES 



330 



1035; Kashf, i, 73-87); al-Tusi (d. 460/1067; 
Tibydn, i, i-2i); Raghib al-Isfaham (d. prob. 
502/1108; Muqadimma to his Jdmi' al-tqfastr, 
27-109); Ibn 'Atiyya al-AndalusI (d. 541/ 
1 147; Muharrar, i, 33-57; Jeffery, Muqaddimas, 
251-94); al-Shahrastanl (d. 548/1153; 
Majdtih al-asrdr, i, f. i'-27'; Monnot, 
Introduction); al-Tabarsi (d. 548/1153; 
Majma', i, 17-34); al-Qvirtnbl (d. 671/1273; 
Jdmi', i, 1-107); Nizam al-Din al-Hasan b. 
Muhammad b. al-Husayn al-Nlsaburi 1- 
A'raj (d. after 730/1329; TafsTr, i, 1-48; 
Gilliot, Exegese, 142-3, with reference to 
the studies of Monnot); Ibn Juzayy (d. 741/ 
1340; Tashil, i, 4-29); Abu Hayyan al- 
Gharnati (d. 745/1344, Bahr, i, 3-14: 
sources, masters and disciplines of exege- 
sis); Ibn Kathir (d. 774/1373; Fadd'il, as an 
independent book but also as a part of his 
commentary in some manuscripts (at the 
end; Fadd'il, 3-4; and perhaps in some edi- 
tions); however, the introduction of the 
Tafsir (i, 11-18) is different from that in his 
Fadd'il; al-Biqa'i (d. 885/1480; Masd'id, i, 
97-478); Malimud al-Alusi (d. 1854; Ruh, i, 
22-85), ^t'-- Some scholars, however, con- 
sidered a general introduction, without 
detailed treatment of the qur'anic sources, 
to be sufficient, while others woidd write a 
few pages on the necessity of exegesis, e.g. 
al-Maturidl (d. 333/944, Ta'mTldt, ed. 
Juburi, 5-6; ed. Vanioglu, i, 3-4: on tafsir 
and ta'wil), Abu 1-Layth al-Samarqandi 
(d. 373/983; Tafsir, i, 71-113), or al-Mawardi 
(d. 450/1058; Mukat, i, 23-43), o'^ 'h^ names 
of the Qur'an, the sura, the seven aspects 
(ahruf), "inimitability" and exegesis. 

We should also mention the great books 
of traditions (hadith), many of which have 
a "chapter on exegesis" (Kitdb al-Tafslr), e.g. 
Sa'id b. Mansur al-KhurasanI (d. 227/842; 
in his Sunan, ii-iv, up to q 5); al-Bukhari 
(d. 256/870; in his Sahih, ill, 193-390 
[bk. 65]; Fr. trans, ill, 249-519); Ibn Hajar, 
in his Fath (viii, 155-744); Muslim 
(d. 251/875; Saluh, iv, 2312-23 [bk. 54]); al- 



Nasa'i (d. 303/915; in his Sunan, vi, 282-526 
[bk. 82]); Hakim al-Nisaburl (d. 405/1014; 
in his Mustadrak, ii, 220-541), etc. Many of 
them also have a Fadd'il al-Qur'dn ("Book 
on the meritorious qualities of the 
Qiir'an"), e.g. Sa'ld b. Mansur, in his Sunan 
(i, 7-232), one of the sources of al-Suyuti 
{Itqdn, i, 48); Ibn Abl Shayba (d. 235/849, 
in hia Musannaf Vi, 117-56 [bk. 22]); al- 
Bukhari, in his Sahih (iii, 391-410 [bk. 66]; 
Fr. trans, iii, 520-43); Ibn Hajar, in his Fath 
(ix, 3-103); Muslim, in his Sahih (iv, 543-66, 
within book 6, on the prayer of the travel- 
ers; see PRAYER formulas); al-Nasa'l, in 
his Sunan (v, 3-34 [bk. 75], or in an inde- 
pendent book such as Hakim al-Nisaburl, 
Mustadrak, ii, 220-57, i.e. at the beginning of 
Kitdb al-Tafsir). 

A survey of qur'anic sciences based on the Itqan 

of al-Suyuti 
Of course, before handbooks covering 
"all" qur'anic disciplines were compiled 
and written, independent works on each of 
these qur'anic disciplines were already in 
circidation. Yet we still have no exhaustive 
study, either in Arabic or in other lan- 
guages, on the genesis and development of 
each of the so-called "qur'anic sciences or 
disciplines." We shall thus attempt to pro- 
vide here some ordering of this topic, 
based on the chapters of al-Suyuti's Itqdn, 
and to give a brief chronological survey of 
books written on some of these disciplines 
(Nolin's Itqdn and its sources is be used with 
caution because it contains many mistakes 
in proper names and titles as well as other 
errors). The eighty chapters of the Itqdn 
can be divided into nine sections (Suyuti- 
Balhan, Revelation, 23-9; for all these dis- 
ciplines, see also Tashkubrlzadah, Miftdh, 
380-595). 

I. Where and how the Qur'dn was sent down 
(inzdl, tanzil, nuzul; Gilliot, Le Goran, fruit 
d'lm travail coUectif?): i. What was sent 



331 



TRADITIONAL DISCIPLINES 



down in Mecca (q.v.) or in Medina (q.v.; 
UQM, i, 303-20). 'Izz al-Din al-Dlrim 
(d. 697/1297; Brockelmann, GAL, i, 451-2, 
op. 3; Ahlwardt, Verzeichnis, i, no. 466-7) 
wrote a poem of thirty-three verses, Fi 
tartib nuzul al-Qur'dn al-'azTm, on the 
arrangement of the suras according to the 
place of their revelation. The question was 
also treated by the Maliki Makkl b. Abi 
Talib al-Qaysi 1-Qayrawani 1-Andalu.sI 
(d. 437/1045), but al-Suyuti (Itqdn, i, 36) 
does not include the title of his book. The 
interpolation of Medinan verses into 
Meccan suras is treated in this discipline 
(Nagel, Einschube, according to Ibn 'Abd 
al-Kafi's [d. after 400/1009] book without 
a tide). 

What was sent down: 2. At home or on a 
journey (or during a campaign; Hajji 
Khalifa, Kashf, i, 75 no. 4358; see expe- 
ditions AND battles). 3. During the day 
or at night. 4. In the summer or in the win- 
ter (see seasons). 5. In bed and while sleep- 
ing (see DREAMS AND SLEEP; VISION). 6. 
On the earth (q.v.) or in the sky. 7. First 
revealed, chronologically, either generally 
or on a particular subject (e.g. on wine 
[q.v] or food; see food and drink; 
sustenance). 8. Last revealed. 

9. The occasions of revelation. It is said 
that the earliest book on this subject was 
composed by 'All b. al-Madini (d. 264/849; 
Sezgin, gas, i, 108; Suyuti, Itqdn, i, 177), but 
al-Tafsil li-asbdb al-tanzil, attributed to 
Maymun b. Mihran (d. 117/735), although 
probably a later redaction with material 
coming from him, is extant in manuscript 
(introduction of the edition of Ibn 
Hajar, 'ZT/V/A, i, 80, with a list of twenty-two 
titles on this subject, 80-4). 

10. Revelations (literally "descent") which 
coincided with the speech of one of the 
Companions. 11. Revelations which were 
repeated. 12. Revelations containing legal 
rules which were not applied immediately 
or revelations which were revealed after 



the application of a legal rule. 13. What 
was sent down in fragments or as a whole 
(jum'an). 14. What was sent down accom- 
panied (by angels; see angel) or unaccom- 
panied. 15. What had (already) been sent 
down to a prophet or was not sent down 
before the Prophet. 16. The modalities of 
the revelation (trans. Suyuti-Balhan, 
Revelation, 30-88). 

II. Its edition: 17. The names of the Qiir'an 
[uQM, i, 21-52) and of the suras [vqm, i, 
321-34): In Shaydhala Abu 1-Ma'ali 'Azizl's 
(d. 494/1100) al-Burhdn Ji miishkildt al-Qur'dn 
("The proof about the difficult passages of 
the Qiir'an"), it has fifty-five names [Itqdn, 
i, 178-81). 18. Its collection [jam'; UQM, i, 
335-412; Gilliot, Le Coran, fruit d'un tra- 
vail coUectif?, 195-9, °'^ Zayd b. Thabit; on 
its collection and the problem of its fal- 
sification from a Shi'i point of view, see 
Amln, Dd'irat, ix, 122-8) and arrangement 
[tartib; Gilliot, Traditions). 19. The number 
of its suras and verses (Pretzl, Koran- 
lesung, 239-41, for both; Noldeke, gq, iii, 
237-8: verses; Amln, Dd'irat, ix, 133a: 6236 
verses), words and letters. 

III. Its transmission: 20. Those who have 
memorized (Gilliot, Traditions) or trans- 
mitted it (see memory). 21-27. The char- 
acter of the various chains of authorities 
[isndds) through which the different 
qur'anic readings (variants) were transmit- 
ted (Noldeke, gq, iii, 116-231: readings, 
readers and books; Pretzl, Koranlesung, 
17-47, 230-45; books: Hajji Khalifa, Kashf, 
iv, 506-8). 

On readings and readers: Mahdawl 
(d. after 430/1039), Baydn (justification of 
the different readings); Andarabi (d. 470/ 
1077), Qird'dt. On the seven canonical read- 
ings: Ibn Mujahid (d. 324/936), Sab'a; Ibn 
Khalawayh (d. 370/980), Hujja; Abu 
Mansur al-Azharl (d. 370/980), Ma'dm 
l-qird'dt; Abu 'All 1-FarisI (d. 377/987), 



TRADITIONAL DISCIPLINES 



332 



Hujja; Abu 1-Tayyib b. Ghalbun (d. 389/ 
999), Istikmdl; Ibn Shurayh al-Ru'ayni 
1-Ishblli (d. 476/1083), al-KdJi; Ibn Siwar 
al-Baghdadi (d. 496/1 103), Mustamr; Ibn 
al-Badhish al-GharnatI (d. 540/1145; 
Pretzl, Koranlesung, 28-9, no. 11: where leg. 
Badhish, not Badhash), Iqnd', held in high 
esteem by Abu Hayyan al-GharnatI [Bahr, 
i, 1. 11-12). On the eight (see their names 
and ways of transmission in Gilliot, Textes, 
in MIDEO 25-6, no. 78), i.e. the seven ca- 
nonical readers and Ya'qub b. Isliaq al- 
Hadraml (d. 205/82 1): Ibn Ghalbun 
(Tahir, d. 399/1009, the son of the previ- 
ous Ibn Ghalbun), Tadhkira; AhwazI 
(d. 446/1055), Wajiz, 63-76 (Kohlberg, 
Medieval Muslim, no. 643); Abu Ma'shar 
al-Tabari (d. 478/1085), Talkhu. On the ten 
readings: Abu Bakr b. Mihran (d. 381/991), 
Ghdya; id., Mabsut, which is a commentary 
on his larger work, al-ShdmilJi l-qird'dt al- 
'ashr (not extant); Makkl b. Abi Talib, 
Tabsira; Abu l-'Izz al-WasitI 1-Q_alanisi 
(d. 521/1127; Pretzl, Koranlesung, 40, 
no. 28), Irshdd; Ibn al-Jazari (d. 833/1429), 
Nashr, i, 2-192, with a list of books on read- 
ings in general. On the fourteen readings 
and ways of transmission: Banna' al- 
Dimyati (d. 11 17/1705), Ihtdf, i, 75-9 (see 
Khatib, Mujam al-qird'dt; Hamdan, 
Koranlesung; id., Nichtkanonische Lesarten; 
Muhaysin, Qird'dt, on the influence of the 
readings on Arabic grammar and philol- 
ogy; Gilliot, Ell, 135-64). Of course, most 
qur'anic commentaries quote a great num- 
ber of variants, but this is done above all 
by the great Andalusian grammarian Abu 
Hayyan al-GharnatI (d. 745/1344) in al- 
BaJir al-muhit (see Khan, Lahjdt, a study on 
this commentary). 

On the differences in the consonantal 
ductus between the so-called "codex of 
'Uthman" and other codices we have: Ibn 
Abu Dawud (d. 316/929), Masdhif; Ibn al- 
Anbarl, MarsUm al-khatt; id., al-Masdhif 
(Sezgin, gas, ix, 147, op. 7, one of the 
sources for al-SuyutI, e.g. Itqdn, ii, 320); id., 



al-Radd 'aid man khdlafa mushaf 'Uthman 
(SuyutI, Itqdn, ii, 322; Sezgin, gas, ix, 147, 
op. 6); Ibn Ashta (d. 360/971), al-Masdhif 
(not extant; one of the sources of al- 
Suyutl, Itqdn, chapter 18, i, 205; chapter 41, 
ii, 323-4, 327-9); Abu 1- 'Abbas al-MahdawI, 
Hijd'; Ibn al-Banna' al-'Adadi 1-Marrakushi 
(d. 721/1321), 'Unwdn; Farmawi, Rasm al- 
mushaf; Qannawjl, ^A/W, ii, 299; Hamad, 
Rasm al-mushaf. 

IV. Its recitation: for all forms of pronuncia- 
tion (Silvestre de Sacy, Alcoran, 76-110; 
Hamad, Dirdsdt sawtiyja) we have DanI 

(d. 444/1053), TaysTr (summarized in Pretzl, 
Koranlesung, 291-331); Makkl b. Abi Talib, 
Ri'dya. 28. The pause and the "beginning" 
[al-wa(if wa-l-ibtidd'/ al-i'tindf, called also 
al-Maqdti' wa-l-mabddi', the title of the book 
of Ibn Mihran, which is not extant; 
Noldeke, gq, iii, 234-7; Pretzl, Koran- 
lesung, 234-8; Silvestre de Sacy, Repos de 
voix; id., Pauses). 29. The exposition of 
what is connected (mawsdl) according to 
the wording but separated (mafsul) in 
meaning. 30. Vocalic inflexion of a [imdla; 
Noldeke, gq, iii, 197, 37; Pretzl, Koran- 
lesung, 318-26; Griinert, Imala). 31-33. 
Other phenomena of pronunciation 
(Pretzl, Koranlesung, 293-318). 34-35. On 
memorization and the learning of reading 
(tildwa) and recitation [tajwid; Noldeke, gq, 
iii, 231-4; Pretzl, Koranlesung, 232-4, 290-1). 

V. Its linguistic aspects: 36. Uncommon or 
rare words or words acquiring special 
meaning in particular contexts (all of this is 
called gharib; Hajjl Khalifa, Kashf, iv, 
322-32: Science of the lexical rarities of 
Qiir'an and hadlth). Lists on that subject 
had been established very early or attrib- 
uted to early scholars (Rippin, Ibn 'Abbas's 
Gharib al-Qur'dn; id., Ibn 'Abbas's al-Lughdt 

Ji l-Qur'dn; Neuwirth, Der Koran, 125-6). A 
list of eighty-five titles, including, however, 
also some A/a'anr ("meanings") al-Qur'dn 
titles, has been collected (Mar'ashll, in- 



333 



TRADITIONAL DISC. IPLINES 



troduction to Makkl b. Abi Talib, 'Umda, 
19-37). Very early in Islam the vocabularly 
of ancient poetry was used to explain 
words of the Qiir'an, as evidenced by the 
Responsa to the Khariji Nafi' b. al-Azraq 
(see KHARljis) attributed to Ibn 'Abbas 
(d. 69/688), which were collected in vari- 
ous versions (SuyutI, Itqdn, ii, 67-105; 
Masd'ilJVafi' b. al-Azraq; Neuwirth, Die 
Masd'il; Gilliot, Textes, in mideo 23 [1997], 
no. 44, with bibliography). 

37. Words that are not in accordance with 
the manner of speaking (lugha) of the 
Hijaz. 38. Words that do not pertain to the 
Arabic language (see foreign vocab- 
tiLARY). 39. Polysemy/homonymy and syn- 
onymy (al-wujuh wa l-nazd'ir). Under al- 
wujuh wa-l-na^dn should be listed kinds of 
concordances of the Qiir'an, such as: 
Muqatil, Ashbdh; Harun b. Musa (d. 170/ 
786), Wujuh; Yahya b. Sallam (d. 200/815), 
Tasdnf; DamaghanI, Wujuh; Ibn al-jawzl, 
Nuzha; Samin, 'Umda, one of the best in 
this genre. 

40. Knowledge of the particles, letters 
and special words (adawdt, huruf, etc.) which 
is necessary for the exegete fUmayra and 
al-Sayyid, Mu'jam al-adawdt wa l-damd'ir Ji 
l-Qur'dn; Sharif, Mu'jam huruf al-ma'dniji 
l-Qur'dn). 41. Case and mood [i'rdb; Hajjl 
Khalifa, Kashf, i, 352-7, no. 926; Qannawji, 
Abjad, ii, 80-2; Shantarlnl, Tanbih al-albdb). 
Among the books on this subject men- 
tioned by al-Suyuti {Itqdn, ii, 309, partly 
repeating, as usual, al-Zarkashi, Burhdn, i, 
301): Makkl (d. 437/1047), Mushkil; al- 
Hawfl (d. 430/1039) who had a book in ten 
volumes on this subject; Abu 1-Baqa' al- 
'Ukbarl (d. 616/1219), Tibjdn; al-SamIn 
al-Halabi (d. 756/1355), Durr, also called 
I'rdb al-Samin; the commentary (Bahr) of 
Abu Hayyan al-GharnatI, which contains 
much on i'rdb. 42. The morphological rules 
(Gilliot, Elt, 165-203), e.g. the pronouns, 
masculine and feminine, affirmation and 
negation, singular and plural, false syn- 
onymy, question and answer, etc. 



VI. Its normative (legal) aspect: 43. Clear and 
ambiguous or similar verses (al-Kisa'l, 

d. 189/805, Mutashdbih; al-Khatib al-Iskafi, 
d. 421/1030, Durrat al-tanzil; al-KirmanI, 
d. ca. 500/1106, Burhdn, which includes a 
list of books on the subject, 61-4; Hajjl 
Khalifa, Kashf, V, 370, no. 11350-1; UQM, ill, 
11-165). 44. Anteposition (muqaddamj and 
postposition (mu'akhkhar) . 45. General and 
particular. 46. Synoptic or ambiguous 
(mujmal) and elucidated or clear (mubajyan). 
47. Abrogating and abrogated. 48. What 
poses a problem (mushkil; Hajjl Khalifa, 
Kashf, V, 559-60, no. 12,093-16) and suggests 
disagreement (ikhtildf) or contradiction. 
The grammarian Qiitrub (d. 206/82 1) is 
said to have written a book on this subject; 
it is probably Kitdb Qutrubf ?nd sa'ala 'anhu 
l-mulhidun min dy al-Qur'dn (Sezgin, gas, viii, 
65); Ibn Qiitayba (d. 276/889) composed 
Ta'wTl mushkil al-Qur'dn ("The interpreta- 
tion of the difficult passages [q.v.] of the 
Qiir'an"). 49. Absolute and restricted 
statements (mutlaq, muqayyad). 50. 
Expressed or understood statements 
(mantuq, mafhum). 

Special books on the legal content or the 
exegesis of the legal verses of the Qiir'an 
have been composed, and are entitled 
Ahkdm al-Qur'dn ("The legal rules of the 
Qiir'an"; Hajjl Khalifa, Kashf, i, 173-4, 
no. 156). The following book should be 
added to our list (see Gilliot, Exegesis, 
113-14): Ibn Faras al-GharnatI (d. 599/ 
1202), Ahkdm al-Qur'dn (Brockelmann, 
GAL, S i, 734; SuyutI, Itqdn, i, 49, 54, 
etc.). 

VII. Its rhetorical and stylistic aspects and its 
inimitability: 51-64 (see also literature 

AND THE C)UR'an). 

VIII. Various aspects: stylistic again, the 
proper names in the Qiir'an, its meritori- 
ous qualities (fadd'il), the writing of the 
Qiir'an, etc. 65. Knowledge drawn from 
the Qiir'an. 66. The parables (amthdl). 



TRADITIONAL DISCIPLINES 



334 



Mawardi (d. 450/1058) has collected these 
parables in al-Amthdl wa-l-hikam (see also 
Ibn al-'Arabi, Qanun, 261-96). 67. The 
oaths (q.v.). 68. Dialectic, argumentation 
and polemics (jadal): according to al- 
Suyuti [Itqdn, iv, 60), Snlayman 'Abd 
al-Qawi 1-Tufi (d. 716/1316) wrote a book 
on this topic. 69. The proper names. 

70. The unidentified individtials 
[al-mubham; Hajji Khalifa, Kashf, v, 367, no. 
II, 342-3): Snhayli, d. 581/1185, Ta'rif; Ibn 
'Askar of Malaga, d. 636/1239, Takmil {cor- 
rect Suyuti, Itqdn, iv, 93, and Stiyutl, 
Mujhamdt, 7, both of which have errone- 
ously Ibn "Asakir"); Snyuti, ATuJJiamdt. In 
numerous cases this discipline is related to 
the occasions of revelations. 71. The names 
of those upon/about whom the Qiir'an 
was sent down (cf. chapters 70 and 9). 

In the literature numerous books were 
written on this topic, in particular concern- 
ing 'All, the subsequent imams (see imam), 
and the family of the Prophet (Kohlberg, 
Medieval Muslim, no. 83, 107-8, 149, 488, 
623). But deciphering anonymous and 
obscure expressions to uncover them (tayin 
al-mubham, tasmiya) was also a focus of 
interest during the earlier stage of Shi'i 
exegesis on "positive" and "negative" 
verses, the former referring to members of 
the Prophet's family, the latter to enemies 
like Abu Bakr, 'Umar, or 'A'isha (see 
'a'isha bint abi bakr), e.g. on (^ 15:44 
(Bar-Asher, Scripture, 106-10; Amir- 
Moezzi, Guide, 217-20; Amir-Moezzi and 
Jambet, Qu'est-ce que le chiisme, 91-3); also 
with words and expressions which are not 
in the 'Uthmanic text, for both positive and 
negative verses: c) 2:225; 4:63, 65-6; 20:115; 
33:71; 42:13 (Amir-Moezzi and Jambet, 
Qu'est-ce que le chiisme, 92-3). 

72. The meritorious cjualities of the 
Qiir'an (Fadd'il al-Qiir'dn, see also above 
and below). 

73. The best of the Qiir'an and what 
makes it so (afdal, jadil; Hajji Khalifa, Kashf, 
i, 373, no. 1022). This issue is a matter of 



disagreement among scholars: al-Ash'ari, 
Ibn Hibban (d. 354/965), al-Baqillani, 
probably already Malik b. Anas (d. 179/ 
795), etc., did not find this topic acceptable. 
They argued that since the Qtir'an is the 
speech (q.v.) of God (see WORD of odd), 
everything in it is excellent. Yet, others did 
discuss this topic: Ishaq b. Rahawayh 
(d. 238/853), al-Ghazali (Jawdhir, 37-8), Abu 
Bakr b. al-'Arabi [Qdnun, 230-40, on Q i 
and 112, also referring to al-Ghazall), etc. 

74. Selected passages (mufraddt) of the 
Qiir'an. This chapter is connected with the 
previous one, but instead of saying "the 
best of...," it discusses expression(s) or 
verse(s) that are "the most sought" (arjd), 
for one reason or another. 75. Its prophy- 
lactic and propitiatory properties (khawdss). 
According to the Itqdn, al-Tamlmi wrote 
Khawdss al-Qur'dn. He was a physician of 
Jerusalem called Abu 'Abdallah al-Tamlmi 
(d. last quarter of the fourth/tenth cen- 
tury; Hajji Khalifa, Kashf, ill, 180, no. 4814; 
Sezgin, GAS, iii, 318, op. 2: Mandfi' khawdss 
al-Qur'dn). Al-Ghazall also wrote a book on 
the subject [Kitdb al-Dhahab al-abraz [al- 
ibnzl fi asrdr khawdss kitdb Allah al-'azizi cf 
Bouyges, Chronologic, 127-8, no. 199). 

76. The calligraphic form [marsum al-khatt; 
see ORTHOGRAPHY OF THE our'an) and 
the discipline of writing the Qiir'an. 
Among those who wrote on this subject, 
al-SiiyutI mentions the treatises of al-DanI 
on orthography (Aluqni'; Silvestre de Sacy, 
Miiqni') and "punctuation" [Nacjt; Silvestre 
de Sacy, Memoire, 320-49; id., Traite de 
ponctuation; id., De differents traites); Ibn 
Wathlq al-Ishblll (d. 654/1256), J'amr; Ibn 
al-Banna' al-Marrakushi, 'Unwdn (see 
above, chapters 21-7). 

IX. Exegesis and exegetes (chapters 77-80; see 
GiUiot, Exegesis; add: Amir-Moezzi and 
Jambet, Qu'est-ce que le chiisme, 139-74: on 
symbolic interpretation, ta'wTl, in Shi'ism; 
VOM, iii, 169-587; French translation of 
passages of several commentaries in 



335 



TRADITIONAL DISC. IPLINES 



Borrmans, Commentaire): The early com- 
mentator Yahya b. Sallam (d. 200/815) had 
hsted twelve qualities (khasla) requisite for 
the exegete, namely the knowledge of what 
is Meccan and Medinan, the abrogating 
and the abrogated, the anteposition and 
the postposition, what is separated (mac/tu') 
and what is connected [mawsul; cf. SuyutI, 
Itqdn, chap. 29), the particidar and the gen- 
eral, ellipsis (idmdr) and the Arabic lan- 
guage (that is, the technical knowledge of 
this language; Ibn Abi Zamanin, d. 399/ 
1008, Tafsn; i, 114). 

It can be said that al-Zarkashl's Burhdn 
and al-Suyutl's Itqdn represent the result of 
centuries of Islamic studies on the Qiir'an. 
Up to the present day they remain the 
main sources, especially the Itqdn, for those 
who write "new" handbooks in Arabic on 
the sciences of the Qvir'an, e.g. Qattan, 
Mabdhith, a sort of abridgment of the Itqdn, 
also to a certain extent Salih, Alabdhith. 

Final remarks 
It should be emphasized that several au- 
thors have written much on various 
qur'anic sciences, e.g. the reader and gram- 
marian of Kufa, al-Kisa'l (d. 189/805), was 
the author of more than ten books on 
qur'anic philology (Sezgin, gas, ix, 130-1), 
and materials from his Ma'dni l-Qur'dn have 
been recently collected. One of his stu- 
dents, the grammarian and author of 
Ma'dni l-Qur'dn, al-Farra' (d. 207/822), 
wrote several other books on cjur'anic phi- 
lology (Sezgin, gas, ix, 133). The gram- 
marian Ibn Khalawayh (d. 370/980) wrote 
some fifty books, five of which were on 
qur'anic disciplines (see the introduction of 
'Uthaymin to I'rdb at-qird'dt, i, 62-85). 
Makkl b. Abu Talib (d. 437/1045) pro- 
duced about 100 books, sixty-seven per- 
taining to qur'anic sciences. These include 
twenty-five on the readings, a qur'anic 
commentary in seventy ajzd' (al-HiddyaJi 
bulugh al-nihdya), another in fifteen volumes 
[mujallads; Mushkil al-ma'dni wa-l-tafsir), a 



book on recitation (Ri'dja), several on the 
pause, etc. (Mar'ashli, ed. of Makkl, 'Umda, 
50-4). Among the more than forty books 
that Abu 'Amr al-Dani (d. 444/1053) com- 
posed, twenty-nine were on qur'anic sci- 
ences, of which fifteen were on readings or 
readers, others on qur'anic philology, like 
al-Idghdm al-kabir ("The great book of as- 
similation in the Qiir'an"), Tahdid (on reci- 
tation; see the introduction of the edition 
of Muktajd, 35-42; introduction to Naqt, 
15-19, listing only twenty-eight books). 
Ahwazi (d. 446/1055) wrote some thirty 
books (introduction to Wajiz, 31-7)) of 
which sixteen were on readings and read- 
ers. Ibn al-Jawzi (d. 597/1 200) wrote more 
than 200 books (list of Ibn Rajab, 'Alwajl, 
Mu'allajdt, 20-8, who lists in his book 574 
titles, of which many are actually the same 
book but with variant titles), twenty-eight 
of which were on qur'anic sciences: two on 
abrogation, one on occasions of revelation, 
one on the seven readings, one on inter- 
pretative constants [al-Wujuh wa-l-na^d'ir, 
i.e. J^uzha), two on rare or strange words 
(gharlb), several on exegesis {^dd, al-AIughni, 
Tajsir al-bajdn; 'Alwaji, Mu'allajdt, 269-70; 
Ibn al-Jawzi, Funun, 9-11, introduction of 
the edition), etc. 

Mention has been made several times in 
this article of the "genre" known as the 
"meritorious qualities of the Qiir'an" 
(Fadd'il al-Qur'dn). This title is often used 
for books or chapters of major hadlth col- 
lections containing traditions attributed to 
Muhammad or the Companions, or com- 
ing from scholars of the first two centuries 
of Islam or later. Some of them are small 
handbooks of qur'anic sciences in general 
with chapters on: (i) learning, teaching and 
recitation of the Qvir'an; (2) those who 
know and recite the Qtir'an and what is 
required of them; (3) the suras and verses, 
and the merits attached to the recitation 
of the different suras; (4) the collection of 
the Qiir'an, words contradicting the ductus 
of the so-called 'Uthmanic codex and the 



TRADITIONAL DISCIPLINES 



336 



various codices; (5) linguistic problems 
(dialects, etc.); (6) Meccan and Medinan 
suras; (7) the readers; (8) its exegesis; (g) the 
orthography of the Qiir'an, etc. (see Abu 
'Ubayd's, Ibn Kathir's, and also, but to a 
lesser degree, 'Abd al-Rahman al-Razl's 
Fadd'il, and Ibn Rajab's Afc/ixinW). Other 
books have little or nothing about the his- 
tory of the text (see textual history of 
THE (JUr'an), but more about the merits 
acquired through its recitation, audition 
and occupying oneself with it [ta'dhud; cf. 
Ibn Abi Shayba, Musannaf \h^. 22, Fadd'il, 
ch. 13], vi, 124: Fi ta'dhud al-Qur'dn), e.g. 
Firyabl's Fadd'il. In the arrangement of the 
collection of traditions of Ibn Hibban 
(d. 354/965) by Ibn Balban al-FarisI 
(d. 729/1329), the equivalent of the Fadd'il 
is the chapter on the recitation of the 
Qur'an, a part of the Book of subtleties (Ibn 
Hibban, Sahih [bk. 7, Raqd'iq, ch. 7, Qird'at 
al-Qur'dn], iii, 5-83). 

According to Franz Rosenthal, over time 
there was a tendency in Islam to give pref- 
erence "to a disjunctive juxtaposition of 
individual data as against a continuous and 
integrated exposition" of science. He fur- 
ther explained, "It can also be assumed to 
have contributed to the growing tendency 
of constantly adding to the number of 
what was considered to constitute inde- 
pendent scientific disciplines" [Knowledge, 
44) until they reached the number of 150, 
or even 316 (Tashkubrizadah, Aliftdh, i, 
74-5). This statement about sciences in 
general is even truer for the "sciences of 
the Qiir'an" whose specification and pro- 
liferation was a matter of ultimate impor- 
tance because they are supposed to lead to 
salvation (q.v.) in the hereafter. According 
to a declaration attributed to Muhammad: 
"The believer will never become surfeited 
with beneficial (khayr) [religious knowl- 
edge] until he reaches paradise" (Tirmidhi, 
Sahih [42, 'Urn, 19], v, 50-1, no. 2686; Rosen- 
thal, Knowledge, 89). But some of these dis- 
ciplines have also contributed to several 



"profane" fields of knowledge, like gram- 
mar, lexicography, stylistics, rhetoric, etc., 
which became, for many scholars, ancillary 
disciplines for the study of the Qiu''an. 

Claude Gilliot 



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Transitoriness 

Being subject to change, departure or 
destruction. The Qtir'an contrasts the 
transitoriness of this world (q.v.; see also 
generations; history and the q^ur'an; 
AIR AND wind; ashes) with the eternally 
enduring quality of the hereafter (see 
eschatology) and also with the eternity 
(q.v.) of God (see god and his attrib- 
utes). The Qiir'an often states that 
whereas this life (al-haydt al-dunyd) will pass 
away (e.g. q 10:24; ^^-45) ^^"^ both its 



TRANSLATIONS OF THE OUR AN 



340 



pleasures (e.g. o 57:20) and its trials (e.g. 
Q. 7-94"5> ^^^ trial; trust and patience) 
are transitory, the realities to come in the 
hereafter (al-dkhira) will endure forever. 
More emphasis is laid on the latter point as 
the Qur'an repeatedly emphasizes the ev- 
erlasting destinies of believer and unbe- 
liever in the garden (q.v.) and hellfire, 
respectively (see belief and unbelief; 

REWARD and PUNISHMENT; PARADISE; 
HELL AND hellfire); "abiding in it for- 
ever" (khdlidina Jjhd) is one of the most dis- 
tinctive qur'anic refrains (e.g. Q^ 2:81-2; 
98:6, 8). Believers should therefore not be 
deceived, as unbelievers are, by the allur- 
ing quality of this world's attractions 
(c3 2:212, on which see Paret, Kommentar, for 
numerous other references) but rather are 
to be schooled in a perspective that sets 
greater store by that which is eternal than 
by that which is transitory. "You prefer this 
life (al-haydt al-dunyd) but the hereafter (al- 
dkhira) is better and more enduring" (abqd, 
(J 87:16-17); "that which you have wastes 
away (janfadu); that which is with God en- 
dures" [bdqin, Q^ 16:96; cf 28:60; 38:54; 
42:36). The unbeliever, failing to grasp this 
truth, seeks to confer immortality upon 
himself in ways doomed to failure: C3 104:3 
speaks of an unbeliever who believes that 
wealth (q.v.) will make him immortal; the 
construction of impressive defensive biuld- 
ings (masdni'J can also appear as a mis- 
guided human attempt to escape the 
transitoriness of this life (c3 26:129; see 
city; house, domestic and divine). 

In terms of frequency of reference this is 
the main emphasis in the qur'anic perspec- 
tive on the transitory quality of this life: a 
contrast between this life and the life to 
come. The Qiir'an does, however, also con- 
trast the transience of this world with God 
himself. "Everyone who is thereon [on the 
earth] will pass away (Janin); there endures 
(yabqd) only the face of your lord (q.v.), 
possessor of might and glory" (q.v.; 
Q, 55:26-7; see also face of god; power 



AND impotence). Although this passage is 
not obviously echoed elsewhere in the 
Qiir'an (Paret, Kommentar, indicates no par- 
allels) it memorably encapsulates the 
qur'anic insistence on the gulf between 
creator and creation (q.v.). Only God is 
inherently eternal; everything else is transi- 
tory. The wider cjur'anic context supple- 
ments this theological foundation (see 
theology and the c)Ur'an) with the 
message that in the hereafter God will 
bestow eternity on the destinies that 
human beings earn for themselves 
(see fate; destiny). 



Bibliography 
Izutsu, God, I 
(ad a 2:212). 



David Marshall 



5-9, 123-32; Paret, Kommentar, 44-5 



Translations of the Qiir'an 

Translations of the Qiir'an did not have 
the same significance during the early 
spread of Islam that, for example, transla- 
tions of the Bible had during the spread of 
Christianity. This is connected to the role 
of Arabs (q.v.) as the original target audi- 
ence and bearers of Islam, as well as to the 
increasing importance of the Arabic lan- 
guage in the newly concjuered territories. 
An additional role was played by the con- 
viction of the stylistic inimitability (q.v.) of 
the Q.ur'an. In the Qiir'an itself, its Arabic 
nature is repeatedly emphasized (cf. 
a 41:2-3; 12:2; 13:37; 20:113; 39:28; 41:2-3; 
42:7; 43:3; see also ARABIC language). 
Herein lies the deeply rooted conviction 
among Muslims that a "valid" recitation of 
the Qur'an (q.v.) is possible only in the 
Arabic language. Only the Hanafite law 
school (see law and the our'an; 

THEOLOGY AND THE CJUr'an) alloWS for 

exceptions in this regard, as set forth in 
detail in 1932 by the Hanafi Azhar scholar 
al-Maraghl (d. 1945). 



341 



TRANSLATIONS OF THE OUR AN 



In the Islamic world up to the early twentieth 

century 
The question of qur'anic recitation sliould 
be kept separate from that of the convey- 
ance of its contents, i.e. its "meaning" (Ar. 
ma'dni) in Islamic vernaculars. Commen- 
surate with the paramount significance of 
the oral tradition of delivering the Qiir'an 
(see RECITERS OF THE qur'an), sermons 
also played an important role (see 

TEACHINO AND PREACHING THE CJUr'an). 

The Qiir'an was always recited and then, 
afterwards, paraphrased (and hence, ex- 
plained) from the Arabic text into the ver- 
nacular. From al-Zamakhshari's (d. 538/ 
1 144) exegesis of Q^ 14:4, it becomes clear 
that he not only sanctioned the translation 
of the Qiir'an from the Arabic, but also 
that such translations actually existed. 
Even the annotation (Ar. tajsir) of the 
Qtir'an's text (see exegesis of the 
^ur'an: classical and medieval) could 
only be meaningfully conveyed to non- 
scholarly non-Arabs in their respective 
mother tongues (see traditional 
disciplines of q^ur'anic study). The old- 
est example for this is the translation of 
al-Tabari's monumental commentary J^amT 
al-bayan into Persian (see Persian litera- 
ture AND THE ^ur'an), which was pre- 
pared for the Samanid ruler Abu Salih 
Mansur b. Null (r. 349-63/961-74). An an- 
cient Turkish version was produced, almost 
simultaneously, on the basis of the Persian 
version (see Turkish literature and the 
(3Ur'an). Numerous Ottoman annotations 
exist for the most important commentaries, 
such as al-Baydawl's (d. prob. 716/1316-17) 
Anwar al-tanziU however, thus far, the ques- 
tion of circulation of the most important 
commentaries in the vernacular remains 
largely imexamined. Evidence for the sec- 
ondary significance of vernacular transla- 
tions with respect to the Arabic original 
may be found in the form of the interlinear 
version, which is extant in numerous man- 
uscripts. It frequently gives simply the iso- 



lated meaning of the individual words, and 
rarely indicates a coherent text. The latter 
becomes common only later, mainly after 
the widespread introduction of the print- 
ing press in the Islamic world in the nine- 
teenth century (see printing of the 

qUR'AN). 

Important impetuses for the translation 
of the Qur'an arose through the confronta- 
tion between the Islamic and Christian 
worlds (see PRE-1800 preo(;cupations of 
c^ur'anic study). This happened initially 
in Spain, as a result of the Christian 
reconquista, and in India as a result of 
English colonization. In Spain, as of the 
fifteenth century, translations of the 
Qiir'an arose in Aljamiado (that is, in old 
Spanish dialects), which were written in 
Arabic script; however, a complete transla- 
tion written in Latin script, dating from the 
year 1606, is also preserved (cf. Lopez- 
Morillas, Six Morisco-versions, 20). Although 
not probable, it cannot be ruled out that 
the majority of the remaining fragmentary 
Aljamiado texts of the Qiir'an were in- 
fluenced by the old-Castilian translation 
prepared by the jurist Ycja of Segovia (that 
is, 'Isa dha Jabir, also known as Yea 
Gidelli) between 1454 and 1456 in Alton/ 
Savoy at the request of Cardinal John of 
Segovia (see below, under "Qur'an transla- 
tions outside the Islamic world until ca. lyoo"). 
Traces of an Aragonite translation of the 
Qtir'an can be found in the polemical work 
of the convert Juan Andres, Confusion dela 
secta mahomatica (Valencia 1515). In India, it 
was Shah Wall Allah Dihlawi (1114-76/ 
1703-62) who, in conjunction with his pur- 
suit of modernization, called for the trans- 
lation of the Qiir'an and, with his 
Persian-language work, Fath al-Rahmdn bi- 
tarjamat al-Qur'dn (1737), delivered a Persian 
translation of the Qur'an that is still mean- 
ingful today (first printed in Delhi, in 
1283/1866). His two sons. Shah Rafi' al- 
Dln (1749-1818) and Shah 'Abd al-Qadir 
(1753-1814), translated the Qur'an into 



TRANSLATIONS OF THE OUR AN 



342 



Urdu (printed in Calcutta in 1840, Deliii 
1829; see SOUTH Asian literature and 
THE cjur'an). 

Actually, since the emergence of the 
printing press, numerous translations have 
appeared in India in various regional 
Indian languages such as Urdu (first in 
1828, by 'Abd al-Salam Badayuni), Sindhi 
(1876), Punjabi (1870), Gujarati (1879), 
Tamil (1884), and Bengali (1886; inciden- 
tally, this translation was produced and 
repeatedly reprinted at the initiative of 
Girish Chandra Sen [1835-1910], a follower 
of the neo-Hindu reformer Keshab 
Chandra Sen [1838-84]; see also litera- 
ture AND THE ^UR'an). 

Even in the nineteenth century, the 
Qiir'an and qur'anic translations were very 
infiuential throughout the Islamic world. 
The first printed Qiir'an in a Turkish 
translation appeared in Cairo in 1842, and 
a Turkish translation of the Tafsir al- 
Jaldlajn in 1877. In Istanbul, Turkish trans- 
lations have only been printed since 1865. 
The first printed Persian translation ap- 
peared in Tehran in 1855 and the first 
Pashtu edition in Bahupal in 1861. The 
first Serbo-Croatian translation (based on a 
French translation) was published in 
Belgrade in 1895. 

In the Islamic world during the twentieth century 
In the first half of the twentieth century, 
printed translations of the Qiir'an were 
still being published for the most important 
languages used by Muslims. In Asia, this 
necessitated translations into Balochi 
(19 11), Brahui (19 16), Telugu (1938), 
Malayan (1923), Indonesian (1928), Chin- 
ese (1927) and Japanese (1920; see south- 
east ASIAN 5^ur'anic literature). In 
Africa, a translation into Yoruba appeared 
in 1906. A translation into the Zanzibar 
dialect of Swahili (printed 1923), produced 
by Godfrey Dale and G.W. Broomfield, 
was deemed unacceptable for Muslims 



due to an added Christian apologetic text, 
despite the quality of its language (see 
AFRICAN literature). At this time, two 
other factors became very significant: the 
missionary activities of the Ahmadiyya 
(q.v.) movement and the efforts of the gov- 
ernment of Kemal Atatiirk in Turkey to 
put the Qi_ir'an into Latin script, aiming to 
publish only the Latin transcription with- 
out further publication of the Arabic 
Qiir'an text (see Arabic script; 
calligraphy). 

Both existing branches of the Ahmadiyya 
movement valued above all spreading the 
Qiir'an in European languages (such as 
English, Dutch, and German). There is 
therefore an unmistakably rationalistic ten- 
dency in the older Ahmadiyya translations 
(Maulvi Muhammad 'All, 19 17). Thus, for 
example, in the English version of 1920 (a 
text identical to the London first edition of 
19 17), the word naml, "ants," appears in 
(J 27 as the description of a clan and "by 
hudhud is not to be understood the lapwing, 
but a person of that name" (see animal 
life; nature as sions). The explanatory 
statement that follows says: "The verses 
that follow show clearly that Solomon (q.v.) 
was speaking of one of his own officers: 
the infliction of severe punishment on a 
small bird by such a mighty monarch as 
Solomon, and the exposition of the great 
religious doctrine of Unity by the lapwing, 
are quite incomprehensible" (p. 747, 
n. 1849). A comprehensive study of the 
different Ahmadiyya translations is lacking. 
The debate over the Qur'an in the Turkish 
Republic led to important discussions in 
al-Azhar, and in its journal these debates 
coalesced into multiple, significant essays 
(cf. Paret/Pearson, Translations, 429f.). In 
an essay from the year 1936, the later 
Rector of al-Azhar, Mahmiid Shaltut 
(1893-1963), expressly embraced the use of 
translation for non-Arabs, arguing that 
even translations contain the meaning of 



343 



TRANSLATIONS OF THE OUR AN 



God's word (see speech; word of god). 

In contrast, the British author and con- 
vert, Marmaduke Picktliall (1875-1936), 
took a considerably more conservative po- 
sition. In 1930, he published a translation 
of the Qiir'an bearing the title The meaning 
of the glorious Koran, "the first English trans- 
lation of the Koran by an Englishman who 
is a Muslim" (p. vii). In the foreword, he 
wrote: "The Koran cannot be translated. 
That is the belief of old-fashioned Sheykhs 
and the view of the present writer. The 
Book is here rendered almost literally and 
every effort has been made to choose befit- 
ting language. But the result is not the 
Glorious Koran, that inimitable symphony, 
the very sounds of which move men to 
tears and ecstasy. It is only an attempt to 
present the meaning of the Koran — and 
peradventure something of the 
charm — in English. It can never take the 
place of the Koran in Arabic, nor is it 
meant to do so" (ibid.). Pickthall's transla- 
tion, which contains exceedingly few an- 
notations, had enormous success among 
Muslims and continues to be reprinted 
today (for example, in Istanbul, I996f.). 
Another prominent convert was the 
Austrian journalist and, later, acting dip- 
lomat for Pakistan, Leopold Weiss 
(1900-92), who took the name Muhammad 
Asad after his conversion in 1926. He pub- 
lished an English translation of the Qiir'an 
in Gibraltar in 1980. 

Four years after Pickthall (1934), a further 
translation appeared, which is still com- 
mon today. It stems from the Indian 
scholar 'Abdallah Yusuf 'All (1872-1951) 
and is explicitly a response to Pickthall's 
work. In its introduction, "Translations of 
the Qiir-an," 'All writes of Pickthall's 
translation, that it is " ^almost litteral': it 
can hardly be expected that it can give an 
adequate idea of a Book which (in his own 
words) can be described as 'that inimitable 
symphony, the very sounds of which move 



men to tears and ecstasy.' Perhaps the at- 
tempt to catch something of that sym- 
phony in another language is impossible. 
Greatly daring, I have made that attempt." 
In the numerous notes to his bilingual edi- 
tion (the Arabic text in calligraphy by Pir 
'Abdul Hamid), 'All strives for a contem- 
porary exegesis that seeks primarily to an- 
swer the question: "What guidance can we 
draw for ourselves from the message of 
God?" 

After the Second World War, intensified 
efforts to make the Qiir'an accessible in as 
many languages as possible can be 
discerned — always with the theologically 
motivated condition that the main concern 
be with translating, i.e. explaining, the 
meaning of the Qi_ir'an. Henceforth, trans- 
lations by Muslims outnumber those by 
non-Muslims. In the English language, 
numerous new translations were published; 
notable are the translations by Abdul 
Majid Daryabadi (Lahore 1957) and, that 
favored by the Ahmadiyya movement, the 
translation of Muhammad ZafruUah Khan 
(first published in London, 1971), both of 
which contain detailed commentaries. The 
first American translation derives from 
TB. Irving (Vermont 1985). In 1959, the 
scholar Muhammad HamiduUah 
(1908-2002), who came from Haydarabad 
in India, published an excellent French 
translation. This edition underwent more 
than twelve editions and was also trans- 
lated into Turkish. Preceding the transla- 
tion itself is an extremely valuable survey 
of earlier Qur'an translations. In 1972, 
Sheikh Si Hamza Boubakeur published a 
French translation with detailed commen- 
taries based on traditional sources; it is 
particularly popular among north African 
migrants. In Germany, several translations 
by Muslims first appeared in the 1990's, 
independently from one another. 

The increasing number of Muslim 
immigrants from various Islamic countries 



TRANSLATIONS OF THE OUR AN 



344 



has been of great importance in different 
European countries. Because of this phe- 
nomenon, tlie task of translating the 
Qiir'an into the languages of their new 
host countries was set before Muslims 
themselves. At the same time, intensified 
Islamic missionary efforts are discernible 
worldwide, particularly in African coun- 
tries south of the Sahara. In this context, 
the "King Fahd Complex for the Printing 
of the Holy Qiir'an" (Ar. Aiujamma' al-Ma- 
lik Fahd li-tibd'at al-Qur'dn al-kanm; founded 
1982, opened 1984; www.qurancomplex. 
org) in Medina acquires a very specific im- 
portance. The ultimate goal of this institu- 
tion is to make the Arabic text of the 
Qiir'an, together with "the translation of 
the meaning of the Qiir'an," freely 
accessible worldwide. Presently, transla- 
tions in 44 different languages (23 Asian, 11 
African, and 10 European) are available. 
All of these editions, produced with an 
excellent quality of typographic technique 
and binding, are bilingual, and some even 
have additional, relatively extensive com- 
mentaries. In the meantime, however, edi- 
tions not containing the Arabic text have 
also appeared. 

Qur'dn translations outside the Islamic world until 

circa lyoo 
In the Middle Ages and in pre-modern 
times, translations of the Qiir'an by non- 
Muslims initially originated from the po- 
lemical conflict with Islam (see polemic 

AND POLEMICAL LANGUAOE; APOLOOY). A 

complete translation of the Qur'an into 
Greek is not preserved. Remnants of this 
translation can, however, be found in 
polemical works by Byzantine theologians 
such as Niketas of Byzantium (third/ninth 
century; cf. Versteegh, Greek translations). 
References to a possible Syriac translation 
of the Qiir'an can be found in the west 
Syrian theologian Barsallbi's (d. 565/1 170; 
cf. Mingana, Ancient Syriac translation) 



polemical tract against Jews, Nestorians, 
and Muslims (see JEWS and Judaism; 
CHRISTIANS AND CHRISTIANITY). The com- 
plete Qiir'an was repeatedly translated into 
Latin; however, only two of these transla- 
tions were also printed, namely that by 
Robert of Ketton (1142/43, printed in 
Basel, 1534) and that by Ludovico 
Marracci (printed together with the Arabic 
text in Padua, 1698; the Latin text only in 
Leipzig, 1721, published by Christian 
Reineccius). The oldest complete Latin 
translation of the Qiir'an was produced in 
Spain in the years 1142/43, at the instiga- 
tion of the Abbot of Cliiny, Peter the 
Venerable (1092-1156). The translator was 
the English scholar Robert of Ketton 
(Robertus Ketenensis, or Robert of 
Chester, Robertus Cestrensis; exact life- 
span unknown), who availed himself of the 
assistance of a native "Moorish" speaker 
named Muhammad. This translation, to- 
gether with several non-qiir'anic Islamic 
texts, found a remarkable circulation in 
Europe, possibly because of its association 
with Cluny. The quality of this translation, 
however, was sharply criticized as early as 
the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, and 
by none other than Juan of Segovia in the 
Prologue to his own translation (see below), 
Martin Luther (1483- 1564) in his German 
adaptation of Ricoldo's Contra legem 
Sarracenorum (1542), as well as, eventually, by 
Justus Joseph Scaliger (1540-1609; cf. 
Bobzin, Reformation, 38 n. 127). Above all, 
the typical qur'anic first-person speech of 
God is completely obscured by merely ref- 
erential paraphrase. Nevertheless, this 
translation had great infiiience well into 
the seventeenth century, because of its 
printing in 1543 as a reference work. 
Incidentally, the first completely preserved 
translation into the Italian vernacular was 
based upon this version (see below). 

A second complete Latin translation be- 
longs in the realm of the polemical conflict 



345 



TRANSLATIONS OF THE OUR AN 



with the doctrine of the Almohads (al- 
Muwahhidun, r. in nortli Africa and Spain 
in the sixth-seventh/twelfth-thirteenth 
cents.). Supported by tlie Archbisliop Don 
Rodrigo Jimenez de Rada (ca. 1170-1247), 
Mark of Toledo (Canon Marcus of Toledo, 
exact lifespan unknown) produced a new, 
fairly literal translation, apparently in total 
ignorance of the earlier work by Robert of 
Ketton. This translation, however, was not 
widespread outside of Spain (cf. d'Alverny 
and Vajda, Marc de Tolede). 

A third Latin translation was produced 
by John of Segovia (Juan de Segovia; ca. 
1398-1458); it was, however, basically just 
an accessory to an old-Castilian Qiir'an 
translation, which he composed between 
1454 and 1456 in the Monastery of Alton 
in Savoy, together with the Muslim scholar 
'Isa dha Jabir (alias Yga Gidelli). Both 
translations have been lost, with the excep- 
tion of the Latin prologue (cf. Gazquez, 
Prologo). A fourth Latin translation was 
produced by Johannes Gabriel Terrolensis 
(exact lifespan unknown) for the Roman 
curial cardinal Aegidius of Viterbo (Egidio 
da Viterbo; 1470-1532). What is valuable 
about this work, available in two recen- 
sions, is a column of notes, based on the 
Muslim exegesis of the Qiir'an (cf. 
Burman, Latin-Arabic Qur'dn edition), next to 
the Latin transcription of the Arabic text. 
Another Latin translation, of which two 
manuscripts are known, is attributed to the 
Byzantine patriarch Kyrillos Lukaris (1572- 
1638). Two manuscript recensions also re- 
main of the translation of the Franciscan, 
Dominicus Germanus de Silesia 
(1588-1670; cf. Devic, Traduction inedite). 

The translation by the Italian Fr. 
Ludovico Marracci (1612-1700), which ap- 
peared in 1698, ushered in an entirely new 
era. For his translation, Marracci was able 
to rely on the collection of Arabic manu- 
scripts belonging to the Bibliotheca 
Vaticana, which was rather substantial for 



the time (cf. Nallino, Fonti arabe). In it, he 
found the most important Islamic com- 
mentaries to the Qiir'an, which he used 
extensively for his translation and from 
which he had numerous excerpts printed 
in Arabic with a Latin translation. Because 
of its accuracy, Marracci's translation can 
be used profitably to this day. Of 
Marracci's Qiir'an edition, Edward 
Denison Ross quite rightly says: "It rep- 
resents a most remarkable feat of scholar- 
ship, greatly in advance of most 
Orientalism of the period" (Ross, Marracci, 
118). 

Like the printed Latin precursor transla- 
tion, Marracci's translation was also used 
as a template, that is, as a reference work, 
for further translations into the vernacular. 
The German translation by the 
Nuremberg pastor, David Nerreter 
(1649-1726), refers directly and explicitly to 
Marracci's text. Nerreter revised Pansebeia 
(1653), the work in comparative religion, by 
the Scottish author Alexander Ross (1590- 
1654), and contributed his own extensive 
volume about Islam, titled Meu erojjnete 
Mahometanische Moschea (Nuremberg, 1703). 
After a general description of Islam based 
on the sources known at the time, the 
German text of the Qiir'an followed in a 
second tract, translated according to 
Marracci's Latin version. Nerreter's work is 
still fully immersed in the tradition of anti- 
Islamic polemics of the previous century; 
he translates the Qiir'an in order that every 
individual can see for themselves the "cor- 
ruptive teachings of Mohammad" (schad- 
liche Lehre Mohammeds). Nerreter's work, 
chronologically the third German transla- 
tion of the Qiir'an, had no noteworthy 
repercussions. The first Hungarian transla- 
tion of the Qur'an (1831), by Imre Buzitai 
Szedlmayer and Gyorgy Gedeon (born 
1831), is also based on Marracci's 
translation. 

The oldest complete translation into a 



TRANSLATIONS OF THE OUR AN 



346 



European vernacular, namely the Italian, is 
in the Qtir'an edition issued by the 
Venetian publisher Andrea Arrivabene in 
1547. Although the title asserts that the 
Qvir'an was "newly translated from the 
Arabic," the translation is actually based 
exclusively on the 1543 Latin Qiir'an by 
Theodor Bibliander, as noted by the two 
great Leiden philologists, Justus Joseph 
Scaliger and Thomas Erpenius (1584- 
1624). Arrivabene divides his Qiir'an edi- 
tion into three books, with the text of the 
Qjur'an being contained only in the second 
and third books. The first book contains 
three treatises, Chronica mendosa et ridiculosa 
Sarracenorum, De generatione Mahumet et nu- 
tritura eius, as well as Doctrina Machumeti, 
which were published alongside a transla- 
tion of the Qiir'an in the "Corpus 
Toletanum" (cf. Bobzin, Reformation, 
264f.). The first German translation of the 
Qur'an, by the then-pastor of Nuremberg, 
Salomon Schweigger (1551-1622), is based 
on Arrivabene's edition. In the foreword to 
the book, which first appeared in 1616, he 
wrote that he had come to know of 
Arrivabene's translation of the Qiir'an 
during his travels as a missionary preacher 
to Istanbul in Turkey (1578-61). 
Schweigger's edition is entirely dependent 
upon Arrivabene's in its composition and, 
astonishingly, lacks any acknowledgement 
of the Latin edition of the Qiir'an by 
Bibliander. In the year 1659, an edition of 
Schweigger's works, with a substantially 
expanded commentary section, appeared 
in Nuremberg in the prominent printing 
office of Endters', without, however, nam- 
ing Schweigger as the translator (reprinted 
1664). The first Dutch translation of the 
Qiir'an, printed in 1641, also goes back to 
Schweigger's text, whose name appears as 
"Swigger" on the title page; the name of 
the Dutch translator is unknown and the 
place of publication given there 
("Hamburg") is false. 



The oldest French translation (Paris 1647) 
comes from Andre dii Ryer, "Sieiir de la 
Garde Malezair" (d. 1672). Supported by 
the French diplomat, Francois Savary de 
Breves (d. 1618), dii Ryer studied Turkish, 
Arabic and possibly also Persian from 
1616-21 in Egypt. His path as a diplomat 
led him first to an appointment as vice- 
consul to Alexandria and Cairo, and then, 
as interpreter and ambassador, to Istanbul. 
He published one of the first studies of 
Turkish grammar (1630; 1633) and trans- 
lated one of the most famous works of 
Persian literature, the "Flower garden" 
(Gulistdn), by Sa'dl, into French (1634). Dii 
Ryer's translation of the Qiir'an is the old- 
est complete translation of the Qiir'an into 
a European vernacular and became an 
unparalled literary success, to which re- 
prints in France and even more numerous 
reprints in the Netherlands during the sev- 
enteenth and eighteenth centuries testify. 
The easy availability of the Qiir'an ac- 
companied a newfound interest in the 
Orient; additionally, dii Ryer's translation 
lacked the polemical tone of previous edi- 
tions, an orientation which arose mainly in 
ecclesiastical contexts. Dii Ryer used 
Islamic commentaries such as al-Baydawl's 
Anwdr al-tanzil, the TafsTr al-Jaldlayn by al- 
Mahalli (d. 864/1459) and al-Suyuti 
(d. 911/1505), or an excerpt from al-Razl's 
(d. 606/1210) great commentary made by 
al-Raghi 1-Tunisi (d. 715/1315) entitled al- 
Tanwirji l-tafsir, quite casually in his trans- 
lation, merely noting them in the margins. 
The deprecatory tone present in the in- 
troductory chapter, "Sommaire de la re- 
ligion des Turcs," can be understood as an 
attempt at camouflage (cf. Hamilton and 
Richard, Andre du Ryer, 94f.). The success of 
dii Ryer's translation, despite its philologi- 
cal shortcomings, which were already rec- 
ognized by his contemporaries, rests on its 
use as a basis for the production of further 
translations. 



347 



TRANSLATIONS OF THE OUR AN 



Already two years after the first French 
edition, in 1649, tlie Scottish autlior 
Alexander Ross, previously mentioned in 
connection with Marracci and Nerreter, 
published an English translation, whose 
author is unknown. Ross prefaced his 
translation with a very traditional view of 
Muhammad's life and an extensive pre- 
sentation of Islam. That problems with 
censorship existed is evidenced by the sub- 
title: With a Needful Caveat, or Admonition, for 
them who desire to know what use may be made of, 
or if there be danger in Reading the Alcoran. The 
success of the book arose from the fact that 
it was reissued in the year of its initial pub- 
lication, 1649, as well as in 1688. Even- 
tually, the translation was incorporated as a 
fourth volume in The Compleat History of the 
Turks from the Origin in the Year /jj to the Year 
iyi8, by David Jones (London 1718). It 
appears, without mention of Ross's name, 
after the biography of Muhammad titled 
The True Nature of Imposture fully Display 'd in 
the Life of Mahomet, by Humphrey Prideux 
(1648-1724). It is of particular interest to 
note that the first translation printed and 
published in America was that published 
by Ross (Springfield 1806), not the transla- 
tion by Sale (see below), which, at the time, 
had already completely displaced Ross's 
work in Britain. 

The second language into which du 
Ryer's Qiir'an was translated was Dutch. 
The Mennonite Jan Hendricksz. Glaze- 
maker (d. 1682) worked as a professional 
translator of Latin, French, German, and 
Italian; the list of works he translated 
(among them, works by Descartes and 
Spinoza) is impressive. His Qiir'an transla- 
tion is "an elegant piece of prose which 
was obviously intended for a public more 
interested in literature than in the theologi- 
cal study of Islam" (Hamilton and 
^ic\i2i.rA, Andre du Ryer, 115). Glazemaker's 
Dutch translation appeared first in 
Amsterdam in 16^,8. The translation was 



printed together with a life of Muhammad 
from Thomas Erpenius's Latin translation 
of the Historia Saracenica by the Coptic his- 
torian al-Makin ( Jirjis b. al-'Amid, d. ca. 
1273), as well as with excerpts from the 
works of various ecclesiastical authors who 
wrote about Muhammad (cf. Hamilton 
and Richard, Andre du Ryer, Ii5f.). Further- 
more, a text about Muhammad's ascension 
(q.v.) to heaven, as well as a version of the 
so-called Aiasd'il Abdalldh b. Saldm (cf. 
Bobzin, Reformation, p. 334, n. 310 and 
312), which had already appeared in the 
earlier Toledo collection, was added. 
Glazemaker's translation of the Qiir'an 
was extraordinarily successful and a total 
of six reprints were issued up to 1734. 
Glazemaker based the second German 
translation of the Qiir'an upon the Dutch 
translation. It appeared, however, not as an 
independent work, but rather as part of 
the collected edition Thesaurus Exoticorum 
(Hamburg 1688), published by the late- 
baroque professional writer Eberhard 
Werner Happel (1647-90). In this version, 
the Qiir'an was embedded in the frame- 
work of an all-encompassing cosmo- 
graphic presentation, in which the "Asiatic, 
African and American nations" were pre- 
sented. In this extensive encyclopedic vol- 
ume, the translation of the Qiir'an follows 
a detailed illustrated description of the 
Ottoman empire. Yet, the impact of du 
Ryer's translation does not end with the 
third German translation, but with two 
Russian translations of the French edition. 
The first appeared at the command of czar 
Peter the Great in 1716 in St. Petersburg; 
the translator was Petr Vasilyevic 
Pos(t)nikov. This translation contains nu- 
merous misinterpretations. The second 
translation, penned by the litterateur 
Mikhail Ivanovic Verevkin (1733-95), ^P" 
peared in 1790, shortly after the first 
Arabic edition of the Qur'an, which was 
printed in St. Petersburg in 1787 at the 



TRANSLATIONS OF THE OUR AN 



348 



behest of the empress Catherine II (cf. 
Hamilton and Richard, Andre du Ryer, 

ii7f.). 

i8th century translations outside the Islamic world 
In contrast to all previously presented 
Christian translations, the history of the 
impact of the translation done by the 
English jurist and Orientalist George Sale 
(d. 1736) endures until today. According to 
J. Flick, "through a somewhat prosaic neat- 
ness, it illustrates that what matters is to 
reflect the contents of the work clearly and 
effectively" ("zeichnet sie sich durch eine 
etwas niichterne Sauberkeit aus, welcher es 
niu" darauf ankommt, den Inhalt des 
Werkes klar und deutlich wiederzugeben," 
Fiick, Studien, 104). In his discussion of 
Marracci's translation. Sale writes, "This 
translation... is very exact; but adheres to 
the Arabic idiom too literally to be easily 
understood." Undoubtedly, Sale's own 
translation is based on the Arabic text, for 
the interpretation of which Sale regularly 
drew on the commentary by al-BaydawI. 
But he continuously looked at Marracci's 
interpretation of the text and used 
Marracci's work copiously in his extensive 
notes: "So much had been achieved by 
Marracci that Sale's work might also have 
been performed with a knowledge of Latin 
alone, as far as regards the quotations from 
Arabic sources" (E.D. Ross in the foreword 
to his edition of Sale, ix). Of particular 
significance, however, is the detailed 
"Preliminary Discourse"; herein Sale gives 
a detailed description of the history and 
religion of the pre-Islamic Arabs, support- 
ing himself above all with the Specimen 
Historia Arahum, by Edward Pococke 
(1604-gi), which appeared in 1650. To this, 
he adds a general introduction to the 
Qur'an, as well as an overview of the most 
important Islamic sects. Sale's translation 
had extraordinary success. In the eight- 
eenth century itself four additional editions 



appeared, and in the nineteenth, well over 
60. This translation is still on the market. 
Since 1825, editions preceded by a "sketch 
of the life of George Sale," penned by 
Richard Alfred Davenport (d. 1852) are 
available, with expanded notes based on 
translations such as the French translation 
by Savary (see below). In 1882-6, Elwood 
Morris Wherry (d. 1927) republished the 
work under the title A comprehensive com- 
mentary on the Quran without adding any- 
thing essentially new to the edition. 
Additionally worth noting is the edition of 
1921, to which the British Orientalist 
Edward Denison Ross contributed an in- 
sightful introduction, pointing out the 
manner in which Sale was indebted to 
Marracci's work (see above). 

The fourth German translation is based 
on Sale's translation. It was composed by 
Theodor Arnold (1683-1761), an English 
teacher who also composed a widely used 
study of English grammar (Leipzig 1736) 
and translated numerous English works 
into German, among them Ockley's History 
of the Saracens. Arnold's German translation 
appeared in Lemgo in 1764. Although not 
widely circulated, Goethe used it for his 
West-ostlichen Divan and its accompanying 
Noten und Abhandlungen. Furthermore, the 
third Russian translation of the Qur'an 
(St. Petersburg 1792) goes back to Sale's 
text by way of Alexej Vasiljevic Kolmakov, 
as does the first Hungarian (1854) transla- 
tion, by way of Istvan Szokoly (1822-1904). 

The first German translation produced 
directly from the Arabic was published in 
1772 by the Frankfurt scholar David 
Friederich Megerlin (1699-1778). From the 
fact that an etching of "Mohammad, the 
false Prophet," faces the title page, one can 
infer that Megerlin remained entirely 
attached to the traditional Christian 
polemic against Islam. With respect to this 
translation, Goethe spoke of an "elende 
Produktion" (wretched production). Only 



349 



TRANSLATIONS OF THE OUR AN 



one year later (1773), a further translation 
directly from the Arabic appeared. It was 
composed by the Qiiedlinbnrg clergyman 
Friedrich Eberhard Boysen (d. 1800). A 
contemporary reviewer criticized the trans- 
lation for its tendency to paraphrase im- 
properly. In 1775, a second print run was 
issued. In 1828, a revision that attempted 
to rebut the scathing critique by the most 
important German Arabic scholar of the 
time, Fleischer (1801-88), was issued by the 
Orientalist Samuel Friedrich Giinther 
Wahl (1760-1834), who, at the time, was 
teaching in Halle/Saale. 

Claude Etienne Savary (1750-88) pro- 
duced a new French translation in 1783. It 
originated during an extended stay in 
Egypt (cf Lettres sur I'Egypte), quasi "sous les 
yeiix des Arabes," as Savary wrote in the 
foreword. Consequently, Savary can be 
viewed as the first translator of the Qi_ir'an 
who had a feel "for the perfection of the 
style and the grandeur of the imagery" (fiir 
die Perfektion des Stils und die GroBar- 
tigkeit der Bilder) of the Qiir'an. For this 
reason, he can rightly characterize du 
Ryer's translation as a mere "rhapsodic 
plate et ennuyeuse;... en lisant sa traduc- 
tion, on ne s'imagerinait jamais que le 
Koran est le chef-d'oeuvre de la langue 
arabe." Accordingly, in his translation, 
Savary tried to preserve precisely the lin- 
guistic character of the Qiir'an's style: "To 
the extent of my abilities, I have imitated 
the concision, energy and grandeur of its 
style" ("J'ai imite autant qu'il a dependu de 
moi la concision, I'energie, I'elevation de 
son style"). Above all, a certain stylistic 
obscurity should not be smoothed out in 
the translation. Savary preceded his trans- 
lation with a "life of Muhammad," com- 
piled from different Arabic authors. The 
notes to the text are rather sparse, al- 
though nevertheless substantive; they were 
later incorporated into a part of Sale's edi- 
tions. Savary's translation, of which there 



are a total of seventeen different editions, 
is still read to this day and is still on the 
market. Incidentally, Savary was the first to 
give up the until-then common European 
usage of "Alkoran" (Alcoranus) in favor of 
"Koran." The Spanish translations by 
Joaquin Garcia-Bravo (1907) and 
A. Hernandez Cata (19 13), as well as an 
anonymous Italian translation (1882), draw 
on Savary's text. 

igth century translations outside the Islamic 

world 
A further translation of the Qiir'an, like- 
wise still available today, was produced by 
Albin de Biberstein Kazimirski (d. 1887), a 
Polish immigrant to France. He was a stu- 
dent of Silvestre de Sacy (d. 1838) and 
worked as an interpreter of Arabic and 
Persian. Kazimirski's translation first ap- 
peared in 1840, as part of the three-volume 
collection entitled Les livres sacres de ['Orient, 
published by the Sinologist Jean Pierre 
Guillaume Pauthier (d. 1873), which also 
contained translations of the Shi Ring and 
the laws of the Manu. This juxtaposition is 
significant in the history of ideas in that 
the Qiir'an was thereby placed on an en- 
tirely new plane of understanding, as the 
document of a world religion, that is, of 
an independent cidtiu'c. In the same year 
(1840), a separate edition, which was fre- 
quently reprinted, appeared. The transla- 
tion was certified as preserving "the poetic 
vapor of numerous passages of the 
Qur'an" ("le souffle poetique de nombreux 
passages du Goran," G.C. Anawati). 
Another testament to its quality is cer- 
tainly the fact that scholars such as 
G.H. Bousquet (1959), Mohammed Arkoun 
(1970), and Maxime Rodison (1981) reis- 
sued the translation, adding a new intro- 
duction each time. The Spanish editions by 
Jose Garber de Robles (1844) and Vicente 
Ortiz de la Puebla (1872), as well as the 
Russian translation by K. Nikolajev (1864), 



TRANSLATIONS OF THE OUR AN 



350 



are all based on Kazimirski's translation. 
In addition to further translations from 
other languages, Kazimirski's constitutes 
the basis for the two Dutch translations by 
L.J.A. ToUens (1859) and Salome Keijzer 
(i860). 

A German translation was put out in 
1840 as well, by the Rabbi Lion (Ludwig) 
Baruch UUmann of Krefeld (d. 1843). 
UUmann was inspired in his work by the 
dissertation of the important Jewish 
scholar Abraham Geiger (1810-74), Was hat 
Mohammed aus dem Judenthume aufgenommen? 
(Bonn 1833), and emphasized in the pref- 
ace to his translation his conviction that 
"what this translation will have above and 
beyond all others is the exact observation 
and documentation of everything that 
Muhammad borrowed from Judaism" 
("Was diese Ubersetzung vor anderen 
voraushaben wird, ist die genaue Beach- 
tung und Nachweisung alles dessen, was 
Muhamed aus dem Judenthum entlehnt 
hat"). Although this translation was 
sharply criticized for its philological short- 
comings by such important scholars of 
Arabic as H.L. Fleischer (1801-88) and Th. 
Noldeke (1836-1930), a ninth edition was 
issued in 1897. A revision (1959) by Leo 
Winter did nothing to improve the quality 
of the translation; nevertheless, this edi- 
tion, though linguistically deficient, remains 
widely popular in Germany to this day. 

A few years before UUmann, the German 
poet and Orientalist Friedrich Riickert 
(d. 1866), using the newly published Arabic 
edition of the Qiir'an by Gustav Fliigel as 
his basis, attempted a poetic rendition of 
the Qiir'an that simultaneously observed 
the philological standards of the time, but 
not in the form of a complete translation. 
Riickert 's work was first published after his 
death. Annemarie Schimmel wrote of the 
translation, "Riickert spiirte mit dichte- 
rischem Instinkt die poetische Kraft und 
Schonheit welter Parteien des Textes und 



suchte sic so wiederzugeben, daB der 
Originalcharakter- sei er starker poetisch 
oder prosaisch- gewahrt blieb" (Riickert 
felt with a poet's instinct the poetic power 
and beauty of sections of the text and at- 
tempted to render them in such a manner 
that the original character- whether 
strongly poetic or prosaic- remained 
preserved). 

The first Swedish translation of the 
Qiir'an stems from the linguist and dip- 
lomatj. Fredrik S. Crusenstolpe {1801-82) 
and appeared together with a historical 
introduction in 1843. It was followed in 
1874 by the translation by Carl Johan 
Tornberg (1807-77), ^ student of de Sacy, 
who had been teaching Orientalism in 
Lund since 1847. Tornberg prefaced this 
with a Swedish translation of Noldeke's 
Das Leben Muhammeds (Hannover 1863). 

The first Italian translation of the Qiir'an 
directly from the Arabic is by Cavaliere 
Vincenzo Calza (1847). The first Polish edi- 
tion of the QjLir'an was published by Jan 
Murza Tarak Buczacki, together with a 
Life of Mahomet (London 1849/50) by 
Washington Irving (d. 1859), information 
about various aspects of the relationship 
between Poland and the Turks and Tartars, 
and about the pre-Islamic Arabs and the 
Qur'an (from Sale's "Preliminary 
Discourse"). Eventually, a few of the 
prayers, translated from the Arabic, were 
added. This edition was reprinted in 1985 
and 1988. 

The 1857 Hebrew translation by the 
Jewish scholar Hermann (i.e. Zvi Chajjim) 
Reckendorf (d. ca. 1875) is noteworthy; 
additionally, it even contains three essays 
about the pre-Islamic Arabs, the life of 
Muhammed, as well as about the Qiir'an. 
Yosef Yoel Rivlin made another Hebrew 
translation (1937), which is still viewed as 
the most popular such translation; several 
editions have been published over the 
years. Aaron Ben Shemesh published a 



351 



TRANSLATIONS OF THE OUR AN 



third Hebrew translation in 1971. To tliis 
list sliould be added tlie 2005 Hebrew 
translation by Uri Rubin. 

In 1861, a new Englisli translation of the 
Qi_ir'an by the clergyman John Meadows 
Rodwell (d. 1900), who was an old friend of 
Darwin's, appeared. It is unusual in that, 
for the first time in a translation of the 
Qiir'an, the suras were arranged by taking 
into consideration their chronological or- 
der. Rodwell could resort to the prior 
works of Gustav Weil [Mohammed der 
Prophet, Stuttgart 1843), William Muir [The 
life of Mahomet, London i858f ), and 
Theodore Noldeke, gq (first ed. i860); he 
nevertheless followed his own ideas about 
arrangement, compiling the older suras 
according to thematic considerations 
rather than historical allusion. Particularly 
noteworthy is Rodwell's perception of the 
significance of the originally oral character 
of the Qiir'an: "Of all the Suras it must be 
remarked that they were intended not for 
readers but for hearers- that they were all pro- 
mulgated by public recital- and that much 
was left, as the imperfect sentences shew, to 
the manner and suggestive action of the 
reciter" (Preface). G. Margoliouth, who 
revised the translation for the "Everyman's 
Library" in 1909, characterized it in his 
introduction as "one of the best that have 
as yet been produced. It seems to a great 
extent to carry with it the atmosphere in 
which Muhammed lived, and its sentences 
are imbued with the flavour of the east." 
In 1875, the first Spanish translation from 
the Arabic prepared by a Christian, 
Benigno de Murguiondo y Ugartondo, 
appeared. Like the translation by 
Marracci, it included an extensive refuta- 
tion on the basis of the doctrine of the 
Catholic church. This is amply expressed 
by the title. Three years later (1878), the 
first modern Greek translation, by 
Gerasimos I. Pentakes, appeared; by 1887, 
three further editions had been published. 



The first Russian translation of the 
Qrir'an from the Arabic (first appearance 
1877/9) ™^^ prepared by the Orientalist 
Gordij Semjonovic Sablukov (d. 1880) from 
Kazan on the basis of the so-called 
Petersburg Qrir'an (1787; see above; see 
also PRINTING OF THE our'an). As of the 
third edition (1907), the Arabic text, set in 
the Kazan Arabic typeface, was printed on 
the opposing page. Reprints of this edition 
still appeared after the second World War, 
but without exact dates of publication. 

To produce the Qiir'an translation for the 
well-known series. Sacred Books of the 
East, the publisher, F. Max Miiller 
(d. 1900), engaged the services of the 
Cambridge Orientalist Edward Henry 
Palmer (d. 1882), who completed the task 
in a short period of time. The two sections 
appeared in 1880 as the sixth and ninth 
volumes in the series. Palmer added a his- 
torical introduction (pp. ix-lxxx), as well as 
an "Abstract of the contents of the 
Qvir'an" (pp. Ixxxi-cxviii), to the book. The 
short period of time allowed for comple- 
tion of the translation led to what Stanley 
Lane-Poole (1854-1931) described as "the 
grave fault of immaturity." H.A.R. Gibb 
(1895-1971) judged the translation to be 
"rather literal and inadequate." Never- 
theless, Palmer's translation was reissued 
numerous times and, as of 1928, was even 
incorporated into the renowned serial 
"World's Classics," with the addition of an 
"Introduction" by Reynold AUeyne 
Nicholson (1868-1945). 

Two years later (1882), the first 
Portuguese translation appeared in Rio de 
Janeiro. A translator is not named. 

20th century translations beyond the Islamic 

world 
Progress in Arabic philology in the nine- 
teenth century initially had hardly any 
effect on the translation of the Qiir'an. 
In the festschrift for Theodor Noldeke 



TRANSLATIONS OF THE OUR AN 



352 



(Bezold, Orientalische Studien, i, 34 n. i), the 
German Arabist August Fischer wrote, 
"dafl unter alien vorhandenen, voUstan- 
digen wie partiellen, Qpran-Ubertra- 
gungen keine einzige strengen 
philologischen Anforderungen geniigt" 
(of all the Qiir'an translations available, 
whether complete or partial, not a single 
one satisfies the stringent standards of phi- 
lology). This statement makes clear that 
philologically weak translations coidd still 
be exceedingly successful, even in the 
twentieth century. A good example of this 
is the German translation by Max 
Henning (d. 1927), who was certainly not 
an Arabist. This version first appeared in 
1901 as a volume in the popidar and highly 
circidated "Universal-Bibliothek," pub- 
lished by Ph. Reclam in Leipzig. In i960, 
this edition was republished in the West 
German branch of Reclam in Stuttgart, 
slightly revised by Annemarie Schimmel (d. 
2003). In 1968, another revision of this 
translation was published by the Leipzig 
historian of religion, Kurt Rudolf, in the 
East German branch of Reclam in Leipzig. 
This version distinguished itself through its 
particularly meticulous and comprehensive 
commentary. Henning's translation is easy 
to read but philologically unreliable; it is 
noteworthy that it was republished by 
Turkish authorities for migrants from 
Turkey. The translation experienced a 
last, considerably more incisive revision 
by the Muslim convert Murad Wilfried 
Hofmann (first published in Istanbul, 

1998). 

More decisive philological advances than 
those made by Henning's translation are 
present in three other translations, which 
are still reissued to this day, although with 
partially new introductions. These are the 
Swedish translation (1917; expanded re- 
print 1971 and more recently) by Karl 
Vilhelm Zettersteen (1866-1953), the Italian 
translation (1929; numerous reprints) by 



Luigi Bonelli (1865-1947), and the French 
translation (1929; expanded reprint 1998) 
by Edouard Montet (1865-1934). Three 
other translations stand out because of en- 
during scholarly qualities: the English ver- 
sion by Richard Bell, the French version by 
Regis Blachere, and the German version 
by Rudi Paret. 

Rodwell was the first translator of the 
Qur'an to arrange the suras (q.v.) accord- 
ing to chronological principles (see 
CHRONOLOGY AND THE Q^Ur'an). The 
Scottish Arabist Richard Bell (1876-1952) 
went one step further down this path. 
Although he held to the traditional order 
of the suras in his translation of the 
Qiir'an (1937-9), ™ '•^^ suras themselves, he 
followed a "re-arrangement" according to 
the origin of the individual components of 
the suras. Underlying this is a concept of 
"three main periods" of the composition of 
the Qur'an (Bell, Qur'an, i, vii), as explained 
in the preface: "(a) an early period from 
which only fragments survive consisting 
mainly of lists of 'signs' and exhortations 
to the worship of Allah; (b) the Qiir'an 
period, covering the latter part of 
Muhammad's activity in Mecca (q.v.), and 
the first year or two of his residence in 
Medina (q.v.), during which he is produc- 
ing a Qiir'an giving in Arabic the gist of 
previous revelation; (c) the Book-period, 
beginning somewhere about the end of the 
year II, during which Muhammad is de- 
finitively producing a Book, i.e. an inde- 
pendent revelation." In his translation, 
these composition processes are also visual- 
ized within the individual suras. Even if 
one cannot follow Bell's analysis in all its 
points, his very exacting translation is an 
asset to the historical understanding of the 
text of the Qur'an. No other researcher of 
the Qur'an put as much thought into the 
inner coherence of the suras as did Bell 

(see FORM AND STRUCTURE OF THE Q^Ur'an; 
UNITY OF THE TEXT OF THE OUR'aN; 



353 



TRANSLATIONS OF THE OUR AN 



TEXTUAL CRITICISM AND THE CJUr'an). The 

many notes and explanatory statements 
which Bell produced were mostly left out of 
the printed version. In 1991, two volumes 
of Bell's Commentary on the Qur'dn drawn 
from materials left in his estate (admittedly 
in unsatisfactory typographical form) were 
published by C.E. Bosworth and M.E.J. 
Richardson. 

In 1947-9, the French Arabist Regis 
Blachere (1900-73) brought forth a three- 
volume introduction to the Qi_ir'an 
(Introduction au Coran), as well as a new 
translation of the Qiir'an itself, in which 
the suras (similarly to Rodwell's edition) 
were presented in the order Noldeke had 
suggested, with only slightly modified 
chronological changes. Blachere's transla- 
tion is, as far as I know, the first scholarly 
translation of the Qiir'an that uses the 
Cairene Qiir'an text of 1342/1923 as its 
foundation. Furthermore, Blachere's care- 
ful and exacting translation is notable for 
its continuous observance of important 
ways of reading the Qiir'an (see readings 
OF THE cjur'an), which every now and 
again lead to translations that depart from 
the traditional perception of the text. The 
two extensive commentaries by al-Tabari 
(d. 310/923) and al-Razi are constantly 
taken into account, as well as those by al- 
Baydawl and al-Nasafi (d. 710/1310; 
Maddrik al-tanzil wa-haqd'iq al-ta'wll), al- 
though only for grammatical issues. In 
1957, a revised edition of the translation 
appeared which, however, followed the 
traditional arrangement of the sQras. 

Already in 1935, Rudi Paret (d. 1983) had 
published his "Plan einer neuen, leicht 
kommentierten wissenschaftlichen 
Koraniibersetzung." In this article, Paret 
developed his concept of a historically 
grounded translation, the main purpose of 
which should be to "render the text in the 
same manner as contemporaries heard it 
from the Prophet's mouth" ("daB sieden 



Wortlaiit so wiedergibt, wie ihn die Zeit- 
genossen aus dem Miinde des Propheten 
gehort haben," Paret, Ubersetzung, i). 
Therefore, the Arabic commentaries, 
"which are full of later, ahistorical inter- 
pretations of the text" ("die voU sind von 
spateren, unhistorischen Aiislegimgen des 
Textes," Paret, Plan, 122), are to be used 
only with great reservation. Instead, one 
must "seek the key to understanding dif- 
ficult sections in the Qiir'an itself" ("im 
Koran selber den Schliissel zum Ver- 
standnis schwieriger Stellen zii siichen"; 
ibid). Above all, Paret's translation, which 
appeared in 1962 after much preparatory 
work, is marked by these two principles 
which he implemented rigorously through- 
out. Addenda necessary to understanding 
the text, which presents "an effectively 
condensed historical commentary" 
("gewissermaBen einen kondensierten his- 
torischen Kommentar"; ibid.), are par- 
enthetically inserted into the text. In the 
relatively sparse critical apparatus, the lit- 
eral translation is often given; aside from 
that, alternative translations are provided. 
The complementary volume Kommentar und 
Konkordanz, published in 1971, painstakingly 
and exhaustively lists parallels within the 
Qiir'an and gives historical explanations 
for selected sections. With regard to the 
style of the translation, Paret emphasizes 
that it is not intended "fiir erbauliche 
Zwecke" (for edifying purposes), and that 
he therefore did not aim for a lofty style 
("gehobene Ausdrucksweise"). In a second 
edition (1982), Paret carried out a series of 
alterations, and, above all, occasionally 
considering alternative readings (such as 
that by Ibn Mas'ud [d. 32/652-3]). 
The German translation by Adel 
Theodor Khoiiry (1987) is entirely depen- 
dent on Paret's concept of the text, but 
with hardly any indication of alternative 
translation possibilities. Khoury published 
a twelve-volume commentary (1990-2001) 



TRANSLATIONS OF THE OUR AN 



354 



on the basis of this translation whicli, 
unfortunately, does not present a real 
step forward in historical and literary 
scholarship on the Qiir'an because it only 
selectively engaged contemporary research 
literature. In 2004, the same translator 
published a brief one-volume commentary 
with text and translation. 

Paret's translation, of which, incidentally, 
reprints published in Iran are available (for 
example Qpm 1378/2000), had a wide- 
reaching effect on the German-speaking 
world. Many of the translations into vari- 
ous European languages that have ap- 
peared since Paret's are unthinkable 
without the philologically pioneering work 
of his translation. 

Among the numerous English transla- 
tions, that by the Cambridge Arabist 
Arthur John Arberry (1901-69) holds a spe- 
cial place. The very title, The Koran inter- 
preted, hints that Arberry follows the 
concept, first emphasized in the English- 
speaking world by Pickthall, that the 
Qiir'an is actually untranslatable. In no- 
ticeable contrast to Bell, Arberry intends 
"to imitate, however imperfectly, those rhe- 
torical and rhythmical patterns which are 
the glory and the sublimity of the Koran," 
and beyond that, "to show each Sura as an 
artistic whole, its often incongruent parts 
constituting a rich and admirable pattern" 
(p. 25). Particularly among Muslims, 
Arberry's translation is held in special 
esteem because of its linguistic form. Also 
widely popular is the translation by N.J. 
Dawood that first appeared as a Penguin 
paperback (1956). Among the French trans- 
lations, that by Denise Masson (Paris 1967) 
stems from the ambit of Louis Massignon 
and is indebted to a dialogical attitude to- 
wards Islam. In 1990, two new translations 
appeared simultaneously. With his very 
biblical language, Andre Ghouraqui, who 
also translated the Bible, tried to empha- 
size the continuity of the three monothe- 



istic religions. Jacques Berque is primarily 
concerned with rendering the Arabic text 
in a stylistically fitting linguistic manner, 
while at the same time providing scholarly 
justification for the translation. The afore- 
mentioned Italian translation by Bonelli 
has, since 1955, been joined by a very aca- 
demically valuable work by Alessandro 
Bausani. Among the Spanish translations, 
both that by Juan Vernet (1963) and that by 
Julio Gortes (1980) deserve special notice. 
Of the academically significant transla- 
tions into Slavic languages, the following 
two are noteworthy: the Russian edition by 
Ignatij Julianovic Krackovskij (1963) and 
the Gzech edition by Ivan Hrbek (1972). 

Hartmut Bobzin 



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Ross, Ludovico Marracci, in bsoas 2 (192 1/3), 
117-23; V. Salierno, Le edizioni Italiane del 
"Corano," in UEsopo 13 (1982), 6, 7, 29-38; S.A. 
Sanabas, Translations of Qiir'an in Malayalam, 
in Islam and the modern age 24 (1993), 271-9; 
A. Schimmel, Die neue tschechische Koran- 
iibersetzimg, in wo 7 {1973/4), I54"62; id., A new 
Czech translation of the Qiir'an, in Studies in 
Islam 15 (1978), 171-6; id., Translations and 
commentaries of the Qiir'an in Sindhi lan- 
guages, in Oriens 16 (1963), 224-43; ^- Seth, 
A manuscript Koran in classical Armenian, in 
Journal and proceedings of the Asiatic Society of 
Bengal NS 19 (1923), 291-4; M. Shakir, al-Qawl 
al-faslfi tarjamat al-Qur'dn al-karim ild l-lughdt 
al-a'jamiyya, Cairo 1925; S.A. Sharafuddin, A 
brief survey of Urdu translations of the Qiir'an, 
Bombay 1984; E. Teza, Di un compendio del 
Corano in espagnolo con lettere arabiche 
{manoscritto fiorentino), in Rendiconti della Reale 
Accademia dei Lincei. CI. di scienze morale, storiche e 
filologiche, Ser. 4, no. 7 (1891), 81-8; Z.V Togan, 
The earliest translation of the Qur'an into 
Turkish, in Islam Tetkikleri EnstitUsu Dergisi 4 
{1964), 1-19; J. Tolan, Las traducciones y la 
ideologia de reconquista: Marcos de Toledo, in 
M. Barcelo andj. Martinez Gazquez (eds.), 
Musulmanes y cristianos en Hispania durante las 
conquistas de los siglos XII y XIII, Bellaterra 2005, 
79-85; J. Vernet, Traducciones moriscos de El 



358 

Coran, in W. Hoenerbach (ed.), Der Orient in der 
Forschung, Festschrift jur Otto Spies, Wiesbaden 
1967, 686-705; id. and L. Moraleda, Un Alcoran 
fragmentario en aljamiado, in Boletin de la Real 
Academia de Buenas Letras de Barcelona 33 (1969-70), 
43-75; K. Versteegli, Greek translations of the 
Qiir'an in Christian poleinics (9th century A.D.), 
in ZDMG 141 (1991), 52-68; P. Wexler, Christian, 
Jewish and Muslim translations of the Bible and 
Koran in Byelorussia: l6th-l9th centuries, in 
Journal of Byelorussian studies 6 (1989), 12-19; 
J. Yijiu, The Qiir'an in China, in Asian studies 17 
(1982), 95-lor; K.V. Zettersteen, Some chapters 
of the Koran in Spanish transliteration, in 
j/05 (1911), 39-41. 



Transportation see ships; vehicles 
AND transportation; caravan 

Travel see journey; trips and voyaoes 

Treasure see wealth; booty 

Tree(s) 

A perennial woody plant with a main 
trunk. The Lisdn al-'Arab defines the term 
shajar as the "kind of plant that has a trunk 
or stem." In the Qiir'an, the denominative 
shajara (nomen unitatis) is the form used most 
frequently (nineteen times) to designate this 
concept. The nominal shajar is found gen- 
erally in a collective sense of trees, bushes 
or plants; in two instances (c) 56:52; 36:80), 
however, it refers to specific trees, of which 
more below. For mention of other trees 
(date palm [q.v.], olive, etc.) see 
AGRICULTURE AND VEGETATION. 

The contexts in which the collective sense 
of shajar appears depict the creative, 
supreme power of the one, unique deity 
(see creation; power and impotence). 
For example, "It is he who sends down wa- 
ter (q.v.) from the skies for you (see heaven 
and sky; grace; blessing); from it is 
drink and from it is foliage (shajar) upon 
which you pasture [your beasts]" (o i6:io; 
see sustenance; animal life). The fol- 



359 



lowing verse mentions specific plants such 
as the olive tree, date palm, grape vine and 
many (unnamed) fruits, as portents for 
those who reflect upon God's creation. In 
two similar passages ((J 22:18; 55:6), all 
things in heaven and on earth prostrate 
before God (see bowing and prostra- 
tion), including the sun (q.v.), moon (q.v), 
stars (see planets and stars), mountains, 
trees and beasts (see animal life). 
Whereas God alone causes splendid 
orchards or gardens (see garden) to spring 
forth, humans cannot produce (the seeds 
of) the trees (q^ 27:60; see also o 56:72). The 
hadlth collector Muslim (d. ca. 261/875) 
records a tradition in which God is said to 
have created trees on the third day, 
Monday, after the earth (q.v.) and the 
mountains (cf. Tibrlzi, Mishcdt, ii, 691-5 
[chap. 7]). 

One of the two instances of the nominal 
form referring to a particular tree is the 
"green tree" [al-shajar al-akhdar, C3 36:80). 
Al-Zamakhshari (d. 538/1144) explains this 
as one of the marvels of God's creation, 
the wood of such a tree containing the op- 
posite qualities of fire (q.v.) and water. A 
proverb claims that "In every tree there is 
fire (ndr), the best species being the markh 
and the 'afar'" (cf. Zamakhshari, Kashshdf, 
ad (J 36:80). A green twig the size of a 
tooth stick (siwdk) cut from both trees, each 
of which secretes drops of water, woidd be 
rubbed together. Underlying the proverb is 
the notion of fertility since the male twig 
(markh) rubbed against the female twig 
{'ajar) ignites fire with God's permission. 

The second instance refers to shajar min 
Zaqqum (o 56:52), a term that appears in two 
other verses as shajarat al-zaqqum ((J 37:62; 
44:43). Ibn Manzur (d. 711/1311-12) in the 
Lisdn offers the explanation that, when 
ft 44:43-4, "Verily the tree of Zaqqum is 
the food of sinners" (see sin, major and 
minor; food and drink; hell and 
hellfire; reward and punishment), was 
revealed, the Qiiraysh (q.v.) did not un- 



derstand what tree it referred to as it did 
not grow in the region. Abu Jahl enquired 
if anyone could identify it. A north African 
replied that in the dialect of Ifriqiya it 
meant a dish of dates and fresh butter [al- 
Zubd bi-tamr; the qur'anic commentator 
al-Zamakhshari attributes the food to the 
Yemenis). Abu Jahl ordered a plate of it for 
his companions and, having sampled it, 
they mockingly exclaimed, "Is this what 
Muhammad has tried to scare us with in 
the hereafter?" God then revealed 
(J 37:62-5 in which the Zaqqum is de- 
scribed as a tree that grows in the depths of 
hell, the fruits thereof being like the heads 
of devils or, according to al-Baydawi 
(d. prob. 716/1316-17), like terrible serpents 
foul in aspect, having manes. In C3 56:52 
the tree feeds the "companions of the left 
hand" (see left hand and right hand), 
unbelievers tormented in the afterlife who 
drink boiling water to quench their thirst 
(see hot and cold). Hence, from being 
the food of the people of the fire, the word 
was extended to apply to any deadly food. 
Combining other lexicographical explana- 
tions, the tree might have been an import 
to the Middle East (possibly froin India) 
known for its pungent odor or astringent 
and bitter qualities. The tree is alluded to 
in (J 17:60 as the "cursed tree in the 
Qtir'an." In this context al-Zamakhshari 
presents a rejoinder to the unbelievers' 
scoffing scepticism that a tree that did not 
burn could possibly exist in hell. He cites 
the example of an animal's fur skin used by 
the Turks as a "table cloth." When it be- 
came dirty it was thrown onto the fire, the 
dirt vanished and the table cloth remained 
unaffected by the fire. The real purpose of 
the passage, he notes, is that God revealed 
it to frighten the Prophet's followers who 
feared the earthly punishment of death at 
the battle of Badr (q.v.). Among the mul- 
tiple symbolic functions of trees in the 
world's religions, there is a notably infre- 
quent occurrence of the tree as a direct 



360 



source of danger, or as an instrument of 
punishment. Tlie tree of Zaqqum is one 
sucli symbol wliich, as an integral part of 
God's creation, reflects the divine control 
over both destinies in the afterlife, hell as 
well as heaven. In the post-biblical Book of 
^ohar, the fruit of the tree of knowledge is 
said to have brought death to the whole 
world. 

With the story of the forbidden tree in 
paradise (q.v.), the qur'anic narrative falls 
well within the earlier biblical tradition, 
although with certain significant differ- 
ences. The first reference occurs in o 2:35 
where God permits Adam and his wife to 
dwell in the garden (see ADAM and eve), 
saying, "Eat freely of its plenty wherever 
you wish, but do not go near this tree, or 
you will be wrongdoers." The tree is un- 
identified in this passage and al-Tabari's 
(d. 310/923) sources suggest it referred to 
wheat or the vine, among others. Al- 
Tabari himself concludes that God had 
indicated to them by name which tree he 
meant. In the next passage (q 7:19-22), the 
tree is again unidentified. Iblls (Satan), 
whom God had already expelled from the 
garden for his refusal to bow to Adam (see 
BOWING and prostration; insolence 
AND obstinacy; arrogance), secretly 
re-enters it and deceitfully (bi-ghururin) 
advises the pair of God's intention behind 
his prohibition. This was to prevent their 
becoming angels (see angel) or one of the 
immortals (see eternity). In q 20:i20 the 
tree is explicitly named. Here Iblis (Satan) 
whispers (see whisper) to Adam, "Shall I 
lead you to the tree of immortality (shajarat 
al-khuld) and a kingdom that does not de- 
cay?" Satan's real purpose was to expose 
the couple to their own nakedness (of 
which they had previously been unaware) 
and shame in their disobedience (q.v.) of 
God (see nudity; fall of man). In his 
History, al-Tabari presents several overlap- 
ping accounts of these events. In one, orig- 



inating with Wahb b. Munabbih (d. ca. 
110/728), the tree is described as having 
intertwining branches which bore fruit of 
which the angels ate in order to live eter- 
nally. Then, addressing Adam after his sin 
of disobedience, God says, "Neither in 
paradise nor on earth was there a tree 
more excellent than the acacia (talk) and 
the lote-tree (sidr)," a pointed allusion to 
these mentioned in q 56:28-9. 

Lane says the denominative form (sidra) 
denotes a species of lote-tree called by 
Linnaeus rhamnus spina Christi and by 
Forskal rhamnus nabeca, its fruit known as 
nabiq. The (thornless) lote and acacia in the 
collective sense appear in o 56:28-9 in a 
description of the day of judgment (see 
LAT judgment), where the companions on 
the right hand (of God), the faithful, dwell 
among the shade of the trees, gushing wa- 
ter and abundant fruit. The lote-tree (nomen 
unitatis sidra) is also mentioned in c) 53-14, 
16, but here it is a unique tree, the sidrat 
al-muntahd, the lote tree of the furthermost 
boundary near the garden of refuge (jannat 
al-ma'wd). Al-Zamakhsharl notes that here 
ends the knowledge of the angels and oth- 
ers and no one knows what lies beyond the 
tree, and that the spirits of the martyrs end 
here (see martyr). In the hadith literature 
(see hadith and the q,ur'an), details from 
the two qur'anic passages appear to be 
conflated. In one, the Prophet said, "In 
paradise there is a tree in whose shade a 
horseman would be able to ride for a 
hundred years." In another, also preserved 
in al-Tabrlzl's (fl. eighth/fourteenth cent.) 
Miskkdt al-Masdbih (Tibrlzl, Mishcat, i, 24) as 
a citation from al-Bukharl (d. 256/870) and 
Muslim (cf Bukharl, Sahih, i, 306-7 [bk. 59, 
K. Bad' al-khalq, 6]; Fr. trans, ii, 428-31; 
Muslim, Sahih, i, 145-7, ii°- ^59 [bk. i, 
K. al-Imdn, 74]), the Prophet describes his 
night journey and ascension (q.v.) through 
the heavens where, in the seventh sphere 
(in another version, the sixth), he is taken 



36i 



to the sidrat al-muntahd. Its fruits were as 
large as earthenware pots and its leaves like 
elephants' ears. His companion, the angel 
Gabriel (q.v.), tells him of the four rivers he 
witnessed; the two concealed which were 
in paradise and the two manifest which 
were the Nile and the Euphrates. As the 
sidrat al-muntahd figured in the ascension 
stories, it proved an attractive symbol in 
the Sufi tradition (see sOfism and the 
cjur'an). For example, al-Tustarl (d. 283/ 
896) links this qur'anic passage about the 
celestial tree with the light of Muhammad 
when it appeared before God a million 
years prior to creation. There was unveiled 
"the mystery by the Mystery Itself, at the 
Lote Tree of the Boundary, that is the tree 
at which the knowledge of everyone comes 
to an end" (Schimmel, Muhammad, 125; see 
intellect; knowledge and learning). 
Historians of religion have seen in this 
account of the lote tree parallels with 
shamanic visions of the world-tree. N.R. 
Reat has argued that the most common 
name of the Islamic world-tree is taken 
from a hadith in Ibn Hanbal's (d. 241/855) 
Musnad. To the question, "What is bliss 
(tuba)? ", the Prophet answered that it is a 
tree in paradise called shajarat al-tubd, the 
like of which does not exist on earth. In 
the Shrt tradition (see SHl'lsM and the 
q^ur'an), Muhammad Baqir al-Majlisl's 
(d. 1110/1698) life of the Prophet contains 
several references to the same tree. Jesus 
(q.v.) inquired about it and was told by 
God that he had planted it himself; that its 
"trunk and branches are gold and its leaves 
beautiful garments. Its fruit resembles the 
breasts of virgins and is sweeter than 
honey and softer than butter and it is 
watered by the fountain of Tesneem" 
(Majlisi, Life, 92; see springs and 
fountains). Muhammad, on his ascension 
journey, describes the tree as so immense 
that a bird could not fiy around its trunk in 
seven hundred years; that its roots lay in 



'All's celestial palace (see 'alI b. abI talib; 
shI'a) and "there was not a residence in 
that blessed world to which a branch of 
that tree did not extend." In this account, 
Gabriel tells Muhammad that God has 
referred to the tree in Q_ 13:29: "Those who 
believe and do what is right (shall enjoy) 
bliss (tuba) and a happy resurrection (q.v.)." 
It is clear from Majlisi's account, however, 
that tdbd was a tree distinct from the sidrat 
al-muntahd, lying beyond the former and 
"every leaf of which shaded a great sect." 
Al-Tabari's sources are more equivocal in 
his discussion of q 13:29. Some exegetes 
argue for the abstract notion of "bliss" or 
"bounty," while others claim it is a garden 
in Ethiopia or India or a tree in paradise, 
for which last meaning he provides lengthy 
discussion. 

Of the remaining references to trees in 
the Qiir'an, the most notable occurs in the 
famous "Light Verse" (q 24:35): "A blessed 
olive tree, of neither east nor west, whose 
oil gives light (q.v.), though fire (q.v.) 
touches it not," forming part of a simile of 
God (see similes) as "the light of the heav- 
ens and earth." Prayer rugs may be de- 
signed with a niche, a lamp and a stylised 
tree appearing to feed it with its oil. Al- 
Zamakhsharl explains that the best olive 
tree with the purest oil grows in Syria and 
that the rising and setting sun should fall 
upon it, hence it is both of the "east and 
west." 

Finally, in C3 14:24, 26, there occurs the 
parable (q.v.) of the good word which is 
like a good tree (shajara tayyiba) with firm 
roots and high branches while an evil word 
is like an evil tree (shajara khabitha) uprooted 
and unstable (see speegh; good and 
evil), ci 37:147 refers to Jonah (q.v.) and 
how he was cast up from the sea upon the 
shore and a gourd vine (shajara minyaqtin) 
was caused to grow over him for protec- 
tion. A historical allusion is found in 
q 48:18, that "God was well pleased with 



362 



the believers when they swore allegiance to 
you under the tree." This is a reference to 
the 1500 persons who declared themselves 
for the Prophet at Hudaybiya (q.v; see also 
CONTRACTS AND ALLIANCES). Robertson 
Smith, citing Yaqut (d. 626/1229), says this 
tree was visited by pilgrims seeking its 
blessing until the caliph (q.v.) 'Umar cut it 
down to avoid its being worshipped like 
al-Lat and al-'Uzza (see polytheism and 
atheism; south Arabia, religions in 
PRE-lSLAMic). Among the numerous refer- 
ences to God's causing vegetation to grow 
from the rain he sends down, there is the 
lone mention (c3 23:20) of "a tree that is- 
sues from Mount Sinai (q.v.) yielding oil 
(duhn) and seasoning (sibgh) for all to eat." 
At o 28:30 God speaks to Moses (q.v.) from 
a bush (al-shajara) on blessed ground. In 
contrast to the examples discussed above 
(with the possible exception of the "green 
tree"), the trees mentioned in this last para- 
graph are all terrestrial rather than super- 
natural (see also esghatology). 

David Waines 



Bibliography 
Primary: BaydawT, Anwar; BukharT, ed. Krehl; Fr. 
trans. O. Hondas and W. Mar^ais, Les traditions 
islamiques, 4 vols., Paris 1903-14; Ibn Hanbal, 
Musnad; Lane; Lisdn al-'Arab; MajlisT, 'Allama 
Mnhammad Baqir,TA(; life and religion of 
Muhammad (Hayat al-qulubj, trans. J. Merrick, 
Boston [1850] 1982; Muslim, Sahih; Tabarl, 
TafsTr; id., Ta'rikh; al-TibrlzT, Muhammad b. 
'Abdallah, Mishcdt-ul-masdbih, trans. Capt. A.N. 
Matthews, 2 vols., Calcutta 1809-10; Zamakh- 
shari, Kashshdf. 

Secondary: Th. Barnes, Trees and plants, in ERE, 
xii, 448-57; M.I.H. Farooqi, Plants of the Quran, 
Lucknow 1989 (1992'); PR. Frese and S.J.M. 
Gray, Trees, in ER, xv, 26-33; ^- Lechler, The 
tree of life in Indo-European and Islamic cul- 
tures, in Ars islamica 4 (1937), 369-416; Noldeke, 
GQ, i, 135 n. 5 (for further references); N.R. Reat, 
The tree symbol in Islam, in Studies in comparative 
religion 9 (1975), 164-82; W. Robertson Smith, 
The religion of the Semites, New York 1956; 
A. Schimmel, And Aiuhammad is his messenger, 
Chapel Hill 1985; A.J. Wensinck, Tree and birds as 



cosmological symbols in western Asia, Amsterdam 
1921, esp. pp. 1-35. 

Trench see people of the ditch; 

EXPEDITIONS AND BATTLES; MUHAMMAD 



Trial 

Challenge to be endured. Some one hun- 
dred verses in the Qiir'an deal directly or 
indirectly with trial, in particular as a trial 
or test of true belief. Four verbs and/or 
their verbal nouns are especially used, of 
which the first two constitute the vast ma- 
jority of these references: bald', ibtild' [e.g. 
Q, 2:49; 3:186; 47:31; 8g:i6),fatana, Jitna (e.g. 
C3 8:28; 64:15), mahhasa (only in C3 3:141 and 
154) and imtahana (only in Q_ 49:3 and 60: lO; 
(J 60 is additionally entitled al-Aiumtahana, 
literally, "she who was tested," but its main 
concern is relations between believers and 
non-believers, which is tangential to this 
article; see BELIEF AND unbelief). For 
trial in the sense of inquisition, see 
INQUISITION. 

Yet the meaning of the Qiir'an in its en- 
tirety can be taken as a trial or test since it 
affords humankind the way to salvation 
(q.v.) if people choose to follow God's com- 
mands (see commandment; obedience) 
presented in it. Trials serve the purpose of 
distinguishing between those who do right 
and those who do not (o 2:152-7; 47:31; 
60:10; 67:2; see GOOD deeds; evil deeds; 

VIRTUES AND VICES, COMMANDING AND 

forbidding) or between believers and un- 
believers. In his exegesis of a qur'anic verse 
dealing with the issue of coercion in re- 
ligious matters (q 2:256; see tolerance 
AND compulsion), the exegete al-RazI 
(d. 606/1210; see exegesis of the cjur'an: 
CLASSICAL and MEDIEVAL) actually speaks 
of this world as a place of trial (ddr al-dunyd 
hiya ddr al-ibtild') with reference to the fact 
that people have a choice to believe or not 



363 



TRIBES AND ('.LANS 



(see FREEDOM AND PREDESTINATION; 
GRATITUDE AND INGRATITUDE). Carrying 

the argument further, he says that, had 
there been no choice and all were true be- 
lievers, the world would be a perfect place 
and the notion of later punishment or re- 
ward would cease to have any meaning (see 
REWARD AND PUNISHMENT). Believers are 
subjected to trials in this world, both ma- 
terially and spiritually (e.g. (J 2:155; 3:186; 
5:48; 6:165; 21:35; 89:16). Hope (q.v.) and 
endurance (patience; see trust and 
patience) help a believer during moments 
of trial (o 4:104; 31:17). God gives signs 
(q.v.) as a test to people (q 44:33) and God 
rewards those who stand in the face of ad- 
versity ((J 2:155-7). Even God's prophets 
(see prophets and prophethood) are not 
exempt from these tests: "Thus we have 
appointed for every prophet an adversary 
(see enemies; opposition to muhammad): 
the demons of humankind or of jinn (q.v.), 
who inspire to one another pleasing speech 
intended to lead astray (q.v.) through guile" 
(c) 6:112; cf. also Q 22:52; see devil). 

In light of the above, trials of past proph- 
ets and communities serve as examples for 
humankind. Abraham (q.v.), for instance, 
endured trials but in the end succeeded 
because he accepted God's command- 
ments (q^ 2:124; 37:104-7). The story of 
Joseph (q.v.) recounts his torment but final 
victory (q^ 12) and that of his father Jacob 
(q.v.) who had lost his sight as a result of 
his distress over the loss of his son 
(c3 12:84), only to regain it later after learn- 
ing that, true to his inner belief, his son was 
indeed not dead (c3 12:96). The Children of 
Israel (q.v.) suffered persecutions under the 
people of Pharaoh (q.v.; (j 2:49) but were 
delivered from this shame by the lord (q.v.; 
Q, 44-30; see also deliverance). God 
grants mercy (q.v.) to those who are faithful 
in the face of numerous trials, illustrated, 
for example, by the initial childlessness of 
Zechariah (q.v.), and the allegations of 



Mary's (q.v.) immoral behavior — both of 
whom were ultimately rewarded and/or 
exonerated (q^ 19:2-33; see chastity; 
adultery and FORNit:ATioN). Satan, too, 
may tempt and hence test people by raising 
doubt in sick hearts (() 22:53; see heart) 
and Satan brought agony to the prophet 
Job (q.v.) which was taken away after Job 
asked God for help (q 38:4if ). 

The qur'anic emphasis on the trials of 
this world is reflected in the theological 
gloss given to the struggles of the Islamic 
community, particularly in its early years. 
This is especially evident in the portrayal 
of social and political upheavals of the first 
generations as rebellion (q.v.) against the 
divine law (see LAW and the q^ur'an), 
leading to schism which could threaten the 
purity of the faith (q.v.) of the believers (cf. 
Gardet, Fitna). Disturbances such as that 
between 'All and Mu'awiya were often 
labeled as eras oi fitna, or trial, for the 
believing community (see also politics 
and the q,ur'an). 

John Nawas 



Bibliography 
Primary: al-GhazalT, Ahmad b. Muhammad, 
Ihyd' 'ulum al-din, 4 vols., Cairo 1933 (repr. of 
Bulaq 1289/1872), iv, 53-123 (A! al-Sabr wa-l-shukr, 
esp. irof., for discussion of al-bald' in the life of 
humans); Nu'aym b. Hammad, al-Fitan, ed. M. b. 
M. al-ShurT, Beirut 1997 (particularly for the trial 
of the afterlife, or 'adhdb al~qabr)] RazT, TafsTr. 
Secondary: J. Aguade, Messianismus zur ^eit der 
fruhen. Das Kitdb al-Fitan des Nu 'aym Ibn Hammad, 
diss. U. Tubingen 1979 (another work important 
for the trial of the afterlife); L. Gardet, Fitna, in 
El', ii, 930-1. 



Tribes and Clans 

The social units that constituted Arabian 
society in pre-Islamic and early Islamic 
times (see pre-islamic Arabia and the 
quR'AN). As the Muslim polity developed, 
Muslim society became more complex and 



TRIBES AND CLANS 



364 



tribes ceased to be the sole constituent ele- 
ment. Nonetheless, Arab tribes did not 
disappear altogether (see arabs; bedouin). 
Modern historians of Islam understand the 
word "tribe" as a social unit larger than a 
"clan," but there is no consensus about the 
definition of either of these terms. Other 
words are occasionally used as synonyms of 
"clan," such as "sub-tribe," "branch," 
"faction," and "subdivision," but all of 
these lack a fixed meaning. Anthro- 
pologists, in contrast, use such terms in a 
much more technical and precise fashion. 
The Arabic designations of social units, 
such as qabila, hayj, 'ashtra, qawm, batn, etc., 
also lack precision and the sources often 
use them interchangeably (see also 
kinship). The common practice among 
modern Islamicists is to translate qabila as 
"tribe." 

Four terms in the Qiir'an express the 
notion of a social unit: 'ashira, asbdt, shu 'ub 
and qabd'il. The first of these, 'ashira, oc- 
curs three times [q_ 9:24; 26:214; 58:22) and 
seems to denote an extended family (q.v.) 
rather than a tribe. The second, asbdt, oc- 
curs five times, invariably referring to the 
tribes of the Children of Israel (q.v.; 
Q, 2:136, 140; 3:84; 4:163; 7:160). Medieval 
Muslim exegetes (see exegesis of the 
qur'an: classical and medieval) explain 
that the word asbdt is used to denote the 
tribes of the descendants of Isaac (q.v.; 
Ishaq) in order to distinguish them from 
the descendants of Ishmael (q.v.; Isma'il); 
the latter, the Arabian tribes, are referred 
to as qabd'il. As for etymology, certain ex- 
egetes derive the term asbdt from sibt in the 
sense of "a grandchild," for the Children 
of Israel are like grandchildren to Jacob 
(q.v.; Ya'qub). Others assign to sibt the 
meaning of "succession," explaining that 
the generations (q.v.) of the Children of 
Israel succeeded one another and therefore 
they are asbdt. Yet another derivation of 
asbdt is from sabat, a certain tree; the exe- 



getes explain that the father is likened to a 
tree and the descendants to its branches 
(Ibn al-Ha'im, Tibydn, i, iii; Qiirtubl, 
Jdmi', ii, 141; vii, 303; Ibn Kathir, Tafsir, i, 
188; Shawkani, Fath, i, 147). The word asbdt, 
however, seems to be a loan word from the 
Hebrew shevatim (sing, s/ievet), "tribes." 

The third and the fourth terms, shu ub 
and qabd'il, occur in the Qiir'an once, in 
the famous verse that served the Shu'u- 
biyya movement (see below), "O people, 
we have created you male and female, and 
made you groups and tribes (shu 'uban wa- 
qabd'ila) so that you may know one an- 
other; the noblest among you in the sight 
of God is the most pious" (c) 49:13). Sha'b 
(pi. shu'ub) probably was the South Arabic 
term parallel to the Arabic qabila (pi. 
qabd'il; see Beeston, Some features; al- 
Sayyid, al-Umma, 29). There were, how- 
ever, important differences. First, the 
Arabian social units called qabd'il were 
based on common descent, whereas the 
south Arabian units called shu 'ub were not; 
secondly, the latter were sedentary, whereas 
the former included both nomads (q.v.) and 
settled people. Muslim exegetes, however, 
interpreted the qur'anic shu'ub and qabd'il 
according to the needs of their own days. 
The various interpretations reflect the dis- 
pute about equality between Arab Muslims 
and other Muslims, the ideas of the 
Shu'ubiyya movement and the response of 
their rivals (see politics and the our'an). 
One line of interpretation conceives of the 
two words as applying to north and central 
Arabian social units of different size and 
different genealogical depth. According to 
this interpretation a qabila is a tribe, such as 
the Quraysh (q.v.), whereas a sha'b is a "su- 
per tribe," that is, the framework that in- 
cludes several tribes, such as Mudar. 
Another line of interpretation endows the 
two words with an ethnic coloring. 
According to this, qabd'il refers to Arabs, 
whereas shu'ub means non-Arabs 



365 



TRIBES AND CLANS 



or mawaff (clients; see clients and 
clientage) or social units based on ter- 
ritory rather than on genealogy (which 
again amounts to non-Arabs, see e.g. Ibn 
Kathir, Tafsir, iv, 218; for a detailed discus- 
sion and references, see Goldziher, Ms, i, 
137-98; Mottahedeh, Shu'ubiyya; Marlow, 
Hierarchy, 2-3, 96-9, 106; al-Sayyid, al- 
Umma, 26-36). 

