Full text of "maosoua"
EQ.
E<1
Encyclopaedia of
the Qur^an
VO LUM E F IVE
Si-Z
Jane Dammen McAuliffe, General Editor
Brill, Leiden — Boston
2006
AUTHORS OF ARTICLES
VOLUME V
BiNYAMiN Abrahamov, Bar-Ilaii University
Camilla P. Adang, Tel-Aviv University
Scott C. Alexander, Catliolic
Tlieological Union, Cliicago
Mohammed Arkoun, Sorbonne University
Ali S.A. Asani, Harvard University
M ARGOT Bad ran, Northwestern University
Daniel Beaumont, University of
Rochester
James A. Bellamy, University of Michigan
Sheila Blair, Boston College
Hartmut Bobzin, University of Erlangen
Michael Bonner, University of Michigan
Gerhard Bowering, Yale University
Paolo Luigi Branca, CatlioHc University,
Milan
William M. Brinner, University of
California, Berkeley
Jonathan E. Bro(;kopp, Pennsylvania
State University
David B. Burrell, University of Notre
Dame
Amila Buturovic, York University,
Canada
Jacqueline Chabbi, University of Paris
Masudul Alam Choudhury, Sultan
Qaboos University, Oman
Frederick S. Colby, Miami University,
Oxford, OH
Michael A. Cook, Princeton University
Patricia Crone, Institute for Advanced
Study, Princeton
Stefania Cunial, Ca' Foscari University,
Venice
Stephan Dahne, Orient-Institut der
Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft,
Beirut
Maria Massi Dakake, George Mason
University
Natana J. De Long-Bas, Boston
College
Pieternella van Doorn-Harder,
Valparaiso University
Dale F. Eickelman, Dartmouth College
Herbert Eisenstein, University of
Vienna
Salwa M.S. El-Awa, University of
Birmingham
Jamal Elias, Amherst College
Amira El-Zein, Tufts University
R. Michael Feener, The University of
California, Riverside
Reuven Firestone, Hebrew Union
College, Los Angeles
Ersilia Francesca, Universita degli Studi
di Napoli "L'Orientale"
Yohanan Friedmann, Hebrew University,
Jerusalem
Dmitry V. Frolov, Moscow University
AvNER GiLADi, University of Haifa
AUTHORS OF ARTICLES
Claude Gilliot, University of Aix-en-
Provence
Joseph Ginat, University of Oklalioma
Valerie Gonzalez, Dartmoutli
College
Matthew S. Gordon, Miami University,
Oxford, OH
Sebastian GtJNTHER, University of
Toronto
Rosalind W. Gwynne, University of
Tennessee
Shahla Haeri, Boston University
Gerald R. Hawting, University of
London
Paul L. Heuk, Georgetown University
Margaretha T. Heemskerk, Radboud
University, Nijmegen
Marcia Hermansen, Loyola University,
Chicago
Thomas Emil Homerin, University of
Rochester
Robert Kevin Jaq,ues, Indiana University
Anthony Hearle Johns, Australian
National University
David Johnston, Yale University
Gautier H.A. Juynboll, Leiden, The
Netherlands
Ahmet T. Karamustafa, Washington
University, St. Louis
BusTAMi Mohamed Khir, University of
Birmingham
Alexander D. Knysh, University of
Michigan
Kathryn Kueny, Fordham University
Scott Kugle, University of Leiden
Paul Kunitzsch, University of Munich
Ella Landau-Tasseron, Hebrew
University, Jerusalem
Joseph Lowry, University of
Pennsylvania
David Marshall, Lambeth Palace,
London
Ingrid Mattson, Hartford Seminary
MusTANsiR Mir, Youngstown State
University
Robert G. Morrison, Whitman College
Harald Motzki, Radboud University,
Nijmegen
TiLMAN Nagel, University of Gottingen
John A. Nawas, Catholic University
Leuven
Angelika Neuwirth, Free University,
Berlin
Ute Pietruschka, Philipps University,
Marburg
Matthias Radsi;heit, Bonn, Germany
Bernd R. Radtke, University of Utrecht
WiM Raven, University of Frankfurt
Bassel a. Reyahi, Toronto, Canada
Gabriel Said Reynolds, University of
Notre Dame
Andrew Rippin, University of Victoria
Christian JuLiEN Robin, Centre National
de la Recherche Scientifique, Aix-en-
Provence
Chase F. Robinson, University of Oxford
Ruth Roded, Hebrew University,
Jerusalem
Uri Rubin, Tel-Aviv University
Michael Schub, Trinity College,
Hartford, CN
Michael A. Sells, Haverford College
Irfan Shahid, Georgetown University
Mona SiDDiqui, Glasgow University
Kemal Silay, Indiana University
Priscilla p. Soucek, New York University
Devin J. Stewart, Emory University
Barbara Stowasser, Georgetown
University
David Thomas, University of Birmingham
Heidi Toelle, Sorbonne University
Shawkat M. Toorawa, Cornell
University
Roberto Tottoli, Universita degli Studi
di Napoli "L'Orientale"
Kees Wagtendonk, University of
Amsterdam (emeritus)
David Waines, Lancaster University
LuTZ WiEDERHOLD, University Halle-
Wittenberg
Muhammad Qasim Zaman, Brown
University
[continued]
Sickness see illness and health
Siffin, Battle of
Battle which took place during the first
civil war between the fourth caliph (q.v.),
'All b. Abi Talib (q.v.), and Mu'awiya b.
Abl Sufyan, governor of Syria, in Safar
37/Jnly 657. Mu'awiya, facing removal
from his post by 'All, decided to revive the
cause of a recently defeated coalition of
Medinan religious elite who had de-
manded that 'All punish the assassins of
his caliphal predecessor, 'Uthman b. 'Affan
(see 'uthman). 'All refused to do so, given
his ambivalence about 'Uthman's assas-
sination CTabarl, Ta'rikh, i, 3275-8;
Baladhuri, ^4njaA, ii, 194-7; Minqarl, Waq'a,
31-3, 58, 82; see POLITICS AND THE cjur'an;
shi'a). The sources say that after a series of
letters exchanged between the two leaders,
the battle between 'All's predominantly
Irac[i army and Mu'awiya 's largely Syrian
supporters was joined on Safar 8/July 26 at
Siffin, located near al-Raqqa along the
Euphrates river in northern Iraq (q.v.). The
battle lasted, by various accounts, two or
three days, by the end of which 'All had
gained the advantage. To avert probable
defeat, Mu'awiya, following the advice of
'Amr b. al-'As, ordered his troops to bear
aloft copies of the Qiir'an (or a copy of the
Qtir'an) on the ends of their spears — imi-
tating a precedent set by 'All at the earlier
Battle of the Camel {QalaAhuri, Ansdb, ii,
170-1; Ibn A'tham, Futuh, ii, 315) — and
caUing for arbitration (q.v.) on the basis of
the scripture (Minqarl, Waq'a, 476-82;
Tabari, Ta'nkh, i, 3329-30 [trans. 79-80];
Baladhuri, Ansdh, ii, 226-7).
'All, initially reluctant to submit to ar-
bitration, eventually agreed under pressure
from some of his supporters, including the
Iraqi Qur'an readers [qurrd'; Minqarl,
Waq'a, 489-92; 'Tabari, Ta'nkh, i, 3330
[trans. 79]; see reciters of the qur'an).
The more reliable of the two versions of
the arbitration agreement found in the
early sources stipulated that an arbitrator
be nominated from each side and that the
two meet on neutral territory to resolve
the dispute on the basis of the Qiir'an and,
should no clear directive be found in the
scripture, on the "just, unifying and not
divisive siinna" (q.v; Minqarl, Waq'a, 510;
Baladhuri, Ansdb, ii, 226, 230; Tabari,
Ta'nkh, i, 3336 [trans. 85-6]). Mu'awiya
named 'Amr b. al-'As as his representative.
'All sought to name one of his equally
trusted men but was pressured by influ-
ential members of his camp to name
Abu Musa 1-Ash'ari, a well-respected but
neutral figure (Baladhuri, Ansdb, ii, 230;
Tabari, Ta'nkh, i, 3333-4 [trans. 82-3]).
The arbitrators seem to have met on two
occasions — at Dumat al-Jandal in
Shawwal-Dhu 1-Qa'da 37/ April 658 and
later at Adhruh in Sha'ban 38/January
659. While the sources sometimes conflate
these two meetings and their outcomes, it
seems that at the first meeting, the arbitra-
tors agreed that 'Uthman had been killed
unjustly. 'Amr connected this judgment to
Q. '7'33- "Whosever is slain unjustly, we
have given authority (q.v.) to his heir," and
argued for Mu'awiya's right to the caliph-
ate as the kinsman of 'Uthman (see
murder; corruption; kinship). Abu
Musa rejected 'Amr's interpretation and
the arbitration was considered a failure by
'All (Minqarl, Waq'a, 541; Mas'udi,
Muruj/Prairies d'or, § 1705-8, iii, 145-8 [Fr
trans. 668-71]; Ibn al-Athir, Kdmil, iii, 331).
The second meeting at Adhruh, apparently
not endorsed by 'All, ended with a ruse
whereby Abu Musa was tricked into depos-
ing 'All, leaving Mu'awiya as caliph by de-
fault (Minqari, Waq'a, 544-6; Tabari,
Ta'nkh, i, 3341-3 [trans. 90-2]). Although
the results of this meeting were not widely
recognized outside of Syria, 'All faced
growing opposition among his supporters
over tlie terms of the arbitration and its
outcome. Many dissenters — including
some qurrd' who initially favored arbitra-
tion but reversed tlieir opinion upon learn-
ing of its terms — had seceded from 'All's
camp even prior to the meeting of the ar-
bitrators, claiming that "judgment belongs
to God alone" (la hukma ilia lilldhi), a slogan
that echoes the qur'anic statement ini
l-hukmu Hid lilldhi (q 6:57; 12:40, 67). They
also demanded that 'All repent of his sub-
mission to a process that placed men in
judgment over the Qiir'an (see law and
THE (JUr'an). Many of these secessionists,
later referred to as "Kharijis" (q.v.), per-
manently broke with 'All after the failure of
the arbitration and suffered a devastating
military defeat at his hands some months
later.
Maria Massi Dakake
Bibliography
Primary: al-Baladhurl, Ahmad b. Yahya, Ansdb
al-ashrdf, ed. M. al-Firdaws al-'Azm, 15 vols.,
Damascus 1996-; Ibn Abi l-Hadld, Shark J^ahj al-
baldgha, ed. M. Abu 1-Fadl Ibrahim, 20 vols.,
Cairo 1959-64; Ibn A'tham al-Kufi, Kitdb al-
Futuh, 7 vols., Hyderabad 1968; Ibn al-Athlr,
Kdmil, 12 vols., Beirut 1979; Ibn Kathir, Biddya,
ed. 'A.M. Mu'awwad and "A.A. 'Abd al-Mawjud,
8 vols., Beirut 1994; Khalifa b. Khayyat, Tankh,
ed. A.D. al-'Umarl, Najaf 1967; Mas'udi, Muruj,
7 vols., Beirut 1966-79; Fr. trans. Gh. Pellat, Les
prairies d'or, 5 vols., 1962-97; al-Minqarl, Nasr b.
Muzahim, IVag'at SiJJln, ed. 'A. Harun, Cairo
1962; Tabari, Ta'rlkh, ed. de Goeje; id., The
history of al'Tetbari. xvii. The first civil war, trans.
G.R Hawting, Albany 1996; Ya'qubl, Ta'rikh,
ed. 'A. Muhanna, 2 vols., Beirut 1993.
Secondary: M. Hinds, The Siffin arbitration
agreement, iny.y^ 17 (1972), 93-129; W. Madelung,
Succession to Muhammad. A study of the early
caliphate, Cambridge 1997; C. Petersen, All and
Adu'dwiya in early Arabic traditions, Copenhagen
1964.
Sight see VISION and blindness; seeing
AND hearing
Signs
Indications or portents, foreshadowing or
confirming something. The concept of
sign, one of the most commonly exhibited
concepts in the Qiir'an, is expressed
mainly by the word dya (pi. djdt) in almost
four hundred instances and by the word
bayyina (pi. bayyindt) in approximately sixty
cases. Several other words also convey the
principal idea or some nuances of dya, for
example: lesson {'ibra, C3 12:111), pattern
(uswa, C3 60:4), fact, story, discourse [hadith,
o 45:6), example {mathal, q 43:57; see
parable), proof (q.v.; burhdn, q_ 4:174),
proof [sultan, (3 30:35), signs [sha'd'ir,
o 22:36), signs [dthdr, Q_ 30:50; see genera-
tions; AIR AND wind; GEOGRAPHY), sign
[dalil, Q, 25:45).
The word dya (sign) lias no root in Arabic
and is very probably a loan-word from
Syriac or Aramaic [dthd; see foreign
vocabulary) where it indicates not only
the ideas of sign and miracle (see
miracles; marvels), as in biblical and
rabbinic Hebrew (oth), but also the notions
of argument and proof. (Arab philologists
who have tried to find a stem and a form of
this word have arrived at different solu-
tions; either the word is derived from a-w-y
or from ayy and its form is either^; V;/fl or
fa'la or Jd'ila; cf Lisdn al-'Arab; see gram-
mar and the our'an.) The word occurs in
pre-Islamic poetry (see poetry and poets)
in the meaning of a sign or token and in
this meaning it also appears in the Qvir'an
(c3 26:128, "as a sign for passers by"). In the
Qtir'an, dya also often denotes argument
and proof. These shades of meaning can
be explained in the light of the polemical
character of parts of the Qiir'an which are
influenced by Muhammad's struggles with
the unbelievers, the Jews and the Chris-
tians (see POLEMIC and polemk;al lan-
guage; BELIEF AND UNBELIEF; JEWS AND
JUDAISM; CHRISTIANS AND CHRISTIANITY).
Expressions of signs
The scripture attests to the numerous and
diverse signs which exist in the earth (q.v.)
and in humankind: "In the earth are signs
for those having sure faith (q.v.), and in
yourselves; what, do you not see?"
(q, 51:20-1; see SEEING AND HEARING;
VISION AND blindness). Thesc signs are so
obvious that one cannot ignore them.
Being produced by God (c3 6:109; 7:203;
29:50) and only with his permission
(q 13:38; 40:78), such signs can be detected
in all spheres of life. Both animate and
inanimate objects provide signs (Fakhr
al-Din al-RazI [d. 606/1210] makes a
distinction between signs in man, dald'il
al-anfus, and signs in the world, dald'il al-
djdq; RazI, TafsTr, xxv, iii), as in "O my
people, this is the she-camel of God, to be
a sign for you" (q^ 11:64; ^^^ camel; salih)
and "And it is God who sends down out of
heaven water (q.v.), and therewith revives
the earth after it is dead. Surely in that is a
sign for a people who listen" (o 16:65; cf.
30:24; see heaven and sky; hearing and
deafness). God's providential design is
demonstrated through his acts in nature
and in human beings (see nature as
signs; gra(;e; blessing). A typical sign-
passage is c) 13:2-3:
God is he who raised up the heavens with-
out pillars you can see, then he sat himself
upon the throne (see throne of god); he
subjected the sun (q.v.) and the moon (q.v.),
each one running to a term stated. He
directs the affair; he distinguishes the signs;
haply you will have faith in the encounter
with your lord (q.v.). It is he who stretched
out the earth and set therein firm moun-
tains and rivers, and of every fruit he
placed there two kinds, covering the day
with the night (see day and night). Surely
in that are signs for a people who reflect
(see REFLECTION AND DELIBERATION;
AGRICULTURE AND VEGETATION).
Sustenance (q.v.) and dress are given to
humankind by God as a sign of his
providence:
Children of Adam! We have sent down on
you a garment to cover your shameful
parts (see clothing; modesty; nudity),
and adornment (rish); and the garment of
godfearing — that is better; that is one of
God's signs; haply they will remember
(c3 7:26; see remembrance).
Have they not seen that God spreads out
the provision to whom he wills or is sparing
[with it]? Surely in that are signs for a peo-
ple who believe (q 30:37).
To these signs are added the variety of hu-
man languages (see language) and colors
(q.v.) and their differentiated activities by
night and day (q^ 30:22-3). God also inter-
venes in historical events by punishing
wicked peoples; this intervention serves as
a sign for those who fear the punishment of
the last day (q, 11:102-3; ^^^ last judg-
ment; HISTORY AND THE C^UR'aN; CHAS-
TISEMENT AND punishment; PUNISHMENT
stories; REWARD AND PUNISHMENT). In
like manner God prevents the enemies [of
Muslims] from injuring them (o 48:20) and
he causes some people, especially prophets,
to overcome others to prevent their cor-
rupting of the earth (q 2:251-2; see proph-
ets AND prophethood; corruption).
According to the context of C3 3:58, what
has happened to the prophets are signs.
Mary (q.v.), Jesus' (q.v.) mother, became a
sign because of her chastity (q.v.) which
caused God to breathe into her something
of his spirit (q.v.; C3 21:91).
Functions of signs
Having examined some of the objects
which serve as signs, this discussion can
turn to the functions of djdt. Most of the
signs in scripture have the purpose of call-
ing on humankind to thank God (e.g.
q 16:14; 30:46; 36:73; see gratitude and
ingratitude) and to worship (q.v.) him (cf
C) 10:3). Considering the frequent occur-
rence of words denoting signs in the
Qur'an (see, for example, the beginning of
C3 45 in which the word dydt occurs in al-
most every verse), it is possible to state that
Muhammad regarded signs as the best
means to call people to believe in God and
his messenger (q.v.), a means preferable to
frightening them with the horrors of the
day of judgment. Ajidt are miracles done by
God for the sake of people. Signs in "ask
the Children of Israel (q.v.) how many a
clear sign we gave," (q_ 2:211) are inter-
preted to mean the splitting of the Red
Sea, and the bringing down of the manna
and the quail (see animal life). The aim
of these miracles was to compel the
Children of Israel to believe in God, but
they refused to believe. Those who deny
God's miracles are doomed to suffer God's
severe punishment (c3 3:11; 4:56). Miracles
also aim at causing people to believe in
prophets ((J 58:5); Moses (q.v.) tried to per-
suade Pharaoh (q.v.) that he had been sent
by God (<J 7:103-6). Muhammad's proph-
ecy is not proved directly by dydt; rather it
is proved through legitimating his message
by djidt. When the message is demonstrated
to be genuine, the messenger is a true
prophet. Through the use of analogy the
QjLir'an attempts to convince people to be-
lieve in certain tenets of Islam, such as the
resurrection (q.v.). According to <J 2:259, a
man passed near a ruined town and asked
how shall God give its dead people life. To
show this man his power, God put him to
death and revived him after one hundred
years. The aim of this personal miracle is
to show God's ability to resurrect the dead
(Ibn Kathir, Tafslr, i, 558). The miracle here
serves as proof based on analogy: just as
God put this man to death and then re-
stored him to life, so can he put all people
to death and then revive them on the day
of judgment (see death and the dead).
Resurrection is also demonstrated through
God's creation (q.v.) of the world. If God's
ability to create extends to such an enor-
mous act, the more so his ability to revive
the dead: "Have they not seen that God
who created the heavens and earth, not
being wearied by creating them (see
sabbath), is able to give life to the dead?"
(Q, 46:33; cf. 75:38-40). Another proof is
learned from the rain sent by God. Just as
the rain revives the earth, catising plants to
sprout, so can God restore the dead to life
(cf- a 35:9)-
From the contents and context of o 3:13 it
is obvious that an djia is also a lesson f'ibra):
There has already been a sign for you in
the two companies that met [at the battle
of Badr (q.v.)], one company fighting for
the sake of God and another unbelieving;
[the unbelievers] saw [the Muslims] twice
the like of them, as the eye sees, but God
supports with his help whom he will.
Surely, in that is a lesson for the wise (see
wisdom; ignorance; teaching).
The lesson God conveys here is that he can
make a few people overcome many. Again
God's power and his help for man are
proven (see victory; power and
impotence; trust and patience).
Whereas in q 2:259, mentioned above, the
analogy is to be learned by stages, here the
conclusion from the story is directly in-
ferred. That God punishes evil people is a
widespread idea throughout the Qiir'an
(see good and evil). Sometimes the
Qiir'an points out that whoever fears
the punishment of the last judgment
should take a lesson from God's previous
punishments:
Such is the punishment [literally "seizing,"
akhdh] of your lord, when he punishes [the
evildoers of] the cities; surely his punish-
ment is painful, terrible. Surely in that is a
sign for him who fears the chastisement of
the world to come... (<J 11:102-3; ^^e also
a 15:77; 25:37; 26:103, 121, 139, 158, 174,
190; 27:52; 29:35; 34:19).
The lesson to be learned is not only from
God's punishment but also from his reward
to the righteous: God saved Noah (q.v.) as
he did the people and animals that were in
Noah's ark (q.v.; e.g. C3 29:15; 54:15). The
history of a family such as Joseph (q.v.) and
his brothers serves, too, as a lesson (o 12:7;
see also brother and brotherhood;
benjamin), a lesson can also be learned
from a parable (c3 2:266). Sometimes a sign
serves as a trial (q.v.) for a people, whether
they will believe or not (q 44:33). Another
aim of the signs is to show that God acts
for the benefit of humans in many spheres
of life such as sustenance or transportation
(q 16:5-18; see vehicles). Finally, a sign
may function as a metaphor (q.v.), its ex-
planation being given by exegetes (see
EXEGESIS OF THE ^UR'aN: CLASSICAL AND
medieval); good and bad land are similes
for the believer and the unbeliever respec-
tively [Jaldlayn, ad q 7:58; cf 10:24).
Reactions to signs
Reactions to signs, proofs and miracles
differ — some people believe in them
(q 6:54, 99) while others do not, or they
display a negative attitude toward them.
Some people are obstinately reluctant to
draw conclusions from God's acts aiming
at the preservation of the world: "We set
up the heaven as a roof well-protected; yet
still from our signs they are turning away"
(q 21:32; cf 6:157; 15:81; 36:46). Refusing
to recognize God's signs is regarded by the
Qiir'an as the gravest wrongdoing: "And
who does greater evil than he who, being
reminded of the signs of his lord, turns
away from them ... " (q 18:57; 32:22).
These rejecters consider signs to be witch-
craft: "Yet if they see a sign they turn away,
and they say: A continuous sorcery' "
(q 54:2; cf 27:13; 46:7; see magic). In
addition, Muhammad suffered from the
mockery (q.v.) of his opponents (see
OPPOSITION TO MUHAMMAD): "Say: 'What,
then were you mocking God, and his signs,
and his messenger'?" (q 9:65; cf. 18:56,
io6; 30:10; 45:9, 35). The most common
example of such negative reactions is tliat
of evildoers who disbelieve in God's signs:
"We have sent down to you clear signs, and
only the evildoers disbelieve in them"
(q. 2:99). Other evildoers (see EVIL deeds)
are identified with those who killed proph-
ets (c3 3:21; see murder; bloodshed). In
the qur'anic view, the refusal to recognize
God's signs is connected to rejection of his
messengers who point to those signs (see
SIN, MAJOR AND MINOR; ETHICS AND THE
(JUr'an). Whoever questions God's exis-
tence and power is an evildoer, and vice
versa, those who fear (q.v.) God and give
alms believe in God's signs (c) 7:156; cf.
Birkeland, Interpretation, 13-29; see
almsgiving; piety). The verb kadhdhaba
(he accused someone of lying, or discov-
ered someone to be lying, or regarded
something as a lie, or denied something;
see lie) is used to indicate another kind of
reaction to the signs considered by the
Qiir'an as the gravest act ((J 6:21). "(Their
way is) like the way of Pharaoh's folk and
those before them; they denied the
signs..." (c) 8:54; see also (J 5:10, 86, where
in both verses kadhdhaba comes along with
kafara, he disbelieved; cf. o 6:21, 39, 150;
10:95; 7:176-7, 182; 20:56). In q 6:33 it is
emphasized that Muhammad's opponents,
the unbelievers, did not accuse him of
lying but they denied (jahada) God's signs.
The verb jahada and its equivalents, ankara
and ^alama, appear several times in the
qur'anic text as expressions of the reaction
to God's signs (q, 7:9; 11:59; 29:49; 31:32;
40:63, 81; 41:15; 46:26). In two verses the
verb istakbara (he became haughty) occurs
with the verb kadhdhaba, as in "Those who
regard our signs as lies and display haugh-
tiness (see arrogance; pride) toward
them shall be the inhabitants of the fire
(q.v.; see also hell and hellfire) forever"
(o 7:36 and C3 7:40), and without kadhdhaba
in other verses (q 7:133; 10:75; 45:31). In
one place the unbelievers' arrogance and
mockery are depicted as a deception
(q 10:75). Another kind of negative reac-
tion to the signs is disputation (jiddl) which
is associated with unbelief: "None but the
unbelievers dispute concerning the signs
of God..." (q 40:4; see debate and
disputation). But the unbelievers have no
proof to support their dispute which de-
rives from their arrogance (cf. Q_ 40:35, 56).
In several verses the opponents' disputa-
tion is expressed through mockery; they
accuse Muhammad of telling ancient sto-
ries (o 6:25; 8:31; 68:15; 83:13). Twice, the
unbelievers are regarded as heedless of the
signs (q 7:136; 10:7). They also defame the
signs (q 41:40) and oppose them (q 74:16).
In sum, the unbelievers express their reac-
tion to God's signs in several ways — de-
nial, mockery, contestation, opposition and
heedlessness. As a text characterized, inter
alia, by polemics, the Qiir'an frequently
refers to its opponents, and naturally em-
phasizes their negative attitude toward the
signs.
Signs as linguistic communication
The word dya, apart froin connoting non-
linguistic communication between God
and man (Cf. Izutsu, God, 133), also con-
tains the additional meanings of a basic
unit or a passage of revelation, namely,
linguistic communication (see revelation
AND inspiration; verses). In the Qiir'an
itself there is no indication as to the length
of these units or passages, o 2:106 reads:
"And for whatever unit of revelation (or
passage, dya) we abrogate or cast into obliv-
ion, we bring a better or the like of it..."
(cf Q 16:101; 24:1; see abrogation). Also
when the Qiir'an states that "Those are
dydt oi the wise scripture" (c3 10:1; 12:1;
13:1, in several beginnings of suras [q.v.]
which constitute a fixed formula), it seems
to point to a basic unit of revelation or to
passages, although the meaning of signs
cannot be ruled out altogether. Aydt are
mentioned in the context of interpretation
(ta'wil), a fact that alludes to linguistic com-
munication (q 3:7). Similarly, it is more
probable that aydt mean units of revelation
when appearing with the verb tald (he re-
cited): "The People of the Book (q.v.) are
not all alike. [Among them is] a righteous
community who recite God's aydt in the
hours of the night..." ((J 3:113, and
Q. I9-73J 33-34> ^^^ vigils; reiiitation of
THE q^ur'an). According to some interpret-
ers of the Qiir'an, the plural word dydt also
means the Qvir'an itself [e.g. Jaldlayn, ad
q 27:81; 29:23, 49; 31:7; 34:43). It is, how-
ever, possible to conclude from the con-
text of some verses that dydt are identified
with the scripture, as in "Our lord, send
among them a messenger, one of them,
who shall recite to them your signs, and
teach them the book (q.v.) and the wis-
dom..." (q 2:129; cf 2:151; 10:15). Accord-
ing to q 3-2-4, not only is the Qiir'an
designated as dydt but also the Hebrew
Bible and the New Testament (see torah;
gospels).
A further extension of the meaning of
dya, one with legal connotations, is cer-
tainly discernible from o 2:231:
When you divorce women, and they have
reached their term, then retain them hon-
orably or set them free honorably; do not
retain them by force, to transgress [this
law] ; whoever does that has wronged him-
self. Take not God's laws (dydt) in mock-
ery... (see MARRIAGE AND DIVORllE;
boundaries and precepts; law and the
qur'an).
The word dydt also occurs in the context of
God's giving ordinances (q 2:187, 22i;
24:58, 61). And there is another stylistic
phenomenon which proves the notion that
dydt may also be used as a term for laws.
The formula "in such a manner God
makes clear to you his dydt (signs)" is found
both after a sentence which speaks about
God's graces, namely, his help for and
saving of the believers (q 3:103), and after a
sentence which talks about the expiation of
oaths (q.v.; q 5:89; see also breaking
TRUSTS AND CONTRACTS; CONTRACTS AND
alliances). Just as in the former example
dydt seems to mean signs, so in the latter
dydt seems to mean laws. Our suggestion is
that the above-mentioned formula refers to
the sentences which precede it. To sum up,
dydt has the following basic meanings:
signs, miracles, proofs, basic units or pas-
sages of revelations, the Qiir'an and other
holy books, and laws.
Structure of sign-passages
Most sign-passages (i.e. groups of sign-
verses) are characterized by introductory as
well as concluding formulas (see form and
STRUCTURE OF THE qup'AN). The introduc-
tory phrase presents God's acts and the
concluding sentence emphasizes the fact
that these acts are signs for people who
reflect, or understand, q 13:2-3 reads:
God is he who raised up the heavens with-
out pillars you can see, then he sat himself
upon the throne. He subjected the sun and
the moon, each running to a term stated.
He directs the world (literally: the affair)
[and] he makes the signs clear so that you
will be certain of the encounter with your
lord. It is he who stretched out the earth
and set therein firm mountains and rivers,
and of every fruit he placed there two
kinds, and covered the day with the night.
Surely in that are signs for a people who
reflect.
In some sign-passages the first words are:
"And of his signs..." (q 30:20). There are,
however, sign-passages in which the word
"signs" is absent (q 6:141; 13:12-15; 16:3-8,
80; 30:48-51; 32:4-9). On the whole, the
8
sign-passages have no uniform internal
order, except that there might be a special
division and a liierarchy of the signs in
some places, as indicated by exegetes (see
below Later development).
Most of the verbs connected witli signs
indicate the mode of tlieir arrival to hu-
mankind: "to bring," atd hi, dtd,jd'a hi (cf.
C) 2:106, 211; 43:47), "to bring down or to
reveal," nazz/J-la, anzala (e.g. q 6:37; 10:20),
"to come," atd (e.g. q 6:158), and "to send,"
ba'atha hi, arsala hi (e.g. q 10:75; 11:96).
Some verbs (bayyana, sarrafa, fassala) indi-
cate that the signs are explained or made
clear (q 5:75; 6:46; 7:174; 9:11), and some
others (e.g. dhakkara, qassa) indicate that the
signs are mentioned, told and recited
(q 6:130; 8:31; 10:71; see narratives). In
the light of the polemical character of
many parts of the Qitr'an, it seems that
these verbs are intended to deliver the mes-
sage that God's signs not only exist but are
brought down to people, they are transmit-
ted by recounting or recitation and, be-
yond that, they are made clear in order to
convince humans of God's power and
providence, so that they will worship him.
Without the Prophet's explanation, signs
remain a "means of non-linguistic com-
munication" (Izutsu, God, 133-9), which
humanity is obliged to decipher. In ad-
dition, there is the plienomenon that some
signs are depicted as clear signs {dydt
bayyindt, Q_ 2:99; 3:97; 17:101). We do not
know the difference between dya and bayy-
ina (as a noun), the latter literally meaning
"clear sign." In (3 20:133 and (3 7:73, the
identification of dya with bayyina is trans-
parent, and in other places bayyina applies
to the same sign which is expressed else-
where by dya (q 7:105). Aydt bayyindt, how-
ever, seem never to be applied to natural
wonders, rather only to historical or
supernatural signs (Rahman, Major
themes, 72).
Later development
The natural phenomena that appear in the
Qiir'an serve Muslim scholars as corrobo-
ration for the argument from design. The
teleological argument is used to prove the
existence of God, his unity, wisdom, and
rtde of the world through the wonderful
design observed in the world (see sover-
eignty; KINGS AND rulers; GOD AND HIS
attributes). Although this argument is
found in Greek philosophy (Socrates,
Aristotle, the Stoics) and in Christian
thought (Augustine [d. 430] , Boethius
[d. 524] and, in the Muslim era, John of
Damascus [d. ca. 143/750], Theodore Abu
QjLirra [d. ca. 2 10/825] ^^'-^ 'Ammar al-
Basri [d. ca. 2 10/825], who very probably
influenced Muslim theologians; on the
early interactions between Christian and
Muslim theologians, see e.g. Griffith, Faith
and reason), one cannot ignore the numer-
ous examples of the argtiment in the
Qiir'an (cf. Gwynne, Logic), which certainly
induced Muslim theologians to employ it.
It seems that Mu'tazili theologians first
used the argument from design (Hisham
al-Fuwati [d. ca. 229/844], al-Nazzam
[d. bef 232/847], al-Jahiz [d. 255/869]; see
mu'tazilis). This argument then passed to
other theologians, whether they belonged
to mainstream Muslims, such as al-
Muhasibl (d. 243/857), to Ash'arl theo-
logians like al-Ash'arl (d. 324/935),
al-Baqillani (d. 403/1013) and al-Ghazali
(d. 505/1 1 11), or to sectarians, such as the
Zaydl Imam al-Qasim b. Ibrahim (d. 246/
860; see heresy). Even the Aristotelian
philosopher Ibn Rushd (d. 595/1198) states
that he prefers argtiments for God's ex-
istence that appear in the Qitr'an to specu-
lative arguments (see theology and the
(Jur'an). His form of the teleological ar-
gumentation (see cosmology), the argu-
ment from God's providence, which shows
that the design of the world aims to benefit
people, is one that is mticli cited in tlie
Qtir'an.
Tlie exegetes of the Qiir'an naturally
placed much importance on God's signs
and the conclusions derived from them
concerning God's power and his ride of
the world (Tabari, TafsTr, ad q 30:24; Ibn
Kathir, Tafsir, ad C3 30:21). Generally, how-
ever, al-Tabarl (d. 310/923), Ibn Kathir
(d. 774/1373) ^i^d other traditionalist ex-
egetes did not investigate sign-passages as a
whole, nor did they analyze the inter-con-
nections between signs. Such examinations
were carried out by rationalist exegetes
such as Fakhr al-Din al-RazI (d. 606/1210),
who divides sign-passages according to
their functions, the connections between
them, and their hierarchical structure
(RazI, Tafsir, ad q 30:22-7). q 30:22-5 reads:
And of his signs is the creation of the
heavens and earth and the variety of your
languages and colors... and of his signs is
your slumbering by night, and your seeking
by day after his bounty... and of his signs
he shows you lightning (see weather), for
fear and hope, and that he sends down out
of heaven water and he revives the earth
with it after it is dead. . . and of his signs is
that the heaven and earth stand [firm] by
his command...
Al-RazI divides these signs into necessary
accidents (a'rdd lazima), namely, accidents
which are part of the essence of a thing,
and those which are transitory (a'rdd
mujariqa), some departing quickly, such as
redness of the face as a result of shame,
and others slowly, such as youth (cf. Jurjani,
Ta'rijdt, 153-4; *^^ YOUTH and old age).
First the Qtir'an points out two examples
of necessary accidents (the various lan-
guages and colors of people), and then two
examples of a 'rdd mujdriqa (sleep at night
and the search for means of subsistence
din-ing the day; see pairs and pairing).
God makes the a 'rdd mujariqa of the last
two verses which deal with heaven and
earth come before their a 'rdd lazima, for
heaven and earth are stable and changes
are more marvelous in them than in
humankind. Thus, al-Razi organizes signs
according to their characteristics, o 30:8
reads: "Have they not reflected on them-
selves? God did not create the heavens and
the earth and what is between them save
with the truth. . . ." Al-Razi notices that in
this verse signs in people (dald'il al-anfus)
precede signs in the heavens and earth
(dald'il al-djdq), whereas in q 41:53, "We
shall show them our signs in the horizons
[al-djdq) and in themselves...," signs in the
heavens and earth take precedence. The
solution to this contradiction lies in the
distinction between the agents of the verbs
mentioned in these verses: when the agent
is human, the signs stated are easy to per-
ceive, for they are in humans themselves
and people cannot ignore them, while the
signs which God mentions about the world
are more difficult to perceive, for they are
remote from humanity. What God men-
tions last is understood by people first be-
cause they progress in knowing God's signs
in stages (Razi, TafsTr, xxv, 99, ad q 30:8).
Such sophisticated interpretation occurs
neither in classical nor in modern exegesis
(see EXEGESIS OF THE our'an: early
MODERN AND CONTEMPORARY;
PHILOSOPHY AND THE our'an). Scientific
exegesis, which searches for elements and
terminology of science in the Qiir'an, does
appear in classical texts, but is not as wide-
spread as it has become in the modern era
(Jansen, Interpretation, 36-8; see science
AND the qUR'AN).
Modern exegetes tend to deal not only
with separate words in a verse or with a
complete verse but also with whole sign-
passages, paraphrasing their ideas and
drawing conclusions from them, o 10:5-6
reads:
It is he who made the sun a radiance, and
the moon a light (q.v.), and determined it
by stations, that you might know the num-
ber of the years and the reckoning. God
created that only with the truth, explaining
the signs to a people who know. In the
alteration of night and day, and what
God has created in the heavens and the
earth, surely, there are signs for godfearing
people.
Muhammad Rashid Rida (d. 1935), whose
interpretation of the Qiir'an follows the
teachings of his master, the great Muslim
reformist Muhammad 'Abduh (d. 1905),
states that these two verses direct the
Muslim to God's cosmological signs which
prove his power to revive the dead and to
reward man (cf. Darwaza, Tafsir, vi, 287).
According to Rashid Rida, these signs also
show God's wisdom and the regular design
in creation, and, characteristically of mod-
ern exegesis, he points out that they stimu-
late man to study astronomy, a science
which the ancestors favored because of the
guidance of the Qiir'an (see planets and
stars). Furthermore, study of the cosmo-
logical signs proves that Islam is a religion
based on knowledge (see knowledge and
learning) and science (din 'ilmi), not on
blindly following authority (q.v.; taqlid).
The scientific discoveries of the secrets of
light in this generation prove God's sagac-
ity (Rashid Rida, Mandr, xi, 301-5). In
'Abduh's work, the jinn (q.v.) are identified
with microbes (Jansen, Interpretation, 43).
Extensive scientific exegesis (tafsir 'ilmi) is
found in Muhammad Farld Wajdi's (d.
1940) al-A'Iushaf al-mufassar, "The Qiir'an
Interpreted" (Jansen, Interpretation, 46-7). A
typical modern discussion of sign-passages
is found in Sayyid Qiitb's (d. 1966) inter-
pretation of the beginning of c) 30 (vv.
1-32). In his view, sign-passages do not
stand apart; there is a close connection
between what happens to humans and the
natural phenomena, and this is expressed
through the notion that God is the source
of all things (Qiitb, ^ildl, vi, 436). The
function of the signs is to prompt humans
to believe in God (ibid., 448-9). Whoever
makes such signs, Qiitb emphatically
states, is the same one who sends messen-
gers to humankind, restores people to life,
and so on (ibid., 463), as in the second part
of the sura (w. 33-60).
The notion that all future scientific dis-
coveries are mentioned in the Qiir'an,
whether directly or indirectly, is a common
modern notion. Mustafa Kamal Malimud
(b. 192 1), an Egyptian physician, writer and
a qur'anic exegete, is very fond of scientific
exegesis. He finds allusions to recent sci-
entific discoveries in the qur'anic descrip-
tion of creation (Mahmud, Muhdwala,
ed.1970, 51, 60-4; cf. Rippin, Muslims, 95-7).
He partially accepts Darwin's theory of
evolution, claiming that God is responsible
for the evolution of the species in stages
(Mahmud, Muhdwala, ed. 1970, 59-60; ed.
1999, 67-8). Among the various natural
phenomena which support the scientific
knowledge found in the Qur'an, he points
to the state of the embryo (ci 39:6;
Mahmud, Muhdwala, ed. 1970, 65-8; see
BIOLOGY as the CREATION AND STAGES OF
life). Some modern exegetes regard the
scientific contents of the Qur'an as proof
of the veracity of Muhammad's prophecy
and consequently the truthfulness of the
qur'anic ideas. According to these scholars,
the scientific elements attest to a miracle
that is even greater than the miracle of the
literary supremacy of the Qur'an (see
inimitability; language and style of
THE (JUr'an). The scientific interpretation,
however, has not gone unchallenged.
Muslim scholars themselves have charged
the adherents of scientific exegesis with
failing to pay proper attention to the con-
text of the verses discussed, to philological
considerations and to the fact that the
Qiir'an was addressed to Arabs (q.v.),
speaking in their language and informing
only of the sciences known in the Prophet's
era (see occasions of revelation; sIra
AND THE QUr'an; PRE-ISLAMIC ARABIA
AND THE our'an). Moreover, they insist
that the Qur'an presents an ethical and
religious message (see virtues and vices,
commanding and forbidding; escha-
tology) and that a limited text cannot
contain the ever-changing views of sci-
entists in the nineteenth and twentieth
centuries (Hussein, Commentaire; Jansen,
Interpretation, 47-54).
Binyamin Abrahamov
Bibliography
Primary: M/I. Darwaza, al-TafsTr al-hadith, 12
vols., Cairo 1381-3/1962-4; Ibn Kathlr, Tafsn,
7 vols., Beirut 1385/1966, repr. Beirut 1389/1970;
al-Jurjanl, 'All b. Muhammad, Kitdb ai'Ta'rifat,
ed. G. Fliigel, Leipzig 1847, repr. Beirut 1978;
Lisdn al-'Arab, 15 vols., Beirut 1955-6; ed. All
Shiri, 18 vols., Beirut 1988; Qutb, ^ildl; Rashld
Rida, Mandr; Razi, Tafsir, 16 vols., Beirut n.d.;
SuyutT, Itqdn; TabarT, Tafsir, 12 vols., Cairo
1323-9/1905-11, repr. Beirut 1986-7; Tantawl
Jawharl, al-Jawdhirji tafsTr al-Qur'dn al-mushtamii
'aid 'ajd'ib badd'i' al-mukawwandt wa-ghard'ib al-dydt
al-bdhirdt, 26 vols., Cairo 1350/1930.
Secondary: B. Abrahamov (ed.), al-Qdsim b.
Ibrahim on the proof oj God's existence, Kitdb al-dalTl
al-kabir, Leiden 1990; Abd al-BaqT; A.J. Arberry,
The Koran interpreted, Oxford 1983; H. Birkeland,
The interpretation of surah 107, in 5/9 (1958),
13-29; W.A. Graham, "The winds to herald his
mercy" and other "signs for those of certain
faith," in S.H. Lee, W. Proudfoot and A. Black-
well (eds.). Faithful imagining. Essays in honor of R.R.
JViebuhr, Atlanta 1995, 19-38; S. Griffith, Faith and
reason in Christian Kalam. Theodore Abu
Qurrah on discerning the true religion, in S.Kh.
Samir andJ.S. Nielsen (eds.), Christian Arabic
apologetics during the Abbasid period (y^o-is^S),
Leiden 1994, 1-43; K. Hussein, Le commentaire
"scientifique" du Coran. Une innovation
absurde, in MlDEO 16 (1983), 293-300; Izutsu,
G'of/;J.J.G. Jansen, The interpretation of the Qur'dn in
modern Egypt, Leiden 1974; Jeffery, Eor. vocab.;
M.K. Mahmud, al-Qur'dn muhdwala li-fahm 'asri,
Beirut 1970, Cairo 1999 (rev. ed.); Neuwirth,
Studien; M.M. Pickthall, The meaning of the glorious
Koran, New York 1953; M. Radscheit, "Fgaz al-
Qur'an" im Koran, in Wild, Text, 113-23;
F Rahman, Major themes of the Qur'dn, Chicago
1980; A. Rippin, Muslims. Their religious beliefs and
practices, ii. The contemporary period, London 1993;
A. Schimmel, Deciphering the signs of God. A
phenomenological approach to Islam, Albany 1994;
Watt-Bell, Introduction.
Sijjm see book; heavenly book; angel
Silk
Lustrous fiber produced by insect larvae
frequently used in fine materials. The
terms hanr and sundus, "silk," are attested
five times in the Qur'an [q_ 22:23, 35:33,
76:12, and 18:31 and 44:53, respectively).
These terms appear exclusively in passages
dedicated to the description of paradise
that, with the fire of the hell promised to
the unbelievers, draws a central binary
theme in the qur'anic discourse focused on
an eschatological perspective (see para-
dise; HELL AND HELLFIRE; ESCHATOLOGY).
Therefore, the luxury of silk constitutes
one of the paradigmatic elements of
Islamic heavenly ontology (c) 55 and q 56
provide the most detailed developments on
the theme paradise/hell; see pairs and
pairing). Depictions of the qur'anic para-
dise (also called al-khuld or ddr al-saldm) rest
upon three major categories that reflect the
traditional conception of the ideal life-style
in Arab society. The first category is obvi-
ously the heavenly landscape comprising
bucolic gardens (see garden), live springs
of pure water (q.v), rivers of milk (q.v.),
honey (q.v.) and wine (q.v.; see also
intoxicants; springs and fountains),
and trees producing the most delightful
fruits (see agriculture and vegetation;
tree(s)). The second concerns creatures of
two kinds, symbols of beauty and sensual
happiness, namely immortal male young-
sters and virgins with large eyes (hurun'inun)
that will accompany and serve the re-
warded in the afterlife (e.g. c) 55-72; 56:17,
22; 76:19; see REWARD AND PUNISHMENT;
HOURls). The third category, to which be-
longs the mention of silk, consists of an
array of precious items, accessories and
furniture that embellish the heavenly scen-
ery as the most comfortable and beautifully
equipped, something humans would dream
of enjoying. Two main materials, textile
and metalwork, contribute to idyllic images
of the paradise that allow an easier com-
prehension of the ineffable concepts of
eternity (q.v.) and life after death (see
resurrection; death and the dead).
Clearly referring to the cultural context of
the qur'anic revelation, a recurrent image
presents the rewarded as garbed in silk or
other fine fabrics and wearing valuable
jewels (q 22:23; see metals and minerals;
PRE-ISLAMIC ARABIA AND THE CJUr'an).
This image appears in radical contrast to
that of the ordinary life in this world whose
practical necessities require wearing utili-
tarian clothes made of rough material, as
indicated in c) 16:80: "He has given you the
skins of beasts for tents, that you may find
them light when you shift your quarters, or
when you halt; and from their wool and
soft fur and hair has he supplied you with
furniture and goods for temporary use"
(see equally q 16:81; see HIDES AND
fleece).
A range of other heavenly works of tex-
tile, supposing both an artistic savoir-faire
and a high material value, complete the
rather realistic picture of a wealthy home
(see HOUSE, domestic and divine). These
include cushions carefully disposed upon
ordered sets of beds, spread carpets and
rugs (q 88:13-6), some of them displaying
rich adornment on the edges (q 55:54).
Occasionally, the Qtir'an describes these
accessories as green in color (q 55:76; see
colors), adding another degree of heav-
enly attribute. In addition to costly furnish-
ing and clothing, the righteous will eat and
drink delicious food and beverages in silver
and gold dishes and cups (q 43:71; 76:15-16,
21; see i;ups and vessels; food and
drink; cold), q 18:31 delivers a kind of
representative summary of the whole
topic: "Decked shall they be therein with
bracelets of gold, and green robes of silk
and rich brocade shall they wear, reclining
therein on thrones." As a result, in addition
to its marvelous and supra-natural aspect,
the qur'anic paradise offers all the advan-
tages of sensible beauty and pleasure, even
luxury. Its aesthetic strongly evokes earthly
enjoyments. Therefore, the question of
interpretation of this eschatological theme
raised many discussions among the ex-
egetes, theologians, philosophers and
mystics (see execesis of the qUR'AN:
CLASSICAL AND MEDIEVAL; SUFISM AND THE
qUR'AN; PHILOSOPHY AND THE qUR'AN;
Sourdel and Sourdel, Dictionnaire, 656-7
[Paradis]). Whereas the traditionists ac-
cepted the literal qur'anic description of
paradise, in accordance with the manifest
meaning of the text, the Mu'tazills (q.v.)
did not accept certain aspects of it that
challenge reason (see intellect). The lat-
ter interpreted these passages at a second
level of meaning, attributing to them a
second signification (see polysemy).
Similarly, the philosophers understood the
promised delights as a metaphorical or
allegorical proposition, fully comprehen-
sible only by the wise and knowledgeable
(see metaphor; literary structures of
THE quR'AN) while maintaining that the
colorful cjur'anic narrative is intended
chiefly for the common people. The
Ash'aris stand between these two opposing
trends, arguing that the heavenly enjoy-
ments belong to another order, although
13
SIMILE
these enjoyments do display features that
are analogous to earthly ones. The Sufis
also found in these verses allegorical sig-
nification but without rejecting the literal
meaning; they consider the Qjur'an a cog-
nitive construction with multiple layers.
Some other theologians, like al-Ghazali (d.
505/11 1 1), proposed an alternative to these
various ideas, asserting that the believer
himself should interpret the nature of the
ultimate reward according to his own intel-
lectual faculties and spiritual qualities.
Silk became an important part of Islamic
culture that developed both the arts of tex-
tile fabrication and the economy linked to
them. The social and political context of
Islam in the middle ages, with sumptuous
courts flourishing in the great cities of the
Muslim empire and a wide network of
trade roads stretching from the Atlantic
ocean to India, central and eastern Asia,
fostered the manufacture and sale of pre-
cious objects in general, and silk items in
particular (Sourdel and Sourdel, Diction-
naire, 535-7 [Marchandes, activites]). The
ancient trans-Asian trading corridor,
known as "the silk road," which was re-
vived in the seventh/thirteenth century
under the Mongol empire, stimulated the
trade of this fine material through com-
mercial centers populated by Muslim
merchants who were spread across the
whole landmass. Silk was used to make
lavish court robes in officially controlled
workshops designated by the Persian noun
tirdz, located in palaces (Sourdel and
Sourdel, Didionnaire, 806, Tiraz). These
luxurious garments were distributed as
honorary gifts during princely ceremonies.
Silk was also, as it still is, a component of
particularly fine carpets and rugs of the
Islamic world (see material culture and
THE ^Ur'an).
V. Gonzalez
Bibliography
Primary: Bukharl, Sahih; al-Ghazall, Abu Hamid
Muhammad b. Muhammad, al-Munqidh min al-
daldl, Damascus 1956; Ibn al-Arabi, TafsTr,
2 vols., Beirut 1978; Ibn al-JawzT, Funun; Tabarl,
TafsTr.
Secondary: E. Ashtor, Levant trade in the iater middte
ages, Princeton 1983; Bowering, Af^Jj^iVfl/; K.A.C.
Creswell, A l)ibtiograpily of the architecture, arts and
crafts of Islam to 1st Jan lg6o, Cairo 1961, and
suppl.; Gardet and Anawati, Introduction;
G\ui?irGt, Jubbd'i; G.E. von Grunebaum, Ttiemes
in medieval Arabic literature, London 1981;
M. Lombard, Les textiles dans le monde musulman,
Paris/The Hague 1978; Mir, Dictionary; Nwyia,
Exegese; D.S. Richards (ed.), Islam and the trade of
Asia, Oxford 1970; S. Qutb, al-TaswTr al-fannifi
l-Qur'dn, Cairo 1989; 'A. Shalaq, al-Aqlfi l-turdth
alfamdlT 'inda l-a'rdb, Beirut 1985 (esp. "al-Jamal
wa-1-husn fl 1-Qiir'an" and "al-Jamal ft 1-hadlth
al-nabawl"); D. Sourdel and J. Sourdel, Didion-
naire historique de VIslam, Paris 1996.
Silliness see mockery; laughter
Silver see cold; metals and minerals
Simile
The comparison of two things, made
explicit — and distinguished from meta-
phor (q.v.) — by the use of "like" or "as."
"Zayd fought like a lion" is a simile. In
Arabic rhetoric (see ARABIC language;
RHETORIC and THE Q^Ur'aN; LITERARY
STRUCTURES OF THE q^ur'an), "similc" Or
tashbih has the same general sense, and the
same general distinction is made between
simile and metaphor (isti'dra). The "like"
or "as" in the simile is usually made with
the particle ka, though a locution using the
noun inathal may substitute. Early works on
rhetoric placed great emphasis on simile;
al-MarzubanI (d. 384/994) in al-Muwashsha
made simile one of the "four pillars of
poetry" (see van Gelder, Tashbih; see
POETRY AND POETs). Not surprisingly, pro-
ponents of the doctrine of the inimitability
SIMILE
14
(q.v.) of the Qiir'an, like al-Rummam
(d. 384/994) and al-Baqillam (d. 403/1013),
listed its excellent similes among the rhe-
torical qualities that make it inimitable.
Al-Baqillam (Ijdz, 263-8) compared them
favorably with the outstanding similes
found in poets like Imru' al-Q_ays and
Bashshar b. Burd. From a rhetorical stand-
point, the interest in qur'anic simile culmi-
nates in the work of Ibn Naqiya (d. 485/
1092) entitled al-Jumanfi tashbihdt al-Qur'dn.
Although similes are common in the
Qiir'an, the word tashbih is not found there.
The term mathal, however, sometimes
clearly means "simile." At the same time, it
must be said that mathal is also used to
mean short narrative passages that we
would be more likely to call "parables,"
and it seems no clear distinction is made
between these two forms by the Qiir'an,
nor, for that matter, by some of the rhetori-
cians (see parable). They are taken to be
the same sort of rhetorical device, mathal.
Perhaps that word is best rendered by the
similarly comprehensive term "analogy."
Two passages show this. In q 56:22-3 the
plural form, amthdl, introduces a simile:
"The houris (q.v.) whose eyes are like hid-
den pearls" (wa-hurun 'inun ka-amthdli l-
lu'lu'i l-maknuni), whereas (J 18:32-45, which
is also termed a mathal, clearly exceeds the
bounds of what is usually called simile:
"Coin for them an analogy (wa-drib lahum
mathalan) of two men, unto one of whom
we had assigned two gardens of grapes and
we had surrounded both with date-palms
and put between them tillage (see garden;
DATE palm; agriculture and
vegetation). . . ." It goes on to relate a
parable about two farmers, one pious, the
other disdainful and proud; as one would
expect, the former is rewarded and the
latter punished (see reward and
punishment; pride; insolence and
obstinacy; piety).
Uses and examples
In the Qiir'an the simile is often made sim-
ply with ka: C3 7:179 "Those are like cattle"
(uld'ika ka-l-an'dm) but quite cominonly a
qur'anic simile is made with a character-
istic pleonasm, ka-mathal. As Ibn Naqiya
shows through numerous examples,
qur'anic similes make use of the same im-
agery found in Arabic poetry, both pre-
Islamic and later (see symbolic imagery).
The first simile (c3 2:17), using the pleonasm
ka-mathal, compares the hypocrites (q.v.;
al-mundfiqun; see hypocrites and
hypocrisy) to someone who blunders in
the dark (see darkness) after having briefly
enjoyed the light (q.v.) of a fire (q.v.):
"Their likeness is the likeness of one who
lit a fire (mathaluhum. ka-mathali lladhi
istawqada ndran), and when it illuminated
his surroundings, God took away their fire
and left them in darkness. They do not see
(see vision and blindness)." This simile is
soon followed by another: "Or like the rain
clouds in the sky with darkness and thun-
der and lightning in it (see weather), they
put their fingers in their ears against the
thunderbolts" (q^ 2:19; see hearing and
deafness; seeing and hearing).
Aspects of God's creation (cpv.) provoke a
number of similes. C3 36:39, "And for the
moon (q.v.) we have devised stations until it
returns like an old, withered palm stalk,"
i.e. curved and small; q 55:14, "He created
man from clay (q.v.) like crockery";
C3 55:24, "His are ships (q.v.) that sail on the
sea like mountains." Heaven and hell (see
HELL and hellfire) are the subject of col-
orful similes. The houris of paradise (q.v.),
for example, are described thus: "And with
them are ones who lower their eyes, pure
as the hidden eggs [of ostriches] "
(Q. 37-4S"9)- Likewise, the painful features
of hell are also described through similes.
The liquid given to the damned is like mol-
ten lead (see food and drink; hot and
15
SIMILE
cold): o 18:29 "And if they call for help,
they will be given water like molten lead
scalding their faces, an evil drink."
A fairly limited number of peoples,
places and events probably account for
most of the similes in the Qiir'an.
Recourse to simile is especially frequent in
the case of various "enemies (q.v.) of God"
(a'dd' Allah), most prominently the unbe-
lievers {al-kdfirun; see belief and unbe-
lief; GRATITUDE AND INGRATITUDE), the
polytheists [al-mushrikun; see polytheism
AND atheism) and the aforementioned
hypocrites. C3 7:176 compares an unbeliever
to a dog (q.v.): "He is like the dog, if you
chase him away, he pants, and if you leave
him alone, he pants." Two memorable sim-
iles compare the futile acts of unbelievers
to ashes (q.v.) and to a mirage (see also
transitoriness). o 14:18: "Those who
disbelieve in their lord (cj.v), their deeds
are like ashes which the winds blow on a
stormy day" (see good deeds; evil
deeds). And C) 24:39: "Those who disbe-
lieve, their deeds are like a mirage in a des-
ert. Someone thirsty reckons it to be water
(q.v.) until he reaches it and finds nothing
in it."
C3 13:14 tells us that the polytheist who
prays to idols (see idols and images) is
"like a man who stretches his hands to wa-
ter for the water to come to it, but the wa-
ter does not come." Q^ 29:41 compares the
refuge the polytheist seeks in his idols to a
spider (q.v.) web: "Those who take other
protectors besides God (see clients and
clientage; protection) are like the spi-
der who takes a house — truly the spider's
house is the flimsiest of houses!" q 63:4
compares the hypocrites to blocks of wood:
"And when you see them, their persons
please you, and if they speak you listen to
what they say. [Yet] they are like blocks
of wood propped against each other."
Two particular events, judgment day (see
last judgment) and the destruction of
wicked peoples (see punishment stories;
CHASTISEMENT AND PUNISHMENT), are fre-
quent subjects of similes, e.g. the anni-
hilation of the people of 'Ad (q.v.) in
<J 54:19-20: "We sent upon them a roaring
wind (see air and wind) on a day of un-
relenting calamity which snatched them
away as though they were the trunks of
uprooted palm trees." (J 69:7 says that the
same people after their destruction seemed
"as though they were the hollow trunks of
palm trees." (J 55:37 describes the appear-
ance of the sky on judgment day (see
apocalypse): "And when the skies are split
open, they will be red like stained leather."
(J 70:8-9 has: "A day when the sky will be
like molten brass and the mountains will be
like tufts of wool." c) 101:4 describes the
commotion of the resurrected people (see
resurrection) thus: "... a day when the
people will be like moths scattered about."
In sum, similes vary greatly in tone, some
are majestic, some homespun — as q 2:26
says, "God does not disdain to make a si-
militude of a gnat" (inna lldha Idyastahyi an
yadriba mathalan md ba'udatan). Sometimes a
sardonic tone is struck (see language and
STYLE OF THE cjur'an). A memorable sim-
ile in (J 62:5 concerns Jews (see JEWS and
Judaism) and the Torah (q.v.): "The like-
ness of those who were given the Torah to
carry and then ignored it is that of a don-
key carrying books (asjar)."
In addition to their illustrative, semantic
role, similes often seem to have a rhetori-
cal, emphatic role in the organization of
qur'anic discourse. Similes not infrequently
open or close a subsection of a sura (q.v.;
see also FORM and structure of the
(JUr'an). For example, the rather ordinary
simile in q 11:24 which compares believers
and unbelievers to the seeing and the
blind, respectively, is followed immediately
by stories of the prophets (see prophets
SIMILE
i6
AND prophethood) Noah (q.v.), Hud (q.v.)
and Salih (q.v.), and the "vanished peo-
ples" to whom they were sent — the heed-
less people whom God destroyed. Similarly,
the famous or infamous comparison of
Torah-bearers just cited, q 62:5, introduces
a discussion of the Jews. The similes in
Q, 54:20, 57:20, 69:7 and 105:5 offer tart
summations of the preceding passages.
The Qiir'an, in its characteristically self-
conscious way, tells us that the simile is one
of God's favored rhetorical devices for ed-
ucating people (see knowledge and
learning; teaching; intellect): wa-
la-qad sarrafndji hddhd l-qur'dni lil-ndsi min
kulli mathalin, "We have put in this Qi_ir'an
every sort of similitude for people"
(c3 18:54) and wa-la-qad darabnd lil-ndsi Ji
hddhd l-qur'dni min kulli mathalin la'allahum
jatadhakkaruna, "We have coined for people
in this Qiir'an every kind of similitude.
Perhaps they will take heed" (c) 39:27; see
warning). Indeed, the Qiir'an even goes
so far as to use simile to comment on
simile/analogy itself. Interestingly enough,
the chief characteristic of good rhetoric is
stability, that of bad rhetoric instability:
Have you not seen how God has made an
analogy? A good word is like a good tree
(see trees). Its roots are firm and its
branches are in heaven. It gives its fruit in
every season with its lord's permission.
God coins similes for people that they may
reflect. The analogy of a bad word is with
a bad tree, uprooted from the earth, pos-
sessing no stability (c) 14:24-6).
Commentators on simile
Commentators devote considerable at-
tention to these and other similes (see
EXEGESIS OF THE Q^Ur'an: CLASSICAL AND
medieval). Often their concern is simply
to elucidate the obscurity of the simile. For
example, in cj 2:17 it is the free mixture of
singular and plural pronouns referring to
the same party; while in C3 2:19 the entire
basis of the simile seems at first confused
since, as one reads, it becomes apparent
that the hypocrites are not being compared
to the rain clouds, despite ka-sayyib, but
rather to people frightened by a thunder-
storm.
As might be expected, commentators,
depending on their outlook and interests,
offer a wide range of interpretations of
such similes. To take the example of
Q, 14:24-6 cited above, al-Tabarl (d.
310/923) says, "Interpreters differ on the
meaning of 'a good word' (kalima tayyiha).
Some of them say it is the faith (q.v.) of the
believer" [TafsTr, xiii, 135; see also speech;
WORD OF god). He goes on to say that
some specifically equate it with the shahddat
Id illdha Hid lldh, it being firm (thdbit), mean-
ing the shahdda is firmly fixed in the heart
of the believer (see witness to faith). A
very early exegete, Mujahid (d. 104/722),
tells us that the good tree is a date palm.
Others say a good word means the believer
himself who is on earth (q.v.) and who
works and speaks on earth and so his
deeds and his speech reach heaven while
he is still on earth. Yet others say the tree
in this simile is a tree in heaven but al-
Tabari considers it more likely to be a
date palm.
Al-Zamakhsharl (d. 538/1144), a
Mu'tazili (see mu'tazila), tells us that
"good word" means the word tawhid, the
oneness and unity of God (see god and
HIS attributes). Al-Razi (d. 606/1210),
who rejects the necessity of the tree being
a date palm, devotes four and a half pages
to explicating the "tree" and its four
attributes, its goodness, its firm roots, its
lofty branches, and its constant supply
of fruit.
On the other hand, we learn from the
Shl'i commentary of al-Kashi (d. ca. 910/
I?
SIMILE
1505) that the imam (q.v.) JaTar al-Sadiq
(d. 148/765) said of the good tree: "The
Messenger of God is its root, the Prince of
the BeUevers ('All) is its trunk, the imams
among the descendants of both are its
branches, the knowledge of the imams
constitutes its fruit" (Gatje, Qur'dn, 243).
Not surprisingly, al-Kashi tells us that the
bad tree is the Umayyads (see SHl'lsM and
THE 5^ur'an; politics and the (^ur'an;
'ali b. abi talib).
Two other similes also address the topic
of figurative language in the Qiir'an. The
first is o 2:26, mentioned above, "Verily,
God does not disdain to make an analogy
with a gnat. . . " This al-RazI tells us is
meant as a rebuke to the unbelievers who
had falsely claimed that mention of such
humble creatures as the bee, the fly, the
spider and the ant was unworthy of divine
discourse (see animal life). Wrong, al-
RazI says, because God has created both
great and humble things,
and the little weighs upon him no less than
the big, and the great is no more difficult
for him than the small. . . and it is perfectly
apposite to mention flies when God wishes
to show how ugly is the polytheists' wor-
ship of idols. . . or to make an analogy with
a spider web in order to show how trifling
and flimsy their religion is (RazI, Tafsir, ii,
134-5)-
The other simile, in C3 13:17, is yet more
complicated since it encloses one simile
within another:
He sent down water from the sky and the
river beds (avudiya) flowed with it. But the
flood carried away the scum floating on its
surface — and like it is the scum which
comes from that which they heat with fire
seeking to make jewelry and tools — like-
wise, God shows what is true and what is
false. The scum is cast away with distaste,
while what benefits people remains on this
earth.
Al-Tabari writes that this is an analogy
that God makes with truth (c[.v.) and false-
hood (see astray; ignorance; lie), with
faith (q.v.) and unbelief. God is saying that
the similarity of the truth in its perma-
nence and of error (q.v.) in its evanescence
is like the water which God sends down
from the sky to the earth. The wddii flow
with it, the large ones with large quantities
and the small ones with small quantities.
The flood carries a swelling scum or foam,
and this is one of two analogies pertaining
to truth and falsehood. The truth is like
the water (q.v.) which remains and which
God has sent, while the foam which is
of no benefit is falsehood. The other
analogy — "and like it is the scum which
comes from that which they heat with fire
seeking to make jewelry and tools" — is
the analogy of truth and falsehood with
gold (q.v.) and silver and brass and lead
and iron (see metals and minerals) from
which people obtain benefits (see grace;
blessing), while falsehood is like the scum
which goes away without being of any
benefit while the pure gold and silver re-
main. Likewise, God compares faith and
unbelief, the futility of unbelief and the
failure of the unbeliever being a punish-
ment, while faith is that with lasting benefit
(Tabarl, Tafsir, xiii, go). Al-RazI sharpens
the analogy making the rain the Qiir'an
and the wddTs the hearts of believers (see
heart), which according to their capacities
contain more or less of the truth, while the
foam and scum that are carried away and
vanish are the doubts and obscurities (see
uncertainty) that will vanish in the here-
after when only the truth will remain
(Razi, Tafsn, xix, 34-5; see also pairs and
pairing).
SIMILE
Probably the most well-known qur'anic
simile, and also one of the most com-
mented on, is the so-called Light Verse
(q_ 24:35). This verse begins with a meta-
phor, "God is the light (q.v.) of heaven
(see HEAVENS AND SKY; PLANETS AND
stars) and earth," but then quickly
switches to simile,
the likeness of his light is like a niche
which holds a lamp (q.v.). The lamp is in a
glass which shines like a pearl-like star. It is
kindled from a blessed tree, an olive nei-
ther of the east nor the west whose oil
would almost glow forth itself though no
fire touched it. Light upon light. God
guides to his light whom he wills. God
makes analogies for people. God knows all
things.
Al-Tabari, al-Zamakhsharl and al-Razi
devote considerable space to mapping out
the various parts of this elaborate simile,
and al-Ghazali (d. 505/1 11 1) writes an en-
tire book about it, Mishkdt al-anwar, draw-
ing an analogy between the five elements
of the simile: the niche, the glass, the lamp,
the tree and the oil, and the senses, the
imagination, the intellect, language, and
prophecy. (For more on these interpreta-
tions, see METAPHOR.)
Similes, with the uncertainties of inter-
pretation, could also be the topics of theo-
logical debate (see theology and the
C3Ur'an). One such exchange took place
between the governor of Baghdad and Ibn
Hanbal (d. 241/855) during the inquisition
(q.v.; mihna) on the issue of the createdness
of the Qiir'an (q.v.):
Governor: Does not God say, 'We have
made it an Arabic (see arabk; language)
Qiir'an' (c) 43:3). How could it be made
without being created?
Ibn Hanbal: But God says, 'and He made
them like green blades devoured...'
fe 105-5) ^^^ grasses). Does that mean He
created Xhera [like green blades devoured]?
(Cook, A'ora/z, no).
More broadly, it can be said that just as
there are theological dimensions to
metaphor — whence the hasty insistence
of commentators to assure us that "God is
the light" must be understood as meaning
"He is the possessor of light" (Zamakh-
shari, Rashshdf, ad q 24:35) — even so the
simile has theological dimensions. For the
notion of similitude in relation to God
must also be placed in the context of the
Qiir'an's insistence on the absolute oneness
and uniqueness of God and the impos-
sibility of likening anyone or anything to
him (see anthropomorphism). Thus,
(J 42:11, laysa ka-mithlihi shay', "There is
nothing like him." In this context, it can be
seen that similitude is a definitive notion in
the qur'anic universe; similitude is a com-
mon quality of God's creation but since
similarity requires at least two objects,
similitude is a quality that is found only
in his creation. This is reflected in theo-
logical debate about anthropomorphism
in which the opposed terms tashbih/tanzTh
are employed. In such debates tashblh is
the negative term which denotes
anthropomorphism .
Daniel Beaumont
Bibliography
Primary: Baqillani, Ijdz; al-Ghazall, Abu
Hamid Muhammad b. Muhammad, Alishkdi
al-anwdr, Cairo 1964; trans. W.H.T. Gairdner,
al~Ghazz<^li's Mishkat al-Anwar, Lahore 1952;
Ibn Naqiya, Abu 1-Qasim 'Abd al-Baql b.
Muhammad, al-Jumdnfi l-tashbihdl al-Qur'dn,
Alexandria 1974; RazI, Tafsir, Beirut 1981;
TabarT, Tafsir, Cairo 1987; Zamakhsharl,
Kashsiidf, Beirut 1995.
Secondary: M. Cook, Tlie Koran. A very short
introduction, Oxford 2000; H. Gatje, The Qur'dn
and its exegesis, trans. A.T. Welch, London 1976;
G.J.H. van Gelder, Tashblh (a), in EI'^, x, 341;
Pickthall, Koran.
19
SIN, MAJOR AND MINOR
Similitude see parable
Sin, Major and Minor
Greater and lesser transgressions of the
law of God. The Q,ur'an promises that
God will forgive minor sins if human be-
ings abstain from the major ones ((3 4:31;
53:31-2; see forgiveness). The most com-
mon characterization of "major" sins in
exegesis and theology is kabd'ir (sing, kabira;
literally the "big ones"), a term that occurs
in this sense in the Qiir'an (cf. q 4:31;
42:37; 53:32). A common theological char-
acterization of "minor" sins is saghd'ir (sing.
saghira, as in C3 18:49; see theology and
THE our'an; exegesis of the our'an:
classical and medieval). All deeds, ma-
jor and minor, are recorded, and their reg-
ister (kitdb) is to be given to each individual
on the day of judgment (see last judg-
ment; heavenly book; good deeds; evil
deeds), much to the consternation of the
sinners [mujrimin, c) 18:49; cf. 54:52-3; see
REWARD AND PUNISHMENT).
Terms designating "sin" in the Q;Lir'an's
vocabulary include: dhanb (pi. dhunub; e.g.
C3 3:11, 16, 193; 8:54; 12:29; 6'j:ii);Jahisha
(and other terms from the same Arabic
root, i.e. f-h-sh; e.g. q 2:169; 4:22; 12:24;
17:32; 27:54); haraj {e.g. o 9:91; 48:17); ithm
(e.g. Q 2:173, 181-2, 219; 4:20, 48, 50, 112;
33:58; 42:37; 49:i2);>n«A (Q, 2:198, 235;
4:102; 33:5i);jMrm (in the form of various
derivatives from the rooij-r-m; e.g. c) 6:147;
7:40; 9:66; 10:17; 11:35; 18:49; 45:31; 83:29);
khati'a (and terms derived from the same
root, kh-t-'; Q_ 2:81; 4:112; 12:97; 17:31; 69:9;
71:25); lamam (q 53:32); ma'siya (pi. ma'dsi; cf
C3 58:8-9); and sayyi'a (pi. sayyi'dt; Q_ 3:193;
4:31; 7:153; 29:7). Whether a particular
term denotes a major or a minor sin is of-
ten not clear from the Qiir'an itself and
the same term might be used to denote
major or minor sins. Thus the term sayyi'a
occurs in cj 4:31 in the sense of a minor
infraction (also in (J 3:193) but elsewhere
(as in (J 7:153; 35:43) it refers to evil deeds
of a graver kind (cf. DamaghanI, Wujuh, i,
423f., s.v. al-sayyi'dt; also Zamakhsharl,
Kashshdf, i, 159, ad (J 2:81, where sayyi'a is
glossed as kabira min ai-kabd'ir). Many com-
mentators do, however, consider terms like
dhanb and ithm (as well as ma'siya, a com-
mon gloss for ithm: cf. Tabarl, Tafsir, v, 476,
ad C3 7:33) to refer to major sins and un-
derstand lamam, sayyi'a and khati'a to mean
minor sins. Irrespective of the actual terms
used, few commentators deny that there is
in fact a distinction to be made between
major and minor sins (cf. HaytamI, ^awdjir,
i, iif.); precisely which sins belong in what
category is, however, a matter of great un-
certainty.
Definitions
Ibn 'Abbas (d. ca. 68/687), ^ niajor early
authority in exegetical matters, is reported
to have defined the kabira as "every sin that
God has stamped with fire (q.v.), [his] dis-
pleasure, [his] curse (q.v.), or with [the
threat of his] punishment" (Tabarl, Tafsir,
iv, 44, ad cj 4:31 [no. 9213]). More vaguely,
yet in underscoring the sense of sin as
transgression, he held "everything in which
God is disobeyed [to be] a major sin"
(ibid., no. 9211; see disobedience). Other
early definitions related major sins not just
to acts for which God has promised hell
(see HELL AND hellfire) but also those for
which the hudud, or the legal punishments
explicitly prescribed by the Qiir'an and the
sunna (q.v.), are to be executed (cf. ibid.,
no. 9219; see chastisement and punish-
ment; LAW AND THE qur'an). Such views
were elaborated on and systematized in
works specifically devoted to cataloguing
major sins. Shams al-Din al-Dhahabi (d.
748/1348), the author of one such book,
defines major sins as anything "in regard to
which there is a hadd in this world, such as
SIN, MAJOR AND MINOR
murder (q.v.), adultery, and theft (q.v.); or
about which there is a threat of [God's]
anger (q.v.) and punishment in the here-
after; as well as anything whose perpetra-
tor has been cursed by our Prophet"
(Dhahabi, Kabd'ir, 6; see adultery and
forniciation; bloodshed). Ibn Hajar al-
Haytaml (d. 974/1567), whose dissatisfac-
tion with al-Dhahabl's book led him to
write what became one of the most in-
fluential works on the subject, gives a
broad sampling of both overlapping and
alternative views on how to define major
sins. Inter alia, the kabd'ir are sins that have
been expressly forbidden (q.v.) in the
Qiir'an and the sunna or accompanied
with dire warnings in these foundational
texts; acts that entail the /;a(/(/-penalties;
sins that result in a loss of one's legal and
public standing ('addla), since they suggest
a lack of concern with conformity to re-
ligious norms; and, indeed, sins that be-
come "major" precisely because they are
committed without a sense of fear (q.v.) or
remorse (HaytamI, ^awdjir, i, 12-17; ii,
425-7; see REPENTANCE AND PENANCE).
Others saw aspects of greater or lesser
gravity as inhering in almost all sins.
According to al-Haliml (d. 403/1012), a
minor sin can become a major sin because
of the context (qanna) in which it is com-
mittedjust as a major sin can, in turn, be-
come abominable (Jahisha) by the
circumstances attending upon it. Thus,
unlawful homicide is a major sin, but to
murder a relative (see kinship; family), for
instance, or to do so in the sacred precincts
(q.v.; of Mecca [q.v.] and Medina [q.v.])
make it the more abominable because it is
not just the sanctity of the victim's life but
also other sacred boundaries that have
been violated (see sacred and profane).
To steal some paltry object would be a mi-
nor sin, not subject to the legal penalty; but
this becomes a major sin when the victim
of such theft is so poor as not to be able to
dispense even with such an object (Halimi,
Minhdj, i, 396-400; paraphrased in Ibn
Hajar, Fath, xii, 227f ; see poverty and
THE poor). Al-Hallml thought that the
only sin that does not admit of degrees of
gravity is kufr — disbelief in God (see
belief and unbelief; gratitude and
ingratitude) — though Ibn Hajar al-
'Asqalanl (d. 852/1449; Fath, xii, 227) sug-
gests in his rejoinder that this cardinal sin,
too, can be classified according to its de-
grees of abomination.
In the end, as al-HaytamI and others rec-
ognized, the various definitions of major
sin are mere "approximations" to the idea,
which itself remains elusive. So, too,
therefore, does the question of the number
of sins that might be thought of as
"major" — with estimates often ranging
from four to seven hundred (HaytamI,
^awdjir, i, 18). Al-Dhahabi's work on the
subject gives brief accounts of seventy ma-
jor sins; al-Haytami describes no less than
476 major sins, which he proceeds to divide
between the "interior" and the "exterior."
Even as they acknowledged the distinction
between major and minor sins, the pri-
mary interest of those concerned with such
matters has tended to be with the major
sins, usually leaving the minor ones as the
subject of dire warnings about taking them
lightly. (Some, like Ibn Nujaym [d. 970/
1563], did however concern themselves
explicitly with listing both major and
minor sins.)