The scarcity of resources in Arabia on 
the one hand and the tribal structure of 
the society on the other, led to incessant 
competitions and feuds between the 
Arabian social units. These facts of life 
were idealized and became the basis of the 
social values of the Arabs (Goldziher, MS, i, 
18-27; Obermann, Early Islam; al-Sayyid, 
al-Umma, 19-25). Naturally, when the 
Prophet sought to establish a community 
of believers, he hoped to achieve unity 
among all Muslims (Goldziher, Ms, i, 
45-9). Many prophetic traditions (hadlths; 
see hadith and the cjur'an) were cir- 
culated, denouncing tribal pride, tribal 
feuds and tribal solidarity that disrupted 
the overall unity of the Muslim commu- 
nity. The Qiir'an, however, advocates 
unity among Muslims (e.g. Q_ 3:103; 
8:63; 49:10) without denouncing tribal 
values. Indeed, the Qiir'an does not even 
reflect the fact that pre-Islamic Arabian 
society was a tribal society. It is never- 
theless important to understand the 
structure and the social concepts that 
constituted the setting prior to the advent 
of Islam. 

Arabian society of pre-Islamic and early 
Islamic times may be schematically de- 
scribed as consisting of hierarchies of ag- 
natic descent groups that came into being 
by a process of segmentation. As a rule, the 
major part of any given group considered 
itself the descendants in the male line of a 
single male ancestor, thus differentiating 
itself from other descent groups (see 
patriarc;hy). At the same time, it con- 



sidered itself part of ever larger descent 
groups because its members were also the 
offspring of ancestors further and further 
removed up the same male line. Any given 
descent group referred sometimes to a 
closer, at other times to a more distant 
ancestor, according to its interests. When 
referring to a distant ancestor, a descent 
group ignored the dividing lines between 
itself and those segments which, like itself, 
descended from the same distant ancestor. 
Thus, the more distant the ancestor, the 
larger the descent group and the greater 
the number of segments included in it. All 
Arabs considered themselves to be ulti- 
mately descended from two distant ances- 
tors, in two different male lines, so that the 
genealogical scheme may be represented 
approximately as two pyramids. Descent 
groups are typically called "Banil so- 
and-so," i.e. "the descendants of so- 
and-so." It should, however, be noted that 
not every name mentioned in the genealo- 
gies stands for a founder of a descent 
group and that the recorded genealogies 
are not always genuine (some would even 
say are never genuine). Groups were 
sometimes formed by alliances, not by seg- 
mentation; but such groups, too, were 
eventually integrated into the genealogical 
scheme by fabricated genealogies and con- 
sidered to be agnatic descent groups. 
The sources preserved the names of 
many agnatic descent groups, which varied 
greatly in size and in their genealogical 
depth or level of segmentation. It is often 
clear that a given descent group was an 
entity of considerable genealogical depth 
that comprised a great number of inde- 
pendent segments. In the genealogies, the 
ancestor of such a comprehensive descent 
group would be far removed up the male 
line; the constituent segments of the group 
would be called after various descendants 
in the male line of that distant ancestor. 
Modern scholars of Arabia and Islam 



TRIBES AND CLANS 



366 



commonly refer to the comprehensive de- 
scent groups as "tribes" ahhough, techni- 
cally speaking, the term is perhaps not 
entirely appropriate. A descent group 
(comprehensive or not) consists of all de- 
scendants in the male line of a single male 
ancestor. A tribe, usually having a descent 
group at its core, includes others as well 
(clients, confederates; see brother and 
brotherhood). It is in fact difficult to 
determine whether the familiar names 
such as Quraysh, Tamlm, 'Amir, Tayyi', 
Asad, etc., stand for tribes or for compre- 
hensive descent groups. Obviously, the 
sources do not make this distinction (al- 
though they may include various specifica- 
tions); neither do Islamicists who refer to 
these entities as tribes. As far as the me- 
dieval books of genealogy are concerned, 
these names stand for comprehensive de- 
scent groups. The records of Qiiraysh, 
Tamim, etc., in these sources only include 
descendants in the male line of the respec- 
tive distant ancestors. The genuineness of 
the genealogies is often disputed but no 
confederate or client is included as such in 
the record of any given group. On the 
other hand, it stands to reason that, in 
practice, a descent group and its confeder- 
ates and clients counted as one entity, at 
least for certain purposes. Were it not so, 
there would have been no point to the ex- 
istence of categories such as confederates 
and clients. This ambiguity is reflected in 
the way the historical sources record details 
of groups such as participants in a given 
battle (see expeditions and battles). 
The names of the genuine members of 
each tribe are recorded first, followed by a 
separate list containing the names of the 
clients and the confederates. The same 
analysis applies to the segments that con- 
stituted the tribes. For the genealogical 
books they are descent groups but in 
practice they included outsiders as con- 



federates and clients, so that they were 
not in fact descent groups; they may be 
referred to as "sections." The processes of 
segmentation and alliance effected con- 
stant changes in the composition of de- 
scent groups, tribes and sections. Because 
of this fact and the fluidity of the genea- 
logical references, the distinction be- 
tween tribes and sections is often 
blurred. 

There is no dispute about the tribal 
nature of Arabian society before and after 
the advent of Islam; yet we do not know 
what the members of any given tribe had 
in common other than the name and per- 
haps some sense of solidarity (see an ex- 
ample of such solidarity in Tabarl, Ta'nkh, 
vii, 175). Defining features such as those 
that exist for modern Bedouin tribes can- 
not be discerned for the period under dis- 
cussion. A modern Bedouin tribe in the 
Negev and Sinai may be defined by a com- 
mon name, common leadership, common 
territory, sometimes common customary 
law, and external recognition, both legal 
and political (see Marx, Bedouin, 61-3, 95, 
123-4; ^d.. Tribal pilgrimages, iog-i6; 
Stewart, Bedouin boundaries; id., 'Urf, 891). 
By contrast, the defining features of the 
tribes of old are far from clear. The mem- 
bers of a given tribe sometimes occupied 
adjacent territories but the legal signifi- 
cance of this fact, if any, is unknown (see 
al-Jasir, Tahdid). As often as not, sections 
of one and the same tribe were scattered 
over large, non-adjacent areas. It is there- 
fore not possible to define a tribe by its 
territory. Customary law seems to have 
constituted a factor uniting all Arabian 
tribes rather than a boundary differentiat- 
ing between them. A pre-Islamic tribe cer- 
tainly had no common leadership and its 
sections did not usually unite for common 
activities. Political division within one and 
the same tribe was the rule rather than the 



367 



TRIBES AND ('.LANS 



exception. When the sources seem to be 
reporting a joint activity of a tribe, it often 
turns out that tlie report is misleading. The 
confusion arises from the fluidity of the 
genealogical references. Apparently fol- 
lowing the practice of the tribesmen 
themselves, the sources call sections in- 
terchangeably by the names of their closer 
and more distant ancestors. Obviously, a 
designation by a more distant ancestor ap- 
plies to a more comprehensive segment. As 
a rule, a smaller section may be designated 
by the name of one of the larger ones to 
which it belongs but not vice versa (except 
when a specific name becomes generic, 
such as Qays, which came to designate all 
the so-called "northern tribes"). Thus 
when various versions of one and the same 
account refer to a given group by different 
names, the smallest framework mentioned 
is probably the one that was really involved 
in the events related in that account 
(Landau-Tasseron, Asad; id., Tayyi'). We 
are thus left with no real definition of an 
Arabian tribe in the period discussed here, 
except its name and a measure of solidar- 
ity. The concept of 'asabiyya, commonly 
rendered as "tribal solidarity," was too 
vague and too fluid to bind all the men of 
any given tribe or section. 

'Asabiyya should not be confused with the 
concept of shared legal responsibility. 
The latter was a factor that drew precise 
boundaries between groups; the groups 
thus defined, however, were neither tribes 
nor sections because they consisted of 
adult males only. In pre-Islamic and early 
Islamic society the adult male members of 
certain agnatic descent groups shared legal 
responsibility. They were accountable for 
each other's offenses. At its most extreme 
manifestation, this rule meant that they 
jointly sought revenge or received blood 
money (q.v.; see also retaliation) when 
one of them was killed by an outsider (see 



murder; violence); conversely, they were 
all exposed to vengeance (q.v.) or obliged to 
pay blood money when one of them killed 
an outsider. The obligation of mutual as- 
sistance applied not only in matters of 
blood revenge but also in less extreme situ- 
ations. Such a group of men sharing legal 
responsibility may be called a co-liable 
group (see Marx, Bedouin, chaps. 7 and 8). 
The rules by which co-liable groups were 
formed in the past are unknown. The ma- 
terial at hand does not disclose whether 
they came into being on the basis of a cer- 
tain genealogical depth, mutual consent of 
the members, a decision by the elders, ex- 
ternal public opinion or any combination 
of these or other factors (cf. Stewart, Texts, 
i, 26-122; id., Tha'r; id.. Structure of 
Bedouin society; Marx, Bedouin, 63-78, 
180-242). 

Agnatic descent groups often accepted 
outsiders into their ranks. The male adults 
from among these outsiders shared liability 
with the male adults of the descent group 
that they had joined. It should be noted 
that, as a rule, a section bore the name of 
the descent group that formed its core; the 
co-liable group based on a given descent 
group, or on the section that crystallized 
around it (if any), bore the same name. 
Obviously, great confusion ensues when 
one and the same name designates three 
groups of different kinds (a descent group, 
the section that crystallized around it and 
the male adult members thereof, i.e. the 
co-liable group). 

Co-liable groups were thus based either 
on descent groups or on sections, but not 
every descent group and every section con- 
stituted the framework of a single co-liable 
group. The actual boundaries of liability, 
that is, the lines dividing the various co- 
liable groups, are unknown. We may be 
certain that the men of a tribe never con- 
stituted a single co-liable group; we cannot 



TRINITY 



368 



tell, however, which sections within each 
tribe fulfilled this function at any given 
point in time. 

In conclusion, we know thousands of 
names of tribes and sections but we cannot 
describe the defining features of a tribe or 
a section. We can define the phenomenon 
of the co-liable groups that were based on 
tribal sections but we cannot draw the lines 
dividing them. 

Ella Landau-Tasseron 



Bibliography 
Primary: Ibn 'Abd Rabbihi, Ahmad b. Muham- 
mad, al-'Iqd ai-fand, ed. A. Amln, A. al-Zayn and 
I. al-Abyarl, 8 vols., Cairo 1942, iii, 312-417; Ibn 
al-Ha^Tm, Ahmad b. Muhammad, al-Tibydnfi 
tafsir ghanb al-Qur'dn, Cairo 1992; Ibn Hazm, 'All 
b. Ahmad, Jamharat ansdb al-'arab, ed. 'A.M. 
Harun, Cairo 1962; Ibn Kathir, Tafsir, Cairo n.d.; 
al-Nuwayrl, Shihab al-Dln Ahmad b. 'Abd al- 
Wahhab, Nihdyat al-arabjifunun al-adab, 6 vols., 
Cairo 1924, ii, 291-375; al-Q_alqashandT, Ahmad 
b. 'All, Qald'id al-jumdnji l~ta'rif bi-qabd'il 'arab al- 
Zamdn, ed. I. al-Abyarl, Cairo 1383/1963; id., 
Subh al-a'skdji sind'at al-inshd, ed. M.H. Shams al- 
Dln, 14 vols., Beirut 1407/1987, i, 359-420; 
Qurtubl, J'amr, Cairo 1952-67; al-Shawkanl, 
Muhammad b. 'All, Fath al-qadir, 5 vols., Beirut 
n.d.; TabarT, Ta'nkh, Cairo 1960-9, vii. 
Secondary: A.F.L. Beeston, Some features of 
social structure in Saba\ in Sources for the history of 
Arabia, 2 vols., Riyadh 1979, i, 115-23; E. Braun- 
lich, Beitrage zur Gesellschaftsordnung der 
Arabischen Bedouinenstamme, in Islamica 6 
(1934), 68-iri, 182-229; ^^'- Gaskel, The bedouini- 
zation of Arabia, in G.E. von Grunebaum (ed.), 
Studies in Islamic cultural history [The American 
anthropologist (n.s.) 56/2 pt. 2 (April 1954)], 
Menasha, WI 1954, 36-46; id., Gamharat an-nasab. 
Das Genealogicsche Werk des Hisdm b. Muhammad al- 
Kalbi, Leiden 1966; J. Chelhod, Introduction a la 
sociologie de I'islatn, Paris 1958, chap. 2; id., Kabila, 
in El^, iv, 334-5; P- Crone, Tribes and states in 
the Middle East, in jras^/'^ (1993), 353-76; 
E Gabrielli (ed.), Uantica societa beduina, Roma 
1959; Goldziher, Ms, trans.; H. al-Jasir, Tahdld 
manazil al-qaba'il al-qadlma 'ala daw' ash'ariha, 
in Majallat al- Arab 7 (1972-3), 321-57, 421-8, 
515-22, 597-602, 653-68, 759-70= 829-38, 898-922; 
8 (1973-4), 29-34, 104-14; 'U.R. Kahhala, Mujam 
al-qabd'il al-'arabiyya al-qadima wa-l-haditha, 
Damascus 1949; Ph.S. Khoury andj. Kostiner 



(eds.). Tribes and state formation in the Middle East, 
Berkeley 1990, part i; M.J. Kister and M. Pless- 
ner. Notes on Caskel's Gamharat an-nasab, in Oriens 
25-6 (1976), 48-68; E. Landau-Tasseron, Alliances 
among the Arabs, in al-Qcintara 26/1 (2005), 
141-73; id., Asad from Jahiliyya to Islam, in 
/AM/ 6 (1985), 1-28; id., The participation of 
Tayyi' in the ridda, in JSAI '^ (1984}, 53-71; 
Majallat ai-Arab i (1966-7), 111-120 (a survey of 
literature on genealogy, both ancient and 
modern); L. Marlow, Hierarchy and egalitarianism in 
Islamic thought, Cambridge 1997; E. Marx, Bedouin 
of the JVegev, Manchester 1967; id., Tribal 
pilgrimages to saints' tombs in south Sinai, in 
E. Gellner (ed.). Islamic dilemmas. Reformers, 
nationalists and industrialization, Berlin/New 
York/Amsterdam 1985, 105-32; R. Mottahedeh, 
The Shu'ubiyya and the social history of early 
Islamic Iran, in IJMES 7 (1976), 161-82; J. Ober- 
mann. Early Islam, in R.C. Dentan (ed.), The idea 
of history in the ancient Near East, New Haven 1955, 
239-310; W. al-Qadl, The conceptual foundation 
of cultural diversity in pre-modern Islamic 
civilization, in A. A. Said and M. Sharify-Funk 
(eds.). Cultural diversity and Islam, New York 2003, 
85-106; R. al-Sayyid, Majahim al-jamd'dtfi l-Isldm, 
Beirut 1984; id., al-Umma wa-l-jamd'a wa-l-sulta, 
Beirut 1984; E Stewart, Bedouin boundaries in 
central Sinai and the southern Negev, Wiesbaden 1986; 
id.. On the structure of Bedouin society in the 
Negev, in Ha-mizrah He-hadash 33 (1991), 132-44 
(in Heb.); id., Texts in Sinai Bedouin law, 2 vols., 
Wiesbaden 1988-90; id., Tha'r, in ei^, x, 442-3; 
id., 'Urf, in Ei^, x, 887-92. 

Tribute see taxation; poll tax; 
booty; captives; politics and the 
q^ur'an 

Trick see laughter; lie; mockery; 
magic; humor 



Trinity 

The distinctive Christian doctrine of one 
God in three persons, directly alluded to 
three times in the Qiir'an. The overwhelm- 
ingly powerful assertion in the Qiir'an that 
God is absolutely one rules out any notion 
that another being could share his sover- 
eignty (q.v.) or nature (see god and his 
attributes). The text abounds with deni- 



369 



TRINITY 



als that there could be two gods (c) 16:51) 
and that he could have partners (e.g. 

C3 6:163; 10:18, 28-9; 23:91; see POLYTHEISM 

AND atheism) or relations (c) 6:ioo; 16:57; 
17:111; 25:2; 112:3) and explicitly repudiates 
the idea that he took Jesus (q.v.) as his son 
(c) 4:171; 19:34-5)- This is the context in 
which its rejection of belief in the Trinity 
is to be understood. Whether it does, in 
fact, reject the doctrine has been contested, 
though from a very early date there has 
been little doubt of this among Muslims. 

The three direct references to triple deity 
occur in the two late suras, (3 4 and 5, 
which number lOO and 114 respectively in 
the chronological order suggested by 
Noldeke, gq. What appears to be the most 
straightforward of the three is C3 5:73: 
"Certainly they disbelieve (see belief and 
unbelief) who say: God is the third of 
three (thdlith thaldtha), for there is no god 
except one God." It has been suggested 
that this verse criticizes a deviant form of 
Trinitarian belief which overstressed the 
distinctiveness of the three persons at the 
expense of their unity as substance 
(Masson, Coran, 93; Watt-Bell, Introduction, 
158). It has also been noted that, in fact, 
this is not a reference to the Trinity but to 
Jesus, who in Syriac literature was often 
called "the third of three" (Griffith, 
Christians and Christianity, 312-13). By this 
reading C3 5:73 must be seen as constituting 
part of a sustained criticism of the belief 
in the divinity of Christ that occupies the 
whole of C3 5:72-5, i.e. an emphatic repeti- 
tion of the criticism in verse 72 that God 
and Christ are identical (see christians 

AND CHRISTIANITY; POLEMIC AND 

POLEMICAL language). But it is equally 
plausible to read this and the preceding 
verse, which is evidently intended as a pair 
with this since it begins with the same for- 
mula (laqad kafara lladhina qdlu inna...), as 
intentional simplifications of the two major 
Christian beliefs in the humanity and 



divinity of Christ and the Trinity, simpli- 
fications that expose the weaknesses they 
each contain when analyzed from the 
strictly monotheistic perspective of the 
Qvir'an. Thus, (J 5:72 attacks what it por- 
trays as the eternal God (see eternity) 
and the human born of Mary (q.v.) being 
identical, while o 5:73 attacks the notion 
that God could have partners in his divin- 
ity. The teaching in this verse is certainly 
that Christians place other beings along- 
side the true God. If it is taken in its con- 
text, the implication can be drawn from 
Q^ 5:72 and 75 that one of these is Jesus, 
while from the firm emphasis on his and 
his mother's human needs in o 5:75 
("Christ the son of Mary was no more 
than a messenger [q.v.]... and his mother 
was a woman of truth [q.v.]; they had both 
to eat food"; see FOOD and drink; 
PROPHETS and prophethood), it is even 
possible to infer that the other was Mary 
[Jaldlayn, ad loc). 

Whether or not this is the intention in 
Q_ 5:73, the second reference in the Qiir'an 
to three deities makes such an accusation 
explicit. This is in <J 5:116: "And behold! 
God will say: ^O Jesus, the son of Mary! 
Did you say to people (al-nds), "Take me 
and my mother for two gods beside God?"' 
He will say, 'Glory to you (see glorifica- 
tion OF god)! Never could I say what I 
had no right [to].' " In what is intended as 
an eschatological interrogation of Jesus 
(see o 5:109; see eschatology), God 
brings up a claim evidently associated with 
him, that he encouraged people to regard 
himself and Mary as gods besides God (min 
duni lldh). The implication is that Chris- 
tians made him the source of the wrong 
belief they hold. Strictly speaking, this 
verse need not be read as a reference to a 
version of the Trinity but rather as an 
example of shirk, claiming divinity for 
beings other than God (see idolatry 
AND idolaters). As such, it could be 



TRINITY 



370 



understood as a warning against excessive 
devotion to Jesus and extravagant venera- 
tion of Mary, a reminder linked to the cen- 
tral theme of the Qiir'an that there is only 
one God and he alone is to be worshipped 
(see worship). Nevertheless, this verse has 
been read in relation to the Trinity and 
linked with others such as Q^ 6:iOi, which 
denies that God has a consort and there- 
fore a son, to assert that Christians believe 
in a godhead comprising God, Mary and 
Jesus. 

It has been argued that this accusation, 
which is remote from orthodox Chris- 
tianity, may be directed at a particular 
form of deviant belief, such as that associ- 
ated with the CoUyridians, a female sect 
who sacrificed cakes, kolljrides, to Mary 
(Masson, Coran, 93; Varr'vaAer, Jesus, 135). 
They are described by the fourth century 
heresiographer Epiphanius (d. 403 (;.E.) as 
a sect that "came to Arabia from Thrace 
and northern Scythia" [Panarion LXXIX). 
This suggestion is helpful in linking the 
accusation with a historical referent but it 
raises the problem of why the Qiir'an 
should take this comparatively little-known 
belief as a representative formulation of 
the Trinity. To accept such a link may have 
some attraction on historical grounds 
(though firm proof is entirely lacking), but 
it entails acknowledging that the Qiir'an is 
not addressing mainstream Christian be- 
liefs. If, on the other hand, there is no sec- 
tarian version of Christian doctrine being 
addressed in this verse, it need not be read 
as a rejection of a deviant doctrine of the 
Trinity but as a denial that Jesus and Mary 
are equal with God, and a warning (q.v.) 
against making excessive claims about them. 
Thus, it can be understood as an instance 
of the warning against the divinization of 
Jesus that is given elsewhere in the Qiir'an 
and a warning against the virtual diviniza- 
tion of Mary in the declarations of the 
fifth-century church councils that she is 



theotokos, "God-bearer." The vehement op- 
position of Nestorius (d. ca. 451) and his 
followers to this title as incompatible with 
the full humanity of Christ may be part of 
the historical context from which the 
polemics of this verse arise. It is not far- 
fetched to think that ecclesiastical extra- 
vagances as related by groups of Christians 
to whom they were distasteful, combined 
with the constant emphasis in the Qin''an 
on the imicjueness of God, produced this 
dramatically conceived denial that other 
beings could be divine besides him. 

The third clear reference to triple deity 
occurs in o 4:171: 

O People of the Book (q.v.)! Commit no 
excesses in your religion (q.v.), nor say of 
God anything but the truth. Christ Jesus 
the son of Mary was only God's messenger 
and his word (see word of god) which he 
bestowed on Mary, and a spirit (q.v.) from 
him. So believe in God and his messengers 
and do not say "Three"; desist, it will be 
better for you. For God is one God, far 
removed is he in his glory from having 
a son. 

When read as part of the whole verse, the 
reference here to "three" is most obviously 
connected with the rejection of the related 
claims that Jesus was more than a human 
messenger and that God had a son. So a 
straightforward interpretation would be 
that here as in C3 5:73 the Qiir'an warns 
against both divinization of Christ and 
Trinitarian exaggerations because no other 
beings should be placed beside God in di- 
vinity. (There is a curious reminiscence of 
the classical Christian doctrine in the im- 
mediately preceding mention of Jesus as 
word and spirit of God, though also a clear 
denial of it on the grounds that the titles 
hypostasised into persons of the godhead 
by Christians are no more than qualities to 
be ascribed to the human Jesus.) Like the 



371 



TRINITY 



other two, this third qur'aiiic reference to 
tripleness in deity is, then, really directed 
against associating creatures with God, 
though it must be taken as intended to re- 
fute the central Christian doctrine of the 
Trinity, and, as such, as a radical decon- 
struction of that doctrine in its essential 
formulation of three discrete beings who 
share in divinity. 

It appears that unless they are naive mis- 
understandings of the doctrine, all of these 
three references to the Trinity are directed 
from the context of the uncompromising 
insistence in the Qiir'an upon the unity of 
God against claims that challenge this. (It 
is, however, worth recalling that in their 
discussions of these verses early commen- 
tators often noted that for Christians the 
"three" was an internal characteristic of 
the godhead in the form of the persons 
rather than a series of external beings 
placed together with God.) The lack of 
detail about what these claims actually 
consist of suggests that the Qiir'an has no 
concern to analyze and evaluate them but 
simply to deny them as distortions of its 
central teaching of divine unicity. 

The undeviating denial in the Qiir'an of 
any god besides God has not prevented 
Christians over the centuries from detect- 
ing in it hints of the Trinity. As early as the 
mid-second/eighth century the anonymous 
treatise entitled Fi tathlith Allah al-wdhid al- 
ludes to the plural forms of self-address in 
such verses as q_ 90:4, 54:11 and 6:94 as 
indications of a triune godhead (Gibson, 
Triune nature, 77; trans., 5; for dating of 
this work see Samir, Arab apology, 61-4). 
A little later the Nestorian patriarch Tim- 
othy I in his dialogue with the caliph al- 
Mahdi, dated to 165/781, refers to such 
verses as o 19:17 and o 21:91 for the same 
purpose, as well as to the groups of three 
letters at the start of some suras (Mingana, 
Apology, 201-4; see mysterious letters). 
And some years after him the Jacobite 



Habib b. Khidma Abu Ra'ita also refers to 
the evidence of the plural forms of address 
(Graf, Schriflen, 20). This motif can be traced 
through the medieval period and is em- 
ployed as late as 1461 c.E. by the German 
cardinal Nicholas of Cusa in his Cribratio 
Alkorani, where he also regards q 42:52, 
4:171; 26:192-5; and 16:102 as open refer- 
ences to the three persons of the godhead 
(Hopkins, .Nicholas of Cusa, 119, 126-7; ^^^ 
PRE-1800 PREOc;t;uPATioNS OF cjur'anic 
studies). Just as provocatively, the Melkite 
bishop Paul of Antioch (thought to have 
been active towards the end of the 
sixth/twelfth century), who knew the 
Qur'an more thoroughly than most earlier 
Christians, sees a Trinitarian allusion in 
the Throne Verse (see verses; throne of 
god), "God, there is no god but he, the 
living, the self-subsisting" ((J 2:255) and also 
marshals mentions of God's word and 
spirit in c) 5:110, 37:171, 40:68, and 66:12 
into an argument that supposedly sup- 
ports the doctrine from the Qvir'an itself 
(Khoury, Paul d'Antioche, 69-71; trans., 177-8). 
Needless to say, Muslim polemicists unan- 
imously rejected such attempts to base the 
doctrine on the Qiir'an and took what they 
read as the denial of the Trinity in their 
scripture as the basis of their own argu- 
ments against it. As early as the beginning 
of the third/ninth century the Zaydi Imam 
al-Qasim b. Ibrahim (see imam; shi'ism 
AND THE (jur'an) describes the doctrine in 
tritheistic terms as "three separate indi- 
viduals" (thaldthat ashkhds muftariqa), which 
are "one compacted nature" [tahi'a wdhida 
muttajiqa, di Matteo, Confutazione, 314-15, 
trans., 345) and goes on to argue that the 
names "Father" and "Son" cannot refer to 
the eternal being of God since they derive 
from the temporal act of begetting (di 
Matteo, Confutazione, 318-g; trans., 
349-50). A little later the philosopher Abu 
Yusuf al-Kindl (see philosophy and the 
(3Ur'an) also describes the persons as 



TRIPS AND VOYAGES 



372 



ashkhds who are each distinguished by par- 
ticular properties and argues that tliey can- 
not be eternal since they are composite 
and, according to the Aristotelian system, 
must be categories of existents which may 
contain other categories of existents within 
them or tliemselves be members of cat- 
egories (Perier, Traite). At about tlie same 
time tlie independent tliinker Abu 'Isa al- 
Warraq (fl. third/ninth cent.), in the most 
searching examination of tlie Trinity that 
survives from a Muslim author, painstak- 
ingly demonstrates that the Christian 
doctrine cannot be reconciled with mono- 
theism as long as it also itemizes a number 
of constituents in the godhead (Thomas, 
Polemic). 

Arguments such as these which exposed 
the tritheistic nature of the Trinity set the 
pattern for later Muslim approaches to- 
wards the doctrine. Despite their differ- 
ences in detail, they all acknowledge the 
lead of the Qiir'an in focusing on the ac- 
cusation that the doctrine imports plurality 
into the godhead. 

David Thomas 



Bibliography 
Primary: M.D. Gibson (ed. and trans.), FT tathlJih 
Allah al-wdhid, On the triune nature of God, in 
Studia sinaitka 7 (London 1899), 2-36, 74-107; 
G. Graf (ed. and trans.). Die Schriften des Jacobiten 
Habib Ibn KhidmaAbu Rd'ita, 2 vols., Louvain 
1951; J. Hopkins, Nicholas of Cusa's De Pace Fidei 
and Cribratio Alkorani. Translation and analysis, 
Minneapolis 1994"; P. Khoury, Paul d'Antioche, 
eveque melkite de Sidon (xii^ s.), Beirut 1964; I. di 
Matteo, Confutazione contro i Cristiani dello 
zaydita al-Qasim b. Ibrahim, in Jiso 9 (1921-2), 
301-64; A. Mingana (ed. and trans.). The 
apology of Timothy the patriarch before the 
caliph Mahdi, in Bulletin of the John Rylands 
Library 12 (1928), 137-298; A. Perier, Un traite de 
Yahya ben 'Adi, in ROC 22 (1920-1), 3-21; S.Kh. 
Samir, The earliest Arab apology for Chris- 
tianity, in id. andJ.S. Nielsen (eds.), Christian 
Arabic apologetics during the Abbasid era (2^0-12^8), 
Leiden 1994, 57-114; D- Thomas, Anti-Christian 
polemic in early Islam. AbU 'Isd al-Warrdq's 'Against 
the Frinity", Cambridge 1992. 



Secondary; S. Griffith, Christians and Chris- 
tianity, in EQ, i, 307-16; R. Haddad, La Trinite 
divine chez les theologiens arabes (y^o-io^o), Paris 
1985; Y. KhiirT et al., Isd wa-Maryamfi l-Qur'dn 
wa-l-tafdsTr, Amman 1996; D. Masson, Le Goran 
et la revelation judeo-chretienne. Etudes comparees, 2 
vols., Paris 1958; G. Parrinder, ^ejU5 in the Qur'dn, 
London 1965; D. Thomas, The doctrine of the 
Trinity in the early 'Abbasid era, in L. Ridgeon, 
(ed.). Islamic interpretations of Christianity, 
Richmond, Surrey 2001, 78-98. 



Trips and Voyages 

Travel episodes of long or short duration. 
Instances and descriptions of travel may be 
real, e.g. trips undertaken by qur'anic char- 
acters, or figurative, e.g. following the 
straight path (see path or way) to earn 
God's pleasure. Both feature prominently 
in the Qrir'an. Common also are refer- 
ences to modes of and motives for travel 
and allusions to the journeys (see jotJRNEY) 
undertaken by Muhammad (e.g. the night 
journey; see ascension) and by the early 
Muslim community (e.g. the hijra froin 
Mecca [q.v.] to Medina [q.v.]; see 
emigration). 

The Qin''an acknowledges the fact that 
the course of human activity includes the 
undertaking of trips and voyages. Among 
God's gifts to humanity is the ability to 
travel upon the earth (q.v): "And he has set 
upon the earth... rivers and roads (anhdran 
wa-subulan) that you may guide yourselves, 
and sign-posts too; and stars by which to 
be guided" (c) 16:15-16; see planets and 
stars; grace; blessing; nature as 
signs). These trips may be commercial, 
military, diplomatic, religious or political 
(see expeditions and battles; markets; 
caravan). Indeed, in the context of cer- 
tain ritual practices (see ritual and the 
(JUr'an), this translates into explicit provi- 
sions. Fasting (q.v.) in the month of 
Ramadan (q.v.), for instance, is enjoined on 
believers (see belief and unbelief) but 



373 



TRIPS AND VOYAGES 



those on a trip ['aid safarin, also identified as 
wayfarers, 'dbiri sabTl, in (J 4:43) and the sick 
(see ILLNESS AND HEALTH) are exempt from 
this obligation (c) 2:184, 185; see also clean- 
liness AND ablution). Ritual prayers may 
also be curtailed by reason of travel [wa- 
idhd darabtumji l-ard..., 0^4:101; cf 5:106; 
see prayer). The hazards of travel are the 
reason for such provisions and are fre- 
quently invoked by the Qiir'an. One dan- 
ger facing travelers in the late antique 
world was ambush, either on the road or at 
sea. This helps explain the Qiir'an's harsh 
view of pirates and highway robbers (see 
theft), the threat of the latter being men- 
tioned in one place together with sexual 
relations between men (see homosex- 
uality; SEX AND sexuality) and the giv- 
ing of wicked counsel (ci 29:29; see also 
boundaries and precepts). 

The danger posed by weather (q.v.) con- 
ditions (sometimes evoked directly, as in 
(J 77:1-4) and the vagaries of nature are 
implicit in the Qur'an's frequent reference 
to the fact that God's grace is what allows 
ships (q.v; in twenty-three places) to travel 
without difficulty and for humanity's profit 
upon the seas (q_ 17:66; cf. 2:164; 17:70). 
From God's bounty also come the means 
by which to navigate: "He is the one who 
placed the stars so you may be guided by 
them through the darkness (q.v.) of land 
and sea" [wa-huwa l-ladhija'ala lakumu 
l-nujuma li-tahtadu bihdji lulumdti l-barri voa- 
l-bahri, C3 6:97) — although it should be 
noted that in some Shi'l commentary these 
stars are identified as the imams (see 
TabarsI, Majma', iv, 132; see shi'ism and 
THE our'an; imam). The most famous ship 
mentioned in the Qi_ir'an is Noah's (q.v.) 
ark (q.v.), which God instructs him to build 
to save himself, his kin and the righteous 
from the flood he will send as punishment 
(C3 11:36-49; see CHASTISEMENT AND 

punishment; punishment stories). 
Noah's appeals to God to save his unbe- 



lieving son (q 11:45-7) ^'"'^ rejected by God; 
Noah's wife, too, is not spared (c3 66:10) 
and so neither makes the momentous trip 
to safety and grace (see Zamakhsharl, 
Kashshdf, ii, 218-19; iv, 118). There is one 
instance of a journey in the belly of a fish: 
the prophet Jonah (q.v.; Yunus, also called 
Dhu 1-Nun) is thrown overboard, swal- 
lowed by a fish and cast forth on a barren 
shore (c) 37:139-48). 

Danger during trips also helps explain the 
Qvir'an's use of safe passage and of public 
safety as a metaphor (q.v). At 5) 14:35, 
Abraham (q.v.) prays for a secure land; at 
q 95:3 God swears by a safe city (q.v.; 
wa-hddha l-baladi l-amm); and at c) 34:18, 
God tells the people of Sheba (q.v.), 
"Travel (sTru) between [the cities] in all 
security (dminin), day or night." Sheba is 
the place to which Solomon's (q.v.) hoopoe 
travels and returns, bringing news of its 
people and queen (c) 27:22; see bilois). 
Solomon then dispatches both a human 
and jinn (q.v.) embassy (c3 27:37-40) 
prompting the queen's visit {q_ 27:42). Her 
people are the ones who had covetously 
asked God to place greater distances 
between their way stations (q 34:19) be- 
cause they wished to monopolize trade and 
benefit from the hardship to others [Jald- 
layn, 430; see TRADE AND commerce). The 
latter is one of countless references to 
trade in the Qiir'an, a revelation vouch- 
safed, it should be remembered, to a mer- 
chant of the Qiiraysh (q.v.) tribe (see e.g. 
q 35:29 for a metaphorical use of tijdra, 
commerce; see also tribes and clans). 

The Quraysh and their caravans are de- 
scribed in q 106, a short early Meccan rev- 
elation (see revelation and inspiration; 
chronology and the quR'AN). Although 
this sura (q.v.) does not explicitly mention 
the animals used in the caravans, they are 
enumerated elsewhere (see animal life): 
q 16:5-8, for example, mentions the cre- 
ation of cattle (an 'dm) which "carry your 



TRIPS AND VOYAGES 



374 



heavy loads (see load or burden) to lands 
that you would not otherwise reach except 
with great distress." Animals are beneficial 
also because their skins can be used to 
make tents, in particular for use on trips 
[yawma ^a'nikum wa-jawma iqdmatikum, 
Q_ i6:8o; see hides and fleece). Horses, 
mules and donkeys [wa-l-khayl wa-l-bighal 
wa-l-hamu, <j i6:8) are also identified. 
Q_ 59:6 makes reference to the use of horses 
and camels in battle, and in q 105, a short 
Meccan sura which describes the unsuc- 
cessfid attempt of the Abyssinian governor 
Abraha (q.v.) to besiege Mecca and take 
the Ka'ba (q.v.), war elephants are men- 
tioned (see also camel; pre-islamic 

ARABIA AND THE Q^UR'aN; ABYSSINIA; 

people of the elephant). 

That humankind may be involved in 
struggles, both unarmed and armed, is 
evoked in formulations such as "go forth 
lightly or heavily equipped and struggle 
with your wealth (q.v.) and your persons in 
the cause/way of God" [infiru khijafan wa- 
thiqdlan wa-jdhidu bi-a?nwdlikum voa-anfusikum 
Ji sabTli lldhi, Q_ 9:41; see expeditions and 
battles; jihad). Of special significance 
here is the use of the term sabil 
Allah — sabil (way, cause), and its plural 
subul, occur in 176 places in the Qur'an. At 
(J 4:94, the Qiir'an addresses those who do 
God's work (Ji sabil Alldh), such as those 
calling people to Islam (q.v.; see also 
invitation). These righteous and pious 
folk are occasionally specifically described, 
like sd'ihdt (fi 66:5), women who travel for 
faith (q.v.; cf al-sd'ihun at c) 9:112; see also 
piety; visiting; fasting). 

o 16:9 reads: "And unto God leads 
straight the way" (wa-'ald lldhi qasdu l-sabil), 
highlighting the fact that one's very life is a 
journey (cf. Gimaret, j'ziAAflT, 543 for a 
reading of this as God's imparting of 
knowledge; see knowledge and 
learning) and that life's destination is 
God: innd lilldhi wa-innd ilajhi rdji'un 



{q_ 2:156). The path to [God] is called by 
the Q.ur'an al-sirdt al-mustaqim . Though 
typically described as straight, most fa- 
mously at c) 1:6 {ihdind l-sirdta l-mustaqim, 
"guide us to the straight path"), it is also 
described as "the path of [God], the 
mighty, the praised" [sirdt al-'aziz al-hamid, 
Ci 14:1; see god and his attributes; 
praise; power and impotence), contra 
the path to hellfire [sirdt al-jahim, (j 37:23; 

see HELL AND HELLFIRE; REWARD AND 

punishment) and contra the path of those 
who have earned God's wrath [al-maghdub 
'alayhim, (j 1:7; see Azad, Tarjumdn al-Qur'dn, 
i; see anger). The possibility that one can 
be led astray (q.v.) is in one instance ex- 
pressed by the righteous (see good and 
evil) who ask whether they shoidd be "like 
the one whom the demons have made into 
a fool (see ignorance), wandering bewil- 
dered through the earth" (ka-lladhi istah- 
wathu l-shaydtinuji l-ardi), averring that 
God's guidance is the only guidance {inna 
hudd lldhi huwa l-hudd, C) 6:71; cf. 10:23). The 
human need for guidance on earth even 
extended to Muhammad: God asks the 
despairing Prophet (see despair; hope) in 
Q. 93'7> "did he not find you wandering 
and guide you" (wa-wajadaka ddllan 
fa-hadd) — though this is understood by 
some commentators to mean that 
Muhammad was ignorant of God's law 
(see e.g. Zamakhsharl, Kashshdf, iv, 219; 
see LAW and the q^ur'an). 

In this worldly life, one desirable destina- 
tion is God's house, i.e. the Ka'ba in 
Mecca (see house, domestic and divine). 
When the prophet Abraham leaves his 
home in Mesopotamia because of the idol 
worship there (see idolatry and 
idolaters), he travels to Mecca where he 
rebuilds God' house, first erected by the 
prophet Adam (cf. Q_ 3:96; see ADAM AND 
eve) and by the angels (see angel) before 
him [Jaldlajn, 62), where worship (q.v.) of 
the one true God then resumes [q_ 2:125). 



375 



TRIPS AND VOYAGES 



The pilgrimage (q.v.) to Mecca is enjoined 
on believers several times (e.g. C3 2:196). 
And blocking the path to God or that of 
the pilgrims to the holy precincts (see 
SACRED precincts; fighting) is described 
as a grave offence [wa-saddun 'an sabili lldhi 
wa-kufrun bihi wa-l-masjid al-hardm, Q_ 2:217). 
The peril associated with the trip to Mecca 
is suggested in the following appeal at 
C3 22:27: "And proclaim the pilgrimage 
among people: they will come to yon on 
foot (rijdlan) and on every kind of mount 
(wa-'ald kulli ddmirin), from distant moun- 
tain highways (min kulli fajjin 'amiq)." 

Many of the messengers and prophets in 
the Quran travel about the earth on foot 
(see messenger; prophets and prophet- 
hood), calling people to belief or leading 
their people to safety, such as Moses (q.v.; 
see also myths and legends in the 
cjur'an). Moses' own life begins with a 
fateful trip when his mother places him in 
a basket upon the river to protect him from 
Pharaoh (q.v.; (J 20:39) who is killing new- 
born boys (c) 28:4); but Moses is saved 
when he is picked up and adopted by 
Pharaoh's wife (identified in commentary 
as Asiya, c) 28:9). Moses will in adult life 
lead the Israelites (see children of 
Israel) away from Egypt to the holy and 
promised land ((J 5:21; see also e.g. 
d 28:29). That trip includes surviving an- 
other body of water (q^ 7:138; 10:90), 
namely the Red Sea; traveling by night 
(c3 20:77; see day and night); and wander- 
ing in the desert for forty years (c3 5:26; cf. 
28:29). Joseph (q.v.; see q 12) is also cast out 
(by his plotting brothers; see brother and 
brotherhood). He is picked up by a cara- 
van and transported to Egypt (q.v), where 
he eventually rises to a position of author- 
ity (q.v). He is later reunited with his 
brothers and father who had traveled to 
Egypt to seek food and sustenance (q.v.) in 
times of difficulty (see Beeston, Baiddwi's 
commentary). 



Though less momentous for the religious 
history of the Israelites, Moses takes an- 
other well-known trip in the Qiir'an when 
he sets out on a journey in search of one of 
God's elect (cj 18:60-82). He eventually 
finds this man — unnamed but identified 
as al-Khadir/Khidr (q.v.) by Muham- 
mad — at a confluence and implores him 
to let him accompany him (q 18:66). The 
man reluctantly agrees and they journey 
along a river (see q 18:71 for a boat and its 
passengers) and then on to an unnamed 
town. Their trip comes to an end when 
Khidr demonstrates to Moses that he 
(Moses) is luiable to abide him and his 
actions. Earlier, the sura recounts the story 
of the companions of the cave [ashdb al- 
kahf, q 18:9-26; see men of the cave), 
whose trip is the earliest example of "time 
travel" in Arabic literature (see time; 
spatial relations). Later in the same 
sura (q 18:83-101) are described the travels 
of Dhu 1-Q_arnayn, many features of 
whose story resemble those of Alexander 
(q.v.). In the qur'anic account, he journeys 
to the east to deal with Gog and Magog 
(q.v.), building an iron wall to contain them 
(q 18:94). The terrestrial travels of Jesus 
(q.v.) are not described in the Qtir'an but 
the fact that he was not captured or cruci- 
fied but rather raised alive to be with God 
is mentioned (q 3:55; see crucifixion; 

POLEMIC and polemical LANGUAGE; 

resurrection). 

A number of the trips taken by Muham- 
mad are mentioned in the Qiir'an (see sira 
AND the quR'AN). His hijra or emigration, 
together with the small Muslim commu- 
nity, north from Mecca to Yathrib/Medina 
is explicitly mentioned at q 48:11 where 
those who opted out of the trip for selfish 
reasons (al-mukhallajuna mina l-a 'rdbi) are 
criticized. At q 59:8-9 and elsewhere those 
who did emigrate are praised, as are those 
who strive in the way of God (q 2:218; see 

EMIGRANTS AND HELPERS; HYPOCRITES 



TROOPS 



376 



AND hypocrisy). Oil his way to Yathrib/ 
Medina, Muhammad is reported to have 
hidden in a cave (q.v.), together with Abu 
Bakr, to escape Meccan pursuers. This is 
alluded to at (3 9:40 and foreshadows the 
reference a few verses later to unbelievers 
and hypocrites desperately seeking caves in 
which to hide from God (o 9:57; see 
Suyuti, Durr, iii, 436, 447). Of all Muham- 
mad's voyages, the most spectacidar is the 
nocturnal one from Mecca to Jerusalem 
(q.v.), called the urfl'(and thence to heaven 
[see HEAVEN AND sky], called the mi'rdj). 
The isrd\ or night journey, is the subject of 
a whole chapter (q 17, Surat al-Isra'), 
which opens "Glory to God who took his 
servant for a journey by night (asrd hi- 
'abdihi laylan) from the sacred mosque 
(Mecca) to the farthest mosque" (Jerusa- 
lem; Q^ 17:1; see GLORIFICATION OF GOD). 

At o 29:20, God asks believers to pro- 
claim, "Travel through the earth and see 
how God originated creation" (q.v.; qui sTrii 
Ji l-ardifa-niuru kajfa bada'a l-khalq; see 
Ghazali, Jewels, 126; and cf. e.g. (j 3:137 for 
travel that reveals the consequences of 
those who rejected God's messengers; 
see trial). And at q 55:33 God urges 
"O company of jinn and men, if you are 
able to break through the regions of the 
heavens and the earth (q.v.), then break 
through, but (know that) you will not do so 
without our sanction." This has been in- 
terpreted by certain modernists to be an 
invitation to space travel (see e.g. Haeri, 
Keys, iv, 73; see exegesis of the q^ur'an: 
early modern and contemporary; 
SCIENCE and the qur'an). Terrestrial or 
otherwise, the prophet Muhammad recom- 
mended the following passage be recited 
when setting out on a journey: "Glory be 
to the one who has subjected these [modes 
of travel] to our use because we could not 
have accomplished this by ourselves" 
(subhdna lladhi sakhkhara land hddhd wa-md 
kunnd lahu muqrinin, q 43:13). The possibility 
that one may die (see death and the 



dead) on a trip is adumbrated at q 31:34: 
"and no soul (q.v.) knows in what land it 
will die" [wa-md tadri nafsun bi-ayyi ardin 
tamut; see also farewell pilgrimage; 
festivals and commemorative days; 
hospitality and courtesy). 

Shawkat M. Toorawa 



Bibliography 
Primary: A. Azad, The Tarjumdn al-Qur'dn, vol. i, 
trans. S. Abdul Latif, Hyderabad 1978; A. EL. 
Beeston, BaiddwT's commentary on surah 12 of the 
Qur'dn, Oxford 1963; al-Gliazali, Abu Hamid 
Muhammad b. Muhammad, The jewels of the 
Qur'dn. Al-Ghazdli's theory, trans. M. Abul 
Quasem, London 1983; Gimaret, Jubba'i; 
F. Haeri, Keys to the Qur'dn, 5 vols., Reading, UK 
iggo,; Jaldlayn; SuyutT, Durr; TabarsT, Adajma'; 
ZamakhsharT, Kashshdf. 

Secondary: C.E. Bosworth, Travel literature, in 
J. Meisaini and P. Starkey (eds). Encyclopedia 
of Arabic literature, London 1998, 778-80; 
M. Gooperson, Remembering the future. Arabic 
time travel literature, in Edebiyat 8 (1998), 171-89; 
D. Eickelman andj. Piscatori, Introduction, in 
ids. (eds.), Muslim travelers. Pilgrimage, migration and 
the religious imagination, Berkeley 1990, 3-25; J.E. 
Montgomery, Salvation at sea? Seafaring in 
early Arabic poetry, in G. Borg and E. de Moor 
(eds.). Representations of the divine in Arabic poetry, 
Amsterdam 2001, 25-48; LR. Netton, Seek 
knowledge. Thought and travel in the house of Islam, 
Richmond, Surrey 1996; S.M. Toorawa, Travel 
in the medieval Islamic world, in R. Allen (ed.). 
Eastward bound. Travel and travellers lo^o-I^^O, 
Manchester 2004, 86-120; H. Touati, Islam et 
voyage au Moyen Age. Histoire et anthropologic d'une 
pratique lettree, Paris 2000; B.M. Wheeler, Prophets 
in the Qur'dn. An introduction to the Qur'dn and Muslim 
exegesis, London 2002. 



Triumph see victory 



Troops 

Individuals massed together, often to form 
an army. Qiir'anic references to "troops" 
in the military sense fall second to those in 
which "forces" or "hosts" are meant in a 
more general sense. The military sense also 
is usually obscured by an emphasis on the 



377 



TROOPS 



eschatological thrust of a given reference 
(e.g. q 10:90 on Pharaoh's "armies"; see 
eschatology; pharaoh). In the second 
category, a distinction is to be made be- 
tween temporal and other-worldly "forces" 
(see also ranks and orders). 

The relevant terms are principally the 
hapax legomenon shirdhima, and/or zumar, 
fawj and jund. The first term, usually trans- 
lated as "band," occurs in c) 26:54, in 
Pharaoh's dismissive reference to the 
Children of Israel (q.v.; shirdhimatun 
qalTluna, "a worthless little band"). Al- 
Tabari (d. 310/923; Tafsir, xix, 74) treats it 
as a small group or "the remnant" of a 
larger whole, ^umar (sing, zwnrd), the usual 
name of the thirty-ninth sura (q.v.), occurs 
there twice as "groups" or "throngs," in 
the one case ((j 39:71) in reference to those 
destined for hell (see HELL and hellfire), 
and in the second case (c3 39:73) for para- 
dise (q.v.; see also reward and punish- 
ment). Faw] (pi. ajwaj) occurs synony- 
mously; al-Tabarl defines it as "group" 
(jamd'a). One occurrence (q 27:83) speaks 
of the host (of evil-doers) drawn from each 
community and arranged in ranks. The 
relevant verbal phrase yuza'Una, "kept in 
ranks," has a distinct military ring (see, as 
Paret suggests, q 27:17; 41:19). 

Jund (pl.junud), the most frequent of the 
terms, occurs in roughly three ways and, as 
a result, occasions some debate among 
early exegetes (see exegesis of the 
qur'an: classical and medieval). 
References to military forces include those 
to Pharaoh's armies (q 10:90; 20:78; 28:6, 
8, 39-40; 44:24; 51:40; 85:17-18), and to 
those respectively of Saul (q.v.; Talut) and 
Goliath (q.v.; Jalut; q 2:249), and of 
Solomon (q.v.; q 27:37). On the passage 
concerning Saul's troops at the river's edge, 
see M.M. Ayoub (Qur'dn, i, 241-3). Less spe- 
cific occurrences are understood by the 
exegetes in reference to the Qiiraysh (q.v.) 
and others of the Prophet's opponents in 
battle (see opposition to muhammad; 



fighting). Al-Tabari (Tafsir, xxiii, 126), 
commenting on q 38:11, puts it in relation 
to the battle of Badr (q.v.), and q 33:9 in 
relation to the Qiiraysh and their allied 
forces arrayed against Medina (q.v.) at the 
battle of the Trench (Tabari, Tafsir, xxi, 
126-7; ^^^ expeditions and battles). The 
reference to military forces per se is inci- 
dental: the forces of Pharaoh are mostly on 
display to demonstrate the certainty of de- 
struction through divine retribution (e.g. by 
drowning [q.v.]; see also chastisement 
and punishment; punishment stories). 
In addition, these references to "armies" 
appear to be only loosely connected to the 
patterns and rules of warfare dealt with at 
some length elsewhere in the Qur'an (see 
war). Jund also occurs in two references to 
earthly "forces." q 37:173 speaks of those 
aligned with God as inevitably victorious 
[ghdlibun; see victory; parties and 
factions), q 36:75 seems to refer to the 
forces of those devoted to idols and false 
gods who are thus misled (see idols and 
images; error; astray; polytheism and 
atheism; enemies). Al-Tabarl notes a dis- 
agreement among his sources on the oc- 
casion of the idols' intervention on behalf 
of their followers (see intercession). He 
sides with those who see it as a reference to 
the forces aligned with the mushrikun on 
earth and not, in the opposing view, at the 
day of judgment (see last judgment). A 
final set of references concerns other- 
worldly "forces." A sole reference (q 26:95, 
usingjMre(f ) refers to the "gathered hosts" of 
hell led by Iblis [junudu iblisa ajma'una; see 
devil). The remaining examples treat the 
celestial "hosts" at God's disposal, q 36:28, 
48:4 and 48:7 speak in general of these 
hosts (respectively, minjundin mina l-samd'i, 
junudu l-samdwdti wa-l-ardi). q 9:26, 9:40 
and 33:9 refer to "hosts that you perceive 
not" (junudan lam tarawhd) sent down, as is 
consistently understood by the exegetes, as 
divine intervention on behalf of the 
prophet Muhammad. Al-Tabarl [Tafsir, 



TRUST AND PATIENCE 



378 



xxiii, 1-2), referring to an early debate over 
C3 36:28, argues that jund is to be under- 
stood in terms of "forces" and not, as some 
stiggested, as reference to a new scripture 
[risdla; see revelation and inspiration; 
SCRIPTURE AND THE c>ur'an). As for the 
intervention of tlie celestial hosts, consider- 
able discussion in the exegetical literature 
surrotinds the angels of C3 3:124-5 (see 
Ayoub, Qur'dn, ii, 314-17; see angel). 

Matthew S. Gordon 

Bibliography 
Primary: Tabarl, Tajsir, ed. Shakir (up to 
(J 14:27}; ed. 'All et al. 

Secondary: M.M. Ayoub, The Qur'dn and its 
interpreters, 2 vols., Albany 1984, 1992; Paret, 
Kommeniar. 

Trumpet see eschatology; last 
judgment; apocalypse 

Trust and Patience 

Belief in another's integrity, justice or reli- 
ability, and forbearance in the face of ad- 
versity. According to the Qiir'an, trust and 
patience are two distinguishing virtues (see 
VIRTUES AND VICES, COMMANDING AND 
forbidding) of the "faithful" person (i.e. 
mu'min; see belief and unbelief). There 
are two qtir'anic concepts typically trans- 
lated by the English word "trust." The 
first, tawakkul ('aid), is a masdar (abstract 
noun expressing action) derived from the 
fifth form of the Arabic root w-k-l, mean- 
ing "to give oneself over to" (istaslama 
ilayhi), "to rely/depend on" (i'tamada 
'alayhij, or "have confidence in" (wathiqa 
bihi) another as wakTl, that is as one's 
"guardian" or "protector" (i.e. hdji^; Lisdn 
al-'Amb, xv, 387; Bustani, Muhit, 984; see 
clients and clientage). Evidence from 
classical Arab grammarians (see grammar 



AND THE Q^UR AN; ARABIC LANGUAGE) Sug- 
gests that, in pre-Islamic usage, the word 
wakil was nearly synonymous to the word 
rabb (a qur'anic term applied to God and 
most commonly translated as "lord" [q.v.]) 
in the sense that both imply a position, not 
primarily of ownership, but of responsibil- 
ity (q.v.) to nurture to its ftiUest potential 
the thing, animal, or person over which the 
wakil/rabb has charge {Lisdn al-'Arab, ibid.; 
Bajdawi, Anwar, ad o 1:2). Although the 
word tawakkul does not itself occur in the 
Qur'an, the fifth-form verb meaning "to 
trust [in God] " (in various tenses and 
moods, i.e. tawakkala, jatawakkalu, tawakkal), 
and the fifth-form active participle from 
the root w-k-l (mutawakkil) meaning "en- 
trusting oneself [to God]" are attested a 
total of forty-four times. 

The second qur'anic concept tmderstood 
to mean "trtist" is amdna, a masdar derived 
from the root '-m-n and ordinarily used to 
refer to something given "in trust" (wadT'a) 
with the expectation that it will be cared 
for diligently and faithftiUy by the trustee. 
[Lisdn al-Arab, i, 223 and 224; Bustani, 
Muhit, 17). This word (amdna) occtirs in the 
Qiir'an a total of six times. In only one of 
these six occurrences ((3 33:72) does the 
word "trust" (i.e. al-amdna) have cosmic 
significance as the 'covenant (q.v.) of obe- 
dience' (q.v.; td'a) that is the foundation of 
the divine-human relationship (see Tabari, 
Tafsir; BajdawT, Anwdr, ad (j 33:72). 

The cjur'anic concept typically translated 
by the English word "patience" is sabr, a 
masdar from the first form of the Arabic 
root s-b-r originally having to do with bind- 
ing or "restraining a living creattire" (habs 
al-ruh) for prolonged slaughter or execution 
(see also sacrifice; consecration of 
animals), btit also coming to mean — es- 
pecially in a qur'anic context — to exercise 
"self-restraint" (habs al-nafs), "to be per- 
sistent," and/or "to endure great adver- 



379 



TRUST AND PATIENCE 



sity" [Lisdn al-'Amb, vii, 275; Bustanl, Afi^/iS, 
496). Sabr — along with other derivatives 
of the same root, inchiding: the first-form 
verb meaning "to liave patience" (in vari- 
ous tenses and moods, i.e. Sahara, yasbiru, 
isbir); the third-form verb (sdbara) meaning 
"to excel in patience" or "compete with 
one another in forbearance"; tlie eiglith- 
form verb (istabara) meaning "to be pa- 
tient"; the first-form active participle (sdbir) 
meaning "having patience"; and the first- 
form intensive noun (sabbdr) meaning "of 
the utmost patience" — is attested in the 
Qi_ir'an a total of 103 times. It is important 
to note that, although in one hundred of 
these 103 attestations sabr and other deriva- 
tives from the same root carry the virtuous 
connotation of "patient endurance," in the 
remaining three cases sabr does connote 
the vice of "stubborn persistence" in the 
worship of ancestral deities (q 25:42; 38:6; 
see POLYTHEISM AND atheism) as well as in 
other errant behaviors (c3 41:24; see error; 
astray). 

Tawakkul 
In the Qiir'an, God is the only proper 
object of tawakkul. Thus, in a qur'anic con- 
text, tawakkul is best understood as a hu- 
man being's "absolute trust in," or 
"unmitigated reliance upon," God (tawak- 
kul 'aid lld/i). In this sense, tawakkul is, as 
Izutsu notes [Concepts, 62), a fundamental 
component of imdn, the qur'anic term for 
"faith" (q.v.). This is particularly evident in 
those five verses which make it explicitly 
incumbent on the faithful to place their 
absolute trust in God: "And it is in God 
that the faithful must place their absolute 
trust" (wa 'aid lldhifa-l-yatawakkali 
l-mu'minun, Q^ 3:122; 5:11; 14:11; 58:10; 
64:13). Of these five verses, two (c3 5:11; 
64:13) speak about tawakkul as a general 
moral and spiritual imperative, with each 
verse drawing an essential connection be- 



tween tawakkul and a specific component of 
faith. In the case of C3 5:11 this component 
is taqwd or "God-consciousness" (Asad, 
Message, passim; see fear), and in the case 
of (J 64:13 this component is td'a or "obedi- 
ence" to both God and God's messenger 
(q.v; i.e. Muhammad [q.v.]; cf. c) 64:12). 
The remaining three verses refer to specific 
instances of extreme duress in the context 
of which tawakkul becomes the key to sur- 
vival for the person of faith. Each of these 
instances involves a confrontation with 
powerful enemies (q.v.) whose goal is the 
ultimate dissolution of their would-be vic- 
tim's faith. In o 3:122 there is the implica- 
tion that it was the faithful's absolute trust 
in God that yielded the miraculous victory 
(q.v.) of the vastly outnumbered Muslim 
army at Badr (q.v.), and that it was 
Muhammad's absolute trust in God that 
prevented the ultimate desertion of the 
Banii Salima and the Banu Haritha clans 
at Uhud, and thus forestalled the Meccans 
from completely decimating the Muslim 
forces that day (Tabarl, TafsTr; Baydawl, 
Anwdr, ad Q^ 3:122; see expeditions and 
battles; Mecca). In o 14:11 we find the 
trope of the tawakkul of God's messengers 
as their only real source of resistance 
against those who deny the validity of their 
message [innd kafarnd bi-md ursiltum bihi, 
<J 14:9) and who seek to do harm to God's 
messengers. And finally, in q 58:10 tawakkul 
is presented as the best defense against 
the most powerful enemy of all — Satan 
[al-shaytdn; see devil) — who insinuates 
himself into the "private" or "secret con- 
versations" (mundjdt) of human beings, 
threatening to destroy the faithful and their 
community, not from without, but from 
within. 

The mainstream theological rationale 
for the centrality of tawakkul to the life of 
faith is rooted in the important qur'anic 
teaching regarding the divine power of 



TRUST AND PATIENCE 



380 



determination over everything (qadar) and 
tlie divine "decree" [qadd'; see freedom 
AND predestination). Tliere are, for 
example, two verses (q 33:3, 48) in which 
God warns Muliammad never to yield to 
"those who deny God" [al-kdjinn; see lie; 
gratitude and ingratitude) and to the 
"hypocrites" {al-mundjiqin; see hypocrites 
and hypocrisy) — especially when, at one 
point, they seek reconciliation by pressur- 
ing him to compromise the integrity of the 
divine message and recognize the interces- 
sory role of certain pagan deities before 
God (Baydawl, ^n«Jrt5 ad C3 33:1-2). Even 
when such a compromise appears to be the 
sine qua non of Muslim survival in an 
overwhelmingly pagan environment, 
Muhammad is told that compromise is not 
an option. Instead, both verses (q 33:3, 48) 
go on to enjoin the Prophet — and, by 
implication, all the faithful — to place 
absolute trust in God (tawakkal 'aid lldh) 
precisely because "God is the guardian 
(wakil) who never fails" (wa-kajd bi-lldhi 
wakTlan). For classical SunnI exegetes (see 

EXEGESIS of the Q^UR'aN! CLASSICAL AND 

medieval) such as al-Baydawi (d. prob. 
716/1316-17), the statement, "God is the 
guardian who never fails" (c3 33:3, 48) is 
synonymous with the statement in q 39:62, 
"God is the guardian of everything" (wa- 
huwa 'aid kulli shay'in wakilun); each state- 
ment means that "all matters are in God's 
charge" [mawkulan ilayhi l-umuru kulluhd; 
Baydawl, ^n«)fl5 ad q 33-3), or that God 
"has absolute power of disposal [over all 
things]" [yatawalld l-tasarruf; Baydawi, 
Anwdr, ad Q_ 39:62). 

Modern translators and exegetes (see 
exegesis of the ^ur'an: early modern 
AND contemporary) such as Muhammad 
Asad (d. 1412/1992) agree and point out 
that the qur'anic references to God as wakTl 
(i.e. the only proper object of tawakkul) al- 
lude "to God's exclusive power to determine 
the fate of any created being or thing" 



(Asad, Message, ad q 17:2). In general, 
therefore, the cjur'anic imperative that the 
faithful place their absolute trust (tawakkul) 
in God, and the corollary imperative that 
they adopt no one other than God as the 
ultimate guardian of their affairs (e.g. 
Q, 17:2) have a deep semantic and theologi- 
cal connection to the well known qur'anic 
refrain, attested a total of thirty-five times: 
"God has the power of determination over 
everything" [Alldh [or simply huwa\ 'aid kulli 
shay'in qadirun). In other words, the only 
proper human response to the absolute 
and limitless nature of God's power of de- 
termination over all things (qadar) is an 
equally absolute and limitless trust in, and 
reliance upon, God. Anything less would 
necessarily imply the sin of shirk — ascrib- 
ing a partner to the partner-less 
God — and would thus seriously compro- 
mise one's faith. 

Sabr 
Reference to Job (cj.v.) as a paradigmatic 
embodiment of the virtue of patience is as 
deeply qur'anic as it is biblical. Of the four 
appearances of the prophet Ayyub (i.e. the 
biblical "Job") in the Qiir'an (o 4:163; 6:84; 
21:83-5; 38:41-4) two are substantive and 
make reference to Ayyub 's legendary af- 
flictions (i.e. q 21:83-5; 38:41-4). There is, 
however, at least one important difference 
between the biblical portrait of Job and the 
qur'anic portrait of Ayyub (see scripture 

AND THE qUR'AN; NARRATIVES; MYTHS AND 

legends in the qUR'AN). Though both are 
portrayed as enduring great adversity, un- 
like Job, Ayyub is not depicted as being 
plagued by the problem of theodicy. Not 
only does Ayyub refrain from cursing the 
day he was born (cf. Job 3:1-12), but he not 
once — as does Job — attributes his tra- 
vails to God (cf Job 6:4; 8:17-18; 10:3, 8, 16; 
13:24; 16:7, etc.); nor does he ask God for 
the reason he is suffering (q.v.; cf. Job 6:24; 
10:2b); nor does he protest that "there is no 



38i 



TRUST AND PATIENCE 



justice" (cf. Job 19:7b; seejusTit;E and 
injustice); nor does he witness to liis own 
"rigliteousness" (cf. Job 29:14-20; 31:5-40). 
In keeping with tlie liighly idealized 
qur'anic presentation of the prophets (see 
PROPHETS AND prophethood) and mes- 
sengers of God as nearly perfect in their 
submission (i.e. islam) to God's will, Ayyub 
merely mentions his tribulations [annimas- 
saniya l-durru and anni massaniya l-shaytdnu 
bi-nusbin wa-'adhdbin, o 21:83 and 38:41, 
respectively), and in the very same 
breath — without ever explicitly asking for 
deliverance — praises God as "the most 
merciful of the merciful ones" (wa-anta 
arhamu l-rdhimin, (j 21:83; see mercy; god 
AND HIS attributes). Thus, in both the 
Bible and the Qiir'an, neither Job nor 
Ayyub ever curses God (see curse); in their 
respective literary traditions both are re- 
garded as paragons of patience because of 
their ability to endure great adversity with- 
out cursing God. The one significant dif- 
ference, however, is that the Qrir'an seems 
to set the threshold of "patience" a bit 
higher for Ayyub than the Bible does for 
Job. Whereas Job's patience allows him to 
question God, including asking God why 
he should be patient (Job 6:11); and 
whereas Job is only silenced in humility 
when God speaks to him "out of the whirl- 
wind" (Job 38), Ayyub's patience has no 
questions for God — only praise and duti- 
ful silence. 

This difference is significant because it 
underscores the degree to which the 
qur'anic proclamation of Ayyub's sabr or 
paradigmatic "patience" {[ayyub] wa-ismd'il 
wa-Tdnsa wa-dhd l-kifli kullun mina l-sdbinn, 
C3 21:85 and innd wajadndhu sdbiran, q 38:44) 
is predicated, not only on his endurance, 
but quite specifically on his unquestioning 
and presumably placid acceptance of suf- 
fering and adversity (see also ishmael; 
iDRls; DHU l-kifl). Nowhcre is this link 
between sabr and a thoroughly unquestion- 



ing and tranquil disposition more apparent 
than in the story of the prophet Moses 
(q.v.; Musa) and the mysterious 'servant of 
God' (see servants) known to traditions of 
qur'anic exegesis as "Khidr" (q 18:65-82; 
see khadir/khidr). Here, although the 
adversity is not his own (perhaps we are to 
presume that, as a prophet, Moses did in- 
deed have the patience of Ayyub when it 
came to his own personal suffering?), 
Moses cannot abide the seemingly anti- 
nomian acts (i.e. q 18:71, 74, 77) of his new- 
found teacher without asking for a reason 
or justification. In so doing, however, 
Moses loses the privilege of discipleship 
which was originally established on the 
basis of the stipulation that the prophet 
would bear patiently (i.e. uncjuestion- 
ingly — fa-Id tas 'aim 'an shay 'in hattd uhditha 
laka minhu dhikran, () 18:70) with Khidr. The 
first two times Moses impatiently asks a 
question of Khidr, the latter chastises the 
former with the words, "Did I not say, 
'You will not be able to bear with me 
patiently'?" [a-lam aqul innaka Ian tastati'a 
ma'iya sabran, q 18:72; cf 18:75). The third 
time Moses breaks his vow of patience, 
Khidr finally declares "This is the parting 
of the ways between me and you" [hddhd 
firdqu bayni wa-baynika, q 18:78). Although 
Khidr is willing to give Moses a third and 
final justification for the former's third an- 
tinomian act, he makes it clear to Moses 
that he has not yet cultivated the patience 
necessary to receive the special "knowledge 
learned through intimacy" with God (i.e. 
'ilm ladunniirora wa~'allamndhu min ladunnd 
'ilman, C) 18:65; see Schimmel, Dimensions, 
193), knowledge that he might otherwise 
have received from Khidr had he been 
able "to bear patiently what he did not 
comprehend" [wa-kayfa tasbiru 'aid md lam 
tuhit bihi khubran, C3 18:68). This connec- 
tion between unquestioning patience (sabr) 
and special knowledge ('ilm ladduni) — a 
connection which is made quite explicit in 



TRUST AND PATIENCE 



382 



the narrative of the encounter between 
Moses and Khidr — comes to play a cen- 
tral role in Sufi (see sufism and the 
(jur'an) understandings of "patience" 
(see below). 

Tawwakul and sabr 
In three instances (q^ 14:12; 16:42; 29:59) the 
Qi_ir'an makes it clear that, on a founda- 
tional level, the concepts of sabr and tawak- 
kul belong to what Izutsu refers to as a 
single "semantic category" (Izutsu, 
Concepts, 9). In all three of these instances, 
the qur'anic concepts of trust (tawakkul) 
and patience (sabr) are understood as de- 
fining and informing each other. In 
(J 14:12, we find one of the many qur'anic 
accounts of how all of God's messengers at 
one time or another faced great adversity, 
especially in the form of persecution at the 
hands of those who refused to accept their 
messages (see opposition to Muhammad). 
Yet all of these messengers "patiently en- 
dured" whatever harm might come their 
way, "placing absolute trust in God." The 
messengers are quoted as having said to 
themselves and their persecutors, "Why 
should we not place absolute trust in God 
when he has guided us along our ways? We 
shall patiently endure whatever harm you 
might bring us! Let those who trust place 
absolute trust in God [and God alone]!" In 
C3 16:42, the original group of Meccan 
faithful who emigrated with Muhammad 
to Medina (q.v.; i.e. the muhajirun) in the 
year 1/622 are described as "those who 
have patiently endured and place absolute 
trust in their lord" [alladhina sabaru wa-'ald 
rabbihim yatawakkalun; see emigration). For 
al-BaydawI, these emigres endured 
"adversities such as the persecution of 
those who deny God and separation from 
their homeland" (sabaru 'aid l-shadd'idi ka- 
adhd l-kuffdr wa-mujaraqati l-watan) precisely 
by "keeping their exclusive attention on 
God, realizing that every matter is in his 



charge" [munqati'ln ild lldh mufavuwidm ilayhi 
l-amra kullahu; Baydawi, Anwar, ad C3 16:42). 
In C3 29:59, "those who are faithful and do 
righteous deeds" [alladhina dmanu wa-'amilu 
l-sdlihdt, Q, 29:58; see good deeds; good 
and evil) are promised paradise (q.v.) and 
are declared to be "those who have pa- 
tiently endured, and place absolute trust in 
their lord" (cf. o 16:42). 

In addition to pairing "patience" and 
"trust" into a single semantic category, the 
Qiir'an does the same with "patience" and 
"thankfulness" (shukr). There are, in fact, 
four occurrences of an identical refrain in 
which an intensive noun-form (ism al- 
mubdlagha) of both roots (i.e. sabbdr and 
shakur) are placed in apposition to each 
other (i.e. Q. 14:5; 31:31; 34:19; 42:33). Each 
of these verses mentions an astonishing 
occurrence (e.g. the deliverance of the 
Hebrews from bondage and ships cruising 
on the seas; see c;hildren of Israel; 
ships), and in reference to the occurrence 
declares: "Surely in that there are signs 
(q.v.) for every truly patient and thankful 
person" (innafi dhdlika la-dydtin li-kulli 
sabbdrin shakurin). This qur'anic pairing of 
the concepts of the "patient" and the 
"thankful" person eventually becomes the 
basis for Sufi teaching that while patience 
in adversity is undoubtedly a virtue, an 
even greater virtue lies in the capacity to 
go beyond patience and actually express 
genuine thankfulness to God for the purga- 
tive opportunities inherent in every trial 
(q.v; see Schimmel, Dimensions, 124-5). 

Sufi interpretations of tawakkul and sabr 
The Tafsir al-(^r'dn al-karim (published 
under the name of the great Sufi master 
and mystical theologian Ibn al-'Arabi 
[d. 638/1240], but actually the work of 
'Abd al-Razzaq al-Kashani [d. 730/1329]) 
draws a direct connection between "pa- 
tience" (sabr) and "courage" (q.v.; shajd'a), 
while at the same time rooting both of 



383 



TRUST AND PATIENCE 



them in the deepest profession of tlie one- 
ness of God (tawhid Allah) . In his exegesis 
of (J 3:145-51, a set of verses discussing the 
"patience" of tlie many prophets wlio 
fouglit for the sake of God (see fighting; 
PATH OR way; jihad) witliout ever "flag- 
ging" or "growing weak" in either body or 
spirit (mdwahanu... wa-md da'uju), the au- 
thor argues that the "terror" (ru 'b) that 
eventually erupts in the hearts of the en- 
emies of God's prophets "is a result of 
their ascribing partners to God" (musab- 
baban 'an shirkihim). The exegete goes on to 
explain that "courage and the other virtues 
[such as absolute trust in God] emerge out 
of the proper balance of the faculties of 
the lower self when it exists beneath the 
[luminous] shadow of the divine oneness; 
that is, when it is illuminated by the light of 
the heart enlightened by the light of the 
divine oneness. [Courage], therefore, truly 
attains its fullness only when the one who 
professes the oneness of God [in thought, 
word, and deed] has attained certitude in 
his or her profession" (ibid.). In this pas- 
sage, the author is attempting to convey 
the deeper meaning of a legend regarding 
the state of the great Sufi Shaqiq al- 
Balkhi's heart. According to Shaqiq's long- 
time companion, Hatim b. al-Asamm, one 
day — in the midst of an intensifying 
battle — Shaqiq put down his weapon, put 
his head on his shield, and fell asleep on 
the battlefield to the point that Hatim 
could hear him snoring. "This," al- 
Kashanl [pseudo. Ibn al-'Arabi] writes, "is 
the ultimate state of reliance on God and 
confidence in him; it belongs to the faculty 
of absolute certitude" [wa-hddhd ghdyatunfi 
sukuni l-qalhi ild lldhi wa-wuthuqihi bihi li- 
quwwati l-yaqin; ibid.). 

It is no coincidence that al-Kashanl 
(pseudo. Ibn al-'Arabi) reflects on the at- 
tainment of absolute certitude in profess- 
ing God's oneness in his exegesis of a 
qur'anic passage which, at one point, pro- 



claims God's "love" (q.v.; hubb or mahabbd) 
for the "patient" {wa-lldhu juhibbu l-sdbirin, 
<J 3:146). Just thirteen verses later, in the 
very same chapter, the Qiir'an also pro- 
claims God's love for those who have 
absolute trust in him [inna lldhayuhibbu 
l-mutawakkilin, (j 3:159). Since, for the Sufis, 
love is the medium par excellence for the 
purification of the soul (q.v.), any quality in 
the human being which occasions divine 
love must be a cjuality which is indispens- 
able for the perfection of the human heart. 
Therefore, as a Sufi, al-KashanI (pseudo. 
Ibn al-'Arabi) understands patience and 
trust not only to be "distinguishing marks 
of the person of faith" ['unwdn al-mu'min; 
see ^ayAscwi, Anwdr, ad Q^ 14:5), but as sta- 
tions (maqdmdtj and states (ahwdl) of the 
interior mystical journey to the goal of un- 
qualified profession of divine oneness (i.e. 
tawhid). For this author, as for many Sufis 
before and after him, trust and patience 
become two of the key ingredients in the 
alchemy of spiritual purification and the 
achievement of human perfection. 

In his magnum opus. The Revivification of 
the religious sciences (Ihjd' 'ulum al-dm), the 
renowned medieval Sunnljurist, theolo- 
gian, and mystic, Abu Hamid al-Ghazall 
(d. 505/1 1 11), devotes an entire book to the 
subject of the "profession of divine one- 
ness and absolute trust in God" (bk. 35, 
Kitdb al-Tawhid wa-l-tawakkul) and another 
entire book to the subject of "patience and 
thankfulness" (bk. 32, Kitdb al-Sabr wa-l- 
shukr). In his treatment of tawakkul, al- 
Ghazall articulates the thesis, later 
developed by (the real) Ibn al-'Arabi and 
others, that absolute trust in God is "[not 
only] one of the stations of those who pos- 
sess certitude, but it is also indicative of 
one of the highest ranks of those who are 
drawn near to God" [wa-maqdmun min 
maqdmdti l-mUqinm bal huwa min ma 'dlT 
darajdti l-muqarrabtn; Ghazall, Ihyd', xiii, 
154/2490). Al-Ghazall argues that because 



TRUST AND PATIENCE 



384 



the profession of the divine oneness 
(tawhid) is the source or root (asl) of tawak- 
kul, the perfection of both are cotermi- 
nous. Tliis is why al-Gliazali correlates the 
attainment of absolute trust in God with 
what he refers to as the "fourth [and high- 
est] degree" (al-rutba l-rdbi'a) of the profes- 
sion of divine oneness. It is the state in 
which the one who has attained it "does 
not perceive anything in existence, but one 
being.... [This is the person] whom the 
Sufis designate as [having attained the state 
of] 'passing away in the divine oneness' 
from whence he or she perceives nothing 
but one being, and thus does not even per- 
ceive him or herself" (Ghazall, Ihyd', xiii, 

158/2494)- 

From al-Ghazali's perspective, however, 
the problem with tawakkul is not the un- 
derstanding that, as a spiritual state, it is 
coterminous with complete realization of 
the divine oneness. The problem, rather, is 
with erroneous understandings that the 
attainment of tawakkul is marked by a radi- 
cal trust in God which eschews all pur- 
posive action on the part of the human 
person (Ghazall, Ihyd', xiii, 154/2490). 'Abd 
al-Qadir al-Jllani (d. 561/1166) deals with 
this very same issue in his "Satisfaction for 
those who seek the path of truth" (Kitdb 
al-Ghunya li-tdlibi tanqi l-haqq) where he 
quotes a well-known hadlth (see hadith 
AND the qUR'AN), reported on the author- 
ity of Anas b. Malik (d. ca. 92/711), which 
appears to be a scriptural locus classicus for 
reflecting on the relationship between ab- 
solute trust in God and responsible pur- 
posive action on the part of the human 
being (see Ibn Abll-Dunya, Tawakkul, n. 11, 
46). According to al-Jilani's version of this 
hadlth, a man arrives riding on a she- 
camel which belongs to him and says, "O 
messenger of God, shall I just leave her 
[i.e. unattended] and place my trust [in 
God]?" (adi'uhd wa-atawakkalu) . To which 
Muhammad replies, "Tie her up, and then 



place your trust [in God]" [i'qilhd wa-tawak- 
fei/,jllanl, Ghunya, 219). Both al-Ghazali 
and al-jilani represent mainstream Sufi 
teaching that the attainment of tawakkul 
should have no effect on whether one re- 
sponsibly fulfills one's duties to God and to 
others, but simply on how attached one is 
to outcomes. 

As for sabr, al-Ghazall cjuotes two hadlth 
that have been attributed to the Prophet. 
The first is a report with a weak chain of 
transmission and which states plainly, 
"Faith has two halves: patience and thank- 
fulness" [fa-inna l-Tmdna nisjani nisfu sabrin 
wa-nisfu shukrin; Ghazall, Ihyd', xii, 
32/2176), and in doing so echoes the origi- 
nal qur'anic coupling of sabr with shukr (see 
above). The second has a much stronger 
chain than the first and simply reads, 
"Patience is half of faith" [al-sabru nisfu 
l-imdn; Ghazall, Ihyd', xii, 33/2177). As al- 
Ghazall sees it, the other half of faith to be 
coupled with "patience" can be construed 
to be either "certitude" (yaqin) or "thank- 
fulness" (shukr), depending on one's per- 
spective on faith. If one thinks of faith 
primarily from the perspective of belief, 
then "'certitude' refers to those definitive 
types of knowledge (see knowledge and 
learning) that come through God's guid- 
ance of his servant to the fundamental 
principles of religion (q.v), and 'patience' 
refers to action on the basis of that cer- 
titude" (Ghazall, Ihyd', xii, 42/2186). Thus 
certitude is the first half and patience the 
second half of faith. If, however, one 
thinks of faith primarily from the perspec- 
tive of states of being that give rise to vari- 
ous types of practice — and one identifies 
one state as appropriate for that which 
benefits the servant in this life and the 
next, and another for that which harms 
the servant in this life and the next, then 
" 'patience' is the state that correlates with 
what is harmful and 'thankfulness' the state 
which correlates with what is beneficial" 



385 



[vua lahu bi-l-iddfati ild mdyadurruhu hdlu 
l-sabri wa bi-l-iddfati ild mdjanfa'uhu hdlu 
l-shukr; Ghazali, Ihyd', ibid.; see GOOD 
AND evil; reward and punishment). 
Whichever perspective one might prefer, 
patience remains one of the necessary and 
paramount virtues of the faitliful person. 
As al-Ghazali writes, "Tlie majority of the 
virtues of faith enter through [the door of] 
patience" [fa-aktharu akhldqi l-imdni ddkhilun 
Ji l-sabr; Ghazali, Ihyd\ xii, 43/2187). 

As for mainstream Sufi teaching on the 
relationship between "trust" and 
"patience" — not so much as cardinal vir- 
tues of the faithful person, but as stations 
and states on the mystical path — the fol- 
lowing anecdote communicates one of the 
dominant perspectives: "Abu 'All al- 
Rudhbari. . . said, 'With respect to absolute 
trust in God (tawakkul), there are three lev- 
els. The first is [the servant of God's] 
thankfulness (shukr) when [something he or 
she wants] is bestowed upon him or her, 
and patience (sabr) when he or she is de- 
nied. The second is when it is one and the 
same whether the servant is denied [what 
he or she wants] or it is bestowed upon 
him or her. The third is when the servant 
meets denial with thankfulness — denial 
being more dear to him or her [than be- 
stowal] because of his or her knowledge 
that this is God's choice for him or her'" 
(Jllanl, Ghunya, 217). 

Scott C. Alexander 



Bibliography 
Primary: 'Abd al-BaqI; M. Asad, The message of 
the Qur^dn, London 1980; Baydawi, Anwdr^ 2 vols., 
Beirut 1420/1999; B. BustanT, Muhit al-muhit, 
Beirut 1867, repr. 1998; The Holy Bible (NRSV), 
Catholic ed., Oxford 1999; al-Ghazall, Abii 
Hamid Muhammad, Itlyd' ^ulum al-dln, Cairo 
1938 (vols, xii and xiii); Ibn Abi 1-Dunya, Kitdb al- 
Tawaktiul 'aid lldh, ed. J.F. al-Dawsarl, Beirut 1987; 
Ibn al-'Arabi, Tafsir; al-Jllanl, 'Abd al-Qadir, 
Kitdb al-Ghunya li-tdlibT tariq al-haqq, Beirut 1996; 



Lisdn al-'Arab, Beirut 1977 (vols, i, vii, and xv); 
TabarT, TafsiT; ed. Shakir. 

Secondary: D. Burrell (trans.), Al-Ghazali. Faith in 
divine unity and trust in divine providence, Louisville 
2001; Izutsu, Concepts; H. E. Kassis, ^ concordance 
of the Qur'dn, Berkeley 1983; Lane; H.T. Little- 
john (trans.), al-Ghazali on patience and thankful- 
ness. Book XXXII of the Revival of the religious 
sciences flhya' 'ulum al-dinj, Cambridge 2005; 
B. Reinert, Die Lehre vom tawakkul in der dlteren 
Sufik, Berlin 1968; A. Schimmel, Mystical 
dimensions oj Islam, Chapel Hill, NC 1979; 
W. Wright, A grammar of the Arabic language, 
Cambridge 1859-1862, repr. 1981. 



Truth 

That which is established by evidential or 
experiential proof. A number of qur'anic 
lexemes convey this significance (haqq, qay- 
yim, sawdb, sadaqa/sidq), haqq being the most 
prevalent. Evidence abounds in the 
Muslim tradition to support a multivalent 
understanding of haqq as alternatively 
"true" or "real," yet that is only the begin- 
ning of a story with a pre-history. "The 
original meaning of the Arabic root h-q-q 
has been obscured but can be recovered by 
reference to the corresponding root in 
Hebrew with its meanings of (a) 'to cut in, 
engrave' in wood, stone or metal, (b) 'to 
inscribe, write, portray'" (Macdonald and 
Calverley, Haqq). From this it can be in- 
ferred that "the primary meaning of liaqq 
in Arabic is 'established fact'..., and there- 
fore 'truth' is secondary; its opposite is bdtil 
[vain] (in both readings)" (ibid.). Yet as one 
of the ninety-nine canonical "names of 
God" (see god and his attributes), haqq 
will exploit both of these meanings as well 
as the original notions of forming or in- 
scribing. Besides the five times the term is 
introduced formally as a divine name, it is 
found 247 times in the Qiir'an. 

Beyond these philological considerations, 
we must attend to our understanding of 
"true," and even of "real," in order to 



386 



grasp the import of this term in the 
Qvir'an and hence for Muslims. To ap- 
preciate the complexities involved, let us 
canvas the transformations needed in our 
prima facie grasp of these notions. At least 
since the development of Hellenic phi- 
losophy, reinforced by medieval scholars 
and in a peculiar way by modernity, 
"true" is properly applied to statements 
rather than to things, whereas "real" is 
paradigmatically said of things. The cru- 
cial difference presented by qur'anic use 
centers on the creator, one of whose 
proper names — al-haqq — should remind 
us that whatever be true or real about ev- 
erything else, the created universe derives 
from this One who is paradigmatically true 
and real (see creation; cosmology). 
Since the concept of a free creator is 
shared by all Abrahamic faiths (see 
religion; Abraham), Western medieval 
scholars also underlined this difference, 
introducing a novel notion of the "truth of 
things," whereby things (as created) can be 
said to conform to the creator's intent, 
much as statements conforming to what is 
the case can be said to be true. So if God, 
the free creator, is paradigmatically true, 
then events or things will be true (or false) 
as they conform (or fail to conform) to the 
creator's intent. Yet that intent cannot be 
discerned from creatures themselves, 
whose derived status is hardly perspi- 
cuous, so humankind has been gifted 
with the Qiir'an (see revelation and 
inspiration). While the primacy of 
creation can hardly be gainsaid, without 
the guidance of the Qiir'an there can 
be no access to things-as-created, nor a 
fortiori to the creator. So while the creator's 
intent is what makes things be, and be 
what they are, it is the Q;Lir'an which 
makes that intent known, in the measure 
that it can be made manifest at all, giving 
to the notion of truth in the Qiir'an a 
radical coherence (with divine intent) as 



well as correspondence with what is. 

Hence the very One "who sent down 
upon you the book with the truth" (q 3:3), 
"verifies the truth by his words" (q 8:7; 
10:82). If the creating word makes things to 
be, "it is he who created the heavens and 
the earth (q.v.) in truth" (c) 6:73; see 
HEAVEN AND sky), and that same word in 
the Qiir'an becomes the "call to the truth" 
((J 13:14) and the ground by which a people 
"guide [others] in the truth" (q^ 7:159, 181) 
and to the truth. Hence the centrality of 
promise "be patient; surely God's promise 
is true" (o 30:60; cf 31:33; see trust and 
patience); indeed the Qiir'an is given 
"that they might know that God's promise 
is true" (<J 18:21), even though the truth 
asserted there remains to be fulfilled. For 
with promise comes faith (q.v.), "those who 
believe follow the truth from their lord" 
(q.v.; C3 47:3), which is the Qiir'an "guiding 
to the truth and to a straight path" 
(Q, 46:30; see path or way). Notice how 
"truth" can never be anyone's possession; it 
remains a lure yet with definite parameters 
for the search: the "straight path" ((3 1:6) of 
the Qiir'an together with the siinna (q.v.) 
or traditions of the Prophet (see hadith 
AND the cjur'an), cnshriiied in and in- 
terpreted by the community or umma (see 
community AND SOCIETY IN THE C)UR'an). 
So the truth revealed in the Qiir'an be- 
comes a path to discovering the "truth of 
things" as created, by which one can hope 
to find one's way to the creator. Only 
then, according to the Sufis (see sufism 
AND THE q^ur'an), will the promise, the 
hope and the faith, be transmuted in such 
a way that one could begin to say with al- 
Hallaj (exec. 309/922): And l-haqq, "I am 
the truth" (Massignon, Passion, 216-18). Yet 
however coherently and properly it may 
be expressed, the very fact that haqq is one 
of the names which God gives himself in 
the Qiir'an assures us that the path which 
is the Qiir'an and the sunna will lead us 



387 



from the term to the divine name by a 
process designed to transform us. As 
empliasized in Sufi tliought, this is one 
more manifestation of tlie way in which 
the exoteric can meld into the esoteric in 
Islam (see polysemy), as believers who 
walk the path come to realize its trans- 
forming power. 

The QjLir'an consistently contrasts those 
who accept the truth in faith with those 
who reject it: "We brought you the truth 
but most of you were averse to the truth" 
(0,43:78; see lie; belief and unbelief), 
where the reference is to Jesus' (q.v.) fol- 
lowers who placed him on a level with God 
(see CHRISTIANS AND CHRISTIANITY; 
POLYTHEISM AND ATHEISM; POLEMIC AND 
POLEMICAL language). Yct here, too, the 
truth will emerge when "they encounter 
their day promised them" ((J 43:83; see 
last judgment; eschatology). So any 
denial of the truth — especially the truth 
of creation — will be short-lived, for when 
"the promised truth draws near, then the 
unbelievers, their eyes wild with terror, will 
say: 'Woe betide us! We were heedless of 
this!'" ((3 21:97). Moreover, such a denoue- 
ment is perfectly reasonable, for such is the 
nature of things: "to return to us is the des- 
tiny of each and all. Whoever has done 
good deeds (q.v.), being a believer, will not 
find his endeavors denied" (o 21:93-4). So 
the truth which things owe to their being 
created freely by a wise God will be real- 
ized in those who believe the truth revealed 
to them, while the reverse side of the same 
truth will be realized for those who reject 
that revelation (see reward and punish- 
ment). Since there is no escaping this cre- 
ating truth, it is best to follow the "straight 
path" to its benign realization. Yet if the 
revelation of the Qiir'an is the precondi- 
tion for human beings to realize their true 
reality, the community engendered by that 
revealed truth will offer them the way to 
attain it. So "true" and "truth" in the 



Qiir'an have an inescapably "performa- 
tive" dimension, on God's part as well as 
ours: "God meant to verify the truth of his 
words by the total rout of the truth-reject- 
ers, demonstrating how true the truth is 
and how vain the falsehood" ((J 8:7-8). 
"This is truth, certain truth" {q_ 56:95; 
69:51), or alternatively, the "truth of cer- 
tainty," hagq al-yaqin, w\\ereyaqm carries 
more metaphysical than epistemological 
connotations: the truth which stands fast. 
The Qvir'an is less concerned with our 
hold on what is true than with truth's hold 
on us; and rightly so, since we cannot 
"hold onto" a truth meant to be realized in 
and through our "return" to it as our 
source. That is why the final consequence 
of that return is less individual reward 
than it is human access to the divine mani- 
festation, even though justice (see justice 
and injustice) demands that believers be 
recompensed, positively or negatively, for 
an act which is theirs. Accepting the offer 
would not be free were we not able to re- 
fuse it, so the truth the Qiir'an insists will 
be realized bears no hint of determinism 
(see FREEDOM AND PREDESTINATION). The 
human capacity to accept or reject is in- 
ternally linked with the "graceful" offer 
which the Qiir'an extends (see grace; 
blessing). 

Yet just as our access to the truth of cre- 
ation is dependent upon our accepting the 
truth revealed in the book (q.v.), so our 
grasp of that revealed truth will be shaped 
by the community which embodies it. 
Because for Muslims, the Qiir'an is inex- 
tricably linked with the siinna, the meaning 
of "truth" in the Qiir'an will be unveiled in 
practices characteristic of that community. 
Greeting each other, Muslims will invari- 
ably end their exchange with al-hamdu 
lilldh, "God be praised" (see laudation; 
GLORIFICATION OF god). Even when a 
cliche, it remains an illuminating one. As 
Eric Ormsby has noted, in explicating 



388 



al-Ghazali's (d. 505/1 iii) insistence that 
the world as it stands is "the best possible," 
there is notliing Panglossian here, primar- 
ily because al-Gliazah is not claiming that 
we could know what the best woidd be, 
such that this world conforms to it. It 
rather states the conviction that we do not 
know what "best" woidd be like but that to 
those who believe, the world discloses un- 
suspected ways of realizing the divine wis- 
dom (q.v.) that directs its unfolding. That is 
closer to the qur'anic insistence that God's 
truth will be realized, even in the case of 
scoffers. The divinely ordained context of 
our lives — what William Chittick and 
Sachiko Murata (Vision of Islam) translate 
as "the measuring out" (qudra) — reflects 
the truth as the Qiir'an sees it: the out- 
working of what is divinely ordained. Such 
an operative notion of truth demands that 
we let go of any pretension to control what 
will happen, which in fact only makes good 
sense (see fate; destiny). 

At this point, we are bound to ask: what 
kind of truth can the Qiir'an be expoimd- 
ing? One that is certain, yet unveiled only 
as one's life unfolds; one more akin to 
coming to understand a wisdom initially 
hidden, than to knowing straightforwardly 
what is the case (see knowledge and 
learning; ignorance). So the truth of 
the Qiir'an is of a paradoxical sort: it turns 
on accepting as true what the Qiir'an re- 
veals, and then on following the "straight 
path" it prescribes to allow that truth to be 
realized, and so confirm one's original ac- 
ceptance. Recourse to metaphor (q.v.) sig- 
nals our inability to say anything directly 
about this "truth," since it embodies the 
ineffable relation of creation to the creator: 



eternally (al-Ghazali, Ninety-nine names, 124, 
commenting on al-haqq as a name of God). 

But note how al-Ghazali's exposition fol- 
lows the performative ethos of the Qiir'an 
itself (see ethics and the cjur'an), 
appending the following counsel: 

Man's share in this name lies in seeing 
himself as false, and not seeing anything 
other than God — great and glorious — as 
true. For if a man is true, he is not true in 
himself but true in God — great and 
glorious — for he exists by virtue of him 
and not in himself; indeed he would be 
nothing had the Truth not created him. 

By tracing the abiding Sufi sentiment of 
one's proper nothingness to the originating 
act of creating, al-Ghazali seeks to align 
the conclusions of kaldm with Sufi convic- 
tions (Gimaret, Les noms divins, 142; see 
THEOLOGY AND THE Q^UR'an; TRADITIONAL 
DISCIPLINES OF C)Ur'anic study). While 
this reconciling move is characteristic of 
al-Ghazall, it is illuminating as well, signal- 
ing that the relation of creatures to their 
creator, which allows us to speak of them 
as true, exceeds our capacity for articula- 
tion; and so opens the way for Ibn al- 
'Arabl's (d. 638/1240) insistence that the 
creator/creature relation be utterly unlike 
any relation which obtains between crea- 
tures themselves (Chittick and Murata, 
Vision, 61). For creation is the founding or 
grounding relation, allowing things to be 
true in their dependent existence. And if 
this be recondite philosophy, it can be 
found implicit in the paradoxical uses of 
"true/real" in the Qur'an itself. 



the thing which most deserves to be 
[called] true is the One whose existence is 
established by virtue of its own essence, 
forever and eternally; and its knowledge as 
well as the witness to it is true forever and 



David B. Burrell 



Bibliography 
Primary: Daniagham, Jl'ujuh, ed. al-Zafltl, 284-5 
(for eleven meanings of al-haqq); al-Ghazall, Abu 



389 



Hamid Muhammad, The ninety-nine beautiful names 
of God, trans. D. Burrell, Cambridge 1995. 
Secondary: W. Chittick and S. Murata, Vision of 
Islam, Minneapolis 1994; D. Gimaret, Les noms 
divins en Islam, Paris 1988; D.B. Macdonald/E.E. 
Galverley, Haqq, in EI^, iii, 82-3; L. Massignon, 
Passion of al-Hallaj, trans. H. Mason, Princeton 
1982; E. Ormsby, Creation and time in Islamic 
thought with special reference to al-Ghazali, in 
D. Burrell and B. McGinn (eds.), God and creation, 
Notre Dame, IN 1990, 246-64; M. RawT, Kalimat 
"al-haqq"fz l-Qur'dn al-kanm. Mawriduhd wa- 
daldlatuhd, Riyadh 1995. 



Tiibba' 

"The people of Tubba'" (qawm tubba'), an 
extinct community mentioned twice in the 
Qiir'an. Among other pre-lslamic groups, 
they were puni.shed because they refused to 
believe God or obey God's prophets (see 
BELIEF AND UNBELIEF; OBEDIENCE; 
PROPHETS AND PROPHETHOOd). C3 44:37 

compares Muhammad's detractors (see 
provocation; opposition to Muham- 
mad), who challenged him to prove resur- 
rection (q.v.) by himself reviving the dead 
(see death and the dead), with the 
people of Tubba', who were destroyed for 
their sins (see sin, major and minor; 
PUNISHMENT STORiEs): "Are they better, or 
the people of Tubba' and those before 
them? We destroyed them, for they were 
sinners." In o 50:14, the people of Tubba' 
are listed along with other lost communi- 
ties (see geography): the people of Noah 
(q.v.), those of al-Rass (q.v.), and the 
Thamud (ci.v.), the 'Ad (q.v.), Pharaoh (q.v.) 
and the brethren of Lot (q.v): "And the 
dwellers in the wood (see people of the 
thicket), and the people of Tubba': all 
denied the messengers (see messenger; 
lie), so [my] threat took effect." 

Arab lexicographers (see Arabic 
language; grammar and the q^ur'an) 
define the term tubba ' as a title of rulership 
among the kings (see kings and rulers) of 
Yemen (q.v.) and specifically among the 



Himyar. The title is explained froin the 
root meaning "to follow": every time one 
tubba ' died, he was followed immediately by 
one who took his place. Specifically, tubba' 
was the royal title of the kings of the sec- 
ond Himyarite kingdom (ca. 300-525 c.E.). 
According to Ibn Ishaq (d. ca. 150/767), 
Ibn al-Kalbl (d. ca. 205/820), al-Ya'qubl 
(fl. third/ninth cent.), al-Tabarl (d. 310/ 
923) and others (with differences in detail), 
the Tubba' As'ad Abu Karib returned from 
Iraij (q.v.; or Yathrib [see Medina]) with 
two rabbis [habrayn min ahbdr al-yahud; see 
JEWS AND Judaism), who convinced him to 
destroy the image of the idol (see idols 
AND images) or place of sacrifice (q.v.) 
called Ri'am, located in Medina, Mecca 
(q.v.) or in Yemen (see also south Arabia, 
religions in pre-islamic). "Thereupon 
they demolished it, and the Tubba', to- 
gether with the people of Yemen, em- 
braced Judaism" (Faris' translation of Ibn 
al-Kalbl). Beeston questions whether the 
Himyar actually became Jewish or prac- 
ticed some heterodox indigenous pre- 
lslamic expression of monotheism. The 
Himyar are known in legend to have 
remained Jewish for a century until the 
time of their last great king, Yusuf, also 
known as Dhu Nuwas, who was killed ac- 
cording to legend after his massacre of the 
Christians of Najran (q.v.) and the sub- 
sequent invasion of the Christian 
Abyssinians to destroy him (see abyssinia; 

CHRISTIANS AND CHRISTIANITY). 

According to most commentators, the 
Tubba' referenced in the Qiir'an was good 
and a believer but his subjects were not. 
They (the qur'anic "people of tubba'") are 
destroyed while he is saved. The role of the 
two Jewish learned men includes (i) prov- 
ing the future coming of Muhammad 
through the esoteric knowledge of the Jews 
and thus convincing the Tubba' not to 
destroy Yathrib, the future home of the 
Prophet, and (2) proving the original 



TURKISH LITERATURE 



390 



monotheistic purity of the Ka'ba (q.v.) 
even before Muhammad. They aflSrm that 
"it is indeed the temple (see sacred 
precincts) of our forefatlier Abraham 
(q.v.)... but the local people... set up idols 
around it." They instruct the Tubba' how 
to perform the pilgrimage (q.v.) rituals at 
the Ka'ba and he subsequently learns in a 
dream (see dreams and sleep) that he 
should make for it a beautiful kiswa or cov- 
ering. In an oft-repeated legend, when the 
Tubba' returns to Yemen with the two 
Jewish learned men, the people of Himyar 
refuse him entry because he abandoned 
their ancestral religion. The Tubba' calls 
them to his new religion and the Himya- 
rites propose that the conflict should be 
settled by their traditional ordeal of fire 
(q.v.), through which the guilty are con- 
sumed while the innocent remain un- 
scathed. The idolaters (see idolatry and 
idolaters) came with their idols and of- 
ferings (see CONSECRATION OF animals) 
while the (Jewish) learned men came with 
their texts (masahif) hanging from their 
necks (see scrolls; sheets). The idolaters 
are consumed along with their idols but the 
wise men are not. The Himyarites are con- 
vinced and thus accept Judaism, the 
Tubba"s religion. The Himyarites were 
said to have claimed that there were sev- 
enty Tubba' kings. 

Tubba' is a name as well as a title. 
Al-Tha'labi (d. 427/1035) cites Wahb b. 
Munabbih (d. ca. 114/732), who narrates 
how Solomon (q.v.) married Bilqis (q.v.) to 
Tubba' the great, king of Hamdan, and 
brought him back to Yemen, and conflates 
this with Dhu Tubba', who ruled over 
Yemen with the support of King Solomon 
and the help of the Yemeni jinn (q.v.). In 
al-Kisa'i's Qisas, Ka'b al-Ahbar (d. 32/ 
652-3) is made to include a Tubba' among 
the twelve male children of 'Ad b. 'Us b. 
Aram b. Sam b. Nuh. 



A pre-Islamic alabaster stele made by 
"Laya'athat the Sabaean" (see sheba) on 
behalf of "Abibahath wife of Tubba' son 
of Subh" for the goddess Shams depicts a 
male figure with bow, spear and dagger, 
presumably Tubba', making an offering 
with his wife to the goddess. See also 
pre-islamh; Arabia and the our'an. 

Reuven Firestone 



Bibliography 
Primary; Ibn Ishaq, Sira, 2 vols., Beirut n.cL, 
i, 19-28; Ibn Ishaq-Guillaiime, 6-12; Ibn al- 
Kalbl, Hisham b. Muhammad b. al-Sa4b, Kitdb 
al-Asndm, trans. N.A. Faris, Princeton 1952; Ibn 
Kathlr, Tafsir, Beirut 1985; Kisa'i, Qisas; trans. 
W.M. Thackston, Jr. , The tales of ike prophets of al- 
Kisd% Boston 1978, 109; Lisdn al-'Arab, viii, 31; 
TabarT, TafsTi; Beirut 1984, xiii, 128-9, 154-5; i*^') 
Ta'nkh, ed. de Goeje, 684, 901-10; trans. 
M. Perlmann, The history of al-TabarT. iv. The 
ancient kingdoms. New York 1987, 79; C.E. 
Bosworth, The history of al-Tabari. v. The Sdsdnids, 
the Byzantines, the Lakhmids, and Yemen, New York 
1999, 164-76; Tha'labi, Qisas, 286; trans. W.M. 
Brinner, Ard'is al-majdlisfl qisas al-anbiyd' or "Lives 
of the prophets", Leiden 2002, 536; Wahb b. 
Munabbih, Kitdb al-Tijdnfi muluk Himyar, San'a' 
1979; Ya'qubl, Ta'rikh, 222-4. 
Secondary: A.F.L. Beeston, Himyarite mono- 
theism, in Studies in the history of Arabia, ii. Pre- 
Islamic Arabia, Riyadh 1984, 149-54; Horovitz, 
Kcr, 102-3; ^- Hoyland, Arabia and the Arabs. Fro?n 
the Bronze Age to the coming of Islam, London 200 1 ; 
M. Lecker, The conversion of Himyar to Juda- 
ism and the Banu Hadl of Medina, in wo 26 
(1995), 129-36; id., Judaism among Kinda and 
the ridda of Kinda, in JAOS 115 (1995), 635-50; 
C.A. Nallino, Raccolta di scritti editi e inediti, 6 vols., 
Rome 1941, iii, 88-9. 



Tiir 



see SINAI 



Turkish Literature and the Qiir'an 

The acceptance of Islam in Anatolia to- 
wards the end of the third/ninth century 
brought new beliefs and social norms, and 
began to create a new linguistic and liter- 



391 



TURKISH LITERATURE 



ary climate which would dramatically re- 
shape the Turkish language and its literary 
traditions. The literary language was even- 
tually enriched with a large number of 
borrowings from Arabic, the sacred lan- 
guage of the Qtir'an (see arabk; 
language), and from the court poetry of 
Persia. In their effort to be pious Muslims, 
the new converts adopted the script of the 
qur'anic langtiage as well (see Arabic 
script). Regardless of the degree to which 
Turkish-speaking peoples have, or have 
not, had access to the semantic content of 
the Qiir'an, its iconographic power has 
been extremely influential on their cultural 
outpourings (see material culture and 
THE cjur'an). The Arabic script, in its as- 
sociation with the Qtir'an, conveys an aura 
of spirituality and provides a calligraphic 
and symbolic entry into the Islamic world 

(see REVELATION AND INSPIRATION; 

calligraphy). 

The pre-Islamic Turkic epics went 
through a striking transformation in 
Anatolia after the acceptance of Islam and 
its holy book. The birth of the romantic 
epic (hikaje) with new dimensions of love 
(q.v.) began to manifest Islamic references 
but at the same time kept the pre-Islamic 
(particularly Shamanistic) rituals and sym- 
bols. In these epics, one can observe a re- 
markable intertextuality of different and 
often contrasting religious practices and 
references. While a troubadour or bard 
played his saz, a stringed instrument, per- 
forming his epic to his audience, he would 
not hesitate to talk about wine (q.v.) or his 
character's sexual life (see sex and 
sexuality), while at the same time citing a 
verse from the Qtir'an. In some cases, the 
epic-teller would address his audience 
through a digression, saying that he 
knows it is not right to cite from the 
Qur'an while he is holding a musical 
instrument in his hands (see lawful 



and unlawful; ritual purity; 
RECITATION OF THE q^ur'an). Linguistic- 
ally speaking, these quotations from the 
Qiir'an are often highly corrupt and out 
of context. Since the audience would 
not know Arabic, immediately after the 
qur'anic quote the epic-singer would 
offer his own Turkish translation and 
commentary. 

Turkish hagiographic legends exhibit a 
similar use of the Qiir'an and hadith (see 
HADITH and THE ^ur'an). Though no 
scholarly treatment of the qur'anic verses 
in these compositions exists, in the great 
majority of the manuscripts, the com- 
posers do not cite the Arabic verses cor- 
rectly, and their Turkish renderings are 
rather more like approximations than 
accurate translations. This is typical of folk 
literature, whether its transmission was 
written or oral. Just as the peoples of 
Anatolia created their own version of folk 
Islam, their folk literature created its own 
version of Islam, the Qiir'an, and 
Muhammad. 

The treatment of the Qiir'an finds a new 
level of sophistication in Turkish, or more 
properly Ottoman, court literature. It func- 
tioned as one of the major sources of this 
classical literary tradition (thirteenth-nine- 
teenth centuries C.E.). Although the sub- 
jects and vocabulary of tasawwuf, Islamic 
mysticism (see sufism and the cjur'an), 
dominate those aspects of Turkish court 
literature that carry religious themes, the 
Qur'an also has a very special place, both 
in terms of its vocabulary and direct quo- 
tations from it, as well as reworkings of 
some famous qur'anic stories (see 
narratives; myths and legends in the 
q^ur'an). One important reworking of such 
stories is §eyyad Hamza's (fl. seventh/thir- 
teenth century) retelling of the Joseph 
story. This narrative of Joseph (q.v.) was 
widely used in Ottoman literature. Also 



TURKISH LITERATURE 



392 



known as "the most beautiful of stories" 
(cf (J 12:3), the tale has more or less the 
same plot in Turkish court poetry: Joseph 
(An Yusuf; T. Yusuf ) was one of the twelve 
sons of the prophetjacob (q.v.; Ar. Ya'qub; 
T. Yakub/Yakup). He was more loved by 
his father than his other siblings (see 
benjamin; brother and brotherhood). 
One day he saw in a dream (see dreams 
and sleep) that eleven stars (see planets 
AND stars) and the sun (q.v.) and the moon 
(q.v.) worshipped him. He recounted his 
dream to his father. Jacob interpreted these 
eleven stars as his brothers. He believed 
that what Joseph saw in his dream was a 
divine message from God to announce that 
Joseph had been chosen to be a prophet 
(see PROPHETS AND prophethood). He 
told his son to be careful and not to tell his 
dream to his brothers. He was afraid that 
jealousy would invade the hearts of his 
eleven other sons and, indeed, his worries 
turned out to be true. Joseph's brothers 
plotted against him, threw him into a well, 
and told their father that a wolf had eaten 
him. When Jacob heard the devastating 
news, he cried, from that moment on, day 
and night; Jacob's dwelling came to be 
known as "the house of grief." In fact, his 
brothers had sold Joseph into slavery to a 
merchant for a couple of silver coins. The 
merchant took Joseph with him to Egypt 
(q.v.) where he was bought at the slave 
market by an Egyptian notable named 
'Aziz (T Aziz; see kings and rulers). 
When his wife, Zulaykha (T Ziileyha; see 
women and the our'an), saw Joseph, she 
was drawn to him sexually as he had un- 
rivaled physical charm. She did everything 
to attract his attention. One day, Zulaykha 
entered Joseph's room and tried to seduce 
him. While he was struggling to escape 
from her, Joseph's shirt was torn. When he 
went out, he found 'Aziz in front of him. 
Zulaykha seized this opportunity to take 
revenge on Joseph for rejecting her. She 



told her husband that Joseph had attacked 
her. His resistance to her desires brought 
him disgrace and imprisonment. In prison, 
Joseph stayed with two other men. He in- 
terpreted their dreams correctly. One of 
his fellow prisoners was released and be- 
came the king's cup-bearer. Through this 
man, the king of Egypt found out the truth 
about the Joseph-Zulaykha relationship 
and released the innocent man. Joseph 
interpreted one of the king's dreams, too. 
He was later appointed a minister by the 
king. After a while, his brothers came to 
Egypt and were warmly welcomed by 
Joseph. They did not know that he was an 
important man. In the end, Joseph forgave 
all of his brothers (see forgiveness) and 
also brought his father from Canaan to 
Egypt. Extra-qur'anic details elaborate the 
narrative. For example, in the meantime, 
great misfortunes had befallen Zulaykha. 
Her husband had died, and she had be- 
come desperate. She had also lost her 
beauty (q.v.). When Joseph found this out, 
he felt sorry for her, and decided to marry 
her. Having done so, God bestowed her 
former beauty upon her and happiness was 
restored to the family. 

The practice of citing from the Qur'an 
and hadith was usually called iktibas (Ar. 
iqtibds), and is similar to another common 
figure of speech known as irsal-i mesel, 
"providing a proverb and its application in 
a single distich." The main purpose of 
these quotes was to reinforce the poet's 
discourse on a subject, on the assumption 
that no one would challenge the word of 
God (q.v.) or that of the Prophet, thus giv- 
ing more credibility to the poet's own state- 
ments. Often times, the poets use a figure 
of speech called telmih (Ar. talmih), "allu- 
sion," to a particular verse of the Qiir'an 
or a hadith (see also literature and the 
(JUr'an). a scholarly examination of these 
quotes and allusions in Turkish literary 
texts and their contcxtualization (and in 



393 



TURKISH LITERATURE 



many cases decontextualization) has not 
been undertaken. 

While the authors of folk narratives 
would often provide their audience with a 
Turkish translation or approximation of 
the qur'anic passages they were citing (see 
TRANSLATIONS OF THE our'an), Ottoman 
court poets did not engage in such prac- 
tice. Indeed, there was no practical reason 
for it. Generally speaking, court poetry 
assumed an educated audience, an audi- 
ence usually literate in Turkish, Persian 
and Arabic, and with an adequate educa- 
tion in the Islamic sciences (see 
traditional dis(;iplines of q^ur'anic 
study). Not translating such quotes, and 
not providing any explicit source for the 
quotes, also challenged the capacities of 
the audience and added to the overall live- 
liness of this tradition. 

Despite the tremendous efforts of mod- 
ern Turkish philologists since the founding 
of the Turkish republic to decipher and 
publish the major Ottoman literary 
sources, unfortunately a great majority of 
the existing sources remain in manuscript 
form, and have not been studied. Thus, 
any attempt to write an overview of the 
Qur'an and Turkish literature is necessarily 
incomplete. Based on some of the most 
significant studies on Ottoman literature, 
the following list of the most frequently 
cited verses of the Qrir'an in Turkish court 
poetry can be composed (cf. Levend, Divan; 
Onay, Eski Tiirk; Pala, Ansiklopedik divan; 
Tarlan, Fuziili divani): q_ 21:22; 95:4; 14:34; 
36:69; 2:47; 89:27-8; 61:13; 2:82; 13:23; 
16:31; 20:76; 39:73; 111:4; 6:2; 17:1; 2:224; 
12:87; 11:70; 20:21-68; 27:10; 28:25-31; 
29:33; 7:172; 43:32; 2:1; 29:1; 30:1; 31:1; 32:1; 
2:225; 7:206; 13:15; 16:49; 17:107; 19:58; 
22:18; 25:60; 27:25; 32:15; 38:24; 78:40; 
24:36; 8:17; 3:14; 35:33; 39:73; 24:35; 2:2; 
81:1; 95:4; 2:256; 5:45; 9:25; 93:1; 68:1; 
56:30; 28:88; 56:29; 33:4; 20:6; 92:1; 93:2; 
21:107; 30:50; 55:1; 24:35; 93:2; 17:1; 31:77; 



39:73; 2:115; 53:9; 17:37; 31:18; 71:5; 35:1; 
37:35; 47:119; 13:30; 39:6; 59:22; 27:30; 
26:224; 36:69; 2:115; 78:40; 65:7; 84:5-6; 
48:1; 39:22; 20:12; 2:285; 4:46; 5:7; 24:51; 
96:19; 21:30; 61:13; 50:20; 87:1; 27:7; 28:29; 
24:36; 8:17; 3:14; 9:72; 13:23; 16:31; 18:31; 
19:61; 20:76; 38:50; 61:12; 39:73; 24:35; 81:1; 
95:4; 2:256; 5:45; 9:25; 56:30; 28:88; 33:4; 
20:4; 53:9; 15:72; 26:88; 25:53; 83:26; 21:23; 
7:179; 25:44; 75:40; 14:7; 65:10; 5:100; 3:13; 
59:12; 43:32; 55:26; 33:41; 39:53; 3:103-12; 
20:66; 26:44; 21:107; 93:2. Many of these 
verses were commonplace in the collec- 
tions of Turkish poetry and for centuries 
poets have alluded to them repeatedly. 
Ottoman Turkish court poetry was highly 
technical, linguistically cumbersome, and 
rhetorically charged, but at the same time 
it had a limited lexicon. Thus it is not sur- 
prising to see the repetition of these verses 
in collections {divans) written centuries 
apart. The established literary tradition 
dictated the vocabulary of the medieval 
poet, as did the limited number of canoni- 
cal books, the Qiir'an being the most sig- 
nificant of all. Generally it was viewed by 
the Ottoman poet as the supreme example 
of "poetic perfection" (see inimitability). 