Sins in the Qur'dn's enumeration
Without providing any clear ranking of
sins, the Qi_ir'an does not leave any doubt
about what it considers to be the worst of
them: the associating of anything or any-
one with God [shirk; see polytheism and
atheism), a "great sin" (ithm 'a^im) that
God will not forgive though he might for-
give everything else (o 4:48). o 17:23-38, in
cataloguing a niunber of God's coin-
SIN, MAJOR AND MINOR
mands, mentions several acts that are to be
avoided for "tlieir sinfulness (sayyi'uhu) is
abhorrent to your lord" (q.v.; C3 17:38). In
addition to shirk, some of tlie sins that are
mentioned as such or are easily derivable
from this list include: insolence towards
one's parents (q.v.; see also insoleni;e and
obstinacy); wastefulness as well as miserli-
ness; the killing of one's children (q.v.) for
fear of impoverishment (a reference to a
pre-Islamic Arabian practice characterized
here as a "great wrong" [khit'an kabira]:
o 17:31; see infanticide); wrongful murder
of other sorts; fornication (described here
as "an abomination and an evil way"
[Jahisha wa-sa'a sabilan]: C3 17:32); usurping
the property (q.v.) of orphans (q.v.); dis-
honesty in business transactions (see
economics; trade and commeri;e); say-
ing things of which one has no knowledge
(see ignorance; knowledge and
learning); and haughtiness (see pride;
arrogance). (Also cf Izutsu, Concepts, 228;
for shorter lists, see, inter alia: (J 6:151-2;
25:67-8, 72. Some early exegetes also held
that what the Qiir'an regards as major sins
are to be located in the various prohibi-
tions mentioned in the first thirty verses of
C3 4; cf Tabarl, Tafsu; iv, 39-40 [ad o 4:31];
see LAWFUL AND UNLAWFUL.) A fuller,
though by no means exhaustive sampling
of qur'anic sins would include — besides
the /ia(/(/-penalties (for drinking, adultery
and fornication, false accusation of adul-
tery and fornication, theft, and brigand-
age; see intoxicants; wine) and besides
chronic neglect of the fundamental ritual
obligations (see prayer; witness to
faith; pilgrimage; almsgiving;
Ramadan; fasting; ritual and the
(JUr'an) — such diverse items as slander
(c3 24:11; 33:58), undue suspicion (q.v.; lann)
and backbiting ((J 49:11-12; also see
gossip); lying [qawl al-zur, cj 22:30; see lie)
and concealing legal testimony (q^ 2:283;
see witnessing and testifying); practic-
ing usury (q.v.; Q_ 2:275-6, 278-9; 3:130-1);
homosexuality (q.v.; cf Q^ 26:165 f ; 21:74);
"hurting" God, his Prophet, or other be-
lievers (q^ 33-57-8); and other individual
and collective transgressions against the
"limits" established by God. (For various
qur'anic terms evoking the idea of trans-
gression, cf. Izutsu, Concepts, 164-77 '"^'^
passim, esp. 172 f; also see boundaries
and precepts.) In general, as the forego-
ing samples indicate, the interest of the
Qtir'an is not with providing any detailed,
let alone systematic, catalog of sins, but
rather with affirming what Izutsu (Concepts)
has called a "basic moral dichotomy" be-
tween belief and unbelief, virtue and vice,
the good and the bad (see GOOD and evil;
virtues and vices, commanding and
forbidding).
Lists of major sins are more readily
accessible in hadlth (see hadith and the
qUR'AN), though there continues to be con-
siderable uncertainty on precisely which,
or how many, fall into that category. A tra-
dition reported on the authority of the
Prophet's Companion Abu Hurayra lists
the following seven as major sins: associat-
ing anyone with God; sorcery (see magic);
unlawful homicide; usurping the property
of the orphan; usury; fleeing from the
battlefield (see expeditions and battles;
HYPOCRITES AND HYPOCRISY; FIGHTINg);
and slandering believing women (Bukhari,
Sahih, K. al-Wasdyd, no. 23; ibid., K. al-
Hudud, no. 44; Muslim, Sahlh, R. al-Imdn,
no. 145; Abu Dawud, Sunan, K. al-Wasdyd,
no. 2874; HaytamI, ^awdjir, i, 18). Again,
other lists are much more expansive and
Ibn 'Abbas is often quoted as saying that
the major sins are "closer to 700 than they
are to seven, except that no sin is 'major'
when forgiveness is sought for it, that is
when one luidertakes proper repentance
(tawbaj, just as no sin is 'minor' if one per-
sists in it" (Tabari, TafsTr, iv, 44, ad (j 4:31
[no. 9208]).
SIN, MAJOR AND MINOR
Sin, repentance, and forgiveness
Islam, like Judaism, has no concept of an
"original sin" (see FALL OF man). Every
soul (q.v.) bears its own burden (q 6:164;
17:15; 29:12; see intercession), though
God does not overburden anyone
((^ 2:286). Sins also have evil consequences
during one's present life, so that whatever
harm one is afflicted by is "what your
hands have earned" ((J 42:30; also cf.
Izutsu, Concepts, 227, on the dual meaning
of the word sayyi'a as both "misfortune"
and "evil deed," which may perhaps be
taken to evoke the idea of misfortune as
being at least partly a result of evil deeds).
The punishment visited by God upon par-
ticular communities is likewise the result of
their sinfulness (cf C3 17:16-17; 22:45, 48; see
PUNISHMENT STORlEs). Conversely, sins are
removed through good deeds (q^ 11:114)
and, in any case, God forgives a great deal
(5) 42:30). Indeed, were God to hold people
to account for all that they do, no living
being would remain on the face of the
earth (q 35:45; see mercy).
While responsibility for one's actions lies
with the individual, the question whether
these actions necessarily determine one's
fate in the hereafter was much debated
among the Muslim theologians (see
FREEDOM AND PREDESTINATION). The
Qiir'an suggests both that each individual
will be judged according to his or her own
conduct (cf. q 2:286) and that the decision
to punish or pardon people for their sins
rests ultimately, and solely, with God
(q 2:284). All humans being prone to sin
(cf. q 12:53), the pious are much given to
seeking God's forgiveness (cf. q 3:193-5; see
piety). Indeed, this is a major trait that
distinguishes them from the sinners and
the unbelievers, who are not only unmind-
ful of the consequences of their actions but
also too arrogant to repent for them. The
prophets (see prophets and prophet-
hood) not only seek forgiveness for their
own sins (see below), but also for those of
others (cf. c) 47:19); and, according to the
traditional Sunni view, they will intercede
on behalf of their followers on the day of
judgment (cf. Elder, Commentary, 1 12-14).
Q. 39-53 holds out God's promise to for-
give all sins (al-dhumib) and therefore in-
structs those who have exceeded the
bounds (asraju 'aid anfusihim) not to despair
of God's mercy. Yet c) 4:48 states that
"God will not forgive the associating of
anyone with him, but he might forgive any-
thing less than that for whomsoever he
wills." The exegetes tried to resolve the
discrepancy between the two verses in dif-
ferent ways. Some held that q 39:53 sought
to reassure those who had committed
major sins, and who feared their damna-
tion on account of them even if they were
to convert to Islam or, in case of Muslim
sinners, even if they were to repent of their
major sins. On this view, even the major
sins were not "deadly" as long as they were
followed by repentance; and this was true
even of shirk, the gravest of sins (cf. Tabarl,
Tafsir, xi, 14-17, ad q 39:53). A different
view saw <j 4:48 as not abrogating but de-
limiting the purport of q 39:53: while God
might forgive any sin he wishes to, he
would not forgive shirk unless one has re-
pented of it (Tabari, Tafsir, xi, 17 [no. 30,
188]; also cf. Haytami, ^awdjir, i, 62f.).
God's forgiveness had not always come
without a heavy, this-worldly, penalty, how-
ever. Those among the Children of Israel
(q.v.) who had been guilty of worshipping
the calf had to pay dearly for this sin: as
described by the Qiir'an, the price of re-
pentance in this instance was death for the
guilty (q 2:54; and cf. al-Tabari's commen-
tary on this verse, Tafsir, i, 325-8; see CALF
OF gold). Repentance for the sin of shirk
does not carry such penalties for the
Qiir'an's own addressees (cf. Haytami,
^awdjir, ii, 190). In the case of sins that are
also crimes, however, such as stealing, adul-
23
SIN, MAJOR AND MINOR
tery, or murder, the exegetes and jurists
generally held that repentance ought to
accompany but does not, by itself, suffice to
absolve one of the sin in question (but cf.
(3 28:15-17, where Moses [q.v.] seeks the
forgiveness of God for a homicide and is
forgiven). While all sin involves transgress-
ing limits laid down by God, the jurists
made a distinction between the violation of
"the rights of God" and that of "the rights
of human beings" (cf. Johansen, Contingency,
212-18). The rights of God, to be upheld by
the ruler or his representatives, involve the
/iflrfif-penalties (see kings and rulers;
POLITICS AND THE cjur'an). On the other
hand, infraction of the rights of human
beings, a category that also included ho-
micide, was negotiable in the sense that the
wronged party might decide to forgo pun-
ishment or opt for monetary compensation
rather than for physical retaliation (q.v.).
Absolution from the sin of violating the
rights of human beings required not just
the seeking of forgiveness from God but
also the legal punishment entailed by the
crime in question or forgiveness from the
wronged party (cf. Tabari's discussion of
q 5:45 in TafsiT, iv, 598-604). Juristic clas-
sifications of the rights of God and of
human beings, or what these categories
entailed, are not to be found in the Qur'an,
though the combination of the moral and
the legal norms that is characteristic of
Islamic law is itself firmly grounded in it
(see ETHICS and the our'an).
Theological discourses on the grave sinner
If God might forgive all major sins —
even, as many commentators saw it, the
most heinous sin of shirk — if one re-
pented of them, does it follow that one
who did not so repent was doomed to
damnation? And what was the status of the
person committing major sins, the grave
sinner, in relation to the community of
Muslims of which he professed to be a
member? These cjuestions, which lie at the
heart of the early development of Islamic
theology, arose when many first generation
Muslims strongly disapproved of the con-
duct of 'Uthman b. 'Affan (r. 23-35/
644-56), Muhammad's third successor as
caliph (q.v.), accused him of remaining
unrepentant after committing major sins,
and murdered him (see 'uthman). The
Kharijis (q.v), who may well be regarded
as Islam's first "sect," insisted that
'Uthman's murder was justified; so, too,
was that of 'Uthman's successor, 'All b. Abi
Talib (q.v.; r. 35-40/656-61), who had him-
self become a grave sinner by agreeing to
negotiate with other grave sinners (see
arbitration; siffIn) and it was a Khariji
who assassinated 'All in 40/661. In general,
the Kharijis believed that anyone who
committed a major sin but failed to repent
was consigned to eternal damnation and
that, in his present life, he also ceased to be
a member of the community of Muslims.
Despite this uncompromising position, the
Kharijis soon came to have their own ex-
tremists as well as their moderates; and
while the extremist groups held that the
grave sinner — which effectively meant
anyone who disagreed with their prin-
ciples — might legitimately be killed, the
more moderate Kharijis, the Ibadiyya,
allowed mutual coexistence with other
Muslims even as they denied the status of
believers to them (Ash'ari, Maqcildt, I04f.).
Given that the Kharijis were typically a
minority, the latter stance was a matter not
just of toleration but also of self-preser-
vation; and it is no surprise that only those
who espoused it have survived to the pres-
ent day.
In opposition to the Kharijis of various
stripes, the Murji'ls insisted that major sins
did not make one an unbeliever and that
the grave sinner continued to be a member
of the community of Muslims. But they
suspended judgment on whether either
SIN, MAJOR AND MINOR
24
'Uthman or 'All, or any other of Muham-
mad's Companions involved in the first
jitna — which is the conventional designa-
tion for the chaotic events between the
murder of 'Uthman in 35/656 and that of
'All in 40/661 — had committed major
sins. As Crone and Zimmermann [Epistle,
221-3) have shown, the Murji'is of the first
century of Islam held that the grave sinner
was indeed damned forever; it was just
that, in the cases of 'Uthman, 'All, as well
as of others embroiled in the Jitna, they
simply did not know who had committed
major sins and therefore thought it best to
suspend judgment on the matter. It was
later second/eighth century Murji'ls, such
as Abu Hanifa (d. 150/767), the eponymous
founder of the Hanafi school of SunnI law,
who came to hold the view that the fate
even of the grave sinner was to be deter-
mined by God on the day of judgment and
the question was best deferred until then
(ibid., 223). This attitude, towards the par-
ticipants in the first Jitna and towards the
status of the grave sinner in general, even-
tually came to be adopted by the Sunnis,
with the significant difference, however,
that judgment on questions of sin and guilt
was now also deferred because, by the mid-
dle of the third/ninth century, the defini-
tion of a SunnI "orthodoxy" had come to
be predicated on reverence for the Com-
panions of the Prophet (q.v.) as a whole,
irrespective of the particular, and mutually
antagonistic, positions they might have
held towards one another (cf. ibid., 229).
Like the Murji'ls, the Mu'tazili theolo-
gians, who came to prominence from the
middle of the second/eighth century, did
not banish the grave sinner from the com-
munity. But, unlike the Murji'ls, and also
unlike those who later emerged as the
Sunnis, the Mu'tazills (see mu'tazila) as-
signed an "intermediate state" to the grave
sinner so that he was neither a believer nor
an unbeliever but a "transgressor" (fdsiq).
though, as such, still a member of the
Muslim community. Unlike the later
Murji'ls, the Mu'tazills mostly thought that
such transgressors were doomed to eternal
damnation (cf. the creed of the famous
Mu'tazili Qiir'an-commentator, al-
Zamakhsharl, in Schmidtke, Mu'tazilite
creed, 76). As for minor sins, the Mu'tazills
espoused the view that such sins would be
weighed against one's good deeds and can-
celled out through them (tahdbut) as long, of
course, as the good deeds outweighed the
sins (cf. Schmidtke, Theology, 22ji.). Shi'l
theology was strongly influenced by the
Mu'tazila; but unlike the latter and in
accord with the Sunnis, Shi'l theologians
did not believe in the eternal damnation of
the Muslim grave sinner (for the developed
SunnI position on the matter, cf. Elder,
Commentary, Ii4f.; see SHl'lsM and the
cjur'an; shi'a).
Sin, error, and infallibility
Sin involves an element of intentionality as
well as of knowledge that the act in ques-
tion entails disapproval or punishment and
that it is forbidden. (On the question of
sinful acts committed in ignorance, see
c) 4:17; 6:54, and the discussion of these
verses in the major commentaries.) This
marks off sin from "error" (khatd'), a term
whose primary connotation is legal rather
than ethical (cf. Schacht, Khata'; for other
connotations of "error," elucidated with
reference to the qur'anic term daldl, see
error; astray). Thus, while intentional
homicide is a crime as well as a major sin
(cf q 4:93, and Tabarl, Tafsir, iv, 220-3, for
a discussion of whether God would forgive
the premeditated murder of a believer de-
spite the murderer's repentance), the same
is not true of unintentional homicide; the
latter does, however, require the payment
of compensation for that act (c3 4:92; see
blood money). Accounts describing the
altercations between the caliph 'Uthman
25
SIN, MAJOR AND MINOR
and those who eventually murdered him
have the latter demand that the caliph sub-
mit himself to retaliation by those he had
wronged, with 'Uthman responding that
the caliph (imam) commits errors just as he
does what is right and that no retaliation is
required for his errors (Tabarl, Ta'nkh, i,
2995f.; and cf. ibid., 3043). Many early ju-
rists believed, for their part, that even
when the effort to arrive at a legal ruling
on the basis of systematic reflection on the
foundational texts (ijtihdd) led to different
and thus possibly erroneous results, the
effort itself deserved a reward from God;
and since a jurist made that effort, he was
"right" even when he seemed to have
missed the mark (cf. Schacht, Khata'; van
Ess, TG, ii, 161-4). An error was thus not a
sin as long as one did not persist in it after
having become aware of it.
What sort of an error or even a sin might
be imputed to a prophet was a contested
issue from Islam's first centuries (see
impeccability). The Qiir'an recognizes
prophets as sinning (as in the case of
Adam; cf Q^ 2o:i2i; see adam and eve) or
coming close to it (as Joseph [q.v] did; cf.
o 12:24); as seeking, or being asked to seek,
forgiveness for their sins (c3 7:22-3; 11:47;
47:19); and as being forgiven by God for
their sins (e.g. ^ 2:35-7; 28:15-16; 48:2). In
an episode during Muhammad's early pro-
phetic career in Mecca, Satan is said to
have interpolated into Muhammad's rev-
elation verses that spoke approvingly of the
intercession of certain Meccan deities (see
Tabari, Ta'nkh, i, 119 1-6; see SATANIC
verses; devil; revelation and
inspiration). These verses (which imme-
diately followed Q^ 53:20) were "abrogated"
once Muhammad was informed that their
source was Satan rather than God (cf.
q 22:52; see abrogation). This incident
raised troubling questions for many
Muslims, in particular about the integrity
of the Qiir'an (see inimitability;
createdness of the our'an) and about
Muhammad's vulnerability to error and
sin. The historicity of the episode concern-
ing the Satanic verses was thus denied by
many, a view that went hand in hand with
the articulation of the doctrine of the in-
fallibility of the Prophet in Islam's first
centuries. Yet, while most Muslims today
concur in denying this episode, many
prominent scholars of the earlier centuries,
including al-Tabari (d. 310/923), the
Mu'tazili exegete al-Zamakhshari (d. 538/
1144; cf. Kashshdf, 111, i6if., commenting
on C3 22:52) and the Hanbali jurist Ibn
Taymiyya (d. 728/1328), accepted its
historicity. For Ibn Taymiyya, a prophet is
infallible not in the sense of being immune
to error or sin but only in being secure
from persistence in it. On this view, the
episode of the Satanic verses poses no
problem in that Muhammad promptly
sought God's forgiveness for his
error — which, to Ibn Taymiyya, is what it
was, rather than a sin — and the matter
was clarified by a subsequent revelation
(see Ahmed, Ibn Taymiyyah).
That a prophet might commit a major sin
was not a possibility to be countenanced,
however, by Ibn Taymiyya or by anyone
else (Ahmed, Ibn Taymiyyah, 86 and pas-
sim). Minor sins were another matter,
though as al-Zamakhshari said, in com-
menting on q 93:7, prophets both before
and after the beginning of their prophetic
career were immune not only from the ma-
jor sins but also from "disgraceful minor
sins" {al-saghd'ir al-shd'ina, as in Kashshdf, iv,
756; he does not, however, give any exam-
ples of such minor sins). The Shi'a agreed
with others in insisting on the immunity
(q.v.) of the prophets from sin and error,
but they extended such immunity to their
imams (see imam) as well. An early Shi'l
theologian, Hisham b. al-Hakam (d. 179/
795-6), had argued for the immunity of the
imams from sin and error, but not of the
SIN, MAJOR AND MINOR
26
prophets, on the grounds that while a
prophet can be corrected through divine
intervention, an imam had no such chan-
nel available and hence needed the im-
munity in question. But this doctrine never
caught on in standard formulations of Shfl
theology (see Bar-Asher, Scripture, 159-79;
on Hisham's position, Ash'arl, Maqdldt, 48).
Modern discourses
With unprecedented modern efforts to-
wards the codification of the sharfa, certain
contemporary Muslim scholars have
visualized legislation not only in areas tra-
ditionally left to the discretion of rulers
and judges but also to regulate matters pre-
viously thought of only as sinful behavior
rather than as legal infractions. The
Egyptian religious scholar Yusuf al-
Qaradawi (b. 1926), one of the most in-
fluential of the contemporary 'ulamd', has
argued, for instance, that considerations of
"public interest" require that states leg-
islate punishments for usurious transac-
tions, the usurpation of the orphan's
property, the non-performance of the rit-
ual obligations, the harassment of women
and other evils. "There are hundreds of
sins, forms of opposition [to the divine
law] , and wrongs that the shari'a has forbid-
den, or has commanded doing the opposite
of, but it has not established a specific pen-
alty for them. And so," he says, "they need
legislation" [Siydsa, 95-6; quotation from
96). While many earlier definitions of sin,
especially of major sin, had included under
that rubric both moral transgressions and
crimes for which the foundational texts had
prescribed specific punishments (hudud),
the distinction between sin and crime or
between moral and legal norms was not
thereby effaced (cf Johansen, Contingency, 71
and passim). This is not to say, of course,
that sin had previously been only a "pri-
vate" matter. Indeed, Muslim scholars have
long recognized the obligation of "forbid-
ding wrong" even when the offense affects
no one but the actor him- or herself; and
the activities of vigilantes who felt obli-
gated to intervene even in privately com-
mitted wrongs are extensively reported in
the historical sources. Yet, Muslim scholars
often also disapproved of such vigilantism,
just as they sought to protect an individ-
ual's privacy even when doing so meant
that many wrongs would go unpunished
(on all this, see Cook, Commanding right). A
proposal such as al-Qaradawl's would deal
with the problem of vigilantism but only at
the expense of privacy; and in combating
sin, it ends up legitimizing the intrusive
powers of the state, an outcome about
which not only medieval scholars but also
many modern 'ulamd' have had grave mis-
givings (see oppression).
In seeking to reinterpret Islam's foun-
dational texts and its institutions in ways
that would make them more compatible
with what are perceived to be the demands
of the modern world, other, "modernist,"
readings of the Qiir'an often lay a new
stress on individual moral responsibility
(q.v.) and a this-worldly orientation (see
world); and conceptions of sin and re-
lated ideas have been interpreted accord-
ingly. The influential Pakistani modernist
Fazlur Rahman (d. 1988) sees the qur'anic
notion of taqwd as guiding individuals
through the tensions and the extremes to
which they, as human beings, are inher-
ently susceptible; and sin, wrong, or evil
signifies precisely the failure to successfully
navigate one's course through these ten-
sions (cf. Rahman, Major themes, 27 and pas-
sim). Rahman sees the cjur'anic concept of
sin — though he seems to prefer the term
"evil" to "sin" — primarily in terms of its
deleterious effects on human welfare in the
present world and, more specifically, with
reference to what it contributes to the fail-
ure of human moral endeavors. To him,
the Qiir'an's overall "attitude is quite
27
SIN, MAJOR AND MINOR
optimistic witli regard to tlie sequel of
liiiman endeavor." Yet, tliis optimism is
predicated on, and illustrative of, the
Qtir'an's "action orientation and practi-
cality." Within the framework of that ori-
entation, smaller failings are remediable,
and this — in his telling rendition of
d 4:31 — is the point of God's forgiveness
of minor sins: "If yon avoid the major evils
that have been prohibited to you, we shall
obliterate [the effects of] occasional and
small lapses" (ibid., 30; brackets in the
original, emphasis added). By the same
token, individual failings are more likely to
be forgiven by God than are failures in a
people's "collective performance"; the lat-
ter are much more grave, even irremedi-
able, in their effect (ibid., 52, and 37-64,
passim; see oppressed on earth, the).
For all their severe disagreements with
the modernists, "Islamists" (or "fundamen-
talists") are often no less concerned, in
seeking the public implementation of
Islamic norms, with demonstrating the
Qtir'an's "action orientation and practical-
ity." Thus, in a passage like C3 17:23-38,
where one might previously have seen a
catalog of some of the major sins to be
avoided (cf Izutsu, Concepts, 229), the in-
fluential Pakistani Islamist Sayyid Abu
1-A'la Mawdudi (d. 1399/1979) finds the
"manifesto of the Prophet's mission...,
making the intellectual, moral, cidtural,
economic and legal bases of the Islamic
society and state of the future known to the
world" (Mawdudi, Understanding, v, 34; also
cf. id.. Islamic law, 202-13). The first of
these "bases" is, of course, the injunction
not to worship (q.v.) anyone but God,
which is not simply a matter of avoiding
shirk but of "recogniz[ing] and sub-
mit [ting] to his sovereignty (q.v.) to the
exclusion of any other sovereignty"
(Mawdudi, Understanding, v, 35, comment-
ing on C3 17:23). According to the Egyptian
Islamist Sayyid Qiitb (d. 1966), himself
much influenced by Mawdudi, whether a
society bases itself on a recognition of this
divine sovereignty determines its overall
orientation, viz., whether it is a properly
Islamic society rather than one living in
pagan ignorance [jdhilijya; see e.g. Qiitb,
^ildl, iii, 1217 and 1229-34, discussing
Q_ 6:151-3; see aoe of ignorance). Unlike
many a medieval commentator, detailed
catalogs or relative rankings of major and
minor sins are matters far less pressing
than are the implications of this overarch-
ing orientation.
Muhammad Qasim Zaman
Bibliography
Primary: Abu Dawud, Sunan; al-Ash'ari, Abu
1-Hasan 'All b. Isma'll, Maqrddt al-isldmiyyin, ed.
H. Ritter, Wiesbaden 1980; Bukharl, Sahih;
P. Crone and F. Zimmermann, The epistle of Sdlim
ibn Dhakwdn, Oxford 2001; DamaghanT, Wujuh,
ed. ZafitT; Dhahabi, Shams al-Dln Muhammad
b. Ahmad, al-Kabd'ir, Cairo 1980; E.E. Elder, ^
commentary on the creed of Islam, Sa 'd al-Din al-
Taftdzdm on the creed of Najm at-Din al-J^asafi, New
York 1950; al-GhazalT, Abu Hamid Muhammad,
Ihyd^ 'ulum at-din, ed. A. al-Khalidl, 5 vols., Beirut
1998; al-HallmT, Abu 'Abdallah al-Husayn b. al-
Hasan, al-Minhdjf shu'ab al-imdn, ed. H.M.
Fawda, Damascus 1979; Ibn Hajar al-'AsqalanI,
Path al-bdri, 15 vols., Riyadh 2000; Ibn Hajar al-
HaytamT, al-^awdjir 'an iqtirdf al-kabd'ir, ed.
Kh.M. Shiha and M. Kh. Halabi, 2 vols., Beirut
1998; Ibn Nujaym, Zayn al-Din b. Ibrahim, Sharh
Risdtat at-saghd'ir wa-l-kabd'ir, ed. Kh. al-Mays,
Beirut 1981; Ibn Taymiyya, Risala fl 1-tawba, in
M.R. Slim [edf Jdmi' al-rasd^il li-Ibn Taymiyya,
I vol., Cairo 1969, i, 217-79; Abu 1-Ala
Mawdudi, The Islamic law and constitution, trans.
K. Ahmad, Lahore i960; id., Towards under-
standing the Qur'dn, trans. Z.I. Ansari, 7 vols, to
date, Leicester 1988-2000; Qutb, ^ildl; RazI,
TafsTr, 17 vols., Beirut 2000; S. Schmidtke, A
MuHazilite creed of az-^amakhshari (d. 538/11^4),
Stuttgart 1997; Tabari, Tafsir, 13 vols., Beirut
1999; id., Ta'rikh, ed. de Goeje; Wensinck,
Concordance, s.vv. '-th-m, '-s-y, dh-n-b,fh-sh, k-b-r,
kh-t-a; Zamakhshari, Kashshdf
Secondary: S. Ahmed, Ibn Taymiyyah and the
Satanic verses, in s/87 (1998), 67-124; M.M. Bar-
Asher, Scripture and exegesis in early Imdml Shiism,
Leiden 1999; M. Cook, Commanding right and
forbidding wrong in Islamic thought, Cambridge 2000;
28
van Ess, to; W.R.W. Gardner, The qur'anic doctrine
of sin, Madras 1914; Izutsu, Concepts; B. Johansen,
Contingency in a sacred law. Legal and ethical norms in
the Muslim fiqh, Leiden 1999; W. Madelung, Early
SunnT doctrine concerning faith as reflected in
the Kitdb al-Imdn of Abii 'Ubayd al-Q_asim b.
SaUam (d. 224/839), in 5732 (1970), 233-54; Y. al-
QaradawT, al-Siydsa al-shar'iyyafi daw' nusus al~
shari'a wa-maqdsidihd, Beirut 2000; E Rahman,
Major themes of the Qur'dn, Minneapohs 1980;
J. Schacht, Khata', in Ei', iv, iroo-2;
S. Schmidtke, The theology of 'Alldma al-Hilli (d.
ysG/ 1^2^}, Berhn 1991; R. Stehly, Un probleme
de la theologie islamique. La definition des fautes
graves (kahd'ir), in rei 65/2 (1977), 165-81; A.J.
Wensinck, The Muslim creed, Cambridge 1932;
id./L. Gardet, Khatf a, in £/^, iv, 1106-9.
Si
The triangularly shaped peninsula that
witnessed the wanderings of the Israelites
after their flight from Egypt on the way to
their promised land in Canaan, under the
leadership of Moses (q.v.); the scene of the
latter's miracles (q.v.) and, above all, the
region where the Decalogue was given and
God's covenant (q.v.) with Israel (q.v.) con-
cluded. All of these matters are recorded
in many of the suras (q.v.) of the Qiir'an,
with variations from the biblical accounts
(see narratives; children of Israel).
The term Sinai appears twice in the
Qur'an, in q 23:20 as saynd' and in q 95:2
as sinin, possibly a dittograph of the letter
sm, more assonant with ziiytiin than sin (cf.
ilydsin, (j 37:130). In both cases, the word is
preceded by the term tur, "mountain," the
compound referring to one spot in the pen-
insula, namely, Mount Sinai.
The peninsula was especially important
in Moses' career, more important than
Egypt (q.v.) or Canaan, since it witnessed
the birth of Mosaic Judaism (see jews and
Judaism), when the law and the covenant
were given to Israel through him at Mount
Sinai. Consequently, in the Qiir'an, it is of
great significance, derived from the im-
portance of Moses as the most frequently
mentioned biblical figure in the qur'anic
text (157 times, as opposed to 25 for Jesus
[q.v.]) and from the image of the prophet
Muhammad himself. For Moses was a
model for the latter — as a legislator, as a
prophet of action who led his people
and, above all, as one to whom God fore-
told the prophethood of Muhammad in
Q. 7-'57 (^^^ PROPHETS AND PROPHETHOOD),
which the exegetes related to Deuteronomy
18:15.
In the vast peninsula, the holiest locus
sanctus was Mount Sinai, which, as just
mentioned, witnessed the giving of the law
and the covenant. It occurs seven times
without the addition of Sinai, simply as
al-tiir, "the mountain" (cf. Exod 19:2, 3;
24:4, etc.), the Arabic definite article giving
al-tiir the uniqueness it has given to other
terms, such as al-bayt, "the Ka'ba" (see
ka'ba; house, domestic and divine), al-
rasul, "the prophet, Muhammad" (see
messenger), and al-madina, Yathrib, the
Prophet's city (see Medina). Of the many
references to al-tiir, the most important are
two. One occurs in cj 95:2, where the
phrase tdr sinin appears as part of a tri-
partite asseveration involving Palestine,
Mount Sinai and Mecca (q.v.). In that sura,
God honors Mount Sinai by including it as
an element in the asseveration and, what is
more, by allying Moimt Sinai as the scene
of the Decalogue, to Palestine as the holy
land. In this sura, the concept of holiness is
expressed territorially by reference to three
loca sancta, and the tripartite oath (see
oaths) reflects the qur'anic perception of
the essential identity of the three
Abrahamic religions (see Abraham). The
other important reference is in q 52, which
opens with an oath by al-tm; followed by
five other elements included in the oath,
the first four of which, the book (q.v.), the
parchment, the house and the roof, have a
natural affinity with al-tiir, when they are
conceived as elements in the monastery/
29
SIRA AND THE OUR AN
fortress of Mount Sinai, rebuilt by tlie
emperor Justinian in tlie sixth century c.E.;
otlierwise the four elements are incon-
gruous with, and incomprehensible as a
sequence to the first element in the
oath — al-tur. The monastery became a
very popular pilgrimage destination, vis-
ited by Christians, including Christian
Arabs, who lived so close to it (see
CHRISTIANS AND CHRISTIANITY). This, to-
gether with some specific topographical
references to al-tur in the Qiir'an, such as
the right side of it as in (j 19:52 and
C3 20:80 (see LEFT HAND AND RIGHT HANd),
suggest that the Arabs (q.v.) of Muham-
mad's time, whom the Qiir'an addressed,
were familiar with Mount Sinai, possibly
including Muhammad himself, who, fifteen
years before his call, had led caravans to
such termini of the spice route as Gaza
and Elat, from where routes led to Mount
Sinai (see caravan). Two verses in Q^ 28
(c3 28:44, 46), in which the Qur'an says that
Muhammad was not at Mount Sinai when
Moses was there, are tantalizing in this
context. A covenant alleged to have been
issued by the Prophet to the monks of
Mount Sinai has been haunted by the
ghosts of authenticity.
Irfan Shahid
Bibliography
'A.S. 'Atiyya, The Arabic manuscripts of Alount
Sinai, Baltimore, MD 1955, xviii, xxix, 25, 26;
C. Bailey, Slna', in _E/^, ix, 625; P. Figueras,
Pilgrims to Sinai in the Byzantine Negev, in
Jalirbachfur Antike und Christentum, Ergdnzungsband
20 (1995), 756-62, esp. 756-8; P.-L. Gatier, Les
traditions et I'histoire du Sinai" du IV*^ au VIP
siecle, in UArabie preistamique et son environnment
historique et cutturel. Actes du Colloque de Strasbourg,
24'2-] Juin, 1987, Leiden 1989, 499-523; J.J.
Hobbs, Mount Sinai, Austin, TX 1995; Horovitz,
KU, 123-5; Jeffery, ^^^- ^ocab., 184-5 (with biblio-
graphy); P. Maiberger, Topographische und historische
Untersuchungen zum Sinaiproblem. Worauf beruht die
Identifizierung des Gabal Aiusd mit dem Sinai?
Freiburg 1984.
Sincerity see virtues .
AND VICES,
COMMANDING AND FORBIDDING
5inin see SINAI
Sira and the Qur'an
Sira is a branch of Arabic literature that is
devoted to the earliest salvation history of
Islam and focuses on God's actions towards
his prophet Muhammad and through him,
i.e. the revelation of the Qiir'an and the
foundation of an Islamic community. The
term sTra can also connote a work belong-
ing to that literature.
Sira is the noun of kind (fi'la) of the
Arabic verb sdra, "to go," "to travel," etc.,
indicating the manner of doing what is
expressed by the verb (see ARABIC
language; grammar and the our'an).
Hence it originally means "way of going,"
but the most frequent meaning is "way of
acting, conduct, way of life" (see also
TRADITION AND CUSTOM). In the Qiir'an
the word sira occurs only in C3 20:21, where
it means "way of acting," or "condition"
and has nothing to do with the literature
under discussion. The word also came to
mean "the life and times of...," "vita,"
"biography." In the second/eighth century
it was applied to the history of various
Persian kings, and also to the lives and
times of some Umayyad caliphs (see
caliph).
In present day Muslim usage, the sira par
excellence is that of the Prophet: sirat rasul
Allah or al-sTra al-nabawiyya, which is often
rendered as "the biography of the
Prophet." But this designation is imprecise.
The life and times of Muhammad (q.v.) are
pivotal in the sira, but it also contains re-
ports and narrations about the ancient his-
tory of Arabia (see pre-islamic Arabia
AND THE qur'an), the earlier prophets
(see PROPHETS AND prophethood;
SIRA AND THE OUR AN
30
messenger), the Companions (see
COMPANIONS OF THE PROPHET) and the
first cafiphs, whose sunna (q.v.) was relevant
for the Islamic community. Furthermore it
deals with qur'anic exegesis (see exegesis
OF THE Q^UR'aN: CLASSICAL AND MEDIEVAL)
and the occasions and ways of qur'anic
revelation (see revelation and
inspiration; occasions of revelation);
and it preserves letters, speeches, docu-
ments, genealogies, lists of names, and
poetry (see poetry and poets; rhetoric
AND THE ^UR'an).
Sira or maghazi
In the first centuries of Islam, most col-
lections of sTra texts were formulated with
the name of maghdzi, "expeditions" (see
expeditions and battles), although they
also contained texts on non-military
matters. Whatever their name, the col-
lections consist of the same kind of
greatly heterogeneous, rather fragmentary
material that belong to different genres
(Hinds, Maghazi; id., 'Maghazf and 'sira';
Jarrar, Prophetenhiographie, 1-59; SchoUer,
Exegetisches Denken, 37-49).
The earliest sources
Sira works have been written throughout
the centuries, and one may even count
modern biographies of the Prophet among
them. Since the sTra is a whole branch of
literature, there is no point in studying only
the one book by Ibn Ishaq (d. 150/767) in
the edition of Ibn Hisham (d. ca. 213/828)
that became famous. Here follows a survey
of the earliest sources, which have the
greatest relevance to our subject. About
half of them can be studied in translations
(see tools for the study of the ^ur'an).
For the later sira works see Kister, Sirah,
366-7; SchoUer, Exegetisches Denken, 64-70.
Qissa
The first to occupy themselves intensely
with the Qiir'an, the Prophet and early
Islamic knowledge in general were the
storytellers or preachers named qdss (pi.
qussds; see Pellat, Kass; Duri, Rise, index s.v.
qisas; Norris, Elements; see teaching and
PREACHING the our'an). They com-
menced their activities in private gather-
ings and sometimes in the mosque (q.v.). In
the Umayyad period they obtained official
permission to address the faithful in the
mosques. In their sermons they would en-
courage soldiers and curse the enemies of
Islam (see path or way; fighting;
jihad), but also explain the Qiir'an, depict
hell (see HELL and hellfire) and paradise
(q.v.) and recount the life of the Prophet
and the lives of his predecessors.
Their stories [qissa, pi. ijisas) were both
edifying and entertaining and did not
eschew flights of fancy. When expanding
on the qur'anic stories about earlier proph-
ets they often drew upon Jewish and
Christian narratives, both biblical and
non-biblical (see Vajda, Isra'iliyyat; see
JEWS AND JUDAISM; CHRISTIANS AND
CHRISTIANITY; SCRIPTURE AND THE
(JUr'an). What had already begun in the
Qur'an was continued in these stories:
Muhammad is positioned as the last
prophet in a succession of earlier prophets,
while the latter, for their part, are given
characteristics of Muhammad (see
narratives).
After the Umayyad period, the storytell-
ers were banned from the mosque again
and again. Their reputation deteriorated
and they ended on the streets, always pop-
ular with the public, but frowned upon by
the religious establishment. Their inclina-
tion to exaggerate and fantasize irritated
pious believers and hadlth scholars (see
hadith and the q^ur'an), and the
extra-Islamic material they divulged
31
SIRA AND THE OUR AN
was increasingly deemed unacceptable (see
TRADITIONAL DIS(;iPLINES OF Q^Ur'aNIC
study).
For the sua, the early activities of story-
tellers are of great importance. Since they
were not writers, and since they lost their
good reputation quite early, hardly any of
their narratives have been collected in
books under their names. But in some form
or other their stories seeped into sira and
tafsir works, in spite of frecjuent attempts of
the compilers to dissociate themselves from
them.
One often recognizes a storyteller's con-
tribution by its style. The story of the
Prophet's bargaining with God in heaven
about the number of obligatory prayers
(e.g. Ibn Ishacj, Sira, 271; Ibn Ishaq-
Guillaume, 186-7; ^^i^ PRAYER; ascension),
which has clear biblical precedents, has all
the characteristics of an orally performed
story (see orality). Also the Prophet's
world-renouncing address at the graveyard
of Medina (q.v.) shortly before his death
(Ibn Ishaq, Sim, lOOO; Ibn Ishaq-
Guillaume, 678) has the pietistic ring of a
qissa, although it is recorded with a chain
of transmitters or isndd (other examples in
Duri, Rise, 113; see asceticism; piety;
abstinence).
Wahb b. Munabbih
One storyteller who is relatively well docu-
mented is the Yemenite Wahb b. Munab-
bih (ca. 34-110/654-728; see Wahb, Papyrus;
Khoury, Wahb; id., Les sources, 23-7; Duri,
Rise, 122-35), who was well-versed in the
biblical and pre-Islamic heritage and
familiar with stories about the Prophet.
Several books were ascribed to him.
Whatever form they may have had, there
was one about the creation (q.v.) and the
early prophets and another about the pre-
Islamic history of Yemen (q.v.). In these
fields, Wahb was considered an authority
and quoted extensively by sira authors like
Ibn Ishaq, Ibn Hisham, al-Tabari (d. 310/
923) and others, but his texts about the
expeditions and battles of the Prophet they
did not find reliable enough to quote. Long
sira quotations from Wahb b. Munabbih
can, however, be found with the Sufi
author Abu Nif aym al-Isfahani (336-430/
948-1038; Hilyat al-Awliyd', iv, 72-81; see
SUFISM AND the QUR'an).
Two larger pieces ascribed to Wahb have
been preserved in a third/ninth century
papyrus. One is a part of the story of
David (q.v.); the other is a sira text that cov-
ers some events concerning the Prophet's
meeting with envoys from Medina at
'Aqaba, his emigration (q.v.) and a military
expedition by 'All (see ali b. abi talib).
The narrative is lengthy, abounds in poetry
and contains miracle stories (see marvels;
miracles; e.g. the Prophet healing with
"the breath of God"; Wahb, Papyrus, 142;
see ILLNESS AND HEALTH; MEDICINE AND
THE (JUr'an). In its present shape, the text
may not contain Wahb's own wordings; the
same applies to the quotations in Abu
Nu'aym; yet both clusters do exude the
qissa atmosphere and reveal a pre-
"scholarly" stage of sira activity.
'Urwa b. al-Zubayr
'Urwa b. al-Zubayr (ca. 23-93/643-712;
Schoeler, 'Urwa; id.. Character, 28-32;
Stiilpnagel, 'Urwa; Sezgin, gas, i, 278-9;
Duri, Rise, 76-95; Gorke, Hudaybiya;
Horovitz, Biographies, 548-52), a tradition-
ist and historian from Medina, belonged to
the establishment of early Islam. The
Umayyad caliph 'Abd al-Malik (r. 65-85/
685-705) and his successor al-Walld
(r. 86-96/705-15) wrote to 'Urwa for in-
formation about certain events that hap-
pened during and after the time of the
Prophet. 'Urwa's answers form a first
attempt at historiography. These letters,
SIRA AND THE OUR AN
32
however, are without the edifying and
entertaining cliaracter of qisas. Taking into
account that 'Abd al-Malik did not ap-
preciate tlie then current maghdzt-storiea
(Schoeler, Character, 47; Jarrar, Propheten-
biographie, 20-3), 'Urwa perhaps deliberately
composed liis letters as no-nonsense, mem-
orizable summaries, meant to lay down in
writing the politically correct versions of
important events (see also politics and
THE cjur'an). Yet, he must have drawn
upon longer narratives.
The letters are scattered over various
sources (on these and on the German and
Italian translations see Schoeler, TJrwa; for
Eng. trans, see Tabarl, Ta'rikh, index, and
Rubin, Eye, 157-61). They can be recog-
nized by an introduction of the kind:
" 'Abd al-Malik asked about [...] and
'Urwa wrote back [••.]," although this for-
mula is sometimes lacking. There is a fair
chance that the letters indeed go back to
'Urwa, although his wording may have
suffered in the course of transmission.
'Urwa did not write a book; the work pub-
lished under the title Kitab MaghdzT rasiil
Allah is a later concoction.
Musa b. 'Uqba
Musa b. 'Uqba al-Asadi (ca. 55-141/
675-758; Sezgin, gas, i, 286-7; Schoeler,
Musa; Schacht, On Musa; Horovitz,
Biographies, 164-7) ""^^ ^ Medinan scholar
and historian, who collected and dissemi-
nated material on the Prophet's life, but
also on the pre-Islamic period and the first
caliphs. Being a client of the Zubayr family
(see TRIBES and clans; clients and
clientaoe; arabs) and a pupil of al-
Zuhrl, he was in an excellent position to do
so. His Kitdb al-Maghdzi, i.e. his notebook to
be copied by pupils, is not extant. A selec-
tion of nineteen hadiths has, however,
been preserved in a Berlin manuscript.
G. Schoeler defends Musa against
J. Schacht, who maintained that these texts
were not really transmitted by him. He
demonstrates that Musa's source indica-
tions (mostly al-Zuhrl) are not fictitious,
and in one case even proves the authentic-
ity of al-Zuhrl's source, who is no other
than 'Urwa b. al-Zubayr. His argument
rests on the analysis of more Musa quota-
tions and parallel texts than Schacht had at
his disposal, and on using the common-link
method (see JuynboU, Hadlth, 378-81).
A current scholarly desideratum is the
collection and study of all Musa quotations
that are scattered over various sources
(some references in Sezgin, gas, i, 287).
Pending that, we have only an impression
of Musa's activities and interests. In none
of his texts seen by the present author does
he refer to the Qiir'an. He does not shun
qissa or miracle stories but has also a clear
interest in chronology.
al-Zuhrl
One of the central figures of the sTra lit-
erature was Muhammad b. Muslim b.
Shihab al-Zuhrl (d. 124/742; Lecker, al-
Zuhrl; Horovitz, Biographies, 33-50;
Schoeler, Character, 32-7, 47-8; Duri, Rise,
27-9, 113-17), a collector of both hadith and
stories, who was also interested in geneal-
ogy and the early caliphs. He was the most
important pupil of 'Urwa b. al-Zubayr. His
works may have been no more than note
books for private use and reading sessions
for civil servants and pupils, but he did
lend the beginning of a structure to the
sua. His narratives are often lengthy and
have the form of hadlth, i.e. they have
chains of transmission.
Al-Zuhri was consulted and patronized
by the Umayyad court, which implied that
he should not write favorably about 'All
(see shi'a; shI'ism and the our'an).
Allegedly he was asked by an Umayyad
governor to compose a book on genealogy
and a second one on maghdzi. The order
for the first work was soon cancelled but he
33
SIRA AND THE OUR AN
was to continue on the second one.
Whether he really wrote it is unknown
(Schoeler, Charakter, 47; Jarrar, Propheten-
biographie, 23-32). Ma'mar b. Rashid (see
below) offers a more or less uniform
block of texts from al-Zuhri's collection.
His traces are found in all later sira
compilations.
Ibn Ishaq and his editors
Muhammad b. Ishaq (Medina; ca. 85-
150/704-67 [Baghdad]) is the most impor-
tant author of sTra literature (Schoeler,
Charakter, 37-51; Newby, Making, 1-31; Duri,
Rise, 32-7; Jones, Ibn Ishak). He seems to
have specialized early in narrations and
history. His main teacher was al-Zuhrl, and
several relatives of 'Urwa b. al-Zubayr
were informants of his. Not all scholars in
Medina appreciated Ibn Ishaq's work. By
his time, narratives were generally losing
ground to legal hadith with fully-fledged
chains of transmission (see law and the
q^ur'an; abrogation). He therefore left
his native town and settled in Iraq (q.v.),
where he found a more appreciative audi-
ence. Caliph al-Mansur (r. 136-58/754-75)
asked him to write an all-encompassing
history book, from the creation of Adam
(see ADAM AND eve) to the present day. The
material on the Prophet that Ibn Ishaq had
previously collected and dictated to his
pupils, was integrated into this book and
given a central position. His magnum opus
consisted of three volumes. The first one,
al-Mubtada' ("In the beginning") dealt with
the creation of the world, the early proph-
ets from Adam to Jesus (q.v.), and the
Arabs in pre-Islamic times. In the second
part, al-Ba'th ("The mission"), the life of
the Prophet was depicted until his emigra-
tion to Medina. In part three, al-Maghdzi
("Expeditions and battles"), Muhammad's
activities in Medina were described. A
fourth volume was added about his suc-
cessors, the caliphs. Ibn Ishaq did not
merely collect materials, like his predeces-
sors; he composed a work with a structure,
sometimes chronological, sometimes ar-
ranged by subject matter.
Apparently there was only one copy of
his work, and it was held in the court li-
brary in Baghdad. Ibn Ishaq continued
"publishing" from it by dictating parts to
his pupils, who wrote them down verbatim.
Large parts of the book, especially of the
first three parts, have been handed down to
us in the dictations and extracts of his pu-
pils, and in the works of later compilers
who edited these.
Three of Ibn Ishaq's editors are worth
mentioning here. The most widely known
is 'Abd al-Malik b. Hisham (d. ca. 215/830
in Egypt; see Watt, Ibn Hisham; Schoeler,
Charakter, 50-3), whose selection from Ibn
Ishaq's work was the first sira text to be
transmitted in a fixed form (Arabic text:
Ibn Ishaq, Sira, ed. Wiistenfeld; trans. Ibn
Ishaq-Guillaume, which displays in margine
the page numbers of the Wiistenfeld edi-
tion). By editing only part of the original
work Ibn Hisham narrowed the perspec-
tive down to the Prophet and ancient
Arabia: he deals with the Ka'ba (q.v.) and
the Christians and Jews on the peninsula,
but not the earlier prophets. He explains
difficult words and expressions in notes of
his own, adds narratives, poetry and
genealogical data. Ibn Hisham made judg-
ments about the theological "purity" in the
texts he selected and left out passages that
he found offensive.
Al-Tabari (d. 310/923; see Bosworth, al-
Tabari) transmits in his Ta'rikh consider-
able parts of Ibn Ishaq's work. For the
Kitdb al-A'Iubtada', al-Tabariis even our
main source (Tabarl, Ta'rikh, i, 9-872, frag-
ments; trans, vols, i-iv, index; the stories of
the prophets also in Newby, Making). The
part on Muhammad, in a version related
to that of Ibn Hisham, but shorter, is scat-
tered over Tabari, Ta'rikh, i, 1073-1837.
SIRA AND THE OUR AN
34
Two striking stories that Ibn Hisham had
not inckided are those about Muhammad's
intended suicide (Tabari, Ta'nkh, i, 1147)
and tlie "satanic verses" (q.v.; ibid., i,
1192-6). The Ta'nkh is conceived as a uni-
versal history; Muhammad is once again
the central part between the earliest history
(here including the kings of Persia) and the
later periods of the caliphs. Much of Ibn
Ishaq's sira material is also found in al-
Tabari's TafsTi; but there it has to be labori-
ously gleaned from his exegesis of
individual qur'anic verses (some references
in Newby, Making) .
The least known edition of a part of Ibn
Ishaq's work is that by Ahmad b. 'Abd al-
Jabbar al-'Utaridi (177-272/794-886;
Sezgin, gas, i, 146). It is based on the
transmission of Ibn Ishaq's pupil Yunus b.
Bukayr (d. 199/815; Sezgin, GAS, i, 289).
The extant text, which covers roughly one
fifth of Ibn Hisham's recension, was not
printed until 1976, and there is no transla-
tion yet. On the whole, al-'Utaridi has
some Ibn Ishaq material that Ibn Hisham
would have frowned upon. Moreover, he
includes texts that do not go back to Ibn
Ishaq at all (Ibn Ishaq-'Utaridi; Muranyi,
Riwaya; description of contents in
Guillaume, Mew light; translated fragments
in Rubin, Eye, index s.v. Yunus b. Bukayr,
and in Schoeler, Character, index s.v. Yunus
and al-'Utaridi).
life of the Prophet. His material included
stories about the ancient prophets, which
are quoted in al-Tabarl {Ta'rlkh, i. Index).
QjLiotations from him can also be found in
al-Waqidi (d. 207/822) and Ibn Sa'd
(d. 230/845).
al-Waqidi
Muhammad b. 'Umar al-Waqidi
(130-207/747-822; see Leder, al-Wakidi;
Duri, Rise, 37-9; Schoeler, Charaktet; 137-41)
was a fully-fledged historian. Due to his
favorable position at the 'Abbasid court, he
had the best possible library at his disposal;
moreover he owned many books himself.
He also did research by visiting the sites of
battles and interviewing the descendants of
the combatants. His only extant work, al-
Maghdzi, of which we have a German
translation, is an indispensable source on
the expeditions and battles of the Prophet
and displays a great interest in chronology
(see HISTORY AND THE qURAN). Other sira
texts by al-Waqidi, e.g. a book on the
death of the Prophet, have reached us in
quotations in the works of his secretary
Ibn Sa'd.
Typically, al-Waqidi not only copied his
sources, but also re-shaped and com-
bined various traditions under collective
chains of transmission. The question of
whether he plagiarized Ibn Ishaq remains
controversial.
Ma'mar b. Rashid
A medium sized, as yet untranslated
ma^/ia.7r collection by the Yemenite Ma'mar
b. Rashid (96-154/714-70) is preserved in
'Abd al-Razzac[, Musannaf, v, 9718-84
(Horovitz, Biographies, 167-9; Sezgin, gas,
i, 290-1; Schoeler, Character, 40). His work
is important, since it gives an insight into
the collection of al-Zuhri, his primary
source. Ma'mar offers no continuing story.
His texts about important events are ar-
ranged more or less chronologically and
following these are texts about the private
Ibn Sa'd
Ibn Sa'd Muhammad b. Sa'd (168-230/
784-845) wrote Akhbdr al-nabi, the life and
times of the Prophet, which is the first ex-
tant fifll biography of the Prophet after Ibn
Ishaq and of which an English translation
is available (Fiick, Ibn Sa'd; Duri, Rise,
39-40; Horovitz, Biographies, 521-6). A
later editor integrated it into Ibn Sa'd's
Kitdb al-Tabaqdt al-kabir, a work on the
Companions of the Prophet and successive
generations of hadlth transmitters, of
which it became the first part. Having been
35
SIRA AND THE OUR AN
the secretary of al-Waqidi, Ibn Sa'd heav-
ily depends on the latter's works and is an
important source for al-Waqidi's lost
works. In the Akhbdr, the pre-Islamic sec-
tion is limited to some of the early proph-
ets and the ancestry of Muhammad. The
Meccan period is presented chronologi-
cally, interrupted only by a survey of the
signs of prophethood. The chronological
account of the Medinan period is inter-
spersed with thematically arranged col-
lections of traditions on various specialized
subjects. These have proper chains of
transmission, whereas the longer narratives
often have collective isndds. For the part on
the expeditions and battles, one might pre-
fer al-Waqidl's Maghdzh of which Ibn Sa'd
offers only an abridged version, although
he also included some material from else-
where. The Akhbdr al-nabi ends with detailed
sections on the Prophet's final illness, death
and burial, his heritage, and elegies on him
(see also names of the prophet). Here he
draws upon al-Waqidi's lost book on the
death of the Prophet, but once more he
enriches the section with many traditions,
all with isndds. For the lives of the Com-
panions who play a part in the sTni, Ibn
Sa'd's Tabaqdt proper is of key importance.
Hadith collections
Several hadith collections have a maghdzT
section, e.g. those of Ibn Abi Shayba
(MusannaJ^ idv, 283-601) and al-Bukhari's
(d. 256/870) Sahih, Maghdzi. Above we have
made special mention of Ma'mar's col-
lection, since that is presented as a distinct
block with a certain degree of composi-
tion, which is not the case elsewhere.
Otherwise, sim fragments are found
throughout the hadith collections. Many
narratives that would have had a defective
chain of transmission or none at all in
early sTra compilations were preserved as
acceptable by being admitted into the "ca-
nonical" hadith collections. Hadith, how-
ever, often does not want to narrate, but
focuses on what is lawful and ethical (see
LAWFUL AND UNLAWFUL; ETHICS AND THE
q^ur'an). This may lead to a re- or decon-
textualization of sTra elements in hadith. It
is interesting to see, for instance, how the
Prophet's use of a toothpick on his death-
bed (Ibn Ishaq, Sna, ion; Ibn Ishaq-
Guillaume, 682) turned from a minor
narrative detail into an example for daily
life in hadith (Bukharl, Sahih, Maghdzi, 83;
Jum 'a, 9 and see Wensinck, Concordance, s.v.
siwak).
Sira and scripture
The Qiir'an is neither the only, nor the
oldest text that had an impact on the slra.
In the first place, there was a heritage of
ancient Arabic narrative literature, the
"days of the Arabs" (ayydm al-'arab; see
Mittwoch, Ayyam; Duri, Rise, 16-20 and
index), which were stories about battles
and fights interspersed with poetry (see
fighting; days of god). They served as
models for accounts of military expeditions
in the sTra. Large parts of the sira origi-
nated in reaction to the Bible, the apoc-
rypha and exegetical traditions of both
Jews and Christians, as well as Christian
saints' legends (for the latter, see e.g.
Newby, Example). The authority of the
new Prophet over the earlier prophets had
to be established, and the superiority of
the Qiir'an to the scriptures of others had
to be demonstrated (see polemic and
polemical language).
U. Rubin has pointed out that the Bible
and the literature around it were the first
scriptural influence in more sTra passages
than had been realized before. He dem-
onstrated by various examples how biblical
references, which occur at an early stage of
a text, were later removed or replaced by
qur'anic ones, since the slra compilers or
authors were increasingly embarrassed by
the original background of their material
(Rubin, Eye; see also Vajda, Isra'lliyyat, and
SIRA AND THE OUR AN
36
below under "Qiir'anization"). It is not
always easy to recognize the traces of these
forms of literature, since later sua authors
tried to erase them. Textual parallels, how-
ever remote, are rare; it is mostly the sub-
ject matter or the pattern of a narrative
that can be recognized as Jewish or
Cliristian in origin. For a better under-
standing of the intertextuality in the sira, it
is therefore necessary to study it in the con-
text of all relevant previous literature, not
only in connection with the Qiir'an.
The Qiir'an is part of the subject matter
of the sua, but it has also various other re-
lations with it. Since the stra is fragmentary
and consists of many genres, every genre
must be studied to ascertain how it reacts
to qur'anic scripture. But first the various
Qiir'an-related activities in sini texts must
be described.
Certain sira texts originate from an
exegetical impulse. They elaborate on
qur'anic passages by commenting, expand-
ing, or historicizing them through episodes
of the life of the Prophet and his entou-
rage. Other texts originated in a non-scrip-
tural impulse, and qur'anic words or
passages were added to them secondarily
(qur'anization). This was done for a di-
versity of reasons: to edify; to create an
elevated atmosphere; to lend weight to a
statement or argument; or to replace otlier
"scripture" or poetry that an earlier stage
of the text had contained. A great many
texts, however, are so complex that it is
difficult to decide which impulse was
predominant.
Commenting on the Qiir'an
In its narrative parts, the sira is to a large
extent qur'anic exegesis (tafsir). Ibn Ishaq's
method does not differ mucli from that of
his contemporary, the qur'anic exegete
Muqatil b. Sulayman (d. 150/767;
Wansbrough, Qs, 122-7). When we focus on
the details, various methods of exegesis
can be discerned. Several of them are
manifest in two single passages: the com-
mentary on C3 108 (Ibn Ishaq, Sira, 261-2;
Ibn Ishaq-Guillaume, 180-1, 725) and on
Ci 93 (Ibn Ishaq, Sira, 156-7; Ibn Ishaq-
Guillaume, 713-14).
Lexical explanation of one rare, difficult or am-
biguous word. This is not typical of sira texts,
but it does occur, notably with Ibn
Hisham, and a few times with Ibn Ishaq
(see DIFFICULT passages; ambiguous). A
single word may be explained: a) by a sin-
gle synonym. Al-kawthar (q 108:1) is "great"
(see SPRINGS and fountains; water of
paradise); sajd in q 93:2 means "to be
quiet"; b) by a number of words. Ibn
Hisham explains the word nddiin o 96:17,
"let him then call his nddi, " as: "the meet-
ing place in which people gather together
and settle tlieir affairs" (Ibn Isliacj, Sira,
200; Ibn Ishaq-Guillaume, 720); c) with the
help of other qur'anic verses where the
word occurs. Ibn Hisham continues by
referring to nddiin (j 29:29 and to the syn-
onym nadfin q 19:73; d) with the help of a
quotation from early poetry where the
same word is used. At c) 93:2: "By the night
(see DAY and night) when it is quiet
(sajd)," Ibn Hisham mentions a synonym
for sajd, but he adds: "[The poet] Umayya
b. Abi al-Salt says: '[...] and the night was
quiet in blackest gloom.' "
Paraphrase, explaining a sentence or passage by
rewriting it in other words. Unknown words
are replaced by well-known ones; the
meaning of ambiguous words is fixed by
the use of unambiguous words. "Your lord
(q.v.) has neither forsaken you nor loathes
you" ((J 93:3), is paraphrased: "meaning
that he has not left you and abandoned
you, nor hated you after having loved you."
With the words "after having loved you,"
the paraphrase slips into another exegetical
mode: expansion.
37
SIRA AND THE OUR AN
Specifying what is vague, with the help of external
information and/or the free flow of thought. Al-
Tabari {Ta'rikh, i, 1142) explains "on the
day of the furqdn, on the day when the two
armies met" (ci 8:41; see criterion) as:
"the battle of the Prophet with the poly-
theists (see polytheism and atheism;
OPPOSITION TO Muhammad) at Badr (q.v.),
which took place on the morning of the
seventeenth of Ramadan (q.v.)."
Ibn Ishaq quotes a hadlth according to
which kawthar is "a river as broad as from
San'a' to Ayla. Its water pots are in number
as the stars of heaven (see planets and
stars; heaven and sky). Birds go down to
it with necks like camels [...]." In an as-
cension story (Tabari, Ta'rikh, i, 1158),
kawthar is described as "a river [in para-
dise] whiter than milk (q.v.) and sweeter
than honey (q.v.), with pearly domes on
either side of it."
Identifying the anonymous. Who was the man
with the horns whose story is told in
q 18:83-98? Ibn Ishaq heard from a
Persian source that he was an Egyptian of
Greek extraction, whose name he men-
tions. But he also qtiotes a hadlth, accord-
ing to which he was an angel. Ibn Hisham
knows another name: it was Alexander
(q.v.), who built Alexandria (Ibn Ishaq, Sira,
197; Ibn Ishaq-Guillaume, 139, 719). This is
an example of the unbridled imagination
of the storytellers, who left no bit of the
Qtir'an tinexplained. The sira has yet
another purpose, to identify persons who
are referred to in the scripture. It aims to
link qur'anic passages to situations and to
record the history of early Islam, on which
see below.
Narrative expansion
A short example of narrative expansion is
found below, under "Linking scripture to
situations" with the case of Jadd b. Qays.
Two incomprehensible words in the scrip-
ture are explained by btiilding a few sen-
tences around them. A story can also be
built around the framework of a qur'anic
passage. Ma'mar's narrative ('Abd al-
Razzaq, Af«j-a7z??flf 389-90 [no. 9743])
about the Qurayshite plot to kill the
Prophet on the eve of his hijra is an expan-
sion of q 8:30: "[Remember] when the
unbelievers plotted against you, to confine
you, kill you or expel you. They plotted,
but God plotted also, and God is the best
of plotters." In the narration, the Qiiray-
shites (see quRAYSH) gather in their council
chamber, assisted by Satan in disguise.
They discuss these three possible ways of
dealing with Muhammad, expelling, con-
fining or killing him, and accept the third
proposal. (To create greater suspense, the
order was slightly changed.) God's coun-
terplot consists in warning the Prophet,
who can escape tinseen, while 'All is to
sleep in the Prophet's bed, so that the
Qtirayshites would find only him. The
whole story follows the structure of the
qur'anic verse; only the satanic motif is
foreign to it.
With Ibn Ishaq, whose work shows a
well-balanced composition, sira narratives
that are linked to a qur'anic passage can be
much longer, and the verses need not even
to be quoted. The story of the Prophet's
ascension (Ibn Ishacj, Sira, 263-72; Ibn
Ishaq-Gtiillaume, 181-7) is preceded and
followed by mentions of enemies who
mocked the Prophet and of how they were
punished (see mockery; chastisement
AND punishment). After the ascension
story, Ibn Ishacj continues with Gabriel
(q.v.) arriving to punish the men.
Apparently Ibn Ishaq had a qtir'anic pas-
sage in mind: "And they say: '[...] we will
not believe you until yoti [...] ascend to
heaven. Yet, we will not believe in your
ascension, imtil yoti send down to tis a
book we can read' " (q 17:90-3). Ibn Ishaq
here wants to apply the qur'anic motif that
SIRA AND THE OUR AN
38
unbelievers ask for signs (q.v.), and when
tliese are given to them, still do not believe
(see REFLECTION AND DELIBERATION;
provocation).
Qiir anization
While a sira narrative may start from a
qur'anic word or pericope that is explained
or expanded, the opposite can be found as
well: a narrative starts from an extra-
qur'anic impulse, as e.g. the desire to tell a
certain story, and is then enriched with
scriptural material. This can be called
"qur'anization."
A simple form of it may be called decora-
tive qur'anization: the use of qur'anic
wordings to elevate the style register and to
create a pious atmosphere. When Ibn
Ishaq once wanted to say "as a bringer of
good tidings to all mankind" (Ibn Ishaq,
Sira, 150; Ibn Ishaq-Guillaume, 104), he did
not use his own words, but preferred the
syntactically unusual wordings of (j 34:28.
When 'A'isha, in the "account of the lie"
(q.v.; see also Spellberg, 'A'isha, 56-8), tried
to build courage within herself, she bor-
rowed the words that Jacob (q.v.) had used
in his distress according to q 12:18 (Ibn
Ishaq, Sua, 735; Ibn Ishaq-Guillaume, 496).
The narrator put qur'anic words in her
mouth to show what a pious woman she
was.
Not just one sentence, but the story as a
whole is elevated when a narrative element
is added that is built around a cjur'anic
phrase, irrespective of its meaning in the
original context. In the ascension story, the
Prophet comments on the immense num-
bers of angels in heaven with the words of
c) 74:31: "And none knows the armies of
God but he" (Ibn Ishaq, Sira, 268; Ibn
Ishaq-Guillaume, 185; see troops; ranks
and orders). In the verse itself, this phrase
refers to the guardians of hell. When dur-
ing the Prophet's visit to heaven the num-
ber of obligatory prayers is reduced, he is
notified in qur'anic wording: "The word is
not changed with me" (q 50:29; 'Abd al-
Razzaq, Musannaf, 9719), which originally
referred to the day of judgment (see last
judgment).
But qur'anization can take on much
wider dimensions. Above, we have intro-
duced Ma'mar's Qiir'an-based version of
the story about the plot to kill the Prophet.
In Ibn Ishaq [Sira, 323-6; Ibn Ishaq-
Guillaume, 221-3), that story is much lon-
ger. A narrator decided to add the qur'anic
motif of the Prophet being called a poet.
The suggestion that comes up among the
plotters is to confine him and to subject
him to the same fate that befell the poets
Zuhayr and Nabigha and others. Hereby
q 52:30 is put to use: "Or they say: A poet
for whom we await an uncertain fate."'
The verse itself does not occur in the nar-
rative, but the linking words are obvious:
"poet(s)" and "await" (tarabbasa) . For those
who had not recognized it yet, Ibn Ishaq
quotes the verse in full after his narrative,
as one of the verses "that God revealed
about that day." Whereas the story as a
whole is Q_ur'an-based, this part is
qur'anized.
In that same story yet another type of
qur'anization can be seen. Wahb's version
has an additional motif: God impairs the
sight (see vision and blindness) of those
who lie in wait to kill the Prophet.
Miraculously, they cannot see how he
walks past them and do not even notice
him strewing dust onto their heads. This is
illustrated by a piece of poetry attributed
to 'All (Wahb, Papyrus, 140-4). The partial
blindness fits well into the story and an-
ticipates the same motif that occurs some-
what later in the story of the Prophet's
emigration (cf. Rubin, Hijra, 60-1). Ibn
Ishaq (Sira, 326; Ibn Ishaq-Guillaume, 222),
however, instead of quoting poetry, tells us
that the Prophet recited q 36:1-9 at the
occasion. The choice of these verses is a
39
SIRA AND THE OUR AN
bit awkward, for only q 36:9 fits the situ-
ation: "And we covered tliem and they
could not see." If Wahb indeed represents
an older text stage, this is a case of the
phenomenon that Rubin pointed out: in
time, qur'anic elements tend to replace
other types of literature, since poetry or
biblical texts were increasingly deemed
unfit to occur in sira texts (Rubin,
Eye, 33-5, 227). Large-scale qur'ani-
zation takes place in the reports on the
battles of the Prophet; see below under
"MaghdzV
Linking scripture to situations
A typical objective of sira is to establish a
link between a qur'anic passage (mostly a
verse) and a moment in the life of the
Prophet. Within the plot of a narrative, a
qur'anic verse may serve as the imptdse for
a subsequent action. A verse with an im-
perative almost cries out for a story about
how the command was executed. When
the verse, "and warn your closest clan
members" (c) 26:214) was revealed, the
Prophet warned his nephew 'All and his
other relatives (Tabarl, Ta'rikh, i, 117 1-4).
After the revelation of, "Speak of the kind-
ness of your lord" (c3 93:11), the Prophet
began to speak secretly about God's kind-
ness to everyone he coidd trust (Ibn Ishaq,
Sira, 157; Ibn Ishaq-Guillaume, 112).
But in most cases the order is the other
way round: something happens, and then a
qur'anic verse is revealed. These kinds of
texts are known as "occasions of revela-
tion" (see Rippin, Occasions; Rubin, Eye,
226-33; SchoUer, Exegetisches Denken,
128-33). ^ complete "occasion" report is
characterized by the following features (not
necessarily in this order): a reference to
some event or situation, mostly in com-
bination with the name(s) of one or more
persons, a place, and/or an indication of
time; some qur'anic words which antici-
pate the qur'anic passage that is about to
be revealed; a formula like: "(Then) God
revealed about ..." or: "This verse was
revealed about [...]," and finally the quot-
ing of the revealed passage itself.
A perfect, but late example is presented
in Rippin, Occasions, 570. An example
from the sira, with a somewhat different
structure, is: "Some mockers said to the
Prophet: 'Muhammad, if an angel had
been sent to you [...]." Then God revealed
concerning these words of theirs: "They
say: 'Why has not an angel been sent down
to him?' " (q, 6:8; Ibn Ishaq, Sira, 262; Ibn
Ishaq-Guillaume, 181).
Complete "occasion"-stories are amply
represented in sira texts. The sira, however,
also contains many of them in less com-
plete or preliminary stages. Some examples
are: "Then revelations stopped for a time,
so that the Prophet was distressed and
grieved (see joy and misery). Then
Gabriel brought him (j 93 [...]" (Ibn
Ishaq, Sira, 156; Ibn Ishaq-Guillaume, 11 1).
Ibn Ishaq (Sira, 171; Ibn Ishaq-Guillaume,
12 1-2) relates about a person who had
called the Prophet a sorcerer (see magic),
and then says: "About him q 74:11-22 was
revealed." But he does not say that it was
revealed at that occasion, and as regards
contents, there is no connection between
the qur'anic passage and the story. An en-
emy makes some insidting proposals to the
Prophet. Then the latter recites C3 41:1-5,
and the man leaves him in peace. This is
not formally an occasion; it sounds as if
the Prophet knew these verses already and
recited them from memory (Ibn Ishaq, Sira,
186; Ibn Ishaq-Guillaume, 132-3).
Sira texts seemingly avoid the pretension
of knowing God's reasons for his revela-
tions. The Qiir'an exegete Muqatil b.
Sidayman [Tafsir i, 458, ad o 5:11) says in
all innocence: "This verse was revealed
because [...] (li-anna)," but the sTra confines
itself toyr, "concerning"; although the
suggestion of causality is always there.
SIRA AND THE OUR AN
40
Scholarly opinion differs about the role of
the "occasions" in the stra. Lammens seems
to consider the whole stra a compilation of
"occasions," with the exception of "a
vague oral tradition" or "a primitive core"
(Lammens, Koran and tradition, 170, 171).
To Rubin, the sira contains no occasions:
"... none of the Qiir'anic verses which
appear in the biography of Muhammad
can be regarded as the primary source of
the story" (Rubin, Eye, 227). Both points of
view are extremes, but there are enough
cases where the exegetical impulse is obvi-
ous and where no qur'anization can be
discovered.
In certain texts, the aspect of "identifying
the anonymous" seems to prevail. When
the Qiir'an alludes to an unknown speaker
or sinner (see SIN, major and minor), the
occasion-report knows who this person is.
When a narrator says: "This verse was re-
vealed concerning so-and-so," the inten-
tion may be to enhance or undermine the
reputation of that person; see below under
"Merits of the Companions."
An "occasion" with a multiple and com-
plicated intention is related in connection
with the expedition to Tabuk (see expe-
ditions and battles). While preparing
for it, the Prophet asks Jadd b. Q_ays
whether he wants to fight the Byzantines
(q. v.). Jadd answers: "Will you allow me to
stay behind and not tempt me, for everyone
knows that I am strongly addicted to
women and I am afraid that if I see the
Byzantine women I shall not be able to
control myself." About him the verse came
down: "Among them there is one who says:
Allow me and do not tempt me' ..."
(cj 9:49; Ibn Ishaq, Sira, 894; Ibn Ishaq-
Guillaume, 602-3). This verse existed be-
fore the story. It raised three questions:
Who was the "one who says"? The exegete
names him. What do his words "allow me"
and "do not tempt me" mean? It is ex-
plained by means of the rather strained
narrative expansion, in which the very
qur'anic words are put into Jadd's mouth.
In what situation did Jadd use these words?
Within the report, the connection with the
TabQk expedition is created only by the
mention of the Byzantine women. Outside
the narrative it is corroborated by its place
in the larger context of that expedition.
The exegetical activities apparently were
carried out only after the assignment of
o 9 to that expedition, which in itself is a
case of qur'anization. Apart from exegesis
and qur'anization, the "occasions" serve to
"historicize" the Qiir'an (see Rippin,
Occasions, 572) and to establish its chro-
nology (see Bowering, Chronology). This
was important for the study of law (see
Burton, Abrogation), but several sira com-
pilers, who show no interest in law, deal
with chronology simply out of historio-
graphical interest.
The genres within the sira
Now we will address the various genres
within the sira literature, and the degree of
their scripturality. There are many places
where one is tempted to consider qur'anic
exegesis as a genre, as well. Since the ex-
egetical intention, however, pervades the
whole sira, it seemed preferable to treat it
in the broader framework above.
Prophetic legend
Under this heading we group the texts
about prophets and prophecy that aim at
elaborating Muhammad's prophetic fea-
tures (Andras, Person Muhammeds, ch. i;
Newby, Making, 1-32). The positioning of
Muhammad as the last and the best among
the prophets that had already been estab-
lished in the Qiir'an was completed in the
sira. Characteristics of the ancient proph-
ets were ascribed to Muhammad and vice
versa. The impulse may have been the
need for qur'anic exegesis, but the elabora-
41
SIRA AND THE OUR AN
tions in qissa and sira are often of biblical
or post-biblical inspiration and therefore
scriptural in the wider sense. Many stories
about the earlier prophets were collected in
Ibn Ishaq's Ritdb al-Mubtada', now partially
preserved in al-Tabarl, Ta'nkh, i, 86-795
(trans, also in Newby, Making).
A number of examples may illustrate
how extant literary topics were remodeled
to fit Muhammad. The annunciation by
Jesus (q.v.) of a comforter, or the Holy
Spirit (q.v.; John 15:26) was applied to
Muhammad in the sira (Ibn Ishaq, Sira,
150; Ibn Ishaq-Guillaume, 104). Muham-
mad's mother received an annunciation
during her pregnancy not unlike the
mother of Jesus (Luke 1:26-38; Ibn Ishaq,
Sira, 102; Ibn Ishaq-Guillaume, 69). These
are only small-scale examples, but the an-
nunciation is a major motif in the sua,
which has recently been studied by Rubin
{Eye, 21-43). Jews and Christians are said to
have known of the birth of Muhammad in
advance. They were supposed to have read
in their scriptures about the coming of
Muhammad and his characteristics, so that
they could recognize him as a child. The
biblical texts that Jews and Christians had
applied to the coming of the Messiah, or
the Holy Spirit respectively, were now re-
interpreted to make them refer to
Muhammad (Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqdtl, ii, 87-g;
trans, i, 421-6).
When Muhammad was with his wet-
nurse, he grew up uncommonly fast (Ibn
Ishaq, Sira, 105; Ibn Ishaq-Guillaume, 71),
and he was not the only prophet who did
so. The Gospels of the Infancy abound in
examples of Jesus' precocity.
The topic of Muhammad's ascension
(Ibn Ishaq, Sira, 263-71; Ibn Ishaq-
Guillaume, 1 8 1-7) may have been inspired
by Q 17:90-3 (see Sells, Ascension, 177), but
the story itself stands in a long tradition of
Persian, Jewish and Christian accounts.
Certain details in it are reminiscent of spe-
cific texts: e.g. the description of punish-
ments in hell (Ibn Ishaq, Sira, 269; Ibn
Ishaq-Guillaume, 185-6; see HELL and
hellfire) has parallels in the Apocalypsis
Pauli and the Persian text Arid Wirdz Mdmag.
The initial refusal of Muhammad to re-
cite (see REi;iTATiON of the cjur'an) when
Gabriel brought him the revelation on
mount Hira' [md aqra'u; Ibn Ishaq, Sira, 152;
Ibn Ishaq-Guillaume, 106 has a mistaken
translation) has precedents in the excuses
of several other prophets (cf. Exodus
3:11-4:13; Jeremiah i:6;Jonah 1:2-3 ^"d
0.37:140).
The sira sometimes recapitulates pro-
phetic characteristics in general statements,
most of which are rooted in biblical or
qur'anic scripture. E.g. the saying "There
is no prophet but has shepherded a flock"
(Ibn Ishaq, Sira, 106; Ibn Ishaq-Guillaume,
72) holds true of the qur'anic Moses (q.v.;
Q^ 28:22-8) and of the patriarchs as well as
Moses, David (q.v.) in the Bible and, meta-
phorically, of Jesus, "the good shepherd"
(John 10:11, 14).
The dictum "A prophet does not die with-
out being given the choice" (Ibn Ishaq,
Sira, 1008; Ibn Ishaq-Guillaume, 680),
however, applies only to Muhammad.
Several prophets had not died in the nor-
mal way. Idrls (q.v.) was raised to a high
place (q 19:57). In the Bible it was Enoch,
Moses and Elijah (q.v.) who were "raised."
Jesus was resurrected and then raised into
heaven (see resurrection). Since Q_ 3:144
mentions the possibility of the Prophet's
death, Islamic legend had to go its own
way on this point. Muhammad was given
the choice between remaining alive or join-
ing the highest companions {al-rajiq al-a'ld;
cf. C3 4:69) in paradise (Ibn Ishaq, Sira,
1000, lOii; Ibn Ishac[-Guillaume, 678, 682).
Yet, an attempt was made to make his
death resemble the forty-day absence of
Moses on Mount Sinai (q.v.; Ibn Ishaq,
Sira, 1012; Ibn Ishaq-Guillaume, 682).
SIRA AND THE OUR AN
42
In the Qiir'an, miracles (q.v.) play a part
in the stories of most prophets, but to
Muhammad they are given only sparsely.
The miracles that are alluded to in the
Qiir'an, as, for example, the intervention of
angels in the battles of Badr (q.v.) and
Hunayn (q.v), are elaborated in the sira. In
addition to that, sira texts have few inhibi-
tions about making more miracles happen
to or through the Prophet (Andrje, Person
Muhammeds, 46-68), such as stones and trees
talking to him, trees changing places, the
multiplication of water and food, healings,
the discovery of poisoned food, and even
an unexpected win in a wrestling match
(Ibn Ishaq, Sua, 258; Ibn Ishaq-Guillaume,
178). Ibn Sa'd [Tabaqdt I, i, 96-135; trans, i,
170-219) collected these "signs of proph-
ecy" in a separate chapter; also al-Bukharl
has a small collection {Sahih, Mandqih, 25).
Later on, they developed into a literary
genre in its own right {dald'il al-nubuwwa;
cf Kister, Sirah, 355).
Maghdzi
As we have said at the start, the word
maghdzi co\\\A be applied to the sira litera-
ture as a whole. Here we will deal with
maghdzi u\ the narrower sense: stories about
the raids, military campaigns and battles
organized or attended by the Prophet (see
Faizer, Expeditions, and its bibliography;
M. Hinds, MaghazI; Duri, Rise, index s.v.
maghdzi; Jones,, MaghazI). They may vary
from the assassination of a single person
through small raids to campaigns of con-
siderable dimensions. The main sources
are Ibn Ishaq and al-Waqidi. Both tried to
establish a chronology, as Musa b. 'Uqba
apparently also intended to do, but no reli-
able chronological table can be verified
(SchoUer, Exegetisches Denken, 215-29; Jones,
Chronology). A convenient survey of all
the battle accounts and their sources in
English is found in Watt, Medina (esp.
339-43)-
Maghdzi stories originally had nothing to
do with the Qiir'an. They were a continu-
ation of the pre-Islamic tales of tribal bat-
tles (ayydm al-'arab). In the (theoretical)
original maghdzi stories, prose was mixed
with poetry; they contained names of par-
ticipants and heroes, names of places and
a description of the action, sometimes with
its occasion and consequences (see
GEOGRAPHY AND THE OUR'an). But such
stories that are free of ideology do not exist
in the sira.
The story of Hainza's expedition to the
coast, with its exchange of poetry as the
main part (Ibn Ishaq, Sira, 419-21; Ibn
Ishaq-Guillaume, 283-5), has an ancient
structure, but the poetry has already been
touched by qur'anic vocabulary. In the
small report on the so-called "barley meal
raid" the poetry comes after the story (Ibn
Ishaq, Sira, 543-4; Ibn Ishaq-Guillaume,
361-2; Tabarl, Ta'rikh, i, 1365). Both sources
have different poems; apparently they were
felt to be interchangeable. Al-Waqidi
{Maghdzi, 18 1-2) has only two lines, from
the same poem as in Ibn Ishaq. The later
the source, the less poetry it contains.
At the end of another expedition story, a
qur'anic verse is quoted that was associated
with it secondarily. The story takes the
shape of an "occasion of revelation."
Then follows the poetry that was com-
posed about that expedition (Ibn Ishaq,
Sira, 642-8; Ibn Ishaq-Guillaume, 429-33).
This pattern is followed in the larger re-
ports as well. The account of the battle of
Badr (q.v.; Ibn Ishaq, Sira, 427-539; Ibn
Ishaq-Guillaume, 289-360) is a mix of all
sorts of sources, but is essentially a nar-
rative on a battle. It has some poetry and
was apparently already interspersed early
with a few cjur'anic elements: God's prom-
ise, the help of fighting angels, the enemy
being supported by Satan (see devil;
enemies; parties and factions). Then
follow several bundles of texts. One is the
43
SIRA AND THE OUR AN
collected poetry on the subject, which
one can imagine had been integrated into
the narrative itself at an earlier stage.
Furthermore, there are lists of participants
and of the fallen.
Almost immediately after the account
proper follows a Qiir'an-centered collec-
tion, in which large passages from C3 8 are
applied to this battle. In them, the story of
Badr is re-told in the light of the Qtir'an.
The parts of o 8, which were chosen more
or less arbitrarily, are applied verse by
verse to the details of the battle
(Wansbrongh, Sectarian milieu, 25-31). This is
a case of qur'anization. In al-Waqidi
[Maghdzi, 19-128) these qnr'anic passages
are integrated into the battle story itself,
although a separate part on C3 8 is also
maintained, rather redundantly; perhaps
only because it was there (al-Waqidl,
Maghdzi, 131-8; Wansbrongh, Sectarian mi-
lieu, 25-31). This pattern is followed in sev-
eral larger ma^/za^r stories: Uhud, the battle
of the trench (see people of the ditch;
ukhdOd), Qiirayza (q.v). Nadir (q.v). Each
of them has received "its" sura. But it also
happens that the qnr'anic passage is the
origin of the very story, as is the case in Ibn
Ishaq's report on the expedition against the
Jewish tribe Q_aynuqa' (q.v.; C3 5:51-8; see
SchoUer, Exegetisches Denken, 232).
Even within the maghdzi genre there may
be an impact of the Bible. Von Mzik
pointed to parallels between the biblical
story of Gideon (Judges 7:2-22; cf. o 2:249)
and certain elements in the Badr story.
Both recount a victory of a host of some
300 men facing fearful odds. In both cases
God offers help, and the defeat of the en-
emy is predicted by a dream of someone in
the enemy camp (Ibn Ishaq, Sira, 428-9,
506, 516; Ibn Ishac[-Guillaiime, 290-1, 336,
340; Jones, Dream).
Last, but not least, the various maghdzi
texts may influence each other. SchoUer
[Exegetisches Denken, 241-9) shows that al-
Waqidl's version of the Qaynuqa' story
borrowed elements from reports about the
expulsion of other Jewish tribes.
Poetry
One genre in the sira that has no connec-
tion with the Qiir'an is poetry (Horovitz,
Einlagen; Kister, Sirah, 357-61;
Wansbrongh, Milieu, 32-9). Of old, story-
tellers had combined prose with poetry in
their stories, and the sira narrators con-
tinued this tradition. The poetry has func-
tions similar to those of speeches (see
dialogue): it captivates the audience by
switching to another mode, underlining a
point or emphasizing a dramatic moment.
In sTra narratives too, battling or dying
heroes are given their chance to improvise
poetry, be it self-praise, vituperation or a
rhyming creed, and relatives declaim ele-
gies for those who fell. Such poems often
have little merit and are ascribed to un-
likely poets. Even more than the narrative
parts of the sTra, they were severely criti-
cized ('Arafat, Early critics).
Often enough, the pieces of poetry are
not "insertions" that could be cut out with-
out damaging the story or the report, but
indispensable constituents of it (Wans-
brough, Sectarian milieu, 38-9; an extreme
case: Ibn Ishaq, STra, 144-9; ^'-"^ Ishaq-
Guillaume, 100-3). Poetry was not
unproblematic to early Muslims, since the
Qiir'an takes a hard line on it (c) 26:224-6;
52:29-30). The story of the Prophet's ap-
proval of a long poem by the newly con-
verted Ka'b b. Zuhayr (Ibn Ishaq, Sira,
887-92; Ibn Ishaq-Guillaume, 597-601;
Zwettler, The poet) was one of the means
to legitimize poetry that fulfilled the
Islamic condition of not provoking inter-
tribal hostility.
The sTra pays much attention to the verse
of Hassan b. Thabit (d. ca. 50/669; see
'Arafat, Hassan), the "court poet" and ele-
gist of the Prophet (Ibn Ishaq, STra, 1022-6
SIRA AND THE OUR AN
44
and index; Ibn Ishaq-Guillaume, 689-90,
795-8 and index). Mucli of tlie verse as-
cribed to him is considered spurious today.
Tire qur'anic verdict on poetry, as well as
the increasing authority of the Qiir'an in
general, resulted in a decreasing use of po-
etry and an increasing application of
qur'anic material in sira texts through the
years (cf. Rubin, Eye, 227, I2i). As we saw,
Ibn Ishaq placed all the relevant poetry
after the accounts of the larger battles.
Maybe the reconstitution and qur'ani-
zation (on which see above) of these long
narratives had already taken place in his
sources and made it impossible to keep the
verses in their original places, or he himself
felt it proper to give this poetry a less
prominent place. For a case of poetry be-
ing replaced by qur'anic text in a later ver-
sion of a narrative, see above under
"Qtir'anization"; about the use of pre-
Islamic poetry in the Qiir'an exegesis see
above under "Commenting on the
Qtir'an."
Addresses
Sira texts contain speeches and sermons by
the Prophet at solemn occasions, e.g. his
first sermons in Medina (Ibn Ishaq, Sira,
340-1; Ibn Ishaq-Guillaume, 230-1), his
speech at the door of the Ka'ba after the
conquest of Mecca (q.v.; Ibn Ishaq, Sira,
821; Ibn Ishaq-Guillaume, 553; see
coNcjUESTs) and during the Farewell
Pilgrimage (q.v.; Ibn Ishaq, Sira, 968-9; Ibn
Ishaq-Guillaume, 650-1). They are a mix of
qissa-stjle piety and regulations, enriched
with some qur'anic allusions or cjuotations.
Some speeches by other persons have been
written down: one by the Prophet's uncle
'Abbas at the 'Aqaba meeting (Ibn Ishaq,
Sira, 296; Ibn Ishacj-Guillaume, 203) and
one of Ja'far b. Abl Talib at the court of
the Negus (Ibn Ishaq, Sira, 968-9; Ibn
Ishaq-Guillaume, 650-1; see Abyssinia).
Speeches have a similar function as poetry,
or in some cases as documents: they catch
the attention and emphasize the impor-
tance of what is brought forward
(Wansbrough, Sectarian milieu, 38).
Written documents
In this context "written documents" means
texts that present themselves as such. The
question of whether they are fictitious or
not need not bother us. In sira collections,
various types of documents are found:
Treaties. The "Document (kitdb) of Medina"
(Ibn Ishaq, Sira, 341-4; Ibn Ishaq-
Guillaume, 231-3), is an agreement be-
tween "Muhammad the Prophet" and "the
believers and Muslims of Qiiraysh (q.v.)
and Yathrib [— Medina (q.v.)] and those
who follow them, join them, and strive
alongside them," including Jewish groups.
The "Document," whose textual unity re-
mains controversial, is generally considered
to be very old. It contains no allusions to
the Qiir'an and has a matter-of-fact at-
titude towards the Jewish tribes of Medina,
which are included in the community
(ummaj, whereas the mainstream sira stories
are hostile to the Jews and full of inter-
textuality. The names of the three Jewish
tribes (Nadir, Qurayza, Qaynuqa'), which
through the sira have become widely
known in the Islamic tradition, do not ap-
pear in the Document (Humphreys, Islamic
history, 92-8, with bibliography; Rubin,
Constitution). The text of the Hudaybiya
(q.v.) treaty is given in full (Ibn Ishaq, Sira,
747-8; Ibn Ishaq-Guillaume, 504-5).
Treaties with tribes (see tribes and clans;
apostasy) are often embodied in letters.
Correspondence of the Prophet with governors,
Arabian tribes, foreign rulers and others (Ibn
Abl Shayba, Musannaf, xiv, 336-46, nos.
18,475-86; Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqdtl, ii, 15-38;
45
SIRA AND THE OUR AN
trans, i, 304-45; spread all over Ibn Ishaq,
al-Tabari and al-Waqidi; HamiduUah,
Documents; Sperber, Schreiben Muham-
mads). Most of this correspondence con-
tains no allusions to the Qur'an; notable
exceptions are the letters to the rulers of
Persia and Ethiopia (Tabari, Ta'rikh, i,
1569-71), and the false prophet Musaylima
(q.v.). Letters with qur'anic content are
unlikely to be old (see also orality and
WRiTiNO IN Arabia).
Lists. Sira texts contain lists. Most of them
enumerate names of persons, e.g. the old-
est converts to Islam; the participants in
battles; those who were killed in action (on
both sides); the emigrants to Ethiopia and
to Medina (see emigrants and helpers),
as well as those who returned from exile in
Ethiopia or who died in that country; the
participants in certain negotiations (see
contrai;:ts and allianc:es; breaking
TRUSTS AND CONTRACTS); the members of
certain tribes who came to the Prophet;
those who received part of the booty (q.v.).
Such lists may have been copied from gov-
ernment registers, where they originally
had the practical function of establishing
the rank of a person or his descendants
with the "Islamic elite," and the size of the
state income that could be claimed (see
Duri, Dlwan; Puin, Diwdn). Their purpose
in the sira is related to that of the genre of
"Merits" (on which see below), i.e. to en-
hance the reputation of the Companions
mentioned therein. Purely historiographi-
cal are surveys of the Prophet's military
actions (Ibn Ishaq, Sira, 972-3; Ibn Ishaq-
Guillaume, 659-60; also Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqdt
II, i, 1-2; trans, ii, 2). The greatest list mak-
ers were al-Waqidi and Ibn Sa'd. The lat-
ter went to great lengths: he listed even the
camels and goats of the Prophet (Ibn Sa'd,
Tabaqdt I, ii, 176-9; trans, i, 584-90; see
camel; hides and fleece; animal life).
Most lists in the sira are by their nature
not scriptural. But there are exceptions:
the enumeration of twelve leaders of the
Helpers is linked to the twelve disciples of
Jesus (Ibn Ishaq, Sira, 299; Ibn Ishaq-
Guillaume, 204; see apostle). The
description of the route taken by
Muhammad in his emigration to Medina,
a trajectory unspectacular in itself (Ibn
Ishaq, Sira, 332-3; Ibn Ishaq-Guillaume,
226-7), iTiay be inspired by the biblical list
of stopping places during Israel's (q.v.)
exodus (Numbers 33; see also children
OF Israel).
Genealogy
In the tribally organized Arabian society,
genealogy had always stood in the center
of historiographical interest, with all
the fictionality it inevitably involved
(Rosenthal, Nasab; id.. Historiography,
95-100; Duri, Rise, 41-2, 50-4; Kister, Sirah,
361-2; Noth/Conrad, Historical tradition,
37-8). The aspiration was to establish one's
filiation from the noblest Arabian forebears
possible, ideally from the legendary
Ma'add (see pre-islamic Arabia and
THE CJUr'an).
Sira authors continued this activity. Their
first aim was to establish the purity of
Muhammad's pedigree and the nobility of
his ancestors. Ibn Ishaq's genealogy of the
Prophet in the male line (Ibn Ishaq, Sira, 3;
Ibn Ishaq-Guillaume, 3) goes further back
than Ma'add. About half of the fifty
names are Arabic, but beyond Ma'add the
names are biblical (cf. Genesis 5 and
11:10-32; Tabari, Ta'rikh, i, 1113-23). They
link the Prophet to some of the key figures
of Islamic salvation (q.v.) history: Ishmael
(q.v), Abraham (q.v.), Noah (q.v.) and
Adam (see adam and eve), thus elaborat-
ing the qur'anic motif of Muhammad be-
ing the last in a succession of prophets. Ibn
Ishaq's genealogy is reminiscent of that of
SIRA AND THE OUR AN
46
"Jesus Christ, the son of David, the son of
Abraham" at the beginning of the New
Testament (42 names in the reversed order;
Matthew 1:1-17).
A list of the ancient prophets from
Adam to Muhammad, with their respective
pedigrees (Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqdt I, i, 26-7;
trans, i, 48-9), functions as a kind of spiri-
tual genealogy of the latter. It establishes
a relation without claiming physical
filiation.
There are endless genealogies of the
early prophets, notably in al-Tabari's
Ta'nkh and Ibn Sa'd's Tabaqdt, that are not
linked to Midiammad. These are obviously
biblically inspired. On the other hand, sev-
eral hadlth criticize the mentioning of bib-
lical names in the Prophet's genealogy
("genealogists are liars"), arguing that the
Qiir'an leaves his oldest forebears un-
named; others replace them with purely
Arabic names (Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqdt I, i, 27-9;
trans, i, 49-52). There are non-scriptural
genealogies of Muhammad's father and
mother. Many traditions establish the pedi-
gree of the female ancestors of the
Prophet in the maternal line (Ibn Sa'd,
Tabaqdt I, i, 30-6; trans, i, 54-63; see
patriarchy; gender). All of them are
purely Arabian. There are more than one
hundred "mothers," well distributed over
all tribes. Apparently the objective was to
demonstrate how firmly connected with all
Arabian tribes the Prophet was, and to
counter-balance the large impact of non-
Arabic traditions.
The numerous genealogies of
Companions of the Prophet that found
their way into sTra texts are also non-
scriptural, including those of the Proph-
et's wives (see WIVES of the prophet).
They intend to show the nobility of these
persons and their closeness to the Prophet,
and serve similar purposes as the "Merits"
texts.
The ?nerits of the Companions
The slra is not only interested in the
Prophet, but also in his Companions who
constituted the first Islamic community (see
Muranyi, Prophetengenossen; id., Sahaba).
Apart from being an archive of genealo-
gies and lists of these Companions' names,
it also contains many narratives about their
deeds. By such stories people wanted to
keep the past alive, as they had always
done. Later generations tried to put their
forebears in a favorable light, to recount
their deeds that were approved or praised
by the Prophet, and to emphasize their
merits (fadd'il, mandqib) for nascent Islam, if
need be by contrasting them to the demer-
its (mathdlib) of others. There was also a
practical reason to do so. A Companion's
position in a list of beneficiaries of dona-
tions (see above under "Written docu-
ments") was corroborated by reports about
him. Moreover, before the sunna of the
Prophet became predominant in Islamic
law, the scholars were just as interested in
the "way of acting" [sTra or sunna) of the
earliest caliphs and other prestigious
Companions as a means of establishing the
right behavior. Hence several slra works
also dealt with the period after the death of
the Prophet.
A specific type of text on merits that fea-
tures in the sira is that of the awd'il, which
record by whom something was done for
the first time (see Rosenthal, Awa'il; Ibn
Abl Shayba, Musannaf, xiv, 68-147). The
first male who believed in the Prophet was
'All (Ibn Ishaq, Sira, 158-61; Ibn Ishaq-
Guillaume, 114-15). 'Abdallah b. Mas'ud
was the first after the Prophet to recite the
QjLir'an openly in Mecca (Ibn Ishaq, Slra,
202; Ibn Ishaq-Guillaume, 141); the first to
hold Friday prayers in Medina was Mus'ab
b. 'Umayr (Musa b. 'Uqba, Fragm. 2; see
FRIDAY prayer). It may have come natu-
rally for the community to have more
47
SIRA AND THE OUR AN
regard for the earliest Muslims than for
later converts. The first emigrants from
Mecca and the first helpers in Medina, as
groups, enjoy a special esteem as well.
The functioning of the "merits" genre as
an instrument of public opinion may be
demonstrated by the example of one
Companion. Sa'd b. AblWaqqas (d. after
40/660; see Hawting, Sa'd) was one of the
first Muslims. He led several military ex-
peditions, took part in all major battles and
was to become a successful general. But
when he commanded the army that
defeated the Persians at Qadisiyya (ca.
14/635), he did not attend the battle in
person — allegedly for health reasons.
Some authors criticize him for this ab-
sence. In a smi narrative this criticism is
apparently given more weight by project-
ing it back into the lifetime of the Prophet.
It says that Sa'd for some trivial reason
failed to take part in a raid on which the
Prophet had sent him (Ibn Ishaq, Sim, 424;
Ibn Ishaq-Guillaume, 287; Tabari, Ta'rikh,
i, 1274, 1277; cf Watt, Medina, 6). In con-
trast, other texts state emphatically that
Sa'd was the first to shed blood (Ibn Ishaq,
Sira, 166; Ibn Ishaq-Guillaume, 118) and
the first to shoot an arrow for the cause of
Islam (Ibn Ishaq, Sira, 416; Ibn Ishaq-
GuiUaume, 281; Waqidi, Maghdzi, lo; Tabari,
Ta'rikh, i, 1267). Are these mere praises of
Sa'd or attempts to wipe away the blot on
his reputation? At any rate, the example
shows how a Companion could be given
positive or negative "press" in sira texts.
The attitudes towards the most promi-
nent Companions, the first caliphs,
strongly diverge in the sira. Both their ad-
herents and adversaries tried to make their
points in the various narratives, e.g. in
those about the death-bed of the Prophet,
where the matter of his succession was an
issue. A special case is 'Abbas b. 'Abd al-
Muttalib (see Watt, 'Abbas). He was
Muhammad's uncle, but not a "Com-
panion," since he never became a Muslim.
To the 'Abbasid rulers he was a prestigious
forebear. Hence we see that Ibn Ishaq, who
worked for the 'Abbasid court, has favor-
able accounts of him (Ibn Ishaq, Sira, 296,
1007; Ibn Ishaq-Guillaume, 203, 680),
whereas Wahb b. Munabbih is negative
about him (Wahb, Papyrus, 126). Musa b.
'Uqba (Fragm. no. 6) attempts to establish
his kinship with the Helpers of Medina.
Merits have their counterparts in demer-
its (mathdlib) . These are not always pre-
sented as subtly as in the case of Sa'd. In
the story about the Muslim emigrants to
Ethiopia and the visit paid to the Negus by
pagan Meccans (Ibn Ishaq, Sira, 217-22;
Ibn Ishaq-Guillaume, 150-3; Raven, Negus,
200-1), the good characters are early
Muslims with impeccable records, whereas
the villains were known as late and possibly
opportunistic converts.
There is little qur'anic material in the
"merits," apart from some mentions of
privileged groups of Companions in
Q, 9:100; 56:10-11; 59:9-10, but there are
many qur'anic verses about the hypocrites,
who are also an extensive topic in the sira
(see HYPOCRITES AND hypo(;risy). There
is no biblical background, unless one thinks
of vague thematic parallels, e.g. that of
'Umar, a harsh enemy of Islam, turning
into its most ardent defender (Ibn Ishaq,
Sira, 224-7; ^bn Ishaq-Guillaume, 155-7), ^^
Paul had been for nascent Christianity
(Acts 9:1-29).
The deeds of the Companions also found
their way into hadlth collections in chap-
ters entitled_/?;(/a';7 or mandqib al-ashdb and,
from Ibn Sa'd's Tabaqdt onwards, in works
especially dedicated to them (see Kern,
Companions, primary bibliography).
Apart from showing an interest in
individuals, the sira also preserves pieces
of tribal history, such as reports on
SIRA AND THE OUR AN
48
delegations of tribes to the Prophet and
their treaties with him, or on conflicts be-
tween tribes. Also the rivalry between the
Emigrants and Helpers finds its expression
in the sira.
Sira and historiography
Can sira texts be useful sources for a reli-
able biography of Muhammad, or for the
historiography of early Islam? The ques-
tion has occupied Orientalists for a century
and a half (Jeffery, Qiiest; Peters, Qiiest;
Ibn Warraq, Qiiest; Rodinson, Survey;
Watt, Reliability; Schoeler, Charakter, 9-24;
^choWer, Exegetisches Denken, 1-5, 106-14;
Motzki, Biography, xi-xv). Ernest Renan
(1823-1893) was full of confidence: whereas
the origins of other religions are lost in
mystery and dreams, Islam, as he wrote in
1 85 1, "was born in the full light of history;
its roots are on the surface. The life of its
founder is as well known to us as that of
any sixteenth-century reformer" (quoted in
Ibn Warraq, Quest, 129; French original in
Gilliot, Muhammad, 4). It set the tune for
the rest of the nineteenth century: whereas
Orientalists and Christian theologians de-
constructed the Bible and left little of the
life of Jesus and the founding myths of
Christianity, they were quite naive towards
the sources on early Islam. The German
Julius Wellhausen (1844-19 18) is another
example of this type of Orientalist. He
hypercritically dissected the Hebrew Bible,
but was rather uncritical when it came to
accepting Islamic tradition. These old-style
Orientalists left no room for a divine in-
spiration of the Qiir'an or for miracles,
and since Ignaz Goldziher (1850-1921) they
had a keen eye for political or doctrinal
tendencies in the sources. But when texts
contradicted each other, they eliminated
the less likely ones and assumed that there
was enough left to reconstruct the histori-
cal past "as it had really been."
This was strongly doubted by Caetani,
who edited a synopsis [Annali; 1905-07) of
all early sources known at the time, which
was preceded by a critical introduction.
Henri Lammens (1862-1937) was equally
skeptical. He considered the whole sira de-
pendent on the Qiir'an and therefore his-
torically unreliable. The period after the
First World War in Europe was not favor-
able for critical sira studies (see post-
enlightenment ACADEMIC STUDY OF THE
(JUr'an). The wave of skepticism seemed
over and the quest for "what had really
happened" was resumed. Scholarly biog-
raphies of Muhammad were written, the
apogee of which was the monumental
work by Watt, which appeared in the fifties
(Mecca; Medina).
The belief in the usefulness of sTra texts
for historiography was shaken in the seven-
ties by a new wave of criticism and skepti-
cism. Wansbrough dated the Qur'an much
later than did all others, and applied
"source criticism" to the sira, as it had been
done with the Bible, analyzing the various
literary genres and which purposes they
served. Crone and Cook, in their contro-
versial Hagarism (1977) continued this liter-
ary approach. Moreover they displayed a
fundamental mistrust of Islamic tradition
and brought forward the hitherto
neglected extra-Islamic sources — a line of
research further pursued by Hoyland in
Seeing Islam — and had a keen eye for the
material, economic and geographical
realities of the Arabian lands (see trade
and commerce; economics; i;aravan).
In ]\er Meccan trade (1987), Crone reduced
the legendary Meccan trade republic,
and thereby the rise of Islam, to realistic
proportions.
A lasting outcome of modern research
has been the awareness of many sira genres
as literature. Sira narratives are neither
police records nor eyewitness reports, nor
transcripts of things said, but are struc-
49
SIRA AND THE OUR AN
tured along the lines of sometimes long
established literary patterns. They belong
to certain genres and, as all literature, dis-
play a good deal of intertextuality. In gen-
eral one might say: the more intertextuality
an account reveals, the less likely a source
it is for historiography (see history and
THE q^ur'an; literature and the
cjur'an). a text that originated on the base
of a biblical or qur'anic text or along the
pattern of a saint's legend can be used for
the history of ideas in their time of origin,
but not for that of the events that are rep-
resented. Equally unusable are texts that
want to preach or to glorify. Some of the
genres (documents, genealogy, "merits")
present themselves as historical sources,
but even they are of limited use for his-
toriography in the modern sense. The sira
as a whole is a vehicle of salvation (q.v.)
history rather than scientific history.
A post-skeptical attitude, no longer keen
on deconstruction, is found with Rubin, in
whose book "the effort to isolate the 'his-
torical' from the 'fictional' in the early
Islamic texts is given up entirely" (Rubin,
Eye, 3) and with SchoUer, to whom any his-
torical information that might be found in
the sira would be "a by-product, in a way,
within the complex process that resulted in
the formation of the prophetic biography"
[Exegetisches Denken, 36). A certain nostalgia
for "a true historical biography of the
Prophet" can be heard in Schoeler,
Charakter, and in Motzki [Biography, 233),
which does not keep them from applying
fully up-to-date research methods. Peters
shows himself well aware of the nature of
the sources and at the same time gropes his
way towards a biography (Peters, Origins).
To non-Muslims the idea that little might
be known about Muhammad may be
slightly disturbing, but not more than that.
To Muslims, the problem has a different
dimension. Of old, the sua had less pres-
tige than hadith, yet undermining the his-
toricity of the sua may well be felt as an
attack on the religion itself. It would be
most important to take note of what pres-
ent-day Muslims have brought forward on
the subject, but unfortunately a survey or
study of modern Muslim attitudes towards
sira criticism is still lacking.
Wim Raven
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The brightest star in the night sky. Sirins
(al-shVrd) is the only star mentioned by its
proper name in the Qiir'an — ^ 53, al-
Nojm, "the star," verse 49 says: "and he
who is the lord of al-shi'rd.'^ There are, in
factj two al-shims^ Sirins and Procyon,
which are, in Arabic star-lore, both sisters
of Snhayl (Ganopiis), and resided in the
northern sky. After a failed courtship at-
tempt, Snhayl had to tiee to the southern
sky (i.e. with respect to the Milky Way)
and only one sister — the brighter
Sirius — could follow. The other (Procyon)
remained and cried until she became al-
most blind [ghumaysd — hence her relative
dimness). So we have one shi'rd in the south
(al-yamdniyya) and one in the north (al-
shdmiyya). But there is consensus in qur'anic
exegesis that Q^ 53 "49 refers to Sirius, al-
shi^rd al-yamdniyya, and when the name
al-shi'rd is used alone it refers to Sirius.
While the origins of the star's name are
uncertain, it is the only star known with
certainty in the Egyptian records — its
hieroglyph (a dog, i.e. the companion of
the hunter-hero Orion, an ancient associa-
tion dating back to Mesopotamian times) is
found on monuments throughout the val-
ley of the Nile. The worship of Sirius — in
52
conjunction with its lielical rising at tlie
summer solstice — is tliought to liave be-
gun around 3000 b.c.e.; Ovid and Vergil
referred to Sirius as Latrator Anubis:
Egyptian Cahen Sihor. In Arabic, as in
English, Sirius is also termed "the dog"
[al-kalb; cf. the prophetic dicta relating to
this name found in Tabarl, Tafsir, ad
Q. 53-')' It i^ possible that the formal name
of the star, "Sirius" (the root sh- '-r means
"to kindle fire" or "to shine"), and similar
names in other languages (the Celts called
the star Syr; the Greeks, Seirios aster, "the
scorching star"; while in Sanskrit, it is
termed Surya; cf. Heb. Sihor/Shihhor)
derive from the Egyptian Sothis, the
brightest star in the sky and the one directly
linked with the Nile in Egyptian mythol-
ogy. Among the other Arabic names for
Sirius are al-'abur (the crosser of the galaxy)
and bardqish (the one of many colors).
As to why Sirius — albeit the brightest
fixed star in the sky — was singled out
from the hundreds of stars and the planets
(see PLANETS AND STARs), a rcvicw of
qur'anic exegesis has revealed one line of
reasoning common to all exegetes. This is
that Sirius had been worshiped by some
tribes of Arabia (as, incidentally, it was in
its association with Isis by the ancient
Egyptians, with the goddess Ishtar by the
Sumerians), and God wanted to show them
that he is the lord of their purported god
(see PRE-ISLAMIC ARABIA AND THE Q^Ur'an;
IDOLS AND images; POLYTHEISM AND
atheism; south arabia, religion in
pre-islamic). One can, however, easily
suppose that other stars, even more vener-
able than Sirius, were worshiped (see sltn;
moon).
A contemporary form of qur'anic exe-
gesis known as "scientific interpretation"
(tafsTr 'ilmi) would stipulate that the sig-
nificance of the mention of Sirius in the
Qur'an can only be understood when ex-
amined in the light of modern astronomi-
cal discoveries (see also science and the
q^ur'an; exegesis of the q^ur'an: early
modern and contemporary). While ap-
pearing to be a single star, Sirius has a stel-
lar companion as massive as the sun, which
was only discovered in the mid-nineteenth
century (1862). The two components of
Sirius were found to revolve around their
center of gravity every fifty years. The
companion of Sirius is a collapsed star so
dense that its size is equal to that of the
earth. Studying the verse of Sirius and
other related verses, the proponents of
tafsir 'z/mj" perceive compatibility with mod-
ern scientific facts. By including the basmala
(q.v.) as the first verse of sura 53, the num-
ber of the Sirius verse (c3 53:49) becomes
50 — the same as the period of revolution
of Sirius' two stars (which have an orbital
period of 49.94 years). The first verse of
the sura ("By the star when it plunges,"
Q^ 53:1), is then deduced to refer to a col-
lapsed star, and the Sirius verse to imply
the existence of an extinct habitable planet
(an earth). Other related verses, such as
Q. 43-37"9 '^'^'^ Q. 55-'7 confirm, for this
form of interpretation, the existence of
planets in binary stars, a recent astronomi-
cal discovery. Finally, the verse of Sirius
together with the next verses (q^ 53^49-50),
relating the destruction of 'Ad (q.v.; see
also PUNISHMENT STORiEs), is sccii by such
exegesis to hold a clue to what has been
known as the "red Sirius mystery," namely
that Sirius was described as a red star in
ancient times while in modern times it is a
white star.
Bassel A. Reyahi
Bibliography
R. Allen, Star names. Their lore and meaning, repr.
New York 1963; K. Brecher and M. Feritag (eds.),
Astronomy of the ancients, Cambridge, MA 1981;
R. Burnham, Burnkam's celestial handbook. New
York 1978; J. Henninger, Uber Sternkunde iind
Sternkult in Nord- und Zentralarabien, in
53
SISTER
^eitschrijljur Ethnologie 79 {1954), 82-117; repr.
J. Henninger, ^ra/)?ca sacra, Freiburg 1981, 48-117,
esp. 58 n. 17 (repr.), 66-9 (bibliography);
B. Reyahi, Najm al-shi'rdji l-Qur'dn al-karim,
Amman 1998; id., Sirius. A scientific and qur'dnic
perspective, Amman 1998; 'A. al-R. al-Sufl, Kitdb
Suwar al-kawdkib, Hyderabad-Deccan, 1373/
195-lr-
Sister
A female who shares a mother and/or a
father with a sibhng. The term sister (ukht)
appears in the Qiir'an in several ways,
most frequently in this biological sense. It
is also socially constructed in the case of a
female who is suckled by a woman and
thus becomes a "milk sister" (or foster sis-
ter) of the woman's biological children
(q.v.; see also milk; fosterage; wet-
nursing; kinship; lactation). "Sister" is
sometimes subsumed or included in the
term for brothers (ikhwa) as evident from
the context (see gender; brother and
brotherhood). The term sister is also
used metaphorically (see metaphor).
Q.iir'anic verses relating to sister carry
legal implications (see law and the
q^ur'an). Concerning marriage these apply
equally to a biological sister and a "milk
sister" (see marriage and divorce;
PROHIBITED degrees). In o 4:23 the man
is told he may not marry his sisters (bio-
logical or foster), his father's sisters and
mother's sisters, and his sister's (and
brother's) daughters, nor may he take two
sisters as wives (see women and the
C^ur'an; BLOOD and blood clot). From
this it is clear those whom sisters must
avoid as marriage partners. Legal implica-
tions concerning sisters and inheritance
(q.v.) are restricted to biological sisters who
alone are eligible as heirs. Sister is men-
tioned explicitly in q 4:12 concerning her
entitlements as an heir of a woman or man
(along with any brother) leaving neither
ascendants nor descendants. In c) 4:11, re-
garding entitlements in the case when the
deceased leaves only parents (q.v.) and sib-
lings, sisters are included in the term ikhwa.
Injunctions of modesty relating to sisters,
both biological and milk-sisters, follow the
pattern concerning marriage; they must
not display their beauty to males who are
not prohibited in marriage and must avert
their gaze from them (and likewise such
men must not gaze upon these women) as
in C3 24:30-1. The exception in the prescrip-
tion of modesty concerns sisters' sons as
stated in ci 24:31 and (J 33:55- Sisters are
explicitly included in the practice of family
familiarity and conviviality as seen in
(J 24:61, which enunciates a positive stance
toward the sharing of meals in houses of
kin (this constitutes a rejection of pre-
qur'anic notions and practices shunning
such sociability).
The word sister appears once in relation
to a named brother, as in q 28:11, which
mentions the "sister" of Moses (q.v). This
verse relates how the mother of Moses,
after casting her son into the river, who is
then taken in by the wife of Pharaoh (q.v.),
despaired and sent his sister to look for
him. When his sister (in the guise of a
stranger) found her infant brother in the
care of Pharaoh's wife and learned that he
refused to suckle, she pointed the way to "a
house that will nourish and bring him up
for you." Thus did the sister of Moses re-
store her brother to his mother. The sister
plays a pivotal role in this narrative of re-
covery and restoration and may be seen, by
extension, as a defender of family and peo-
ple. This story of the sister of Moses af-
firms the notion in o 9:71 that women and
men are supporters (awliyci') of one an-
other, in contradistinction to the idea that
later became prevalent in juristic circles
that men are the protectors of women (see
CLIENTS AND CLIENTAGE; MAINTENANCE
AND upkeep; prote(;tion; patriarchy).
The term sister appears metaphorically
SLAUGHTER
54
in cj 19:28 when Mary (q.v.) is called "the
sister of Aaron" to establish her respect-
ability by associating her with the lineage
or tribe (people) of Aaron (q.v.). That she is
referred to as "the sister of Aaron" and not
the daughter of Aaron suggests the am-
plitude of meaning inhering in the idea of
sister as conjuring family not only ex-
pressed in a directly descending biological
line. Sister is also used abstractly to indi-
cate closeness in C3 7:38, which refers to a
"sister nation" or community (ummatun
la'anat ukhtahd), and to signal similarity or a
like phenomenon in q 43:48, "We showed
them sign after sign (see signs) each
greater than its sister."
The qur'anic ikhwa, as observed above,
may include both female and male biologi-
cal siblings and can also be understood in a
wider metaphoric sense or as a social con-
struct that includes women and men as
brethren in religion (q.v.; see also faith;
BELIEF AND UNBELIEF). Several verses attest
to the notion of the brotherhood of believ-
ers such as q 3:103, which relates that after
the acceptance of the faith, "[God] joined
your hearts (see heart) together so that by
his grace (q.v.), you became brethren."
Clearly brethren in religion are not re-
stricted to males. The deployment of the
term "brethren" creates a sense of reli-
gious family (q.v), bringing into the umma
(religious community bound by faith) the
sense of intimacy, loyalty (q.v), and bonds
implicit in family. If the mother is located,
literally and figuratively, in the vertical line,
the sister is positioned in a lateral line. In
the Qiir'an, the sister is explicitly part of
the adhesive of the religious collective.
The deployment of sister in the Qiir'an
as both a biological category and as a so-
cial construction in the variant contexts of
family, society, religious community, and
people (see community and society in
the (JUr'an), and the interchange between
the explicit and the implicit, reveals the
subtle and sophisticated interplay of ter-
minology between text and context in sig-
naling meaning and guidance. The term
sister moves between "siblinghood" and a
"wider fellowship."
Ma
3t Badran
Bibliography
A. Yusuf 'Ali, The meaning of the holy Qur^dn,
Johannesburg 2002 (new ed.) (for the com-
mentary the work contains); A. Barlas, 'Beluving
women^ in Islam. Unreading patriarchal interpretations
of the Qur'an, Austin, TX 2002; J. Esposito, Women
in Muslim family law, Syracuse 2002; A. Wadud,
Qur'an and woman, New York 1999.
Skepticism see uncertainty;
POLYTHEISM AND ATHEISM; BELIEF AND
UNBELIEF
Skin see HELL AND HELLFIRE
Sky see HEAVEN AND SKY; NATURE AS
SIGNS
Slander see lie; gossip
Slaughter
The act of slaying animals according to
Muslim requirements, making them per-
missible as food. The act of slaughter (in
Arabic, dhakd, tadhkiya) does not formally
differ from the ritual of slaughtering the
victims destined for immolation [dhabiha;
see sacrifice; consec.ration of
animals).
The root dh-k-w occurs once in q 5:3
regarding the prohibition of animals that
have been strangled, killed by a blow or a
fall, or by the horn of another beast,
meaning that their fiesh cannot be eaten
(see FOOD AND drink; forbidden), unless
they are slaughtered just before the last
spark of life has disappeared [ilia md
55
SLAUGHTER
dhakkaytum, "except that you slaughtered";
see Tabari, Tafsir and Qi_irtubi, j'amr, ad
Q, 5:3). According to al-Tabari (d. 310/923),
the act of dhakd purifies (tahhara) the flesh
of the dying animals so that it becomes
lawful (see lawful and unlawful).
Further qur'anic interdictions concern
blood (see blood and blood clot), pork,
what is dead (mayta) and what is sacrificed
to idols (see carrion; idols and images;
idolatry and idolaters), except in the
case of extreme necessity (darura): "But if
anyone in his hunger is forced (fa-mani
'dturra) [to eat of tliem] without wisliing to
commit sins (see sin, major and minor),
God is merciful and indulgent" ((3 5:3; see
also Q^ 2:173; 6:146; 16:115; see mercy; god
AND HIS attributes). The qur'anic rules
were further developed in jiqh literature
(see LAW AND the q^ur'an); according to
these, there are a number of recognized
means of tadhkija. Dhabh, which applies
particularly to smaller animals, like sheep
and goats, consists of slitting the throat by
cutting the windpipe, the gullet and the
two jugular veins. If it becomes impossible
to slaughter the animal in the specified
manner, it is sufficient to cut the throat or
to wound the animal at any place in order
to cause its death by bleeding. The method
called nahr applies to camels, horses and
cows and consists of slitting the throat,
without it being necessary to cut it in the
manner prescribed for the dhabh. At the
moment of slaughtering by the metliod
called dhabh the victim should be laid upon
its left side facing the direction of the qibla
(q.v); if applying nahr the animal remains
upright facing the qibla.
According to all rites of Islamic law, the
animal should be slaughtered by a sharp
instrument, even with a stone or a piece of
wood, without lifting it until the act is com-
pleted, in order to take the animal's life in
the quickest and least painful way. It is for-
bidden to rend the throat by using unsuit-
able objects, like teeth or nails, since this
will cause further pain to the animal (see
ANIMAL life; CREATION; caliph). The
tasmiya (repeating the name of God) must
accompany the act of slaughtering [fa-kulu
mimmd dhukira ism Allah 'alayhi, Q 6:118; cf.
6:119, 121), but there are differences of
opinion among scholars about whether this
is an essential condition in order to make
the meat permissible to eat (see Tabari,
TafsTr and Jaldlayn, ad C3 6:118; see also
basmala). According to al-Qiirtubi
(d. 671/1272; j'a/nf, ad 5^ 6:118) who quotes
a tradition related on the authority of
'Ata' b. AblRabah (d. ca. 114/732), these
words imply not only the duty of men-
tioning the name of God at the time of
slaughter but also before drinking or
eating food of any kind (see food and
drink; sustenance). Moreover, a famous
tradition narrated by 'A'isha (see hadith
AND THE QUR'aN; 'a'iSHA BINT ABI BAKR)
suggests that God can also be invoked at
the time of eating, if there is any doubt
as to whether his name had been men-
tioned over the animal at the moment
of slaughter.
The 'aqr, the act of wounding prey in
hunting (see hunting and fishing), also
constitutes a legal method of tadhkiya. It
must occur by shooting arrows or other
sharp objects or by letting the dogs on
the victims, and must be accompanied
by the mention of the name of God
fe 5:4)-
Some animals, like locusts and fish, do
not require any special manner of slaugh-
tering because they have no blood. Even
the dead fish floating upon the surface of
the water can be eaten, as it is said that, in
this case, "the sea has performed the ritual
slaughter." According to Malikis and
Shafi'is the unborn animal can be eaten as
well without any ritual slaughtering be-
cause "the slaughter of the mother is also
the slaughter of the embryo."
SLAVES AND SLAVERY
56
Animals slaughtered by the ahl al-kitab
Food prepared by the People of the Book
(q.v.) is permitted for Muslims (c3 5:5), in-
cluding what they slaughtered to eat, un-
less it is forbidden in itself, like blood or
pork. According to the opinion of some
jurists, however, the flesh of animals
slaughtered for Christian festivals and
churches is considered hardm, because it
falls under the heading of what has been
dedicated to other than God (see chris-
tians AND CHRISTIANITY; CHURCH).
There are some divergent views among
scholars concerning animals slaughtered
by Zoroastrians or Parsees {majus; see
MAGlANs). Some commentators forbid the
eating of them because the words wa-ta'dm
alladhin utu l-kitdb refers only to the food of
Jews (see JEWS and Judaism) and
Christians who were given the holy scrip-
ture (see, for example, Tabari, TafsTr and
Jaldlayn, ad cj 5:5; see book). But a number
of jurists do not consider the Zoroastrians
polytheists (see polytheism and atheism),
basing themselves on a tradition from the
Prophet where he claims that they must be
treated like the People of the Book. These
jurists therefore allow Muslims to eat the
flesh of an animal slaughtered by
Zoroastrians.
The majority of jurists stiggest that ani-
mals slaughtered by Christians are lawftd
for Muslims only if they have been slain
according to Islamic procedures (cf.
Tabari, Tahdhib al-dthdr. Alusnad 'All, 230,
on the basis of the Christian tribe of
Taghlib; cf Gilliot, Realite et fiction, 192).
On the other hand, a number of jurists
admit that what the Christians consider
religiously lawful to eat is allowed for
Mtislims, regardless of the manner in
which the animal's life was taken. A step
forward in this direction was made by a
iamous fatwd delivered by Muhammad
'Abduh, who was Egypt's Grand Mufti
from 1899 mitil his death in 1905. From
that pidpit he authorized the Muslims of
the Transvaal to eat animals slaughtered
by Christians, even though their way of
killing animals might differ from the
Muslims'. The chief point to be considered
is that what is slaughtered by Christians
should be regarded as food for the whole
body of them (cf. Adams, Muhammad
'Abduh and the Transvaalfatwd). In the
light of this ruling, meat originating from
the People of the Book is lawfid for
Muslims, even though the animals may
have been killed by means of electric shock
or similar methods.
Ersilia Francesca
Bibliography
Primary: Qurtuhi, Jami'; Tabari, TafsTr; id.,
Tahdhib al-dthdr Musnad 'All, Cairo 1982, 223-32
(on the Taghlibl Christian tribes).
Secondary: A. 'Abbadl, al-Dhabd'ihJi t-sharVa al-
istdmiyya, Sayda (Lebanon) 1978; C.C. Adams,
Muhammad 'Abduh and the Transvaal yfl^M;fl, in
The Macdonald presentation volume, Princeton 1933,
13-29; B. Andelshauser, Schlachten im Einklang mit
der Scharia, Freiburg 1996; E. Francesca, Intro-
duzione atle regole alimentari islamiche, Rome 1995;
CI. Gilliot, Realite et fiction dans I'utilisation des
"documents" ou Tabari et les chretiens taglibites,
in R.G. Khoury (ed.), Urkunden und Urkunden-
formulare im klassischen Altertum und in den orien-
talischen Kulturen (Symposion uber Urkunden. . .,
Universitdt Heidelberg, J. -J. November igg^f),
Heidelberg 1999, 187-202; E. Gr'?Li,Jagdbeute und
Schlachttier im islamischen Recht, Bonn 1959; A.M.
Karodia, The Muslim methods of animal
slaughter and its scientific relevance, m Journal oj
the Institute of Muslim Minority Ajfairs 9 (1988),
173-85; Y. al-QaradawT, The lawful and the pro-
hibited in Islam, Cairo 1997 (Eng. trans, of al-Haldl
wa-l-hardmft l-lsldm).
Slaves and Slavery
Persons incorporated into a family in a
sid^ordinate position who are subservi-
ent to a master who owns them and may
sell them, and the institution of acqtiir-
ing, keeping, selling, and freeing slaves.
Slaves are mentioned in at least twenty-
57
SLAVES AND SLAVERY
nine verses of the Qiir'an, most of these
are Medinan and refer to the legal sta-
tus of slaves. Seven separate terms refer to
slaves, the most common of which is the
phrase "that which your/their right hands
own" (md malakat aymdnukum/ aymdnuhum/
aymdnuhunna/yaminuka) , found in fifteen
places. This phrase often refers to female
concubines (q.v.), though it also serves as a
general term for slaves. 'Abd, the common
word for slave in classical Arabic, is found
in four places, and ama, a female slave, is
mentioned twice. In several places, the
Qtir'an refers to slaves in ambiguous terms:
fataydt, literally "female youths" (c3 4:25;
24:33); rajul, "a man" (cf. C3 16:76; 39:29);
and ad'iyd, "adopted sons" (<J 33:4-5, 37).
Finally, the Qtir'an uses raqaba, "the nape
of the neck," several times as a synecdoche
to mean slave, though captive may be a
better interpretation for the plural form
[al-riqdb, as in q 2:177; 9:60). Slavery,
'ubudiyya or riqq, is nowhere mentioned,
though the Qiir'an recommends freeing of
slaves and is obviously interested in regu-
lating the institution.
The Qiir'an accepts the distinction be-
tween slave and free as part of the natural
order and uses this distinction as an ex-
ample of God's grace (q.v.) in C3 16:71:
"God has preferred some of you over oth-
ers in provision; but those that were pre-
ferred shall not give their provision to their
slaves (md malakat aymdnuhum), in order to
make them equal therein. What, do they
deny God's blessing (q.v.)?" The Qiir'an,
however, does not consider slaves to be
mere chattel; their humanity is directly
addressed in references to their beliefs
(c) 2:221; 4:25, 92), their desire for manu-
mission and their feelings about being
forced into prostitution (c3 24:33). In one
case, the Qiir'an refers to master and slave
with the same word, rajul ((3 39:29). Later
interpreters presume slaves to be spiritual
equals of free Muslims. For example.
q 4:25 urges believers to marry "believing
maids that your right hands own" and then
states: "The one of you is as the other"
(ba'dukum min ba'din), which thejalalayn
interpret as "You and they are ecjual in
faith (q.v), so do not refrain from marrying
them" (see marriage and divorce).
The human aspect of slaves is further
reinforced by reference to them as mem-
bers of the private household, sometimes
along with wives or children (q.v.; C3 23:6;
24:58; 33:50; 70:30) and once in a long list
of such members (tj 24:31). This incor-
poration into the intimate family is con-
sistent with the view of slaves in the
ancient near east and quite in contrast to
Western plantation slavery as it developed
in the early modern period.
The legal material on slavery in the
Qur'an is largely restricted to manumis-
sion and sexual relations (see sex and
sexuality). Masters are encouraged to be
kind to slaves ((3 4:36), manumit them and
even marry them off but slaves have no
corresponding right to demand such treat-
ment (al-Ghazall's [d. 505/11 11] list of
"slaves' rights" is based entirely on tradi-
tion; see Bousquet, Droits de I'esclave,
420-7). For example, q 90:12-18, perhaps
the earliest qur'anic statement on slaves,
addresses the master and emphasizes a
religious motivation for manumission:
"What will make you understand the steep
path? Releasing a slave (fakku raqabatin) or
giving food on a day of hunger to an or-
phan relative or a miserable poor person
(see poverty and the poor). [. . .] These
are the companions of the right hand!"
(see LEFT hand and rioht hand;
orphans). Here, manumission is one way
in which wealthy members of society can
care for the less fortunate, but elsewhere,
manumission is used to expiate sins such
as oath-breaking (q 5:89; 58:3; see sin,
MAJOR AND minor; BREAKING TRUSTS
AND iiONTRACTs). C5 24:33 is Universally
SLAVES AND SLAVERY
58
regarded by the interpreters as the origin
of the kitdha, a "manumission contract," in
whicli slaves buy their freedom from their
masters in installments, though it is im-
likely that such a contract was known in
the qur'anic period (Brockopp, Early Mdliki
law, 166-8; Crone, Two legal problems,
3-21). Two exhortations to help al-riqdb
(c3 2:177; 9:60) have been interpreted as
urging believers to support slaves trying to
pay off such contracts {e.g. Jaldlayn), al-
thotigh these verses may also refer to ran-
soming of Muslims captured in battle (as
implied in Qurtubl, J'amz ', ad loc).
The second major category for qur'anic
rtdes on slavery is sexual relations. The
Qiir'an condones the use of female slaves
as concubines (q 23:5-6; 70:29-30) and also
marriage to believing slaves (q 2:221;
24:32), although abstinence (q.v.) is touted
as a better choice (q^ 4:25; 24:30; see also
chastity). Within the rides on marriage to
slaves, the punishment of married slave
women is to be half that of married free-
women (q^ 4:25), a rule that was later ex-
tended to all crimes committed by slaves.
The Qiir'an also explicitly prohibits slave
prostitution (q 24:33; see adultery and
fornication).
There is strong evidence to suggest that
the Qiir'an regards slaves and slavery dif-
ferently from both classical and modern
Islamic texts. First, the vocabulary is dis-
tinct. Several words for slave in classical
Arabic (such as mukdtab, raqiq, qinn, khddim,
qayna, umm walad, and mudabbar) are not
found in the Qiir'an, while others (jdriya,
ghuldm,fatd) occur btit do not refer to
slaves. Likewise, 'abd (along with its plurals
'ibdd and 'abid) is used over 100 times to
mean "servant" (q.v.) or "worshipper" in the
Qiir'an (see servant; worship); in each
occasion when it is used to refer to male
slaves, a linguistic marker is appended,
contrasting 'abd to a free person [al-hurr in
Q_ 2:178) or a female slave {ama, pi. imd'm
q 24:32) or qualifying it with the term
"possessed" ['abd mamlukm C3 16:75). Further,
when the Qiir'an speaks of manumission,
it does not use the classical 'itq; nor does
wald', the state of clientage after manumis-
sion, appear (see clients and clientage).
Second, the institution of slavery
changed dramatically in the seventh and
eighth centuries c.E.: tens of thousands of
captured slaves poured into Damascus and
other urban centers, and Mecca (q.v.) and
Medina (q.v.) became important centers of
the luxury slave trade. The earliest legal
texts have expansive chapters on slavery
and manumission that depend very little
on the Qur'an. Pre-modern Islamic civi-
lizations, with their eunuchs, slave armies
and slave dynasties, were even further re-
moved from qur'anic concerns. Modern
interpreters have used this disconnect to
argue that the Qur'an would not have con-
doned the slaving practices common in
Islamic history, with some claiming that
medieval interpreters subverted the
Qur'an's demand for manumission con-
tracts (Rahman, Major themes, 48), while
others argue that the Qur'an's original in-
tent, properly understood, was to eliminate
slavery altogether ('Arafat, Attitude; but
compare Mawdudi, Purdah, 20).
It is possible, however, to delimit these
interpretive constructs by analyzing early
biographical dictionaries and historical
accounts. While the biographies of certain
famous individual slaves, such as Bilal b.
Rabah (d. 20/642?) and Salman al-Farisi
(d. 35/656?), were clearly enhanced or fab-
ricated by later authors, the historical re-
cord is trustworthy regarding the general
features of slavery in the qur'anic period.
According to these accounts, slavery was
widely known but slaves were held in small
numbers, with exceptionally rich persons
owning no more than several dozen. Also,
slaves appear to have been brought to
Mecca and Medina through the caravan
59
SLAVES AND SLAVERY
trade from Egyptian, Syrian, Persian and
Etliiopian sources. In addition to importa-
tion, cliildren of slaves were also consid-
ered slaves.
Among the earliest believers, slaves of
non-Muslim masters reportedly suffered
brutal punishments (see chastisement
AND punishment). Sumayya bt. Kubbat
(d. before the hijra; see emigration) is
famous as the first martyr of Islam, having
been killed with a spear by Abu Jahl when
she refused to give up her faith. Likewise,
Bilal was freed by Abu Bakr when his mas-
ter, Umayya b. Khalaf, placed a heavy rock
on his chest to force his conversion. In con-
trast, Muhammad was kind to his slaves.
Zayd b. Haritha (d. 8/630), bought by
Khadija (q.v.) for the Prophet and one of
the first to profess Islam, was adopted by
Muhammad as his son, though the adop-
tion was later annulled (o 33:5). Muham-
mad was also very fond of Mariya (d. 16/
638), a Coptic slave who bore him a son.
There is good evidence that slaves were
freed for pious reasons; manumission is
also mentioned as a reward for certain
deeds. Many manumitted slaves remained
dependent upon their masters (see Crone,
Roman law) but some freed slaves attained
positions of importance. Zayd b. Haritha,
general and confidant of Muhammad, is
perhaps the most famous example, al-
though 'Ammar b. Yasir was governor of
Kufa, and Suhayb b. Sinan served as in-
terim caliph (q.v.) after 'Umar's (q.v.) death
(Dhahabi, Ta'nkh, yrs. 11-40, p. 600). Other
famous slaves include Salim b. Ma'qil
(d. 12/634), who is counted among the
Emigrants {muhajiriin; see emigrants and
helpers) and was an important Qiir'an
reciter (see reciters of the q^ur'an) and
Wahshi b. Harb (d. 41-50/662-70), a slave
of Meccan owners who killed both the
Prophet's uncle Hamza and, after his con-
version, the pseudo-prophet Musaylima
(q.v).
These historical records agree with the
Qvir'an on the following substantial points.
Slaves were considered a part of the family,
though of a status lower than that of free
family members (see family; kinship;
tribes and clans). Manumission of
slaves was an act of piety (q.v.), though
freed slaves remained dependent on their
former masters. Female slaves were taken
as concubines and marriage between free
and slave was condoned. Neither the
Qvir'an nor the historical record mentions
any way of acquiring slaves other than
through capture in war (q.v.; see also
captives; booty), purchase or being born
into slavery; this is significant given the
persistence of debt slavery (see Schneider,
Kinderverkauf und Schuldknechtschaft). Finally,
the important role played by slaves as
members of this community may help ex-
plain the Qi_ir'an's emphasis on manumis-
sion and kind treatment. Nonetheless, by
the time of Muhammad's death, slaves did
not make up a large proportion of the
believers.
While the institution of slavery in the
Qiir'an shares many features with neighbor-
ing cultures, the use of alms for the manu-
mission of slaves (see almsgiving) appears
to be unique to the Qiir'an (assuming the
traditional interpretation of CJ 2:177 and
Q^ 9:60), as does the practice of freeing
slaves in expiation for certain crimes
(Pedersen, Eid, 196-8; but compare Exod
21:26-7). Other cultures limit a master's
right to harm a slave but few exhort mas-
ters to treat their slaves kindly, and the
placement of slaves in the same category
as other weak members of society who
deserve protection is unknown outside the
Qiir'an (see oppression; oppressed on
EARTH, the). The unique contribution of
the Qur'an, then, is to be found in its em-
phasis on the place of slaves in society and
society's responsibility toward the slave,
perhaps the most progressive legislation on
6o
slavery in its time (see law and the
q^ur'an).
Slavery contintied as an important aspect
of medieval Islamic culture but by the
nineteenth century it was on the wane.
The slave dynasties of Egypt and the
Deccan had been dismantled and the
famous Janissary corps of the Ottoman
empire was no longer dependant on a slave
levy (dev§irme). Pressure from Eiu'opean
powers to end the slave trade was resisted
in some areas but also found ready assent
among Muslim jurists. In the Ottoman
empire, east Africa and elsewhere, the
manumission contract {kitdba, based on
c) 24:33) was used by the state as a device to
end slavery by giving slaves the means to
buy their freedom from their masters.
Some authorities made blanket pronounce-
ments against slavery, arguing that it vio-
lated the qur'anic ideals of equality and
freedom (Shafiq, L'esclavage; see freedom
and predestination). The great slave
markets of Cairo were closed down at the
end of the nineteenth century and even
conservative Qiir'an interpreters continue
to regard slavery as opposed to Islamic
principles of justice and equality (see
JUSTICE AND injustice; EXEGESIS OF THE
Q^Ur'an: EARLY MODERN AND CONTEM-
PORARY). This dramatic shift in Islamic
attitudes toward slavery is a prime example
of flexibility in interpreting qur'anic norms
(see also ethics and the our'an).
Jonathan E. Brockopp
Bibliography
Primary: Dhahabl, Ta'nkh; Ibn al-Athir, 'Izz al-
Dln Abu 1-Hasan 'All, Usd al-ghdbaji ma^ifat al-
sahdba, Cairo 1970; Ibn Ishaq, Slra; Ibn Sa'd,
'Tabaqdt; Jaldlayn; Qiirtubl, Jdmi\
Secondary: W. 'Arafat, The attitude of Islam to
slavery, in 10 10 (1966), 12-8; D. Ayalon, Mamlfik,
in El'^, vi, 314-21; G. Baer, Slavery and its
abolition, in id. (ed.). Studies in the social
history of modern Egypt, Chicago 1969, 161-89;
G. Bosworth, Barda, in Ehsan Yarshater fed.).
Encyclopaedia Iranica, London 1982-, iii, 766; G.H.
Bousquet, Des droits de I'esclave. Fragment extrait
de Vlhyd' de Ghazall, in Annales de VInstiiat
d'Etudes Orientates 10 (1952), 420-27;J. Brockopp,
Competing theories of authority in early Maliki
texts, in B. Weiss (ed.), Islamic legal theory, Leiden
2001, 3-22; id.. Early MdlikT law. Ibn 'Abd al-Haka?n
and his major compendium of jurisprudence, Leiden
2000; id.. Slavery in Islamic law. An examination
of early Maiikl jurisprudence, PhD diss., Yale
University 1995; R. Brunschvig, 'Abd, in El^ , i,
24-40; F. Cooper, Plantation slavery on the east coast
of Africa, New Haven 1977; P. Crone, Roman,
provincial and Islamic law, Cambridge 1987; id..
Two legal problems bearing on the early history
of the CXir'an, injSAl r8 (1984), 1-37; S.
Marmon, Eunuchs and sacred boundaries in Islamic
society. New York 1995; I. Mattson, A believing slave
is better than an unbeliever, PhD diss, U. Chicago
1999; A. Mawdudi [Maududi], Purdah and the
status of woman in Islam, Lahore 1992; J. Miller,
Muslim slavery and slaving. A bibliography, in
E. Savage (ed.), T^he human commodity, London
1992, 249-71; H. Miiller, Sklaven, in HO [div. I,
vol. 6, sect. 6, pt. l] (1977), 53-83; J. Pedersen, Der
Eid bei den Semiten, Strassburg 1914; F Rahman,
Major themes of the Qur'dn, Minneapolis 1989;
I. Schneider, Kinderverkauf und Schuldknechtschaft.
Untersuchungen zurfrilhen Phase des islamischen Rechts,
Stuttgart 1999; A. Shafiq, L'esclavage au point de vue
musulman, Cairo 1891; trans. A. Zaki, al-RiqqJi
l-Isldm, Cairo 1892; E. Toledano, The Ottoman slave
trade and its suppression iS^o-iSgo, Princeton 1982;
id., Slavery and abolition in the Ottoman Aliddle East,
Seattle 1999.
Sleep
Natural and temporary periodic reduction
of sensation and consciousness. Sleep
(navum) is mentioned a number of times in
the Qiir'an. According to q 25:47, "It is he
[God] who appointed the night for yoti to
be a garment and sleep for a rest, and day
he appointed for a rising" (see day and
night). Sleep in the night is deemed to rest
the body after a day's work and thus it is a
gift from God almighty (see grace; gift
and gift-giving). The concept had fotind
expression already in c) 78:9-11, "and we
appointed your sleep for a rest and we ap-
pointed night for a garment and we ap-
pointed day for a livelihood" (see work).
6i
That sleep is a gift from God is also alluded
to in C3 30:23, which states that "of his signs
(q.v.) is your sleep by night and day, and
your seeking after his bounty." According
to the exegetes (see exegesis of the
q^ur'an: classical and medieval) this is a
reference to God's omnipotent control (see
POWER and impotence) over the passing
of time (q.v.), in particular the alternation
of day and night (Tabari, Tafslr, xxi, 32; see
PAIRS and pairino); since if there were no
sleep, people would have no time to rest
from the fatigues of the day (Muqatil,
Tafsir, iv, 558). The exegetes usually add
that sleep is similar to death, since, like the
dead, sleepers are neither conscious nor
capable of thought (see death and the
dead; intellect). This is alluded to in
C3 39:42, according to which "God takes
the souls at the time of their death (see
soul), and that which has not died, in its
sleep."
A different perspective is offered in an-
other passage, where it is stated that "slum-
ber seizes him [i.e. God] not, neither
sleep" (c3 2:255; see sabbath). This quali-
fication underscores the same verse's ear-
lier definition of God as the living and the
eternal (see eternity; cod and his
attributes). The exegetes point out that
sleep is a negative attitude (dfa) and cannot
be attributed to God: as he is the con-
queror (see victory), he cannot, therefore,
be conquered by sleep; just as he is the liv-
ing, he cannot be overcome by rest and
sleep, which are similar to death (Tha'labi,
Kashf, ii, 231). Another qur'anic passage
alludes to sleep, in relation to the rather
obscure "people of the cities" of o 7:96-7.
There it is asked: "Do the people of the
cities feel secure [in the conviction] that
our might shall not come upon them at
night while they are sleeping?" (see city;
punishment stories; generations;
geography). The occurrence of manam. in
o 37:102, in the episode of Abraham's (q.v.)
being cominanded to sacrifice (q.v.) his
son (see Isaac; ishmael), is connected to
a vision during sleep, that is, a dream (see
also C3 8:43; see vision; dreams and
sleep).
Other episodes that Muslim tradition
connects with sleep do not employ the
common qur'anic terminology for "sleep"
(nawm): sleep (nawm) and vision in dream
(mandm) are not mentioned in the story of
Joseph (q.v.) in q 12, nor in the story of the
Men of the Gave (q.v.) in (J 18 (see
narratives; myths and legends in the
q^ur'an). In the latter, although derivatives
of n-w-m are not used, it is stated that God
"smote their ears" (q.v.; Q^ 18:11; see also
hearing and deafness) and then "raised
them again" (o 18:12; see resurrection)
and that they were lying asleep {ruqud,
q 18:18) before God raised them (o 18:19).
The extent of this prodigious sleep, lasting
more than three hundred years, is fully
described in later reports.
In their exegesis of the verses just cited,
qur'anic coinmentaries seldom add any
traditions regarding sleep. Muhammad
was asked if people in paradise (q.v.) sleep
and he answered no, since sleep is the
brother of death (Tha'labi, Kashf, ii, 231).
According to another widespread report in
the exegetical literature, Moses (q.v.) asked
if God sleeps. In other versions Moses was
prompted by the Israelites to ask this, or
Moses asked the angels (see angel;
children of Israel). God ordered him to
take two glasses and when the end of the
night came (or, according to some versions,
after God ordered the angels to keep
Moses awake for three days) he fell asleep
and the glasses fell down and broke. The
moral is that God never sleeps because
otherwise the skies and earth (q.v.) and all
creation (q.v.) would break apart (see
HEAVEN AND SKY; COSMOLOGY). The ex-
plicit affirmation that God does not sleep
and has no need for sleep is also mentioned
62
in the major hadith collections (see hadith
AND THE q^ur'an), although in hadith lit-
erature sleep is usually mentioned in con-
nection with ritual laws relating to prayer
(q.v.; see also vigil; ritual and the
cjur'an). The question at hand in these
cases generally centers on the requirement
of ablution after sleep (see cleanliness
and ablution).
Roberto Tottoli
Bibliography
Primary: 'Abd al-Razzaq, TafsTi; i, 102; Abfi
1-Layth al-Samarqandl, TafsTr, i, 233; ii, 462; iii,
439; Ibn Abl Hatim, TafsTr al-Qur'dn al-'aiTm, ed.
A.M. al-Tayyib, 14 vols., Mecca 1997, repr.
Beirut 1999^, ii, 487 (ad C) 2:255); Ibn al-JawzT,
^dd, annot. A. Shams al-Din, i, 520-1 (ad
a 2:255); V, 86 (ad a 18:18); vi, 19 (ad o 25:47);
Muqatil b. Sulayman, TafsTr, iii, 236; Tabarl,
TafsTr, ed. 'All, iii, 7-8 (ad (;) 2:255); xix, 20-1 (ad
Q. 25:47); XXX, 3 (ad (^ 78:9); Tha'labi, al-Kashf
wa-l~baydn 'an TafsTr al-Qur'dn, ed. Abu
Muhammad b. 'Ashur, 10 vols., Beirut 2002, ii,
231 (ad q 2:255); vii, 140 (ad q 25:47); x, 114
(ad (3 78:9).
Secondary: J.I. Smith, Concourse between the
hving and the dead in Islamic eschatological
literature, in History of religions 19 (1980), 224-36
(on the interpretation of q 39:42); Wensinck,
Concordance, vii, 45-54.
Smell
Olfactory sense; pleasing or unpleasing
odor. The verb "to smell" does not occur
in the Qtir'an; the word for nose (anf) only
occurs once, in the context of the lex talionis
(see retaliation; law and the cjur'an;
teeth); the term rih, usually "wind" (see
AIR AND wind), occurs at least once with
the meaning "smell, odor, scent" (q 12:94).
Smell plays a significant role in qur'anic
images of paradise (q.v.) and in a scene in
the Joseph (q.v.) story (see narratives).
While the visual predominates, qur'anic
imagery also draws on smell, sound, taste
and touch (see seeing and hearing;
VISION AND blindness; hearing and
deafness; ears; eyes; hands). The two
main types of imagery which evoke the
olfactory sense have to do with gardens
(see garden), particularly the garden of
Eden or paradise, and drink (see food and
drink). The sense of smell serves to
heighten the effect of these depictions of
delight [na'im; see joy and misery; grace;
blessing). Garden imagery in the Qiir'an
regularly depicts lush green foliage (see
AGRICULTURE AND VEGETATION) and fruit-
bearing trees (q.v.), including pomegran-
ates and date-palms (see date palm).
Smell is evoked explicitly in references to
the presence there of rayhdn, perhaps best
rendered "scented, or sweet-smelling
herbs": wa-l-habbu dhu l-'asfi wa-l-rayhdnu,
"grain with [full, plentiful?] leaves/ears [?]
and scented herbs" ((J 55:12; see grasses).
The same term occurs in (J 56:89:^0-
rawhun wa-rayhdnun wa-jannatu na'imin,
"Then ease [or a light breeze], scented
herbs, and a garden of delight." In keeping
with the theme of sensory delight is the
close association of smell with heavenly
drink, the descriptions of which refer to
perfumes. The drink of the inhabitants of
heaven is described as pure wine (rahiq)
mixed with water of the heavenly spring of
Tasnim and "sealed" with musk (misk,
Q, 83:25-8; see SPRINGS AND FOUNTAINS;
water; wine; intoxicants). In another
passage, the righteous shall be rewarded in
heaven (see reward and punishment)
with wine mixed with kdjur, "camphor"
(q.v.), and water from another heavenly
spring ((3 76:5-6). Dressed in silk (q.v.) and
reclining on cool couches under shady
trees with clusters of fruit hanging down
above them, they will drink from shiny
goblets of silver (see metals and
minerals; cups and vessels) wine mixed
with ginger (zarrjabil) and water from the
heavenly spring Salsabll ((J 76:12-18). Miss-
ing are passages reminiscent of biblical
references to the pleasant odor of burnt
63
offerings, presumably because it would not
be in keeping with the qur'anic portrayal
of God to suggest that he was delighted by
sacrifices and felt hunger or need for them
(see sacrifice; anthropomorphism).
Missing also are references to women and
their perfume which occur frequently in
pre-Islamic poetry but which would not
go along with the moral tenor of the
qur'anic text (see ethics and the q^ur'an;
WOMEN and the QUr'aN; PRE-ISLAMIC
ARABIA AND THE CJUr'aN; POETRY AND
poets).
Smell plays an important role in the
scene in the Joseph story depicting the res-
toration of sight to the elderly Jacob (q.v.;
(3 12:93-6), who had become blind out of
grief at the loss of Joseph (c3 12:84). After
revealing his identity to his brothers (see
BROTHER AND BROTHERHOOD), Joseph or-
ders them to return to Canaan and bring
all their folk to Egypt (q.v.). He also in-
structs them to take his shirt with them and
throw it over Jacob's face; this will enable
him to see again. When they set out from
Egypt, Jacob senses their approach. He
claims to detect the "smell" (nh) of Joseph
(c) 12:94). Commentators, citing traditions
from Ibn 'Abbas (d. 68/686-8), say that he
did so when the caravan (q.v.) was eight
nights away, a distance comparable to that
between Kufa and Ba.sra. Those present
with Jacob think he is deluded (q 12:95).
When the brothers arrive, "the bearer of
glad tidings" {al-hashir; see good news),
identified by commentators (see exegesis
OF THE CiUR'AN: CLASSICAL AND MEDIEVAL)
as Jacob's sonjudah (Yahudha), throws the
shirt over Jacob's face and his sight is re-
stored (o 12:96). The suggestion is that
smelling Joseph's odor proves to him that
Joseph is indeed alive and restores his hope
in being reunited with him. A pun here
(see humor; literary structures of
THE C3Ur'an) connects the "smell" (nh) of
Joseph with "the spirit/breath of God"
(rawh Allah) in Jacob's statement "Go, O
my sons, and ascertain concerning Joseph
and his brother, and despair not of the
spirit of God. None despairs of the spirit
of God save disbelieving folk" ((3 12:87; cf.
alternate translation of "comfort or mercy
of God"; see belief and unbelief; spirit;
holy spirit). Smell, like the dreams in the
Joseph story (see dreams and sleep), is
one of God's methods for delivering mes-
sages. These messages are not apparent
to everyone but only inspired or favored
individuals notice them or understand
their intent (see revelation and inspi-
ration; messenger; prophets and
prophethood).
According to exegetical traditions attrib-
uted to Anas b. Malik (d. 91-3/710-12), Ibn
'Abbas, Mujahid (d. ca. 100/718) and
others, Joseph's shirt originated in heaven.
Gabriel (c[.v.) had brought down this same
shirt, or cloak, to Abraham (q.v.), whom it
saved from burning at the hands of Nim-
rod (q.v), and it had been passed down
through the descendants of Abraham to
Joseph. Joseph reportedly wore the shirt in
a silver rod around his neck, as a type of
amulet, and had it with him when he was
thrown into the pit. The smell of heaven
(nh al-janna) which lingered in the shirt was
what gave it the power to cure the ill and
afflicted (Tabari, Tafsir, xvi, 249-52, ad
c^ 12:94; Zamakhshari, Kashshdf, ii, 342-3,
ad Q^ 12:93; Tabarsi, Majma] xiii, 115-16, ad
Q, 12:93; 'Tarafi, Storie, 226-8; Tha'labi,
Lives, 228-9).
DevinJ. Stewart
Bibliography
TabarT, TafsTi\ ed. Shakir; Tabarsi, AIajma\ xiii,
115-16, ad q 12:93; al-Tarafi, Abu 'Abdallah
Muhammad b. Ahmad b. Mutarrif al-Kinam,
Storie dei pmfeti, ed. and trans. R. Tottoli, Genova
1997; Tha'labi, Qisas, trans. W. Brinner, 'Ard'is al-
majdlisjt Qisas al-anbiyd' or "Lives of the prophets" as
recounted by Abu hhdq Ahmad Ibn Muhammad ibn
64
Ibrahim al-Tha'labi, Leiden 2002; Zamakhshan,
Kashshaf, 4 vols., Beirut 1979.
Smile see humor; laughter
Smoke
Gaseous by-product of fire. Two words
which occur in the QjLir'an — dukhdn and
yahmum — are usually translated as
"smoke" but their exact meaning in the
text is uncertain: dukhdn, though the con-
temporary Arabic word for "smoke," never
occurs in the Qi_ir'an in connection with
fire (q.v.), be it hellfire (see hell and
hellfire) or earthly fire. Actually, it can
only be found twice, in o 41:11, and in
c) 44:10, to which latter sura it lends its title
(Surat al-Dukhan); both verses were re-
vealed in Mecca (q.v.).
In the first of these verses, dukhdn is men-
tioned in the context of the creation (q.v.)
of heaven (see heaven and sky) which
was dukhdn before God fashioned the seven
heavens, assigned to each of them its
proper order, and adorned the lower one
with "lights" (?nasdhih, c) 41:12; see lamp).
According to a tradition which goes back
to Ibn Mas'ud (d. 32/652-3), in the very
beginning God's throne (see throne of
god) was set on the water (q.v.; md'). When
he decided to create the universe, he first
produced a dukhdn from the water which
rose; then he lifted it and called it "heaven"
(samd'). It is likely that this dukhdn resembles
"mist," "fume," or "vapor," rather than
"smoke." This interpretation is confirmed
by al-Tabari (d. 310/923), who comments
on this dukhdn in his remarks on (J 2:29
(Tabarl, Tajsir, i, 425-6, no. 591), and also
in his Ta'nkh (i, 49-50; History, i, 219-20; cf
also the tradition of Ibn Ishaq recorded in
Tabari, TafsTr, i, 433, no. 590). In the same
context, he cjuotes a tradition going back
to Ibn 'Abbas (d. 68/686-8) which explains
that God "raised the water's vapor/ mist/
fume" (rafa^a bukhdr al-md') and made the
heaven(s) out of it [Ta'nkh, i, 48; History, i,
218; see also Tabari, Tafsir, xxix, 14, ad
Q_ 68:1; cf Gilhot, Mythe, 165-6). In an-
other version (Tabari, Ta'nkh, i, 52-3;
History, i, 222) going back to Ibn Mas'ud,
the same dukhdn is said to have been the
material out of which God created the
earth (ard) as well as the heaven(s). Accord-
ing to the same tradition, the dukhdn in
question resulted from the breathing of the
water [min tanciffus al-md' hina tanaffasa;
Tabari, Ta'rikh, i, 54-5; cf. Tabari, Tafsir,
xxiv, 99, ad q 41:12 for this same expression
in a tradition of al-Suddl).
A similar problem concerning the mean-
ing of dukhdn arises in o 44. Here, the
Prophet is invited to watch for the day
when heaven will bring forth a dukhdn
({) 44:10) that will cover (yaghshd) the
people, thus infiicting on them a painful
torment (q 44:11; see apocalypse;
chastisement and punishment). The
people then implore God to remove this
torment, promising in exchange to become
believers (c) 44:12; see belief and
unbelief; reward and punishment). But
when God answers their prayer, they break
their promise (see covenant; breaking
TRUSTS and contracts) and as a result
God announces that he will have his re-
venge (see vengeance) on the day of the
"supreme disaster" [al-batsha al-kubrd,
C3 44:16). A tradition going back to Ibn
Mas'ud and accepted by most commenta-
tors (see EXEGESIS OF THE our'an:
classical and medieval), considers this
passage to refer to a famine (q.v.). This
famine is said to have affected the Qiiraysh
(q.v.) and to have driven them to eat bones
and carrion (q.v.), after the Prophet, ex-
asperated by their insolence (see inso-
lence AND obstinacy), had asked God to
punish them with the "days of Joseph
(q.v.)," i.e. to inflict on them seven years of
65
SOCIAL SCIENCES
famine. As for the "supreme disaster," it is
believed to announce tire future battle of
Badr (q.v.) in which tlie Qiiraysh were de-
feated. In this context, dukhdn is supposed
to denote a sort of "haze" which dimmed
the people's eyes as a consequence of their
hunger. Contrary to this interpretation,
some other traditions see in tlie dukhdn
mentioned in C3 44 one of the signs of
doomsday. In these versions, dukhdn actu-
ally seems to mean "smoke." This smoke is
either supposed to enter the unbelievers'
ears, so that their heads are like roasted
meat {ka-l-ra's al-hanidh; cf. Tabarl, Tafslr,
XXV, 113, ad q 44:10, according to Ibn
'Umar) or to dry up their heads and come
out of their ears and nostrils. At the same
time, the believers will only be affected by
the smoke in the form of what resembles a
head cold (ka-haj'at al-zakma/ al-zukdm; ka-
l-zukdm, ka-zukma; Tabari, Tafsir, xxv,
111-13, ad q 44:10). Of course, the com-
mentators who adopt this interpretation
consider the "supreme disaster" in <J 44:16
to refer to doomsday (see last judgment).