In Turkish court poetry, the Qiir'an is 
equated with the beauty of the beloved: his 
or her beautiful face, tall stature, long and 
dark hair, eyes, eyebrows, cheek fuzz, and 
mole. Sometimes it is designated as the 
kitap, "book" (q.v.), mushaf{see mushaf), 
"book, volume," ajet (pi. ayat), "verses" 
(q.v.; see also signs; miracles; marvels), 
JUrkan, "that which distinguishes truth (q.v.) 
from error (q.v.)" (see also criterion), and 
nur, "light" (q.v.). In the majority of the 
divans, it is the absolute truth with utter 
perfection, and thus it is referred to with 
utmost respect (see also names of the 
qur'an). 

In the eighteenth century, Ottoman court 
poetry (together with other arts of the 
empire, such as miniature painting) went 



TURKISH LITERATURE 



394 



through a dramatic change in its language, 
themes, representation of tlie real world, 
manifestation of human sexuality, and de- 
piction of the place of religious discourse 
in poetry. Indeed, the whole society began 
to display signs of a Turkish "renaissance," 
one that emphasized a more secular state 
of mind. The clash between the rind, "the 
epicurean poet," and z^hid, "zealot," had 
long dominated the pages of Turkish 
divans, but in eighteenth century poetry, 
serious challenges to religion and religious 
authorities were evident, but without the 
previous centuries' reliance upon mysti- 
cism to mediate this clash. The poet 
Nedim (1681-1730) was one of those 
Ottoman authors who openly confronted 
some of the strongest proscriptions of 
Islam, such as drinking alcohol and con- 
suming opium (see intoxicants; 
forbidden) during the holy month of 
Ramadan (q.v.), refusing to write a single 
tevhid, "composition praising the unity of 
God" (see god and his attributes), 
miinacat, "poem which calls upon God for 
help, communicates with God," or na't, 
"poem in honor or praise of Muhammad" 
(see prayer formulas; names of the 
prophet), and provocatively disparaging 
the Qur'an itself: 

Oh zealot, excuse me but your face seems 
rather homely (literally "there is some 
heaviness on your skin") 
your ugliness can be perceived even by the 
thickness of your book! 

This secular or anti-religious posture in 
literature became much stronger in the 
nineteenth and twentieth centuries with 
the advance of modernist movements in 
Turkey (see contemporary critical 
PRACTICES and THE ^ur'an). The positiv- 
ist mentality of modern Ottoman and 
Turkish literature emphasized critical 
thinking, belief in positive sciences (see 



SCIENCE and the our'an), and a desire to 
free the human mind from the dogmas of 
Islam and its holy book. Among the fore- 
most figures of this literature of the 
Turkish enlightenment were Tevfik Fikret 
(1867-1915), Re§at Nuri Giintekin 
(1889-1956), Nazim Hikmet (1902-1963), 
and Aziz Nesin (1915-1995). 

The philosophy exemplified in Fikret's 
poem entitled "Haluk's credo" (written for 
his son Haluk, and translated by Walter G. 
Andrews; Silay, Anthology, 259-60) occupied 
the pages of Turkish literature until the 
1980s. A few lines can convey some sense 
of this philosophy: 

There is a universal power, supreme and 

limitless 

Holy and sublime, with all my heart, so 

do I believe 
The earth is my homeland, my nation all 
humankind; 

A person becomes human only by knowing 
this, so 

do I believe 
We are Satan, and jinn (q.v), there's no 
devil (q.v.), no angels (q.v.) 
Human beings will turn this world into 
paradise (q.v.), so 

do I believe 
The perfect is immanent in creation (q.v.); 
in that perfection 

By way of the Torah (q.v.), of the Gospels 
(q.v.), of the Koran 

do I believe 

The military coup in Turkey on September 
12, 1980 not only reshaped the whole po- 
litical, cultural and economic nature of the 
country but its literature as well. Whether 
Marxist-Leninist or Kemalist, the positivist 
character of Turkish literature began to go 
through a remarkable "postmodern" trans- 
formation and thus reflected a much more 
positive image of the so-called "Ottoman 
times" in general and Islam and its icons in 



395 



particular (see also politics and the 
(^ur'an). 

Kemal Silay 

Bibliography 
Ahmet Refik, Ldle devri, Istanbul 1331/1912; 
K. Akyiiz, La litterature moderne de Turquie, in 
J. Deny et al. (eds.), Philologiae turcicae fundamenta, 
3 vols., Wiesbaden 1959-2000, ii, 465-634; W.G. 
Andrews, The age of beloveds. Love and the beloved in 
early-modern Ottoman and European culture and society, 
Durham, NC 2005; id., An introduction to Ottoman 
poetry, Minneapolis 1976; id., Poetry's voice, society's 
song. Ottoman lyric poetry, Seattle 1985; O. Asla- 
napa, Turk minyatiir sanatinin geli§mesi, in 
Erdem. Ataturk KUltUr Merkezi Dergisi 2/6 (1987), 
851-66; N. Berkes, The development of secularism in 
Turkey, Montreal 1964; A. Bombaci, Histoire de la 
litterature turque, trans. I. Melikoff, Paris 1968; P.N. 
Boratav, TUrk halk edebiyati, Istanbul 1969; 
M. Qscvu^o^u, Mecdti Bey divdm'nm tahlili, Istanbul 
1971; C. Dilgin, Divan |iirinde gazel, in TUrk Dili 
415-17 (1986), 78-247; id., Orneklerle Turk §iir bilgisi, 
Ankara 1983; R. Ettinghausen, Turkish miniatures 
from the thirteenth to the eighteenth century. New York 
1965; A.O. Evin, The tulip age and definitions of 
"westernization," in O. Okyar and H. Inalcik 
(eds.), Social and economic history of Turkey (loyi- 
ig2o), Ankara 1980, 131-45; F. Iz (ed.), Eski Tiirk 
edebiyatnda nazim. XIII. YUzyildan XIX. Tuzyfl 
ortasna kadar yazmalardan segilmi metinler [vol. i], 
Istanbul 1966; L. Karahan, Erzurumlu darir, kissa-i 
Yusuf (Tusuf u ^uleyhd). Inceleme, metin, dizin, 
Ankara 1994; C. Kurnaz, Haydli Bey divdm 
(tahlili), Ankara 1987; A.S. Levend, Divan edebiyati. 
Kelimeler ve remizler, mazmunlar ve mefhumlar, 
Istanbul 1943; id., Turk dilinde geli^me ve sadele^me 
evreleri, Ankara 1972; G.M. Meredith-Owens, 
Turkish miniatures, London 1963; A. Nedim, Nedim 
divdni, ed. H. Nihad, Istanbul 1338-40 [1919-21]; 
A.T Onay, Eski Tiirk edebiyatinda mazmunlar, ed. 
C. Kurnaz, Ankara 1993; I. Vala, Ansiklopedik 
dwdn siiri sbzlugU, Ankara 1992; SirJ.W. 
Redhouse, New Redhouse Turkish- English dictionary, 
Istanbul 1968; id.,^ Turkish and English lexicon, 
Beirut 1974; S. SamT, Kdmus-i Turki, 2 vols., 
Istanbul 1317-18/1899-1900; K. Silay (ed.). An 
anthology of Turkish literature, Bloomington, IN 
1996; id., Medim and the poetics of the Ottoman 
court. Aledieval inheritance and the need for change, 
Bloomington, IN 1994; id. (ed.), Turkish folklore 
and oral literature. Selected essays of Ilhan Ba§gbz, 
Bloomington, IN 1998 (for a sampling of works 
by one of the most noted contemporary names 
in Turkish folklore); F. Steingass, A comprehen- 
sive Persian-Enplish dictionary, London loSS*^; 



A.N. Tarlan [ed.), Ahmed Pa^a divani, Istanbul 
1966; id. Fuzuli divam §erhi, 3 vols., Ankara 1985; 
id., Haydli Bey Dwdni, Istanbul 1945; id., Kadi 
Burhaneddin'de tasavvuf, in Tiirk Dili ve Edebiyati 
Dergisi 8 (1958), 8-15; id.. Kadi Burhaneddin'de 
tasavvuf. Ikinci gazelin §erhi, in Tiirk Dili ve 
Edebiyati Dergisi 9 (1959), 27-32; id.. Kadi 
Burhaneddin'de tasavvuf III. Bir gazelinin §erhi, 
in Tiirk Dili ve Edebiyati Dergisi 10 (i960), 1-4; id., 
Mecati Bey divani, Istanbul 1963; id., §eyhi divam'm 
tetkik, Istanbul 1964; H. T^olasa, Ahmet Pa^a'mn pir 
dUnyasi, Ankara 1973; S.L. West, The Qissa-i Tusuf 
of 'All. The first story of Joseph in Turkic 
Islamic literature, in ao 37 (1983), 69-84. 



Tl 



An enigmatic term mentioned in the 
Qiir'an, denoting a place or a concept of 
holiness. The term's semantic origins are 
obscure — a place name, a term meaning 
"twice done," even a misreading of the 
Syriac tur/turd ["mountain"] have been 
suggested (cf. Bell, Co?nmentarji, i, 523 [ad 
Q_ 20:12]; cf also Horovitz, KU, 125). The 
sacred place called tuwd is found in two 
suras ((J 20 and 79), both of which speak of 
a holy valley and mention Moses (q.v.), but 
which are quite different otherwise. While 
(J 20 consists of 135 verses and q 79 of only 
forty-six verses, they include only slight 
similarity (see suras). 

cj 20, entitled Taha (see mysterious 
letters), begins with "We did not reveal 
to you [Muhammad] the Qiir'an that you 
should be distressed, but to admonish the 
God-fearing" (q 20:2-3; see piety; fear; 
Warner). Verses 9-12 tell what Moses did, 
after which God spoke to him and men- 
tioned tuwd: "Have you heard the story of 
Moses? When he saw a fire (q.v.) he said to 
his people: 'Stay here, for I can see a fire. 
Perchance I can bring you a lighted torch, 
or find guidance at the fire.' When he 
came near, a voice called out to him: 
'Moses! I am your lord. Take off your 
sandals, for you are in the sacred valley of 
tuwd.' " In verse q 20:15 God speaks 



TYRANT 



396 



strongly, that "the hour is surely coming 
(see time; last judoment; eschatology). 
But I will keep it hidden so that every soul 
may be rewarded for its striving (see 
reward and punishment; path or 
way)." Then God frightens Moses by tell- 
ing him to throw down his staff (see rod) 
which becomes a serpent. He then tells 
him to take it with no fear, for it will return 
to its former state, and promises that he 
will show him most wondrous signs (q.v.). 
God tells Moses that he has chosen him to 
serve him (see worship; servant), to re- 
cite his prayers (see prayer; ritual and 
THE cjur'an) in remembrance of him and 
warns that the hour (of doom) has come. 
God continues ({) 20:16), "Let those who 
disbelieve in the hour (see belief and 
unbelief) and yield to their desires not 
turn your thoughts from it, lest you perish 
(see DEATH and the dead)." Moses asks 
God to put courage (q.v.) into his heart 
(q.v.), free his tongue from impediment, 
and to appoint his brother Aaron (q.v.) to 
strengthen him and share his task. God 
agrees and tells the story of the birth and 
early years of Moses, then goes on with the 
story of Pharaoh (q.v.). 

c) 79 is called al-Nazi'at, a title that is 
little understood, and translated by 
various English names such as "The Soul- 
Snatchers," "Those Who Pull and 
Withdraw," "Those Who Drag Forth," and 
"The Pluckers" (see, for instance, the trans- 
lations of A. Ali, A.J. Arberry, N.J. 
Dawood, M. Pickthall, J.M. Rodwell and 
M.H. Shakir). (j 79 briefly notes the story 
of Pharaoh, with a mention of the fire and 
the hour (of doom) as in o 20, and includes 
a few final words of future events that 
threaten humanity (see apocalypse). The 
two first words of this sura (ndzi'at/ sdbihdt) 
are difficult to understand and have been 
the subject of considerable exegetical dis- 
cussion. C3 79 contains the brief verses 15 
and 16: "Have you heard the story of 



Moses? His lord (q.v.) called out to him in 
the sacred valley of tuwd." 

Although exegetes differ as to the mean- 
ing of the term tuwd, the most plausible 
tradition is that which maintains that tuwd 
is the name of a sacred place, the one that 
was entered by Moses (but cf. sacred 
precincts). 'Tuwd(n) has also been defined 
as something "twice done," as though 
folded, and medieval writers (see exegesis 
OF the our'an: classical and medieval) 
have said that tuwd is "twice sanctified, 
twice blessed and twice called," as God 
calls Moses. 

William M. Brinner 



Bibliography 
Primary: Yaqut, Bulddn, ed. Wiistenfeld, iii, 553. 
Secondary: Bell, Commentary; Horovitz, Ku. 



Twelvers see shi'ism and the 
q^ur'an 



Twilight see evening 



Tyrant see oppression; kings and 



u 



Uhud see EXPEDITIONS AND BATTLES 



[Al-]Ukhdrid 

Substantive (or proper name) found in tlie 
qiir'anic expression ashdb al-ukhdud [q_ 85:4): 

[Tliey] were destroyed, tlie men of tlie 
furnace (ashdb al-ukhdiid) , a fire (q.v.) abun- 
dantly fed, while they were sitting by it, 
and they were witnesses of what they did 
to believers (see belief and unbelief), 
and they ill-treated them for no other rea- 
son than that they believed in God 

(a 85:4-9)- 

Islamic tradition is almost unanimous in 
identifying these ashdb al-ukhdiid with those 
involved in tlie persecution at Najran (q.v.; 
a large oasis in southern Saudi Arabia, on 
the border with Yemen [q.v.]), in Novem- 
ber 523 t;.E. (regarding this event and the 
sources dealing with it, see Beaucamp 
et al.. La persecution), but quite often with- 
out specifying whether they mean the 
Jewish persecutors (directed by the king 
Zur'a dhu-Nuwas Yusiif, the Yusuf As'ar 
Yath'ar of Himyarite inscriptions; see JEWS 
AND Judaism) or their Christian victims 
(see christians and Christianity). For 



Wahb b. Munabbih (d. ca. 114/732; Tijdn), 
Ibn Habib (d. 245/860; Muhabbar) or 
Nashwan al-Himyarl (d. 573/1178; Muluk 
Himyar), they are the persecutors, since 
these authors call the king Yusuf sdhib al- 
ukhdiid, but others remain rather vague (Ibn 
Ishaq, Sira, followed by Tabari, Ta 'rikh; 
Nashwan al-Himyarl, Shams al- 'uliiin, ad 
h-d-d, etc.) 

As a consequence of this identification, 
tradition interprets al-Ukhdud as a place 
name of the Najran oasis (BakrI, Mujam 
md stajama, i, 121, ad "al-Ukhdud"; al- 
Hasan al-Hamdam, Sifatjazirat al- 'Arab, 
specifies that "the ancient city is the site of 
'al-Ukhdud' "). In pre-Islamic sources 
(principally the inscriptions of south 
Arabia, but also external sources such as 
Christian hagiographies relating to the 
persecution, written in Greek and Syriac), 
however, no evidence is available for such a 
place name; in inscriptions, the oasis and 
main city are first of all called Rgmf" [res 
3943/3; Ma'ln 9/5; M 247/2; in Hebrew 
Ra'md, in Greek Rag?na, in Gen 10:7 — I 
Chron 1:9, and Ezek 27:22), then, after the 
start of the Christian era, Ngr" (in Arabic 
Najran; see ARABIC script). There is good 
reason to believe that the name "al- 
Ukhdud" bestowed upon the ruins of 
Najran (already indicated in the tenth cen- 



[al- 



U K H D U D 



398 



tury c.E. by al-HamdanI and still used 
nowadays, see Philby, Arabian highlands) 
postdates Islam and is derived from an in- 
terpretation of (J 85. 

Other observations have led the majority 
of contemporary scholars to doubt the 
identification of the ashdb al-ukhdud with 
those responsible for, or the victims of, the 
Najran persecution. While the Qiir'an 
speaks of a ditch filled with fire (for 
R. Blachere, a furnace), since the meanings 
given to the Arabic ukhdud (pi. akhddid) are 
"ditch, cavity, pit" (for references in 
Yemeni dialects, see Serjeant, Ukhdud), 
scholars note that, according to Christian 
hagiographies, those executed were not 
thrown into a furnace but put to the sword. 
Besides, the text of the Qtir'an, which gives 
no indication of location or time, at no 
point suggests that the "believers" were 
Christians (see people of the ditch). 

For al-Tabari (d. 310/923), followed by 
some Islamicists, most recently Regis 
Blachere, the Qiir'an is alluding to the 
"fiery furnace" (Daniel 3:6, 11, 15, 17, 20, 
21, 23 and 26) into which the three young 
men are thrown. Other scholars, such as 
Rudi Parct, following Hubert Grimme and 
Joseph Horovitz, prefer an eschatological 
interpretation (see eschatology): the 
ashdb al-ukhdud will be the wicked cast into 
hell (see hell and hellfire) at the time of 
the last judgment (q.v.) because of their 
crimes against believers, even if it is very 
unusual to use the term "ditch" to describe 
hell (see reward and punishment). 

This last objection has disappeared fol- 
lowing the publication of texts from 
Qiimran, in which Sheol is constantly re- 
ferred to by the Hebrew sahat, "ditch." 
Marc Philonenko, who stresses this point, 
equally notes the expressions bny h-sht, 
"sons of the ditch," and 'nsy h-sht, "men of 
the ditch," to denote the wicked, the 
damned or rather those who suffer punish- 
ment (see CHASTISEMENT AND PUNISHMENT: 



GOOD AND evil) On judgment day. The 
qur'anic expression ashdb al-ukhdud coidd 
be an exact equivalent of the expressions 
from Qimiran. 

Christian Jidien Robin 

Bibliography and abbreviations 
Primary: al-BakrI, al-WazTr Abu 'Ubayd 
'Abdallah b. 'Abd al-'AzTz al-AndalusT, Mujam 
md sta'jama, ed. M. al-Saqqa, 4 vols, in 2, Cairo 
1945, repr. Beirut 1983^; R. Blachere, Le Coran. 
Traduction selon un essai de redassement des sourates, 
3 vols., Paris 1947-51, ii, 119-20, no. 43; al- 
Hamdanl, Abu Muhammad al-Hasan b. Ahmad 
b. Ya'qub, SifatjazTrat at-'Arab, 2 vols., ed. D.H. 
Miiller, al-Hamddni's Geographie der arahischen 
Halbinset, Leiden 1884-91, repr. Leiden 1968, 
l69f.; Ibn Habib, Abn JaTar Muhammad, 
Mubabbar, ed. I. Lichtenstadter, Hyderabad 1942, 
repr. Beirut n.d., 367-8; Ibn Ishaq, Sira, 24-5; Ibn 
Ishaq-Guillaume, 15-16; Nashwan b. Sa'ld al- 
HimyarT, AiulUk Himjiar wa-aqydl al-Yaman, ed. 
'A. al-Jaraft, Cairo 1378/1958-9, 148 (poem with 
commentary); id.. Shams al-'ulum. Die auf 
Sudarabien bezuglichen Angaben NaSwdn's im Sams at- 
'utum, Leiden/London 1916, 31-2; TabarT, Ta'rikb, 
ed. de Goeje et al., i, 919/922-5; trans. C.E. 
Bosworth, The history of al-Tabari. v. The Sdsdnids, 
the Byzantines, the Lakhmids, and Yemen, Albany 
1999, 191, 198-202; Tha'labi, Qisas; trans. W.M. 
Brinner, Ard'is al-majdlis ji qisas al-anbiyd' or "Lives 
of the prophets", Leiden 2002, 728-32; Wahb b. 
Munabbih, Kitdb al-Tijdn fi muluk Himyar, San'a' 
1347/1928-9, 323-501- 

Secondary: J. Beaucamp, F. Briquel-Chatonnet 
and Ch. Robin, La persecution des chretiens de 
Nagran et la chronologic himyarite, in Aram 
11/12 (1999-2000), 15-83; H. Grimme, Mohammed, 
2 vols., Miinster 1892-5, ii, 77 n. 4; Horovitz, KU, 
12; R. Parct, Ashab al-Ukhdud, in El', i, 692 
(complete bibliography); H. VhiXhy, Arabian 
highlands, New York 1976*, esp. chap. 14, Ukhdud, 
254-5 (map of the Najran wadi and al-Ukhdud 
area); 266-7 (sketch of the site between); 
M. Philonenko, Une expression qoumranienne 
dans le Coran, in Atti del Terzo Congresso di Studi 
Arabi e Islamici (Ravello, 1-6 September ig66), 
Napoli 1967, 553-6 (complete bibliography); 
R. Serjeant, Ukhdud, in BSOAS 22 (1959), 
572-3. Sigla: M: Iscrizioni sudarabiche. i. Iscrizioni 
minee, Naples 1974; Ma'Tn 9: Ch. Robin and 
G. Gnoli, Inventaire des Inscriptions sud arabiques, iii, 
Paris/ Rome 1998; REs: Repertoire d'epigraphie 
semitique. 



399 
Ulema see scholars 

'Umar see caliph; companions of 

THE prophet 

Umm Hablba see wives of the 
prophet 

Umm Salama see wives of the 
prophet 

Umma see community and society in 
THE ^ur'an; religion 



Ui 



A qur'anic epithet for the prophet Muham- 
mad that acquired significantly different 
interpretations in the course of Islamic 
liistory. Traditionally, Muslims understand 
ummt as "illiterate" and as uneqiuvocally 
identifying Muhammad as "the illiterate 
Prophet" (al-nabi l-ummi) — a view that has 
come to constitute an article of orthodox 
faith and spirituality in Islam (see 
illiteracy). Recent research, however, 
recovering some of the earliest exegetical 
glossing, has suggested that umnn'in the 
Qiir'an signifies the ethnic origin (being an 
Arab, Arabian) and the originality of the 
Prophet of Islam (coming from among a 
people, the Arabs [q.v.], who had not yet 
received a revelation; see revelation and 
inspiration). 

Terms in the Qur'dn and their interpretations 
The term ummi occwva only in C3 7:157 and 
158; its plural, ummiyyiin, is found in C3 2:78; 
3:20, 75 and 62:2. In cj 7:157 and 158, God 
proclaims: 

My mercy (q.v.),... I shall ordain it for 
those who are God-fearing,... those who 
believe in our signs (q.v.; C3 7:156), [those] 
who follow the messenger (q.v.), the ummT 



Prophet, whom they find mentioned in 
their [own scriptures, the] Torah (q.v.) and 
the Gospel (q.v; see also scripture and 
THE cjur'an), who bids them to what is just 
(see justice and injustice) and forbids 
them what is reprehensible (see virtues 

AND VICES, commanding AND FORBID- 
DING; forbidden), and who makes lawful 
for them the good things and unlawful for 
them the corrupt things... (q 7:157; see 

LAWFUL AND UNLAWFUL; GOOD AND EVIl). 

Say: "O humankind, I am the messenger 

of God to you all " Therefore, believe in 

God and in his messenger, the ummi 
Prophet who believes in God and his 
words. Follow him! Perhaps, you will [then] 
be guided ({) 7:158; see error; astray). 

In commenting on these verses, the clas- 
sical Muslim exegetes (see exegesis of the 

qUR'AN: CLASSICAL AND MEDIEVAL) offcr 

several interpretations for ummi, including 
"unable to read (and write; see literacy; 
orality and writing IN Arabia)," 
Arab/ Arabian (derived from u?nma, 
"nation, the people of the Arabs"), 
Meccan (from umm al-qurd, "Mother of all 
Cities," an epithet for Mecca [q.v.]), and, 
"pure, natural," like a newborn from its 
"mother" (umm), thus incorporating the 
notions of being "unlettered," "untaught," 
"intellectually untouched" (see knowl- 
edge and learning), and "spiritually vir- 
gin," by virtue of which Muhammad be- 
came the receptacle for the divine 
revelation. (For references and discussion 
of these and the following derivations, see 
Gtinther, Illiteracy, esp. 493-9; and id.. 
Literacy, esp. 188.) Despite these various 
possible meanings, the classical commen- 
taries stress that ummi'in the two verses 
characterizing the prophet Muhammad 
means "unable to read (and write)." 
Presenting a threefold argument, they 
suggest (i) that ummi most likely relates to 
umma, "the people of the Arabs" who, (2) at 



400 



the time of Muhammad, were mostly an 
"iUiterate nation" (umma ummiyja), "neitlier 
reading nor writing," and, (3) since 
Muhammad belonged to this nation, he 
neither read nor wrote, or was unable to 
do so. 

Western scholars have contested, in par- 
ticular, the idea that umniT means "illiter- 
ate." While some scholars suggest the 
meaning of "ethnically Arab/ Arabian," 
others argue in favor of "untaught" or "ig- 
norant" (of the scriptures, as opposed to 
being "learned," "knowledgeable" about 
them) or "not having received a revelation" 
and, strictly speaking, "pagan" and "hea- 
then," or "gentile" (see Giinther, Illiteracy, 
496; see POLYTHEISM AND ATHEISM; SOUTH 
ARABIA, RELIGIONS IN PRE-ISLAMIc). 

Analysis of the qur'anic expressions 
ummiyyun and umma (the latter being the 
noun from which iimmi is most likely de- 
rived, as both classical exegetes and con- 
temporary scholars agree) highlights above 
all two things. First, umma in the Qi_ir'an 
means "a people" or, more specifically, 
"the nation [of the Arabs]" (notwithstand- 
ing its other meanings, which are not rel- 
evant here; see Giinther, Illiteracy, 496-8). 
Second, the term ummiyyun in the Qiir'an 
identifies "Arabs who have not [yet] been 
given a divinely inspired scripture" (cf. 
C3 3:20, 75; 62:2). On one occasion, how- 
ever, a certain group among the Jews (see 
JEWS AND Judaism) is called u?nmiyyun, "not 
knowing the scripture," or "not being well- 
versed in the book [q.v.; because they are 
not reading in it]" [q_ 2:78). When the 
terms ummi and pi. ummiyyun are examined 
in conjunction with the previous two re- 
marks, it becomes clear that in the Qiir'an 
they do not represent a single meaning. 
Rather, they suggest a spectrum of ideas, 
which includes (a) someone belonging to a 
people (umma) — the Arabs — who were a 
nation without a scripture as yet; (b) some- 
one without a scripture and thus not read- 



ing it; and (c) someone not reading a 
scripture and, therefore, not being taught 
or educated [by something or somebody] 
(cf Giinther, Muhammad, 15-16). 
Although this spectrum of ideas does not 
include the meaning of "illiterate" as such, 
it apparently formed the basis upon which 
the idea of ummT meaning "illiterate" was 
developed. 

The dogma of the Prophet being umml, 

"illiterate" 
The fact that questions surrounding the 
possibility of Muhammad's literacy were 
already an issue of considerable signifi- 
cance at the time of the revelation seems to 
be evident, for example, in <J 25:5. This 
passage echoes attempts made by "unbe- 
lievers" (polytheists in Mecca) to discredit 
Muhammad by claiming that he was not 
communicating divine revelations, but 
"stories taken from writings of the ancients 
[asdtir al-awwalTn; see generations), which 
he has written down (see writing and 
WRITING materials; opposition to 
Muhammad) and which were dictated to 
him (tumid 'alayhi) at dawn (q.v.) and in the 
early evening" (q.v; see also Giinther, 
Illiteracy, 492-3). In contrast, q 29:47-8 
states: "We have sent down to you 

[Muhammad] the book (al-kitdb) Not 

before this did you read (tatlu) any book, or 
inscribe it with your right hand..." (for tald 
referring to "reading [the holy scriptures]," 
see Giinther, Literacy, 190). 

The concept of the Prophet's illiteracy, 
however, "seems to have evolved in some 
circles of Muslim learning not before the 
first half of the second century of the hijra 
(see emigration; calendar)," i.e. the first 
half of the eight century c.E. (Goldfeld, 
Illiterate prophet, 58). Furthermore, it 
seems that Muhammad's illiteracy had 
already become dogma by the end of the 
third/ninth century when al-Tabari 
(d. 310/923) summed up much of the 



401 



learning of previous generations of 
Muslims (see Goldfeld's research into cer- 
tain exegetical works, which al-Tabarl used 
as sources and quoted in his comments on 
umniT a.nd ummiyjun; see theology and 
THE c)Ur'an). The famous theologian al- 
Ghazali (d. 505/1 in), for example, advo- 
cates this creed on numerous occasions in 
his The revival of the religious sciences (Ihyd' 
'ulUm al-din), his greatest and most authori- 
tative work. Here he states that: "He (the 
Prophet) was ummi; he did not read or 

write God [himself] taught him all the 

virtues of character, the praiseworthy ways 
of behaving and the information about the 
ancients and the following generations" 
[Ihyd', ii, 364 [ch. 11]). 

In the course of time, the notion of the 
illiterate Prophet of Islam came to be a 
central argument in defending Islam 
against opponents who attempted to dis- 
credit the prophet Muhammad and his 
message. Moreover, for the exegete al-RazI 
(d. 606/1210), and other orthodox Muslim 
scholars in medieval and modern times, 
this concept also underscores the inimi- 
tability and uniqueness of the Qiir'an in 
terms of content, form and style (i'jdz; see 
inimitability), its miracidous nature 
(mu'jiza; see miracles) and the outstanding 
place Islam and its Prophet deserve within 
the canon of the monotheistic religions 
(see LANGUAGE AND STYLE OF THE Q^UR'aN; 
FORM AND STRUCTURE OF THE Q^UR'an). In 
Other words, Muhammad's illiteracy came 
to be seen as a particularly excellent sign 
and proof of the genuineness and nobility 
of his prophethood (see al-Razl's lengthy 
statement in Gtinther, Illiteracy, 495-6). 
The Sufi (see sufism and the cjur'an) 
'All b. Muhammad al-Baghdadi, known 
as al-Khazin (d. 741/1340), for example, 
says: 

The Prophet was ummT; he did not read, 
write, or count His being ummi is one of 



the greatest and most magnificent miracles. 
Had he mastered writing and then come 
forward with this magnificent Qiir'an, he 
could have been accused of having written 
and transmitted it from others [Lubdb, 
ii, 147). 

To expand on this tenet could residt in 
trouble, as seen in the example of Abu 
1-Walid al-Bajl al-Maliki (d. 474/1081), a 
distinguislied theologian and man of let- 
ters in eleventh-century Spain. The con- 
troversy began in the city of Denia, during 
a teaching session on al-Bukharl's 
(d. 256/870) famous collection of "Sound 
prophetic traditions," which includes an 
account of the events in 6/628 at al- 
Hudaybiya, when a peace treaty was 
agreed on between Muhammad and the 
Meccan tribe of Qiiraysh (q.v.). As al- 
Bukhari has it: "the messenger of God 
took the document and wrote this (his 
name), " fa- akhadha rasul Alldh . . . al-kitdba 
fa-kataba hddha (no. 2700), although "he did 
not write well...," wa-laysayuhsinuyaktubu 
[sic] fa-kataba hddha (no. 4251; DarimI, 
Sunan, no. 2507; wa-laysa yuhsinu anyaktuba 
fa-kataba..., Ibn iianhal, Musnad, no. 
18,161). Al-Bajl explained the significance 
of the event and stated furthermore that 
this tradition was authentic and a proof 
that the Prophet wrote on that day. 
Because of his explanation, al-Bajl was 
accused of heresy and atheism. At a spe- 
cifically organized public disputation, liow- 
ever, he convinced the learned audience 
that his opinion did not contradict the 
Qiir'an — and its notion of the ummif 
illiterate Prophet — because c) 29:47-8, 
as al-Bajl argued, indicates (only) that 
Muhammad did not write any scripture 
before he received the revelation (al-kitdb) 
and became a prophet. Al-Bajl later wrote 
an epistle on this subject to justify his 
doctrinal position (edited in Baji, Tahqiq, 
170-240), which in turn gave rise to trea- 



402 



tises, for and against his position, written 
by Muslim scliolars in Spain, nortli Africa 
and Sicily (cf Bajl, Tahqiq, 115-16, iig; Abu 
Hayyan, Bahr, vii, 155; Sprenger, Moham- 
mad, ii, 398; and esp. Fierro, Polemicas, 
425). A similar argument is made by the 
influential Twelver-Shi'l scholar (see SHi'lsM 
AND THE cjur'an) and legal authority (see 
LAW AND THE our'an), 'AUama MajlisI 
(d. 1110/1698), after he surveyed for his 
Persian readership the various interpreta- 
tions of umniT common among Muslim 
scholars. Basing himself also on o 29:47-8, 
he supports the idea that Muhammad was 
"never taught to read and write" before he 
became a prophet. He says, however: 

whether [or not] he [actually] read and 
wrote after he became prophet,... there 
can be no doubt of his ability to do so, in- 
asmuch as he knew all things by divine in- 
spiration, and so by the power of God was 
able to perform things impossible for all 

others to do How could the Prophet be 

ignorant [of reading and writing] when he 
was sent [by God] to instruct others (cf. 
MajlisI, Haydt, ii, 155). 

It appears that c) 29:47-8 was instrumental 
in harmonizing the doctrinal concept of 
Muhammad's "illiteracy" with the data 
given, for example, in historical and bio- 
graphical sources (see sira and the 
(jur'an), according to which Muhammad 
seems to have had (some) knowledge of 
reading and writing at a later stage of his 
life. Nonetheless, the well-attested incident 
that reportedly took place on Thursday, 
June 4, 632 c.E. — i.e. four days before 
Muhammad's death — also provides no 
conclusive answer to the question as to 
whether or not the prophet Muhammad 
was able to read and write at the end of 
his life. The accounts given by Ibn Sa'd 
(d. 230/845) relate that the prophet 
Muhammad was lying on his sick-bed 



when he said: "i'tuni [sic] bi-davodt wa-sahifa 
aktubu lakum kitdban la tadillu ba'dahu, " which 
seems to mean, "Bring me writing instru- 
ments and a piece of parchment (or pa- 
pyrus). I will write (i.e. dictate?) a will for 
you, after which you will not go astray," 
rather than, simply, "... I will draft for you 
a writing. ..." (cf. Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqdt, ii, 
244-5; f°^ '■h^ entire passage, see pp. 
242-55, the chapter entitled al-Kitdb alladhi 
ardda rasul Alldh anyaktubahu li-ummatihi; see 
furthermore Ghedira, Sahlfa; Sprenger, 
Mohammad, ii, 400-1; for kataba [Ii] meaning 
in the Qi_ir'an also "to decree, to ordain [a 
will, or law]," see Gtinther, Literacy, 190-1; 
similarly, Lane, vii, 2590; on the verbal use 
of the root k-t-h in the Qiir'an in general, 
see Madigan, Qiir'dn's self-image, 107-24; on 
the importance that writing and political 
documents generally had for Muhammad 
in Medina [cj.v.] after he had become a 
statesman, see HamiduUah, Six originaux, 
23-38, 48-51; Margoliouth, Mohammed, 5; 
see POLITICS and the qur'an; for the fre- 
quent occurrence of the expressions al-nabi 
I- 'arabi, "the Arab/ Arabian Prophet," in 
biographical and historical Muslim 
sources, see for example Waqidi, Futuh, ii, 
42, 54, 164; Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqdt, i, ig, 259; 
Dhahabl, Siyar, i, 375; Ibn Khaldun, 
Muqaddima, 3; Ibn Kathir, Biddya, ii, 16, 85; 
Maqqarl, Majh, vii, 340, 427; Katib 
Chelebi, Kashf al-^unun, ii, 1523 and 1718). 
In conclusion, one notes two things: While 
the meaning of the terms ummT and 
ummiyyun in the Qiir'an can be determined 
as indicated above, the question as to 
whether or not the prophet Muhammad 
knew how to read and write (at the end of 
his life) is another matter that cannot be 
decided conclusively on the basis of the 
textual evidence available today. 

Sebastian Giinther 



403 



UN (CERTAINTY 



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studies 4/1 (2002), 1-26; M. Hamidullah, Six 
originaux des lettres du prophete de VIslam. Etude 
paleographique et historique des lettres du prophete, Paris 
1986; Lane; D.A. Madigan, The Qur'dn's self-image. 
Writing and authority in Islam's scripture, Princeton 
and Oxford 2001; D.S. Margoliouth, Mohammed, 
London [1939], esp. 2-5; O. Fautz, Muhammeds 
Lehre von der Offenbarung, quellenmdfiig untersucht, 
Leipzig 1898 (includes a survey of nineteenth 
century scholarship on ummi, esp. 257-64); H.G. 
Reissner, The ummi prophet and the Banu Israil 
of the QjLir'an, in MW'^<^ (1949)5 276-81; 
G. Schoeler, Charakter und Authentic der muslimischen 



Uberlieferung uber das Leben Mohammed, Berlin and 
New York 1996, 59-117 (w^ith a comprehensive 
study of the various reports regarding the first 
revelation to the prophet Muhammad, the iqra'- 
account); L. Shayib, Hal K'dna Muhammad 
Umiyyan? Al-haqiqa al-dd'i'a bayna aghldt al- 
muslimin wa-Mughdlatdt al-Mustashriqin, Beirut 
1423/2003; A. Sprenger, The life of Mohammad 
from original sources, Allahabad 1851 (esp. 101-2); id., 
Mohammad, ii, 398-402; S.M. Zwemer, The 
"illiterate" prophet. Could Mohammed read and 
write, in m\v 11 (1921), 344-63. 



Umra see pilgrimage 

Unbelief/Unbelievers see belief . 
unbelief; polytheism and atheism; 

FAITH 



Uncertainty 

Qtiestioning the truth or existence of 
something. In the Qiir'an, this is a quality 
often attributed to those peoples, past and 
present, who do not believe or trust the 
messengers (see messenger) or signs (q.v.) 
of God (see lie; belief and unbelief; 

OPPOSITION TO MUHAMMAD; TRUST AND 

patience). And, like its first auditors, 
Islamic tradition (and certainly non- 
Muslims) has grappled with how to 
understand — and interpret — the word 
of God (q.v.). 

According to the tradition, Islam began 
with Muhammad's uncertainty and panic 
[fa-akhadhatni rajfa; al-nashi' 'an al-ru'b; 
Suyutl, Itqdn, i, 93; see fear) after a very 
early revelation (most authorities claim 
that q 96:1-5 was the first revelation; see 
Zarkashi, Burhdn [JS'aw' 10], i, 264; followed 
by Suyutl, Itqdn, i, 93; see revelation and 
inspiration) in, or shortly after leaving, 
the cave (q.v.) of al-Hira' (see sira and the 
quR'AN; chronology and the q^ur'an; 
occasions of revelation; for the arche- 
typical theme of the mythic hero and the 
cave, see Jung, Memories, 160-1; Dreifuss 



UN (CERTAINTY 



404 



and K^iemcr, Abraham, 6; see also Schub, 
"Hakim al-balad... "). He rushed home to 
his wife Khadija (q.v.) in such an agitated 
state tliat she threw cold water on him (see 
e.g. Zarkashi, Burhdn, i, 264); he then told 
her to wrap him in a mantle to soothe him 
(Khadija was the first umm al-mu'mimn, 
"mother of the faithful"; for a discussion of 
Muhammad's revelation in the context of 
their relationship, cf. Dreyfuss and Riemer, 
Abraham, 8g; see wives of the prophet; 

WOMEN AND THE C>UR'aN; BELIEF AND 
unbelief). She reassured him that he was 
indeed worthy, being an exemplary upright 
individual [tu'addi al-amdna . . . , literally "you 
[always] return the surety to its rightful 
owner..."; on amana, cf. Dreyfus and 
Riemer, Abraham, 30); this is the sabab al- 
nuzul, the occasion for the revelation, of 
Q, 73 J Surat al-Muzzammil, "The 
Enshrouded One," and c) 74, Surat al- 
Muddaththir, "The Cloaked One." 

The Qur'an describes itself as a "book in 
which there is no doubt (rayb) [whatso- 
ever]" (q 2:2; the word rayb is glossed by 
al-Qiirtubi [d. 671/1272; j'amr, i, 119] in his 
commentary as: (i) equivalent to shakk, 
"doubt"; (2) tuhma, "suspicion" [q.v.]; or 
(3) hdja, "want"); as al-yaqm, "certainty" 
(q. 15:99; 74:47); haqq al-yaqin, "certain 
truth" (q.v.; q 69:51); 'ilm al-yaqin, "certain 
knowledge" (q 102:5; see knowledge and 
learning); 'ayn alypaqin, "certainty itself" 
(q 102:7), etc. (for discussion of biblical 
struggles over questions of faith [q.v.] , see 
Gries, Heresy, 341). Its truth (q.v.) is sem- 
piternal; it is inscribed on the heavenly 
"preserved tablet" (q.v.; al-lawh al-mahfii). 
The Sunnis believe that it is uncreated 
(ghayr makhluq) and coterminous with God 
(see CREATEDNESS OF THE q^ur'an); the 
medieval Mu'tazilis (q.v.) demurred, point- 
ing to a resulting diminution of God's 
imicity (see god and his attributes; 

THEOLOGY AND THE Q^Ur'an). 

Despite the qur'anic assertions of its in- 
dubitable nature, the received text of the 



Qiir'an was subject to scrutiny (see 
TEXTUAL HISTORY OF THE Q^UR'an; 

mushaf; unity of the text of the 

CJUr'aN; CGLLEllTIGN GF THE ^Ur'aN; 

CODICES GF THE q^ur'an) by the early 
Muslim community, and elements such as 
the foreign vocabidary (q.v.) of the Arabic 
Qiir'an had to be explained (see ARABIC 
language; language and style of the 
q^ur'an; grammar and the q^ur'an): 

From Abu Bakr, the eminently veracious 
(al-siddiq), [is related] that when asked 
about the meaning of abb [c3 80:31, a word, 
probably from Syriac, that is usually trans- 
lated as "herbage"], he said: "Which 
heaven would cover me and which earth 
would support me if I were to say that 
there is something in the Book of God that 
I know not?" [A correct translation: "If I 
were to say about the book of God what I 
know not."] 

From 'Umar [is related] that when asked 
about the meaning of abb, he said that he 
once recited this verse and said: "We all 
know that. But what is abb?" Then he 
threw away a stick which he had in his 
hand, and said: "By the eternal God! That 
is artificiality. What does it amount to for 
you, son of the mother of 'Umar, if you do 
not know what abb is?" And then he added: 
"Obey what is clear to you in this Book 
and leave aside what is not clear!" (Gatje, 
Qur'an, 64, translating Zamakhsharl, 
Kashshdf, ad o 80:31). 

It should be noted, however, that neither 
Shl'ls nor Sunnis doubt the authenticity 
and veracity of the received text of the 
QjLir'an although some Shfl scholars have 
questioned its integrity (see inimitability). 
The therapeutic antidote to uncertainty/ 
doubt and its resulting anxiety is to invoke 
the sakina (e.g. q 2:248; 9:40; 48:4, 18, 26; 
see shekhinah) through "patience and 
prayer" [q_ 2:45, 153; see trust and 
patience; prayer) in order to be able to 



405 



UNITY OF THE TEXT 



grasp al-'urwa al-wuthqd (q^ 2:256; 31:22, lit. 
"the firm hand-hold on the camel-saddle"; 
see metaphor). 

Michael B. Schub 



Bibliography 
Primary: QiirtubT, J'flmf', Beirut 2002; SiiyutT, 
Itqan; ZarkasliT, Burhdn, Beirut 2001. 
Secondary: A.Y. 'AlT, The meaning of the holy 
Qur'dn, Beltsville, MD 1989; M. Cook, 
Muhammad, Oxford 1983; G. Dreifuss and J. 
Riemer, Abraham. The man and the symbol, 
Wilmette, IL 1995; H. Gatje, The Qur'dn and its 
exegesis, trans. A. Welch, Berkeley 1976; Z. Gries, 
Heresy, in A. A. Cohen and P. Mendes-Flohr 
(eds.). Contemporary Jewish religious thought, New 
York 1972, 339-52; C ^ung. Memories, dreams, 
reflections. Garden City, NY 1963; S. Murata and 
W. Ghittick, The vision of Islam, New York 1994; 
Pickthall, Koran; D. Powers, The exegetical genre 
ndsikh al-Qur'dn, in Kippin, Approaches, 138; 
M. Schub, "Hakim al-balad...", in zal 38 (2000), 
88-90; id., Review of H. Berg, The development of 
exegesis in early Islam. The authenticity of Muslim 
literature from the formative period, Richmond, 
Surrey 2000, \n JAL 33/3 (2002), 293-4; Watt-Bell, 
Introduction. 



Uncle see family; kinship 
Unclean see contamination 

Unction see BAPTISM 

Unity of God see god and his 

attributes; witness to faith 



Unity of the Text of the Qiir'an 

As a subject of study, the unity of the 
qur'anic text assumes special importance 
because the Qiir'an does not always seem 
to deal with its themes in what most read- 
ers would call a systematic manner (see 
form and structure of the q^ur'an). 
Western scholars of Islam have often 
spoken of the "disconnectedness" of the 
Qi.ir'an (see PRE-1800 preoccupations of 
cjur'anic studies; post-enlightenment 



ACADEMIC STUDY OF THE qur'an). Histo- 
rically, most Muslim exegetes have not 
raised the issue at all (see exegesis of the 
(jur'an: classical and medieval). Of 
those who have, some have offered the 
apologetic explanation that a text revealed 
in portions (see revelation and inspira- 
tion) over more than two decades cannot 
have a high degree of unity (see chrono- 
logy and the q^ur'an; occasions of 
revelation). But a few others, notably 
Fakhr al-Din al-Razi (d. 606/1210) and 
Ibrahim b. 'Umar al-Biqa'i (d. 885/1480), 
present the Qiir'an as a well-connected 
text (for further discussion of the concept 
of tanasub / munasaba, see traditional 
disciplines of qur'anic study), a dis- 
tinction must, however, be made between 
connection and unity: the former may be 
defined as any link — strong or weak, in- 
tegral or tangential — that is seen to exist 
between the components of a text (see 

LITERARY STRUCTURES OF THE Q^Ur'aN; 
language and style OF THE Q^UR'an), 

whereas unity arises from a perception of a 
given text's coherence and integration and 
from its being subject to a centralizing per- 
spective. In the second chapter of al-Burhdn 
fi 'ulilm al-Qur'dn, al-Zarkashi (d. 794/1392) 
seems to make this distinction, but most of 
his illustrative examples bear upon the 
Qrir'an's connectedness rather than upon 
its unity. The attempts of al-RazI and oth- 
ers also do not go beyond demonstrating 
that the Qiir'an is, in the above-noted 
sense, a connected text. In modern times, 
however, a number of Muslim scholars 
from various parts of the Muslim world 
have, with varying degrees of cogency, 
argued that the Qrir'an possesses a high 
degree of thematic and structural unity, 
and this view seems to represent a modern 
consensus in the making (see contempo- 
rary critical practices and the 
qur'an; exegesis of the cjur'an: early 
modern and contemporary). In the 
introduction to his Tajhim al-Qur'dn, Abu 



4o6 



1-A'la Mawdudi (d. 1979) maintains that 
one can appreciate tlie unity of tlie 
qur'anic text if one notes tliat nowhere 
does the Qiu''an depart from its subject 
(humankind's ultimate success and failure; 
see eschatology; reward and punish- 
ment), its central thesis (the need for 
humans to take the right attitude in 
life — that is, to accept God's sovereignty 
[q.v.] in all spheres of life and submit to 
him in practice; see virtues and vices, 
COMMANDING AND FORBIDDING) and its 
goal (to invite man to adopt that right at- 
titude). One of Sayyid Qiitb's (d. 1966) 
premises in Fi ^ildl al-Qiir'dn is that each 
sQra (q.v.) of the Qiir'an has a mihwar 
(pivot, axis) that makes the sura a unified 
whole. But perhaps the most sustained 
effort to bring out the unity of the qur'anic 
text has been made by two exegetes of the 
Indian subcontinent, Hamid al-Din al- 
Farahl (d. 1930) and his student Amin 
Atisan Islahi (d. 1997). Developing his 
teacher's ideas, Islahi in his Tadabbur-i 
Qur'dn shows that the Qiir'an possesses 
unity at several levels: the verse-sequence 
in each sura deals with a well-defined 
theme in a methodical manner (see 
verses); the suras, as a rule, exist as pairs, 
the two suras of any pair being comple- 
mentary to each other; and the suras are 
divisible into seven groups, each dealing 
with a master theme that is developed sys- 
tematically within the suras of the group. 
The Farahl-Islahi thesis would seem to 
constitute a serious challenge to the theo- 
ries that view the Qiir'an as a disconnected 
text. 

Mustansir Mir 



of Isidhi's concept of nazm in Tadabbur-i C^ur'an, 
Indianapolis 1986; id., The sura as a unity. 
A twentieth-century development in qur'anic 
exegesis, in Hawting and Shareef, Approaches, 
211-24. 



Universe see cosmology; creation; 

NATURE AS SIGNS 

Urination and Defecation see 

contamination 



U; 



iiry 



[Unlawful] profit gained as interest 
charged when loaning money. The Qtir'an 
refers to both interest and usury as ribd and 
renounces evil effects on the equal, just 
and productive distribution of resources. 
The denunciation of ribd applies to ex- 
cesses in both financial contracts (ribd l- 
fadl) and fungibles (ribd l-nasi'a). It also 
applies to all forms of interest — nominal, 
real, effective, simple and compound (see 
also economics; money; trade and 
commerce). 

c) 30:39 provides the general definition of 
ribd relating to all forms and measures of 
gifts (see gift and gift-giving) and 
exchanges: 

And that which you give in compensation 
(wa-md dtaytum min riban) in order that it 
may increase [i.e. your wealth (q.v.)] from 
other's property (q.v.), has no increase with 
God; but that which you give in charity 
seeking God's countenance (see face of 
god), then those they shall have manifold 
increase (c) 30:39). 



Bibhography 
Primary: AmTn Ahsan Islahi, Tadabbur-i Qur'dn, 
9 vols., Lahore 2000; AbG 1-Ala Mawdudi, 
Tafhim at-Qur'dn, 6 vols., Lahore 1949-72; Qiitb, 
^ildl; Zarkashl, Burhdn. 
Secondary: M. Mir, Coherence in the Qifrdn. A study 



In marked contrast with the cjur'anic en- 
couragement and praise of the charitable 
distribution of wealth, such as almsgiving 
(q.v.; cf. Schacht, Riba), we can infer the 
unacceptability of all forms of interest 



407 



from the following qur'anic verse by using 
the idea of the term structure of interest 
rates. The Qiir'an says: "O you who be- 
lieve! Devour not ribci, doubled and mul- 
tiplied; but fear (q.v.) God, that you may 
prosper" (c3 3:130). Although a few 
Islamicists do not concede to a uniform 
implication of the qur'anic nia-law in all 
forms of interest (i.e. usury versus interest, 
compound versus simple interest), this 
differentiation is luitenable. It is well- 
known from the theory of the term struc- 
ture of interest rates that any simple (i.e. 
one period) interest rate can be expressed 
as the compound rates over many smaller 
time-periods within a given time horizon. 
Besides, because nominal rates are abol- 
ished in the rihd rule, real rates cannot 
exist. The real rate is the nominal rate net 
of the rate of change in price level (infla- 
tion rate). Nominal rate is abolished by the 
financial and real economic interrelation- 
ship, which also, by means of the direct 
productivity consequence of such an inter- 
relationship, causes the rate of increase in 
money to equal the rate of increase in real 
economic returns. Consequently, inflation- 
ary conditions caused by a mismatch of 
the above-mentioned two rates cannot 
exist. The inappropriateness of the equa- 
tion in terms of nominal, real and inflation 
rates is therefore non-existent in Islamic 
economic relations, and the reason behind 
this is both the complementary relation- 
ship between money and real economy and 
the institutional and policy action towards 
realizing such complementarities. 

Regarding the qur'anic principle of just 
measure (see weights and measures; 
measurement) in gifts and exchanges there 
is the following in q 2:279: 

And if you do not do it [i.e. give up riba], 
then receive a declaration of war (q.v.) 
from God and his messenger (q.v.), but if 
you repent (see repentance and 



penance), you will have your capital sums 
(ru'us amwdlikum) . Deal not unjustly and 
you will not be dealt with unjustly (see 
justice and injustice). 

The Qiir'an strongly forbids ribd on the 
grounds that it fosters the unjust acquisi- 
tion of wealth at the expense of social jus- 
tice, the equitable distribution of wealth 
and the well-being of the community. 
According to the Qiir'an, these important 
values are achieved through solidarity, co- 
operation and active production of the 
good things of life (see cooD and evil; 
blessing; gra(;e; ethics and the 
^ur'an). The jurist al-Shatibi (d. 790/1388) 
explains the concept of the good things of 
life as a combination of necessities 
(daruriyydt), comforts (hdjiyjdt) and refine- 
ments (tahsiniyjdt), all of which belong to 
the hierarchy of positive, life-fulfilling 
goods. 

Several verses testify to this interconnec- 
tion between the abolition of ribd and the 
promotion of trade, charity and social 
well-being. On the causal linkage among 
charity, trade, prosperity and social well- 
being, the Qiir'an declares: 

Those who (in charity) spend of their 
goods by night and day (see day and 
night), in secret and in public (see 
secrets; hidden and the hidden), have 
their reward with their lord (q.v): On them 
shall be no fear, nor shall they grieve (see 
JOY AND misery). Thosc who devour ribd 
will not stand except as stands one whom 
the evil one by his touch has driven to 
madness (see insanity; devil). That is 
because they say: "Trade is like ribd'. But 
God has permitted trade and forbidden 
ribd..." (q, 2:274-5). 

<i 2:265 makes the connection between 
spending on the good things of life and 
social well-beiiiP': 



UTHM AN 



And the likeness of those who spend their 
substance, seeking to please God and to 
strengthen their souls (q.v.), is as a garden 
(q.v.), high and fertile [jannatin bi-rabwatin; 
see also parables): heavy rain (see water) 
falls on it and makes it yield a double in- 
crease of harvest, and if it receives not 
heavy rain, light moisture [suffices it] . God 
sees well whatever you do (c3 2:265; see 
SEEING and hearing). 

This interrelationship between the aboli- 
tion of ribd and the productivity and well- 
being attained through trade and charity is 
important to note. There are clear con- 
nections between the abolition of ribd and 
the implementation of co-operative and 
participatory financial instruments for 
resource mobilization, such as profit shar- 
ing, equity participation and trade. These 
generate and mobilize productive spending 
on the good things of life and allow eco- 
nomic participation for all ranks of society, 
thereby creating social and political 
empowerment (see kings and rulers; 
oppressed on earth, the; oppression; 
POLITICS AND THE our'an). o 2:267 speaks 
to these issues of production, consumption, 
exchange and distribution: 

O you who believe (see belief and 
unbelief)! Give of the good things which 
you have [honorably] earned, and of what 
we have produced for you from the ground 

(see AGRICULTURE AND VEGETATION), and 

do not aim at [getting anything which is] 
bad, in order that you may give away some 
of it, when you yourselves would not re- 
ceive it except with closed eyes. And know 
that God is free of all wants (ghaniyjun), 
and worthy of all praise (q.v.; (J 2:267; see 

also GOD AND his ATTRIBUTES). 

While the full implication of these inter- 
relationships mentioned above are too de- 
tailed to be elaborated in this brief entry, 



the salient feature can be stated: the aboli- 
tion of ribd can activate the mobilization of 
financial resources through its linkage with 
real resource development. This causes 
employment, profitability, equity and ef- 
ficiency, entitlement, empowerment and 
social security to emerge as elements of the 
total social well-being (see work). These 
gains ratify, in turn, the judgment to abol- 
ish ribd and generate a continuing cycle of 
socially beneficial economic development. 

Masudid Alam Choudhury 



Bibliography 
R.H. 'Abd al-Rahman, al-Riba, Cairo 1978; 'A.J. 
Abu Zayd, Fiqh al-ribd. Dirdsa muqdrana shdmila lit- 
tatbiqdt al-mu^dsira, Beirut 2004; M.S. al- 
AshmawT, al-Ribd wa-l-fd'idafi l-isldm, Cairo 
1988; R. Brunschvig, Conceptions nionetaires 
chez les jurists musulmans, in Arabica 14 (1967), 
113-43; add. inArabica 15 (1968), 316; repr. in id.. 
Etudes d'islamologie, 2 vols., Paris 1976, ii, 271-301; 
M.A. Choudhury, The Islamic world-system. Polity- 
market interaction, London 2003; id., Money in Islam, 
London 1997; id. and U.A. Malik, The foundations 
of Islamic political economy, London 1992, chap. 4; 
Th.W. JuynboU, Handbuch des isldmischen Gesetztes, 
Leiden 1910, 270-6; R. Lohlker, Schari'a and 
Aloderne. Diskussionen Uber Schwangerschaft, 
Versicherung und ^insen, Stuttgart 1996, 107-39; 
F. Rahman, Riba and interest, in Islamic studies 3 
(1964), 1-43; E. Sachau, Muhammedanisches Recht 
nach schajiitischer Lehre, Stuttgart 1897, 279-81 
(sects. 3-4); 284-7 (sects. 6-9); 298-9 (sect. 15); 
D. SantUlana, Istituzioni di diritto musulmano 
malichita, 2 vols., Rome 1926-38, ii, 60-6; 
J. Schacht, Riba, in EI^, viii, 491-3; A. Sen, 
On ethics and economics, Oxford 1987 (on the 
contemporary conception of social well-being); 
al-Shatibl, Abu Ishaq Ibrahim b. Musa, al- 
Muwdfaqdtfi usUl al-shari^a, trans. A. Draz, Cairo 
n.d. (on the Islamic conception of social well- 
being, al-maslaha). 



Uterus see WOMB 



'Uthman 

Abri 'Abdallah 'Uthman b. 'Affan, third 
caliph (q.v; r. 23-35/644-55) and first 



409 



UTHM AN 



"rightly guided" (rdshid) caliph from the 
Umayyad clan, an early convert to Islam 
and emigrant [muhdjir; see emigrants and 
helpers) to both Abyssinia (q.v.) and 
Medina (q.v.; see also emigration). These 
pious credentials (see piety) are tainted by 
his absence at the battle of Badr (q.v.), his 
flight at Uhiid (see expeditions and 
battles), his absence at Hndaybiya (q.v.; 
see Bnkhari, Sahih, 66, Fadd'il al-Qur'dn, 3; 
ed. Krehl, iii, 93; trans. Hondas, iii, 522-3) 
and his alleged impiety during the latter six 
years of his caliphal rule (Mas'udi, A'luruj, 
iii, 76). He was stabbed to death while 
reading from the Qtir'an (supposedly from 
the ?nus/iaf[q.v.] now known as the 
Samarqand codex) by insurgents from 
Egypt. 'Uthman is often credited with stan- 
dardizing and codifying the present 
qur'anic text, which is therefore called the 
'Uthmanic codex (see also collection of 
THE q^ur'an; codices of the qur'an). 

The historicity of the 'Uthmanic codex 
narrative is, for the most part, accepted by 
scholars in preference to narratives attrib- 
uting the collection to Abu Bakr or other 
early caliphs (Caetani, 'Uthman; Noldeke, 
GQ, ii, 11-27, 47-62; Jeffery, Afflfen'a/j, 4-9; 
pace Mingana, Transmission). This nar- 
rative relates that one of 'Uthman's gener- 
als (Hudhayfa), alarmed at disputes 
between his Syrian and Iraqi soldiers over 
qur'anic recitation (see recitation of the 
q^ur'an; SYRIA; iracj) during the conquests 
(see concjuest), asked the caliph for guid- 
ance, imploring: "O Commander of the 
Faithful, inform this community what to do 
before we are divided in our reading (see 

PARTIES AND FACTIONS; READINGS OF THE 

q^ur'an) like the Jews (see JEWS and 
jtiDAisM) and the Christians" (Bukharl, 
Sahih, 62, Fadd'il ashdb al-nabi, 7; ed. Krehl, 
ii, 430-1; trans. Hondas, ii, 601-2; see also 
CHRISTIANS AND CHRISTIANITY). In re- 
sponse, 'Uthman secured the Qiir'an 
materials already gathered by Abu Bakr 



from Hafsa (q.v.; who had received them 
via Abti Bakr's successor, her father 'Umar; 
see also WIVES OF the prophet). With this 
as reference, and with a committee made 
up of the pro-Qiirayshite Medinan Zayd b. 
Thabit (also protagonist of the Abu Bakr 
collection narrative) and three Qiirayshites 
(see ouraysh), 'Uthman had a musfiafwrit- 
ten in the dialect of the Qtiraysh (see 
dialects; ARABIC LANGUAGE). He sent 
copies of it to Basra, Kufa, Damascus and 
Mecca (q.v; Ya'qubl, Ta'nkh, ii, 160, adds 
Egypt, Bahrain, Yemen and the Jazira) and 
ordered that all variant versions be de- 
stroyed, an order that met with resistance 
from many (see reciters of the cjur'an; 
teaching and preaching the ^ur'an) 
and outright refusal from the Companion 
Ibn Mas'ud in Kufa (see companions of 
the prophet). Al-Baladhuri (fl. third/ 
ninth cent.; Ansdb, v, 36) has Ibn Mas'ud 
declare the caliph's blood licit in response, 
while al- Ya'qubl (d. early fourth/tenth 
cent.; Ta'nkh, ii, 160) relates that the two 
came to blows in the mosque at Kufa. 

The historicity of this narrative, however, 
is not beyond dispute. A number of 
factors — conflicts between different ver- 
sions, redundancies with the Abu Bakr col- 
lection narrative and the temporal distance 
of sources from events — suggest that it is 
more the product of speculation and apol- 
ogy than historical dictation (in fact, early 
Muslim scholars disputed how to reconcile 
the redundant and contradictory reports; 
Khattabi [d. 386/996] concludes that God 
inspired [alhama] all of the "rightly guided 
caliphs," al-khulajd' al-rdshidun; see SuyutI, 
Itqdn, 202 [beginning of chap. 18]). 
J. Burton [Collection, 202-39) argues that the 
narrative is meant to conceal the fact that 
Muhammad himself compiled the Qiir'an, 
thus justifying the absence from the mushaf 
(that is, the Qiir'an in book form; see 

ORALITY AND WRITING IN ARABIA) of Cer- 
tain elements argued to be in the revealed 



410 



Qiir'an (e.g. the stoning [q.v.] verse, dyat 
al-rajm). Burton also points out tliat alter- 
nate codices contintied to be used in legal 
disputes after they were supposedly de- 
stroyed by 'Uthman's orders, suggesting 
that they were actually "posterior, not 
prior, to the 'Uthman text" (ibid., 228; see 
abrogation; law and the cjur'an). 
J. Wansbrough [qs, 45), meanwhile, noting 
the absence of extant variations to the 
'Uthmanic codex and considering it un- 
likely that the caliph could have done such 
a complete job of destroying other ver- 
sions, suggests that the story is meant to 
conceal the late origins of the Qtir'an. A 
recently edited work, however, further 
complicates this hypothesis (cf. Crone and 
Zimmermann, Epistle). 

Thus scholarly opinion differs in its es- 
timation of 'Uthman: some see him as the 
one who established, with pious meticu- 
lousness, the textus receptus ne varietur of the 
Qiir'an; others regard him as a semi-leg- 
endary figure of Islamic salvation history. 
This much seems clear: many traditions 
surrounding 'Uthman's codification of the 
Qiir'an come from a period when Islamic 
religious development was fueled by apolo- 
getical and polemical concerns (see 
apologetics; polemic and polemical 
language). In the third and fourth Islamic 
centuries texts on the proofs (dald'il) of 
Muhammad's prophecy (see prophets 
AND prophethood; miracles), the in- 
imitability (q.v.; ijdz) of the Qiir'an and the 
refutation (radd) of other religions prolifer- 
ated (see tolerance and coercion; 
religious pluralism and the cjur'an). 
The 'Uthmanic codex narrative serves a 
clear purpose in this context: it confirms to 
Muslims that their miishaf is indeed the 
Qiir'an sent down from heaven (see book; 
heavenly book; theology and the 
qur'an; createdness of the qur'an). 
Further work on early Qiir'an manuscripts 
(such as the find in San'a'; see manu- 



scripts OF THE QVR AN; TOOLS FOR THE 
STUDY OF THE cjur'an) — not excluding 
the study of the orality (q.v.) and variety of 
readings of the qiir'anic text (see POST- 
ENLIGHTENMENT ACADEMIC STUDY OF THE 
(JUr'an) — remains a desideratum for a 
fuller understanding of the historicity of 
the narratives concerning the formation 
of the 'Uthmanic codex (see also 
traditional disciplines of ^ur'anic 
study; verses; suras). 

Gabriel Said Reynolds 

Bibliography 

Primary: Ibn 'Asakir, Tarikh, ed. 'AmrawT; al- 
Baladhurl, Ahmad b. Yahya, Ansdb al-ashrdj, ed. 
S. Goitein, 5 vols., Jerusalem 1936; Bukharl, 
Sahth, ed. Krehl; trans. O. Houdas and 
W. Margais, Les traditions islamiques, Paris 1908; 
P. Crone and F. Zimmermann (eds.), Tfie epistle of 
Sdlim ibn Dhakwdn, Oxford 2001; SuyutT, Itqdn; 
Ya'qubi, Ta'nkh, ed. M. Sadiq, Najaf 1964. 
Secondary: Burton, Collection (alternative visions 
of the development of the qur'anic text); 
L. Caetani, 'Uthman and the recension of the 
Koran, in A/U'5 (1915), 380-90; M. Hinds, The 
murder of the caliph 'Uthman, in IJMES 3 (1972), 
450-69; Jeffery, Materials; Ch. Luxenberg, Die 
SyrO'Aramdische Lesart des Koran, Berlin 2000 
(alternative visions of the qur'anic text); 
W. Madelung, The succession to Muhammad, 
Cambridge 1998, chap. 3; A. Mingana, The 
transmission of the Koran, in MW] (1917), 
223-32, 402-14; H. Motzki, The collection of the 
Qur'an, in Der Islam 78 (2001), 1-35 (a defense of 
the historicity of the 'Uthman narrative); 
Noldeke, GQ; A.-L. de Premare, Lesfondations de 
I'lslam, Paris 2002, 278-316; Wansbrough, QS 
(alternative visions of the qur'anic text). 



'Uzayr 



see EZRA 



al-'Uzza see idols and images; satanic 

VERSES 



V 



Vainglory see pride 
Valley 



see OEOGRAPHY 



Variant Readings see readings of 

THE OUr'aN 

Vegetation see agrh;ulture and 

VEGETATION 



Vehicles 

Objects used to carry people or things 
from place to place, on land or sea or 
through the air. The Qiir'an mentions sev- 
eral kinds of vehicles while attributing 
their existence to God's bounty (see 
blessing; grace), as stated, for example, 
in o 17:70: "And surely we have honored 
the children of Adam, and we carry them 
in the land and the sea (see earth; 
water), and we have given them of the 

good things (see sustenance) " The 

same idea recurs in c) 10:22: "He it is who 
makes you travel by land and sea" (see also 

TRIPS AND voyages; JOURNEY). 

The vehicles operating on land are beasts 
of burden, and their kinds are enumerated 
in o 16:8: "And (God made) horses and 
mules and asses that you might ride upon 



them " The camel (q.v.; ba'Tr) is men- 
tioned separately as a vehicle carrying 
wheat (q^ 12:65, 72; see agriculture and 
vegetation), q 59:6 implies that camels 
(called here rikdb), as well as horses, were 
used also in military campaigns (see 
expeditions and battles; fighting; 
war). 

God's creation of beasts on which people 
can ride and of which they eat (see food 
AND drink; hides and fleece) is praised 
in C3 36:72 as a manifestation of the things 
that God has subdued to them for their 
own benefit (see also C3 40:79). Beasts of 
burden carry not only people but also 
cargo: They "carry your heavy loads to 
regions which you could not reach but with 
distress of the souls" (q 16:7; see also 
q 6:142; see soul; load or burden). On 
the other hand, sacred kinds of such ani- 
mals were considered by the idolaters for- 
bidden (q.v.) for usage as vehicles (q 6:138). 

Ships (q.v.), too, signify God's benevo- 
lence toward humankind, and they are 
mentioned alongside of riding animals in 
q 43:12-13: "He who created pairs of all 
things (see pairs and pairing), and made 
for you ships and beasts of burden such as 
you ride, that you may firmly sit on their 
backs, then remember the favor of your 
lord when you are firmly seated thereon. 



412 



and say: Glory be to him (see 
OLORIFICATION OF god) who made diis 
subservient to us and we were not able to 
do it" (see also o 2:164; 23:22; 40:80). 

The imposing shape of sailing ships signi- 
fies God's creative powers, as stated in 
c) 42:32: "And among his signs (q.v.) are the 
ships that ride on the sea like landmarks" 
(see also <j 55:24). The glory (q.v.) of ships 
as representing divine blessing comes out 
most clearly in the fact that in C3 51:3 God 
swears by them, calling them "the smooth 
runners" (fa-l-jdriyatijusran; see oaths). 

The idea that God is the one who has put 
ships under human command means that 
people should be thankful to him (q^ 14.32; 
16:14; 17:66; 22:65; 30:46; 31:31; 35:12; 

45:12; see ORATITUDE AND INGRATITUDE). 

Noah's (q.v.) ark (q.v.) was the first mani- 
festation of God's kindness in providing 
transport on sea and all ships have pre- 
served the beneficence of this original 
model of divine salvation (q.v.). This paral- 
lelism comes out in (J 36:42 in which God 
alludes to the ark saying: "And we have 
created for them the like of it, whereon 
they ride." Most commentators hold that 
by "the like of it" ships are meant but 
some contend that the allusion is to camels 
(see SYMBOLIC imagery). 

Vehicles operating in the air (see air and 
wind) occur in the legendary sphere, in the 
commentaries on o 21:81. This verse states 
that God has made the wind subservient to 
Solomon (q.v.) and it was "blowing violent 
and pursuing its course by his command to 
the land which we have blessed." Tradition 
has it that the wind would carry Solomon 
from place to place and then bring him 
back to his home in the holy land (see 
sacred precincts; sacred and 
profane). See also animal life for further 
discussion, and bibliography. 

Uri Rubin 



Bibliography 
RazT, Tafsir; TabarT, TafsTr; ZaniakhsharT, 

Kashshaf. 



Veil 

Device that creates separation or privacy. 
The concept of veiling associated with a 
woman covering her body (see nudity) 
appears in no definitive terms in the 
Qiir'an. Instead the Q;Lir'an contains vari- 
ous verses (q.v.) in which the word tiijdb, 
literally a "screen, curtain," from the root 
h-j-b, meaning to cover or screen, is used to 
refer to a sense of separation, protection 
and covering that has both concrete and 
metaphorical connotations (see meta- 
phor). Hijdb has, however, evolved in 
meaning and is most commonly used to 
denote the idea of a Muslim woman's veil, 
either full or partial, and more generally to 
denote a level of segregation between the 
sexes (see gender; women and the 
cjur'an). The word appears seven times in 
the Qiir'an (according to the traditional 
chronological sequence of revelation, 

a 19:17; 38:32; 17:45; 41:5; 42:51; 7:46; 

33:53; see CHRONOLOGY AND THE Q^Ur'an) 

and has a common semantic theme of sep- 
aration (Stowasser, Women, 168), albeit not 
primarily between the sexes. In c) 19:17, 
Mary (q.v.) withdraws from her family and 
"places a screen (hijdb) [to screen herself] 
from them." In (J 17:45, when the believers 
(see BELIEF and unbelief) recite the 
Qur'an (see recitation of the q^ur'an), 
God "places a thick/invisible veil (hijdban 
mastran) between them and those who do 
not believe in the hereafter" (see eschato- 
logy). Similarly, in (J 41:5, those who do 
not wish to listen to or accept Muham- 
mad's message say that there is a distance, 
hijdb, between them and the Prophet (see 
opposition to Muhammad). In q_ 7:46, for 
those people who deliberately lead others 



413 



astray (q.v.) from God's path (see path or 
way) or do not believe in tire liereafter, 
"tliere will be a veil/screen (hijdb) between 
them and... those who know" (see 
KNOWLEDGE AND LEARNING). In ^ 42:51, 
God claims that he sends revelation to 
humankind in one of three ways: inspira- 
tion (see REVELATION AND INSPIRATION), 

messengers (see messenger; prophets 
AND prophethood) or from behind a 
veil/curtain (min ward'i hijdb). Com- 
mentators (see exegesis of the q^ur'an: 
CLASSICAL and MEDIEVAL) have drawn on 
traditions from Muslim's (d. ca. 261/875) 
hadlth collection (see hadith and the 
C^ltr'an) to the effect that this veil refers to 
a veil of light. In these verses, hijdb carries 
various metaphorical levels of meaning, 
specifically as something that separates 
truth (q.v.) from falsehood (see lie) and 
light (q.v.) from dark (see darkness). This 
idea has been elaborated significantly by 
the mystics (see suFisM and the q^ur'an) 
who see hijdb as the curtain or barrier (q.v.) 
that lies between them and God, the object 
of their devotion. 

The most common meaning of screen or 
veil as implied in hijdb has, however, be- 
come synonymous with the various forms 
of clothing (q.v.) that a Muslim woman 
wears to cover either her hair, her hair and 
face or her full body when in public or 
when in the company of those outside 
close kinship (q.v.) bonds (see also 
prohibited degrees). Although the 
Qur'an itself enjoins modest behavior for 
both men and women (see modesty; sex 
AND sexuality) and contains no precise 
prescriptions as to how a woman's body 
should be covered in public, arguments in 
favor of such modes of covering stem from 
a literal as well as historical interpretation 
of various verses (see feminism and the 
qur'an; patriarchy). Some of the verses 
deal specifically with items of clothing. 



some refer more generally to behaving 
modestly. The verse most famously known 
as the hijdb verse itself refers more specifi- 
cally to the observance of certain manners 
when in the company of the Prophet 
and/or his wives (see wives of the 
prophet), c) 33:53, 

O believers, do not enter the Prophet's 
houses unless permission is given to you for 
a meal... and if you ask them [the 
Prophet's wives] for something you need, 
ask them from behind a hijdb, that is purer 
for your hearts and their hearts (see 
heart). 

There are variances in opinion as to the 
exact context in which this verse was re- 
vealed (see occasions of revelation) but 
many of the tafsir accounts identify the 
occasion as Zaynab bt. Jahsh's marriage to 
the Prophet. The guests invited to the wed- 
ding outstayed their welcome but they also 
failed to observe the proper etiquette when 
in proximity to the Prophet's wives. The 
concept of hijdb here is actually a literal 
curtain/screen which the Prophet let fall 
between his chambers and his companions 
so as to afford his wives privacy and pro- 
tection. It also prescribes a level of seclu- 
sion for the Prophet's wives away from the 
public gaze by virtue of their special and 
specific status. In fact, the verses soon after 
™ ft 33-55 S'^^ ^ li^t °f individuals with 
whom it is permissible for the wives to as- 
sociate face to face ("their fathers, their 
sons, their brothers, their brothers' sons, 
their sisters' sons, their women, the [slaves] 
whom their right hands possess"). The 
subsequent revelation in (j 33:59, known as 
the "mantle verse," addresses itself to the 
Prophet that he should "tell his wives and 
daughters and the women of the believers" 
that they should cover themselves in a 
mantle or a cloak (jaldbibihinna) when out- 



414 



side. The verse explains that this is so that 
believing women are recognized in the 
streets by virtue of their outer covering and 
not molested in the streets of Medina (q.v.). 
The advice on preserving modesty is con- 
tained in o 24:30 which tells the believing 
men to "lower their gaze and guard their 
private parts" (yaghuddu min absdrihim 
wa-yahfa^ufurujahum). q 24:31 goes on to 
address Muslim women: 

And tell the believing women to lower their 
gaze and guard their private parts, and to 
not display their adornments (zina) except 
for what is apparent, and let them draw 
their coverings [khumur, sing, khimdr) over 
their bosoms [juyiib, Ang.jayb), and not dis- 
play their adornments except to their hus- 
bands, their fathers (see family; marriage 
AND divorce).... 

Both these verses deal directly with the 
external appearance of all believing 
women, urging them to adopt a certain 
decorum in both their posture and clothing 
when outside the home. The verses are not 
concerned with restricting women's move- 
ment nor secluding women within the 
home, q 33:33, however, which instructs 
the Prophet's wives to "stay in your 
houses" as befitting the wives of God's 
messenger, has also become part of the 
whole segregation/modesty debate. The 
internal domestic space for the wives of 
the Prophet becomes the ideal space for all 
righteous women. 

The concept of veiling then develops be- 
tween the two distinct but related concepts 
of clothing that hides and space that 
secludes. In both cases, the conceptual 
framework is one where gender boundaries 
are already assumed within the predomi- 
nant cultural context and the issue at hand 
is that of determining the basis upon 
which these boundaries can be further 



established. The use of these three words, 
hijdb, jilbdb and khimdr in the Qi_ir'an and 
the subsequent tajslr and legal debate (see 
LAW AND THE qur'an) havc led to a 
diversity of opinion about the exact nature 
and context of female covering or veiling. 
To some extent the discussions have 
revolved around the distinction made 
between those verses that address the wives 
of the Prophet in particular, for whom 
both physical covering and physical seclu- 
sion with the advent of the hijdb verse 
reflects their special status, and those 
verses that advise all believing women to 
adopt some level of concealing dress. 
Scholars have argued on both sides; either 
that whatever has been prescribed for the 
Prophet's wives must naturally be applied 
to all believing women or from the oppo- 
site perspective that it was precisely be- 
cause the Prophet's wives were seen as a 
privileged group of women that they were 
advised to assume a greater level of seclu- 
sion from public gaze for their own 
protection. 

Classical commentaries go into very little 
discussion about the precise nature of fe- 
male dress but do discuss specific issues 
such as what parts of her body a woman is 
permitted to show. In so doing, they debate 
the very nature of a woman's 'awra, liter- 
ally, genitalia or pudendum. For al-Tabari 
(d. 310/923), as women pray (see prayer) 
and perform the pilgrimage (q.v.; hajj) with 
their face and hands exposed, it would be 
correct to argue that these parts of a 
woman's body are not 'awra and therefore 
can and should be left exposed. He argues 
that it is therefore the hands and the face 
that are alluded to in c) 24:31, "except that 
which is apparent" (Tabari, Tafsir, v, 419). 
Al-Baydawl (d. prob. 716/1316-17; ^4nH;a^ ii, 
20), however, argued that a woman's whole 
body is 'awra and must therefore be con- 
cealed from the eyes of men outside the 



415 



permitted degrees of kinship. Tliis discus- 
sion continued well into the legal tradition, 
but aside from a general consensus that 
women should be covered in public, no 
form of dress is prescribed. For the Shafi'is 
and the Hanballs, the concept of "awra was 
applied to the entire female body, includ- 
ing the face, hands and below the ankles; 
the Malikis and the Hanafis, however, 
excluded the face and the hands from 
'awra on the basis that the Prophet's own 
instructions to the "believing women" was 
to bare their face and hands. 

The hadith canons also vary on the issue 
of female veiling. Despite mention of tech- 
nical terms such as khimdr and jilbdb in 
al-Bukharl (d. 256/870) and Abu Dawud 
(d. 275/889; cf. Wensinck, Concordance, 
s.vv.), the scant references to any specific 
type of veiling give the overall impression 
that adult females covered themselves to 
some extent in public and that this con- 
tinued to be encouraged as a form of 
public modesty after the arrival of Islam; 
once again, however, no exact dress form is 
prescribed. 

During the last two centuries, the issue of 
female veiling has become one of the most 
contentious religious and cidtural debates 
in the Muslim world and also in Western 
societies where there are relatively large 
communities of Muslims (see exeoesis 
OF THE OUr'an: EARLY MODERN AND 

contemporary; politics and the 
qUR'AN). Female veiling is very often used 
as the distinguishing factor between "tra- 
ditional" and "modern" societies. The 
word hijdb has shifted in meaning from 
delineating physical boundaries between 
men and women to becoming very much a 
boundary reflected through various types 
of modest clothing, most specifically in the 
form of headscarves. But it symbolizes far 
more than a simple head-covering, chador 
(cloak mainly worn in Iran) or niqdb, face 



veil. Women who cover or veil in loose 
clothing much of their bodies when in 
public or in mixed company feel that this is 
the manner of dressing most in conformity 
with the spirit if not the literal prescription 
of the Qiir'an and the associated hadith 
references. The fact that the Qiir'an does 
not specifically refer to veiling as under- 
stood and practiced in a variety of ways 
today is of little consequence, for the 
Qtir'an could take for granted the social 
practices of its time or modify them 
slightly (see pre-islamic Arabia and the 
q^ur'an). Conservatism has generally 
tended to see this type of covering as syn- 
onymous with a woman's expected social 
and domestic role. Many women, however, 
in both Islamic societies and in non-Mus- 
lim countries have in recent years turned 
to wearing the headscarf as a sign of reaf- 
firming their religious devotion. This has 
often been done in variance to the prevail- 
ing female dress in their particular cul- 
tures, and the veil represents at times a 
political as well as religious position. For 
many, veiling in its various forms offers a 
kind of liberation from the fashion expec- 
tations of modern life; it does not signify 
coercion or oppression within any patri- 
archal system. As more and more Muslim 
women take up public professions, or are 
schooled in mixed educational spaces, the 
issue of male/female segregation is per- 
haps not as significant as it once was in 
many societies. The idea, however, that 
modesty has to be preserved between the 
sexes is most apparent in the frequent pre- 
occupation with female dress and more 
importantly, female covering. For Islamists 
in countries such as Saudi Arabia and Iran, 
the issue of female dress remains signifi- 
cant in terms of how a society perceives its 
own religious values. In many other parts 
of the Muslim world, female veiling may 
no longer be central to a country's Islamic 



VENGEANCE 



416 



identity, but it remains at tlie margins of 
what is still considered an ideal of an 
Islamic society. 

Mona Siddiqui 

Bibliography 
Primary: BaydawT, Anwar; TabarT, Tafsir, Beirut 

1994- 

Secondary: 'A. Ibn Baz, Masd'il al-hijdb wa-l-sujur, 
Beirut 1986; M. Fakhri, Tahnr al-mar'a wa-l-sujur, 
Cairo 1920; T. Haddad, Notre femme, la legisla- 
tion islamique ei la societe, Tunis 1978, 207-17; 
F. Mernissi, Beyond the veil. Male-female dynamics in 
a modern Muslim society, Cambridge, MA 1975; 
B. Stowasser, Women in the Qur'dn, traditions and 
interpreialion, Oxford 1994; Wensinck, Concordance. 



Vein 



see ARTERY AND VEIN 



Veneration see worship 



Vengeance 



Punishment inflicted in return for an injury 
or offense, closely related to the concept of 
retaliation (q.v.), i.e. "to return like for 
like." In some dozen qur'anic passages the 
eighth verbal form of the Arabic root 
n-q-m is employed to describe God as "tak- 
ing vengeance" upon sinners (i.e. C3 30:47; 
32:22; see SIN, MAJOR AND MINOR), repeat- 
violators of the regulations relating to the 
pilgrimage (q.v; i.e. <J 5:95) and people 
who reject his signs (q.v.; i.e. Pharaoh [q.v] 
and his people, cf. q 7:136; see also lie; 

BELIEF AND UNBELIEF; GRATITUDE AND 

ingratitude). In addition to being an at- 
tribute of God (cf C3 3:4; 5:95; 14:47; 39:37; 
see GOD AND HIS attributes), vengeance 
is also the provenance of humans, al- 
though different lexemes are utilized (see 
reward and punishment and punish- 
ment stories for further discussion of 
God's vengeance). 

The first murder (q.v.) and the fear of 
revenge in human history occurred soon 



after the creation (q.v.) of humankind (see 
also bloodshed; blood money). Accord- 
ing to the Hebrew Bible, after being pun- 
ished for the murder of his brother Abel, 
Cain said, "My punishment is too great to 
bear... anyone who meets me may kill me" 
[Gen 4:13-14; see gain and abel). The sec- 
ond commandment states, "You shall not 
murder" [Exod 20:13). There is also a sanc- 
tion for murder, "He who fatally strikes a 
man shall be put to death" [Exod 21:12) and 
"... a life (q.v.) for a life" (ibid., 23; 
see also boundaries and precepts; 
chastisement and punishment). The 
continuation of that biblical verse specifies 
different types of murder, including "eye 
for an eye" and "tooth for a tooth," etc. 
(see teeth; eyes). Also in the Hebrew 
Bible a distinction is made between murder 
or premeditated murder and killing, and 
there is mention of cities of refuge for 
murders committed unintentionally [Num. 
35:10-31). It is worth comparing those 
verses with C3 5:45 (Surat al-Ma'ida, "The 
Table Spread"): "And in it [the To rah] we 
prescribed for them life for the life, the eye 
for the eyes, the nose for the nose and the 
ear for the ear. ..." 

In the jdhiliyya period (see age of 
ignorance), Arabic poetry (see Arabs; 
poetry and poets) is disdainful of mercy 
(q.v.), moderation (q.v.) and compromise. 
The early poetry glorifies force, even to the 
point of murder, and a desire for battle 
and revenge. The poet 'Amr b. Kulthum, 
from the tribe of Taghlib, is cited in the 
Mu 'allaqdt: "Hatred as a result of hatred 
will overcome you" (verse 32); "Because 
our blood was spilled, their blood was 
made to flow" (verse 42); and "A person 
who will harm you will be injured twice as 
severely" (verse 51). Even after the advent 
of Islam, the poet al-Mutanabbi (d. 354/ 
955) said, "You killed me, God will kill you. 
Attack the enemy and kill." He said, "God 
will kill you," but in fact the deed will be 



417 



VENGEANCE 



carried out by humans [Goren, Ancient 
Arabic poetry, 17; cf. 30-4; Pellat, al-Hakam 
b. 'Abdal; see also Fakhurl, Ta'rikh, 602-50). 

The Qiir'an, by contrast, refers to 
murder-kiUing eight times (c) 4:29, 92, 93; 
5:32; 6:151; 17:33; 25:68; 50:74) and the gen- 
eral instruction is not to kill. Vengeance, 
al-qisds, is mentioned four times (c3 2:178, 
179, 194; 5:45). Commentary on these 
verses clarifies the concept of vengeance 
and the notion of using blood money in- 
stead of revenge as well as how the issue 
should be handled (see traditional 

DISCIPLINES OF CJUr'aNIC STUDY; 
EXEOESIS OF THE CJUr'an: CLASSICAL AND 

medieval). An example of such legal 
explication would be Ibn Q_ayyim al- 
Jawziyya (d. 751/1350; ridm, ii, 78-9) who 
claims that without a system of punish- 
ments it is impossible to have a properly- 
functioning society. According to him, such 
punishments have a deterrent effect. 

The method of avenging the murder has 
also been discussed. Ibn al-Qayyim states 
that the murderer has to be killed by a 
sword, which supposedly causes him less 
suffering, while others insist that a mur- 
derer should be executed in the same way 
as he murdered his victim. Ibn al-Qasim 
(d. 191/806), the Maliki jurist, specifies the 
mode of retribution depending on whether 
the murderer used a stick, a stone, fire or 
drowned the victim. Ibn Q_ayyim al- 
Jawziyya (/7am, ii, 195 and ig6) cites au- 
thorities who refer to o 2:194, "And one 
who attacks you, attack him in the manner 
as he attacks you" and o 16:126, "If you 
punish [them] punish with the like of that 
wherewith you were afflicted"). Further, 
C3 2:178 states that vengeance for murder of 
a free man is the murder of a free man and 
likewise a slave for a slave and a woman for 
a woman (see slaves and slavery; 

WOMEN AND THE QUr'an). 

There are, however, differences of opin- 
ion about how to punish a person who 



murdered a woman. Some say that he must 
be executed. Others say that he has to pay 
the dija, blood money, instead. Another 
approach emphasizes that, although mur- 
der deserves the punishment of death, the 
woman's family must pay the murderer's 
family the dija for the "difference" — the 
man being considered more "valuable" 
than the woman (Ahmad b. Hanbal [d. 
241/855] and the Ba.sran jurist 'Uthman b. 
Sulayman al-Batti [d. 143/760; cf. van Ess, 
773, ii, I56f.] as well as 'Ata' [d. ca. 
114/732] in Shinqlti, Adwd', 49). Yet an- 
other view insists that only the sultan or 
the imam (q.v), who represent religious 
authority in Islam, can decide in an in- 
dividual case whether the punishment is 
execution or payment of the dijia (Sarakhsl, 
Mabsut, V, 219; a similar approach can be 
found in Shinqlti, Adwd', iii, 375). There is 
a common agreement among the scholars 
that when diya is paid instead of execution 
as revenge, a need to conduct a sulh is 
called for, a reconciliation ceremony 
(Shinqlti, ylrfroa', iii, 3). The sulh ceremony 
is performed upon receiving the diya, 
which is based on cj 2:178 "and for him 
who is forgiven somewhat by his (injured) 
brother (see brother and brotherhood; 
forgiveness), prosecution according to 
usage and payment unto him in kindness. 
This is an alleviation and a mercy from 
your lord." 

A ban on punishing a sleeping man who 
killed someone exists, a ban which is also 
applicable for a minor or an insane person 
(see sleep; maturity; insanity). There is 
no capital punishment for a master who 
killed his slave or a father who murdered 
his son (Ibn Qiidama, Alughni, ix, 349). The 
murder of one of the "People of the Book" 
(q.v.; ahl al-kitdb) i.e. a Jew or Christian (see 
jews and JUDAISM; CHRISTIANS AND 

Christianity), is, however, punishable by 
death (ibid.); the Prophet executed a 
Muslim who murdered a person from the 



VENGEANCE 



418 



People of the Book, saying "I am the first 
one who has to fulfill my duties towards the 
People of the Book. If a Muslim or a per- 
son of the People of the Book murders a 
non-believer (kdfir) he will not be punished 
and will not have to pay diya either" (ibid., 

341)- 

The modern jurist Shurayh al-Kliuza'i 
al-Shinqiti (d. 1913) summarizes the clas- 
sical jurisprudence on the response to mur- 
der by offering three options: to execute in 
revenge, to receive diya, and the third is to 
forgive without any payment (Ibn 
Qtidama, Mughni, ix, 381). 

Bedouin (q.v.) and semi-rural Arab so- 
cieties have behavioral norms which do not 
always correspond with the instruction of 
the Qiir'an. Execution as revenge can be 
carried out by killing any individual adidt 
in the khams, the collective responsibility 
unit of five generations (cf. Marx, Bedouin, 
who introduced the term "co-liable group" 
to define this collective responsibility unit 
of five generations). Collective responsibil- 
ity means that each member of the co- 
liable group knows that if he murders 
someone or even if he kills someone un- 
intentionally without any premeditation, 
he creates a conflict witli the injured 
co-liable group that might lead to blood 
revenge, the exUe of his co-liable group, or, 
at tlie very least, payment of diya. The 
blood dispute is not ended until there is a 
reconciliation ceremony or revenge is 
taken. It is not always tlie individual who 
caused the murder upon whom revenge is 
taken. It can be any member of the mur- 
derer's co-liable group — somebody who is 
completely innocent and not involved in 
the original argument may be murdered in 
revenge in the name of collective respon- 
sibility. Although any member of tlie group 
can be killed in revenge, members of the 
injured group will usually try to kill a close 
relative of the murderer (see Ginat, Blood 



revenge, 26-30; for diya see al-'Arif, Qada) 
'Abbadi, Min al-qiyam; see also tribes and 
clans; kinship; everyday life, the 
q^ur'an in). 

In contrast to the Qiir'an and the hadith 
instructions, in contemporary Bedouin 
societies the murder of a woinan is re- 
venged by the murder of four men in the 
case where a man kills a woman. In most 
such cases there is an attempt to solve the 
conflict by payment of diya in an amount 
equal to the diya of four men. 

A group whose economy is based on 
wage labor will be anxious to resolve a 
blood quarrel quickly as compared to tent 
dwellers whose economy is based on rais- 
ing herds (see TENTS AND tent pegs). 
More and more Bedouin are now entering 
the wage labor market on a permanent 
basis (see work). In undertaking such work 
a Bedouin accepts a certain responsibility 
to attend work regularly. If, for reasons of a 
blood dispute, he decides one morning that 
it is unsafe for him to attend, it is highly 
likely that his job will not be waiting for 
him when he decides that it is safe to re- 
turn. The wish to keep one's job and the 
benefits of a regular income are strong 
reasons to make sure that blood disputes 
are settled qviickly. The major factor af- 
fecting revenge or settlement is the political 
"condition" of tlie avenging group. A 
leader anxious to promote cohesiveness 
within the group will encourage revenge. 
Mutual responsibility (q.v.) constitutes the 
ultimate obligation of members of a 
co-liable group. By deliberately increasing 
tension a leader can make his group aware 
of their collective responsibility, thus pro- 
moting group cohesiveness (cf. Marx, 
Organization). Even if the leader does not 
advocate revenge he can achieve cohesion 
by not permitting a cease-fire agreement. 
There are also political circumstances 
wliere it is in tlie interest of the injured 



419 



V E R S E (s) 



group to agree to a settlement (see Ginat, 
Blood revenge, 25-6). 

While the Qiir'an and the hadlth are the 
basic laws that govern the determination of 
punishment for murder, throughout the 
generations the values, the norms, the 'mf 
(tradition) have widened the gap between 
the original rules and the existing reality. 

Joseph Ginat 

Bibliography 
Primary: Ibn Q^ayyim al-Jawziyya, ridm al- 
muwaqqi'in 'an rabb al-'diamin, 4 vols., Beirut 1993; 
Ibn Qiidama al-MaqdisT, MuwafTaq al-Din and 
Muhammad b. Ahmad Shams al-Dln, at-Alughm 
wa-l-sharh al-kabir, 11 vols. (+ 2 vol. hidex), Beirut 
1983; al-SarakhsT, Abu Bakr Muhammad b. 
Ahmad Shams al-A'imma, Kiidb al-Mabsut; 
30 vols, in 15, Beirut 1989; al-ShinqltT, al-Shaykh 
Muhammad al-Amm b. Muhammad al-Mukhtar 
ii\-^ci]/i?ii\i, Adwd' al-baydnJiTddh al-Qur'dn bi-l- 
Qur'dn, Beirut 1966, 49. 

Secondary: A.'U. al-'Abbadl, Alin al-qiyam wa-l- 
dddb al-badawijya, Amman 1976; 'A. al-'Arif, al- 
Qadd' bayna l-badw, Jerusalem 1933; S. Bar-Zvi, 
The tradition of justice among the Bedouin of the Negev, 
Tel Aviv 1991 (in Hebrew); Y. Ben-David, 
Jabaliyya. A Bedouin tribe in the shadow of the 
moHflj^er^, Jerusalem 1981 (in Hebrew); van Ess, 
tg; H. al-FakhurT, Ta'rikh al-adab al-'arabi, 
Harisa, Lebanon 1953, 1966-; J. Ginat, Blood 
revenge. Family honor, mediation, and outcast, Brighton 
1997; A. GoYen, Ancient Arabic poetry, JeYwsaXem 
1970 (in Hebrew); 'A. al-Hashshash, Qadd' al-'urf 
wa-l-'dda, Amman 1991; H. Lammens, L'Arabie 
occidentale avant I'hegire, Beirut 1928, 181-236; 
G. Liiling, Das Blutrecht (die Blutrache) der 
archaisch-mythischen Stammesgesellschaft. Zum 
schriftkulturellen Staatsrecht, in ^eitenspriinge 1 1/2 
(1999), 217-27; E. Marx, Bedouin of the Negev, 
Manchester 1967; id.. The organization of 
nomadic groups in the Middle East, in 
M. Milson (ed.). Society and political structure in the 
Arab world, New York 1973, 305-35; Ch. Pellat, 
al-Hakam b. 'Abdal b. Djabala al-Asadi, in El^, 
iii, 72-3; E.L. Peters, Some structural aspects of 
the feud among the camel herding Bedouin of 
Cyrenaica, in Africa 37 (1967), 262-82; O.C. 
Procksch, Uber die Blutrache bei den vorislamischen 
Arabern and Mohammeds Stellung zu ihr (Leipziger 
Studien aus dem Gebiet der Geschichte), Leipzig 



Verdict see judgment 



Verse(s) 

The smallest formally and semantically 
independent qur'anic speech units, marked 
by a final rhyme. The qur'anic word dya 
(pi. dydt, probably from Syriac dthd, cf. Heb. 
oth; see Jeffery, For. vocak), "sign," has be- 
come the technical term used to denote a 
verse of the Qtir'an. Like the term sura 
(q.v.), however, which also entered the 
Arabic language (q.v.) through the Qtir'an, 
in the qur'anic corpus itself the word djia 
means a literary unit undefined in extent, 
perhaps at no stage identical with the 
qur'anic verse (see literary structures 
AND THE ^ur'an). During the process of 
the qur'anic communication djia figures 
primarily as part of the discourse of scrip- 
tural authority that the Prophet and his 
listeners engaged in through the entire pe- 
riod of the emergence of the Qiir'an (see 
REVELATION AND INSPIRATION). This dis- 
course involves the notions of dya, sura, 
qur'dn and kildb (see book; names of the 
(3Ur'an). It is only in the mushaf{q.\'.), the 
canonical codex of the Qiir'an codified 
after the death of the Prophet (see col- 
lection OF THE qur'an; codices of the 
quR'AN), that the word dya comes unequiv- 
ocally to denote a qur'anic verse. In this 
entry, first the qur'anic discourse that 
occurred in the course of Muhammad's 
career will be sketched. In the second part, 
evocations and quotations of early verses 
in later qur'anic texts will be discussed (see 
chronology and the q^ur'an) and, 
finally, various manifestations of the liter- 
ary unit "verse," dya, in the canonical text 
will be surveyed. 

The qur'anic imagination of aya 
Aya in the Qiir'an is not a descriptive term 
but rather a functional designation that in 
the early suras primarily denotes non- 
scriptural signs (q.v.) of divine omnipo- 
tence (see power and impotence), such as 



VERSES 



420 



those visible in nature (c) 76:6-16; 77:25-7; 
79:27-32; etc.; see nature as signs) or re- 
membered from history (<J 51:34-46; 
79:15-26; etc.; see history and the 
qur'an; form and structure of the 
(JUr'an). In the vast majority of instances, 
the word aya, thus, is not connected to a 
text. In one rather early sura, C3 83:13, 
however, it appears to cover an undefined 
textual unit: "when our signs are recited to 
him he says: mere legends of the ancients" 
{idhd tutld 'alayhi dydtund qdla asdtiru 
l-awwalin; see generations). In this sura, 
one that already reflects the bifurcated cat- 
egorization of the listeners into believers 
(alladhina dmanuj and transgressors, un- 
believers [alladhina ajramu, (^ 83:29; see 
belief and unbelief), the "signs" are 
unambiguously presented as texts that are 
recited and that function as proofs of 
divine power. The context is polemical (see 
polemic and polemical language): the 
hermeneutic value of the recited texts (see 
recitation of the q^ur'an) is not rec- 
ognized by a group of listeners who try to 
distance themselves from the message, 
claiming to know it from of old, and who 
do not acknowledge the function of the 
dydt as signs of authority (q.v.). The 
qur'anic speaker, however, through the use 
of the word dydt, which recalls the much 
more frequently discussed visual and often 
miraculous signs of divine omnipotence 
observed in nature and history, claims a 
miraculous and immediately convincing 
character for the texts being recited (see 
miracles; marvels; inimitability). 
It is first and foremost their linguistic 
guise, their particularly poetic code (see 
rhetoric and the q^ur'an; language 
AND STYLE OF THE qur'an), that substanti- 
ates the claim of the qur'anic text sections 
to miraculous signs of divine power. The 
closeness of early qur'anic texts to poetry 
(see POETRY AND POETs) or the equally 
artistic speech of the soothsayers (q.v.) is. 



more than once, indirectly acknowledged 
by the Prophet's adversaries (see oppo- 
sition TO Muhammad). Indeed, the poetic- 
ity of the early qur'anic texts seems to have 
triggered attempts at disqualifying him as a 
messenger (q.v.) by connecting him typo- 
logically to poets (c) 69:40-1: innahu la-qawlu 
rasulin kanmin wa-md huwa bi-qawli shd'irin. . . 
qalilan md tu'minun, "it is the speech [q.v.] of 
a noble messenger, and it is not the speech 
of a poet! How little do you believe!" cf. 
Q, 52:29 f.; 68:2; 81:22, where shd'ir, "poet," 
is represented by majnun, "possessed, mad"; 
see insanity; provocation; reflection 
AND deliberation) and soothsayers, the 
kdhina (c) ^2:2C): fa- dhakkir fa-md anta bi- 
ni'mati rabbika bi-kdhinin wa-ld majnun, "so 
remind them, for you are not, by the grace 
of your lord [q.v.] , a soothsayer or a 
madman"; see Neuwirth, Der historische 
Muhammad). His speech — perhaps not 
least in view of the claim to a supernatural 
source occasionally raised for it — ap- 
peared closest to the enunciations of those 
speakers, familiar in ancient Arabia, who 
are themselves under the spell of a super- 
human power (see pre-islamic Arabia 

AND THE Q^Ur'an; SOUTH ARABIA, 
RELIGIONS IN PRE-iSLAMic). It has been 
justly underscored, however, that the 
qur'anic claim to truth (q.v.) in the early 
texts relies less on extra-textual reference 
than on its very medium, the poetic char- 
acter of its language. 

The early suras' claim to validity is not 
anchored in something beyond the text; 
rather, it is the truth of what is being said 
within the text, as made evident through a 
variety of poetic devices, that grounds its 
claim to validity: One might speak of a 
poetic, rather than a theological truth- 
claim (see THEOLOGY AND THE CJUr'an). 
Thus, in suras such as o 89, 91, 99 or 100 
the question on whose authority the recita- 
tions can legitimately demand their listen- 



421 



VERSE S 



ers to mend their ways is nowhere posed. 
Their normative claim on tlie audience 
rests on the fact that artful rhetoric, such as 
the oath clusters (see oaths), functions like 
an artfully ground lens which allows one to 
glimpse something distant, yet visibly real, 
namely, the imminent nature of divine 
judgment (see last judgment). Rhetoric, 
then, is conceived of not primarily as an 
instrument of deception, as modern preju- 
dice would have it, but rather as an instru- 
ment of making manifest that which is, 
and can be seen to be, the case. Exploring 
the lens metaphor more might say that 
knowing who has produced the lens is of 
much less importance than simply looking 
through it. In a sense, then, it would be 
entirely amiss to pose the question on 
whose authority one ought to acknowledge 
what one sees (Sinai, From qur'an to kitab, 
forthcoming). 

It is initially the linguistic code, then, that 
warrants the character of qur'anic text 
units as signs of divine authority. The 
gradual self-theologization of qur'anic 
discourse — to refer again to Sinai's 
survey — continues with the third-person 
authorizations of Muhammad. 

In response to scathing polemics and sar- 
castic objections, Muhammad's recitations 
are forced to provide some account of 
whence and how they reach their audience. 
The Qiir'an is thus driven into a rudimen- 
tary form of prophetological reflection, as 
attested by 81:19-25: innahu la-qawlu rasulin 
kanm/dhi quwwatin 'inda dhi I- 'arshi makin/ 
mutd'in thumma amin/wa-md sdhibukum bi- 
majnun/wa~laqad ra'dhu bi-l-ufuqi l-mubin/ 
wa-md huwa 'aid l-ghaybi bi-damn / wa-md 
huwa bi-qawli shajtdnin rajim, "it is the 
speech of a noble messenger, who has 
power with the lord of the throne and is 
highly placed, obeyed and trustworthy. 
Your companion is not mad. He saw him 



upon the luininous horizon; he is not re- 
garding the unseen, niggardly. And it is not 
the speech of a devil, accursed." Cf. 
Q^ 53:2f. where Muhammad's unspecific 
claim to divine inspiration is now with 
greater terminological precision qualified 
as "revelation," in huwa Hid wahyunyuhd/ 
'allamahu shadidu l-quwd, "it is only a revela- 
tion being revealed. The mighty one 
taught him" [q_ 53-4-5; Sinai, From qur'an 
to kitab, forthcoming). 

One might count the identification of 
Muhammad's recitation with divine signs, 
dydt, among these stratagems of indirect 
authorization (see () 46:7; 34:43; 31:7; 
2:252). The more or less systematic 
employment of the "prophetical you," 
datable to early Meccan times, may be 
regarded as a second step, reflecting 
development on the level of literary 
technique. 

Nicolai Sinai identifies a third step along 
the same lines in those early Meccan pas- 
sages, in which the qur'anic discourse is 
traced back to a written heavenly arche- 
type (see HEAVENLY BOOK). Most probably, 
this step, too, was triggered by polemics. As 
(J 74:52 implies, the orality (q.v.) of 
Muhammad's recitations was seen as be- 
traying their human origin: "rather each 
one of them wishes to be given scrolls (q.v.) 
unrolled" (balyundu kullu mri'in minhum an 
yu'td suhufan munashsham) . Elsewhere, and 
probably by way of reaction to similar 
charges, such suhuf, "scrolls," are presented 
as indeed forming some kind of written 
draft of which Muhammad's recitations 
are but the oral promulgation or reading 
((J 80:10-16): "Yet, it is only a reminder, 
whoever wishes, will remember it, in scrolls 
highly honored, lifted up and purified, by 
the hands of scribes, honorable and pious" 
[kalld innahd tadhkira fa-man shd'a dhakarahuji 
suhujin mukarramatin marju'atin mutahharatin 
bi-aydi safaratin kirdmin barara, (j 80:11-16; 



VERSES 



422 



see memory; remembrance; piety). Since 
the performative orality of Muhammad's 
revelations, which appear to have been 
viewed as incompatible with their claim 
to divine authorship, could not very well 
be simply denied, it is at least counter- 
balanced. 

Finally, in yet another passage, the term 
kitdb instead of suhuf or lawh, "tablet" (as in 
(j_ 85:22; see PRESERVED tablet; writing 

AND WRITING MATERIALS), is UScd: "it is 

indeed a noble qur'dn, in a hidden book, 
that only the purified shall touch, a reve- 
lation from the lord of the worlds" 
[innahu la-qur'dnun kanm Ji kitdbin maknun 
Idyamassuhu Hid l-mutahharun tanzilun min 
rabbi l-'dlamin, Q^ 56:77-80). Thus, first 
Muhammad's revelations are qualified 
either from a functional viewpoint — they 
serve as tadhkira, i.e. admonition — or from 
a performative one — they are presented 
as qur'dn, recitation — then they are said to 
be "in" (Jj), something else: suhuf, lawh, 
kitdb. This latter entity is most likely viewed 
as a kind of transcendent storage medium 
to which the basic message of Muham- 
mad's preaching is traceable. In q 56:80, 
this bipartite self-predication is expanded 
upon by a third element, namely, reference 
to the process by which the heavenly writ- 
ing is transformed into an earthy recita- 
tion, i.e. tanzTl, "revelation." 

Where is the notion of aya as verse to he located in 

this process? 
The word appears first, and only once, in a 
text from the end of early Meccan times, 
serving as an indirect authorization of the 
Prophet (o 83:13). The accusation of not 
respecting the signs presented here be- 
comes, in later Meccan and Medinan 
suras, a stock argument (o 31:7; 34:5, 38). 
This argument is further enhanced by the 
qualification of the signs as bayyindt, "made 
clear," by the divine sender himself ("we 
have made clear the signs for people who 



firmly believe," qad bayyannd l-dydti li- 
qawminyuqinun, cj 2:118; "look, how we 
make clear the signs for them, then look 
how they are perverted," un^ur kayfa nubayy- 
inu lahumu l-dydti thumnia n^ur anndyufakun, 
a 5:75; cf 2:99; 5:89; 45:25, 46). 

The idea that the recitation is particularly 
adapted to fit the listeners' capacities for 
understanding is further developed in texts 
that attest to additional acts of clarifica- 
tion, first through the structuring of the 
texts (tahkim), then through their expound- 
ing them (tcfsil): the late Meccan sura cj 11 
(Surat Hud) starts thus: ^^Alif lam rd. A 
book with sections which are elaborately 
formulated and clearly expounded from 
the wise, the all-aware" [alif Idm rd. kitdbun 
uhkimat dydtuhu thummafussilat min ladun 
hakimin khabir, c) ii:i; see god and his 
attributes; wisdom; knowledge and 
learning; hidden and the hidden). 
Such clarification of the texts is even con- 
sidered as the decisive factor for the con- 
stitution of an emerging Arabic scripture: 
"a book whose sections have been well ex- 
pounded, an Arabic qur'dn addressed to a 
people who know" (kitdbun fussilat dydtuhu 
qur'dnan 'arabiyyan li-qawminya'lamun, (^41:3; 
for the intra-qur'anic and exegetical de- 
bates about the Arabic character of the 
text, see foreign vocabulary). At a still 
later stage, dydt made clear and unambigu- 
ous (see ambiguous) are explicitly con- 
trasted to others that allow for more than 
one understanding — see the Medinan 
verse C3 3:7: "it is he who sent down to you 
the book, with sections that are precise in 
meaning, and which are the mother of the 
book, and others that are ambiguous" 
(huwa lladhi anzala 'alayka l-kitdba, minhu 
dydtun muhkamdtun hunna ummu l-kitdbi wa- 
ukharu mutashdbihdtun) . Equally Medinan is 
the idea put forward in q 2:106 that an dya 
may, during the communication process, 
occasionally become the object of modi- 
fication or be forgotten and replaced: 



423 



V E R S E (s) 



"whatever verse we abrogate or cause to be 
forgotten, we will bring instead a better or 
similar one" {md nansakh min ajatin aw 
nunsiha na'ti bi-khayrin minhd aw mithlihd; see 
abrogation). From late Meccan times 
onwards, the term dya loses its connotation 
of a sign that exerts a particular appeal 
and comes to mean simply "text unit, 
section." 

In this late understanding, the term dja is 
employed in the context of an argument of 
central importance that had been aroused 
by the unique situation of the qur'anic rev- 
elations. The unbelievers raised the pro- 
vocative question of why Muhammad's 
revelation had not come down in one piece 
but in small parts: "the unbelievers say, if 
only the Qiir'an had been sent down to 
him all at once?" [wa-qdla lladhina kafaru law 
Id nuzzilii 'alajihi l-qur'dnu jumlatan wdhida, 
Q^ 25:32), i.e. as a complete book, as in the 
case of Jews and Christians (see jews and 
JUDAISM; CHRISTIANS AND CHRISTIANITY; 

SCRIPTURE AND THE q^ur'an). The qur'anic 
response to that challenge was: "that is 
how [it is revealed] because we wanted to 
strengthen your heart (q.v.) with it and we 
have recited it in a distinct way" {ka-dhdlika 
li-nuthabbita bihifu'ddaka wa-rattalndhu 
tartilan, Q_ 25:32). The fact that, because of 
the Qur'an's situatedness, the scripture to 
be recited is not under the control of the 
transmitter, is presented as the result of 
divine wisdom. What had been viewed by 
adversaries as an embarrassing shortcom- 
ing was turned "into a precondition for 
God himself assuming the hitherto human 
activities of recitation (qur'dn) and exegesis 
(baydn). Hence, Judaism and Christianity 
are trumped by an ingenious redescription 
of the Qiir'an's 'ad rem mode of revela- 
tion' " (Madigan, Qur'dn's self-image, 68) 
transforming it from a liability into an as- 
set. There is no better illustration of how 
the dynamics of inter-communal polemics 
can bring about a true revaluation of val- 



ues: that which one party considers an ap- 
palling Haw is elevated by the other party, 
"through a blend of spite and theological 
cunning, to the rank of a veritable hall- 
mark of its self-definition" (Sinai, From 
qur'an to kitab, forthcoming). This tafsil 
al-dydt, the expounding of the qur'anic text 
sections (c3 41:3), qualifies the revelation to 
pose as an Arabic text speaking to the 
hearts in an understandable way. At the 
end of this development, the dya is estab- 
lished as a term to designate relevant, 
though undetermined, units of the 
qur'anic text. Thus the qur'anic text that 
attests to both the emergence of a scripture 
and a community (Abraham [q.v.] and 
Ishmael's [q.v.] prayer [q.v.] of consecra- 
tion of the Ka'ba [q.v.]) can refer to the 
dydt shape of the revelations as an achieve- 
ment that enables Mecca (q.v.), its place of 
origin, to rival Jerusalem (q.v.) in its most 
prominent prerogative: to be recognized as 
the birthplace of divine communications 
[ha 2:3: The law will go out from Zion and 
the word of the lord from Jerusalem; see 
Neuwirth, Spiritual meaning), q 2:128-9 
says: "Our lord, cause us to submit to you, 
and make of our posterity a nation that 
submits to you. Show us our rites and par- 
don us (see ritual and the (jur'an; 
forgiveness), you are indeed the par- 
doner, the merciful (see mercy). Our lord, 
send them a messenger from among them- 
selves who will recite to them your signs 
and teach them the book and the wisdom 
and purify them (see cleanliness and 
ablution; ritual purity); you are the 
mighty, the wise" (rabhand wa-j'alnd 
muslimina laka wa-min dhurriyyatind ummatan 
muslimatan laka wa-arind mandsikand wa-tub 
'alaynd innaka anta l-tawwdbu l-rahimu. 
rabband wa-b 'athjihim rasulan minhumyatlu 
'alayhim dydtika wa-yu'allimuhumu l-kitdba wa- 
l-hikmata wayuzakkihim innaka anta I- 'a/Jzu. 
l-hdkim). 



VERSES 



424 



Verses alluded to and verses quoted in the Qur'dn: 

basmala and Fdtiha 
Although during the communication pro- 
cess there appears to have been no term to 
designate "verse," from early on the notion 
of verse was strongly developed in the 
Qiir'an. Verses are neatly structured and 
unambiguously delimited often through 
phonetically expressive rhymes (see 
RHYMED prose). Though identical verses 
sometimes recur in the Qur'an — such as 
the phrase waylun yawma'idhin lil-mukadh- 
dhibin, "woe on that day to those who de- 
noimce," that figures as a refrain in o 77 
(Surat al-Mursalat; o 77:15, 19, 24, etc.) and 
recurs in <;) 83:10 — their repetition does 
not usually convey a sense of textual 
quotation, in view of the strongly oral 
character of the Qur'an (see ORALITY and 
WRITING IN Arabia). Some verses from 
earlier texts, however, seem to be quoted or 
evoked in later qur'anic contexts, thus 
shedding liglit on the self-referentiality of 
the Qiir'an. A case in point is the basmala 
(q.v), the formula "in the name of God, 
the compassionate, the merciful." Tlius, in 
C3 27:30 a letter dispatched by Solomon 
(q.v.) to the queen of Sheba (q.v.) is quoted: 
"it is from Solomon and it says: 'in the 
name of God the compassionate, the mer- 
ciful' " {innahu min sulaymdna wa-innahu bi-smi 
lldhi l-rahmdni l-rahim; see also bilois). What 
is demonstrated here, according to the 
most plausible hypothesis, is that the cus- 
tom of starting written documents with the 
basmala is a dignified ancient custom, ap- 
plied already by an ancient prophet to his 
written message (see prophets and 
prophethood). It is usually assumed that 
qur'anic texts were successively put into 
writing in the middle and late Meccan pe- 
riods, when verses became more compli- 
cated structurally and through that 
procedure were connected to the basmala. 
That formula, which displays the divine 
name al-rahmdn in a prominent position. 



most probably originated from the time 
when this divine name had replaced 
others. Since in (J 27:30 the divine name 
al-rahmdn figures only in the basmala, the 
formida should be considered a quotation 
in that text. But, of course, the basmala that 
was promulgated through the Fatiha (q.v.) 
is also a proper introduction to orally con- 
veyed sacred speech. In the Qtir'an it pre- 
cedes the texts of all suras with the sole 
exception of o 9. Tlie basmala is counted as 
an ordinary verse in the first sura (Surat 
al-Fatiha, "The Opening"), although when 
the text is recited in ritual prayer it is sepa- 
rated from tlie bulk of the text of the 
Fatiha through other formulas (see 
Neuwirth, Surat al-Fatiha; see also prayer 
formulas). Its consideration as an ordi- 
nary verse is due, as will be shown, to the 
pecidiar recognition that the Fatiha has 
found in the qur'anic text itself (see 
everyday life, the our'an in). 

Q^ 15:87 triumpliantly states that, besides 
his scriptural recitation, there are now at 
the disposal of the Prophet a particular 
group of verses fit to be repeated over and 
again — the "seven litany-verses": "verily 
we gave you seven litany-verses (mathdni) 
and the mighty recitation" [wa-laqad 
dtajndka sab'an mina l-mathdnT wa-l-qur'dna 
l-'aiim; see oft-repeated). Although no 
particular term is mentioned, the units 
counted as sab' (seven) are certainly verses. 
The allusion is to the Fatiha — an inter- 
pretation already held by a major group of 
classical exegetes (see Neuwirth, Referen- 
tiality). The alternative interpretation ad- 
vocated by some scholars like R. Paret 
{Koran; Rubin, Exegesis) and A. Welch 
(Kur'an), that mathdni should point to the 
punishment legends (see Horovitz, Klf) is 
untenable (see punishment stories) since 
these stories were not yet composed at the 
time the Qur'an is emerging. The word 
mathdni, a plural form of mathnd ("in double 
number," Q_ 4:3; 35:1; 34:46), occurs in 



425 



V E R S E (s) 



o 39:23 where it is used to denote not an 
individual partial corpus apart from the 
Qiir'an, made up of seven units, but 
appears as a qualification of the kitdb in 
toto: "God has sent down the best dis- 
course in a book with similar, repeated 
texts, from which the skins of those who 
fear their lord shiver; then their skins and 
hearts mellow at the mention of God" 
(alldhu nazzo-la ahsana l-hadlthi kitdban 
mutashdbihan mathdnija, taqsha 'irru minhu 
juludu lladhina yakhshawna rabbahum thumma 
talmu juluduhum wa-qulubuhum ild dhikri lldhi). 
"Mathdni" here refers to similarly repeated 
units of texts that appear to be larger than 
single verses, and, in view of the psycho- 
logical effect ascribed to them, perhaps 
refer to punishment stories. This meaning 
is, however, deduced from the particular 
context of late Meccan polemic and is 
completely incompatible with the earlier 
situation of c) 15, when no plurality of 
punishment stories had yet existed, let 
alone seven such stories (see Neuwirth, 
Surat al-Fatiha). The Fatiha, in its canoni- 
cal form, indeed consists of seven verses, a 
number achieved through the counting of 
the basmala that is usually not considered a 
verse but an introductory invocation. The 
fact, however, that the Fatiha "originally" 
did not consist of seven, but of six, verses 
does not contradict its identification with 
the seven mathdni, "seven" being often un- 
derstood in the sense of a small, "round" 
number, not necessarily numerically seven 

(see NUMBERS AND ENUMERATION). A Strong 

argument in favor of sab' mina l-mathdm 
meaning the Fatiha is the fact that the en- 
tire sura (q 15) is replete with short evoca- 
tions of the text of the Fatiha, thus 
marking the emergence of this particular 
text as a significant development. The 
Fatiha indeed marks a turn of the liturgical 
practice of the community since its text 
was, originally, not considered to be part of 
the qur'dn, the recitation, but was rather 



used as a communal prayer, and as such 
was often repeated, thus deserving of the 
label of sab' mina l-mathdnT [see Neuwirth, 
Referentiality). Eventually, the Fatiha came 
to complete the liturgical service which, 
until then, must have consisted in a qur'dn 
(see q 15:87; al-qur'dn al-'azjim) and the in- 
herited ritual gestures. At that point, the 
Fatiha was presumably known under one 
of its alternative designations, namely al- 
hamd (alluded to as such in q_ 15:98; see 
praise; laudation). 

Typology of the qur'dnic verses 
The poetical structure of the Qiir'an is 
marked by the rhyme endings of the 
verses. A classification of the rhymes has 
been undertaken for the Meccan parts of 
the Qiir'an in Neuwirth, Studien. It was 
shown that semantically determined verse 
groups in early suras are regularly brack- 
eted by a joint rhyme pattern; thus escha- 
tological introductions like (J 101:1-3 are 
distinguished from the ensuing prediction 
of the events on the last day (q 101:4) and 
again from the description of the judgment 
(q.v.; (5 101:6-11) by individual rhyme pat- 
terns (see also eschatology; last 
judgment; apocalypse). There is a sig- 
nificant difference between those suras 
classified as early Meccan whose endings 
comprise no less than eighty types of 
rhyme, those classified as middle Meccan 
with seventeen types of rhyme endings, 
and those classified as late Meccan with 
only five types of rhyme endings. The 
scope of diversity among the rhymes is 
related to the general style of the Qiir'an. 
The suras commonly considered the old- 
est, i.e. those that display 50; 'rhymed prose 
in the strict sense — short units rhyming in 
frecjuently changing sound patterns re- 
iterating the last consonants and based on 
a common rhythm — are made up of 
monopartite verses containing one colon 
each. (For the colon, a text unit borrowed 



VERSES 



426 



from classical rhetoric, see Norden, 
Kunstprosa; Neuwirth, Studien; loosely con- 
strued, a colon equals a single phrase. 
This, however, is not sustained indefinitely. 
As soon as the topics become less expres- 
sive, turning from immediate appeal to 
description or more sophisticated argu- 
ment, verses tend to become longer and 
more complex.) 

Monopartite verses 
Principally, two types of monopartite 
verses can be distinguished, verses of the 
saj' al-kdhin type (oath clusters, jfl'/ifl-phrase- 
clusters, etc.; see form and structure of 
THE (jur'an) and others reminiscent of 
monotheistic hymns [sabbihi sma rabbika 
l-a'ld, "praise the name of your lord, the 
exalted," (j 87:1). The earliest verses thus 
are not necessarily modeled after kdhin 
speech but often seem to echo monothe- 
istic hymnal texts. One has also to keep in 
mind that kdhin style verses have changed 
their function: the enigmatic speech does 
not prepare the way for the disclosure of a 
truly unknown danger, as is often the 
case in kdhin predictions (see Neuwirth, 
Der historische Mohammad), but the solu- 
tion of the enigma built up by the short 
verses of oath clusters (see Neuwirth, 
Images) and idhd-phrase clusters comes as 
no real surprise: it is the news of the im- 
minent day of judgment. Still, from a rhe- 
torical point of view, a tension is generated 
in these texts by means not found in the 
existing literary genres, tlius extending the 
spectrum of literary forms substantially. 
The clusters of particular syntactic struc- 
tures as presented in the short verses are 
remote from functional ordinary speech; 
nor are they familiar from poetry either. It 
is noteworthy that the cjur'anic .sa;' some- 
times inverts the ordinary sequence of syn- 
tagmata in order to facilitate the 
achievement of expressive rhymes; thus in 
the qur'anic idhd-phraae clusters the verb 



stands in the final position, contrary to or- 
dinary prose (for the aesthetic impact of 
the monopartite verses, see Sells, 
Approaching). On the other hand, short 
hymnal verses would have been familiar 
from the liturgical language in Christian 
use (see Baumstark, Jiidischer und christ- 
licher Gebetstypus). Indeed the typological 
similarity of the qur'anic hymnal sections 
to Christian hymns has inspired Giinther 
Liiling's hypothesis of a Christian origin of 
the Qiir'an [Uber den Urkoran; see 
POST-ENLIGHTENMENT ACADEMIC STUDY 
OF THE our'an). One has, however, to bear 
in mind that cjur'anic hymns are mostly 
functionally employed, serving as introduc- 
tions to longer texts or as personal exhorta- 
tions to the Prophet to perform liturgical 
tasks. These verse groups are not infre- 
quently followed by a report concerning 
the acceptance of their recitation, thus 
bringing them into a scenario of debate 
(see Neuwirth, Vom Rezitationstext; see 
DEBATE AND DISPUTATION). Only in one 
case can a specific model for a hymnal text, 
Q. 55 (Surat al-Rahman, "The Merciful"), 
be determined, namely Psalm 136 (see 
Neuwirth, Qiir'anic literary structure; see 
also psalms). Still, through its re-casting 
the psalm has been thoroughly islamized 
and indeed turned into a new text alto- 
gether. Similarly, the doxological introduc- 
tory verses that become familiar with the 
mid-sized suras in Medina (q.v; (j 59, 61, 
62, 64) are not to be read as drawing on a 
pre-existing "fr-text" from another re- 
Hgious tradition but rather as rephrasings 
of formulas derived from psalms that were 
current in monotheistic liturgical use of 
the time. 

Whereas early kdhin-style and hymnal 
verses are usually monopartite, more dis- 
cursive sections, such as the description of 
paradise (q.v.) in Q^ 52:17-28 and the debate 
in (J 52:29-44, usually display bipartite or 
even pluripartite verse structures, i.e. verses 



427 



V E R S E (s) 



made up of an entire sentence, mostly 
paratactically structured. The transition 
attested in early Meccan texts from saj' 
speech with monopartite verses to a more 
ordinary, though still poetically tinted, ar- 
ticulation attests to the transformation of 
an adherence to standard pre-Islamic tra- 
dition into a novel literary paradigm. This 
can be considered to be a genuine qur'anic 
development marking a new stage in the 
history of the Arabic literary language (see 

LITERATURE AND THE QUr'an). 

Pluripartite verses 
Even the structure of pluripartite verses 
remains extremely conducive to recitation 
(see Nelson, The art of reciting). The colo- 
metric strticture of qur'anic style, com- 
parable to that familiar from ancient 
rhetoric (see Norden, Kunstprosa), facilitates 
the oral performance of texts. A compari- 
son between the shape of biblical narra- 
tives (q.v.) narrated in the Qiir'an and in 
poetry contemporary to the Qtir'an, e.g. 
that of Umayya b. Abl 1-Salt, supports this 
argtiment strongly (see also myths and 
LEGENDS IN THE our'an). A Comparison 
between qur'anic recitation and 
the — equally chanted — recitations of 
Hebrew Bible and New Testament texts 
confirms the unique predisposition of 
qur'anic verses for recitation. In Jewish and 
Christian traditions, the scriptural texts, 
most of which were originally not com- 
posed to be recited, were, at a later stage, 
structured by musical notation to ensure 
the preservation of the meaning and to 
facilitate recitation (see Neuwirth, Three 
religious feasts). Though in later tradition 
the Qur'an is also furnished with addi- 
tional markers to prevent mistaken read- 
ings through problematic connecting or 
disconnecting of units of meaning (see 
readings of THE our'an; 

ORNAMENTATION AND ILLUMINATION; 
MANUSCRIPTS OF THE OUr'an), it is not 



comparably dependent on additional regu- 
lations since the text is largely free of over- 
long phrases and complex hypotactic 
periods. 

It is noteworthy that two multipartite 
verses have acquired particular popularity 
among Muslims, the Throne Verse [ajat 
al-kursi, Q_ 2:255; see throne of god) and 
the Light Verse [dyat al-nur, o 24:35; see 
light), both outstanding examples of es- 
pecially meditative qur'anic texts. It is dyat 
al-nur in particular ("God is the light of the 
heavens and the earth," alldhu nuru 
l-samdwdti wa-l-ard; see earth; heaven 
AND sky) that through its complex similes 
(q.v.) and metaphors ( "his light is like a 
niche in which there is a lamp [q.v.], the 
lamp is in a glass, the glass is like a glit- 
tering star," mathalu nurihi ka-mishkdtinjihd 
misbdh/ al-misbdhu Ji zujdja/ al-zujdjatu ka- 
annahd kawkabun durri; see also planets and 
stars; sYMBOLii; imagery) simultaneously 
discloses the paths leading to the knowl- 
edge of the divine and upholds their mys- 
tery. The description of the nature of the 
divine light contained in its mysterious re- 
ceptacles (colons 2-8) is followed by a call 
for interpretation; colons 9-10 identify the 
image of the lamp as an example, a mathal, 
that demands from the reader the herme- 
neutic task of de-coding (see parables). 
Finally, colon 11 comes to confirm God's 
wisdom in a hymnal clausula, a fit conclu- 
sion for a section about an epistemic issue. 
Multipartite verses like this — no longer 
spontaneous addresses to the immediate 
listeners only but composed to consider 
later readers as well — describe the full 
circle of communicating knowledge to the 
reader and challenging the reader's 
response. 

Clausula verses 
Any similarity to saj' is, abandoned when 
verses exceed the bipartite structures. In 
these cases, the rhyming end of the verses 



VERSES 



follows the stereotypical -un, -ra-pattern 
that would hardly suffice to ffilfiU the lis- 
teners' anticipation of a resounding con- 
clusion. A new mnemonic technical device 
that enters the picture is the rhymed 
phrase, a syntactically stereotyped colon 
that is distinguished from its context in- 
asmuch as it does not participate in the 
main strain of the discourse but presents 
a kind of moral comment on it. One 
might term this concluding phrase a 
"cadenza" — in analogy to the final part of 
the speech units in Gregorian chant, which 
through their particular sound pattern 
arouse the expectation of an ending — or, 
more modestly, a "clausula." The musical 
sound pattern of the often stereotypically 
structured clausula phrase enhances the 
message encoded in it, which in many 
cases introduces a meta-discourse entailing 
a moral judgment on the behavior of the 
protagonists of a narrative, as in c) 12:29, 
"verily, you were one of the sinners" 
[innaki kunti min al-khdti'm; see SIN, 
MAJOR AND minor). They thus transcend 
the main — narrative or argumenta- 
tive — flow of the sura, introducing a 
spiritual dimension: divine approval or 
disapproval. Indeed, their most typical 
manifestation is the reference to one of 
God's attributes, as in q 3:29, "verily God 
has power over everything" (wa-lldhu 'aid 
kulli shay'in qadir). These meta-narrative 
insertions into the narrative or argumenta- 
tive fabric of the qur'anic text would, of 
course, in a written text meant for silent 
reading, appear rather disruptive of the 
larger argument or narrative. They add, 
however, substantially to the impact of the 
oral recitation. The Qiir'an thus con- 
sciously styles itself as a text evolving on 
different, yet closely intertwined, levels of 
discourse. Although it is true that not all 
multipartite verses bear such formulaic 
endings, cadenzas may be considered char- 



acteristic for the later Meccan and all the 
Medinan qur'anic texts. The resounding 
cadenza, thus, replaces the earlier expres- 
sive rhyme pattern, marking a new and 
irreversible development in the emergence 
of the text and of the new faith. 

The cadenza is a characteristically 
qur'anic device that connects story and 
commentary, making the divine sender of 
the message also its exegete. The story is 
told as a representation of human interac- 
tion, the cadenza functioning to relate that 
interaction to the divine authority in an 
interplay of horizontal and vertical vec- 
tors. The opening up of a communication 
between the divine speaker and his human 
audience, which is celebrated in the early 
suras as a novel achievement, bestows on 
the here and now the vision of an attain- 
able equilibrium between the opposites 
governing reality (see pairs and pairing). 
Two textual stratagems contribute to this 
breakthrough in qur'anic hermeneutics: 
(i) the self-referential technique of reflect- 
ing the narrated world through diverse 
layers of the textual structure, both the 
worldly and the transcendent, and (ii) the 
genre-transcending stratagem of introduc- 
ing two strands of speech, one commu- 
nicated through the main text, the other 
through the clausula. We are confronted 
here with a unique kind of intrinsic 
qur'anic commentary, through both self- 
reference and exhortation, which invites 
the listener to explain, to practice bajdn, 
and to make apparent the hidden dimen- 
sion of meaning (see polysemy; exegesis 
OF the cjur'an: classical and 
medieval). The listener does so by inter- 
preting the information conveyed in the 
narrative strand as tokens of divine facul- 
ties, divine promises, and divine 
demands — that is, social rulings (see law 
and the cjur'an; ethics and the 
cjur'an). The listener's exegetical semio- 



429 



V I tl T O R Y 



tization of the words received is thus an 
indispensable part of the text itself, its in- 
trinsic exegesis. 

Angelika Neuwirth 

Bibliography 
A. Baumstark, Jiidischer und christlicher 
Gebetstypus im Koran, in Der Islam i6 {1927) 
229-48; J. Horovitz, Jewish proper names and 
derivatives in the Koran, in The Hebrew Union 
College annual 2 (1925), 145-227; id., Arc/; Jeffery, 
For. vocab.; G. Liiling, Uber den Ur-Qur'dn, 
Erlangen 1972; D. Madigan, The Qur'dn's self- 
image. Book, writing and authority in Muslim scripture, 
Princeton 2001; K. Nelson, The art of reciting the 
Qur'dn, Austin 1985; A. Neuwirth, Der 
historische Muhainmad im Spiegel des 
Koran — Prophetentypus zwischen Seher und 
Dichter?, in W. Zwickel (ed.), Biblische Welten. 
Festschriflfur Martin Metzger zu seinem 6^. 
Geburtstag. Freiburg/Goettingen 1992, 83-108; id., 
Images and metaphors in the introductory 
sections of the Makkan suras, in Hawting and 
^YiSLve^i^, Approaches, 3-36; id., Qur'anic literary 
structure revisited. Surat al-Rahman between 
mythic account and decodation of myth, in S. 
Leder (ed.), Story-telling in the framework of non- 
fictional Arabic literature, Wiesbaden 1998, 388-421; 
id., Referentiality and textuality in Surat al-Hijr. 
Some observations on the qur'anic "canonical 
process" and the emergence of a community, in 
I. BouUata, Literary structures of religious meaning in 
the Qur'dn, Richmond 2000, 143-72; id., Vom 
Rezitationstext liber die Liturgie zum Kanon. 
Zur Entstehung und WiederauHosung der 
Surenkomposition im Verlauf der Entwicklung 
eines islamischen Kultus, in Wild, Text, 69-105; 
id., The Spiritual meaning of Jerusalem in 
Islam, in N. Rosovsky (ed.). City of the great king. 
Jerusalem from David to the present, Cambridge, MA 
1996, 93-116, 483-95; id., Studien; id.. Three 
religious feasts between texts of violence and 
liturgies of reconciliation, in Th. SchefBer (ed.), 
Religion between violence and reconciliation, Beirut 
2002, 49-82; id. and K. Neuwirth, Surat al- 
Fatiha: "Eroffnung" des Text-Corpus Koran 
oder "Introitus" der Gebetsliturgie? in W. Gross, 
H. Irsigier und T. SeidI (eds.). Text, Methode und 
Grammatik. Wolfgang Richter zum ^^. Geburtstag, St. 
Ottilien 1991, 331-58; Noldeke, gq; E. Norden, 
Die antike Kunstprosa, Leipzig 1898, Darmstadt 
1958°; Paret, Kommentar; U. Rubin, Exegesis and 
hadlth. The case of the seven mathdm, in 
Hawting and Shareef, ^^^roflcAej, 141-56; M. 
Sells, Approaching the Qur'dn. The new revelations, 



selections, translations, and commentaries, London 
1999; id., A literary approach to the hymnic 
suras in the Qiir'an. Spirit, gender and aural 
intertextuality, in I.J. Boullata (ed.). Literary 
structures of religious meaning in the Qur'dn, 
Richmond 2000, 3-25; id., Sound, spirit and 
gender in Siirat al-Qadr, \njAOS 11 (1991), 
239-59; ^- Sinai, From qur'an to kitab, in 
M. Marx, A. Neuwirth and N. Sinai (eds.). The 
Qur'dn in context. Historical and literary investigations 
into the cultural milieu of the Qur'dn, Leiden 
(forthcoming); Wansbrough, qs; 
A. Welch, Kur'an, in Ei^, v, 400-13. 

Versions of the Qiir'an see textual 

HISTORY OF THE Q^Ur'an; READINGS OF 
THE OUr'aN 

Vessels see ships; vehicles and 
transportation; gups and vessels 

Vestment see clothing 

Vice see VIRTUES and vices, 
commanding and forbidding 

Vicegerent/Viceroy see caliph 



Victory 

Success, often in the face of military 
aggression. The principal meanings of 
"victory" in the Qiir'an are conveyed by 
derivatives of the verbal roots f-t-h, n-s-r, 
f-w-z, Sind gh-l-b. Particularly in the case of 
fath, a specific military meaning can per- 
tain to the defeat of one's foes in battle (see 
expeditions and battles; fighting; 
enemies) and, by extension, conquest, as 
in the opening verses of q^ 48, entitled 
"Victory" (Surat al-Fath), and referring to 
the conquest of Mecca in 8/630 by the 
Prophet and the early Muslims. More often 
than not reference to aspects of an escha- 
tological "triumph" is intended (see 
eschatology). Onf-t-h, see conq^uest. 
The many occurrences of n-s-r nearly 
always refer to divine "support," the back- 



430 



ing necessary to the success of God's cause 
and its partisans (see path or way). 
Specific contexts in wliich n-s-r occurs 
include references to Badr (q.v.; o 3:123) 
and Hunayn (q.v.; Q_ 9:25), and tlie "lielp" 
provided by God to Noah (q.v.; e.g. 
c) 21:76-7), Jesus (q.v.; e.g. q 3:52; see also 
apostle) and the prophets as a group (e.g. 
Q, 6:34; see PROPHETS AND PROPHETHOOD). 
A more general meaning is the "help" 
provided by those who remain true to 
God's cause. In this sense, God is the pro- 
vider (nasir), a term frequently coupled 
with "protector" [wall, e.g. q 9:74, 116; see 

FRIENDS AND FRIENDSHIP; CLIENTS AND 

clientage). It follows that the unbelievers 
(see belief and unbelief) are those who, 
seeking "help" from other sources, be they 
false gods or armed conflicts, will inevi- 
tably fail (e.g. q 7:197; 21:43; see idols and 
iMAOEs; polytheism and atheism). The 
term ansdr, "helpers," occurs both in refer- 
ence to Muhammad's Medinan supporters 
(e.g. q 9:117; see Medina; emigrants and 
helpers) and, more generally, to those 
who perpetuate God's way by siding with 
Jesus or other prophets (e.g. q 61:14). 

Most occurrences o{ f-w-z are in the 
nominal form (fawz), always joined by one 
of three modifiers: mubm, "clear, obvious" 
(q, 6:16; 45:30); kabir, "great, mighty" 
(c3 85:11) and, most often, 'azTm, "supreme" 
(c3 9:72 and elsewhere). Fawz designates the 
final reward, the "victory" as it were, of 
God's activity on behalf of humankind 
(see REWARD AND PUNISHMENT). Thus, in 
(J 6:16, it is the avoidance of damnation 
(see HELL AND hellfire), what Muham- 
mad Asad (Alessage, 173) calls "a manifest 
triumph." Similarly, in q 9:72, alongside 
the "physical" pleasures of paradise (q.v.), 
God's satisfaction (ridwdn) occurs as "the 
supreme felicity" (Yusuf 'All, Meaning, 459). 
Four verses (q 9:20; 23:111; 24:52; 59:20) 
speak of those sure to be victorious (al- 
Ja'izun). 



Gh-l-b and derivatives, as in the case of 
f-t-h, carry both the general sense of "to 
overcome" and the more specific meaning 
of military victory (or defeat). An example 
in the first category is the evildoers of 
q 23:106 (see evil deeds; virtues and 

VICES, commanding AND FORBIDDING), 

who are described as "overwhelmed" by 
their own misfortune (shiqwa), or in 
q 41:26, about those who seek by continu- 
ous chatter to drown out or overwhelm the 
sound of the Qiir'an so as to "gain the up- 
per hand" (see recitation of the 
quR'AN; opposition to muhammad). In 
the second category, an example is 
Byzantium (al-rumj in q 30:2-5 which, as 
most exegetes understand it, nearly fell to 
the Sasanids only to rally as the prediction 
here would have it (see Byzantines). The 
"party of God" (hizb Allah, q 5:56; see 
PARTIES and factions) are "the true vic- 
tors" (al-ghdlibun) . Some disagreement sur- 
rounds the pronominal suffix in wa-lldhu 
ghdlibun "aid amrihi (q 12:21), as noted by 
Paret {Kommentar, 249). 

Matthew S. Gordon 



Bibliography 
Primary: TabarT, Tafsir, Beirut 1972. 
Secondary: 'A. Yusuf 'All, The meaning of the holy 
Qur'an, Brentwood, MD 1989; M. Asad, The 
message of the Qur'an, Gibraltar 1980; Paret, 
Kommentar. 



Vigil 

Wakefulness at night for religious obser- 
vance. There are a number of places in the 
Qiir'an where night prayer (q.v.) is men- 
tioned. The term which came to be used 
for it in Islam is tahajjud, the verbal noun 
(masdar) of tahajjada. In one place in the 
Qiir'an the imperative of this verb is used: 
"And in a part of the night, perform a vigil 
(tahajjad) with it (bihi, i.e. with the Qiir'an) 



431 



voluntarily [ndfilatan, q 17:79). In c) 3:113 we 
find a reference to the People of the Book 
(q.v.) who perform this rite: "They are not 
all alike; among the People of the Book is a 
steadfast community (ummatun qd'imatun) 
that recites the signs (q.v.) of God during 
the night, prostrating themselves" (see 
BOWING AND PROSTRATION). Probably 
Christians are meant (see christians and 
Christianity) as influence from Byzantine 
orthodox Christianity, from monophysite 
Ethiopia (see Abyssinia) or from Nestorian 
Christians in al-Hira appears to have been 
present in seventh-century Arabia. Priests 
and monks are positively mentioned in the 
Qiir'an (q 5:82; but cf 9:31, 34; see 
monasticism and monks), and were likely 
known to Muhammad. From the begin- 
ning of his mission Muhammad practiced 
nightly prayer (cf. <J 73:1-4, "O enfolded 
one, stand up [in prayer] during the night, 
except a small portion of it, the half or 
rather less, or rather more, and recite the 
Qiir'an with accuracy [tartilan]"), although 
nightly vigil was never a prescribed rite for 
his followers (see recitation of the 
qur'an; ritual and the qur'an). Also in 
another early Meccan verse (see verses; 
Mecca; chronology and the cjur'an) it 
is Muhammad himself who is addressed: 
"And mention the name of your lord (q.v.) 
in the morning (q.v.) and in the evening 
(q.v.) and in the night prostrate yourself 
before him and praise (q.v.) him the live- 
long night" (o 76:25f ; see day, times of; 

DAY AND night; REMEMBRANCE; 

basmala); "And perform the saidt at both 
ends of the day and in the stations (zulafan) 
of the night" (c3 11:114). Eventually, pious 
followers joined him (q 73:20). The right- 
eous sleep (q.v.) little and pray at night, 
says the Qtir'an (q 5i:i5f.). In Medina 
(q.v.), when Muhammad and those who 
followed him in night-vigils were not in a 
position to pray at night because circum- 
stances had changed, he was granted dis- 



pensation from it: "Your lord knows that 
you stand (in prayer) nearly two-thirds of 
the night... and a party of those with 

you He knows that you will not count it 

precisely, so he has relented towards you. 
So recite of the Qiir'an what may be con- 
venient; he knows that some of you will be 
sick and others are traversing the land 
seeking the bounty of God and others 
striving in the way of God (see path or 
way; jihad; fighting; grace; blessing; 
journey; illness and health). So recite 
of it what is convenient" (q 73:20). 

One night is especially mentioned in the 
Qtir'an, the Night of Power (or, better, 
"measuring-out"; laylat al-qadr; see 
Wagtendonk, Fasting, 83f.; Wensinck, ^rrtizV 
newyear, 1-13; see night of power), an 
ancient Arabian new-year's night 
(q 97:1-5). It is not known in which way this 
night was celebrated in Muhammad's time 
but later generations held vigils in it as the 
night of the beginning of the revelation of 
the Qiir'an to the Prophet (see revelation 

AND inspiration; PRE-ISLAMIi: ARABIA 

and the qur'an). Although vigils are not a 
communal obligation, and there is no set 
time for the pious practice of a protracted 
stay in a mosque [i'tikdf, i.e. retreating to a 
mosque for a specified period of time, 
including nights, and not leaving except 
for the performance of natural functions 
and ablutions; cf. Bousquet, I'tikaf ), 
such extended retreat vigils are particu- 
larly popular in the last ten days of 
Ramadan (q.v.). 

K. Wagtendonk 

Bibliography 
Primary: Ibn Abl 1-Dunya, al-Tahajjud wa-qiydm 
al-layl, ed. M. 'Abd al-Hamid M. al-Sa'danI, 
Cairo 1994. 

Secondary: T. Andrae, Der Ursprung des hlams lind 
das Christentum, Uppsala 1926; id., Zuhd und 
Moenchtum. Zur Frage von den Bezeihungen 
zwischen Christentum und Islam, in Monde 



VIOLENCE 



432 



oriental 25 (1931), 296-327; S.A. Ashraf, The inner 
meaning of tlie Islamic rites. Prayer, pilgrimage, 
fasting, jihad, in S.H. Nasr (ed.). Islamic spirit- 
uality. Foundations, London 1987, 111-30; C. Bell, 
Ritual theory, ritual practice, Oxford 1992; G.H. 
Bousquet, I'tikaf, in El', iv, 280; I.K.A. Howard, 
Some aspects of the pagan Arab background to 
Islamic ritual, in Bulletin of the British Association of 
Orientalists 10 (1978), 41-8; Mushaf al-tahajjud. An 
edition of the Qur'an for night prayers, in 
Journal of qur'anic studies i (1999), 158-61; 
Wagtendonk, Fasting; A J. Wensinck, Arabic new 
year and the feast of tabernacles [in Verhandelingen der 
Koninklijke Akademie van Wetenschappen te Amster- 
dam], Amsterdam 1925. 

Vines see agriculture and 

VEGETATION 

Violate see sacred and profane 



Violence 

Aggression; use of physical coercion 
against others. How does the concept of 
violence emerge from the qur'anic corpus? 
To answer this question simply identifying 
the qur'anic vocabulary concerning vio- 
lence is not enough. One needs to identify, 
if possible, the social, political and reli- 
gious status of violence, without, of course, 
permitting oneself to make the usual 
extrapolations from synchronic analysis to 
diachronic extrapolation or, conversely, 
devising an Islamic doctrine of violence 
(see ETHICS and the qur'an; politics 

AND THE qur'an; VIRTUES AND VICES, 
commanding AND FORBIDDING). 

Let us begin with some negative observa- 
tions. The usual term employed in present- 
day Arabic for violence is 'unf. It is not 
found in the Qiir'an. In the biblical corpus, 
violence is designated by the Hebrew word 
hamas, which, as an acronym, has strong 
political overtones in contemporary Ar- 
abic. Hams in early and present-day Arabic 
covers the semantic fields of force, con- 
stancy, bravery and courage (q.v.) in com- 



bat: anger (q.v.) and rage are also covered 
by the term. This implies momentary vio- 
lence in interpersonal relations but, above 
all, war-like violence, which is always 
accorded added value by each group par- 
ticipating in the combat (see war; fight- 
ing; EXPEDITIONS AND BATTLEs). The rOOt 
word is similarly absent from the qur'anic 
corpus. To the extent that we can make use 
of a corpus of authentic texts, particularly 
poetic ones (see poetry and poets), that 
are contemporary with the Qiir'an, it 
would be useful to ascertain the use made 
of the roots '-n-fandh-m-s. It would be seen, 
in fact, that the Qtir'an is never interested 
in violence in itself, whereas today, a focus 
on violence has become a major anthro- 
pological theme (see social sciences and 
THE qur'an; contemporary critical 
practices and the qur'an). 

Among the qur'anic roots from which are 
derived terms implying violence, one finds 
j-h-d, q-t-l, h-r-b, q-s-s, q-s-r, '-d-w,f-s-d, '-q-b, 
d-r-b, b-gh-j, ^-l-m. The two dominant no- 
tions are ^-l-m, oppression (q.v.), injustice 
(see also justice and injustice; 

OPPRESSED ON EARTH, THE), and q-t-l, 
fighting the enemy, killing (see enemies; 
murder; bloodshed), ^-l-m and its de- 
rivatives are used 319 times (with ninety- 
one times for idlimin and forty times for 
lalamii). Qjt-l\& found 173 times; '-d-w, to 
attack (without provocation), to transgress 
the limits (see boundaries and precepts; 
moderation), is found 106 times, with 
fifty-six recordings for 'aduww, enemy\f-s-d, 
meaning corruption (q.v), disorder, is 
found fifty times; '-q-b, to punish, chastise, 
twenty-seven times (see chastisement and 
punishment; reward and punishment); 
b-gh-y, to cause wrong, to go against correct 
norms, thirty times. But h-r-b, to wage war, 
is found only six times, jihad (q.v.) four 
times, mujahidUn four times, jdhada twenty 
times, and qisds, meaning retaliation (q.v.), 
six times. 



433 



VIRTUE 



The disproportion between the number 
of times ^-l-m appears (319) and the num- 
ber of times '-d-l (only thirteen) is ob- 
served, throws light on the strategy of 
qur'anic discourse (see language and 
STYLE OF THE q^ur'an); it is concerned with 
stigmatizing, rejecting and condemning 
unjust conduct, by referring to it insistently 
(see RHETORIC AND THE q^ur'an). Likewise, 
the numerous appearances of q-t-l aim to 
fix strict conditions for recourse to deadly 
combat, to define the merits of those who 
struggle to protect the true faith (q.v.; din 
al-haqq; see also religion; truth; 

religious PLURALISM AND THE CJUr'an), 

and to disqualify the attitude of those who 
retreat or refuse to give their lives to pro- 
tect truth, justice and the common welfare, 
such as they are redefined when confront- 
ing different agents who "cannot clearly 
distingtiish" (ya'qilun) between just and 
unjust combat (see hypocrites and 
hypocrisy). The designations of the forms 
and shapes of "violence" are never named 
as such btit always aiming at an attitude, 
or at intolerable conduct that rejects val- 
ues, knowledge (see knowledge and 
learning), and the "limits" (hudud) fixed 
by God and his envoy (see messenger; 
PROPHETS and prophethood; law and 
THE (JUr'an). The processes of composi- 
tion and the arguments of qur'anic dis- 
course strive to instill the idea of a 
legitimate "violence," humanized in the 
sense of "making sacred the htiman in- 
dividual" (tahrim al-nafs), and to protect 
him from arbitrary domination, or point- 
less killing in the pursuit of mere power 
(see POWER AND impotence), booty (q.v.), 
and conquest of territory, etc. (see also 
KINGS AND rulers; CONQUEST). On this 
essential point, the Qiir'an continues, in its 
own style and in a different context, the 
work of the Bible and the Gospels (q.v.; see 
also torah; scripture and the our'an), 
which convert archaic usages of "violence" 



in tribal societies into a "violence" con- 
tained in a new symbolism (see tribes and 
clans; Arabs; pre-islamic Arabia and 
THE cjur'an). While this symbolism seeks 
to be spiritual, its inner dynamic is to con- 
sider sacred (see sacred and profane), 
without realizing it, the rituals of violence 
it was in search of "transcending." For spe- 
cific examples of qur'anic alhisions to vio- 
lent acts, see — in addition to the articles 
cross-referenced above — martyrs; 
consecration of animals; age of 
ignorance; arbitration; byzantines; 
crucifixion; drowning; flogging; 
hunayn; infanticide; jews and Judaism; 
nimrod; opposition to muhammad; 
pharaoh; poverty and the poor; 
prisoners; provo(;ation; punishment 
stories; rebellion; sacrifice; sin, 
major and minor; slaughter; slaves 
AND slavery; stoning; suffering; 
suicide; tolerance and ciompulsion; 
vengeance; women and the cjur'an. 

M. Arkoun 

Bibliography 
M. Arkoun, The unihoughi in contemporary Islamic 
thought, London 2002; M. Dousse, Dieu en guerre. 
La violence au coeur des trois monotheismes, Paris 2002; 
J.Y. Lacoste, Violence, in Dictionnaire de iheot 
catholique, Paris 1998. 

Virgins see houris; chastity 



Virtue 

Moral excellence. Qiir'anic terminology 
has no exact equivalent to "virtue" or to 
the Greek word arete but it deals with how 
moral excellence is taught, the noble ideals 
of the righteous person and the virtues of 
a God-fearing society (for virtue in the 
sense of sexual propriety, see modesty; 
chastity). Ethical reflection as such, in- 
cluding the question of what constitutes a 



VIRTUE 



434 



virtuous act, was taken up by Muslim 
thinkers over time in a variety of genres 
(see ETHICS AND THE qur'an). Yet the 
Qiir'an's message is steeped in moral cat- 
egories: "God poured out his favor on the 
believers by sending to them a messenger 
(q.v.) from their midst to recite to them his 
signs (q.v.), to purify them, and to teach 
them the book (q.v.) and wisdom (q.v.), 
though they had previously been in mani- 
fest error" (q.v.; C3 3:164). This message was 
proclaimed by Muhammad in an Arabic 
dialect easily intelligible to his hearers 
(c3 26:195; see dialects; lanouage and 
STYLE OF THE our'an). At the Same time, it 
provoked hostility and opposition from the 
leaders of pagan Mecca (q.v.; see also 
OPPOSITION TO Muhammad). As contem- 
porary theories of semantics and herme- 
neutics necessarily raise issues of sociology 
and anthropology (see contemporary 

CRITICAL PRACTICES AND THE OUr'an), 

one would have to look at the social, cul- 
tural and political implications of this hos- 
tility to fully grasp the Qiir'an's ethical 
vision. 

The Qiir'an exhorts its hearers to cul- 
tivate virtues that were also prized by Arab 
Bedouin (q.v.) culture — but always with a 
twist (Hourani, Ethical presuppositions, 24; 
Izutsu, Concepts, 74-104): generosity (see 
GIFT AND gift-giving) and charity (see 
almsgiving), not for show but out of sub- 
mission to God (o 2:264) and without reck- 
lessness (c3 17:26, 27); courage (q.v.) in 
battle, not for personal or tribal glory, but 
for God (q 9:5, 13, 44-5, etc.; see expedi- 
tions AND battles); loyalty (q.v.; waja', 
also as keeping covenant [q.v.], expressed 
in the Qiir'an through the verb awfd) di- 
rected to God and, beyond the tribe (see 
TRIBES AND CLANs), to one's fellow Mus- 
lims ((J 2:40; 48:10); truthfulness (these re- 
lated words appear ninety-seven times: 
sadaqa, sidq, sddiq, siddiq) as a virtue the be- 
liever acquires because God himself is 



truthful (e.g. Q 3:152; 9:119; 29:3; 33:24) and 
abhors lying (over 200 instances of the root 
k'dh-b; see lie); patience [sabr, steadfastness 
and endurance) in battle (c) 2:249-50; 3:146) 
and in the face of opposition to God's 
cause (?) 2:153-6; 6:34; 7: 1 28; 73: 10; see TRUST 
AND patienc;e; trial; path or way). 

At the same time, the Qtir'an is no 
stranger to the Greek virtue of moderation 
(q.v.): "Those who, when they spend, are 
not extravagant and not niggardly, but 
hold a just [balance] between those [ex- 
tremes]" (o 25:67). Ibn Kathir (d. 774/1373) 
explains, "they are not wasteful by spend- 
ing over that which they need, and they are 
not stingy with regard to their family by 
withholding what is theirs by right and 
thus making them needy, but act justly and 
kindly, and the best of options is the mid- 
dle ground" [wa-khayru l-umur awsatuhd; Ibn 
Kathir, TafsTr, x, 322). The prophet 
Muhammad and his Companions (see 
COMPANIONS OF THE prophet) displayed 
this virtue, affirms al-SuyutI (d. gii/1505), 
quoting from a hadith: "Those are the 
Companions of God's apostle, who would 
not eat food out of a desire for pleasure 
froin it, and would not wear clothes out of 
a desire for beauty from them, but they 
were of one heart" (Suyuti, al-Durr, vi, 77). 
Besides presenting us with a fuller version 
of the above hadith (see hadith and the 
q^ur'an), al-Shawkani (d. 1255/1839) cjuotes 
the third/ninth century Basran grammar- 
ian Abu 'Ubayda (see grammar and the 
(JUr'an) who wrote that this median be- 
tween excessive largesse and miserliness 
means to stay "within the bounds of what 
is right" (al-ma'ruf), and cites a parallel 
passage, Q_ 17:29 [Tafslr, iv, 109). Fazlur 
Rahman [Alajor themes, 29) expresses a 
consensus among modern commentators 
when he avers that this virtue of the mid- 
dle path is at the heart of the qur'anic mes- 
sage and it is best portrayed in the qur'anic 
term, taqwd: "to be squarely anchored 



435 



VIRTUE 



within the moral tensions, the 'Umits of 
God,' and not to ^transgress' or violate tlie 
balance of those tensions" (see piety; 
fear; boundaries and precepts). 

One might ask: what would this virtue of 
self-restraint in obedience (q.v.) to God 
have meant to Muhammad's contempo- 
raries? The chief characteristic of the jd/iilT 
mindset (see age of ignorance) is de- 
scribed in the Qiir'an (q^ 48:26) as hamiyya, 
"passion, violence (q.v.), arrogance (q.v.)." 
By contrast, "God brought down serenity 
[sakina; see shekhinah) upon his messenger 
and imposed on believers the word of self- 
restraint" [kalimata l-taqwd, o 48:26). 
Commentators are unanimous about the 
circumstances under which this passage 
(indeed, the whole C3 48, Surat al-Fath 
["Victory"]) was revealed (see occasions 
OF revelation; revelation and 
inspiration): Muhammad's Hudaybiya 
(q.v.) treaty of 628 c.E. (see i;:ontracts 
AND alliances). On the impulse of a 
dream (see dreams and sleep), 
Muhammad set off from Medina (q.v.) 
with a group of about 1,500 men to per- 
form a pilgrimage (q.v.) to Mecca fumra). 
At Hudaybiya, on the outskirts of Mecca, 
a Meccan armed delegation refused to let 
them pass. Negotiations began but seemed 
to falter. At this tense moment, the Qiir'an 
informs us that the Muslims made a pledge 
of loyalty to Muhammad, "the pledge un- 
der the tree" (c) 48:18), which pleased God 
who sent down his peace or tranquility 
upon them (again, sakina, the second of 
three instances in this sura, the first is in 
verse 4). Finally, an agreement was 
reached, in which the Muslims would 
be obliged to sacrifice (q.v.) their animals, 
at Hudaybiya this time (see also 

CONSECRATION OF ANIMALs), but WOuld be 

allowed to perform their pilgrimage to 
Mecca the following year. In the context of 
this passage, therefore, the tranquility God 
sent was in large measure an affirmation of 



Muhammad's controversial decision and a 
calming of those among the Muslims who 
would rather have fought the Meccans 
then and there — after all, was not their 
behavior going against the accepted 
Arabian customs of the time? 

What then is this hamiyya that took hold of 
the unbelievers' hearts (see heart; belief 
AND unbelief) at this time? Al-Tabarl 
(d. 310/923) says, without specification, 
that it was what made them act in this way, 
and that "all of this sprung from the nature 
(or ethics, akhldq) of the people of unbelief, 
and none of it was permitted for 
them — neither by God, nor by any of his 
messengers" (Tabarl, TafsTr, xxvi, 104). Al- 
Zamakhsharl (d. 538/1144) defined hamiyya 
as anafa, "pride, or disdain," and sakina as 
waqdr, "sobriety, dignity, a composed de- 
meanor." Following al-Tabarl, and in con- 
cert with most other commentators, he sees 
the Meccans' hamiyya as their refusal to 
allow Muslim wording in the compact (the 
basmala [q.v] and the shahdda [see witness 
TO faith]) and this, mainly because of the 
phrase kalimat al-taqwd which is invariably 
seen as the shahdda or, in some cases, Surat 
al-Ikhlas ("Purity," c) 112; e.g. Ibn Kathir, 
Tafsir, xiii, 112-13; Qiirtubl, j'amr, xvi, 
275-6). Even if we grant the historicity of 
the theological squabbles over the wording 
of the treaty (see theology and the 
cjur'an), it is likely that later commentators 
tended to over-spiritualize the term 
hamiyya. More in line with al-Zamakhsharl, 
al-Shawkani [Tafsir, iv, 67) quotes the early 
commentator Muqatil b. Sulayman 
(d. 150/767) in saying that the hamiyya of 
the Age of Ignorance (jdhiliyya) was in the 
Meccans' reasoning: "They have killed our 
sons and brothers and now they will attack 
us in our homes and the Arabs will say that 
they have entered [our city] to humiliate 
us." The main issue was whether Muham- 
mad would respond in kind and enter by 
force or whether he would express God's 



VIRTUES AND VICES 



436 



sakina by offering the kind of peaceful 
terms that would allow a greater victory 
for Islam in the years to come (Qiitb, ^ildl, 

vi, 3325-9)- 

Ironically, t\ie jdhilT Arabs, (q.v.) them- 
selves contrasted "unbridled passion for 
honor" (jahl) with forbearance, shrewd- 
ness, and self-control {hilm; Goldziher, Ms, i, 
201-8) but it was always the prerogative of 
the powerfid (Izutsu, God, 203-15; see 

POWER AND impotence; IGNORANCE). The 

Qiir'an espouses this same ideal but 
teaches that hilm can only blossom in a soul 
(q.v.) that gratefully receives God's bounty 
and mercy (q.v; the root meaning of kdjir 
is "ungrateful"; see gratitude and 
ingratitude; belief and unbelief; 
blessing). Muhammad cares for the or- 
phan and the poor because he himself had 
been an orphan, wandering and poor 
fe 93) s^E orphans; poverty and the 
poor). This ethic of showing mercy to the 
most vulnerable and needy is to be the 
hallmark of the emerging Muslim com- 
munity (o 28:77; 59:7; 80:1-10; 107; see 

OPPRESSED ON EARTH, THe). 

The greatest break whhjdhilT culture is 
seen in the Qiir'an's assertion that virtue is 
not determined by this-worldly consid- 
erations but rather in light of the awesome 
reality of divine judgment (q.v.) in the life 
to come (see last judgment). The pri- 
mary meaning of the key qur'anic term 
taqwd (especially in the early Meccan suras) 
is "trembling in fear of God" or "trem- 
bling with piety before God" (e.g. C3 12:1). 
In contrast to the fierce arrogance of the 
jdhilT Arsh, the Qtir'an calls for submission 
and surrender to God [isldm, e.g. q 3:19, 52, 
64, 67). Thus only the pious (taql) who has 
surrendered his will to God can be truly 
righteous [sdlih appears thirty-three times; 
bdrr, a close synonym, nine times) and pro- 
duce the good deeds (q.v.; salihdt, ninety- 
eight times) tliat God will reward. The 
centrality of the root taqwd/ittaqd (almost 



200 instances) and its connection to the 
qur'anic ethical ideal is best illustrated by 
the verse "Surely the noblest among you in 
God's sight is the most pious of you" 
[atqdkum, cj 49:13). See also virtues and 

VICES, COMMANDING AND FORBIDDING. 

David Johnston 

Bibliography 
Primary: Ibn Kathir, TafsTr, ed. M.S. Muhammad 
et al., 15 vols.,Jiza, Egypt 2000; QurtubT, J^flm^, 
ed. M.I. al-HifnawT, 22 vols., Cairo 1994; Qiitb, 
^ildl; ShawkanT, TafsTr, ed. H. al-Bukharl and 
Kh. 'UkkarT, 5 vols., Beirut 1997; SuyutT, Durr; 
TabarT, TafsTr, Cairo 1954-68; Zamakhsharl, 
Kashshdf 

Secondary: M. Fakhry, Ethical theories in Islam, 
Leiden 1991; Goldziher, MS, trans.; A. Hourani, 
Ethical presuppositions of the Qiir'an, in MW 70 
(1980), 1-28; Izutsu, Concepts; id., God; F. Rahman, 
Major themes in the Qur'dn, Minneapolis 1994'; 
W.M.Watt, Muhammad at Mecca, Oxford i960. 



Virtues and Vices, Commanding 
and Forbidding 

Forms of the phrase al-amr bi-l-ma 'ruf wa- 
l-nahy 'ani l-munkar, literally "commanding 
right and forbidding wrong" (hereafter 
usually abbreviated as "forbidding wrong") 
appear eight times in the Qur'an. Just what 
is intended in the relevant qur'anic pas- 
sages is somewhat unclear, and the exe- 
getes interpret them in more than one way. 
By far the most widespread interpretation 
relates them to the duty of the individual 
Muslim to forbid wrong as developed in 
classical Islamic thought (see GOOD AND 
evil; sin, major and minor; boundaries 
AND precepts; ethics and the qur'an). 

The qur'dnic attestations 
In the context of an appeal for the unity of 
the community of believers, Q^ 3:104 en- 
joins "Let there be one community (umma) 
of you, calling to good, and commanding 
right and forbidding wrong." This strongly 



437 



VIRTUES AND VICES 



suggests that forbidding wrong is a duty to 
be performed by tlie community as a 
wliole; but we are not told to whom the 
commanding and forbidding are to be ad- 
dressed and there is no further specifica- 
tion of the right and wrong to wliich they 
are to relate. The same is true of some fur- 
ther references to forbidding wrong. One 
that follows a few verses later in q 3:110 
speaks of forbidding wrong in similar 
terms (though with no explicit indication 
that it is a duty): "You are (kuntum) the best 
community (khayra ummatin) ever brought 
forth to people, commanding right and 
forbidding wrong." o 9:71 states that "the 
believers, the men and the women (see 
BELIEF AND UNBELIEF), are friends one of 
the other; they command right, and forbid 
wrong." (This contrasts with (J 9:67, in 
which the terms are transposed: "The 
hypocrites [see hypocrites and hypo- 
crisy], the men and the women, are as 
one another; they command wrong, and 
forbid right.") q 22:41 refers to "those who, 
if we establish them in the land . . ., com- 
mand right and forbid wrong." This latter 
verse may, however, relate to believers en- 
gaged in holy war (q.v; see also fighting; 
jihad; expeditions and battles; path 
OR way) rather than to the believers at 
large, if the reference is to "those who fight 
because they were wronged" in q 22:39. 
The same may be true of (J 9:112, which 
speaks of "those who repent (see repent- 
ance AND penance; fear; forgiveness), 
those who serve (see worship), those who 
pray [hdmidun; see prayer; laudation), . . . 
those who command right and forbid 
wrong, those who keep God's bounds," if 
the people in question are in fact identical 
with those who wage holy war in the pre- 
ceding verse; but the relationship between 
the two verses poses a serious syntactical 
problem in the standard text of the Qiir'an 

(see GRAMMAR AND THE CJUr'aN; TEXTUAL 

HISTORY OF THE q^ur'an). Even if in 



Q_ 9:112 and q 22:41 it is only a subset of 
the believers who forbid wrong, it is never- 
theless the most significant part of the 
community, q 3:114 belongs with the verses 
discussed so far inasmuch as it speaks of a 
community forbidding wrong; however, the 
"upstanding community" [ummatun 
qd'imatun, q 3:113) in question is part of the 
People of the Book (q.v; ahl al-kitdb). 

In contrast to these passages, two verses 
refer to forbidding wrong as something 
done by individuals. One is q 7:157, which 
refers to "those who follow the gentile 
prophet [al-rasul al-nabi l-ummi; see UMMl; 
illiteracy; prophets and prophet- 
hood; messenger) whom they find in- 
scribed in their Torah (q.v.) and Gospel 
(q.v.; see also scripture and the 
quR^AN)"; it is stated that, among other 
things, he "commands them right and for- 
bids them wrong." This verse is also the 
only one in which it is specified to whom 
the commanding and forbidding are 
addressed, and the reference is clearly to 
Jewish or Christian followers of the gentile 
prophet (see JEWS AND JUDAISM; chris- 
tians AND CHRISTIANITY). The other verse 
in which forbidding wrong appears as 
something done by an individual is q 31:17, 
in which the pre-Islamic sage Luqman 
(q.v.) tells his son to "perform the prayer, 
and command right and forbid wrong, and 
bear patiently whatever may befall you (see 
TRUST AND PATIENCE)." 

To sum up the data presented so far, we 
can say the following: forbidding wrong is 
usually referred to as something done by 
the community as a whole or a significant 
part of it but occasionally as something 
done by individuals. Only one verse tells us 
to whom the commanding and forbidding 
is addressed, in that instance the Jewish or 
Christian followers of the gentile prophet. 
No verses give further indications regard- 
ing the content of the commanding and 
forbidding. 



VIRTUES AND VICES 



438 



It may be noted that the two components 
of the phrase — "commanding right" and 
"forbidding wrong" — scarcely appear 
separately in the Qiir'an, although there 
are a couple of references to "forbidding 
indecency and wrong" (c3 16:90; 29:45, and 
cf. c) 24:21; the possible relevance of c) 5:79 
will be discussed below). The term "right" 
(ma ViZ^ literally "known," hence "recog- 
nized, approved of") appears frequently in 
the Qiir'an {q_ 2:178, 180, 228, 229, etc.), 
normally as a substantive but occasionally 
as an adjective (for the latter, see for ex- 
ample C3 2:235; 24:53). It usually, though 
not always, appears in legal contexts but 
does not seem to be a technical term; it 
appears to refer rather to performing a 
legal or other action in a decent and hon- 
orable fashion, and a few verses suggest 
that it may be synonymous with "kindli- 
ness" [ihsdn, see o 2:178, 229, and cf 
Q_ 2:236; see GOOD deeds). The word 
"wrong" [munkar, literally "unknown," 
hence "not recognized, disapproved of") is 
much less common (q 22:72; 29:29; 58:2), 
and its appearances do not help to limit the 
scope of the term. The words "command" 
(a?nara) and "forbid" (nahd) are, of course, 
of common occurrence in the Qiir'an (see 
forbidden). 

As an indication of the scope of forbid- 
ding wrong, it is perhaps worth noting the 
kinds of themes that appear in conjunction 
with it in the relevant verses: performing 
prayer (o 9:71, 112; 22:41; 31:17); paying 
alms (q 9:71; 22:41; see almsoiving); be- 
lieving in God (() 3:110, 114), obeying him 
and his Prophet (rasulahu, (J 9:71; see 
obedience), keeping his bounds (c3 9:112), 
reciting his signs (q.v.; qydt, Q_ 3:113; see also 
verses); calling to good (q 3:104), vying 
with each other in good works (q 3:114), 
and enduring what befalls one (<J 31:17). 
There is nothing here to narrow the con- 
cept of the duty. 

Two further passages require discussion, 



though it is not clear that either refers to 
forbidding wrong. One is q 5:78-9. After 
stating that those of the Children of Israel 
(q.v.) who disbelieved were cursed by David 
(q.v.) and Jesus (q.v.) for their sins, the pas- 
sage continues: kdnu Id yatandhawna 'an 
munkarinfa'aluhu. This is the only qur'anic 
occurrence of the verb tandhd. Etymologi- 
cally it would be possible to interpret this 
form in a reciprocal sense derived from 
nahd, "to forbid"; the meaning woidd then 
be that the Children of Israel "forbade not 
one another any wrong that they com- 
mitted." This would suggest that forbid- 
ding wrong is something individual 
believers do to each other. Yet there seems 
to be no independent attestation of such a 
sense of the verb, and in normal Arabic 
usage tandhd is a synonym of intahd; this 
verb, common in the Qiir'an and else- 
where, means "refrain" or "desist" (as in 
q 2:275 and cj 8:38). Thus the sense would 
be that "they did not desist from any wrong 
that they committed," and the passage 
would then have no connection with for- 
bidding wrong. There is in fact a variant 
reading (see readings of the ^ur'an), 
with yantahuna in place oi yatandhawna, that 
would provide further support for this (in a 
text written with scriptio defectiva, the two 
forms would be distinguishable only by the 
pointing of the second and third conso- 
nants; see orthography; Arabic script). 

The other passage is c) 7:163-6. These 
verses tell a story about God's punishment 
of the people of a town by the sea who 
fished on the Sabbath (q.v; see also 
punishment stories). The context implies 
that a part of this community had re- 
proved the Sabbath-breakers; another part 
(ummatun) then asked the reprovers why 
they took the trouble to admonish people 
whom God would punish in any case (see 
REWARD AND PUNISHMENT; CHASTISEMENT 
AND punishment). God then saved those 
who forbade evil {alladhina yanhawna 'ani 



439 



VIRTUES AND VICES 



l-sii'i, o 7:165), and punished those who 
had acted wrongly. Here we have a clear 
conception of forbidding evil as something 
done by members of a coinmtinity toward 
each other, and we learn in concrete terms 
what the evil in question was. The passage, 
however, speaks of forbidding "evil" (su'), 
not "wrong" (munkar). 

What is the origin of the qtir'anic phrase 
"commanding right and forbidding 
wrong"? To judge from jV7/n7r poetry (see 
AGE OF ignorance; PRE-ISLAMIC ARABIA 
AND THE OUr'aN; POETRY AND POETs), the 
terms here rendered "right" and "wrong" 
were well-known in pre-Islamic Arabic, 
and might be paired; but there is no worth- 
while evidence that people spoke of "com- 
manding" and "forbidding" them. The 
phrase finds a parallel in Hellenistic Greek, 
which might be its source; but the similar- 
ity could be accidental, inasmuch as a 
similar phrase can be found in classical 
Chinese (for the question of origins, see 
Cook, Commanding right, chap. 19). 

The pre-modern exegetical tradition 
It will be evident from the survey given 
above that the relevant qur'anic passages 
left wide latitude to the exegetes (see 

EXEGESIS OF THE ^^UR'aN: CLASSICAL AND 

medieval). Often they take some verse, 
usually q 3:104, as an occasion to set out a 
classical doctrine of forbidding wrong re- 
flecting the traditions of their sect or 
school (see law and the our'an). Such 
discussions are likely to have much in com- 
mon with accounts of the duty in other 
genres and to have little bearing on the 
exegetical problems raised by the verse in 
question. In this article we will be con- 
cerned only with the treatment by the ex- 
egetes of properly exegetical questions. 

With regard to the question as to who is 
obligated by the duty, a major focus of 
exegetical attention is an ambiguity of 
q 3:104 (see ambiguous). The verse states 



that there shotild be a "community of you 
(minkum ummatun)" forbidding wrong. The 
issue is the sense of "of" (min). Does it 
mean "consisting of," or does it mean 
"from among"? In the technical language 
of the exegetes, the first would be an in- 
stance of "specification" (tabyin.) and woidd 
imply that all members of the community 
had the duty of forbidding wrong; the sec- 
ond would be an instance of "partition" 
(tab 'id) and would imply that only some 
members were obligated (for this termi- 
nology, see, for example, Zamakhsharl, 
Kashshdf, ad loc; Razi, Tafsir, ad loc). The 
prevalent view among the exegetes was the 
second (see, for example, Zamakhsharl, 
Kashshdf, ad loc; Qiirtubi, j'am/', ad loc; 
Abu Hayyan, Bahr, ad loc; Ibn Kathir, 
Tafsir, ad loc). The minority view, however, 
was held by a scholar as distinguished as 
the philologist al-Zajjaj (d. 311/923) who 
held that "Let there be one community of 
you" meant "Let all of you be a commti- 
nity" [Ma'dni, ad loc; see also Maturldl, 
Ta'wildt, ad loc). The position of al-Tabari 
(d. 310/923) is unclear [Tafsir, ad loc.) and 
Fakhr al-Din al-Razi (d. 606/1210) sits on 
the fence [Tafsir, ad loc). Exegetes often 
link the issue to the highly technical ques- 
tion whether forbidding wrong is a "col- 
lective duty" (fard 'aid l-kifaya) or an 
"individual duty" [fard 'aid l-a'ydn; see, for 
example, Zamakhsharl, Kashshdf, ad. loc; 
Razi, Tafsir, ad loc; Qiirtubi, j'flmj', ad loc; 
Baydawi, Anwar, ad loc). (To say that a 
duty is collective means that when one per- 
son undertakes it, others are thereby dis- 
pensed from it, whereas in the case of an 
individtial duty there is no such dispensa- 
tion.) The exegetes may also adduce as 
people unable to perform the duty women, 
invalids and the ignorant (see, for example, 
Abu 1-Layth al-Samarqandl, Tafsir, ad loc; 
Zamakhsharl, Kashshdf ad loc; Razi, Tafsir, 
ad loc; Baydawi, ^»!xifl^ ad loc; Nisaburl, 
Tafsir, ad loc; Abu Hayyan, Bahr, ad loc; 



VIRTUES AND VICES 



440 



see WOMEN AND THE C)UR AN; GENDER; 
ILLNESS AND HEALTH; IGNORANCE). Here 

the occasional exclusion of women seems 
odd in the light of the reference to "the 
believers, the men and the women" in 

a 9:71- 

The exegetes have little to say about the 
question to whom the commanding and 
forbidding is addressed. Occasionally they 
supply "people" (al-nds) as the object of 
the verb "command" in q 3:104 (Tabarl, 
Tafsir, ad loc.) or o 3:110 (Muqatil, Tafsir, ad 
loc, echoing the use of the word earlier in 
the verse). 

The most interesting divergence concerns 
the scope of the duty. One line of inter- 
pretation limits the duty to enjoining belief 
in God and his Prophet. This early trend is 
particularly well established in the wujuh 
genre, that is to say in a tradition of works 
devoted to setting out the senses of 
qur'anic terms that have more than one 
meaning (see polysemy). According to the 
earliest of these works, that of Mucjatil b. 
Sulayman (d. 150/767-8), "commanding 
right" in q 3:110, 9:112, and 31:17 means 
enjoining belief in the unity of God 
(tawhid), while "forbidding wrong" in these 
verses means forbidding polytheism [shirk; 
see POLYTHEISM AND ATHEISM); at the same 
time, in o 3:114 and q 9:71, "commanding 
right" refers to following (ittiba) and af- 
firming belief (tasdiq) in the Prophet, and 
"wrong" refers to denying (takdhlb) him 
[Ashbdh, 113-14 no. 13; for the most part 
these interpretations also appear in the 
commentary to the relevant verses in his 
Tafsir; see lie). This analysis recurs in later 
works of the same genre (Yahya b. Sallam, 
Tasdrlf, 203 no. 42; Damaghanl, Wujuh, 113; 
Ibn al-jawzl, Muzha, 544 no. 270, 574 no. 
286). Interpretations of this type are also 
ascribed to yet earlier authorities. Thus 
there is a view attributed to Abu l-'Aliya 
(d. 90/708-g) according to which, in all 
qur'anic references to "commanding right" 



and "forbidding wrong," the former refers 
to calling people from polytheism to Islam, 
and the latter to forbidding the worship of 
idols and devils (Tabarl, Tafsir, ad cj 9:71 
and Q^ 9:112; and see Mujahid, Tafsir, ad 
Ci 31:17; Abu Hayyan, Bahr, ad Q_ 3:110 and 
Q, 9:71; SuyutI, Durr, ad Q_ 3:104 and cj 9:67; 
see IDOLS AND images; idolatry and 
idolaters; jinn; devil). Similar views are 
ascribed to Sa'id b. Jubayr (d. 95/714; 
Mawardi, Mukat, ad o 9:112; Suyuti, Durr, 
ad CJ 31:17) and Hasan al-BasrI (d. 110/728; 
Tabarl, Tafsir, ad q 9:112). Such interpreta- 
tions are likewise an element in the main- 
stream exegetical tradition, but we do not 
find them adopted consistently there (see, 
for example, Zajjaj, Ma'dni, ad <j 9:67, 112; 
Maturidl, Ta'wTldt, ad o 3:114). 

The more usual interpretation does not 
limit the scope of forbidding wrong in this 
way. Thus al-Tabarl in his commentary on 
c) 9:112 explicitly rejects such limitation, 
declaring that "commanding right" refers 
to all that God and his Prophet have com- 
manded, and "forbidding wrong" to all 
that they have forbidden [Tafsir, ad loc). 
Likewise Fakhr al-Din al-RazI in comment- 
ing on Q 3:114 emphasizes that the terms 
"right" and "wrong" are to be understood 
without restriction — they refer to all 
"right" and all "wrong" [Tafsir, ad loc; see 
also Abu Hayyan, Bahr, ad C3 3:104). This 
approach justifies the common under- 
standing of the duty as extending to such 
everyday sins as drinking liquor (see wine; 
intoxk;ants) and making music. 

There is a significant tendency among 
the exegetes to construe as references to 
forbidding wrong verses which make no 
explicit reference to it. A striking example 
of this is found in the commentary of al- 
Qiirtubi (d. 671/1273), who takes the refer- 
ence to "those who command justice (qistf 
in Q^ 3:21 as an invitation to embark on his 
major discussion of forbidding wrong 
[Jdmi', ad loc); most commentators would 



441 



VIRTUES AND VICES 



have waited till q 3:104. Another such case 
is q 5:79, where the exegetes favor the in- 
terpretation oi yatandhawna as "forbid one 
another" rather than "desist." For exam- 
ple, Fakhr al-Din al-Razi notes both in- 
terpretations but describes the first as that 
of the mainstream [Tafsir, ad loc.) and 
many exegetes simply omit to mention the 
second (see, for example, Wahidi, Waslt; 
Baghawi, Ma 'dlim; Ibn al-jawzl, ^dd; 
Qurtuhi, Jdmi'; Ibn Kathir, TafsTr; Jaldlajn, 
ad loc). Likewise the exegetes regularly 
take the story of the Sabbath-breakers 
(c3 7:163-6) to be about forbidding wrong, 
despite the fact that the passage speaks 
rather of forbidding "evil" [sW; see, for 
example, Zajjaj, Ma'am; Tabari, TafsTr; 
Wahidi, Wasit; Zamakhsharl, Kashshdf; Ibn 
Kathir, Tafsir, ad loc). Their main concern 
in interpreting the passage is witli the 
group who saw no point in admonishing 
people whom God would punish anyway: 
were they saved with those who spoke out, 
or damned with those who had violated 
the Sabbath? (see Zajjaj, Ma'dni, ad loc). 
The Qiir'an provided no clear guidance on 
the question, inviting division among the 
exegetes. There are, for example, traditions 
ascribing three different views to 'Abdallah 
b. al- 'Abbas (d. 68/687-8): that those who 
kept silent were saved, that they were 
damned and that lie did not know (Tabari, 
Tafsir, ad loc). This issue was related to a 
question regularly discussed in formal 
accounts of forbidding wrong: does the 
duty lapse where it is known that perform- 
ing it would not achieve anything? 

In commenting on C3 31:17, the exegetes 
often stress that one should be willing to 
endure the unpleasant consequences of 
forbidding wrong. This reflects the fact 
that, immediately after telling his son to 
command right and forbid wrong, Liiqman 
goes on to say that he should "bear pa- 
tiently" whatever befalls him (wa-sbir 'aid 
md asdbaka). This is related to another doc- 



trinal issue: is one dispensed from perform- 
ing the duty in cases where this would put 
one in harm's way? Most exegetes took the 
patience enjoined by Liiqman to refer to 
the consequences of forbidding wrong (see, 
for example, Muqatil, TafsTr; Tabari, TafsTr; 
Abu 1-Layth al-Samarqandl, TafsTr; Wahidi, 
WasTt; RazI, TafsTr; Ibn Kathir, TafsTr, 
ad loc). The alternative interpretation, 
that the verse refers to the trials and tribu- 
lations of life in general, is mentioned by 
some exegetes but does not find much 
favor with them (Mawardi, Mukat; Zamakh- 
sharl, Kashshdf; Qiirtubl, _Jamj'; Baydawl, 
Anwdr; Abu Hayyan, Bahr, ad loc). In this 
context it is worth noting a variant reading 
for q 3:104 which adds after "forbidding 
wrong" the words "and they seek God's 
help against whatever may befall them" 
{wa-yasta'Tnuna lldha/bi-lldhi 'aid md asdba- 
Aam; Jeffery, Materials, 34); some exegetes 
draw the same moral from this textual vari- 
ant, even while rejecting it (Ibn 'Atiyya, 
Muharrar, ad loc; Abu Hayyan, Bahr, ad 
loc). Some verses, though making no men- 
tion of forbidding wrong, may be inter- 
preted to refer to incurring death in the 
course of it. One example is q 2:207, 
which falls in a passage contrasting sincere 
and insincere adherents of the Prophet; 
here the sincere follower is described as 
one "who sells himself desiring God's good 
pleasure." Among the traditions quoted 
regarding the circumstances in which this 
verse was revealed, there is one from 
'Umar b. al-Khattab (d. 23/644) according 
to which it referred to a man who forbad 
wrong and was killed (Tabari, TafsTr, 
ad loc; Wahidi, ^4jAc7&, ad loc; Ibn al- 
'Arabl, ^Mam, ad loc; see murder; 
bloodshed). Al-Tabarl takes the wider 
view that the verse includes both forbid- 
ding wrong and holy war (Tabari, TafsTr, 
ad loc). 

A verse that posed a problem for the ex- 
egetes, though it made no mention of for- 



VIRTUES AND VICES 



442 



bidding wrong, was c) 5-105: "O believers, 
loolc after your own souls ('alaykum anfu- 
sakum). He wlio is astray (q.v.) cannot hurt 
you, if you are rightly guided." The plain 
sense of this verse clearly undermines the 
idea that the believer has a duty to forbid 
wrong. The exegetes therefore sought to 
inactivate the verse, either by referring it to 
some future time when the duty of forbid- 
ding wrong woidd indeed lapse, or by in- 
sisting that those who fail to forbid wrong 
cannot be considered "rightly guided." In 
an extensive commentary on the verse, 
al-Tabari adduces earlier authorities in 
support of both views, and states his pref- 
erence for the second [Tafsir, ad loc). Some 
went so far as to entertain the idea of 
abrogation (q.v.) within the verse (see, for 
example, Abu 'Ubayd, Ndsikh, 98). 

All that has been said so far about exe- 
gesis relates to the SunnI tradition. The 
exegetical literature of the major sectarian 
traditions is for the most part similar in 
character: it draws on the same pool of 
material, and presents its results in the 
same kind of way. This is true of such 
Ibadi and Zaydi commentaries as are easily 
available and also of much Imami com- 
mentary. Thus the relevant discussion in 
the exegetical works of Abu Ja Tar al-Tusi 
(d. 460/1067) and al-Tabrisi (d. 548/1153) 
is more strongly colored by Mu'tazili than 
by Shf 1 thought (see mu'tazila; shi'ism 
AND THE qUR'AN). There is, however, a 
strongly Shi'i tradition of exegesis that is 
particularly well-represented in ImamI 
sources and construes certain verses on 
forbidding wrong as references to the 
(Shi'i) imams (see imam). Thus the com- 
mentary attributed to 'All b. Ibrahim al- 
Qiimmi (alive in 307/919) interprets 
C3 9:111-12 to refer to them — those who 
command right are those who know all 
that is right, as only the imams do [Tafsir, 
ad loc; and see 'Ayyashi, Tafsir, ad loc). In 
commentary to c) 3:110 this is linked to a 



variant reading transmitted by the Imamis, 
in which "the best community" (khayra 
ummatin) becomes "the best imams" [khayra 
a'immatin; Qiimml, Tafsir, ad loc; 'Ayyashi, 
Tafsir, ad loc). These views appear in 
Imami commentaries down the centuries, 
though they are almost absent from that of 
al-TusI (see, for example, Abu 1-Futuh 
RazI, Rawd, ad o 3:110; KashanI, Manhaj, 
ad o 3:110; BahranI, Burhdn, ad Q_ 3:104; 
and cf Tusi, Tibydn, ad q 3:110). 

Modern exegesis 
The exegetes of the thirteenth/nineteenth 
century remained overwhelmingly tradi- 
tional in their approach to the relevant 
verses (see exegesis of the c>ur'an: 
early modern and contemporary). 
Thus there is nothing even incipiently 
modern about the treatment of C3 3:104 in 
the commentaries of the Yemeni ShawkanI 
(d. 1250/1834) or the Iraqi Mahmud al- 
AlusI (d. 1270/1854; ShawkanI, Trt/s-fr; AlusI, 
Rah, ad loc). 

It is with the Tafsir al-mandr of Muham- 
mad 'Abduh (d. 1323/1905) and Rashid 
Rida (d. 1354/1935) that modernity floods 
in (see contemporary critical 
PRACTICES AND THE our'an). Their com- 
mentary on C3 3:104 is a good example of 
this (Rashid Rida, Mandr, ad loc). Thus it 
sets out an elaborate curriculum of study 
for Islamic missionaries, including political 
science ('ilm al-siydsa), by which is meant 
the study of contemporary states; this mis- 
sionary enterprise requires organization, 
and should be in the hands of what these 
days is called an association (jam 'iyya), with 
a leadership (riydsa) to direct it. In a similar 
vein, Rida was able to find in this verse a 
basis for government by a representative 
assembly such as is found in republics and 
hmited monarchies. 

Another area in which modern concerns 
are manifested in discussions of forbid- 
ding wrong is an increased interest in the 



443 



VISION 



role of women (see feminism and the 
quR'AN). On the whole, however, this has 
little impact on Simnl commentaries on 
q 9:71. Nevertheless, the Palestinian 
Muhammad 'Izzat Darwaza (d. 1404/ 
1984) understands the verse to establish 
the equality of the sexes, in particular 
with regard to forbidding wrong {TafsTi; 
xii, 186). 

Perhaps the most original approach to 
forbidding wrong in modern SunnI exe- 
gesis is that of Sayyid Qiitb (d. 1386/ 
1966) in his commentary on q 5:79 {Z^LUk 
ad loc). At first he seems to align himself 
with traditional views: he observes that the 
Muslim community is one in which no one 
who sees someone else acting wrongly can 
say "what's that to me?" and that a Muslim 
society is one in which a Muslim can de- 
vote himself to forbidding wrong, without 
his attempts being reduced to pointless 
gestures or made impossible altogether, as 
is regrettably the case in t\iejdhili l^.e. neo- 
pagan) societies of our times. The real task 
is accordingly to establish the good society 
as such, and this task takes precedence over 
the righting of small-scale, personal and 
individual failings through forbidding 
wrong; such efforts can only be in vain as 
long as the whole society is corrupt. All the 
sacred texts bearing on forbidding wrong, 
he argues, are concerned with the duty of 
the Muslim in a Muslim society — that is 
to say, in a form of society that does not 
exist in our time. 

Modern ImamI discussions of forbidding 
wrong have tended to be more innovative 
than Sunni ones. This contrast has little 
to do with qur'anic exegesis but it finds 
echoes in Imami commentaries. Modern 
Imami exegetes are significantly more 
likely than their Sunni counterparts to take 
<J 9:71 as an occasion to discuss the role of 
women in forbidding wrong (see, for 
example, Akbar HashimI RafsanjanI, Tafslr, 
ad loc). While Sunni exegetes rarely cjuote 



Imami commentaries, Imami exegetes 
have a liking for the discussion of q 3:104 
in the Tafsir al-mandr (see, for example, 
Muhammad Rida AshtiyanI and others, 
Tafsir, ad loc). 

Modern exegetes, whether Sunni or Shfl, 
have little that is new to say about the 
properly exegetical questions raised by the 
relevant verses. 

Michael Cook 



Bibliography 
Primary (almost every commentary on tire 
Qiir'an touches on the subject under the relevant 
verses, in particular q 3:104): Abu 1-Futuh RazT, 
Rawd; Abu Hayyan, Bahr; Abu 1-Layth al- 
Samarqandl, Tafsir; Abu 'Ubayd, Ndsikh; AlusT, 
Ruh; Muliammad Rida AshtiyanI et al., TafsTr-i 
numuna, Tehran 1353-8 Sh.; Ayyashi, Tafsir; 
Baghawi, Ma^dlim; Bahrani, Burhdn; BaydawT, 
Anwar; Damagham, Wujuh; Darwaza, Tafsir; Ibn 
al-'Arabi, Ahkdm; Ibn 'Atiyya, Muharrar; Ibn al- 
JawzT, Nuzha; id., ^d; Ibn Kathir, Tafsir; Jaldlayn; 
KashanT, Manhaj; Maturldl, Ta'wildt; Mawardi, 
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Jdmi'; Qiitb, ^ildl; Akbar HashimI RafsanjanI, 
TafsTr-i rdhnumd, Qiimml 1371 Sh.; Rashid Rida, 
Mandr; RazI, Tafsir; ShawkanI, Tafsir; SuyutI, 
Durr; Tabarl, Tafsir; TtisT, Tibydn; Wahidi, Asbdb; 
id., Wasit; Yahya b. Sallam, Tasdrf; Zajjaj, 
Ma'dni; Zamakhsharl, Kashshdf 
Secondary: M. Cook, Commanding right and 
forbidding wrong in Islamic thought, Cambridge 2000, 
especially chap. 2, with fuller references (for 
forbidding wrong in Qiir'an and exegesis; the 
data in the present article are mostly taken from 
this chapter); id., Forbidding wrong in Islam. An 
introduction, Cambridge 2003 (for a general 
account of forbidding wrong); Jeffery, Materials; 
W. Madelung, Amr be ma'ruf, in E. Yarshater 
(ed.). Encyclopaedia Iranica, 13 vols, to date, Lon- 
don 1982- (for general accounts of forbidding 
wrong),! [19851,992-5. 



Vision 

The perception of reality through the eyes, 
or — for immaterial realities or future 
events — also the "mind's eye." Two main 
semantic fields converge in the notion of 



VISION 



444 



"visions": one is oneiric, referring to 
dreams (ru'yd; see dreams and sleep) and 
tlie otlier is sensory, meaning the actual 
faculty of siglit [basm; pi. absdr). In both 
cases divine action plays a central role (see 
REVELATION AND INSPIRATION). When as- 
sociated with dreams, visions appear as 
processes forced upon liumans by divine 
stimulation. Most prominent of these are: 
the dream of Abraham (q.v.) that involves 
the sacrificing of liis son (c3 37:102-5; see 
sacrifice); Joseph's (q.v.) dream that 
eleven stars (see planets and stars), the 
sun (q.v.) and the moon (q.v.) bow before 
him [q_ 12:4-6; see bowinc and 
prostration); and Muhammad's dream 
that precipitates his night journey ((J 17:60; 
see ascension). In all these instances, the 
dreams are premonitions that intimate a 
divine plan rather than random somatic or 
mental activities (see foretelling; 
divination). In fact, Joseph's father tells 
his son that God will teach him the skill of 
dream interpretation (^ 12:6), recognizing 
at the outset the significance of such ex- 
periences within the revelatory order. Most 
exegetes (see exegesis of the q^ur'an: 

CLASSICAL AND MEDIEVAL), howeVCr, foCUS 

on the possible names of the planets and 
stars and/or their meaning, thus engaging 
in the intricacies of dream interpretation 
and acknowledging that Joseph's father 
was fully aware of the significance of such 
divine interventions (Tabari, Tafsir; 
KashanI, Silfi; Ibn Kathir, Tafsir). In certain 
instances, exegetes point out that ruya (the 
visual faculty) is not to be confused with 
ru'yd (dream), especially in the case of 
Joseph's experience (KashanI, Sdjj; 
Zamakhshari, Kashshdf). Al-Tabarl 
(d. 310/923), however, does recognize the 
double entendre in C3 17:60 which evokes 
r-'-y as possibly dreaming and/or seeing 
(see SEEING AND HEARING; VISION AND 
blindness), and he reports divergent opin- 
ions on this matter. Here, God announces 
that he has induced a dream (ja'alnd 



l-ru'yd) so that he could show (arayndka) 
Muhammad a test for the people (see 
trial; trust and patience). Similarly, in 
Ci 48:27, in reference to the signing of the 
peace of Hudaybiya (q.v.) and taking con- 
trol of Khaybar (see expeditions and 
battles), God confirms the fulfillment of 
Muhammad's dream about entering 
Mecca (q.v.) with his people (KashanI, Sdji; 
Ibn Kathir, Tafsir, ad loc). Dreams, then, 
belong to the category of God's signs (q.v.) 
through which he communicates with hu- 
mankind, although it is not clear that all 
dreams are to be viewed as such. 

In the semantic field of the root b-s-r, 
God gives human beings the capacity to 
see (<J 76:2), which throughout the Qiir'an 
is directly linked to the cognitive and psy- 
chological potential of human beings to 
recognize and accept God (see belief and 
unbelief; knowledge and learning). In 
that way, the sensory and other human 
faculties interrelate as the criteria of faith 
(q.v). God thus characterizes his prophets, 
specifically Abrahain, Isaac (q.v.) and Jacob 
(q.v), as possessing vision (absdr). In q 59:2, 
God addresses the believers as "people of 
vision!" (yd uli l-absdr) , that is, those, ac- 
cording to Ibn Kathir (d. 774/1373; Tafsir, 
ad loc), on whom God has bestowed clari- 
fication for his actions. But just as God 
creates vision, he can disable or remove it 
({) 6:46, no), seal it (q 2:7), seize it 
(^ 2:20-2), or restore it (c) 12:96; 50:22; see 
POWER AND impotence; veil). In turn, 
those who refuse God are accused of turn- 
ing away their vision ((J 24:37; see lie; 
gratitude AND INGRATITUDE). The true 
vision is one that, even if it does not per- 
ceive God, learns to perceive his signs and 
results in submission. After all, unlike the 
divine, human vision is limited, as per 
(J 6:103: "No vision can comprehend him; 
but he comprehends all visions" (Id tudri- 
kuhu l-ahsdr wa-huwayudriku l-absdr). Al- 
Suyutl (d. 911/1505; Durr, ad loc.) explains 
that, according to the tradition (see hadith 



445 



VISION AND BLINDNESS 



AND THE our'an; sunna), this means that, 
while in this world (q.v.) God can never be 
seen (see theophany; face of god), in 
the afterlife one will be able to see him on 
the horizon the way one now sees the 
moon rise in the night sky (see 
eschatology). The ability to see is un- 
derstood at once as a physical and ethical 
capacity (see ethics and the cjur'an) 
whereby vision is opposed to blindness, 
figuratively as well as literally, as per 
(3 35:19-20: "The one who is blind is not 
the same as the one who can see (al-hasTr), 
just as the darkness (q.v.) and the light 
(q.v.) are not the same" (see also pairs 
AND pairing; symbolic imagery; 
metaphor). 

Amila Bnturovic 



Bibliography 
Primary: Ibn KathTr, Tafsir, Beirut 1980; Jalalayn; 
Kasham, Sdji; SuytitT, Durr; TabarT, TafsTr, Beirut 
1984; ZamakhsharT, KashshdJ. 
Secondary: L. Kinberg, Dreams as a means to 
evaluate hadlth, in JSAI 23 (1999), 63-80; id., 
Literal dreams and prophetic hadlth in classical 
Islam. A comparison of two ways of 
legitimation, in Der Islam 70/2 (1993), 279-300; 
M. Maroth, The science of dreams in Islamic 
culture, mJSAIiO (1996), 229-36; M. Mir, The 
qur'anic story of Joseph. Plots, themes, and 
characters, in Miv^^ (1986), 1-15. 



Vision and Blindness 

Ability, or lack thereof, to perceive physical 
objects and, when used metaphorically, 
ideas and concepts. 

Witnessing the unseen 
The Qiir'an divides existence into this 
world (c[.v.) and the next, followed by a sec- 
ond division into the seen (shdhid) and the 
unseen (ghayb), as in q 59:22, "He is God, 
besides whom there is no god, the one who 
knows the unseen and the seen" (see 
HIDDEN AND THE HIDDEN). The two di- 
chotomies overlap in an important way. 



The next world is entirely unseen but this 
world consists of elements seen and ele- 
ments unseen. God is not visible (see god 
AND HIS attributes), as in cj 7:143, 
"Moses (q.v.) said, 'My lord, show yourself 
to me and let me gaze upon you!' God 
said, 'You will never see me' " (see 
theophany). Elements of the unseen 
world are made visible, however, in mir- 
acles (q.v.) granted to prophets (see 
prophets and prophethood) and saints 
(see saint), like Muhammad's ascension 
(q.v; mi'raj). q 53:1-18 asserts that "The 
heart [of Muhammad] never denied what 
he saw" [ra'd, C3 53:11) and "[his] vision (al- 
basar) never swerved nor did it transgress" 
fe 53-'7> s^^ ^^^° error; astray; seeing 
AND hearing). The term for Prophet, nabJ, 
is derived from a verbal root meaning to be 
lofty and command a far-reaching over- 
view (n-b-y), connoting the ability to in- 
form others of what is beyond the horizon 
of their sight. A hadlth report (see hadith 
AND THE q,ur'an) clarifies that "Truthful 
vision (al-ru'yd al-sdlih) is one fortieth part 
of prophecy" (see also vision; truth). 

Seeing is believing 
God's signs in the world can be seen and 
can prompt people to have faith (q.v.) in 
what is beyond routine perception. Angels 
(see angel) and jinn (q.v.) are normally 
unseen but can be manifest to human 
sight, forming two important conduits be- 
tween the world of human habitation and 
the ambiguities beyond. For example, 
Mary (q.v.) sees an angel who announces 
the birth of Jesus (q.v.) in q 19.17. "Then 
we sent our spirit (q.v.) to her, and it ap- 
peared to her [vision] (tamaththala lahd) ex- 
actly like a man." In this way, the Qtir'an 
gives profound depth to the truism that 
"seeing is believing." Physical vision is a 
powerful metaphor (q.v.) for faith (imdn): 
faith is the vision of the heart (cf. e.g. 
q 58:22) rather than the eyes (q.v; cf. e.g. 
q 6:103). Conversely, blindness is a meta- 



VISION AND BLINDNESS 



446 



phor for deliberate disbelief (see belief 
AND unbelief; lie; gratitude and 
ingratitude) when confronted with the 
truth or spiritual insensitivity, and is often 
linked to deafness (e.g. Q, 7:179; 11:20; 47:23; 
see hearing and deafness). 

The Qiir'an links true vision to percep- 
tion of the prophets and acceptance of the 
covenant (q.v.; mithdq) they offer. 5) 5:78-9 
says that whenever a prophet came to 
Israelite tribes (see children of Israel) 
with a message that contradicted their de- 
sires (see messenger), a part of them called 
the prophet's mission a lie and fought 
against the prophet: "They estimate that 
there will be no trial (q.v.)? Thus they go 
blind and deaf. Yet God turns to them ac- 
cepting repentance (see repentance and 
penani;e), still many of them remain blind 
and deaf. But God is the one who sees 
(basir) all they do." 

The Qiir'an often informs the prophet 
Muhammad of what he sees or will see in 
the future and clarifies the spiritual im- 
portance of what Muhammad sees or pro- 
vides prognostic visions (e.g. (J 17:60; 48:27; 
see foretelling; divination). The Mec- 
can revelations often stress eschatological 
vision (e.g. C3 99 and 102; see eschato- 
logy; form and structure of the 
(JUr'an), while the Medinan revelations 
frecjuently allude to what the community 
will see in the near earthly future (see 
chronology and the q^ur'an; mecca; 
Medina). The Qiir'an often equates 
Muhammad's revelation with vision as well 
as audition, as in o 4:105: "We have caused 
the message [al-kitdb; see book) to descend 
upon you in truth (see revelation and 
inspiration), so that you judge between 
the people (see judgment) by means of 
what God has shown you (ardka)." 

The Qiir'an expresses ambivalence 
toward routine vision. It challenges people 
to see the signs (q.v.) of God in nature, 



human history and individual experience 
(see also history and the qur'an; 
geography; generations; nature as 
signs), q 67:3-4 challenges, "Do you see 
(tard) any imbalance in the creation (q.v.) 
of the compassionate one? So turn your 
vision to it again — do you see any flaw?" 
C3 24:41 asks, "Have you not seen (a-lam 
tara) that all beings in the heavens and the 
earth glorify God (see glory; glorifica- 
tion OF god), even the birds in flight (see 
animal life)?" In these examples, seeing is 
a test, not simple perception. It is witness- 
ing the truth [shahdda; see witness to 
faith) if sight causes the heart to recog- 
nize God's presence but it is ignoring or 
covering the truth (kufr) if sight urges the 
heart toward denying God's presence or 
aggrandizing the ego. (j 96:6-8 pro- 
nounces, "No indeed, the human being 
transgresses the limits, and sees (ra'dhu) 
him/herself as independent (see 
arrogance) — [but no indeed,] to your 
lord all things return." Sufi commentaries 
(see sfJFlsM AND THE cjur'an) Understand 
"returning" as "remembering" the pri- 
mordial moment of witnessing the truth 
(see remembrance; witnessing and 
testifying), when each human before cre- 
ation witnessed (sh-h-d) God directly in 
seeing, hearing and being present, as in 
Q, 7:172 (see cosmology). 

Deceptive appearances 
Vision can misconstrue the truth; seeing 
something from one's own perspective can 
mean holding an opinion that may be false. 
In this way, the Qiir'an often uses the ver- 
bal root "he saw" (r-'-j) as synonymous 
with the verbal root "he imagined" (z- '-m) 
or "he thought" (n-^-r; see suspicion; 

KNOWLEDGE AND LEARNING; INTELLECT). 

Q^ 6:46 provides an example: "Say, 'Do you 
think (a-ra'aytum) that when God snatches 
away your hearing and your sight 



447 



VISION AND BLINDNESS 



(absdrukum) and seals up your hearts that 
there is any other god (see polytheism 
AND atheism) that could return [them] to 
you?" Seeing could be disbelieving if the 
heart's spiritual vision is obscured by dark- 
ness (q.v.; cf. e.g. ^ 6:25; 17:46; 22:46), 
impaired by disease (cf. e.g. c) 2:10; 5:52; 
8:49; see ILLNESS AND HEALTH), Or Sealed 
up with rust (cf e.g. C3 83:14; cf. 42:24; 47:24 
see heart). 

From the contrary perspective, blind peo- 
ple can have intense spiritual insight. C3 80 
describes an incident when Muhammad 
turned away from a blind man who sought 
spiritual guidance. The blind man had in- 
terrupted the Prophet's meeting with a 
tribal leader who, if he converted to Islam, 
would bolster the early Muslim commu- 
nity, cj 80:1-6 states. 

He frowned and turned away, when the blind 
man (al-a'md) came to him. And what might 
let you know if he would increase in purity, 
or if he were bearing [God] in mind that he 
might benefit from the reminding? But as for 
him who considers himself independent, you 
turn to him to attend his needs! 

This is the only qur'anic passage to men- 
tion an actual blind person and in it, the 
Qiir'an chastises Muhammad. According 
to Muslim tradition he remained ashamed 
of this incident throughout his life, to the 
point of wishing that if any phrases of 
the Qiir'an could be erased, these are the 
ones he would like to see eliminated. This 
is because the Qur'an condemns hypocrites 
for their deceptive appearance (and judg- 
ing people by how they appear; see 

HYPOCRITES AND HYPOCRISY): in Q_ 63:4, 

"When you see them (ra'aytahum), their ex- 
ternal appearance (ajsdmuhum) pleases you, 
but when they speak, you hear them speak 
it is as if they are hollow timber propped 
up." 



Metaphorical blindness 
Despite this example of an actual blind 
man, the Qiir'an mainly refers to the blind 
in a metaphorical sense (see symbolic 
imagery). The blind are those whose 
hearts have no spiritual perception, and 
they are the subject of critique, ridicule 
and threat of punishment, o 13:16 (cf. 
(J 6:50) rhetorically contrasts the blind to 
those with sight (see rhetoric and the 
q^ur'an): "Say, 'Is the blind person ecjual to 
one endowed with vision, and is the dark- 
ness equal to the light?' " 5) 35:19 answers 
the question negatively (those with sight 
are better); and o 40:58 offers a further 
comparison to clarify the ethical impor- 
tance of the question (see ethics and the 
q^ur'an): "Not ec[ual are the blind and 
those who see (al-a'md wa-l-basTr)\ Nor are 
those who believe, performing good works 
(see GOOD deeds), and those who perpe- 
trate evil actions (see evil deeds; good 
and evil)!" Those who believe have true 
vision because their hearts perceive the 
spiritual reality of the unseen consequence 
of action. In contrast, those who do evil 
are truly blind: the arrogance and way- 
wardness of their hearts blinds them, 
rather than the vision of their eyes, o 22:46 
clarifies that "It is not their eyes that are 
blind (Id ta'md l-absdr), but rather the hearts 
in their breasts that are blind." Abu Hamid 
al-Ghazall (d. 505/11 11) provided a pro- 
found commentary on physical vision and 
spiritual \'ision in his treatise Mishkdt al- 
anwdr, "Niche for lights." 

S. Kugle 

Bibliography 
F. Colby (trans.), Subtleties of the ascension. Early 
mystical sayings on Muhammad's heavenly journey as 
compiled by Abu 'Abd al- Rahman Sulami, Louisville, 
KY: Fons Vitae 2006; F Esack, A short introduction 
to the Qur'an, Oxford 2002; J. van Ess, Vision and 
ascension. Surat al-Najm and its relationship 



VISITING 



448 



with Muhammad's mi'rdj, in Journal of qur'anic 
studies I (1999), 47-62; W.H.T. Gairdner (trans.), 
Al-GhazzdlT's Mishkdt al-anwdr ("The niche for 
lights"), London 1924; S. Kugle, Heaven's witness. 
The uses and abuses of Muhammad Ghawth 
Gwahori's ascension, iny/A' 14 {2003), 1-36 (for 
discussion of the appropriation of the rehgious 
experience of a sixteenth century Indian Sufi of 
the Shattariyya tanga); S. Murata and W. 
Chittick, The vision of Islam, St. Paul 1994; 
M. Sells, Early Islamic mysticism. New York 1996. 



Visiting 

Traveling to another place and staying 
there for a period of time. The terms that 
usually come to mind when considering 
the concept of visiting are derived from the 
root <;-H'-r. These terms occtir in hadlth 
literature (see hadith and the q^ur'an) in 
reference to visiting graves (see burial), 
usually in order to pray for the deceased 
(see Wensinck, Handbook, 89-90; see death 
and the dead; prayer formulas). In 
popular parlance, .jyfflra came to be identi- 
fied with spiritual practices (see sOfism and 
the cjur'an) involving the visitation of 
saints' tombs (see saint) so that pilgrims 
could acquire blessings, request miracles 
(q.v.) and benefactions, or seek mediation 
for sins (see sin, major and minor; 
intercession). The term, in this sense, 
does not occur in the Qtir'an. Words stem- 
ming from the root z^w-r, which pertain to 
the concept of visiting, occur only once, in 
C3 102:2, "tintil you come (zurtum) to the 
graves." According to al-Tabarl (d. 
310/923), the term "zurtum" is a metaphor 
(q.v.) for death that ends the struggle for 
material wealth (q.v; Tafsir, xii, 678-9). The 
more common term used in the Qur'an for 
visiting or visitation is 'umra, as in (3 2:196 
that refers to the minor pilgrimage to the 
Ka'ba (q.v). The verb i'tamara also occurs 
in C3 2:158 which specifies what 'umra entails 
and serves as the qur'anic basis for legal 
rules outlining pilgrimage (q.v.; see Tabari, 



Tafsir, ii, 47-55, 212-19). An example of how 
far later legal discourse moved away from 
the Q.ur'an as a basis of law (see LAW AND 
THE our'an) is the rather lengthy discus- 
sion of haj) and 'umra in the a/- 'Aziz shark 
al~Wajiz (iii, 456-523) by Abu l-Qasim al- 
Rafi'l (d. 623/1226), the most important 
Shafi'i legal text of the late medieval pe- 
riod, which does not refer to the two 
qur'anic passages btit bases its entire dis- 
cussion on hadlth. 

Mathdba, as a place of visitation, is men- 
tioned in o 2:125 although there appears to 
have been a dispute as to the specific 
botindaries of the area around the Ka'ba 
to which it refers. Al-Tabarl said that it 
could refer to the whole of Mecca (q.v.), 
the haram, or more specifically to the im- 
mediate area of the Ka'ba itself. Finally, 
the term td'if, or tdfa, came to be inter- 
preted as a kind of visitation from a 
supernatural entity. In o 7:201 Satan 
(Shaytan; see devil) visits humans, al- 
though the nature of the visitation was, 
according to al-Tabari, a matter of some 
dispute. He argtied that some theologians 
held that the visitation (td'if) came in the 
form of a whisper (q.v.) or a low voice that 
the individual heard and was thus 
prompted into action. Others held that 
Satan came over the person in the forin of 
emotions such as anger (q.v.) or jealotisy 
(see envy). In Q 68:19, a variation of this 
occurs, which states "So there came (tdfa) 
on it a visitation (td'if) from your lord (q.v.) 
[all arotind], while they slept" (see sleep). 
In this instance, al-'Tabarl maintains that 
td'if refers to the command (amr) of God as 
embodied by Muhammad. According to 
Ibn Kathir (d. 774/1373; Tafsir, viii, 214), 
however, the "it" refers to the Qiiraysh 
(q.v.) who rejected Muhammad and td'if 
refers to their destruction. In other words, 
God visited [destruction on] the people of 
Qiiraysh who rejected Muhammad as a 
prophet (see opposition to Muhammad; 



449 



PROPHETS AND prophethood). For visitors 
in the sense of "guests," see hospitality 
AND courtesy; ABRAHAM. 

R. Kevinjaqiies 

Bibliography 
Primary: Ibn KathTr, TafsTr, ed. M.H. Shams al- 
Din, 8 vols., Beirut 1998; al-Rafi'l, Abu 1-Qasim 
'Abd al-KarIm b. Abl Sa'ld Muliammad, at- 'Aziz 
shark al-WajJz, ed. 'A.M. Mu'awwad and 'A. A. 
'Abd al-Mawjud, 13 vols., Beirut 1997; Tabarl, 
TafsTr, 13 vols., Beirut 1999; 
Secondary: Wensinck, Handbook. 

Vocabulary see language and 

STYLE OF THE {^UR'aN; FOREIGN 
VOCABULARY 



Vow 

A promise made to God to undertake an 
act of piety (q.v.). It differs from an oatli 
(q.v.) which is not a promise to do some- 
thing but a solemn declaration of truth 
(hence, its essential role as a form of juridi- 
cal evidence; see witnessing and 
testifying) performed by an act of swear- 
ing (often but not necessarily by God; but 
for overlap in juristic discourse on oaths 
and vows, see Calder, Hinth, esp. 220-6). A 
vow, whicli in Islam can only be made to 
God (for vows in pre-Islamic Arabia and 
non-religious vows after Islam, see 
Pedersen, Nadhr; see pre-islamic Arabia 
AND the our'an), may or may not include 
an act of swearing (aqsama and halafa in 
Arabic), but does imply a pledge of 
oneself — one's honor and 
credibility — i.e. it places one in a state of 
self-dedication. Thus, failure to fulfill a vow 
in Islam carries the same requirement for 
the performance of "penance" (i.e. expia- 
tion, kaffara; see repentance and 
penance) as does breaking an oath. This 
usually entails feeding or clothing ten poor 



(see POVERTY and the poor; food and 
drink), releasing a slave (see slaves and 
slavery), or, in case of hardship, fasting 
(q.v.) for three days (on the basis of q 5:89). 
There is also the possibility of releasing 
oneself from a vow that one could perform 
but no longer feels it good to do so, 
through the performance of expiation. 

A vow [nadhr, pi. nudhiir), a self-imposed 
promise to carry out a religious act not 
required by the law filzfim al-nafs bi-qurba), 
is understood as obligatory (in effect, the 
vow renders the supererogatory act of pi- 
ety a recjuired individual duty, wdjib 'ajm, 
to God). Those who do not fulfill their 
vowed religious pledges ('ahd) are hypo- 
crites (q 9:75-8; cf 48:10; and Bukhari, 
Sahih, no. 6695, where the Prophet declares 
that Muslims in the third generation after 
him will begin to break their vows; see 
hypocrites and hypocrisy; hadith and 
THE (JUr'an), while righteous servants of 
God fulfill their vows (cj 76:5-7). The 
mother of Mary (q.v), in an echo of 
I Samuel 11, vowed to God what was in 
her womb (q.v.; q 3:35) and Mary herself, 
the Qiir'an reports, made a vow to fast and 
to speak to no himian for a day (c) 19:26). 
Finally, vows are associated witli involun- 
tary alms (see almsgiving) at q 2:270, sup- 
porting evidence for defining vows as 
religious acts above and beyond what is 
prescribed by law. 

That humans had made vows before the 
coming of Islam was recognized by the 
first Muslims (e.g. Bukhari, Sahih, no. 6697, 
where 'Umar b. al-Khattab asks the 
Prophet whether he should fulfill a vow he 
made before his conversion; o 3:35 and 
q 19:26 are also cited in this regard), as was 
the fact that they had made them for pur- 
poses of religion (q.v.), e.g. before idols 
(c) 6:136; 39:3; see idols and images). 
Given this recognition, it was important to 
establish an understanding of vow-making 
acceptable to Islam: the consensus 



450 



eventually established this as a vow capable 
of being fulfilled and freely made as an act 
of obedience (q.v.) to God by a Muslim of 
legal majority (Abu Fans, Ajmdn, 138-40; 
the Hanball school, however, recognized as 
valid the vow of non-Muslims; see law 

AND THE qUR'AN; RELIGIOUS PLURALISM 

AND THE quR'AN). The VOW must stipulate 
the act to be performed, i.e. a supereroga- 
tory act with its origin in the ritual duties 
of Islam (fiirud al-isldm). It is thus permit- 
ted to vow to give alms, spend the night in 
prayer (q.v.; see also vigil), fast, go on (ad- 
ditional) pilgrimage (q.v.; both 'umra and 
haji), sacrifice (q.v.) an animal (see also 
CONSECRATION OF ANIMALs), but not to do 
something forbidden (q.v.; e.g. consume 
pork or alcohol; see intoxicants; wine) 
or even something permitted (see lawful 
AND unlawful) that is not ritual in nature 
(e.g. divorce one's wife, eat food, sleep 
[q.v.] at night; Abu Faris, op. cit., 140-5; 
however, a condition commonly used in 
vow-making has been the promise to di- 
vorce one's wife, see Pedersen, Nadhr; see 
also MARRIAGE AND DIVORCE). 

A vow, then, was equated with obedience 
(td'a) to God in the sense of ritual acts 
('ibdddt), by which one might draw close to 
God (see ritual and the cjur'an). Any 
other element in the formulation of a vow 
was incidental. For example, a vow to walk 
to Iraq or Morocco has no meaning; in 
contrast, a vow to walk to Mecca (q.v.), 
with the goal being the performance of 
pilgrimage, is acceptable. The vow to walk, 
however, is itself incidental, while the per- 
formance of pilgrimage, an act of piety, is 
the element of the vow that renders it 
meaningful (see Calder, Hinth, 226-32). 
There is no set formula for a vow, although 
it must be uttered aloud. It need not be 
accompanied by a condition (e.g. if X hap- 
pens, I will do Y) but can be simply a for- 
mal statement of ritual intention (e.g. I will 
fast tomorrow), and it is invalidated if ac- 



companied by the phrase "if God wills" (in 
shd'a lldh, Abu Faris, Ajimdn, 145-7). ^ vow is 
also invalidated if it involves pledging 
goods belonging to someone else (on the 
basis of a hadith in which a woman of the 
Ansar, held captive by enemy tribes, 
wrongfully vowed to sacrifice the Prophet's 
camel upon the back of which she made 
her escape; Muslim, Sahih, no. 4245; see 
property) but it is recommended that one 
fulfill a vow made by a deceased relative 
(Bukhari, Sahih, nos. 6698-g; see death 
AND THE dead; KINSHIp). 

The prophetic tradition is careful to 
downplay any magical dimension of vows 
(i.e. the idea that a vow might cause the 
deity to carry out the condition of the vow; 
see magic; popular and talismanic uses 
of the q^ur'an), essentially declaring vows 
to be useless since they cannot influence 
God (see power and impotence). Thus, 
excessive piety of the kind that hopes to 
influence the divine will was discouraged. 
The Prophet ordered a man who had 
vowed to go on foot to the Ka'ba (q.v.) to 
mount his riding animal, since God "has 
no need of this [man's] chastisement of 
himself" [ghani 'an ta'dhib hadhd nafsahu, 
Muslim, Sahih, no. 4247) and "has no need 
of you or your vow" [ghanT 'anka wa- 'an 
nadhrika, Muslim, op. cit., no. 4248). A vow 
is therefore incidental to God's foreor- 
dained decree (qadar), acting only as a 
pious supplement to it on the part of the 
votary — a means not to hasten or delay 
divine decree but to extract some good 
from the miserly (Bukhari, Sahih, nos. 
6692-4; see GOOD and evil; freedom and 
predestination), a vow, then, is a spur to 
piety, the condition of which, if it is ac- 
complished, merely coincides with the 
foreordained decree of God (Muslim, 
Sahih, no. 4025). It is in this sense that a 
vow generally was understood in Islam, as 
a mechanism to encourage believers (see 
belief and unbelief) to strive towards a 



451 VOYAGE 



life of piety and to lielp tliem to persevere 
in it. 

Paul L. Heck 



Bibliography 
Primary: Bukharl, Sa/uh, Riyadh 1999; ed. Krehl, 
iv, 257-81 (bk. 83, K. al-Aymdn wa-l-nudhur); Ibn 
Hazm, al-Muhalld, ed. A.M. Shakir, 11 vols., 
Cairo 1928; repr. Beirut n.d., viii, 30-64 (K. al- 
Aymdn), 65-76 (K. Kajardt); Muslim, Sahih, Riyadh 
1998; ed. 'Abd al-Baql, iii, 1260-5 (bk. 26, K. al- 
JVudhur); iii, 1266-90 (bk. 27, R. al-Aymdn). 
Secondary: M.'A. Abu Paris, Kitdb al-Aymdn wa-l- 
nudhur, Amman 1988^; N. Calder, Hinth, birr, 
tabarrur, tahannuth. An inquiry into the Arabic 
vocabulary of vows, in bsoas ^\ (1988), 214-39; 
J. Pedersen, Nadhr, in Ef, vi, 846-7; 'A. al- 
TahtawT, Bida' al-nudhur wa-l-dhabd'ih wa-l- 
tasawwul wa-l-du'd' wa-l-hilf bi-ghayr Alldh ta'dld, 
Beirut 2000; M.S. 'Ubaydat, Fiqh al-aymdn wa-l- 
nudhur wa-hukm al-isldmji l-dhabd'ih, Amman 1992. 



Voyage see trips and voyages; 

JOURNEY 



w 



Wadd see IDOLS AND IMAGES 



Wage 



see REWARD AND PUNISHMENT 



Wahhabism and the Qiir'an 

The eighteenth century revival and reform 
movement founded by the scholar and 
jurist Muhammad b. 'Abd al-Wahhab 
(d. 1206/1792), in the Arabian peninsula. 
Based on the central qur'anic concept of 
tawhid (absolute monotheism), Wahhabism 
called for a direct return to the Qiir'an and 
hadlth for study and interpretation (see 
sunna; hadith and the ^ur'an; tools 

FOR THE STUDY OF THE OUr'an). 

Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab considered the 
Qiir'an and hadlth to be the only infallible 
(see impeccability) and authoritative 
sources of scripture with the Qur'an, as the 
revealed word of God (q.v.), holding 
absolute authority (q.v.) in cases of conflict- 
ing views (see abrogation; inimitabil- 
ity). Other source materials, including 
legal opinions (see LAW and the qur'an) 
and qur'anic commentary [tafsTr; see 
EXEGESIS OF THE QUr'an: CLASSICAL AND 
medieval), could be consulted, but could 
not contradict the Qiir'an or hadlth. Ibn 
'Abd al-Wahhab's Qiir'an interpretation 



was based on historical contextualization 
of the revelation and on consideration of 
the use of both terms and concepts within 
the broader context of the entire Qur'an in 
order to know which prescriptions were 
universal as opposed to those that were 
hmited to specific historical conditions (see 
OCCASIONS OF revelation). This meth- 
odology was then combined with legal con- 
cepts like maslaha (consideration of public 
welfare) to interpret Islamic law. For ex- 
ample, although the Qur'an requires pay- 
ment of zi'kat (almsgiving [q.v.]), Ibn 'Abd 
al-Wahhab used maslaha to allow delay of 
payment during times of public hardship, 
such as the aftermath of a natural disaster. 

Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab also sought to 
determine broad qur'anic values, such as 
the obligation to preserve human life (q.v; 
see also murder; bloodshed) as a higher 
priority than obedience (q.v.) to Islamic law 
or ritual (see ritual and the qur'an), for 
application in both private and public life. 
Examples of the application of this value 
include the limitation of violence (q.v.) and 
killing during jihad (q.v.; see also fighting; 
PATH OR way; expeditions and battles; 
war) and the command that women 
(see women and the qur'an) should seek 
medical care when ill or injured, even 
when this means sacrificing modesty (q.v.). 



453 



WAITING PERIOD 



Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab believed that the 
Qi_ir'an assigned equal responsibilities to 
men and women with respect to God, 
accompanied by a balance of rights in 
their human relations. He held both 
genders responsible for carrying out the 
five pillars of Islam and for studying and 
interpreting the Qiir'an (see traditional 
DISCIPLINES OF Q^UR'aNIC STUDY; EXEOESIS 
OF THE CiUR'AN: EARLY MODERN AND 
contemporary). He declared a balance of 
rights in matters of marriage and divorce 
(q.v.), guaranteeing the woman the right to 
divorce by khur through repayment of the 
dower [main; see bridewealth) to the hus- 
band upon her recognition that she could 
no longer fulfill the requirements of mar- 
riage. This interpretation assured the 
woman the practical right to assert khul' 
unfettered by the husband in the same way 
that the husband has the right to divorce 
by taldq unfettered by the woman. He bal- 
anced the husband's rights in marriage by 
granting the woman the right to stipulate 
conditions favorable to her in the marriage 
contract relating both to the contracting 
and the continuation of the marriage (see 

CONTRACTS AND ALLIANCES; BREAKING 
TRUSTS AND CONTRACTS). 

By the twentieth century, Wahhabism 
had become synonymous with literal in- 
terpretations of the Qiir'an and hadith 
that did not appear to take context into 
consideration (see sira and the ^ur'an). 
The result was a more legalistic interpreta- 
tion of Islam. At the turn of the twenty- 
first century, however, as interest in Ibn 
'Abd al-Wahhab's methodology was re- 
newed, Wahhabi legal scholars in Saudi 
Arabia re -initiated a more context- 
sensitive interpretation of the Qiir'an, 
combined with greater attention to legal 
tools like maslaha and recognition of the 
Qur'an's gender balance of rights and 
responsibilities. 

NatanaJ. DeLong-Bas 



Bibliography 
Primary: Muhammad Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab, 
Mu 'allafat al-Shaykh al-Imam Muhammad Ibn 'Abd 
al-Wahhab, 5 vols., Riyadh 1983; id., Mu'amaldt 
al-Shaykh al-Imdm Muhammad Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab. 
Mulhaq al-musannafdt, Riyadh 1983; id., Mu'dmaldt 
al-Shaykh al-Imdm Muhammad Ibn Abd al-Wahhab. 
Qism al-hadith, 4 vols., Riyadh 1983. 
Secondary: Buhuth Usbu al-Shaykh Muhammad b. 
Abd al-Wahhab: Rahimahu lldh, 2 vols., Riyadh 
1980; N.J. DeLong-Bas, Wahhabi Islam. From 
revival and reform to global jihad, New York 2004; 
R. Firestone, J^zAfl^. The origin of holy war in Islam, 
New York 1999; H. Laoust, Essai sur les doctrines 
socials et politiques de TakT-d-din Ahmad b. Taimiya 
canoniste hanbalite, Cairo 1939, 506-40; E. Peskes 
and W. Ende, Wahhabiyya, in El', xi, 39-47; 'A.S 
al-'Uthaymin, al-Shaykh Muhammad Ibn Abd al- 
Wahhdb. Haydtuhu wa-fikruhu, Riyadh 1992. 



Waiting Period 

The period that must be observed by a 
married couple after separation. Waiting 
periods are known in many cultures. 
Within the Qiir'an this concept is ex- 
pressed by two Arabic words: tarabbasa or 
tarabbus, literally "waiting," and by 'idda, 
literally "number." The first word appears 
in C) 2:226, 228, 234 and seems to be the 
earlier expression because the verses in 
which the term 'idda is used (o 33:49; 65:1, 
4) answer questions that must have been 
raised from rules stipulated in (J 2 (see law 
and the cjur'an). The clear relation be- 
tween the two groups of verses shows that 
the word 'idda in this context has to be in- 
terpreted as 'iddat al-tarabbus, i.e. "waiting 
period." 

There are three different causes of sepa- 
ration that necessitate a waiting period: (i) 
death of the husband ((5 2:234), (ii) divorce 
{q_ 2:228; 65:1) — except in the case in 
which the marriage has not been consum- 
mated (CJ 33:49; see MARRIAGE AND 
divorce) — and (iii) the oath of the hus- 
band to stop intercourse with his wife 
(o 2:226; see oaths; sex and sexuality). 
The length of the waiting period differs 
accordingly. It is (i) four (lunar) months 



WAITING PERIOD 



454 



(q.v.) and ten days in the case of death of 
the husband (q 2:234); (ii) three menstrual 
periods (qurW) for menstruating women or 
tliree months for non-menstruating women 
after divorce has been pronounced pro- 
vided that the marriage had been consum- 
mated (cj 2:228; 65:4; see menstruation), 
or until tlie birth of tlie child in the case of 
a divorced pregnant woman whose divorce 
has become definite (c) 65:4; see birth); 
and (iii) four months after the oath of con- 
tinence (q^ 2:226; see abstinence). 