As kr yahmum, it only occurs once,
namely in q 56:43, in a Meccan sura de-
scribing the environment of the damned
fe 56:41-4), where jiahmum qualifies the in-
fernal shadow (^z7/ minjahmum; see
darkness; cf. also Tabarl, Tafsir, xxvii,
189-93). Here again the exact significance
o{ Jiahmum is not absolutely sure. The word
derives from a Semitic root meaning "in-
tense heat." The corresponding Arabic
root covers quite a large semantic
field — it either means "to turn into coal,"
"to be very black," "to be very hot," or it
qualifies boiling water (hammi). Yet, most
commentators and lexicographers define
yahmum as a "very black smoke" (dukhdn
aswad shadid al-sawdd) or an "intense
smoke" (dukhdn shadid) or a "hot smoke"
(dukhdn hamim). Whatever the exact mean-
ing oi^ yahmum may be, in q 56:43 it is obvi-
ously linked to hellfire and to the effect it
produces on the whole infernal environ-
ment (see also eschatology).
Heidi Toelle
Bibliography
Primary: Tabari, Tafsir, ed. Shakir (to (^ 14:27);
ed. 'All; id., Ta'rikh, ed. de Goeje (ed. M.A.
Ibrahim, i, 149-53); E^g- trans. F. Rosenthal, The
history of al-Tabari. i. General introduction and From
the creation to the food, Albany 1989.
Secondary: J. Berque, Le Goran. Essai de traduction
de I'arabe annote et suivi d'une etude exegetique, Paris
1990; Blachere; CI. Gilliot, Mythe et theologie.
Calame et intellect, predestination et libre
arbiter, in Arabica 45 (1998), 151-92; Noldeke, gq;
H. Toelle, Le Goran revisite. Lefeu, I'eau, Vair et la
terre, Damascus 1999.
Snake see animal life
Snow see weather
Social Interactions see ethics
and the qUR'AN
Social Relations see family;
COMMUNITY AND SOCIETY IN THE
qUR'AN
Social Sciences and the Qiir'an
The rise and growth of the social sciences
as we know them today coincided with the
commercial and industrial revolutions that
began in the eighteenth century. Formal
economics, political science, and sociology
emerged only with a differentiation be-
tween state and society and the ability to
think abstractly about texts, social contexts,
and institutional structures. For the Qiir'an
or any other sacred text to be understood
from a sociological perspective, language
had to be developed to think abstractly
about religion and text (see contempo-
rary CRITICAL PRACTICES AND THE
qUR'AN).
SOCIAL SCIENCES
66
The social sciences began to take formal,
disciplinary shape in the nineteenth cen-
tury but they have always had two conflict-
ing currents. One tendency has been to
analyze and understand social forces and
the relation of ideas and beliefs to society.
The other tendency has been to hold the
"modern" belief that societies, like physi-
cal structures, can be "managed" to
engineer desired social outcomes. This
idea of the social sciences often rests un-
easily with the more analytical and philo-
sophical goal of "understanding."
The tension between these two visions of
social science was most evident in the co-
lonial social sciences and in depicting the
non-elite strata of society, such as the poor
of Victorian London or Manchester,
England, described in detail by Karl Marx
and Fredrich Engels.
Text and society: pre-twentieth century approaches
Ideas of "good" social science have
changed significantly since the nineteenth
century, and these changes can be seen in
the dynamic relation between understand-
ing the Qiir'an and the social sciences. By
the seventeenth century the plural "reli-
gions" became common English usage,
and by the nineteenth century the idea of
religion as an abstract category became
connected with the rapid growth in knowl-
edge about the historical development of
rituals, beliefs, and practice of different
religions over long periods of time (see
religion; ritual and the cjur'an;
faith). Scholars and travelers began to
seek out and organize information about
religions. Such collected knowledge, when
joined with reflection about religion as an
abstract category, paved the way for what
eventually came to be known as the history
of religions. As a field of study, the history
of religions used terms such as Islam,
Christianity, Judaism, and Buddhism to
connote organized systems of belief (see
BELIEF and unbelief) that were differenti-
ated from one another (Smith, Adeeming
and end).
The polymath biblical scholar
W. Robertson Smith (1846-1894) may not
have been the first scholar to see a close
relationship between the stage of develop-
ment of a social group and the nature of
its intellectual, religious, and moral life, but
by the late nineteenth century his Religion of
the Semites became a foundational text for
comparative religion. Smith's focus was on
the relation of text to society in the study
of the Hebrew Bible, but his travels to the
Hijaz in 1880 and his monograph entitled
Kinship and marriage in early Arabia allowed
him to invoke qur'anic texts alongside
other religious texts as a means of advanc-
ing his principal argument on the structure
of ancient Semitic society and the chang-
ing role of prophecy in it (see prophets
and prophethood; pre-islamic Arabia
and the cjur'an). He saw a close relation-
ship between what he viewed as the
"stages" of development of a social group
and the nature of its intellectual, religious,
and moral life. Consequently, each prophet
could speak only for his or her time and
thus had to convey prophecy in terms that
could be understood by members of that
society.
In common with many other nineteenth
century scholars. Smith judged some
societies to be essentially holdovers from
earlier historical areas. Hence when he
traveled to western Arabia and neighbor-
ing Arab countries, his perception of
Bedouin (q.v.) society was that it was rela-
tively unchanged from the time of the
Hebrew Bible and the time of the prophet
Muhammad (see also Arabs).
Such an ahistorical assumption was criti-
cized even in Smith's time, but his efforts to
relate the structure of social groups sys-
tematically to their representation in texts
and to the structure of the texts themselves
67
SOCIAL SCIENCES
find strong parallels in the work of Smith's
contemporaries, such as Ignaz Goldziher
(1850-1921), whose primary interests were
in early Islamic texts.
Context of qur'dnic revelation: twentieth century
approaches
Although it is possible to find approaches
in philological and historical writings that
facilitate what later woidd be called a social
scientific understanding of the Qiir'an in
its initial setting, most such approaches
focused not on the qur'anic text itself but
on the context of its revelation (see
OCCASIONS OF revelation). This is the
approach followed also by earlier sociolo-
gists. Joseph Chelhod's Introduction a la
sociologie de I'Islam (1958) uses the Qiir'an,
early Islamic sources (see traditional
DISCIPLINES OF q^ur'anic study), and
sources in comparative religions to estab-
lish imderstandings of the sacred (see
SACRED AND PROFANE), authority (q.v.),
governance and ideas of the person. He
also explored how conceptions of the
Qtir'an as a text changed over subsequent
centuries (see textual history of the
q^ur'an; collection of the q^ur'an;
inimitability). His argument about Islam
as a "national religion" for the Arabs is
strained, but Chelhod's narrative has the
advantage of juxtaposing qur'anic passages
in a way that facilitates placing them in a
sociological context. In contrast, Rodinson's
Mohammed is a more focused sociological
biography that takes advantage of the ear-
lier work on the sources for Muhammad's
life, using qur'anic text to document the
Prophet's life and the progression of the
early Islamic movement from sect to na-
scent state, differentiating itself from the
earlier religious ideas and organization
prevalent in the Arabian peninsula (see
islam; politics and the q^ur'an).
One issue that Rodinson and other
sociologists addressed is the language and
structure of the Qiir'an, less for an un-
derstanding of the text in itself but more
to use it to determine the sociological con-
text of seventh century Arabia (see
LANGUAGE AND STYLE OF THE Q^UR'an;
form and structure of THE QUR'an).
One issue with which they were con-
cerned, for example, was how prophetic
inspiration (see revelation and
inspiration) was recognized and legiti-
mized in seventh century Arabia. One in-
dication was the use of .so; 'verse, short
sentences in rhythmic prose (see rhymed
prose), a rival to Muhammad who used
such verse was Maslama, known in early
Islamic sources as Musaylima (q.v.), the
"little Muslim." He identified the source of
his inspiration as "the Merciful One" («/-
rahmdn; see god and his attributes).
There are some indications that Maslama's
following was primarily related to his tribal
origins, so that opposition to Muhammad's
claim to prophecy and the early Islamic
movement would have been based on the
understanding among the Banu Hanifa,
Maslama's tribal group, that prophecy was
tribe-specific and did not transcend exist-
ing bonds of commimity (see tribes and
clans; kinship).
Framing the question: Qtir'dn and society
The sociological contribution to the un-
derstanding of the origins of Islam has
been strongest in framing explicitly com-
parative questions. Writing in the ig6os,
sociologist Robert Bellah (Beyond belief)
argued that Islam in its seventh-century
origins was, for its time and place, "re-
markably modern... in the high degree of
commitment, involvement, and participa-
tion expected from the rank-and-file mem-
bers of the community." Its leadership
positions were open, and divine revelation
emphasized equality among believers.
Bellah argues that the restraints that kept
the early Muslim commimity from "wholly
SOCIAL SCIENCES
68
exemplifying" these modern principles
underscore the modernity of the basic
message of the Qiir'an, which exhorted its
initial audience in seventh-century Arabia
to break through the "stagnant localisms"
of tribe and kinship. In making such state-
ments, Bellah suggests that the early
Islamic community placed a particular
value on individual, as opposed to col-
lective or group, responsibility (q.v.), so
that efforts by contemporary Muslims to
depict the early Islamic community as an
egalitarian and participant one are not
unwarranted.
Of course, these "stagnant localisms"
offered powerful resistance to the qur'anic
vision of community in the seventh cen-
tury (see COMMUNITY AND SOCIETY IN THE
cjur'an). An often-cited qur'anic verse
emphasizes that there is "no compulsion in
religion. Whoever... believes in God has
grasped a firm handhold of the truth
(bi-l-'urwati l-wuthqd) that will never break"
{q_ 2:256; see TOLERANCE AND COMPUL-
SION). Other verses nonetheless appear to
justify coercion and severe punishment (see
CHASTISEMENT AND PUNISHMENT) for apos-
tates (see apostasy), renegades (see
hypo(;rites and hypocrisy), and unbe-
lievers who break their agreement with
the prophet Muhammad (for example,
Q, 4:89, g:i-i6; see also (;ontracts and
alliances; breaking trusts and
contracts).
Some commentators (see exegesis of
THE cjur'an: (;lassical and medieval)
conclude that such coercion is specific to
the context of the early Islamic community
and grounded in "emergency conditions."
In this view, coercion was needed to em-
phasize such "basic moral requirements"
as keeping promises and treaties, and pro-
tecting a community's "basic welfare and
security against aggression" (see ethics
AND THE q^ur'an). The overall emphasis is
on voluntary consent to the will of God
"which is prompted by the universal guid-
ance that is engraved upon the human
heart (q.v.)." The Qiir'an advises even the
prophet Muhammad to show tolerance
toward his opponents (see opposition to
muhammad): "If it had been your lord's
(q.v.) will, they would all have believed, all
who are on earth. Would you [O Muham-
mad] then compel humankind [against
their will] to believe?" (q_ 10:99).
Of course, historians of religion use the
same style of argument to interpret the
qur'anic text. Fazlur Rahman (Major themes)
supports his view that Muhammad "rec-
ognized without a moment of hesitation
that Abraham (q.v.), Moses (q.v.), Jesus
(q.v.), and other Old and New Testament
religious personalities had been genuine
prophets like himself" (see scripture and
THE our'an; torah; gospel) by invoking
the Q.ur'an: "I believe in whatever book
(q.v.) God may have revealed" ((j 42:15).
The idea of "book" (kitdb), as Rahman
points out, is a generic term in the Qiir'an,
denoting the totality of divine revelations.
In such interpretations, the Qiir'an is
both a historical text and "good to think
with." In 1999, the Atlantic monthly pub-
lished an article, "What is the Koran?,"
that brought to the foreground issues re-
garding the interpretation of the Qiir'an.
It made public a scholarly controversy sur-
rounding the discovery of eighth-century
manuscripts (see manuscripts of the
(Jur'an) suggesting minor variant readings
of the Qur'an (q.v.) and the possibility of a
stage at which the meaning and pronuncia-
tion of the Qur'an was done "with no ref-
erence to a living oral tradition" (Rippin,
The Qur'an, xi; see orality; recitation
of the cjur'an). One of the developments
emphasized in this article are those studies
that treat the Qur'an as a sacred text that
can be analyzed through scholarly tech-
niques that have been common since the
nineteenth century (see post-enlighten-
69
SOCIAL SCIENCES
MENT ACADEMIC STUDY OF THE OUR AN).
At one end of the spectrum of such studies
are works in the classic philological tradi-
tion, such as the pseudonymous C. Luxen-
berg (2002), who argues that many
otherwise inexplicable elements of
qur'anic orthography (q.v.), lexicon, and
syntax can better be explained when un-
derstood in a Syriac (Christian Aramaic)
linguistic context. In Luxenberg's hypos-
thesis, the Syriac palimpsest for many
qur'anic words and phrases helps to solve
the problems of adding diacritical points to
early Arabic orthography. Such arguments
necessarily impute a particular social con-
text in which the text was developed even
when they do not develop this imputation.
But studies that elaborate a sustained
sociological idea of language use in the
qur'anic text are minimal.
The Quran and sociolinguistics
At the other end of the interpretive spec-
trum is the use of a sociologically-informed
linguistic analysis of the Qin''an, such as
the approach that Izutsu used in God and
man in the Koran (1964). Izutsu's methodol-
ogy assumes that the qur'anic vision of the
universe may be drawn from an analysis of
how the basic concepts of the Qiir'an, such
as Allah, islam, nabi (prophet), umma (com-
munity), and Tmdn (belief) are interrelated,
and how the text of the Qiir'an itself sug-
gests the way in which qur'anic usage of
these terms differed from prior usage. The
relationship between humankind and God,
the idea of worship (q.v.) and community,
and the implications of the "acceptance"
and "rejection" of Islam are all embedded
in a complex system of belief and practice.
Izutsu's assumption is that Muslims may
believe that divine revelation has nothing
in common with ordinary human speech
(q.v), but understanding it requires that it
possesses "all the essential attributes of
human speech."
A similar approach underlies Nasr
Hamid Abu Zayd's approach to an un-
derstanding of the qur'anic text. Abu Zayd
was significantly influenced by anthropol-
ogy and sociology in his doctoral studies at
the University of Pennsylvania, including
the structiu'al approach to the study of
Islam developed by A. El-Zein (1977) at
nearby Temple University. Abu Zayd's
treatment of qur'anic texts, like that of
Muhammad Shahrur and Abdul Hamid
El-Zein, also exemplifies the erosion of
boundaries between "Muslim" and "non-
Muslim" approaches to the social under-
standing of sacred texts. In El-Zein's
structural approach, ideas of purity and
impurity (see cleanliness and ablution;
RITUAL purity). Sacralization and defile-
ment (see contamination) are embedded
in relational constructs that people articu-
late with history and society in a variety of
complex ways and possess "a logic which is
beyond their conscious control" (El-Zein,
Beyond ideology). Abu Zayd's hermeneutic
methods for the study of the qur'anic text
follow a similar path, particularly in his
seminal A4ajltitm al-nass (1990), in which his
textual concern is to trace how wahy
(inspiration) became the Qiir'an, the un-
limited word of God (q.v.), expressed in
human language and expressed as a text
that can be understood like any other, as
existing in particular social and historical
contexts. Seen in this way, no text is a pure
interpretation, but depends on webs of sig-
nificance that are discussed, re-interpreted,
and argued in a variety of contexts and for
a variety of purposes.
The linguistic approach advocated by
Muhammad Shahrur in his 1990 publica-
tion, al-Kitdb wa-l-Qur'dn. Qird'a mu'dsira
("The book and the Qiir'an: A contempo-
rary reading"), like Abu Zayd's approach to
the interpretation of qur'anic text, stimu-
lated considerable controversy when it first
appeared because of what he said and how
SOCIAL SCIENCES
70
he said it. Altliougli a civil engineer by
training, tlie analytical method that he in-
vokes is principally that of structural lin-
guistics, thus contrasting significantly with
conventional qur'anic scholarship. Shahrur
refers to classic linguists such as Ferdinand
de Saussure and Edward Sapir, but not to
Toshihiko Izutsu's linguistic analysis of the
Qvir'an.
Writing like an engineer, each chapter of
his al-Kitdb begins with an outline, a pro-
cedure also followed in his subsequent
books. Shahrur argues that the chapters
and verses of the Qiir'an do not change,
but understanding of them in any given
time and place is relative and part of the
human heritage (turdth). As Shahrtir writes,
"What happened in the seventh century in
the Arabian peninsula was the interaction
of people in that time and place with the
book. That interaction was the first fruit of
Islam, not unique and not the last." Some
elements were meant for all time, but
others — "clothing (q.v.), drink (see food
AND drink), style of governance, and life
style" — are the result of interaction with
the "objective conditions" of specific times
and places [Kitdb, 36).
Echoing C3 3:7 Shahrur distinguishes be-
tween qur'anic verses which are complete
in themselves, representing the message of
the Prophet and setting outer limits (al-dydt
al-muhkamdt) and those verses (al-dydt al-
mutashdbihdt) which become clear only
when interpreted contextually and relative
to time and place, such as dress codes (see
modesty). All the verses are God's word,
but their understanding requires the
continuous exercise of human reason
(see intellect). Nor is there a contradic-
tion between the Qiir'an and philosophy
(see PHILOSOPHY AND THE ^ur'an). Mus-
lims have a responsibility to interpret the
Qiir'an in light of modern linguistics and
new scientific discoveries (see science and
THE our'an; exegesis of the our'an:
EARLY MODERN AND IIONTEMPORARY). "If
Islam is sound (sdlih) for all times and
places," then we must not neglect historical
developments and the interaction of dif-
ferent generations. We must act as if "the
Prophet just died and informed us of this
book" and interpret his message anew
[Kitdb, 44).
Consider how knowledge is passed be-
tween father and son, Shahrur writes.
Fathers pass knowledge little by little to
their children, adapting content and style
according to their age and experience.
Likewise, in each historical era, the Qiu-'an
must be interpreted so that people can
understand it. He writes that this purpose
is defeated by the jurists, who have mo-
nopolized interpretation and imply that
their heritage of interpretations are almost
as sacred as the Qiir'an itself (see law and
THE our'an).
Shahrur adapts the linguistic distinction
between langue and parole to understanding
the Qiir'an. Human thought requires lan-
guage (q.v.). The qur'anic text may be
fixed, but its expressive and communicative
side (al-dhikr) must be interpreted for each
age and evolves like our understanding of
the universe. The worst mistake of
Muslims has been to rely heavily on in-
herited interpretations. Even relying on
prophetic example can harm Muslims: if
the Prophet's example was right for his
own age, following it literally today would
cause stagnation in knowledge (see
KNOWLEDGE AND LEARNING) and science.
One of Shahrur's primary examples is
the treatment of women in Islam [Kitdb,
592-630; see WOMEN AND THE cjur'an;
gender; feminism and the cjur'an).
Their status can be resolved only by dis-
tinguishing between qur'anic understand-
ing and later interpretations. In earlier
historical eras, Muslims did not distinguish
between qur'anic verses intended to set
outer limits (hudud) and those limited to
71
SOCIAL S (; I E N C E S
specific historical contexts (ta'llmdt). Nor
sliould we blame otir predecessors for fail-
ing to distinguish between the two, he
argties. Just as the sttidy of mathematical
principles accelerated only with Isaac
Newton's ideas, so too we have had to wait
until now to understand the theory of
outer limits (hudud) and its compatibility
with what we know of human nature today
(see BOUNDARIES AND PRECEPTs). We
should not assume that the liberation of
women began with the Prophet's message
and ended at his death. "If a woman
wasn't a judge during the Prophet's lifetime
or didn't attain a political position, this
doesn't mean that she was forbidden from
doing so for all time." As with slavery (see
SLAVES AND SLAVERY), not all changes can
occur at once. Islam drew the basic lines
for freedom and liberation without ruining
the existing means of production. If Syria,
for example, tried to convert its economy
to computer labor overnight, Syrian eco-
nomic production woidd be destroyed.
Women were full participants in the first
acts of allegiance to the Islamic commu-
nity and fought for Islam (see fighting;
PATH OR way); no one told them to stay at
home and take care of the children (q.v.).
Nonetheless, women's share in inheritance
(q.v.) was initially less than that of men
because of their relation to the means of
production in the seventh century (see
work; maintenance and upkeep).
In Shahrur's view, the qur'anic verses
related to women have been misunder-
stood. The inherited Islamic jurisprudence
considers the [literal] interpretation of
some qur'anic verses, such as "Your women
are a tillage for you" (q 2:223) in isolation
from other verses which suggest that
women and men are equal in Islam, even
if, in the time of the Prophet, men had a
functional superiority over women. Thus
in matters of clothing and modesty (q.v.),
the qur'anic injunctions apply ecjually to
both genders (for example, q 24:30-3).
Shahrur argues that he is following a
"scientific" method of qur'anic analysis
based on linguistic analysis, but his inter-
pretive method is only loosely adapted to
his approach to solving contemporary is-
sues. Hence except for the unacceptable
trades of "striptease" (stribtTz) and prostitu-
tion, which are sinfully immodest (see
adultery and fornication), he argues
that women can practice any available oc-
cupation suitable to their social context
and historical conditions, work alongside
men, and participate in Friday prayers with
men veiled or unveiled [Kitdh, 623; see veil;
FRIDAY prayer). Some tasks may be more
difficult for women to perform, but
women, not traditional scholars ('ulamd'),
should decide which tasks these are.
Shahrur offers a similar argument, re-
plete with qur'anic citations and arguments
against misinterpreted sayings of the
Prophet (see hadith and the qur'an) for
women to participate as full equals in poli-
tics, including parliament: "Muslim
women should know that they have the
right to elect and to be elected and to prac-
tice the highest responsibilities in the
Islamic state, including its leadership, to
participate in Friday prayers with men, and
participate in all legislative and judicial
activities" [Kitdb, 625-6).
Contemporary case studies
Two subjects under discussion in contem-
porary sociological and anthropological
studies of the Qiir'an will suffice as a con-
clusion to this survey of social sciences and
the Qiir'an.
Qiir'anic schooling: past and present
Among the topics that has attracted the
attention of anthropologists who study
Muslim societies is that of education. In its
most traditional forms, Muslim education
centers on the Qiir'an. The Qtir'an is
SOCIAL SCIENCES
72
omnipresent in daily life throughout the
Muslim world (see everyday life, the
cjur'an in), and the public recitation of the
text reaffirms the idea of both divine and
human ordering (see teaching and
preaching the qur'an). Understood
theologically, its recitation reaffirms the
divine template for society as reiterated
through a fixed and memorizable text.
Even if most listeners cannot understand
the Arabic words and phrases, accurate
memorization and recitation take priority
over understanding and interpretation
and reaffirm the divine order and human
community.
The paradigm of all knowledge is the
Qvir'an (see teaching). Its accurate mem-
orization in one or more of the seven con-
ventional recitational forms is the first step
in mastering the religious sciences through
mnemonic possession. A distinctive feature
of rural and urban community life is the
presence of scholars versed in the Qiir'an
who are present for all major life-cycle
events and for major community occasions
(see FESTIVALS AND COMMEMORATIVE
days; burial; prayer formulas). In
Morocco, for example, every urban quar-
ter and rural community maintains a
mosque school in which a teacher (fqih)
conveys the basics of qur'anic recitation
and participates in recitations for both
public ceremonies and private ones, such
as birth (q.v.), circumcision (q.v), marriage
(see marriage and divorce), celebrations
of school diplomas, and death (see death
AND THE dead).
Throughout the Muslim majority world,
most males and a fair number of females,
at least in towns, attend qur'anic schools
long enough to commit a few passages to
memory, although these schools have long
been characterized by a high rate of at-
trition. Most students leave before they
acquire literacy and few remain the six to
eight years generally required (at least in
Morocco) to memorize the entire Qiir'an.
In Morocco in the 1970s, according to one
study, the average number of years spent in
qur'anic school ranged from almost two
years in Marrakesh to only four months in
small Middle Atlas mountain villages
(Eickelman, Knowledge and power, 61).
The cognitive style associated with
Qiir'an memorization is tied closely to
popular understandings of Islam (see
popular and talismanic uses of the
(JUr'an) and has important analogies in
non-religious spheres of knowledge. Ma'rifa
is the ordinary term for knowledge in con-
temporary Arabic; it can convey the tech-
nical religious connotation of esoteric
spiritual insight but it also connotes knowl-
edge related to commerce and crafts, in-
cluding music and oral poetry. These arts
share significant formal parallels with the
religious sciences and are also presumed to
be contained in fixed, memorized truths.
Effective public speech involves the skillful
invocation both of qur'anic phrases and of
the mundane but memorizable elements of
knowledge drawn from poetry and prov-
erbs (see POETRY AND POETs). A further
parallel lies in the model for the transmis-
sion of knowledge. The religious sciences
throughout the Islamic world are transmit-
ted traditionally through a quasi-genea-
logical chain of authority that descends
from master or teacher (shaykh) to student
(tdlib) to insure that the knowledge of ear-
lier generations is passed on intact. Knowl-
edge of crafts is passed from master to
apprentice in an analogous fashion, with
any knowledge or skill acquired inde-
pendent of such a tradition regarded as
suspect.
The formal features of qur'anic schools
have been frequently described, although
the consequences of this form of pedagogy
on how people think are not as well un-
derstood. The traditional emphasis on
qur'anic memorization, for example, is not
73
SOCIAL SCIENCES
unique to the Muslim world. Elaborate
mnemonic systems existed in classical
Greece and Rome to facilitate memoriza-
tion through the association of material
with "memory posts," "visual images like
the columns of a building or places at a
banquet table" (Yates, Art of memory, 2-7).
Accompanying such techniques was the
notion that mnemonic knowledge was
more pure than that communicated
through writing (see orality and
writing in arabia; memory;
remembrance).
What is remarkable about memory
in the context of Islamic education in
Morocco is not the performance of pro-
digious mnemonic feats in qur'anic
memorization — such feats were fully par-
alleled in Europe. It is the insistence of for-
mer students that they employed no
devices to facilitate memorization. None-
theless, these same students recall visual-
izing the shape of the letters on their slates
and the circumstances associated with the
memorization of particular verses and
texts. One study (Wagner, Memories, 14)
suggests that patterns of intonation and
rhythm systematically serve as mnemonic
markers.
Even after the advent of print technology
(see PRINTING OF the q,ur'an), printed
books were long neglected in madrasa edu-
cation through the 1970s in many regions.
This was partly because of the lack of
printed or manuscript books, but also be-
cause of the cultural concept of learning
implicit in Islamic education. A typical
qur'anic teacher [fqih in Morocco) had
between fifteen and twenty students,
ranging in age from four to sixteen. Each
morning the fqih wrote the verses to be
memorized on each student's wooden
slate (luh) and the student then spent the
day memorizing the verses by reciting
them out loud and also reciting the verses
learned the previous day. Memorization
was incremental, with the recitation of
new material added to that already
learned (for example, a, then a,b, then
a,b,c). Students were not grouped into
"classes" based on age or progress in
memorization.
Qiir'anic studies have been culturally
associated with rigorous discipline and the
lack of clear explanation of memorized
passages. Both these features are congruent
with a concept of religious knowledge as
essentially fixed and, in the Moroccan and
other contexts, an associated concept of
"reason" ('aql), which is conceived as a hu-
man's ability to discipline his or her nature
in accord with the arbitrary code of con-
duct laid down by God and epitomized by
acts of communal obedience (q.v), such as
the fast of Ramadan (q.v.; Eickelman,
Aioroccan Islam, 130-8; see also fasting).
Firm discipline in the course of learning
the Qiir'an is thus regarded as an integral
part of socialization.
When a father handed his son over to a
fqih, he did so with the formulaic phrase
that the child could be beaten. Such pun-
ishment was considered necessary for ac-
curate qur'anic recitation. Former students
explained that the teacher (or the student's
father, when he supervised the process of
memorization) was regarded as the im-
personal agency of punishment, which,
like the unchanging word of God itself,
was merely transmitted by him. Students
were also told that the parts of their bodies
struck in the process of qur'anic memo-
rization would not burn in hell (see
reward and punishment; hell and
hellfire). The same notion applied to the
beatings apprentices received from crafts-
men and musicians. In practice, students
were slapped or whipped only when their
attention flagged or when they repeated
errors, although the children of high-status
fathers were struck much less frequently
than other children.
SOCIAL SCIENCES
74
Former students emphasize that they
asked no questions concerning the mean-
ing of qur'anic verses, even among them-
selves, and it did not occur to them to do
so. Their sole activity was properly recited
memorization. Because the grammar and
vocabulary of the Qiir'an are not imme-
diately accessible to speakers of colloquial
Arabic, and even less so to students from
regions where Arabic is not the first lan-
guage, former students readily admitted
that they did not comprehend what they
were memorizing until fairly late in their
studies. "Understanding" (fahm) was not
measured by the ability to explain particu-
lar verses, since explanation was consid-
ered a science to be acquired through years
of study of the exegetical literature (tafsir).
Any informal attempt to explain meaning
was considered blasphemy (q.v.) and did
not occur. Instead, the measure of under-
standing consisted of the ability to use
qur'anic verses in appropriate contexts.
In the first few years of Qiir'an school,
students had little control over what they
recited. They coidd not, for instance, recite
specific chapters of the Qiir'an, but had to
begin with one of the sixty principal reci-
tational sections. Firmer control was
achieved as students accompanied their
father, other relatives, or occasionally the
teacher to social gatherings, where they
heard adults incorporate qur'anic verses
into particular contexts and gradually
acquired the ability to do so themselves, as
well as to recite specific sections of the
Qur'an without regard to the order in
which they had been memorized. Thus the
measure of understanding was the ability
to make practical reference to the memo-
rized text, just as originality was shown in
working qur'anic references into conversa-
tion, sermons, and formal occasions.
Knowledge and manipulation of secular
oral poetry and proverbs in a parallel fash-
ion is still a sign of good rhetorical style;
the skill is not confined to religious learn-
ing (see RHETORIC AND THE OUr'an).
The high rate of attrition from qur'anic
schools supports the notion that mnemonic
"possession" can be considered a form of
cultural capital. Education was free aside
from small gifts to the teacher, yet most
students were compelled to drop out after a
short period to contribute to the support of
their families or because they did not re-
ceive familial support for the arduous and
imperfectly understood process of learn-
ing. In practice, memorization of the
Qiir'an was accomplished primarily by
children from relatively prosperous house-
holds or by those whose fathers or guard-
ians were already literate (see literacy).
Nonetheless, education was a means to
social mobility, especially for poor students
who managed to progress through higher,
post-qur'anic education.
The notion of cultural capital implies
more than possession of the material re-
sources to allow a child to spend six to
eight years in the memorization of the
Qur'an; it also implies a sustained adult
discipline over the child. Students' fathers,
elder brothers, other close relatives — in-
cluding women in some cases — and peers,
especially at later stages of learning, were
integrally involved in the learning process.
All provided contexts for learning to con-
tinue, since formal education did not in-
volve being systematically taught to read
and write outside the context of the
Qur'an, even for urban students from
wealthy families. Students acquired such
skills, if at all, apart from their studies in
qur'anic schools (Berqiie, Maghreb, 167-8),
just as they acquired an understanding of
the Qur'an through social situations.
A student became a "memorizer" (hdfi^)
once he knew the entire Qur'an; this set
him apart from ordinary society even with-
out additional studies. In the pre-colonial
era in Morocco, qur'anic students often
75
SOCIAL SCIENCES
were the only strangers who could travel in
safety through tribal regions without mak-
ing prior arrangements for protection. The
mnemonic "possession" of the Qiir'an
set people apart from other elements of
society.
The Qi_ir'an in daily life
Yet another aspect of qur'anic studies that
has generated interest among both anthro-
pologists and sociologists is the integration
of the QjLir'an within the social fabric of
Muslim life. It may be correct to say that
the Qiir'an continuously plays a central
role in society, but how this is accomplished
contextually points to significant differ-
ences that often are the product of incre-
mental changes that frequently go
unnoticed. One significant change is in the
memorization of the Qiir'an. For an earlier
generation of religious learning, it could be
taken for granted that its recitation was
known by heart. In courtrooms and in
gatherings of the pious, those not engaged
in conversation would continue its recita-
tion sotto voce, using a rosary (tasbih) to keep
track of the parts recited. Among the most
able and educated, apposite qur'anic verses
were dropped into conversation or ser-
mons. With the spread of literacy and mass
higher education, memorization of the
entire Qiir'an has become less common.
On occasions such as the commemoration
of a deceased forty days after his or her
death (the arba'in), the reciters and guests
who accompany the imam (q.v.) in most
parts of the Muslim world are likely to re-
cite from printed copies of the Qur'an.
This opens the art of recitation to more
people, although the imam or other expert
recitational leaders exercise the same care
for the production of an exact recitation
according to one of the established forms
of recitation. In practice, the most skilled
can exercise control over those at the core
of such a gathering, occasionally correct-
ing one another as a sign of authority but
offering only example, not authoritative
control, over the larger group. Govern-
ments offer qur'anic recitation contests
and commissions to ensure its proper style
and encouraging it as an art (Nelson, Art
of reciting). It remains popular, but other
forms of public religious performance
increasingly displace it.
Changes in media have tacitly displaced
the predominance of the Qur'an in daily
life (see MEDIA AND THE qur'an). Several
countries, including Saudi Arabia,
Morocco, and Egypt, offer non-stop
qur'anic recitations on the radio and
nearly all Muslim majority countries offer
qur'anic recitation for at least part of the
day on radio and television. In an earlier
era, such media recitations were central.
The advent of the new media, including
audio- and videocassettes and the Internet,
offer many popular alternatives. The taxi
driver in Cairo, Amman, or Fez who once
would have listened to qur'anic recitation
on his radio is now more likely to listen to a
popular religious preacher speaking in a
direct, comprehensible, and forceful way in
his own dialect. Ideally, listening to
qur'anic recitation is a complex activity,
requiring a combination of intent, train-
ing, and discipline. The same is the case
when listening to a cassette sermon, except
that the speaker can build into his sermon
calls for audience participation, such as
asking the audience to recite "in the name
of God" [bi-smi-Udh; see basmala) each
time a qur'anic verse is invoked, or to re-
peat certain key phrases from the sermon
(Hirschkind, Ethics of listening, 637). Such
interactivity is implicit, not explicit, in
Qur'an recitation. Qur'anic recitation
focuses attention on the beauty of recita-
tion. Its meaning — as the word of
God — is known in general, but except
for a stock of commonly invoked passages
for life-crises occasions, the meaning of
SOLOMON
76
specific phrases is the domain of scholars.
Sermons are much more accessible to a
wider public and one that increasingly
anticipates the ability to participate in
religious discussion and debate (Eickel-
man and Anderson, Redefining Muslim
publics, 9-11).
The place of the Qiir'an in daily life can
be highly variable. In places as varied as
Bulgaria and North America, its presence
in a room can be venerated and iconic if
its recitation is limited to a handful of per-
sons present. In other cases, its study, as in
women's discussion groups in Iran (Torab,
Piety as gendered agency, 296), can offer
women a means of participation in the
religious life of the wider community. In
the contemporary world, the role played by
the Qiir'an as a text, as the idea of a text,
and as a physical object in printed or
manuscript form continues to shift. Its
character may be eternal, but its place in
society contextually shifts. See also
COMMUNITY AND SOCIETY IN THE QUr'aN;
EVERYDAY LIFE, THE CJUr'aN IN.
Dale E Eickelman
Bibliography
N. Abu Zayd, Alajliiim at-nass. Dirdsajt 'ulutn al-
Qur'dn, Beirut 1990; id., Voice of an exile. Reflections
on Islam, London 2004; R. Bellah, Beyond belief.
Essays on religion in a post-traditional world, Ne^v
York 1970; J. Berque, Maghreb. Histoire et societes,
Gembloux 1974; J- Chelhod, Introduction a la
sociologie de I'Islam. De Vanimisme a I'universalisme,
Paris 1958; D. Eickelman, Knowledge and power in
Morocco. The education of a twentieth-century notable,
Princeton 1985; id., Moroccan Islam. Tradition and
society in a pilgrimage center, Austin, TX 1976;
id. and J. Anderson, Redefining Muslim
publics, in ids. (eds.), .New media in the Muslim
world, Bloomington, IN 2003", 1-18;
A. El-Zein, Beyond ideology and theology.
The search for the anthropology of Islam, in
Annual review of anthropology 6 (1977), 227-54;
C. Hirschkind, The ethics of listening. Cassette-
sermon audition in contemporary Egypt, in
American ethnologist 28 (2001), 623-49; J. Jomier,
L'islam vecu en Egypte, Paris 1994; T Lester,
What is the Koran? in Atlantic monthly 283/r
(January 1999), 43-56; C. Luxenberg, Die Syro-
Aramdische Lesart des Koran. Ein Beitrag zur
Entschliisselung der Koransprache, Berlin 2000;
K. Nelson, The art of reciting the Qur'dn, Austin,
TX 1985; F. Rahman, Major themes of the Qur'dn,
Minneapohs, MN 1980; A. Rippin (ed.), The
Qur'dn and its interpretative tradition, Aldershot 2001;
M. Rodinson, Muhammad, trans. A. Carter, New
York 1971 (Eng. trans. o{ Mahomet); M. Shahrur,
al-Kitdb wa-l-Qur'dn. Qird'a mu'dsira, Damascus
1990; id., Proposal for an Islamic covenant, trans.
D. Eickelman and I. Abu Shehadeh, Damascus
2000; W.C. Smith, The meaning and end of religion.
A new approach to the religious traditions of mankind.
New York 1963; W.R. Smith, Kinship and marriage
in early Arabia, London 1903; id., Lectures on the
religion of the Semites, Edinburgh 1889; S. Taji-
Farouki, Modern Muslim intellectuals and the Qur'dn,
Oxford 2004; A. Torab, Piety as gendered
agency. A study o^ Jalaseh ritual discourse in an
urban neighbourhood in Iran, in Journal of the
Royal Anthropological Institute [N.S.] 2 {1996),
235-52; D. Wagner, Memories of Morocco, in
Cognitive psychology 10 (1978), r-28; F. Yates, The art
of memory, London 1966.
Sociolos
q^ur'an
see SOCIAL sciences and the
Solomon
The son of the biblical king David (q.v.)
and heir to liis throne. Solomon (Ar.
Sulayman) is presented in the Qiir'an as
playing three important roles, although
they are often interwoven in its narrative
(see narratives). He was a ruler who
inherited his father's knowledge as well as
his kingdom (see kings and rulers;
knowledge and learning; power and
impotence); a prophet (see prophets and
prophethood) who, despite occasional
lapses in devotional practice (see piety;
worship; ritual and the our'an),
enjoyed divine protection (q.v.) and was
assured an honored place in paradise (q.v);
and a person who possessed wide-ranging
magical and esoteric powers which he used
with divine sanction (see magic).
Solomon's life and accomplishments are
77
SOLOMON
described in cj 21:78-82, 27:15-44, 34:10-14
and 38:30-40 but many of tliese passages
are written in a laconic and allusive style
that stimulated the composition of glosses,
commentaries and stories (see myths and
LEGENDS IN THE OUR'an; EXEGESIS OF THE
q^ur'an: classical and medieval). These
sources often supply colorful details about
him and his associates not mentioned in
the Qiir'an. Solomon's unusual mixture of
skills and characteristics also encouraged
symbolic interpretations of his life and
accomplishments (see symbolic imagery).
Solomon in the Qur'dn
As a ruler Solomon was noted for his pos-
session of knowledge ('ilm) and wisdom
(q.v.; hikma), characteristics that he inher-
ited from his father, David, but in which he
was believed to have surpassed him
(c) 21:78-9; Tabari, Tafsir, xvii, 50-4; id.,
Ta'nkh, i, 573; Tha'labi, Qisas, 257-g).
Another area in which the son was more
accomplished than the father was as a
builder. The Qiir'an alludes to the various
objects and structures which were made for
him, including mihrabs (mahdrib), images
or sculptures (tamdthil) and watering
troughs (jijan, C3 34:12-13; Tabari, TafsTr,
xxiii, 70-1; see art and architecture
and the ^ur'an; mosque; idols and
images). Another passage mentions the
palace with a glass floor where he received
the Qiieen of Sheba (q.v.; (J 27:44; Tabari,
Tafsir, xix, 168-70; id., Ta'nkh, i, 583;
Tha'labi, Qisas, 271, 275-6; see bilcjis).
Descriptions of the structures and objects
made for Solomon present them primarily
as a demonstration of his power to force
men, birds (see animal life), jinn (q.v.)
and shaytdna to do his bidding (o 21:82;
38:37-8; Tabari, Tafsir, xvii, 55-6; xxiii, 160;
id., Ta'rikh, 1, 575-7; Tha'labi, Qisas, 269-70;
see devil). Both Solomon and David are
said to have had the ability to communicate
with birds and animals (see language,
CONC.EPT of). David charmed them with
his mellifluous voice whereas Solomon was
able to affect their behavior through his un-
derstanding of their speech (q.v.). His power
to communicate with both ants and birds is
specifically mentioned by the Qiir'an
(0 27:16-18; 'Tabari, Tafsir, xix, 141-2).
Solomon's ability to command the wind
(see AIR AND wind) and to make it trans-
port him wherever he pleased is another
manifestation of his special powers. This
ability is referred to in three different
qur'anic passages affirming its importance
as an aspect of Solomon's status (o 21:81;
34:12; 38:36; 'Tabari, Tafsir, xvii, 55-6; xxiii,
68-9, 160-1; id., Ta'rikh, i, 573-5; Tha'labi,
Qisas, 260-1). A similar ability to travel
miraculously is attributed to the jinn under
his command because they are able to seize
a throne belonging to the Qiieen of Sheba
and bring it to Solomon in an instant
(q 27:23, 38-42; Tabari, Tafsir, xix, 148,
159-68; id., Ta'nkh, i, 580-1; Tha'labi, Qisas,
279, 283-4; see TRIPS AND voyages;
journey).
Solomon in qur'dnic exegesis and the stories of the
prophets
Muslim commentators provide anecdotes
which demonstrate Solomon's wisdom and
piety but they also delight in his regal
pomp and magical powers. Stories about
his magical levitating throne, his retinue of
birds, animals, demons and men and his
connection with the Qiieen of Sheba,
identified as Bilqls in Muslim sources, cap-
tured popular imagination. Solomon's tem-
poral, religious and esoteric powers made
him a model for both religious and secular
personages (Melikian-Chirvani, Royaiime).
His mobility led Muslim commentators to
link him with far-flung places; rulers dis-
tant from Jerusalem (q.v.) invoked his
memory in the construction and decora-
tion of their residences (Soucek, Throne;
Koch, Jahangir). On a more popular level.
SOOTHSAYER
78
his attributes and accomplisliments are
described in stories and depicted in paint-
ings (Bagci, Divan; Milstein, Ruhrdanz and
Schmitz, Stones of the prophets).
Priscilla Soucek
reeled at tlie propliet Muhammad: that he
was a madman (see insanity), poet (see
POETRY AND POETs) or soothsayer or that
he was instructed by someone else
(^u'allam; see informants). Tlie text em-
phatically rejects such slurs:
Bibliography
Primary: Kisa^i, Qisas, trans. W.M. Thackston,
Tales of the prophets of al-Kisd'i, Boston 1978,
288-96, 300-8, 313-21; TabarT, Tafsir, Cairo 1954;
id., Ta'nkh, ed. de Goeje, i, 571-97; trans. W.R.
Brinner, The history of al-Tabari. iii. The Children of
Israel, Albany 1991, 150-74; Tha'labi, Qisas, Beirut
1970, 257-393; trans. W.M. Brinner, 'Ard'is al-
majdlisf Qisas al-anbijd' or "Lives of the prophets" as
recounted by Abu Ishdq Ahmad Ibn Muhammad Ibn
Ibrdhim al-Tha'tabi, Leiden 2002, 485-548;
B. Wheeler (trans.), Prophets in the Qur'dn. An
introduction to the Qur'dn and Muslim exegesis,
London 2002, 266-79.
Secondary: S. Bagci, A new theme of the Shirazi
miniatures. The divan of Solomon, in Muqarnas
12 (1995), lOl-li; V. Gonzalez, The aesthetics of
the Solomonic parable in the Qiir'an, in id..
Beauty and Islam.. Aesthetics in Islamic art and
architecture, London 2001, 26-41; id., Le piege de
Salomon. La pensee de Vart dans le Coran, Paris 2002;
E. Koch, Jahangir and the angels. Recently
discovered wall paintings under European
influence in the Fort of Lahore, in id., Mughal art
and imperial ideology. Collected essays, Oxford 2001,
27-37; J. Lassner, Demonizing the Queen of Sheba.
Boundaries of gender and culture in post-biblical
Judaism and medieval Islam, Chicago 1993; A.S.
Melikian-Chirvani, Le royaume de Saloinon,
in Le monde Iranien et ITslam I (1971), 1-41;
R. Milstein, K. Ruhrdanz and B. Schmitz, Stories
of the prophets. Illustrated manuscripts of Qisas al-
anbiya', Costa Mesa, CA 1999, 144-8; P. Soucek,
Solomon's throne/Solomon's bath. Model or
metaphor, in Ars orientalis 23 (1993), 109-36; id..
The temple of Solomon in Islamic legend and
art, in J. Gutmann (ed.). The temple of Solomon.
Archaeological fact and medieval tradition in Christian,
Islamic and Jewish art, Missoula, MT 1976, 73-1 11.
Soothsayer
One who foretells or interprets events. The
Arabic term kdhin, related to Hebrew kohen
("priest"), designates a soothsayer, seer or
diviner. It appears twice in the Qiir'an,
reflecting one of several accusations di-
Therefore warn (humankind), for, by the
grace of God, you are neither a soothsayer
nor a madman" [ci 52:29; see Warner).
But nay! I swear by all that you see and all
that you do not see that this is indeed the
speech (qawl) of a noble messenger (q.v.). It
is not the speech of a poet — how little
you believe (see belief and unbelief)!
Nor is it the speech of a soothsayer — how
little do you take heed! [q_ 69:38-42).
The soothsayer was an important religious
specialist in pre-Islamic Arabia who served
several functions, showing some affinity
with soothsayers in ancient Semitic tradi-
tions (see PRE-ISLAMIC ARABIA AND THE
q^ur'an; south arabia, religion in
PRE-iSLAMii;; MAGii;). He was often the
custodian (sddin, hdjib) of a temple or
shrine (bayt, ka'ba) within a sacred precinct
[haram; see sacred precincts), in which
capacity he maintained the shrine itself,
supervised sacrifices (see sacrifice) and
other rites and oversaw donations. As seer,
he was called on to predict events (see
foretelling; divination), interpret
dreams (see dreams and sleep) or provide
advice regarding difficult decisions such as
undertaking a journey (q.v.), going to war
(q.v.), or sealing an alliance (see con-
tracts AND alliances). He usually per-
formed divination by casting lots consisting
of marked rods or arrow shafts (azldm,
aqddh). In an altered state, often en-
shrouded in a cloak, he also received orac-
ular statements through inspiration from a
familiar spirit ftdbi'). Purporting to be in
the voice of the spirit, these statements
addressed the soothsayer himself as "you"
79
SOOTHSAYER
and were couched in rhymed and rhythmic
cadences {saj'; see rhymed prose), drawing
on obscure and ambiguous vocabulary and
often prefaced by oaths (q.v.) sworn upon
natural phenomena. They included omens,
charms, prayers, blessings and curses
(see curse; blessing; portents). The
soothsayer received remuneration for his
services in the form of an "honorarium"
(hulwdn) .
In addition, the label soothsayer was ap-
plied to the "false prophets" active during
the "wars of apostasy (q.v.)" both before
and following the death of the prophet
Muhammad: al-Aswad al-'Ansi (d. 10/632)
in Yemen, Tulayha b. Khuwaylid (d. 21/
642) among the Banu Asad, Musaylima b.
Habib in Yamama and the prophetess
Sajah among the Banu Tamim (see tribes
AND clans). Musaylima (q.v.), known as
"the liar" in Muslim sources, was the most
important of these prophets historically;
his religious movement showed many simi-
larities to that of the prophet Muhammad
and may have been nascent Islam's most
formidable rival. After crushing two
Muslim armies, his forces were defeated by
the Muslims under the general Khalid b.
al-Walid, and he himself was killed at the
battle of 'Aqraba' in 12/634.
As part of the pagan religion, soothsay-
ing was rejected under Islam and survived
only in marginal contexts. The soothsayers'
claims of access to hidden knowledge
(ghayb) went against the Islamic attribution
of this power exclusively to God (see
knowledge and learning; hidden and
THE hidden); in the words of al-BaqillanI
(d. 403/1013), "soothsaying contradicts the
prophecies" {I'jdz, 87). It is reported that
the Prophet outlawed three fees: the price
for a dog (q.v), the payment (mahr) of a
prostitute (see adultery and fornica-
tion; temporary marriage) and the
honorarium of a soothsayer (Bukharl,
Sahih, bab thaman al-kalb). A report known
as "the hadith of the fetus" is also cited to
show that the Prophet rejected the use of
rhymed prose because of its association
with soothsaying. Transmitted in various
versions, the hadith relates a case concern-
ing two co-wives (see marriage and
divorce; women and the our'an;
hadith and the quR'AN), One from the
tribe of Hudhayl and the other from the
tribe of 'Amir. The Hudhaliyya struck
the 'Amiriyya with a pole, killing her and
also causing a miscarriage. When the
Prophet ruled that the guilty woman's rela-
tives had to pay blood money (q.v.) both for
the 'Amiriyya and for the fetus, her guard-
ian remonstrated, "O, messenger of God,
have you ruled (that blood money be paid)
for one who has neither eaten nor drunk,
nor let out his first cry, when such as this
should be left uncompensated?" (qadaytaji
man Id akala wa-ld shariba wa-ld 'stahal[la]
fa-mithlu dhdlikayutal[l]). The Prophet re-
marked, in disapproval, "5(2; 'like the saj' of
the soothsayers?" (Jahiz, Baydn, i, 287-91;
Abu Dawud, Sunan, iv, 190-3; 'Askari,
Sind'atayn, 261; Abu Nu'aym al-Isbahani,
Dhikr akhbdr Isbahdn, ii, 97, 112). Some au-
thorities argue, however, that the Prophet
did not mean to condemn rhymed prose
altogether but only its use as a rhetorical
flourish designed to make an illegitimate
point (Ibn al-Athir, al-AIathal al-sd'ii; i, 274).
Recommendations to avoid rhymed prose
in prayers (Bukharl, Sahih, ii, 43 [34. Buyu',
113 (bdb thaman al-kalb)]; Fr. trans., ii, 5)
also represent an attempt to distinguish
Islamic prayers from those of the sooth-
sayers (see prayer; ritual and the
quR'AN; prayer formulas).
Nevertheless, just as the pagan ritual of
the pre-Islamic pilgrimage (q.v.) was ac-
cepted in Islam by being reinterpreted
within a biblical framework, so, too, were
elements of soothsaying adopted in the
QjLir'an and Islamic tradition with similar
modifications. It is curious that Ibn
8o
Hisham's (d. 761/1360) Slra uses a sooth-
saying tradition to legitimate tlie rise of
Islam. It begins with two renowned south
Arabian soothsayers, Shiqq and Satih, pre-
dicting the Ethiopian invasion of Yemen
and the rise of a great prophet who would
reverse the invasion. In addition, many
passages of the Qiir'an exhibit features
related to the style of soothsayers' pro-
nouncements. The Prophet receives revela-
tion when enshrouded (o 73:1; 74:1). He is
also visited by a spirit (q.v.), though the
familiar spirit of the soothsaying tradition
is reinterpreted as the angel Gabriel (q.v.;
cf. C3 53:1-18). The Prophet is regularly ad-
dressed as "you" (sing.). Rhymed prose is
prevalent, particularly in the early Meccan
suras (see rhetoric and the our'an;
LANGUAGE AND STYLE OF THE C^UR'an). In
addition, many specific forms associated
with soothsaying appear: oaths by celestial
bodies (see planets and stars) and natu-
ral phenomena [q_ 37:1-3; 51:1-4; 52:1-6;
53:1; 74:32-34; 77:1-6; 79:1-5; 81:15-18;
84:16-18; 85:1-3; 86:1; 89:1-4; 90:1-3; 91:1-7;
92:1-3; 93:1-2; 95:1-3; 100:1-5; 103:1; see
nature as signs), omens and predictions,
often in the form "when" (idhd) . . . "then,
on that day" [yawma'idhin; cf. C3 77:8-19;
81:1-14; 82:1-5; 84:1-15; 99), the md adrdka
construction (cj 69:1-3; 74:26-7; 77:3-4;
82:14-18; 83:7-8; 83:18-19; 86:1-2; 90:11-12;
97:1-2; 101:1-3; 104:4-5; see FORM and
STRUCTURE OF THE q^ur'an), charms
(o 113; 114; see POPULAR and talismanic
USES OF THE cjur'an), and curses (c3 104;
III). The content, though, has presumably
shifted. For example, all omens or predic-
tions in the Qiir'an, with the exception of
Q_ 30:1-2 which are understood to predict a
victory by the Byzantines (q.v.) over the
Persians, have to do with the apocalypse
(q.v.) and judgment day (see escha-
tology; last judgment).
DevinJ. Stewart
Bibliography
Primary: Abu Dawud; Abu Nu'aym al-lsbahani,
Ahmad b. 'Abdallah, Dhikr akhbdr hbahdn, ed.
S. Dedering, 2 vols., Leiden 1931-4; al-'Askarl,
Abu Hilal al-Hasan b. 'Abdallah, Kitdb al-
Sind'atayn. al-Kitdba wa-l-shi'r, Cairo 1952;
Baqillam, I'jdz; BukharT, Sakik, ed. Krehl; Fr.
trans. O. Houdas and W. Mar^ais, Les traditions
islamiques, 4 vols., Paris 1903-14 (repr. 1977); Ibn
al-Athir, Diya' al-Din Abu 1-Fath Nasr Allah, al-
Mathat al-sd'ir, Cairo 1959-62; Ibn Qayyim al-
Jawziyya, Tiby an; Jahiz, Baydn; Mas'udl, Aluruj;
TabarT, Tdnkh.
Secondary: R. Blachere, Histoire de la litterature
arabe des origines a la fin du XV siecle deJ.~C., Paris
1964; id., Introduction; D. Eickelmann, Musaylima.
An approach to the social anthropology of
seventh century Arabia, in JESHO 10 (1967), 17-52;
T. Fahd, La divination arabe. Etudes religieuses,
sociologiques, etjolkloriques sur le lieu natif de I'Islam,
Leiden 1966; id., Sadj'. I. As magical utterances
in pre-Islamic Arabian usage, in EI^, viii, 732-4;
L. Kandil, Die Schwiire in den mekkanischen
Suren, in Wild, Text, 41-57; F.R. Midler, Unter-
suchungen zur Reimprosa im Koran, Bonn 1969;
Noldeke, GQ; D.J. Stewart, Saj^ in the Qiir'an.
Prosody and structure, in/4i 21 (1990), 101-39;
J. Wellhausen, Restc arabischen Heidentums, Berlin
1927.
Sorcery see magic
Sorrow see weeping; joy and misery
Soul
That which makes a creature animate, and
to which individuality is attributed. From
the second/eighth century until today, the
vast majority of Muslims have believed
that each human being has a soul. Opinion
has varied regarding the soul's nature and
its relationship to the body, though most
Muslim scholars have envisioned the soul
as a subtle form or substance infused
within or inhabiting a physical body.
Generally, Muslims have believed that
souls are created by God, joined to a body
at birth, taken from the body at death and
reunited with the body on the resurrection
day (see creation; birth; biology as
THE CREATION AND STAGES OF LIFE;
DEATH AND THE DEAD; RESURRECTION).
Muslim theologians, philosophers and
mystics have cited various verses from the
Qiir'an in support of the soul's existence
(see THEOLOGY AND THE QUr'aN;
PHILOSOPHY AND THE Q^Ur'aN; sOfISM AND
THE our'an). Yet, such readings appear
indebted more to Aristotle, neo-Platonism
and Christianity (see christians and
Christianity) than to the Qiir'an, with its
holistic view of the human being.
In Arabic, two words are used inter-
changeably for soul: ruh, "breath, spirit
(q.v.; see also air and wind)," and nafs,
"self." Ruh appears twenty-one times in the
Qiir'an, always as a singular substantive,
masculine noun. There, ruh often refers to
the spirit of revelation (see revelation
and inspiration) sent by God to his
prophets (see prophets and prophet-
hood): "High of rank, possessor of the
throne (see throne of god), he casts the
spirit of his command upon whomever he
wills of his servants (q.v.), that they might
warn of the day of meeting" (c3 40:15; see
Warner). The spirit (of God's command)
may be accompanied by angels (see angel)
when bringing revelation, ascending to
their lord (q.v.), and on judgment day
(c) 16:2; 70:4; 78:38; 97:4; see LAST judg-
ment). Using similar language, the Qiir'an
speaks of ruh al-qudus, or "the holy spirit,"
sent by God to assistjesus (q.v.; (J 2:87, 253;
5:110; see also holy spirit) and to bring
Muhammad the qur'anic revelation: "Say
[Muhammad] : Truly the holy spirit
brought down [revelation] from your lord
to strengthen those who believe (see belief
AND unbelief), as guidance (see error;
astray) and glad tidings (see good news)
for those who submit!" (c3 16:102; cf.
26:193; 42:52). The Qiir'an clearly identi-
fies this spirit of revelation as Gabriel (q.v;
a 2:97).
God's spirit also came, in the form of a
man, to Mary (q.v.), to assist in her concep-
tion with Jesus (q 19:17), about which the
Qiir'an says: "And Mary daughter of
Imran (q.v.), who guarded her chastity
(q.v.), we breathed into her from our spir-
it..." (c3 66:12; cf. 4:171; 21:91). Comparable
to the prophets, who bring revelations from
God, Mary conceived and gave birth to the
prophet Jesus. Mary's story also parallels
that of Adam's creation (see ADAM AND
eve): "Then [God] proportioned him and
breathed into him of his spirit, and he as-
signed you hearing and sight and hearts,
but little thanks you give!" (q^ 32:9; cf.
15:29; 38:72; see SEEING AND HEARING;
heart; gratitude and ingratitude).
Yet, in the last two examples, the term ruh
probably does not designate the spirit of
revelation but, rather, the "breath of life"
given by God (cf. Hebrew ruah; Gen 2:7;
Ezek 34:1-14). A related use of ruh is found
in the verse of the pre-Islamic poet 'Abid
b. al-Abras (sixth century c.E.): "What are
we but bodies that pass under the earth
and breaths to the winds?" Nevertheless,
many Muslims have taken the story of
Adam's creation as proof of the existence
of a soul within each human being. Some
Muslim scholars have suggested that hu-
man beings may thus have a portion of
divinity itself or, at the very least, a very
special relationship with God. Clearly, the
meaning of riih in the Qiir'an has been a
topic of discussion since Muhammad's
time, as the Qiir'an notes: "They ask you
about the spirit. Say: 'The spirit is from the
command of my lord, and you have been
given little knowledge!' " (o 17:85; see
knowledge and learning).
The second word found in the Qiir'an
which has been read as soul is nafs. Like
ruh, nafs is derived from a root involving air,
breath and life; the verb nafasa means "to
breathe," with nafas meaning "breath,"
though neither word appears in the
Qiir'an. .J\afs is a cognate of the Hebrew
82
nefesh which, in the Bible, generally refers
to the life force coursing through the blood
of humans and animals (e.g. Lev 17:11; see
BLOOD AND bloodclot); by extension,
nefesh may designate the appetites, a person
or a slave (see slaves and slavery).
Among the pre-Islamic Nabataens, napshd
referred to a tomb, the last resting-place of
a human being, while in pre-Islamic
Arabic poetry (see poetry and poets;
PRE-ISLAMIC ARABIA AND THE Q^Ur'an), the
feminine noun nafs and its plurals anfus and
nufis refer to living beings, in general, and
to one's self or tribe (see tribes and
clans), in particular. This use of nafs as a
reflexive particle is very common in the
Qtir'an, where nafs, anfus and nufus appear
over 250 times:
As to those who argue with you about [the
revelation] after what knowledge has come
to you, say [to them]: "Gome, let us call
together our children (q.v.) and your chil-
dren, our women and your women (see
women and the our'an), ourselves
(anfusand) and yourselves (anfusakum). Then
we will humbly pray and call down God's
curse (q.v.) upon the liars!" (c) 3:61; see
also lie).
Nafs may refer to humans, the jinn (q.v.),
Satan (see devil) and God: "God has pre-
scribed mercy (q.v.) for himself" {'aid naf
sihi, C3 6:12; cf 6:130; 18:51; 21:43). As in
this last example, nafs may imply an es-
sential quality, a disposition or intentions:
"Your lord knows what is within your-
selves" [fi nufusikum, C3 17:25; see hidden
and the hidden). This calls attention to
an important ethical aspect often found in
the reflexive nafs (see ethics and the
cjur'an) as the Qiir'an challenges its audi-
ence to choose between God's commands
and their own desires (see WISH AND
desire): "Say: 'O people, the truth (q.v.)
has come to you from your lord. Whoever
is guided [by it], is guided for himself (li-
nafsihi), while he who goes astray, strays
against himself" ['alayhd, Q_ 10:108). Use of
the reflexive pronouns in such verses, then,
underscores human responsibility for one's
belief and actions: "What they spend on
this worldly life is like a cold blast that
strikes and destroys the fields of a people
who oppress themselves (see parable;
similes; literary structures of the
cjur'an). God did not oppress them, but
they oppress themselves!" ((J 3:117; see
oppression; oppressed on earth, the;
freedom and predestination; reward
and punishment).
Here, nafs reflects a negative human trait,
namely selfishness, against which the
Qiir'an warns: "So be mindfifl of God as
much as you can, listen and obey (see
obedience), and spend on charity to help
yourselves. For those who are saved from
their selfish greed (shuhh nafsihij, they are
the successful ones!" ((J 64:16; cf. 53:23;
59:9; see trade and commerce). This nafs
corresponds to the appetites or the appeti-
tive faculties discussed in ancient and
Hellenistic philosophies. As such, the
Qiir'an links nafs with greed (see avarice),
envy (q.v.), and lust. Like Satan, selfishness
whispers its desires to the individual and
incites evil acts (q_ 12:18; 20:96, I20; 47:25;
50:16; see EVIL deeds; whisper). Asjoseph
(q.v.) declares when faced with Potipher's
wife and her scheme to seduce him: "I do
not absolve myself, for, indeed, selfishness
instigates evil (al-nafsa la-ammdratun bi-l-
su'i), save where my lord has mercy.
Indeed, my lord is forgiving and merciful!"
(cj 12:53; cf 4:128; 5:30; see FOROIVE-
ness). Thus, the Qiir'an declares that con-
cupiscence must be fought and controlled
if one is to obey God: "As for him who
fears standing before his lord (see fear),
and who restrains the self (al-nafs) from
desire (see abstinence), indeed the garden
(q.v.) will be the place of refuge!"
83
(Q, 79-40"I)- The believer resists liis selfisli
impulses by heeding al-nafs al-lawwdma, his
"blaming self" or conscience (c3 75:2), so
that on the judgment day he may appear
before God with a clear conscience and
inner tranquility [al-nafs al-mutma'inna,
0.89:27).
In these and similar instances, nafs and its
plurals do not appear to designate a spiri-
tual substance or soul but rather aspects of
human character, including selfishness,
concupiscence, personal responsibility and
individual conscience. In other verses,
however, nafs has a more general meaning
as a living person or human life. When
God called Moses (q.v.) to go to Egypt
(q.v.), Moses replied: "Lord, I have killed a
person (nafs) among them, and I fear they
will kill me!" (^ 28:33; see murder;
bloodshed; retaliation). Similarly, the
Qi_ir'an declares: "And do not kill a person
(al-nafs), which God has forbidden, save for
a just cause" (q^ 17:33; cf 18:74; 25:68)
and most explicitly: "And we decreed for
them in [the Torah (q.v.)] a life (al-nafs) for
a life (q.v.), an eye for an eye (see eyes), a
nose for a nose..." (c3 5:45). Likewise, the
Qi_ir'an calls Muslims to defend their faith
(q.v.) with their property (q.v.) and lives:
"Believe in God and his messenger
(rasulahu) and strive in the way of God with
your property and lives (anfus)l" (c3 61:11;
cf 9:20, 41, 44, 81, 88; see path or way).
Such loss and death are an inevitable part
of life's trials: "We will test you with some-
thing of fear and hunger, and loss of prop-
erty, lives (al-anfus), and the fruits [of your
labors] . Yet give good news to the patient
ones" (C3 2:155).
The Qiir'an states emphatically that
every human being will die: "Every person
(nafs) will taste death, and your wages will
be paid in full on the day of resurrection!"
(a 3:185; cf 3:145; 21:35; 29:57). In several
passages, angels seize the living at the time
of death. Speaking of unbelievers, the
Qiir'an says: "If you could only see when
the oppressors are in the throes of death,
as the angels stretch out their hands, pull-
ing out their lives!" [anfus, q 6:93; cf. 4:97).
Some commentators have read this pas-
sage as referring to souls, though in a
larger qur'anic context, anfus might better
be read as "lives." A related verse, however,
is more ambiguous: "God gathers up per-
sons (al-anfus) at their death and, for those
who do not die, in their sleep (q.v). He
keeps those upon whom he has decreed
death, and sends the others back until an
appointed time..." (c3 39:42; cf 6:60). The
Qiir'an likens sleep to death for, as the
commentator al-Zamakhshari (d. 538/
1 144) points out, sleep suspends exterior
movement and consciousness (nafs al-
tamyiz), while, in death, consciousness,
movement and life itself (nafs al-haya) are
ended. Al-Zamakhshari makes a distinc-
tion here between reason and discrimina-
tion (nafs al- 'aql wa-l-tamjiz; see intellect)
and the life force (riih) that is characterized
by breath and movement. Other commen-
tators, however, including al-Tabarl (d.
310/923), al-QiishayrI (d. 465/1072) and
al-RazI (d. 606/1210) go further, stating
that in both sleep and death, God takes
away a person's movement and conscious-
ness, along with their soul (riih; jawhar mush-
rig ruhdni).
Commentators have also found reference
to the soul in (j 81:7, which says that on
judgment day, "the nufis will be paired."
They note that one possible meaning is
that souls (al-arwdh) will be joined with
their bodies. Yet some of these commenta-
tors, especially al-Tabari, point out that
the probable meaning is that each person
(al-insdn) will be gathered with people of a
similar sort, as good persons enter paradise
(q.v.), evil people, hell (cf q 56:7; 37:22; see
GOOD AND evil; HELL AND HELLFIRE).
This reading is consistent with the
Qiir'an's many other references to the
SOUTH ARAB I A
84
nafs on judgment day when individuals are
called to account:
Every person (nafs) is held accountable for
what she earned ((J 74:38).
We do not burden a person (nafs) beyond
her capacity. We have a book (q.v.) that
speaks the truth, and they will not be
wronged! (c3 23:62; see also heavenly
book).
[On a day] when a person (nafs) will know
what she sent forward and what she left
behind [q_ 82:5).
Nafs in such passages probably means the
person held responsible for his or her be-
liefs and actions and not the soul. This is
suggested by nearly identical passages in
which the feminine nafs is replaced, not by
ruh or some other synonym for soul, but by
the masculine noun insdn, meaning human
being. "On that day, the human being (al-
insan) will be informed of what he sent for-
ward and what he left behind" ((J 75:13; cf.
82:5; 91:7). Similarly, regarding the creation
of the human race, the Qiir'an says: "He it
is who created you from a single person
(nafs) and made from her, her mate, that he
might find rest in her" ((3 7:189; see pairs
and pairing). Though the feminine nafs is
used here, this person clearly refers to
Adam as reflected in the shift in gender
within the verse (cf Q^ 4:1; 38:71-2; 39:6).
Clearly, then, in accounts of creation and
resurrection, the Qiir'an never states that
the nafs is a soul that joins or enters a body.
Rather, in the Qiir'an, it is the entire per-
son in all of his or her physical, emotional
and spiritual capacities that is created, dies
and will be recreated on judgment day:
"Your creation and resurrection are but
like that of a single person (nafs). Indeed,
God hears and sees all!" (c) 31:28; see god
and his attributes).
Th. Emil Homerin
Bibliography
Primary: 'Abid b. al-Abras, Diwdn, Beirut
1384/1964, 51; BaydawT, ^7Zi:£;(2?; Beirut 1992
{reprint of the 1329/1911 Egyptian ed.), 184, 548,
612, 786; QiishayrT, Latd'if Cairo 1968-71, iii,
263, 283-4, ^93' RazT, Tafsir, Cairo 1352/1933,
xiii, 85-6; xxvi, 283-4; xxxi, 69; TabarT, Tafsir,
Cairo 1373-77/1954-7, vii, 182-3; ^^i> ^^j xxiv, 7;
xxx, 44-5; ZamakhsharT, Kashshdf, Beirut
1366/1947, ii, 228; iii, 219-20, 349; iv, 188.
Secondary: 'Abd al-BaqI;J. Bemporad, Soul.
Jewish concept, in er, xiii, 450-5; R. Blachere,
Note sur le substantif nafs "souffle vital", "ame"
dans le Coran, in Semetica I (1948), 69-77; E-E-
Calverley/I.R. Netton, Nafs, in El', vii, 880-4;
S. Fraenkel, Miscellen zum Koran, in zdmg 56
(1902), 71-3 {esp. 71-2, on (J 6:60, the soul during
sleep); J.F. Healey, The religion of the Nabaiaeans,
Leiden 2001, 169-71; T.E. Homerin, Echoes of a
thirsty owl. Death and the afterlife in pre-Islamic
Arabic poetry, in JNES j^^ (1985), 165-84; Izutsu,
God, 121-32; D.B. Macdonald, The development
of the idea of spirit in Islam, in M\V'^2 (1932),
25-42, 153-68; A. Murtonen, The living soul. A
study of the meaning of the word naefaesh in the
Old Testament Hebrew language, in Studia
orientalia 23/1 (1958), 3-105; T O'Shaughnessy,
The development of the meaning of spirit in the Koran,
Rome 1953; E Rahman, Adajor themes of the
Qur'dn, Chicago 1980, 17-18, 95-7, ii2;J.L Smith
and Y.Y. Haddad, The Islamic understanding oj death
and resurrection, Albany 198 1.
South Arabia, Religions in
Pre-Islamic
The religiotis history of south Arabia is
divided into two periods of uneqtial length:
polytheistic from its beginnings (eighth
century B.C. e.) until around 380 c.E. (see
polytheism and atheism), then
monotheistic thereafter. Only the first is
dealt with here; for the second, see Yemen;
JEWS AND JUDAISM; CHRISTIANS AND
CHRISTIANITY. (For other aspects of pre-
Islamic religiotis traditions of which the
Qiir'an evinces knowledge, see e.g.
Abyssinia; magians; mecga; medina;
najran; sabians; sheba; soothsayer;
SYRIA.)
The main source for understanding the
religions of pre-Islamic sotith Arabia
85
SOUTH ARAB I A
consists of inscriptions, whicli are engraved
on durable materials and are numbered in
tlie tliousands (see also epioraphy and
THE cjur'an). Archaeological investigation
of ancient cult places complements the
information taken from the texts (see also
ari;haeology and the cjur'an). By
comparison, external sources, whether
ancient works in classical or oriental
languages or the rare pieces of information
passed on by the Arab traditions of the
Islamic era, provide us with very little (see
ORALITY AND WRITING IN ARABIA;
PRE-ISLAMIC ARABIA AND THE OUr'an).
Such sources, which could clarify the
religious conceptions of ancient south
Arabians for us and give us an organized
presentation of the divine cosmos (see
cosmology), have not been preserved as
literary texts (myths, epics, poems or
rituals; see myths and legends in the
q^ur'an; poetry and poets; ritual and
the {jur'an). Most of the time, such
sources simply mention the divinities,
sanctuaries (see sacred precinc;ts;
sacred and profane; house, domestic
AND divine) or rituals.
The inscriptions deal only with a re-
stricted range of subjects. The vast major-
ity of them commemorate specific actions,
setting out the rights of men or gods:
building or construction operations which
establish property (q.v.) rights; offerings to
a divinity in order to obtain favor; rites
carried out at important moments in the
life of the community. These texts almost
always provide important information for
understanding religion (q.v.). The particu-
lar titles of their authors may make men-
tion of a priestly office. The dedications
quote the name of the intended divinity,
particular titles (epithet, temple name) and,
after the start of the Christian era, the rea-
sons why the believer was making his of-
fering. The dedications and texts which
commemorate building or construction
works normally end with "invocations,"
that is, a detailed list of the earthly and
supernatural powers from whom the au-
thors had obtained support or approval
(see prayer formulas). Prescriptive texts,
which are few in number, are equally in-
teresting. Some control access to the sanc-
tuary, while others call upon divinities to
grant greater weight to their prescriptions.
Gods and goddesses
The inscriptions name a whole host of di-
vinities. Several, slightly dated works
(Hofner, Die Stammesgruppen; id.,
Vorislamischen Religionen; Ryckmans,
Religions arabes; id.. Religions ambes) pro-
vide a list of these. Clearly this collection
of divinities does not constitute a south
Arabian pantheon as such. The first rule of
classification is to identify those sites where
a divinity is venerated or invoked: it is im-
mediately clear that the majority of divini-
ties have a special link with a particular
family (q.v), a named tribe (see tribes and
clans; kinship), a tribal federation or a
kingdom (see kings and rulers). These
divinities may be termed "institutional"
since they intervene in the life of the com-
munity at a certain level. It is these divini-
ties that are invoked at the end of
inscriptions.
Institutional divinities
Each kingdom had an official pantheon,
made up of a small number of divinities,
around five in total. This list of divinities is
easy to determine for the kingdom of
Saba' ('Athtar, Hawbas, Almaqah, dhat-
Himyam and dhat-Ba'dan""', 'Mr, Hwbs',
'Imqh, dt-Hmym, dt-B'dn'"; see sheba) and
Qataban ('Athtar, 'Amm, Anbi, dhat-
Sanat"'" and dhat-Zahran, 'ttr, 'm, 'nby,
dt-Snt", dt-^hr") because the most solemn
inscriptions always call upon them in that
order (for the precise location of ethnic
groups and place names, see Robin and
SOUTH ARAB lA
Brunner, Map of ancient Yemen). Elsewhere
the hst is much more a matter of con-
jecture. In the small kingdoms of
al-Jawf, it is reconstructed from the rite
celebrated by those in authority. Finally,
for the Hadramawt there is almost no
information at all.
Before the Christian era, the political
cohesion of states was based upon the cult
of divinities in the official pantheon; each
divinity was the object of particular rites,
which suggests a specific role, complement-
ing the role of associated divinities.
Changes in political organization, follow-
ing conquests, annexations, secessions,
alliances, etc., logically translated into
change in the religious sphere also. For
example, Sabaean domination of the city
kingdom of Nashshan (in al-Jawf) led to
the construction of a temple to the
Sabaean god Almacjah in the town center;
and when Saba' (Sheba) annexed the tribal
federation of Sam'i, the great Sami'yan
god (Ta'lab) decreed that the federation
should henceforth take part in the official
Sabaean pilgrimage to Almaqah at Marib
(today, Ma'rib; see al-'arim), in the month
of dhu-Abhi [d-'bhj, roughly July; see
months; calendar). The introduction to
the Sabaean pantheon of a new god,
Hawbas, around the sixth century B.i;.E.,
may perhaps be explained by new alli-
ances. This parallel political and religious
organization broke up from the beginning
of the Christian era, when the redrawing
of the political map ceased to have a cor-
responding religious effect. Henceforth,
whoever held power (whether sovereign or
tribal leader) replaced the divinity as the
basis of political entities and more and
more often kingdoms and principalities
were collections of tribes with different
cults.
A large number of divinities were only
worshipped by a single kingdom, such as
Almaqah (Saba'), 'Amm (Qataban) or
Sayin (Hadramawt), others, such as
Wadd""" (Wd'") or dhat-Himyam (dt-Hmym),
in many. Only one, 'Athtar ('ttr), is
common to the entire population of south
Arabia. A single divinity common to
several groups is often individualized by a
qualifying name or title. 'Athtar, for
example, is always qualified by dhu-
Qabd'"" (d-Qbd'") when describing the
principal god of the kingdom of Ma'in.
The title often denotes the name or
location of a sanctuary, and sometimes
both, as with "Ta'lab Riyam'"" lord (of
the temple) of Qadman (of the city) of
Damhan" (T'lb Rym'" b'l Qdm" d-Dmh").
For some uncommon divinities, the texts
make explicit mention of their tribe of ori-
gin, such as dhu-(l)-SamawI, "the heavenly
one" (dr- S'mwy), who is often called "god
(of the tribe) of Amir'""," an Arab tribe
(see Arabs) based between al-Jawf and
Najran (q.v.). His principal temple (called
d-ygrw) was located at the heart of Amir'""
territory, in wadi 1-Shudayf, (some sixty km
north of al-Jawf), but some sanctuaries
were also dedicated to him by other tribes
elsewhere: at Haram (in al-Jawf), at
Marib (capital of Saba'), at Tamna' (capital
of Qataban) and at Sawa"' (22 km south of
Ta'izz).
Some divinities are not exclusively
Yemeni. There is evidence for the god
Wadd'"" in the Persian Gulf, and according
to tradition, he was also worshipped by the
Kalb at Dumat al-Jandal. The gods SayIn
and Anbl had corresponding gods in
Mesopotamia (Sin and Nabu), the gods
Sahar and Ramman, just like the goddess
Athirat, in the near east (Shahar and
Athirat in Ugarit, Ashera in the Bible,
Ramman as an epithet of the Aramaic god
Hadad; Bron, Notes sur le culte; id.,
Divinites communes). The most
widespread divinity was 'Athtar, with a
dual male and female aspect, as can be
seen at Ugarit and Hadramawt, even if
87
SOUTH ARAB I A
one of the two is very often dominant (the
male aspect in south Arabia, except at
Hadramawt, the female aspect in
Mesopotamia).
A large number of divinities do not have
a proper name as such, but are indicated
by a quality (Wadd'"", "Love"), a family
relationship ('Amm, "Uncle on the father's
side"), a locale (and perhaps sometimes by
a quality or a function) introduced by the
pronouns "He who ..., she who ..." (dhu-
[l-]SamawI, dhu-Qabd""', dhat-Himyam,
dhat Badan'"", etc.). Most likely the real
names of these divinities were taboo. The
same phenomenon can be seen in the
Arabian desert with al-Lah ("the god"),
al-Lat ("the goddess"), al-'Uzza ("the most
powerful"; cf o 53:19-20) and all the
names with dhu- or dhat- (dhat Anwat,
dhu 1-Ka'bat, dhu 1-Khalasa, dhu 1-Kaf-
fayn or dhu 1-Laba').
The development of formal pantheons is
most obvious at the level of kingdoms,
which could be extremely varied in size,
ranging from the simple city-tribe (like
Kaminahu or Haram in al-Jawf) to the
assembly of enormous collections of tribes
(like Saba'). But tribes, towns, clans, lin-
eages and families had their own cults, too,
and these were added to the collective rites
of the kingdom. It follows from this that
the structure of the divine world faithfully
reflected the organization of society. The
same phenomenon can be seen elsewhere
in Arabia, for example in the Yathrib oasis
when Muhammad arrived there (Lecker,
Idol worship; see Medina).
Some minor divinities, divided into four
classes entitled b 7 byt-, mndh, s'ms' and rb ',
are entrusted with the protection of
palaces, temples, family groups or
individuals. The terms which denote these
classes may be translated as "master of the
palace of...," "household divinity,"
"genium (lit. sun)" and "protector."
Some divinities have a double name, like
those of mere mortals, in which we can
see a divine name, such as 'Izazallat
("Power of al-Lat"), Hawfi'il ("II has
saved"), Lahay'athat ("'Athtar shines"),
Sumuyada' ("His name knew") or
Yada'ismuhu ("He knew his name"). These
are probably deified individuals, ancestors
or heroes. Normally living human beings,
including the sovereign, are not described
thus. There is, however, one somewhat
puzzling exception, a king of Awsan from
the Hellenistic era, who is called "son of
(god) Wadd'""" and receives offerings, as if
he were himself a god.
J^ on-institutional divinities
A relatively large number of divinities have
no clear link with any political or tribal
entity. These apparently include the
"Daughters of II," mostly worshipped by
women. Their name suggests that they
were a class of supernatural entities acting
as intermediaries between human beings
and the assembly of gods. Other unnamed
divinities can also be added, who may be
identified by a parental relationship with a
divinity: "Son of Hawbas," "Mother of
'Athtar," or "Mother of goddesses."
Instances of divinities particular to a place
or sanctuary are more doubtful: e.g. "He
who is at Raydan," the "Lord of Awran,"
the "Lord of Bahr""'," the "Lord of
Yaf an," the "Lord of Hadas""'," the
"Mistress of Hadath, she who is from
Zarb""'," the "god in the chapel (of
worshippers) Kharif at Mayfa'," etc. It is
possible that these divinities, or some of
them at least, provided individuals or
non-tribal groups (women, those of the
same age group, or in the same trade) the
chance to meet with each other and
express their solidarity.
Divinities borrowed from the Arabs
Several divinities of Arab origin were
known and worshipped in south Arabia.
SOUTH ARAB I A
They were introduced after Arab tribes
settled in tlie lowlands of Yemen from tlie
second century B.c.E. Dliu-(I-)SamawI, tlie
Amir""' god, has already been mentioned.
Another god of the same sort is Kahilan
(who may perhaps be identified with the
god Khl'" of Qaryat al-Faw), known from
the kingdom of Ma'in (Bron, Mam, 30).
Above all, however, there are the three
goddesses al-Lat, Manat and al-'Uzza,
mentioned in C3 53:19-20 (cf Robin, Filles
de Dieu, 139 f ; see SATANIC verses).
Al-'Uzza, Sabaean 'Uzzayan ('zy"), is the
only Arab divinity, along with dhu-(l-)
Samawl, whose cult was widespread in
south Arabia. There is evidence for her in
twelve texts (two of which are
fragmentary): five commemorate offerings
in one of her temples; two, on amulets
(q.v.), call upon her as a protectress; and
three call upon her as the guardian divinity
of the final royal palace of Qataban. The
name 'Uzzayan is also found in several
theophoric anthroponyms, almost all
relating to the same inscription. An
onomastic, 'Uzzayan first appeared in
south Arabia in the third century b.c.e.
This was not far from Najran, a region
inhabited by north Arabian tribes. The
first sign of a cult (a dedication in a
sanctuary consecrated to the goddess)
comes from Qataban dating from the
second century b.c.e.
Al-Lat, Sabaean Latan and Lat (Lf and
It), who was popular in northwestern
Arabia and among the Arabs of the near
east, does not seem to have been the object
of an organized cult in south Arabia. The
only indications of veneration are two
amulets. The name of the goddess is
written once with the article -n, and once
without. The goddess, however, seems to
have been extremely popular among the
Arab tribes on the northern borders of
Yemen, then among the south Arabians
themselves, judging by theophores with -It,
of which there are dozens. The appear-
ance of these theophores in al-Jawf may be
dated to the second century b.c.e.
Manat, south Arabian Manawt (Mnwt),
whose cult is well documented among the
Palmyrenians and in northwestern Arabia
(notably at Tayma' and al-Hijr), makes
almost no appearance in the epigraphic
records of south Arabia. At present there is
only a single reference in a text from Ma'in
dating from the fifth century b.c.e. (Bron,
Ma'Tn, 30). This occurrence, seemingly
older than everything found elsewhere,
suggests that Manawt was a divinity of
Ragmat (the ancient name of Najran).
Similarly, the name Manawt appears in
several anthroponyms from the Najran
region in its broadest sense.
These three goddesses, introduced by the
Arabs, should be distinguished from the
"Daughters of II," who are local divinities
(Robin, Filles de Dieu). All these, however,
are minor divinities, a fact which prefigures
the compromise proposed by Muhammad
in the "satanic verses," namely the recogni-
tion of divinities which served Meccan
interests, provided that they were reduced
to the status of "Daughters of Allah" (the
local version of the south Arabian
"Daughters of II"), that is, divine messen-
gers (see messenger).
Strangely enough, all the known south
Arabian divinities had a positive or protec-
tive role. Evil powers are alluded to in in-
vocations but are never personified.
Magical thinking is afraid to name evil, lest
it contribute to making it real (see magic;
GOOD AND evil).
Cult organization
Places of cult worship, whether of human
design ("temples") or otherwise
("sanctuaries"), were quite varied in size.
The plans, the quality of the building and
the organization were incredibly diverse,
even in the same tribe. This is equally true
89
SOUTH ARAB I A
for the locations, at the center of town,
outside the walls, in the countryside or the
steppe, at the top of a mountain or in the
midst of the rocks (Jung, Religious monu-
ments). The temple seems to have played
an important economic role (see
EcoNOMii;s; trade and i;ommerce). It
owned property (q.v.; mb'l). Furthermore,
at Saba' and Hadramawt, the ctirrency
was placed under the control of the chief
god (see money). Certain temples and
sanctuaries display features which can be
found in the Meccan haram. The temple of
Sirwah (go km east of San'a'), witli a half-
oval precinct, recalls the form of hijr and is
bounded by a semi-circular cloister. The
low walls which enclose the sanctuary of
Jabal al-Lawdh (135 km north-east of
San'a') seem comparable to the 'ansh (the
building with no roof and with walls so low
that cattle can step over them) which stood
there, prior to the Ka'ba. The sacred pe-
rimeter of the sanctuary of Darb al-Sabi,
near Baraqish (95 km northeast of San'a',
ancient Yathill) is marked by boundary
stones (nine are preserved, with the inscrip-
tion "botmdary of the sanctuary"), just like
the Meccan haram.
To the best of our knowledge, places of
worship were not under the authority of
an actual clergy, mediating between
liumans and the gods. Nonetheless, certain
individuals were engaged in the service of
the temples. They held titles such as rs^w
("priest"), qyn ("administrator"), mrtd
("consecrated to a particidar divinity") or
'jkl (pi. 'jklt, "priests," an Akkadian loan
word, which is only found at a very early
period).
Rituals
The most frequent ritual was apparently
the presentation of offerings,
commemorated by an inscription, which
commends in a lasting manner the
generosity of the person making the
offering. In ancient times, these offerings
consisted either of people (who seem to
have entered into the service of the
divinity) or of produce or various other
objects. From the start of the Christian
era, or a short time earlier, offerings of
people were replaced by the dedication of
small statuettes; such representations were
called slm (in Arabic sanam) when a man
was represented and slmt when a woman
was concerned. By means of these
statuettes, those individuals consecrated to
the divinity were symbolically present in
the temple, without actually performing
any service as such.
The divinity was regularly honored by
great pilgrimages (usually called hdr and
mwfrt, and less commonly hg; see
pilgrimage). For Saba', the most impor-
tant was definitely the pilgrimage of
Almacjah at Marib, in dhu-Abhi (roughly
in July, the main period of rains). Another,
the pilgrimage of Almaqah dhu-Hirran at
'Amran (45 km northwest of San'a'), is
known because of two references. The
principal god Sam'i, Ta'lab Riyam'"", was
visited at Mount Tur'at (modern-day Jabal
Riyam, 50 km north of San'a') and the
Zabyan temple at Hadaqan (30 km north
of San'a'). Finally, a pilgrimage in honor
of dhu(l-)SamawI took place at Yathill.
Apart from Saba', the only known pilgrim-
age is of Sayin, at Shabwat.
The divinity provided oracles and issued
commands — in an unknown manner (see
divination; foretelling), and reveals
itself via visions in the temple (see vision;
dreams and sleep). He or she was asked
to provide rain (a ceremony called istisqd' in
Arabic) during particular ceremonies (see
water; prayer formulas). Several texts
mention the practice of divination, al-
though this is difficult to identify precisely.
South Arabians definitely offered blood
sacrifices, but there are few allusions to
this, apart from some Minaean inscriptions
SOUTH ARAB I A
90
(see bloodshed; blood and blood
clot). Ritual banquets accompanied
certain celebrations. Fumigation with
aromatic substances such as incense was
common practice, to judge from the num-
ber of perfume burners found so far (see
smell). Similarly, there would have been
libations (consisting of what?) which were
carried out on tables or altars (see table;
FOOD AND drink). Finally, several rites
took place outside of the temple, such as
ritual himting (see hunting and fishing)
or erecting memorials. (Regarding the cults
of south Arabia, see Ryckmans, Rites du
paganisme; Robin, Sheba. II, 1156-83.)
Representation of divinities
In south Arabia, human or animal rep-
resentation was not taboo (see
iconoclasm). Statues and historical tab-
leaux adorned temples and palaces; images
of the dead were placed in tombs (see
burial). It is worth noting, however, that
in this large number of images, very few
are definitely those of divinities. The most
significative have been discovered very
recently (Arbach, Audouin, Robin, La
decouverte). It is not certain whether the
tentative identification of the young female
figures on the temples of al-Jawf as the
"Daughters of 11" is indeed correct. The
bust of a woman holding ears of corn in
one hand and giving a blessing with the
other, identified by Jacqueline Pirenne as
the goddess Dhat-Himyam, or the young
man whom she regards as Almaqah, rep-
resent believers, not divinities.
Representation of divinities in animal
form is somewhat better documented.
Large size coins from Hadramawt depict
Sayin, the kingdom's principal god, in the
shape of an eagle attacking a serpent and
there is an inscription which explicitly
likens him to this powerful bird. Some
coins of smaller size also depict Sayin in
the shape of a bull. Other divinities must
also have appeared in the shape of a bull,
such as Thawr-Ba'al'"" ("Bull-Lord"),
associated with and then identified as
Almaqah or Sam'i, when he is called "Bull
of Abdu'""'."
Comparisons with the ritual practices of pre -
Islamic Hijdz
The prohibitions entailed by the demand
for ritual purity (q.v.; see also
contamination; cleanliness and
ablution) at Mecca and in south Arabia
are often comparable. In the haram, the
area where the "idols" of Isaf and Na'ila
(see IDOLS and images) stood was out of
bounds for menstruating women (see
menstruation), and this rule applied to all
the "idols," if we are to believe Ibn al-
Kalbi (d. ca. 205/820; Kitdh al-Asndm, 26).
A south Arabian inscription from al-Jawf
(Haram 34 = CIH ^Q,'^) echoes an identical
prohibition. Ibn al-Kalbl (Kitdb al-Asndm, 6)
narrates that Isaf (son of Ya'la) and Na'ila
(the daughter of Zayd of Jurhum) were
two young lovers who made love in the
Ka'ba and had been turned to stone and
joined in the Ka'ba (q.v.); this etiological
story recalls the prohibition on sexual
intercourse in the temple, set out in two
other south Arabian inscriptions.
According to some traditions, pilgrims
coming to Mecca were given milk (q.v.) and
honey (q.v). In other temples, Ibn al-Kalbl
[Kitdb al-Asndm, 40, 46) notes that flour and
milk were used for the ritual. These are
listed in the inscription Haram 13 — CIH
548/12-13: for some offence, the precise
nature of which is unclear, the believer
must hand over a bull to the temple of
Arathat "and throughout the temple, flour,
the cost of curds, honey, heart of palm and
full expenses (imposed) on everyone." The
practice of circumcision (q.v.) in the Arab-
ian desert is mentioned by two external
sources, Sozomen and the Talmud, and by
Arab tradition. As regards Yemen, the
91
SOUTH ARAB lA
information is contradictory. We liave two
representations of an uncircumcised male.
First tliere is the bronze statue of a
Himyari sovereign, depicted in Roman
style, completely naked, and there is also a
male member in relief on a small glass disc
(Ghul, New Qatabani inscriptions); these
two artifacts are not decisive, however,
since the first imitates a foreign model and
the second may have been imported.
Nonetheless, one external source remarks
that the Himyaris practiced circumcision,
at least in the middle of the fourth century
c.E. (Philostorgius, Kirchengeschichte, iii, 4).
The practice of covering the Ka'ba with
hangings (kiswa) is not without parallel in
Yemen. Three inscriptions from Qataban
commemorate the offering of ks^wt to
lesser divinities. It is not known, however,
whether these ks^wt were intended to cover
the god or liis dwelling place.
Development towards a supreme god?
In the third century c.E., the Sabaeans
began to give the principal god, Almaqah,
the title of "lord" (q.v; mr'); in the same
period, in the inscriptions dedicated to him
in the temple of Awwam, they ceased to
invoke the other divinities of the pantheon.
This has been seen as the evolution
towards henotheism, as it is surmised from
this that a supreme divinity was beginning
to emerge and take on the main functions
of a chief god. In fact, the arguments put
forward are not decisive. The Sabaeans
gave the same title "lord" to other divin-
ities. As for the fact that only Almaqah is
mentioned by the invocations in the temple
of Awwam, there are other possible explan-
ations for this, such as clerical rivalry.
It nevertheless remains true that the
greater divinities of every pantheon tended
to assume the majority of functions from
the start of the Christian era. An analysis
of dedicatory inscriptions is illuminating.
Their authors thank the divinity for the
following reasons: political, military, dip-
lomatic or hunting success (see victory);
help given in peril (sickness, misfortune or
battle; see fighting; war); protection
(q.v.) bestowed upon their people and their
goods; their well-being; their cure in case
of illness; the birth of children, preferably
male (see infanticide; patriarchy); the
abundance of agricultural produce and
livestock (see agriculture and
vegetation; hides and fleece); rainfall;
the granting of visions or favorable oracles
(see portents), etc. Petitions for the future
are principally: humiliation of the enemy
(see enemies); good health, success and
well-being; protection from various
dangers, particularly sickness; good
harvests; children, preferably male (see
grace; blessing); the favor of the sov-
ereign (see sovereignty; kings and
rulers), etc.
It does not, however, seem that any
polytheistic divinity of south Arabia
attained the status of supreme god. Until
the rejection of polytheism, in the formulas
which symbolize each kingdom, we note
that two divinities are mentioned: Sayin
and Hawl for the Hadramawt; 'Amm and
Anbl for Qataban; 'Athtar and Almaqah
for Saba'; Wagl and Sumuyada' for
Himyar, without exception. We may also
add Balaw and Wadd"'" for Awsan, even if
the two gods are not mentioned in the
same formula. It seems that one of the two
divinities was the guardian of the throne
(thus guaranteeing order and justice) and
the other protected the tribe (watching
over its growth and wealth). Anbl, 'Athtar
and Wadd""' are undoubtedly in the first
category, 'Amm, Almaqah and Balaw in
the second.
South Arabian polytheism according to Islamic
tradition
Islamic authors know little of the paganism
of south Arabia. The most knowledgeable
SOUTH ARAB I A
92
are Hisham b. al-Kalbi (ca. 120-204/
737-819), who produced a work — Kitdb
al-Asndm — entirely devoted to pre-Islamic
paganism, and al-Hasan b. Aliinad al-
Hamdani (d. 360/971), a Yemeni wlio
spent liis entire life on the Arabian
peninsula. Al-Hamdanl's Kitdb al-Iklil
reflects his interest in the history and
remains of pre-Islamic Yemen. Some
information on south Arabia is also given
by Ibn al-Kalbl in Kitdb al-Asndm; he
mentions five Yemeni "idols": Yaghuth
(venerated, according to him, by the
Madhhij tribe and the people of Jurash,
that is by the peoples who were living at
Najran and in 'Asir in Ibn al-Kalbl's era),
Ya'uq (worshipped by Hamdan and their
Yemeni allies at Khaywan, a small village
100 km north of San'a'), Nasr (the eagle
god, worshipped by the Himyarites at
Balkha', a location which has not been
identified), Ri'am (in fact a temple, bajt, in
the province of San'a') and Amml'anas,
worshipped by the tribe of Khawlan-
Sa'da.
Yaghuth, Ya'uq and Nasr are three of the
five "idols" mentioned by Noah (q.v.) in
q 71:23 (see also idolatry and
idolaters). There is no mention of
Yaghuth in the inscriptions of south
Arabia; his name occurs only in the
Safaitic inscriptions (of Syria and Jordan),
where it is an anthroponym; elsewhere, we
find 'mry 'wt as a man's name in three
Nabataean inscriptions, consisting of 'mr'
(in Arabic imru ') andj) 'wt (the Aramaic way
of wntingyaghdth) . Finally, in pre-Islamic
Arabic onomastica, such as that which Ibn
al-Kalbl sets out in his Jamharat al-nasab
(Caskel, Gamharat), the name 'Abd Yaghuth
reoccurs forty-two times (eighteen of these
in the Madhhij genealogies). It is possible
that a god Yaghuth, apparently an indi-
vidual who had been made a hero, existed
and was commonly known among the
Nabataeans and Madhhij. The name
Ya'uq does not occur in Arabian epigra-
phy, except as the name of a synagogue
(mkrb) built in January 465 c;.E. [d-d'w" 574
of the Himyarite era), at Dula' (twelve
kilometers north-west of San'a'). Nasr was
indeed a divinity worshipped by the south-
ern Arabs, especially in Hadramawt and at
Saba' (Miiller, Adler und Geier), but the
link with the mysterious Balkha' made by
Ibn al-Kalbl seems without foundation.
Regarding Ri'am, Ibn al-Kalbi is a little
better informed. He is aware that it is a
temple in the province of San'a' but he
does not know the name of the god to
whom this building is dedicated. The
ancient temple was in fact called Tur'at
and the god worshipped there was
Ta'lab Riyam""'; his epithet eventually
came to indicate both the building and
the mountain upon which it was located
(modern day Jabal Riyam, 50 km north
of San'a').
Finally, there is no epigraphic evidence of
'Amml'anas, but the existence of such a
divinity cannot be ruled out because we
know of a Khawlanite leader of this name
in the third century c.E. 'Amml'anas could
have been an ancestor or a deified hero.
Ibn al-Kalbl (or his source) thus provides
more or less accurate information regard-
ing four out of five divinities. That being
said, two caveats should be borne in mind.
First, Ibn al-Kalbl ignores all the major
divinities of the ancient kingdoms, notably
Almaqah (Saba'), 'Amm (Qataban), Sayin
(Hadramawt), 'Athtar dhu-Qabd'"" (Ma'ln)
and Balaw (Awsan); his knowledge is thus
extremely incomplete. Secondly, he is
more concerned with providing details
of the idols mentioned in the Qiir'an or
tradition (see hadith and the q^ur'an)
rather than with researching first-hand
information.
The second original author on south
Arabian paganism was the Yemeni al-
Hasan al-Hamdani. In addition to a fairly
accurate description of the temple of
Riyam, he mentions the names of three
93
SOUTH ARAB lA
south Arabian divinities, reinterpreted as
anthroponyms: Sinan dhu-Illm, a king of
Hadramawt in ancient times (Sayin dliu-
Ilim in the Hadramawt inscriptions);
Ta'lab Riyam b. Shahran, who is supposed
to liave married Tur'a (a misunderstanding
of the divine title "Ta'lab Riyam'"" lord of
Tur'at," in which the word ba'al, "lord,"
has been taken to mean "spouse");
Almaqah (the Sabaean god Almaqah)
identified with Bilcjis (q.v.; the traditional
name of the Qiieen of Sheba). Finally, in a
short passage of Kitcib al-Jawharatayn, he
observes: "The sun (q.v.), the moon (q.v.)
and the stars (see planets and stars) were
depicted on the silver and gold coinage of
the Himyarites, because they worship
them. Tliey call them 'Athtar, Hubas (the
moon) and Alamiqa (the stars), in the
singular Almaq or Yalmaq. This is why
Bilqis is called 'Yalmaqa' and one speaks of
Zuhra [i.e. Venus]." Al-HamdanI not only
knew that Almaqah was a divinity (and not
a queen), he also knew the gods 'Athtar
and Hubas (Sabaean Hawbas), whose
name appears in no other Islamic source
(Robin, Sheba. II, 1 184-9). Yemeni authors
are thus a little better informed concerning
the paganism of south Arabia than is the
rest of Islamic tradition. Tliey know the
names of several important divinities, such
as tlie principal gods of Saba', Hadramawt
and Sam'l, whereas Ibn al-Kalbi only
refers to minor divinities. Their knowledge
is nonetheless limited to a few divine
names and some uncertain identifications.
Rather than vague recollections from
memory, we are talking of names they have
deciphered from inscriptions and
interpreted more or less correctly. They
were indeed able to read the south Arabian
script, although they often confused letters
of a similar shape and interpreted the text
very freely. The feeble nature of such
knowledge in traditional sources is
undoubtedly explained by the fact that
polytheism had been rejected by Himyar
almost 250 years before the appearance of
Islam and that it survived only tmder-
ground, except perhaps in certain outlying
tribes.
Christian Julien Robin
Bibliography and abbreviations
Primary: al-Hamdanl, Abu Muhammad al-
Hasan b. Ahmad, Kitab al-Jawharatayn al-'atJqatajn
al-md'Vatayn as-safrd' wa'l-baydd\ Die beiden
Edelmetalk Gold und Silber, ed. and Ger. trans. Ch.
Toll, Uppsala 1968; Ibn al-Kalbl, Abu 1-Mundhir
Hisham b. Muhammad al-Kalbl, Kitab al-Asndm,
Les idoles de Hicham ibn al-Kalbi, ed. and Fr. trans.
W. Atallah, Paris 1969; Philostorgius,
Kirchengeschichte, ed. J. Bidez, rvw. of and ed. by
F. Winkelmann, coll. Die Griechischen Christlichen
Schriftsteller der ersten drei Jahrhunderte, Berlin 1972.
Secondary: M. Arbach, R. Audouin, Ch.J.
Robin, La decouverte du temple d'Aranyada' a
Nashshan et la chronologie des Labu'ides, in
Arabia 2 (2004), 23-41 (pi. 20-41 and 70: 205-16
and 234); J. Briend, Sheba. I. Dans la Bible, in
Supplement au Dictionnaire de la Bible, Fascicule 70,
Sexualite — Sichem, Paris 1996, col. 1043-6;
F Bron, Divinites communes a la Syrie-Palestine
et a I'Arabie du Sud preislamique, in Aula
orientalis 17-18 (1999-2000), 437-40; id., Ala'Tn,
Paris and Rome 1998; id.. Notes sur le culte
d'Athirat en Arabic du Sud preislamique, in
Ch.-B. Amphoux, A. Frey and U. Schattner-
Rieser (eds.), ...Etudes semitiques et samaritaines
ojfertes a Jean Margain, Lausanne 1998, 75-9;
W. Gaskei, Gamharat an-nasab. Das genealogische
Werk des Hishdm Muhammad at-KalbT, 2 vols.,
Leiden 1966; M.A. Ghul, New Qatabani
inscriptions, in BSOAS 22 (1959), 1-22, 419-38;
M. Hofner, Die Stammesgruppen Nord- und
Zentralarabiens im vorislamischer Zeit, in H.W.
Haussig (ed.), Gbtter und Mythen im Vorderen Orient,
Stuttgart 1965, 407-81; id.. Die vorislamischen
Religionen Arabiens, in H. Gese, M. Hofner and
K. Rudolph, Die Religionen Altsyriens, Altarabiens
und der Alandder, Stuttgart 1970, 233-402; M.Jung,
The religious monuments of ancient southern
Arabia. A preliminary typological classification,
in Annali deiristituto Orientate di Napoli ^H (1988),
177-218 and pi. I-XII; M. Lecker, Idol worship in
pre-Islamic Medina (Yathrib), \n Museon 106
(1993}, 331-46; repr. in \d.,Jews and Arabs in pre -
and early Islamic Arabia, Aldershot 1998, I, and in
FE. Peters (ed.), The Arabs and Arabia on the eve of
Islam, Aldershot 1999, 129-44; W.W. Miiller,
Adler und Geier als altarabische Gottheiten, in
I. Kottsieper et al. (eds.), "H^r ist wie du, Herr,
unter den Gbttern?". Studien zur Theologie und
Religionsgeschichte Israels fiir Otto Kaiser zum yo.
SOUTH ASIAN LITERATURES
94
Geburtstag, Gottingen 1994, 91-107; ChJ.
Robin, Les "Filles de Dieu" de Saba' a la
Mecque. Reflexions sur ragencenient des
pantheons dans 1' Arable ancienne, in Semitica
50 (2001), 113-92; id., Sheba. II. Dans les
inscriptions d'Arabie du Sud, in Supplement au
Dictionnaire de la Bible, Fascicule 70, Sexualite —
Sichem, Paris 1996, col. 1047-1254; id. and U.
Brunner, A4ap of ancient Yemen — Carte du Yemen
antique, 1:1 000 000, Miinchen 1997
{archaeological map, 70 x lOO cm, in three
colors, with index); G. Ryckmans, Les religions
arabes preislamiques, in M. Gorce and R.
Mortier (eds.), Histoire generate des religions, iv,
Paris 1947, 307-32, 526-34; id., Les religions arabes
preislamiques, Louvain I95l";j. Ryckmans, Rites
du paganisme de I'Arabie meridionale avant
I'islam, in Bulletin de la Classe des Lettres et des
Sciences Alorales et Politiques (6e serie) 4/1-6 {1993),
125-42.
Sigla: CIH: Corpus inscriptionum semiticarum. Pars
quarta. Inscriptiones himyariticas et sabaeas continens,
Paris 1889-; Haram 13 (= C///548) and 34 (= alH
533): see Inventaire des inscriptions sud arabiques, I,
Paris and Rome 1992.
South Asian Literatures and the
Qiir'an
With a Muslim population of over 300 mil-
lion, south Asia (India, Pakistan,
Bangladesh) is home to the largest con-
centration of Muslims in the world.
Muslims in the region have employed a
wide variety of languages to compose their
literatures. Among these languages, Arabic
and Persian have historically played a cos-
mopolitan role, for they have enabled
south Asian elites to participate and share
in literary cultures that extend well beyond
the subcontinent to central Asia and the
Middle East. In addition to these trans-
national languages, Muslims have em-
ployed a host of other languages that are
indigenous to south Asia. Ranging from
Baluchi and Bengali to Tamil and Urdu,
these vernaculars, in contrast to Arabic
and Persian, have been local, or regional,
in their geographic significance. They
encompass a broad spectrum of literary
traditions that include folk songs sung by
village women as well as sophisticated
poems composed by erudite scholars. This
article focuses on the interaction of the
Qiir'an with literary cidtures in the ver-
nacular traditions. The corpus of these
literatures is so vast and diverse that in this
brief article we can only touch upon a few
key ideas, citing examples from a limited
range of linguistic traditions (see also
LITERATURE AND THE ^UR'an).
It is hardly surprising that the Qiir'an,
the sacred scripture of Islam, should have
influenced Muslim poets and writers in
south Asia. The nature of the Qiir'an's
impact on the vernacular traditions varies,
however. At its most obvious, it consists of
the insertion of qur'anic quotations into
literary works, particularly poetry. Called
iqtibds, this popidar literary device assumes
that every reasonably educated Muslim
would know the Arabic Qiir'an well
enough to understand a scriptural allusion,
no matter how obscure it may be (see
TEACHING AND PREACHING THE CJUR'an;
REt;iTATiON OF THE cjur'an). The incor-
poration of a qur'anic verse into a ver-
nacular text served several purposes. First,
it sanctified the text for both the author
and the audience, thus making it more sub-
lime. Second, the skill with which the
Arabic sacred text (see book; Arabic
language) was woven into the fabric of
the vernacular demonstrated the author's
literary prowess. Third, the verse could
also serve as a proof text validating the
author's religious beliefs and convictions.
For instance, C) 7:172, a-lastu bi-rabbikum?
qdla bald shahidnd, " Am I not your lord
(q.v.)?' They said ^Yes we witness it'" (see
WITNESSING and TESTIFYING), is a par-
ticidarly popular quote among mystically
inclined Muslims, for it supports a concept
that is pivotal to Sufism: the existence of a
primordial covenant (q.v.) of love (q.v.) be-
tween God and creation (c[.v.; Schimmel,
Two colored brocade, 57-8; see also sufism
95
SOUTH ASIAN LITERATURES
AND THE our'an). To illustrate the inser-
tion of this qur'anic verse into a vernacular
text, we may cite a verse in Sindhi by the
poet Shah 'Abdu 1-Latif (d. 1752 c.E.) in
which Marul, a Sindhi folk heroine whom
the poet uses to represent the human soul
(q.v.), proclaims:
When I heard "Am I not your lord?"
Right there and then I said "Yes" with all
my heart
At that time I made a promise [of loyalty]
to my love
(Shah 'Abdu 1-Latif, Risdlo, Sur Marui, i,
I. 255)-
Shi'i writers, on the other hand, are more
likely to quote those qur'anic verses that
best champion a Shi'l perspective (see
SHi'lsM AND THE q^ur'an). Such is the case,
for example, with Mir Anis (d. 1874 c.E.), a
prominent Shi'i poet, who embedded
within his Urdu elegies those qur'anic
verses that could be interpreted as sup-
porting the Shi'i notion of the imamate
(for instance, C3 36:12 and its reference to
the imam mubin, "manifest imam"; Haider,
Ru?nuz, 80-2; see imam). In this manner,
many a qur'anic verse has been incorpo-
rated into south Asian vernacular litera-
ture, the choice of verse being determined
by the author's religious worldview.
Frequently, a quotation from the Qiir'an
may consist of only one or two words (see
SLOOANS FROM THE cjur'an); yet allusions
to these isolated words, no matter how ob-
scure they may seem, are sufficient to trig-
ger a range of associations in the minds of
those familiar with the scripture. Hence, in
many vernacular poems in praise of the
Prophet of Islam, Muhammad may be
referred to not by his name (see names of
THE prophet) but by names or epithets
that some Muslims claim to have discov-
ered in the Qiir'an: td' hd anAyd'sTn, the
unconnected letters that appear at the be-
ginning of suras 20 and 36 or muzzn^^H
and muddaththir, divine addresses to the
Prophet found in the introduction to o 73:
yd ayyuhd l-muzziftmil, "O you enwrapped
one," and cj 74-J)"^ ayyuhd l-muddaththir, "O
you covered one" (see revelation and
inspiration; soothsayer).
Even more frecjuent than allusions to
verses and words are references to figures
mentioned in the Qiir'an, particularly
prophets (see prophets and prophet-
hood), and events associated with them
(see narratives). Abraham (q.v.), the ideal
monotheist (see hanif) who destroyed the
idols (see idols and images) made by his
father Azar (q.v.; cf. (j 6:74); Moses (q.v.)
and the burning bush ((J 20: lof.); Jesus (q.v.)
who could heal the sick and revive the
dead, and give life to inanimate objects
with his breath (q 5:110; see death and
the dead; illness and health; mira-
cles; marvels) are but a few examples
from the rich prophetic lore of the Qvir'an
to which many south Asian poets may refer
(Schimmel, Two colored brocade, 62-79). I'^
many instances, however, these figures are
assigned interpretations and meanings that
are not obvious in the original qur'anic
text. For instance, q 21:69 mentions that
when the tyrant Nimrod (q.v.) threw
Abraham into a fire (q.v.), God saved him
by commanding the fire to be cool and
peaceful (see hot and cold; pairs and
pairing). In the hands of many poets,
Abraham becomes the .symbol of a daring
love that has the strength to accomplish
the most miraculous feats. Hence, the
seventh/thirteenth century poet Lai
Shahbaz Qalandar alludes to this qur'anic
verse when he joyously sings: "[Because
of] my friend's love, I dance every moment
in the midst of fire!" (as quoted in Schim-
mel, Two colored brocade, 63).
Similarly, God's response to Moses "you
shall not see me" (q 7:143; see seeing and
hearing) becomes in vernacular poems
SOUTH ASIAN LITERATURES
96
the standard answer that a veiled or other-
wise inaccessible beloved gives to a lover
who yearns to see his/her face. The most
dramatic reinterpretation of a qur'anic
figure, however, occurs in the case of
'Azazll/Iblis (Satan; see devil), the angel
who refused to bow to Adam (see ADAM
AND eve; bowing AND PROSTRATION) and
hence was cursed by God for disobedience
(q.v.; q_ 7:11 f ; see also insolence and
obstinacy; arrogance). While it is true
that in some south Asian literatures Iblls is
traditionally perceived as a character as-
sociated with rebellion (q.v.) and evil (see
GOOD and evil), he is viewed, in at least
one powerful current of Muslim mystical
poetry in the vernacular, as a positive
figure — the paradigmatic lover who suf-
fers for his unswerving loyalty to the one
beloved (Schimmel, Two colored brocade,
60-1). Shah 'Abdu 1-Latlf 's memorable line
in Sindhi bears eloquent testimony to this
tendency:
'Azazll is the lover, all others are frauds
The cursed one was honored by way of
love (Shah 'Abdu 1-Latlf, Risalo, Sur
Yaman Kalyan, v, 18, 32).
Although all major prophets named in the
Qiir'an appear in south Asian literatures,
perhaps the true favorite is Joseph (c[.v.;
Yusuf ), whose story is told in the twelfth
sura of the Qiir'an. The Joseph story,
which the Qiir'an calls "the most beautiful
of stories," has inspired epic narratives in
several south Asian languages such as
Bengali, Urdu, Panjabi and Sindhi. In
some instances, the epic has even been
illustrated with miniature paintings.
Typically, these epics interpret the ro-
mance between Joseph and Potiphar's wife
within a Sufi framework. Potiphar's wife,
identified in popular tradition as Zulaykha,
represents the woman-soul at the lowest
level of spiritual development — the nafs
ammara, or "the soul inciting to evil" (al-
nafsa la-ammdratun hi-l-su'a, C3 12:53), who
must first be transformed into the nafs
lawwdma, or "the blaming soul" (o 75:2)
and finally into "the soul at peace" {al-nafs
al-mutma'inna, cj 89:27) before she can be
accepted by the divine beloved.
It is, perhaps, inevitable that the "most
beautiful story" of the Qiir'an, when recast
in the vernacular tradition, would be ac-
culturated to the local environment, that is,
the composers of the vernacular epic
would set it within the geographical, social
and cultural milieu of their region. A typi-
cal example would be the Bengali poet.
Shah Muhammad Saghir (late thirteenth/
early fourteenth century c.E.), who com-
posed a version of the Yusuf-Zulaykha
epic set entirely in Bengal. In his version,
he recreates the landscape of Egypt with
the fauna and flora typical of Bengal,
introduces the river Nile as the Ganges,
gives the merchant who bought Joseph a
typical Bengali name, and has Zulaykha
send her feinale companions to Vrin-
davan, famed for being the location of the
dalliance between Krishna and the gopis,
"cow maids" (Roy, The Islamic tradition,
104-8).
The indigenization of the qur'anic story
of Joseph in the Bengali epic should also
be seen within the larger context of
Muslim Bengali literary culture and the
development of a distinctive Bengali
Muslim identity in medieval India that is
reflected in the genre of the puthi literature.
In this hterature, the qur'anic concept of
nabi/rasUl, or "prophet/messenger (q.v.)," is
identified with the local Hindu concept of
avatdra, "divine descent or incarnation."
This identification allowed authors to in-
corporate various Indian deities, particu-
larly Krishna, into a long line of qur'anic
prophets that ends with Muhammad (Roy,
The Islamic tradition, 95-7). Just as Islam in
the Middle Eastern context was seen as a
97
SOUTH ASIAN LITERATURES
culmination of Judeo-Cliristian monothe-
ism (see JEWS AND Judaism; christians
AND CHRISTIANITY), in medieval Bengal
and several other Indian regions, the re-
ligion came to be seen as the continuation
and culmination of the local Hindu tradi-
tion. Seen within this framework, the
Qur'an became the Veda (scripture) of the
Kali Tug, the last chronological age of
Hindu mythology.
Although such localized or acculturated
understandings of the prophetology of the
Qur'an and the Qiir'an itself have fre-
quently been characterized as syncretistic,
mixed or heterodox, they are, perhaps,
better understood as attempts to "trans-
late" universal Islamic teachings within
"local" contexts. The validity in approach-
ing vernacular Muslim poetry through the
lens of "translation theory," as proposed by
Tony Stewart (In search of equivalence), is
confirmed by the fact that communities
who recite and sing vernacular religious
poems frequently regard them as texts
which encapsulate the teachings of the
Arabic Qi_ir'an. Sindhi-speaking Muslims
in southern Pakistan revere Shah 'Abdu
1-Latlf 's poetic masterpiece in the Sindhi
language, the Risdlo, as a book that con-
tains within it the essence of the spiritual
teachings of the Qiir'an. Through his ex-
egetical remarks on dramatic moments and
events in popular Sindhi folk romances.
Shah 'Abdu 1-Latif is perceived to be con-
veying cjur'anic ideas on the spiritual sig-
nificance of the human situation. In the
Punjab, poems attributed to Punjabi Sufi
poets, such as Sultan Bahu (d. 1691 c.E.),
BuUhe Shah (d. 1754 c.E.) and Varis Shah
(d. 1766 C.E.), are also commonly regarded
as spiritual commentaries on qur'anic
verses. Similarly, the gindns, of the Khoja
Isma'lll communities of western India and
Pakistan, composed in various vernacular
languages such as Gujarati, Hindi, Punjabi
and Sindhi and embodying the teaching of
Isma'lll preacher-saints (see saint), have
also been regarded as texts embodying the
inner signification of the Qiir'an (Asani,
Ecstasy and enlightenment, 29-31).
The conception of some genres of ver-
nacular poetry (such as the Sindhi Risdlo,
Punjabi Sufi poems or the Isma'lll ^ZKflns) as
secondary texts that provide non-Arabic
speaking Muslims access to the inner (bdtin)
meaning of the Qur'an (see polysemy) is
not without parallels. In Persian-speaking
parts of the Muslim world, Mawlana Jalal
al-Din Ruml's Masnavui, popularly called
the "Qur'an in Persian," is regarded as a
vast esoteric commentary on the Qur'an,
many of its verses being interpreted as
translations of qur'anic verses into Persian
poetry (see Persian literature and the
(jur'an). Significantly, the mediating role
that these vernacular texts play between
the faithful and the Qur'an provides evi-
dence of a process that Paul Nwyia has so
aptly called the "Qur'anization of mem-
ory" [Ibn 'Atd' Allah, 46). Referring specifi-
cally to early Sufis, he argues that, because
they were constantly preoccupied with the
Qur'an as the word of God (q.v.), their
memories were eventually "qur'anized."
Consequently, they saw everything in the
light of the Qur'an, interpreting their own
experiences and contexts within the larger
framework of the revelation (see
REVELATION AND INSPIRATION). We may
extend Nwyia's perceptive comments to
include Muslim poets writing in the south
Asian vernaculars, many of whom were
influenced, directly or indirectly, by Sufi
ideas. Their worldviews were so thor-
oughly colored by cjur'anic ideas that even
though they did not always cite specific
qur'anic verses in their compositions, many
of their lines seem either to echo a
qur'anic concept or to be a literal transla-
tion of the qur'anic text into the vernacu-
lar (see LANGUAGE AND STYLE OF THE
q^ur'an). This is why the student of south
SOUTHEAST ASIAN
98
Asian Muslim literatures, wlietlier reading
tlie liighly philosophical Urdu poetry of
Sir Muhammad Iqbal (d. 1938 t;.E.) or lis-
tening to Punjabi songs attributed to the
folk poet BuUhe Shah, is often surprised to
discover that a seemingly simple line in the
vernacular is in fact inspired by a qur'anic
verse.
Ali S. Asani
Bibliography
Primary: Shah 'Abdu 1-LatTf, Shah jo risdlo, ed.
K. Advani, Bombay 1966.
Secondary: A.S. Asani, Ecstasy and enlightenment.
The Ismaili devotional literatures of south Asia,
London 2002; S.R. Haider, RumUz-i kaldm-i ams,
Allahabad 1997; P. Nwyia, Ihn 'Atd' Allah et la
naissance de la confrerie sddilite, Beirut 1970; A. Roy,
The Islamic syncreiistic tradition in Bengal, Princeton
1983; A. Schimmel, A two colored brocade. The
imagery of Persian poetry, London 1992; id.,^j
through a veil. Mystical poetry in Islam, New York
1982; T. Stewart, In search of equivalence. Con-
ceiving the Muslim-Hindu encounter through
translation theory, in History of religions 40/3
(2001), 260-87.
Southeast Asian Qiir'anic
Literature
This entry is meant to provide an overview
of literature of the Qrir'an in southeast
Asia, including both texts produced locally
and those imported from elsewhere in the
Muslim world that have been important
to the region's religious and intellectual
history.
Commentary in Arabic
As in many parts of the Muslim world, the
most popular Arabic work of commentary
(tafsir) in southeast Asia from the seven-
teenth through the nineteenth centuries
was the Tafsir al-Jalcilajn. In addition to
being read and studied in its original
Arabic, this text formed the primary basis
of the most popular early modern work in
Malay, the Tarjumdn al-mustafid of 'Abd al-
Ra'uf Singkeli. For three centuries, this
work remained the standard work of tafsir
in the Malay-language curricula of the
regions pesantren Islamic educational mi-
lieu. Other early Malay works of tafsir
drew on a range of Arabic texts, including
those of al-Baydawi (d. prob. 716/1316-17).
Despite their openness to works of tafsir
from elsewhere in the Muslim world, how-
ever, southeast Asian scholars were not
mere passive recipients of the Arabic tradi-
tion of tafsir. For some attained the erudi-
tion and proficiency to produce Arabic
works of their own. The most notable of
this type is Muhammad al-Nawawi Jawi
(Banten's; 1813-97) Mardh Labid (which
draws in large measure on Fakhr al-Din
al-Razi's [d. 606/1210] Tafsir al-Kabir; cf.
Johns, Qrir'anic exegesis), which has been
printed and distributed in the Middle East
as well as in southeast Asia.
Translations into southeast Asian languages
The earliest textual evidence we have of
qur'anic exegetical activity in Muslim
southeast Asia comes to us in a manuscript
containing the Arabic text of (j 18, Surat
al-Kahf ("The Cave"), written in red ink
along with a Malay translation and run-
ning commentary, primarily following al-
Baghawl(d. ca. 516/1122) and al-Khazin
(d. 740/1340), in black (Riddell, Islam and
the Malay-Indonesian world, 139-67). The
translation of such earlier commentaries
appears to have been largely eclipsed by
'Abd al-Ra'uf 's Tarjumdn al-mustafid in the
seventeenth century. While this work domi-
nated the field of qur'anic exegesis in
southeast Asia for generations, in the early
twentieth century an increasing amount of
attention was given to other, more recent
works of tafsir in Arabic as well. This
expansion of the curriculum of qur'anic
studies in the region was an important
aspect of broader developments of Islamic
reformism in modern southeast Asia.
Among the works translated in these
contexts were those of modern Muslim
99
SOUTHEAST ASIAN
exegetes of various orientations, both
from the Middle East and south Asia.
Indonesian translations of selections from
the Tafsir al-Mandr (a work initiated by the
Egyptian reformer Muhammad 'Abduh
and continued after his death in 1905 by
Rashid Rida) by various translators ap-
peared, starting in 1923. The Indonesian
translation of Maulana Muhammad 'All's
The holy Qur'dn and accompanying com-
mentary by Tjokroaminoto began to ap-
pear in 1928 but the Muhammadiyyah and
other Indonesian Muslim groups protested
the project for its Ahmadiyya (q.v.) orienta-
tion (see also translations of the
cjur'an). The pace of such translation ac-
tivity increased dramatically as the century
progressed, with economic development
under the New Order supporting a vibrant
publishing industry producing Indonesian
translations of Arabic-language works of
tafsir by Mahmud Shaltut, Mustafa al-
Maraghi and Sayyid Qtitb as well as thou-
sands of other Muslim religious texts.
Commentaries in southeast Asian languages
Manuscript collections and library hold-
ings in Indonesia and Europe contain a
remarkable range of works on the Qtir'an
written in a number of different southeast
Asian languages. One striking example
may be found in an early nineteenth-cen-
tury Makassarese text that offers a para-
phrase of the Qiir'an in that language.
Another method of qur'anic "translation"
and interpretation can be found in
Javanese literature, where a tradition
developed of inserting an interlinear
Javanese translation (written in pegon, or
modified Arabic script) into the text of the
Qtir'an itself. This tradition of pegon-script
qur'anic literature in Javanese continued
into the twentieth century with works like
the Tafsir al-Ibriz of Bisri Mustofa. An
analogous work in the Arabic script, or
jawi, an adaptation of the Arabic script
used for writing Malay, can be found in
Syekh Haji Abdul Karim AmruUah's al-
Burhdn, a commentary on the last thirtieth
part of the Qiir'an (juz' 'am).
Such works in jawi and pegon script were
accessible only to pesantren students, and as
the twentieth century progressed they were
thus largely overlooked by the bin"geoning
ranks of new readers literate in the
Roman, rather than Arabic script. Pub-
lishers catering to these growing markets
produced an explosion of works in various
fields of the Islamic religious sciences com-
posed in modern Bahasa Indonesia. One
of the first major original works of tafsir to
appear in this format was A. Hassan's
Tafsir al-Furqiin, which first appeared seri-
ally starting in 1928. This work by one of
the leading figures of the radical reformist
organization PERSIS is actually more of a
"translation" than a tafsir proper, as what
little non-literal interpretation there is
comes only in the form of short footnotes.
Nonetheless, it also contains a fairly
lengthy preface in which the author out-
lines his method of interpretation, laying
out a set of radical and narrowly scriptural
exegetical principles differing significantly
from most works produced in southeast
Asia before that time. When Hassan's work
appeared, a parallel project was already in
preparation by another Indonesian reform-
ist, Mahmoed Joenoes. This work, begun
in 1922, finally appeared in its first com-
plete published edition in 1938 and con-
tained a thirty-page indexed outline of
"the summarized essence of the Qiir'an"
for modern readers, in addition to an
Indonesian translation of the text and
explanatory footnotes.
From the 1950s on, one finds a steady
increase in the number of new tafsir works
written in the modern Indonesian lan-
guage with the Latin script. Among these
the Tafsir al-Azhar of Hamka (Haji Abdul
Malik Karim AmruUah) is one of the most
enterprising endeavors of modern qur'anic
exegesis, not just in southeast Asia, but in
SOUTHEAST ASIAN
the Muslim world as a whole. Although
often described as a "Modernist," Hamka's
thinking reflects a mixture of ideas and
orientations to the tradition ranging from
Sufism to Salafism. Hamka's work of tafslr
runs to ten volumes totaling over 8,000
pages in its hardcover edition. The work
began as a series of early morning lectures
at the al-Azhar mosque in Kebayoran,
Jakarta. The commentary expounded in
these oral settings was first published seri-
ally in the magazine Gema Islam. Shortly
after beginning the project, however,
Hamka was imprisoned by the increasingly
left-leaning government of Soekarno and
the work was thus completed during his
two years of incarceration. Hamka's copi-
ous commentary draws on a number of
authorities with a heavy emphasis on mod-
ern Egyptian exegetes. The commentary is
not, however, simply a rehashing of
Egyptian modernism under the rubric of
qur'anic exegesis but rather incorporates
select elements of Egyptian modernism
and other aspects of Muslim tradition with
considerable original material, including
even a number of rather revealing per-
sonal anecdotes. This work continues to
enjoy popularity not only in Indonesia but
in other parts of southeast Asia as well,
including Malaysia and Singapore, where
the "deluxe edition" was published by
Pustaka Nasional from 1982 to 1993.
With the establishment of Soeharto's
New Order regime in 1965, the Indonesian
government itself began to sponsor ambi-
tious projects in the area of tafsir. In 1967,
the Ministry of Religious Affairs initiated a
special foundation that was given the as-
signment of producing works of Qiir'an
translation and commentary. This resulted
in the publication of two major works: Al
Quraan dan terjemahannya, "The Qiir'an and
its translation," anAAl Quraan dan tafsirnya,
"The Qrir'an and its commentary." Both
works may be seen as officially-sponsored
attempts to provide Indonesian Muslims
with "standard" works of reference and
thus ensure a greater uniformity in na-
tional discourses on the sacred text.
Nevertheless, over the course of the twen-
tieth century the number of privately con-
ceived and published works of translation
and exegesis has continued to proliferate,
thus offering a considerable range of
interpretations of the text and its
exegetical traditions. These range from the
multi-volume works covering the entire
qur'anic text like that of Ash Shiddieqy's
Tafsir al-Qurdnul madjied "an-nur" to a host of
shorter works that deal only with certain
suras (especially o i, Surat al-Fatiha, "The
Opening"; see fatiha) or selections from
qur'anic narrative (see narratives).
Popular works of both of these latter
genres are those by Bey Arifin: Samudera
al-Fatihah and Rangkaian tjerita dalam al-
Quran, respectively. Later editions of the
latter relate embellished tales of Islamic
prophets and the early Muslim community
complete with illustrations (see prophets
AND prophethood). There are likewise a
number of handbooks on tajwid, qur'anic
recitation, an art form in which Indonesian
and Malay reciters have received
international acclaim.
Just a few years after the completion of
these works another Indonesian translation
of the Qiir'an was published by the well-
known literary critic H.B. Jassin. It was
entitled Bacaan mulia, "the glorious read-
ing," an Indonesian rendering of al-Qur'dn
al-karim, and met with strong criticism from
conservative w/a/na'who objected to the
fact that it claimed to be a "poetic" transla-
tion (see poetry and poets; languaoe
AND STYLE OF THE our'an). Critical re-
sponses appeared in a number of Indone-
sian magazines and newspapers and some
even found their way into a number of
polemic monographs. Jassin, however,
seemed undeterred by all of this; some
fifteen years later he published another
edition of the Qiir'an, this one in Arabic
SOUTHEAST ASIAN
rather than in Indonesian translation. Tliis
work, entitled al-Qur'dn berwajah puisi, did
not alter the contents of the Qvir'an in any
substantive way but rather experimented
with new typographical arrangements of
the Arabic text that highlighted its rhyth-
mic and assonant qualities — giving it,
in a sense, a "poetic" face (see form and
STRUCTURE OF THE q^ur'an). Following
the publication of this text, many of
Jassin's earlier critics resurfaced to protest
what they saw as his "deviation" from
the established practice of printing the
qur'anic text (see printing of the
c3Ur'an), resulting in a new wave of pub-
lic polemics and hampering the distribu-
tion of Jassin's text.
At about the same time tliat these
developments were taking place in
Indonesia, we see an unprecedented
upsurge in the production of works of
Qur'an "translation" and exegesis in a
wide range of southeast Asian languages
beyond Malay/Indonesian. Prominent
among them were a number of commen-
taries in Sundanese, including those of
Qamaruddin Shaleh and Muhammad
Ramli. Yet such activity was not even re-
stricted to soutlieast Asian languages with
predominantly Muslim speakers. For, at
this time we find the first full Thai transla-
tion of the Qiir'an, completed by Direk
Kulsiriswasd, a.k.a. Ibrahim Qiireyshi.
The translation of the Qiir'an into
Vietnamese is an even more recent phe-
nomenon, the first example of which the
present writer is aware having been pub-
lished not in southeast Asia but in southern
California in 1997. Two of the first sig-
nificant works on the Qiir'an in Tagalog
date back to the early 1980s. The first, Ang
banal na Kuran, is a fairly straightforward
translation following the order of the stan-
dard arrangement of the text in Arabic.
The second is a topically arranged treat-
ment of legal categories and related con-
cepts as illustrated by qur'anic verses. In
each section the verse is given first in
English (text from Yusuf 'All's translation)
and then followed by a Tagalog translation
without further commentary.
This approach to topical (mawdu'T) tafsTr
was also gaining popularity in Indonesia
during the 1980s. Works of this kind ap-
pealed more to a modern lay Muslim read-
ership than did works following the more
traditional, verse-by-verse (tartlb al-dycit)
arrangement. One of the most ambitious
works of this type is Dawam Rahardjo's
700-plus page Ensiklopedi al-Qur'an, which is
comprised of chapters dealing with topics
like "justice," "mercy," "religion," "knowl-
edge," etc. In addition to this, the work
also contains important chapters on his
interpretive methodology and his under-
standing of the "social vision" of the
Qiir'an (see ethics and the qur'an;
social SCIENCES AND THE CJUR'aN;
community and SOCIETY IN THE QUR'an).
Other significant Indonesian works of this
type include the work of Jalaluddin Rakh-
mat, a popular preacher from Bandung
with a degree in communications from the
University of Iowa.
With such work we enter a new period in
the history of interpretive literature on the
Qur'an in Indonesia, one in which tra-
ditional methodologies have largely given
way to works addressing tire needs of a
wider readership whose education has not
been in the traditional Islamic sciences (see
TOOLS FOR THE STUDY OF THE OUr'an;
traditional DISCIPLINES OF {^UR'aNIC
study). Over the past decade, these de-
velopments have been paralleled by a
marked increase in Indonesian translations
of works of modern qur'anic scholarship
that have been produced not in Arabic but
in Western languages by Muslim scliolars
working in European and North American
university contexts. Some of the most pop-
ular works of this type have been transla-
tions of Fazlur Rahman's Alajor themes of the
Qur'an and Muhammad Arkoun's Lectures
S O VERE IGNT Y
du Coran (see contemporary iiritical
PRACTICES AND THE qUR^AN).
R. Michael Feeiier
Bibliography
'Abd al-Ra'uf Singkeli, al-Qur^dn al-kanm. wa-bi-
hdmishih. Tarjumdn al~mustafid, 2 vols., Cairo 1951
(injawi); Al Quraan dan tafsirnya, 11 vols., Jakarta
1975 (in Bahasa Indonesia); Al Quraan dan terje-
mflAflHHjfl, Jakarta 1967 (in Bahasa Indonesia);
M.M. Ali, Qper'an soetji, disertai salinan dan
keterangan dalam bahasa melajoe, Weltevreden 1928
(in Bahasa Indonesia); H.A.K. Amrullah, Al-
Burhdn, Sungai Batang/Manindjau 1935 (injawi);
B. Arihn, Rangkaian tjerita dalam al-Qur'dn, Ban-
dung 1963 (in Bahasa Indonesia); id., Samudera al-
Fatihah, Bandung 1968 (in Bahasa Indonesia);
A.R.H. Bruce, Ang banal na Kuran, Manila 1982
(in Tagalog); R. M. Feener, Notes toward a
history of qur'anic exegesis in southeast Asia, in
Studia Islamika 3 (1998), 47-76; Hanika, Tafsir al-
^^Aflri, Jakarta 1967-73 (in Bahasa Indonesia);
A. Hassan, Tafsir al- Fur qdn, Bangil 1986 (in
Bahasa Indonesia); H.B. Jassin, _i4/-Qz/ranM
H-karim. Bacaan mu/za, Jakarta 1977 (in Bahasa
Indonesia); id., Kontroversi al-Qur'dn berwajah puisi,
Jakarta 1995 (in Bahasa Indonesia); M. Joenoes,
Tafsir Quran Aanm, Jakarta 1954 (in Bahasa
Indonesia); A.H.Johns, Qiir'anic exegesis in the
Malay-Indonesian world. An introductory
survey, in A. Saeed (ed.). Approaches to the Qur'dn
in contemporary Indonesia, London (Oxford
University Press) 2005 (forthcoming); id.,
Qiir'anic exegesis in the Malay world. In search
of a profile, in Rippin, Approaches, 257-87; id.,
Qur'anic exegetes and exegesis. A case study in
the transmission of Islamic learning, in P. Riddell
and T. Street (eds.), Islam. Essays on scripture,
thought and society, Leiden 1997, 4-49; H.A. Karim,
Kinh Qur'dn, Santa Ana, CA 1997 (in Vietnamese);
S. Keijzer, De twee eerste Soera's van den
Javaanschen Koran, in Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land-
en Volkenkunde 10 (1863), 314-66; I.M. al-L. de
Leon, The meaning of the holy Qur'dn in Tagalog on
Islamic legislation, Manila 1982; H.C. Millies,
Inleiding. Proeven eener Makassarsche vertaling
des Korans door B.F. Matthes, in Bijdragen tot de
Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde 3 (1856), 89-106; K.B.
Mustofa, al-Ibriz li-ma'rifat tafsir al-Qur'dn al-'aziz,
Kudus i960 (in Javanese); NawawT al-jawl, Mardh
Labid li-kashf ma'nd Qur'dn majTd, 2 vols., Beirut
1997; M.D. Rahardjo, Ensiklopedi al-Qur'dn. Tafsir
sosial berdasarkan konsep-konsep A:^^^, Jakarta 1996
(in Bahasa Indonesia); J. Rakhmat, Tafsir bil
ma'tsur. Pesan moral Alquran, Bandung 1994 (in
Bahasa Indonesia); K.H.M. ^?ira\\, Al kitabul
mubin. Tafsir al-Qur'dn basa sundai, 2 vols..
Bandung 1981 (in Sundanese); P. Riddell, Islam
and the Malay-Indonesian world. Transmissions and
responses, Honolulu 2001; H.Q. Shaleh, Tardjaman
DjuzAmma, Bandung 1965 (in Sundanese); M.H.
Shiddiqy, Tafsir al-Qurdnul madjied "an-nur",
Jakarta 1965 (in Bahasa Indonesia).
Sovereignty
(Sole) authority and power, rulership. In
exploring the notion of sovereignty much
care should be given to terminology.
Sovereignty generally means authority
(q.v.) and power (see power and
impotence) but it lacks precise definition
and has many divergent interpretations in
English usage as do its cognates in other
Western languages. The word hdkimiyya, a
derivative of the verb hakama, has been
commonly used in modern Islamic thought
to denote sovereignty. The form hdkimiyya
itself does not occur in the Qiu^'an but
hakama and other derivatives of h-k-m. are
used in more than a hundred places. The
verb hakama primarily means "to restrain
from doing that which is desired." In
Arabic dictionaries it signifies "to judge,
decide order, exercise authority, ride and
govern." An examination of the occur-
rences of the word and its derivatives in
the Qur'an reveals that they have been as-
sociated with both God and human beings
but at varying levels and for varying types
of authority (see also judgment; wisdom).
The doctrine of God occupies a central
position in the qur'anic discourse, where
God is portrayed with absolute authority
over the world. Among the terms used to
signify his divine authority is hakama and its
derivatives. For instance, hakam, hakim and
hakim are all attributes of God that include
his qualities as lord (q.v.) and rider of the
universe (see god and his attributes;
creation). The Qur'an has also empha-
sized repeatedly that hukm, "command,
judgment and decision," belongs ulti-
mately to God (e.g. q 95:8; 11:45; 12:40;
103
S O VERE IGNTY
13:41; 18:26). The usage of the term in the
Qiir'an has been understood to comprise
several significant concepts. Tlieologically,
it is understood to signify that God deter-
mines and causes all that happens in the
universe (q 4:78; 7:54; see freedom and
predestination) and that he is the sole
adjudicator among humans on the day of
the judgment ((J 22:55-7; see last
judgment). On the other hand, God is also
viewed as a lawgiver in the sense that he
prescribes the rules that govern human
affairs (see law and the q^ur'an;
boundaries and precepts). On the basis
of these understandings, it has been ar-
gued that sovereignty belongs to God, not
only in the theological sense but also in the
political and legal sense (Qiitb, ^ildl,
II91-9, 1213-34; see THEOLOGY AND THE
q^ur'an; politics and the ^ur'an).
But the Qiir'an does not confine hukm to
God alone. It is assigned also to various
humans: to the rabbis and scholars (q.v.)
who judge, jiaMMm, applying the Torah
(q.v.) code (q 5:44; see JEWS and Judaism);
to David (q.v.) who was commanded to
judge between people justly (c3 38:26; see
JUSTICE and injustice); to Muhammad
who must judge in accordance with the
Qiir'an (cf. C3 4:65, 105). And, there are two
further incidents where the authority of
hukm is conferred: on the arbitrators who
settle a marriage dispute (c) 4:35; see
MARRIAGE AND DIVORCE) or estimate the
compensation to be paid by a pilgrim as
atonement (q.v.) for the sin (see sin, major
AND minor) of killing game during the pil-
grimage (q.v.; (I 5:95; see also hunting
AND fishing).
Closely related to the term hdkimiyya are
two other terms relevant to the concept of
sovereignty in the Qiir'an: uluhijya (divin-
ity) and mulk (kingship). Uliihiyya denotes,
among other things, the absolute right of
command over the creation (e.g. Q_ 7:54)
and the authority to legislate for human-
kind (e.g. C3 42:21), both of which belong
exclusively to God. Therefore, it appears
that the term uliihiyya comprises the mean-
ings that those who assigned sovereignty to
God wanted to attribute to him. On the
other hand, human governance has been
mostly denoted by derivatives of m-l-k,
such as mulk (e.g. Q 2:102, 251, 258; 12:43,
50, 54, 72, 76, lOi) though it has sometimes
been used to refer to God's sovereignty
(Ci 3:26; 23:116; see KINGS AND rulers). Ibn
Khaldun (d. 808/1406), the famous
Muslim historian and sociologist, defines
the nature of mulk in a way that is very
similar to the Western concepts of politi-
cal, legal and coercive sovereignty (see also
TOLERANCE AND COMPULSION; OPPRES-
SION; OPPRESSED ON EARTH, the). He says:
Mulk, in reality, belongs only to one who
dominates the subjects, subjugates the peo-
ple, collects revenues (see taxation; poll
tax), sends out military expeditions, and
protects the frontiers; and there is no other
human power over him. This is generally
accepted as the real meaning of the true
character of mulk (Ibn Khaldun, Muqad-
dima, ii, 574).
Historically, the slogan of the Kharijis
(q.v.) that hukm belongs to God alone seems
to be the earliest use of the term in politics.
Modern Muslim reformers have attempted
to find an Islamic equivalent to the
Western concepts of political and legal
sovereignty (see exegesis of the cjur'an:
EARLY modern AND CONTEMPORARY). A
number of them, including Namiq Kemal
(d. 1888), Rashid Rida (d. 1935) and Hasan
al-Bamia (d. 1949), advocated the view that
Islam approves of popular sovereignty.
Others, among them Abu A'la 1-Mawdudl
(d. 1979) and Sayyid Qiitb (d. 1966), denied
that sovereignty can be attributed to a
human being and argued that it belongs
exclusively to God. In spite of those dif-
ferences about the type and location of
sovereignty, it appears that many accept
SPATIAL RELATIONS
104
the principle of tlie supremacy of God's
laws, the shana, the rights of the ruler and
the role of the people in the collective
decision-making process in Muslim politics.
Bustami Khir
Bibliography
Primary: Ibn Khaldun, Abu Bakr 'Abel al-
Rahman b. Muhammad, al-Aiuqaddima, trans.
F. Rosenthal, 3 vols., London 1985; Qiitb, ^ildl.
Secondary: I. Ahmed, Sovereignty, Islamic and
modern. Conception of sovereignty in Islam, Karachi
1965; D. Gimaret, Les noms divins en Islam, Paris
1988, 271-2, 347-9; B. Khir, The concept of sover-
eignty in modern Islamic political thought, Leeds 1996.
Sowing see AGRICULTURE .
VEGETATION
Spatial Relations
Relative physical and geographic place-
ment (above, below, close, etc.). In Islamic
tradition, the qur'anic corpus is under-
stood as consisting of two kinds of text
units, Meccan suras and Medinan suras
(see MECCA; Medina; sijra). While this di-
vision serves the juridical purpose of dis-
tinguishing earlier texts from later texts (see
abrogation), by such geographic iden-
tification suras are explicitly related to
places (see geography and the qur'an)
rather than time periods (see chronology
and the cjur'an). This is in accord with a
general qur'anic trend to focus on space
rather than time (q.v.). The Qur'an fur-
thermore displays a strong tendency to
arrange essential phenomena of creation
in pairs, sometimes antithetical, sometimes
complementary (see pairs and pairing;
RHETORIC AND THE OUr'an). Although
there occasionally occurs a similar kind of
structuring speech in the Bible — see the
passages about God's promise to Noah [Gen
8:22) or the sequence of antithetical men-
tal dispositions (in Koh 3:1-8) — this ten-
dency is much further developed in the
Qiir'an (see Neuwirth, Qiir'anic literary
structure revisited; see literary
STRUCTURES OF THE Q^UR'an; FORM AND
STRUCTURE OF THE qur'an). Among the
many phenomena presented as coupled in
the Qiir'an, spatial notions figure promi-
nently. They are presented in some cases as
related closely enough to constitute to-
gether one complete whole — linguistically
reflected in the rhetorical figure of a me-
rismos (see Lausberg, Handbuch). Although
each part of the pair does exist by itself, it
is always perceived as related to the other.
Among these pairs, we find in the early
suras the figure of "present life/hereafter"
[al-hajdt al-dunyd/ al-dkhira; see
eschatology; earth; transitoriness;
eternity), as well as that of paradise (q.v.)
and hell [al-janna andjahannam; see hell
and hellfire; garden). A less tightly
connected pair in the early suras is Mecca
and the holy land (see sacred and
profane; sac.red precincts). It is exactly
this pair, however, that will gain impor-
tance in the later suras, where it appears
emblematically coded as al-masjid al-
hardm/ al-masjid al-aqsd, the first being a
coded designation of Mecca, the second of
Jerusalem (q.v.). In the later Meccan suras,
the biblical pair heaven and earth (q.v.;
al-samd' wa-l-ard / al-samdwdt wa-l-ard) axe
frequently invoked (see heavens and sky;
scripture and the our'an). a more mar-
ginal relation is that between Egypt (q.v.)
and the holy land as portrayed in C) 12
(Surat Yusuf, "Joseph") and in the story of
the Children of Israel (q.v.; Banu Isra'll), as
narrated repeatedly throughout the de-
veloping revelation of the (Qur'an. Mecca
and Medina are never juxtaposed explicitly
in the Qiir'an, nor is the migration of the
Prophet and his adherents portrayed in the
Qiir'an (see emigration; emigrants and
helpers). Another relation between cities
105
SPATIAL RELATIONS
(see city) appears more significant: Mecca
and, later, Medina are virtually related to a
third, symbolic center — Jerusalem — a
relation that develops into Mecca's absorp-
tion of Jerusalem's prerogatives (see
Nenwirth, Spiritual meanings). Whereas a
real journey is made from Mecca to
Medina, a virtual and symbolic trajectory
leads from Medina back to Mecca. In the
following the three most prominent com-
plementary (or antithetical) figures of spa-
tial relations will be discussed, as well as
some less explicit ones.
Earthly life and the hereafter, al-hayat al-
dmiya/al-akhira
Since the early suras are dominated by the
imagination of eschatology, it is the
antagonism of the present life and the
hereafter [al-hajdt al-dunjd vs. al-haydt al-
dkhira) that appears first in the Qvir'an.
Whereas the English translation of the pair
might suggest a temporal rather than a
spatial relation, the Qvir'an obviously views
the two worlds as spatial units. This is all
the more surprising since the likely rab-
binical model for the idea of the two
worlds (see jEws and Judaism; foreign
vocabulary), the Hebrew notion of ha-
'oldm ha-zeh vs. ha-'dldm ha-bd, this world vs.
the coming world, does presuppose a tem-
poral secjuence, 'dldm being a temporal
term in both Hebrew and Aramaic ('almd).
It is noteworthy, however, that with respect
to terminology, the Hebrew discourse of
the two temporally juxtaposed worlds did
leave a trace in the Qiir'an, which from the
middle Meccan suras onward (the two first
instances being still early Meccan, C3 81:29
and Q^ 83:6) employs the formula rabb al-
dlamin to express a crucial divine predi-
cate, one that becomes a standard formida
through the Fatiha (q.v; see Neuwirth,
Fatiha). Although rabb al-'dlamin reflects
Hebrew ribbon 'dldm (in the sense of "lord
[q.v.] of eternity [q.v.]"), the Arabic cog-
nate of 'dldm, i.e. 'dlam, which appears in
the Qiir'an exclusively as 'dlamin (see trans-
lation of I John 4:19), is not always used in
a temporal sense but in some instances
seems rather to denote the inhabited
earthly world, represented by humans.
'Alamin in this sense (which is reflected in
various translations of the Qiir'an into
western languages) could be explained as a
contracted plural of an adjectival form
(nisba), 'dlami.
It appears, however, as if 'dlamin was at
first used in another sense: to denote some-
thing like "eternity," such as in the formula
rabb al-'dlamin (early suras, C3 56:80; 69:43;
81:29; 83:6) which is a loan from the
Hebrew but is well isolated from the word
rabb in dhikrun lil-'dlamin (q 68:52; 81:27),
perhaps in the sense of "a remembrance
(q.v.) forever." Only later, from middle
Meccan suras onward, do contexts like
wafaddalndhum 'aid l-'dlamin (q 45:16; see
grace; blessing) or nisd' al-'dlamin (o 3:42;
see WOMEN AND THE qur'an), suggesting
the meaning of "humans," occur. It is
worth noting that the word 'dlam in
Christian Arabic expresses a spatial notion
(see I John 4:19), obviously reproducing the
signification of the Greek kosmos, which is a
spatial rather than temporal notion.
The qur'anic structuring of the universe
into two worlds is certainly inspired by the
imagination of the Aristotelian-Ptolemaic
edifice of the universe as made up of
spheres viewed as encompassing each
other (see cosmology). The lowest or clos-
est of these is encompassed by the "nearest
heaven," al-samd' al-dunyd (q 67:5), which is
the world, and by the last (al-dkhira), i.e. the
most remote, which is the transcendent
world, hosting the heavenly court. Since
paradise is imagined in the Qiir'an to be
situated in a higher place than the earth,
al-dkhira, the "last," may well be alluding to
the highest, the "last sphere."
Whereas in early and middle Meccan
SPATIAL RELATIONS
io6
texts al-dunja is always positioned as an
attribute to al-haydt, and al-dkhira — tliougli
not directly connected to al-dunjd — refers
back to al-haydt as well, in late Meccan and
Medinan siiras, al-dunyd becomes an in-
dependent designation of the earthly
world, as does al-dkhira (which also appears
as ddr al-dkhira, C3 28:77) for the hereafter. In
these texts the direct juxtaposition al-dunyd
wa-l-dkhira (^ 12:101) marking a
merismos — the earthly world and the here-
after equals reality in toto — becomes
familiar.
Paradise versus hell, al-janna vs. jahannam [or
al-nar, al-sa'ir, al-jahim, al-hutama)
This pair, another major element of es-
chatology does not appear in direct jux-
taposition, though the two abodes are
described almost always in close context
with each other. Jahannam is the second
most common (seventy-seven occurrences)
designation of hell in the Qiir'an after al-
ndr. Jahannam. originally denotes a site in
Jerusalem, Ge Hinnom, the valley of Bne
Hinnom, the biblical locus of the immola-
tion of human offspring to Moloch [Jer
7:3if.). The eschatological landscape of
Jerusalem, which locates the diverse stages
of the resurrection in single parts of the
city (see Neuwirth, The spiritual meaning),
is otherwise not reflected in the Qiir'an; it
will come to the fore in early Umayyad
times. The name is obviously already es-
tablished as a geographically neutral term
in Christian tradition and has possibly en-
tered Arabic through Ethiopian (Jeffery,
For vocab., 105-6; see christians and
Christianity).
[AI-] janna is the counterpart of the bibli-
cal ^an or gan 'eden. As a designation for
paradise, the primordial human abode, its
biblical use does not denote the hereafter,
eschatological thinking having emerged
only after the completion of most biblical
books. [AI-] janna is from middle Meccan
times onward connected with the deter-
mination Eden ('adn) which, however, has
no topographical reference in qur'anic cre-
ation (q.v.) stories. In early suras paradise
and hell are often depicted with cognate
literary devices, their respective attributes
often matching each other, the one being
extremely delightful, the other extremely
abhorrent. Their depiction tends to be
structured as constituting equal numbers of
verses (e.g. o 51:10-14, 15-19; five verses
each) or as two verse groups displaying a
proportional relation to each other (e.g.
Q, 69:19-24 as against 69:25-37, six and thir-
teen verses, respectively; see form and
STRUCTURE OF THE q^ur'an). As such, they
remind one of the closely juxtaposed picto-
rial representations of both forms of the
hereafter that are familiar from Christian
ecclesiastical iconography, thus suggesting
the designation of "diptycha" (see
Neuwirth, Studien). ^oXhjanna andjahannam
share the presence of trees and abundant
water,janna, however, being shRdj, jahannam
being burning hot. Both are eternal abodes
for their inhabitants. The most impressive
depiction of paradise is presented in C3 55
(Sural al-Rahman, "The Merciful"; see
GOD and his attributes), one of the few
cases where the negative counterpart jaAan-
nam is marginalized (see Neuwirth,
Qur'anic literary structure). The biblical
characterization of paradise as a landscape
where four mythic rivers are flowing is re-
flected in the Qiir'an in a more general
way, the phrase "rivers flowing beneath it"
[tajnmin tahtihd l-anhdru; cf q^ 18:31) being
often added to the mention oi janna (see
SPRINGS AND FOUNTAINS). A characteristic
of the cjur'anic paradise that has no coun-
terpart in the Bible is the existence of vir-
tuous virgins destined to become the wives
of the resurrected males (c3 44:54; 55:56-8;
see HOURis; myths and legends in the
(JUr'an). The banquets in which they
participate have been interpreted by
J. Horovitz (Das koranische Paradies) as mag-
nifications of festal banquets familiar in
loy
SPATIAL RELATIONS
the circles of tribal elites and thus well-
known to the Qiir'an's listeners from an-
cient Arabic poetry (see poetry and
poets; pre-islamic Arabia and the
(3Ur'an). The hypothesis that the presence
of virgins in the Qiir'an is due to a mis-
reading of the text (see Luxenberg, Die
syro-aramdische Lesarf) is unfounded (see
Wild, Lost in translation). These depic-
tions are exclusively early and middle
Meccan; later, once a community had been
established where women played vital
roles, the issue of transcendent happiness
had to be rethought. In the course of that
development, family members took the
place of the houris as companions to the
males in paradise. In the early suras, para-
dise and hell appear to be juxtaposed; the
antagonism between earth and paradise,
resulting from the first couple's expulsion
from al-janna (see fall of man), is intro-
duced only in later texts, where, however, it
does not play as momentous a role as in
Christianity.
Mecca and the holy land
In their introductory sections, a few suras
focus on a place or a set of places held sa-
cred in monotheistic tradition, to which
Mecca has been added: cj 52:1-6 (Mount
Sinai and Mecca), (J 95-1-3 (Mount Sinai,
and, perhaps symbolically coded,
Palestine — wa-l-tin wa-l~ziylun, "the fig
and the olive," and Mecca — hddhd l~balad
al-amin, "this safe city"), whereas in
Q_ 90:1-2 Mecca [hddhd l-balad, "this city") is
mentioned alone. The places are obviously
regarded as being related, Mecca thus be-
ing put in a position that allows it to share
the blessing inherent in the other place(s).