The waiting period has different func- 
tions. First, in the case of a revocable 
divorce and that of an oath of continence, 
it gives time to the man to think over his 
decision that could have serious personal 
and financial consequences for himself, his 
wife and their children (q.v.; see also 
family; women and the q^ur'an). He can 
return to his wife during the waiting pe- 
riod. Second, the waiting period after di- 
vorce has been pronounced and after the 
death of the husband serves as a means to 
establish whether the wife is pregnant. A 
prerequisite is, on the one hand, that no 
sexual intercourse with the husband (or 
anyone else) take place during the waiting 
period after the divorce lias been 
pronounced — a condition implied but not 
expressly stipulated in the qur'anic rules, 
and, on the other hand, that the wife does 
not conceal a pregnancy that becomes ap- 
parent during this period [q_ 2:228). This is 
important for two reasons: pregnancy and 
thus the prospect of offspring may influ- 
ence the husband's decision to separate 
from his wife; the ruling prevents the wife 
from remarrying and then giving birth to a 
child whose father's identity is doubtful (see 
patriarchy; parents). Consecjuently, 
there is no need for a waiting period in the 
case of divorce before consummation 
(Q. 33'49)- Third, the waiting period after 
the husband's death has, in addition, the 
function of a period of mourning that 



should be respected by men wishing to 
marry the widow (q.v.; see also death 
AND the dead; burial). Hence, it is 
strictly forbidden to propose a marriage 
to a widow or to arrange for it during 
the waiting period (c3 2:235). The Qiir'an 
is silent on the question of whether a 
husband whose wife has died must 
observe a mourning period of similar 
length. 

Several responsibilities are combined 
with the waiting period. First, the respon- 
sibihty for its correct observance. The re- 
sponsibility is given partly to the wife 
(cj 2:228, 231, 234), partly to the husband 
(q, 2:226; 33:49; 65:1, 4). In the case of di- 
vorce, the end (ajal) of the waiting period 
must be established in the presence of two 
witnesses [q_ 65:2; see witnessing and 
testifying). Second, the husband is 
obliged to provide maintenance [matd', 
nafaqa, rizq, o 2:241; 65:1, 6, 7) for his wife 
during the waiting period and to let her 
remain in her house ((J 65:1) without doing 
any harm to her (o 65:6; see maintenance 
AND upkeep). The widow has the right to 
maintenance and housing at her former 
husband's expense even for a whole year 
(q^ 2:240). The woman is obliged to live 
chastely (see chastity) during the waiting 
period; otherwise she forfeits her rights 

(a 65:1). 

It seems that the qur'anic rules concern- 
ing the waiting period changed the existing 
customs of pre-Islamic Mecca (q.v.) and 
Medina (q.v.). According to Muslim tradi- 
tions the mourning period of a widow in 
pre-Islamic times was a year (Muslim, 
Sahih, 18:146; Bukhari, Salnh, 68:46; see 
HADITH AND THE CJUR'aN; PRE-ISLAMIC 
ARABIA AND THE q^ur'an). Whether there 
had been a custom of a waiting period for 
divorced women at all is doubtful. Yet the 
new rules of the Qur'an provided only a 
basic framework and gave rise to many 
questions concerning details. The answers 



455 



are found in hadith compilations as well as 
in exegetical and legal literature (see 
EXEGESIS OF THE Q^UR'aN: CLASSICAL AND 

medieval). 

Harald Motzki 



Bibliography 
Primary: 'Abd al-Razzaq, Alusannaj, vii; Bukharl, 
Sahth; Jaldlayn; Malik, Muwatta '; Muslim, Sahih; 
TabarT, Tafsir, ed. Shakir. 

Secondary: Y. Linant de Bellefonds, ^Idda, in EI^, 
iii, 1010-13; H. Motzki, The origins of Islamic 
jurisprudence, Leiden 2002 (index);J. Wellhausen, 
Die Ehe bei den Arabern, in Machrichten von der 
Koniglichen Gesellschaft der Wissenschajten und der 
Georg-Augusts-Universitdt zu Gottingen ri (1893), 
431-81, esp. 453-5. 

Wall (between Heaven and 
Hell) see barzakh; people of the 

HEIGHTS 



Wander see journey; astray 



War 

A state of open, armed and often pro- 
longed conflict between states, tribes or 
parties, frequently mentioned in the 
Qur'an. It is usually referred to by deriva- 
tives of the third form of q-t-l, "fighting" 
(q.v.), sometimes with the cjualificationyT 
sabTl Allah, "in the path of God" (see path 
OR way); but we also hear of harb, "war," 
both against God and the messenger (q.v.; 
e.g. C) 5:33; 9:107; cf 5:64) and by or for 
them [q_ 2:279; 8:57; cf. 47:4). Derivatives of 
j-h-d are used for efforts which include 
fighting without being reducible to it (see 
jihad). 

Wars mentioned 
Past wars are rarely mentioned (see 
HISTORY AND THE q^ur'an). The vanished 
nations are destroyed by brimstone, fire 
and other natural disasters (see 



PUNISHMENT STORiEs), not by conquest 
(q.v.), though the messenger expects to 
punish his own opponents by military 
means (c) 9:14, 52). Of the Israelite con- 
quest of the holy land we are only told that 
when Moses (q.v.) ordered the Israelites 
(see CHILDREN OF ISRAEL) to enter this 
land, all except two refused on the groimds 
that it was inhabited by mighty men 
(jabbdnn); the Israelites thus had to wander 
in the desert for another forty years 
(q. 5:21-6; cf J{um 13:31-14:34). But else- 
where we learn that many prophets were 
accompanied in battle by large numbers, 
who never lost heart when they met di- 
sasters ((J 3:146). There is also an obscure 
reference to thousands who went out from 
their homes: God told them to die (so they 
did), whereupon he revived them. This is 
told in encouragement of fighting in God's 
path ((3 2:243f.), followed by an account of 
the Israelite demand for a king (c) 2:246-51; 
see KINGS AND rulers): they wanted a king 
so that they could fight in the path of God 
(cf. / Sam 8:5, iQlJudg 8:22), having been 
expelled from their homes and their fami- 
lies; but when fighting was prescribed for 
them, they turned back, except for a small 
band. Worse still, when their prophet an- 
nounced that God had appointed Talut, 
i.e. Saul (q.v), as their king, they disputed 
his authority (q.v); and when Saul set out 
to fight Goliath (q.v.), most of them failed 
the test he set for them {ci.Judg 7:4-7; see 
trial; trust and patience); but the 
steadfast uttered the famous words, "How 
many a small band has vanquished a 
mighty army by leave of God," and David 
(q.v.) slew Goliath. No fiu'ther Israelite 
wars are mentioned down to 
Nebuchadnezzar, whose destruction of 
Jerusalem (q.v.) is briefly alluded to, as is 
the Roman destruction of the Temple, in 
both cases without any names being 
named; the two disasters are presented as 
punishment for Israelite sins (see jews and 



456 



Judaism), with a period of wealth and 
power in between and a possibihty of bet- 
ter times ahead (c3 17:4-8). Another sura 
[q_ 30:2-4) notes that tlie Byzantines (q.v.) 
have been defeated, predicting tliat they 
will soon win (over the Persians) or, alter- 
natively, that the Byzantines have been 
victorious, predicting that they will soon be 
defeated (by the believers). 

Most warfare in the Qiir'an is conducted 
by the believers in the present. One verse 
regulates fighting among the believers 
themselves: one should make peace (q.v.) 
between the two parties or fight the wrong- 
doers (c3 49:9; see arbitration). Another 
threatens war against the believers when 
they take usury (q.v; (J 2:278f.). But most 
encourage the believers to fight others, var- 
iously identified as "those who fight you" 
(C) 2:190), unbelievers (e.g. Q^ 4:84; 9:123; 
47:4), the polytheists altogether (q 9:36), 
People of the Book (q.v.) who do not be- 
lieve in God and the last day (<j 9:29; see 
LAST judgment), hypocrites (c) 9:73), 
friends of Satan (q^ 4-76), and imams of 
unbelief (q 9:12), without it being clear 
how far these groups are identical or 
distinct. The hypocrites side with the be- 
lievers when the latter win but not 
when they lose [q_ 4:141) and once appear 
in alliance with unbelieving People of the 
Book (q 59:11). All war is assumed to in- 
volve religious issues. 

The moral status of war 
Fighting is declared legitimate in self- 
defense, by way of preemption (c) 9:8; cf. 
60:2), for the rescue of fellow believers 
fe 4-75) ^'^'^ f°'' the righting of wrongs, 
including the punishment of the wrongdo- 
ers (c3 9:13-14). The basic principle is that 
one should treat other communities as they 
treat one's own (see ethics and the 
cjur'an). "As for the person who defends 
himself after having been wronged, there is 



no way of blaming them" (q 42:41); God 
would help those who had always met like 
with like, only to be wronged (o 22:60), for 
a bad deed called for another like it 
(0,42:39-42; see GOOD deeds; evil deeds). 
"Fight in the path of God those who fight 
against you, but do not transgress" 
(c3 2:190); "a sacred month for a sacred 
month... whoever aggresses against you, 
aggress against him in a like manner" 
(O 2:194; see months); "fight the polytheists 
all together as they fight you altogether" 
fe 9-36). Where the principle of like for 
like is abandoned (see retaliation), the 
claim is that bloodshed (q.v.) is the lesser 
evil ("kill them wherever you come upon 
them, expel them from where they expelled 
you, (or Jitna is worse than killing," C3 2:191; 
cf 2:217; see GOOD and evil). The famous 
"sword verse" ("kill the polytheists wher- 
ever you find them, take them, seize them, 
besiege them, and lie in wait for them," 
Q_ 9:5), seems to be based on the same 
rules, given that it is directed against a par- 
ticular group accused of oath-breaking 
and aggression (o 9.1-23; cf. 8:56-60; see 
BREAKING TRUSTS AND CONTRACTS; 
oaths) and that polytheists who remain 
faithful to their treatises are explicitly 
excepted (c) 9:4). Here as elsewhere, it is 
stressed that one must stop when they 
do (a 2:193; 4:90; 8:39f , 61; 9:3, 5, 11) 
and, though the language is often ex- 
tremely militant, the principle of forgive- 
ness (q.v.) is reiterated in between the 
assertions of the right to defend oneself 

(a 42:37-43)- 

Justifying war appears to have been hard 
work. The exhortations (q.v.) are addressed 
to a people who were not warlike ("pre- 
scribed for you is fighting, though you dis- 
like it," o 2:216), who assumed warfare to 
be forbidden (q.v.; "permission has been 
granted to those who fight/are fought, be- 
cause they have been wronged," C3 22:39), 



457 



and who had to be persuaded that it could 
be morally right ("if God did not drive 
back some people by means of others, 
cloisters, churches/synagogues [bija '], ora- 
tories [salawdt], and mosques in which 
God's name is much mentioned would be 
destroyed," q_ 22:40; "the earth would be 
ruined," c) 2:251). Only the jizya verse 
(c3 9:29; see POLL tax) seems to endorse 
war of aggression. If read as a continu- 
ation of q 9:1-23, however, it would be 
concerned with the same oath-breaking 
"polytheists" (cf. C3 9:3of.) as the sword 
verse. 

Mobilization 
Orders to fight came down in "suras" 
(q.v.), apparently on an ad hoc basis 
(c) 9:86; 47:20) and always in what appears 
to be a mobilizing rather than a legislative 
vein (for C3 2:216, an apparent exception, 
compare q_ 2:246; 4:77). Exhortations to 
fight abound (q 2:244; 4:71, 84; 8:65; 9:36, 
41, 123; 61:4, etc). Those who emigrate (see 
emigration; emigrants and helpers) 
and strive for the cause with their wealth 
(q.v.) and their lives are promised rich re- 
wards, not least when they fall in God's 
path (e.g. o 2:154; 9:20; 22:58f , see 
martyrs; reward and punishment). 
They rank higher than those who sit at 
home (c3 4:95), just as those who joined the 
fighting before the victory rank higher than 
those who joined after it ((J 57:10; cf. 9:20; 
see ranks and orders). Fighting and/or 
striving in God's path is described as sell- 
ing the present life to God for the hereafter 
(Q, 4'74> 9-iii)> ^ loan that will be repaid 
many times over (c3 2:245; 57:11; cf. 57:18; 
73:20) and a commerce that will deliver 
from painful chastisement (q 6i:iof.; see 
trade and gommerge; esghatology). 
Whatever one spends, God will repay in 
full (q 8:60). 
The response to these appeals is fre- 



quently deemed inadequate. "How is it 
with you that you do not fight in God's 
path?" [q_ 4:75; cf 4:72); "What is the mat- 
ter with you, that when you are told to go 
forth in the path of God you sink heavily 
into the ground?" ((J 9:38). Some people 
are apparently happy to pray and pay alms 
but protest when fighting is prescribed for 
them, asking for postponement (c3 4:77). 
Some hope for a sura but would look faint 
if one were to come down mentioning 
fighting (cj 47:20; cf 9:86). Some plead ig- 
norance of fighting or turn back, wishing 
that their brethren who have fallen in 
battle had done the same (c3 3:i55f , i67f ). 
Others ask for permission to leave before a 
battle, pleading that their own homes are 
exposed (c3 33:13) or ask not to be put in 
temptation (by being asked to fight against 
kinsmen?; cj 9:49; cf Q^ 60; see kinship). 
Bedouin (q.v.) shirkers plead preoccupation 
with their flocks (amwdl) and families 
(c3 48:11; see family). Some turn their 
backs in actual battle (c3 3:155; 8:i5f.; 

33:i5f-)- 

All lack of martial zeal is debited to base 
motives. The blind, sick, weak and des- 
titute are of course exempted (q 9:91; 

48:17; see POVERTY AND THE POOR; 

ILLNESS AND HEALTH) but shirkers are sick 
of heart (q.v.; q 47:20), unwilling to be in- 
convenienced by long journeys (o 9:42) or 
heat ((^ 9:81), keen to stay at home with 
their women (o 9:87, 93), reluctant to con- 
tribute even though they are rich (c3 9:81, 
86, 93), cowards who anticipate defeat 
(^48:12; see gourage; fear), who are 
scared of death (cf Q^ 33:i8f ; 47:20) and 
who would boast (q.v.) of their luck if the 
expedition were hit by disaster but wish 
that they had been present when things 
went well (q 4:72f.); if they were Bedouin 
(q.v.), they are only interested in booty 
(q.v.; (J 48:15). Such people are liars 
(q, 9:42; cf 48:11), hypocrites (q^ 3:167), 



458 



cursed by God for only obeying part of 
what he sent down (q^ 47:26), closer to un- 
belief than to faith (o 3:167), indeed out- 
right unbelievers (5^ 3:156; 33:19; cf 9:44f ), 
who are really fighting for tdghiit ((J 4:76, cf. 
4:72; see IDOLS AND images; JIBt); they will 
be cast into a blazing fire (q.v.; o 48:13) and 
hell is to be their abode (q 9:95; see hell 
AND hellfire). Some people who have 
been granted permission to stay behind, a 
decision now regretted, are singled out for 
particular attention in increasingly sharp 
terms (ci 9:43-88). But the Bedouin who 
stayed behind are promised a second 
chance: they will be called against a mighty 
people and rewarded if they obeyed 
(c3 48:16). The believers in general are told 
that if they would not go forth, God will 
punish them and choose another people 
fe 9'39)- If they think their fathers, sons, 
brothers, wives, kinsmen, trade and 
houses are more important than God, his 
messenger, andjihddji sabil Allah, then they 
will eventually learn otherwise ((J 9:24). 
There is no need to be afraid. Death will 
come at its appointed time, wherever one 
may be ((3 4:78), and God might restrain 
the power of the unbelievers (q^ 4:84); in 
any case, unbelievers, hypocrites and 
People of the Book are all cowards who 
will turn their backs (cf. ^ 3:iiof.; 48:22; 
59:iif.). 

Attempts are also made to shame the be- 
lievers into fighting by construing war as a 
test: God could have avenged himself on 
his opponents but he wants the believers to 
do it so that he and they can see their true 
worth (c3 47:4, 31). Most people have failed 
the test, as they had done back in the time 
of Moses and Saul and David (q.v.; above), 
whose experiences clearly reflect the mes- 
senger's own (see narratives). Misfor- 
tunes in battles are likewise cast as tests 
(c3 3:i66f ; 33:iof ). God alternates good 
and bad days to purify the believers and to 
destroy the unbelievers, i.e. to weed out 



those of little faith {q^ 3:i4of ). Here as so 
often, the unbelievers seem to be members 
of the party deemed lacking in commit- 
ment to the cause. 

The objectives of war 
Opponents have wronged the believers by 
breaking their oaths and plotting to expel 
or kill the messenger (c3 8:30; 9:13; 17:76) 
and by actually expelling both him ((j 60:1; 
9:40) and the believers without right, just 
for saying "God is our lord" (q.v.; e.g. 
Q, 22:40; cf 60:1, 8f); they have also 
blocked access to the sanctuary (c3 2:217; 
48:25; see SACRED precincts). The objec- 
tive of war is to avenge these wrongs, to 
help the weak men, women and children 
left behind (q^ 4:75; see oppressed on 
earth, the), to expel the people in control 
of the sanctuary as they expelled the be- 
lievers (c3 2:191), to put an end to fitna (trial 
or test, traditionally understood as persecu- 
tion, more probably communal division), 
to make the religion entirely God's 
((J 2:193; 8:39), to make his religion prevail 
even if the polytheists dislike it ((J 9:33; 
61:9; cf. 48:2) and to punish the opponents: 
one should fight them so that God might 
chastise them "at your hands" (q 9:14); 
God will chastise them either on his own 
[mill 'indihi, presumably meaning by natural 
disasters; see weather; cosmology) or 
"at our hands" (c3 9:52); he would have ex- 
acted retribution himself (see vengeance) 
if he had not decided to do it through the 
believers to let them test one another 
fe 47:4). T\iejizja verse stands out by en- 
joining fighting until unbelieving People of 
the Book are reduced to tributary status 
((J 9:29). That the opponents will be de- 
stroyed is treated as certain: "How many a 
city (q.v.) stronger than the one that ex- 
pelled you have we destroyed," God says 
((J 47:13); "are your unbelievers better than 
they?" ((J 54:43). And the objectives are in 
fact achieved: God has expelled the un- 



459 



WARNER 



believing People of tlie Book from tlieir 
homes and tlieir fortresses, banishing them 
(c3 5g:2f.); and he has fulfilled the vision he 
had granted the messenger by allowing the 
believers to enter the sanctuary ((J 48:27), 
though the presence of believing men and 
women there has caused him to withhold 
his punishment (q 48:25). 

Exegesis 
The exegetes understood the cjur'anic 
verses on war as legislation regarding the 
Islamic duty of jihad and typically treated 
each verse as an independent unit for 
which the context was to be found in the 
tradition rather than the Qiir'an itself. For 
the result, see conquest, jihad, jews and 
JUDAISM, and the further cross-references 
given there. 

Patricia Crone 



Bibliography 
(in addition to the classical coninientaries on the 
verses cited above): H. Busse, The Arab conquest 
in revelation and politics, in los 10 (1980), 14-20; 
R. Firestone, J^zAfl^. The origin of lioly war in Isiam, 
New York 1999; M.K. Haykal, al-Jifidd wa-l~qital 
jt l-siydsati l-siiar'iyya, Beirut 1996; A.A. JannatT, 
Defense and jihad in the Qiir'an, in al~TawhTd I 
(1984), 39-54; M.J. Kister, 'An yadin (Qiir'an 
IX/29). An attempt at interpretation, in Arabica 
II (1964), 272-8; A. Morabia, Le Gifidd dans I'lslam 
medieval. Le "combat sacre" des origines au XIF siecle, 
Paris 1986; M. Mutahhari, Jihad in the Qiir'an, 
in M. Abedi and G. Legenhausen (eds.), Ji/idd and 
sliahddat. Struggle and martyrdom in Islam, Houston 
1986, 81-124; A. Noth, Heiliger Krieg und heiliger 
Kampf in Islam und Christentum, Bonn 1966; H.T. 
Obbink, De heilige oorlog volgens den Koran, Leiden 
1901; 'Abdallah b. Ahmad al-Qadirl, al-Jiliddjl 
sabTli lldh. Haqiqatuliu wa-ghdyalu/iu, Jeddah 1992; 
U. Rubin, Bard'a. A study of some quranic 
passages, in JSAI^ (1984), 13-32; A. Sachedina, 
The development of jihad in Islamic revelation 
and history, in J.T.Johnson andj. Kelsay (eds.). 
Cross, crescent and sword. New York 1990, 35-50; 
A. Schleifer, Jihad and traditional Islamic 
consciousness, in 10 27 (1983), 173-203; 
F. Schwally, Der heilige Krieg des Islam in 
religionsgeschichtlicher und staatsrechtlicher 
Beleuchtung, in Internationale Alonatsschrift fur 



Wissenschaft, Kunst und Technik 6 (1916), 689-714; 
W.M. Watt, Islamic conceptions of the holy war, 
in TP. Murphy (ed.). The ftoly war, Columbus, 
OH 1976, 141-56. 



Warmth see hot and c;old 



Warner 

One who foretells the (negative) conse- 
quences of actions. The Arabic word nadhir 
(pi. nudhur) appears no fewer than fifty- 
eight times in the Qiir'an, scarcely less fre- 
quently than the verb andhara (including 
nominal and adjectival forms, particularly 
mundhir) from which it derives, and nearly 
always in the sense of "warner" (cf. Lisdn 
al-'Amb, xiv, 100). As Watt puts it [Muham- 
mad at Mecca, 71), the verb "describes the 
action of informing a person of something 
of a dangerous, harmful, or fearful nature, 
so as to put him on his guard against it or 
put him in fear (q.v.) of it" (see also 

CHASTISEMENT AND PUNISHMENT; REWARD 

AND punishment). Particularly in the lan- 
guage of the sira (see sira and the 
(jur'an), andhara is also used to describe the 
Prophet's foreknowledge — his "giving 
notice" — of future events (see fore- 
telling; miracles; marvels) and as such 
can be counted as one of the signs (q.v.; see 
also proof) of his prophethood (Ibn Ishaq, 
Sira, i, 134; Ibn iiazm, Jawdmi' al-sira, lof; 
see prophets and prophethood). 

The primary sense of nadhir in pre- 
qur'anic Arabic seems to have been con- 
nected to warfare: the nadhir al-jaysh/ 
al-qawm is usually described as the scout 
who warned the main force of the enemy's 
presence (see war; enemies), a usage that 
continues in the Islamic period (see Bevan, 
Nakd'id, 12, "one who gives the alarm," and 
517, "a warner"; Ibn Qjntayba, 'UyUn, i, 
109; Wensinck, Concordance, s.v. andhara). It 
is apparently this sense that lies behind the 



WARNER 



460 



prophetic hadith in which Muliammad 
identifies himself as the "naked warner" 
[al-nadhir al-'urydn; cf. Wensinck, Con- 
cordance, iv, 203), who waves his slied gar- 
ments in order to raise the alarm (see 
HADITH AND THE (^ur'an). Unlike bas/ur 
(and its cognate, mubashshir, "the bearer of 
good news"; see news; good news) or, for 
that matter, nadhr ("vow"), which have par- 
allels in pre-Islamic Semitic languages (see 
Jeffery, For. vocab., 79f. and 278; Widengren, 
Muhammad, I3f.), usage of the term nadhir 
apparently becomes monotheistic only in 
the Qiir'an itself (see foreign vogab- 
ulary; grammar and the qur'an). 
Although the jinn (q.v.) can occasionally 
warn people (see (J 46:29 and Ibn Ishacj, 
Sira, i, 130), here as elsewhere God, acting 
out of his mercy (q.v.), usually sends men. 
The bashir, with which nadhir is frequently 
paired (at least in part for reasons of 
rhyme; see rhymed prose; pairs and 
pairing; rhetorig and the ^ur'an), 
promises good news for those who believe 
(see BELIEF AND UNBELIEF), but God's War- 
ners invariably promise bad news for those 
who do not (see, for the two antonyms, al- 
Raghib al-lsfahani, Aiufraddt, s.v. n-dh-r; 
and on C3 34:28, Muqatil b. Sulayman, 
Tafslr, iii, 533). In this respect, andhara and 
nadhir lie close to the qur'anic dhakkara 
"to remind, admonish" (on which see 
Bravmann, Spiritual background, 87 n. i; see 
remembrange; memory; reflegtion and 
deliberation). As the last of the prophets, 
Muhammad seems to have been construed 
as the last of the nadhirs, and exhorting the 
faithful to fear would later fall to preachers 
of varying status, some of whom took their 
name from the far less common qur'anic 
term mudhakkir (for examples, see Ibn al- 
Jawzi, Qiissds, 42f ; see teaghing and 
preaching the ^ur'an). 

Attempts to assign fairly precise dating to 
the "warner" passages (thus Horovitz, KU, 



47; Speyer, Erzdhlungen, 34f.; Andrae, 
Mohammed, 43f ; see ghronology and the 
(JUr'an) are only as persuasive as the 
schemes upon which they otherwise rely. 
But if one holds to the traditional and 
modern consensus that C3 74:2 ("Rise and 
warn!") is among the earliest lines — in- 
deed, perhaps the earliest — revealed to 
Muhammad, then his role as God's warner 
is at least as old as that (thus Tabari, Tafsir, 
xxix, I43f.; id., Ta'rikh, i, Ii53f.; Rubin, 
Shrouded messenger; see oggasions of 
revelation). Even if one does not, 
Muhammad's role as warner is still attested 
in Q_ 26:214 ("And warn your nearest rela- 
tives..."; see kinship), which is held to sig- 
nal the beginning of his public preaching, 
an event conventionally dated three years 
after his first revelation (thus Ibn Ishaq, 
Sira, i, 166; Tabari, Ta'rikh, i, 1169; 
Noldeke, UQ, i, 129). In the traditional lit- 
erature, the imagery is one of the battle- 
field (see Rubin, Eye, I30f.), which may 
suggest a relatively early date (see 

EXPEDITIONS AND BATTLEs). That this 

verse marks the concept's point of entry 
into the Qiir'an is also suggested by echoes 
of the parochialism (cf. also c) 42:7) that 
characterizes earlier warners, who had 
warned their communities of their own 
particular fates: the thunderbolt that fell 
upon 'Ad (q.v.) and Thamud (q.v.) in 
(J 41:13, the blow delivered to the people of 
Lot (q.v.) in (j 54:36 and the "painful chas- 
tisement" promised by Noah (c[.v.; q 71:1), 
which is glossed in tradition as the fiood 
(thus Tabari, TafsTr, xxix, 91; see punish- 
ment stories). 

Muhammad is certainly portrayed as one 
of a line of monotheistic warners (thus 
(J 28:46; 32:3), "there is not a community 
but that it has had a warner" (o 35:24), and 
warning sometimes appears to have been 
intrinsic to prophecy itself (see especially 
^ 6:48 and c^ 18:56: "We have not sent 



461 



WATER 



messengers save as bearers of good news 
and Warners"; see messenger). Unlike his 
predecessors, liowever, Muliammad is fre- 
quently given to warn through a scripture 
that was revealed to him (e.g. (^ 6:19; 7:2; 
42:7; 46:12; see book; revelation and 
inspiration); he is also given to warn "all 
humankind" (c3 34:28), and whereas Noah's 
"painful chastisement" ['adhdb 'alim, C3 71:1) 
was the Hood, Muhammad warns of 
nothing less than the eschaton itself: "the 
day of meeting" ((J 40:15; cf. 40:18; see 
eschatology) and "the flaming fire"(q.v.; 
C3 92:14; see also hell and hellfire). At 
least once (o 78:40), this day of chastise- 
ment is said to be near to hand, but the 
precise timing of the end probably held 
more interest for later Muslims than it did 
for Muhammad himself (see Bashear, 
Muslim apocalypses; see apocalypse). In 
sum, "this is a warner of the warners of 
old" (cj 53:56), but the Prophet brings to- 
gether an altogether unprecedented com- 
bination of vision, scripture and political 
action (cf. Gook, Muhammad, 35f.; Cook 
and Crone, Hagarism, i6f ; see scripture 
AND THE C>UR'aN; POLITICS AND THE 

qur'an). 

Chase F. Robinson 



Bibliography 
Primary: A. Bevan (ed.), The Nakd'id oj Janr and 
al-Farazdak, Leiden 1905; Ibn Hazm, 'All b. 
Ahmad b. ?i?i\A, Jawdmi' al-sTra, Cairo 1956; Ibn 
Ishaq, Sira, ed. Wiistenfeld; Ibn al-JawzT, Abu 
1-Faraj 'Abd al-Rahman b. 'All, Kitdb al-Qussds 
wa-l~mudhakkinn, ed. M. Swartz, Beirut 1971; Ibn 
Qiitayba, 'Uyun al-akhbdr, Cairo 1925; Lisdn al- 
'Arab, Beirut 1988; Muqatil, TafsTr; al-Raghib al- 
IsfahanT, Mujraddt; TabarT, Tafsir, Cairo 1954-7; 
id., Ta'nkh, Leiden 1879-1901. 
Secondary; T. Andrae, Mohammed. Sein Leben and 
sein Glaube, Gottingen 1932; S. Bashear, Muslim 
apocalypses and the hour. A case study in 
traditional interpretation, in 10s 13 (1993), 75-99; 
M.M. Bravmann, The spiritual background of early 
Islam. Studies in ancient Arab concepts, Leiden 1972; 



M. Cook, Muhammad, Oxford 1983; id. and 
P. Crone, Hagarism. The making of the Islamic world, 
Cambridge 1977; Horovitz, Kf/; Jeffery, For vocab.; 
Noldeke, gq; U. Rubin, The eye of the beholder. 
The life of Muhammad as viewed by the early Muslims, 
Princeton 1995; id.. The shrouded messenger. 
On the interpretation of al-muzzcimmil and al- 
muddaththir, injSAiiQ (1993), 96-107; Speyer, 
Erzdhlungen; W.M. Watt, Muhammad at 
Mecca, Oxford 1953; Wensinck, Concordance; 
G. Widengren, Muhammad, the apostle of God and 
his ascension, Uppsala and Wiesbaden 1955. 



Warning see warner 



Wars of Apostasy see apostasy 

Washing see cleanliness and 
ablution; ritual purity 

Waslla see consecration of animals; 
camel; idols and images 

Waswas see DEVIL 

Watcher see god and his attributes; 

SEEING AND HEARING 



Water 

The compound of oxygen and hydrogen 
on which every form of life depends. Of 
the four Heraclean elements, water has the 
highest number of attestations in the 
Qtir'an and appears in the greatest variety 
of forms. In its general sense, it is desig- 
nated by the Arabic word ma'. It subsists in 
the sky as clouds (sahdb, muzn, mu 'sirdt, 
ghamdma, 'ard), falls to the earth as rain (md' 
min al-samd', wadq, malar), or hail [barad; see 
weather) or is condensed from the at- 
mosphere as dew (tall). It rises from within 
the earth as springs ('ayn, yanbu') and is also 
accessible as wells [bi'r,juhb; see SPRINGS 
AND fountains). It flows across the land as 



WATER 



462 



rivers [nahr, pi. anhdr) and foaming torrents 
(sayl). It comprises the great aqtieoiis mass 
of the sea [jam, bahr, pi. bihdr), and its 
surges are waves (mawj). Often explicit 
mention of it is elided (mahdhuf) and its 
presence indicated by context, through 
such verbs as ghasila, "to wash," or saqd, 
"give to drink" (see food and drink). 
There is the water of bodily fluids, such as 
semen [nutfa, md' mahin, md' ddjiq; see 

BIOLOGY AS THE CREATION AND STAGES OF 

life) and tears (dam'; see weeping). Finally, 
there is in hell scalding water (hamlm) and 
putrid liquid (sadid) among the torments of 
the damned (see reward and punish- 
ment; HELL and HELLFIRe). 

Water in all these forms has a part in the 
divine economy of creation (q.v.). The 
words that designate it interact with each 
others' meanings, creating what Frithjof 
Schuon calls a spiritual geometry that 
yields structures of religious meaning char- 
acteristic of qur'anic rhetoric (see 
RHETORIC AND THE q^ur'an). They occur 
individually but are also combined to form 
images of power and beauty (q.v.). Water is 
a sign of God's power (see nature as 
signs; power and impotence). It reveals 
aspects of the dependence of creation on 
him, his dealings with it, and its duty to 
serve him. 

God created water before the heavens 
(see heaven and sky) and the earth 
(q.v.) — this is how the commentators (al- 
Tabari, al-Razi, al-Nasafi), luiderstand the 
verse "[God] created the heavens and the 
earth in six days, when his throne was 
above the water (md')" (o 11:7), and "He 
raised up the dome [of the sky] , then per- 
fected it; he made dark its night and made 
bright its day (see day and night), he laid 
out the earth, and drew forth from it its 
water (md'J and its pasturage" ((J 79-28-31; 
see AGRICULTURE AND VEGETATION). It is 
life-giving. Further God says, "We made 



every living thing of water (md'f (c) 21:30; 
cf. 24:45) and, as seminal fluid, in phrases 
such as md' mahin ((J 77:20), and md' ddjiq 
((J 86:6), water passes on life (q.v.) from one 
generation to the next. 

From above the earth 
"Water from the sky" (min al-samd' md), a 
regular periphrasis for rain, is among the 
gifts celebrated in hymnic pericopes (see 

LANGUAGE AND STYLE OF THE OUr'aN; 

GIFT AND gift-giving) such as: "He has 
set the earth for you as a resting place, and 
placed across it paths for you, and sent 
down from the sky water by which we have 
brought forth in profusion greenery of var- 
ious kinds" (q^ 20:53). It is one reason for 
humankind to worship (q.v.) God (see also 
GRATITUDE AND INGRATITUDE). Water is a 
single entity, but it produces a variety of 
wonderful things. "In the earth are neigh- 
boring tracts of land and gardens, of 
grapes, land with sown crops, date palms 
in clusters (see DATE palm), sprung from a 
single root, or standing singly, though ir- 
rigated by one water" [md', cj 13:4; cf. 
80:25). By it "he makes grow for you your 
crops, olives, dates, grapes and fruits of 
every kind" (q 16:10-11; cf. 50:9-10). 
Humankind depends totally on God's 
bounty, "Have you reflected on the water 
(md) you drink? Did you make it come 
from the cloud (muzn) or did we?" 
(q 56:68-9; cf 67:30; see REFLECTION AND 

deliberation; grace; blessing). 

Water may be taken away (c3 23:18), and 
without it, everything withers. "We send 
down [water] from the sky. The greenery 
of the earth blends with it, but then be- 
comes dry grass that the wind scatters" 
((J 18:45). Water is carried by the clouds 
(sahdb). The winds (riydh lawdqih) impreg- 
nate them (with water), and by them "We 
send water (md) down from the sky, then 
give it to you as drink. It is not you who 



463 



WATER 



hold it in store" (q 15:22). Tlie winds drive 
the clouds to carry water wherever God 
wills. 

Clouds may portend blessings. "We 
spread over you clouds (ghamama), and sent 
upon you manna and quails" (q 2:57). The 
winds carry them, "... you see rain (wadq) 
come from the midst of them," and "his 
servants (see servant)... who receive it 
rejoice" (q 30:48). They may, however, 
contain thunder and lightening, and send 
down hail (barad), and threaten punish- 
ment (q 24:43; see CHASTISEMENT AND 

punishment). 

The wonderful effect water has on 
drought-stricken earth is proof of God's 
power to resurrect the dead. "Among his 
signs (q.v.) is [this] : That you look on the 
earth [and see it] barren, yet when we send 
down upon it water (md'), it is stirred and 
becomes fecund. Indeed, he who brings it 
back to life restores to life the dead" 

(Q, 4I-39J cf 7:57; 16:65; see DEATH AND THE 

dead; resurrection). 

On earth 
Water is given to humankind in wells, riv- 
ers and torrents (sayl) flowing through the 
valleys (q 13:17) and springs. Wells are 
mentioned in q 12:10, 15 asjubb, and as bi'r 
in (J 22:45. The miraculous appearance of 
the well of Zamzam near Mecca (q.v.), is 
implied in q 2:158, that prescribes the sa'y 
between Safa and Marwa (q.v.), and is the 
scriptural basis for the story of Ishmael 
(q.v.; Isma'il) and Hagar (Hajar). 

Rivers provide water for irrigation, are a 
means of travel and transport and are 
sources of food and ornaments. Like rain 
they are celebrated in hymnic pericopes of 
great beauty (cf q 13:3; 14:32; 16:15; 27:61). 
The imbelievers (see belief and unbelief) 
say to Muhammad that they will not be- 
lieve unless "You provide for us a garden 
(q.v.) of date palms and grapes, and rivers 



(anhdr) gush through it" (q 17:91; see 
OPPOSITION TO Muhammad). On two 
occasions, jyamm replaces nahr to identify 
the river Nile, when the infant Moses (q.v.) 
was left to float in a box to be carried by its 
waters to safety (q 20:39; 28:7). 

Springs have a place in the canon of 
divine blessings: "he has caused you to 
have abundance of cattle and sons, of gar- 
dens and springs" (q 26:133-4). And "we set 
[upon the earth] gardens of date palms 
and grapes, and we make gush from it 
springs" (q 36:34). Yet springs only gush 
from the earth because God so wills 
(q 67:30). Like God's other gifts they may 
be taken back due to people's wickedness 
(see GOOD AND evil). Salih (q.v.) warned 
his people that, if they did not accept his 
message, the "gardens, springs, tilled fields, 
and date palms with heavy sheaths" 
(q 26:147-8) they enjoyed would be taken 
away from them (see Warner; 

PUNISHMENT STORIEs). 

So precious are they that the unbelievers 
said to Muhammad, "We will not believe 
you until you make a spring (yanhu'an) gush 
forth for us" (q 17:90). Moses had per- 
formed such a miracle (q.v.). When he 
asked God for water in the desert, God 
replied, "'Strike the rock with your staff 
(see rod),' and twelve springs gushed from 
it" (q 2:60). 

The sea 
There are two words for sea: bahr and 

jamm, the latter of which is attested only 
eight times in the Qiir'an. Li four places, 

yamm refers to the sea in which Pharaoh 
(q.v.) drowned (q 7:136; 20:78; 28:40; 51:40; 
see drowning), and once to the sea in 
which were thrown the ashes of al-Samirl's 
idol (q 20:97; see Samaritans; calf of 
gold). The sea (bahr) is mighty. God 
swears by Mount Sinai (q.v.), by the Torah 
(q.v.), by the heavenly Ka'ba (q.v.), by the 



WATER 



464 



vault of the sky, and by the ever brimful 
sea [q_ 52:1-6) that the punishment he 
threatens will come about (c3 52:7; see 
oaths). The water of the sea is salty. The 
Qiir'an contrasts it with the fresh water of 
springs and rivers, speaking of the two seas 
(bahrayn): "It is he who has let flow the two 
seas, one sweet and one salty and set a bar- 
rier (q.v.) between them" (q 25:53-4; cf 
55:19-20; see also barzakh). The point of 
meeting of the two seas is apotheosized in 
the Qiir'an as the place at which Moses 
meets the prophet al-Khidr (o 18:60-5; see 
khadir/khidr). Though different, both 
serve humankind: "From each you can eat 
fresh fish and find ornaments. You can 
watch the ships (q.v.) cleaving them with 
their prows as they seek his bounty" (cf. 
Q. 14:32; 16:14; 17:66; 22:65; 31:31; 35:12; 
45:12; see HUNTING AND FISHINg). 
Especially vivid is "his are the ships on the 
sea with sails aloft like mountains" 

(a 55:24) ■ 

The sea is also a place of terror and dark- 
ness (q.v.). God gives protection against 
these perils: "God has set the stars to guide 
you in the darknesses of land and sea" 

(CJ 6:63, 97; 27:63; see PLANETS AND STARs). 

It is at its most terrifying when mariners 
are threatened by a tempest: "When waves 
are suspended over them like a canopy, 
they call on God, in total sincerity, but 
when he has brought them safely to land, 
their faith (q.v.) grows feeble" (o 31:32; cf. 
10:22; 17:67). 

Water as punishment 
Water may be an instrument of punish- 
ment. One occasion, in historical time, is 
referred to in (j 34:16: "Then they turned 
away from us, so we sent to overwhelm 
them the torrent (sayl) of the great dam 
(at-'arim [q.v.])," referring to the devasta- 
tion of Saba' (see sheba) after the collapse 
of a dam above the city. On a greater scale 
is the flood sent to pimish the people of 



Noah (q.v.), wiping out all of humankind 
apart from Noah and his family. "So we 
opened the gates of the sky to let water 
(ma') pour forth, then we made springs 
('upiin) gush from the earth until the water 
(md') [from above and below] met to 
accomplish what had been decreed" 
(Q, 54:11-12; cf 69:11). The waves (mawj) 
drowned Noah's son (q 11:43), who put his 
trust in a mountain instead of God. The 
waters of the sea drowned Pharaoh and his 
armies (c3 10:90; 44:24). God has total 
power over the waters. He saved Noah, 
"By God's help, the ark (q.v.) sailed safely 
amid [waves] like mountains" (c3 11:42). 
God saved Moses from Pharaoh by divid- 
ing the sea (c^ 2:50; 7:138; 20:77; 26:63). 



In 

A surging up of the sea (o 81:6; 82:3) is a 
sign of judgment day but it is no longer 
mentioned in the hereafter (see 
eschatology; last judgment). Water, 
however, still has a role. In the gardens of 
paradise (q.v.) are springs (q 15:45; also 
q 44:52; 55:50; 77:41-3) and from them the 
blessed are given drinks of wonderfifl taste 
fe 37:45-7; 76:6), including zanjabil irom a 
spring called salsabil (q 76:17-18). Those 
brought close to the divine presence drink 
from water called tasnim (q 83:27-8; see 
face of god). Through these gardens flow 
rivers (c3 64:9; 65:11; cf. 2:266; 98:8), the 
water of which will never run brackish 
(q 47:15). For those enjoying them is as- 
surance of forgiveness (q.v), the ending of 
hostilities and peace (q.v.; q 47:12; 48:17; 
see also enmity). 

In hell 
Water is also part of the torments of the 
damned. The most terrible form of it is 
hamim. It is a scalding, seething fluid, with a 
terrible taste (q 38:57; 44:46). There are 
other liquid torments. The damned who 
cry out calling for cooling water (q 7:50) 



465 



WATER 



are given water like fused brass, like the 
dregs of oil (q^ 18:29; see smell; hot and 
cold). It is foul and purident, and can 
scarcely pass their throats (o 56:42). There 
are springs that add to their agony such as 
one that spouts scalding water (c) 88:5). 

In God's design 
Water plays a direct role in the dispositions 
of divine providence. One example is the 
vignette of Moses, after his flight from 
Egypt, helping the two daughters of Je thro 
water their flocks (cf. Q_ 28:23-4). This was a 
critical moment in his career, for it set the 
stage for his retiu'n to Egypt as a prophet 
(see PROPHETS AND prophethood). 
Another is the pivotal role played by "wa- 
ter from the sky" the evening before the 
battle of Badr (q.v), rain making the soft 
and shifting sand firm underfoot for the 
Muslims, and providing a stream to furnish 
drink and from which to take water for 
ritual ablutions (cf Q^ 8:11; see cleanliness 
and ablution; ritual purity). 

In purification 
q 8:11 alludes to the nexus between water 
and the ritual purity necessary for the valid 
performance of the ritual prayer (q.v.), and 
by extension, progress in the spiritual life. 
Ci 4:43 and (J 5:6 prescribe the ritual of 
wudW and the circumstances that render it 
necessary. (5 38:42 shows water as an agent 
of healing, sanctifying and restoring. After 
Job (q.v.) has suffered for many years, God 
says to him, "Scuff [the earth] with your 
foot! This is [a spring] . A cool place to 
bathe, and [it is] drink" (o 38:42), the 
words "water" and "spring" being under- 
stood. The water this miraculous spring 
provides quenches Job's thirst, cleanses him 
from disease, and is a sign that everything 
taken from him is to be restored. It is a cue 
to the spiritual dimensions of water in the 
Qur'an, richly exploited in the Sufi tradi- 
tion (see SUFISM and the cjur'an), notably 



in the thought of al-Ghazah (d. 505/11 11) 
and Ibn al-'Arabi (d. 638/1240). 

In rhetoric 
Metaphors in which water plays a part 
highlight its connotations (see metaphor). 
Unbelieving hearts are harder than stone 
(for nothing good can come from them; see 
heart), whereas from some stones rivers 
gush forth, others shatter, and water flows 
from them (c3 2:74). The unbeliever is to- 
tally ignorant and blind (see ignorance; 
vision and blindness). He is "in the dark- 
ness of a vast sea; waves envelop him, 
above them further waves, above them 
clouds, [forming] layers of darkness, one 
upon the other" (c3 24:40). Finally, even the 
plenitude of the sea is little compared to 
the words of God, for if all the trees of the 
world were pens, and the seas seven times 
over were ink, they would not suffice to 
write them (cj i8:iog; 31:27; see writing 

AND WRITING MATERIALS; WORD OF GOd). 

Conclusion 
Water, in its primal position in the order of 
creation, the variety of its forms and uses, 
its literal and symbolic significances (see 
SYMBOLIC imagery), has a dominant 
position in the Qvir'an's presentation of 
natural phenomena. In it is an inherent 
dynamism that makes it imique. It is one, 
but fecundates life in diverse forms. The 
movement of the life-cycle from the ger- 
mination of a seed depends on it. It brings 
the dead earth back to life and is thus an 
image of God's power to resurrect the 
dead. The frequent periphrasis "water 
from the sky" instead of rain (wadq, matar) 
highlights water as substance, iintram- 
meled by any accident. 

Every attestation elaborates the spiritual 
economy of the qur'anic revelation (see 
revelation and inspiration). Like the 
QjLir'an (tanztl), it is sent down (nazala) from 
the sky, as a inercy (q.v.) to humankind. It 



WATER OF PARADISE 



466 



is essential to every form of life and a sym- 
bol and agent of spiritual purity. Mystics 
have found in it an infinity of aspects and 
significances. 

Anthony H.Johns 

Bibliography 
Primary: Baydawi, ^4HM)fl/v Jalalayn; Nasafl, 'Tafsh; 
RazI, TafsTr; Tabarl, Tajsir. 

Secondary: T. Burckhardt, The symbolism of 
water, in W. Stoddart (ed. and trans.), Mirror of 
the intellect. Essays on traditional science and sacred art, 
Albany, NY 1987, 124-31; A.H.Johns, Narrative, 
intertext and allusion in the qur'anic presenta- 
tion of Job, in Journal of qur'anic studies I (1999), 
1-25; M. Lings, The qoranic symbolism of water, 
in Studies in comparative religion 2 {1968), 153-60; 
F. Schuon, Understanding Islam, London 1976; 
H. Toelle, Le Coran revisite, Lefeu, I'eau, Vair et la 
terre, Damascus 1999. 



Water of Paradise 

Rivers and springs found in the paradisia- 
cal garden, as described in the Qiir'an. 
The phrase "rivers of paradise," anhdr al- 
janna, occurs forty-six times, while the 
terms 'ayn, spring, and its plural, 'uyiin, 
occur nine times only (see also water; 
SPRINGS AND FOUNTAINS). There are four 
kinds of rivers in paradise (q.v.): Rivers of 
milk (q.v.) whose taste never alters, rivers of 
pure honey (q.v.), rivers of delightful wine 
(q.v.) which causes neither drunkenness nor 
heaviness (see intoxicants) and, finally, 
rivers of water that are always gushing, as 
in 0.47:15. 

Where are these rivers and springs lo- 
cated? Al-Qiirtubl (d. 671/1272) mentions 
that the qur'anic expression "underneath 
them" means that rivers flow "under the 
dwellers of paradise's couches and under 
their chambers" [Jdmi\ viii, 312). A much 
earlier commentator, al-Tabarl (d. 310/ 
923), had offered an expanded explanation: 
"God means the trees, fruits, and plants in 
the garden (q.v.; see also agriculture 



AND vegetation), not the ground. That is 
why he has said ^underneath which rivers 
flow,' because it is clear that he wanted to 
say that the water of the rivers therein 
flowed under the trees, plants, and fruits, 
not under the ground. For, when water 
flows under the ground, it is not the lot of 
someone above it to see it unless the cover 
between it and him is removed. According 
to the description of the rivers of the gar- 
den, they do not flow in underground 
channels" [TafsTr, ad loc). Al-Qiirtubl 
delves into the location of these rivers. He 
cites al-Bukhari's (d. 256/870) Sahih: "If 
you asked God, then ask him to dwell in 
al-Jirdaws which is in the middle of the gar- 
den. It is located in the highest place. On 
top of it is placed the Throne of God (q.v.), 
the merciful (see mercy; god and his 
attributes). It is from al-Jirdaws that the 
rivers of paradise flow" [Jdmi', ix, 311). 

Islamic tradition (see traditional 
DISCIPLINES OF ^ur'anic study) has as- 
cribed various names of qur'anic origin to 
these rivers (e.g. Kawthar, Kafur, Tasnim, 
Salsabil; cf. Smith and Haddad, Islamic 
understanding, 88, esp. n. 76). One of them, 
al-kawthar, occurs only once in the Qiir'an. 
Ibn Qayyim aljawziyya (d. 751/1350) cites 
a hadlth of the Prophet (see hadith and 
THE our'an) from Muslim (d. ca. 261/875): 
^^ al-kawthar is a river in paradise that my 
God promised me" [Hddl l-arwdh, 314). Abu 
Nu'aym al-LsfahanI (d. 430/1038) quotes 
the following hadith: "Then sidrat al- 
muntahd (the lote-tree of the boundary; see 
trees; ascension) was uncovered for me, 
and I saw four rivers: two internal and two 
external; I said: ^What are these rivers, O 
Gabriel (q.v.)?' He said, ^The internal ones 
are in paradise and the external are the 
Nile and the Euphrates'" [Sifat al-janna, iii, 
157-8; see geography). 

In 76:18, we read that the faithful will 
drink from a source called salsabil. Its water 
is flavored with ginger (cj 76:17) and the 



467 



WEALTH 



calyx of sweet-smelling flowers (cf. o 76:5; 
see camphor; smell; food and drink). 

Water of paradise purifies literally and 
metaphorically (see metaphor; cileanli- 
NESS and ablution; ritual purity). A1- 
Qiirtubl [Jdmi', x, 33) interprets (J 15:45 as 
follows: "when the people of paradise en- 
ter paradise, two springs are offered to 
them. They drink from the first one, and 
God erases all hatred and desire for ven- 
geance (q.v.) from their hearts (see heart). 
Then, they enter into the second spring 
and wash themselves. Their faces (q.v.) be- 
come serene." 

Inasmuch as the water of paradise puri- 
fies, it was connected to light (q.v.). Light, 
like water, renews and regenerates. Thus, 
al-Qiirtubl interprets the term nahar in 
ft 54:54 as light rather than river [Jdmi', 
xvii, 149). These two meanings of radiance 
and refinement can be understood in a 
highly esoteric way, as expressed in the 
commentary published under the name of 
the great Sufi (see SUFISM AND THE c^ur'an) 
Ibn al-'Arabi (d. 638/1240) as "the sources 
of the esoteric sciences and their 
branches" [Tafsir, i, 234; see polysemy). 

Amira El-Zein 



Bibliography 
Primary: Abu Nu'aym Ahmad b. 'Abdallah al- 
Isfaham, Sifat al-janna, 4 vols., Damascus 1987; 
Ibn al-'Arabl, Tafsir; Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya, 
Hadi l-arwah ila bilad al-afrdh, al-Dammam, Saudi 
Arabia 1997; Qiirtubl, J^am? '; TabarT, Tafsir. 
Secondary: E. Clark, Underneath which rivers flow. 
The symbolism of the Islamic garden, London 1996 
(2004); S. El-Saleh, La vie future selon le Coran, 
Paris 1971; E.J. Jenkinson, The rivers of paradise, 
in MW 19 (1925), 151-5; M. Lings, Symbol & 
archetype. A study in the meaning of existence, Cam- 
bridge, UK 1991, 67-82 (ch. 7, The qur'anic 
symbolism of water); J. Macdonald, Paradise, in 
IS 5 (1966), 331-83; J. Smith and Y. Haddad, The 
Islamic understanding of death and resurrection, Albany 



Weakness see oppressed on earth, 
the 



Wealth 

Worldly possessions and property. In this 
sense, "wealth" occurs often in the Qur'an. 
The most common term for it, mTil and its 
plural amvudl, prevails in the later (Medi- 
nan) suras (q.v.; see also chronology and 
THE cjur'an). Additional terms include 
ghind' and other words derived from its 
root, especially in the early (Meccan) suras. 
Sometimes property (q.v.) seems taken for 
granted as a simple fact of life: God "has 
made it a support for you" [allatija'ala lldhu 
lakum qijdman, q 4:5); one reason for men's 
control over women is "the expenditure 
they make [for them] out of their prop- 
erty" (C3 4:34; see MAINTENANCE AND 

upkeep; women and the our'an; 
patriarchy). For the most part, however, 
wealth is considered permissible and even 
desirable under certain conditions but a 
dangerous thing overall. 

To begin with, God is ghani, which means 
both "wealthy" and "able to dispense with" 
something or someone (see god and his 
attributes). He has no need of creation 
(q.v.) and the world [q.v.; ghaniyjiun 'ani 
l-'dlamm, o 3:97; 29:6). Human beings, 
however, need at least a bare minimum of 
the goods of this world, which can only 
come from God. God combines his wealth 
with mercy (q.v.; C3 6:133), providing hu- 
mans with property to satisfy their needs 
(Q. 53-4^> aghnd wa-aqna). Accordingly, we 
have the famous passage C3 35:15, "Oh you 
people! You are the (poor) ones in need of 
God [al-fuqard'u ild lldhi; see poverty and 
THE poor), while God is the wealthy and 
praiseworthy one [al-ghaniyyu l-hamid; see 
praise; laudation; glorification of 
god)." God's gifts (see gift and gift- 
giving) may be related to the sustenance 



WEALTH 



(q.v.; rizq) which he provides, as for in- 
stance in the quickening rain (see water; 
blessing). More to tlie point liere, how- 
ever, is the fact tliat tlie divine beneficence 
is often called^;//, which means "grace" 
(q.v.) but, also, in many cases, something 
more like "surplus" (see Bravmann, 
Surplus of poverty). "So if you fear (q.v.) 
poverty, God will make you wealthy out of 
his fadl" ((J 9:28); those who lack the means 
for getting married should wait chastely for 
God's fadl to arrive {q_ 24:33; see marriage 
AND divorce; chastity). 

God's generosity contrasts with the 
hoarding and greed of certain people 
(c3 10:58; see avarice). It is especially 
blameworthy to respond to God'sfadl with 
vengeful behavior (cf. Q^ 9:73-4; see 
vengeance). Yet many people are misled 
by or through their material goods. In the 
days of old, the Children of Israel (q.v.; 
Banu Isra'll) rejected their prophet's des- 
ignation of Saul (q.v.; Talut) as king over 
them, because they did not consider him 
rich enough (o 2:247; see kings and 
rulers). The people of Midian (q.v.) asked 
Shu'ayb (q.v.) if his religion would require 
them "to cease doing whatever we like with 
our property" (c3 11:87). The dazzling 
splendor and wealth of the present life 
which God permitted to Pharaoh (q.v.) and 
his chiefs caused them to lead people 
astray (q.v.) from God's path (o 10:88; see 
path or way). In Muhammad's own time, 
the unbelievers spent their wealth in pre- 
cisely the same way (q 8:36; see belief 
AND unbelief). Acquisition of wealth is 
repeatedly described as useless (e.g. 
Q, 15:84; 69:28; 92:11; 111:1-2, etc.). In a 
great many verses, worldly wealth is paired 
with children (q.v.), together constituting a 
vain enticement or temptation away from 
God (q. 3:10, 116; 8:28; 9:55, 69, 85; 17:6, 
64; 18:34. 39. 46; 19:77; 23:55-6; 26:88; 
34:35. 37; 57:20; 58:17; 63:9; 64:15; 71:21; 
see trial; trust and patience). 



Hoarding, avarice and arrogance (q.v.) all 
go together (see c) 57:23-4; 4:36-8, "God 
does not love the arrogant and vainglori- 
ous, nor those who are stingy and who hide 
the benefits that God has bestowed on 
them... nor those who spend of their sub- 
stance so as to be conspicuous before oth- 
ers"). Every time a warner (q.v.) appears 
before a people, its well-off members 
(mutrajuhd) say, "We do not believe...; we 
have more in wealth and children, and we 
cannot be punished" (cf. <J 34:34-5). Of 
course they are proved wrong; and in the 
afterlife, the saved will call down to the 
damned (see reward and punishment): 
"Of what profit to you were your hoarding 
and arrogant ways?" ({) 7:48; cf. 14:21). The 
basic problem with avarice is its claim to 
self-sufficiency (c3 92:8, man bakhila wa- 
staghna). Avarice thus comes at the cost of 
one's own soul (q.v.; o 47:38) and to be 
saved from the "covetousness of one's 
soul" is to achieve true "prosperity" 
((J 64:16). Similarly, greed is a form of in- 
gratitude: the creature whom God created 
and to whom he granted abundant goods 
and sons, and whose life he made comfort- 
able, is now greedy for more (o 74:11-15). 
Man, though created for toil and struggle 
(see work), still boasts, "I have squandered 
abundant wealth" (q 90:4-6). 

A great many passages in the Qiir'an 
speak of arrogance and the arrogant 
(alladhina stakbaru), rather than of wealth 
and the wealthy. These two groups (the 
arrogant and the wealthy) are related, if 
not identical. Interestingly, the Qiir'an, like 
the New Testament (Mark 10:25; Matthew 
19:24; Luke 18:25) talks of a camel (q.v.) 
going through the eye of a needle yet here 
the object of comparison is not the wealthy 
man seeking entrance to heaven (see 
paradise) but rather "those who reject our 
signs (q.v.) and consider them with arro- 
gance" (q^ 7:40; see lie; gratitude and 
ingratitude). 



469 



WEALTH 



Despite its many dangers for us, we can 
purify our wealtli by giving it away witliout 
any thouglit for favors in return 
(c) 92:18-19). We sliould not mar our acts of 
cliarity (see good deeds; almsgiving) 
with reminders of our generosity or witli 
unkind remarks (q 2:264). In this way, our 
wealtli may come to resemble God's origi- 
nal gift to humankind (rizq or fadl) , which 
was likewise given without any expectation 
of its being restored to the original donor. 
This reciprocity between God and the do- 
nor becomes clear when we are called 
upon to help meritorious mukdtah slaves (see 
SLAVES AND SLAVERY): "give them some of 
God's wealth (min mdli lldhi) which he has 
given you" ((J 24:33). Many passages spec- 
ify how to take alms from property and the 
right or claim (haqq) for "the needy and the 
deprived" that inheres within the property 
itself (c) 51:19; 70:24-5; see oppression; 
OPPRESSED on earth, THe). 

Wealth becomes an aid to salvation (q.v.) 
when it has not only been "purified," but 
also spent "in the path of God" (cj 2:261-5). 
Repeatedly, the believers are enjoined to 
struggle with their possessions and their 
persons (bi-amwdlihim wa-anfusihim); often 
(as at cj 4:95; 8:72; 9:44, 81, 88) this refers 
specifically to fighting (q.v.) and warfare 
(see war), though in other cases perhaps 
not (see jihad). God has purchased the 
possessions and persons of the believers in 
return for the garden (q.v.; (j 9:111). Here, 
through war and conquest (q.v), material 
wealth becomes a positive value: "He 
made you heirs of the lands, houses and 
goods [of the People of the Book (q.v.)] , 
and of a land which you did not frequent 
previously" (q^ 33:27). 

There are also many passages that deal 
with the management of property. 
Orphans' estates must be handled honestly 
(see orphan; guardianship). Money is 
prescribed for dowries (o 4:24; see 
bridewealth) and should not be made 



over to the weak of understanding ((j 4:5; 
see maturity; intellect). You should not 
devour your own substance and that of 
others by spending it on vanities or on 
bribes (?) forjudges (e.g. {) 2:188; 4:29). The 
alternative to such spending on vanities is 
commerce based on mutual good-will 
[tijdratan 'an tarddin minkum, C3 4:29). 
Similarly, ribd denotes a kind of bad trans- 
action, contrasted with alms (c) 30:39), and 
permissible trade (c3 2:274; see usury). 

Regarding the historical context for refer- 
ences to wealth in the Qiir'an, in one 
place, o 48:11, the term amwdl is used to 
refer to the herds of nomadic desert-dwell- 
ers (see nomads). Otherwise, we seem to be 
in a world consisting largely of town-dwell- 
ers, perhaps one in a process of intense 
social change, as Watt (Muhammad at Mecca; 
Muhammad at Medina), Ibrahim (Merchant 
capital) and Bamyeh (Social origins) have var- 
iously proposed (see t;iTY). It is not often 
clear, however, whether or to what extent 
the references to wealth in the Qiir'an have 
to do with moveable or immoveable prop- 
erty. Clear references to money (q.v.) are 
lacking altogether. Only rarely does the 
Qiir'iSn provide much context for these 
matters. One example may be C3 4:160-1, 
where the Jews (see JEWS and Judaism) are 
mentioned together with ribd (usury?); 
however, this may fit within a well-estab- 
lished thematic of monotheist debate (see 
DEBATE and DISPUTATION), as Rippin 
(Commerce) has suggested regarding the 
commercial vocabulary of the Qiir'an (see 
TRADE AND COMMERCE; POLEMIC AND 
POLEMICAL language). 

Despite the variety among them, these 
qur'anic themes relating to wealth and 
property together constitute a coherent 
view. A summary of this view, at o 47:36-8, 
makes it clear that if people believe and do 
the right things (see virtues and vices, 

COMMANDING AND FORBIDDING; ETHICS 

AND THE qur'an), if they are generous and 



WEATHER 



470 



open-handed, and if they remember that 
this life is mere play and frivolity, then God 
will allow them to keep their worldly prop- 
erty after all. Among the classical exegetes 
(see EXEGESIS OF THE (JUr'an: classical 
AND medieval), al-Tabarl (d. 310/923) had 
a particidarly strong sense of the qur'anic 
moral economy regarding property and 
wealth. 

Michael Bonner 



Bibliography 
M. Bamyeh, The social origins of Islam, Minnea- 
polis 1999; M. Bonner, The Kitdb al-Kasb 
attributed to al-Shaybanl. Poverty, surplus, and 
the circulation of wealth, inJAOS 121 (2001), 
410-27; id.. Poverty and economics in the 
Qur'an, m. Journal of interdisciplinary history 35/3 
{2005), 391-406; M.M. Bravniann, The surplus of 
property. An early Arab social concept, in Der 
Islam 38 (1962), 28-50; repr. in id.. The spiritual 
background of early Islam, Leiden 1972, 229-53; 
M. Ibrahim, Merchant capital and Islam, Austin, 
TX 1990; A. Rippin, The commerce of 
eschatology, in Wild, Text, 125-35; W.M. Watt, 
Muhammad at Mecca, Oxford 1953; id., Muhammad 
at Medina, Oxford 1956. 



Wean see lactation 

Weapons see instruments; fighting; 
war; hunting and fishing 

Weariness see sleep; sabbath 



Weather 

In general terms, the state of the atmo- 
sphere at a given time and place, involving 
the variables of heat, cold, moisture, wind 
and pressure, and referring both to bene- 
ficial and destructive consequences. In the 
Qiir'an there are a number of words cover- 
ing many of these aspects, some phenom- 
ena having more than one term. In the 
vast majority of contexts, the agency of 
God is explicit (e.g. q 30:48). 



Rain, for example, is expressed in several 
ways. The most frequent is the mention of 
God's "sending down water from the sky" 
thereby giving life (q.v.) to or restoring it on 
earth (q.v.; see also agriculture and 
vegetation). The word ghayt/i is also 
employed in a bountiful sense in q 42:28 
and q 57:20 (see grace; blessing). The 
two occurrences of wadq (q 24:43; 30:48) 
mean a heavy rain falling from a cloud; 
sayyih (q 2:19) is also rendered heavy rain or 
rainstorm. A neutral sense is conveyed in 
q 4:102 where fighters are allowed to set 
aside their arms (see fighting; expedi- 
tions AND battles; weapons) if sick (see 
ILLNESS and health) or discomfited by 
rain (malar). The causative verbal form IV 
of this root (m-t-r) is used exclusively to 
express divine punishment, as in q 25:40 
where it "rained an evil rain" (umtirat 
matara l-saw'i) upon Sodom. The same 
occurred to the people of Lot (q.v.; q 7:84; 
26:173; 27:58), although in q 11:82 and 
q 15:74 (see also q 8:32) "stones" (hijdr) 
were rained down upon them, possibly a 
metaphor (q.v.) for a volcanic eruption (see 
stone). 

A series of related weather terms, wind 
(sing, and pi.; see air and wind), storm 
{'dsif, q 14:18), and cloud may be treated 
together. In q 22:31, ascribing partners to 
God (see polytheism and atheism) is lik- 
ened to a wind (rih) that carries someone 
far away. Another simile (q.v.) compares 
those who devote themselves to the life of 
this world to a biting icy wind [rThJihd sirr, 
q 3:117) that destroys the harvest. Solomon 
(q.v.) is granted a fair wind by God by 
which he could safely set sail at sea 
(q 21:81; 38:36). On the other hand, the 
ungrateful (see gratitude and ingrati- 
tude) may feel a sense of security but God 
could drown them in a mighty storm or 
hurricane [qdsifan mina l-rihi, q 17:69; see 
drowning), a fierce roaring wind [nh 
sarsar 'dtija, q 69:6; cf also q 41:16; 54:19; 



471 



WEEPING 



al-rih al-'aqim, c) 51:41) destroyed the people 
of 'Ad (q.v.) for their disobedience (q.v.). 
The faithful (see faith; belief and 
unbelief) are reminded of God's favor 
that when they were besieged at Medina 
(q.v.) by the Qiiraysh (q.v.), he sent against 
them a strong wind [rihan, q 33:9) and hosts 
they could not see (see ranks and orders; 
angel). God sends winds (al-riydh bushran, 
Q_ 7:57; see also Q_ 25:48; 27:63; cf 30:46) 
that herald his mercy (q.v.) by bringing 
clouds to water a scorched earth (see 
water). 

Two words for cloud, 'arid and sa/idb, the 
latter used in a collective sense as well, nat- 
urally occur along with mention of wind(s) 
(c3 2:164; 46:24) and rain. One splendid 
passage (q^ 24:43) contains numerous signs 
of God's lordship as creator and sustainer 
of the natural order in the clouds, rain, 
hail (barad) and lightning [barq; see 
creation; sustenance; lord; nature as 
signs). Thunder (ra'd) and lightning ap- 
pear naturally together in (J 2:19-20 along 
with thunderbolts {sawd'iq; see also 
(3 13:12-13). The people of Thamud (q.v.) 
were destroyed (c) 69:5) by a divine punish- 
ment which appeared to combine the qual- 
ities of thunder and lightning (tdghiya), a 
term occurring only in this context (see 
PUNISHMENT STORlEs). Lane notes that it is 
synonymous with sd'iqa (pi. sawd'iq) mean- 
ing "thunderbolt" (<j 41:13), although 
translators render it as "lightning" as well. 
Thunder (ra'd) is also the title of the thir- 
teenth chapter of the Qiir'an (see sura). 

David Waines 

Bibliography 
Lane; Lisan al-'Arab; H. Toelle, Le Corcm revisits. Le 
feu, Veau, fair ei la ierre, Damascus 1999. 

Wedding see marriage and DIVORCE 



Weeping 

Shedding of tears as a result of a height- 
ened emotional state. Weeping out of piety 
(q.v.) or the fear (q.v.) of God is considered 
an expression of great devotion and several 
hadlths relate that this is what the Com- 
panions of the Prophet (q.v.) used to do 
when they heard sermons and preaching 
(see teaching and preaching the 
q^ur'an). According to a hadlth reported 
by Abu Hurayra (d. ca. 58/678; see HADITH 
AND the (JUr'an), among "the seven peo- 
ple to whom God gives his shade on the 
day" of resurrection (q.v.), there is "a man 
who remembers God in solitude and his 
eyes become tearful" (Bukhari, Salnh, 
K. Adhdn 14; Tirmidhi, Sahih, K. ^uhd, 53; 
see remembrance; vigils). Another 
hadlth, reported by 'Abdallah b. al-Shikh- 
khir (fl. fourth/tenth cent.), says that the 
Prophet himself, "when he was performing 
prayers, would sob and his chest sound like 
a boiling kettle" (Abu Dawud, Sunan, K. 
Saldt, 22, 157; see prayer). In the Qiir'an, 
some verses say that the believers (see 
belief and unbelief) are those who, lis- 
tening to the holy book, "fall down on their 
faces in tears" (c3 17:109; see recitation 
OF THE (jur'an), and the same is said 
about the ancient prophets who "would fall 
down in prostrate adoration and in tears" 
(o 19:58; see BOWING and prostration). 
These verses are among the eleven, ac- 
cording to al-Q_ayrawanI (d. 385/996, 
Risdla; most traditional schools speak of 
fourteen or fifteen occasions) that, when 
recited, Muslims are commanded to per- 
form sujud (see ritual and the cjur'an). 
Al-Bukharl (d. 256/870) and Muslim (d. ca. 
261/875) report that Muhammad ordered 
Abu Bakr (q.v.) to lead the prayer, but 
'A'isha (see 'a'isha bint abi bakr) said 
that he could not because he "will not be 
able to recite the noble Qiir'an to the peo- 
ple on account of weeping" (Bukhari, 



WEIGHTS AND MEASURES 



472 



Sahih, K. Fadd'il al-sahdba, 3; Muslim, Sahih, 
K. Fadd'il al-sahdba, 2). In spite of that, the 
Prophet re-afSrmed liis order. The ques- 
tion of whether it is permitted to weep for 
the dead is more complex (see DEATH AND 
THE dead; burial). Muslim scholars agree 
that weeping for the dead is permissible, 
whereas lamenting and wailing are not (cf. 
Halevi, Wailing; Rippin, Sadjda). Many 
narrations report that in particidar 'Umar 
admonished those who wail for the dead, 
recalling that the Prophet had said: "A 
dead person is tormented by the wailing of 
the living people" (Bukhari, Sahih, K. 
Jand'iz, 33; Muslim, Sahih, K. Jand'iz, 
passim). After the death of 'Umar, 'A'isha 
said, in reply to the son who had admon- 
ished those who were crying for his father, 
that, on the contrary, "The messenger of 
God did not say that a believer is punished 
by the weeping of his relatives. But he said 
that God increases the punishment of a 
non-believer because of the weeping of his 
relatives" (Bukhari, Sahih, R. Jand'iz, 32; 
Muslim, Sahih, K. Jand'iz, passim). She fur- 
ther added, quoting the Qiir'an: "Nor can 
a bearer of burdens bear another's bur- 
dens" (q 35:18). Ibn 'Abbas (d. ca. 68/ 
686-8) then recited: "It is he who grants 
laughter and tears" (tj 53:43). After that, 
Ibn 'Umar did not say anything. On the 
other hand, it is related that the Prophet 
himself wept on the death of his son 
Ibrahim and said: "The eyes shed tears 
and the heart feels pain, but we utter only 
what pleases our lord. O Ibrahim! We are 
aggrieved at your demise" (Sayyid Sabiq, 
Fiqh al-sunna, iv, 21). The verb "to weep" 
recurs only rarely elsewhere in the Qiir'an. 
Regarding those who were congratulating 
themselves on having successfully avoided 
taking part in the expedition of Tabuk (see 
EXPEDITIONS and BATTLES; HYPOCRITES 

AND hypocrisy), it is said: "Let them 
laugh a little: much will they weep" 
(q, 9:82; see laughter). Joseph's (q.v.) 



brothers also pretend to weep on their re- 
turn to their father after having sold their 
sibling (ci 12:16; see brother and 
brotherhood; benjamin). Those who 
make fim of the announcement of the end 
of the world (see eschatology) are re- 
buked for laughing instead of weeping 
(Q, 53-6o). Lastly, we are told that neither 
heaven nor earth shed tears for the people 
of Pharaoh (q.v), after being punished by 
God for not having listened to Moses (q.v; 
Q, 44:29; see also chastisement and 
punishment; reward and punishment; 
joy and misery). 

Paolo Branca 



Bibliography 
Primary: Abu Dawud; Abu 'Ubayd, Fadd'il, 63-6 
(for early treatment of weeping in response to 
the Qiir'an); al-AnsarT, Abu 'Abdallah, Shark 
hadud Ibn 'Arafa, Morocco 1992; Bukhari, Sahih, 
ed. M.D. al-Bagha, 6 vols., Beirut 1987; Ibn 
Hibban, Sahih, ed, Sh. al-Arna'ut, 18 vols., Beirut 
1993; Ibn Hisham, al-Sira al-nabawiyya, ed. 
T. 'Abd al-Ra'uf Sa'd, 6 vols., Beirut 
1411/1990-1; Ibn KatliTr, Tafsir, Beirut 1980; 
Malik, Muwatta'; al-MaqdisT, Muhammad b. 
'Abd al-Wahid, al-Ahadith al-mukhtdra, ed. 'Abd 
al-Malik b. 'Abdallah b. Duhaysh, 10 vols., 
Mecca 1410/1989-90; Muslim, Sahih; Qiirtubl, 
Jdmi'; Sayyid Sabiq, Figh al-sunna, Eng. trans. 
4 vols., Indianapolis 1989 (orig. 5 vols., Cairo 
1954-5); Tabarl, Tiifsir, Beirut 1984; Tirmidhl, 
Sahih, 13 vols., Cairo 1931-4. 

Secondary; L. Halevi, Wailing for the dead. The 
role of women in early Islamic funerals, in Past 
and present 183 (May 2004), 3-39; A. Rippin, 
Sadjda, in EI^, viii, 740. 



Weights and Measures 

Means for making cjuantitative evaluations. 
Information about weights and measures 
in the Qtir'an must be derived from sym- 
bolic discourse (see symbolic imagery; 
similes; metaphor). This is true even for 
very concrete weights and measures and is 
reflected in the exegetical literature (see 

EXEGESIS OF THE OUr'an: CLASSHIAL AND 



473 



WEIGHTS AND MEASURES 



medieval), which contains often divergent 
information and explanations about 
weights and measures in the Qiir'an. What 
follows is a closer examination of the 
qur'anic (i) measures of length; (2) meas- 
ures of weight; (3) mixed measures; and 
(4) measures of time. The Qiir'an 
makes no mention of explicit measures 
of area. 

Measures of length 
Dhird\ "cubit," appears only in (J 69:32, in 
"a chain of seventy cubits reach." It is 
ecjuivalent to "the part of the arm from the 
elbow to the tip of the middle finger" (see 
Hinz, Dhira', on its concrete early Islamic, 
not qur'anic, dimension). Al-Tabarl 
(d. 310/923) simply says "God knows best 
the span of its length" [Allcihu a 'lamu bi-qadri 
tulihd; Tafsir, xii, 220). He also mentions the 
opinion that "one a'Aira' corresponds to 
seventy bd'^ The term 6a 'does not occur 
in the Quran but in early Islamic times it 
corresponded to about two meters (see 
Hinz, Islatnische Masse, 54). Following al- 
Tabarl, one bd' can also represent — sym- 
bolically, of course — a distance that is 
supposed to be longer than the distance 
between Kufa and Mecca (q.v). 

Qdb denotes "a short span" and appears 
only in Q_ 53:9, in combination with qaws, 
"bow," or "cubit" (see Lane, vii, 2575) as 
qdba qawsayn, literally the "distance of two 
bow-lengths," meaning "very close." Al- 
Tabarl [Tafsit; xi, 507-9) reports opinions 
on the length of qdba qawsayn, including, 
among others, "half the length of a finger" 
or "length of a finger." He also explains 
the phrase as referring to either the dis- 
tance between the archangel Gabriel (q.v.) 
and God or between Muhammad and 
God. 

Measures of weight 
Mithqdl, "(an undefined) weight," appears 
eight times, six occurrences of which 



(q 4:40; 10:61; 34:3, 22; 99:7-8) are in a gen- 
itive construction with dharra. Dharra (e.g. 
"God does not do a grain's weight of 
wrong," q 4:40) denotes something tiny, a 
speck (e.g. an ant — a hundred of them 
weigh one grain of barley; see Lane, iii, 
957), or, in modern Arabic usage, an atom. 
Following al-Tabarl [Tafsir, x, 574) with re- 
gard to C3 10:61, mithqdl dharra denotes the 
weight of one single, small speck. With 
regard to C3 34:3, al-Tabari says: "God 
misses nothing in heaven (see heaven and 
sky) and on earth (q.v.), even if it has only 
the weight of a dharra [Tafsir, x, 346) and at 
Q^ 34:22 he comments: "There are no gods 
but God, so they do not even own some- 
thing of the weight of a dharra in heaven 
and on earth" (ibid., x, 371; see poly- 
theism AND atheism; idols and images; 

POWER and impotence). 

Kayl appears repeatedly for "measure" in 
general. In just one place the Qiir'an uses 
kayl ba'ir, "camel-load" (see camel), as the 
definition of a weight which is, following 
the verse itself, "an easy measure": "We 
shall... get an extra measure of a 
camel(-load). That is an easily acquired 
measure" [nazdddu kayla ba'irin dhdlika kaylun 
yasirun, o 12:65). Apart from that, whenever 
kayl appears — ten places in all — it 
never refers to a defined weight (see 
measurement). 

Some other expressions belong to the 
sphere of measures of weight. Twice, 
mithqdl appears in connection with habba 
min khardal, "grain of mustard" (c3 21:47; 
31:16): "... if it be the weight of a grain of 
mustard, and it be in a rock,... God will 
produce it" (q 31:16). In all other places 
where habba, "grain," occurs alone, it is a 
mere metaphor (cf. the metaphorical 
"grain of a mustard seed" of the Bible, e.g. 
in Mark 4:31). 

Himl, "load," serves in three places as a 
periphrasis for a weight: as "camel-load" 
[himl ba'Tr, (j 12:72, .synonymous to the 



WEIGHTS AND MEASURES 



474 



above-mentioned kayl ba'Tr); one burdened 
soul (q.v.) will not bear the burden of an- 
other (c3 35:18; see also intercession; 
REWARD AND PUNISHMENT); some Will bear 
a burden on the resurrection (q.v.) day 
(c3 20:101; the same meaning is denoted by 
wizr, "load," in the preceding verse, 
Q, 20:100). 

Similarly metaphorical are waqr, "heavi- 
ness," which occurs four times ((J 6:25; 
17:46; 18:57; 31:7), and wiqr, "burden," 
where once ((J 51:2) it denotes metaphori- 
cally the burden of water (q.v.) that clouds 
carry (see also air and wind; weather). 

Mixed measures 
Some terms of measure in the Qiir'an sig- 
nify simultaneously weight and value (see 
also trade and commerce; markets; 
money; numismatics). 

Dirham denotes the early Arabic silver 
coin, and, at the same time, a weight as a 
coin was understood to be of a particular 
weight. It appears only once, in the plural 
dardhim ((j 12:20). From there, it simply fol- 
lows that it is a measure for a small value: 
"They sold him [Joseph (q.v.)] for a low 
price, a certain number of dirhams, for they 
thought little of him." At the time of the 
prophet Muhammad, one dirham was sup- 
posed to have the value of a tenth or a 
twelfth of a dmdr (Miles, Dirham). 

Dinar denotes the early Islamic gold coin 
and appears only once, too. It is of a lesser 
value than the qintdr (o 3:75). It is said that 
Christians and Jews who had borrowed 
dinars from Muslims would sometimes not 
give them back (Miles, Dinar; see jews and 

JUDAISM; CHRISTIANS AND CHRISTIANITY). 

Qintdr, mostly understood as "talent," ap- 
pears three times ((3 3:75; 4:20; pi. qandtir, 
C3 3:14). It is apparently derived from the 
Latin centenarius (Ashtor, Mawazin). In 
C3 3:14 "talents of gold (q.v.) and silver" are 
listed as earthly enticements, in addition to 



women (see women and the cjur'an), 
children (q.v.), excellent horses, cattle (see 
animal life) and land (see also grace; 
blessing; property; wealth). Com- 
mentaries on this verse list many different 
opinions on the meaning of qintdr. 
Al-Tabarl (TafsTr, iii, 199-202) says repeat- 
edly that it means "a lot of property (mdl) 
of gold and silver" and that it cannot be 
defined by weight. The other interpreta- 
tions al-Tabari lists range from 1200 uqiyya, 
"ounce" (not in the Qiir'an; in early Islam 
it denoted a weight of 125 grams; see Hinz, 
Islamische Masse, 35) to over 1200 gold dindrs; 
or 1200 dindrs, and 1200 mithqdl (see above) 
in silver; or 12,000 dirham, or lOOO dindr; 
until the equally unclear "as much gold as 
a sack made of bull hide can contain" 
(miVu maski thawrin dhahaban). Ibn Kathir (d. 
774/1373; Tafsir, ii, 17-18, 57) concedes that 
the opinions of the interpreters differ. He 
understands qintdr simply as "money" or 
"property" (mdl), although he has heard 
opinions that it is worth 40,000, 6o,000, 
and 80,000 dindrs. He refers to the Prophet 
who is said to have assigned to a qintdr the 
weight of 12,000 uqiyya (see above): each 
single uqiyya is supposed to be more valu- 
able than everything between heaven and 
earth (kullu uqiyyatin khayrun mimmd bayna 
l-samd'i wa-l-ard). 

Again for the sake of completeness, two 
metaphorical expressions for something of 
little value should be noted: qitmir, "skin of 
a date-stone," which denotes symbolically 
very little value and appears only in 
8. 35''3' "Those whom you call upon, apart 
from him, have not power over the skin of 
a date-stone"; and qabda, "a handful," 
which occurs twice, as in (j 39:67: "The 
earth as a whole will be his handful on the 
day of resurrection" (also (5 20:g6). Al- 
Tabari [TafsTr, viii, 451-2) says with regard 
to Q, 20:96: "A handful (of dust) from the 
track, which the hoof of the horse of the 



475 



WEIGHTS AND MEASURES 



archangel Gabriel (who came to reveal 
the Qiir'an to the prophet Muhammad) 
had left." 

Measures of time 
A number of terms are used with the 
meaning "eternity, unlimited period of 
time" (for further discussion of measure- 
ments of time, see eternity; time): dahr 
(twice, in (J 45:24; 76:1), also with the 
meaning of "fate" (q.v.; see Watt, Dahr); 
sarmad (twice, in (3 28:71-2), meaning "in- 
cessant continuance" (see Lane, iv, 1353); 
abad, always in the accusative case, abadan 
(twenty-eight times), fourteen of which are 
with the meaning of "forever," e.g. q 64:9: 
khdlidmajihd abadan, "to abide therein for- 
ever." In the remaining places, abadan is 
not a measure of time in the strict sense, 
because it appears as a negation meaning 
"never." 

In contrast, amad denotes a clearly limited 
period of time (four times, in q 3:30; 18:12; 
57:16; 72:25): "Time, considered with re- 
gard to its end" (Lane, i, 95; Tabari, TafsTr, 
xii, 275, with regard to (J 72:25). Al-Tabarl 
{Tafsii; iii, 231) gives the term a different 
gloss at each occurrence: he acknowledges 
with regard to C3 3:30 the interpretation 
"period of time" as well as "place" (makdn), 
meaning an undefined measure of dimen- 
sion or space. Then, he compares the amad 
of C3 18:12 (Tabari, Tafsu, viii, 187) with 
ghdja, "extreme limit," noting that it can 
denote both a temporal and a spatial di- 
mension. He knows also the interpretation 
"number" ('adad) for amad. Moreover, al- 
Tabari {TafsTr, xi, 682) narrates an opinion 
about q 57:16 in which amad is synonymous 
to dahr (see above). 

Not much more concrete are the syn- 
onymous terms Sana and 'dm, both meaning 
"year," because they are used either meta- 
phorically or for the vague description of 
longer periods of time. Sana appears seven 



times in the singular and twelve in the plu- 
ral sinlna; 'dm appears nine times (see 
year), q 2:189 and 10:5 indicate that time- 
fixing follows the new moon (q.v.). The 
calculation of the year according to the 
lunar calendar (in which one year is ca. 
354 days) thus has a qur'anic basis (see 
calendar). The Qtir'an, however, knows a 
year longer than the lunar year because it 
mentions a leap month (q 9:37, see below; 
see months). 

This leads us to the next smallest unit of 
time, shahr, "month," of which twelve make 
one year (q 9:36). Shahr appears twenty-one 
times, twelve of which are in the singular, 
twice in the dual, once in the plural shuhur, 
six in the plural ashhur. One month is in- 
dicated by its name: Ramadan (q.v.; 
q 2:185). Sacred months in general (see 
sacred and profane) are mentioned 
eight times (in q 2:194, 197, 217; 5:2, 97; 
9:2 — here the four months during which 
one can travel safely in the country, be- 
cause feuds are forbidden [q.v.] ; see also 
fighting; lawful and unlawful; 
journey), a travel distance of two months 
corresponds to the distance that the wind, 
which was made to serve Solomon (q.v.), 
covered in one day (q 34:12; see below at 
yawm). 

Shahr is also used metaphorically: "The 
Night of Power (q.v.) is better than a thou- 
sand months" (q 97:3). When God created 
the heavens and the earth (see creation; 
cosmology), he simultaneously created 
twelve months, four of which are sacred 
(q 9:36). Thirty months are the time for a 
woman to become pregnant and wean her 
child (q 46:15; see biology as the 
creation and stages of life; wet- 
nursing; fosterage; lactation; milk). 
Other regulations in connection with the 
measure of months can be found in q 4:92 
(about fasting [q.v.] for the sake of repen- 
tance; see REPENTANCE AND PENANCe), 



WET-NURSING 



476 



c) 58:4 (about remarriage; see marriage 
AND divorce; law and the q^ur'an), 
(J 2:226 and 65:4 (about the woman's wait- 
ing period [q.v.] after divorce and before 
remarriage), C3 2:234 (about a widow's 
[q.v] waiting period before she may be 
remarried after her liusband's death). If we 
assume tliat tlie Arabs (q.v.) at the time of 
the revelation followed the lunar calendar 
(see pre-islamk; Arabia and the 
C3Ur'an), a cjur'anic month has an average 
duration of around 29.5 days (see De Blois, 
Ta'rikh, 258). The length of the leap 
month, al-ndsi', whose insertion is prohib- 
ited ((J 9:37; see calendar; months; cf 
De Blois, Ta'rikh, 260), is unclear. 

The next smallest unit of time i^yawm, 
"(an entire) day (between sunset and sun- 
set)." Layl and layla, "night" (pi. laydlin), 
stands for the first half of the twenty-four 
hour day, nahdr, "day," for its second half. 
The times of the day generally denote 
vaguely defined periods of time (for more 
details see day and night; day, times 
of). For example, two terms describing 
times of the day signify a short period of 
time in relation to the (metaphorical) hour 
of the last judgment (q.v): 'ashiyya (late, 
dark evening) and duhd (forenoon): ka-an- 
nahum yawma yarawnahd lamyalbathii Hid 
'ashiyyatan aw duhdhd, "On the day when 
they see it, it will be as if they had not tar- 
ried more than an evening, or its morning" 
(only Q_ 79:46; see morning; evening). 

Two other terms appear in connection 
with the time or the distance which the 
wind that was made to serve Solomon cov- 
ered in one day: ghuduww (morning) and 
rawdh (evening, or "afternoon [q.v] , from 
the declining of the sun [q.v] from the 
meridian until night"; see Lane, ill, 1182); 
both terms appear only in C3 34:12: "And to 
Solomon (we subjected) the wind which 
blew a month's (journey) in the morning, 

and a month's (journey) in the evening " 

Al-Tabari [Tafslr, x, 353) repeats the opin- 



ion that the wind covers in one day the 
distance that one travels in two months (a 
distance equal to that between Kabul and 
an unidentified place). 

The smallest unit of time in the Qtir'an is 
sd'a, commonly translated as "hour." Sd'a 
appears forty-eight times. It denotes a 
period of the day shorter than its second 
part, al-nahdr; as in C3 10:45 (cf. Q^ 46:35): lam 
yalbathu Hid sd'atan min al-nahdr, "On the day 
when we round them up as if they had not 
remained (in the grave; see bxjrial; death 
and the dead) an hour of the day." 
Therefore, it can also be understood as "a 
time, a (little) while, a space, a period, an 
indefinite short time" (Lane, iv, 1467). 

Stephan Dahne 

Bibliography 
Primary: 'Abd al-BaqT; Ibn Kathir, Tafslr; TabarT, 
Tafsir, 12 vols., Beirut 1420/1999. 
Secondary: E. Ashtor, Mawazin, in if/^, vi, 
118-21; EC. de Blois, Ta'rikh, in Ei", x, 257-64; 
W. Hinz, Dhira', in Ei^, ii, 231-2; id., hlamische 
Masse und Gewichte, Leiden 1970; Lane; G.C. 
Miles, Dinar, in EI^, ii, 297-9; i^-) Dirham, in EI^, 
ii, 319-20; W.M. Watt, Dahr, in El", ii, 94-5. 



Wells see SPRINGS AND FOUNTAINS 



Wet-Nursing 



Breastfeeding — voluntary or for 
payment — of an infant by a woman other 
than its own mother, or by the latter, fol- 
lowing divorce (see marriage and 
divorce). Murdi'a (pi. marddi') in the 
Qiir'an denotes in general "suckling fe- 
male" (q 22:2, Bell; "nursing mother," 
Pickthall) and, more specifically, a "foster- 
mother" (c3 28:12, Arberry) or a "wet- 
nurse." In (J 65:6 the root r-d-' in the fourth 
form describes the act of wet-nursing, and 
in c) 2:233 the tenth form of this root de- 
notes "seeking, or demanding, a wet- 



477 



WET-NURSING 



nurse" (see Lane, 1097). The term ^z 5 "one 
that inchnes to, or affects, the young one of 
another, and suckles or fosters it" (Lane, 
1907-8), which became very common in 
Islamic legal and medical writings from the 
classical through the medieval periods 
(Giladi, Infants, esp. 106-14), was in use al- 
ready in early cjur'anic exegesis (Muqatil, 
TafsTr, ad C3 2:233) but has no qur'anic roots 
(see LAW AND THE qur'an; medicine and 

THE Q^Ur'an). 

Inasmuch as it assumes a connection be- 
tween a nurse's blood and her own milk, 
Q^ 4:23 makes ties created by suckling simi- 
lar to ties of blood kinship (q.v.; see also 
BLOOD AND BLOOD clot) and therefore 
explicitly forbids sexual relations (see SEX 
AND sexuality; prohibited degrees) 
between men and their (non-biological) 
milk-mother(s) and milk-sister(s). In hadlth 
(see hadIth and the cjur'an) and fqk 
writings these impediments were gradually 
widened to include the nurse's husband 
and his relatives — a development based 
on the idea that the nurse's milk is created 
by the man who made her pregnant 
(Benkheira, Donner le sein, 5-52). 

cj 28:12 furthermore points out that in- 
fants sometimes reject the milk of women 
other than their own mothers (see 
lactation; fosterage). The Qiir'an, 
however, sanctions in principle (in the spe- 
cific context of divorce) mercenary nursing 
of an infant either by its divorced mother 
or, if the divorced parents "find mutual 
difficulties" (c3 65:6), i.e. disagree on the 
fee, by "some other woman" (see also 
C3 2:233). Both verses (as well as o 65:7) 
encourage men to be both fair and even 
generous towards women hired to nurse 
their own infants (and see e.g. Muqatil, 
TafsTr, ad C3 65:6-7). 

The Qur'an itself gives almost no hint 
about actual wet-nursing practices in sev- 
enth century Arabia or neighboring 
areas — e.g. in which circumstances they 



were applied, how popular they were, how 
gender (q.v.) relations within the nursling's 
family and that of its wet-nurse both af- 
fected and were affected by these practices, 
what the common criteria were for select- 
ing wet-nurses and the physical and moral 
demands with which these women had to 
comply, etc. (see pre-islamic Arabia and 
the (JUr'an). Suggestions, e.g. that it was 
the accepted custom to send a child to fos- 
ter-parents in Mecca (q.v.) but not in 
Medina (q.v.; Stern, Marriage, g6), are 
based on the interpretation of post- 
qur'anic sources and are, in any case, 
debatable (see Benkheira, Le commerce, 
3-6). From later exegetical and legal writ- 
ings, however, one gleans that in the 
Islamic classical and medieval periods wet- 
nursing was practiced in vast areas of the 
Muslim world. 

Muslim scholars who interpreted c) 2:233 
as pertaining to parents (q.v.) in general 
(see e.g. Jassas, Ahkdm, tab al-radd'; RazI, 
Tafsir, ad C) 2:233), distilled from this verse a 
great niunber of rules (see lactation; 
Giladi, Irfants, 53-6, 106-14). As they clearly 
viewed breastfeeding as a maternal instinct 
and the preferable way of feeding infants 
(see lactation; milk), Muslim scholars 
generally regarded it as a natural right of 
the mother (see e.g. Tabari, Tafsir, ad 
Q, 2:233 and 65:6; Jassas,^Mflm, bdb al- 
radd') but often insisted that no mother 
could be forced to suckle her baby unless 
the nursling's health would otherwise be 
endangered (see e.g. Tabari, Tafsir; 
Zamakhsharl, Tafsir; RazI, Tafsir, ad 
Q_ 2:233). Wet-nursing is a legitimate option 
when the mother is unable or refuses to 
breastfeed. In these and similar circum- 
stances (specified e.g. in Tabari, TafsTr and 
RazI, TafsTr, ad o 2:233; see also Ibn al- 
'Arabl, ^Mam, ad Q_ 2:233), it is the father's 
duty to look for a wet-nurse and pay for 
her services (Muqatil, TafsTr, ad o 2:233; 
Jassas, ^Mam, bdb al-radd'; RazI, TafsTr, ad 



WHISPER 



478 



q_ 2:233; see maintenani;e and upkeep; 
children). In the same context such other 
questions are discussed, as the father's duty 
versus his economic abihty (see e.g. Tabari, 
TafsTr, ad (J 2:233), the hiring of a woman 
by her own husband to breast-feed their 
infant (see e.g. Zamakhshari, TafsTr, ad 
C3 65:6), the duties of the wet-nurse, both 
concerning her own way of life and liealth 
(see Benkheira, Le commerce; Giladi, 
Infants, 53-6, 106-14) as well as the proper 
treatment she should extend to the infant 
and other legal aspects of the hire agree- 
ment (see e.g. Ibn Qudama, al-Mughm, vi, 
73-5; on the detailed chapter in al- 
Sarakhsl's al-Mabsut in this regard, see 
Shatzmiller, Women and wage, 182-8; Giladi, 
Infants, 106-14). The core of the Islamic 
attitude towards wet-nursing is perhaps 
best characterized by the insistence of 
legal-moral authorities to try if at all pos- 
sible not to separate nurslings from their 
mothers (see e.g. Jassas, ^Mdm, bdb al-rada\ 
passim). 

Avner Giladi 

Bibliography 
Primary: Ibn al-'Arabl, Ahkdm; Ibn Qiidama, 
'Abdallah b. Ahmad b. Muhammad, al-Mughm, 
Beirut 1972; Jassas, ^Mrtm; Muqatil, Tafsir; RazT, 
TafsTr; TabarT, Tafsir; Zamakhshari, Tafsir. 
Secondary: Arberry; Bell, Qur'dn; M.H. 
Benkheira, Le commerce conjugal gate-t-il le lait 
maternel? Sexualite, medecine et droit dans le 
sunnisme ancien, in Arabica 50 (2003), 1-78; id., 
Donner le sein c'est comme donner le jour. La 
doctrine de I'allaitement dans le sunnisme 
medieval, in si Q2 (2001), 5-52; A. Giladi, Infants, 
parents and wet nurses. Medieval Islamic views on 
breastfeeding and their social implications, Leiden 
1999; Lane; M. Omidsalar and Th. Omidsalar, 
Daya, in E. Yarshater (ed.). Encyclopaedia Iranica, 
London 1983-, vii, 164-6; Pickthall, Koran; 
M. Shatzmiller, Women and wage labour in the 
medieval Islamic west, inJESHO 40 (1997), 
174-206; G. Stern, Alarriage in early Islam, London 
1939- 



Wheat see grasses; agriculture and 

VEGETATION 



Whip see FLOGGING 



Whisper 

Barely audible speech or sound, often with 
sibilance. The Qiir'an is a text to be heard 
(sam ') more than to be read and within the 
text there are many allusions to aurality 
and its different degrees (see book; 
recitation of the cjur'an; orality; 

ORALITY AND WRITING IN ARABIA). Ill the 

most common qur'anic scenario one 
hears a noise without discerning its source. 
This is the meaning of hasis in C3 2i:i02. 
Those who will escape the tortures of 
hell [jahannam; see hell and hellfire; 

REWARD AND PUNISHMENT) Oil the day of 

promise (wa'dj will be saved by discerning 
(aurally) the presence of the brazier near 
them. They will thus escape the terror 
(initially not visible) which will grip the 
damned. 

The auditory contents can be positive but 
also entirely negative. A positive inspira- 
tion (wahi), perceived as a distant and 
persistent noise like a roll of thunder, is 
contrasted to a category of very different 
noises (see revelation and inspiration). 
These are unexpected, furtive, worrying 
sounds which take one's hearing unawares. 
Even before Islam, they were to be classed 
as negatively supernatural. These collective 
obsessions are linked to a parallel world, 
conceived as dangerous, of jinn (q.v.) and 
desert beings (Wellhausen, Reste, 148-59; 
Eichler, Die Dschinn, 8-39; Niekrens, Die 
Engel, 65-7; see spiritual beings). In the 
Qiir'an the collective representations of 
the jinn conclude by coalescing into the 
extremely negative form of shaytdn, the 
devil (q.v.). As for people who give them- 



479 



WHISPER 



selves over to secret intrigues and assem- 
blies, they, too, will be seen as participating 
in a jinn-like and diabolical activity. The 
Qi_ir'an therefore uses a largely recycled 
terminology ("une terminologie largement 
de remploi") relating to earlier usages 
which seem to be hardly changed. 

The following roots link directly with the 
jinn and the diabolical world: w-s-w-s, from 
the connotation of a light, intermittent 
wind sound (see air and wind), the con- 
cealed approach of hunters laying an am- 
bush (see HUNTING AND FISHING), or the 
muted jingling of jewelry worn by a 
woman, shifts to the confused and perni- 
cious murmurs of <;) 114:4-5. With a form 
of conspiracy, a jinn-like murmurer, 
waswds, passes furtively (khannds) after 
implanting an evil proposition in the 
breasts (the center of understanding; see 
heart; knowledge and learning; 
intellect) of people (nds). But God, 
whom nothing escapes, as the Qiir'an 
emphasizes constantly, is there to oppose 
this. In the later passages of q 7:20 and 
20:120, the association of w-s-w-s with the 
devil, shajtdn, becomes explicit (cf. Tabari, 
TafsiT, ed. ShiSkir, xii, 346-7, ad o 7:20,^0- 
waswasa lahumd). 

The concealed whisper is negative, as in 
o 20:108 [hams, the murmur), with respect 
to the damned (in this context, o 20:108 
must be read in conjunction with the pre- 
ceding verses, esp. o 20:103; cf. Tabari, 
Tafsir, ed. 'All, xvi, 214, ad o 20:103, 
yatakhafatiina baynahum). Connected to the 
sphere of the secret word [sirr; see secrets) 
it is opposed tojahr, the word spoken 
clearly to be heard by everyone. But God 
knows both (i.e. Q 67:13). The rikz, how- 
ever, the voice heard from so far away as to 
be almost imperceptible, is linked in a 
more neutral way to the very rich termi- 
nology of hearing in the desert world. In 
this environment one must listen constantly 



and alertly to protect oneself from danger. 
Q^ 19:98 indicates that one does not hear 
the least murmur (rikz) of the people in the 
past whom God destroyed (cf. Tabari, 
Tafsir, ed. 'All, xvi, 134; see punishment 
stories; generations; geography). It is 
a way of saying that no survivor has re- 
mained of them. 

The theme of a hostile secret assembly 
looms large in qur'anic discourse. It con- 
cerns both people and the devil simul- 
taneously. The takhdfut bayna, a precise 
expression that designates the transferring 
of secrets, and so of offering a word that 
divides rather than unifies, occurs only 
twice, both in entirely negative contexts: 
<J 20:103, the damned who whisper, think- 
ing they are not heard by God, and think 
they can escape punishment, and (j 68:23, 
the futile secret assembly of two greedy 
men whose plans God frustrates. 

The terminology that conveys notions of 
dissimulation (q.v.; katama, asarra versus 
a'lana, jahara) occurs most frequently. A 
commonly found meaning is that of vol- 
untarily suppressing the truth, katm al-haqq, 
and is applied often to the adversaries of 
Muhammad in Medina (q.v; i.e. (j 2:159; 
21:110). The secret word (v. asarra, n. sirr) 
among men, against God, or that which is 
concealed by the individual (a thought 
formed in secret) — is in the same category 
(see also hidden and the hidden). But sirr 
and its cognates also has a wider meaning, 
both in Meccan and Medinan suras (q.v.; 
Q, 2:77; 16:19, etc.; see also chronology 
and the qUR'AN). These words or secret 
thoughts cannot escape God (q 64:4). 
More rarely one meets ajwd, tandji, najwd 
(to speak into someone's ear in order to 
weave a plot, often in association with 
asarra, sirr, cf o 17:47; 20:62; 21:3). As for 
the terms linked to ruse and the intent to 
deceive (makr, kayd, khad', ibrdm), they refer 
to the whole process of deceit (see magic) 



WIDOW 



and leading astray [daldl, tadlTl; see error; 
astray). The devil, shajtdn, is associated 
with deceit but also with divinity; he has 
the same supreme power of deceiving any 
enemy, human or demon (c3 86:i6; 13:42), 
and of foiling the most cunning plots 
hatched against him (e.g. c) 52:42; 4:76). 

Jacqueline Chabbi 



Bibliography 
Primary: Ibn Abl 1-Dunya, Abu Bakr 'Abdallah 
b. Muhammad, Kitdb al-Hawdtif, ed. M.S. 
Ibrahim, Cairo 1988 (61-71 on the exclamations 
or shouts and calls of the jinn); id., Aiakdyid al- 
shaytdn, ed. M.S. Ibrahim, Cairo 1991; Tabarl, 
TafsTr, ed. Shakir; ed.'All. 

Secondary.' G. Calasso, Note su waswasa, 'sus- 
surrare', nel Gorano e nei hadit, in Annali Istiiuto 
Orientale diNapoli (n.s.) 23 (1973), 233-46; P.A. 
Eichler, Die Dschinn, Teufel und Engel im Koran, PhD 
diss., Leipzig 1928; W. Eickmann, Die Angelologie 
und Ddmonologie des Korans im Vergleich zu der Enget- 
und Geisterlehre der Heiligen Schrift, New York/ 
Leipzig 1908; W. Niekrens, Die Engel- und 
Geistervorstellungen des Korans, PhD diss., Rostock 
1906; J. Wellhausen, Reste arabischen Hiedentums, 
Berlin 1887, 1897'. 



White see colors; weeping; eyes 
Wicked see good and evil 



Widow 

A woman whose husband has died. The 
Qiir'an speaks of the widow by addressing 
the male believers in (J 2:234-5 (see belief 
AND unbelief), who die leaving behind 
wives (jadharuna azwdjan). The term itself 
has no Arabic ecjuivalent in the Qiir'an 
though it is implied in the status of the 
thayyibdt in (J 66:5, which refers to any 
woman who is not a virgin (see chastity; 
abstinence), a woman who has had sexual 
intercourse (see SEX AND sexuality) either 
as a previously married woman, a divorced 
woman (see marriage and divorce) or a 



widow. In this particular verse, the wives of 
the Prophet (q.v.) are admonished for their 
jealousies and told that they could be re- 
placed by other women (see women and 
THE (jur'an). There follows a long list of 
desirable virtues (see virtue; virtues and 

VICES, COMMANDING AND FORBIDDING) 

with the words thajyibdtin and abkdran, vir- 
gins, at the end of the verse. The juxtaposi- 
tion of the two words signifies that these 
qualities could belong to both sorts of 
women, "the women who are deflowered 
and whose virginity has gone and the vir- 
gins" (Tabarl, TafsTr, ad loc). 

The first reference to the specific status 
of the widow is made in the context of 
verses pertaining to marriage and divorce. 
Inasmuch as every dissolution of a mar- 
riage that has been consummated, or even 
where there has been a presumption of 
consummation, requires the wife to ob- 
serve a waiting period ('idda), so it is for the 
widow. The Qrir'an states specifically four 
months and ten days as the widow's 'idda. 
This is longer than the 'idda for the di- 
vorced woman, which is three menstrual 
cycles (q^ 2:228; see menstruation). The 
primary legal concern (see LAW and the 
(JUr'an) in the case of both the widow and 
the divorced woman is to ascertain whether 
or not the woman is pregnant with her hus- 
band's child (see children). In such cases, 
the widow should not remarry until she 
has given birth (q.v.) to the child. Once she 
has given birth, she is free to remarry and 
the full period of 'idda need not be ob- 
served (see waiting period). 

In the case of the widow, the time of 'idda 
is longer, as it is also a time of mourning 
for the deceased husband (see burial; 
death and the dead). There is, however, 
no indication in the Qrir'an that the wom- 
an's position as a widow should be seen as 
either a social stigma or a disadvantage to 
her. Widowhood is understood to be a tem- 
porary situation, o 2:235 speaks immedi- 



ately to those men who would wish to ask 
for the widow's hand in marriage. It is ap- 
propriate tliat tliey do so openly and not in 
secret once the woman has observed her 
period of 'idda. 

C3 2:240 explains what men should be- 
queath to their widows in terms of finan- 
cial and residential support (see 
inheritance; maintenance and upkeep). 
A widow should be entitled to a year's 
maintenance and full residence in the hus- 
band's home. If, however, she herself 
chooses to leave the home, she is entitled 
to do so. q 4:12 refers to inheritance rights 
in which the widow is entitled to a quarter 
of her husband's property (q.v.) if he leaves 
no children and an eighth if he leaves 
children. 

In the legal discussions on mahr (dower 
paid to the wife on marriage; see 
bridewealth), widowhood is one of the 
three situations, along with consummation 
and divorce, which confirms the payment 
of the full mahr to the wife. Even if the hus- 
band dies before the marriage has been 
consummated, the widow is entitled to the 
full mahr because "by the death of the hus- 
band, the marriage is rendered complete. 
For everything becomes established and 
confirmed by its completion, and becomes 
established with respect to all its effects" 
(Marghinani, Hiddya, i, 204). 

Mona Siddiqui 

Bibliography 
Primary: al-Marghinani, Abu 1-Hasan 'All b. Abl 
Bakr, al-Hiddya shark biddyat al-mubtadi , 4 vols., 
Cairo 1908-9, i, 204; TabarT, Tafsir. 
Secondary: J.I. Smith and Y.Y. Haddad, Eve. 
Islamic image of woman, in Women's Studies 
international forum 5 (1982), 135-44; ^- Stern, 
Marriage in early Islam, London 1939; 
B. Stowasser, Women in the Quran, tradition and 
interpretation, New York 1994; A. Wadud-Mnhsin, 
Qur'dn and woman, Kuala Lumpur 1992. 



Wife see MARRIAGE AND DIVORCE 

Will see FREEDOM AND PREDESTINATION; 

INHERITANCE 



Wind see AIR AND WIND 



Wine 

Intoxicating beverage made from fer- 
mented grapes or other substances. The 
most common word for wine in the Qtir'an 
is khamr, a term prevalent in early Arabic 
poetry, although the Arabs of the penin- 
sida customarily drank nabldh, a fermented 
beverage made, for example, from barley, 
honey, spelt or different kinds of palms. 
While the climate and geography of much 
of "Arabia" is not suitable for wine produc- 
tion, parts of the Yemen, as well as areas 
such as Medina and Ta'if, would have had 
the necessary conditions for the cultivation 
of grapes. Wine was also imported from 
Syria and Iraq, particularly through the 
agency of the Jewish and Christian com- 
munities in the peninsula (the Arabic khamr 
may derive from the Syro-Aramaic hamrd). 

The qur'anic khamr marks both earthly 
and paradisiacal vintages (see food and 
drink; paradise). Unlike later Islamic 
exegetes (see exegesis of the q^ur'an: 
CLASSICAL and MEDIEVAL), who privileged 
a limited set of wine references to support 
its strict prohibition, the Qtir'an expresses 
a highly nuanced and largely ambivalent 
attitude towards this beverage and its 
effects (see intoxicants; law and the 
(Jur'an). Rhamris linked with gambling 
(q.v.) and identified as a source of both sin 
and profit (q^ 2:219; see sin, major and 
minor), with gambling, idol worship (see 
idols and images; polytheism and 
atheism) and divination (q.v.) arrows, and 
labeled an abomination (c3 5:90-1). Joseph's 
dreams (see dreams and sleep) in prison 



482 



feature khamr (q 12:36, 41), and dwellers of 
paradise delight in rivers of wine ((J 47:15; 
see McAuliffe, Wines). In addition to khamr, 
sakar appears as an inimical earthly intoxi- 
cant (cf. q 4:43) that undermines prayer 
(q.v.) but also serves as a divine gift 
(cj 16:66-9; see GIFT AND gift-giving), a 
sign [dya; see signs) for those who under- 
stand (see intellect; knowledge and 
learning). Also mentioned is rahlq, the 
purest, most excellent of heavenly wines 
{q_ 83:25) and a celestial goblet (see cups 
and vessels) with liquid from a pure 
spring (ma'm) mirroring its earthly coun- 
terpart in every way but its ability to in- 
toxicate (ci 37:45; 56:18-19). Throughout 
the shorter suras (q.v.) of the Qvir'an, a 
chaotic, intoxicated madness that marks 
the day of judgment (see last judgment) 
contrasts sharply with the tranquil, per- 
fected garden of repose (see gardens), 
where righteous ones imbibe as much wine 
as they please without the drunken effects. 
This tension between the real and the ideal 
may also account for the Qiir'an's sober 
portrayals of Noah (q.v.) and Lot (q.v.), 
men all too familiar with the pleasures of 
the vine in their Jewish and Christian con- 
texts (see JEWS and Judaism; christians 
and CHRISTIANITY) but pillars of absti- 
nence (q.v.) in the Islamic revelation (see 

REVELATION AND INSPIRATION; SCRIPTURE 

AND THE qUR'AN), where their actions mtist 
match the integrity of the message they 
bear. Even servants of God (see servant; 
worship) may fall prey to wine's earthly 
enticements. The Qiir'an's ambivalent 
treatment of wine was resolved by early 
exegetes, who determined the historical 
"occasion" upon which God revealed each 
wine passage (see occasions of revela- 
tion). By examining such passages sequen- 
tially, qur'anic commentators noted a 
gradual diminution in tolerance toward 
wine consumption (see abrogation; 
forbidden; lawful and unlawful). A1- 



Tabarl (d. 310/923; Tafsir, v, 58) records 
how God allowed humans to enjoy his gift 
until they proved incapable of drinking 
responsibly. After a series of such atrocities, 
like the Prophet's uncle mutilating 'All's 
camel in a fit of drunkenness, God finally 
prohibited wine. While both SunnI and 
Shi'i schools of law assert the prohibition 
of wine (a position that critiques the pre- 
Islamic, libertine position; see age of 
ignorance; pre-islamic Arabia and the 
(JUr'an), dissensions over what constitutes 
"wine," or whether the substance itself or 
only its effects are prohibited, can be de- 
tected in legal disctissions surrounding this 
beverage. The Hanafis, for example, note 
that since the Qiir'an only condemns khamr, 
the prohibition of khamr should not extend 
to other alcoholic beverages. Contrary to 
this view, the majority opinion emphasizes 
a drink's potential to intoxicate over and 
above its composition and forbids intake of 
any amount of liquid if it causes (or may 
potentially cause) one to become drunk. 
The law extends well beyond mere con- 
sumption to include the production and 
sale of alcoholic beverages under penalty 
of ptmishment (see boundaries and 
precepts; chastisement and punish- 
ment). Despite its prohibition, wine 
becomes a favorite metaphor of mystics 
(see sfJFiSM AND THE cjur'an), who exploit 
the Qiir'an's ambivalence towards this 
potent substance to confuse the boundaries 
that separate sobriety from intoxication, 
licit from illicit, human from divine and, 
ultimately, real from ideal. 

Kathryn Kiieny 



Bibliography 
Primary: Ibn Qiitayba, Abu Muhammad 
'Abdallah b. Muslim al-Dlnawari, Ashriba, ed. 
Y.M. al-Sawwas, Beirut 1998; RazT, Tafsir; 
TabarT, Tafsir, ed. Shakir. 

Secondary: A.J. Arberry, The mystical poems oj Ibn 
al-Farid, Dublin 1956; Goldziher, MS; R.S. 



483 



WISDOM 



Hattox, Coffee and coffeehouses, Seattle 1985; 
P. Heine, Nabidh, in EI^, vii, 840; K.M. Kueny, 
The rhetoric of sobriety. Wine in early Islam, Albany 
2001; J.D. McAuliffe, The wines of earth and 
paradise. Qur'anic proscriptions and promises, 
in R.M. Savory and D.A. Agins (eds.). Logos 
islamikos. Studia islamica in honorem Georgii Michaelis 
Wickens, Toronto 1984, 159-74; ^- Rosenthal, 
Gambling in Islam, Leiden 1975; A.J. Wensinck 
andj. Sadan, Khanir, in El^, iv, 994-7. 



Winter see seasc 



Wisdom 

Ability to understand deeply and judge 
soundly. God is wise (hakim). He is, 
however, never described by this 
characteristic alone, but always in 
conjunction with another characteristic. 
Hakim is most frequently connected with 
'aziZ, "almighty" (forty-seven times; see 
POWER AND impotence), and almost as 
frequently is God described as hakim and 
'alim, "omniscient" (thirty-six times; see 
KNOWLEDGE AND LEARNING; INTELLECT). 
Hakim with khabir, "knowing," is rare (three 
times) and even rarer are the occurrences 
of hakim with "forgiving" (tawwdb), "all- 
embracing" (wdsi'), "praiseworthy" (hamid), 
and "exalted" ['alT; see GOD AND his 
attributes). 

God possesses wisdom (hikma), which he 
can give "to whom he wishes" ((J 2:269), 
mainly to the prophets (see prophets and 
prophethood; messenger): Abraham 
(q.v.) and his family ((j 4:54), David (q.v.; 
C3 2:251; 38:20), Jesus (q.v.; e.g. q 5:110; 
43:63) and Muhammad (c3 4:113), but also 
to Luqman (q.v.; C3 31:12). Wisdom is a 
revelation (e.g. awhd, q 17:39; see 
revelation and inspiration) and the 
Qiir'an is also "wise" {al-Qur'dn al-hakim, 
Q_ 36:2; see names of the qur'an), for 
wisdom stands on an equal footing with 
scripture [kitdb; see book; scripture and 



the cjur'an), including the Torah (q.v.) 
and the Gospel (q.v.; Q_ 3:48; 5:110). God 
teaches scripture and wisdom (e.g. {) 3:48; 
see teaching): he sends down scripture 
and wisdom ((J 2:231). It remains unclear 
whether in such collocations "wisdom" 
means another holy scripture or is a 
summative reference to the contents of 
those holy books just mentioned. The task 
of the messenger or prophet is to deliver 
the scriptures together with wisdom to the 
people (cf. (^ 2:151; 43:63), or to recite the 
scripture and wisdom to the people (cf. e.g. 
Q. 33-34> 62:2; see recitation of the 
q^ur'an; orality and writing in 
Arabia). Qiir'an commentators under- 
stand hikma as knowing and understanding 
the Qiir'an, or as understanding and 
reflecting on the religion, or even as fear 
(q.v.) of God (godliness, devoutness, piety 
[q.v.]; khaysha, wara\ Tabari, Tafsir, iii, 6of.; 
Qurtubi, j'flmr, iii, 330; Ibn Kathir, Tafsir, 

h 57if-)- 

God is the omnipotent, omniscient 
creator of the world (q.v.; see also crea- 
tion; cosmology), in which the wisdom 
of God reveals itself, the recognition of 
which is the task of the wise. Hikma, as 
human wisdom, is understood in two ways. 
First, Greek philosophy (falsafa), natural 
science and medicine in its Arabic-Islamic 
form are hikma. Thus the biographical 
lexicons for philosophers, natural scientists, 
physicians, etc. are called ta'rikh 
al-hukamd' — for example, Ibn al-Qiftl's 
(d. 646/1248) Ta'rikh al-hukamd'; addi- 
tionally, accounts and collected works are 
called siwdn al-hikma (e.g. al-Bayhaqi's 
Tatimmat siwdn al-hikma; see scholars; 
science and the qur'an; medicine and 
the cjur'an; philosophy and the 
^ur'an). 