The relation between Mecca and the holy
land is thus established from the beginning
of the Qiir'an's development. In middle
and late Meccan suras the holy land, al-ard
al-muqaddasa (q^ 5:21), al-ard allati bdraknd
hawlahd/JThd, literally, "the land that we
have blessed" (c3 21:71; cf. 7:137; 17:1; 34:18),
is evoked on different occasions. At this
stage, the earlier reminiscences of Arabian
salvation (q.v.) history, the sites of 'Ad
(q.v.), Thamud (q.v.) and other ancient
peoples are replaced by recollections of
biblical history featuring the Children of
Israel (see Speyer, Erzdhlungen). Local lieux
de memoire are substituted by geographically
remote ones and a new topographia sacra
emerges, adopted from the "others," not
the genealogical, but the spiritual fore-
bears. The community that was in late
Meccan time urged to go into an inner
exile yearned for a substitute for the emo-
tionally alienated and politically hostile
landscape of their origin. Through the
adoption of the orientation in prayer, the
qibla (q.v.), towards Jerusalem dating to the
last years of Muhammad's Meccan activi-
ties, a trajectory has been constructed.
(3 17:1, the sole verse that connects the holy
land directly with the biography of the
Prophet (see Neuwirth, Sacred mosque; see
sira and the q^ur'an; ascension), is also
a testimony of the establishment of the
first qibla (see also geooraphy). This ori-
entation taken by a community in spiritual
exile towards the spiritual home is under-
stood as an emulation of the practice of
Moses (q.v.) who in Egypt, equally in a situ-
ation of external pressure, ordered the
Children of Israel to adopt a qibla (o 10:87)
for their prayer (q.v).
Only a few years later, in Medina, as a
result of complex developments, the trajec-
tory from the familiar but now banned
and forbidden hometown Mecca to the
"remote," imaginary sanctuary of
Jerusalem is called into question. When,
after the battle of Badr (q.v.), hostility be-
tween the community and the Medinan
Jews broke out, the incompatibility of the
rivahng lieux de memoire, the two topographiae
sacrae, Jerusalem with the holy land on the
one hand and Mecca with the HijazI land-
scape on the other, became evident. The
spiritual return of the worshippers to the
SPEECH
io8
Ka'ba (q.v.) at Mecca is heralded in the
verses that prescribe the realignment of
the orientation in prayer, now directed
towards Mecca (q^ 2:142-4). In the prayer of
Abraham (q.v.; (j 2:i26f.), finally, the Ka'ba
appears as the monument of a new divine
foundation. According to Abraham's in-
augural prayer, verbal worship (q.v.) and
the reading of scripture shall take place in
this sanctuary in addition to the constitu-
tive rites of the ancient cult (see also
RITUAL AND THE q^ur'an) that reflects
Solomon's prayer at the inauguration of
his Temple (i Kings 33-4). The prayer re-
lated in the Qiir'an reaches its fulfillment
with the appearance of the prophet
Muhammad and the emergence of a scrip-
ture for the worshippers of the ancient cult
(see book; hanif). What had been a pre-
rogative of Jerusalem to be the site of di-
vine communication [ha 2:3) is finally
conferred on Mecca (see revelation and
inspiration). Finally, both Mecca and the
peninsula acquire biblical associations and
become the site of monotheistic salvation
history.
Various further spatial relations have
been discussed in the context of other
articles or in monographs: for heaven and
earth (al-samdwdt wa-l-ard), see
cosmology; for the hidden and the re-
vealed [al-ghayb and al-shahdda), see hidden
AND THE HIDDEN and Izutsu, God; for earth
and the two oceans, see barrier;
barzakh; for world vs. underworld (the
story of Moses in (J 18:60-82), see Francke,
Begegnung mit Khidr (see also
khadir/khidr). See also left hand and
RIGHT hand; symbolk; imagery.
Angelika Neuwirth
Bibliography
P. Francke, Begegnung mit Khidr. Qiiellenstudien zum
Imaginaeren im traditionellen Islam, Beirut/Stuttgart
2000; J. Horovitz, Das koranische Paradies. Scripta
universitatis atque bibliothecae hierosolymitarum.
Orientalia et Judaica volumen /, Jerusalem 1923;
Izutsu, God; H. Lausberg, Handbuch der literarischen
Rhetorik. Eine Grundlegung der Literaturwissenschaft,
Munich i960; Ch. Luxenberg, Die syro-aramdische
Lesart des Koran. Ein Beitrag zur Entschlusselung der
Koransprache, Berlin 2000; A. Neuwirth, From the
sacred mosque to the remote temple. Surat al-
Isra' between text and commentary, in J.D.
McAuliffe, B. Walfish and J. Goering (eds.). With
reverence for the word, Oxford 2003, 376-407; id.,
Qiir'anic literary structure revisited. Sural al-
Rahinan between mythic account and
decodation of inyth, in S. Leder, Story-telling in the
framework of non-fictional Arabic literature,
Wiesbaden 1998, 388-420; id.. The spiritual
meaning of Jerusalem in Islam, in N. Rosovsky
(ed.). City of the great king Jerusalem from David to the
present, Cambridge, MA 1996, 93-116, 483-95; id,
Studien; id. and K. Neuwirth, SUrat al-Fdtiha.
Eroeffnung des Text-Corpus Koran oder Introi
tus der Gebetsliturgie?, in W. Gross, H. Irsigler
and T Seidl (eds.). Text, Methode und Grammatik.
Wolfgang Richter zum 6^. Geburtstag, St. Ottilien
1991, 331-58; Speyer, Erzdhlungen; S. Wild, Lost in
translation. The virgins of paradise in the
Qiir'an, in M. Marx, A. Neuwirth, N. Sinai
(eds.). The Qur'dn in context. Historical and literary
investigations into the cultural milieu of the Qiir'dn,
Leiden (forthcoming).
Speech
The act of speaking and the expression or
communication of tliouglits and feelings
by spoken words. The Arabic word for
"speech" is kaldm. It is derived from the
root k-l-m, just like the Arabic verbs "to
speak," kallama and takallama. Several other
qur'anic verbs refer to the act of speaking,
such as the verbs qdla, "to say," nataqa, "to
articulate," and nddd, "to call or shout."
Some verbs indicate the speaker's inten-
tion, such as sa'ala, "to ask," ajdba, "to
answer," nabba'a, "to inform" (see news),
wa'ada, "to promise" (see reward and
punishment), nahd, "to forbid" (see
forbidden; virtues and vices, com-
manding AND forbidding), and amara,
"to command."
The most important speaking person in
the Qiir'an is God. He brings things into
log
SPEECH
existence by speaking to tliem and ordering
them to exist. He says to a thing "Be!"
(kun), whereupon the thing in question ex-
ists (c) 2:117; 3:47; 6:73; 16:40; 36:82; 40:68;
see cosmology). After God had created
Adam from dust (see ADAM and eve;
creation; clay), he said to liim "Be,"
whereupon Adam existed (c3 3:59). God
may also speak to something and order it
to change its quality. When Abraliam's
(q.v.) people intended to burn him, God
said to the fire (q.v.) "Be cool!" (^ 2i:6g; see
HOT AND cold). Another example of a
divine command that affects a change is
God's ability to end people's lives, by or-
dering them: "Die!" (c) 2:243; see death
AND THE dead).
God speaks to the creatures he has cre-
ated. There are some qiir'anic reports of
conversations between God and the angels
(see angel). Before God created Adam, he
informed the angels of that [q_ 15:28; 38:71)
and they commented on it (cj 2:30). After
the creation of Adam, God ordered the
angels to prostrate themselves to Adam
(a 2:34; 7:11; 15:29; 17:61; 18:50; 38:72; see
bowing and prostration). Thereupon a
discussion took place between God and
Iblls (see devil) who refused to do so
(a 7:12-18; 15:32-42; 17:61-5; 38:75-85; see
insolence and obstinacy; arrogance;
pride). Adam was the first human being to
whom God spoke: "He taught Adam all
the names" [q_ 2:31; see teaching;
KNOWLEDGE AND LEARNING). The CXegeteS
disagree about whether God taught Adam
the name of everything there is or simply
the names of angels or humans (Tabarl,
Tafsir, ad c) 2:31; see exegesis of the
our'an: classical and medieval). Some
Arab grammarians (see grammar and the
q^ur'an; ARABIC LANGUAGE) referred to
this verse to support their opinion that hu-
man speech finds its origin in revelation
(see revelation and inspiration). They
rejected the idea that language is the result
of agreement between humans (Versteegh,
Arabic linguistic tradition, 101-2). God also
spoke to Adam and his wife when he told
them to live in paradise (q.v.) but not to
approach the tree [of immortality] ((J 2:35;
see trees; eternity). After their disobedi-
ence (q.v.), God spoke to them again, when
he told them to leave paradise (q 2:38;
20:123).
These conversations took place in para-
dise (q.v.) but God also spoke to prophets
(see prophets and prophethood) who
lived as human beings in this world. God
spoke to Noah (q.v.; e.g. o 11:46), Abraham
(e.g. o 2:124), Moses (q.v.; e.g. o 7:143-4),
Jesus (q.v.; e.g. C3 3:55) and Muhammad
(q.v.). In most accounts of these commu-
nications, the verb "to say" (qdla) is used,
for instance, "God said" (qdla lldhu), "his
lord (q.v.) said" (qdla rabbuhu), "he [God]
said" (qdla), and "we [God] said" (qulnd).
(For the use of personal pronouns with
respect to God, see Robinson, Discovering,
224-55.) The whole Qur'an is considered to
be what God said to Muhammad through
the intermediation of Gabriel (q.v), but
when the Qiir'an refers to God's giving
information to Muhammad, the verb qassa,
"to narrate," is repeatedly used (e.g.
c^ 40:78; 11:120; 12:3; see narratives;
heavenly book; inimitability; cre-
ATEDNESS OF THE OUr'aN; COLLECTION
OF THE Q^Ur'an).
These reports about the prophets raise
the question of whether they heard God's
voice when he spoke to them (see seeing
AND hearing). The answer is given in the
QjLir'an itself. It is said that God speaks to
humans only "by revelation, or from be-
hind a veil (q.v.), or he sends a messenger
(q.v.) who, with his permission, reveals
what he wills" (o 42:51). According to al-
Zamakhsharl (d. 538/1144; Kashshdf, iv,
226-7), th^ fiy^^t way means that God gives
someone inspiration (ilhdm) and "throws"
something in his heart (q.v.) or in a dream
SPEECH
(see DREAMS AND SLEEp). It is also possible
that God creates a voice in some object
(ba'd al-ajrdm) without the listener seeing
who speaks to him. The second way in
which God speaks, i.e. from behind a veil,
means that those who are addressed can
liear his voice but cannot see him.
According to al-Zamakhsliarl, God spoke
to Moses in this way. It is also the way in
which God speaks to the angels. The other
prophets did not hear God's voice. God
spoke to them through an angel who acted
as intermediary, bringing God's words to
the prophet in question. This is the way in
which God spoke to Muhammad. The
third way, according to al-Zamakhshari's
explanation, is that God speaks through
the intermediation of a prophet. In this
way, God speaks to the common people.
They hear God's word from prophets who
speak in their own languages (see lan-
guage, CONCEPT of).
"God really spoke to Moses" [kallama lldhu
Musd takliman, {) 4:164). Muslim scholars
agree that Moses is the only prophet to
whom God spoke directly. This does not
become clear from (J 2:253, where it is said
that God spoke to one (or some, minhum
man kallama lldhu) of the messengers.
According to al-Zamakhshari [Kashshdf, i,
293), Moses is meant here. God said to
Moses that he had chosen him above other
people by means of his messages and his
speech [kaldm, (j 7:144; see election). A
comparison of the verses about God's
speaking to Moses indicates that not only
the verb kallama but also other verbs are
used to render God's speaking to Moses,
such as nddd, "to call," as in "When his lord
called him in the holy valley of Tuwa"
(q.v.; Q_ 79:16, cf 19:52; 26:10; 28:46). This
verb is also used in the passive sense, al-
though from the context it is evident that
God is speaking. "When he [Moses] came
to it [the fire], he was called (nudija) from
the right side of the valley, in the blessed
spot (see SACRED and profane), from the
tree: ^Moses, I am God, the lord of the
worlds'" [q_ 28:30; cf 20:11; 27:8).
In the QjLir'an it is reported that God
spoke to humans who were not prophets,
such as the apostles of Jesus (() 5:115; see
apostle) and the Israelites (e.g. Q_ 5:12;
2:58; 17:104; see CHILDREN OF ISRAEL). As
we have seen before, the explanation must
be that he spoke to them through the in-
termediation of a prophet. It is not clear in
which way God will speak to those who are
brought back to life on the day of judg-
ment (see resurrection; last judgment).
It is said that he will speak to them, includ-
ing to the unbelievers (see belief and
unbelief). "Then I will inform you (unab-
bi'ukum) of what you did" (c3 31:15). God
will not, however, speak (yukallimu) to peo-
ple who have sold their covenant (q.v.) with
him (c3 3:77; see trade and commerce) or
the book (q.v.) he has sent down to them
(q^ 2:174). Only those will speak who have
received permission ((J 11:105) ^'^'^ those
who speak rightly (c) 78:38). Those who
have declared the prophets to be liars will
not be allowed to speak (e.g. o 77:34-6; see
lie; gratitude and ingratitude).
Unbelievers will not be able to speak be-
cause God will seal up their mouths. In-
stead, their hands (q.v.) will speak (tukallimu)
to God and their feet (c3 36:65), tongues
(q, 24:24), ears (q.v.), eyes (q.v.) and skins
((J 41:20-3) will bear witness against them
as to what they have done (see witnessing
AND testifying). Probably, this is meant
hterally, as it is said that God can give each
thing the power of speech (q 41:21; see
LITERARY STRUCTURES OF THE OUr'an).
In the Qiir'an some inanimate things are
mentioned as speaking to God, such as the
sky and the earth (q.v.; C3 41:11; see also
heaven and sky) and hell (q_ 50:30; see
HELL AND hellfire). There are also writ-
ten documents that can speak. "We have a
book that speaks the truth" [yantiqu bi-l-
SPEECH
haqq, c) 23:62; cf. 45:29). In this case, speak-
ing may be understood metaphorically (see
metaphor), just as in "This Qiir'an tells
(yaqussu) to the Israelites..." [q_ 27:76) and
"Did we [God] send them an authorization
that speaks (jatakallamu)? . . ." (cj 30:35).
God's speech (kalam Allah) as a theological
question
The word kaldm "speech" occurs four times
in the Qiir'an. In all these cases it concerns
God's speech. In cj 7:144 God says that he
chose Moses above other people by means
of the speech and messages that God re-
vealed to him. In this case kaldm may be
understood as taklTm, "addressing some-
one," as al-Zamakhsharl says {Kashshdf, ii,
151), but it may also refer to the Torah
(q.v.), which Moses received from God. In
the other three cases, kaldm cannot have
the meaning of "addressing someone." It
must mean God's message or the Qiir'an,
as it is said that idolaters hear it (cj 9:6; see
IDOLATRY AND IDOLATERS; POLYTHEISM
AND atheism) and people wish to change it
(c3 48:15) or changed it after they had un-
derstood it (o 2:75; see revision and
alteration; forgery; corruption).
Because of this, all Muslims agree that the
Qur'an is God's speech. Disagreement
arose, however, about the nature of God's
speech (see theolouy and the q^ur'an).
There is a close relationship between the
discussions about the nature of God's
speech and the discussions about the cre-
atedness of the Qiir'an (q.v.). Jahm b.
Safwan (d. 128/745-6) and his adherents
asserted that God's speech is created but
they denied that God speaks in the same
way as humans do. They took into
consideration the fact that human speech
needs a special organ and movements of
tongue and mouth. Because of their rejec-
tion of anthropomorphism (q.v), they were
convinced that God does not produce
speech in this way. According to them.
God does not really speak but when he
wishes to "speak" to a creature, he creates
the sound of speech, which is heard by this
creature and is called "speech" (Madelung,
Origins, 506-8).
The Mu'tazills (q.v), too, were convinced
that God's speech is created. The majority
of the Mu'tazills defined speech as sepa-
rately articulated sounds (aswdt muqatta'a).
For this reason they rejected the idea that
speech is something that exists in the soul
(q.v; nafs). They acknowledged that God
has the attribute of "speaking" and
pointed out that someone is described as
"speaking" (mutakallim) because he pro-
duces speech in accordance with his inten-
tions. Depending on these intentions,
speech occurs as information, command or
prohibition. These Mu'tazills denied that
speech can inhere in God but they deemed
it possible that God creates speech directly
in some substrate, in a tree, for instance,
which explains how God spoke to Moses
(see theophany). Another question is
whether the Qur'an in its recited, written
and remembered form is identical to God's
speech (see teaching and preaching the
cjur'an; REi;iTATioN of the c3ur'an;
memory). According to the Mu'tazill 'Abd
al-Jabbar (d. 415/1025), the Qur'an is
God's speech as he really produced it.
When we hear a recitation (qird'a) of the
Qur'an, we hear a reproduction (hikdya) of
God's speech as it was sent down to
Muhammad through his intermediary, the
angel Gabriel.
Theologians who adhered to the opinion
that God's speech is uncreated, such as the
Hanballs, the KuUabis and the Ash'aris,
took into consideration that "speaking" is a
divine attribute which can be equated with
other essential attributes of God, such as
his being knowing (see god and his
attributes). In their opinion, this implies
that God is eternally "speaking" (mutakal-
lim). Their opinion about speech differed
SPIDER
from the Mu'tazill definition of speecli.
Ibn Kullab (d. ca. 240/854) declared tliat
"God's speeclr (kaldm) does not consist of
letters and is not a sound. It is indivisible,
impartible, indissectible and unalterable. It
is one thing (ma'nd) in God" (Ash'ari,
Maqdldt, 584). This was the basis for the
principle of "inner speech" (kaldm nafsi).
Probably, al-Ash'ari (d. 324/935-6) himself
did not speak about it but his adherents,
al-Baqillani (d. 403/1013) and al-Jtiwaynl
(d. 478/1085), used this term in reference
to God's eternal uncreated speech. Inner
speech is speech that is not yet expressed in
words. In their opinion, the Qiir'an is an
expression ('ihdra) of God's inner speech
but, as distinct from inner speech, it con-
sists of sounds and letters. The expression
may be Arabic or Hebrew. They declared
that in the recitation (qird'a) of the Qtir'an,
the prontinciation (laf^) is a human act btit
what we understand from the words is
God's eternal speech.
The Hanballs declared that the Qiir'an,
in whatever form, be it written, memo-
rized, or recited, is God's uncreated
speech. In their opinion, God's speech con-
sists of sounds and letters and is identical
to the letters of the Qiir'an (see preserved
tablet; ARABIC SCRIPT; calligraphy).
The Hanballs rejected the idea that the
Qiir'an is an expression or a reproduction
of God's speech. They admitted that when
the Qiir'an is recited, the pronunciation is
a human act but they declared that what
we hear and read is God's uncreated
speech. H.A. Wolfson [Philosophy, 252-4)
described this as the "inlibration" of God's
uncreated speech (see also orality;
orality and writing in Arabia).
Margaretha T. Heemskerk
Bibliography
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Tritton, The speech of God, in 5/36 (1972), 5-22;
K. Versteegh, The Arabic linguistic tradition, Lon-
don 1977, 101-14; WM. Watt, Early discussions
about the Qur'an, in MIV ^0 (1950), 27-40, 96-105;
H.A. Wolfson, The philosophy of the kalam, Cam-
bridge, MA 1976, 235-303.
Spell (to cast a) see magic
Sperm see biology as the creation
AND STAGES OF LIFE
Spider
Creature whose body contains two main
divisions: one with four pairs of walking
legs, the other with two or more pairs of
spinnerets for spinning the silk that is used
in making the cocoons for its young, nests
for itself or webs to entangle its prey. The
word spider ('ankabut), which provides the
113
SPIDER
name for q 29, Sural al-'Ankabut, occurs
twice in the Qiir'an in one and the same
verse, C) 29:41. In this verse, the spider ex-
emplifies an agent for warning and threat-
ening tlie infidels for their ungrateful
conduct (see animal life; belief and
unbelief; gratitude and ingratitude).
Those who choose for themselves benefac-
tors other than God (see polytheism and
atheism) are likened to the spider because
this animal opts for the frailest of houses to
live in. This qur'anic passage alludes to the
spider's web and its fragility and is one of
the very few passages in the Qiir'an that
refers to animal behavior. In reality, the
spider's thread is strong enough for the
spider itself and for its catch; so only from
a human viewpoint can the web be con-
sidered weak.
In Arabic zoological literature, the spi-
der's web plays an important role in
describing the spider. (For other topics in
connection with the descriptions of the
spider in Arabic literature, e.g. its copula-
tion, see Ruska, 'Ankabut; Eisenstein,
Einjiihrung, index.) It remains unclear for
Arab authors whether it is the male or the
female who fabricates the web in which the
spider and its spittle wait for a catch.
Although the spider's web is always de-
scribed as weak it is also the reason for its
reputation as a wonderful creature. For,
according to the Arabic authors, the spider
is able to spin its marvelous net immedi-
ately after its birth. Therefore, the spider is
seen as one of the animals with inborn
proficiencies, which do not have to be
taught by parents. The spider only assumes
its full shape, according to the Arabic
sources, three days after birth. Among ani-
mals, the spider is considered impure and
disgusting, and may therefore not be eaten.
The prophet Muhammad himself is said to
have called the spider a shaytdn (devil)
transformed by God and ordered it to be
killed; this hadlth is, it should be noted.
considered weak (al-Damlrl, Hajdt, ii, 223;
see HADITH AND THE CJUR'an).
In other words, contradiction and dis-
crepancy determine the spider's image in
Arabic literature. To make things more
complicated, the spider and its web once
saved the Prophet himself. According to
tradition, the prophet Muhammad and his
Companion Abu Bakr had, on their way to
Medina (q.v.) during the hijra (see emigra-
tion), taken refuge for three days in a cave
(q.v.) located in the Thawr mountain.
While they were in the cave, a spider built
its web over the entrance of the cave pro-
tecting them from discovery by the
Qiiraysh (q.v.) who were intent on harming
them. A comprehensive account of this
event may be found in Ibn Kathlr's
(d. 774/1373) biography of the Prophet
(Le Gassick, Imam Abu l-Fidd', ii, I58f.; see
sIra and the cjur'an), whereas in Ibn
Hisham's account, the spider is not ex-
plicitly mentioned in this connection. (As
an aside, other accounts have it that the
Prophet was saved during the hijra not by a
spider but by two doves.) At any rate, this
event led to the conclusion that a spider
could build its web very quickly. Moreover,
the prophet Muhammad was not the only
one to be protected from danger by a
quickly-built spider's web. Among the
prophets, David (c[.v.; Dawud) had the
same experience. An account of this epi-
sode and a listing of other people saved by
a spider are found in al-Damiri's (d. 808/
1405) book on animals.
Herbert Eisenstein
bibliography
Primary: Damlri, Haydt, ii, 222-5; T- Le
Gassick, Imam Abu l-Fidd' Ismd'il ibn K'athir,
The life of the prophet Muhammad, A translation of
al-Slra al-nabawiyya, 2 vols, Reading 1998;
al-Jahiz, 'Amr b. Bahr, Kitdb al-Hayawdn, ed.
'A.S.M. Harun, Cairo 1938-45 (rev. 1969^),
vii, index.
114
Secondary; A. A. Ambros, Gestaltung und Funk-
tion der Biosphare ini Koran, in zdmg 140
{1990), 290-325; H. Eisenstein, Einfiihrung in die
arabische ^oographie, Berlin I99i;j. Ruska,
'Ankabut, in Ef, i, 509.
Spirit
Life force or supernatural being. In pre-
Islamic poetry the Arabic word mh refers
to a blowing or breathing (see air and
wind; poetry and poets; pre-islamic
ARABIA AND THE q^ur'an). In the Qur'an,
the word appears twenty-one times but in
the sense of spirit rather than of blowing,
in a manner analogous to its Hebrew cog-
nate, ruach, in the Bible (see scripture and
THE cjur'an). The qur'anic mh evokes spirit
in passages related to the three boundary
moments in the Qiir'an: creation (q.v.), the
sending down of prophetic revelation (see
REVELATION AND INSPIRATION; PROPHETS
AND prophethood), and the eschatology
(q.v.) of the day of reckoning (jiawm al-din;
see LAST judgment). At divine behest or
command (amr), spirit mediates the eternal
and the temporal, coming down or rising
up from one realm to another (see
eternity; time; world). It comes down
as the breath of life into Adam (see ad am
AND eve; cosmology), as the conception
of Jesus (q.v.) for Mary (q.v.), and with (or
as) revelation to the prophets. It rises with
the angels (q.v.) into the divine realm,
bringing the temporal world to its conclu-
sion and humans to their second creation
(see resurrection).
The qur'anic concept of spirit is com-
plicated by allusion, referential multiva-
lence and theological allusion well beyond
the issue of a possible equivalence of the
spirit with Gabriel (q.v.; see also holy
spirit). These more subtle features are
expressed through parallelism — in phras-
ing (see FORM AND strlicture of the
5^ur'an), rhythm (see rhymed prose),
grammatical (see grammar and the
cjur'an) and personal gender (q.v.) and key
themes — which ties together passages
across different suras (q.v.) and allows dis-
parate passages to reverberate semantically
and sonically from one to the other (see
LANGUAGE AND STYLE OF THE OUR'aN;
rhetoric and the our'an). The result is
that each boundary moment (creation,
prophecy, reckoning) can be heard echoed
within the others.
Spirit and creation
In the passages depicting the creation of
Adam, the primordial human being [insdn
or bashar) is first shaped out of mud or clay
(q.v.) and then brought to life as the creator
breathes spirit into the shaped form (see
BIOLOGY AS the CREATION AND STAGES OF
life). God as creator speaks in the first
person singular (c3 15:29; 38:72): "When I
formed him and breathed into him some of
my spirit" (idhd sawwajtuhu wa-nafakhtu Jihi
min ruhi). Other passages on the creation of
Adam employ the exact same formula but
in the third person (c3 32:9): "He formed
him and breathed into him some of his
spirit" (sawwdhu wa-nafakhajihi min rUhihi).
The inbreathing actualizes and brings to
life the material form of the creature after
the shaping (taswiya). Before breathing into
Adam, the creator shapes, kneads, molds,
forms (sawwd) the substance of the crea-
ture into a form receptive of the spirit.
The formula used to depict spirit within
creation found in the passages on Adam
recurs in the passages depicting the con-
ception of Jesus. Speaking about Mary, in
one passage, God relates: "We breathed
into her some of our spirit" [nafakhndJThd
min ruhind, Q_ 21:91). Another passage is
identical, except that the "into her" has
been changed to "into it" (Jihi): "We
breathed into it some of our spirit"
({) 66:12). The same verse had begun by
referring to Mary as one who "guarded her
private parts" (farjahd). Thus some com-
mentators interpret the "into it" as a refer-
ence to the breatliing of the spirit directly
into her vagina (see sex and sexuality;
modesty; chastity). The most extended
narrative concerning Jesus and Mary is
found in o 19:16-33. In q 19:17 tlie divine
voice relates that "We sent down to lier our
spirit which took on tlie likeness of a
human being well formed (basharan
sawiyyan) ." Mary expresses shock and fear
at the sight of the figure (interpreted in
commentaries as Gabriel) and her reaction
shows clearly that the figure is male in ap-
pearance. The figure (spirit in the likeness
of a human form) replies that it is the mes-
senger of her lord (q.v.; rasiilu rabbiki) sent
to bestow on her a pious male child (for the
efforts of commentators to distinguish the
"our spirit" that God breathed into Mary
from the "our spirit" that God sent down
to Mary in the shape of a human, see
mary; and for a more philosophical dis-
cussion of the complex relationship of
Mary to spirit, see Ibn al-'Arabi, Fusus,
138-67).
Spirit and revelation
With Jesus, the spirit is associated not only
with creativity in his conception but with
his prophetic mission as well. In three pas-
sages, Jesus, son of Mary, is depicted as
being given the holy spirit (ruh al-qudus) as
a support (cj 2:87, 253; 5:110). In the first
two of those passages, the holy spirit's sup-
port is linked to Jesus' bringing of clear
proofs [bayyindt; see proof). In the third
passage, God speaks directly to Jesus,
explaining how the holy spirit was sent as a
support to him at the time he was proph-
esying while yet an infant. The passage
goes on to remind Jesus how, with the per-
mission of God, Jesus was able to shape
birds from clay, breathe into them and
bring them to life; this is a sequence that is
precisely parallel to God's activity in bring-
ing Adam to life. In yet another discussion
of Jesus, he is identified with the spirit
(q 4:171). The different relations of Jesus to
spirit can be summed up in the following
way: Jesus was conceived through the
spirit; prophesies with the support of the
spirit; shapes creatures and brings them to
life with divine permission by breathing
into them in exactly the fashion through
which God brought Adam to life; and is
the spirit (see power and impotence;
miracles; marvels).
Spirit plays the central role in all proph-
ecy which occurs through the spirit by the
command (ami) of God (q 16:2; 17:85;
40:15) and as a support for believers
(c5 58:22). Other passages relate the spirit to
the specific movement of the bringing
down (tanzil) and the coming down (tanaz-
zul) of prophetic revelation. In a reference
to the role of prophets as those who warn
that there is no god but God (see Warner;
polytheism and atheism), the Qiir'an
states ((J 16:2): "He sends down the angels
with the spirit by his command to which-
ever of his servants (see servant;
worship) he wills." The spirit is sent down
according to, through, or at the behest of
the divine command. In a reference to the
spirit sent to Muhammad that empowers
him to be a prophetic warner it is called
the trustworthy (amin) spirit.
In (J 16:102 it is the holy spirit that ac-
tively sends down (nazz<ili) the verses or
signs (dydt) of revelation. Most classical
commentaries identify the holy spirit with
Gabriel. Nowhere in the Qur'an is such an
identification made explicit and the name
Gabriel appears in only two verses in the
Qiir'an. The strongest evidence for assum-
ing an identification between the spirit and
Gabriel is found in C3 97:4, where the an-
gels and the spirit descend (tanazzslu) by
permission of their lord, a terminology
and phrasing that relate to q i6:i02 on the
role of the holy spirit. The Qiir'an refers
ii6
neither to the spirit nor to Gabriel as an
angel. The spirit does act in close proxim-
ity with the angels, leading to the common
assumption that Gabriel and/or the spirit
were the highest form of angel (see angel;
for further discussion and the alternative
views of Ibn Zayd who interpreted the
holy spirit as a reference to the Qiir'an
and/or the Gospel, see Ayoub, Qur'dn,
124-5). Ii^ Q. 81:19, the revelation to
Muhammad is referred to as the speech
(q.v.) of a noble messenger (q.v; rasiil
kanm), which would fit the role of the spirit
or that of Gabriel.
The spirit passages concerning Mary and
Jesus tie creative activity to prophecy and
revelation. Parallel constructions and
vocabulary link those passages of the
bringing to life of Adam to the act of pro-
phetic inspiration (in the strong sense of
inspiration), o 97 recounts the sending
down of revelation to Muhammad. It be-
gins with the divine voice announcing that
"We sent him/it down (anzalndhu) on the
night of destiny (see night of power)." If
the pronoun hu is taken as indicative of a
person, it is interpreted as Gabriel. When
taken as indicative of a non-animate
object, it is interpreted as the Qiir'an or
associated with the revelatory vision(s) of
Muhammad depicted most famously in
Q, 53:1-18 and C3 81:19-24. C3 97:4 contains a
complex formulation: The angels came
down — the spirit — by the permission of
their lord through/from every order. The
central phrase, wa-l-ruhu Jihd, is multiva-
lent. The angels came down with the spirit
among them; the angels came down with
the spirit during it (the night of destiny or
power, qadr); the angels came down upon
the night (personified as female) of destiny.
The grammatical and referential indeter-
mination of the key phrase, its place at the
rhythmic and semantic nexus of the verse
and the dramatic placement of the verse in
the larger sura, heighten the sense of mys-
tery and wonder siu'rounding the opera-
tion of the spirit (Sells, Sound).
Spirit and reckoning
The third boundary moment is the day of
reckoning, a day when the angels will ap-
pear with the spirit in array (saffan; see
RANKS AND ORDERs). The Spirit passages
relating spirit to creation and prophecy
parallel strongly the portrayal of the role of
spirit in eschatology. In one case, the exact
same wording is used stretched across dis-
parate suras concerning prophecy and
reckoning. But the movement is reversed
from downwards to upwards. In o 97:4,
"The angels come down with the spirit
upon her/among them (al-ruhujjhd).^' In
C3 70:4, the angels rise with the spirit to him
(wa-l-ruhu ilayhi). The link between these
two passages and the events they depict is
heightened by the stretching out of tem-
poral limits in both prophecy and reckon-
ing and by the inversion of night and day
(see DAY AND night). Thus the night on
which the spirit descends is "better than a
thousand months" (q.v; cj 97:3) while the
day of reckoning is "a span of fifty-thou-
sand years (see year)." In addition, the
grammatically feminine indirect object (hd)
is balanced by the masculine indirect
object (hi). The intertwining of the two
passages — one on the night of destiny, the
other on the day of reckoning — intimate
something imdefined and perhaps indefin-
able hidden within the intensely lyrical
imagery of daybreak (see dawn; day,
TIMES of). The ambiguity in both passages
concerning the role of the spirit in the rise
and descent of the angels creates an open-
ness of meaning that keeps the spirit from
being limited to a particidar finite being or
form. The word "to breathe" or "to blow"
(nafakha) intensifies the association of spirit
with the day of reckoning. In the Qtir'an
nafakha is used in only four contexts: the
bringing to life of Adam; the conception of
117
SPIRITUAL BEINGS
Jesus; Jesus' bringing tlie material forms of
birds to life; and (in twelve different places)
the day on which the trumpet will be
blown, that is, the day of reckoning and
resurrection (see also apocalypse).
Spirit and gender
Ruh is one of only a handful of nouns in
Arabic that can be either masculine or
feminine according to the grammatical
gender (see arabih languaoe). The way
in which the differing spirit passages
intersect and interweave with one another,
particularly in the passages on the concep-
tion of Jesus and the descent of the spirit
on or upon the night of destiny, suggest
that spirit serves to mediate not only the
temporal and eternal but also the male and
female. The night of destiny is partially
personified as female in a manner similar
to the personification of the earth (q.v.) as
giving birth to "her secret" in q gg (see
secrets; hidden and the hidden). The
implication of a personified animate being
for the night would be especially pro-
nounced in readings of verse one of C3 gy
(Surat al-Qadr, "Destiny"), "we sent it/him
down," as a reference to Gabriel, animate
and conventionally male (at least in his
appearance on earth). In its final verse, the
sura of Destiny closes with the emphatic
"peace (q.v.) it is" or "peace she is" (saldmun
hiya) "until the rise of dawn." The descent
of the spirit upon or into Mary at the con-
ception of Jesus strongly parallels the de-
scent of the spirit on or into the night of
destiny (Sells, Approaching, 183-207).
Michael Sells
Bibliography
Primary: Ibn al-'Arabl, Fusus al-hikam, ed. A. A.
'AfTfl, Cairo 1946; Qiirtubl, TafsTr; RazT, TafsTr;
Tabarl, TafsTr, ed. Shakir (up to (^ 14:27); ed. 'All
et al.
Secondary: M. Ayoub, The Qur^an and its
interpreters, vol. I, Albany 1984; 'Abd al-Baql;
E.E. Calverley, Doctrines of the soul (nafs and
ruli) in Islam, in AiH'33 (1943), 254-64; Izutsu,
Concepts; D.B. MacDonald, The development of
the idea of spirit in Islam, in AO 9 (1931), 307-51;
Th. O'Shaughnessy, The development of the meaning
of spirit in the Koran, Rome 1953; M. Sells,
Approaching the Qur'dn, Ashland 1999; id., A
literary approach to the hymnic suras of the
Qiir'an. Spirit, gender, and aural intertextuality,
in I. Boullata (ed.). Literary structures of religious
meaning in the Qur'dn, London 2002, 3-25; id.,
Sound, spirit, and gender in surat al-qadr, in JAOS
"1/2 (1991), 239-59.
Spiritual Beings
Supernatural creatures, either benevolent
or malevolent. Within the Islamic world
the expression "spiritual beings" carries
different significations, depending on
whether reference is made to the theologi-
cal sphere (Qrir'an and hadith; see hadIth
AND THE qur'an), or to the knowledge of
the scholars or to local traditions. This
wide world of chthonic spirits, that at first
seems confused and undefined, consists of
elements and cultural representations de-
veloped through the encounter with vari-
ous ethnic groups and stratified throughout
the course of history.
The belief in spiritual beings is already
attested in the pre-Islamic period. The su-
pernatural beings who survived the demise
of Arab paganism, however, do not co-
incide with their status and significance in
the animistic world of the Jahiliyya (see
AGE OF ignorance; IDOLATRY AND
idolaters; polytheism and atheism). At
first, they were utilized by some in the early
Muslim community as more approachable
entities who could intercede with God.
The charges of shafd'a, "intercession" (q.v.),
in various suras of the Meccan period are
an indication of this utilization (<j 6:g4;
10:18; 30:13; see Mecca). Subsequently,
they were firmly rejected as impotent, or
even changed into shaydtin, evil beings
(see devil; power and impotence).
SPIRITUAL BEINGS
ii8
As these preliminary remarks indicate,
from its beginning, Islam has accepted the
existence of subtle, non-human beings as
part of God's creation (q.v.). In various
passages the Qiir'an makes matter a meta-
phor (q.v.) of the spirit (q.v.; o 42:49-53),
whether this matter is fire (q.v), air or light
(q.v; see also JINn; air and wind).
Belonging to the world of the invisible
{'dlam al-ghayb; see hidden and the
hidden), these spirits are characterized by
their transient, volatile forms. They perme-
ate the cosmos in order to direct the mul-
tifaceted variety of creation to the
indivisible oneness of God (see OOD and
his attributes). But they are not thought
to participate in God's transcendence;
rather, the Qiir'an underscores their im-
potence and affords them a status not
higher than humans (see angel).
Qiir'anic and later references tend to dis-
tinguish malignant from benevolent spirits
and to create a hierarchy within these cat-
egories. Whereas angels are considered to
be benevolent, the scriptural conception of
the jinn is somewhat more ambivalent.
Angels (mald'ika), devils (shaydtin) and jinn,
the largest gatherings of spiritual beings
that appear in the Qi_ir'an, do not belong
to the same cosmic sphere. All they share
in common is being invisible; otherwise
they are differentiated in terms of essence
and nature, function, and place in the cos-
mos (see cosmology). The merciful angels
are made of nur, which can be translated as
"cold light," while the angels of punish-
ment are made of ndr, "fire," indicating
distinctions of both density and weight (cf.
C3 66:6; Huart, Livre de la creation, i, 169).
Whether they are "supervisors" (al-
mudabbirdt), as in q 79:5 or, expressed dif-
ferently, "agents of beings" (mawkuldt
bi-i-kd'indt), as al-QazwInI (d. 682/1283)
says, or, again, spiritual entities (ruhdnijjun),
as mentioned by the Ikhwan al-Safa', they
govern the three realms of nature, "man-
aging the mysterious development of life
through their clever delicate hands"
(Qazwlni, 'Ajd'ib, 62). Among these innu-
merable creatures, some have proper
names: ruh al-qudus (q^ 16:102; see holy
spirit), Gabriel (q.v.; Jibrll), Michael (q.v.;
Mika'il), Harut and Marut (q.v; c) 2:102),
Iblis (see devil). Others are identified only
by their functions. There are the hafa^a,
honorable scribes, who attend human be-
ings and record impartially their good or
evil actions (see good deeds; evil deeds;
heavenly book; writing and writing
materials). There are the kirdm kdtibm, as
they are identified in C3 82:11 (cf C3 43:80),
who sit on a human's shoulders to note
down his or her thoughts, and are termed
al-hafa^ia in q^ 6:61 or hdji^ in q^ 86:4 (cf.
(J 82:10). Their role is revealed by the epi-
thets "observer" [raqib, () 50:18), "guide"
(sd'iq) and "witness" [shdhid, C3 50:21; see
WITNESSING AND TESTIFYING).
The mu'aqqibdt (q^ 13:11), "those who fol-
low one upon the other," establish a con-
tinuous relationship between humankind
and heaven (see heaven and sky), coming
down with divine grace and re-ascending
('urilj) with human actions (cf. c) 32:5; 34:2).
This term has generated diverse interpre-
tations and some commentators under-
stood it to be a dual of the second verbal
form 'aqqaba, that here replaces the third
form 'dqaba (Tabari, Tafsa; xiii, 68). In
function, however, these beings watch lov-
ingly over every person: "Alike (to him) of
you is he who conceals (his) words and he
who speaks them openly, and he who hides
himself by night and (who) goes forth by
day (see day and night). For his sake
there are those who follow one another
[mu'aqqibdt, angels, according to Ibn
'Abbas], before him and behind him, who
guard him by God's commandment"
(a 13:10-11).
The concept of "guardian angels" had
already been developed throughout the
119
SPIRITUAL BEINGS
Semitic world. We find angels in charge of
human souls and recording human actions
in Enoch's Book of secrets, as well as in
Jubilees (4:6 and 17:5), and in Sabbat, Ta'anit,
Hagigah and Berakot, where two angels
standing near every htiman being are men-
tioned. These figures may have been in-
spired by Thot, the scribal god in the
Egyptian pantheon, who appears in
fiineral processions as the one who notes
down the past actions, both good and
bad (cf. Dubler, L' ancient orient, 71, who
considers (J 101:5-8 to show a close
resemblance to the Egyptian tradition con-
cerning the last judgment). In reference to
the judgment, q_ 50:17 hints at two entities,
al-mutalaqqiydn, "receivers," who are named
munkar and nakir in hadith and the com-
mentaries (see EXEGESIS OF THE (JUr'an:
CLASSICAL AND MEDIEVAL). "The two del-
egated to receive" carry out the torment of
the grave ('adhab al-qabr), repeatedly men-
tioned in the Quran; it takes place after
burial (q.v.). This idea rectirs in rabbinic
literature and its remote origins could be
traced back to Iranian Mazdaism.
In the Qiir'an, as in other early sources,
the angels are compared to the lightness of
the wind. This is the element that best
evokes the incorporeity of God but since it
is still a stibstance it becomes identified
with angels and spirits, q 77:1, like C3 51:1,
cites an oath by "those who have been sent
one by one, and are blowing furiously,"
which affirms the similitude between winds
and heavenly messengers (cf. o 25:48;
27:63; 30:46). The connection of messen-
ger and wind recurs in two lines of verse
attributed to Umayya b. Abl 1-Salt, a con-
temporary of the Prophet and the linkage
was maintained by the Islamic tradition, as
the words of al-Maqdisi (d. 340/934) tes-
tify: "And we said that the wind is an angel
as well as al-riih" (cf Huart, Livre de la cre-
ation, i, 176). Such angels are also equated
with the nineteen al-zabdnija (o 96:18; cf.
74:30), under the leadership of one mdlik
fe 43 -y?! possibly to be interpreted as the
"owner of the doors of hell"; see HELL and
hellfire), but there are other spiritual
beings whose provenance is unspecified.
The root of the word qarin connotes the
idea of a "double" — it is an adjectival
form that indicates being one of a pair.
This human "double," the companion or
twin spirit, takes life upon the birth of a
human being. C3 41:25 and its mention of
qurand' can be understood to contain refer-
ence to the tempting spirit or
shaytdn — synonymous with musdhib (cf.
Lisdn al-'Arab, s.v.) or khidhn (cf. Baydawl,
Anwar, ad Q^ 41:25) — to which C3 4:38 may
allude. Commenting on cj 50:23, al-Suyutl
(d. 911/1505) wonders whether the word
qarm denotes a shaytdn or an angel; but the
author is sure that elsewhere in the same
sura (c3 50:27) it denotes a shaytdn (SuyutI,
Durr, iv, 124). Al-Tabari (d. 310/923), in his
Tafstr at cj 43:36, reports the tradition ac-
cording to which every human has a qarin
or shaytdn and an angel, inciting evil and
good respectively. These two beings are
not to be confused with the two recording
angels.
While a benevolent spirit in the pre-
Islamic period, in which period the word
indicated the spirit which follows a poet
and inspires his verse (see poetry and
poets; rhymed prose), this entity changes
within the monotheistic orientation of
Islam to a sort of keeper-demon who leads
humans into temptation. The Islamic state-
ments about qann recall the ancient
Egyptian beliefs about "ka, " the abstract
individuality of every human being, which
in turn goes back to the Babylonian idea of
an undefined personal god "walking beside
man" (see Blackmann, Karm and karineh;
Hornblower, Traces of a ka-belief ).
In the Qiir'an, those who believe in tdghut,
along with jibt (q.v), are said to be those
who have received only a part of the scrip-
SPIRITUAL BEINGS
tures (q 4:51; see book; people of the
book; idols and imaoes) and it contrasts
belief in God witli belief in the tfighut,
equating the latter with the leaders of the
unfaithful ((^ 2:257; see belief and
unbelief). The qur'anic denunciation of
those who "desire to go to judgment before
the tdghfd, although they have been com-
manded not to believe in him; and Satan
desired to seduce them into a wide error"
(q.v.; o 4:60; see also astray) indicates that
tdghut may refer to a spiritual entity or an
idol (see also Atallah, Gibt and Taghut, for
an interesting theory that relates these two
words with magical practices in ancient
Egypt). It is thus connected to the religious
and political spheres of pre-Islamic society
(see pre-islamic Arabia and the cjur'an).
The meaning of the term tdghut, however,
remains a matter of speculation (for an
Aramaic derivation — cf. Syr tdje, "planet/
planet god" — see Kobert, Das koranische
"tagut"; cf. Bukhari, Sahih, bk. 10, A. Adhdn,
129 ffadl al-sujud], ed. Krehl, i, 207; trans.
Houdas, i, 268: "Et il en est qui suivront le
soleil, d'autres la lune, d'autres enfin les
idoles"). Lexicographers and commenta-
tors have interpreted al-jibt and al-tdghut as
"everything that is adored instead of God,"
without identifying the origins of these
words (see Fahd, Le pantheon, 240). Accord-
ing to both Qiir'an and hadlth, the Prophet
recognized the existence of the heathen
gods, but classed them among the demons.
In the Qiir'an, the word jinn acquires a
connotation that is definitely pejorative,
particularly in Medinan passages (see
Medina). The original meaning of this
term is probably "covert" (from the Semi-
tic rootJ-«-n); another word for it is jann (to
which the Ethiopic ganen, "demon," cor-
responds); it is sometimes used as a name
of Iblis [al-jdnn, {) 15:27), or with the mean-
ing of serpent (c3 27:10; 28:31), or as a syn-
onym to jinn (c3 55:39; see also insanity).
An examination of the qur'anic data
reveals identification between shaydtin and
jinn, as is the case in the Solomon (q.v.)
legend (cj 2:102; 21:82; 38:37) or the abduc-
tion of human beings through the agency
of spirits ((J 6:71). There are also several
passages in which shaydtin means "pagan
idols" (cj 2:14; 4:76; 5:90; 19:44) and a simi-
lar meaning is assigned to the word jinn in
C3 6:100 and 34:41. This interpretation of
their identity is a consequence of super-
imposing two different demonologies, one
the outcome of monotheism, the other,
previously known in the Arab world, aris-
ing from polytheism (see south Arabia,
RELIGIONS IN PRE-iSLAMic). Nevertheless,
in the qur'anic purview, they are God's
creatures and never appear as God's en-
emies (q.v.) or as an anti-divine power. The
Qiir'an refers to the army of Iblls (o 26:95)
and to Satan's party (c3 58:19), but these
expressions have no dualistic flavor (see
troops; parties and fai;tions; ranks
AND orders). M. Iqbal (Reconstruction) even
considers Iblis and the devils to be a neces-
sary force in life because only by fighting
them can one grow into a perfect human
being. Though the jinn and shaydtin have
no individuality, they fall into various
classes, and some of them are mentioned
as particularly harmful.
The most dangerous kind of harmful
being is the ghul (a feminine noun). This
word, which comes from a root signifying
"to destroy," does not appear in the
Qiir'an except in the derivative form ghawl
(Q. 37 -47)! which refers to the dangerous
effects of wine (q.v.). The^Aa/is supposed
to lie in wait at places where men are des-
tined to perish; she entices them there, es-
pecially by night. Poets sometimes depict
the ghul as the daughter of the jinn
(Qazwlni, 'Ajd'ih, 370). Some words which
are often understood as referring to de-
mons actually have a different sense. 'Ifrit
(q.v.) in C3 27:39 is an epithet of somewhat
doubtful meaning (it seems to have the
SPRINGS AND FOUNTAINS
general value of "skillful" with a shade of
"rebel"; see rebellion), which is applied
to a jinn, but it is not the name of a par-
ticular class of demons.
As with other aspects of belief, the
qur'anic account of spiritual beings has
generated a wide range of variations at the
local level. For a large group of believers
these spiritual beings are, at best, of philo-
sophical importance only and of little
practical concern as a sensible representa-
tion of the spiritual world. Others consider
the veracity of their possible interference
only in rare circumstances. But recent
ethnographic research has shown that
belief in spiritual beings persists as a regu-
lar ingredient of everyday life in various
parts of the Muslim world.
Stefania Cunial
Bibliography
Primary: Bukharl, SakTli; trans. O. Houdas and
W. Marqais, Les traditions islamiques, 4 vols.,
Paris 1977; Ibn al-'Arabl, Muhyi 1-Dln Abu
'Abdallah Muhammad b. 'All, al-FutUhat al-
makkiyya, 4 vols., Cairo 1911; al-Ikhwan al-
Safa', Rasd'il Ikhwdn al-Safa\ Beirut 1957;
al-Q^azwTni, Abu Zakariya', 'Ajd'ib al-makhluqdt
wa-ghard'ib al-mawjdddt, Cairo 1956; SuyutT,
Durr; id., al-Habd'ikji akhbdr al-mald'ik, Cairo
1990; id., Laqt al-marjdnji ahkdm al-jdnn, Cairo
1908; Tabarl, Tafsir, ed. Shakir.
Secondary: W. Atallah, Gibt and Taghut dans
le Coran, in Arabica 17 (1970), 69-82; L. Berger,
Esprits et microbes. L'interpretation des ginn-s
dans quelques commentaries coraniques du
XX siecle, in Arabica 47 (2000), 554-62; W.S.
Blackman, The karin and karineh, in Journal of
the Royal Anthropological Institute ^i^ (1926), 163-9;
C.E. Dubler, L'ancient orient dans I'Islam, in
5/7 {1957)5 47-75; T. Fahd, Angeli, demoni e
ginn in Islam, in D. Meeks et al., Geni, angeli e
demoni, Roma 1994, 129-80; id., Le pantheon de
lArabie centrale a la veille de I'Hegire, Paris 1968;
G. Fartacek, Begegnungen mit Jinn, in
Anthropos 97 (2002), 469-86; A. Gingrich, Spirits
of the border, in QSA 13 (1995), 199-212;
J. Henninger, Geisterglaude bei den
vorislamischen Arabern, in Festschrift Paul
Schebesta zum 75. Geburtstag, Vienna 1963,
279-316; repr. J. Henninger, Arabica sacra,
Freiburg 1981, 118-69; G.D. Hornblower,
Traces of a ka-belief in modern Egypt and old
Arabia, in ic I (1927), 426-30; CI. Huart, Le livre
de la creation et de I'histoire, 2 vols., Paris 1901;
M. Iqbal, The reconstruction of religious thought in
Islam, ed. and annot. M.S. Sheikh, Lahore
1986; A. Khadir, Aial, maladies, croyances et
therapeutiques au Maroc, PhD diss, Universite de
Bordeaux 1998; R. Kobert, Das koranische
"tagut", in Orientalia n.s. 30 (1961), 415-16; repr.
Paret (ed.), Koran, 281-2; G.J. Obermeyer,
TdghUt, man\ and sharVa. The reahns of law in
tribal Arabia, in W. al-Qadi (ed.), Studia Arabica
et Islamica. Festschrift for Ihsdn Abbas on his sixtieth
birthday, Beirut 1981, 365-71; S.M. Zwemer,
Animism in Islam (Hair, finger-nails and tlie
hand), in J/Il' 7(1917), 245-55.
Spring see SEASONS
Springs and Fountains
Natural or artificial sources of water that
issue from the earth and — in contrast to
wells — provide running water (q.v.).
There are several Arabic words for a natu-
ral spring. The most common designation
is 'ayn, which occurs twenty-one times in
the Qiir'an (with the respective dual and
plural forms 'ajnan and 'ujiUn; e.g. cj 2:60;
15:45; 34:12; 55:50)- The word
ma'in — probably of Syriac or Hebrew
origin (see foreign vocabulary) — is
used four times (c3 23:50; 37:45; 56:18;
&T-^o);janbu' {q_ 17:90) and its plural jflna^r
{q_ 39:21) each appear only once. Although
the Arabic term for hot springs, hamma (pi.
hammdt), does not appear in the Qiir'an,
hamim is used fourteen times for the boiling
water of hell (e.g. C3 6:70; 10:4; 22:19; see
HELL AND HELLFIRE; REWARD AND
punishment). There is no special qur'anic
expression for artificial fountains, such as
fawwdra (pi. fawwdrdl) or ndfdra (pi. nawdfir).
General characteristics
As objects of religious interest, springs are
characterized above all by two aspects: on
SPRINGS AND FOUNTAINS
the one hand, with their life-giving water,
they stand for vitality and purity; on the
other hand, when considered as openings
into the interior of the eartli, they appear
to be mysterious and strange. Especially
when they are located in the immediate
vicinity of other remarkable natural fea-
tures, such as mountains, grottoes or
trees (q.v.) — and even more so if they
are hot or periodic — springs have at-
tracted religious veneration and could per-
sist as sacred locations even when the
people living there changed (see nature as
signs; agrk;ulture and vegetation).
The chthonic aspect often ascribed to
springs appears in the widespread behef,
held since time immemorial, that they are
inhabited by spirits — a belief largely ad-
opted in Islam as well (see spiritual
beings; jinn; demons). Particularly when
springs are situated in lonely, gloomy
places, the inhabiting spirits are described
as evil demons (jinn; ghildn) who appear in
the shape of animals or of seductive
women. Yet other springs are associated in
one way or another with saints (q.v.) and
holy men, whether Christian or Muslim; in
this case, the spirits (arwdh) who dwell there
may be benevolent. In Greek antiquity,
springs often stood under the patronage of
particular gods, such as Apollo and
Artemis. From Hellenistic times onward,
however, hot springs were increasingly
ascribed to the healing god Asclepius.
According to Ibn al-Kalbl's (d. ca. 205/
820) Kitdb al-Asndm (Book of Idols), it was
after the legendary 'Amr b. Luhayy of pre-
Islamic times had visited the spas of the
Balcja', which were associated with a cult of
healing gods, that he introduced their idols
in Mecca (q.v.; see also idols and images).
And though Ibn al-Kalbl remains silent on
this subject, it has been suggested that the
female Arabic goddesses al-Lat, Manat
and al-'Uzza — "the exalted cranes" (al-
ghardnlq al-'uld) according to the well-
known story about a later abrogated
Satanic inspiration (cf. commentaries on
Q. 53-i9"2o; see SATANIC verses; poly-
theism AND atheism) — were originally
venerated as water nymphs of some kind.
Also, Ibn Ishaq's (d. ca. 150/767) report
of how 'Abd al-Muttahb, the Prophet's
grandfather, found golden figurines,
swords and coats of mail while excavating
the shaft of the Zamzam spring can be
seen as hinting at ritual offerings made at
springs.
The idea of pure and vital spring water
has its most influential expression in the
mythical notion of the fountain of life,
which provides those who drink from it
with everlasting health and youth. The
search for the fountain of life is the subject
of countless tales and legends, including
the late-antique legend of Alexander (q.v.).
There is an allusion to this story in
C) 18:60-4 (with Musa, Moses [q.v.], instead
of Alexander) and it is retold at great
length in several subsequent forms of
Islamic literature, for example by the
Persian poet Nizami (fi. sixth/twelfth cent.)
in his Iskandarndme. The fountain of life is a
familiar theme in the biblical tradition as
well (see scripture and the our'an;
MYTHS AND LEGENDS IN THE Q^UR'an). The
Psalms (e.g. Ps 36:9; 42:2-3) state that the
fountain of life is with God; and the visions
of Ezekiel 47, Zechariah 14 and John 22
describe the living water that issues from
the temple in Jerusalem at the end of time.
The early Christians frequently interpreted
the baptismal font, the piscina, as fans vitae
(cf. John 4:11 f.). The redemption obtained
through baptism, on the other hand, is
closely linked with the blood of Christ and,
therefore, with the wine of the Eucharist.
As a result, the predominant early-Byz-
antine symbol for the fountain of life is a
goblet — itself an age-old symbol for the
water-spring — with vine tendrils growing
out of it, sometimes flanked by peacocks,
123
SPRINGS AND FOUNTAINS
which signify immortality. This imagery
found its way into early Islam. In the mosa-
ics in the Umayyad Dome of the Rock,
goblets and tendrils adorned with pearls
are one of the dominant motifs and can be
read as metaphors for paradise (q.v.; for the
symbolism of pearls, see Flood, Great
mosque, I5f.). Finally, it should be remarked
that these pictorial elements, viz. goblets
(see GUPS AND vessels), pearls (see metals
AND minerals), vine tendrils and birds, are
also features of the qur'anic descriptions of
paradise, although they appear there in a
recontextualized manner — goblets
(akwdb): e.g. q_ 43:71; 76:15; pearls
flu'lu'): e.g. C3 22:23; 56:23; clusters (qutuf):
Q, 69:23; 76:14; birds (tayr): Q, 56:21; cf.
52:22.
Springs and fountains in tlie qur'anic paradise
In the Qiir'an, springs never appear as
neutral natural phenomena. They are al-
ways connected with the idea of God's
omnipotence (see power and impotence)
and are predominantly .symbols for his
mercy (q.v.). This is especially clear in the
qur'anic descriptions of the landscape of
paradise where springs appear as its most
characteristic element. Several times, the
Qiir'an promises that in the hereafter
"those who show piety (q.v.) are among
gardens (see garden) and springs" (inna
l-muttaqinajijanndtin wa-'uj/Unin, <j 15:45;
51:15; cf 44:51-2; 55:50, 66; 77:41; 88:12; see
eschatology). Still more often, paradise
is referred to as "gardens underneath
which rivers flow" (janndtun tajrimin tahtihd
l-anhdr). This usage appears some forty
times (e.g. Q^ 2:25; 3:15; 4:13; 5:12) and
implies the idea of springs as well.
The Qiir'an, however, does not give a
clear picture of the design of this garden
landscape, with its springs and rivers.
Some passages suggest that there is only
one — or at least only one distinc-
tive — spring in paradise (c) 76:6, 18;
83:28; 88:12). For example, Q_ 83:25-8, in
speaking about the beverage of the pious
(al-abrdr), mentions one spring only: "They
are given to drink of a wine (q.v.) sealed
whose seal is musk so after that let the
strivers strive and whose mixture is tasnini
(wa-mizdjuhu min tasnim), a foimtain (^ayn) at
which do drink those brought nigh (al-
muqarrabun) y While most commentators
understand tasmm as the fountain's proper
name, al-Tabarl (d. 310/923) reports that
Mtijahid (d. 104/722) and al-Kalbi (d. 146/
763) explained the expression min tasnim as
meaning "from above." This explanation
suggests a vertical concept of paradise,
similar to the idea of the paradisiacal
mountain, with the pious (abrdr) dwelling
below, above them "those brought nigh"
(al-muqarrabUn), and at the top the divine
presence (see face of god; shekhinah).
This passage can be compared to
(J 76:5-19. In the latter, verses 5 and 17
promise that the pious (abrdr) will drink
from a cup "whose mixture is camphor
(q.v.)" and "ginger," respectively; whereas
verse 6 seems to indicate that the "servants
of God" f'ibdd Alldh) drink directly from
that spring; and in verse 18, the spring is
given the enigmatic name salsabil.
Although these verses contain no indica-
tion of a vertical structure of paradise,
here, too, an implicit differentiation is
made between the pious who drink mixed
and strongly flavored beverages and an-
other, privileged class of inhabitants of
paradise, viz. the "servants of God," who
have direct access to the pure divine spring
(cf. q_ 55:46, 62; 56:10, 27). In this context,
it should be noted that only in q 88 is the
paradisiacal spring contrasted with a
spring in hell: "Faces on that day
humbled,... watered at a boiling fotintain
("ayn dniyaj,... Faces on that day jocund,...
in a sublime garden,... therein a running
fotintain {'aynjdriya, q 88:2-12)." Here, the
dark side of springs appears as a symbol
SPRINGS AND FOUNTAINS
124
for evil and punishment (see good and
evil; reward and punishment;
CHASTISEMENT AND PUNISHMENT). This is
remarkable because the polarity of para-
dise and hell, which is usually expressed in
the Qur'an through the polarity of water
and fire (q.v.), appears here as the contrast
between (cool) running and boiling (stag-
nant) water (see also pairs and pairing).
Inspired by qur'anic passages such as
those mentioned above, Islamic culture
commonly designates single fountains as
symbols for paradise as a whole. This holds
true, for example, for the basins or foun-
tains that provide drinking water in the
courtyards of mosques (see moscjue).
(There are several designations for these
basins, such as hawd, birka or jisqijya, de-
rived from the Latin piscina, the [baptismal]
font, in contradistinction to the facilities for
ablution, which are called matdhir or
majiddi'; see cleanliness and ablution.)
It holds as well for the asbila (sing, sabil),
the public drinking fountains that were
built and established as religious founda-
tions from the sixth/twelfth century on-
ward in some of the major cities of the
Islamic world.
C3 55-46f. expresses the idea of a bipartite
paradise and presents the vision of a dou-
ble set of twin gardens. In describing the
first pair of gardens it says: "therein two
fountains of running water" [Jihimd 'ajndni
tajriydni, c) 55:50). Referring to the second
pair, which is situated min dunihim
fe 55-62) — an expression that can either
mean "below" or "besides these" two — it
says: "therein two fountains of gushing
water" [Jihimd 'ajndni nadddkhatdni, o 55:66).
Although the qur'anic text says nothing
about it, the exegetical tradition (see
EXEGESIS OF THE Q^UR'an: CLASSICAL AND
medieval) is nearly unanimous in declar-
ing that a difference exists in rank between
the two pairs of gardens and that the first
pair is reserved for the muqarrabun .
According to al-Zamakhsharl (d. 538/
1144), al-Hasan al-Basri even identified the
two springs therein as salsahll and tasnlm.
While it is possible that the continuous use
of the dual in (J 55 is merely a stylistic
means to intensify the meaning, the idea of
four gardens indicated there exerted a very
great influence upon later Islamic repre-
sentations of paradise. This is especially
true in painting and horticulture, where
the chahdr bdgh — the four-partite garden of
the Achaemenid tradition, with its central
basin and its four dividing canals — be-
came the paradigm of paradise (see art
AND ARCHITECTURE AND THE QUR'an).
Q, 47:15 contains a third important con-
cept concerning the celestial springs and
rivers: "This is the similitude of paradise
[mathalu l-jannati; see parable) which the
godfearing have been promised: therein
are rivers of water untainted, rivers of milk
(q.v.) unchanging in flavor, and rivers of
wine — a delight to the drinkers — rivers,
too, of honey (q.v.) purified." The idea of
four cosmic rivers that structure the world
was already known to the Sumerians in the
third millennium B.c.E. Genesis 2:10
adopts this notion and states that "a river
went out of Eden to water the garden; and
from thence it was parted, and became
four heads." In the Genesis report, it is not
clear whether the river's source is situated
within the garden or whether the river
divides into four inside of the garden or at
its exit. The belief in the existence of four
rivers inside paradise emerged, however,
when, from exilic times onwards, the
desired eschatological fate was described
as a recovery of the garden of Eden.
Later this became associated with the
pairidaeza — the royal garden of the
Achaemenids. In Hellenistic times, this
conception was embellished by the idea
that the four rivers were flavored with the
tastes of milk, honey, wine and oil — sa-
cred liquids in the ancient near east and
125
SPRINGS AND FOUNTAINS
symbols for the promised land (cf. Lev 2;
Mum I3:23f.). But while St. Ephraem the
Syrian (fl. fourth century c.E.) mentions
four kinds of paradisiacal springs, (j 47:15
speaks only of four kinds of rivers and
leaves the question of their origin unan-
swered. Among the flavors of these rivers
the "water untainted" now replaces the
oil — certainly not because Muhammad
considered water necessary to dilute wine,
as J. Horovitz suggested {Das koranische
Paradies, g), but rather because of the sym-
bolic value inherent in living water. At any
rate, the Qtir'an unmistakably charac-
terizes this description of the rivers of
paradise as a "similitude" (mathal) and em-
phasizes thereby its metaphorical dimen-
sions (cf. C3 13:35; 24:35; see metaphor).
In this context, mention must be made of
(3 108:1: "Surely we have given you al-
kawthar." Many commentators understood
the word al-kawthar to mean "the abim-
dance" and interpreted this as "the plen-
titude of grace" (al-khayr al-kathir) that God
granted to his Prophet. According to a
popular explanation (especially in con-
nection with the story of the mi'rdj,
Muhammad's ascent to heaven; see
ascension), however, al-kawthar is said to
be the proper name of a river in paradise
or of the pool (hawd) into which this river
flows. Of particular interest here is the way
the river al-kawthar is usually described in
exegesis: its water — more delicious than
honey — is of a brighter whiteness than
milk or snow, and runs over precious stones
and pearls, with banks of gold (q.v.) and
silver (cf. e.g. Tabari, TafsTr; Zamakhshari,
Rashshdf; ^iaydawT, Anwar, ad q 108:1).
Q. 37-45"6j too, clearly states that the non-
intoxicating, pure paradisiacal beverage
(Q. 37-46-7; 56:19; 76:21) — which is wine,
according to al-Tabari and al-Razi
(d. 606/1210) — has a white color (baydd').
It should be pointed out here that pearly
whiteness is also the characteristic feature
of the qdsirdt al-tarf 'in and the hur 'in,
which have been traditionally understood
as metaphors for the maidens awaiting the
believers in paradise — "those of modest
gaze, with lovely eyes" and as "fair ones
with wide, lovely eyes," respectively (for an
opposing interpretation, see Luxenberg,
Syro-aramdische Lesart, 22if.; see houris).
The qdsirdt al-tarf 'in are likened to hidden
white objects {bayd maknun, (j 37:49), pearls
or eggs, and the hdr 'in are described "as
the likeness of hidden pearls" {al-lu'lu' al-
makndn, (J 56:23). In addition, the Arabic
root h-w-r that underlies the word hur car-
ries the meaning "whiteness," and 'in (de-
rived from 'ayn, denoting either "spring" or
"eye") implies the idea of shimmering and
brightness as well. In hadlth and later
Islamic literature (see HADITH and the
quR'AN), this paradisiacal feature of pearly
white shininess was enriched with the bibli-
cal vision of paradise as a garden of pre-
cious stones and metals [Jes 54:11-12; Ez
28:13-14; cf Rev 2i:iof ) — a vision that not
only underscores the beauty of paradise
but emphasizes its everlastingness as well
(see eternity). (In passing, reference can
be made here to the use of rock-crystal in
Islamic art: as a working material, it si-
multaneously stands for water and light
and was therefore considered apt to sym-
bolize God as the fountain of life and as
the "light upon light" of C3 24:35; see life;
light.)
Given the varying glimpses of the para-
disiacal landscape in the Qtir'an, it is not
surprising that Islamic theology elaborated
at least three different conceptions of it
(see THEOLOGY and the our'an): paradise
as one extensive park, paradise as four
neighboring gardens, or paradise consist-
ing of seven concentric and ascending cir-
cles. In each conception of paradise
particular importance is imputed to its
springs, which, by virtue of their hidden
origin, point to another, transcendent
SPRINGS AND FOUNTAINS
126
dimension. One group of traditions locates
tlie sources of tlie four rivers of paradise at
tlie foot of tlie sidrat al-muntahd, the "lote-
tree of the boundary," in the seventh
heaven below God's throne (see al-Tabarl,
Tafsn, ad Q^ 53:14; see throne of god).
The idea of the divine origin of the para-
disiacal springs also finds its appropriate
expression in a later tradition that relates
how, during the mi'rdj, the prophet
Muhammad is shown a huge cupola made
from a white pearl (min durra baydd'), from
whose four corners the four rivers of para-
dise flow. Entering the cupola, the Prophet
sees that over its corners the basmala (q.v.) is
written in such a way that the river of wa-
ter springs from the letter mim of the bi-ism.,
the river of milk from the hd' oi Allah, the
river of wine from the mim of al-rahmdn
and the river of honey from the mim of al-
ralum (see Qadi, Daqd'iq, I07f.; see god and
HIS attributes).
Qur'dnic cosmologj) and springs
Paradise is connected with earth (q.v.), and
cosmology (q.v.) explains how. Following
the ancient near east tradition all the way
back to Enuma elish, the Babylonian myth of
creation (c[.v.; cf. also Gen 1:6-7), '^^ Qiir'an
assumes the existence of two oceans that
surround the cosmos, one of sweet f'adhb
fiirdt), the other of salt (milh ujdj) water
(c3 25:53; 35:12; cf 27:61). The clearest
qur'anic traces of the idea that the cosmos
was created by dividing these primeval wa-
ters can be found in references to the del-
uge. There, it is stated that the destruction
of the cosmos took place in reverse order
of its creation, namely by the reuniting of
the upper and lower ocean: "Then we
opened the gates of heaven to water tor-
rential, and made the earth gush with
fountains (wa-fajjarnd l-arda 'uyunan), and
the waters met for a matter decreed"
(c3 54:11-12; cf 11:44; 21:30 and Gen 7:11).
According to two other verses (q 11:40;
23:27) the flood began when "the oven
boiled (fira l-tannur)." Most Muslim com-
mentators explained this expression by
saying that the water flowing out of his
oven was the sign for Noah (q.v.) to em-
bark; yet at its root lies the rabbinic convic-
tion that the waters of the flood were
boiling hot, like hell (cf. above at C3 88:5).
In the Ugaritic Baal mythology, the salty
ocean represents the chaotic monster
"Yamm," who threatens the gods (cf. Ps
93). Also, although the Qtir'an stresses that
God exerts his control over both oceans by
setting "between them a barrier (q.v.), and
a ban forbidden" (q 25:53), it may be con-
sidered a reminiscence of Ugarit, that the
word jamm in the Qtir'an always denotes
the sea in its negative aspects (e.g. C3 7:136;
20:39, 78, 97). Since, according to the
qur'anic cosmology, the salt-water ocean
consists of the terrestrial sea, the sweet-
water ocean must be located above the
firmament where paradise is also situated,
as H. Toelle [Le Goran revisite,i2/^-6) has
pointed out. Even though the Qiir'an re-
mains silent about the precise spatial re-
lationship of paradise on the one hand and
of the sweet water ocean on the other, par-
adise is characterized by the element of
sweet water, and the celestial ocean in turn
bears paradisiacal traits. From above, God
sends down water which is blessed (o 50:9;
cf. 7:96), pure (q 25:48) and purifying
(q 8:11) and which makes gardens flourish,
whose description is reminiscent of the
gardens of paradise ((J 23:19; 50:9-11). This
is in contrast to Genesis 2:10-14, where the
four rivers of paradise, especially the
Tigris and the Euphrates, actually translate
paradise to earth. Here, according to the
Qiir'an, it is the rain that safeguards this
connection. And since rain is the reason
for springs to gush forth and for valleys to
flow (q 13:17; 23:18-20; 39:21), both springs
and rivers are, although indirectly, of para-
disiacal origin, too.
127
SPRINGS AND FOUNTAINS
In the Islamic tradition, another concept
for the connection of paradise and earth is
that of the navel. This theory centers on
the idea that one place on earth is distin-
guished as the point of contact to the up-
per world. In early Islam, this navel was
identified as the rock in Jerusalem (q.v.);
later on it was transferred to the Ka'ba
(q.v.) in Mecca. Thus, according to Ka'b
al-Ahbar (d. ca. 32/652-3), each source of
sweet water on earth originates below the
rock in Jerusalem. A similar idea evolved
concerning Zamzam in the Ka'ba district.
Yaqut (d. 626/1229) relates that when
Zamzam first gushed out to save Ishmael
(q.v.; Isma'll) and Hagar (Hajar), it was a
spring, and had Hagar not built an en-
closure around it, its waters would have
flooded the whole earth. Ibn Jubayr (d.
614/1217; Travels, 139, 11. I2f), in turn, re-
ports that upon his visit to Mecca in
579/1183, pilgrims believed that on laylat
al-bard'a, the "night of repentance" fol-
lowing the 14th of Sha'ban, when God
descends to the lowest heaven to forgive
the repentant sinners (see forgiveness;
REPENTANCE AND penance), the water
level of Zamzam will rise. Finally, Zamzam
is thought to have a subterranean connec-
tion with other springs. Yaqut reports the
popular belief that each year on the day of
'Arafat (q.v.), the 9th of Dhu I-Hijja, the
spring in Sidwan, a spot in the environs of
Jerusalem, is "visited" by the water of
Zamzam. Likewise, at the beginning of the
last century, it was still a widespread belief
that on the lOth of Muharram, the day of
'Ashura' (see fasting; Ramadan),
Zamzam water combines with the springs
of Hammam al-Shifa in Palestine.
As symbols for paradise on earth, springs
are considered signs of God's blessings for
humankind (see blessing). Time and
again, the Qiir'an admonishes people to be
thankful for this (q^ 2:74; 26:134, 147;
36:33-5; 39:21). If, however, man proves
to be imgrateful (see gratitude and
ingratitude; belief and unbelief), God
may expel him from the springs or cause
the springs to dry up (cf q 2:266; 18:32-46;
23:18-20; 26:57; 44:25; 67:30). In addition,
springs appear as marks of distinction for
persons important in salvation (q.v.) history
(see HISTORY AND THE our'an): at God's
command Moses (q.v.) strikes the rock with
his staff (see rod) and twelve springs gush
out {'ajn, o 2:60; 7:160). God makes the
"fount of molten brass" flow for Solomon
(q.v.; 'ajna l-qip; c) 34:12; cf i Kings 7:23f.).
When Mary (q.v.) — leaning against the
trunk of a palm (see date palm) and sur-
prised by birth pangs — cries in despair
(q.v.), [a voice] "below her" calls to her,
"No, do not sorrow; [see] your lord (q.v.)
has set below you a rivulet" [sariyyan,
<J 19:24). Both Mary and Jesus (q.v.) are
given refuge upon "a height with a secure
abode and a spring" [ma%n, c) 23:50).
Finally, the unbelievers' demand that the
Prophet legitimate his mission by making a
spring gush [yanbu', cj 17:90-1) can be seen
in this context as well (see miracles;
marvels; opposition to muhammad;
provocation).
Matthias Radscheit
Bibliography
Primary: BaydawT, ^nwar; J.Chr. Biirgel (trans.),
J^izami, Das Alexanderbuch. Iskandarname, Zurich
1991, 369-87; Ibn Ishaq, Sira, ed. M.M. 'Abd al-
Hamld, 4 vols., Cairo n.d., i, 154-8; Ibn Jubayr,
The travels of Ibn Jubayr. Edited from a manuscript in
the University Library of Leyden, ed. W. Wright, 2nd
TVS. ed. M.J. deGoeje, Leiden 1907; Ibn al-Kalbi,
Abu 1-Mundhir Hisham b. Muhammad, Kitdb al-
Asndm, ed. A. Zaki, Cairo 1384/1965; al-Qadi,
'Abd al-Rahlm b. Ahmad, Daqd'iq al-akhbdr fi
dhikr al'janna wa-l-ndr, ed. and German trans.
M. Wolf, Muhammedanische Eschatotogie, Leipzig
1872; RazT, TafsTr; Tabarl, Tafsir; Yaqut, Bulddn,
ed. Wiistenfeld; Zamakhsharl, Kashshdf.
Secondary: M.A.S. Abdel Haleem, Water in the
Qur'an, in H. Abdel Haleem (ed.), Islam and the
environment, London 1998, 103-17; A. Ambros,
128
Gestaltung unci Fiinktion der Biosphare im
Koran, in zdmg 140 (1990), 290-325; N. Ardalan,
The paradise garden paradigm, in S.J. Ishtiyan
et al. (eds.), Consciousness and reality. Studies in
memory of Toshihiko Izutsu, Leiden 2000, 97-127;
H.J.D. Astley, A sacred spring and tree at
Hammam R'Irha, Algeria, in Man 10 (1910),
122-3; J. Brookes, Gardens of paradise, London
1987; T. Canaan, Haunted springs and water
demons in Palestine, in Journal of the Palestine
Oriental Society i {1920-1), 153-70; E. Clark,
Underneath which rivers flow. The symbolism of the
Islamic garden, London 1996; Clermont-Ganneau,
La lampe et I'olivier dans le Coran, in Revue de
r/ustoire des religions 81 (1920), 213-59; J.H. Croon,
Hot springs and healing gods, in Mnemosyne 4/20
{1967), 225-46; M. Eliade, Die Religionen und das
Heilige, Frankfurt 1998, 219-48; G. Fartacek,
Pilgerstdtten in der sy rise hen Peripherie, Vienna 2003,
I52f.; F.B. Flood, The great mosque of Damascus.
Studies on the making of an Umayyad visual culture,
Leiden 2001; P. Franke, Begegnung mit Khidr.
Quellenstudien zum Imagindren im. traditionellen Islam,
Beirut 2000, 45-52; O. Grabar, The Dome of the
Rock in Jerusalem, in S. Nuseibeh, The Dome of
the Rock, New York 1996, 12-70; H. Halbfas, Der
Paradiesgarten, in U. Heindrichs and H.-A.
Heindrichs (eds.), ^auber Mdrchen. Forschungs-
berichte aus der Welt der Mdrchen, Munchen 1998,
45-52; J. Horovitz, Das koranische Paradies,
Jerusalem 1923; Jeffery, For. vocab.; I. Lichten-
staedter, A note on the "gharamq" and related
qur'anic problems, in lOS 5 {1976), 54-61; Ch.