In devout-mystic circles, hikma is wisdom 
delivered through the pronouncements of 
wise men (hukamd') mostly anonymously: 
edifying, devout and mystic aphorisms. In 



WISH AND DESIRE 



this context, in tlie third/nintli century, 
hikma becomes mystical wisdom and also 
theosophy (see sfJFisM and the q^ur'an). 
Of this, the best example is the east 
Iranian mystic al-Hakim al-Tirmidhi (who 
died between 318/936 and 320/938). For 
him, hikma is the mystic knowledge of the 
soul (q.v.) and the world. A further step was 
the syncretic mingling of the more 
mystical hikma — theosophy — with Greek 
philosophy and non-Islamic religious 
concepts. This occurred in the systems of 
Suhrawardi (d. 587/1 191) and Ibn al-'Arabi 
(d. 638/1240). 

Lastly, for the gloss of al-hikma (in al-kitdb 
wa-l-hikma of e.g. o 2:129) as sunnat al-nabi, 
see SUNNA. 

Bernd Radtke 



Bibliography 
D. Gimaret, Les noms divins en Islam, Paris 1988, 
99, 271-2; A.M. Goichon, Hikma, in Ei'^, iii, 
377-8; B. Radtke, Theosophie (Hikma) imd 
Philosophie (Falsafa). Ein Beitrag zur Frage der 
kikmat al-masriq/ al-isrdq, in Asiatische Studien 42 

(1988), 156-74. 



Wish and Desire 

The act of hoping for or wanting some- 
thing and the object of that act. There are 
three main agencies through which wish 
and desire are exercised in the Qiir'an: one 
is divine, another human, and the third 
Satanic (see devil). The manifestations and 
the interplay of the three create an ethical 
tension (see ethics and the qUR'AN) that 
evokes cjuestions of accountability, respon- 
sibility (q.v.) and justice (see justice and 
injustice). In that sense, wish and desire 
become the principles whereby the subject 
and the object are placed into a value- 
laden relationship. Be it an act of God, 
Satan, or the human being, wish and desire 
are a function of the subject's awareness 



and expectations of the object. Among the 
three, God's wishes are mentioned most 
frequently. The phrase "God willing" (in 
shd'a llcih) is both common and varied, in- 
dicating that God's wishes are exercised at 
both cosmic and everyday levels (see 
cosmology). Like many other passages, 
c) 5:17 affirms that it was through God's 
wish/will that the world came into being 
(yakhluqu mdyashd'u) in such a way that 
associates his wishing with his infinite 
power (wa-Alldh 'aid kulli shay'in qadirun; see 
POWER and impotence; freedom and 
predestination). As divine wish is inex- 
tricably linked with divine omnipotence, it 
is continuously carried out within and be- 
yond worldly limits (see world). No won- 
der then that the verb shd'a and its 
derivatives appear over 500 times in the 
Qiir'an, mainly in reference to God. 

Although at first glance God's wishes 
appear volatile and unpredictable, the 
Qur'an ascertains that their function and 
purpose can be appreciated only after the 
human mind accepts its own limitations 
(see intellect; knowledge and 
learning). In q 18:23-4, the Qiir'an 
warns: "And do not say anything like T will 
surely do this tomorrow.' Unless God 
wishes, and remember your lord (q.v.) 
when you forget (see remembrance; 
memory) and say, ^Maybe my lord will 
guide me (see astray) to a nearer way to 
truth (q.v.) than this.'" Historically under- 
stood as a response to Muhammad's neg- 
ligence when he answered a Qiirayshi 
inquirer (see qURAYSH) with inappropriate 
self-confidence — "Come tomorrow and I 
will surely give you an answer" but without 
adding the phrase in shd'a lldh — this verse 
was ostensibly intended to highlight the 
unpredictability of divine volition even 
in the context of Muhammad's own pro- 
phetic mission (see prophets and 
prophethood). Reflecting upon this 
essential dependability on, yet inacces- 



485 



WISH AND DESIRE 



sibility to, divine wishes, classical Muslim 
exegetes (see exegesis of the cjur'an: 
CLASSICAL AND MEDIEVAL) interpret the 
ubiquitous i?i shd'a llah phrase in relation to 
their theological positions on free will and 
predetermination. Al-Razi (d. 606/1210), 
for example, develops a lengthy argument 
by contrasting the Mu'tazill (see mu'ta- 
zila) and his own Ash'ari positions and 
concludes that: one, we can never be sure 
that we will/can do anything imtil God 
gives us permission; and, two, we should 
never anticipate future events because, if 
they prove to be different, we will be 
deemed liars (see lie; foretelling; 
THEOLOGY AND THE q^ur'an). He charges 
the Mu'tazila with transferring the agency 
of wishes and desire to liuman beings 
rather than leaving it with its divine source. 
When God asks for belief (see belief and 
unbelief) and obedience (q.v.) and liis ser- 
vants disobey (see disobedience), al-Razi 
continues, God's wishes are not fulfilled. In 
contrast, he holds that everything that God 
wills must happen: for exainple, if a man 
says, "Tomorrow I will return the debt I 
owe, if God wills," and if he fails to do it, 
he cannot be blamed because this was 
clearly God's wish and we can either 
understand it or not. He contrasts this 
interpretation with that of the Mu'tazila, 
according to which it is the man who is to 
blame if the debt is not returned because 
man's evil nature (see good and evil; 
FALL OF man) prevents him from doing 
what he has promised (RazI, Tafsir). Al- 
Razl's interpretation poignantly relates to 
Q_ 81:27-9 which says, "This is surely a re- 
minder to all human beings (HI- 'dlamina), 
and those among them who wish to change 
their ways (anyastaqima); you cannot wish 
but what God, the lord of all worlds, 
wishes" (the wording almost identical to 
0,76:29-30). 

In addition to shd'a, God's wishes are also 
expressed through the verb ardda. Although 



often used synonymously with shd'a, ardda 
evokes more strongly divine intentionality, 
as in 2:26: "What does God intend/ 
mean (mddhd ardda) by this parable (q.v.)?" 
Reflecting thus with divine deliberation, 
ardda attempts to lay out the inner workings 
of the divine order in the implementation 
of God's desires, as per C3 16:40: "Truly, 
when we refer to a thing, if we want it to 
be (idhd aradndhu), we just tell it 'Be!' and it 
is." God does not desire without a purpose 
but the specidations of what that purpose 
might be yields different theological 
possibilities. 

While continuously attesting to the power 
of divine desire, both shd'a and ardda place 
human beings in a direct and dynamic re- 
lationship with it. But the nature of that 
relationship is far from simple. In fact, its 
complexity has created a theological co- 
nimdrum and the rise of several scholastic 
positions on the questions of free will and 
predestination. Can human beings act on 
their own wishes and desires? Do these 
desires predate them in accordance with 
the divine plan? Notwithstanding the theo- 
logical and political implications of such 
questions in Islamic history, it is clear that 
the Qur'an keeps the tension among dif- 
ferent possibilities alive, placing divine and 
human wishes simultaneously in harmony 
and conflict, and perpetuating sharp ethi- 
cal differentiations between the wishes and 
desires of believers and those of nonbeliev- 
ers. There are no simple answers in the 
Qur'an or in the later intellectual tradition, 
even though the message seems rather 
straightforward, as (J 6:125 states (similarly, 
in o 5-4i; 6:17, 125; 7:176; 10:107; etc.): 
"Whomever God wishes to guide, he opens 
his heart (q.v.) to Islam; whomever God 
wishes to lead astray, he restricts his heart, 
as if he is rising to heaven (see heaven and 
sky). This is how God inflicts punishment 

(see CHASTISEMENT AND PUNISHMENT) Oil 

those who do not believe." 



WISH AND DESIRE 



486 



In this sense, because the relational func- 
tion of divine desire necessitates reciproc- 
ity, many qur'anic passages posit human 
beings not only as objects of God's wishes 
and intentions but as subjects/agents ex- 
ercising their own desires. It is here that 
the Qiir'an draws a sharp distinction be- 
tween believers and nonbelievers. Believers 
surrender to God's wishes and, in turn, 
become conscious of, and act on, their de- 
sires for divine grace (q.v.) and mercy (q.v). 
Nonbelievers, on the other hand, reject 
God and direct their desires elsewhere, for 
which they become eternally condemned, 
as in q 18:29, "Say The truth comes from 
your lord; whoever so wishes, let them be- 
lieve; whoever wishes, let them disbelieve," 
upon which the Qiir'an details the differ- 
ence in the outcome of the two choices for 
the condition in the hereafter (q 18:30-44; 
see eschatology; reward and punish- 
ment). Human desire directly reflects both 
one's knowledge of God and one's system 
of belief (see faith; religion). Those 
who lived in the pre-Islamic Age of 
Ignorance [q.v.ijdhihyja) are accused not 
only of their ignorance (q.v.) of the creator 
(see creation) but of the stubborn, blind- 
ing urge to fulfill their desire for material 
and visible goods (see wealth; insolence 
AND obstinacy): "There is only our life in 
the present world; we die (see death and 
THE dead), we live (see life), and only fate 
(q.v.)/time (q.v.; al-dahr) destroys us" 
(c3 45:24). The pursuit of this-worldly 
desires is a pursuit for self-realization that 
reflects the pre-Islamic teaching that all 
sensations and experiences belong to the 
physical world only, in contrast to the 
qur'anic cosmos in which the greatest 
self-fulfillment comes in the hereafter, 
as worded in C3 87:16-17: "No, you prefer 
the life of this world; whereas the here- 
after is superior and lasting" (see 
transience; eternity). Human desires 



are thus bifurcated into those that are low 
and worldly, characteristic of a conduct 
inspired by one's whims and fancies {ahwd' 
[sing, hawci], appearing numerous times, 
e-g- a 3:14; 18:28; 20:16; 25:43; 28:50; 42:15; 
45:18), and those that are ethically sound 
and inspire to behave and do one's duty as 
a servant (q.v.) of God. An example of this 
distinction is those incidents at the early 
stages of Muhammad's career when pagan 
Arabs hurled accusations at him and the 
Qiir'an responded (<J 53:2-3): "No, your 
companion has not strayed away nor has 
he erred, and he does not speak on a whim 
[mdjantiqu 'ani l-hawd; see opposition to 
muhammad; pre-islamic arabia and the 
q^ur'an)." 

In addition to the ethics of desire-driven 
behavior, the issue of human wishes and 
yearning acquires another interpretative 
trajectory, associated with the Sufi world- 
view (see SUFISM and the qur'an). For the 
Sufis, a hadith qudsi (see hadith and the 
(JUr'an) exemplifies the principle of the 
relationship between God and human be- 
ings: "I was a hidden treasure and I longed 
to be known, so I created the world." The 
desire for self-refiection is believed to in- 
spire the very act of creation. Focusing on 
the language of love (q.v.) and yearning 
that permeates much of the Qiir'an (e.g. 
a 2:165, 195; 49:9; 57:19, 23; 60:1, 8; etc.), 
the mystics define desire as a spiritual pro- 
peller that allows the wayfarer (see 
journey) to achieve closeness with God. 
The wayfarer is often referred to as the 
mund — the active participle form of 
ardda — in accordance with the aforemen- 
tioned double-entendre of ardda, to want 
and to intend. The desire for God is per- 
sonalized as both affection and primordial 
yearning for beatific vision (see face of 
god), in accordance with not only the 
hadith qudsi raentioneA above, but also with 
the qur'anic phrase ibtighd'a wajhi lldh, "out 



487 



WISH AND DESIRE 



of yearning for God's face," that appears 
in o 2:272, 6:52 and 92:20. After all, it is 
only God's face that lasts forever while ev- 
erything else perishes (q 28:88). Desiring it 
(both ardda and ibtaghd are used in the 
Qiir'an) is therefore the only ultimate kind 
of desire and yearning a believer can have 
in this self-reflective genesis of creation. 

Finally, in the ethical triangle of 
wishing/desiring, Satan's role in splitting 
liumankind into believers and nonbelievers 
is instrumental: wa-yuridu l-shaytdnu an 
yudillahum daldlan ba'idan (c) 4:60; see 
PARTIES AND FACTIONS; ENEMIES). The 
Qtir'an repeatedly mentions Satan's desire 
to confuse and lead humankind astray as a 
vindictive reaction against his expulsion 
from heaven. Satan's rebelliousness (see 
rebellion; arrogance) is thus expressed 
through his desires to intervene at the level 
of human action. Because metapliysically 
speaking Satan is neither superior nor 
equal to God, his desires do not pose a 
competition to God's nor do they overrun 
them. Rather, being more powerful than 
inferior human beings, Satan desires to 
confuse them about the nature of divine 
commands, leading them away from God's 
path (e.g. o 4:48, 60; 22:52; see path or 
way), making them forget God (c3 5:91), 
tempting them with various promises 
which he never fulfills (o 4:120; 7:20; 8:48; 
14:22, etc.) and ever deceiving them 
(q, 4:76; 24:21; 58:10; see JOY AND misery). 
Satan tlius redirects human desire from 
God to himself, turning himself into the 
false object of desire: "God made a true 
promise to you (see covenant). I too made 
promises, but did not keep them. I had no 
authority over you, but when I called out 
to you, you answered. Do not blame me; 
blame yourselves." Those who, against 
God's warnings (e.g. c) 7:27, "Children of 
Adam, do not let Satan seduce you"; see 

ADAM AND EVE; OATHS; BREAKING TRUSTS 



AND contracts), respond to Satan, are 
doomed, as in o 43:36: "And whoever turns 
away from remembrance of the compas- 
sionate (see GOD AND HIS attributes), we 
shall assign Satan to be Iris companion." 
Divine wishes thus tower over both hu- 
man and Satanic ones, keeping the two in 
a tension that creates a range of possibili- 
ties that people can choose once they are 
offered the knowledge of God's path. This 
interplay fimctionally separates the three 
agents only in the realm of individual 
action, laying out specific guidelines for 
practical judgments as well as inducing 
divergent theological debates on the issues 
of accountability, justice and responsibility. 
In the cosmic scheme of things, however, 
divine wishes prevail and reflect the 
integrity and omnipotence of God's plan 
to make all human beings aware of the 
ways to realize their ultimate desires. 
Regarding the theological matters of 
agency, Muslim ortliodoxy eventually 
found a middle ground that, no matter 
what the subjective reasons for acting on 
one's desires through the principles of 
acquisition (hash) may be, the epistemic 
frame of reference is unwavering, stable, 
and clear. The Ash'arls sum up this posi- 
tion in the following terms: 

His will is one, everlasting, connected to 
all willing from his own actions, and the 
actions of his servants insofar as they are 
created for him, not insofar as they are 
acquired from them. From tliat, he said 
that he willed everything, good and bad, 
beneficial and harmful, just as he willed 
and knew it to be. He willed from his ser- 
vants what he knew and what he com- 
manded his pen (see writing and 
writing materials) to write on tlie pre- 
served tablet (q.v). That is his decree, rul- 
ing, and predetermination which never 
changed and can never be replaced. It is 



WITNESS TO FAITH 



impossible for anything to be against what 
is known and predetermined in form in 
this manner (from Shahrastani, Milal, i, 
66-9; trans. M. Sells, Early Islamic mysticism, 
320). 

Amila Buturovic 



Bibliography 
Primary: RazT, TafsTr, Beirut 1981; Shahrastani, 
Milal. 

Secondary: M. Fakhry (trans.), An interpretation oj 
the Qur'dn, New York 2004; F. Denny, The will in 
the Qiir'an, in JNES ^0/^ (1981), 253-7; ^- Gold- 
ziher, Introduction to Islamic theology and law, 
Princeton 1981; H. Kassis, _^ concordance of the 
Qur'dn, Berkeley 1983; M. Sells (trans, and ed.). 
Early Islamic mysticism. New York 1996; M. Watt, 
Free will and predestination in early Islam, London 
1948; T.J. Winter, Desire and decency in the 
Islamic tradition, in Islamica (London pub.) 1/4 
(1994), 9-12. 



Wit 



see humor; intellec;t 



Witness to Faith 

Arabic shahdda, i.e. tlie statement "I testify 
that there is no god but God and I testify 
that Muhammad is the messenger of 
God," ashhadu an Id ildha ilia lldh wa-ashhadu 
anna Muhammadan rasdlu lldh. The utterance 
of the statement in Arabic is required of 
all Muslims to signify acceptance of Islam 
and thus it must be said at least once, with 
full intention, in a lifetime. The shahdda 
also plays a central role in the structure of 
the daily prayer (q.v.; saldt) as well as in 
other life-cycle occasions and thus is re- 
peated frequently in a Muslim's life. In the 
Qiir'an the statement itself is not found as 
a formula nor is there indication of the 
ritual act which later Islam has made it (as 
one of the five pillars; see ritual and the 
(JUr'an). The content of the statement, 
however, and the phraseology of the two 
elements (known as the shahddatdni) of the 



shahdda are in the Qiir'an, as is a very 
strong sense of the role of "witnessing" 
one's faith (q.v.; see also belief and 
unbelief; witnessing and testifying). 

Proclaiming the unity of God 
'There is no god but God" is found in the 
Qiir'an in the exact phrasing of the shahdda 
only in o 37:35 and o 47:19. The first of 
these passages is especially interesting 
given the development of the ritual 
shahdda, since it speaks of an oral pro- 
fession of the statement in front of un- 
believers (see orality; god and his 
attributes). Verses 34 through 36 of q_ 37 
state: "Even so it is with the sinners (see 
sin, major and minor). When it is said to 
them, ^There is no god but God,' they wax 
proud (see pride; arrogance) saying, 
'What, shall we forsake our gods for a 
poet possessed (see poetry and poets; 
insanity; jinn)?' " q_ 47:19 is a command 
to believers but not one entailing ritual 
testimony: "Know therefore that there is 
no god but God and ask for forgiveness 
[q.v; of your sin] ." Given this, it would be 
accurate to suggest that the performative 
aspect of the statement of the oneness of 
God as it is expressed in the shahdda is 
clearly post-qur'anic. That said, it is worth 
remembering that the statement, "There is 
no god but he," Id ildha illd huwa, is a con- 
stant refrain in the Qiir'an, found over 
forty times with some variations, including 
"There is no god but I" and "There is no 
god but you" (e.g. C3 2:163; 16:2; 21:87). 
Sometimes (e.g. C3 2:255) this is prefaced by 
the word "God," Alldh Id ildha illd huwa, 
"God, there is no god but he!" In C3 3:62 
and c) 38:65 the phrasing of the negative in 
the statement "There is no god but God" is 
another variant of the ritual shahdda, using 
wa-md min ildhin rather than the particle of 
absolute negation, Id (see grammar and 
THE (JUr'an). The theological position of 
"There is no god but God" is a major 



WITNESS TO FAITH 



theme of the Qiir'an, even if the precise 
way in wliich tliat is ritually expressed in 
Islam is, at best, latent in the text. 

The non-qur'anic status of the precise 
phrasing (as well as some variability in how 
the statement was to be expressed in the 
early centuries of Islam — on which see 
below) has led some to seek the back- 
ground to the phrase outside the Islamic 
context. Attention has been drawn to the 
Samaritans (q.v.) as having a parallel for- 
mulation (Baumstark, Herkunft; Macuch, 
Vorgeschichte). 

Proclaiming Muhammad's status 
The figure of the "messenger of God" is a 
constant presence in the Qiir'an with 
phrases such as "He is the messenger of 
God" in (J 49:3 and proclamations such as 
"I am the messenger of God" in C3 7-158 
(see messenger). References to "God and 
his messenger" with variants such as "me 
and my messenger" also abound (e.g. 
(J 4:13, 136; 5:111, with Jesus as the mes- 
senger; 9:62). The precise phraseology 
"Muhammad is the messenger of God" is, 
however, included in scripture only once, 
in o 48:29. The context there is a state- 
ment of fact and not of ritual enunciation: 
"Muhammad is the messenger of God 
and those who are with him are hard 
against the unbelievers, merciful to one 
another (see mercy)." The other three 
instances of the use of the proper name 
Muhammad (q.v.; see also names of the 
prophet) in the Qiir'an (c3 3:144; 33:40; 
47:2) do not suggest any notion of a ritual 
formula. 

The emergence of the formula of the shahada 
Within the early Islamic period the shahada 
and variations on it emerged as identifiers 
of Islamic allegiance, being found on coins 
and in inscriptions dating from the first 
Muslim century (see epigraphy and the 
q^ur'an; numismatics; money). It is during 



this period that the shahada clearly gained 
status and, eventually, a set formulation. 
The precise phrasing of the statements 
displays some variation over time. 
Commonly the word "alone" [wahda or 
wdhid), is added ailer Allah, perhaps pick- 
ing up on the phrasing of c) 6:19 (cf. 
Q, 18:110, etc.), which states, huwa ildhun 
wdhidun, "He is one god." This phrase, as 
found in coins and inscriptions, is often 
followed by "He has no partner," la sharika 
lahu (as found in Q_ 6:163; see polytheism 
and atheism), a typical example of this 
formulation is found in the wall mosaic 
located in the ruins of some Umayyad 
shops in Baysan (today, Bet Shean, in 
Israel) dating from earlier than 131/749 
(when the town was destroyed by an earth- 
quake). This inscription reads, "In the 
name of God, the merciful, the compas- 
sionate. There is no god but God alone; he 
has no partner. Muhammad is the mes- 
senger of God" (Khamis, Two wall mosaic 
inscriptions, 163). The examples of coins 
with the phrasing "There is no god but 
God alone" from the post-'Abd al-Malik 
monetary reform period are well known. 
Examples still exist from as early as the 
years 77/696 and 78/697. Those coins of- 
ten add the phrase "Whom he sent with 
guidance (see astray) and the religion 
(q.v.) of truth (q.v.), that he might make it 
victorious (see victory) over all religions" 
(cf. Q_ 9:33; 48:28; 61:9; for examples see 
Walker, Catalogue). The existence of these 
phrases on coins might suggest that, at this 
time, the ritual status and formulation of 
the shahada had not yet been reached. The 
same observation may be made for the 
inscriptions in the Dome of the Rock in 
Jerusalem (q.v.) dating from the same 
period. Even in the hadlth literature of the 
third Muslim century/ninth century c.E. 
(see hadTth and the our'an), the place 
and the formulation of the shahada as an 
independent ritual activity (outside of its 



WITNESS TO FAITH 



490 



incorporation into the prayer ritual) 
appears to be not yet completely fixed 
(see Rippin, Muslims, 98-100; Wensinck, 
Muslim creed, 27-35). 

"Witnessing" as a qur'dnic theme 
The Qiir'an uses the root sh-h-d some 200 
times in a variety of senses, some of which 
may be connected with the sense of "giv- 
ing witness to faith," thus providing 
impetus, it may be thought, to the develop- 
ment of the shahdda as a ritual activity. 

There are two main senses of witnessing 
in the Qtir'an. One relates to matters of 
faith and the other, to various legal matters 
(see LAW AND THE ^ur'an). While it may 
be argued that there is a relationship be- 
tween those two, especially since God is 
described as al-shahid, the witness over ev- 
erything (e.g. o 58:6; 85:9), the emphasis 
on a notion of testifying specifically to 
one's faith, a notion which is not present in 
the legal "witness" passages, suggests that 
at least a theoretical separation is possible. 

On the legal side, the Qiir'an speaks of 
witnesses as needing to be involved in vari- 
ous commercial and personal transactions 

(see CONTRACTS AND ALLIANCES). Such 

witnessing is deemed evidence and the 
words bayyina, "evidence," and shahdda, 
"witnessing," are often tised interchange- 
ably. The Qiir'an (e.g. o 2:282; 4:15; 24:4) 
requires such witness-evidence from people 
in a ntimber of situations, inchiding law- 
suits, matters regarding the stattis of per- 
sons (marriage, divorce, manumission, 
bequest; see marriage and divorce; 

SLAVES AND SLAVERY; INHERITANCE), 
financial matters and hadd offences (i.e. 
those which involved prescribed penalties 
such as fornication, adultery, manslaughter 
and so on; see boundaries and precepts; 
chastisement and punishment; 
adultery and fornication; murder; 
bloodshed). 
Of its religious uses the first thing to note 



is that witnessing is not passive btit active. 
It is a demand to "bear witness" or to "tes- 
tify." C3 3:64 states, "If they [the People of 
the Book (q.v.)] turn back, say, 'Bear wit- 
ness that we are Muslims.' " C3 2:143 has 
biblical resonances in stating, "Thus we 
have made you a middle nation that you 
might be witnesses to the people and the 
messenger a witness to you." It is relevant 
to the development of the shahdda as a 
spoken ritual activity that God bears wit- 
ness to his oneness in Q^ 3:18, "God bears 
witness that there is no god but he," and 
believers bear witness to the truth of 
Muhammad's message in q 3:86, "How 
can God guide those who disbelieve after 
they have accepted faith and testified that 
the messenger was true and that the clear 
signs (q.v; see also verses) had come to 
them?" Statements close to both elements 
of the shahdda are thus foimd in the Qiir'an 
in a context which suggests an active pro- 
cess of witnessing. 

Martyrdom as witnessingfaith 
The semantic link between "witnessing 
faith" (being a shdhid) and being a "mar- 
tyr" (shahid) — two terms and usages 
clearly separated in later Islamic 
times — is not evident in the Qur'an (see 
martyrs). Goldziher (ms, ii, 350-4) argued 
that the development from witness to mar- 
tyr derived from Christian Syriac usage of 
the cognate sdhdd in translating the Greek 
martus. Those who are spoken of as "wit- 
nesses to faith" in the Qur'an (either 
shuhadd', the plural of shahid, as in q 3:140; 
4:69; 39:69; 57:19, or shdhidun in q 3:53; 
5:83, etc.) fit within the meaning sketched 
above of those who "testify" to their faith 
in God and Muhammad (the plural uses of 
the word as "legal witnesses" are clearly 
separated). Many commentaries, however, 
interpret shuhadd', especially in q 3:140, in 
the sense of "martyr" by connecting it to 
the context of the battles of Badr (q.v.) and 



491 



WITNESS TO FAITH 



Uhud which occurred during the lifetime 
of the Prophet (see expeditions and 
battles). The early authority Ibn Jurayj is 
reported by al-Tabarl (d. 310/923; Tafsir, 
vii, 243, report no. 7915) to have said re- 
garding "So that God may know those who 
believe and may take witnesses/martyrs 
from among you" (c3 3:140), that the 
Muslims used to petition their lord (q.v.) by 
saying, "Our lord, show us another day like 
the day of Badr in which we can fight the 
polytheists, strive well in your cause, and 
seek therein martyrdom." That prayer was 
said to have been answered at Uhud be- 
cause, on that day, the Muslims met the 
polytheists in battle and God chose mar- 
tyrs from among them. Such readings of 
these verses are also found in very early 
exegetical works; the meaning of the 
shuhadd' as "those martyred in the path of 
God" is, for example, the fourth of six 
meanings given to the word by Muqatil b. 
Sulayman (d. 150/767) in his al-Ashbdh wa- 
l-na^d'irji I'Qur'dn al-kanm (148-9) con- 
nected to C) 4:69 and q 57:19 (see path or 
way). As Goldziher has pointed out, 
however, the more standard qur'anic 
phrase for referring to the martyrs who die 
in battle is "those killed in the path of 
God" (e.g. q 3:169, "Think not of those 
who are slain in the path of God as dead! 
They live, finding sustenance [q.v.] with 
their lord"; see death and the dead; 

REWARD and PUNISHMENT; PARADISE). 
Be that as it may, it is clear that by the time 
of the hadith literature, shahid as "martyr" 
is well established, with martyrdom un- 
derstood in a very broad sense, not limited 
to those killed in battle, and often carrying 
an implicit criticism of those who seek 
death in order to gain the status of the 
martyr. 

The shahada in theology 
The ritual repetition of the shahdda is often 
treated as the core or ground level of faith, 



Tmdn, as a whole. In many discussions, the 
profession of the shahdda is the one action 
required for someone to be considered a 
Muslim. Qi_iestions about the status of 
works beyond that required profession pro- 
duced the debates about the role of works 
in the life of the believer in Islam (see 
GOOD deeds; theology and the 
(JLTr'an). Most famously, this related to the 
discussion of the status of the "believing 
sinner" which, in the extreme case, applied 
to someone who only said the shahdda but 
whose actions were otherwise not in keep- 
ing with Islamic requirements. In later 
Muslim times, likely starting with al- 
Ghazall (d. 505/11 11), the shahdda was un- 
derstood as the creedal statement of Islam, 
providing the basis for the discussion that 
characterized all theology as an explana- 
tion of the two sentences of the shahdda 
(Wensinck, Muslim creed, 270-6). 

Andrew Rippin 

Bibliography 
Primary: Muqatil, .-Jj/z/jw/z; Tabari, Tafsu; ed. 
Shakir. 

Secondary: A. Baumstark, Zur Herkunft der 
monotheistischen Bekenntnisformeln im Koran, 
in oc 37 (1953), 6-22; Goidziher, MS, trans; 
E. Khamis, Two wall mosaic inscriptions from 
the Umayyad market place in Bet Shean/ 
Baysan, in BSOAS 64 (200r), 159-76; E. Kohlberg, 
Shahid, in i/^, ix, 203-7; R. Macuch, Zur 
Vorgeschichte der Bekenntnisformel Id ildha ilia 
lldhu, in ZDMG 128 (1978), 20-38; C.E. Padwick, 
Muslim devotions. A study of prayer-manuals in common 
use, Oxford 1996 (original 1961), chaps. lOa and 
lob; A. Rippin, Aiuslims, their religious beliefs and 
practices, London 2001^; J. Walker,^ catalogue of the 
Muhammadan coins in the British Museum, ii. Arab- 
Byzantine and post-reform Umaiyad coins, London 
1956; A.J. Wensinck, The Muslim creed. Its genesis 
and historical development, London 1932; id.. The 
Oriental doctrine of the martyrs, in Mededeelingen 
der Koninklijke Akademie van Wetenschappen, Afdeeling 
Letterkunde, Deel 53, Serie A, No. 6, Amsterdam 
1921. 



WITNESSING AND TESTIFYING 



492 



Witnessing and Testifying 

Perceiving sometliing and giving evidence 
of it. These two notions are distinct from 
each other but interrelated, insofar as the 
one is the prerequisite of the other. Also, 
the act of perception results in knowledge 
that can later be passed on, and so may be 
considered to be oriented towards the 
future; bearing evidence, by contrast, refers 
to the past. Thus, witnessing and testifying 
establishes a chain of information, with the 
witness serving as a connecting link be- 
tween a past event and a person incjuiring 
about it. From an epistemological point of 
view, however, this chain consists of two 
different relationships. On the one hand, 
the witness' relationship to the event in 
question is normally characterized by trust 
in his own perception; the inquirer, on the 
other hand, must always decide whether 
the witness is credible and, therefore, 
whether the information he is obtaining is 
true. Since the practice of witnessing and 
testifying is one of the most important 
methods of arriving at a decision in the 
field of law, formulating criteria to ensure 
the credibility of the witness has always 
been of pivotal importance. 

The Arabic counterpart to the English 
notion of "witnessing and testifying" is 
derived from the root sh-h-d, which occurs 
160 times in the Qrir'an, mainly in the first 
verbal form. The verb shahida (44 times) 
covers a set of notions that includes: first, 
"to be present (at)" or "to be (eye)witness 
(of)" (with ace: e.g. q 2:185; 12:26; 27:49; 
43:19); second, "to bear evidence of some- 
thing" [bi-, seldom 'aid), or "against some- 
one or oneself" ['aid; e.g. q 6:130; 12:81; 
41:20; 46:10); and, third, "to declare" or 
"to profess" (with ace. or anna, "that"; e.g. 
q 3:81; 7:172; 11:54; 25:72; with even God as 
its subject: C3 3:18). Likewise, the active par- 
ticiple shdhid (21 times, including its plural 
forms shdhidun, shuhud and aslihdd) and the 



verbal adjective shahld (56 times, including 
the dual shahiddn and the plural shuhadd') 
mostly refer to the eyewitness of deeds and 
events (e.g. o 4:72; 12:26; 28:44), to the wit- 
ness who gives evidence in the court either 
in this world or in the hereafter (e.g. 
c) 4:166; 24:4; 40:51; see judgment; last 
judgment) and to the witness who attests 
to his faith (q.v.) or beliefs (e.g. C3 3:53; 
6:150; 46:10; not shahld). 

Finally, the verbal noun shahdda (26 times) 
signifies the "manifest" in contrast to al- 
ghayh, "the hidden" (see hidden and the 
hidden), in the recurrent formula 'dlini 
al-ghayb wa-l-shahdda (" [God] knower of the 
unseen and the visible"; e.g. c) 6:73; 9:94; 
cf. 6:19). It also denotes witnessing the con- 
clusion of an agreement (e.g. C3 2:282; 
5:106; see contracts and alliances) and 
testifying to one's knowledge (e.g. q 2:140; 
24:4; see knowledge and learning), 
while in q 24:6, 8 its meaning comes close 
to that of an oath (see oaths). There are, 
however, several instances where it is not 
easy to determine in which sense words 
derived from the root sh-h-d should best be 
understood (e.g. q 3:18, 99; 11:17; 46:10; 
74:13; 83:21). 

At any rate, due to its complex shades of 
meaning, the term shahdda with its deriva- 
tions gained central importance in three 
different fields of Islamic culture. It refers, 
first, to witnessing in a judicial context, 
second, to the credo statement, "I confess 
(ashhadu) there is no god except God, 
Muhammad is the messenger of God" (see 
witness to faith) and third, to martyr- 
dom (see martyrs). 

Two types of witnesses: attesting and testifying 
In the Qiir'an, the notion of witnessing is a 
main issue in the description of events on 
judgment day, on the one hand, and in the 
prescriptions for procedural rules in penal 
and civil law cases in this life, on the other 
(see LAW AND THE our'an; chastisement 



493 



WITNESSING AND TESTIFYING 



AND punishment). These two usages 
should be treated separately. 

To give an idea of the impending divine 
judgment at the end of time, the 
Qi_ir'an — aside from referring to the met- 
aphor (q.v.) of the mechanical and hence 
impartial scale (e.g. c) 7-8-9; 21:47; see 
WEIGHTS AND MEASURES) — cvokcs above 
all the imagery of a great trial. The 
Qi_ir'an, however, hardly talks about the 
course of events at this trial; rather, it fo- 
cuses on the impact of two kinds of evi- 
dence that will be presented there: i) 
written documents (see orality and 
WRITING IN Arabia; writing and 
WRITING materials), and 2) the testimony 
of witnesses. Both draw their authority 
from the close surveillance to which hu- 
man beings are subject during their life- 
time. Nothing that happens on earth 
escapes God (cf Q^ 50:16; 58:7; see power 
AND impotence). Therefore: "God is suf- 
ficient as witness" {shahid, C3 4:79; cf 3:98; 
4:33; 6:ig; 13:43; and sometimes God is 
called raqib, "watcher," e.g. q_ 5:117; 33-52; 
both designations belong to his "most 
beautiful names," al-asmd' al-husnd; see god 
AND HIS attributes). Also he (q 3:181; 
19:79; 36:12), or rather some angelic beings 
who are mostly called "our messengers" 
[rusulund; e.g. Ci 10:21; 43:80; see angel) or 
"guardians" {lidfi^m, q 82:10; hafa^a, q 6:61; 
cf 4:166; 13:11; 50:17-18), write down the 
deeds of every human being (see 

HEAVENLY BOOK). 

According to some verses (q.v.), on judg- 
ment day there will be one comprehensive 
book (q.v.; kitdb) for all (c3 18:49; 39:69; cf. 
36:12); according to others, there is one 
book for the sinners and one for the pious 
(Q, 83:7, 18; see SIN, MAJOR AND minor), 
one for each community [umma, C3 45:28-9; 
see community and society in the 
qUR'AN), or one record for each individual 
(Q, 17-13-141 71; 69:19, 25; 84:7, 10)- Be that 
as it may, the notion of celestial registers of 



deeds belongs to the common religious 
heritage of the Near East (see scripture 
AND THE ^ur'an). In the Qiir'an, as well as 
in biblical texts (cf Malachi 3:16-17; Daniel 
7:10; Revelation 20:12), written documents, 
whether collective or individual, are the 
decisive evidence in the last judgment. In 
fact, due to their precision and compre- 
hensiveness, these writings themselves dic- 
tate unmistakably the final fate of the souls 
(see soul; reward and punishment). The 
events on judgment day do not themselves 
serve to determine the verdict — since 
God is all-knowing, this is already 
clear — but rather to demonstrate that the 
divine verdict is just (see justice and 
injustice). Therefore, on judgment day 
the records of deeds will be made public: 
they will be spread open before the souls 
fe '7-13) 18:49; 39:69); they will be handed 
over to them (o 17:71; 69:19, 25; 84:7, lo); 
everyone has to read his own register aloud 
((J 17:14, 71; 69:19). Thus the pious as well 
as the sinners, after gaining insight to the 
records of their deeds, will acknowledge 
the supreme divine justice (q^ 17:14; 18:49; 
69:i9f). 

The second piece of evidence that plays a 
major role on the day of judgment, the 
testimony of witnesses, is only ever men- 
tioned in connection with evil-doers 
(o 50:21 might appear to be an exception, 
but as the context shows, the sinner is the 
focus of attention here, too; see EVIL 
deeds). Those who are summoned to 
appear as witnesses before the tribunal in- 
clude first of all the messengers of God, 
who are to testify against the peoples to 
whom they have been sent (e.g. C3 4:41, 159; 
5:116-17; 16:84, 89; 28:75). Q. 2:143 is rel- 
evant here, too. Concerning the Muslim 
community, it says: "... that you may be 
witnesses against humankind (shuhadd'a 'aid 
l-nds), and that the messenger may be a 

witness against you ('alaykum shahidan) " 

Here, as well as in c) 22:78 where nearly the 



WITNESSING AND TESTIFYING 



494 



same formula recurs, the context in which 
it appears has to do with Muslim ritual 
duties, especially prayer (q.v.; saldt; see also 

RITUAL AND THE QUR'an). ThuS, it COuld 

be argued that these verses imply that the 
believers, while performing their duties, 
are considered to act as witnesses for God 
in face of the unbelievers (see belief and 
unbelief). The mainstream of Muslim 
exegesis, however (see exegesis of the 
q^ur'an: classical and medieval), relates 
this expression to the role of Muhammad's 
community on the day of judgment: Rely- 
ing on what their Prophet taught them, the 
members of the community will testify that 
God's messengers indeed conveyed their 
message to the nations. And the nations in 
turn, impressed by the Muslims' privileged 
status, will exclaim: "This community, they 
all were nearly prophets!" (see Tabari, 
Tafsir, ad loc.) 

Another important group who will be 
gathered to give evidence are the 
shurakd' — the associates (whom the 
unbelievers venerated beside God; see 
POLYTHEISM AND atheism). When they are 
asked whether they led the unbelievers 
astray (q.v.), they will renounce them and 
give the unbelievers full responsibility (q.v.) 
for their conduct ((^ 25:17-19; 28:62-6; cf 
11:18; 16:86; 37:22-32; 39:69; 40:51). The 
unbelievers will be called upon to produce 
witnesses for their own claims, but they will 
be unable to comply (o 41:47; cf. 6:94; 
10:28; 30:13; etc.) — a motif that also 
recurs in the polemical passages of the 
Qur'an (e.g. c) 2:23; 11:13-14; 68:41; see 

POLEMIC AND POLEMICAL LANGUAGE) and 

that can be traced back to God's tribunal 
on the heathen nations in Isaiah 43:8 f. In 
this context, mention must also be made of 
C3 50:20-9. It says that on judgment day 
"every soul shall come, and with it a driver 
(sd'iq) and a witness" [shahid, (^ 50:21): "... 
And his comrade (qannuhu) shall say, ^This 
is what I have, made ready'" (q 50:23); and, 



" 'Oiu" lord (q.v.), I made him not insolent, 
but he was in far error'" (q.v.; 5) 50:27; see 
also INSOLENCE AND OBSTINACY). The 
question of who the "driver," the "witness" 
and the "comrade" are, is not easy to an- 
swer. Aside from other, partly metaphorical 
interpretations. Islamic exegesis usually 
takes the "driver" to be a kind of heavenly 
court usher; while the "witness" is gener- 
ally understood as the angels who record 
the human deeds. These angels, however, 
are nowhere else expressly called "wit- 
nesses" (see above). As for the soid's 
"comrade" who denounces him, al- 
Zamakhsharl (d. 538/1144; Kashshdf, 
ad loc.) explains that it is a satan (see 
devil) who was sent to seduce him (cf. 
O 4:38; 6:112; 25:31; 41:25; 43:36). This 
"comrade," then, is reminiscent of the 
Judaic conception of Satan as an angel of 
God whose office it is to tempt human be- 
ings on earth and to act as heavenly pros- 
ecutor against them before the last 
judgment (Zechariah 3:1; Job 1:6 f; Ps. 
109:6). Finally, God will also enable the 
limbs and sense organs of the unbelievers 
to testify to their actions (c3 41:20-2; 24:24; 
36:65). Thus, left alone without any witness 
for the defense, the unbelievers — human 
beings and jinn (q.v.) — will give evidence 
against themselves and end up in hell 

(C3 6:130; 7:37; see HELL AND HELLFIRe). 

Now, while the cjur'anic view anticipating 
the events of the last judgment is char- 
acterized by trust in the triumph of divine 
justice, the qur'anic attitude towards 
legally relevant matters in worldly affairs 
takes a rather more realistic tone. This is 
demonstrated clearly in the prescriptions 
related to the attesting and testifying wit- 
nesses. (As to terminology, in the Qiir'an, 
both shdhid and shahid signify both the at- 
testing and the testifying witness [see 
above] . But since shahid later acquired the 
meaning of "martyr," Islamic jurispru- 
dence then began using the term shdhid 



495 



WITNESSING AND TESTIFYING 



exclusively for the witness in legal matters.) 
The Qiir'an expressly demands the pres- 
ence of witnesses for five kinds of 
acts — four of them belonging to civil law, 
one to penal law. These include: the agree- 
ment on a financial obligation (c3 2:282; see 
debt), the delivery of property (q.v.) to 
orphans (q.v.) by their guardian (c3 4:6; see 
guardianship), the drafting of the last 
testament (q 5:106-8; see inheritance), 
the decision on the continuation or dis- 
solution of a marriage after the prescribed 
waiting period (q.v.; o 65:1-2; see also 
marriage and divorce), and the execu- 
tion of the /zaf/fl'-pimishment for fornication 
(c) 24:2; see adultery and fornication). 
(It could be argued that (j 2:185, man sha- 
hida... al-shahr implies that witnesses are 
required to attest to the new moon [q.v.], 
as well, but this is not at all clear. For 
the discussion concerning the rujat 
al-hilal — "attesting of the new 
moon" — see Lech, Geschichte, i, 73-105; see 
also month; ramadan). As for the last- 
named act, i.e. punishing a fornicator, the 
reason for the attendance of witnesses lies 
in the special character of the qur'anic 
/7fla'(/-regulations. Because they are pre- 
scribed by God, they cannot be altered, 
and it is the duty of the community of be- 
lievers to implement them duly if the ac- 
cused is found guilty (see boundaries and 
precepts). The execution of the punish- 
ment is therefore a public concern, and the 
witnesses represent the community. In this 
respect, Muslim commentators speak of 
tashhir — public exposure. But since c) 24:2 
simply says: "Let a party (td'ifa) of the be- 
lievers witness their punishment," the 
teachings from the scholars diverge as to 
the minimum number of witnesses re- 
quired. According to al-Tabari's (d. 310/ 
923) commentary, Mujahid (d. bet. 100/718 
and 104/722) considered the presence of 
only one person to be sufficient; the major- 
ity, however, prefer at least three, but better 



four, witnesses, analogous with the pre- 
scriptions concerning fornication (see 
below). 

In contrast, the other instances men- 
tioned above [(^ 2:282; 4:6; 5:106-8; 65:1-2) 
deal with private-law agreements. There, 
the number of the witnesses has to be (at 
least) two. C3 2:282, the extremely long dyat 
al-dayn — the verse of debt — deals with 
witnessing agreements concerning finan- 
cial obligations. It lays down the following: 
first, that a scribe has to fix such agree- 
ments in writing; and, second, that two 
witnesses must be called in to attest to the 
drafting of the contract, in order to be able 
to give evidence of its proper course in 
case of future legal contest. Now, this pre- 
scription conforms generally with the cor- 
responding regidations in Talmudic law. In 
the Talmud, however, women are excluded 
from acting as attesting and testifying wit- 
nesses (cf Josephus, ^nizjaffej, bk. 4, chap. 
8, par. 15) except in the case of typically 
female matters. The Qtir'an, on the other 
hand, stipulates the ride: "If the two be not 
men, then one man and two women, such 
witnesses as you approve of (mimman 
tardawna mina l-shuhadd'), that if one of the 
two women errs the other will remind her" 
(see WOMEN AND THE q^ur'an; gender). 
According to the Hanafis, this means that 
the testimony of two women and one man 
may be accepted for all cases, except for 
hadd and qisds (retaliation [q.v.]). The other 
Islamic schools of law, however, restricted 
this possibility mainly to financial transac- 
tions and otherwise conceded women the 
right to testify in matters within their spe- 
cial realm of knowledge. In such matters, 
the judge could confine himself to the tes- 
timony of women only — although the 
required number of female witnesses in 
these cases differed from school to school. 

C3 65:2 stipulates that after the 'idda — the 
waiting time of three menstural periods 
[qurii'; cf o 2:228; see menstrua- 



WITNESSING AND TESTIFYING 



496 



tion) — the husband's decision wlietlier to 
retain liis wife or to part from her must be 
attested to by "two men of equity from 
among yourselves (dhawaj 'adl minkumj." It 
continues: "and perform the witnessing to 
God (wa-aqimu l-shahddata lilldh)." <j 5:106 
uses the same notion, i.e. "two men of 
equity" should be present when a testa- 
ment is made. Both should come "from 
among yourselves (minkum)" but if the tes- 
tator faces death away from home, two 
others (dkhardni min ghajrikum) will do as 
well. For the Shafi'i and Maliki jurists (just 
as for the Hanafi exegete al-Zamakhshari), 
this differentiation between "from your- 
selves" and "from others" refers to the rel- 
atives of the testator and to strangers. 
Scholars of the Hanafi tradition (and also 
the Shafi'i commentator al-Suyuti [d. 911/ 
1505]), however, explain it as referring to 
Muslims on the one hand, and to non- 
Muslims on the other, allowing the "People 
of the Book" (q.v.) thereby to witness in 
this special case, when no Muslims can be 
found. (As a rule, the testimony of the 
"People of the Book" is admissible only 
when it concerns their own religious com- 
munities.) In the continuation of (j 5:106, 
the wording leaves space for interpretation, 
as well. It says the witnesses should be de- 
tained after prayer (saldt) and, in case of 
doubt, made to swear by God (fa-yuqsimdni 
bi-lldh): "We will not sell it for a price, even 
though it were a near kinsman (see 
kinship), nor will we hide the testimony of 
God (Id naktumu shahddata lldh), for then we 
would surely be among the sinful." Here, it 
is neither entirely clear whether the pre- 
scriptions mentioned refer to the first pair 
of witnesses, those "from among your- 
selves," or to the second pair, the "two oth- 
ers"; nor whether the moment of drafting 
the last testament or giving evidence of 
this act at a later time is intended. 

As to the criteria of witness credibility, 
'adl — equity — is the only one expressly 



mentioned in the Q_ur'an [q_ 5:106; 65:2). 
There, this term sometimes implies a cer- 
tain legal competence (cf. q 5:95; 42:15); in 
later times, however, it was usually under- 
stood as referring generally to a good repu- 
tation. Al-Shafi'i (d. 204/820) defined it as 
"acting in obedience (q.v.) to God" and 
added that one's surface impression of a 
person suffices to attest to his 'adl. In ad- 
dition to 'adl, later Islamic scholars also 
drew up lists of further criteria for both the 
attesting and the testifying witness. These 
criteria include the following: the witness 
should be a Muslim (thus, Jews and 
Christians are normally excluded from 
witnessing, see above; see JEWS and 
JUDAISM; CHRISTIANS AND CHRISTIANITY), 
a free man [hurr; see slaves and slavery), 
in full possession of his mental faculties 
['dqil; see insanity), have attained the age 
of majority [bdligh; see maturity), not be 
suspected of having personal interests in 
the case [najy al-tuhma; the classical defini- 
tion of the testimony is ikhbdr bi-haqqin lil- 
ghayri 'aid dkhar), and not have been 
previously punished by hadd because of 
defamation [ghajr mahdudjj l-qadhf; cf. 
(J 24:4). The judge {qddi, pi. quddt) is re- 
sponsible for examining whether the wit- 
nesses meet these conditions before the 
court. Now, while the external conditions 
can easily be checked, the verification of 
the 'addla is problematic. (Since 'adl can 
also be used as an adjective, it is often re- 
placed by " 'addla" as a noun.) According to 
the procedure of ta'dil — declaring one's 
equity — it is incumbent upon the judge to 
make secret enquiries about a candidate's 
reputation and private life, and to cjuestion 
him in public, before accepting him as a 
witness. 

'Addla understood as good reputation is, 
however, an extremely flexible notion and 
can be interpreted arbitrarily. Therefore, 
one finds in the sources that not only the 
belief in the doctrine of free will (see 



497 



WITNESSING AND TESTIFYING 



FREEDOM AND PREDESTINATION'), but also 

eating in the streets or breeding pigeons 
and tlie like could disqualify someone from 
acting as a witness. Due to the subjective 
nature of interpreting this term, private- 
law agreements could easily be contested 
later on by denying the 'adala of the wit- 
nesses that attested to the act. To minimize 
this risk, already in the second/eighth cen- 
tury, judges started to confer a permanent 
status of 'addla to a limited group of per- 
sons, who were then regularly examined. 
The presence of these officially approved 
witnesses at the closing of contracts and 
passing of sentences secured the legality of 
these acts. In this way, a class of notarial 
witnesses, the shuhiid 'udul (sing, shdhid 'adl), 
evolved. They belonged to the judge's en- 
tourage, but could also work independently 
as notaries, attesting and testifying legal 
acts, drawing up deeds and documents. 
The notary profession (which was called 
'addla, as well) required specialist knowl- 
edge of law and legal jargon — the sind'at 
al-wirdqa, arithmetic, calligraphy (q.v.) and 
so on, and was the subject of the treatises 
of 'Urn al-shuriit — the discipline pertaining 
to the conditions (of the notary profession). 
Conversely, the evidentiary weight con- 
ceded to written documents — although 
recommended in (J 2:282 (and decisive in 
the hereafter; see above; see eschato- 
logy) — was originally very limited, at 
least in theory: Those witnesses who 
attended the drafting of a document had 
to reappear before the court in order to 
testify to its validity. It was only for practi- 
cal reasons that written documents 
eventually became fully admissible as 
evidence — chiefly by a revaluation 
of the witnesses' signatures on the 
document — except in cases of hadd and 
qisds. 

Concerning the role of witnesses testify- 
ing before a worldly court, the Qiir'an con- 
tains very little information (cf. Q_ 21:61, the 



trial against Abraham [q.v; Ibrahim], and 
Q_ 12:26-8, the acquittal of Joseph [q.v] 
through circumstantial evidence). Only in 
two passages are precise prescriptions 
given: (j 4:15 says: "Such of your women as 
commit indecency (al-Jahisha), call four of 
you to witness against them (fa-stashhidu 
'alajihinna arha'atan); and if they bear wit- 
ness (fa-in shahidu), then detain [the 
women] in [their] houses until death takes 
them or God appoints for them a way." 
(J 24:4, too, demands the testimony of four 
witnesses: "And those who accuse honor- 
able women but bring not four witnesses 
(bi-arba'ati shuhadd'), scourge them with 
eighty lashes (see flogging) and never 
afterward accept their testimony 
(shahdda).^^ While this verse deals with the 
accusation of fornication (zind), the delict 
in Q^ 4:15 is interpreted either as lesbian sex 
[sihdq; see homosexuality) or fornication, 
as well. In the latter case, the difference 
between the penalty in {) 4:15 (house arrest 
or a divine decision) and the one in C3 24:2, 
where a hundred lashes are prescribed for 
the fornicator, is clarified by taking re- 
course to the supposed order of revelation 
(see revelation and inspiration; 
chronology and the q^ur'an; 
OCCASIONS OF revelation): first, q_ 4:15 
came down; it was then replaced by Q_ 24:2; 
this in turn was superseded by the notori- 
ous verse of stoning (q.v), the dyat al-rajm, 
"whose recitation is abrogated but not 
its validity" [md nusikha tildwatuhu duna huk- 
mihi; Suyuti, Itqdn, naw' /^.j; see 
abrogation). 

Be that as it may, two items deserve men- 
tion here: First, Islamic jurisprudence has 
always restricted the necessity of the tes- 
timony of four (male) witnesses to ^ot« (and 
sihdq) only. For all other cases, murder 
(q.v.) and manslaughter included (see 
bloodshed), two witnesses suffice — a rule 
which is in accordance with Mosaic law (cf. 
Deuteronomy 17:6; 19:15 f). The witness' 



WITNESSING AND TESTIFYING 



statement before the judge has to be in- 
troduced by the formula, "I testify by God" 
(ashhadu bi-lldh), or simply "I testify" and is 
considered an oath (qasam). Second, he 
who cannot call four witnesses to support 
his charge is guilty of defamation (qadhf) 
and risks not only losing his right to give 
evidence, but also a corporal punishment, 
one which is only slightly milder than the 
punishment for the fornicator. (It is char- 
acteristic of the qur'anic /zar/o'-prescriptions 
that they are followed by restrictive clauses, 
which gave rise to discussions about their 
respective fields of application; besides 
C3 24:4-5, see a 3:86-9; 5:33-4, 38-9.) Within 
the sphere of marriage, however, in 
C) 24:6-9 the Qiir'an allows the procedure 
of li'dn, which entitles the husband, instead 
of calling four witnesses, to swear four 
oaths that his accusation is true. And be- 
cause the truth of these oaths normally 
cannot be verified, he then has to declare 
in a fifth oath that, in case of perjury, he 
should be subject to God's curse (q.v.). In 
order to evade punishment, the accused 
wife in turn must invalidate her husband's 
oaths, swearing four times that he is a liar 
and a fifth time that she, too, if lying, 
should incur the wrath of God (see anger). 
Insofar as in the li'dn each of them is invok- 
ing an ordeal, it can be compared with the 
mubdhala, the mutual curse in Q^ 3:61. 

There are yet other instances in Islamic 
law where an oath may replace the tes- 
timony of a witness. Except for the 
Hanafis, all other schools accept the oath 
(yamin) of the plaintiff together with the 
testimony of another man as valid in 
financial matters. It is also valid the other 
way round: if the plaintiff's testimony is 
not based on sufficient evidence, the de- 
fendant can reject the accusation by means 
of an oath. Finally, in a situation where 
there is strong, but not sufficient, evidence 
against a person suspected of killing some- 
one else, i.e. when there are neither two 



eye-witnesses nor the confession of the cul- 
prit, the practice of qasdma is allowed as 
supplementary evidence. This consists in 
the swearing of fifty oaths, either by fifty 
men or by fewer persons who then have to 
swear more than once in order to make up 
the required number. According to the 
Hanafis, the qasdma on the part of the rela- 
tives of the suspect, swearing that they 
were neither involved in the crime nor do 
they know the culprit, prevents the mecha- 
nism of retaliation. For the Malikis, how- 
ever, the qasdma is an instrument for the 
relatives of the victim. Their fifty-fold oath 
that the suspect is doubtless the offender 
increases the weight of the available, 
legally insufficient evidence to a sufficient 
degree. 

As a rule, giving evidence is a duty for the 
Muslim community, but if someone can 
thereby be exonerated, the duty is indi- 
vidual (cf. c) 2:282). Nevertheless, in cases 
of Aflfl'^^-delicts, it is laudable to keep one's 
knowledge to oneself in order to spare the 
suspect the corporal punishment. 

The profession of faith 
In its second meaning, the term shahdda 
refers to the credo statement of Islam. 
Although there exist some slight varia- 
tions in wording (see Fischer, Gestalten; 
'All, saldt, 57 f, 136 f), the shahdda essen- 
tially consists in the bipartite slogan 
"There is no god except God (Id ildha 
Hid lldhu)"" and "Muhammad is the mes- 
senger of God (Muhammadun rasulu lldhi).'^ 
It is therefore also called "the two 
words" — al-kalimatdn — its first part be- 
ing the kalimat al-tawhld — the word of 
God's oneness — (or, with respect to its 
sound, the tahlil), its second part the kalimat 
al-rasul — the word of the Prophet. For the 
Shi'a (q.v.) it is commendable, though not 
indispensible, to add a third phrase, 
namely: " 'All is the friend of god" {'Alijyun 
waliyyu lldh; as to the alleged 'Alawite 



499 



WITNESSING AND TESTIFYING 



shahdda see Guyard, Fetwa, 182; Firro, 
'Alawis, 5f.; see also shI'ism and the 
q^ur'an; ali b. abI talib). In Islam, the 
shahdda is considered a performative ut- 
terance: Saying it intentionally in tlie pres- 
ence of a Muslim audience means 
embracing Islam or emphasizing one's 
affiliation to it. By speaking the formula "I 
confess (ashhadu)"" that precedes the whole 
declaration and that may be repeated be- 
fore its second — and, as far as the Shi'ites 
are concerned, also its third — part, the 
performative nature of the shahdda is made 
explicit. In the philological tradition of 
Islam, this special character is mostly ref- 
ered to as inshdX what can be rendered 
approximately as "declarative," in contrast 
to pure statements, whicli are classified as 
ikhbdri, i.e. "informative" (see the discus- 
sion in Alusi, Kanz, 32f.). 

As a performative, the shahdda requires 
publicity. This public nature of the shahdda 
shows above all in its prominence in the 
whole complex of the Islamic common 
prayer, the saldt: First of all, it is part of the 
adhdn — the call to prayer — which means 
that it can be heard loudly from above the 
minarets (see moscjue) five times a day in 
artistic rendering, sometimes even collec- 
tively performed (Damascus) or with in- 
strumental accompaniment (Mashhad). It 
thereby became one of the most noticeable 
features of the Islamic world. It then fig- 
ures in the ijdba — the individual Muslim's 
response to the adhdn — and in the 
iqdnia — the repetition of the adhdn 
immediately before the prayer starts. In 
addition, at tlie end of every two 
rak'as — series of ritual acts in the saldt (see 
BOWING and prostration) — and at the 
end of each saldt itself, the believer utters 
the tashahhud — a set of phrases which in- 
cludes the shahdda, too. (Because one has to 
raise the forefinger of the right hand while 
saying Id ildha ilia lldhu in the tashahhud, tliis 
finger is also called the shdhid — the confes- 



sor.) But beyond this importance in daily 
ritual, the shahdda accompanies the Muslim 
literally throughout his or her whole life: It 
is a custom to whisper it into the ear of the 
new-born child, a Muslim should die with 
it on his lips (see death and the dead), 
and the deceased, before being buried (see 
burial), is reminded of it so that he or slie 
may know what to answer when asked in 
the grave by the two angels Munkar and 
Nakir (q.v.). 

These practices illustrate that the shahdda 
is considered the essential message of 
Islam. Accordingly, al-Ghazall (d. 505/1111) 
used it as his starting point to unfold 
Islamic dogma ('aqida) in his "Revival of 
the religious sciences" [Ihyd' 'uldm al-din, i, 
i6of.), and the 9th/i5th century theologian 
al-Sanusi concludes his creed (q.v), saying: 
"The meanings of all these articles of be- 
lief are brought together in the words, 
'There is no god exept God; Muhammad 
is the messenger of God' " (see Watt, 
Islamic creeds, 94). Therefore, every Mus- 
lim is admonished to remember the 
two words constantly; according to the 
Shafi'ite scholar al-Bayjurl (d. 1276/1860), 
the Islamic teachers of law — the 
fuqahd' — recommended that one should 
repeat it at least three hundred times a day. 

Generally, the first part of the shahdda, 
the kalimat al-tawhld, is considered to imply 
the second part, the kalimat al-rasul, as well 
(see e.g. Sha'rani, Fath, 24). But not only for 
this reason do the words Id ildha Hid lldhu 
hold a great fascination. Theology dis- 
cusses the logical structure of its phrasing 
as an exception clause and the philosophi- 
cal implications of this (cf. Bayjurl, Hdshiya, 
35f ; see theology and the our'an; 

PHILOSOPHY AND THE Q^UR'an). With its 
distinctive rhythm and sound, it became a 
prefered formula for the (/AzAr-exercises of 
the mystics (see remembrance; sufism 
AND THE cjur'an) and for exorcisms (cf. 
Schimmel, Sufis). The graphical shape of 



WITNESSING AND TESTIFYING 



500 



its letters made it a favorite motif for cal- 
ligraphic embellishments (see Arabic; 
script). The number of these letters and 
the existing symmetries among them invite 
to further speculations about hidden har- 
monies (cf. Canteins, Mirroir; see also 
numerology). And popular imagination 
all along was able to decipher it in natural 
phenomena like flowers, trees or swarms of 
bees. Thus, the shahdda is one of the most 
important constituents of communal iden- 
tity in Islam. This is clearly expressed in a 
prophetic saying that calls the believers the 
"people of Id ildha ilia lldhu" (cf. Ghazall, 
Ihyd\ i, 505). Despite this popularity, 
however, the origins of the shahdda remain 
rather obscure. 

In order to express the core idea of 
monotheism, the Qiir'an uses various 
formulations, e.g. the statement of (J 42:11: 
laysa ka-mithlihi shaj'un, "Like him there is 
naught," the rhetorical question Q, 35:3: hal 
min khdliqin ghayru lldhi, "Is there any 
creator apart from God?" (see creation; 
RHETORii; AND THE ^ur'an), and the 
command in C3 112:1: qui huwa lldhu ahadun, 
"Say: He is God, one." Two kinds of 
formulas, however, are especially 
prominent. There is, on the one hand, the 
positive statement ildhukum ildhun wdliidun, 
"Your god is one god" (six times, e.g. 
Q, 2:163; 18:110; 21:108; 41:6) with the 
variations "He (huwa) is one god" (three 
times: C) 6:19; 14:52; 16:51) and "God 
(alldhu) is one god" (once only: o 4:171). As 
A. Baumstark pointed out (Zur Herkimft), 
this formula can be traced back 
indirectly — via a supposed Jewish-Arabic 
version of Aramaic translations (see 
FOREIGN vocabulary) — to Deuter- 
onomy 6:4, the opening verse of the 
sh'ma' — the Judaic creedal prayer: "Hear, 
O Israel: The lord (yhwh) our God, the 
lord (yhwh) is one." In its historical 
context, Deuteronomy 6:4 originally 



demanded Israel's exclusive cultic 
veneration of Yahweh alone, while 
implicitly conceding the existence of other 
gods for other nations. In exilic times, 
however, after Israel's turn to exclusive 
monotheism, i.e. to the negation of the 
existence of other gods, this verse could no 
longer be understood in its original sense, 
and the predicate "one" had to be 
interpreted in an absolute way (cf. 
Rechenmacher, "AuJSer mir giht es keinen 
Gott!," 195 f). The same holds true, of 
course, of the qur'anic formula as well, 
and, thus, the Muslim commentators 
explain the predicate wdhid as meaning 
"one in essence" or "the unique one," etc. 
(cf. Tabarl, Tafslr, ad q 2:163 and compare 
the different translations of this formula). 

On the other hand, there is the exception 
clause, "There is no god but he" [Id ildha 
Hid huwa, thirty times, e.g. q 2:163, 255; 
3:18; 9:31; 73:9) with the alternative 
endings "but I" [illd and, three times: 
q 16:2; 20:14; 21:25), "but God" [illd lldhu, 
twice: q 37:35; 47:19) and "but you" [illd 
anta, only q 21:87). According to Baum- 
stark (Zur Herkunft), the wording Id ildha 
illd huwa ultimately echoes Deuteronomy 
4:35, 39 and must have been part of a pre- 
Islamic Jewish- Arabic cult prayer. In fact, 
many passages where this phrase figures 
exhibit a distinctive Jewish-Christian 
coloring, e.g. when combined with 
Hebrew or Aramaic borrowings like 
al-qayyum — "the everlasting" (q 2:255; 3:2) 
and rabb al-'dlamin — "the lord of all 
being" (q 40:64-5), in connection with the 
biblical motif of the throne (q 2:255; 9:129; 
20:5-8; 27:26; see THRONE of god) or in 
juxtaposition to al-rahmdn — "the 
all-merciful" — the name under which 
God was venerated in pre-Islamic times by 
the Jews of the Yemen (q.v.), e.g.: "Your 
god is one god; there is no god but he, the 
all-merciful, the all-compassionate" [al- 



501 



WITNESSING AND TESTIFYING 



rahmdn al-mhim, q 2:163; cf. 13:30; 59:22). 
Thus, it must be assumed that the phrase Id 
ildha ilia huwa was, at the time the Qiir'an 
originated, a popular slogan in Arabian 
Jewish or Christian circles. But then, the 
way the Arabic proper name "God," Allah, 
becomes connected with this phrase in the 
Qi_ir'an, shows how the new religions 
movement first adopted and, later on, 
started to monopolize it. There are verses 
where the word Allah simply precedes the 
la ildha Hid huwa (e.g. q 2:255; 3:2; 4:87; cf. 
3:18), while in others, Allah is almost 
defined by means of it (q 20:98; cf 6:102; 
39:6; 40:62, 64-5). After a short hymn to 
al-rahmdn on the throne, (3 20:8, which runs 
"God (Alldhu), there is no god but he, his 
are the most beautifid names (lahu l-asmd'u 
l-husnd)" may be read as a justification for 
the use of the Arahic Allah in connection 
with the exception clause (cf. c) 17:110). 
One may discern another attempt to justify 
this connection in q_ 3:18, where the praxis 
of confessing Id ildha Hid huwa is somewhat 
illogically attributed to Alldh himself. 
Finally, in two verses the name Alldh enters 
the exception clause itself and constitutes 
the kalimat al-tawhid. And it is especially 
noticeable that in both instances the 
preceding verbs indicate that the resulting 
slogan Id ildha Hid lldhu was already in use 
for purposes of teaching and proselytizing 

(see TEACHING AND PREACHING THE 

qur'an): "When it was said to them (idhd 
qila lahum): There is no god but God 
(Alldh), they were scornful" (c3 37:35; cf. 
47:19). 

A central motif in the Qiir'an is the 
emphasis on the authority (q.v.) of the 
prophetic duty (see prophets and 
prophethood). One of the means to 
effect this, is to equate the belief in and the 
obedience (q.v.) to God with the belief in 
and the obedience to the messenger [rasul; 
the term "prophet," nabi, by contrast, is 



seldom used: q 2:177; 5:81; 7:158). This 
principle is clearly stated in q 4:80: 
"Whosoever obeys (manjuti') the 
messenger (al-rasul), thereby obeys God" 
(cf. q 4:64). And thus, many qur'anic 
orders and regulations are enforced with 
formulations like "Those only are 
believers, who believe in (dmanu hi) God 
and his messenger and who, when they are 
with him upon a common matter, go not 
away until they ask his leave" (q 24:62; cf. 
49:15; 61:11) or with the imperative "Obey 
God and obey the messenger!" (e.g. q 4:59; 
5:92; cf 24:47). And although there are 
some short catechisms which add further 
elements, like the belief in angels and the 
scriptures of revelation or the performance 
of the prayer and the payment of the alms 
[zakdt; e.g. q 2:285; 4:136; 9:71; see 
almsgiving), verses like q 48:17 suggest 
that obedience is in the end the decisive 
criterion for salvation (q.v): "Whosoever 
obeys God and his messenger, he will 
admit him into gardens underneath which 
rivers flow" (cf. q 33:71; see garden). It is 
characteristic, however, not only of these 
passages, but of the Qiir'an as a whole, 
that this messenger remains without a 
name, except for four verses — q 3:144; 
33:40; 47:2 and 48:29 (see names of the 
prophet) — which identify Muhammad 
(q.v.) as the messenger of God and as a 
recipient of revelations. It has been 
suggested that these verses were later 
insertions into the Qiir'an; Islamic 
tradition, too, doubted the genuineness of 
at least q 3:144 (see SuyutI, Itqdn, naw' 10; 
Noldeke, GQ, ii, 8if ; van Ess, to, i, 3 n. 3). 
Anyway, at the end of q 48 — after the 
divine promise to his messenger: "You (pi.) 
shall indeed enter the inviolable place of 
worship [al-masjid al-hardm; see sacred 
precincts)" in verse 27 and after the 
assurance that God sent his messenger to 
make the "religion (q.v.) of truth" (q.v; din 



WITNESSING AND TESTIFYING 



502 



al-haqq) prevail over all religion in verse 
28 — the final verse (c3 48:29) identifies this 
messenger and extols his supporters. This 
is the only qur'anic instance of what later 
was to become the second part of the 
shahdda: "Muhammad is the messenger of 
God." 

In the Qiir'an can be found at least three 
ways to declare one's belief in and 
obedience to God and his prophet: first, 
the formula "We hear and we obey [sami'nd 
wa-ata'nd; see also SEEING and hearing)" 
with which the believers accepted the 
covenant (q.v.) with God (q 5:7) and with 
which they submit to the decisions of the 
prophet (c) 24:51; this formula ultimately 
goes back to Deuteronomy 5:27, and 
therefore, the Qiir'an especially connects it 
with the Israelites, although in a 
deliberately distorted form; cf. q 2:93; 4:46; 
see CHILDREN OF israel). Second, there is 
the confession of faith "We believe" 
[amannd, o 2:14, 76; 29:2; 49:14; sometimes 
with additions such as "in God and the last 
day" or "in God and the messenger, and 
we obey": q 2:8; 24:47; cf. 40:84). That this 
is not merely an expression of an inner 
conviction, but should rather be under- 
stood as a performative utterance which 
confers upon its speaker a privileged status, 
is clear from verses like o 40:84-5 and 49:14 
(this latter verse plays exactly on the 
possible double use of amannd; cf. c) 9:97). 
Finally, the verb shahida is used to signal the 
consent of the children of Adam (see adam 
AND eve), of the prophets and of the 
Children of Israel in the covenant (nnthdq) 
with God (c3 2:84; 3:81; 7:172). But there are 
also instances where it obviously signifies a 
formal declaration of loyalty (q.v.) to the 
messenger of God, e.g.: "How shall God 
guide a people who have disbelieved after 
they believed, and bore witness (shahidu) 
that the messenger is true?" [anna l-msula 
haqqun, q 3:86; cf 63:1; as for c) 3:86, see 
above). 



Opinions differ considerably about when 
and how the shahdda as credo statement 
developed. According to K. Cragg 
(Shahadah), it was used in the Prophet's 
Medinan period (see Medina) as a formula 
for conversion, but its wording probably 
belonged to an even earlier time. M.J. 
Kister (Study) connects the origin of the 
twofold shahdda with the experiences of the 
wars of apostasy (q.v.; hurub al-ridda) after 
the death of the Prophet. A.J. Wensinck 
(Tashahhud) argues that the shahdda must 
be comparatively early since it is part of 
the saldt-riXe and that it was customary to 
proclaim it at conversion to Islam in the 
second half of the first century a.h. — a 
view largely adopted by W.M. Watt 
(Formative period), too. By contrast, T Nagel 
(Inschriften) thinks that from 72/691-2 on- 
wards the Umayyad caliph (q.v.) 'Abd al- 
Malik (r. 65-86/685-705) propagated 
especially the second part of the shahdda 
against the inner-Islamic opposition of the 
Zubayrids in order to legitimize the pro- 
phetic tradition, the hadith (see hadith 
AND THE q^ur'an), as an authoritative 
source of its own. Finally, A. Rippin 
(Muslims) assumes that the shahdda "re- 
ceived its final shape fairly late" and that it 
gained acceptance as the first of the five 
pillars of Islam not before the third Islamic 
century. 

Thus, the problem of the early history of 
the shahdda can be summarized in three 
questions: First, at what time were the two 
kalimas combined with each other? Second, 
what was the underlying intention thereby? 
And, third, when did the shahdda gain 
general acceptance as a set phrase to 
express Muslim identity? To start with, 
there is no evidence that the two parts of 
the shahdda were combined with each other 
before the second half of the first century 
A.H. Both formulas were originally inde- 
pendent from each other. When, for 
instance, the phrase "Muhammad is the 



503 



WITNESSING AND TESTIFYING 



messenger of God" begins to appear on 
coins (see epigraphy and the q^uran), 
from 66/685-6 onwards, it is introduced by 
the basmala (q.v.), but not accompanied by 
the kalimat al-tawhid. There exist several 
variations, especially to this latter phrase. 
For example, a south Jordanian graffiti (see 

also ARCHAEOLOGY AND THE OUr'an), 

probably from the first century A.H., runs: 
"O God, I do call you to witness that you 
are God. There is no god but you 
(alldhumma inni ushhiduka annaka lldhu Id ildha 
Hid anta)." The favorite wording, however, 
of the Umayyads — still preserved in the 
tashahhud — is: "There is no god except 
God alone, he has no associate (wahdahu Id 
shanka lahu).'^ From the seventies of the first 
Islamic century onwards, both words of 
the shahdda appear together. In 72/691-2, a 
drachma was issued in Sistan which on its 
reverse bears a Pahlavi text very close in 
meaning to the shahdda (see numismatics). 
And from 73/692 on, there are Arab- 
Sasanian and Arab-Byzantine coins with 
both the basmala and shahdda on the 
margin. These examples, however, are still 
tentative efforts to link the notion of the 
exclusiveness of God with the claim that 
Muhammad is his messenger. Both words 
of the shahdda were freely combined with 
other religious phrases, too. There is, for 
example, the outer inscription of the am- 
bidatory of the Dome of the Rock (see art 
and architec;ture and the qur'an) 
from 72/691-2. In five sections, the text 
emphasizes the two basic ideas of the 
shahdda, and in each of these sections, both 
kalimas appear. They do not, however, 
make up a distinct unit, but are rather 
divided from each other by additional for- 
midas. Likewise, in the standard legend on 
the Umayyad coins from 'Abd al-Malik's 
reform (77/696-7 onwards), the two kalimas 
are separated from each other and are 
given different weight: The obverse has the 
Umayyad version of the first kalima as cited 



above, and the reverse gives the text of 
Q^ 112 (without the initial "Say: He"), while 
the legend on the margin runs: "Muham- 
mad is the messenger of God. He sent him 
with the guidance and the religion of 
truth, that he may uplift it above every re- 
ligion, though the unbelievers be averse" 
(cf. C3 9:33; 61:9; also C) 48:28; see above). 
Only when the 'Abbasids came to power 
and struck new coins, did the kalimat al- 
rasul take the place of C3 112 on the reverse 
and thereby became the true counterpart 
of the kalimat al-tawhid on the obverse (see 

also POLITICS AND THE CJUr'an). 

This epigraphic and numismatic material 
suggests that it was in the period from the 
reign of 'Abd al-Malik (r. 65-86/685-705) 
until the 'Abbasid assumption of power in 
132/750, that both words of the shahdda 
first became combined with each other and 
finally coalesced into a set phrase express- 
ing Muslim identity. Therefore, it is not 
likely that the shahdda should have been 
used before 'Abd al-Malik's reign as a slo- 
gan for conversion. By contrast, there is 
plenty of evidence that at least throughout 
the first/seventh century allegiance to 
Islam was expressed — besides many other 
formidations — by a declaration of the 
type: "I believe" [dmantu; see Ory, Aspects; 
Abbott, Kasr Kharana). In addition, it 
seems that before the seventies of the first 
century A.H./ the end of the seventh cen- 
tury C.E., none of the rival factions in early 
Islam — Zubayrids, 'Alids, Kharijis (q.v.) 
and Umayyads — explicitly mentioned the 
Prophet in their creedal formidas (see be- 
low). But then, the decision of 'Abd al- 
Malik to promote the kalimat al-rasul hardly 
had an inner-Islamic background. Since 
the phrase "Muhammad is the messenger 
of God" ascribes God-given authority to 
the Arab Muhammad, it is more likely that 
it was originally directed towards the non- 
Arab, non-Muslim subjects in the new em- 
pire and emphasized the Umayyad 



WITNESSING AND TESTIFYING 



504 



dominance in the field of religion, too. 
Tliis becomes especially evident in the in- 
scriptions of the Dome of the Rock. In any 
case, 'Abd al-Malik's propagation of the 
two words of the shahdda created for him 
serious diplomatic tensions with the 
Byzantines (q.v.; see Walker, Catalogue of 
the Arab-Byzantine and post-reform Umaiyad 
coins, liv). 

The discussion of the term islam, as pre- 
served in the medium of the hadlth — the 
prophetic tradition — shows how the 
shahdda started to play a role in theology. 
Given the fact that eventually islam was 
defined by five "pillars" [arkdn, sing, rukn), 
A.J. Wensinck [Creed, i']i.) argued that defi- 
nitions, which are less complex, can be 
considered preliminary stages belonging to 
an earlier date. Besides a tradition that de- 
fines islam solely by five daily prayers, obe- 
dience and the fast of Ramadan (e.g. 
Muslim, Sahih, K. Imdn, 8), three principal 
groups of hadiths can be distinguished: 
first, traditions that emphasize the exclu- 
sive veneration of God and add three fur- 
ther, mostly ritual duties (e.g. Muslim, 
Sahih, K. Imdn, 5, 7, 12, 14, 15); second, tra- 
ditions where a catalogue of five pillars is 
established, which, however, do not include 
any declaration of loyalty towards the 
Prophet (e.g. Muslim, Sahih, K. Imdn, 19, 20, 
22); and, third, the kind of tradition where 
the bipartite shahdda figures as the first of 
the five pillars of isld7n, either in answer to 
Gabriel's (q.v.) examination of the Prophet 
or introduced by the formula, "Islam is 
built upon five" (e.g. Muslim, Sahih, 
K. Imdn, i, 21). Wensinck rightly called this 
type "a masterpiece of early Muslim theol- 
ogy." Its importance lies in the fact that it 
holds the middle position between the 
Murji'l thesis that the public confession of 
faith (Tmdn) alone establishes one's status as 
a believer, on the one hand, and the 
Khariji rigorism with its emphasis on 



works, on the other (see good deeds; evil 
deeds). All the traditions of this type go 
back to 'Abdallah b. 'Umar (d. 73/693), a 
personality famous for his neutrality during 
the Umayyad civil wars and therefore a 
suitable candidate for the attribution of 
such a compromise solution. The 
names in the isndds — the chains of 
transmitters — point, however, to the 
milieu of proto-SunnI traditionalists of the 
second/eighth century who, equally 
opposed to Murji'is, 'Alids, Kharijis and 
Q_adarls, formulated these traditions and 
put them in circulation. 

Now, the instruction in these hadiths to 
testify to both kalimas ("Islam is the 
testimony [shahdda] that there is no god 
but God and that Muhammad is the 
messenger of God..."), signals, first, that, 
at that time, they both belonged together 
and, second, that they were used as a per- 
formative utterance. This strongly suggests 
that the shahdda must already have been 
part of the adhdn and the tashahhud in the 
saldt-r'ite. It is of great interest to know 
when the saldt got its final shape but this is 
still an open question. Wensinck's argu- 
ment, that the saldt must have been stan- 
dardized shortly after the Prophet's death 
"since there are no traces of deviation 
from the common ritual of the saldt among 
the sects" [Creed, 32), as plausible as it 
seems at first sight, is after all an argument 
ex nihilo. We do not even know at what time 
the five daily prayers were introduced (cf. 
Alverny, Priere; Rubin, Morning; Monnot, 
salat). What we do know is, on the one 
hand, that according to Muslim tradition 
the Prophet was taught the adhdn either 
during his ascension (q.v.) to heaven or 
while sleeping in the lap of 'All (cf. Ibn 
Babawayh, Alan Idyahduruhu, 28of.), and 
that he taught the tashahhud "the way he 
used to teach us a sura (q.v.) of the 
Qur'an" (Muslim, Sahih, K. Saldt, 60). On 



505 



WITNESSING AND TESTIFYING 



the Other hand, there are indications that 
the Uniayyads more than once enforced 
alterations in the rite of the saldt. During 
the revolt of Ibn al-Ash'ath (80-3/699-702), 
for example, their opponents reproached 
them with the demise of the saldt, and, at 
Dayr al-Jamajim, the battle cry of the 
qurrd' [see reciters of the our'an; 
READINGS OF THE q^ur'an) rimsi "Revenge 
for the saldt!^^ What they meant by this, 
however, is not at all clear; further research 
is neccessary. For use of the term shahdda to 
mean "martyrdom," see martyrs. 

Matthias Radscheit 



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Wives of the Prophet 

The Prophet is usually said to have had 
thirteen wives or concubines, of whom 
nine survived him. But there is some 
dispute as to the identity of the thirteen. 
Some modern Muslim biographers have 
linked the large size of the Prophet's 
harem to the fact that all of the 
Prophet's marriages had been con- 
cluded by the time that the early 
Medinan revelation of 0,4:3 limited the 
number of wives to four (Haykal, Life of 
Muhammad, 293; see marriage and 
divorce). Conversely, an Orientalist his- 
torian of the qur'anic text has suggested 
that the Prophet had only four wives at 
the time of the revelation of Q^ 4:3 (Stern, 
Marriage, 78-81; see post-enlighten- 
ment ACADEMIC STUDY OF THE 

our'an). 



507 



WIVES OF THE PROPHET 



In hadith (see hadith and the our'an) 
and classical qur'anic exegesis [tafsir; see 
EXEGESIS OF THE q^ur'an), the Prophet's 
right to less restricted polygamy is pre- 
sented as a prerogative that sunnat Allah, 
God's "law" for the world (see sunna; law 
AND THE our'an), had always granted to 
God's prophets and apostles (see prophets 
AND prophethood; messenger). 
Furthermore, the classical sources found 
the scriptural legitimization of the 
Prophet's larger household (see FAMILY OF 
THE prophet) in Q^ 33:50, a late Medinan 
revelation that enumerated the "categories 
of females" lawful to the Prophet for mar- 
riage as follows (see lawfltl and 
unlawful; prohibited degrees; women 
AND THE our'an): wives with whom the 
Prophet contracted marriage involving 
payment of "hires" (dowers; see 
bridewealth); female prisoners of war 
(slaves) who fell to him as part of his share 
of the spoils (see slaves and slavery; 
booty; captives); paternal and maternal 
cousins who had migrated to Medina (q.v.; 
see also emigrants and helpers; kinship; 
family); and 

a believing woman (see belief and 
unbelief), if she gives herself to the 
Prophet, if the Prophet should wish to 
marry her. Especially for you, exclusive of 
the believers. We know what we have im- 
posed upon them concerning their wives 
and slaves. So that there be no restriction 
on you. And God is forgiving, compassion- 
ate (see forgiveness; mercy; god and 
HIS attributes). 

The interpretation of the verse has pre- 
sented difficulties because it appears to 
relate to a social system that had ceased to 
exist within a century after the Prophet's 
death (Watt, Muhammad at Medina, 393). 
Especially problematic within the changing 
code of early Islamic marriage law was the 



institution of hiba, possibly a pre-Islamic 
form of marriage, by which a woman "of- 
fers herself" to a man without a guardian 
(^alT; see guardianship) to negotiate the 
union and without expectation of a dower. 
Later Muslim interpreters were uncomfort- 
able with the institution of hiba and some 
opined that it was not a lawful form of 
marriage for anyone with the sole excep- 
tion of the Prophet himself. Consequently, 
they used C3 33:50 primarily as an aid to 
classify the Prophet's consorts; but it also 
provided them with scriptural proof 
that Muhammad's marriages — even 
though more than four — were divinely 
sanctioned. 

Hadith reports agree overall that the 
Prophet was married to the following 
women: 

1. Khadija bt. Khuwaylid (Qiiraysh 

[q.v.] — Asad; see khadija). She was mar- 
ried to Abu Hala Hind b. al-Nabbash of 
Tamlm with whom she had two sons, Hala 
and Hind, and to 'Atiq b. 'Abid of 
Makhzum, with whom she had a daughter. 
Hind. Twice widowed (see widow), 
Khadija was a wealthy merchant woman 
who is said to have employed Muhammad 
in a business enterprise in 595 c.E. and 
then proposed marriage to him (see 
markets; caravan). He was twenty-five 
years old at that time and she was forty. 
They had two or three sons, named 
Qasim, 'Abdallah al-Tahir al-Mutahhar 
(and Tayyib?), and four daughters, 
Zaynab, Ruqayya, Umm Kulthum, and 
Fatima (q.v). All the male children died in 
infancy. When the revelations began (see 
revelation and inspiration), Khadija 
was the first person or, some say, the first 
woman to accept Islam from the messen- 
ger of God. Khadija died three years be- 
fore the migration to Medina (see emigra- 
tion) and was buried in Mecca (q.v.). 

2. Sawda bt. Zam'a (Qiu'aysh — 'Amir). 



WIVES OF THE PROPHET 



508 



She was married to Sakran b. 'Amr, an 
early Muslim, and made the hijra (emigra- 
tion) to Abyssinia (q.v.) with him. He died 
after their return to Mecca and she mar- 
ried the Prophet around 620 c.E. when she 
was about thirty. She migrated with his 
household to Medina where she died in 
54/673-4. 

3. 'A'isha bt. Abi Bakr (q.v.; 

Quraysh — Taym), married in 1/623 when 
she was nine. She was the only virgin 
Muhammad married. She remained child- 
less and died in Medina in 58/677-8. 

4. Hafsa bt. 'Umar b. al-Khattab 
(Qiiraysh — 'Adi) was the widow of 
Khumays b. Hudhafa, a Muslim killed at 
Badr (q.v.). She married the Prophet in 
3/625 at age eighteen. She died in 45/665 
(see hafsa). 

5. Umm Salama (Hind) bt. al-Mughlra 
(Qiiraysh — Makhzum) married the 
Prophet in 4/626 at age twenty-nine. Her 
husband Abu Salama had died of a wound 
received at Uhud and had left her with 
several small children (see expeditions 
AND battles). She died in 59/678-9. 

6. Zaynab bt. al-Khuzayma ('Amir b. 
Sa'sa'a — Hilal) was first married to al- 
Tufayl b. al-Harith (Qiiraysh — al- 
Muttalib) who divorced her. Then she 
married his brother 'Ubayda who was 
killed at Badr. Her marriage to the Prophet 
took place in or around 4/625-6 when she 
was about thirty. She died just a few 
months later. 

7. Juwayriyya (al-Mustaliq — Khuza'a), 
daughter of the chief of the tribe, was cap- 
tured in the attack on her tribe in 5/627, 
married by Muhammad on her profession 
of Islam and set free. She was about 
twenty years old at the time. Some say that 
she was at first only a concubine (see 
concubines) but that she had become a 
full wife before the Prophet's death. 
Juwayriyya died in 50/670. 

8. Zaynab bt. Jahsh (Asad b. Khuzayma) 
married Muhammad in 5/626-7 at age 



thirty-eight after her divorce from Zayd b. 
Haritha. She was a granddaughter of 'Abd 
al-Muttalib, and Muhammad's first cousin 
on his mother's side. Her father was a cli- 
ent of the clan of 'Abd Shams of the 
Quraysh tribe (see clients and 
clientage). Zaynab bt. Jahsh died in 
20/640-1. 

9. Mariya the Copt (see christians and 
Christianity) was a slave-concubine 
whom the ruler of Egypt (q.v.) sent to the 
Prophet as a gift in or around 6/627-8. She 
bore Muhammad a son called Ibrahim 
who died when he was less than two years 
old. She remained a concubine. She died 
in 16/637. 

10. Umm Hablba (Ramla) bt. Abi Sufyan 
(Quraysh — 'Abd Shams) was about 
thirty-five when the Prophet married her 
on his return from Khaybar in 7/628. She 
was the widow of 'Ubaydallah b. Jahsh 
with whom she had made the emigration 
to Abyssinia. She died in 46/666. 

11. Safiyya bt. Huyayy (of the Jewish al- 
Nadir tribe; see jews and Judaism; nadir, 
BANU L-) was captured at Khaybar in 
7/628 and assigned to the Prophet. She 
was seventeen. Perhaps she was at first a 
concubine, but later accepted Islam, was 
set free, and became a wife. She died in 
52/672. 

12. Maymuna bt. al-Harith ('Amir b. 
Sa'sa'a — Hilal) became Muhammad's 
wife at age twenty-seven in the year 7/629 
during or right after the lesser pilgrimage 
(q.v.). She died in 61/680-1. 

13. Rayhana bt. Zayd (of the Jewish al- 
Nadir tribe) was captured in 5/627 during 
the attack on the Banu Qurayza (q.v.) to 
whom her husband had belonged. With 
the Prophet, she had the status of con- 
cubine which she apparently retained until 
her death in 10/631-2. 

In addition to these thirteen women gener- 
ally acknowledged to have been either reg- 
ular wives or concubines, there is some 



509 



WIVES OF THE PROPHET 



information on a number of otliers whose 
names are linked with the Prophet, but tlie 
accounts are truncated, often contradic- 
tory, and on the whole quite dubious. The 
Prophet is said to have married several 
women whom he divorced (or some of 
whom divorced him?) before the marriage 
was consummated; mentioned are Fatima 
bt. al-Dahhak b. Sufyan of the Kilab tribe 
and 'Amra bt. Yazid of the Kilab tribe (of- 
ten assumed to be one and the same per- 
son), Asma' bt. al-Nu'man of the Kinda 
tribe, Qiitayla bt. Qays of the Kinda tribe, 
and Mulayka bt. Ka'b of the Banu Layth. 
To some additional women, marriage was 
proposed but the marriage contract was 
not concluded (see contracts and 
alliances; breaking trusts and 
contracts). The identity of the women 
who "gave themselves to the Prophet" by 
way of hiba is likewise quite obscure, as the 
list contains some additional names but 
also the names of several of the established 
wives. 

When the Prophet died in 11/632, three 
of his thirteen consorts — Khadija bt. 
Khuwaylid, Zaynab bt. Khuzayma, and 
Rayhana bt. Zayd — were already dead. 
Mariya retained her rank of concubine. 
The other nine were recognized as rightful 
bearers of the honorific title "Mothers of 
the Believers" (cf. q 33:6, a late Medinan 
revelation; see chronology and the 
our'an). 

The Prophet's wives in the Qur'dn 
The Qur'an specifically addresses the 
Prophet's wives on numerous occasions; 
many other revelations are linked with 
members of their group in the hadlth lit- 
erature. They are clearly the elite women 
of the community of the faithful whose 
proximity to the Prophet endows them 
with special dignity. But this rank is 
matched by more stringent obligations. 
While the Qiir'an (q 33:32) says of the 
Prophet's wives that they "are not like any 



[other] women," their peerlessness also 
entails those sharper rebukes for human 
frailties and more stringent codes of pri- 
vate and public probity, with which the 
scripture singles out the Prophet's consorts 
(see virtues and vices, commanding and 
forbidding). By linking dignity with ob- 
ligation and elite status with heightened 
moral responsibility (q.v.; see also ethics 
AND THE (jur'an), their example defines 
two aspects of sunnat Allah, God's "law" 
for the world. On the one hand, the 
Prophet's wives emerge in the qur'anic 
context as models of the principle of 
ethical individualism. On the other hand, 
the dynamic of the revelations when 
read in chronological order moves toward 
increasing emphasis on the perfection of 
the Prophet's household as a whole; it is 
this collective entity that the revelations 
ultimately mean to strengthen and elevate 
to model status, even if it be at the 
expense of individual ambitions and 
the idiosyncrasies of some of its 
members. 

The Prophet's wives figure unequally in 
qur'anic exegesis, which is to say that only 
a small number of their group are con- 
sistently presented as key figures in the 
hadlth accounts of contexts of specific rev- 
elations [asbdb al-nuzHl, "occasions of rev- 
elation"). The following presents the 
qur'anic revelations commonly linked with 
one, or several, or all of the members of 
the Prophet's household in the traditional 
chronology of revelation. 

I. Q^ 33:37-8, Lawfulness of marriage with for- 
mer wife of adopted son, and Q_ 33:4, 40, 
Adopted sons are not sons 

Muslim scholarship dates these revelations 
to the fifth year after the hijra and com- 
monly links them with the figure of 
Zaynab bt. Jahsh. The Prophet had 
arranged her marriage with Zayd b. 
Haritha, a former Arabian slave of 
Khadlja's whom the Prophet had freed and 



WIVES OF THE PROPHET 



510 



adopted as a son. The marriage was not 
harmoniotis and Zayd desired a divorce. 
The Prophet is tlien said to have begun to 
feel an attraction for Zaynab; he concealed 
it because at that time adopted sons were 
regarded as the full equals of legitimate 
natural sons, which rendered their wives 
unlawful for the adopting father. The rev- 
elations of C3 33:37-8 commanded the 
Prophet to marry Zaynab, and (j 33:4, 40 
abolished the inherited notion of legal 
equality between real sons and adopted 



2. Q, 33:53, The hijab verse, and o 33:55, 
exemptions thereto 

Zaynab bt. Jahsh's marriage to the 
Prophet, likewise said to have occurred 
dining the fifth year after the hijra, is identi- 
fied in the majority of hadith and tafsir ac- 
counts as the occasion of God's legislation 
of the hijdb, "curtain, screen," imposed by 
God to shield the Prophet's women from 
the eyes of visitors to his dwellings (see 
veil; modesty). Many traditions maintain 
that this revelation was vouchsafed after 
some of the wedding guests had overstayed 
their welcome at the nuptial celebration in 
Zaynab's house. Another strand of tradi- 
tions mentions 'Umar b. al-Khattab in the 
role of counselor who urged the Prophet to 
conceal and segregate his wives as a pro- 
tective measure. For some of the later 
medieval exegetes, such as al-BaydawI 
(d. prob. 716/1316-17) and Ibn Kathir 
(d. 774/1373)5 'Umar's vigilance for the 
good of the Prophet's wives rates greater 
consideration as an occasion of revelation 
of C3 33:53 than do the accoimts of the 
Prophet's annoyance at the guests who lin- 
gered in Zaynab's house on the wedding 
eve. The liijdb verse is followed by a revela- 
tion that establishes the classes of relatives 
and servants with whom the Prophet's 
wives were permitted to deal face-to-face 
rather than from behind a partition 



fe 33:55). The qur'anic directive to the 
Prophet's wives in C3 33:33 to stay in their 
houses and avoid strutting about is dated 
later than o 33:53 (cf below; see house, 
DOMESTIC AND DIVINE). 

Self-protection of "the Prophet's wives, 
his daughters, and the women of the be- 
lievers" was thereafter enjoined in 
Q. 33-59"6o by way of God's demand that 
Muslim women cover themselves in their 
"mantles" (jaldhihj when abroad, so that 
they would be known (as free women) and 
not molested. Once again, classical 
exegesis has here identified 'Umar b. al- 
Khattab as the main spokesman in favor of 
a new clothing (q.v.) law. An additional 
legislative item on female modesty, directed 
at Muslim women in general, was revealed 
at a later date in C3 24:31 which prescribed 
use of their "kerchiefs" [khumur, sing. 
khimdr) as a means to cover up "their bo- 
soms" (juyub) and their finery (zina) except 
in the company of their husbands, other 
males to whom marriage is taboo and fe- 
male friends and relatives, slaves, and the 
small children. It was on the basis of 
9. 33-53 (hij^b, "curtain" or "partition"), 
Q. 33-59 (j«'«i*^^) "mantles"), q 24:31 (khumur, 
"kerchiefs") and C3 33:33 ("stay in your 
houses and avoid self-display") that clas- 
sical law and theology (see theology and 
THE our'an) thereafter formulated the 
medieval Islamic ordinance for overall 
female veiling and segregation. Muham- 
mad's wives' domestic seclusion behind a 
partition (hijdb) merged with the clothing 
laws to such an extent that the very gar- 
ments which Muslim women were com- 
manded to wear in public came to be 
called hijdb. 

3. C3 24:11-26, The qur'dnic irjunction against 

slander 

In chronological terms, the next block of 

qur'anic legislation consistently linked in 

the hadith with a member of the Prophet's 



WIVES OF THE PROPHET 



household is cj 24:11-26, the injunction 
against slander (see gossip). The verses are 
dated into the fifth or sixtli year after the 
hijra and are said to liave been occasioned 
by 'A'islia bt. Abl Bakr's involvement in 
"the affair of the lie (q.v.)," al-ijk. 

The medieval hadith describes 'A'isha as 
the Prophet's favorite wife. The only virgin 
among Muhammad's brides, she was be- 
trothed to the Prophet three years before 
the hijra when she was six or seven years 
old, and the marriage was concluded and 
consummated when she was nine. The "af- 
fair of the lie" thus occurred when she was 
eleven, twelve, or thirteen. Returning from 
a military expedition on which she had 
accompanied the Prophet, 'A'isha was in- 
advertently left behind at the last camping 
ground when the army departed for 
Medina in the darkness of early morning. 
She was rescued and returned to Medina 
by a young Arab Bedouin (q.v.; see also 
ARABS; nomads). A scandal broke that was 
mainly instigated by the Prophet's enemies 
(q.v.) but also tore the Prophet's followers 
apart (see opposition to Muhammad). A 
full month later, the revelation of 
o 24:11-26 was vouchsafed which estab- 
lished 'A'isha's innocence, severely rep- 
rimanded the believers for their 
unrighteous behavior, and announced 
grievous penalties for all who would per- 
petrate unfounded slander of chaste 
women (see boundaries and precepts; 
chastity). Additional legislation on slan- 
der is found in (J 24:4-5. The transgression 
was later classified in Islamic jurisprudence 
as one of the hudud offenses ("canon law 
cases with unalterable punishments"; see 
CHASTISEMENT AND PUNISHMENT). 

4. Q 33:28-9, The verses of choice 
Hadith accounts do not reflect a consensus 
on the incident or incidents that led to the 
Prophet's seclusion from all of his wives for 
a month until he received the revelation of 



(J 33:28-9 that instructed him to have his 
wives choose between "the life of this 
world and its glitter" and "God, his 
Prophet, and the abode in the hereafter." 
This revelation has been dated to the late 
fifth, seventh, or ninth year after the hijra. 
The hadith sources mention several dif- 
ferent episodes of household disagreement 
caused by the women's (or some of the 
women's) insubordination and backtalk 

(see INSOLENCE AND OBSTINACY; 

obedience), material demands that the 
Prophet was unable to fulfill (see 

MAINTENANCE AND UPKEEp), and mutual 

jealousy (see envy), that may all have fed 
into one major crisis. By all accounts, the 
domestic turmoil was of significant propor- 
tions and when the Prophet secluded him- 
self for a month, there was fear in the 
community that he would divorce his 
wives. 

When the Prophet returned, he repeated 
the newly-revealed "verses of choice" to 
each of them. Thereupon each of the 
women, beginning with 'A'isha, declared 
that she chose God and his Prophet and 
the abode in the hereafter over the world 
and its adornment. It is said that 'A'isha 
reached her decision swiftly and without 
consulting her father (or parents), and 
that the Prophet was gladdened by her 
choice. 

5. q 33:30-1, Double punishment and double 
reward for the Prophet's women, q 33:32, 
Peerlessness of the Prophet's women and injunction 
against complaisant speech, q 33:33-4, Command 
that they stay in their houses, avoid displaying their 
charms, and be pious, charitable, obedient, and 
mindful of God's verses and wisdom recited in 
their houses 

These verses are generally thought to have 
been revealed soon after the crisis that had 
led to the Prophet's seclusion from his 
wives. They acknowledge the peerlessness 
of the Prophet's consorts and also impose 



WIVES OF THE PROPHET 



512 



specific and far-reaching restrictions on tlie 
women's accessibility, visibility, and man- 
ner of comportment. (J 33-30-1 establish 
double punishment in the case of clear 
immoral behavior, and double reward for 
obedience to God and his apostle and 
godly acts (see good deeds). In q 33:32, 
the Prophet's women are then told that 
they are "not like any (other) women," and 
are enjoined to abstain from submissive 
speech that might be misunderstood. In 
the verses immediately following, 
d 33:33-4, the expression "O women of the 
Prophet" does not appear, but both verses 
are syntactically tied to the four that pre- 
cede them. Because of the context, 
qur'anic exegesis has traditionally under- 
stood C3 33:33-4 as having been addressed 
to the wives of the Prophet. The question 
of context is here especially significant be- 
cause the verses include important pieces 
of legislation. In q 33:33, the Prophet's 
wives (or, a plurality of women?) are com- 
manded to stay in their houses, avoid tabar- 
ruj, "strutting-about," in the manner of 
al-jdhiliyya l-uld, "the first age of unbelief" 
(see AGE OF ignorance; ignorance), per- 
form the prayer (q.v.), give alms (see 
almsgiving), and obey God and his 
Prophet. In q 33:34, they are commanded 
to be mindful of God's signs (q.v; or verses 
[q.v.]) and the wisdom (q.v.) that is recited 
in their houses (see recitation of the 

qUR'AN). 

In terms of Islamic legal-theological in- 
stitution building, when q 33:33 was later 
applied to Muslim women in general it 
enjoined them to stay at home and also be 
indistinguishable from all other females 
when abroad, as tabarruj came to mean a 
woman's display of her physical self in all 
manners of speaking that would include 
the wearing of revealing garments, the use 
of cosmetics, unrestricted gait and the like. 
While the exact definition of tabarruj has 



varied over the ages, its condemnation by 
the custodians of communal morality has 
always included the qur'anic reference that 
it is un-Islamic, a matter oi jdhiliyya and 
therefore a threat to Islamic society. 
Tabarruj, forbidden to the Prophet's wives 
ii Q. 33-33) eventually came to signify the 
very antithesis of the hijdh imposed on the 
Prophet's wives in q 33:53, both in its 
qur'anic sense of seclusion qua "partition" 
and also its extended meaning of a con- 
cealing garment worn outside the house. 
In their totality, the three qur'anic com- 
mands to Muhammad's wives of q 33:53 
and 33:33 thus became the scriptural foun- 
dations for an Islamic paradigm of wom- 
en's societal role in which space, clothing 
and comportment were powerful factors 
(see gender; patriarchy). 

6- q 33:6, The Prophet's wives are the Mothers of 
the Believers, and q 33:53, Muslims may not 
marry the Prophet's wives "after him" 
These revelations are thought to have been 
received at a later date than the verses of 
choice (q 33:28-9) and the peerlessness and 
restriction verses (q 33:30-4)- Muslim 
qur'anic interpretation has recognized a 
connection between the honorific title of 
"Mothers of the Believers" in q 33:6 and 
the injunction against marriage with the 
Prophet's wives (or widows) in q 33:53, be- 
cause, according to q 4:23, marriage with 
the mother is forbidden. Even though 
q 33:6 and q 33:53 are not consecutive in 
the established qur'anic text, they are gen- 
erally considered to belong together. 
Qiir'an interpreters point out that the in- 
junction against marriage with the 
Prophet's wives or widows was divinely 
enjoined in order to glorify the Prophet, 
alive or dead. In fact, none of the 
Prophet's established wives are known to 
have been divorced by him and none of his 
widows remarried after he had died. 



513 



WIVES OF THE PROPHET 



7. Q 66:1-5, Release of the Prophet from certain 
restrictions, expiation of oaths, a wife who be- 
trayed the secret, warning to two women who con- 
spired against the Prophet, threat of divorce and 
enumeration of wifely virtues 

This group of verses has been dated to the 
period of, or right after, a major crisis in 
tire Propliet's liouseliold tliat culminated in 
the Prophet's montli-long seclusion from 
his hotisehold. Tire revelation relieves the 
Prophet from some unspecified, apparently 
self-imposed, restriction. Mentioned then is 
the duty to expiate oaths (q.v.). A matter of 
confidence was disclosed by the Prophet to 
one of his wives but she dividged it. Two 
women are called to repent, are sternly 
reprimanded, and are warned not to con- 
spire against the Prophet. Thereafter the 
wives are threatened with the possibility 
that if the Prophet divorces them, God in 
exchange will give him "better wives than 
you, Muslims, believers, devout, penitent, 
obedient in worship, observant of worship 
and contemplation, both formerly married 
and virgins." 

Clearly these verses also refer to a major 
crisis in the Prophet's hotisehold, which 
hadith and exegetical literature again at- 
tribute to shortcomings (insubordination, 
greed, jealousy) on the part of the women. 
There is a great deal of overlap in the 
details of the quoted asbcib al-nuzul (occa- 
sions of revelation of qur'anic verses) 
materials, and some sources even collapse 
the occasions of revelation of o 33:28-9 
and o 66:1-5. 

8. C3 33:50, Classes of women lawfulfor mar- 
riage with the Prophet, c) 33:51, Special privileges 

for the Prophet within his polygamous household, 
Q. 33-52> Injunction against additional marriages? 
These verses have been dated to the late 
Medinan period. (J 33:50, specifying the 
categories of women from which the 
Prophet was empowered to choose his 



wives and concubines, was discussed at the 
beginning of this article. C3 33:51, most 
probably revealed on the same occasion as 
q 33:50, grants the Prophet greater free- 
dom in choosing — or dealing with — his 
wives, by permitting him to "defer" or to 
"take in" whom of the women he willed; 
the verse continues with the words "and if 
you desire one whom you have sent away, it 
is no sin for you (see SIN, MAJOR and 
minor). This is more appropriate that their 
eyes be gladdened and that they should not 
be sad (see joy and misery), and all be 
satisfied with what you have given them. 
God knows what is in your hearts." One 
school of exegesis links q 33:51 with 
ft 33:50 in order to read (3 33:51 as divine 
permission for the Prophet to enter into 
new marriage arrangements and terminate 
old ones. Another strand of interpretation 
stiptdates that q 33:51 applies only to the 
Prophet's relations with his existing 
spouses, whence it means a release from 
the rigid pattern of marital equity that 
Muhammad had practiced in the past. 
<J 33:52 (which appears to contradict 
Q, 33-50 and C3 33:51) instructs the Prophet 
that henceforth (additional) women are not 
lawful for him (for marriage) nor in 
(ex)change for (established) wives, with the 
exception of his slaves. According to some 
commentators, this revelation put an end 
to further marriages by the Prophet. 
Others interpreted the verse as limitation 
on the groups, or classes, or categories, 
from which the Prophet was empowered to 
choose new marriage partners. A third 
point of view maintained that q 33:52 was 
abrogated by C3 33:51 (see abrogation); 
the stipidation of abrogation eliminated 
the apparent contradiction between 
Q^ 33:52 and o 33:51 and also served to con- 
firm the Prophet's complete freedom with 
regard to his marital arrangements. 
The qur'anic legislation directed at the 



WIVES OF THE PROPHET 



514 



Prophet's wives is entirely of Medinan 
provenance and belongs to the last six or 
seven years of the Prophet's life. 
Considered in chronological sequence of 
date of revelation, the duty of seclusion 
behind a partition in the presence of non- 
relatives was the first rule imposed on the 
Prophet's wives. It was accompanied, or 
soon followed, by stringent codes of mod- 
est comportment in private and public that 
emphasized the women's duty to maintain 
seclusion in their houses, in addition to 
piety (q.v.), charity (see almsgiving), and 
obedience to God and his Prophet. Added 
thereto were strongly worded warnings 
against domestic disobedience (q.v.) in the 
form of plots or conspiracies. While the 
Prophet was granted unequalled rights 
concerning the number and type of mar- 
riages he might wish to conclude, remar- 
riage of his wives "after him" was 
forbidden. 

The chronological sequence of revela- 
tions was clearly an important concern of 
early Muslim hadith, tafsir, andjiqh (Islamic 
jurisprudence), made all the more urgent 
by the doctrine of naskh, "abrogation" of 
an earlier revelation by a later one, that 
had theological as well as legal import. 
While in chronological terms the qur'anic 
legislation on the Prophet's domestic affairs 
progressed toward granting him increasing 
control over his women, the time frame 
also suggests a trend toward greater re- 
straint, not increasing "liberation," of the 
Prophet's women. The Qiir'an itself pro- 
vides the ratio legis for this trend in its re- 
peated statements of concern for the 
collective wellbeing, indeed the perfection, 
of the Prophet's household. The Prophet's 
polygamous household here becomes a 
prime example of cjur'anic reasoning in 
favor of righteous institutions over indi- 
vidual aspirations. At the same time, the 
qur'anic legislation also signifies the prin- 
ciple of ethical individualism in its linkage 



between individual elect status and indi- 
vidual virtue (q.v.; see also election). As 
posited in the "verses of choice" of 
Ci 33:28-9, double shares of divine reward 
are compensation for the Prophet's wives' 
choice to accept obligations more stringent 
than those which the Qiir'an imposes upon 
Muslim women in general. According to 
sunnat Allah, God's "law" for the world, hu- 
man virtue bears rewards both individual 
and communal, when virtuous institutions 
are maintained by the individual virtue of 
their members. That is to say that the 
Qur'an's promise of everlasting elite status 
for the Prophet's consorts hinges on their 
acceptance of greater and graver obliga- 
tions, since for their group the conditions 
of "obedience to God and obedience to his 
Prophet" are cast in more exacting terms. 

The Prophet's wives in the classical hadith 
In a complex mixture of history and para- 
digm, the Prophet's wives appear in the 
classical hadith in at least three distinct sets 
of personae: as models for the righteous, as 
elect consorts touched by the miracles (q.v.) 
that marked the Prophet's career, and as 
embodiments of female emotionalism, ir- 
rationality, greed, and rebelliousness (see 
rebellion). The first of these three sym- 
bolic images of the Prophet's wives is most 
pervasive in the authenticated, or "sound," 
hadith collections that bear the imprint of 
development of the terms of Islamic law. 
Second, the hagiographic material in the 
hadith is largely linked with the legacy of 
the qussds, popular tellers of pious lore. 
Third, the image of the Prophet's wives as 
"ordinary women" who display all the 
frailties and foibles of their sex (see sex 
AND sexuality) is mainly foimd in hadith 
works compiled for biographical purposes, 
such as Ibn Sa'd's (d. 230/845) Kitdb al- 
Tabaqdt al-kubrd, of which the eighth vol- 
ume deals with the hadith by and about 
the women of early Islam. Ibn Sa'd's col- 



515 



WIVES OF THE PROPHET 



lection includes items pertaining to all of 
the normative, hagiographic and anecdotal 
hadlth on Muhammad's wives, and much 
of the material that he assembled can later 
be encountered in the classical tafsTr 
literature. 

The Prophet's wives as models to he followed 
Their Qiir'an-established rank, role as the 
Prophet's helpmates and supporters in his 
mission to preach and implement the true 
religion (q.v.; see also teaching and 
PREAimiNG the cjur'an; invitation), and 
their intimate involvement with the right- 
eous Prophet in all of the minutiae of daily 
life elevated the Prophet's wives even dur- 
ing their lifetime to a level of prestige well 
above the community's other females. This 
special status grew loftier with the progres- 
sion of time, when Muslim piety came to 
view the women of the Prophet's house- 
hold as models for emulation. Eventually, 
the Prophet's wives' behavior was recog- 
nized as sunna, an "impeccable model," 
that furnished many of the criteria of what 
was lawful or forbidden for Muslims, es- 
pecially Muslim women. These criteria 
were then codified qua examples in the 
works of early Islamic jurisprudence (fiqh). 

The interplay between the principle of 
the women's righteousness and their func- 
tion as categorical norm-setters is espe- 
cially clear in the traditions that deal with 
modesty, veiling and seclusion, where the 
Prophet's wives are depicted as both mod- 
els and enforcers of the then newly im- 
posed qur'anic norms. Their invisibility 
went beyond the restrictions placed upon 
Muslim women in general at that time. In 
addition to obligatory seclusion in their 
houses, the Prophet's wives were shrouded 
in multiple garments when abroad, such as 
during prayer and the pilgrimage, and they 
traveled in camel (q.v.) litters so unreveal- 
ing and undistinguishable that even the 
Prophet mistook one wife's litter for that of 



another. In some sources, the fact that the 
Prophet on his return from Khaybar 
wrapped his war captive Safiyya in his own 
cloak from the top of her head to the bot- 
tom of her feet was taken as proof that 
Safiyya was no longer a concubine but had 
become a wife. 'A'isha is said to have hid- 
den behind the hijdb of her house even in 
the presence of a blind man and to have 
replaced her niece's flimsy khimdr with a 
thick cloth, reminding her of the revelation 
of Q^ 24:31. 

At the Farewell Pilgriinage (q.v), the 
Prophet is said to have enjoined his wives 
to stay home at all times (and even forego 
the pilgrimage in the future), and after he 
had died, several of his widows did opt for 
complete confinement. The most notable 
exception to such righteous immobility on 
the part of the Mothers of the Believers 
was 'A'isha's well-established active in- 
volvement in public affairs after the 
Prophet's death which culminated in the 
Battle of the Camel. 'A'isha's behavior was 
clearly outside of the norms reportedly 
observed by the Prophet's other widows. 
The hadlth overall deals with the event not 
by way of reports of censure that others 
cast against her but emphasizes the fact 
that 'A'isha herself regretted her involve- 
ment most bitterly and passed her final 
days in self-recrimination. 

The Prophet's wives coexisted with one 
another in mutual love (q.v.) and compas- 
sion and thus embodied the ideal spirit of 
a harmonious polygamous household. 
They called each other "sister" (q.v.) and 
praised each other's uprightness, devotion, 
and charity. When Zaynab bt. Jahsh fell ill, 
it was the Prophet's other widows who 
nursed her and, when she died, it was they 
who washed, embalmed and shrouded her 
body (see death and the dead; burial). 
They also lived lives of voluntary poverty 
(see poverty and the poor) and denied 
themselves even lawful pleasures. Of 



WIVES OF THE PROPHET 



si6 



'A'isha, for instance, it is said that slie 
fasted continuously (see fasting) and 
freely gave alms at the expense of lier own 
already meager food supply and that she 
wore threadbare clothes which she mended 
with her own hands. Of Maymuna it is 
reported that she picked up a pomegranate 
seed from the ground to keep it from going 
to waste. Zaynab bt. Jahsh, nicknamed 
"the refuge of the poor," gave away all her 
wealth, including the large yearly pension 
that she received during the caliphate of 
'Umar b. al-Khattab (see caliph), since 
she regarded wealth as fitna, "temptation," 
and 'A'isha donated in charity the five 
camel loads of gold (q.v.) that the 
Umayyad caliph had sent her for the sale 
of her house located near the Medinan 
mosque (see MOSc^UE OF dissension). The 
Prophet's wives were also profoundly 
knowledgeable about matters of the faith 
(q.v.) and they were scrupulously honest in 
transmitting traditions. 'A'isha's knowledge 
was such that very old men who had been 
Companions of the Prophet (q.v.) came to 
seek her counsel and instruction. Based on 
the criteria provided by the medieval 
hadith, the main components of the ex- 
emplary precedent set by the Prophet's 
wives are: segregation and quiet domestic- 
ity, modest comportment, invisibility 
through full veiling when outside of the 
house, ascetic frugality (see asceticism), 
profound knowledge of the faith and de- 
vout obedience to God and his Prophet. 
Since the Prophet was also the husband of 
these women, special emphasis is placed on 
wifely obedience as an important dimen- 
sion of female righteousness. 