Luxenberg, Die syro-aramdische Lesart des Koran. Fin
Beitrag zur Fntschlusselung der Koransprache, Berlin
2000, 221-69; J.D. McAuliffe, The wines of earth
and paradise. Qiir'anic proscriptions and
promises, in R.M. Savory and D.A. Agius (eds.),
Logos Islamikos. Studia Islamica in honorem Georgii
Michaelis Wickens, Toronto 1984, 159-74; ^-L-
Mostafa, The Cairene sabil. Form and meaning,
in Muqarnas 6 (1989), 33-42; E.B. Moynihan,
Paradise as garden in Persia and Mughal India, New
York 1979; W. Miiller, Die heilige Stadt. Roma
quadrata, himmlisches Jerusalem und die Mythe vom
Weltnabel, Stuttgart 1961; A. Neuwirth, Sym-
metrie und Paarbildung in der koranischen
Eschatologie. Philologisch-stilistisches zu Sdrat ar-
Rahmdn, in mfob 50 (1984), 445-80; A. Petruccioli
(ed.), Der islamische Garten, Stuttgart 1995;
M. Radscheit, The iconography of the Qiir'an,
in Chr. Szyska and Fr. Pannewick (eds.). Crossings
and passages in genre and culture, Wiesbaden 2003,
167-83; A. Roman, Une vision humaine des fins
dernieres. Le Kitab al-Tawahhum d'al Muhdsibi,
Paris 1978; M. Rosen-Ayalon, On Suleiman's
sabils in Jerusalem, in C.E. Bosworth et al. (eds.).
The Islamic world, Princeton 1989, 589-607;
B. Schrieke, Die Himmelsreise Muhamnieds, in
Der Islam 6 (1916), 1-30; N. Sed, Les hymnes sur le
paradis de Saint Ephreni et les traditions juives,
in Museon 81 (1968), 455-501; A. Shalem,
Fountains of light. The meaning of medieval
Islamic rock crystal lamps, in Muqarnas 11 (1994),
i-ii; Speyer, Frzdhlungen; H. Toelle, Le Coran
revisits. Lefeu, I'eau, Vair et la terre, Damascus 1999;
P. Underwood, The fountain of life in
manuscripts of the Gospels, in Dumbarton Oaks
papers 5 (1950), 41-138; A.J. Wensinck, The ideas of
the western Semites concerning the navel oj the earth,
Amsterdam 1916.
Staff see ROD
Stages of Life see biology as the
CREATION AND STAGES OF LIFE
Stars see PLANETS AND STARS;
PARADISE
Station of Abraham see plage of
ABRAHAM
Statue see IDOLS AND IMAGES
Steadfast see trust and patience
Steal see THEFT
Stone
Concreted earthy or mineral matter. Stone,
hajar (pi. hijdra)^ attested in eleven verses of
the Qiir'an, is never mentioned as part of
the landscape or as a natural object; it is
used as a symbol or a metaphor (q.v.)
whose meaning is patterned by the inter-
textual relations between the stone motifs
in the Qiir'an and the Bible (see scripture
AND THE Q^UR'aN; SYMBOLIC IMAGERY).
The image of the stone appears in the
Qur'an at the same time that biblical im-
ages, narratives (q.v.) and persons, which
are virtually absent from the early suras,
flood the text (see chronology and the
129
STONING
(JUr'an). Most of the mentions are found
in tlie late Meccan suras and the Medinan
suras (see Mecca; Medina).
The /ifl/flr-contexts can be divided into
two groups: i) those related to the idea of
stoning (q.v.; five occurrences); 2) those
witlr a different symbolic weight (six oc-
currences). The first group is very homo-
geneous in meaning. All the contexts
(a 8:32; 11:82; 15:74; 51:33; 105:4) convey
one and the same idea, that of God's direct
punishment of sinners (see sin, major and
minor) and infidels (see belief and
tJNBELiEF) by throwing stones from the sky.
This has a clear biblical prototype (Josh
19:8-10; see chastisement and punish-
ment; PUNISHMENT STORlEs). The main
difference between the Bible and the
Qiir'an with respect to this motif is that
the qur'anic stones for punishment are
made of clay (q.v.). This would be impos-
sible for the Hebrew Bible, where clay and
stone constitute the opposition between a
natural substance and a material symboli-
cally intertwined with the idea of the cho-
sen people (see election). The qur'anic
image of clay stones marked with inscrip-
tions (hijdmtan min musawwamatan,
Q. 5i-33"4> hij^i'^i '"^n sijjil, cj 11:82; 15:74;
105:4) recalls clay tablets with cuneiform
inscriptions from Mesopotamia and hints
at its Mesopotamian, not biblical, back-
ground. The second group of mentions is
centered on the opposition between life
(q.v.) and death (see death and the dead;
PAIRS and pairino) — where stone is a
metaphor for the dead matter — and the
possibility of overcoming this opposition
by God's omnipotence (see power and
impoteni;e). Two instances (q^ 2:60; 7:160)
are reminiscences of the biblical story of
Moses (cj.v.), who struck water (q.v.) from
the stone with his rod (q.v.; Exod 17:5-6) and
thus produced life (water) from dead mat-
ter with the lord's (q.v.) help. Conversely,
o 2:74, also placed within the framework of
the story of Moses, asserts that live matter
(e.g. the hearts of unbelievers; see heart;
BELIEF and unbelief) can turn into dead
matter (stones) if they do not have faith
(q.v.) and, on the contrary, stones can be-
come alive and produce water if they fear
(q.v.) God (cf. the motif of "hearts of
stone" in the Bible: i Sam 20:37; J/oi 41:16;
Ezek 11:19; 36:26; ^ech 7:12; cf also cj 2:264
for a very close motif in the Qiir'an but
without stone). Along the same lines,
C3 17:50 expressly asserts God's ability to
resurrect people (see resurrection) even
if they became stones and has a direct par-
allel in the New Testament (Matt 3:9). The
remaining instances ((j 2:24; 66:6) speak
about people and stones as fuel for the
fire of hell (see hell and hellfire), and
thus once more show that God's might is
able to transcend such opposites (cf. a par-
allel to this motif in the Bible: i Kings
18:31-8).
Dmitry V. Frolov
Bibliography
Primary: Ibn KatliTr, TafsTr; Jaldlayn; Lisdn at-'Arab
(for furtiier details on the usage and meaning of
the term); SuyutT, Durr; TabarT, TafsTr; Zamakh-
sharT, Kashshaf.
Secondary: J. Chabbi, Le seigneur des tribus. L'Islam
de Mahomet, Paris 1997, 625-6; H. Toelle, Le Coran
revisite. Lefea, i'eau, Vair et ta terre, Damascus 1999,
111-12.
Stoning
A capital punishment for grave sins at-
tested in the ancient Near East from time
immemorial, representing part of the bibli-
cal legacy in the Qiir'an (see scripture
AND THE ^ur'an). The motif of stoning is
expressed in two ways in the Qiir'an. It is
either the verb rajama, "to stone" (equiva-
lent to the biblical ragam), and its deriva-
tives (thirteen occurrences); or verbs that
convey the idea of "throwing, showering.
130
sending down" (ramd, amtara, arsala), with
hajar, "stone" (q.v.), as an instrumental
complement (five occurrences).
The punishment of stoning occurs in
four different situations in the Qiir'an and
the origin of most of them can be traced
back to the Bible. The first is the piuiish-
ment inflicted from the sky by the lord
(q.v.) on his enemies (q.v.) expressed ex-
clusively by a verbal phrase with hajar as a
complement (see chastisement and
punishment; punishment stories). It has
evident biblical connotations as three of
the five contexts which depict this are part
of the story of Abraham (q.v.; Ibrahim)
and Lot (q.v; Lut; Q 11:82-3; 1574; 5i:33) as
well as a direct prototype in the Bible [Josh
ig:8-io). The two remaining contexts are
related to the biography and mission of
Muhammad (see o 8:32; 105:4; see sIra
AND THE quR'AN), including the episode of
a miraculous punishment from the sky vis-
ited upon the "companions of the ele-
phant," or the invaders from south Arabia
who intended to conquer Mecca (q.v; see
also abraha; people of the elephant).
In a second, variant occurrence God in-
flicts punishment by stoning not only peo-
ple but also the devil (q.v; shaytdn) and his
army. This act of the lord, which has no
parallels in the Bible, emerges as part of
the story of the creation (q.v.) of human-
kind (c3 15:16-17; 67:5) and connotes the
eternal condemnation of Satan. This nar-
rative in turn gives birth to a well-known
epithet of the devil, namely rajim (stoned;
(^ 3:36; 16:98; 81:25) and to a ritual of ston-
ing during the pilgrimage (q.v.) to Mecca.
Its relation to the first situation is shown by
the contexts where devils are stoned from
the sky with projectiles in the form of the
fallen stars (o 15:17; 67:5). The third in-
cident is opposed to the first two. The ston-
ing or the threat of stoning of the prophets
and the believers by the infidels is attested
both in the Bible [Exod 8:25-6) and the
Qiir'an, where this occurs not only in the
story of Moses (q.v; Musa; (j 44:20) but
also in the story of Noah (q.v; Nuh;
Q_ 26:116), Abraham ({^ 19:46) and Shu'ayb
(q.v; C3 11:91; see also Q_ 18:20; 36:18; see
also BELIEF and UNBELIEF; PROPHETS AND
prophethood). The most paradoxical
situation has to do with the fourth situation
which, according to Muslim tradition, is
present in the qur'anic text "virtually," not
actually. Stoning as the capital punishment
prescribed by the law for certain major
crimes (see sin, major and minor), which
is very frequent in the Bible, is absent from
the textus receptus of the qur'anic vulgate
(see CODICES OF the q^ur'an; collection
OF THE our'an). Muslim scholars never-
theless postulate the existence of a qur'anic
verse which has been "abrogated" (man-
sukh; see abrogation) textually but still
remains one of the foundations of Muslim
law (see law and the q^ur'an): "If a man
or a woman commits adultery, stone
them..." (on this "stoning verse," see
Suyuti, Itqdn [chap. 47], iii, 82; Noldeke,
OQ, i, 248-52; Burton, Collection, 70-80,
89-96 and passim; see also adultery and
fornication).
Dmitry V. Frolov
Bibliography
Primary: Ibn Kathlr, Tafsir; Jaldlayn; Lisdn al-'Arab
(for further details on the usage and meaning of
the term); SuyutT, Dun; id., Itqdn; Tabarl, Tafsir;
id., TatidliTb al-dthdr. Musnad 'Umar b. al-Kliattdb,
ed. M. Shakir, 3 vols., Cairo 1983, ii, 870-80 (for
many traditions on the "stoning verse," dyat at-
rajm); Zamakhsharl, Kashstidf.
Secondary: Burton, Collection; id., The sources oj
Islamic law. Islamic theories of abrogation, Edinburgh
1990; Noldeke, gq.
St
orm see WEATHER
Story see narratives; JOSEPH
131
STRANGERS AND FOREIGNERS
Straight Path see path or way;
astray; error; community' and society
IN THE Q^UR'aN
Strangers and Foreigners
Those who are away fi-om their usual place
of residence and find themselves among
people who view them as outsiders. In this
sense, stranger and foreigner are social cat-
egories whose referent cannot be fixed but
will vary according to time, place and cul-
ture. In medieval Arabic, Persian and
Turkish, both categories were best ex-
pressed by the term gharib, which, however,
does not occur in the Qiir'an. Ajnabi, a
term that has come to mean "foreigner" in
all three languages especially in the era of
modern nation-states, is also absent from
the Qiir'an but it is represented in the
forms al-jdr al-junubi and al-sdhib bi-l-janbi in
q 4:36 mentioned among categories of
people that are to be shown kindness (see
love; mercy). Most commentators are
agreed that the former phrase shoidd be
understood as the opposite of the phrase
al-jdr dhi l-qurbd, "near or related neigh-
bor," that precedes it in the verse (see
kinship). Al-Tabarl(d. 310/923; Tafsir, iv,
82-3) reports "unrelated neighbor" and
"neighbor who is a mushrik (see poly-
theism AND atheism)" as the two alterna-
tive readings for al-jdr al-junubi, and he
himself opts for "unrelated stranger" as the
best reading (translation of key passage in
Rosenthal, Stranger, 39-40). Al-Baydawi
(d. prob. 716/1316-17; ^niffl^ i, 214) and,
following him, the modern Turkish exegete
Elmalih [Kur'dn Dili, ii, 1354-5) simply read
the two phrases al-jdr dhi l-qurbd and al-jdr
al-junubi to mean "near [i.e. related and/or
close] neighbor" and "far [i.e. unrelated
and/or far] neighbor" respectively, and
linked them to the following hadlth (which
does not appear in the six canonical col-
lections [see hadIth and the q^ur'an],
but is attributed to a Companion of the
Prophet in a number of other works;
see COMPANIONS OF THE PROPHET; cf
Zabldi, Ithdf, vii, 268; DaylamI, Firdaws,
ii, 120, no. 2628; see also Ghazall, Ihyd',
ii, 231):
There are three [kinds of] neighbors. The
first [i.e. the Muslim who is both a neigh-
bor and a relative] has three rights: the
right of proximity, the right of relatedness,
the rights accorded him on account of
being a Muslim. The second [i.e. the non-
related Muslim who is a neighbor] has
two rights: the right of proximity and the
right of being a Muslim. And the third
[i.e. the neighbor who is neither Muslim
nor a relative] has one right: the right of
proximity, and these are mushriks [and ahl
al-kitdb] .
As for the qur'anic phrase al-sdhib bi-l-janbi,
it is not clear whether it should be read in
conjunction with what precedes it (which is
the phrase al-jdr al-junubi^ or in isolation
from what surrounds it. The first alterna-
tive would seem to be ruled out by the con-
joined reading of the two preceding
phrases as "near and far neighbors," while
the second alternative is picked up by al-
Tabari {Tafsu; iv, 83-4), who lists the mean-
ings "travel companion (see trips and
voyages; journey)," "a man's female
companion," and "friend, comrade," and
endorses all of them. Whatever their exact
meanings may be, however, it is clear that
of the two phrases al-jdr al-junubi and al-
sdhib bi-l-janbi, only the former may per-
haps be slightly relevant to a discussion of
strangers in the Qtir'an and neither expres-
sion really refers to those away from their
usual place of residence.
Another qur'anic locus for the concept of
SUFFERING
132
foreignness might be the term ajami,
meaning "non-Arab" and "non-Arabic"
(see Arabs). Tlie term is used in C) 16:103,
41:44 and 26:198 but in all three
instances the element of linguistic differ-
entiation seems to be foregrounded and it
is difficult to see anything other than an
attempt to emphasize the inimitability (q.v.)
of the Qiir'an. A better candidate for a
qur'anic approximation to the concept
"stranger," however, is the phrase ibn al-
sabTl, meaning "traveler," "wayfarer," or,
though only secondarily, "guest," which is
mentioned eight times in the Qiir'an
(c3 2:177, 215; 4:36 [where it follows the
phrase al~sdhib bi-l-janbi discussed above] ;
8:41; 9:60; 17:26; 30:38; 59:7) always as one
of the many different social categories
listed as recipients of charity. Arguably, the
traveler is the stranger j(iflr excellence; the
Qi_ir'an can be said to endorse travel
((^ 20:53: "He spread out the earth for you
and lined it up with roads," and Q^ 67:15:
"It is he who has made the earth manage-
able for you, so travel its regions") and des-
ignates the traveler as deserving of charity
and kind treatment. Thus it is possible to
see here a genuine concern for the welfare
of strangers, which would be in keeping
with the qur'anic insistence on social jus-
tice (see JUSTICE and injustice;
OPPRESSED on earth, THE; OPPRESSION).
Finally, while not necessarily falling into
the category of "strangers" as "outsiders,"
"guests" — and their proper treat-
ment — also appear in the qur'anic dis-
course (see visiting; hospitality and
courtesy). The "honored guests of
Abraham" [dayf ibrdhim al-mukramina,
Q_ 51:24; cf. 15:51) figure in four qur'anic
narratives (q.v.; (j_ ii:6gf ; I5:5if.; 29:3if ;
5i:24f.), in which Abraham (q.v.) is por-
trayed as the host par excellence, much as in
the biblical account (see scripture and
THE cjur'an). In these narratives, both
Abraham and Lot (q.v.) fear lest their
guests be dishonored and mistreated (cf.
esp. Q_ 11:78; 15:68; 54:37), echoing the
qur'anic exhortation to proper treatment
of visitors (and, by extension, foreigners).
Ahmet T. Karamustafa
Bibliography
Primary: Baydawi, Anwar; DaylamI, Shirawayh
b. Shahradar, al-Firdaws al-akhbdr bi-ma'thur al-
khitdb, ed. S. Zaghlul, 5 vols., Beirut 1986;
Elmalili Muhammed Hamdi Yazir, Hak Dini
Kur'dn Dili, 9 vols., Istanbul 1935-9; al-Ghazall,
Abu Hamid Muhammad, Ihyd' 'ulum al-din, 5
vols., Beirut 1996; Tabarl, TaJsTr, 12 vols., Beirut
1992; Murtada al-Zabidl, Muhammad b.
Muhammad, Kitdb Ithdf al-sdda al-muttaqm bi-
Sharh Ihyd' 'ulum al-dln, 14 vols., Beirut 1989;
ZamakhsharT, Kashshdf, 4 vols., Beirut 1995.
Secondary: F. Rosenthal, The stranger in
medieval Islam, in Arabica 44 (1997), 35-75.
Straw see GRASSES
Style (of the Qur'an) see language
AND style of THE (JUR'aN; RHETORIC AND
THE OUR'aN
Submission see faith; islam
Suckling see children; lactation;
wet-nursing
Suffering
Pain, distress or injury, and the endurance
of pain, distress or injury. The noun
"pain" [alam or waja ') does not occur in the
Qiir'an. The verb "to feel pain" (alima) is
used only three times, all in the same verse
((J 4:104), in which it refers to suffering in
warfare. The adjective "painful" (alim), a
derivation of the same root ('-l-m), is more
commonly used. It occurs seventy-two
times, mostly in combination with the
word "punishment" ('adhdb).
With the exception of c) 36:18, the
133
SUFFERING
expression "painful punishment" ('adhdb
alim) relates to punishment from God (see
CHASTISEMENT AND PUNISHMENT; REWARD
AND punishment). "My punishment is the
painful punishment" ((J 15:50). Sometimes,
the content of this punishment is men-
tioned. It is a wind that destroys everything
(q, 46:24; see AIR AND wind), smoke (q.v.)
that covers the people (c3 44:10-11) or pun-
ishment in hell (q_ 5:36; see HELL AND
hellfire). That the punishments in hell
will be very painful can be concluded from
their descriptions in the Qiir'an (e.g.
a 4:56; 9:35; 18:29; 22:19-21; 56:42-4).
People in hell will undergo intense pain
and suffering. They will sigh and groan
((J 11:106), distort their burnt faces
(c3 23:104) and be distressed and despairing
(a 22:22; 43:75).
Part of God's punishment may be given
in advance in this world (o 24:19; 9:74).
According to the qur'anic punishment nar-
ratives (q.v.; see also punishment stories),
God has already punished unbelieving
peoples by sending a flood [tujan, q 29:14),
an earthquake [rajfa, C3 29:37), a violent
storm [hdsib, q_ 29:40) or a roaring wind [rih
sarsar, Q_ 69:6; see weather). These cala-
mities annihilated the imbelievers because
of their persistence in unbelief after a
prophet had warned them (see belief and
unbelief; prophets and prophethood;
warning). God's sending of a prophet
may be accompanied by calamities that
support the prophet's warning, so that the
unbelievers will abandon their sins (q 6:42;
7:94; 32:21-2; see SIN, major and minor).
This happened to the people of Egypt
(q.v.). God sent them calamities as a warn-
ing, but when they did not heed these
warnings and persevered in their sins, God
drowned them in the sea (c3 7:133-6; see
drowning).
Other afHictions and calamities are not
meant to be punishments but trials (see
trial). God tests (jablii) the people's belief
by giving them either welfare or adversity
(0,5:48; 6:165; 21:35; see grace; blessing;
TRUST and patience) because he wants to
know how they behave in prosperity and in
adversity (q 47:31; 67:2). For this purpose,
he has created earth (q.v.), life (q.v), death
(see death and the dead), and people
themselves (q 11:7; 18:7; 67:2; 76:2; see
creation). God tries them by restricting
their sustenance (q.v; (J 89:16). He imposes
hunger (see famine), poverty (see poverty
AND THE poor), and the loss of property
(q.v.), lives and crops upon them to test
them (c3 2:155). Being tried by these afHic-
tions, people should show their belief in
God by patient endurance (c) 2:156, 177;
22:35; 31:17)-
Forms of suffering connected to liuman
existence are the undergoing of illness,
pain and infirmities (see illness and
health). In the Qiir'an some illnesses and
infirmities are mentioned without being
indicated as trials or punishments from
God. Abraham (q.v.) referred to illness
when he said that God gave him health
when he was ill (c3 26:80). Leprosy and
blindness are mentioned in q 3:49 and
q 5:110, where it is said that Jesus (q.v.)
healed the leper and those born blind (see
seeing and hearing; vision and
blindness; miracles; marvels), q 22:5
refers to the infirmities of old age, stating
that humans lose their knowledge (see
KNOWLEDGE AND LEARNING) when they
grow old (see youth and old age). The
pains of childbirth are mentioned in
q 19:23, where it says Mary (q.v.) under-
went them (see biology as the creation
AND STAGES OF life). Blindness and other
infirmities are mentioned when it is said
that the blind, the cripple and the sick are
excused for not being able to fulfill all their
duties (e.g. q 24:61; 48:17). There is no in-
dication that these illnesses and infirmities
are a punishment from God. An exception
may be the blindness of Lot's (q.v.) people,
SUFFERING
134
whose eyes (q.v.) God effaced. This was a
punishment and a warning (c3 54:37). The
terms ilhiess, bhndness and deafness (see
HEARING AND DEAFNESs) are, however, of-
ten used metaphorically in the sense of
wavering in belief or failing to heed a
prophet's message (see metaphor).
An example of suffering which is a trial
imposed by God is that endured by proph-
ets, a group who cannot have deserved
punishment. We have already seen that
Abraham suffered illness. An often-cited
example of patient suffering is Job (q.v.),
whose suffering was not from God but
Satan (q 21:83; 38:41; see devil).
According to the exegetes, however, this
was done with God's permission. When
Job endured affliction without losing his
belief in God, God rewarded him by tak-
ing away the affliction, returning his family
and doubling their number (q 21:84;
38:42-3). Another prophet who suffered
was Jacob (q.v.), who was told that his son
Joseph (q.v.) had been killed by a wolf
(5) 12:16-18). He patiently endured the loss
of his son, although he became blind be-
cause of his distress (o 12:84). Later he
found out that Joseph had not died and he
regained his sight (q^ 12:96).
Job and Jacob suffered both mentally and
physically but the suffering of other proph-
ets was largely mental. They suffered dis-
tress, being called liars (see lie) and being
rejected by the unbelievers ((J 6:34; 14:12).
This also happened to Muhammad (see
OPPOSITION TO MUHAMMAD). He was dis-
tressed and depressed because of what the
unbelievers said to him (o 6:33; 15:97) and
their unbelief caused him great sorrow.
"Perhaps you [Muhammad] will kill your-
self with grief (asaf), because they do not
believe in this message" (c3 18:6; cf. 26:3;
see JOY AND misery). God told him not to
grieve (c3 5:41; 10:65; 27:70; 31:23; 36:76)
but to endure patiently (c3 16:127; 20:130;
73:10). Just like Muhammad, the believers
should patiently endure distress and
affliction (e.g. C3 3:200). If they hold out
and keep to their belief in God in difficult
situations, God will reward them (q 23:111;
25:75; 33:35; 76:12). He will even double
their reward (c) 28:54) and remit the bad
actions of those who suffered because of
their religion (c3 3:195).
More details about suffering can be
found in the hadlth (see hadith and the
(Jur'an). It is reported that Muhammad
said that for each harm that a Muslim
meets in the form of illness, tiredness, sor-
row, distress and pain, "even if it were the
prick of a thorn," God will grant remission
of some of his or her sins (Bukharl, Sahih,
bk. 75, K. Mardd, i/i, iv, 40; Fr. trans, iv, 50;
and 2/2, iv, 41; trans, iv, 51). As God does
not punish twice and some sins are already
paid for by suffering imposed by him, they
will not be counted on the last day (see
LAST judgment). Suffering is also seen as a
trial from God. Those who patiently en-
dure it will be generously rewarded. A
hadlth qudsi (prophetic dictum attributed to
God that is not in the Qiir'an) says that
when God tests a Muslim by depriving him
of his eyes, and he patiently undergoes it,
he will enter paradise (q.v.) as compensa-
tion (Bukharl, Sahih, bk. 75, 7, iv, 42; Fr.
trans, iv, 52-3). God's imposition of illness
and pain can be seen as a sign of his spe-
cial attention or as a favor. Only those who
suffer get the opportunity to practice
patient endurance. Abu Hurayra (d. ca.
58/678) reported that Muhammad said: "If
God wants to do good to somebody, he
afflicts him with trials" (Bukharl, Sahih, bk.
75, 1/5, iv, 41; Fr. trans, iv, 51, which con-
tains an alternative reading of the final
phrase: "Celui a qui Dieu veut du bien
reussit toujours a I'obtenir"; cf. Ibn Hajar,
Fath, x, 108 for both readings). A closely
related view is that those who are most
loved by God suffer most. This finds its
expression in the saying that the people
135
SUFFERING
who are most visited witli afflictions are the
propliets, then tlie most pious people (see
piety), and so on. According to 'A'isha (see
'a'isha bint abi bakr), nobody suffers as
mucli pain as Muliammad did (Bukhari,
Sahih, bk. 75, 2/1, iv, 41; Fr. trans, iv, 51).
Suffering is an important element in
Islamic mysticism (see SUFISM and the
qUR'AN). Patient endurance (sabr) of
affliction (bala') is one of the stations
(maqdmdt) of the mystical path. It is closely
related to tawakkul, "complete trust in
God," and ridd, "contentment about all
that comes from God." According to the
descriptions of the mystical path, the mys-
tic's attitude to suffering changes in ac-
cordance with his mystical progress. First,
he patiently endures affliction as a trial
from God. Next, he willingly accepts it in
the belief that affliction is a grace from
God. At a still higher mystical level, he re-
ceives affliction with contentment and joy
because God, the object of his love, sent it
to him. Those who love God are happy to
receive afflictions because they consider
these as signs of divine love. The afflictions
teach them that they are friends of God
(see FRIENDS AND FRIENDSHIP), and that
they are tested by him because he wishes to
know the sincerity of their love.
The ImamI Shi'l (see shi'ism and the
qUR'AN) doctrine of suffering focuses on
the sufferings of Muhammad and his de-
scendants, the Imams (see imam), and in
particular on the sufferings of Muham-
mad's son-in-law 'All b. Abi Talib (q.v.;
d. 40/661) and his grandson, al-Husayn
(d. 61/680). On the day of judgment, the
Prophet, his daughter Fatima (q.v.), and
the Imams will be allowed to intercede for
the faithful, as a reward for their sufferings
(see intercession).
Suffering as a theological question
The view that suffering imposed by God is
either a punishment or a trial raises the
question of why innocent children (q.v.)
and animals suffer. Adults of sound mind
(see maturity) are considered to be mukal-
laf, which means that they are subject to
God's imposition of obligations (taklif).
They will be rewarded for fulfilling these
obligations and will be punished for failing
to do so. Children, the insane (see insan-
ity), and animals (see animal life ) are
not mukallaf, which means that their suf-
fering cannot be a punishment, and cannot
be a trial, either, because they are not eli-
gible for a reward for patient endurance.
Some theologians believed that children
suffer as an advance punishment for sins
they will commit as adults. This does not
answer the question of the suffering of
children who die before reaching adult-
hood, and the suffering of animals.
The Mu'tazills (q.v.) were convinced that
the suffering of children, the insane, and
animals cannot be intended to punish
them because this would be in conflict with
God's justice (see justice and injustice).
According to the Mu'tazili scholar 'Abd
al-Jabbar (d. 415/1025), God imposes suf-
fering upon children and animals because
he wants to warn the adults near them.
The children and animals will be com-
pensated for this in the hereafter (see
eschatolooy). For that reason, they will
be revived on the last day (see resurrec-
tion), together with those who were mukal-
laf. According to 'Abd al-Jabbar, all those
who are brought back to life will receive
compensation for undeserved suffering, but
they will have to give up some of this com-
pensation in order to compensate for pain
they themselves inflicted on other living
beings without God's permission. The peo-
ple of paradise will receive their compen-
sation in addition to their reward, whereas
the people of hell will receive it in the form
of a temporal reduction of their punish-
ment. Some adherents to parts of the
Mu'tazili doctrine, such as the Imami Shi'ls
SUFFERING
136
al-Shaykh al-Mufid (d. 413/1022) and al-
Sharlf al-Murtada (d. 436/1044) and the
Karaite Yusuf al-BasIr (fl. first half fifl;h/
eleventh century) held largely similar opin-
ions about suffering and its compensation.
The Ash'arls rejected the Mu'tazili
rationalizations about God's actions (see
THEOLOGY AND THE Q^Ur'an). What
counted for them was that everything in
this world, good or bad, happens in ac-
cordance with God's will. God imposes
suffering on his creatures but humans can-
not know why he does so (see knowledge
AND learning; freedom and predesti-
nation; intellect). The incomprehen-
sibility of God's actions may be illustrated
by the qur'anic story of Moses' (q.v.)
friend, whose name, according to the
majority of the exegetes, was al-Khidr (or
al-Khadir; see khadir/khidr). He told
Moses not to ask him about his actions,
which included the killing of a boy (see
murder; bloodshed). Nevertheless,
Moses could not stop himself asking why
he did such things. In the end, his friend
explained his motives to him. Then it be-
came clear to Moses that in reality his
friend's actions were deeds of mercy (q.v.).
The friend, however, left him because of
his qviestioning (c3 18:66-82). This may ex-
plain why the Ash'arls and mainstream
SunnI Islam did not develop a theory
about suffering in this world. Al-Baqillani
(d. 403/1013) and al-Juwaynl (d. 478/1085)
discussed suffering mainly in order to re-
fute their opponents. Al-Juwaynl explained
that there is no need to value pains im-
posed by God because we know that they
are good, as they come from God (see
GOOD and evil). Al-Ghazall (d. 505/1111)
pointed out that humans do not have the
right to ask God for an explanation of his
actions (c) 21:23). As God is the master of
all (see lord; kings and rulers;
sovereignty), he is entitled to impose
pain without it being deserved or com-
pensated for {Ihyd', i, gg \kitdb 2, fad 3,
rukn 3: al-'ilm bi-af'fil Allah, al 6]). He
declared that although we cannot know the
reasons for God's actions, believers should
be convinced that all afflictions from God
in this world may contain secret blessings
(Ormsby, Theodicy, 256).
Margaretha T. Heemskerk
Bibliography
Primary: 'Abd al-Jabbar b. Ahmad Abu 1-Hasan,
al-Mughnifi abwdb al-tawhid wa-l-^adl, various eds.,
16 vols., Cairo 1960-9, xiii \al-Lutf['if\. A. 'Aflfl,
1962)], 229-568; Abu l-'Arab b. Tamlm al-
TamlmT, Kitab al-Mihan, Beirut 1983; BaqillanT,
R'itdb Tamhid al-awd'il wa-talkhis al-dald'il, ed. 'I. A.
Haydar, Beirut 1987, 382-6; Y. al-BasIr, al-Kitdb
al-mahtawi, trans, and comm. G.Vajda, Leiden
1985, 335-86; BukharT, Sahih, ed. Krehl; Fr. trans.
O. Houdas and W. Margais, Les traditions
islamiques, 4 vols., Paris 1903-14, repr. 1977; al-
GhazalT, Abu Hamid Muhammad b. Muham-
mad, Ihyd' 'ulum al-din, 4 vols., Cairo 1933 (repr.
of Biilaq 1872 ed.); Ibn Mattawayh, Abu
Muhammad al-Hasan b. Ahmad, Kitdb al-Majmu'
fi l-muhit bi~l-taklif, ed. J.J. Houben et al., 3 vols.,
Beirut 1962-99, iii [ed. J. Peters, 1999], 11-129
(the first volume has been wrongly attributed to
'Abd al-Jabbar b. Ahmad Abu 1-Hasan); al-
Juwayni, Abu l-Ma'all 'Abd al-Malik, A guide to
conclusive proofs for the principles of belief (Kitdb al-
Irshdd ild qawdtV al-adillaf usul al-Vtiqdd), trans.
PE. Walker, Reading 2000, 149-56.
Secondary: M. Ayoub, Redemptive suffering in Isldm.
A study of the devotional aspects of Ashurd' in Twelver
ShiHsm, The Hague 1978; J. Bowker, Problems of
suffering in religions of the world, Cambridge 1970,
99-122; M.T. Heemskerk, Suffering in the MuHazilite
theology. Abd al-Jabbdr's teaching on pain and divine
justice, Leiden 2000; M.J. McDermott, The
theology of al-Shaikh al-Mufd (d. ^ij/ 1032), Beirut
1978, 181-7, 382-4; E.L. Ormsby, Theodicy in
Islamic thought. The dispute over al-GhazdlVs ''Best of
all possible worlds," Vrinc&ton, NJ 1984; B. Reinert,
Die Lehre vom tawakkul in der klassischen Sujik,
Berlin 1968, 90-140; H. Ritter, Das Meer der Seele.
Mensch, Welt und Gott in den Geschichten des
Fariduddin Attdr, Leiden 1978, 54-62, 228-52,
527-31; A. Schimmel, Mystical dimensions of Islam,
Chapel Hill 1975; W.M. Watt, Suffering in
Sunnite Islam, in A750 (1979), 5-19; H. Zirker,
"Er wird nicht be- fragt..." (Sure 21,23). Theo-
dizee und Theodizeeabwehr in Koran und
Umgebung, in U. Tworuschka (ed.), Gottes ist der
Orient, Gottes is der Okzident. Festschriflflr Abdoldja-
vad Falaturi zum 6^. Geburtstag, Koln 1991, 409-24.
137
SUFISM AND THE OUR AN
Sufism and the Qiir'an
Tasawwuf, Islamic mysticism, is an ascetic-
mystical trend in Islam characterized by a
distinct life-style, values, ritual practices,
doctrines and institutions. Sufism emerged
as a distinct ascetic and mystical trend in
Islamic piety under the early 'Abbasids at
about the same time as similar movements
in Syria, Iran and central Asia which,
though designated by different names,
shared the same world-renouncing,
inward-looking and esoteric attitude. By
the fourth/tenth century, the Iraq-based
trend in Islamic ascetic (see asceticism)
and mystical piety (q.v.) known as "Sufism"
(tasawwuf) gradually prevailed over and
integrated the beliefs and practices of its
sister movements in the other regions of
the caliphate (see caliph). By the end of
the fourth/tenth century, leading repre-
sentatives of this syncretic ascetic and mys-
tical trend in Islam had generated a
substantial body of teachings, practices
and normative oral and literary lore that
became the source of inspiration, life-
orientation, ethos and identity for its
subsequent followers, whose number con-
tinued to grow with every century. With
the emergence first of Sufi lodges, and,
somewhat later, Sufi "brotherhoods" (the
fifth-seventh/eleventh-thirteenth centuries)
or "orders" [turuq, sing, tanqa), Sufism
became part and parcel of the spiritual,
social and political life of pre-modern
Islamdom. With the advent of modernity
in the thirteenth/nineteenth century
Sufism was subjected to strident criticism
by Muslim modernists and reformers, and
in the course of the fourteenth/twentieth
century lost ground to competing ideolo-
gies, both religious and secular (see
POLITICS and the (^ur'an). Neverthe-
less, it has managed to survive both criti-
cisms and overt persecutions and even
won converts among some Western
intellectuals.
Early Siiji attitudes to the Qur'an
From the outset, the Qiir'an was the prin-
cipal source of contemplation and inspira-
tion for every serious Muslim ascetic and
mystic, whether formally Sufi or not. In
fact, many Sufi concepts and terms have
their origin in encounters with the qur'anic
text, endowing Sufism with much-needed
legitimacy in the eyes of both Sufis and
Muslims not directly affiliated with it. Yet,
from the very beginning Sufi interpreta-
tions of the scripture (as well as Sufi prac-
tices, values and beliefs) were challenged by
influential representatives of the SunnI
and Shi'l religious establishments (see
TRADITIONAL DISCIPLINES OF Q^UR'aNIC
study), occasionally resulting in persecu-
tion of individual mystics. Sufis were ac-
cused of overplaying the allegorical aspects
of the Qiir'an, claiming privileged, esoteric
understanding of its contents and distort-
ing its literal meaning (see polysemy;
LITERARY STRUCTURES AND THE ^Ur'an).
To demonstrate their faithfulness to the
spirit and letter of the revelation (see
REVELATION AND INSPIRATION) advocates
of Sufism drew heavily on the qur'anic
verses (q.v.) which, in their view, legiti-
mized their brand of Islamic piety. Such
verses usually emphasize the proximity and
intimacy between God and his human ser-
vants (e.g. o 2:115, 186; 20:7-8; 58:7; see
servant; worship; cod and his
attributes). God's immediate and
immanent presence among the faithful is
forcefully brought home in C3 50:16, in
which he declares himself to be nearer to
man than "his jugular vein" (see artery
AND vein). The relationship of closeness
and intimacy is occasionally presented in
the Qiir'an in terms of mutual love (q.v.)
between the maker and his creatures (see
creation; cosmology), as, for instance,
in Q. 5:54 (cf- Q. 3:31= 76, I34> 146, 148, 159;
5:93, which also describe different catego-
ries of believers deserving of divine
affection). Deeming themselves paragons
SUFISM AND THE OUR AN
138
of piety and devotion to God and true
"heirs" of his Propliet (see prophets and
prophethood; muhammad), representa-
tives of the early [proto-] Sufi movements
viewed such verses as referring primarily, if
not exclusively, to them. With the emer-
gence of mystical cosmology and meta-
physics, which provided justification for the
mystical experiences of the Sufis, they put
the Qiir'an to new, creative uses. Thus, in
the famous "Light Verse" (c3 24:35) God's
persona is cast in the imagery of a sublime,
majestic and unfathomable light, which
renders it eminently conducive to gnostic
elaborations on the theme of light (q.v.)
and darkness (q.v.) and the eternal struggle
between spirit (q.v.) and matter. According
to early Sufi exegetes, God guides whom-
soever he wishes with his light (see error;
astray; freedom and predestination)
but has predilection for a special category
of pious, god-fearing individuals (see fear)
who devote themselves completely to wor-
shipping him. In return, God assures them
of salvation (q.v.) in the hereafter (c) 2:38,
262, 264; 3:170; etc.; see eschatology). As
to those "who prefer the present life over
the world (q.v.) to come," "a terrible chas-
tisement" awaits them (c3 14:3; cf. 2:86; see
reward and punishment). From the be-
ginning, Muslim ascetics and mystics iden-
tified themselves with God's "proteges"
(awliyd') mentioned in cj 10:62 (cf o 8:34;
45:19; see CLIENTS and clientage;
FRIENDS AND FRIENDSHIP). With time Sufl
exegetes came to portray them as God's
elect "friends" and confidants who are able
to intercede on behalf of the ordinary be-
lievers and guide them aright (see
interi;ession; saints). In Sufi lore such
"friends of God" were identified with au-
thoritative Sufi masters, both living and
deceased. In (J 7:172, which figures promi-
nently in early Sufi discourses, the relations
between God and his creatures are placed
in a cosmic framework, as a primordial
covenant (q.v.; 7nTthdq) between them.
During this crucial event the human race
presented itself before God in the form of
disembodied souls (q.v.) to bear witness to
the absolute sovereignty (q.v.)
of their lord (q.v.) at his request (see
WITNESSING AND TESTIFYING). Once ill
possession of sinful and restive bodies (see
SIN, MAJOR AND minor), liowcver, most
humans have forgotten their promise of
faithfulness and devotion to God and
therefore have to be constantly reminded
of it by divine messengers (see messenger)
and prophets. The goal of the true Sufi is
to return to the state of pristine devotion
and faithfulness of the day of the covenant
by minimizing the corruptive drives of his
body and his lower soul — one that "com-
mands evil" (ammdra bi-l-su', (3 12:53; see
good AND evil). If successful, the mystic
can transform his lower, restive self into a
soul "at peace" [al-nafs al-mutma'inna,
C3 89:27) that is incapable of disobeying its
lord (see disobedience). This can only be
achieved through the self-imposed stric-
tures of ascetic life, pious meditation and
the remembrance (q.v.) of God (dhikr)
as explicitly enjoined in q 8:45, 18:24
and 33:41 (see also reflection and
deliberation). Finally, on the level of
personal experience, verses describing the
visionary experiences of the prophet
Muhammad (namely, o 17:1 and C3 53:1-18;
see visions) provided a fruitful ground for
mystical elaborations and attempts by mys-
tically minded Muslims to, as it were,
"recapture the rapture" of the founder of
Islam, all the more so because the Qur'an
and the sunna (q.v.) repeatedly enjoin the
believers to imitate him meticulously.
While all of these verses resonated well
with the aspirations of early Muslim ascet-
ics and mystics, there were also those that
did not, in that they prescribed moderation
in worship, enjoyment of family (q.v.) life
and fulfillment of social responsibilities.
139
SUFISM AND THE OUR AN
while at the same time discouraging the
"excesses" of Cliristian-style monasticism
(a 4:3-4, 25-8, 127; 9:31; 57:27; see CHRIS-
TIANS AND CHRISTIANITY; MONASTICISM
AND monks; abstinence). Yet, these pas-
sages, as well as numerous injunctions
against the renunciation of this world
found in the Prophet's sunna, could be
either ignored or allegorized away, espe-
cially since some of them were inconclu-
sive or self-contradictory (e.g. C3 5:82,
which may be interpreted as praising the
Christian monks for their exemplary right-
eousness). Eventually, however, the weight
of scriptural evidence and social pressures
forced most adherents of Sufism to steer a
middle course, which allowed them to par-
ticipate in social life and raise families
while not compromising their ascetic-mys-
tical vocations. As the body of Sufi lore
grew with the passage of time and Sufism
became a distinct life-style and a system of
rituals (see ritual and the q^ur'an), prac-
tices and beliefs, there emerged a specific
Sufi exegesis aimed at justifying them (see
also EXEGESIS of the qUR'AN: CLASSICAL
and medieval).
The rise and early development of Suji exegesis
The earliest samples of the Sufi exegetical
lore were collected by an eminent Sufi
master of Nishapur, Abu 'Abd al-Rahman
al-SulamI (d. 412/1021) in his Haqd'iq al-
tafsir. This work, which still awaits a critical
edition (but cf. Bowering's ed. of Sulaml's
^ijdddt, an appendix to the Haqd'iq), is
practically our only source for the initial
stages of mystical exegesis in Islam. Its
major representatives, al-Hasan al-BasrI
(d. 110/728), Ja Tar al-Sadiq (d. 148/765),
Sufyan al-Thawrl (d. 161/778) and
'Abdallah b. al-Mubarak (d. 181/797) were
not Sufis stricto sensu, since the Baghdad
school of Sufism was yet to emerge.
Rather, these pious individuals were
appropriated by Sufism's later advocates.
who presented them as paragons of Sflfi
piety avant-la-lettre. While their preoccupa-
tion with the spiritual and allegorical as-
pects of the scripture is impossible to deny,
the authenticity of their exegetical logia,
which were collected and transmitted by
al-SulamI and some of his immediate pre-
decessors more than a century after their
death, is far from certain. The problem is
particularly severe (and intriguing) in the
case of the sixth Shi'l imam (q.v.), JaTar al-
Sadiq (see also SHl'lSM AND THE (JUr'an).
His role as a doyen of primeval mystical
exegesis is difficult to prove, especially
since his exegetical logia transmitted by
al-SulamI are devoid of any of the ex-
pected Shi'l themes. Unless his other tafslr
transmitted in Shi'l circles proves similar or
identical to the one assembled by al-
Sulaml, the matter will remain uncertain
(for details see Nwyia, Exegese, and
Bowering, Mystical ziision). One should not
rule out the possibility of Shi'l elements
having been expunged from Ja Tar's ex-
egetical logia by SunnI Sufis who transmit-
ted them through separate channels (see
THEOLOGY AND THE q^ur'an). Alter-
natively, one may suggest that Sufi and
Shi'l esotericism originated in the same
pious circles (JaTar al-Sadiq is frequently
quoted in the standard Sufi manual of Abu
1-Qasim al-QiishayrI; d. 465/1072), where-
upon it took on different forms in the
SunnI and Shi'l intellectual environments.
The problem of authorship is less severe in
the case of such ascetically minded indi-
viduals as al-Hasan al-BasrI, al-Thawrl,
and Ibn al-Mubarak who were major
exponents of SunnI Islam in their age, al-
though their role as the bona fide progeni-
tors of the Sufi tradition is problematic. If
authentic, Ja Tar's logia are probably the
earliest extant expression of the method-
ological principles of mystical tafsTr, which
were adopted and elaborated by subse-
quent generations of Sufi commentators.
SUFISM AND THE OUR AN
140
According to Ja'far's statement cited by
al-Sulami at the beginning of iiis Haqd'iq
al-tafsir, tiie Qiir'an lias four aspects: 'ibdra
(a literal or obvious articulation of the
meaning of a verse); ishdra (its allegorical
allusion); latd'if {its subtle and symbolic as-
pects; see SYMBOLIC imagery) and haqd'iq
(its spiritual realities; cf. Bowering,
Scriptural "senses"). Each of these levels of
meanings has its own addressees, respec-
tively: the ordinary believers (al- 'awdmm),
the spiritual elite (al-khawdss), God's inti-
mate friends (al-awliyd') and the prophets
(al-anbijd'). On the practical level, Ja'far
and his Sufi counterparts usually dealt with
just two levels of meaning: the outward/
exoteric (idhir) and the hidden/esoteric
(bdtin), thereby subsuming the moral/
ethical/legal meanings of a given verse (see
ETHICS AND THE Q^UR'aN; LAW AND THE
C3Ur'an) under "literal" and its allegorical/
mystical/anagogical subtext under "hid-
den." As demonstrated by P. Nwyia, Ja'far's
exegetical interests were worlds apart from
those of his contemporary Muqatil b.
Sulayman (d. 150/767) who pursued a
more conventional (albeit imaginative) his-
torical and philological tafsir (see grammar
and the qUR'AN). For instance, unlike
Muqatil, Ja'far shows no interest in the
historical circumstances surrounding the
battle of Badr (q.v.), as presented in the
Qiir'an (see also occasions of reve-
lation). When the Qiir'an says that "God
supported him [Muhammad] with the le-
gions you [his followers] did not see"
(c3 9:40), Ja'far interprets the "legions" not
as "angels" (as argued by Muqatil and
other exoterically minded exegetes; see
angel; ranks and orders; troops) but
as spiritual virtues that the mystic acquires
in the course of his progress along the path
to God (tariq), namely, "certitude" (yaqin),
"trust in God" (thiqa) and a total "reliance"
on him in everything one undertakes
{tawakkul; see trust and patience;
virtue). Likewise, the qur'anic injunction
to "purify my [God's] house (namely, the
Ka'ba [q.v.]; see also house, domestic
and divine) for those who shall circum-
ambulate it" (q 22:26) is interpreted by
Ja'far as a call upon the individual believer
to "purify [his] soul from any association
with the disobedient ones and anything
other than God" (see polytheism and
atheism), while the phrase "those who stay
in front of it [the Ka'ba] " is glossed as an
injunction for the ordinary believers to
seek the company of "the [divine] gnostics
('drijun), who stand on the carpet of
intimacy [with God] and service of him."
The notion of the divinely bestowed "gno-
sis," or mystical knowledge (ma'rifa), which
characterizes these elect servants of God
figures prominently in Ja'far's logia (see e.g.
his commentary on <J 7:143, 160; 8:24;
27:34). This was to become a central con-
cept in later Sufi epistemology, where it is
usually juxtaposed with both received (tra-
ditional) wisdom (naql) and knowledge ac-
quired through rational contemplation
['aql; see knowledge and learning;
intellect). The Qiir'an was, for Ja'far
and Sufi commentators, a source of and a
means towards the true realization (tahqiq)
of God (see truth).
The next stage of the development of
Sufi exegesis, or, as Nwyia aptly calls it, une
lecture introspective du Coran, is associated with
a fairly large cohort of individuals who
lived in the third/ninth-early fourth/tenth
centuries. Their Sufi credentials, a few ex-
ceptions apart (e.g. al-Hakim al-Tirmidhi,
fl. third/ninth cent.), do not raise any seri-
ous doubts. At least one of them, Ahmad
b. 'Ata' (d. 309/922), and possibly also Dhu
1-Nun al-MisrI (d. 246/861) were involved
ill the transmission of Ja'far's exegetical
logia, which they amplified with their own
elaborations. The others — namely Sahl
al-Tustarl (d. 283/896), Abu Sa'ld al-
Kharraz (d. 286/899), Abu 1-Husayn al-
141
SUFISM AND THE OUR AN
Nuri (d. 295/907), Abu 1-Qasim al-Junayd
(d. 298/910), Abu Bakr al-WasitI (d. 320/
932) and Abu Bakr al-Shibll (d. 334/
946) — were frequendy cited in Sufi lit-
erature as authoritative sources of exegeti-
cal logia and, in the case of al-Tustari, Ibn
'Ata' and al-Wasiti, also as authors of full-
fledged qur'anic commentaries (Bowering,
Sufi hermeneutics; id.. Mystical vision).
The centrality of the Qiir'an to SUfi piety
The methods of Qiir'an interpretation
characteristic of early Sufi masters were
examined by Nwyia (Ja'far al-Sadiq,
Shaqiq al-Balkhl, Ibn 'Ata', and al-Nurl)
and Bowering (al-Tustari, al-SidamI, and
al-Daylami). They should be viewed
against the background of the practices,
life-style, values and beliefs ciu"rent among
the members of the early Sufi movement.
On the practical level, the recitation of the
Qiir'an (q.v.) was an indispensable part of
quotidian Sufi life. Thus, Ibn 'Ata' is said
to have recited the entire text of the
Qiir'an on a daily basis and thrice a day
during the month of Ramadan (cpv),
which along with other rituals and super-
erogatory prayers (see prayer) left him
only two hours of sleep; Sahl al-Tustarl
(d. 283/896) learned the entire Qur'an by
heart when he was six or seven years old
and kept reciting it throughout the rest of
his Ufe; Malik b. Dinar (d. 131/748) "was
^chewing' it for [the first] twenty years [of
his life] only to take pleasure in its recita-
tion (tildwa) for the next twenty years"
(Sarraj, Kitcib al-Luma', 43); Ibn Khaflf
(d. 371/981) recited C3 112:1 ten thousand
times duringjust one prayer and occasion-
ally recited the entire text of the Qiir'an
in the course of one prayer, which took
him an entire day and a good part of the
night, etc.
In most cases, esoteric interpretations of
the Qiir'an by the above-mentioned Sufis
were the fruits of many years of incessant
recitation in an attempt to grasp and
"extract" its hidden meaning (istinbdt).
This term, which is derived from q 4:83,
became the hallmark of Sufi methods of
Qiir'an interpretation. Alerted to the pres-
ence of a hidden meaning in a given verse
by its subtle "allusion" (ishdra), the Sufi felt
obligated to "extract" it by means of
istinbdt. This process is limited to those in-
dividuals who have fully engrossed them-
selves in the "sea" of the divine revelation
after having purified their souls of any
worldly attachments. Commenting on
q 4:83, al-Hallaj (d. 309/922) stated that a
Sufi's ability to exercise istinbdt corresponds
to "the measure of his piety, inwardly and
outwardly, and the perfection of his gnosis
(ma'rifa), which is the most glorious station
of faith" (q.v.; ajall maqdmdt alTmdn; Sulami,
Haqd'iq, i, 157). The close link between
one's ability to practice istinbdt and one's
strict compliance with the precepts of the
divine law is brought forth by Abu Nasr
al-Sarraj (d. 378/988), a renowned col-
lector and disseminator of early Sufi lore.
In his words, "extractions" (mustanbatdt) are
available only to those who "act in accord
with the book (q.v.) of God, outwardly and
inwardly, and follow the messenger of
God, outwardly and inwardly." In return,
God makes them "heirs to the knowledge
of subtle allusion ('ilm al-ishdra)" and "un-
veils to the hearts of his elect [servants]
carefully guarded meanings (ma 'dm
madhkhura), spiritual subtleties (latd'if) and
well-kept secrets" [asrdr makhzuna; Sarraj,
Kitdb al-Luma', 105).
In the case of the early Sufi exegete Sahl
al-Tustarl, we find a deeply personal and
experiential relationship of the Sflfi to the
Qur'an, which evolves within the frame-
work of an oral recitation and reception of
the divine word (see orality; word of
ood). On hearing or reciting a verse that
resonates with the mystic's spiritual state he
may occasionally find himself gripped by
SUFISM AND THE OUR AN
142
an intense eestasy and even lose conscious-
ness. According to Bowering {Mystical, 136),
al-Tustarl's commentary can be seen as a
product of sucli experiential encounters
"between the qur'anic keynotes and the
mystical matrix of [the mystic's] world of
ideas." Inspired by a certain verse, al-
Tustari spontaneously endeavored to com-
municate to his disciples his deeply
personal and experiential understanding of
it, which often had very little to do with its
literal meaning. To sum up,
The Sufis... read the Qiir'an as the word
of God, and what they seek there is not the
word as such (which may even become a
veil between them and God), but a God
who makes himself accessible [to his wor-
shippers] by means of this word (Nwyia,
Twis oeuvres, 29).
The themes of the first Sufi commentaries
on the Qur'an are diverse and rather dif-
ficult to summarize. They usually deal with
mystical cosmology, eschatology and the
challenges faced by the human soul on its
way to God (see trial). After professing
their allegiance to their divine sovereign on
the day of the primordial covenant
(c3 7:172) human beings have found them-
selves plunged into a world of false values,
temptations and illusions designed to test
the integrity of their pact with God. God
created good and evil and arbitrarily im-
posed his command (amr) on his human
servants in order to distinguish the blessed
from the evildoers (see elect; evil deeds;
blessing; grace). Within the former cat-
egory he designated a special class of be-
lievers whom he endowed with an intuitive,
revelatory knowledge of himself and his
creatures (ma 'rifa), leaving the rest of hu-
mankind to be content with the "exter-
nals" of religious faith and practice. These
elect "friends of God" (awliyd' Allah) carry
divine light in their hearts (see heart) and
thus can be seen as embodiments of his
immanent and guiding presence amidst
humankind. By imitating the friends of
God (who, in turn, imitate the godly ways
of his Prophet) ordinary believers can hope
to escape the allure and temptations of
mundane existence and to achieve salva-
tion in the hereafter. Attaining the status of
God's friend and gnostic is not automatic,
however, and requires painstaking efforts
on the part of the aspirant (mund) as well
as God's continual assistance. The seeker's
greatest challenge is the corruptive influ-
ences of his vile body and the base soul
(nafs), which acts as a constant temptress
and an ally of Iblls (see devil). Its machi-
nations can only be overcome by constant
remembrance of God (dhikr), including the
recitation of God's word and remem-
brance of his "most beautiful names." This
goal can only be achieved by the elect few
who traverse the entire length of the path
to God in order to enter into his presence
(see path or way; face of god). In this
state they become completely oblivious of
the corrupt world around them, taking
God as their sole focus and raison d'etre. By
any standard, since its inception Sufi ex-
egesis was thoroughly elitist and esoteric.
Its practitioners implicitly and, on occa-
sion, explicitly dismissed the concerns of
mainstream Qi_ir'an interpreters (legal,
historical, philological and theological) as
inadequate and even misguided inasmuch
as they focused on the Qiir'an's "husks,"
while ignoring its all-important spiritual
"kernel." The Sufis regarded themselves as
the sole custodians of that kernel and
sought to protect it from outsiders by using
subtle allusions and recondite terminology.
Some Muslim scholars were enraged by
the Sufi claim to a privileged knowledge of
the scripture and denounced Sufi exegesis
as fanciful, arbitrary and not supported by
the authority of the Prophet and his
Companions (see companions of the
143
SUFISM AND THE OUR AN
prophet; hadith and the qur'an). Thus,
a renowned Qi_ir'an commentator, 'All b.
Muhammad al-Wahidi (d. 468/1076), not
only refused to accord al-Sulaml's exegeti-
cal summa the status of tafsir but even pro-
claimed it an expression of outright
"unbelief" (see belief and unbelief).
Similar negative opinions of that work
were voiced by Ibn al-jawzl (d. 597/1201),
Ibn Taymiyya (d. 728/1328) and al-
Dhahabl (d. 748/1348), who declared it to
be a collection of "distortion and heresy"
(q.v.; tahnf wa-qarmata; see also corrup-
tion; foroery) reminiscent of Isma'lli
exegesis (ta'wildt al-bdtiniyya). Yet, despite
such criticism al-Sulaml's voluminous
work, which contains more than twelve
thousand glosses on some three thousand
qur'anic passages, gained wide popularity
among Sufis of various stripes. As was the
case with Ja'far, Ibn 'Ata' and al-Tustari,
al-Sulami did not include in his compen-
dium any conventional exegetical material,
be it legal, philological or historical
(Bowering, Sufi hermeneutics). His posi-
tion is clearly stated in the introduction to
his magnum opus:
Upon discovering that — among the prac-
titioners of exoteric sciences ('uliim ^awdhir)
[who] have compiled [numerous] works
pertaining to [beneficial] virtues (fawd'id)
of the Qiir'an, such as methods of its reci-
tation {qird'dt; see readings of the
qUR'AN), its [historical] commentaries
(tafsTr), its difficulties [mushkildt; see
difficult passages), its legal rulings
(ahkdm), its vocalization (i'rdb), its lexico-
logical aspects (lugha), its summation and
detailed explanation (mujmal wa-mufassal),
its abrogating and abrogated verses [ndsikh
wa-mansukh; see abrogation), and so
on — no one has cared to collect the un-
derstanding of its discourse (khitdb) in
accordance with the language of the peo-
ple of the true reality (ahl al-haqiqa) ... I
have asked God's blessing to bring together
some of it.
All told, al-Sulaml's exegetical methods
and goals are similar to those of about a
hundred of his authorities, who lived in the
third/ninth and fourth/tenth centuries and
whose foremost representatives have al-
ready been discussed. To quote the major
Western expert on this work.
The Haqd'iq al-tafsir is the crowning event
of a long creative period of Sufi terminol-
ogy and ideology, developing in close
relationship with its Koranic foundation
and yet breaking through to a continuous
process of inspired revelation by the meth-
odological means of allusion (Bowering,
Sufi hermeneutics, 265).
The growth and maturity of Suji exegetical
tradition (from the fifth/ eleventh to
the seventh/ thirteenth centuries)
Al-Sulaml's monumental work, which
played the same role in Sufi tafsir as al-
Tabarl's (d. 0,10/0^2'^) Jdmi' al-baydn in tra-
ditional exegesis, laid the foundations for
the subsequent evolution of this genre of
Sufi literature. With time there emerged
several distinct trends within the body of
Sufi exegetical literature, which reflected
the growing internal complexity of the Sufi
movement in the period leading up to the
fall of the Baghdad caliphate in 656/1258.
One such trend can be described as "mod-
erate" or "i'Aarf'fl-oriented." It is repre-
sented by such Sufi luminaries as
al-QiishayrI (d. 465/1074), Abu Hamid
al-Ghazall (d. 505/11 11) and Abu Hafs
'Umar al-Suhrawardi (d. 632/1234).
Abu 1-Qasim al-QiishayrI of Nishapur is
famous first and foremost as the author of
the popular tract al-Risdla [al-Qushayriyya] fi
'ilm al-tasawwufv/hich combines elements
of Sufi biography with those of a Sufi
manual. Like the Risdla, al-Qiishayrl's
SUFISM AND THE OUR AN
144
qur'anic commentary Latd'if al-ishdrdt pur-
sues a clear apologetic agenda: the defense
of the teachings, vahies and practices of
"moderate," Junayd-style Sufism and the
demonstration of its full compliance with
the major precepts of Ash'arl theology.
Written in 410/1019, this exegetical work
consistently draws a parallel between the
gradual progress from the literal to the
subtlest meanings (latd'if) of the qur'anic
text and the stages of the Sufi's spiritual
and experiential journey to God. The suc-
cess of this exegetical progress, as well as of
the Sufi journey, depends on the wayfarer's
ability to combine the performance of pi-
ous works and feats of spirit with sound
doctrinal premises. Giving preference to
one over the other will result in failure.
Even when this delicate balance is suc-
cessfidly struck, one still needs divine as-
sistance in unraveling the subtleties of the
divine revelation, which is equally true of
the Sufi seeker's striving toward God.
Hence the notion of a privileged, esoteric
knowledge of both God and this word that
God grants only to his most intimate, elect
"friends," the awlijd'. This idea is stated
clearly in the introduction to Latd'if al-
ishdrdt:
[God] has honored the elect (asfijd') among
his servants by [granting them] the under-
standing of his subtle secrets (q.v.; latd'if
asrdrihi) and his lights so that they can see
the elusive allusions and hidden signs (q.v.)
contained therein [in the Qiir'an]. He has
shown their innermost souls hidden things
so that by the emanations of the unseen
(see HIDDEN AND THE HIDDEN) whicll he
has imparted solely to them they can be-
come aware of that which has been con-
cealed from all others. Then they have
started to speak according to their degrees
[of attainment] and capabilities, and
God — praise be to him — inspired in
them things by which he has honored
them. So, they now speak on behalf of
him, inform about the subtle truths that he
has imparted to them, and point to him...
[Latd'if i, 53).
The exegete's progress toward the inner-
most meaning of the scripture is described
by al-QiishayrI as a movement from the
intellect (q.v.) to the heart, then to the spirit
(al-riih), then to the innermost secret (al-
sin) and, finally, to the secret of secrets (sirr
al-sirr) of the Qiir'an. Al-Qiishayri's ap-
proach to the Qiir'an is marked by his me-
ticulous attention to every detail of the
qur'anic word, from an entire verse to a
single letter found in it (see Arabic
script). Typical in this regard is his in-
terpretation of the basmala (q.v), in which
each letter of this phrase is endowed with a
symbolic meaning: the Aa' stands for God's
gentleness (birr) toward his friends (awlijd);
the sin for the secret he shares with his elect
(asfijid); and the mim for his bestowal of
grace (minna) upon those who have at-
tained intimacy with him (ahl wildyatihi) . In
an attempt to achieve comprehensiveness
al-Qiishayri marshals several alternative
interpretations of the basmala, e.g. one in
which the ia' alludes to God's freedom
(bard'a) from any fault; the sin to the ab-
sence of any defect in him (saldmatuhu min
'ayb); and the mim to the majesty of his at-
tributes (Latd'if i, 56).
While such speculations are not unique to
al-Q_ushayri and can be found in exegetical
works contemporary to his, both Sufi and
non-Sufi alike, there is one feature that sets
Latd'if al-ishdrdt apart from them. For al-
Qiishayrl, the basmala is not a simple rep-
etition of the same set of meanings, for the
divine word allows no repetition. Rather,
the meaning of the basmala may change
depending on the major themes contained
in the suras (q.v.) that it precedes. Thus, in
discussing the symbolism of the letters of
the basmala preceding o 7, al-Qiishayri
145
SUFISM AND THE OUR AN
implicitly links them to the themes of sub-
mission (islam), humility and reverence req-
uisite of the true believer as opposed to the
rebellious behavior (see rebellion) of Iblis
and his host (e.g. q 7:11-15, 31-3, 35-6,
39-40, etc.) by arguing that the letter bd'
whatever he wants. [In the same way,] he
can single out whomever he wants with
whatever he wants. His creation has no
cause, his actions have neither a purpose
nor a goal [Latd'if, iii, 5; see freedom and
predestination).
is of a small stature in writing and the dot
[underneath it] , which distinguishes it from
other [letters] is single and, to boot, small
to the extreme. Moreover, it [the dot] is
positioned underneath the letter, [all of
which] alludes to modesty and humility in
all respects (Latd'if, i, 211-12).
Likewise, the presence of the sukun (ab-
sence of a vowel) over the letter sin follow-
ing the "humble" and "submissive" bd'
alludes to its silent acceptance of the di-
vine decree and complete contentment
with it. Finally, the letter mim points to "his
[God's] bestowal of grace [upon you] (min-
natuhu), if he so pleases, then to your agree-
ment (muwdfaqatuka) with his decree and
your satisfaction with it, even though he
may not bestow anything [upon you]
(ibid.).
Al-Qiishayrl's interpretation of the bas-
mala of C3 15 (Surat al-Hijr) is quite differ-
ent. The omission of the alif'va the basmala
of that sura without any rationally justifi-
able reason, either grammatically or mor-
phologically, according to al-Q;LishayrI,
symbolizes God's arbitrary "raising" of
Adam (despite his "base" nature; see adam
and eve) and his subsequent "humiliation"
of the angels (despite their elevated status),
as described in the main body of the sura.
In a similar vein, the omission of the bas-
mala in q 9 is interpreted by al-Qiishayri in
the following manner:
God — praise be to him — has stripped
(jarrada) this sura of the basmala, so that it
be known that he can endow (yakhuss)
whomever and whatever he wants with
This, of course, is an Ash'arl stance for-
mulated in implicit opposition to that of
the Mu'tazilis (see mu'tazila) who advo-
cated the underlying rationality and pur-
posefulness of divine actions. Thus, as
mentioned, in al-Qiishayrl's commentary,
Sufi symbolism and the Ash'arl dogma go
hand in hand and are deployed to support
each other.
Al-Qiishayri's interest in the symbolism
of letters comes to the fore in his discus-
sions of the "mysterious letters" (q.v.) that
appear at the beginning of some qur'anic
chapters. Typical in this respect is his ex-
egesis of the combination alif 1dm mim that
precedes q 2. Upon stating that the alif
stands hr Alldh, the lam for latd'if (the sub-
tle realities; also one of the epithets of
God, latf) and the mim for majid (the glori-
ous) and malik (the king; see kings and
RtJLERs), he proceeds to argue that
The alif IS singled out from among the
other letters by the fact that it is not con-
nected to any letter in writing, while all but
a few letters are connected to it. May the
servant of God upon considering this fea-
ture become aware of the need of all crea-
tures for him [God], with him being
self-sufhcient and independent of any-
thing [Latd'if, i, 41).
Furthermore, the alif 'a singularity is evi-
dent from the fact that all other letters have
a concrete site of articulation in the hu-
man speech (q.v.) apparatus, while it has
none. In the same way, God cannot be
associated with (juddf ild) any particular
location or site. Finally, "The faithful
SUFISM AND THE OUR AN
146
servant of God is like the alif in its not be-
ing connected to any letter, in its constant
uprightness and its standing posture before
him" (ibid.).
As one may expect of a Sufi master, al-
Qushayri showed little interest in the his-
torical and legal aspects of the qur'anic
text. For him, they serve as windows onto
the spiritual and mystical ideas and values
characteristic of Sufi piety. Thus, in dis-
cussing the spoils of war (ghamma) men-
tioned in C3 8:41 (see booty) al-QiishayrI
argues:
Jihad (q.v.) can be of two types: the ex-
ternal one [waged] against the infidels and
the internal one [waged] against [one's]
soul and Satan. In the same way as the
lesser jihad involves [the seizure of] spoils
of war after victory, the greater jihad too
has the spoils of war of its own, which in-
volves taking possession of his soul by the
servant of God after it has been held by his
two enemies — [his] passions and Satan
[Latd'if, ii, 321).
A similar parallel is drawn between or-
dinary fasting (q.v.) which involves absten-
tion from food, drink (see food and
drink) and sex (see sex and sexuality)
and the spiritual abstention of the Sufi
from the allure of this world and from
seeking the approval of its inhabitants. In a
similar vein, al-QiishayrI likens the juridi-
cal notion of abrogation (naskh) to the ini-
tial strict observance of the divine law by
the Siifl novice, which is supplanted, or
"abrogated," when he reaches the stage at
which God himself becomes the guardian
of his heart. In al-Qiishayrl's commentary
all ritual duties sanctioned by the Qtir'an
are endowed with a deeper spiritual sig-
nificance: the standing of pilgrims on the
plain of 'Arafat (q.v.) is compared to the
"standing" of human hearts in the pres-
ence of the divine names and attributes
(see pilgrimage). Despite its overall "mod-
erate" nature, the Latd'if al-ishdrdt is not
devoid of the monistic and visionary ele-
ments that characterize what is usually
described as the more "bold" and "eso-
teric" trend in Sufi qur'anic commentary.
This aspect of al-Qiishayrl's exegesis
comes to the fore in his interpretation of
C3 7:143, in which Moses (q.v.) comes to
God at an appointed time (li-miqdtind) and
requests that God appear to him, only to
be humbled by the sight of a mountain
crumbling to dust, when God shows him-
self to it (see theophany). According to
al-QiishayrI,
Moses came to God as [only] those pas-
sionately longing and madly in love could.
Moses came without Moses. Moses came,
yet nothing of Moses was left to Moses.
Thousands of men have traversed great
distances, yet no one remembers them,
while that Moses made [only] a few steps
and [school] children will be reciting until
the day of judgment (see last judgment):
"When Moses came..." (Latd'if, ii, 259).
Despite such "ecstatic" passages, al-
Qiishayrl's book can still be considered a
typical sample of "moderate" Sufi exegesis
because of its author's overriding desire to
achieve a delicate balance between the
mystical imagination and the respect for
the letter of the revelation or, in Sflfi par-
lance, between the shan'a and the haqiqa.
One should point out that al-QiishayrI is
also the author of a conventional histor-
ical-philological and legal tafsTr entitled
al-TaysirJi l-tafsTr, which is said to have been
written before 410/1019. This is an elo-
quent testimony to his dual credentials as
both a Sufi and a conventional scholar
('dlim) .
Another example of "moderate" Sufi
tafsirh al-Kashf wa-l-bajdn 'an tafsTr al-Qur'dn
by Abu Ishaq Ahmad b. Muhainmad al-
147
SUFISM AND THE OUR AN
Tha'labi (d. 4.27/1035). Drawing heavily on
Haqd'iq al-tafsTi; al-Tha'labi augmented the
Sufi exegetical logia assembled by al-
Sulaml with conventional exegetical
materials derived from hadith as well as
detailed discussions of the philological as-
pects and legal implications of the qur'anic
text (Saleh, Formation). Al-Tha'labi's work
formed the foundation of the famous com-
mentary Ma 'dlim al-tanzilfi tafsir al- Qur'dn
by Abu Muhammad al-Husayn al-Baghawi
(hence its better known title — Tafsir al-
Baghawi). He was born in 438/1046 in the
village of Bagh or Baghshur located be-
tween Herat and Marw al-Rudh and dis-
tinguished himself primarily as a Shafi'i
jurist and muhaddith, whose thematically
arranged collection of prophetic reports
titled Masdbih al-sunna became a standard
work of its genre. Although al-Baghawi
was not considered a full-fledged Sufi, he
led an ascetic and pious way of life and
avoided any contact with ruling authori-
ties. His tafsir is marked by his meticulous
concern for the exegetical materials going
back to the Prophet and his Companions
(al-tafsir hi-l-ma'thur) and his desire to elu-
cidate all possible aspects of the qur'anic
text. In seeking to achieve comprehensive-
ness he availed himself of diverse sources:
from the leading Arab grammarians to the
Shi'i imams and legal scholars. His Sufi
authorities include Ibrahim b. Adham
(d. 160/777), Fudayl b. 'lyad (d. 188/803),
al-Tustarl and al-Junayd (d. 298/9 lo),
whose ideas had probably reached him
via al-Sulaml's Haqd'iq al-tafsTr and al-
Tha'labl's al-Kashf wa-l-baydn. Al-
Baghawl's use of this material was
probably dictated by his drive to highlight
all possible interpretations of the sacred
text without privileging any one of them.
Since by his age Sufism had established
itself as a legitimate and praiseworthy
strain of Islamic piety he felt obligated to
mention Sufi views of the revelation,
avoiding, however, their more controversial
aspects. Thus, his inclusion of Sufi exegesis
did not necessarily reflect his own spiritual
and intellectual priorities — a trend that
we observe in many later exegetical works.
A typical representative of this trend in
the later period is Abu 1-Hasan 'All b.
Muhammad al-Shlhl al-Baghdadi, better
known as "al-Khazin" (d. 741/1341), whose
Lubdb al-ta'wTlfi ma'dni al-tanzil is an
abridged rendition of al-Baghawl's Ala 'dtim
al-tanzil- As with al-BaghawI, Sufi exegesis
is just one of the aspects of the qur'anic
text that preoccupy al-Khazin who explic-
itly states this in the introduction to his
commentary. His other concerns include
the rules of recitation, material transmitted
by the Prophet and his Companions (tafsir
bi-l-ma'thdr), legal implications (al-ahkdm
al-jiqhiyya), the "occasions of revelation,"
curious and unusual stories of past proph-
ets and generations (q.v.; al-qisas al-ghanba
wa-akhbdr al-mddin al-'ajiba). Therefore, the
reason why this tafsir is sometimes classified
as Sufi (e.g. AyazI, Mufassirun, 598-602; al-
Baghawl's tafsir, on the other hand, is not
identified as such, ibid., 644-9) remains
unclear. In any event, it is certainly indica-
tive of the trend toward comprehensive-
ness that gradually led to the blurring of
the borderline between "Sufi" and "non-
Sufl" exegesis and the inclusion of Sufi
exegesis in conventional commentaries,
both SunnI and Shl'l.
On the other hand, we observe the
opposite tendency in approaching the
Qur'an, when renowned Sufi masters pro-
duce quite conventional exegetical works
that are practically devoid of any Sufi ele-
ments. .Nughbat al-baydnfi tafsir al-Qur'dn by
the influential Sufi scholar and statesman
under the caliph al-Qadir, Abu Hafs
'Umar al-Suhrawardi (d. 632/1234), which
is occasionally classified under the rubric of
"moderate" Sufi exegesis (e.g Bowering,
Sufi hermeneutics, 257), is a case in point.
SUFISM AND THE OUR AN
This work, which remains in manuscript
(see Diizenli, §ihabuddin), is cliaracterized
by a Western scholar as "a very standard,
non-mystical commentary" that is "firmly
situated in the type of philological and
situational exegesis represented in the
standard Sunni commentaries and exegeti-
cal tradition upon which al-Suhrawardi
was drawing" (Ohlander, Abu Hafs).
Indeed, even a cursory glance at the first
dozen pages of its manuscript demon-
strates an almost complete lack of any
recognizable Sufi motifs and methods.
Moreover, the author explicitly states
in the introduction that he has chosen to
"stick to the basics" of the tafsir genre
and to abstain from composing a sophis-
ticated and recondite esoteric commentary
(an ubrizii min sawdnih al-ghujub md yarwi
'atash al-qulub) because of lack of time
(fol. 2).
Our survey of "moderate" Sufi exegesis
would be incomplete without mentioning
Persian tafsTrs by Abu 1-Fadl Rashid al-Din
Ahmad al-Maybudi (d. 530/1135) and Abu
Nasr Ahmad al-Darwajiki (d. 549/1154)-
The former is based on the exegetical work
of the renowned Hanball mystic 'Abdallah
al-Ansari 1-HarawI (d. 481/1089), as the
author explicitly states in the introduction.
It is no wonder that it is sometimes re-
ferred to as Tafsir khawdja 'Abdalldh al-
Ansdri; but the title given to it by the author
is Kashf al-asrdr wa-'uddat al-abrdr. Born of a
family renowned for its learning and piety
in a town of Maybud (the province of
Yazd in Iran), al-Maybudi combined the
traditional education of a Shafi'i jurist and
muhaddith with a propensity to mysticism
and an ascetic life-style. Like the other
"moderate" Sufi commentaries discussed
above, al-Maybudi's Kashf al-asrdr com-
bines conventional historical, philological
and legal exegesis with Sufi ishdrdt and
latd'if The former is usually expressed in
Arabic and the latter in Persian, thereby
setting a precedent to be followed by many
Persophone Sufi authors in Iran and India.
The commentator describes his method as
consisting of three "stages" (nawba). The
first involves a translation of selected verses
from Arabic into Persian (see Persian
LITERATURE AND THE Q^Ur'aN; LITERATURE
AND THE q^ur'an); the second provides a
conventional historical, philological and
legal commentary; while the third deals
with the mystical aspects of the revelation.
The latter relies heavily on al-Ansarl's mys-
tical commentary, which in turn is based
on al-Sulami's Haqd'iq al-tafsTr and its Sufi
authorities such as Abu Yazld al-BistamI
(d. 234/848 or 261/875), al-Junayd, al-
Tustari, and al-Shibli (d. 334/946), etc. As
befits a "moderate" commentator, al-
Maybudi avoids Sufi interpretations that
conflict with the literal meaning of the
qur'anic text. His treatment of the con-
troversial issues of anthropomorphic
features of God, the provenance of
good and evil, and divine predetermina-
tion of all events is that of an Ash'arl
theologian (see freedom and pre-
destination).
Little is known about the other Persian
tafsir of that age by al-Darwajiki, nick-
named the "ascetic" (zdhid), beyond a cur-
sory mention of his work, which remains
unpublished. Even the exact title of his
tafsir remains debated, although it is often
referred to as Tafsir al-zdhid. The author's
sobriquet indicates his propensity for an
ascetic life-style; however, in the absence of
an available text of this work its exact
character is impossible to determine.
A totally different vision of the qur'anic
revelation was presented by the celebrated
SunnI theologian and jurist Abu Hamid
al-Ghazall, whose famous tract Jawdhir
al-Qur'dn can hardly be defined as exegeti-
cal in the conventional sense of the word.