The Prophet's wives in early hadith hagiography 
The hadith collections contain reports of 
miraculous events that embellished the 
lives of the Prophet's consorts. These oc- 
currences always involve the Prophet, and 



it is in their relationship with him that the 
women were granted miraculous experi- 
ences and abilities. Before her marriage to 
the Prophet and the coming of Islam, 
Muhammad's first wife Khadija bt. 
Khuwaylid was participating in a popular, 
annual, pagan celebration for the women 
of Mecca (see pre-islamic Arabia and 

THE QUR'an; south ARABIA, RELIGIONS IN 
PRE-lsLAMlc) that centered around an idol 
in the shape of a man, when the idol be- 
gan to speak, predicting the coming of a 
prophet named Ahmad (see names of the 
prophet), and advising those who could 
among the women of Mecca to marry 
him. While the other women pelted the 
idol with stones, Khadija paid attention to 
its words. Later, after she had hired 
Muhammad to trade on her behalf in 
Syria (q.v.), she heard about the miraculous 
events that had occurred on this journey, 
and it was because of this information that 
she asked him to marry her (Ibn Ishaq- 
Guillaume, 82-3). Most of the Prophet's 
other wives experienced dream visions 
(q.v.) prior to their marriages with him (see 
also DREAMS AND SLEEP). While Sawda was 
still married to her previous husband, she 
dreamt that Muhammad approached her 
and placed his foot on her neck, and also 
saw a moon that hurled itself upon her 
while she lay prostrated. When Umm 
Habiba and her husband lived as tempo- 
rary refugees in Abyssinia, she had a 
dream in which she saw her husband dis- 
figured. On the following morning she 
learned that he had apostatized (see 
apostasy) and when she rebuked him, he 
took to drink and died soon afterwards. 
Then she heard a dream voice that ad- 
dressed her as Mother of the Believers, 
and on the following morning the ruler of 
Abyssinia informed her that the Prophet 
had written a letter asking for her hand in 
marriage. Safiyya, the woman of Jewish 



517 



WIVES OF THE PROPHET 



descent froin Khaybar, saw herself in a 
dream standing by Muhammad's side 
while an angel's wing covered the two of 
them. Later she dreamt that a moon had 
drawn close from the direction of Medina 
and had fallen into her lap. Her husband 
hit her in the face when she told him of 
this vision, and the mark was still visible 
when the Prophet married her after the 
conquest of Khaybar. In 'A'isha's case, it 
was not she but the Prophet who was fa- 
vored with a sign, as it is reported that 
Muhammad only asked Abu Bakr for her 
hand in marriage after the angel Gabriel 
(q.v.) had shown him her picture as his fu- 
ture wife. Later it was only 'A'isha in whose 
company Muhammad is said to have re- 
ceived revelations (see revelation and 
inspiration); some traditions report that 
'A'isha could even see the angel on these 
occasions and exchanged salutations with 
him, while others say that she could not see 
him but that she and the angel greeted 
each other through the Prophet. Zaynab 
bt. Jahsh was miraculously blessed by God 
when the meager food that the Prophet's 
servant Anas b. Malik had prepared for her 
wedding feast multiplied until it sufficed to 
feed a large crowd. 

The hadith collections establish that all of 
the Prophet's terrestrial wives will be his 
consorts in paradise (cj.v). The angel com- 
manded the Prophet to take Hafsa bt. 
'Umar back after he had divorced her, say- 
ing that she was a righteous woman and 
would be his wife in heaven. Sawda im- 
plored the Prophet not to divorce her be- 
cause she yearned to be his consort in 
heaven. The angel showed the dying 
Prophet 'A'isha's image in paradise to 
make his death easier with the promise of 
their reunion in the hereafter. The first of 
the wives to join the Prophet in heaven was 
Zaynab bt. Jahsh. He had predicted this 
when he said that the wife who had "the 



longest arm" woidd arrive there soon after 
him; later the women comprehended that 
what he had meant was "charity," because 
the first to die after him was the charitable 
Zaynab bt. Jahsh. Traditions of this genre, 
then, are of inspirational character. They 
depict the Prophet's wives as divinely fa- 
vored individuals, ranked above ordinary 
womankind and surrounded by God's 
grace, because they are his Prophet's cho- 
sen consorts. 

The Prophet's wives as "ordinary women" 
Many of the accounts of life in the 
Prophet's household contain detailed de- 
scriptions of the jealousies and domestic 
quarrels of the Mothers of the Believers. 
These reports present the Prophet's wives 
as a petty, greedy, backbiting and power- 
hungry lot. The unseemliness of their be- 
havior is more glaringly highlighted by the 
many traditions about the Prophet's im- 
partiality towards his wives. He is said to 
have been scrupidous in treating them eq- 
uitably, visiting each of them once a day. 
After a wedding night spent with a new 
wife, he wished his other wives well and 
asked to receive their good wishes. Each 
wife had her turn of a fixed period of com- 
panionship and sexual contact with the 
Prophet, a prerogative that she zealously 
guarded as her right and could give to a 
rival if she chose. If a new bride opted for 
a longer period of privacy and intimacy 
with the Prophet after the wedding, then 
the other wives were entitled to the same. 
On travels and military expeditions, he 
determined by lot which two of his wives 
would accompany him. This equitable sys- 
tem was upset time and time again when a 
wife woidd think of some trick or another 
to detain the Prophet in her house during 
his daily visit. An oft-quoted story tells that 
Hafsa bt. 'Umar (or maybe Umm Salama) 
who knew of Muhammad's love for sweets 



WIVES OF THE PROPHET 



.Si8 



detained him by offering a honey drink, 
until the ruse was discovered and tliwarted 
by a counter-ruse of 'A'isha, Sawda and 
Safiyya (or maybe it was 'A'islia and 
Hafsa). 

Many traditions state tliat the women 
were dissatisfied with tlie manner in which 
food and other presents were distributed 
among them. But most of the jealousy nar- 
ratives have a sexual and emotional theme. 
New arrivals in the Prophet's household 
are said to have evoked intense jealousies 
among the established wives who feared 
that a new rival might replace them in the 
Prophet's affection. Such jealousies could 
make a new wife appear more imposing 
and beautiful than perhaps she really was. 
'A'isha, for example, is said to have been 
most fearful when the Prophet had mar- 
ried the Meccan MakhzumI aristocrat 
Umm Salama, or brought home the beau- 
tiful Arab war captive Juwayriyya, or the 
young Jewish war captive Safiyya. Umm 
Salama was especially prone to jealousy 
and had warned the Prophet about this 
fact before accepting his marriage pro- 
posal. Some of the Prophet's wives reviled 
each other and each other's fathers and did 
so even in his presence; such backbiting 
and bragging matches are reported be- 
tween Zaynab bt. Jahsh and 'A'isha, Umm 
Salama and Safiyya, and 'A'isha and 
Safiyya, while Zaynab bt. Jahsh is also said 
to have refused to lend one of her camels 
to Safiyya whose mount had become defec- 
tive. All of the wives were intenselyjealous 
of the Prophet's concubine Mariya the 
Copt, especially after she had given birth 
to Ibrahim, the Prophet's only child after 
the sons and daughters whom Khadija had 
borne him; their jealousy of Mariya was so 
intense that the Prophet had to assign her a 
dwelling in a loft he owned that was at 
some distance from his established wives' 
living quarters. The women also boasted 
among themselves (see boast) about who 



had played a special role in an "occasion of 
revelation," or held a special rank with the 
Prophet. Some traditions assert that the 
wives disliked Zaynab bt. Jahsh's reminders 
that her marriage to the Prophet had oc- 
curred by divine dispensation, and that the 
hijdb verse had been revealed on the oc- 
casion of her wedding. 'A'isha, in turn, 
reminded the wives that she had been the 
only virgin bride among all of them and 
that the Prophet often called her his fa- 
vorite wife. Some of the traditions on the 
Prophet's wives' mutual jealousies may 
very well have carried some underlying 
political meaning during the period of 
their first formulation, since the Prophet's 
wives hailed from different clans and even 
tribes of whom many were, or later turned 
out to be, affiliated with opposing factions 
in early Islamic history (see politics and 
THE our'an; history and the cjur'an). 
The Jewish background of two of 
Muhammad's consorts, Safiyya and 
Rayhana, and the Christian faith of his 
concubine, Mariya the Copt, may also at 
some level have influenced the shape and 
import of the jealousy narratives. In any 
case, the almost formulaic early hadlth 
image of the Prophet's wives as jealous, 
competitive, petty and backbiting, while 
perhaps in part historically correct, was 
retained and even highlighted in medieval 
Islamic scholarship because it supported 
'a/ama' opinion of women's irrational na- 
ture. In part, the ongoing popularity of 
traditions depicting the Prophet's wives as 
"ordinary women" was surely due to the 
need and desire of the pious to collect 
background information on the cjur'anic 
verses of rebuke and censure revealed on 
their behalf. But this preference was also 
grounded in the generally low opinion of 
women's nature as expressed in medieval 
legal-theological literature as a whole, 
where information on the fiaws of the first 
female elite of Islam served to reinforce an 



519 



WIVES OF THE PROPHET 



emerging blueprint of gender discrimina- 
tion (see FEMINISM AND THE Q^Ur'an). 

The Prophet's wives in modern Aiuslim 

interpretation 
It is symptomatic of tlie new age and de- 
bates on women's questions that tlie mod- 
ern and contemporary literature on the 
Prophet's consorts has largely excised the 
"anecdotal" materials so copious in Ibn 
Sa'd and other medieval sources. The same 
is largely true for the hagiographic dimen- 
sion. With the exception of works of popu- 
lar piety (that often have a Sufi bent; see 
SUFISM AND THE our'an) and some tra- 
ditionalist inspirational writings, contem- 
porary Muslim literature now 
deemphasizes the miraculous experiences 
of the Prophet's wives, just as it also de- 
emphasizes their all-too-human frailties. It 
is as fighters for the establishment of 
Islamic values — and there mainly by way 
of impeccable morality and manner of 
life — that the wives of the Prophet are 
now depicted. As such, they embody the 
model behavior that the contemporary 
Muslim woman can recognize and which 
she must strive to follow. 

Modern Muslim literature on the 
Prophet's life and domestic affairs often 
includes long passages on gender issues in 
general. Dignity, honor, and rights both 
spiritual and material provided for the 
women in Islam are contrasted with wom- 
en's chattel status in the Arahmn jdhilijy a 
and other past and present godless societ- 
ies, especially of the West. Criticism of the 
West focuses on pre-modern legal inequi- 
ties and also the ongoing exploitation of 
the Western woman in the workplace and 
as a sexual object in the entertainment and 
advertising industries (Haykal, Life of 
Muhammad, 3i8f ; al-'Aqqad, 'Abqariyyat 
Muhammad, ggf ; Bint al-Shati', Tardjim, 
2o6f , 257; Gharib, Misd', Ii4f , I22f ). While 
women's exploitation in Western societies 



undermines self-serving Western claims to 
being "advanced," women's rights in Islam 
verify the collective dignity of all Muslims, 
indeed of the whole Islamic system, that 
the West (missionaries and Orientalists) 
had set out to defame. History itself proves 
the Prophet's superior nature in that 
Muhammad not only founded a legal so- 
ciety in which women were at long last rec- 
ognized, but he himself also treated 
women, including his own wives, better 
than did any other man at any time in hu- 
man history before or after his lifetime 
(Haykal, Life of Muhammad, 298; al-'Aqqad, 
'Abqariyyat Muhammad, I02f ; Bint al-Shati', 
Tardjim, 2o8f.; Gharib, jVua', 12 if). In some 
of the modern literature, the medieval 
hadlth is omitted or used very sparingly 
(Haykal, Lfe of Muhammad; al-'Aqqad, 
Abqariyyat Muhammad), while in other 
works the old texts are read in new ways 
(Bint al-Shati', Tardjim). In both ap- 
proaches, the old hagiographic traditions 
are eliminated. Instead the Prophet's wives 
are depicted as helpmates and participants 
in the Prophet's mission, and their "jeal- 
ousy," that is, their competitive love for 
him, is frequently attributed to piety, com- 
mitment to the cause, and their own at- 
tractive and lively natures. The Prophet's 
harmonious household supports the argu- 
ment in favor of polygamy when its main 
features are legality, equity, honor, prac- 
ticability, and necessity. The large size of 
the Prophet's harem is now interpreted as 
a sign of his perfected humanity (see 
impeccability). That the Prophet married 
his many wives for reasons involving some 
sexual interest is indication of his sound 
original nature (al-'Aqqad, Abqariyyat 
Muhammad, iio-ii; Bint al-Shati', Tardjim, 
204; Gharib, Misd', I22f ). That he then had 
the power to fulfill the demands of his mis- 
sion and also his wives' demands is proof 
of his superiority as a human. But mere 
pleasure-seeking was never a motive in his 



WIVES OF THE PROPHET 



520 



choice of any of his wives, before or after 
his call, in youth or old age. Muhammad 
was a man of seriousness and equanimity 
who could have lived like a king but chose 
to live like a pauper. He chose frugality 
even though this went against the wishes of 
his wives who craved the means to beautify 
themselves for him. Clearest proof that the 
Prophet was free from base instincts such 
as lust (as claimed by the Orientalists) are 
the historical facts of his celibacy until his 
twenty-fifth year and then his monoga- 
mous marriage with a woman fifteen years 
his senior, to whom he was completely de- 
voted until she died and he was more than 
fifty years old. In Khadija, his first follower 
and supporter, he also found a substitute 
mother (Bint al-Shati', Tardjim, 223; 
Gharib, Misci', 119). The many other mar- 
riages that the Prophet concluded after her 
death were either means to cement politi- 
cal alliances with friends and foes alike, or 
they were concluded in order to provide a 
safe haven of refuge as well as rank and 
honor for noble women whom the Islamic 
struggle had left unprotected or even des- 
titute. Even the marriage with 'A'isha came 
about at first because the Prophet wished 
to strengthen his relationship with her fa- 
ther, Abu Bakr; it was only later that she 
emerged as his most beloved wife, but even 
then she could not take Khadlja's place in 
his heart (Bint al-Shati', Tardjim, 233f., 
240-1, 254, 272f ). The marriages with 
Hafsa bt. 'Umar, Umm Hablba bt. Abi 
Sufyan, Juwayriyya of the Banu 
Mustaliq and others were likewise primar- 
ily political unions but the compassion 
motif was never absent (al-'Aqc[ad, 
'Abqariyyat Muhammad, 115-17; Bint al-Shati', 
Tardjim, 242f , 304f , sigf , 355f , 377f , 
382f , 387f.). 

Modern Muslim biographers do not ex- 
clude the jealousy theme from their de- 
scriptions of the Prophet's domestic 



relations, but their use of the theme differs 
from the medieval hadlth in both mood 
and purpose. In many instances, jealousy is 
equated with the power of love and also 
other attractive human traits that distin- 
guish full-blooded and lively women such 
as the Prophet's wives (Bint al-Shati', 
Tardjim, 278f., 293). The Prophet himself 
permitted his wives to fill his private world 
with warmth, emotion, and excitement, 
and barring a few instances when they 
went out of bounds and he had to deal 
with them sternly, he did not mind spend- 
ing his free hours observing their small 
battles that were kindled by their love and 
jealousy for him. Since the Prophet was the 
perfect husband, all of his wives found 
honor and happiness with him such as no 
monogamous marriage to another man 
coidd have entailed (Bint al-Shati', Tardjim, 
204f). 

The large-scale replacement of the me- 
dieval jealousy theme with the attractive 
modern image of the lively and loving 
spouse signifies the end of the classical 
construct of female weakness, including 
female powerlessness. As the Prophet's 
wives once again emerge as ideal women in 
the modern literature, the qualities now 
emphasized differ from the past. 
Prominently featured are the women's par- 
ticipation in the Prophet's struggle for the 
cause, that is especially constituted by their 
active role as helpmates on the home front. 
Here, the domesticity theme involves the 
glorification of the female in her God- 
given roles of wife and mother. The fact 
that of Muhammad's actual wives only 
Khadija bore him children may explain 
why it is she who now emerges in the de- 
bate on the wives of the Prophet as the 
most prominent figure, unlike the medieval 
hadlth which placed far greater emphasis 
on 'A'isha. Modern sources celebrate 
Khadija as both wife and mother while she 



521 



was also the Prophet's most important sup- 
porter and his fellow-struggler in liis great 
jiliad that slie waged as liis deputy from the 
moment of their first meeting until the day 
of her death (Bint al-Shati', Tardjim, 233-5; 
al-'Aqqad, 'Abqariyyat Muhammad, 113-15, 
118; Gharib, Nisd\ ii8f ; Razwy, Khadija, 
146-7). The interrelationship of domestic 
support and shared struggle for the cause is 
also pursued in the examples of the 
Prophet's later wives. Bint al-Shati' defined 
the virtues of the wives of the Prophet as 
follows: constancy in worship, charity, de- 
votion to the husband, raising her children 
by herself in order to free him for a greater 
purpose, self-control, dignity, pride (q.v.), 
courageous defense of Islam against un- 
believers (see courage) even if these be 
blood relatives (see blood and 
bloodclot), knowledge of the doctrines 
and laws of Islam, and wise counsel in re- 
figious matters (Tardjim, 271, 297, 311-12, 
317-18, 322-3, 352, 364-8, 387-8). 

A perhaps more activist modern ap- 
proach to the legacy of the Prophet's wives 
insists that Muhammad's consorts were 
dynamic, influential, and enterprising, and 
that they were full and active members of 
the community. They were the Prophet's 
intellectual partners and they accompanied 
him on his raids and military campaigns 
and shared in his strategic concerns. He 
listened to their advice which was some- 
times the deciding factor in thorny nego- 
tiations (e.g. Mernissi, The veil, 104, 113-14). 
The wives of the Prophet were activists 
who in Medina worked to secure equal 
status for women with men regarding eco- 
nomic (see economk;s) and sociopolitical 
rights, mainly in the areas of inheritance 
(q.v.), participation in warfare and booty, 
and marital relations (Mernissi, The veil, 
Ii8f., I29f.). Even 'A'isha's involvement in 
political affairs (the Battle of the Camel) 
after the Prophet's death, an occurrence 



much criticized in hadlth and most later 
religious literature, here counts as proof 
that the Prophet's widows had the power to 
be political actors in their own right 
(Mernissi, The veil, 49-61). Changed in es- 
sence but not always in form, the hadith 
materials on the wives of the Prophet con- 
tinue to play an important role as a frame- 
work of religious self-understanding, a 
normative mirror-image of contemporary 
Muslim societal realities and plans for the 
future. 

Barbara Freyer Stowasser 

Bibliography 
Primary: Abu 'Ubayda, Tasmiyat azwdj al-nabi wa- 
awlddilii, ed. K.Y. al-Hut, Beirut 1985; Baydawl, 
Anwar; Ibn Ishaq-Guillaume; Ibn KatliTr, Tafsir; 
Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqdt, ed. Sachau; TabarT, TafsTr, 
Beirut 1972; ZamakhsharT, Kashshdf, Cairo 1953. 
Secondary: N. Abbott, Aishah — The beloved oj 
Mohammad, Chicago 1942; London 1985'; 
L. Ahmed, Women and gender in Islam, New Haven 
1992; 'A.M. al-'Aqqad, Abqariyyat Muhammad, 
Beirut 1974; Bint al-Shati', 'A'isha bt. 'Abd al- 
Kahman, Tardjim sayyiddt bayt al-nubuwwa, Beirut 
1984; M. Gharib, Nisd'fi haydt al-anbiyd] Cairo 
1977; M.H. Haykal, The life of Muhammad, tran.s. 
I.R. al-Faruql, Indianapolis 1976; M.H. Kabbani 
and L. Bakhtiar, Encyclopedia of Muhammad's 
women companions and the traditions they related, 
Chicago 1998; J. Knappert, Islamic legends [i], 
Leiden 1985; M. hing^, Muhammad, Cambridge 
1995; F. Mernissi, The veil and the male elite, trans. 
M.J. Lakeland, Reading 1991; Noldeke, gq; 
Paret, Kommentar; id., Koran; S.A.A. Razwy, 
Khadija-tul-kubrd, Elmhurst 1990; Ch.D. Smith, 
Islam and the search for social order in modern Egypt. A 
biography of Muhammad Husayn Haykal, Albany 
1983; D.A. Spellberg, Politics, gender and the Islamic 
past. The legacy of A'isha bint AbT Bakr, New York 
1994; G.H. Stern, Marriage in early Islam, London 
1939; B. Freyer Stowasser, Women in the Qur'an, 
traditions and interpretation. New York 1994; 
W. Montgomery Watt, Muhammad at Medina, 
Oxford 1962; A. Wessels, ^ modern Arabic biography 
of Muhammad. A critical study of Muhammad Huseyn 
Hevkal's Hayat Muhammad, Leiden 1972. 

Wolf see ANIMAL LIFE 



522 



Womb 

The female reproductive organ, the uterus, 
by extension, the importance of kinship 
and blood relationships. The root of the 
Arabic term for "womb" {rahim, rihm, pi. 
arhdm), r-h-m, is also the base of rahma, 
"compassion," and the divine names al- 
rahmdn and al-rahim, the merciful and com- 
passionate, each of which signals the 
feminine associations of the divine cjuality 
of mercy (q.v.; see also GOD AND his 
attributes; arabic language; gender). 
The use of the term "womb" in the 
Qiir'an most often refers either to the gen- 
erative function of the female reproductive 
organ (^ 2:228; 3:6; 13:8; 22:5; 31:34; see 

BIOLOGY AS THE CREATION AND STAGES OF 

life) or to the importance of the bonds of 
kinship (q.v.; silat al-rahim; e.g. q_ 47:22, 
6o:3;cf 4:1,8:75, 33:6). 

Some of the verses mention the womb in 
the context of the legal implications as- 
sociated with conception and birth (see 
LAW AND THE our'an); for example 
women about to be divorced should not 
"hide what God has created in their 
wombs" (c) 2:228; see marriage and 
divorce; women and the our'an), and 
the closeness of kinship should be taken 
into account in settling inheritance (q.v.; 
e.g. o 8:75; 33:6). In the case of these latter 
two verses the classical commentators (see 
EXEGESIS OF THE ^UR'aN: CLASSICAL AND 
medieval) interpret the statement, "those 
related by 'the womb' are nearer to one 
another in the book [q.v.; God's decree]," 
to refer to their primary claims to inheri- 
tance based on proximity of kinship. The 
implication in this case was that the 
"brotherhood relationship" initially es- 
tablished between the emigrants from 
Mecca (q.v.) and the Medinan "helpers" 
(see Medina) should no longer affect in- 
heritance rights (see brother and 
brotherhood; emigrants and helpers; 



family). In the case of Shfl tafsTr (see 
SHi'iSM AND THE q^ur'an), the primacy of 
those related by the womb is interpreted as 
indicating the superior rights of the 
Prophet's descendants in authority (q.v.), 
sovereignty (q.v.) and faith (q.v.; MajlisI, 
Bihar, xxiii, 257-8; see family of the 
prophet). 

The reference to the womb's shrinking 
and swelling, or to its gestation periods 
(c3 13:8), conveys but one aspect of a com- 
plex qur'anic embryology, including the 
mention of a "sperm-drop" (nutfa, o 23:13), 
"a hanging element" {'alaq, C3 23:14) and a 
"chewed lump" [mudgha, q_ 23:14) during 
the early phases of conception. Such verses 
have inspired a particular genre of modern 
Islamic apologetic that understands these 
phrases as anticipating current scientific 
findings about the stages of pregnancy (see 

EXEGESIS OF THE CJUr'an: EARLY MODERN 
AND CONTEMPORARY; SCIENCE AND THE 

q^ur'an). In the Qur'an the "ties of the 
womb," i.e. kinship bonds, are so strong 
that reverence for them is paired with the 
fear (q.v.) of God (taqwd) in the opening 
verse of (J 4 ("The Women," Surat al- 
Nisa') and breaking these ties is an aber- 
ration paired with "sowing corruption (q.v.) 
in the land" in q 47:22. On the last day (see 
LAST judgment; apoc;alypse), however, 
these ties will not offer a person any relief 
(q 60:3; see intercession). The idea of 
upholding relationships, first those based 
on blood ties (see blood and blood 
clot) and then more remote ones, is a 
basic moral teaching affirmed in the 
Qiir'an: 

Worship (q.v.) God and join not any part- 
ners with him (see polytheism and 
atheism); and do good (see good deeds; 

VIRTUES AND VICES, COMMANDING AND 
forbidding) — to parents (q.v.), kinfolk, 
orphans (q.v), those in need (see poverty 
and the poor), neighbors who are near. 



523 



WOMEN AND THE OUR AN 



neighbors who are strangers, the compan- 
ion by your side, the wayfarer [you meet; 
see TRIPS AND voyages; journey] . . . 
(Q, 4-36; see also hospitality and 
courtesy; ethics and the (jur'an; 
strangers and foreigners). 

Many hadlths (see hadith and the 
quR'AN) also refer to the ties of the womb 
(kinship), for example, "Worship God and 
do not associate anything with him, es- 
tablish regular prayer (q.v.), pay zakdt (see 
almsgiving), and uphold the ties of kin- 
ship" (Bukhari, Sahih, bk. 73 [K. al-Adab], 
no. 12). 

Later philosophical (see philosophy and 
the cjur'an) and Sufi interpretations (see 
SUFISM AND THE our'an) Connect the 
womb with broader concepts of the cre- 
ative process in nature. 



Ma 



H 



arcia xlermansen 



Bibliography 
Primary: BukharT, Sahlh; MajlisI, Muhammad 
Baqir, Bihar al-anwdr, no vols., Tehran 1956-. 
Secondary: K. Moore et al., Human development as 
described in the Quran and Sunnah, Mecca 1992; 
S. Murata, The tao of Islam, Albany 1992. 



Women and the Qiir'an 

Only one woman is actually named in the 
Qtir'an, but a large number of verses refer 
to women. A long chapter of the Qiir'an is 
titled "The Women" (c3 4, Surat al-Nisa') 
and contains a great deal of material relat- 
ing to gender (q.v.), but numerous verses 
(q.v.) in other chapters (see sura) are also 
gender-related. These include exhortations 
(q.v.) addressed to the believing men and 
the believing women, revelations specific to 
women or to relations between men and 
women, and laws pertinent to marriage 
(see MARRIAGE AND DIVORCE), illicit sexual 
relations (see sex and sexuality; 



ADULTERY AND FORNICATION), divorce, 

inheritance (q.v.), etc. Female characters 
appear in qur'anic narratives about pre- 
Islainic figures and some verses have been 
ascribed to various women who lived in 
proximity to the prophet Muhammad (see 
WIVES OF THE PROPHET). According to 
Islamic tradition, a number of women 
among the early believers had a role in the 
transmission of the text of the Qiir'an (see 

COLLECTION OF THE OUr'aN; CODICES OF 

THE q^ur'an; mushaf; textual history 
OF THE (jur'an), and through the centu- 
ries, women learned the qur'anic text (see 
readers of the qur'an; recitation of 
THE (JUr'an). Female and feminist exe- 
getes, however, appear to be an innovation 
of the twentieth century (see exegesis of 
THE ^ur'an: early modern and 
contemporary; feminism and the 
q^ur'an). 

spiritual equality, symbolic weakness and social 

reality 
In the spiritual realm, women and men are 
regarded in the Qiir'an for the most part as 
equal in the eyes of God and as having 
similar religious duties (see ritual and 
the (JUr'an). a large number of verses are 
addressed to the believing men and the 
believing women (see belief and 
unbelief) or, conversely, the hypocritical 
men and the hypocritical women (see 
hypocrites and hypocrisy) as well as the 
idolatrous men and idolatrous women 
fe 9:67, 68, 71, 72; 24:12; 33:35, 36, 58, 73; 
48:5-6, 25; 52:12, 13; 71:28; 85:10; see 
idolatry and idolaters; gratitude 
AND ingratitude; polytheism and 
atheism). The most commonly quoted of 
these is Q^ 33'35- "Lo! Men who surrender 
unto God, and women who surrender, and 
men who believe and women who believe, 
and men who obey and women who obey 
(see obedience; disobedience), and men 
who speak the truth (q.v.) and women who 



WOMEN AND THE OUR AN 



524 



speak the truth, and men who persevere 
[in righteousness] and women who per- 
severe (see GOOD AND evil; virtues and 

VICES, COMMANDING AND FORBIDDING), 

and men who are humble and women wlio 
are humble (see arrogance), and men 
who give alms and women who give alms 
(see almsgiving; charity), and men who 
fast and women who fast (see fasting), 
and men who guard their modesty (q.v.) 
and women who guard (their modesty), and 
men who remember God much and 
women who remember (see remem- 
bran(;e; memory) — God has pre- 
pared for them forgiveness (q.v.) and a 
vast reward" (see reward and 
punishment). 

Humans as well as other creatures were 
created in pairs, male and female (c) 4:1; 
7:189; 35:11; 49:13; 51:49; 53:45; 76:39; 78:8; 
92:3 and the creation [q.v.] story below). 
Both are admonished to believe in God 
and do good works (q 16:97; 40:40; cf. 
4:124; see GOOD deeds; evil deeds) in or- 
der to enter paradise (q.v). The giving of 
alms is specifically required of both women 
and men (cited above and again in 
c) 57:18). Moreover, the women's oath of 
allegiance to the Prophet is described 
(q. 60:12; see CONTRACTS and alliances). 
Like men, believing and righteous women 
will go to heaven while the wrong-doers 
will suffer in hell (see gardens; hell 
AND hellfire), but women's fate in the 
afterlife is associated with that of their hus- 
bands (c3 36:55-6; 37:22; 43:70). Most prob- 
lematic are a number of verses that 
promise believers in paradise modest, 
beautiful woman who are sometimes ex- 
plicitly described as virgins (q 37-48; 38:52; 
52:20; 55:56, 72, 74; 56:22, 36; 78:33; see 

HOURIS). 

Symbolically, the concept of woman in 
the Qur'an is undoubtedly that of a being 
who is considered to be weak, flawed or 
passive. Menstruation (q.v.), a prime signi- 



fier of the female, is an illness or an im- 
purity (q^ 2:222; 4:43; see CLEANLINESS AND 

ablution; ILLNESS AND HEALTH). Not sur- 
prisingly, the earth is female and humans 
consider themselves her masters (e.g. 
Q. 39-69). Thus, the much-quoted verse 
"Your women are a tilth for you, so go to 
your tilth as you will" (q 2:223) may be un- 
derstood as the obverse of the earth- 
woman metaphor (q.v.; see also literary 
STRUCTURES OF THE our'an). Women's 
subaltern status is reflected in verses that 
position them among orphans (q.v.), chil- 
dren (q.v.) and men who are too weak to 
fight (c3 4:2-3, 75, 98, 127; see fighting; 

EXPEDITIONS and BATTLES; WAR). 

Women's dependency is expressed not only 
in the fact that they are not named (except 
for Mary [q.v] discussed below) but also 
that they are almost always ascribed to 
men as mother of, wife of, "women of," 
and so on, all forms of linkage to men (see 
family; kinship). 

In social matters, women's position is de- 
picted ambivalently in the Qiir'an. There 
are a number of instances of matrilineal 
ascription (see patriarchy): Moses (q.v.) is 
described by Aaron (q.v.) as "son of my 
mother" (q^ 7.150; 20:94) and Jesus (q.v.) is 
referred to as the son of Mary (as will be 
seen below). Preference for the birth of a 
son over that of a daughter is one of the 
sins of the pagans (c3 16:58-9), for female or 
male offspring (or barrenness) are in the 
hands of God (c3 42:49-50; see power and 
impotence; grace; blessing). The bury- 
ing alive of a girl-child is specifically men- 
tioned as an unnatural, evil act ((J 81:8-9; 
see infanticide). 

Gender relations are most succinctly ex- 
pressed in a phrase that has been widely 
quoted throughout the centuries to support 
the superiority of men over women: "Men 
are the sustainers of women as God has 
preferred some of them over others, and 
because they sustain them from their 



525 



WOMEN AND THE OUR AN 



wealth..." (q 4:34). Some classical exegetes 
interpreted this verse in the narrow sense 
as a reflection of men's duty to provide 
material support for women (see work; 
MAINTENANCE AND uPKEEp). Others ex- 
panded the phrase to refer to men's 
superiority in a number of religious, politi- 
cal and intellectual fields (see scholar; 
TRADITIONAL DISCIPLINES OF ^UR'aNIC 
study). In the twentieth century, the 
meaning of the verse has been subject to 
alternative translations and interpretations 
(see below). Women's status compared to 
that of men is expressed in a variety of 
contexts. Women have rights but the rights 
of men are a degree above them ((^ 2:228). 
Women are ranked separately after the free 
man and the slave (see slaves and 
slavery) regarding the issue of retaliation 
(q.v.) for murder (q.v.; o 2:178; see also 
bloodshed; blood money), but they are 
punished equally for stealing (q^ 5:38; see 
theft; boundaries and precepts; law 
and the cjur'an; chastisement and 
punishment). 

Women's testimony is another ambivalent 
issue in the Qiir'an (see witnessing and 
testifying). When two male witnesses are 
required but no men are available, the tes- 
timony of one man and two women is 
specified. The reason for this inequality 
is clearly stated in the relevant verse 
(c3 2:282), "so that if one of them errs, the 
other can remind her." In other words, 
women are reliable enough to provide legal 
testimony but their memory is not as ac- 
curate as that of men. When making a will, 
however, only two male witnesses are stipu- 
lated (q^ 5:106). 

The seclusion of virtuous Muslim women 
and their separation from men who are not 
their kin are rooted in the interpretation of 
a number of rather obscure qur'anic 
verses. The wives of the Prophet are or- 
dered to "stay in your houses" (o 33:33) 
and subsequently most legists explicated 



rules which prohibited women from travel- 
ing more than three days walking distance 
without the permission of their male 
guardians and, even then, only when ac- 
companied by a chaperon (see journey). 
Another reading of the same phrase would 
have the wives of the Prophet be honor- 
able or quiet in their homes [qirna as 
opposed to qarna; see whisper). Another 
exegetical question is whether the instruc- 
tion refers only to the Prophet's wives or to 
other Muslim women as well. The continu- 
ation of the verse commands the women to 
dress modestly (see clothing), pray regu- 
larly (see prayer), give to the poor and 
obey God and his messenger (q.v.), and 
these are surely not requirements restricted 
to the wives of the Prophet. Thus, one 
could deduce that the order to stay in your 
houses (or alternately to be honorable or 
quiet) may be extrapolated to apply to all 
Muslim women. 

Conversely, the verse ordering the believ- 
ers to speak to the wives of the Prophet 
from behind a curtain also prohibits them 
from marrying the Prophet's widows after 
his death (q^ 33:53; see veil; widow), a 
limitation unique to the Prophet's wives. In 
this case, separating women from male 
visitors by a curtain, a hijdb, would logically 
apply only to the Prophet's wives. Never- 
theless, Muslims endeavored to seclude 
women within the house (see house, 
DOMESTii; and divine; sunna), whether by 
a curtain in a modest dwelling such as that 
of the Prophet or by the demarcation of 
more elaborate domestic quarters similar 
to the ancient Greek gynaeceum. The 
context of this verse of the hijdb is crucial 
to understanding its meaning (see 
OCCASIONS of revelation; sira and the 
(jur'an). a simple reading of the verse im- 
plies that some of the early Muslims en- 
tered the Prophet's house at all times of 
the day and night, without asking permis- 
sion, and stayed around talking. The 



WOMEN AND THE OUR AN 



526 



Prophet was too shy to ask them to leave 
but God revealed an injunction against 
this improper behavior. In qur'anic ex- 
egesis (see EXEGESIS of the cjur'an: 
CLASSICAL AND MEDIEVAL), the circum- 
stances upon which the verse was revealed 
(asbdb al-nuziil) indicated that some visitors 
bothered the Prophet's wives to the point 
of sexual harassment. These accretions 
would dictate a more stringent approach 
to the separation of the women of the 
household from men who are not their 
kin, both for the Prophet's wives and, by 
extension, for other Muslim women as 
well. 

The term hijdb came to refer to the 
proper attire for modest Muslim women 
when they are in public, and justification 
for the "dress code" is anchored in the 
interpretation of a number of qur'anic 
verses that apply to the Prophet's women 
as well as to believing women in general. 
The issue is addressed directly in two 
verses admonishing men and women to be 
modest (q 24:30-1). While the verse ad- 
dressed to men is expressed in general 
terms, the modesty of women is specified 
as in the command to show only those or- 
naments that are revealed and "draw their 
veils [khumur, sing, khimar) over their bo- 
soms." The ornament in question (zina) 
seems to be a type of jangling jewelry that 
draws attention to the woman wearing it, 
since in the latter part of the verse, women 
are told not to stamp their feet to draw 
attention to this hidden ornament, appar- 
ently ankle bracelets. As for the "veil," it 
has been interpreted as a kerchief on the 
head, as a scarf that the women of Mecca 
(q.v.) and Medina (q.v.) wore over their 
chests with differing degrees of modesty, 
and even as a face covering. Another 
qur'anic verse instructs the believing 
women to draw their outer garments 
[jaldbib, sing.jilbdb) around themselves so 



that they will be recognized and not both- 
ered (c3 33:59). In the third/ninth century, 
the time of the crystallization of Islamic 
law, prominent qur'anic commentators 
were not certain what parts of the body a 
woman was supposed to cover. This 
imprecision and difference of opinion 
among major exegetes continued for cen- 
turies, although it would appear that the 
"ornaments" which drew attention to a 
woman were gradually expanded until they 
encompassed the whole body. The domi- 
nant opinion among the legists, however, 
seems to require that Muslim women con- 
ceal their entire bodies with the exception 
of their feet, their hands and their faces. A 
well-known hadlth (saying of the Prophet; 
see hadIth and the cjur'an) advised a 
young man to go see his prospective bride, 
indicating that her face was not covered, 
which would preclude legislating the face- 
veil for Muslim women. The ambiguity of 
the qur'anic text on the issue of the hijdb 
leaves room for a multiplicity of social, 
cultural, economic and geographical fac- 
tors to define the precise code of behavior 
for Muslim women at a given time and 
place. 

The relationship between husbands and 
wives is described in general terms as mu- 
tual and equal: they are raiments for each 
other, helpmates and pairs for themselves 

(C5 2:187; 30:21; 42:11; see PAIRS AND 

pairing). Elsewhere, however, wives are 
described as created for their mates 
(q, 26:166). The balance of rights and 
duties of a husband and wife are discussed 
in greater detail in the legal proscriptions 
regarding marriage and divorce (elabo- 
rated below). 

The work of females as well as males is 
valued (c3 3:195) and both women and men 
retain what they have earned (q 4:32). 
Thus, women are independent economic 
individuals who may generate income and 



527 



WOMEN AND THE OUR AN 



possess their own property (q.v.; see also 
wealth; economics; trade and 
commerce). 

In sum, the overall image of women 
in the Qiir'an is ambivalent. They are 
autonomous in religious obligations and 
economic affairs but are subject to men in 
the social sphere. Women are also objecti- 
fied, most notably as one of the rewards 
for men in the hereafter (see eschatol- 
ocy). Women's modesty is specified in 
greater detail than that of men, albeit in 
terms that were obscure even to the earliest 
legists. This implies either that women's 
sexuality is more threatening than men's or 
that women require more guidance to pro- 
tect their modesty. Matrimony is regarded 
as the natural state of human affairs (see 
abstinence; chastity). These principles 
are amplified in a mass of laws pertaining 
to gender and family affairs set down in the 
Qtir'an. 

Legal material relating to women and gender 
Some eighty percent of the legal material 
in the Qiir'an refers to women. Marriage is 
regarded as a formal, legal connection and 
referred to as a contract ['uqdat al-nikdh, 
Q^ 2:237). A relative who arranges the nup- 
tials in the name of the bride is referred to 
in the Qiir'an ((J 2:237) although the tech- 
nical term waB and its precise legal defini- 
tion were later derived from traditions of 
the Prophet. Polygyny is clearly sanctioned 
in the Qiir'an which permits a man to take 
up to four wives so long as he treats them 
equally (c) 4:3). A later verse in the same 
chapter ((3 4:129) states that it is virtually 
impossible not to prefer one wife over the 
others and admonishes the husband not to 
neglect any of his wives. This requirement 
was interpreted up to the twentieth century 
in technical, economic terms by which a 
husband was required to provide equal 
lodgings, food, clothing, etc. for each of his 



wives as well as to divide his sexual atten- 
tion equally among them. 

In addition to the women a man weds by 
a marriage contract, he may conclude an 
agreement with a virtuous woman for sex- 
ual relations in return for a fee and this is 
not considered illicit (q 4:24). These "plea- 
sure," or mut'a, marriages, contracted for a 
limited time between a man and an un- 
married woman, were subsequently the 
subject of debate among legists (see 
temporary marriage). Shi'is (see shI'ism 
and the (JUr'an) recognize them as legal 
to this day, while SunnI scholars maintain 
that the qur'anic reference to mut'a was 
cancelled by several subsequent verses 
(q. 4:3; 23:5-6; 65:4). In addition, Sunni 
authorities argue that the Prophet recom- 
mended the existing custom to his soldiers 
only because of exigencies specific to his 
time when men were separated from their 
wives for long periods while they went off 
to war. Moreover, the second caliph (q.v.) 
'Umar interpreted the Prophet's intent and 
banned the practice. The dispute about the 
legitimacy of mut'a has been a major bone 
of contention between Sunnis and Shf Is 
and is rooted in contradictory interpreta- 
tions of the Qiir'an as well as differing 
approaches to religious and political au- 
thority (q.v.; Haeri, Law of desire, 61-4; see 
also POLITICS AND THE qur'an; imam). 

Concubines (q.v.), or literally "those 
whom your right hand possesses" or 
"women whom you have purchased," are 
frequently mentioned in the Qur'an along- 
side wives (a 4:3, 24-5; 23:6; 33:50; 70:30) 
and there is no limitation on the number of 
concubines a man may accjiiire. The legal 
and spiritual status of slaves is regulated in 
the Qur'an, including specific rules relating 
to sexual relations that are permitted or 
forbidden to them (see lawful and 
unlawful). Thus, a master may not 
prostitute his slave (cj 24:33) and he has a 



WOMEN AND THE OUR AN 



528 



moral obligation to marry her off to either 
a free man or slave (cf. Brnnschvig, 'Abd, 
esp. p. 25). The status of a female slave 
who bears her master a child, an umm al- 
walad, is not defined in the Qiir'an; her 
unique rights developed during the codi- 
fication of Islamic law in abotit the 
third/ninth century. 

Illicit sexual relations are referred to as 
zind (often translated as fornication or 
adultery) and are strictly forbidden 
(q, 17:32; cf 6:151: al-fawdhisli). Two sepa- 
rate verses stipulate the punishment for 
such infractions: one mentions only women 
and specifies that they shoidd be incarcer- 
ated in their homes for a period of time 
which may be until their death (<J 4:15); the 
other refers to a male and a female of- 
fender, both of whom are to be pimished 
by one hundred lashes (q^ 24:2; see 
flogging), ^ind, however, is extremely 
difficult to prove because the verses refer- 
ring to "the affair of the falsehood, or slan- 
der" [al-ijk, C) 24:4-26; see lie; gossip), 
require four witnesses to the act and pre- 
scribe dire punishment, eighty lashes, 
for a false acctiser. The punishment of 
stoning (q.v.) for z^d is not in the Qiir'an 
but is based on the traditions of the 
Prophet. 

Homosextiality (q.v.) and sodomy are dis- 
cussed in the Qiir'an in the many refer- 
ences to Lot (q.v.) and his family, who were 
the only ones of their people who repented 
their lewd acts and were spared by God. 
Those who did not change their ways are 
severely condemned and both parties to a 
homosexual relationship are to be strictly 
pimished (o 4:16; 7:81). Lesbianism (sihdq) 
is not cited in the Qiir'an; it is forbidden 
by hadith sayings of the Prophet, as is 
transvestitism. 

Divorce is discussed extensively in the 
Qiir'an: a chapter is titled "Divorce" (o 65, 
Sural al-Talaq), a long section is devoted 
to the subject in q 2, and several verses 



appear in q 4 (Sural al-Nisa', "Women"). 
Divorce is the prerogative of the husband 
and he may divorce his wife in the pres- 
ence of two witnesses without any formal 
ceremony (q 65:2). The divorce is not final 
until the wife has completed three men- 
strual cycles (q 2:228; see waiting 
period); during that period she remains 
in her husband's home and he must sup- 
port her (q 65:6). The purpose, of course, 
is to ascertain if she is pregnant as well as 
to give the husband an opportunity to 
withdraw the divorce. The latter explana- 
tion dovetails with the preference for rec- 
onciliation between an estranged couple 
rather than divorce, which appears in 
several places in the Qur'an (q 2:229, 4:35). 
If the wife turns out to be pregnant, the 
divorce does not take effect until after 
she gives birth (q 65:6; see lactation). 
A husband may divorce his wife and 
change his mind only twice; after the 
third divorce, she is not lawful to him until 
after she has married another man 

(q 2:229-30). 

A clause in the Qur'an states that "it is no 
sin for either of them if the woman ran- 
som herself" (q 2:229); this is the basis for a 
type of divorce that is designated khuV (di- 
vestiture) in Islamic law. When a woman 
wishes a divorce, she may, with the permis- 
sion of her husband, return to him the 
bridewealth (mahr) and any gifts she had 
received from him. Even in a divorce initi- 
ated by the wife, it is the husband who re- 
tains the right of divorce. Moreover, this 
type of divorce is economically unfavor- 
able for the wife. A marriage contract, like 
any other contract, may also be annulled 
by a court for violation of inherent ele- 
ments of the pact (see breaking trusts 
AND contracts). Thus, for example, a 
woman whose husband is incapable of car- 
rying out sexual relations for a long period 
of time could obtain an annulment. The 
dissolution of a marriage contract at the 



529 



WOMEN AND THE OUR AN 



discretion of a court is a ratlier extreme 
measure, but could be claimed by either 
spouse for a variety of reasons that have 
differed over time and place. 

The laws of inheritance are specified pre- 
cisely and in great detail, leaving little 
room for interpretation (q 4:7-20, 175). 
These regidations are extremely complex 
and were regarded as an area of expertise 
apart from the general field of law. From a 
gender point of view, a number of basic 
principles may be summarized. Women 
inherit, but their portion is usually half of 
the share of a man of the same degree of 
kinship. Daughters, for example, inherit 
half as much as sons, sisters half of the 
brothers' portions, and mothers half the 
inheritance of fathers. Women inherit from 
their husbands and husbands from their 
wives, again according to the rule of half a 
share. Inheritance, therefore, is an area in 
which women's status as legal persons, as 
well as the right of a woman to own her 
own property, is firmly anchored. More- 
over, the right of married women to make 
wills is clearly stipulated in the Qiir'an 
(c3 4:12), although this privilege is more 
symbolic than practical because of general 
limitations on wills. The inheritance of 
maternal brothers and sisters is also 
alluded to ((j 4:12), reflecting ongoing 
semi-matrilineal ties in what was funda- 
mentally a patrilineal society. 

In addition to inheritance, women receive 
bridewealth (q.v.) upon marriage (termed 
ajr in the Qiir'an rather than mahr, the des- 
ignation which became prevalent later). A 
woman may, however, remit part of her 
bridewealth to her husband of her own 
free will (q 4:4). Husbands' duty to provide 
material support for their wives is implied 
in the quintessential qur'anic verse defining 
gender relations (q 4:34). A man may not 
withhold divorce from a woman in order 
to take her property, nor may he divorce 
her with false accusations of lewdness so 



that he may get part of her property 
(q 4:19-20). 

The unusually liberal property rights of 
women anchored in the Qiir'an have been 
the subject of much speculation. Classical 
Muslim scholars explained that, since the 
inheritance rides follow a section dealing 
with care for orphans, they reflect concern 
for the kin of Muslims who died in battles 
for the sake of Islam. In view of the fact 
that these relatives of fallen Muslim heroes 
would revert to the care of their families 
who most likely were anti-Muslim, it was 
deemed important to provide for them eco- 
nomically. Some modern scholars of early 
Islam (such as Goitein and Stern) have sug- 
gested that, in the mercantile city of 
Mecca before the advent of Islam, women 
had certain rights of inheritance, citing the 
vast property of the widow Khadija (q.v.) 
and a number of other women. Thus, the 
social reality at the time and place of the 
Qur'an's revelation could have infiuenced 
the economic provisions regarding women. 
The association made between women, 
orphans and children in the Qiir'an sug- 
gests that women were regarded as weaker 
social entities and therefore providing for 
their welfare was viewed as an ethical act 
(see ETHICS AND THE qUR'AN). Women's 
inheritance of half the portion of a man 
logically follows from men's double finan- 
cial responsibility to support their wives. 
Some have argued that women were gener- 
ally not as economically incumbered as 
men were and therefore required fewer 
financial resources. In any case, the 
qur'anic inheritance rules, while providing 
women with a crucial source of income, 
are also a concrete reflection of their sub- 
ordinate status. 

Female characters in qur'anic narratives 
Some narratives (q.v.) in the Qiir'an are 
about pre-Islamic figures such as Adam 
and Eve (q.v.), Joseph and 'Aziz's wife, the 



WOMEN AND THE OUR AN 



530 



wife of Pharaoh (q.v.) who was Moses' 
step-mother, Solomon (q.v.) and the Queen 
of Sheba (q.v.; see also BiLcjis), and Mary, 
mother of Jesus. They project a variety of 
roles and images of women, and have been 
the subject of various interpretations and 
amplifications. Some of these could 
change the dominant precedent or role 
model that emerges from the holy text. 

Adam's wife (though nameless) is men- 
tioned in the Qiir'an in three passages 
(q. 2:30-7; 20:115-23; 7:11-25) and is referred 
to in several isolated verses (q 4:1; 7:189; 
39:6), while elsewhere the creation of 
humanity and stories of the first man refer 
only to Adam. Some narratives of the cre- 
ation do not mention the first man's part- 
ner, but other verses state that God created 
man and his mate from a single soul (q.v.). 
Adam alone is granted an exceptional posi- 
tion among the angels (q.v.) and the crea- 
tures, but this appears to be an indication 
of his status as a prophet (see prophets 
AND prophethood) rather than as a male. 
Both Adam and his wife, however, are in- 
structed to dwell in the garden and both 
are warned not to eat of the tree of im- 
mortality (see trees; eternity; fall of 
man). Most importantly, in the qur'anic 
version, both Adam and his wife are 
tempted by Satan (see devil), both eat of 
the tree and both are expelled. (Only in 
one verse, C3 20:i20, is Adam alone 
tempted.) Moreover, for the most part, 
Adam repents his disobedience and is for- 
given and given guidance by his lord (q.v.; 
see also astray; error). Only in one 
verse, do Adam and his wife admit their 
guilt and beg for forgiveness (q 7:23). In 
short, the qur'anic text describes the cre- 
ation of the first woman (when it is re- 
ferred to at all) as contemporaneous and 
similar to that of the first man. She is not 
responsible for tempting him, and if there 
is any unecjual guilt, it is Adam who bears 
a greater degree of culpability. Moreover, 



the gender issue in the story of Adam and 
his wife may be viewed as marginal to the 
main qur'anic message of the covenant 
(q.v.) between God and humanity, and his 
forgiving of the folly of both male and fe- 
male believers (q 7:172-3; 33:72-3). 

From the earliest periods of qur'anic ex- 
egesis, as well as in hadlth traditions of the 
Prophet, Islamic world histories and popu- 
lar stories of the prophets, however, the 
image of Eve (Ar. Hawwa') is portrayed in 
negative terms. She is held responsible for 
Adam's temptation and fall, and is usually 
depicted as deliberately deceiving him. 
Only Adam's repentance is mentioned (see 
repentance and penance), while the par- 
ticipation of Hawwa' in a joint admission 
of guilt is ignored. Highlighting the trans- 
gressions of Hawwa' and suppressing her 
repentance allowed qur'anic exegetes to 
multiply the punishments said to be borne 
by Eve (and by extension all women). 
These include the pain of childbirth (see 
birth; biology as the creation and 
STAGES OF life), menstruation and wom- 
en's duties such as weaving, spinning, pre- 
paring dough and baking bread. Even 
upon his death, Adam accuses her of being 
responsible for his transgression and pun- 
ishment. Thus, in contrast to the qur'anic 
text, classical Islamic scholars portrayed 
the first woman as a threat to her husband 
and by extension to all humankind. 

The seduction of Joseph (Ar. Yusuf ) by 
the wife of the Egyptian al-'AzIz is nar- 
rated as one trial in a series of ordeals that 
the hero must overcome in order to dem- 
onstrate his greatness. In a chapter of the 
Qiir'an named for the protagonist ((3 12), 
Joseph is thrown into a pit by his brothers 
(see brother and brotherhood) and 
sold into slavery to al-'AzIz, who brings 
him home and treats him like a son. After 
Joseph achieves maturity (q.v.), al-'Aziz's 
wife attempts to seduce him but he rejects 
her. He was actually tempted and desired 



531 



WOMEN AND THE OUR AN 



her, but his faith in God as well as his fine 
qualities enable him to overcome evil and 
licentiousness. The two race for the door, 
the wife tears Joseph's robe from the back 
and at the entrance they encounter the 
husband. At this point, Joseph is exoner- 
ated of the wife's allegation of immoral 
conduct. Her husband rebukes her and all 
women, saying: "This is of the guile (kajd) 
of you women. Your guile is great" 
(c3 12:28). The wiles of women and their 
unbridled passion are further illustrated in 
a tale in which Joseph is objectified. When 
women in the city began to gossip about 
the infatuation of al-'AzIz's wife for the 
young slave, she invited them to a banquet 
and gave each a knife. When she ordered 
Joseph to appear before them, the women 
were so confounded by his beauty, which 
they likened to that of an angel, that they 
cut their hands with their knives. Having 
proven her point, al-'Aziz's wife threatens 
Joseph that if he does not obey her orders, 
he will be imprisoned (<J 12:30-2). Joseph 
appeals to the lord to fend off the women's 
wiles for he fears that he will capitulate to 
them and prefers incarceration. God an- 
swers his prayer and he is sent to prison 

(a 12:33-5). 

Joseph is fully and finally vindicated on 
the occasion of his release from prison 
when he appeals to the king to investigate 
the deceitful women who cut their hands, 
and the king investigates those women who 
had tried to seduce him (q 12:51). The 
women absolve Joseph, and al-'Aziz's wife 
confesses and affirms his honesty and vir- 
tue. But Joseph admits that he was inclined 
to evil and thanks the lord for helping him 
to overcome his human instincts (5) 12:53). 
Joseph is taken into the king's service, be- 
comes custodian of the storehouses, takes 
revenge on his brothers and performs a 
miracle (see miracles; marvels; dreams 

AND sleep). 

The story of Joseph and Zulaykha (as 



al-'AzIz's wife came to be known in Islamic 
literature) has provided rich material not 
only for commentaries on the Qiir'an, 
hadith traditions, popular stories of the 
prophets and world histories, but also for 
mystical love poetry and visual art (see art 
AND ar(;hitei;ture and the our'an; 
SUFISM AND THE qur'an). It is frequently 
referred to in other genres and may have 
been integrated with ancient Egyptian, 
pre-Islamic Iranian or Indian morality 
tales about the guile of women as well as 
with the analogous narrative in the 
Hebrew Bible and Jewish interpretations of 
the Bible (see scripture and the our'an; 
JEWS and JUDAISM; torah). 

In the exegesis of the Qiir'an, the focus of 
the story of Joseph and Zulaykha was often 
shifted from a tale about a prophet over- 
coming adversity to an account of the dan- 
gers of female sexuality and of women's 
cunning as embodied in the term kayd 
which appears no less than seven times in 
the narrative (q^ 12:28, 33, 34, 50, 52). The 
unbridled sexuality and guile of woman is 
amplified in Islamic histories and stories of 
the prophets, and these are genres that 
tended toward embellishment and were 
not restricted by the rules of the Islamic 
sciences (see traditional disciplines of 
c^ur'anic study). In these narratives, 
Zulaykha is punished for her transgres- 
sions, redeemed and becomes Joseph's wife 
and mother of his children. Thus, the dan- 
gerous sexual woman becomes an ideal 
spouse, in the process fulfilling her love for 
Joseph. 

The theme of passion and love (q.v.) was 
particularly developed in mystical litera- 
ture. Esoteric mystical commentary identi- 
fied the woman Zulaykha as the lower 
world of matter and sensuality in contrast 
to Joseph who is the heart (q.v.) on a spiri- 
tual quest for gnosis (Stowasser, Women, 54; 
see intellect; knowledge and 
learning). While some mystical authors 



WOMEN AND THE OUR AN 



532 



censured Zulaykha's attempt to subvert 
Joseph's innocence, others extolled her 
unreserved love for him. The earthly love, 
however, was also interpreted as a meta- 
phor for the love of God and was ex- 
pressed in clearly sextial terms. Thus, 
Zidaykha, the lover, desires union with the 
divine symbolized by Joseph's exceptional 
beauty (q.v; Merguerian and Najmabadi, 
Zulaykha andjoseph, 497-500). Mystical 
poets viewed the female soul as inciting to 
evil (based on q 12:53, where the feminine 
nafs is used) but may be purified through 
inner struggle and suffering (Schimmel, My 
soul, 68). The Sufi writers of these works 
were men, and both their identification 
with Joseph, the man who overcomes his 
base instincts, as well as the desire to unite 
with Joseph the epitome of divine, even 
feminine, beauty, have interesting trans- 
sexual ramifications. The dramatic and 
concise qur'anic story of Joseph and al- 
'Azlz's wife, we are told, is meant as a les- 
son and a guide for the righteous (q^ 12:102, 
III). It has been woven into a variety of 
images of women which captured the 
imaginations of Muslims for centuries. 

Among the women related to Moses in 
the Qiir'an, Pharaoh's wife attained the 
most prominence as an example to believ- 
ers because of her having convinced 
Pharaoh not to kill the infant Moses. She 
was a righteous woman who prayed to God 
to build her a house in paradise and save 
her from Pharaoh's wrongdoing and from 
evil people ({^ 28:9; 66:11). Asiya, as 
Pharaoh's wife is called in the commentar- 
ies and stories of the prophets, was one of 
the four most outstanding women of the 
world and also of the four "ladies of 
heaven" (along with Mary, mother of Jesus, 
Khadija, Muhammad's wife, and Fatima 
[q.v.], his daughter). Miraculous events 
surrounded her birth and early life, and 
her marriage to Pharaoh was a sacrifice 
she made for her people but it was never 



consummated. Asiya saved and protected 
the infant Moses on many occasions. She 
suffered torture and death at the command 
of the wicked infidel Pharaoh, but the an- 
gel Gabriel (q.v.) succored her and neutral- 
ized her pain. Asiya and the three other 
most hallowed women in Islamic tradition 
represent paragons of virtue. They are 
revered primarily for their commitment to 
God and obedience to his command, but 
as women they are variously characterized 
by virginity, purity and motherhood, and 
in Asiya's case by her act of adoption. 
The Qiieen of Sheba appears in the 
Qiir'an as a sovereign ruler who engaged 
in political negotiations with the wise and 
knowledgeable Solomon (see KINGS AND 
rulers); eventually they submit to God 
together. Solomon is mentioned frequently 
in the Qiir'an where he is cited for his wis- 
dom (q.v.), justice (see justice and 
injustice) and God-given esoteric knowl- 
edge and miracidous powers. The story of 
the Qiieen of Sheba is narrated in a single 
chapter (q 27:22-44). Solomon learns that 
there is a pagan woman ruler and sends a 
letter to Sheba asking its inhabitants to 
submit to him (or to become Muslims). 
The queen first turns to her advisers, 
claiming she has never decided a matter 
alone, but they defer to her command. She 
wishes to avoid the suffering of war and 
opts instead for diplomacy. Solomon tests 
her by disguising her throne. Upon enter- 
ing his palace, she uncovers her legs think- 
ing that she is in deep water. But Solomon 
reveals to her that in fact the palace was 
paved with glass. She responds that she has 
"wronged herself" and that she submits 
together with Solomon to God. Glearly, the 
story as a whole is an affirmation for 
Solomon, for the Qiieen of Sheba and for 
Muslims in general that God is the one and 
only god to whom they must submit (see 

GOD AND HIS ATTRIBUTES). The QtlCCn of 

Sheba seems at first to be hesitant about 



533 



WOMEN AND THE OUR AN 



making a decision on lier own, but tlie 
qur'anic text leaves no doubt that slie is 
capable of independent reasoning in af- 
fairs of state and that her decisions have 
legitimacy. Her acumen seems equal to 
Solomon's when she passes the test of the 
throne that he has prepared for her. In the 
anecdote about the glass floor that appears 
as water, however, he clearly bests her by 
ruse and humiliates her as well. Never- 
theless, it is intriguing that at the end of 
the qur'anic story, the two submit together 
to God. 

In exegesis of the Qiir'an, Islamic history 
and popular tales of the prophets and 
Islamic legends relating to the Qiieen of 
Sheba (or Bilqis, as she came to be known), 
a major issue was the manner in which she 
came to be a ruler, her competence in this 
role and the potential precedent for Islamic 
society. A great beauty, she tricked the king 
who wanted to marry her on their wedding 
night, cut off his head and convinced his 
ministers to declare their loyalty to her. 
Thus, one could conclude that she attained 
the throne by proximity to a male ruler 
and by exploiting her feminine attraction 
and cunning. As queen and in her stand-off 
with Solomon, however, she proves her 
intelligence and good judgment, and these 
are qualities generally attributed to men. 
Interestingly, classical Islamic authors 
rarely address the question of whether this 
astute and legitimate qur'anic queen could 
serve as a precedent for women's role in 
their own society. Among the gifts that the 
Queen of Sheba sent to Solomon to test 
his moral fiber were not only gold (q.v.) 
and silver but one liundred young slave 
boys dressed as girls and one hundred 
young slave girls in boys' clothing. Solo- 
mon, for his part, miraculously moved the 
queen's throne to his court, a slight but 
perhaps symbolic embellishment on the 
qur'anic narrative. Solomon's cunning 
test of the glass floor provided a base for 



interpretive explanations of precisely what 
the queen's legs or feet would reveal about 
her. The vivid picture of Bilqis standing in 
the water before Solomon revealing her 
hairy legs (or whether she had donkey's 
feet), surely undermines her image as a 
capable, independent ruler. 

Maryam, or Mary, is frequently named in 
the Qiir'an to designate the matrilineal 
ascription of Jesus flsa b. Maryam) since 
according to Islamic belief Jesus had no 
human father (e.g. C3 2:253; 4:156, 171; 5:17, 
46, 75. 78, no, 112, 114, 116; 9:31; 19:34; 
23:50; 33:7; 43:57; 57:27; 61:6, 14). Both 
Jesus son of Mary and his mother are re- 
garded as signs (q.v.) of God's powers and 
humanity's need to believe and worship 
(q.v.) him (c3 23:50). Mary's story is de- 
picted in two chapters of the Qiir'an 
(a 3:35-47; 19:16-34), one of which, C3 19, is 
named for her. The virgin birth is men- 
tioned several times (c) 19:20; 66:12, for 
example) and Mary is considered to be 
chosen among all the women of the world 
(q_ 3:42). The idea that both Jesus and his 
mother are deities is directly refuted (e.g. 
Q. 5:75. 116), although the verses that rebut 
Mary's divinity raise questions about the 
origin of this belief. Western scholars have 
naturally focused on a comparison be- 
tween the qur'anic story of Mary and Jesus 
and the Gospels and other Christian texts 
and folklore (see christians and Chris- 
tianity; gospel; pre-islamic arabia 
and the qur'an). In the Qiir'an, Mary is 
divinely succored during childbirth with 
water (q.v.) from a brook and dates from a 
palm-tree (c3 19:23-6; see date palm; 
springs and fountains). 

Muslim commentators have discussed 
Mary's religious status, often comparing 
her with Fatima, daughter of the prophet 
Muhammad, who is not explicitly 
mentioned in the Qur'an. While the 
miraculous events surrounding lier were 
augmented, a debate evolved about 



WOMEN AND THE OUR AN 



534 



whether she was a prophet and about her 
ranking among the women of this world 
and the next. Some Muslim theologians 
argued that Mary (as well as Sara, the 
mother of Isaac [q.v.], the mother of 
Moses, and Pharaoh's wife Asiya) should 
be considered prophets because they re- 
ceived the word of God from angels or by 
divine inspiration (see revelation and 
inspiration). But even these scholars dif- 
ferentiated between the prophethood 
(nubuwwa) which some women attained 
and the message (risala) which was re- 
stricted to men. The consensus of Sunni 
thinkers, however, has been to reject the 
notion of Mary's prophethood as heretical 
because as a menstruating woman she 
could not attain purity (see ritual 
purity). Despite the fact that in the 
Qiir'an Mary is specifically purified by 
God (c3 3:42), hadlth traditions and schol- 
arly opinions have been marshaled to 
prove that Mary's purity meant that she 
was free of menstruation or, conversely, 
that she menstruated like all other women 
but was ethically pure. A more practical 
problem was God's command to Mary to 
bow down in prayer with the praying men 
fe 3-43> ^^^ BowiNO and prostration). 
Classical commentators interpreted this to 
mean that Mary prayed with the congrega- 
tion of men, contributing to the debate on 
whether women should pray in the moscjue 
(q.v.) or in the privacy of the home. 
Another subject of debate was Mary's 
ranking among the chosen women of the 
Qiir'an: alternately including Asiya, the 
Prophet's wives Khadija and 'A'isha and 
his daughter Fatima. For the most part, 
qur'anic exegesis and stories of the proph- 
ets tend to exclude 'A'isha from the four- 
some of the most excellent women of the 
world and the paramount females in 
heaven. In Sunni as well as Shi'l tradition, 
Mary and Fatima have been conflated as 
both were visited by angels, were miracu- 



lously assisted during childbirth and were 
free of menstruation and post-partum 
bleeding. Both are noted for their sorrows 
and suffering. Most Shl'ls rank Fatima 
above Mary and she is sometimes referred 
to as Mary the Greater [Adaryam al-kubrd; 
McAuliffe, Chosen of all women, 27-8; 
Stowasser, Women, 79-80). Both Muslims 
and Christians have focused on the image 
of Mary, particularly in popular piety, as 
imderpinning a commonality between the 
two faiths. Similarities between the two 
religious traditions have been underscored 
for ecumenical or for missionary purposes. 
For many centuries, however, Mary has 
also been central to polemical controver- 
sies between Christians and Muslims and 
to the expression of mutual suspicion and 
misunderstanding (see polemic and 
polemical language). 

The wives of Noah (q.v.). Lot and 
Abraham (q.v.), as well as other women in 
the life of Moses, are mentioned less prom- 
inently in the Qiir'an, but present a variety 
of female images. In addition, classical 
Muslim biographers and commentators 
tried to identify some of the numerous, 
seemingly anonymous women referred to 
in the Qiir'an through the stories con- 
nected to the revelation of the verses in 
which they appear. Among the well-known 
stories explicating a qur'anic verse that 
refers anonymously to a woman is that of 
Zaynab, daughter of Jahsh, the divorced 
wife of Muhammad's adopted son Zayd, 
whose marriage to the Prophet was ex- 
pressly permitted in a revelation and 
served as a precedent for the legality of 
such unions (c3 33:37). At least three women 
are connected to another obscure verse 
that permits the Prophet to marry his pa- 
ternal and maternal cousins who emi- 
grated with him (see prohibited degrees; 
EMIGRANTS AND HELPERS) and to "a believ- 
ing woman if she gives herself to the 
Prophet" [q_ 33:50). Perhaps the most 



535 



WOMEN AND THE OUR AN 



famous story elucidating a qur'anic passage 
is that of the slander [al-ijk; cited above) 
against 'A'isha, tlie Prophet's wife (see 
'a'isha bint abi bakr), which explains the 
stringent rules for proving adultery and the 
harsh penalty for unsubstantiated allega- 
tions against a woman [q_ 24:4-26). Shl'is 
point out tliat, since 'A'isha is not actually 
mentioned in the Qiir'an, she was never 
exonerated of the accusation of adultery. 
The qur'anic chapter "She Who Disputes" 
(c3 58, Surat al-Mujadila) opens with verses 
about a woman who complained to the 
Prophet that her husband had divorced her 
using the formula "be to me as the back of 
my mother," a custom Muhammad had 
apparently abolished. Classical Muslim 
scholars have specidated about who the 
woman in question was. The chapter title 
"She Who is to Be Examined" (q^ 60, Surat 
al-Muntahana) was identified as a refer- 
ence to Umm Kidthum, daughter of 
'Utba, because of its verses that sanctioned 
refuge from her pagan family for her and 
other Muslim female refugees. A female 
simile for breaking oaths — "a woman 
who breaks into untwisted strands the yarn 
which she has spun, after it has become 
strong" ((3 16:92) — led Muslim classical 
scholars to an obscure Abyssinian woman 
(see ABYSSINIA; oaths; magic; pre- 

ISLAMIC ARABIA AND THE OUr'an). 

In the Qiir'an, Muhammad's wives, the 
"mothers of the believers," are quite fre- 
quently addressed and they are held up as 
paragons for Muslims but are also subject 
to obligations that are more stringent. 
None of these women, however, are iden- 
tified by name, so it was left to classical 
exegesis to attempt to link revelations to 
wives of the Prophet, particularly by flesh- 
ing out stories about the "occasions of 
revelation" or asbab al-nuziil. These com- 
mentaries and hadlth traditions of the 
words and deeds of the Prophet have 
served as the basis for numerous anecdotes 



about the jealousy, covetousness and 
scheming of the women of his household. 
While a polygynous family undoubtedly 
provides fertile ground for petty intrigues, 
it would seem that the classical male 
Muslim scholars relished interpretations 
that highlighted harem politics. 

The rich narratives in the Qiir'an include 
a variety of female characters and the 
images of these women were often 
changed in classical commentary and pop- 
ular literature composed in patriarchal 
societies, as we have seen. Modern and 
feminist interpretations of the Qiir'an re- 
trieved the original images from the holy 
text, provided their own role models and 
attempted to read these stories as women 
would have done. 

Women's scholarship and feminist readings of the 

Qur 'an 
A number of women among the early be- 
lievers had a role in the transmission of the 
text of the Qur'an. 'A'isha, the Prophet's 
favorite wife, heard passages of the Qur'an 
from the Prophet himself, ordered a full 
written copy to be prepared and corrected 
the scribe. Hafsa (q.v.), daughter of the 
caliph 'Umar and widow of the Prophet, 
gave the caliph 'Uthman (q.v.) written 
pages of the Qur'an that she had received 
from her father. 'Uthman had the pages 
gathered into a book and declared this text 
to be the official version of the holy book. 
Hafsa also corrected a scribe who was writ- 
ing a qur'anic text. During the first three 
or four centuries of Islam, 'Uthman's text 
was only one of various versions of the 
Qur'an that were ascribed to Companions 
of the Prophet (q.v.), the caliphs 'Umar 
and 'All (see 'ali b. abi talib), and wid- 
ows of the Prophet — 'A'isha, Umm 
Salama and Hafsa. One of the Prophet's 
female Companions, Umm Waraqa, col- 
lected and recited the Qur'an and may 
have assisted 'Umar in assembling the text. 



WOMEN AND THE OUR AN 



536 



Throughout the centuries, girls as well as 
boys have learned the Qiir'an (generally by 
rote) in primary schools (kuttdb, maktab) in 
gender-defined spaces, occupying separate 
areas of the classrooms, separate rooms, 
classrooms or informal venues (for classical 
examples, see figs. I and 11; for a contem- 
porary female Qiir'an study group, see fig. 
III). There have been attestations of this in 
Islamic painting, biographies, government 
statistics and autobiographies. Women as 
well as men were required to obtain the 
minimal knowledge needed to be good 
Muslims and this included gender-specific 
principles and laws. The Islamic religion 
did not serve as a barrier to this learning 
since traditions of the Prophet encourage 
the education of girls. Moreover, segrega- 
tion of the genders did not preclude pre- 
pubescent girls and boys attending qur'anic 
schools together (see teaching and 
PREACHING THE qur'an). Nevertheless, to 
the best of our knowledge, no woman was 
among the classical exegetes of the 
Qiir'an. 

Proponents of Islamic reform move- 
ments, like those of other scriptural re- 
ligions, quite naturally returned to the 
original text of the Qtir'an to reinterpret 
what they regarded as incorrect readings of 
the divine word by classical exegetes (see 

CONTEMPORARY CRITICAL PRACTIC;ES AND 

THE cjur'an). Some of the earliest pro- 
ponents of the liberation of Muslim 
women anchored their arguments in their 
rereading of the Qur'an. The Indian 
Mumtaz 'Ali in his Women's laws (1898) pro- 
moted the explanation of (J 4:34 as mean- 
ing that women have precedence over men 
who work for them. He refuted the belief 
that Adam had precedence in creation and 
a privileged position over Eve as being 
contrary to the Qiir'an. As for the disparity 
between male and female witnesses, he 
argued that the relevant verse refers to 
business transactions, something with 



which male Arab merchants were more 
familiar than women. For matters of per- 
sonal law, a woman would be as qualified 
to testify as a man. On the question of 
polygyny, Mumtaz 'All held that the condi- 
tion not to treat one wife better than others 
effectively cancels the possibility of a man 
marrying more than one woman since it is 
humanly impossible to love several women 
equally. As for purdah or pardah, the Urdu 
word for the Arabic hijdb, Mumtaz 'Ali 
argued that only one verse of the Qur'an 
refers specifically to this. Other verses rec- 
ommend modesty in general terms and 
purdah as it developed in Muslim India 
was a recent, indigenous phenomenon. 

The modern Syrian commentator 
Muhammad Jamal al-Din al-QasimI con- 
cluded that a woman could lead the prayer 
as imam based on a verse referring to 
Mary, but then neutralized this potential 
empowerment of women by falling back 
on a classical view that a unique woman 
like Mary is like a man in the eyes of God. 
Moreover, even if a woman might serve as 
a religious leader for other women, she 
could not participate in the communal 
prayer, not only because of her impurity, 
but also because of her physical weakness 
and the shame involved in mixing with 
men (Smith and Haddad, The Virgin 
Mary, 163-4, ^Ti)- 

Calls for the liberation of Muslim women 
in the Arab world emerged from and were 
infiuenced by the salafijja movement which 
aspired to return to the true, early un- 
tainted Islam. The Egyptian Shaykh 
Muhammad 'Abdiih (1849-1905) and his 
follower Muhammad Rashid Rida 
(1865-1935) composed a new exegesis of 
the Qur'an that initially appeared in their 
journal al-Mandr to address contemporary 
problems. 'Abduh emphasized women's 
humanity and their equality before God. 
Adam together with his wife represent 
humankind which is tested (see trial; 



537 



WOMEN AND THE OUR AN 



TRUST AND patienc:e), goes astray, repents 
and is forgiven. Mary's physical, spiritual 
and behavioral purity, however, granted 
her a distinctive status and should not be 
regarded as a precedent for all women. 
'Abduh is credited with the determination 
that the qur'anic verse which appears to 
permit a man to marry up to four wives 
actually indicates that monogamous mar- 
riages should be the norm, by a logic simi- 
lar to that of Mumtaz 'All. On the 
question of the hijdb, however, 'Abduh re- 
fused to take a stand. By a similar meth- 
odology Rida interpreted a fragment of a 
verse on divorce (q 2:228) to define the re- 
lationship between man and wife as equal 
and reciprocal, but defers to the view of 
classical exegetes that a husband has sexual 
rights over his wife as a concomitant to her 
rights to material support from him. 
Alongside the hesitant efforts of Muslim 
reformists, commentaries on the Qiir'an 
that relied on the methods and contents of 
classical exegesis with regard to women's 
issues and female characters continued to 
appear. 

An important innovation of this period 
was the utilization of qur'anic interpreta- 
tion to bolster views on the status of 
women, not only by recognized Islamic 
scholars like Shaykh 'Abduh (who had 
been chief mufti of Egypt) but also by 
Muslim writers who did not have formal, 
systematic religious training. One of the 
most prominent, albeit misogynist, works 
of this kind was Woman in the Qur'dn (al- 
Mar'afi l-Qur'dn), by the Egyptian writer 
Mahmud 'Abbas al-'Aqqad. Works of this 
type paved the way for Muslim lay think- 
ers, both men and women, to engage in 
qur'anic commentary. 

The first Muslim woman to undertake 
qur'anic exegesis was Dr. 'A'isha 'Abd al- 
Rahman (1913-96), known by her pen- 
name, Bint al-Shati'. She studied Qur'an 
cominentary with her professor, mentor 



and husband, Amin al-Khuli, who was 
considered one of the outstanding modern 
experts in the field. Some scholars regard 
'Abd al-Rahman's exegesis as a reflection 
of al-Khuli's theory, and in fact, in the 
preface to the first volume of her qur'anic 
exegesis, she writes of her "attempt" to 
apply al-Khrdl's method to a few short 
chapters and compares the usual method 
of Qiir'an interpretation to "our new way." 
As the first woman engaged in what had 
for centuries been an all-male endeavor, it 
is not surprising that she and some scholars 
would present her ground-breaking, ambi- 
tious work as a mere extension of the theo- 
retical framework of her male mentor. 
Actually, 'Abd al-Rahman published her 
first of two volumes of qur'anic exegesis in 
1962, several years before the death of her 
husband. Moreover, the choice of difficult, 
theological qur'anic verses with no social 
implications whatsoever seems to be the 
strategy of an ambitious woman carefully 
invading a traditionally male domain. It is 
also no accident that this innovation 
emerged from Cairo University's Depart- 
ment of Arabic Language and Literature 
rather than from a woman studying at al- 
Azhar. 'Abd al-Rahman's qur'anic exegesis 
was published by one of the largest pub- 
lishing houses in Cairo in a series devoted 
to literary studies of Arab poetry and other 
genres as well as non-Arabic literature, 
perhaps an additional strategy to avoid 
conflict with the religious establishment. 
Her qur'anic commentary brought her 
prominence in Egypt and the Arab world 
but its content could not be considered 
feminist nor was it meant to be. 

The qur'anic underpinnings of the 
Islamist movements originate with the 
efforts of Sayyid Abu l-'Ala 1-Mawdudl 
(1903-1979), an Indian Muslim whose ideas 
on the seclusion of women were written in 
Urdu in the 1930s, translated into Arabic 
and subsequently in English. Of his 



WOMEN AND THE OUR AN 



538 



six-volume exegesis of the Qtir'an, the only 
selection translated into Arabic was de- 
voted to a chapter dealing with female sex- 
uality ((J 24; cf. Swanson, Commentary on 
Stirat al-Nur, 187). Mawdudi interpreted 
some rather vague verses on visiting other 
homes (q 24:27-9) in gender terms to the 
extent that a man must announce his ar- 
rival before entering a house even to the 
women in his own household. On the issue 
of modesty (o 24:30-1), he regards virtually 
everything connected with a woman as 
seductive and therefore requires the most 
extreme forms of concealing dress, includ- 
ing a thick face-veil and gloves. Even a 
woman's perfume or voice are sexual and 
should be restricted. Marriage is the 
proper outlet for human sexuality and 
Mawdudi regards the Islamic state as re- 
sponsible for providing financial support 
for a man who is precluded from marrying 
because of the expense. 

The Egyptian Sayyid Qiitb (d. 1966) fol- 
lowed Mawdudi's lead in many respects 
but appears to have had a more intensive 
dialogue with western notions of gender 
and with contemporary technologies. In 
his exegesis on the story of Eve, he em- 
phasizes the equal responsibility of women 
and men to battle Satan and their equal 
rewards for their struggle in the path of 
God (see path or way; jihad). He stresses 
that the Qiieen of Sheba was intelligent 
and independent. Mary, however, serves as 
a role model for the gender segregation for 
Muslim women. Qiitb's stand on women's 
seclusion is no less extreme than that of 
Mawdtidi but he responds to Freud's theo- 
ries in his own coin by warning of psychol- 
ogical disorders that can arise if sexuality is 
not restrained. Thus, a man must warn 
even his female relatives that he will be 
entering the house by telephoning to ask 
permission. Marriage is the natural state of 
affairs but, despite what many commenta- 



tors have stated, the husband's exclusive 
right of divorce is specific to dissolving a 
marriage and does not imply superiority 
over his wife. 

In the ig90s, Muslim women began to 
read the Qiir'an with a feminist agenda in 
mind. Feminism in the Muslim world (even 
when it was termed secular) had frequently 
drawn from Islamic sources and employed 
Islamic discourse from its onset in the nine- 
teenth century. The innovative aspect of 
Islamic feminism has been that Muslim 
women, who usually did not have formal 
religious training, have rejected the com- 
mentaries on the Qiir'an by generations of 
male exegetes who had functioned in pa- 
triarchal societies and independently in- 
terpreted the text of the divine word. In 
order to enhance the legitimacy of these 
daring projects, they often used neo-clas- 
sical methods such as ijtihdd or independent 
reasoning. This phenomenon has emerged 
in various parts of the Muslim world, has 
usually been spearheaded by academic 
women and activists, and has been dis- 
seminated by new media and networking 
(see media and the q^ur'an). 

One of the earliest efforts by Islamic fem- 
inists to read the Qiir'an was undertaken 
by a non-hierarchical study group of 
women who met in 1990 under the aus- 
pices of Women Living Under Muslim 
Laws, a network founded in 1984. The pro- 
ceedings were subsequently distributed in 
English and French, two common lan- 
guages for millions of Muslims throughout 
the world. The participants, who remained 
anonymous, were from Algeria, Bang- 
ladesh, Egypt, India, Indonesia, Malaysia, 
Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Sudan and the United 
States. Six resource persons (who were also 
not identified) opened the sessions with 
presentations but they were questioned and 
even challenged in the ensuing discussions. 
The aim was to interpret the Qur'an only 



539 



WOMEN AND THE OUR AN 



from the Qiir'an itself and therefore great 
emphasis was placed on philological 
exegesis and classical Arabic dictionaries 
were employed (see grammar and the 
(3Ur'an). Nevertheless, classical Islamic 
sources were occasionally referred to, as 
well as liberal and conservative modern 
Muslim thinkers such as Mumtaz 'Ali and 
Sayyid Qiitb. The issue of skewed transla- 
tions of the Qiir'an (q.v.) was raised, since 
translation inevitably involves a degree of 
interpretation (and is theologically ques- 
tionable) and also since the majority of 
Muslims do not know Arabic well enough 
to understand the qur'anic text (see arabk; 
language; inimitability; language and 
STYLE OF THE ^ur'an). In view of the rich 
and variegated academic backgrounds of 
the women who studied the Qtir'an, it is 
not surprising that they employed universal 
scientific methods alongside classical 
Islamic ones such as psychology, sociology, 
literary theory, linguistics, etc. (see 
LITERATURE AND THE QUr'an; SOCIAL 
SCIENCES AND THE QUR'an). 

The point of departure for Women 
Reading the Qiir'an was a discussion of 
"foundational myths" that ostensibly sup- 
port the notion that men are superior to 
women. The first of these relate to the 
story of the creation of Adam and Eve, her 
role in the fall and the purpose of woman's 
creation. The women argue that the 
Qiir'an explicitly states that woman and 
man were created equal and the creation 
of Hawwa' from a male rib is a product of 
biblical and Christian influences, inaccu- 
rate translations of the original Arabic, 
qur'anic exegesis, and most seriously, 
hadith traditions of the Prophet (see 
HADITH AND THE cjur'an), many of which 
are not genuine. These supplements to 
the holy text supported the view held by 
most Muslims that woman is secondary, 
derivative and subordinate. Similarly, 



Eve's culpability, which raises questions 
about the trustworthiness of all women, 
is not found in the Qiir'an but is the prod- 
uct of subsequent patriarchal readings. 
Debunking the belief that woman was 
created for man is tied to a lengthy discus- 
sion of the qur'anic verse which embodies 
gender relations, q 4:34, rendered by 
Pickthall as follows: "Men are in charge 
(qawwdmuna) of women, because Allah 
hath made the one of them to excel the 
other, and because they spend of their 
property (for the support of women). So 
good women are obedient, guarding in 
secret that which Allah hath guarded. As 
for those from whom ye fear rebellion, ad- 
monish them and banish them to beds 
apart, and scourge them. Then if they 
obey you, seek not a way against them. Lo! 
Allah is ever High, Exalted, Great." The 
women use the translation of the modern- 
ist Muslim commentator M. Yiisuf All who 
interprets the phrase "Men are the protec- 
tors and maintainers of women," and em- 
phasizes that men may only beat women 
lightly and as a last resort. The women 
focus on reinterpretation of crucial words 
in the verse such as qawwamun. This term 
had previously been taken a step further 
than M. Yiisiif All to mean the basic idea 
of moral guidance and caring by the femi- 
nist Aziza al-Hibri (Study of Islamic her- 
story). One resource person at the 
workshop suggested that qawwdmuna means 
breadwinners and, philosophically, men 
ought to be breadwinners although not all 
men fulfill this function. Thus, the com- 
parison is not between men and women 
but between men in terms of their ability 
to be breadwinners. A second resource 
person understood qawwdmuna as standing 
upright or men's upholding the rights, pro- 
tection, well-being and material support of 
women. In other words, in Islamic society 
men have a psychological, social, spiritual 



WOMEN AND THE OUR AN 



540 



and financial responsibifity to women. 
Participants challenged these and other 
explications by the resources persons. A 
similar methodology was applied to the 
words excel (faddala), obedient (qdnitdt) and 
rebellion (q.v.; nushuzj. 

From the fiindamental principles of gen- 
der, the Women Reading the Qiir'an move 
on to Islamic family law and women in 
society. The issues of Muslim jurispru- 
dence discussed are: divorce, post-divorce 
maintenance, polygamy and age of mar- 
riage, inheritance, adoption and marriage 
to non-Muslims. Under the rubric of 
women in society, the related subjects of 
zind, evidence and punishment are ad- 
dressed. Menstruation and the image of 
"your wives as a tilth" (q 2:223) are dis- 
cussed. Finally, the hur (sing, hawrd') who 
are promised to the righteous Muslims in 
paradise are considered. These have been 
defined in patriarchal terms as fair white 
virgins with large eyes but, in the inter- 
pretation of women reading the Qiir'an, 
all believers, male and female, will be 
paired with soul companions. 

Amina Wadud-Muhsin produced a femi- 
nist exegesis of the Qiir'an as a whole in 
1992. Perhaps because Arabic is not her 
native language, she came up with the rad- 
ical but controversial idea that verses of 
the Qiir'an relating to women are an ar- 
tifact of Arabic as a gendered language. As 
a result, many verses which appear to refer 
to men and women should actually be un- 
derstood in more gender-neutral language. 
Her book has become very popular and 
even Arabic-speaking feminists have en- 
dorsed her methodology. 

Another important forum for women to 
interpret the Qiir'an in accordance with 
their own needs has been the Persian wom- 
en's magazine ^andn published in Tehran. 
^andn was founded in 1992 and by 1994 
had become a major voice for reform of 
the status of women. The magazine's edi- 



tor, Shahla Sherkat, and other women 
well-versed in the Qiir'an have cham- 
pioned the right of women to use ijtihdd or 
independent reasoning, thereby challeng- 
ing the primacy of the clergy in the realm 
of interpretation. Similarly, the Iranian 
expatriate Nayereh Tohidi has promoted 
feminist ijtihdd in Persian-language writings 
and lectures and promoted reinterpreting 
the Qiir'an. In the mid-ig90s, some pro- 
ponents of Islamic feminism argued that 
endeavors like those of ^anan opened a 
dialogue between religious and secular 
feminists in the heady debate carried on in 
the Islamic Republic of Iran and the 
Iranian diaspora. 

Feminist exegesis of the Qiir'an by 
women outside the Muslim scholarly 
establishment has not been without its crit- 
ics and it is yet to be seen what its long- 
term infiuence will be. One problem is 
undoubtedly the language barrier between 
Muslims in different parts of the world and 
in particular among those who do not read 
or write Arabic or, conversely, read neither 
English nor French. Translation of seminal 
works in this field into Arabic has greatly 
enhanced their prestige as well as their im- 
pact in the Arab world. Trans-global me- 
dia have also facilitated the dissemination 
of new readings of the Qiir'an. A second 
generation of Islamic feminists have begun 
to cite the pioneering exegesis of women 
who have reinterpreted the Qiir'an and no 
longer have to analyze the holy text them- 
selves. Nevertheless, women and men will 
continue to seek varying views on gender 
as well as specific rules relating to women 
and discrete female role models in the 
Qiir'an. 

Ruth Roded 



Bibliography 
Primary: Bukharl, Sahih; Ibn SaVl, Tabaqdt; 
Kisa^T, Qisas, trans. W.M. Thackston Jr., The Tales 



541 



WORD OF GOD 



of the Prophets of al-Kisd'i, Boston 1978; TabarT, 
Ta'nkh; Thalabi, Qisas. 

Secondary: A. Ahmad, Islamic modernism in India 
and Pakistan, 1857-1964, London 1967; M. Bad- 
ran, Islamic feminism. What's in a name, in al- 
Ahram online {17-23 January 2002), 1-6; E. Baer, 
Mushm teaching institutions and their visual 
reflections. The Kuttab, in Der Islam 78 {2001), 
73-102; J.E. Brockopp, Early Mdliki law. Ibn 'Abd 
al-Hakam and his major compendium of jurisprudence, 
Leiden 2000; R. Brunschvig, 'Abd, in Ei^, i, 
24-40; N. Geaga, Mary of the Koran, trans. Law- 
rence T. Fares, New York 1984; A. Geissinger, 
The exegetical traditions of 'A'isha. Notes on 
their impact and significance, m. Journal of 
qur'anic studies 6 (2004), 1-20; S. Haeri, Law of 
desire. Temporary marriage in Iran, London 1989; A. 
al-Hibri, A study of Islamic herstory, in Women's 
Studies international forum 5 (1982), 217; J.J.G. 
Jansen, The interpretation of the Koran in modern 
Egypt, Leiden 1974; M.H. Kamali, Divorce and 
women's rights. Some Muslim interpretations of 
S. 2:228, in MTV 74 {1984), 85-99; ^- Katz, Body of 
text. The emergence of the Sunni law of ritual purity, 
Albany 2002; J. Knappert, Islamic legends, Leiden 
1985; J. Lassner, Demonizing the Queen of Sheba, 
Chicago 1993; I. Mattson, ^ believing slave is better 
than an unbeliever, PhD diss., U. Chicago 1999; 
A. Mawdudl, al-Hijdb. Purdah and the status of 
woman in Islam, trans. al-Ash'arl, Delhi 1974; J.D. 
McAulifTe, Chosen of all women. Mary and 
Fatimah in qur'anic exegesis, in Islamochristiana 
7 (1981), 19-28; G.K. Merguerian and A. Najma- 
badi, Zulaykha and Yusuf. Whose "best story"? 
in IJMES 29 (1997), 485-508; VM. Moghadam, 
Islamic feminism and its discontents. Toward a 
resolution of the debate, in Signs: Journal of 
women in culture and society 27 (2002), 1135-71; 
R. Roded, Women in Islamic biographical collections 
from Ibn Sa'd to Who's Who, Boulder, CO 1994; 
A. Schimmel, My soul is a woman. The feminine in 
Islam, trans. S.H. Ray, New York 2003; M.H. 
Sherif, What is hijdb? in MVV']'] {1987), 151-63; J.I. 
Smith and YY. Haddad, Eve. Islamic image of 
woman, in Women's Studies international forum 5 
(1982), 135-44; i*^^-? The virgin Mary in Islamic 
tradition and commentary, in M\v'](^ {1989), 
161-87; G. Stern, Marriage in early Islam, London 
1939; B. Stowasser, Women in the Quran, tradition 
and interpretation. New York 1994; M.N. Sw^anson, 
A study of twentieth-century commentary on 
Surat al-Nur {24):27-33, in MWj/^ (1984), 187-203; 
A. Wadud-Muhsin, Qur'dn and woman, Kuala 
Lumpur 1992; Women Living Under Muslim 
Laws, For ourselves. Women reading the Qiiran, 
Grabels 1997. 

Wonders see marvels 



Wood see TREES 

Wool see HIDES AND FLEECE 

Word see speech; oaths 
Word of God 

Divine verbal utterance that bridges tire 
gap between God's transcendence and tlie 
created world. That God addresses himself 
to the world by means of speaking is one of 
the most influential concepts in the whole 
monotheistic tradition and is also a central 
issue for the Qiir'an (see revelation and 
inspiration; orality; scripture and 

THE OUr'aN; south ARABIA, RELIGIONS IN 

PRE-lSLAMic). There, several verbs describe 
God as speaking, e.g. nddd, "to call" (ten 
times), qassa, "to relate" (thirteen times), or 
nabba'a, "to tell" (twenty-one times); but the 
most important verbs are qdla, "to say" 
(around I20 occurrences), and kallama, "to 
speak to" (seven times). Stemming from the 
same roots as the two last-named verbs, 
q-w-l and k-l-m, the nouns qawl (about 
twenty-two times), kaldm (four times), kalima 
(sixteen times) and its plural form kalimdt 
(twelve times) are also attributed to God. 
In most of their occurrences these nouns 
can be rendered literally in English as 
"word(s)," as in qawl rabbind, "our lord's 
word" (^ 37:31), kaldm Alldh, "God's word" 
(c3 2:75), kalimatuhu, "his word" (o 4:171), or 
min rabbihi kalimdtin, "words from his lord" 
[q_ 2:37). Nevertheless, they cover a broad 
range of meanings and, according to their 
different contexts, can be translated as 
"verbal address," "revelation," "decree," 
and "creative command" (see also speech). 

The mystery of monotheism 
There are two distinct concepts that un- 
derlie biblical monotheism: On the one 
hand — because of the historical situation 



WORD OF GOD 



542 



of competition with other deities — God's 
exclusive oneness is emphasized (see god 
AND HIS attributes). Characterized on- 
tologically as the creator of the universe 
and cause of being (see cosmology; 
creation), and ethically as the supreme 
lawgiver and final judge for humankind 
(see JUSTICE and injustice; last 
judgment; judgment; law and the 
j^ur'an; ethics and the ^ur'an), God is 
conceived of as the sole true, yet personal, 
agent in a monopolar world order. On the 
other hand, and in order to glorify God's 
majesty, stress is laid on his transcendent 
uniqueness. Although he is, at times, de- 
scribed in anthropomorphic terms, God, in 
his essence, is thought to transcend the 
realm of the created world (see anthro- 
pomorphism): He dwells not only beyond 
the reach of human disposal, but he also 
exceeds human intellectual capacities (see 
intellect; knowledge and learning). 
When, however, these two notions are 
combined with each other — as is the case 
in biblical monotheism — a clear tension 
appears between them. While the first con- 
cept suggests direct contact between God 
and the world, the second implies their 
definite separation. So, the question arises 
of how to understand the relationship be- 
tween God and his creation, i.e. how to 
reconcile the opposing notions of tran- 
scendence and immanence. 

Deeply rooted in the religious thinking 
of the ancient Near East, Islam — like 
Judaism and Christianity before it (see 
JEWS and Judaism; christians and 

CHRISTIANITY; PEOPLE OF THE 

book) — proposed the "word of God" as 
one of the most important answers to this 
question. God created the universe by 
means of his word, and it is his word that 
he revealed to humankind. Nevertheless, 
this idea raises further questions. First, 
does "word of God" mean the same thing 
in respect to creation as in reference to 



revelation, or are these two entirely dif- 
ferent concepts that only share the same 
terms, i.e. the creative command as op- 
posed to the speech of God? Secondly, the 
notion of God's creative command as the 
sole causation for entities coming into be- 
ing directly calls for an inquiry into the 
underlying assumptions concerning the 
relationship between language and exis- 
tence. Thirdly, the idea of the "word of 
God" carries with it considerable difficul- 
ties in respect to the nature of revelation. 
Not only is the physical means of God's act 
of communication to be questioned; even 
more important is how to conceive of the 
nature of his speech. In order to be under- 
standable, God has to address humankind 
in human language. But does that mean 
that the very language of revelation is 
part of God's essence — thus presenting a 
common link between God and his cre- 
ation that comes close to a manifest 
anthropomorphism — or is revelation 
rather a kind of translation of God's true 
speech that exceeds the human capacity of 
understanding? And if the latter is so, how 
can this translation be understood? It is in 
the context of these questions that the 
qur'anic use of the "word of God" must be 
considered. 

Word and creation 
Eight qur'anic verses unambiguously state 
that God creates by means of the impera- 
tive "Be." The most prominent formula of 
this is "When he decrees (qadd) a thing 
(amr), he but says to it 'Be' (kun), and it is" 
(ft 2:117; 3:47; 19:35; 40:68; cf. 3:59; 6:73; 
16:40; 36:82; and see below). As an expres- 
sion of faith (q.v.) , this passage emphasizes 
God's omnipotence (see power and 
impotence) and suggests that, by virtue of 
his command, God's decree is tantamount 
to its realization. As a dogmatic statement, 
however, the exact wording by which this 



ide 



expr 



edd 



ressecl deserves closer examina- 



543 



WORD OF GOD 



tion. Though the single words that occur in 
this passage are quite common in tlie 
qnr'anic vocabulary, here they acquire 
meanings that are rather exceptional. The 
verb qadd, to begin with, is generally trans- 
lated as "to decide" or "to carry out," and 
the noun amr usually denotes something 
like "command," "plan," "action" or 
"affair," thtis being an appropriate comple- 
ment for qadd. Indeed, there are several 
instances where both words appear to- 
gether, as in the recurrent formidation 
qudiya l-a?nru — approximately "the affair 
was decided" (q 2:210; 6:8, 58; 11:44; 12:41; 
14:22; 19:39). In the verse cited above, how- 
ever, amr is described as something being 
spoken to; therefore the word in this con- 
text has to be understood as a kind of per- 
sonalized entity. This observation is 
corroborated by the parallel passages 
C3 16:40 and 36:82 (see below), where the 
proper word for "thing" (shay') is used in- 
stead. And since a thing, strictly speaking, 
cannot be decided or carried out — and 
the verb qadd thus takes on a meaning that 
is not entirely clear — again, the parallels 
(J 16:40 and 36:82 replace it by forms of 
the verb "to want" (ardda). In addition, 
with the possible exceptions of o 2:280, 
193 and 8:39, this passage exhibits the only 
qur'anic occurrence where forms of the 
verb "to be" (kdna) are not used as copulas 
or as determiners of tense, but in an ab- 
solute mode meaning "to exist." Based on 
these observations, the obvious implication 
of this passage is that there are two realms 
of existence, one hidden [al-ghajb; see 
HIDDEN AND THE HIDDEN) and the other 
manifest (al-shahdda); and that in the ghayb, 
there are entities conceived of as personal- 
ized beings with the ability to obey God's 
command (see obedience) and to enter 
the realm of manifest existence. Thus, the 
process of creation consists of an interplay 
between command and obedience, and 
does not rest upon any alleged magical 



power of words. This understanding of the 
operational mode of the word of God goes 
back to the time of Hellenistic Judaism. At 
that time, although the idea of the creation 
with the word in Genesis i was labeled as a 
creatio ex nihilo (2 Mace 7:28), it was also fre- 
quently combined with the motif that God 
exerts his authority (q.v.) over the universe, 
just as a military commander does over his 
subordinates [Jer 44:26; 48:13; Ps 33:9; Matt 
7:9). While rather precluding any specula- 
tions about the origins of primeval chaos, 
the resulting concept of creation by direct 
address [Syrian Apocalypse of Baruch, 21:4; 
48:8; as cited in Schlier, Romerbrief, 132; also 
Rom 4:17; Heb 11:3; 2 Clem 1:8) together with 
the concomitant notion of the pre-exis- 
tence of non-being (Philo, De migratione 
Abrahami 9; Babylonian Talmud, Nesikin, 
ch. Sanhedrin 91a; as cited in Schlier, 
Romerbrief, 132) causes both philosophical 
and theological problems: It raises the 
question of the ontological status of the 
pre-existent, and it seems to limit the di- 
vine omnipotence, by suggesting that the 
pre-existent possesses a certain indepen- 
dence from God. Nevertheless, in spite of 
these difficulties, this concept became 
successfid because it helps to explain not 
only the primeval creation of the universe, 
but also the way God controls his creation 
and effects the phenomena of human 
birth (q.v.) and resurrection (q.v.; see also 
CREATEDNESS OF THE QUR'aN; THEOLOGY 
AND THE CJUr'aN; PHILOSOPHY AND THE 
qUR'AN). 

The creation of the heavens and the 
earth is a recurrent motif that appears 
more than fifty-five times in the Qvir'an. 
The verb that is most frequently attributed 
to God in this respect is "to create" 
(khalacja). While this verb leaves the man- 
ner of creation open, other, far less fre- 
quently employed verbs suggest a similarity 
to handicraft activities, like "to level" 
[sawwd, e.g. (j 2:29), "to make" (ja'ala. 



WORD OF GOD 



544 



5^ 6:i; 13:3), "to cover" (aghshd, e.g. q 7:54; 
13:3), "to raise up" [rafa'a, q 13:2), "to 
stretch out" [madda, q 13:3) and "to rip 
open" (fataqa, e.g. c) 21:30). Tliere is, liow- 
ever, one single instance wliere God clearly 
appears to be speaking in connection with 
the creation of the cosmos: 

Then he lifted himself to heaven (see 
HEAVEN AND sky) when it was smoke (q.v.), 
and said (qrda) to it and to the earth (q.v.), 
"Gome willingly, or unwillingly!" They 
both said, "We come willingly." So he de- 
termined (qadd) them as seven heavens in 
two days, and revealed (awhd) its com- 
mandment in every heaven (q 41:11-12). 

This passage exposes further peculiarities 
of the concept of creation by direct ad- 
dress. On the one hand, it illustrates 
what has already been said about the 
implications of the kun formula: The pre- 
existence of heaven — amorphous as 
"smoke" — and earth is taken for granted 
(cf. q 21:30); and both heaven and earth 
appear as personified and obeying God's 
command. On the other hand, there are 
also elements that enlarge the creation 
concept: God's command, "Come" instead 
of "Be," refers here only to a preparatory 
stage of creation, while the actual creative 
work is indicated by the verbs "to deter- 
mine" and "to reveal." The latter verb de- 
notes at least a kind of mental activity 
through which God conveys his orders to 
living beings (cf. C3 16:68; see below), and 
seems to fit in by and large with the "Be" 
concept. In the case of the other verb, "to 
determine," however, it is not clear 
whether the molding of the seven spheres 
out of the primeval smoke comes to pass 
by creative command, also, or is brought 
about in some other way (cf. o 2:29, where 
"to level" replaces "to determine"). These 
divergences arise because the passage 
(5) 41:9-12) — not unlike Genesis i — tries 



to combine two different, disharmonious 
concepts of creation: the notion of a cre- 
ative command that effects the immediate 
realization of its objects, on the one 
hand, and the idea of creation as a de- 
miurgic process, lasting several days and 
passing through successive stages, on the 
other. 

In several instances the creation of the 
universe with the word is referred to by the 
term haqq. This term occurs 247 times in 
the Qiir'an, and predominantly means 
"reality, truth (q.v.), right." In eleven pas- 
sages, however, where it says — mostly in 
connection with the announcement of 
resurrection — that God "created the 
heavens and the earth with the haqq" (e.g. 
q 14:19; 30:8; 45:22), it seems to mean the 
"wisdom" (q.v.) or "wise plan" inherent in 
creation. In addition, (J 6:73 shows that 
haqq can encompass the creative command 
"Be" as well: 

It is he who created the heavens and the 
earth with the haqq. On the day when he 
utters "Be" and it is, his utterance is the 
haqq. His is the sovereignty (q.v.) on the day 
when the trumpet is blown. He knows the 
unseen and the seen. He is the all-wise, the 
all-aware (cf. q 19:34, where qawla l-haqq, 
"the word of the truth," probably refers to 
the creation of Jesus [q.v.]; see below). 

The origins of the extensions of meaning 
that haqq undergoes in the Qiir'an — from 
"reality" to "wisdom" to "word of 
creation" — can be traced back to late 
Hellenistic times. "Truth" was then identi- 
fied with God's precepts [Ps 119:86; Dan 
9:13), and "wisdom" was understood as the 
originator of creation {Wis 7:12), so that 
ultimately "truth," too, could refer to the 
creative command (James 1:18). Against 
this background, (J 21:18 ("We hurl forth 
the haqq upon the bdtil [lit. "vain, invalid"] 
and it [the haqq^ overcomes it and look! the 



545 



WORD OF GOD 



bdtil is disappearing"; cf. q 34:48-9) can be 
understood as anotiier attempt to articu- 
late the effect that the creative command 
"Be" exerts on the pre-existent (cf. Josepli 
and Asenath, 8:9; as cited in Scliher, 
Romerbrief, 132). 

God's relationship to nature after cre- 
ation is also described in different ways. 
First, there are processes that seem to func- 
tion on their own, following God's initial 
command, like the movements of the sun 
(q.v.) and the moon (q.v; cf. o 13:2; 14:33; 
31:29; 35:13). Then there is an assortment 
of ongoing divine activities attributed to 
God, especially in respect to life (q.v.) and 
death (see death and the dead), rain and 
provision (see sustenance). These are in- 
dicated by such verbs as ahyd, "to give life," 
amdta, "to cause to die," anzala, "to send 
down" (of rain), or razaqa, "to sustain" (e.g. 
C3 3:156; 10:59; 16:65; 30:40). Additionally, 
some passages express the idea that God 
continues to act upon nature and history in 
the same way he did in respect to primeval 
creation, i.e. by means of his command 
(see NATURE AS signs; history and the 
q^ur'an). This is evident in Q^ 21:69, which 
relates how God rescued Abraham (q.v.) 
from his people: "We said, 'O fire (q.v), be 
coolness and safety for Abraham!'" In the 
same manner the metamorphosis of the 
Sabbath-breakers is effected (c3 2:65; 7:166; 
see sabbath). And just as in (3 4:47 the 
word amr (command) refers to this punish- 
ment, it is likely that amr indicates the di- 
vine command in respect to other 
punishment stories and the eschatological 
cataclysm, as well (e.g. c) 11:40; 19:39; 
46:25; cf 2:243; see eschatology; 
apocalypse; reward and punishment). 
It is characteristic of this amr not only that 
it happens in "the twinkling of an eye" 
(Q. 54-50)) but also that it is sometimes ac- 
companied by, or even becomes audible as, 
"the cry" (al-sayha, e.g. C3 11:67; '5-73J 
36:29; 54:31). 



God's command, however, is particularly 
linked with the origin of life, both in this 
world and the hereafter. This is especially 
clear in the eight qur'anic "Be" passages 
that justify either the message of bodily 
resurrection, or the denial that Jesus is the 
son of God. There, the idea that at the end 
of days the dead will be resuscitated by 
means of divine command is explained 
by referring to God's previous creative 
activity: 

. . . He says, "Who shall quicken the bones 
when they are decayed?" Say: He shall 
quicken them, who originated them the 
first time. ... Is not he, who created the 
heavens and the earth, able to create the 
like of them? Yes indeed; he is the all-cre- 
ator, the all-knowing; his command, when 
he desires a thing, is to say to it 'Be,' and it 
is (q, 36:78-9, 81-2). 

The underlying assumption of this com- 
parison is that the unborn, like the dead, 
have a hidden existence until God calls 
them to life (see ^ 2:28; 30:25; cf. 7:172). In 
9. 3-59! J^^i^i^ i^ compared to Adam (see 
ADAM and eve), in that both were created 
by "Be." The tertium comparationis, however, 
is not that only these two came to life in 
this way — this holds true for everyone (cf. 
the annunciation stories of Isaac [q.v.; 
Ishaq] and John the Baptist [q.v.; Yahya]; 
C3 3:38-40; 11:71-3; 19:7-9) — but rather that 
in their case, the activity of the creative 
command is particularly evident, since 
both have no natural father. Besides, in 
three much-disputed verses Jesus is called 
"a word from God/him" [kalimatin mina 
lldh/minhu, q 3:39, 45) or "his word" 
[kalimatuhu, C) 4:171). And although this 
naming has often been explained as a ref- 
erence to the creative imperative (because 
Jesus was created by the word "Be," he was 
called "word of God"), considering what 
has been mentioned above, it is more prob- 



WORD OF GOD 



546 



able that here, as elsewhere in the Qiir'an, 
kalima has simply the connotation of a 
"promise" made by God (see below; see 
covenant). 

Word and revelation 
The idea that God speaks to humankind is 
central to the Qiir'an; in ntimerous verses, 
various terms characterize him as speaking 
(see above). Yet c) 42:51 shows that in re- 
spect to revelation, the very expression 
"God speaks" can be understood in dif- 
ferent ways or modes: "It belongs not to 
any mortal that God shoidd speak to him 
(yukallimahu), except (i) by inspiration 
(wahy), or (2) from behind a veil (q.v.), or (3) 
that [God] should send a messenger (q.v.) 
and he inspires (fa-juhiya) whatsoever he 
will, by his leave; surely he is all-high, 
all- wise." Three modes of revelation, 
each of which is understood as a kind of 
speaking, are presented here in a probably 
hierarchical ranking. As to "inspiration" 
(wahy), it is evident from the episode of 
the dumb Zechariah (q.v.; Zakariyya) com- 
ing out from the sanctuary and signaling 
(fa-awhd) to his people "Give you glory 
(q.v.) at dawn (q.v.) and evening" (q.v; 

Q^ 19:11; cf. 3:41; see GLORIFICATION OF 

god), that it denotes a nonverbal and in- 
audible form of communication. It nev- 
ertheless imparts precise contents, like 
hidden knowledge (e.g. C3 12:15; 14:13; 
17:39; see KNOWLEDGE AND LEARNING; 
HIDDEN AND THE HIDDEN), Or Orders tO 

behave in a certain way (e.g. q 7:117; 10:87; 
20:77; 23:27), and can be conveyed either 
directly (mode i) or indirectly (mode 3). 
(Phenomenologically, however, it seems 
that the latter mode is nothing but the per- 
sonalization of the God-given prophetic 
state of mind; see in this respect the oscil- 
lating term ruh in (3 42:52.) And although 
wahy as a mode of revelation comes close 
to pseudo-prophecy or dream-inspiration 
(cf Q 6:93, 112, 121 and 12:44; 21:5; 52:32; 



see DREAMS AND SLEEp), it still represents 
the normal method of divine communica- 
tion to former prophets and messengers as 
well as to the qur'anic prophet (q 4:163 f; 
12:109; 16:43; 42:3; etc.). Thtis, in order to 
deliver the divine message to their audi- 
ence, it is the prophet's task to translate the 
iiifl/yj-revelation into human language. 

The second mode of speaking, "from 
behind a veil," is contrasted to wahy. This 
motif goes back to the idea in Hellenistic 
Judaism that God is hidden by a veil that 
surrounds his throne (see THRONE OF god), 
even when he speaks to the angels (see 
angel). The only human being to whom 
he spoke "from mouth to mouth" and 
"from face to face," i.e. without a veil, was 
Moses (q.v.; cf Num 12:8; Exod 33:11; Deut 
34:10; see theophany). Now, while the 
Qiir'an concedes to Moses, and only to 
Moses expressly (and tacitly to the 
Children of Israel [q.v.] gathered at the 
foot of the mountain; cf q_ 2:63, 93; 4:154), 
that on Mount Sinai (q.v.) God "really 
spoke" to him [kallama llcihu A4usd taklTman, 
Q, 4:164; cf 7:143; 2:253), it nevertheless 
denies him the privilege of a vision of God 
fe 7:143; cf ii.TOfl' 33:18 f ; see face of 
god). Thus, as the concept of wahy is no- 
where connected with the Mount Sinai 
revelation, the speaking "from behind a 
veil" can probably be understood as an 
indirect reference to this event, admitting 
that Moses heard God's true speech but 
explicitly denying that he saw him (see 
seeing and hearing). This attitude to- 
wards the Mosaic revelation is in line with 
the general qur'anic tendency to play down 
the paramount significance of the Mount 
Sinai events in Judaism. And so, although 
God "really spoke" only on Mount Sinai, 
there is no indication in the Qiir'an of 
which language he used. The Qur'an 
seems to avoid the question of any con- 
crete lingua sacra, btit rather considers lan- 
guage, as such, as a God-given, effective 



547 



WORD OF GOD 



means of communication (cf. the passages 
on "names" and "naming" and "clear 
Arabic speech," Q^ 2:31-3; 7:71; 16:103; 
26:195, etc.; see language, concept of; 

ARABIC language; LANGUAGE AND STYLE 
OF THE Q^UR'aN; NARRATIVES). This would 
imply that from the qiu"'anic point of view, 
the word of God, his speaking, is not 
defined by any linguistic idiom — to put 
revelation in words is the task of the 
prophets — but only by its divine origin 
and content. 

As mentioned above, the two most im- 
portant consonantal roots from which the 
verbs and nouns referring to the word of 
God are derived are q~w-l and k-l-m. The 
verb qdla, "to say," is most often used to 
characterize God as speaking. Approx- 
imately half of all its occurrences appear 
in the context of the events in the garden 
(q.v.) of Eden (thirty-two times), or on the 
day of judgment (twenty-eight times); the 
rest are distributed over the course of his- 
tory, frequently in connection with Moses 
(sixteen times). Qala is nearly always fol- 
lowed by direct discourse, which often con- 
tains orders (e.g. (J 2:131; 7:13; 29:55; see 
commandments; exhortations), but also 
announcements (e.g. C3 3:55; 38:84-5), rhe- 
torical questions (e.g. q 5:116; 27:84; see 
rhetoric and the q^ur'an) and other 
kinds of statements (e.g. o 2:33; 7:143; 
10:89; see literary structures of the 
our'an). When the corresponding noun 
qawl, "saying, word," is attributed to God, 
its meaning sometimes comes close to "ut- 
terance" [q_ 36:58) or "message" [q_ 14:27; 
28:51; 39:18; 73:5). In other instances, it is 
used in connection with divine decisions 
and unchangeable decrees, such as the cre- 
ative command (q 3:59; 6:73; 16:40; 40:68, 
etc.). Especially when combined with the 
verb haqqa, "to be realized," qawl stands for 
God's firm intention to punish the sinners, 
and it is not entirely clear whether this im- 
plies divine predestination (see freedom 



and predestination): "If we had so 
willed, we could have given every soul its 
guidance (see error; astray); but now my 
word (qawl) is realized (haqqa): Assuredly I 
shall fill Gehenna (see hell and hellfire) 
with jinn (q.v.) and people all together'" 
fe 32:13; cf 17:16; 28:63; 37:31; 41:25; 
46:18). 

As to k'l-m and its derivations, when the 
verb kallama, "to speak to," is attributed to 
God, it implies that, for the addressee, be- 
ing addressed by God is a special privilege. 
This is clear since God spoke to Moses 
(o 4:164; 7:143; cf 2:253; 42:51), the igno- 
rant demand from him that he speak to 
them (c3 2:118; see ignorance), and in the 
hereafter he will not speak to the sinners 
(o 2:174; 3:77; see SIN, major and minor). 
In (J 7:144, the noun kaldm, "speaking, 
speech," also has the connotation of an 
"honoring address." In C3 2:75 and <j 9:6, 
however, kaldm Allah obviously refers to the 
whole of the revelations delivered by the 
qur'anic Prophet; and in C3 48:15, it 
is — like qawl — synonymous with "God's 
decision" (cf Q_ 3:59; 7:162). The noun 
kalima, "word, statement," signifies the 
divine decision not to put an end to strife 
about religion in this world, and to post- 
pone punishment to the hereafter (e.g. 
c^ 10:19; 11:110; 20:129; see i;:orruption; 
religious pluralism and the cjur'an). 
Just like qawl, it implies the intention to 
punish (e.g. q 10:96; 11:119; 39'I9> 40:6); 
but other than qawl, it sometimes also 
stands for promises (c3 7:137; 37:171; 6:115). 
In its singular form, it nowhere refers ex- 
pressly to the creative command, and thus 
it is more probable that in respect to Jesus, 
too, it means "promise" (see above). Yet, in 
its plural form, kalimdt, it is not easy to de- 
cide whether the expression in C3 8:7, 10:82 
and 42:24 (yuhiqqu l-haqqa bi-kalimdtihi) 
must be translated by "He realizes the 
truth with his words" or "in his words." In 
any case, kalimdt mostly refers to former 



548 



revelations, and bears the connotation of 
promises, as well (q_ 2:37, 124; 6:34; 7:158; 
10:64; 18:27; 66:12). The single exception to 
this is the simile in q 18:109 and q 31:27 
(see similes), which is of rabbinic origins 
and praises God's omniscience and 
omnipotence. 

Matthias Radscheit 



Bibliography 
G.G. Anawati, 'Isa, in Ei^, iv, 81-6; R. Arnaldez, 
Hayat, in Ei^, iii, 302-3; id., Khalk, in ei', iv, 
980-8; J.M.S. Baljon, The 'amr of God' in the 
Koran, in Ao 23 (1959), 7-18; R. Bultniann, 
Aletheia, in G. Kittel (ed.), Tkeoiogisches Worterbuch 
ZumMeuen Testament, 10 vols, in 11, Stuttgart 
1932-79 (repr. 1966), i, 233-48; R. Casper, Parole 
de Dieu et langage humaine en Ghristianisme et 
en Islam, in Islamochristiana 6 (1980), 33-60; W. 
Foerster, Ktizo. C. Die Lehre von der Schopfung 
im Spatjudentum, in G. Kittel (ed.), Tkeoiogisches 
Worterbuch z^ifnJVeuen Testament, 10 vols, in 11, 
Stuttgart 1932-79 (repr. 1950), iii, 1015-22; 
K. Haacker, Greatio ex auditu. Zum Verstandnis 
von Hbr ir, 3, in ^eitschriftfur die neutestamentliche 
Wissenschaji 60 (1969), 279-81; O. Hofius, Der 
Vorhangvor dem Thron Gottes, Tubingen 1972; 
Izutsu, God, 151-93; D.B. MacDonald/E.E. 
Galverly, Hakk, in £/^, iii, 82-3; D.B. Mac- 
Donald/L. Gardet, al-Ghayb, in Ei^, ii, 1025-6; 
J. Obermann, Koran and Agada. The events at 
Mount Sinai, in The American journal of Semitic 
languages and literatures 58 (1941), 23-48; K.-H. 
Ohlig, Weltreligion Islam, Mainz 2000, 96-100; Th. 
O'Shaughnessy, Greation from nothing and the 
teaching of the Qiir'an, in zdmg 120 (1970), 
274-80; id., Greation with wisdom and with the 
word in the Qur'an, injAOS gi (1971), 208-21; id., 
The development of the meaning of spirit in the Koran, 
Rome 1953; id., God's purpose in creating 
according to the Qur'an, iwjss 20 (1975), 
193-209; id., Word of God in the Qur'an. Second, 
completely revised edition of The Koranic concept 
of the word of God, Rome 1984; M. Radscheit, Die 
koranische Herausforderung. Die tahaddl-T^T-je im 
Rahmen der Polemikpassagen des Korans, Berlin 1996, 
44-6, 90-4; H. Raisanen, Das koranische Jesusbild, 
Helsinki 1971, 23-37; H. Ringgren, Word and 
wisdom, Lund 1947; A.A. Roest Grollius, Thus were 
they hearing. The word in the experience of revelation in 
Qur'an and Hindu scriptures, Rome 1974; H. Schlier, 
Der Romerbrief Kommentar, Freiburg 1977; 
S. Schreiner, Der Dekalog in der jiidischen 



Tradition und im Koran, in Kairos 23/1 (1981), 
17-30; U. Wilckens, Der Brief an die Romer, Ziirich 
19973, 274-5; H. Zirker, Der Koran, ^ugdnge und 
Lesarten, Darmstadt 1999, 51-102. 



Work 

The activities engaged in to earn a living; 
occupation. Words associated witli the root 
'-m-l are used over one hundred times in 
the Qiir'an to signify "actions" or "deeds" 
in the broad sense; only a few times 
(q, 18:79; 34:12, 13) do they signify "work" 
in particular. Sh-gh-l twice signifies "oc- 
cupation," both in the sense of livelihood 
and what keeps one busy ((3 36:55 and 
48:11). The Qiir'an's repeated emphasis on 
"good works" (al-salihdt; see good deeds) 
while reflecting little interest in the occupa- 
tions of believers, indicates that shaping a 
proper moral outlook, rather than structur- 
ing a particular kind of socioeconomic 
order, is a primary goal of the revelation 
(see REVELATION AND INSPIRATION; ETHICS 
AND THE Q^Ur'an). 

Qiir'anic references to specific occupa- 
tions may provide some indication of the 
social context of the revelation, although 
caution should be exercised in this respect 
since the Qur'an uses selected metaphors 
(see metaphor), parables (see parable) 
and images (see symbolic imaoery) to 
achieve its didactic and liturgical function 
(see LITERARY STRUCTURES OF THE 
cjur'an). Among references to occupations, 
the cultivation of crops, especially grapes, 
dates, other fruits and grains are plentiful 

(see AGRICULTURE AND VEGETATION). 

Domestic cattle (an'dm) are mentioned al- 
most thirty times in the Qiir'an, often as a 
corollary to the cultivation of crops (see 
ANIMAL life). In Contrast, shepherding and 
pasturing animals are referred to only in 
the story of Moses (q.v; (J 28:23) and in a 
negative light in connection with the 



549 



Bedouin (q.v.; c) 48:11). Hunting and fish- 
ing (q.v.) are indicated as activities (c3 5:4, 
94-5), if not occupations. Trade (tijdra) and 
its constituent activities including weigh- 
ing, measuring, buying and selling (see 
trade and commerce; weights and 
measures; measurement; money; 
markets; caravan), are the most fre- 
quently cited activities in which the believ- 
ers engage to earn a living (kasb). There 
are few references to manual labor (q.v.). 
Aside from the references to Noah's (q.v.) 
ark-building (see ark), building (s-n-') and 
construction (kh-l-q) are generally noted 
negatively in connection with oppressive 
rulers (e.g. q 7:137; 26:129; 89:6-12; see 
KINGS AND rulers; OPPRESSION; 

OPPRESSED ON EARTH, the). Forccd pros- 
titution is condemned ((J 24:33; see SEX 
AND sexuality; adultery and forni- 
cation; SLAVES AND SLAVERY). The 
description of servants in paradise (q.v.) 
as being ageless and beyond fatigue 
(c3 56:17; 76:19) is understood by some 
scholars as recognition of the tiresome 
nature of such work in this life (Tabarl, 
TafsTr, ad loc; see servant). The Qiir'an 
gives some guidelines for the employment 
of wet-nurses (q^ 2:233; see wet-nursing), 
an occupation that provided an oppor- 
tunity for the mother of Moses to have her 
infant returned to her (o 28:12-13). 

Scholars discuss the issue of the lawful- 
ness of a believer working for an enemy or 
an immoral person in reference to the 
story of the mother of Moses and also in 
reference to the prophet Joseph (q.v.) work- 
ing for the "king" of Egypt (q.v.; C3 12:54-6; 
see also enemies; pharaoh). Al-Qiirtubi 
(d. 671/1272; Jflmf, ad c) 28:12-13) says that 
Moses' mother accepted a daily wage from 
Pharaoh not for nursing her son but as 
spoils of war (see booty; lactation; 
maintenance and upkeep). Scholars dis- 
agreed on the rulings that could be derived 



from the example of Joseph. Most scholars 
were concerned with the way in which 
authority (q.v.) was passed from the em- 
ployer to the employee. If the employee 
derived the authority to do his job directly 
from an immoral person or unlawful ruler, 
the employment could be unlawful. If the 
employee was performing a divinely 
ordained task, like the distribution of zi^kdt 
(see almsgiving), this may be permissible, 
despite the corruption of his employer (see 
LAW and the q^ur'an; lawful and 
unlawful; forbidden). 

A fuller picture of work in seventh-cen- 
tury Arabia (see pre-islamic Arabia and 
the (jur'an) has been drawn by scholars 
who rely mostly, but not exclusively, on 
textual sources. It should be noted that 
nomads (q.v.), although an important seg- 
ment of the Arabian population, were 
present in much smaller numbers than sed- 
entary people, whose professions reflected 
the diversity of their environments 
(Donner, Early Islamic conquests, 11-20; see 
city; Arabs). In the fertile lands of south- 
ern Arabia, agriculture and shepherding 
were significant occupations, as was the 
case in desert oases like Yathrib (see 
Medina) and Yamama. Across Arabia, the 
manufacture of items from the skin and 
hair of animals was a major activity (see 
hides and fleece). Tanning and weaving 
were occupations shared by nomadic and 
sedentary people. Leather was made into 
containers to store oils and other liquids 
and used for many other purposes (see 
CUPS and vessels). Goat-hair and wool 
from camels and sheep were processed and 
woven for many purposes — in particular, 
to make carpets and Bedouin tents. Wool 
was the most readily available material for 
clothes, but a desire for more comfortable 
fabrics allowed a number of Meccans to 
make a living importing cotton, linen and 
silk (q.v.), all of which were produced to a 



550 



limited extent in soutliern Arabia (see 
clothing), a number of prominent 
Meccans are said to have been clotli mer- 
cliants or tailors. Residents of Mecca and 
other towns also worked as blacksmiths, 
arrow-makers, saddle-makers, carpenters, 
butchers and builders, among other things. 
In Medina, some Jewish tribes are said to 
have specialized as goldsmiths and in trad- 
ing in precious jewels (see metals and 
minerals; gold). 

In seventh-centtiry Arabia, women, like 
men, worked in a wide variety of occupa- 
tions, inchiding trading, mantifacturing 
and agriculture (see women and the 
qur'an; gender; patriarchy). Specialty 
occupations for women included wet- 
nurse, beautician, singer and prostitute. 
There were male and female musicians, 
magicians and servants (see magic; 
soothsayer). The Prophet's wife, Khadija 
(q.v.), is portrayed as a successful business- 
woman who first met Muhammad when 
she employed him to trade for her. One 
assumes that domestic chores like child- 
rearing, cooking and cleaning occupied 
much of the average woman's day (see 
children; family; maintenance and 
upkeep). Grinding grain and making bread 
appear to be two of the most tiresome 
daily chores most women had to perform. 
Hadith reports show some female Com- 
panions of the Prophet (q.v.) expressing a 
desire for servants or slaves to help them 
with their work; in some cases the women 
were given help, in other cases, they were 
advised that the more pious path was to do 
the work themselves (see piety; hadith 
AND THE quR'AN). These hadith arise in 
scholarly discussions about the dignity or 
dishonor of labor. The Prophet's wives (see 
WIVES of the prophet; widow) are said 
to have occupied themselves with useful 
tasks after his death, despite receiving large 
annual state allowances. 'A'isha taught 
children (see 'a'isha bint abi bakr), Hafsa 



(q.v.) administered her father's agricultiu'al 
estate and Zaynab bt. Jahsh mantifactured 
items she gave to the poor. 

Due to the nattire of the sources, few de- 
finitive statements about attitudes towards 
work at the rise of Islam are possible. 
There are, however, a number of indica- 
tions that a shift in the status of certain 
occupations occurred with the rise of 
Mecca (q.v.) and other towns to greater 
prominence. According to the martial 
norms of the Bedouin, most work other 
than fighting was done by slaves and 
women, while sedentary people labored to 
produce the food and goods Bedouin ac- 
quired through force, trade and negotia- 
tion (see war; fighting; contracts and 
alliances). Despite the lingering preju- 
dice of Bedouin culture, there are a num- 
ber of indications that before the Islamic 
conquests, an individual's occupation was 
generally not a significant marker of social 
status for townsmen. After the conquests 
(see con(JUESt), cities in the central Islamic 
lands exhibited more complex, varied and 
often hierarchical work environments than 
were present in seventh-century Arabia. 
Two centuries into the Islamic era, the 
Iraqi scholar Ibn Qiitayba (d. 276/889; 
Ma 'drif, 575-7) finds it notable that at the 
rise of Islam, so many of the "nobles" 
(ashrafj among the Qiiraysh (q.v.) worked 
in professions considered base or menial in 
his time. These occupations include: 
butcher, carpenter, veterinarian, black- 
smith, arrow-maker, slave trader and 
leather merchant. Although the Qiir'an 
does not associate honor or dishonor with 
certain occtipations, or even work itself, 
this is widely discussed in early Islamic 
literature. 

The Qiir'an does indicate that it is obvi- 
ously preferable to be a master than a slave 
((J 16:71). There are many possible reasons 
why a slave may have been employed in- 
stead of a free person for any given task. 



551 



WORLD 



Slaves were not confined to menial labor 
but were employed in virtually all occupa- 
tions. The absolute dependence of slaves 
on their owners clearly gave them some 
advantages as employees but simple avail- 
ability may have been the most critical ad- 
vantage. The relationship between slavery 
and labor shortages in this period needs 
further study. 

Ingrid Mattson 

Bibliography 
Primary: Ibn al-Athlr, Izz al-Dln 'All, Usd al- 

ghdbaji ma'rifat ai-sakdba, Cairo 1970-3; Ibn 
Qiitayba, Abu Muhammad 'Abdallah b. Muslim, 
K'itdb al-Ma'drif, Cairo 1969; Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqdt; 
Muslim, Sahih; QurtubT, ^amT; al-Shaybam, Abu 
'Abdallah Muhammad b. al-Hasan, K'itdb al-Kasb, 
Aleppo 1997; TabarT, Tafsir. 
Secondary: F.M. Donner, The early Islamic con- 
quests, Princeton 1981; L. Marlow, Hierarchy and 
egalitarianism in Islamic thought, Cambridge 1997; 
I. Mattson, A believing slave is better than an unbe- 
liever. Status and community in early Islamic law and 
society, PhD diss., U. Chicago 1999; W. Samad, 
al-Sina wa-l-hiraf 'inda l-'Arabji l-'asr al-jdhilT, 
Beirut 1981; M. Shatzmiller, Labour in the medieval 
Islamic world, Leiden 1994; 'A. b. I. al-'Umarl, 
al-Hiraf wa-l-sinafi l-Hijdzfi 'asr al-rasul, Cairo 
1985- 



World 

In English, "world" denotes mainly the 
entire cosmic system whether created by 
God, by chance, or simply having existed 
throtighout eternity (q.v.). In its more lim- 
ited sense the world means the earth (q.v.), 
all its inhabitants and specifically human- 
kind characterized by certain 
institutions — social, religious and so on. 
World also conveys the sense of a special 
time (q.v.), as in "this world" meaning "life- 
time" as opposed to "the world to come" 
(see eschatology). Some of these mean- 
ings appear in the Qiir'an but are ex- 
pressed by particular words as explained as 
follows. 



'A lam 
The word "dlam occurs seventy-four times 
in the Qiir'an in the oblique plural 
('dlamm). It is a loan word from either 
Hebrew or Aramaic/Syriac sources (see 

JEWS AND JUDAISM; CHRISTIANS AND 
CHRISTIANITY; SC:RIPTURE AND THE 

q^ur'an; foreign vo(;abulary), although 
it is also found in Nabatean and Palmyran 
inscriptions. In biblical Hebrew it means 
any duration of time (q.v.; see also spatial 
relations) and in Rabbinic usage, as in 
Aramaic, it denotes "age": this world (ha- 
'olam ha-zeh), as contrasted with the next 
world (ha-'olam ha-bd). The common 
qur'anic phrase rabb al- 'dlannn is equivalent 
to ribbon ha- 'olamim, "the master of all peo- 
ple," in the Jewish liturgy (see lord). 

As a rule, Muslim exegetes (see 
cosmology and THE q^ur'an) understand 
'dlamin in most verses and particularly in 
the second verse of c) i "Praise (q.v.) be to 
God, the lord of all created beings" (rabb 
al-'dlamin) as denoting all creatures (see 
creation): human beings, angels, devils, 
animals and so on (see angel; devil). 
Some exegetes exclude animals (see 
animal life), claiming that the term 
applies only to rational beings (see 
intellect). In a tradition ascribed to Ibn 
'Abbas (d. 68/687), 'Ulii'min has the meaning 
of the whole creation: the heavens (see 
HEAVEN AND sky) and the earth and what 
is in them and between them (Ibn Kathir, 
Tafsir, i, 43). According to al-Zajjaj (d. 
311/923), al-'dlam (in the singular) is what- 
soever God created in this world and in the 
world to come (ibid., i, 44). Elsewhere, 
however, 'dlamin can only be understood as 
human beings, as in "O Children of Israel 
(q.v), remember my favor which I be- 
stowed on you, and that I preferred you to 
all human beings" ((J 2:47; see election; 
grace; blessing), and "God chose Adam 
(see ADAM AND eve) and Noah (q.v.) and 
the house of Abraham (q.v.) and the house 



WORLD 



552 



of 'Iinran (q.v.) above all human beings" 
(a 3:33; see also Q. 3:96, 108, 7:80, 26:165). 
In al-Tabari's (d. 310/923) view [Tafsir, i, 
48f.), 'dlamun (the nominative form) is the 
plural of a collective noun (ism jam '), 
namely 'dlam, which has no singular form, 
Vikcjaysh, army, or raht, a group of human 
beings. Each nation is an 'dlam and each 
nation in a certain generation is also called 
'dlam. Likewise, each genus of creation is 
an 'dlam. Thus 'dlamun includes all things 
except God (cf. Qurtuhi,Jdmi', i, 138). Al- 
Qurtubi (d. 671/1272; Jflmz', i, 139) adds 
another interpretation of 'dlam which he 
derives from 'alam or 'aldma meaning a 
"sign" (see signs), for 'dlam demonstrates 
its producer (yadullu 'aid mujidihi), that is, 
serves as a sign for the existence of its cre- 
ator (cf. Razi, Tafsir, i, 229). 

Dunyd 
Al-dunyd, the feminine of the elative adjec- 
tive (literally, "lower, lowest," "nearer, 
nearest") means "this world." Al-dunyd is 
found in one hundred and fifteen places in 
the Qiir'an and denotes both the place and 
time spent in this world. C3 2:201 reads: 
"And others among them say: 'Our lord, 
give to us in this world (al-dunyd) good (see 
GOOD AND evil), and good in the world to 
come [al-dkhira; see reward and 
punishment), and guard us against the 
chastisement of the fire' " (q.v.; see also 
0.5:33; 7:156; 9:69; 16:30; 27:29; see also 
HELL AND hellfire). The aspcct of time is 
clearly indicated when the word "life" 
(haydt) is juxtaposed to al-dunyd as a com- 
bination of a noun with an adjective. It is 
not, however, only lifetime which is meant 
by al-haydt al-dunyd; this term is also colored 
by moral traits (see ethics and the 
cjur'an). Lifetime is replete with tempta- 
tions and evils which human beings should 
avoid (see trial; sin, major and minor). 
As q 3:185 says. 



Life in this world (al-haydt al-dunyd) is noth- 
ing but pastime and amusement (see 
laughter); surely, the next world [al-ddr 
al-dkhira, literally, "the last abode") is better 
for those who are God-fearing (see fear; 
piety). Do you, thus, not understand (see 

KNOWLEDGE AND LEARNING)? 

Although the present life is nothing but the 
joy of delusion ((J 3:185), some people de- 
sire it, although others do not (c3 3:152). 
Human beings enjoy real life, states the 
Qiir'an, only in the next world (q 29:64). 
These and other similar verses served the 
Sufis (see sufism and the cjur'an; 
abstinence) in their censuring of this 
world. In his Ihyd' 'uldm al-din, al-Ghazali 
(d. 505/1 1 11) devoted a whole book to dis- 
paraging this world (Bk. 26, Kitdb Dhamm 
al-dunyd, iii, 174-99; niany traditions of 
which are taken from Ibn Abi 1-Dunya's 
[d. 281/814] book by the same name). 

Akhira 
Like al-dunyd, al-dkhira, the feminine of 
dkhir (the last), appears one hundred and 
fifteen times. This term signifies "the next 
world" as opposed to al-dunyd, "this world," 
or to the latter's equivalent, "the first" (al- 
uld). For example, (j 93:4 reads: "And the 
next world is better for you than this 
world" (literally, "the first world"). Similar 
to al-dunyd, al-dkhira connotes both place 
and time. When it occurs with ddr either in 
a construct state (ddr al-dkhira) or as a com- 
bination of a noun and an adjective (al-ddr 
al-dkhira), it means "paradise" (q.v.), that is, 
the world prepared for the God-fearing, as 
stated in C3 7:169 "...and the last abode is 
better for those who fear God..." (see also 
Q, 6:32; 16:30; 29:64; 33:29; see also house, 
DOMESTIC AND divine). Ill Contrast to al- 
dunyd, the connotations of al-dkhira are in 
general positive; however, the Qiir'an ex- 
plicitly states that the punishment in the 
last abode is stronger and more enduring 



553 



WORLD 



than that of this world (o 13:34; see 

CHASTISEMENT AND PUNISHMENT). BeHef ill 

the next world is an important part of 
one's religion (q. v.). Just as a man gives 
alms (see almsgiving), he should believe in 
the coming of this period (c) 27:3; 41:7). 

al-Samdwdt wa-l-ard 
In the Qiir'an there is no single specific 
word that designates the whole physical 
world or cosmos (see cosmology). Al- 
samdwdt wa-l-ard (literally, "the heavens and 
the earth") comes near to such a designa- 
tion, namely, the entire physical entity that 
was created by God. "Praise be to God, 
who created the heavens and the earth..." 
(q, 6:1; see also laudation; glorification 
OF god). It also seems that the phrase 
malakut al-samdwdt wa-l-ard, "the kingdom 
of the heavens and the earth" (c3 6:75; 

7:185; see SOVEREIGNTY; KINGS AND 

rulers) has the same meaning. In two in- 
stances the phrase "the heaven (in the sin- 
gular) and the earth" (al-samd' wa-l-ard) 
accoinpanies a reference to creation 
(q, 38:27; cf 30:25). Two verses (q^ 26:23-4) 
show that rabb al- 'dlamin, "the lord of the 
world" (literally, "worlds") is equivalent to 
rabb al-samdwdt wa-l-ard: "Pharaoh (q.v.) 
said: 'And what is the lord of the world?' 
[Moses (q.v.)] said: 'The lord of the heav- 
ens and earth '" A more inclusive phrase 

is "the heavens and the earth and what is 
between them" (see e.g. (J 25:59; 32:4; 
50:38). 

Ard 
Ard, literally, "earth," can be interpreted to 
mean all humanity, that is, all inhabitants 
of the earth, o 2:251 reads: "If God had 
not repelled some people by others, all the 
inhabitants of the earth (al-ard) would have 
been corrupted (see corruption). But 
God is gracious to all human beings" 
(al-'dlamm; Razi, Tafsir, vi, 192). In certain 
cases al-ard means al-dunjd, that is, "this 



world," as it is said in (j 23:112: "How long 
have you stayed in this world? ..." iji l-ard, 
lit. "in the earth"). Al-ard also contrasts 
with al-ddr al-dkhira, "the last abode," 
which further demonstrates its meaning as 
"this world." Q_ 28:83 states: "That is the 
last abode; we make it for those who desire 
neither haughtiness (see arrogance; 
pride) nor corruption in this world (Ji 
l-ard)." 

God and the world 
God created the world (the heavens and 
the earth and what is between them) in six 
days (o 25:59). He is not only the creator of 
the world but also the owner of whatsoever 
is in it (c3 2:284; 3:129) and the knower of 
all that exists (o 3:29; see possession; 
hidden and the hidden; power and 
impotence). Later Muslim scholars tried 
to find the notion of creation ex nihilo in the 
qur'anic text by deducing this notion from 
q 16:40: "When we desire a thing, the only 
word we say to it is 'Be,' and it is." Thus 
things were brought into existence after 
their nonexistence by the imperative "be" 
(see also q 19:9)- The world was created 
purposefully (q 23:115; 44:38), so that 
people will worship (q.v.) God (q 51:56). 
Most of the phenomena observed in the 
world were designed by God for the 
benefit of humankind (see also nature 
AS signs): 

Verily it is God who splits the grain of corn 
and the date-stone (see agriculture and 
vegetation). He brings forth the living 
from the dead, and the dead from the liv- 
ing (see life; death and the dead)... He 
splits the dawn (q.v.), and has established 
the night as a time of rest (see sleep; day 
AND night), and the sun (q.v.) and the 
moon (q.v.) as a reckoning (of the festivals; 
see calendar)... It is he who has estab- 
lished for you the stars to guide you in the 
darkness (q.v.) of the land and sea (see 



WORLD 



554 



water; planets and stars) . . . And it is he 
who has brought down water from the 
heaven, and thereby we have produced 
shoots of every kind... In tliat tliere are 
signs for people who believe (q 6:95-9; see 
BELIEF AND UNBELIEF). 

Tlie world is full of signs (q.v.) which might 
lead one to believe in God. On the basis of 
these verses and others of the same kind, 
Muslim theologians have elaborated the 
argument from design, according to which 
the design in the universe proves God's 
existence, unity, wisdom, ride and provi- 
dence (see OOD AND HIS attributes). 

The notion of the last abode (cd-dkhira) 
presupposes the end of this world. 
Although the termination of al-dunyd is not 
stated explicitly in the Qiir'an, it is alluded 
to in the following verses: "It is he who 
created you of clay (q.v.), then decreed an 
appointed time of death (ajal)..." (q 6:2), 
"...the affair is finished..." (q 2:210) and 
"all [that dwells] on [the earth] will perish, 
and only the face of your lord will remain" 
fe 55-26-7; see face of god; freedom and 
predestination). Rationalist theologians 
interpreted God's face to mean his essence. 
Adding to this interpretation the phrase 
"he is the first and the last" (q 57:3), they 
concluded that just as God was alone be- 
fore creation, he will be alone after the ter- 
mination of the world. 

In contrast to the finality of the present 
world, most of the traditionalist theolo- 
gians claim that the world to come, which 
is divided into paradise and hell, will exist 
forever. "And as for those who believe and 
do righteous deeds (see good deeds), we 
shall make them enter gardens (q.v.) un- 
derneath which rivers flow, to dwell therein 
forever..." (0,4:57). The two Hanball theo- 
logians Ibn Taymiyya (d. 728/1328) and his 
distinguished disciple Ibn Q_ayyim al-Jaw- 
ziyya (d. 751/1350) held the view that hell 
will finally come to an end. Their textual 



basis is o 78:21-3: "Behold, Jehenna has 
become an ambush, for the insolent a re- 
sort, therein to tarry for ages." Since it is 
impossible to measure eternity by periods 
of time ("ages"), says Ibn al-Qayyim, the 
duration of hell is finite. 

Whether God has already created the 
world to come, that is, paradise and hell, or 
whether he will create it after the judgment 
(see last judgment), is another question 
dealt with by the theologians. Most tra- 
ditionalist theologians held the view that 
paradise and hell have already been cre- 
ated by God. C3 3:133 reads: "And vie with 
one another, hastening to forgiveness (q.v.) 
from your lord, and to paradise (janna) 
whose breadth is as the heavens and the 
earth, prepared for the God-fearing (u'iddat 
lil-muttaqinj ." "Prepared," which also re- 
ferred to hell (c) 3:131), was interpreted to 
mean "was already created." Rationalist 
theologians, however, argued that God al- 
ways acts for the benefit of humankind. 
Since as places of reward and punishment, 
paradise and hell will be needed only after 
the day of judgment, it follows that they 
have not yet been created. 

Binyamin Abrahamov 

Bibliography 
Primary: al-Ghazall, Abu Hamid Muhammad b. 
Muhammad, Ihyd' 'ulmn al-dJn, Cairo 1933 (repr. 
of Btilaq 1872); Ibn Abl 1-Dunya, Kitdb Dhamm al- 
dunyd, ed. A. Almagor, Jerusalem 1984; Ibn 
Kathir, Tafsir, Beirut 1966, repr. igyo;Jaldtayn; 
Qiirtuhi, Jdmi', Beirut 1952; RazT, TafsTr; TabarT, 
Tafsir, Cairo 1905-11, repr. Beirut 1986-7. 
Secondary: B. Abrahamov, The creation and 
duration of paradise and hell in Islamic 
theology, in Der Islam 79 (2002), 87-102; id. (ed.), 
al-Qdsim h. Ibrdhim on Ihe proof of God's exislence, 
KUdb al-daltl al-kabir, Leiden 1990; Arberry; 
J. Horowitz, Jewish proper names and derivatives in ihe 
Koran, Ohio 1925, repr. Hildesheim 1964, 55!., 71; 
Jeffery, For vocak, 2o8f.; Noldeke, gq, i, 112; 
Paret, Kommentar; Pickthall, Koran; G. Widengren, 
Muhammad, the apostle of God and his ascension, 
Uppsala and Wiesbaden 1955, 8f. 



555 



WORSHIP 



Worship 

The veneration of God (or any other being 
or object regarded as worthy of worship), 
by the performance of acts and/or the ut- 
terance of words that signify attitudes such 
as adoration, submission, gratitude (see 

GRATITUDE AND INGRATITUDE), love (q.V.) 

or fear (q.v.). Arabic does not have a direct 
semantic parallel to the English word but 
derivatives of the root '-b-d, conveying 
ideas of obedience (q.v.), dependence (see 
also CLIENTS AND CLIENTAGE) and service 
(see SLAVES and slavery; servants), are 
often rendered in English translations of 
the Qur'an by "worship." In a broad sense 
the worship of God involves fulfilling his 
law (see law and the our'an; virtues 
and vices, commanding and 
forbidding) and submission (islam) to him 
and in that sense it may be said that the 
fundamental message of the Qiir'an is the 
need for humankind to worship God alone 
(see idolatry and idolaters; 
POLYTHEISM AND ATHEISM). In Commen- 
tary (see EXEGESIS OF THE c>ur'an: 
CLASSICAL AND MEDIEVAL), the Qtir'an's 
recurrent prohibitions against "associating 
others with God" (shirk) are often amplified 
to explain that we must not worship or 
serve ('abada) anything other than him. 

In Islam acts that express obedience and 
submission to God, especially those duties 
required in fulfilment of the "five pillars of 
Islam" (see ritual and the our'an), are 
commonly referred to as the 'ibdddt (sing. 
'ibddd), and it is clear that they are re- 
garded as the most important ways in 
which humankind should worship God. 
The fundamental reason for performing 
those acts of service is that they are re- 
quired by God. In fulfilling his require- 
ments his servants ('ibddj demonstrate their 
submission to his commands (see also 
commandments). Of those duties it is the 
five-times-daily performance of the ritual 



prayer (q.v.; saldt) that is the most frequent 
and fundamental expression of their ser- 
vice or worship. Some scholars writing in 
English, such as E.E. Galverley, prefer to 
translate saldt by "worship" rather than 
"prayer." 

In a number of qur'anic passages serving 
God is clearly linked to the performance of 
acts of worship, c) 7:206 refers to the way 
in which the angels (see angel) serve God 
by constantly praising (see laudation) and 
prostrating before him (see bowing and 
prostration). At o 20:14 God is reported 
as saying to Moses (q.v.) from the burning 
bush, "There is no god but me so serve me 
(fa- 'hudnl) and establish prayer in remem- 
brance (q.v.) of me (wa-aqimi l-saldta li- 
dhikn)." At o 29:16-17 Abraham (q.v.) is 
described as calling on his people to aban- 
don the idols that they serve instead of 
God (see idols and images), to serve God 
and fear him (u 'budu lldha wa-ttaqUhu), to 
seek provision [rizq; see sustenance) from 
him, to serve him and give thanks to him. 
(3 53:62 commands us to make prostration 
to God and serve him (fa-sjudu lilldhi wa- 
'budu). Clearly in all of these passages and 
many others and in Muslim discourse in 
general, the idea of serving God (or other 
beings) is largely coterminous with wor- 
ship. According to (j 51:56, God's sole pur- 
pose in creating humankind and the jinn 
(q.v.; see also creation) was that they 
should serve/worship him (ilia li-ja'budum) . 

Apart from the names of the "five pil- 
lars," common words in the Qur'an con- 
nected with the performance of ritual acts 
of worship relate to prostration and bow- 
ing (s-j-d, r-k- ), circumambulation (t-w-J), 
the offering and slaughter (q.v.) of animals 
iji-d-y, n-h-r, dh-b-h, n-s-k; see also 
consecration of animals), remaining in 
a holy place {'-k-f; see sacred precincts), 
offering praise (q.v.) to God {s-b-h, h-m-d; 
see also glorification of god), and call- 
ing God to mind (dh-k-r) by repetition of 



WORSHIP 



556 



his name or names (see memory; god and 
HIS attributes). Such acts should be car- 
ried out in an attitude of submission or 
obedience {q-n-t; e.g. c) 2:238; 3:17). Among 
terms that appear in the Qur'an and are 
commonly used in connection with Islamic 
worship are qibla (q.v.; the direction of 
prayer), masjid (place of prostration, 
mosque [q.v.]), bayt (house, sanctuary; see 
HOUSE, DOMESTIC AND DIVINE; SACRED 
AND profane), 'umra (the minor pilgrim- 
age; see pilgrimage) and sadaqa (alms, 
charity; see almsgiving). 

The Qiir'an is relatively rarely con- 
cerned, however, with the details of the 
correct forms of such acts of worship. 
Frequently it merely alludes to them and 
seems to assume that they are normal in- 
gredients of religious life, the forms of 
which are already known (see religion). 
Even when there are passages that refer to 
aspects of performance (such as cj 2:183-7, 
concerned with fasting [q.v.] in Ramadan 
[q.v.]), they are not so full that they would 
allow tis to reconstruct all the details of the 
performance simply from the Qiir'an 
alone. For that we would need to refer to 
texts outside the Qiir'an. There is clearly 
the possibility that we assume too readily 
that the Qiir'an is referring to institutions 
of worship existing in exactly the same 
forms as they are known from other 
Islamic texts or from observation. 

The references to the ritual prayer are 
especially allusive and often consist of no 
more than calls for the "establishment" 
(iqdma) of the saldt, sometimes linked with 
the command to bring the zci-kdt. There is a 
reference (c3 5:58) to making a call to 
prayer (idhd nddaytum ild l-saldt), but no 
clear and unambiguous qur'anic text that 
indicates it should be performed five times 
daily, nor any precise details as to its timing 
(see day, times of), the sequence of bodily 
postures and words to be followed, the 
number of "cycles" (rukW) to be performed 



for the different times of prayer, etc. One 
passage (c3 17:78-9) orders "saldt at the set- 
ting of the sun until the darkness (q.v.) of 
night [li-duluki l-shamsi ild ghasaqi l-layl; see 
evening) and the qur'an of the dawn (q.v.; 
al-fajr)" and also prayer (not specifically 
saldt) at night [wa-mina l-laylifa-tahajjad bihi 
ndfilatan laka; see day and night); another 
(5) 2:238) refers to the "middle" prayer {al- 
saldt al-wustd; see noon; recitation of 
THE our'an). 

Nevertheless, qur'anic verses (q.v.), when 
suitable ones exist, are usually cited in 
commentaries and law books as evidence 
of the legal obligation regarding a par- 
ticular 'ibdda. The obligation of hajj (and, 
according to some, 'umra also) is related to 
(J 2:196 ("complete the haj] and the 'umra 
for God") and more especially (j 3:97 {"hiyj 
of the house is a duty upon men towards 
God, those who are able to find a way"; see 
ka'ba). The revelation of Q_ 2:144-5 
(" . . . turn your face towards al-masjid al- 
hardm") is taken to have imposed the duty 
of facing towards the Ka'ba (instead of 
Jerusalem [q.v.]) in prayer (qibla). The fast 
of Ramadan (replacing the fast of 
'Ashura') is regarded as instituted by the 
revelation of C3 2:183-7, "fasting is pre- 
scribed for you . . . the month of Ramadan 
in which the Qur'an was revealed ..." (see 

REVELATION AND INSPIRATION; OCCASIONS 

OF revelation). Discussions of zakdt in 
the law-books (for whom it is intended and 
on what goods it is to be paid) refer to a 
large number of different verses, especially 
Q, 9:60 (which actually refers to alms as 
sadaqdt rather than zikdt). When the details 
of Muslim practice concerning the 'ibdddt 
cannot be related to qur'anic texts, they 
tend instead to be ascribed to the sunna 
(q.v.). A notable example concerns the 
number and times each day of the saldt, 
reported as having been indicated to the 
Prophet in extra-qur'anic revelations that 
are recorded in hadlths and accounts of his 



557 



WRATH 



life (see hadith and the ^ur'an; sIra 

AND THE OUr'an). 

As an alternative to the traditional view 
that the forms of Islamic worship are de- 
rived from such revelations, it may be theo- 
rized that they developed as a result of 
evolving community practices (adapting 
forms of rituals already in existence in the 
milieu from which Islam emerged) and that 
the textual "sources" are a result of schol- 
ars making links between the already exist- 
ing practices and available texts. Making 
such links would sometimes involve cre- 
ative interpretation of the texts (see 
traditional dis(;iplines of qur'anic 
study). 

Muslim acts of worship frequently in- 
clude the recitation of parts of the Qiir'an, 
and reciting the whole or extended parts of 
it is regarded as an act of worship in itself. 
AI-Ghazall (d. 505/1 iii) refers to recitation 
(tildwa) of the Qiir'an as the most impor- 
tant form of 'ibdda with the tongue, and he 
sets out [Ihyd', book 8) the conditions (such 
as being in a state of ritual purity [q.v.]) 
necessary for the ritual. The daily saldt rit- 
ual involves saying the opening chapter 
(Surat al-Fatiha; see fatiha; prayer 
formulas) and other short chapters or 
verses chosen as appropriate for the time of 
day or the nature of the festival (see 

FESTIVALS AND COMMEMORATIVE DAYs), 

and commonly longer passages are recited 
following the conclusion of the saldt. 
Informal prayer ceremonies such as the 
dhikr frequently begin with and include 
passages of the scripture. In Ramadan it is 
customary for the whole of the Qi_ir'an to 
be recited in the mosque in thirty sections, 
one for each day of the month. During the 
ceremonies of the haj] there are many oc- 
casions when the pilgrim recites or hears 
parts of the Qur'an (see orality), but it is 
notable that some scholars disapproved of 
its recitation during the circumambulation 
(tawdf) of the Ka'ba. Although al-Shafi'i 



(d. 204/820), for example, held that the 
tawdf was the place of dhikr and the most 
important form of dhikr was reciting the 
Qiir'an, other scholars disapproved of 
qur'anic recitation during the act of cir- 
cumambulation (Muhibb al-Tabari, 
Qird, 311). It is not clear why that should 
be so since in general the Qiir'an lies at 
the heart of Islamic worship (see also 
EVERYDAY LIFE, THE Q^UR'aN IN; POPU- 
LAR AND talismank; uses of the 
q^ur'an). 

G.R. Hawting 

Bibliography 
Primary: E.E. Calverly, Worship in Istam. Being a 
translation with commentary and introduction of al- 
GhazzalT's Book of the Ihya' on the worship, London 
1925; London igsy''; al-GliazalT, Abu Haniid 
Muhammad b. Muhammad, Ihyd' 'ulum al-din, 
4 vols., Cairo 1933 (repr. of Bulaq 1872), esp. i, 
129-87 (bk. 4, A. Asrdr al-saldt; vol. i contains bks. 
I-IO, on the 'ibdddt, including bks. I and 2, A! at- 
llm and K. Qawd'id al-'aqd'id); Muhibb al-Dln al- 
TabarT, al-Qird li-qdsid Umm al-Qurd, Cairo 1970, 
311; al-Murtada al-ZabldT, Abu 1-Fayd 
Muhammad b. Muhammad, Ithdf al-sdda 
l-muttaqin (bi-sharh Ihyd' 'uldm al-din), Cairo 
1331/1913; TabarT, Tafsir, 

Secondary: M. Abul Qiiassem, The recitation and 
interpretation of the Qur'an. Al-Ghazali's theory, 
London 1982; J. 'All, Ta'rikh al-saldt, Baghdad 
n.d. (ca. 1968); G.-H. Bousquet, Les grandes 
pratiques rituelles de I'lslam, Paris 1949; S.D. 
Goitein, Studies on Islamic history and institutions, 
Leiden 1966 (contains studies on the early 
development of the saldt, Friday worship, and 
Ramadan); W.A. Graham, Beyond the written word. 
Oral aspects of literature in the history of religion, 
Cambridge 1987, 102-9; M. Holland, Inner 
dimensions of Islamic worship, Leicester 1983; C.E. 
Padwick, Muslim devotions. A study of prayer manuals 
in common use, London 1961, repr. Oxford 1996; 
U. Rubin, Morning and evening prayers in early 
Islam, vdJSAI 10 (1987), 40-64. 



Wound see illness and health; 

SUFFERING 

Wrath see ANGER 



WRITING 



558 



Wretched see joy and misery; 

OPPRESSED ON EARTH, THE 



Writing and Writing Materials 



Inscribing characters, letters or words for 
otliers to read; tlie instruments (q.v.) used 
in sucli inscription. Tlie Qvir'an attests to 
written materials and tlie process of writ- 
ing witli a variety of lexemes — both 
metaphorical and concrete (see meta- 
phor) — supplying evidence that supple- 
ments epigraphic traces of the develop- 
ment of writing in seventh-centiu'y Arabia 
(see orality and writing in Arabia; 
ARABIC script). Among the most promi- 
nent qur'anic terms for materials used in 
the writing process are: ink [middd, 
(J 18:109), parchment [qirtds, pi. qirdtis, 
C3 6:7, 91), pen [qalam, pi. aqldm; cf. q 31:27; 
68:1; 96:4). The act of writing itself — and 
the written product, the book (q.v.) — is 
most commonly denoted by derivatives of 
the Arabic root letters k-t-b, a root fre- 
quently used in the context of scripture 
and revelation (see revelation and 
inspiration). Other Arabic roots, such as 
s-t-r, kh-t-t and r-q-m are also employed to 
convey "inscription" [ci. yasturna, (j 68:1; 
mastur, cj 17:58; 33:6; 52:2; mustatar, q 54:53; 
khatta, e.g. cj 29:48; marqum, C3 83:9, 20; see 
also scrolls; heavenly book; scripture 
AND the c^ur'an; orality). 

Verses from the Qiir'an have been written 
on a variety of materials, from pottery 
shards, bones and mosaic to woodwork, 
metal wares and buildings (see epigraphy 

AND THE qUR'AN; MATERIAL CULTURE AND 

THE cjur'an), but the most frequent form 
used to copy the full text of the revelation 
is the codex (see codices of the our'an). 
Traditionally written with a reed pen 
(qalam), manuscripts of the Qiir'an (q.v.) 
nevertheless vary enormously in materials, 
format, aspect, and function. 



The earliest manuscripts were copied in 
brown, tannin-based ink on parchment. 
The sources mention the skin of goat, calf, 
donkey, and even gazelle, but the most 
common animal used was sheep. The skin 
was cured, scraped to remove any fat or 
flesh remaining on the inside, sanded, 
stretched taut and then dried. Occasionally 
it was also dyed, as in the famous, now- 
dispersed "Blue Qtir'an." The calligrapher 
penned the text freehand in various styles 
of angular script often now known as 
Kufic (see calligraphy), on the individual 
folios, which were then gathered in quires 
and bound in leather. Most were produced 
in the horizontal ("landscape") format, 
perhaps to differentiate them from other 
non-qur'anic and even non-Arabic codices. 

We do not know how early these parch- 
ment manuscripts were produced, for there 
is, as yet, no convincing method to date 
any manuscript of the Qiir'an before the 
third/ninth century. Scholars have tried 
different methods, from paleography and 
codicology to radiocarbon analysis, in or- 
der to assign dates to the mass of undated 
parchment folios and fragments but no 
manuscript contains an authentic colo- 
phon with a date or the authentic signature 
of a known calligrapher. So far the only 
secure evidence is an endowment notice 
(waqfiyya), such as the one in a manuscript 
endowed by the 'Abbasid governor of 
Damascus, Amajur, to a mosque in Tyre in 
262/875-6 (dispersed; many pages in 
Istanbul, Tiirk ve Islam Eserleri Miizesi). 
Parchment manuscripts were certainly 
made before this date but as yet we do not 
know which ones. 

From the late fourth/tenth century 
Qiir'an manuscripts written in brown, tan- 
nin-based ink on parchment were increas- 
ingly replaced by copies written in black, 
carbon-based ink on paper. The first sur- 
viving example (dispersed, e.g. Chester 
Beatty Library 1434 and Istanbul Uni- 



559 



WRONG 



versity A6758) was transcribed by 'All b. 
Shadhan al-Razi 1-Bayyi' (sic) in 361/972. 
Tliese materials had already been used to 
transcribe other Arabic manuscripts for at 
least 150 years, and their slow adoption for 
copying the Qiir'an was undoubtedly due 
to the reverence accorded the divine rev- 
elation. In comparison to earlier parch- 
ment manuscripts, the paper codices were 
smaller, cheaper and more portable and 
were usually made in vertical ("portrait") 
format. They were also more readily read- 
able, as they came to be written typically in 
the rounded hand known as naskh. They 
often recorded variant readings (see 
READINGS OF THE our'an) and Catered to a 
more diverse audience. Some manuscripts, 
such as the well-known copy penned by 
Ibn al-Bawwab at Baghdad in 391/1000-1 
(Dublin, Chester Beatty Library), were 
apparently made for a specifically Shi'l 
clientele. 

Once accepted, paper became the most 
common material used for Qiir'an manu- 
scripts, adopted regularly in the eastern 
Islamic lands from the fifth/eleventh cen- 
tury and in the Maghrib from the seventh/ 
thirteenth. It came in many sizes, from 
pocket-book to the large "Baghdad" sheet 
(approximately lOO X 70 cm), used for stu- 
pendous thirty-volume manuscripts com- 
missioned by the Ilkhanids and Mamluks. 
Transcribed in a bold muhaqqaq script, 
sometimes in black outlined in gold and 
decorated in glowing colors (see 

ORNAMENTATION AND ILLUMINATION), 

these extraordinary manuscripts, which 
contained as many as two thousand sheets 
and took as long as six or seven years to 
transcribe and decorate, are some of the 
finest manuscripts produced anywhere in 
the world. See also sheets. 



Bibliography 
F. Deroche, Le livre manuscrit arahe. Prelude a une 
histoire, Paris 2004, 11-35 (°^ ^^e Qiir'an); 
A. Gacek, The Arabic manuscript tradition. A 
glossary of technical terms and bibliography, Leiden 
2001. 

Wrong see SIN, MAJOR AND MINOR 



Sheila S. Blair 



Y 



Yaghuth see IDOLS AND IMAGES 



Yahya see john the baptist 

Ya JUJ see GOG AND MAGOG 

Ya'qub seejACOB 
Yathrib see medina 

Ya'uq see IDOLS AND IMAGES 



Year 

The time required for tlie eartli to com- 
plete a revolution around the sun. 'Am and 
Sana, the qur'anic Arabic words for "year," 
raise questions of both meaning and chro- 
nology. Q^ 29:14, "1000 years (alf sanatin) 
save 50 (khamsin 'dman),^^ contains both 
words and implies their equivalence. Al- 
Zamakhshari (d. 538/1144; see exegesis of 
THE cjur'an: (;lassigal AND medieval) 
explains in the Rashshaf that the repetition 
of the same word should be avoided and 
that writing "950 years" would require 
more words. The Qiir'an's phrasing, as 
opposed to "1000," also conveyed preci- 
sion, o 22:47, "a day with God is as lOOO 
years" (see days of god), though, has 



been understood metaphorically (see 
metaphor; literary structures of the 
(Jur'an), because of the particle ka-, "as." 

'Am and sana are not always synonymous 
in the Qur'an. Al-Raghib al-Isfaham (H. 
early fifth/eleventh cent.) in his Mufraddt, 
cites c) 12:49, "a year when the people have 
plenteous crops (see agriculture and 
vegetation; grace; blessing)," to argue 
that Sana could denote a year of barren- 
ness, and 'dm a year of plenty. According to 
Lisdn al- 'Arab, an 'dm could be a winter and 
a summer (see seasons) and therefore 
shorter than a sana, which was either a so- 
lar year or twelve lunations (see sun; 
moon), a passage from al-'Ajjaj (d. 97/715), 
min [or, wa-^ marr a 'wdmi l-sinmna I- 'uwwami 
("from the passage of the years' lengthy 
summers and winters"; cf. Tdj al-'arus, 
xxxii, 157, for the reading with "wa-"), sup- 
ports such a distinction, a distinction dif- 
ficidt to discern from the Qiir'an. 

In Q^ 10:5, the Qiir'an states that the 
moon is a way to measure the passage of 
time: "He it is who appointed the sun a 
splendor and the moon a light (q.v; see 
also lamp), and measured for it stages, that 
you might know the number of years and 
the reckoning." The stages (mandzil) are 
asterisms that track the moon's monthly 
path. The heliacal (just before sunrise) ris- 



561 



ings and acronychal (soon after sunset) set- 
tings of certain asterisms were called anwa' 
and were how tlie pre-Islamic Arabs (q.v.) 
marked time (q.v.), including festivals 
(see FESTIVALS AND COMMEMORATIVE 
days), before the development of a cal- 
endar (q.v.) in the late pre-Islamic period 

(see PRE-ISLAMIC ARABIA AND THE 

q^ur'an). 

The pre-Islamic lunar calendar used the 
names of the months (see month) that are 
known from the Muslim calendar, though 
sometimes Sajar i, then followed by Sajar 2, 
took the place of al-Muharram. The length 
of a year of twelve lunar months, 354 days, 
is tied implicitly to the length of a solar 
year. So by 420 c.E., the pre-Islamic Arabs 
had adopted, probably from the Jews 
(see JEWS and Judaism), the practice of 
adding an intercalary month in order to 
have the lunar year keep pace with the 
solar. Like the Jewish year, the new year 
would occur in the autumn. While the Jews 
at the time probably intercalated a month 
every seven of nineteen lunar years, Ginzel 
[Handbuch, 245) accepted al-Birum's (d. ca. 
442/1050) report that the Arabs interca- 
lated a month every nine of twenty-four 
years. 

The Qiir'an banned intercalary months, 
on the occasion of Muhammad's Farewell 
Pilgrimage (q.v.; see also pilgrimage), in 
Q_ 9:37: "Postponement is only an excess of 
disbelief (see belief and unbelief)... [so 
that] they allow that which God has forbid- 
den (q.v.)." Fakhr al-Din al-Razi (d. 
606/1210) comments in his Tafsir (ad loc.) 
that adding intercalary months would be 
privileging dunyd over dm (see religion; 
world). The problem remains that a pre- 
cise lunar year is eight hours, 48 minutes, 
and 36 seconds longer than 354 days; 
eleven times in a thirty-year cycle, Dhu l- 
Hijja contains a thirtieth day. 

Robert G. Morrison 



Bibliography 
Primary: al-Blruni, Abu 1-Rayhan Muhammad 
b. Ahmad, al-Athdr al-bdqiya 'an al-qarun al-khdliya, 
ed. E. Sachau, Leipzig 1878 (repr. 1923); Lisdn al- 
'Arab; al-Raghib al-Isfaham, Mufraddt; RazI, 
Tafsir, ed. 'Abd al-Hamld et al., Cairo 1933-62; 
Tdj al-'arus, Kuwait 1965-2001; Zamakhsharl, 
Kashshdf. 

Secondary: F.K. Ginzel, Handbuch der 
mathematischen und technischen Chronologie. Das 
^eitrechnungswesen der Volker, 3 vols., Leipzig 1906; 
W. Hartner, Zaman, in £/', iv, 1207-12; A. 
Moberg, An-Nasl' in der isldmischen Tradition, Lund 
1931; D.M. Varisco, The origin of the anwd' in 
Arab tradition, in si 76 (1991), 5-28. 

Yellow see COLORS 



Yemen 

Name derived from the Arabic al-yaman, 
which indicates the south of the Arabian 
peninsula. Etymologically, al-yaman means 
"the south" and is the opposite of al-shdm, 
"the north" (see syria). These two words 
are themselves derived from Arabic terms 
for right and left. Before Islam there is no 
evidence of the proper name Yaman in the 
sources, whether they are internal (the in- 
scriptions of south Arabia) or external, to 
indicate the country. They refer to the 
Himyarls, the tribe which ruled south 
Arabia from the end of the third century 
C.E. In the list of titles of the fourth, fifth 
and sixth century Himyari kings, however, 
south Arabian inscriptions mention a re- 
gion called Tmnt (apparently the 
Hadramawt south), a name which certainly 
derives from the himyarite substantive 
ymnt, "south" (as opposed to s^'mt "north"; 
for the precise location of place names and 
ethnic groups, see Robin and Brunner, 
Map of ancient Yemen). 

The geographical extent of the historical 
Yemen varies according to the historical 
period and point of view. For the Yemeni 
al-Hasan b. Ahmad al-Hamdani (d. bef. 
360/971), Yemen includes all the territories 



YEMEN 



562 



south of a line which starts at Qatar and 
reaches the Red Sea midway between 
Mecca (q.v.) and Najran (q.v.; HamdanI, 
Sifatjazirat al-'Arab, 51). On the other liand, 
al-Mas'udi (d. 345/956) assigns to Yemen 
borders which are very close to those of 
the current nation [Muruj, 1034). 

The religions history of Yemen in the 
centuries preceding Islam is distinguished 
principally by the rejection of polytheism 
during the 380s (see polytheism and 
atheism; pre-islamic arabia and the 
q^ur'an; south arabia, religions in 
pre-islamic), that is nearly 240 years be- 
fore the hijra (see emigration), and by a 
very favorable disposition towards Judaism 
until the period of rule by the (Christian) 
Aksumites, who were followed by the 
(Zoroastrian) Persian Sasanians (see JEWS 
and Judaism; christians and 
Christianity; magians; abyssinia). 

The sources 
The Himyarl inscriptions after the rejec- 
tion of polytheism, about one hundred in 
number (plus around twenty fragments), 
are the most reliable source because they 
are contemporaneous and still in their 
original form (without the danger of al- 
teration and manipulation of manuscript 
transmission). But they only shed light 
upon a tiny part of society and are far 
from objective, since their authors are con- 
cerned with themselves, whether to cel- 
ebrate their glorious feats and 
commemorate their good works, or to es- 
tablish rights of custom and property. 
These inscriptions, sometimes drawn up by 
the sovereign (eighteen, plus several doubt- 
ful instances), but most often by private 
individuals, are of three kinds: commemo- 
rations of buildings and various public 
works (for example, the building of a sanc- 
tuary portico, establishment of a cemetery, 
repair of the Ma'rib dam, etc.); commem- 
orations of buildings for personal use (pal- 



aces); commemorations of the glorious 
deeds of the sovereign or aristocrats. These 
documents provide us with indirect infor- 
mation on the religious attitude of the rul- 
ing classes, thanks to the religious 
invocations they contain (and sometimes 
by their silence; see also epigraphy and 
THE our'an). As far as archaeological re- 
mains are concerned, they are of little sig- 
nificance (see ART and archaeology and 
THE our'an): there are some column capi- 
tals from the great church of San'a' reused 
in the grand mosque (q.v.), some artifacts 
from daily life, and finally a building in 
Qani' which could have been a synagogue 
(Finster, Arabien in der Spatantike). The 
last source consists of the Arabic traditions 
which were collected from the early days of 
Islam but have been passed on to us 
through works, the oldest of which have 
been composed at a relatively late date, 
more than 150 years after the hijra. 

The rejection of polytheism 
Before the unification of south Arabia by 
the Himyari kings Yasir'"" Yuhan'im (who 
annexed the kingdom of Saba' around 275; 
see sheba) and Shammar Yuhar'ish (who 
conquered the kingdom of Hadramawt 
several years before 300), all the inscrip- 
tions, both those drawn up by the sover- 
eign and those by private individuals, are 
polytheistic. Nevertheless, certain third 
century texts present an innovation vis- 
a-vis those of earlier periods: the final in- 
vocations of the dedication of the most 
important Sabaean temple, consecrated to 
Almaqah, mention this single god, whereas 
previously they would list all the divinities 
of the Sabaean pantheon and, frequently, 
the (personal and tribal) divinities of the 
authors of the text. Certain scholars have 
concluded from this that Almaqah must 
have become a kind of supreme god. 

In January 384 ((/-(/'«/' 493 of the Himyari 
era), the ruling kings, Malklkarib Yuha'min 



563 



and his sons Ablkarib As'ad and 
Dhara"aniar Ayman, celebrated the con- 
struction of two new palaces, called 
Shawhatan and Klri", in two inscriptions 
{res 3383 and Garb Bayt al-Ashwal 2) 
coming from Zafar, the Himyari capital. In 
the final invocation, where the pagan di- 
vinities are normally mentioned, they call 
upon "the support of their lord (q.v.), the 
Lord of the Heaven" (b-mqm mr'-hmw Mr' 
S'mji"). These documents clearly show a 
new religious orientation by the Himyari 
authorities. The formula, which is some- 
what laconic, does not, however, allow us 
to determine the exact nature of the new 
religion. A little earlier (around 380?), the 
same king Malklkarib, co-ruling with just 
one of his sons (perhaps Ablkarib As'ad), 
had a building constructed at Ma'rib de- 
scribed as mkrb (Ja 856); unknown from 
more ancient inscriptions, mkrb seems to be 
the Himyarite term for a synagogue. 

These three inscriptions reveal radical 
and definitive religious change since later 
documents are all monotheistic. Only one 
small text, dating from 402-3 c.E. (512 
Himyarite), which mentions a temple of 
the pagan god Ta'lab in passing, may be an 
exception. This religious change clearly 
demonstrates the success of a unification 
which had been initially political (with the 
annexation of Saba' and Hadramawt) and 
linguistic (with the disappearance of the 
Hadramawtian language and, much ear- 
lier, of Madhabite and Qatabanian; see 

also ARABIC language; ARABIC SCRIPT) 

and subsequently affected the calendar 
(q.v.). 

The religious position of Himyaris during 
the transitional period, between 300 and 
380, is more hypothetical. It is probable 
that polytheism was dominant. The tem- 
ples remained in use and all the inscrip- 
tions drawn up by private individuals 
(except YM 1950 which will be discussed 
further and two unpublished inscriptions. 



discovered in 2003) are polytheistic. But no 
royal inscriptions (with the exception of 
two insignificant fragments, which make 
no mention of religion) have yet been 
found, so that the personal stance of the 
sovereigns is not known. 

The first indication of progress towards 
monotheism is the inscription YM 1950, 
dated d-hrf" [..]3, which bears an invoca- 
tion to king Tha'ran Yuhan'im, co-ruling 
with a son whose name has disappeared, in 
all likelihood Malklkarib Yuha'min; from 
this fact, the date can be reconstructed 
as d-hrf" [47] 3 or [48] 3 Himyari, or August 
[36]3 or [37]3 c.E. The authors of YM 
1950 are powerful lords (qajls) of an im- 
portant tribe with territory bordering 
San'a' to the north west; in this text they 
are apparently commemorating the con- 
struction of a sanctuary in honor of "[their 
lorjd the Master of Heaven" (... mr](')-hmw 
B'l-S'my"; see heaven and sky). The name 
of the divinity appears again on line 4 in 
the expression m-l-ys'm 'n B'l-S'fmy". . . ], 
"and which is granted by the Master of 
He[aven...]". No other deity is mentioned 
or invoked. The text seems monotheistic 
but its brevity prevents us from deciding 
whether this monotheism is pagan. 
Christian or Jewish. The two unpublished 
texts date from ca. 355 i;.E. for the latest, 
and from the preceding decades for the 
earliest (see also god and his attributes). 

An external source, corresponding to 
roughly the same period, casts further light 
upon this. Apparently, between 339 and 
344, a Byzantine embassy (see 
Byzantines), sent by Constantius II 
(r. 337-61) under the leadership of 
Theophilus the Indian, had gone to the 
Himyaris with the intention of converting 
the sovereign and obtaining "the building 
of a church (q.v.) for the Romans who 
came there and for any locals who might 
be disposed towards religion." The results 
were encouraging: 



YEMEN 



564 



The sovereign of the people with pure- 
liearted judgment, was disposed towards 
religion and built three churches, rather 
than just one, throughout the country, and 
he did this not with the imperial funds 
brought by the ambassadors, but with what 
he eagerly contributed from his own 
wealth. 

It seems, however, that we cannot really 
speak of the conversion of the Himyarls: 
the report of Theophilus does not mention 
the baptism of the sovereign or the cre- 
ation of a church hierarchy. Regarding the 
religious practices of the Himyarls, 
Theophilus indicates that the people are 
still polytheists, even if Judaism, of which 
this is the first datable mention in Arabia, 
is particularly influential in the king's circle 
(Philostorgius, Kinhengeschichte). 

During the period 300-380, it would 
therefore appear that Yemen was still poly- 
theistic. From the inscriptions, the aban- 
donment of polytheism by certain 
individuals dates from the reign of Tha'ran 
Yuhan'im (ca. 324-ca. 375). If Jewish and 
Christian monotheism did indeed gain 
support, the inscriptions do not yet give 
any indication of this. As regards the per- 
sonal attitude of the sovereign, this is un- 
known. The official rejection of polytheism 
occurred in the following reign, the reign 
of Malkikarib Yuha'min (ca. 375-ca. 400), 
co-ruling with two sons, Ablkarib As'ad 
and Dhara"amar Ayman. 

"Judaizing" monotheism, from the gSos to 

525-530 
For nearly 140 years, from the reign of 
Malkikarib Yuha'min (ca. 375-ca. 400) to 
that of Yusuf As'ar Yath'ar (522-between 
525 and 530), Himyarl epigraphy displays 
the same characteristics. Their rulers use 
only vague expressions and brief formulas 
when they refer to religion (fifteen inscrip- 
tions in total). As far as individuals are con- 



cerned, while they often do the same as 
their rulers (more than thirty inscriptions), 
they do sometimes explicitly demonstrate 
their sympathy towards Judaism (seven in- 
scriptions could be described as "judaiz- 
ing"). This sympathy is shown by the use of 
the ritual exclamations "amen" {'mn) and 
"shalom" (s'lwm), or by bequests in favor of 
Jews (as in HasI i, which establishes a cem- 
etery set aside for Jews). There are few in- 
disputably Jewish inscriptions. The most 
significant (Garb Bayt al-Ashwal i), which 
comes from the beginning of the fifth cen- 
tury, is written by one Yahuda' Yakkuf 
(Thwd' Tkf), apparently a proselyte, who 
counts upon "the help and grace of his 
lord, who gave him his being, the lord of 
the living and the dead (see life; death 
AND THE dead), the lord of heaven and 
earth, who created all things, and on the 
prayers of his people Israel" [b-rd' w-b-zkt 
mr'-hw d-br' nfs'-hw mr' hyn w-mwtn mr' 
s' \my" w-'rd" d-br' kt" w-b-slt s''b-hw Ys^r'l; 
see children of Israel). An addition in 
Hebrew is carved in the central mono- 
gram. The text contains several terms bor- 
rowed from Aramaic, notably zkt (Arabic 
Zakdt; see almsgiving) and sit (Arabic saldt; 
see prayer), words which are again found 
in the Qiir'an (see foreign vocabulary). 

Two other documents could be Jewish. 
There is both the inscription ciH 543 (date 
uncertain), in which is found the name 
Israel (q.v.; Ys^r'), and the divine epithet 
"Lord of the Jews" (Rb-yhd), as well as the 
fragment Garb, Framm. no. 7 (ca. 400-20) 
which mentions Israel (Ys^r'l). 

A final document, DJE 23 (also of un- 
certain date), may also be added to this 
small corpus. Written in the Hebrew lan- 
guage and alphabet, it sets out part of the 
list of twenty-four priestly classes, already 
detailed in the Book of Chronicles (I, 
24:7-18), adding the name of the village in 
Palestine where each class originates. The 
reign of the famous king Joseph, in 



565 



Sabaean, Yusuf As'ar Yath'ar (Tws^f 's"r 
rt'r in Ja 1028/1; Ts'f 's"r in Ry 508/2), de- 
serves particular examination. Tliis king 
does not liave a south Arabian, but a for- 
eign name, one wliich occurs in the Bible 
(Arabic Yusuf, in Hebrew Yosef), followed 
by two south Arabian names. In Syriac 
hagiography, he has the surname Masruq, 
in Greek hagiography Dounaas and in the 
Arabic tradition Zur'a dhu Nuwas. The 
external sources (Syriac, Greek and 
Arabic) all depict him as a Jewish radical, 
who persecuted Christians, especially in 
the Najran oasis. Three large inscriptions 
(Ry 508, Ja 1028 and Ry 507), dated d-qy^" 
and d-mdr'" 633 Him., as well as a handful 
of small engravings beside them, refer to 
his reign. Their author is an army com- 
mander called Sharah'il Yaqbul, who had 
undertaken the siege of the Najran oasis, 
in the months before the persecution, 
which took place in November 523 accord- 
ing to Syriac hagiography. This dating al- 
lows us to date Ry 508, Ja 1028 and Ry 507 
to June andjuly 523 c.E. and to place the 
beginning of the Himyarl calendar in 
April no B.c.E. Although these documents 
were produced at the height of a religious 
war — they speak also of the destruction 
of churches at Zafar and Makhawan (in 
Arabic al-Makha', or Mokha, the Red Sea 
port) — they scarcely mention doctrinal 
matters. Although there are several implicit 
references to Judaism, the Bible is not 
quoted and they are not accompanied by 
Jewish symbols, such as the menorah or the 
shofar (there is not a single ancient example 
in Yemen). The nature of this judaizing 
monotheism has not yet been decisively 
resolved. Although very close to Judaism, it 
seems to have been distinct. It brings to 
mind instead the powerful religious cur- 
rents of paganism, which imitated Judaism 
in the eastern part of the Roman world 
until the fourth century (Mitchell, Cult of 
Theos Hypsistos). 



Some important documents contain no 
mention of religion. These include the two 
inscriptions that the kings Ablkarib As'ad 
and Hassan Yuha'min in the first instance 
(Ry 509, dated around 440) and Ma'dikarib 
YaTur in the second case (Ry 510, dated 
June 521), had engraved in central Arabia, 
probably at the time of operations to 
strengthen the Hujrid principality. 
Similarly we might also mention BR- 
Yanbuq 47 (April 515). This silence prob- 
ably indicates a situation of instability or 
conflict. Finally, there is no evidence of 
Christianity throughout this entire period. 

Christian Yemen (^2^/jgo-beginning of the ^yos) 
The persecution by Yusuf provoked the 
intervention of the Christian Aksumite 
king, Kaleb. He conquered Yemen (be- 
tween 525 and 530) and placed on the 
throne a Himyarl Christian, Sumuyafa' 
Ashwa' (we have only one inscription, 1st 
7608 bis + Wellcome A 103664), who is 
called Esimiphaios by Procopius. 
According to the Syriac and Greek ha- 
giographies, Kaleb installed a bishop and 
founded a large number of churches. 
A short time later, Abraha (q.v; an 
Aksumite army leader) overthrew 
Sumuyafa' and seized power. He built a 
magnificent church at San'a', which is de- 
scribed by al-AzraqI (d. 250/865). From 
this time onwards, San'a' supplanted Zafar 
as the seat of power of Yemen. Abraha 
tried to retain control of the tribes of the 
Arabian desert, previously under Himyarl 
rule. In 552 (662 Him.), he launched an 
important expedition to central Arabia, 
which reached Huluban (300 km southwest 
of Riyadh) and Turaban (130 km east of 
al-Ta'if; Ry 506). He would subsequently 
undertake the expedition which, according 
to Arabic Islamic traditions, was to halt 
before Mecca, to which the Qiir'an alludes 
in sura 105 with the expression "the men 
with the elephants" (ashab al-fil; Kister, 



YEMEN 



566 



Campaign of Huluban; Simon, 
L'inscription Ry 506; see people of 
THE elephant). 

Altliougli tliey had never been so previ- 
ously, all the inscriptions henceforth are 
explicitly Christian, no longer making any 
direct or indirect reference to Judaism: 
Christianity has become the official re- 
ligion. The Sumuyafa' inscription ends 
with the invocation: "in the name of 
Rahmanan and of his son, the conquering 
Christ" (ist 7608 bis/16, b-s'm Rhmn" w- 
bn-hw Krs^ts^ Gib" .[...]). Abraha's inscrip- 
tions contain equally clear formidas. The 
most significant is ciH ^1^1, which begins 
"With the power, help and mercy of 
Rahmanan, of his Messiah and of his 
Holy Spirit" (c[.v.; b-jrfl w-[r]d' w-rhmt Rhmn" 
w-Ms'h-hw w-Rh fgjds'), and recounts a 
Christian celebration: "... they came back 
to the town of Marib and celebrated a 
mass at the church in Marib, because 
there was a priest there, the abbot of its 
monastery" (11. 65-67: ... 'dyw hgr" Mrb 
w-qds'w bt Mrb k-b-hw qs's'" 'b-ms'tl-h). 
Despite this, the Christian symbol of the 
cross appears only rarely: it may be noted 
once at the start of Ry 506, twice in the 
margin of Ja 544-547 and on several ar- 
tifacts. It is eqvially noteworthy that the 
inscriptions never mention church authori- 
ties or make use of any biblical quotations 
(in contrast to contemporary Aksumite 
inscriptions, where there are numerous 
such references). All these Christian docu- 
ments come from characters linked to the 
Aksumite regime, no doubt reflecting his 
political and religious inclinations, which 
were also those of the Egyptian church 
(opposed to the decisions of the Council of 
Chalcedon of 451 c.E.). Other Christian 
movements would certainly have had fol- 
lowers in Yemen, in particular the 
Nestorians, but they have left no trace. 
Yemen, decimated by the Aksumite con- 
quest, then by the plague, sank into crisis: 



the last datable inscription [ciHo^i^) refers 
to 559-560 (669 Him.). Two sons of 
Abraha, Aksum (described as "the son of 
the king" in f;//f 541/82) and Masruq 
(known only through the Arabic Islamic 
traditions) briefly occupied the throne at 
the end of the 560s or the beginning of the 
570s. The Aksumite dynasty, which then 
collapsed, was replaced by Persian 
Sasanian rule, which lasted for some sixty 
years. 

The name of God and the name of the 

sanctuary 
In the Himyari monotheistic inscriptions, 
God is addressed in many ways, as if his 
complex nature could not be expressed by 
a single name. In the first period (until 
around the 430s), he is described with a 
simple circumlocution, "Master of 
Heaven" (B'l-S'mj"), "Lord of Heaven" 
(Mr' S'my") or "Lord of Heaven and Earth" 
(Mr' S'mji" w-'rd"). Next, even before the 
end of the reign of Abikarib As'ad, God 
begins to be given a proper name. 
Sometimes it is Rahmanan (Rhmn"), a 
name of Aramaic origin, elsewhere he is 
called by the title "the god, God" (Ilahan 
and variants: II, Ilan and Aluhan, 'Ih", 'I, 'I" 
and "Ih") used as a proper name. Although 
it is not used exclusively, Rahmanan pre- 
dominates from 462 (Garb Sh .Y, d-'l" 572 
Him.) in inscriptions of all kinds, royal or 
private, explicitly judaizing or not, what- 
ever their source. It was clearly successful, 
since it was adopted by the majority of 
Arab monotheistic movements, in particu- 
lar the Christian Himyaris (for the first per- 
son of the Trinity [q.v.]). Sometimes the 
name Rahmanan is qualified, "Rahmanan 
the merciful" (Fa 74/3, Rhmn" mtrhm") or 
"Rahmanan the most high" (Ja 1028/11, 
Rhmn" 'If; see god and his attributes). 
In three inscriptions (6'//f 543,Ja 1028 and 
Ry 515), God is not only called 
"Rahmanan," but also "Lord of the Jews" 



567 



[Rb-yhd, Rb-hd and Rb-hwd). This syntagma 
consists of tlie substantive rh, unknown in 
Sabaean (except perhaps in onomastica) in 
the sense of "lord (q.v.), master," and of 
the term (Y)h(w)d, which means "Jews." 
The most significant text, but also the most 
difficult to interpret, is CIH 543 of which 
only the opening blessing has survived: 
[b]rk w-tbrk s'm Rhmn" d-b-S'my" w-Tsh'l w- \ 
'Ih-hmw Rb-yhd d-hrd' 'bd-hmw S'hr'" w- \ 
'm-hw Bd" w-hs'kt-hw S'ms'" w-'l \ wd-hmy 
Dmm w- 'bs^'r w-Msr \ '" w-kl bht_-h[. . . ], "May 
they bless and be blessed the name of 
Rahmanan who is in heaven, Israel and its 
God, the Lord of the Jews, who helped 
their servant Shahr"'", his mother Bd'", his 
wife Shams""', their children (of them both) 
...Dmm, Ablsha'ar and Misr""', and all their 
close rela[tives ]." Strangely, this docu- 
ment seems to indicate two divine beings, 
"Rahmanan who is in heaven" and "the 
God (of Israel), the Lord of the Jews," plus 
perhaps a third, Israel, mentioned with 
them. Finally in Ja 1028, already quoted, 
we find a double exclamation at the end 
Rb-hd b-Mhmd, "Lord of the Jews, with 
Mhmd" (1. 12). Mhmd, probably pronounced 
Mahmud or Muhammad, meaning "de- 
serving of praise," is definitely a divine 
name: for it to be considered as a human 
name, there would need to be a family 
name and an indication of the rank of 
Mhmd in the social hierarchy (see also 
NAMES OF THE PROPHET). 

The most remarkable piece of informa- 
tion is that God has the same name, 
Rahmanan, in the inscriptions of the 
Christians and those whom we have called 
monotheistic "judaizers." On the other 
hand, the same term is not used to indicate 
the sanctuary (see sacred precincts). 
The Jews and "judaizers" used the term 
mikrdb (mkrb), while the Christians used 
qalis [qls', from the Greek ekklesidj and bi'at 
[b % which comes from a Syriac word 
meaning "egg, dome"). On one occasion 



we discover ms^gd (Arabic masjid) and kns't 
(Arabic kanisd) but the context is unclear 
(see moscjue). 

An outstanding personality, king Abikarib As'ad 
According to the Arabic Islamic traditions, 
Yemen became Jewish after king "Tuban 
Abu Karib b. Malkl Karib," also called 
As'ad the Perfect (As'ad al-Kamil), had 
brought back with him two Yathrib rabbis 
(see Medina; tubba'). This conversion is 
often considered doubtful for two reasons. 
This same Abu Karib is the hero of an 
epic cycle, consisting of far-flung military 
expeditions in Asia. Besides, the figure of 
the king has been reconstructed by Islamic 
apologetics, which recognizes in Abu 
Karib the originator of the practical rituals 
at the Ka'ba (q.v.) at Mecca and one of 
those who believed in Muhammad before 
his coming. The inscriptions allow us to see 
this more clearly. The Himyari royal family 
completely and definitively rejected poly- 
theism during the reign of Malklkarib 
Yuha'min, a sovereign who, most likely 
because of his advanced age at accession, 
is first seen co-ruling with one son (prob- 
ably Abikarib As'ad), then with two 
(Abikarib As'ad and Dhara"amar Ayman). 
The relation between religious reform and 
the person of Abikarib established by tra- 
dition is thus quite precise. The neglect of 
Malklkarib probably stems from the par- 
ticularly outstanding reign of Abikarib, 
who ruled for over 50 years (at least 
493-543 Him.) and imposed Himyari rule 
on the tribes of central Arabia as shown by 
the inscription Ry 509 (250 km west of 
Riyadh) and the lengthening of the royal 
list of titles. The nature of Abikarib 's re- 
ligious reforms is harder to determine. If 
the renunciation of polytheism is general, 
emphasizing the strength of central au- 
thority, only a number of private individu- 
als demonstrate a particularly firm 
commitment to Judaism. The rulers and 



YEMEN 



568 



the majority of those responsible for in- 
scriptions seem satisfied to refer to their 
commitment to monotheism, without be- 
ing more specific. Similarly, there is the 
complete absence of the Jewish symbols so 
common in the Roman world during the 
same period. The religious reform which 
occurred in the reign of Ablkarib Asad was 
therefore not really a conversion to 
Judaism. It was rather a commitment of 
principle, giving rabbis a privileged status 
(Beeston, Martyrdom of Azqir), without 
new "followers" undertaking to follow all 
the very restrictive practices of Mosaic law. 
This in no way precludes the conversion of 
individuals and small groups, who thus 
broke with their original background. In 
this hypothesis, the crisis, which began af- 
ter the disappearance of Ablkarib and 
reached its peak in the reign of Yusuf, had 
as its cause not only the advance of 
Christianity supported by Byzantium and 
Aksum, but also the pressure of the central 
authority in favor of total conversion to 
Judaism: thus both Christian hagiographies 
and Islamic traditions also stress the ap- 
peals of king Joseph to choose between 
conversion to Judaism and death. The in- 
complete nature of the conversion to 
Judaism is further emphasized by the fact 
that neither the language, the script, the 
calendar nor the dating system underwent 
any change, whereas one would have ex- 
pected a more important role for Hebrew 
or the adoption of the Jewish liturgical 
calendar. 

Christian Julien Robin 

Bibliography and abbreviations 
Primary: al-HamdanT, Abu Muhammad al- 
Hasan b. Ahmad b. Ya'qub, Sifatjazirat al-'Arab, 
2 vols., ed. D.H. Miiller, al-HamddnVs Geographie 
der arabischen Halbinsel, Leiden 1884-91, repr. 
Leiden 1968; Mas'udi, Muruj; Philostorgius, 
Kirchengeschichte, ed. J. Bidez, Berlin 1972'^ 
Secondary: Y.M. Abdallah, The inscription ciH 



543. A new reading based on the ne^vly-found 
original, in Ch. Robin and M. Bafaqlh (eds.), 
Sayhadica, Research on the inscriptions of pre- Islamic 
Arabia offered to Professor A.F.L. Beeston by his 
colleagues, San'a' 1987, 3-9; M. Bafaqlh and 
Ch. Robin, Inscriptions inedites de Yanbuq 
{Yemen democratique), in Rayddn 2 {1979), 15-76 
{summary in Arabic: 25-7 of the Arabic section); 
J. Beaucamp, F. Briquel-Chatonnet and 
Ch. Robin, La persecution des chretiens de 
Nagran et la chronologic himyarite, in.-lram ri-i2 
{1999-2000), 15-83; A.F.L. Beeston, Himyarite 
monotheism, in A. Abdalla, S. al-Sakkar and 
R. Mortel {eds.). Studies in the history of Arabia, ii. 
Pre- Islamic Arabia, Riyadh 1404/1984, 149-54; ^^-^ 
Judaism and Christianity in pre-Islamic Yemen, 
in J. Chelhod {ed.), L'Arabie du sud, histoire et 
civilisation, i. Le peuple yemenite et ses racines, Paris 
1984, 271-8; id., The martyrdom of Azqir, in 
Proceedings of the Seminar for Arabian Studies 15 
{1985), 5-10; id., The south Arabian collection of 
the Wellcome Museum in London, in Rayddn 3 
{1980), 11-16; R. Degen, Die hebraische Inschrift 
DJE 23 aus demjemen, inj^ieue Ephemeris fur 
Semitische Epigraphik 2 {1974), 111-16; B. Finster, 
Arabien in der Spatantike. Ein Uberblick iiber 
die kuturelle Situation der Halbinsel in der Zeit 
von Muhammad, in Archdologischer Anzeiger {igg6), 
287-319; id. and J. Schmidt, Die Kirche des 
Abraha in San'a', in N. Nebes {ed.), Arabia Felix. 
Beitrdge zur Sprache und Kultur des vorisla?nischen 
Arabien, Festschrift Walter W. Miiller zum 60. 
Geburtstag, Wiesbaden 1994, 67-86; S.A. 
Frantsouzoff, Judaism in Hadramawt on the eve 
of Islam, in E. Isaac and Y. Tobi (eds.), Judaeo- 
Temenite studies. Proceedings of the Second International 
Congress, Princeton 1999, 27-32; I. Gajda, Himyar 
gagne par le monotheisme (IV'~VI' siecle de Vere 
chretienne). Ambitions et ruine d'un royaume de lArabie 
meridionale antique, unpublished PhD diss., 
Universite de Provence 1997; id., A new 
inscription of an unknown Himyarite king, 
Martad'ilan Yun'im, in Proceedings of the Seminar 
for Arabian Studies 28 (1998), 81-8; id., Remark on 
the chronological terminology in the catalogue 
of the Yemen exhibition in Paris, in Archdologische 
Berichte aus dem. Tem.en, forthcoming {publication of 
YM 1950); G. Garbini, Frammenti epigrafici 
sabei, in Annali delVIstituto Orientate diNapoli 33 
[N.S. 23] {1973), 590 and pi. I d.; id., Una 
bilingue sabeo-ebraica da Z.afar, in Annali 
deWIstituto Orientate diNapoli 30 [N.S. 20] {1970), 
153-65 and pi. I-II; id., Una nuova iscrizione di 
Sarahbi^l YaTur, in Annali deWIstituto Orientate di 
Napoli 29 [NS 19] {1969), 559-66 and pi. II-IV; 
Ja.B. Gruntfest, Nadpis' "dvadcati cetyreh 
ceredov" iz Beit Hadira, in Drevnaja Aravija 
(materialy i soobscenija) (Pis'mennye pamjatniki i 



569 



YOUTH AND OLD AGE 



problemy istorii i kurtury Narodov Vostoka, IX 
godicnaja naucnaja sessija LO IV AN SSSR), 
Leningrad (Izdatel'stvo "Nauka") 1973, 71-81; 
A. Janime, Inscriptions des alentours de Mareb 
(Yemen), in Cahiers de Byrsa 5 (1955), 265-81 and 
pi. I-II; id., The late Sabaean inscription Ja 856, 
in Bibliotheca orientalis 17 (i960), 3-5 and pi. I.; id., 
Sabaean and Hasaean inscriptions from Saudi Arabia, 
Rome 1966; M.J. Kister, The campaign of 
Huluban. A new light on the expedition of 
Abraha, in Museon 78 (1965), 425-36; K.A. 
Kitchen, Bibliographical catalogue of texts. 
Documentation for ancient Arabia, Part II, Liverpool 
2000; S. Mitchell, The cult of Theos Hypsistos 
between pagans, Jews and Christians, in P. 
Athanassiadi and M. Frede (eds.). Pagan 
monotheism, in late antiquity, Oxford 1999, 81-148; 
W.W. Miiller, CIH 325: Diejiingste datierte 
sabaische Inschrift, in Etudes sudarabes. Recueil 
offert a Jacques Ryckmans, Louvain-la-Neuve 1991, 
117-31; id., Ein hebraisch-sabaische Bilinguis aus 
Bait al-Aswal, in Neue Ephemeris Jur semitische 
Epigraphik 2 (1974), 117-23 and fig. 32-34, pi. 
IX-X; id., Religion und Kult im antiken 
Siidarabien, in M. Krebernik and J. van 
Oorschot (eds.), Polytheismus und Monotheismus in 
den Religionen des Vorderen Orients, Miinster 2002, 
175-94; Ch.J. Robin, Les inscriptions de HasT, in 
Rayddn 7 (2001), 179-223 (including a contribution 
by Serge Frantsouzoff); id., Le judai'sme de 
Himyar, iw Arabia r (2003), 97-172; id, Sheba. II. 
Dans les inscriptions d'Arabie du sud, in 
Supplement au dictionnaire de la Bible, Paris 1996, 
fasc. 70 [Sexualite — Sichem], col. 1047-1254 
(Sheba. I. Dans la Bible, by J. Briend, col. 
1043-6); id. and U. Brunner, Map of ancient 
Yemen — Carte du Yemen antique, 1:1 000 000, 
Miinchen 1997 (archaeological map, 70 x lOO cm, 
in three colors, with index); G. Ryckmans, 
Inscriptions sud-arabes. Dixieme serie, in Museon 
66 (1953)5 267-317 and pi. I-VI; J. Ryckmans, Le 
christianisme en Arabic du sud preislamique, in 
Atti del Convegno inter nazionale sul tema : L'Oriente 
cristiano nella storia della Civiltd (Roma ji marzo-^ 
aprile iq6^; Firenze 4 aprile igS^), Rome 1964, 
413-54; id., L'inscription sabeenne chretienne 
Istanbul 7608 bis, \n JRAS [n.s.] (1976), 96-9 and 
pi. I; R.B. Serjeant and R. Lewcock, The church 
(al-Qalls) of San'a' and Ghumdan Castle, in 
R.B. Serjeant and R. Lewcock (eds.), San'd\ an 
Arabian Islamic city, London 1983, 44-8; 
R. Simon, L'inscription Ry 506 et la prehistoire 
de la Mecque, in Acta Orientalia Academiae 
Scientiarum Hungaricae 20 (1967), 325-37. 
Sigla (n.b. for a complete bibliography of south 
Arabian inscriptions, see K.A. Kitchen, 
Bibliographical catalogue of texts. Documentation for 
ancient Arabia, Part II, Liverpool 2000): BR 



Yanbuq 47: Bafaqlh-Robin, 1979, pp. 49-57 and 
pi. 5; cih: Corpus Inscriptionum Semiticarum. Pars 
quarta. Inscriptiones Himyariticas et Sabaeas continens, 
tomes I-III, Paris 1899-1930; cY/f 325: Miiller 
1991; f//f 543: Abdallah 1987; DJE 23: Degen 
1974; Garb Bayt al-Ashwal 1: Miiller 1974; Garb 
Bayt al-Ashwal 2: Garbini 1970; Garb, Framm. 
no. 7: Garbini 1973; Garb Sh.Y.: Garbini 1969; 
Has! i: Robin 2001, pp. 182-91 and fig. 2-14 (pp. 
207-15); 1st 7608 bis + Wellcome A 103664: 
Ryckmans J. 1976 and Beeston 1980;Ja 544-547: 
Jamme 1955, pp. 275-9 ^^^^ P^- ^^Sj^ 856: Jamme 
i960, pp. 3-5 and pi. I; Ja 1028: Jamme 1966, pp. 
39-55, fig. 13-15 and pi. X-XIII; res: Repertoire 
d'epigraphie semitique; res 3383: Garbini 1970; Ry 
506, 507, 508, 509, 510 and 515: G. Ryckmans 
1953; YM 1950: Gajda (forthcoming). 



Yesterday see time 

Yoke see LOAD OR BURDEN 



Youth and Old Age 

The early and last stages of the normal 
[human] lifespan. The Qiir'an portrays 
youth and old age in two main contexts: to 
demonstrate God's power (see power and 
impotence) and to illustrate the proper 
relations between generations (q.v.). The 
"ages of man" occur in recitals of divine 
signs (q.v.): "There have come to me clear 
signs (bayyindt) from my lord (q.v.). . . . He it 
is who has created you from earth (q.v.; 
turdb)^ then from a drop of sperm, then 
from a clot (see blood and blood clot); 
then he brings you forth as an infant (tifl), 
then to reach your full strength, then to be 
old (shuyukh), though some among you die 
before that, and [in any case] to fulfill an 
appointed term: perhaps you will attain 
wisdom" (q.v.; Q^ 40:66-7; cf 22:5; 30:54; 
35:11; see biology as the creation and 
STAGES of life), q^ 8o:i8-22 culminates the 
sequence: after God creates the embryo, 
smoothes its way, and causes it to die, he 
resurrects it (see creation; death and 
THE dead; resurrection). 



570 



Relations between yomig and old, and 
the psychological and physical character- 
istics that deserve special treatment, are 
usually set in family (q.v.) contexts. 
Muslims must not regard children (q.v.) 
simply as possessions ((J 8:28; 63:9; see 
property). Unlike pre-Islamic society 
fe 6:137, 140, 151; 8i:8-g; see pre-islamic 
ARABIA AND THE q^ur'an), Muslim society 
assumes responsibility for children's weak- 
ness (see MAINTENANCE AND UPKEEP; 

guardianship; maturity). Children are 
among the oppressed whom Muslims must 
fight to protect (c3 4:75; see fighting; path 

OR way; OPPRESSED ON EARTH, THe). 

Orphans (q.v.) require special kindness and 
protection of any property they may have 
inherited (c3 4:2, 6-10; see inheritance) 
but this does not include legal adoption 
fe 33'4f')' ^^ least five passages concern the 
proper nursing of babies (e.g. C3 2:233; 
28:7-13; see lactation; fosterage; 
wet-nursing). Wet-nurses may be hired in 
the absence of the mother (cf. (J 65:6). 
Children are born knowing nothing 
{q_ 16:78; see knowledge and learning; 
ignorance); sexual innocence gives them 
freedom of the house (c) 24:31) but puberty 
restricts it (o 24:58f.; see sex and sexual- 
ity). Outside the family, beauty and purity 
are personified in the companions of para- 
dise (q.v; Q_ 52:24; 76:19), though female 
companions will be "of equal age" 
(Q, 56:37; 78:33; see also houris). 

Aged wisdom instructs youth. Lucjman 
(q.v.; o 31:13-19) first enjoins monotheism 
on his son, then care and gratitude to par- 
ents (q.v); but a child is not to obey if un- 
believers (see BELIEF AND unbelief) try to 
make him worship other gods (c) 3i:i4f.; cf. 
I9:4if ; see obedience; polytheism and 
atheism; idolatry and idolaters). 
Aged parents are not to be reprimanded 
but addressed honorably and kindly: "My 
lord, have mercy on them as they raised 



me in childhood" (q 17:23-4). It is duty to 
their old father that exposes two Midianite 
women to strange men (see midian), until 
Moses (q.v.) helps them water their flocks 
({) 28:23). By contrast, Joseph's (q.v.) broth- 
ers (see brother and brotherhood) cru- 
elly remind their father of his mental 
decline; Jacob's (q.v.) forgiveness (c3 12:98) 
is thus all the more astounding. Old age 
(kibar) strikes like a whirlwind and weak 
children are part of the doom that is a 
sign of God (c3 2:266; see reward and 
punishment; chastisement and 
punishment). 

Reversal of age-related characteristics is 
also a sign of God. John's wisdom as a 
youth (q I9:i2f ; see john the baptist), 
Jesus' (q.v.) speech (q.v.) in the cradle 
((J I9:29f.) and the child's hair that turns 
gray on the day of judgment (o 73:17; see 
LAST judgment) are all unnatural to youth. 
Abraham's (q.v.) wife asks incredulously, 
"Woe is me! Shall I bear a child when I am 
an old woman fajuz) and this husband of 
mine an old man (shaykh)?" (c) 11:72). 
Finally, Zechariah (q.v.; Zakariyya'), suc- 
cessfully praying for an heir, describes his 
age in unforgettable imagery: "O lord, my 
bones are weak, and my head has burst 
into gray flame!" (o 19:4). 

R. Gwynne 

Bibliography 
M.F. Ansari, The qur'dnic foundations and structure of 
Muslim society, vol. 2, Karachi 1973; A. Giladi, 
Infants, parents and wet nurses, Leiden 1999; 
Th. J. O'Shaughnessy, The qur'anic view of 
youth and old age, in ZDMG 141 (1991), 33-5, 
repr. A. Rippin, (ed.), The Qur'dn. Style and 
contents, Ashgate 2000, 177-95 (unique and 
fundamental). 



Yunus see JONAH 
Yusuf see JOSEPH 



Zabur see psalms; scripture and the 
cjur'an 



Zakat 



see ALMSGIVING 



Zaqqum 

The tree of Zaqqum, or the cursed tree 
mentioned four times in tlie Qiir'an, with 
three explicit references (c3 37:62; 44:43; 
56:52) and one imphcit (q^ 17:60). Unhke 
the beautiful trees with clustered fruits in 
paradise (q.v.; C3 69:23), the good tree of 
"the good word" (c3 14:24) and the heav- 
enly tree of eternity (q.v.) from which 
Adam and Eve (q.v.) were prohibited to 
eat (c3 20:120), the tree of Zaqqum stands 
out as the ugliest and the most terrifying 
tree described in the Qiir'an (see trees; 
agriculture and vegetation). It 
grows at the bottom of hellfire (see HELL 
and hellfire), its blossom (tal'uhd) like 
"devils' heads" (c3 37:64-5), is "bitter in 
taste, burning in touch, rotten in smell 
(q.v.), black in appearance. Whoever eats 
from it cannot tolerate its [revolting] 
taste and therefore is forced to swallow it" 
(Razi, Tafsir, xxix, 174; see food and 
drink). 



The one possible implicit reference to 
Zaqqum is very brief and speaks of al- 
shajarata l-mal'unatafi l-Qiir'dn, "the tree 
cursed in the Qur'an" ((J 17:60) being a 
"trial (q.v.) for men." The majority of the 
commentators (see exegesis of the 
^ur'an: classical and medieval), and 
the translators following suit (see 
translations of the q^ur'an), take for 
granted that al-shajarata al-mal'unata is the 
tree of Zaqqum (Tabari, TafsTr, xv, 1 13-15). 
In explanation of its description as a trial 
[fitna, q 17:60; 37:63), the commentators 
often relate the story that, when the tree of 
Zaqqum was mentioned for the first time 
in the Qiir'an, the unbelievers (see belief 
AND unbelief) wcre skeptical about a tree 
growing "at the bottom of hellfire" 
{9. 37-64; see uncertainty), and said: 
"One day Muhammad claims that hellfire 
burns stones (see stone), and the next day 
that it grows trees!" Thus, according to the 
commentators, it is indeed a trial for men: 
on the one hand, the believers will accept 
that God is capable of creating a tree that 
does not burn in the blazing flames of hell- 
fire and that it will be one of many punish- 
ments for the unbelievers (see reward and 
punishment) and, on the other hand, the 
unbelievers will not believe in it and will 



ZEAL O TR Y 



572 



reject (see lie) and mock (see mockery) 
the Qiir'an as they in fact did (Zamakh- 
sharl, Kashshdf, ii, 675). 

The name of the tree is derived from 
"deadly food," "ingestion," or "excessive 
drinking." The lexicographers as well as 
the commentators are uncertain about the 
origin of the word Zaqqum. In addition to 
the meanings suggested above, all of which 
are based on speculation about what the 
root i-q-m might mean, they relate a story 
suggesting that it is the name of a tree 
which grows in the desert or an African 
word for 'ajwa, dates mashed with butter 
[Lisdn al-'Arab, iii, 1845 and Firuzabadl, 
al'Qamus, 1118). It is curious to note, how- 
ever, that the same stories are repeated 
almost identically and always without 
examples of usage from any other text 
than the Qiir'an. The subtlest explanation 
is that of al-Raghib al-Isfahani (fl. early 
fifth/eleventh cent.), who ignores all the 
stories and suggests that the qur'anic use 
came first and "thereafter the root was 
'borrowed' for ingestion of distasteful 
food" [Mufraddt, 380). 

The three explicit references occur in a 
typical punishment/reward qur'anic dis- 
course (see FORM AND strlk;ture of the 
{jur'an; language and style of the 
(JUr'an). All three describe the tree as one 
of the hellfire horrors which the unbeliev- 
ers will be forced to experience. Together 
they provide us with a very powerful image 
detailing the physical description of the 
ugly tree and its effect on those who will be 
forced to eat it, i.e. the sinful (see sin, 
MAJOR AND minor) and the unbelievers 
(c3 44:44; 56:51). It will "boil in their insides 
like molten brass (al-muhl), like the boiling 
of scalding water" (c) 44:45-6). The image 
is taken at its literal meaning by main- 
stream Sunni commentators but is under- 
stood by rationalists as a metaphorical 
objectification of the mental and emo- 
tional torture awaiting the unbelievers (see 



metaphor; symbolic imagery; 
theology and the our'an). 

Salwa M.S. El-Awa 

Bibliography 
Primary: al-Flruzabadi, Majd al-Dln 
Muhammad b. Ya'qub, al-Qdmus al-muhit, Beirut 
1998; Lisan al-'Arab; al-Raghib al-Isfahani, 
Aiufraddt, Damascus 1992; RazT, TafsTr; Tabarl, 
TafsTr, ed. Shakir; ZamakhsharT, Kashshdf, Cairo 
1987. 

Secondary: M. Asad, The message of the Qiir'an, 
Pakistan 1992; A. Geiger, Was hat Mohammed aus 
dem Judenthume aufgenommen? Lieipzig 1902^ (Bonn 
1833'), 66; Ch. Genequand, Metaphysics, in 
S.H. Nasser and O. Leman (eds.). History of 
Islamic philosophy, Routledge 2001 (1996'), 
783-801; M. Wolff (ed.), Muhammedanische 
Eschatologie /^Abd al-RaliTm b. Ahmad al-Qadi, 
Kitdb ahwdl al-qiydma], nach der Leipziger und der 
Dresdner Handschrift zum ersten Male arabisch und 
deutsch mit Anmerkungen, Leipzig 1875, 170-1 (in 
the Ger. trans.; this work is also known under the 
title ^'Daqd'iq al-akhbdr fi dhikr alfanna wa-l-ndr'). 

Zayd b. Haritha see family of the 
prophet 

Zayd b. Thabit see companions of 

THE prophet 

Zaydis see shi'ism and the our'an 

Zaynab bt. Jahsh see wives of the 
prophet 



Zealotry 

Religious and/or political fanaticism. The 
main qur'anic stand on zealotry is ex- 
pressed in o 2:143 where the Muslim com- 
munity is described as a "community of 
the middle," a community that is "in the 
middle between any two extremes," 
thereby assigning to its members the 
responsibility of maintaining a community 
that is just and moderate in all its beliefs 
and practices (Qiitb, ^ildl, 130-2; see 



573 



ZEALOTRY 



moderation). This characteristic is, ac- 
cording to tlie exegetes (see exegesis of 
THE q^ur'an: classical and medieval), 
wliat malies tlie Muslim coinmunity the 
"best community" applauded in q 3:110, 
"because the middle is the best" 
(Zamakhsharl, Kashshaf, i, ig8; Razi, Tafslr, 
iv, 108-12). The implication of C3 2:143, 
then, is that in its endeavor to be the best 
community, the Muslim community should 
not be extreme in its practice or under- 
standing of its own religion (q.v). Various 
prophetic hadiths support this view (see 
hadith and the cjur'an), such as "Beware 
of zealotry!" [iyydkum wa~l~ghuluwwji l-din; 
Albani, Sahih, no. 2680, i, 522) and "Death 
be to zealots!" [halaka l-mutanatti'iin; ibid., 
no. 7039, i, 1183). Nevertheless, there ap- 
pears to be no explicit, general condemna- 
tion of zealotry or religious fanaticism in 
the Qiir'an, although many of its char- 
acteristics are denounced in various con- 
texts. It is worth noting, however, that 
words like te/arri^(extremism) and usuliyya 
(fundamentalism) are modern translations 
of foreign words and hence are not used to 
express these meanings in the Qiir'an and 
classical Arabic texts. A recurrent theme of 
the qur'anic discussions of how different 
people practice their religion is that of tak- 
ing the law (see law and the ^ur'an) into 
human hands (e.g. by forbidding [see 
forbidden] what God has made lawful 
[see LAWFUL AND UNLAWFUL] , an all too 
familiar attitude encountered among mod- 
ern day zealots). The theme occurs in six 
different verses (q 5:87; 6:116, 140; 7:32; 
10:59; 66:1), all condemning this attitude, 
sometimes in a very harsh tone (e.g. 
q 6:116; 10:59). 

Though not mentioned in many discus- 
sions about the cjur'anic criticism of 
Christianity (see christians and 
CHRISTIANITY; POLEMIC AND POLEMICAL 
languace), the verb taghlu, "to be over- 
zealous, to exceed the bounds," is used in 



two qur'anic verses that warn the 
Christians against ghuluww as represented 
in their notion of Jesus' (q.v.) "sonship" to 
God (see polytheism and atheism; 

IDOLATRY AND IDOLATERS; GOD AND HIS 

attributes). It is hard to see, however, 
how holding to the doctrine of the Trinity 
(q.v.), to which these verses object, makes 
Christians zealots. A possible explanation 
for the use of ghuluww here can be under- 
stood to imply the literal interpretation of 
the text, a characteristic often associated 
with zealotry, in which case the Christians 
are being blamed for their literal interpre- 
tation of the biblical use of the word 
"Father" in phrases like "the cup of my 
Father," "to do the will of my Father," and 
"I must be about my Father's business" (see 
Cragg, j'c.TMi, 31, whose argument approxi- 
mates this interpretation; see also 
corruption; forgery; scripture and 

THE CJUr'an). 

Many other qur'anic passages can be 
seen as either encouraging or discouraging 
forms of zealotry, depending on which 
parts of the context one chooses to em- 
phasize (see chronology and the 
^ur'an; occasions of revelation). 
Among them is religious intolerance, which 
the Qiir'an discourages very strongly in 
numerous verses (see tolerance and 
compulsion; religious pluralism and 
the cjur'an). The most widely cited verse 
in this context is (J 109:6, which some com- 
mentators argue has been abrogated (see 
abrogation). Other exegetes deny this, 
especially in the light of verses such as 
q 2:113, 256; 22:56, 69, all of which stress 
the fact that judgment (q.v.) between per- 
sons is not to be made by persons in this 
life but by God on judgment day (see last 
judgment). Similarly, there is no unequivo- 
cal qur'anic judgment with regard to con- 
troversial matters such as exclusivism (see 
PARTIES and factions) and the use of vio- 
lence (q.v.) to achieve political aims (see 



ZEC HARIAH 



574 



POLITICS AND THE our'an). Islamic phi- 
losophers (see PHILOSOPHY and the 
cjur'an), exegetes and jurists have argued 
opposing views, always on the basis of 
qur'anic verses (q.v). In sum, in its discus- 
sions of various forms of zealotry, the 
Qur'an expresses firm objections to some 
practices and allows room for dispute 
about many others. 

Salwa M.S. El-Awa 



Bibliography 
Primary: Ibn Taymiyya, Taql 1-Dln Ahmad b. 
^Abd al-ilaliui^ MajmH' al-faidwd, Cairo 1978; 
Lisdn al-'Arab; Qutb, ^ildl; RazT, TafsTr; 
ZamakhsharT, Kashshaf, Cairo 1987. 
Secondary: N. al-Albanl, Sahih al-jdmV al-saghir, 
Beirut 1986'^; K. Cragg, Jesus and the Muslim. An 
exploration, Oxford 1999; R. Firestone, J'i'Aa;^. The 
origin of holy war in Islam, Oxford 1999; Kh. Jilbi, 
Jadahyyat al-tafkir wa-l-takftr fl 1-mujtama' al- 
Muslim, in al-Wasatiyya, i, Riyadh 2002; S.A. 
Mawdudi, Towards understanding the Qur'dn, trans. 
Z.I. Ansari, Leicester 1988; M. Muqri', Hukm qatl 
al-madaniyyin, London 1998; M. Shams al-Din, 
Fiqh al-'unf al-musallahji l-isldm, Beirut 2001. 



Zechariah 

The father of John the Baptist (q.v.) in both 
the Bible and Qrir'an. Zechariah (Zaka- 
riyya) is mentioned in four qur'anic pas- 
sages (c3 3:37-44; 6:85 [a passing reference]; 
19:2-15; 21:89-90). He is not directly named 
as a prophet (nabi) but by implication is in- 
cluded in the collective references to proph- 
ets at (J 19:58 and prophethood (nubuwwa) at 
5^6:89 (see prophets and prophethood). 
The qur'anic story (see narratives) of 
Zechariah and John is always linked to that 
of Mary (q.v.) and Jesus (q.v.). 

The fullest account of Zechariah occurs 
at o 19:2-15. There he is portrayed as a 
pious old servant of God who prays in 
secret for a successor (q 19:3-6). When an 
unnamed speaker (God? angels?: see 
below) responds with "good tidings of a 



boy whose name is John" (o 19:7; see good 
news), Zechariah asks how this can be, in 
view of his old age and his wife's barren- 
ness (q^ 19:8), thus prompting a simple 
affirmation of God's power to create 
effortlessly out of nothing (c) 19:9; see 
cosmology; i;reation). Zechariah then 
asks for a sign and his request is granted: 
he will not speak for three days (cj 19:10; 
see signs). The passage then shifts its focus 
to John [q_ 19:12-15). This Meccan narrative 
(see CHRONOLOGY and the c^ur'an) about 
Zechariah is set within a sequence of 
stories (q^ 19:2-58) in which a common 
theme is God's bestowal of mercy (q.v.) on 
his faithful servants (q.v.) as they endure 
various trials (childlessness for Zechariah, 
allegations of immorality for Mary, 
c) 19:16-33, a hostile pagan father for 
Abraham [q.v], C3 19:41-50). Note that the 
word "mercy" (rahma) is emphasized in the 
opening words of the Zechariah story 
(cj 19:2; cf 19:50, 53; also 19:21 in a slightly 
different sense). In this Meccan context the 
significance of Zechariah to Muhammad 
and his followers thus appears to be that 
his story is one of many which speak en- 
couragingly to believers of the mercy that 
God will show them in the midst of their 
difficulties (see trial; trust and 
patience). The same interpretation holds 
for the much briefer Meccan narrative at 
C3 21:89-90, which simply portrays 
Zechariah crying out to God and God re- 
sponding with the gift of John. Stress is 
also laid on the humble, godfearing piety 
(q.v.) of Zechariah and his wife. The wider 
context is a sequence of stories describing 
God's deliverance of his faithful servants 
from adversity (e.g. q 21:68-71, 74, 76-7, 
83-4, 87-8). Again, Zechariah is an 
encouraging example of how the believer 
should persevere through difficulties, trust- 
ing in God. 

The one Medinan passage about Zecha- 
riah (q 3:37-44) has distinctive narrative 



575 



ZECHARIAH 



features. In contrast to (j ig, where the 
story of Zechariah precedes that of Mary 
and Jesus, here the story of the birth of 
Mary (q 3:35-6) leads into an account of 
the role of Zechariah as her guardian. 
Whenever he enters the sanctuary, Zecha- 
riah finds that she is mysteriously supplied 
with food by God (o 3:37; Zechariah's 
guardianship of Mary is also mentioned 
at (J 3^4)- At this point Zechariah prays 
for "goodly offspring" (q 3:38) and in 
Q. 3'39"4' 'h^ story then unfolds much as at 
(3 19:2-15, except that q 3:39 mentions an- 
gels as responding to Zechariah's prayer 
(see angel). This Medinan passage about 
Zechariah and John, although telling 
broadly the same story as in the Meccan 
versions, needs to be understood within the 
changed context of the tense relationship 
between Muhammad and the Jews of 
Medina (q.v.) that is apparent throughout 
the third sura (see JEWS and Judaism). The 
longer narrative sequence ((3 3:33-58) is 
essentially a history-lesson warning the 
Jews that, however much they might 
oppose Muhammad, God will vindicate 
him, just as he did other faithful servants in 
the past (see history and the ^ur'an). 
This lesson is most explicit in the culminat- 
ing story of Jesus, rejected by Jewish un- 
believers but vindicated by God ((J 3:45-57)) 
but it is natural to assume that the same 
lesson underlies the whole narrative 
sequence. That suggests that the brief 
reference to Zechariah and John might 
assume knowledge of the fate of John as 
one of the prophets killed by ungodly Jews 
(such prophets are mentioned often in o 3; 
see C3 3:21, 112, 181, 183; see belief and 
unbelief; polemic and polemical 
languaoe). The inclusion of the story of 
Zechariah and John here would then be 
serving as part of an extended reminder 
that if Muhammad was rejected by un- 
believing Jews, that had been the experi- 
ence of prophets before him; nevertheless. 



the prophets are all honored in the sight of 
God (see the affirmations bestowed upon 
John at q 3:39) and the scheming of the 
unbelievers is ultimately frustrated. (This 
analysis is more fully argued in Marshall, 
Christianity, 12-14.) 

This siu'vey shows that while there is a 
constant narrative core to the qiu''anic pas- 
sages about Zechariah, his significance 
varies with the changing wider context of 
the challenges faced by Muhammad and 
his followers, first in Mecca (q.v.) and then 
in Medina. Commentators have addressed 
a number of issues raised by these pas- 
sages. For example, many take the view 
that it was the sight of God's miraculous 
provision for Mary that emboldened 
Zechariah to pray for the miracle of a son 
(see miracles). They also fill out the brief 
reference in 5) 3:44 to give a fuller account 
of how Zechariah becomes Mary's guard- 
ian through a process of casting lots (see 
divination). They discuss the apparent 
problem that Zechariah's request for a sign 
suggests that he, a prophet, has doubted 
God's message (see uncertainty; 
impeccability). They also address the 
related question as to whether Zechariah's 
silence for three days should be seen as a 
punishment (see chastisement and 
punishment; for a range of comments on 
these and other points, see Ayoub, Qur'dn, 
99-122; see also scripture and the 
^ur'an). Finally, it should be noted that the 
exegetical tradition contains reports linking 
Dhu 1-Kifl (q.v.) to Zechariah (and also 
Elijah [q.v.]; cf. Tha'labi, Qisas, trans. 
Brinner, 438). 

David Marshall 



Bibliography 
Primary (for later elaborations of the story): Abu 
^Umara b. Wathima al-FarisT, Kitdb Bad' al~haig 
wa-qims al-anbiyd\ ed. in R.G. Khoury, Les Legendes 
prophetiques dans Vislam, Wiesbaden 1978, 298-340 
(on Zechariah, John the Baptist and Mary); 



ZOROASTRIANS 576 

TabarT, Ta'nkh, ed. de Goeje, i, 733-9; al-Tarafi, 
Muhammad b. Ahmad b. Mutarrif, Storie dei 
profeti, ed. and It. trans. R. Tottoh, Geneva 1997, 
297-304 and passim; Eng. trans. The stories of the 
prophets by Ibn Mutarrif al-Tarafi, ed. R. Tottoh, 
Berhn 2003, 161-6; Tha'labl, Qisas, Cairo n.d., 
333-42; Eng. trans. W. Brinner, 'Ard'is al-majdlis fi 
qisas al-anbiyd', or, Lives of the prophets, Leiden 
2002, 438, 621-30, 637-8. 

Secondary: M. Ayoub, The Qur'dn and its inter- 
preters, ii. The house of Imrdn, Albany 1992, 99-122; 
Horovitz, KU, 113; D. Marshall, Christianity in 
the Qiir'an, in L. Ridgeon (ed.). Islamic inter- 
pretations of Christianity, Richmond 2001, 3-29; 
G. Parrinder, J^e5z/5 in the Qiir'dn, London 1965 
{ch. 5 discusses biblical and apocryphal parallels 
to the qur'anic material on Zechariah); B.M. 
Wheeler, Prophets in the Quran. An introduction to the 
Quran and Muslim exegesis, London 2002, 292 
{partial Eng. trans, of some classical accounts). 

Zodiac see ANIMAL life; planets and 

STARS 

Zoroastrians see people of the book 




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[i] A segment of a contemporary hajj mural containing qur'anic 
verses (e.g. Q_ 11 3: 1 , "Say, 'I seek refuge in the lord of the dawn,'" 
qui dudhu bi-rabbi l-falaqi), composed upon return from the pil- 
grimage to Mecca. This particular mural is found on the wall 
of an alabaster shop in Gurna, Egypt (near the Valley of the 
Kings). Photograph courtesy of Juan Campo. 




[i] Contemporary Pakistani truck, decorated with talismanic slogans, among which are 
Qur'an passages. Photograph courtesy of JamalJ. Elias. 




[i] South Arabian inscription of Yusuf As'ar Yatli'ar (Yws'f's''r Yfr), ajewisii king of Himyar to 
whom Christian sources attribute the early sixth-century c.e. persecution of the Christians of Najran. 
The name of the king appears on the third line of the inscription. Photograph courtesy of Chris- 
tian Robin. 








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graph courtesy of Christian Robin. 




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[iiij The dam of the southern Arabian city ol' MaVib (Marib): northern sluice and canal. Photo- 
graph courtesy of Christian Robin. 




[iv] The dam ol ihc soulhcrn Arabian city of Ma' rib (Marib): view irom the southern sluice. 
Photograph courtesy of Christian Robin. 




[v] A south Arabian inscription of the Himyarile king Abll'^arib (An Abu Karib); in about 380 c.e. 
he rejected polytheism and accorded Judaism a privileged position. Photograph courtesy of Chris- 
tian Robin. 




[vi] Pari ol' ihe main nionumenial south Arabian rock inscrijjlion ol al-Mi'sal, from tiie third 
century c.e. Photograph courtesy of Christian Robin. 




[vii] A votive south Arabian inscription on a bronze tablet (ca. first century 
B.G.E.). Photograph courtesy of Christian Robin. 






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[i] Folio from an Ottoman manuscript (copied 1227/1812) of Kashf alsuturjt tqfasir dyat al-nur hy Sa'd 
Allah b. Isma'll (Sa'ld Efendi, d. 1247/1831), that contains Silft interpretations extolling the "Light 
Verse" (Q_ 24:35). Reproduced with the kind permission of the manuscript collection at the Univer- 
sity of Michigan, Ann Arbor (Mich.Isl. 1 3, fol. 1 a-b. Special Collections Library, University of Michi- 
gan). 




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[i] Lale ninth/fifteenth century depiction of a mixed-gender study group, most likely for the 
instruction of the Qur'an, entitled "Layla and Majnun at school" (ca. 895/1490, on a folio 
from the Diwdn of Haiiz). Note the muezzin in the upper left hand corner. Courtesy of the 
Arthur M. Sackler Gallery, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, DC (SI 986.289). 






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[ii] Folio from the Khamsa of Nizami depicting mixed-gender education in tlie classical Is- 
lamic world (Layla and Majnun at school). Courtesy of the John Rylands Library, Manches- 
ter, UK (fol. 107 V. of MS Pers. 36). 




[hi] Female Qur'an study circle in contemporary Indonesia. Photograph courtesy of Nelly van 
Doorn-Harden 




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[i] Examples of South Arabian cursive on inscribed stripped palm stalks, a writing material 
constantly mentioned in early Islamic texts (published on p. 78 of J. Ryckmans, W. MuUer and 
Y.M. Abdallah, Textes du Yemen antique. Inscrits sur bois, Leuven 1994). Reproduced with the kind 
permission of Peeters Press, Leuven, Belgium. 




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