149
SUFISM AND THE OUR AN
Nevertheless, its emphasis on the numer-
ous layers of meaning embedded in
qur'anic chapters and verses and the idea
that the most elusive and subtle of them
constitute the exclusive domain of Sufi
gnostics gives it a distinctive Sufi flavor. In
this work al-Ghazall undertakes a classi-
fication of several types of qur'anic verses
according to their contents. In so doing he
establishes a hierarchy of verses by likening
them to various types of precious stones,
pearls and rare substances. Thus, the
knowledge (ma nfa) of God is symbolized
by red sulfur (the precious substance which
according to medieval alchemy could
transform base metals into gold), while the
knowledge of God's essence, attributes and
works is likened to three types of corun-
dum. Below this sublime knowledge lies
what al-Ghazall describes as "the defini-
tion of the path advancing to God,"
namely the verses of the Qiir'an that elu-
cidate the major stages of the believer's
progress to God. This progress is couched
by al-Ghazall in a typical Sufi imagery of
"polishing" the mirror of the heart and
soul and actualizing the divine nature
(Icihut) inherent in every human being. Al-
Ghazall likens this category of qur'anic
verses to "shining pearls." The third cat-
egory contains verses dealing with man's
condition at the time of his final encounter
with God, namely, resurrection (q.v.), reck-
oning, the reward and the punishment, the
beatific vision of God in the afterlife, etc.
According to al-Ghazall, this category,
which he dubs "green emerald," comprises
"a third part of the verses and suras of the
Qi_ir'an." The fourth group includes
numerous verses describing "the conditions
of those who have traversed [the path to
God] and those who have denied him and
deviated from his path," namely, various
prophetic and angelic figures and other
mythological individuals mentioned in the
Qiir'an (see lie; gratitude and inorati-
tude; myths and legends in the
(JUr'an). In al-Ghazall's view, their goal is
to arouse fear and give warning to the be-
lievers (see Warner) and to make them
consider carefully their own condition vis-
a-vis God. He compares these verses to
grey ambergris and fresh and blooming
aloe-wood. The fifth group of verses deals
with "the arguments of the infidels against
the truth and clear explanation of their
humiliation by obvious proofs." According
to al-Ghazall these verses contain the
greatest antidote (al-tirydq al-akbar). The
sixth category of verses deals with the
stages of man's journey to God and the
management of its "vehicle," the human
body, by supplying it with lawful means of
sustenance (q.v.) and procreation (see
lawful and unlawful). All this presup-
poses the wayfarer's interaction with other
human beings and their institutions, the
rules of which, according to al-Ghazall,
are stipulated in the verses belonging to the
sixth category. Al-Ghazall likens it to the
"strongest musk."
Upon establishing this hierarchy of
qur'anic verses, al-Ghazall proceeds to
classify the "outward" and "inward" sci-
ences associated with the Qiir'an. To the
former belong (a) the science of its recita-
tion which is represented by Qiir'an read-
ers and reciters (see regiters of the
(JUr'an); (b) the knowledge of its language
and grammar which is handled by philolo-
gists and grammarians (see language and
STYLE OF THE q^ur'an); and (c) the science
of "outward exegesis" (al-tafslr al-^dhir)
which its practitioners, those scholars
whose focus rests on the Qiir'an's "external
shell" (al-sadaf), mistakenly consider the
consummate knowledge available to hu-
man beings. While al-Ghazali recognizes
the necessity of these "outward" sciences
and their practitioners, he dismisses their
SUFISM AND THE OUR AN
150
claims to represent the ultimate knowledge
about the Qiir'an. He attributes this honor
to the "sciences of the kernels of the
Qiir'an" ('ulfim al-lubdb), which are sub-
divided into two levels: the lower and the
higher. The former, in turn, is subdivided
into three groups: (a) the knowledge of the
stories of the qur'anic prophets, which is
preserved and transmitted by story-tellers,
preachers and hadlth-transmitters (see
TEACHING AND PREACHING THE OUr'an);
(b) the knowledge of God's arguments
against his deniers, which gave rise to the-
ology (al~kaldm) and its practitioners (the
mutakallimun); and (c) the knowledge of the
legal injunctions of the Qiir'an, which is
represented by the jurists (fuqahd'). The
latter, according to al-Ghazali, are more
important than the other religious special-
ists because the need for them is "more
universal." The upper level of the sciences
that branched off of the Qiir'an includes
the knowledge of God and of the world to
come, followed by the knowledge of the
"straight path and of the manner of tra-
versing it."
Having established the hierarchy of sci-
ences that have grown out of the Qiir'an,
al-Ghazali lays out his exegetical method,
which hinges on the notion of the allegori-
cal and symbolic nature of the revelation:
Know that everything which you are likely
to understand is presented to you in such a
way that, if in sleep you were studying the
Protected Tablet {al-lawh al-mahju^; see
PRESERVED TABLET) with yoiir soiil, it
would be related to you through a suitable
symbol which needs interpretation (Eng.
trans, in GhaziAi, Jewels, 52).
Hence, "The interpretation of the Qur'an
(ta'wil)," according to al-Ghazall, "occu-
pies the place of the interpretation of
dreams" [ta'bir; ibid.) and the exegete's task
is to "comprehend the hidden connection
between the visible world and the invisible"
(Ghazali, Jewels, 53) or unseen in the same
way as the interpreter of dreams strives to
make sense out of somebody's dream or
vision (see dreams and sleep). This idea is
brought home in the following program-
matic statement:
Understand that so long as you are in this-
worldly life you are asleep, and your
waking-iip will occur only after death (see
DEATH AND THE DEAD; SLEEP), at which
time you become fit to see the clear truth
face to face. Before that time it is impos-
sible for you to know the realities except
when they are molded in the form of
imaginative symbols (Ghazali, Jewels, 54).
The only way to gain the knowledge of the
true reality of God and his creation is,
according to al-Ghazall, through the re-
nunciation of this world and righteousness.
Those who seek "the vanities of this world,
eating what is unlawful and following
[their] carnal desires" are barred from the
understanding of the qur'anic message.
Their corrupt and sinful nature makes
them see nothing in the Qur'an but con-
tradiction and incongruence. Hence, the
perception of the qur'anic allegories and
symbols by different people correspond to
their level of spiritual purity and intellec-
tual attainment. In commenting on the
special virtue of c) i (Sural al-Fatiha, "The
Opening"; see fatiha), which many ex-
egetes consider to be the key to paradise
(q.v.), al-Ghazall argues that a worldly in-
dividual imagines the cjur'anic paradise to
be a place where he will satisfy his desire
for food, drink and sex, while the perfected
Sufi gnostic sees it as a site of refined spiri-
tual pleasures and "pays no heed to the
paradise of the fools."
Apart from the Fatiha, al-Ghazall singles
out the following verses for a special discus-
sion: c) 2:255, "The Throne Verse" (see
151
SUFISM AND THE OUR AN
THRONE OF god), q 112 (Surat al-Ikhlas,
"Purity of Faith"), q 36 (Surat Ya Sin),
wliereupon he declares tlie Fatilia to be
"the best of all suras" and the "Throne
Verse" to be "the chief of all verses." In
the subsequent narrative he enumerates
763 "jewel verses" and 741 "pearl verses."
Al-Ghazall never directly addresses the
issue of how and why some divine state-
ments can be better than others, although
he profusely quotes prophetic reports that
assert the special virtues of certain verses
and suras.
Like al-Qiishayri and earlier exegetes,
al-Ghazall is convinced that the depth of
one's imderstanding of the Qiir'an is
directly linked to one's level of spiritual
purity, righteousness and intellectual prog-
ress. It is no wonder that in his ranking of
exegetes the highest rank is unequivocally
accorded to the accomplished Sufi gnostic
('drif). To him and only to him is dis-
closed the greatest secret of being. This is
stated clearly in al-Ghazali's Mishkdt
al-anwdr — an esoteric reflection on the
epistemic and ontological implications of
the "Light Verse" (q^ 24:35):
The gnostics ascend from the foothill of
metaphor (q.v.; al-majdz) to the way-station
of the true reality (al-haqiqa) . When they
complete their ascension, they see directly
that there is nothing in existence except
God most high (Ghazali, Mishkat, 58).
Therefore, for the gnostics, the qur'anic
phrase "Everything perishes save his face"
({) 28:88) is an expression of the existential
truth, according to which "everything ex-
cept God, if considered from the viewpoint
of its essence, is but a pure nonexistence
('adam mahd),"" God being the only reality of
the entire universe [Mishkdt, 58). This bold
idea prefigures the monistic specidations of
Ibn al-'Arabi and his followers, who also
were to make extensive use of esoteric ex-
egesis in order to showcase their monistic
vision of the world.
The blossoming of ecstatic/ esoteric exegesis
The works of Persian Sufis Abu Thabit
Muhammad al-DaylamI (d. 593/1197) and
Rtlzbihan Baqll (d. 606/1209) constitute a
distinct trend in Sufi exegetical literature
that is characterized by "intense visions
and powerfid ecstasies interpreted in terms
of a qur'anically based metaphysics"
(Ernst, Ruzbihdn, ix). The prevalence of
such elements in the exegetical works of
these two writers prompted Bowering (Sufi
hermeneutics, 257) to describe them as be-
ing more "esoteric" than their "moderate"
counterparts discussed above. Al-DaylamI,
a little known, if original and prolific
author, wrote a mystical commentary en-
titled Tasdiq al-ma'drif (it is also occasionally
referred to as Futuh al-rahmdnji ishdrdt al-
Qur'dn). It creatively combines early Sufi
exegetical dicta borrowed from al-Sulaml's
Haqd'iq al-tafsir — they constitute about
half of al-Daylaml's work — with the
author's own elaborations. Surprisingly,
al-DaylamI never mentions al-Qtishayrl's
Latd'if al-ishdrdt, which was composed some
one himdred years before his own. As
already mentioned, al-Daylaml's own texts
reflect his overwhelming preoccupation
with "the visionary world of the mystic,"
which "is seen as totally real and fidly iden-
tical with the spiritual world of the invis-
ible realm" (ibid., 270). In the absence of
an edited and published text of this
commentary — which seems to exist in a
unique manuscript — one cannot provide
a detailed analysis of its content. Accord-
ing to Bowering who discovered the
manuscript in a Turkish archive, it is "a
continuous yet eclectic commentary on
selected koranic verses from all suras pre-
sented in sequence" which "consists of two
parallel levels of interpretative glosses on
koranic phrases, specimens of Sufi sayings,
SUFISM AND THE OUR AN
152
and items of the author's own explana-
tion." His work foreshadowed "ideas that
emerged in the Kobrawi school" [of
Sufism] (Bdwering, Deylami), whose ex-
egetical production will be discussed below.
Somewhat better known is the commen-
tary of al-Daylaml's younger contempo-
rary Ruzbihan [al-]Baqll al-ShlrazI
(d. 606/1209) entitled 'Ard'is al-baydnji
haqd'iq al-Qur'dn. This massive exegetical
opus reflects Ruzbihan's overriding pro-
pensity for visions, dreams, powerful ec-
stasies and ecstatic utterances that "earned
him the sobriquet 'Doctor Ecstaticus'
(shaykh-i shattdhj" (Ernst, Ruzbihan). Like
al-Daylami's Tasdiq ai-ma'drif, 'Ard'is al-
baydn was written in Arabic and consists
almost equally of earlier exegetical
material — mostly borrowed from
al-Sidami — and of the author's own
glosses. In contrast to al-Daylaml,
Ruzbihan also availed himself of the
materials borrowed from al-Qiishayri's
Latd'if al-ishdrdt. Ruzbihan's uses of the
Qiir'an in both his commentary and other
works, however, are much bolder than
those of the Sufi exegetes already de-
scribed. Not only does he constantly invoke
the sacred text in describing his spiritual
encounters with and visions of God, but he
also claims to have symbolically eaten it
(see POPULAR AND TALISMANIC USES OF
THE q^ur'an). Thus in his Kashf al-asrdr,
"Unveiling of secrets," he provides the
following description of his visionary
experiences:
When I passed through the atmosphere of
eternity (q.v.), I stopped at the door of
power (see power and impotence). I saw
all the prophets present there; I saw Moses
with the Torah (q.v.) in his hand, Jesus (q.v.)
with the Gospel (q.v.) in his hand, David
(q.v.) with the Psalms (q.v), and Muham-
mad with the Qiir'an in his hand. Moses
gave me the Torah to eat, Jesus gave me
the Gospel to eat, David gave me the
Psalms to eat and Muhammad gave me the
Qiir'an to eat. Adam gave me the most
beautifid names [of God] and the Greatest
Name to drink. I learned what I learned of
the elect divine sciences for which God
singles out his prophets and saints (Ernst,
Ruzbihdn, 51).
One can hardly be any bolder than this.
According to Ernst, this dream is deemed
to symbolize Ruzbihan's "complete in-
ternalization" of the inspiration of these
scriptures. The Qtir'an and its imagery
figure prominently in the Sufi's ecstatic
visions. Thus he compares his condition in
the presence of God with that of Zulaykha
in the presence of Joseph (c[.v.; C3 12:22-32),
as described in the following passage:
He wined me with the wine (q.v.) of in-
timacy and nearness. Then he left and I
saw him as the mirror of creation wherever
I faced, and that was his saying, "Whereso-
ever you turn, there is the face of God"
(q^ 2:109 [sic]). Then he spoke to me after
increasing my longing for him. . . and [I]
said to myself: "I want to see his beauty
without interruption." He said: "Remem-
ber the condition of Zulaykha and
Joseph..." (Ernst, Riizbihdn, 42).
Ruzbihan also draws a bold comparison
between himself and Adam and has God
say the following:
I have chosen my servant Ruzbihan for
eternal happiness, sainthood (wildya), and
bounty. . . . He is my vicegerent (khalifa) in
this world and all worlds; I love whosoever
loves him and hate whosoever hates him...,
for I am "one who acts when he wishes"
(c) 107:11 [sic]; Ernst, Ruzbihan, 48).
This feeling of mutual love, intimacy
and [com] passion between God and his
153
SUFISM AND THE OUR AN
mystical lover is the hallmark of Ruzbi-
han's entire mystical legacy. According to
Ernst, the very title of Ruzbihan's
commentary — 'Ard'is al-baydn, "The
brides of explanation" — "invokes the un-
veiling of the bride in a loving encounter
as the model of initiation into the esoteric
knowledge of God" (Ernst, Ruzbihdn, 71).
One can argue that Ruzbihan's visionary
and ecstatic experiences are virtually per-
meated by qur'anic language and imagery.
As with early Sufi masters, the Qiir'an
serves Ruzbihan as a means of transform-
ing himself and, eventually, achieving the
ultimate intimacy with and knowledge of
God.
Ibn al- 'Arabi and the Kubrawi tradition
According to Bowering's classification (Sufi
hermeneutics, 257), the subsequent stage in
the development of Sufi exegesis was dom-
inated by its two major strains: Muhyi
1-Dln Ibn al-'Arabi (d. 638/1240) and his
followers (mostly in the Muslim east) and
Najm al-Din Kubra (d. 618/1221) and the
Kubrawi school of Sufism.
One can say that Ibn al-'Arabl's long-
lasting influence on the subsequent Sufi
tradition springs from his role as an intel-
lectual bridge between eastern and western
strains of Sufism. While Sufi ideas initially
spread westwards — from Sahl al-Tustarl
and the Baghdadi school to Ibn Masarra
al-Jaball (d. 319/931) and his AndalusI and
Maghribi successors — by the sixth/
twelfth century western Sufism acquired a
distinctive character and was represented
by such versatile and original thinkers as
Ibn Barrajan (d. 536/1141), Ibn al-'Arif
(d. 536/1141), Ibn QasI (d. 546/1151), Abu
Madyan (d. 594/1197) and Ibn al-'Arabi, to
name but a few (Gril, 'La lecture', 521-2).
Of these Ibn Barrajan deserves special
notice as the author of at least one, and
possibly two, Sufi commentaries that seem
to have had a profound influence on Ibn
al-'Arabi and his numerous followers in the
Muslim east.
As with earlier Sufi exegetes, Ibn
Barrajan envisioned the realization of the
qur'anic message by the mystic as his pro-
gressive immersion into its mysteries,
which eventually results in what the
AndalusI master called "the paramount
reading" (al-tildwa l-'ulyd) of the Qiir'an. In
the process, the very personality of the
mystic is transformed by this encounter
with the divine word as he passes from its
literal message ('ibra; i'tibdr) to its underly-
ing, "crossed over to" truth (al-ma'bur ilajhi)
and from a physical perception (basar) of
the sacred text to an interior, intuitive
grasp of its inner reality (Gril, 'La lecture',
516). In other words, in the process of "re-
membering" (dhikr) and contemplating the
Qiir'an the mystic develops a deep and
genuine insight that allows him to realize
its true meaning and implications. As a
result, he is eventually transformed into the
"universal servant" (al-'abd al-kulli), whose
recitation of the sacred text is twice as
effective as the recitation of the ordinary
believer or the "partial servant" (at- 'abd
al-juz'i).
Ibn Barrajan's exegesis displays the fol-
lowing characteristic features that set it
apart from the mainstream interpretative
tradition (whose elements are duly rep-
resented in his work): (i) the insistence that
dhikr should serve as the means of achiev-
ing a total and undivided concentration on
the sacred text; (2) the continual awareness
of the subtle correspondences between the
phenomena and entities of the universe
and the "signs" embedded in the scripture;
(3) the aifirmation that the heart of the
"universal servant" is capable of encom-
passing the totality of existence in the same
way as it is contained in the Preserved
Tablet; and (4) the notion that the divine
word constitutes the supreme reality of
human nature, which makes it possible to
SUFISM AND THE OUR AN
154
erase the boundary that separates the crea-
ture from its creator and thereby achieve a
cognitive and experiential union between
them (ibid., 520-1). Finally, Ibn Barrajan
restricts this superior realization of the
divine word to a small group of divinely
elected individuals, whom he identifies as
"the veracious ones" (siddiqfm) . His bold
ideas were elaborated upon and brought to
fruition in the legacy of Ibn al-'Arabl and
his school.
Ibn al-'Arabi's uses of the Qvir'an are
rich and variegated. He claims to have
composed a multi-volume commentary on
the Qiir'an entitled al-Jdmi' wa-l-tafsTlJi
asrdr ma'dm l-tanzil, which seems to have
been lost. On the other hand, his entire
work, including his major master-
pieces — Fusus al-hikam and al-Futuhdt
al-makkijja — may be seen as a giant run-
ning commentary on the foundational texts
of Islam, the Qiir'an and the sunna of the
Prophet. His overall approach to the
Qiir'an must be considered in the general
context of his thought which is character-
ized by the belief that the true realities of
God and the universe are concealed from
ordinary human beings behind a distorting
veil of images and appearances. These true
realities, however, can be rendered acces-
sible to the elect few through a spiritual
awakening and special intellectual insight
or "unveiling" (kashf) bestowed upon them
by God. Ibn al-'Arabi calls the possessors
of this insight "the people of the true real-
ity" (ahl al-haqiqa), or "divine gnostics"
('drijun). They and only they can decipher
the true meaning of the symbols that con-
stitute both the qur'anic text and the enti-
ties and phenomena of the empirical
universe, which are likened by Ibn al-
'Arabl to a giant book. For him, both the
Qiir'an and the universe are but "books"
of God — assemblages of symbols and
images behind which lie the ultimate reali-
ties of existence that, in the final account,
take their origin in and are somehow iden-
tical to the divine reality (al-haqq). The de-
ciphering of these symbols and images
becomes possible through God's revelatory
manifestations (tajalli) to his elect "friends"
and through their ability to perceive their
hidden meaning by means of their imagi-
native faculties.
Since Ibn al-'Arabi considered himself to
be the greatest 'drifoi his age (and possibly
of all times) and the spiritual "pole" (al-
qutb) of the universe, he saw no reason to
legitimize his understanding of the mean-
ing of the scripture or — as he put it, of its
"spirit" (ruh) — by reference to any prior
exegetical authority or tradition. In his
opinion, he is absolved of such a justifica-
tion because his "epistemic source" is
nothing other than divine inspiration
(Nettler, Sufi metaphysics, 29). This attitude is
evident from his poetic commentaries on
selected qur'anic suras included in his
poetic collection [Diwdn, 136-79). Here Ibn
al-'Arabl offers an exegesis aimed at bring-
ing out the "spiritual quintessence" (rd/i) of
these suras. In so doing, he deliberately
relegates his role to that of a simple trans-
mitter of the outpourings of divinely in-
duced insights that are dictated to him in
the "mystical moment" (wdrid al-waqt) in
which he happens to find himself. He is
adamant that he has added nothing to
what he has received from this divine
source of inspiration (Bachmann, Un com-
mentaire, 503). His use of poetry — an art
associated with pre-Islamic paganism (see
POETRY AND POETS; PRE-ISLAMIC ARABIA
AND THE cjur'an) — and his occasional
imitation of the meter and rhythm of
qur'anic chapters (see inimitability;
provocation) no doubt raised many
scholarly eyebrows, both during his lifetime
and after his death. So did his radical de-
parture from the conventions of traditional
exegesis. Thus in elucidating the "spirit" of
the Fatiha Ibn al-'Arabl boldly and some-
155
SUFISM AND THE OUR AN
what incongruously refers to God as "a
light not like any other light" — a clear
allusion to the Light Verse {dyat al-niir,
o 24:35) — then proceeds to discuss its
implications, which have little to do with
the sura that he is supposedly discussing
(Bachmann, Un commentaire, 505).
His claim to be a simple motithpiece of
the divine inspirer absolves him, however,
of the necessity to justify his exegetical
method or to follow any conventional
logic. This inspirational exegesis, according
to Ibn al-'Arabi, assures absolute certainty
in interpretation of the divine word and
overrules all alternative understandings of
it. Ibn al-'Arabi also revisits q 24:35 in
many passages of his magnum opus,
al-Futuhdt al-makkiyya. Here his interpreta-
tion of this verse reveals three distinct lev-
els of understanding of its meaning: the
metaphysical and cosmological, the ana-
logical (btiilt around the implicit corre-
spondences between the universe and the
human individual) and the existential-
experiential based on the notion — so dear
to Ibn al-'Arabi — of the underlying unity
(and tinion) of God, humankind and the
universe (Gril, Le commentaire, 180). In
Fusus al-hikam — Ibn al-'Arabl's contro-
versial meditation on the phenomenon of
prophethood and its major represen-
tatives — his uses of the qur'anic text are
partictdarly bold and challenging (the same
is true of his uses of the sunna). The
Qtir'an radically and dramatically rein-
terpreted by the Sufi master serves as a
showcase for his monistic metaphysics (see
also PHILOSOPHY AND THE QUR'an).
Moreover, for Ibn al-'Arabi his monistic
vision of God, humankind and the uni-
verse constitutes the very truth and ulti-
mate meaning of the cjur'anic revelation
(Nettler, Sufi metaphysics, 13-14). In the Fusus,
the traditional exegetical lore associated
with the prophets and other individuals
mentioned in the qur'anic text is inextri-
cably intertwined with "an extremely
abstruse 'Sufi metaphysics,' " which for Ibn
al-'Arabi presumably reflected its inner,
essential, truth (ibid., 14). This kind of ex-
egesis is so distinctive and unique that it
"may be considered an Islamic religious
genre in its own right" that can be dubbed
"Sufi metaphysical story-telling" (ibid.).
As an example of Ibn al-'Arabi's exe-
getical method, one can cite his audacious
rendition of the story of Aaron (q.v),
Moses and the golden calf (tj 7:148-55
and q 20:85-94; see calf of gold).
Here — contrary to the literal meaning of
the qur'anic narrative — Aaron and the
worshippers of the golden calf are por-
trayed as being wiser than Moses, who
misguidedly scolds them for lapsing into
idolatry (see idolatry and idolaters).
Unlike Moses, they realize that God can be
worshipped in every object, for every ob-
ject, including the golden calf, is but "a site
of divine self-manifestation" [ha 'd al-majdlT
l-ildhiyya; Fusus, 192; Nettler, Sufi metaphysics,
53). In this interpretation, the original
qur'anic condemnation of idolatry is com-
pletely inverted: the idolaters become
"gnostics," who
know the full truth concerning idolatry, but
are honor-bound not to disclose this truth,
even to the prophets, the apostles and their
heirs, for these all have their divinely-ap-
pointed roles in curbing idolatry and pro-
moting the worship of God in their time and
their situation (Nettler, Svfi metaphysics, 67).
The ultimate truth, however, is that God is
immanent to all things and can be wor-
shipped everywhere. Here, and throughout
the Fusus, Ibn al-'Arabi's unitive, monistic
vision of God and the world is presented
within the framework of qur'anic narra-
tives (q.v.) pertaining to the vicissitudes of
the prophetic missions of the past (see
PUNISHMENT STORiEs). For him, however,
SUFISM AND THE OUR AN
156
this is not his personal vision but the true and
unadulterated meaning of the divine word
(ibid., 94).
The major themes of Ibn al-'Arabl's leg-
acy were explored and elucidated by his
foremost disciple, Sadr al-Din al-Qunawi
(d. 673/1274), the author of numerous
influential works on theoretical Sufism. His
major exegetical work, Ijdz al-baydnfi ta'wil
al-Qur'dn, is a lengthy disquisition on the
metaphysical, epistemological and psy-
chological implications of the first sura of
the Qiir'an based on the assumption that it
constitutes the very gist of the revelation.
The author's indebtedness to Ibn al-'Arabi
is obvious from the outset, when he states
that
God made the primeval macrocosm (al~
'dlam al-kabir) — from the viewpoint of its
[outward] form — a book carrying the
images of the divine names... and he
[God] made the perfect man — who is but
a microcosm (al- 'dlam al-saghir) — an in-
termediate book from the viewpoint of
[its] form, which combines in itself the
presence of the names and the presence of
the named [i.e. God]. He also revealed the
great Q;Lir'an as a guidance to the human
being — who is fashioned in his
image — in order to explain the hidden
aspect of his way, the secret of his sura and
of his rank (Qunawl, al-TafsTr, 98).
Al-Qunawl identifies five levels and realms
of existence and their correspondence to
the five layers of meaning of the divine
word. For the exegete, this task of iden-
tification is much more important than the
minutia of conventional tafsir with which
he claims to have deliberately dispensed
(ibid., 103). Al-Qunawi's emphasis on the
hierarchies of the divine names and their
ontological counterparts (realms of ex-
istence) constitutes probably the most dis-
tinguishing feature of this highly technical
and recondite mystical commentary, which
came to characterize the intellectual legacy
of Ibn al-'Arabl's school of thought as a
whole.
In 'Abd al-Razzaq Kamal al-Din al-
Qashani (d. 730/1329), a native of the
Iranian province of Jibal, we find another
scholar fully committed to Ibn al-'Arabi's
spiritual and intellectual legacy, while re-
maining an original mystical thinker in his
own right. Not only did al-QashanI dis-
tinguish himself as an advocate of his
great predecessor but also as an effective
disseminator of the latter's mystical teach-
ing which by that time had come to be
known as "the doctrine of the unity/one-
ness of being/existence" (wahdat al-wujud).
As a promoter of Ibn al-'Arabl's ideas, his
main achievement lies in his ability to strip
them of their original ambiguity, and
open-endedness and to present them in a
lucid and accessible form to anyone who
cared to learn them. Al-QashanI excelled
in this task to such an extent that his popu-
lar mystical commentary, originally titled
Ta'wil al-Qur'dn, was for several centuries
considered by many to be a work of Ibn
al-'Arabi himself. In fact, its latest edition,
which appeared in Beirut in 1968, was en-
titled TafsTr al-Qur'dn al-karim lil-shaykh al-
akbar. . . Ibn 'Arabi. A systematic and
clear-headed thinker, al-QashanI provides
a detailed self-refiective exposition of his
exegetical method in the introduction to
his commentary. Citing a famous prophetic
hadith according to which each qur'anic
verse has two aspects — the "outward"
(Z^-hr) and the "inward" (batn) — al-
Qashanl identifies the understanding of
the former as tafsir and of the latter as
ta'wil (QashanI, Ta'wil, i, 4). His own in-
terpretation is consistently identified as
ta'wil throughout the rest of his work. This
indicates that by his time the rigid tafsir/
ta'wil dichotomy, which does not seem to
have existed in the earlier periods — both
157
SUFISM AND THE OUR AN
al-Taban and al-BaydawI (d. prob. 716/
1316) had no compunctions about applying
the word ta'wil to their conventional
commentaries — had become widespread,
at least in some Sufi circles (cf. however,
Shah Wall Allah, who defined ta'wil as a
regular historical and contextual commen-
tary; Baljon, Religion and thought, 141). In a
revealing passage from the introduction to
his Ta'wil al-Qashani describes his personal
relationship with the qur'anic revelation
which, in a sense, epitomizes the Sufi
stance vis-a-vis the divine word:
For a long time I made the recitation
(tildvua) of the Qiir'an my habit and custom
and meditated on its meaning with the
[full] strength of my faith. Yet, despite my
assiduousness at reciting passages from it
(al-awrdd), my chest was constrained, my
soul troubled and my heart remained
closed to it. However, my lord did not
divert me from this recitation until I had
grown accustomed and habituated to it
and begun to taste the sweetness of its cup
and its drink. It was then that I felt invigo-
rated, my breast opened up, my conscience
expanded, my heart was at ease, and my
innermost self liberated... by these revela-
tions. Then there appeared to me from
behind the veil the meanings of every verse
such that my tongue was incapable of de-
scribing, no capacity able to determine and
count, and no power could resist unveiling
and disclosure" [Ta'wil, i, 4).
Unlike the authors of "moderate" Sufi
commentaries discussed above, al-Qashani
consciously ignores those passages of the
Qiir'an that, in his view, are not susceptible
to esoteric interpretation (hull md Idyaqbalu
al-ta'wil 'indi aw Idyahtdju ilayhi). With more
than five centuries of Sufi exegesis behind
him, al-QashanI no longer feels obligated
to pay tribute to the trivia of conventional
tafsir and focuses only on those aspects of
the sacred text that resonate with his eso-
teric vision of the world. Even some
favorite "Sufi" verses such as C3 7:172 and
(J 85:22 are passed over in silence, perhaps
because al-QashanI feels that their inter-
pretative potential has been exhausted by
his predecessors (Lory, Commentaires, 31).
Addressed to his fellow Sufis, "the people
of [supersensory] unveiling" (ahl al-kashf),
al-Qashanl's exegesis brims with classical
Sufi terminology and themes borrowed
from Ibn al-'Arabl's monistic ideas and
imagery. In many cases, this terminology is
not explained, presupposing its prior
knowledge by the reader (ibid., 30).
Al-QashanI is completely at home in deal-
ing with all major levels of exegesis estab-
lished by his predecessors: the monistic
metaphysics with its tripartite division of
being into the empirical realm ('dlam al-
shahdda), the intermediate realm of divine
power (al-jabarut) and the purely spiritual
realm of divine sovereignty (al-malakut); the
parallelism and correspondence between
the universe (the macrocosm) and its
human counterpart (the microcosm); the
major stages and spiritual states of the
mystic's progress to God; the symbolism of
the letters of the Arabic alphabet; numer-
ology (q.v.); etc. As a typical example of his
method one may his cite his glosses on
Q, 17:1:
"Glory be to him, who carried his ser-
vant," that is — [who] purified him from
material attributes and deficiencies associ-
ated with [his] creation by means of the
tongue of the spiritual state of disengage-
ment [from the created world] (al-tajarrud)
and perfection at the station of [absolute]
servanthood... — "by night" — that is, in
the darkness of bodily coverings and natu-
ral attachments, for the ascension and rise
cannot occur except by means of a
body — "from the holy mosque" — that is,
from the station of the heart that is pro-
SUFISM AND THE OUR AN
158
tected from the circumambulation of the
polytheism of carnal drives... (Ta'wTl, i, 705).
In this passage and throughout, the cor-
respondences between qur'anic images and
Sufi psychology, epistemology and ontol-
ogy are clearly and firmly established, leav-
ing little room for the ambiguity of
reference and referent and a general opac-
ity of meaning that characterize the works
of Ibn al-'Arabl. One can thus conclude
that in al-Qashanl's commentary the eso-
teric exegesis of the previous centuries re-
ceives a succinct, systematic — perhaps
overly-systematic — and lucid articulation.
The exegetical method derived from
Ibn al-'Arabl and his predecessors has
become stabilized. Its subsequent re-
articulation by such later Sufis as Badr
al-Din Simawi (d. 820/1420), Isma'll
Haqql (d. 1137/1725), Shah Wall Allah
(d. 1176/1762), and Ibn 'Ajiba (d. 1224/
1809) — to name but a few — evinces a
remarkable continuity that may be con-
strued by some as a lack of originality. In
the case of the last two authors, mystical
exegesis is offered alongside other types
of commentary, of which Ibn 'Ajiba, for
example, cites as many as eleven in his
al-Bahr al-madid (i, 129-31). His tafsir dem-
onstrates his equal facility with both eso-
teric and exoteric commentary, without
privileging either one of them (Michon,
Le soufi, 88-9).
While the tradition of Qiir'an interpreta-
tion associated with the central Asian Sufi
master Najm al-Din Kubra (d. 618/1221)
and his followers Najm al-Din Daya [al-]
RazI (d. 654/1256) and 'Ala' al-Dawla
SimnanI (d. 736/1336) is often treated as a
separate school of Sufi exegesis (e.g.
Bowering, Sufi hermeneutics, 257), this
perception has more to do with two dif-
ferent spiritual and intellectual lineages
than with differences in their approaches
to the Qiir'an. Unlike the Sufi commentar-
ies discussed above, we are dealing here
with what amounts to a collective exegeti-
cal work that was started by Kubra, con-
tinued by Daya [al-]RazI and completed
by Simnani, although "it is possible that
there are two different continuations to
Kubra's commentary, one by Simnani and
the other by Daya" (Elias, Throne carrier,
205). "It is also conceivable that Daya re-
vised Kubra's commentary" (ibid.). In any
event, this commentary remains unpub-
lished and our knowledge of its contents is
derived from a recent Western study of
Simnani's oeuvre byjamal Elias (ibid.,
107-10).
As with earlier Sufi exegetes, Simnani
spoke of "four levels of meaning [of the
Qiir'an] corresponding to four levels of
existence" (ibid., 108). Its exoteric dimen-
sion corresponds to the realm of "human-
ity" (ndsut); its esoteric dimension to the
realm of divine sovereignty (malakut); its
limit (hadd) relates to the realm of divine
omnipotence (jabaritt); and its point of
ascent, or anagoge (matla'/muttala') corre-
sponds to the realm of divinity [Idhfit, ibid.,
108). These realms, in turn, correspond to
four levels of the human understanding of
the Qur'an — that of the ordinary believer
(muslim), who relies upon his faculty of
hearing (see seeing and hearing;
HEARING and deafness); that of the faith-
ful one (mu 'min), who relies on divine in-
spiration; that of the righteous one
(muhsin), who should not disclose what he
understands except with divine permission
(idhn); and, finally, the [direct] witness
{shdhid; see witness to faith) whose un-
derstanding is so sublime that he should
refrain from disclosing it to anyone for fear
of confusion and sedition (ibid.). God's
purpose in sending his revelation is to
cleanse the hearts and souls of human be-
ings from mundane distractions and
thereby lead them to salvation. To this end,
he has supplied them with special faculties
159
SUICIDE
or "subtle centers" (latd'if) that orient them
toward God and, eventually, lead the elect
few of them to "a complete revelation of
the true nature of reality" (ibid., 85).
Finally, mention should be made of the
exegesis that combines esoteric exegesis
and mystical metaphysics with Shf 1 theol-
ogy. Here one thinks primarily of the ex-
egetical works by Haydar-i Amuli (d. after
7^7/^3^5) — who consistently sought to
integrate Ibn al-'Arabi's ideas and exegeti-
cal methods into the Shf T intellectual
universe — and MuUa Sadra (d. 1050/
1640) and his school, including what ap-
pears to be an extremely rare, if not
unique, example of a mystical commen-
tary written by a female scholar from Iran
named Nusrat bt. Muhammad Amin, bet-
ter known as Banu-yi Isfahan! (d. 1403/
1982; AyazT, Mufassirun, 310-15, 629-33;
Amuh, Jdmi' al-asrdr; Mulla Sadra., Asrdr
al-dydt; Amln, Tafsir-i makhzo-n).
This survey does not discuss the dev-
elopment of Sufi exegesis in modern
times, which in Western scholarship re-
mains largely a terra incognita (see
POST-ENLIGHTENMENT ACADEMIC STUDY
OF THE our'an). For some representative
works of this genre see AyazT, Mufassirun,
833. See also wisdom; science and the
q^ur'an; time.
Alexander D. Knysh
Bibliography
Primary: N. Amin (Banu-yi Isfahan!), Tafsir-i
makhzan al-'irjan, 10 vols., Tehran 1982;
H. Amuli, Jdmi' al-asrdr, ed. O. Yahya and
H. Corbin, Tehran/Paris 1969; BaghawT,
Ma'dlim; al-Ghazall, Abu Hamid Muhammad b.
Muhammad, Jawdkir ai-Qur'dn, ed. M. al-
QabbanT, Beirut 1985, trans. M.A. Qiiasem, The
jewels of the Qiir'dn, London 1983; id., Mishkdt al-
anwdr, ed. S. Dughaym, Beirut 1994; Ibn AJTba,
Abu 1-Abbas Ahmad b. Muhammad, TafsTr al-
Fdtiha al-kabir al-musammd bi-l-Bahr al-madid, ed.
B.M. Barud, 2 vols., Abu Dhabi 1999; Ibn al-
Arabl, Abu Bakr Muhammad b. Abdallah,
Diwdn, Beirut n.d.; id., Fusiis al-hikam, ed. A. A.
Aflfl, Beirut 1980; id., al-Futuhdt al-makkiyya,
4 vols., Beirut 1968; Khazin, Lubdb; al-Maybudl,
Abu 1-Fadl Rashld al-Dln Ahmad, Kashf al-asrdr
wa-'uddat al-abrdr, ed. 'A. A. Hikmat, 10 vols.,
Tehran [1952-61]; Mulla Sadra (Sadr al-Dln
^\n.Y?i7A),Asrdr al-dydt, ed. M. KhvajavT, Beirut
1993; al-Qashanl, Ta'wU; al-QunawT, Sadr al-
Dln, al-Tafsir al-sufi lil-QuT'dn. Ijdz al-baydnfi ta'wil
al-Qur'dn, ed. A.Q.A. Ata, Cairo 1969; QushayrT,
Latd'if; al-Sarraj, Abu Nasr Abdallah b. All,
Kitdb al-Luma'fi l-tasawwuf ed. R.A. Nicholson,
Leiden/London 1914; Sulami, Haqd'iq al-tafsir,
ed. S. Imran, 2 vols., Beirut 2001; id., ^iydddt.
Secondary: S.M. Ayazi, al-Mufassirun. Haydtuhum
wa-manhajuhum, Tehran 1414/1993; P. Bachmann,
Un commentaire mystique du Goran, in Arabic a
47 (2000), 503-9; J.M.S. Baljon, Religion and thought
of Shdh Wall Alldh Dihlawi, lyo^-iyGs, Leiden
1986; G. Bowering, Deylami, Sams al-Dln Abu
Tabet Mohammad b. Abd al-Malek Tusi, in
Encyclopedia Iranica, vii, 341-2; id.. Mystical; id.
The scriptural "senses" in medieval Sufi Qiir'an
exegesis, in J.D. McAuliffe, B.D. Walfish andJ.W.
Goering (eds.). With reverence for the word. Medieval
scriptural exegesis in Judaism, Christianity, and Islam,
New York 2003, 346-65; id., Sufi hermeneutics in
medieval Islam, in R£l ^^-y (1987-9), 255-70;
Y. Diizenli, ^ihabuddin Suhreverdi ve JSugbetii l-beyan,
PhD thesis, Marmara University, Istanbul 1994;
J. Elias, The throne carrier of God, Albany, NY 1995;
C. Ernst, Ruzbihan [al-Bakll], in Ei^, viii, 651-2;
id., Ruzbihdn BaqlT, Richmond, Surrey 1996;
D. Gril, 'La lecture superieure' du Goran selon
Ibn Barrajan, in Arabica 47 (2000), 510-22; id., Le
commentaire du verset de la lumiere d'apres Ibn
'Arabl, in Bulletin de VInstitutfrangais d'archeologie
orientate 90 (1990), 179-87; A. Keeler, Sufi
hermeneutics. MaybudVs Persian commentary on the
Qur'dn, the Kashf al-asrdr, Oxford (forthcoming);
J.-L. Michon, Le soufi marocain Ahmad Ibn Ajiba
(124.6- i8og), Paris 1973; R. Nettler, Sufi meta-
physics and qur'dnic prophets, Gambridge 2003;
Nwyia, Exegese; id., Trois oeuvres inedites de mystiques
musulmans, Beirut 1972; E. Ohlander, Abu Hafs
'Umar al-Suhrawardi and the institutionalization of
Sufism, PhD diss., U. Michigan 2004; W. Saleh,
The formation of the classical tafslr tradition, Leiden
2004; K.Z. Sands, Suji commentaries on the Qur'dn in
classical Islam., London 2005.
Suicide
The act of taking one's own life, killing
oneself. Although several qiir'anic verses
appear to be relevant to suicide, in par-
ticular q 2:54, 4:66, 4:29 and 2:195, only
SUICIDE
1 60
the last two prove to be related to self-
killing.
Moses (q.v.) said to his people, "My people,
you have wronged yourselves by worship-
ping the calf (see calf of gold), so repent
to your maker and kill yourselves; that is
best for you in the eyes of your maker."
Then he accepted your repentance: he is
all-forgiving and most merciful ((J 2:54; see
forgiveness; mercy; god and his
attributes).
The majority of the commentators (see
EXEGESIS OF THE Q^Ur'aN! CLASSICAL AND
medieval) are in agreement that the
phrase "kill yourselves" (fa-qtulu anfusakum)
means "those who have not worshipped
the golden calf should kill those who wor-
shipped it" (e.g. Tabarl, TafsTr, i, 326-7).
Some commentators, however, emphasize
the metaphorical meaning (see metaphor;
SYMBOLIC imagery), that is, the Israelites
are asked to repent through suppression of
lustful desires (bakh ') since such desire was
the root cause of their sin (Baydawi, Anwar,
i, 62; Zamakhsharl, Kashshdf, i, 143; see
CHILDREN OF ISRAEL; SIN, MAJOR AND
minor). Another possible reading, collec-
tive suicide, is never mentioned by most
commentators and is explicitly rejected by
a few (e.g. Elmalili, Kur'dn Dili, i, 355-6,
who says that collective suicide is clearly
not the intended meaning since that would
have led to the extinction of the Jews; see
JEWS AND Judaism; exegesis of the
qur'an: early modern and
contemporary).
The phrase "kill yourselves" also appears
in Q_ 4:66, "If we had decreed to them
[the hypocrites; see hypocrites and
hypo(;risy] 'kill yourselves' or 'leave your
homes,' only a few would have done so"
but, as in the case of C3 2:54, commentators
normally see mutual killing in this verse
and, even though collective suicide is men-
tioned by some as a possible reading
(Elmahli, Kur'dn Dili, ii, 1385-6), this is
stated to be moot since the verse is not
applicable to the Muslims who are com-
manded not to kill one another (see
murder; bloodshed).
cj 4:29 is much inore to the point: "You
who believe (see belief and unbelief), do
not consume each other's property (q.v.)
unjustly (see justice and injustice), but
trade through mutual goodwill is different
(see TRADE AND COMMERCE; WEALTH), and
do not kill yourselves, for God is the most
merciful towards you." Al-Tabarl (d.
310/923; Tafsn, iv, 38-9) reads the second
part of this verse as a command against
the believers' killing each other (see
fighting; war) and understands God's
prohibition of unjust trade and believers'
killing each other (except for a just reason)
as a sign of his mercy. Al-Baydawl (d. prob.
716/1316-17; ^4raiX'a!; i, 2ii), however, sees
here an injunction against self-killing
through suppression of self (bakh'), placing
oneself in danger, or through committing
crimes that would incur death or abase-
ment (presumably including usurious
trade; see usury; boundaries and
precepts; chastisement and
punishment), though he clearly does not
view any of these as "intentional self-kill-
ing." In any case, the recommendation of
the verse, he thinks, is for combined pro-
tection of self (nafs) and property (mdl),
which are joined as "halves." Al-
Zamakhshari (d. 538/1144; Kashshdf, i, 492)
understands the verse as an injunction
against the believers' killing each other
and/or killing oneself (cf. Ibn al-jawzl [d.
597/1200], ^dd, ii, 61, ad Q^ 4:29, who
maintains that the first meaning of Id
taqtulu anfusakum is that God forbids his
servant from killing himself). And, accord-
ing to al-Qurtubl (d. &']i/ 12']2', Jdmi\ v,
156-7, ad (I 4:29), while the text itself (laf^^)
indicates that this phrase deals with (and
i6i
SUICIDE
urges against) killing oneself intentionally
(bi-qasdin minhu lil-qatl) — by bringing him
or herself to the folly that leads to destruc-
tion (as in the possible response to situ-
ations of boredom or anger: "do not kill
yourselves") — the interpreters have
agreed that this passage means that people
should not kill one another. Elmalih, a
twentieth century Turkish interpreter
[Kur'dn Dili, ii, 1343-4), ™les out the
apparent meaning (see polysemy), which
is suicide, and argues that the applicable
meaning is "forbidding one to cause one's
own destruction," which is possible in one
of three ways (i) excessive asceticism
(q.v.) — according to Elmalih, this fits the
context of the verse — ; (ii) behavior that
would lead to committing sins that call for
killing, including illicit consumption of
property of others; and (iii) placing oneself
in harm's way, even if for a charitable pur-
pose (see GOOD AND evil), where Elmalih
(like al-Tabarl) refers to the story of 'Amr
b. al-'As who refrained from taking major
ablution with ice cold water on the basis of
this verse (he resorted to tayammum instead)
and the Prophet's acceptance of his prac-
tice (see cleanliness and ablution;
RITUAL purity).
The relevance of C3 2:195 to suicide is
indirect but clear: "Spend in God's cause
(see PATH or way) and do not throw
[yourselves] with your own hands to
danger." Here, the question is about what
the phrase "do not throw [yourselves] with
your own hands to destruction/danger"
means. In his extensive coverage of this
question, al-Tabarl [Tafsir, ii, 206-12) re-
ports the following different readings: (i)
spend in God's cause (no other meaning
intended); (ii) spend in God's cause and do
not jeopardize yourselves by fighting for
God's cause unless there is (sufficient) pro-
vision and power; (iii) do not place yourself
in harm's way, do not give yourself up to
danger because you despair (q.v.) of God's
forgiveness on account of your past sins
(cf. q_ 12:87: "Do not despair of God's
mercy — only disbelievers despair of
God's mercy," and q 15:56: "Who except
those who are astray despairs of his lord's
mercy?"; see lord); (iv) spend in God's
cause and do not quit fighting; (v) a com-
bination of the third and fourth: whoever
does not give away in charity what he or
she does not need places himself or herself
in danger (see almsoiving). Similarly,
whoever is despondent because of past
sins places herself or himself in danger
because of the command in o 12:87 and
whoever quits fighting when fighting is
clearly mandatory places herself or
himself in danger of incurring God's
punishment.
The reality of the temptation to end
one's own life has not been denied by
Islamic tradition. On the authority of Abu
Hurayra (d. ca. 58/678), the Prophet him-
self is said to have said: "Whoever kills
himself with an iron [instrument] (bi-
hadidatin), his iron [instrument] would be in
his hand, poking his belly with it in hellfire
forever and ever (see hell and hellfire;
eternity; reward and punishment).
And whoever kills himself with poison,
then his poison would be in his hand and
he would sip from it in hellfire forever and
ever. And whoever falls from a mountain
killing himself, he would fall in hellfire for-
ever and ever" (Ibn Hanbal, Alusnad, xiii,
185; Muslim, Sahih, i, 103-4, bdb 47, hadlth
no. 175). And, although not qur'anic, al-
Tabari (Ta'rikh, i, 1150; Eng. trans. Watt
and McDonald, History, vi, 71) preserves a
tradition transmitted by Ibn Ishacj (d.
150/767) that Muhammad himself con-
templated suicide when he first received
the revelations (see revelation and
inspiration): "I shall take myself to a
mountain crag, hurl myself down from
it, kill myself and find relief in that
way."
l62
In ethical discussions over botli tlie
qur'anic positions on suicide and tliose
developed in later Islamic thought, the mo-
tivations (e.g. despondency for one's own
personal situation, vs. the decision to go
into battle to defend one's community; see
EXPEDITIONS AND BATTLEs), as Well as the
results and means (killing oneself, killing
others) of the action are considered. In
both classical and contemporary discus-
sions, no clear consensus has been reached
and debated issues remain: does the benefit
of a martyrdom outweigh the sin of killing
oneself?; what, exactly, comprises an
"unlawful" killing? Especially in the post-
colonial period and with the use of suicide
or martyr missions to secure political and
social change have these questions become
particularly pressing (cf. Malka, Must in-
nocents die?; see also politics and the
q^ur'an). While neither C3 4:29 nor Q^ 2:195
can be said to contain a clear injunction
against suicide, it is safe to conclude that
they may indeed be understood as ruling
out killing oneself especially if they are
considered in connection with one another.
It is also possible to view suicide, at least
from an ethical perspective (see ethics
and the cjur'an), as a special case of mur-
der, in which case all the qur'anic verses
that prohibit unlawful killing of a human
being — in particular C3 6:151 and o 17:33:
"Do not take life that God has rendered
sacred except for just cause," 5) 5:32:
"Whoever kills another, unless for murder
or highway robbery (see theft;
corruption), it is as though he has killed
all humanity," and C3 4:93: "Whoever kills a
believer intentionally, his punishment is to
dwell in hell forever; God is angry with
him (see anger), he curses (see curse) him
and prepares a terrible punishment for
him" — would also apply to suicide.
Ahmet T. Karamustafa
Bibliography
Primary: BaydawT, Anwar, Beirut 1988; Elnialili,
Muhammed Hanidi Yazir, Hak Dini Kurgan
Dili, 9 vols., Istanbul 1935-9; ^^^ Hanbal,
Aiusnad, ed. Shakir; Ibn al-JawzT, ^dd, 9 vols.,
Beirut n.d.; Muslim, Sahih; (^irtuhi, J dmi\
20 vols., Beirut n.d.; TabarT, TafsTr, 12 vols.,
Beirut 1992; id., Ta'nkh, ed. de Goeje et al.,
trans. W.M. Watt and M.V. McDonald, Tlie
history of al-TabarL vi. Muhammad at Mecca,
Albany 1988; ZamakhsharT, Kashshdf, Beirut
1995-
Secondary; H. Bleuchot, Le conflit des
interpretations, le onze septembre et le
droit musulman, in Droit et cultures 45 (2003),
241-76, 281; R. Denaro, II suicidio nell'Islam
medie\'ale. Un'ipotesi di lettura della
Sunna, in Rivista degli studi orientali 70 (1997),
23-34; H- Malka, Must innocents die? The
Islamic debate over suicide attacks, in
Middle East quarterly (Spring 2003), on http: / /
www.brookings.edu / Fp / saban / analysis /
malka 20030501 .htm ; F. Rosenthal, Intihar, in Ef,
iii, 1246-8; id.. On suicide in Islam, inJAOS 66
(1946), 239-59; repr. in id., Muslim intellectual and
social history, Hampshire, UK 1990.
Summer see seasons
Star at the center of earth's solar system.
The sun is the brightest and most powerful
of all the celestial bodies orbiting — ac-
cording to the geocentric cosmological
view of the world current in antiquity
and the Middle Ages (cf. Van Dalen,
Shams) — the earth (q.v.; see also planets
AND stars). Not inappropriately, it is men-
tioned thirty-three times in the Qiir'an.
There are hints at its being worshipped in
Babylonia ((J 6:74, 78) and in pre-Islamic
Arabia (c3 41:37; see pre-islamic Arabia
AND THE Q^UR'aN; SOUTH ARABIA,
RELIGIONS IN PRE-lsLAMic), especially by
the Sabaeans (q 27:24; cf. Fahd, Shams; see
sheba), and it is stressed that this was idol-
atry (see IDOLATRY AND IDOLATERS) and
that, conforming to the order of God's
i63
creation, also the sun, like the other
celestial bodies, is subject to God's
supreme authority (q.v.; {) 22:18). A rem-
nant of such earlier beliefs may be seen in
the oath in C3 91:1, "By the sun and its light
in the morning (q.v.)," after which the sura
(q.v.) was entitled al-shams, "The Sun" (see
oaths; form and structure of the
cjur'an; language and style of the
q^ur'an; literary structures of
THE OUr'an).
The sun (like the moon [q.v.]) has been
created to serve humankind (cf. c) 7:54;
13:2; 31:29; 35:13; 39:5; 14:33; 16:12; 29:61;
see cosmology; creation). It is the great
light (q.v.), diyd' [(I 10:5) or sirdj (q_ 25:61;
71:16; 78:13), by day (see lamp). It was cre-
ated husbdnan or bi-husbdn (cf. q 6:96; 55:5),
as a means for calculating time (q.v.) and
organizing human life (see measurement;
WEIGHTS AND MEASURES). But its heat may
become onerous (c) 18:90; 76:13; see hot
AND cold). Elements of the physical be-
havior of the sun are well-known and men-
tioned on several occasions. Its course is
firmly fixed [li-ajalin/ild ajalin musammd,
a 13:2; 31:29; 35:13; 39:5); in its daily rota-
tion, it reaches a resting place, mustaqarr,
where it abides by night (c3 36:38; see
NIGHT AND day). It movcs in an orh, falak,
like the moon (c) 21:33; 36:40), and these
two can never touch (tudrika) each other
(Q, 36:40). It rises in the east and sets in the
west (cf C3 18:17, 86, 90). The sun has also
been employed in the service of Islam as,
notably, for the fixing of prayer (q.v.) times.
Already in Muhammad's lifetime, when
the system of five daily ritual prayers (saldt)
had not yet been set up, prayers were pre-
scribed at sunset, duluk, and at dawn (q.v.),
fajr (c3 17:78), as well as before the sun's
rising, tulu', and setting, ^//ii™/' (o 20:130;
50:39; see also day, times of; evening).
Observation of the sun's shadow is also
mentioned (c) 25:45), though not in con-
nection with the fixing of prayer times.
Later, Islamic legal scholars (see law and
THE cjur'an) developed several systems for
fixing the times of prayer dependent on
the sun's position and on shadow observa-
tion (cf King, Mikat). Still later, Muslim
astronomers devised many more scientific
methods for determining the times of
prayer (cf. King, Mikat; id., Mizwala; see
SCIENCE AND THE qur'an). Lastly, the
Qtir'an mentions the sun in the eschato-
logical (see eschatology) context of the
day of resurrection (q.v.), when "the sun
and the moon are joined [or fused]" [wa-
jumi'a l-shamsu wa-l-qamaru, q 75:9 — per-
haps in distinct contrast to (^ 36:40, where
it is said that these two can never touch
each other) and when "the sun is wrapped
up" [idhd I'shamsu kuwwirat, (381:1; on
kuwwirat, cf. wkas, i, 427b, 8-16).
In sum, it can be said that the Qtir'an
covers the most important aspects of the
sun's role in human life, in earlier history
as well as for the Islamic community.
Within the contemporaneous geocentric
understanding of the world, the physical
behavior of the sun is correctly described.
Paul Kunitzsch
Bibliography
B. van Dalen, Shams-2, in EI^, ix, 291-4; T. Fahd,
Le Pantheon de VAmbie centrals a la veille de VHegire,
Paris 1968, 150-3; id., Shams-r, in El^, ix, 291;
D.A. King, Mikat, in Ei', vii, 26-32; id., Mizwala,
in E1-, vii, 210-11; H. Toelle, Le Goran revisite. Le
feu, I'eau, fair et la terre, Damascus 1999, esp.
97-100; A.J. Wensinck, Tree and bird as cosmological
symbols in western Asia [in Verhandelingen der Konin-
klijke Akademie van Wetenschappen te Amsterdam] ,
Amsterdam 192 1 (on tree and sun, and bird and
sun): WKAS.
Sunna
Arabic term for "way of acting." The an-
cient Arab concept sunna (pi. sunan) occurs
164
eighteen times in the Qiir'an. Gener-
ally — that is to say outside the strict con-
text of the Qiir'an — it is defined as a way
of acting, whether approved or disap-
proved, and is normally associated with the
people of earlier generations, whose ex-
ample has to be followed or shunned by
later generations. The concept occupies a
crucial place in Islam. In the development
of Islamic theology, it eventually came to
be associated with orthodoxy, the bastion
against heterodox innovation [bid'a; see
innovation; theology and the
C3Ur'an; for a study of the first adherents
of sunna, see JuynboU, Excursus on the
ahl as-sunna).
As far as the qur'anic context is con-
cerned, the occurrences of the term can
roughly be divided into two categories:
"sunna" either denotes God's way of deal-
ing with the as-yet unbelieving people of
the world, or it is a word for the behavior of
those rebellious unbelievers who refuse to
comply with divine institutions by declin-
ing to submit to divine messengers (see
INSOLENCE AND OBSTINACY; MESSENGER;
BELIEF AND UNBELIEF; REBELLION).
Examples of sunna within the first cat-
egory comprise references to God's treat-
ment of anonymous unbelievers in the
Meccan verse Q^ 40:85 (see CHRONOLOGY
AND THE quR'AN), or Qiirashls and/or the
hypocrites [mundjiqun; see (jltraysh;
hypoi;rites and hypocrisy) in the
Medinan verses o 17:77, 33:38, 62 and
48:23. Examples of sunna within the sec-
ond category refer in the Meccan suras to
anonymous peoples (cf. o 15:13, 18:55,
35:43) and in a Medinan sura to the
prophet Muhammad's Meccan adversaries
among the Qiiraysh (cf. C3 8:38; see
OPPOSITION TO Muhammad). Moreover, in
the Medinan verse (j 3:137 the plural sunan
is glossed by al-Tabari (d. 3 10/923 ;7a/yz>; iv,
99) as mathuldt, i.e. the punitive measures
meted out to pre-Islamic peoples like 'Ad
(q.v.) and Thamud (q.v.), who refused to
heed the preaching of prophets sent to
them by God (see prophets and
prophethood), whereas in the other
Medinan verse in which the plural occurs
[q_ 4:26) it stands for the pious "ways of
life" of certain people and prophets of old
(see generations).
In addition to these uses of the term
sunna in the Qiir'an, the concept of sunna
can be traced along various lines, encom-
passing a number of different nuances.
Some of these were later tentatively traced
back to the Qiir'an, that is to say, to
qur'anic lexemes other than sunna, where it
was thought that sunna was implied.
Initially, sunna was a neutral term for good
or bad precedents set by earlier genera-
tions, and it played a crucial role in the
evolution of Islamic law, the sharT'a (see
LAW AND THE cjur'an). In the course of
the second/eighth century, sunna came to
be considered one of the roots (usfd) of
Islamic law, indeed, after the Qiir'an, the
second most important root. It was the
legal theoretician al-Shafi'l (d. 204/820)
who was especially instrumental in raising
the concept of sunna to this unassailable
level of legal authority. As a legislative
source, the Qur'an contains a fair number
of injunctions that are pivotal in the for-
mulation of laws dictating human behav-
ior. But most of these injunctions are
worded in terms that are either too broad,
or ambiguous (q.v.) or downright opaque.
Analyzing, and where possible elucidating,
those terms became the task of early
Islamic exegetes (see exegesis of the
q^ur'an: classical and medieval). These
commentators acted in conformity with
the gradually prevailing rule that, rather
than an example set by any religious ex-
pert, a corroborative prophetic example
had to be adduced. Thus these exegetes
sought and disseminated reports (ahddith)
which transmitted what the prophet
165
Muhammad and the eariiest learned
authorities f'ulamd') had allegedly said con-
cerning certain qur'anic verses and, where
relevant, their application in daily life (see
SIRA AND THE Q^Ur'an; TRADITIONAL
DISCIPLINES OF q^ur'anic study). Among
the earliest strata of authorities, the
prophet Muhammad was to play an in-
creasingly important role. One indispens-
able need was clarification of obscure
qur'anic passages, and this need is reflected
in a number of wide-ranging traditions, for
which the introduction to the collection of
al-Darimi (d. 255/869) is especially famous.
More than his fellow traditionists, it was
al-Darimi who brought together a number
of hadlths that dealt with the issue of the
inter-dependence of Qiir'an and sunna
(see hadith and the qur'an). That most
of these sayings are probably of his own
making may be deduced from their ab-
sence from other early collections ascribed
to his peers. Perhaps the most concise
among the somewhat later sayings is the
one that runs: "the Qiir'an needs [the elu-
cidation contained in the] sunna more
than the other way around" (inna l-Qur'dn
ahwaju ild l-sunna mina l-sunna ild l-Qur'dn; cf.
the theologian al-Barbaharl [d. 329/941] in
his Kitdb al-Sunna, which Ibn Abi Ya'la
[d. 526/1131] extensively quotes in his
Tabaqdt al-Handbila [cf. ii, 25]).
The inter-relatedness of Qiir'an and
sunna was transferred gradually to the del-
icate field of abrogation (q.v; naskh).
Initially it went without saying that a
qur'anic passage could abrogate a sunna;
but eventually the question was raised
whether a sunna laid down, for instance, in
a prophetic hadith, could perhaps abrogate
a qur'anic injunction. The statement
"sunna may determine the Qiir'an but not
vice versa" (al-sunna qddiyatun 'aid l-Qur'dn
wa-laysa al-Qur'dn bi-qddin 'aid l-sunna) is
ascribed to an early authority, Yahya b. Abi
Kathir (d. 132/749) but is probably al-
Darimi's own handiwork (cf. his Sunan, i,
153, no. 587). This highly controversial is-
sue kept theologians and jurisprudents oc-
cupied for a considerable period. In early
tafsTr literature there are no discernible at-
tempts to equate certain terms from scrip-
ture with sunna or, specifically prophetic
sunna (sunnat al-nabi). It was the aforemen-
tioned legal scholar al-Shafi'i who was the
first to try to link an important qur'anic
term with sunna, in an attempt to provide
scriptural evidence for his insistence that
sunna should automatically be equated
with sunnat al-nabl. The word chosen by
him was hikma, "wisdom" (e.g. his Risdla,
32,
, etc.); but even after his lifetime this
identification does not seem to have caught
on with other jurists. The only explanation
early exegetes like al-Hasan al-BasrI
(d. 110/728) and Qatada b. Di'ama (d. 117/
735) are alleged to have offered for al-hikma
was simply the gloss al-sunna without fur-
ther specification (cf. Tafsir al-Hasan al-
BasrT, i, 115, Tabari, TafsTr, i, 557, ad
Q_ 2:129). Then, at the hands of al-Shafi'i,
that is extended to sunnat rasuli lldh. The
verse that comes to mind most readily as
providing a good opportunity for tracing
the concept of sunna of the Prophet
and/or that of his faithful followers in the
Qur'an, is (J 33:21: "You had (conceivably:
have) in the messenger of God a perfect
example..."; but al-Shafi'l did not even
hint at this verse in his Risdla. It is the tra-
ditionist Ahmad b. Hanbal (d. 241/855)
who mentions the verse (cf. his Musnad, ii,
15 — ed. A.M. Shakir, no. 4641) in connec-
tion with sunna. The debate was couched
in cautious terms, lest a sunna, which is
after all a custom instituted by man, be too
readily taken to be capable of abrogating
or modifying the prima facie interpretation
of scripture, which is, after all, of divine
origin.
Another term bracketed with al-sunna
next to the Qur'an is the word habl, "rope.
SURA S
i66
cord," in C3 3:103 (cf. Ibn Hajar, Path al-ban,
xvii, 3, apud Bukhari, K. al'I'tisdm, i). In
exegedcal literature, however, habl is almost
exclusively associated with the Qiir'an, or
the religion, or the community (jamd'a) of
believers, but not with sunna.
The term sunna does not occur more of-
ten than in the verses dealt with above,
whereas there are numerous qur'anic pas-
sages in which sunna and/or its derivative
sunnat al-nabi are quite clearly intended.
The frequently repeated command that
the believers must obey God and his mes-
senger (cf. Kassis, Concordance, s.v. atd'a,
"to obey"; see obedience) can virtually
always be construed as pointing to sub-
mission to the exemplary behavior of
the Prophet.
G.H.A.JuynboU
Bibliography
Primary: al-Darimi, 'Abdallah b. ^Abd al-
Rahmaii, Sunan, ed. F.A. ZamarlT and Kh. al-
Sab' al-'Alami, 2 vols., Cairo 1987; al-Hasan
al-Basri, TafsTr, ed. M. 'Abd al-Rahlm, Cairo
[1992]; Ibn Abl Ya'la, Tabaqdt al-Handbila, ed.
Muhammad Hamid al-Fiql, Cairo 1952; Ibn
Hajar al-'Asqalanl, Fath al-bdn bi-sharh [Sahih]
al-Bukhdn, Cairo 1959; al-Shafi'T, Muhammad b.
IdrTs, Risdla, ed. A.M. Shakir, Cairo 1940.
Secondary: G.H.A.JuynboU, An excursus on the
ahl as-sunna in connection with van Ess, Theologie
und Gesellschafl, vol. IV, in Der Islam 75 {1998),
318-30; id., Sunna, in Dictionary of the Aiiddle Ages,
ed. J.R. Strayer et ah, 13 vols, to date, New York
1982-, xi, 510-13; id.. Some new ideas on the
development of sunna as a technical term in early
Islam, \nJSAI 10 (1987), 97-118; id., Sunna, in EI-,
ix, 878-81; H.E. Kassis, A concordance of the Qur'an,
Berkeley 1983.
Sunrise see dawn; day, times of
Sunset see evening; day, times of
Supererogation see almsgiving
Supplication see prayer formulas
A literary unit of undetermined length
within the Qiir'an, often translated as
"chapter." In the printed editions of the
Qiir'an, but not in the earliest manuscripts
(see MANUSiiRiPTS OF THE ^ur'an), it is
marked as such by a title section that pro-
vides the name of the sura, followed by a
number that defines its place in the se-
quence of the 1 14 suras of the entire cor-
pus. Sura names are not abbreviations of
the content but "catchwords," taking up a
particular lexeme from the text that is ei-
ther a rare word in the Qiir'an (e.g. C3 80,
Surat 'Abasa, "He Frowned") and thus
easy to remember, or a major issue dis-
cussed in the sura (e.g. C3 4, Surat al-Nisa',
"The Women"), or, occasionally, the initial
word of the sura. There is no complete
agreement about the names of the suras,
some suras being known under more than
one title. Whereas the naming and the or-
dering of the suras are later textual adjust-
ments (see mushaf; c.odu;es of the
(JUr'an), the arrangement of the text as a
sequence of suras goes back to the redac-
tion of the Qiir'an itself, which tradition
dates to the reign of the third caliph
'Uthman b. 'Affan (r. 23-35/644-56).
Although that dating is not confirmed by
external evidence, the redaction and
official publication should have taken place
some time before the Umayyad caliph (q.v.)
'Abd al-Malik's reign (65-86/685-705), since
it is attested among scholars of his time
(see Hamdan, al-Hasan al-Basri). Inas-
much as the somewhat mechanical ar-
rangement of the suras according to their
length does not betray a particular histori-
cal or theological interest on the part of
the redactors, but rather an awareness of
the already achieved canonical status, the
suras as units should go back to a very
early time (see form and structure of
167
SURA S
THE cjur'an). There is also no substantial
contrary evidence to be gleaned from the
findings of Qiir'an fragments at San'a',
Yemen, whose analysis still awaits publica-
tion (Puin, Observations; but cf. ibid., iii
for the variations from the 'Uthmanic co-
dex found in some of these fragments).
Although there are no complete copies
preserved, folios with overlapping sura
texts confirm the traditional sequence.
Etymologically, the term sura is difficult
to trace (see Jeffery, For. vocab.), but may
have been derived from Hebrew shurah,
"line," as well as from Syriac shurayd, "be-
ginning," or short psalms that are sung
before the reading of scripture. None of
these etymologies, however, is totally con-
vincing. In Arabic, the word makes its first
appearance in the Qiir'an itself.
The word sura is used ten times in the
Qi_ir'an, all of which being rather late (see
CHRONOLOGY AND THE cjur'an): The old-
est evidence is C3 10:38, "Say, 'Bring a sura
like it and [for assistance] call upon whom
you can besides God' " (qui fa- 'tu bi-suratin
mithlihi wa-d"u mani statu 'turn min duni lldhi), a
verse belonging to the so-called tahaddi-
verses (see Radscheit, Die tahaddi-Verse),
i.e. the polemic discourse about the
inimitability (q.v.) of qur'anic speech (see
also WORD OF god; provocation;
createdness of the cjur'an). The term
"sura" is part of that debate, and it reap-
pears in q 11:13 ^'^'^ Q. 2:23. "Sura" is
employed in more general contexts to
cover an unspecified text unit of the revela-
tion (see revelation and inspiration),
mostly in polemical contexts (like o 9:64,
86, 124; see POLEMIC AND polemk;al
language). It is only used once — in place
of the more usual kitdb (see book) — in a
hymnal annunciation of a revealed text to
be communicated ((J 24:1).
Thus, sura certainly has to do with
"text," but not necessarily with a written
text (see orality and writing in
Arabia). It seems to denote a recited text,
more precisely, the quantity that is pre-
sented in public on a single occasion (see
RECITATION OF THE Q^UR'an). It is, llOW-
ever, highly questionable if the term sura
was used during the Prophet's lifetime to
denote the "chapters" of the Q;Lir'an in
general which were only later designated as
suras.
It appears that the sura in the qur'anic
context fulfills, to some degree, the func-
tion of textual subdivisions familiar from
Judaism and Christianity (see below; see
SCRIPTURE AND THE OUr'aN; JEWS AND
JUDAISM; CHRISTIANS AND CHRISTIANITY).
But, whereas the canonical texts in those
traditions have been subdivided for liturgi-
cal use only after the completion and
canonization of the textual corpus, the
arrangement of the qur'anic text grosso
modo seems to go back to the oral use of the
text in the earliest community, a practice
that preceded its codification as a whole
(see orality). A number of suras display
the character of intended literary units,
composed as such for recitation; others
seem to have been extended with repeated
use; others again appear as collections of
text units rather unrelated to each other
that may not have had a Sitz im Leben in
oral transmission. This complex problem
still awaits evaluation. The sura as an en-
tity with a coherent unity has not yet been
adequately studied (see literary
STRUCTURES OF THE Q^Ur'an), although
there have been, more recently, new ap-
proaches, often focusing on C3 12, Surat
Yusuf ("Joseph"; see Mir, Coherence; id.,
The sura as a unity; id.. The qur'anic story
of Joseph; Neuwirth, Zur Struktur; De
Premare, Joseph et Muhammad; Sells,
Approaching the Qur'dn; id.. Literary ap-
proach; Waldman, New approaches; see
also JOSEPH; narratives).
sura(s)
i68
In the following, an attempt will be made
to trace the development of the sura from
early Meccan, to later Meccan and then to
Medinan times (see Mecca; Medina;
LANGUAGE AND STYLE OF THE Q^UR'an).
Finally, a brief comparison to sections in
other scriptures will be undertaken.
Early Meccan suras
To embark on an analysis of the sura as a
literary form we must first define our
stance vis-a-vis the Q;Lir'an as our textual
basis. It is one task to discuss the sura as a
fixed textual unit within the transmitted
text and an entirely different task to discuss
it in its earlier function as an oral com-
munication whose context was not the
entire corpus of the Qiir'an but rather sin-
gle, earlier qur'anic communications (see
OCCASIONS OF revelation) and — per-
haps more importantly — individual re-
ligious debates (see debate and
disputation) that must have taken place
among the early followers of Muhammad
and their neighbors in their particular cul-
tural milieu, Mecca and Medina.
Revisionist scholarship has ruled out the
possibility of exploring the situation of the
first communications of cjur'anic texts,
which are indeed impossible to re-con-
struct in full (see post-enlightenment
academic study of the quR'AN). Still, to
confine the analysis to the canonical shape
of the Qiir'an, neglecting both its complex
referentialities and its hints to the Sitz im
Leben of particular text units, would render
an insufficient reading. What qur'anic
scholarship still must do is consider sys-
tematically both intra-qur'anic and extra-
qur'anic evidence on the religious situation
at the time of the Prophet. Not least the
largely blank map of the religious setting
of central Arabia has made revisionist
scholars look for a different milieu for the
genesis of the Qrir'an, jumping over, how-
ever, the necessary step of a micro-struc-
tural reading of the QjLir'an itself. In what
follows, a sketch of the pre-canonical
development of the sura as a literary genre
will be attempted.
The earliest suras must have been those
that made use of the particular style
related to the pre-Islamic kdhin, a sooth-
sayer (q.v.) or seer, who claimed super-hu-
man origin for his enunciations. This
literary form is known as saj\ and it con-
sists of short syntactical units marked by
an expressive rhyme, often ultima-stressed
(see RHYMED prose). This pattern of pho-
netic correspondence between the verse
endings (Jasila) is not only more loose than
the poetic rhyme (qdfija), but is also more
flexible, thus allowing semantically related
verses to be bracketed by a rhyme of their
own and marked off by clearly distinct
verse-groups (see verses). The highly
sophisticated phonetic structures produced
by this style have been evaluated by
Michael Sells (Approaching the Qur'dn).
Among these earliest suras should be
counted the following, which are cited in
an order that roughly follows the textual
chronology: C3 iii, 99-108, 77-97, 73-5,
68-70, 55-6, 51-3. As against those suras
that remain close to the kdhin speech model
attesting the speaker's ecstatic disposition
(e.g. (3 III, lOi, 100, 99, 84, 82, 81, 79, 77,
etc.), there are other early suras that in
their quiet and solemn mood (c3 95, 94, 93,
87, 74, 73, etc.) remind one of Christian
hymns or adaptations of psalms (q.v.)
rather than of a pagan ritual such as the
performance of the kdhin (see also
POLYTHEISM AND ATHEISM; IDOLATRY AND
idolaters). What they still have in com-
mon is the shortness of the verses, which
do not exceed one syntactically complete
sentence. In those suras that remind one of
the pagan model, the expression itself is
often enigmatic, thus stressing the strange-
ness that adheres to a super-human com-
munication. A striking characteristic of
iGg
sura(s)
this style is the use of oatlis (q.v.) and oath-
clusters (see Neuwirth, Images, and also
FORM AND STRUCTURE OF THE Q^UR'an),
conjuring heavenly bodies (see planets
AND stars; sun; moon), thunderstorms
(see weather) and bands of inimical raid-
ers, all of which are phenomena pertaining
to the imagination of desert-dwellers
rather than to the stock of images in the
monotheistic tradition (see nomads;
bedouin; desert; city; nature as signs).
There are equally less menacing oaths
that conjure sacred places — including
monotheistic shrines — and sacred times,
times of the day (see DAY, times of) that
have been known as times of prayer (q.v.)
in pre-Islamic times (see Neuwirth, Images
and metaphors; see also time; sacred
precincts; sacred and profane). These
texts document a merger between a "pa-
gan" form and a biblically inspired con-
tent. Suras introduced by oath clusters,
thus, are not necessarily imprinted by pa-
gan thinking. On the contrary, the
oath-cluster — a very dense and rhythmi-
cally dynamic section — is sometimes used
to convey the urgency, the threatening
closeness of the catastrophe that is the only
thing that matters in the monotheistic con-
text: the day of judgment (see last
judgment; apocalypse). The clusters
here serve as a sign of alarm transposed
into the language of the standard Arabian
Warners (see Warner), the soothsayers. A
comparable re-interpretation of pre-
Islamic lore is observable with the other
oath-clusters: "pagan" sacred times be-
come ritually occupied by monotheistic
cultic acts, a development that is mirrored
in the text where praises and prayers
continue the oath-cluster (see praise;
laudation; pre-islamic Arabia and the
(JUr'an). Moreover, many early suras are
replete with hymnal elements that are stan-
dard expressions in Christian and Jewish
worship (q.v.; see Baumstark, Jiidischer
Gebetstypus; Speyer, Erziihlungen). The as-
sumption of a strong Christian presence in
Mecca and an equally strong Jewish one in
its vicinity, at least since the emigration
(q.v.; hijra), and the familiarity of the
Prophet and his followers with Christian
and Jewish pious texts of worship, are in-
dispensable for the understanding of the
early suras. "Paganism" in the Qiir'an has
to be understood not as a fixed system of
beliefs but as the larger common denomi-
nator of a multiple and unstable set of ele-
ments, already strongly imbued with
monotheist notions.
Qur'dnic texts and liturgy
Whereas the imperative to worship is al-
ways there (c3 96:1: "recite in the name of
your lord who created" [iqra' bi-smi rabbika
lladhi khalaq]; C3 87:1: "glorify the name of
your lord the most high" [sabbihi sma rabbika
l-a'ld]; Q_ 96:19: "and bow down and bring
yourself closer" [wa-sjud wa-qtarib];
<J 73:2-4: "stand [for prayer] much of the
night... and recite the Qiir'an" fqtimi l-layla
ilia qalilan... wa-rattili l-qur'dna tartilanj) and
God is always mentioned (in the wording
"your lord [q.v.]," rabbuka), many texts do
not seem to be, first and foremost,
addressed to the Prophet, but covild
equally be addressed to the believer. This is
a way of expression familiar from the
Psalms where the first-person speaker is
not necessarily the author of the psalm (see
BELIEF and unbelief; faith). It is thus
difficult to decide if a sura like o 93 is a
reflex of the Prophet's biography or not
(see siRA AND THE qur'an). There is an
unambiguous paraphrase of a psalm (136)
in {) 55, which, however, replaces the mem-
ory of salvation (q.v.) history with a focus
on the eschatological future (Neuwirth,
Qiir'anic literary structure; see escha-
tology). Still, the view, first presented by
Liiling (Urtext), later in a cruder form by
Luxenberg (Die sjro-aramdische Lesart) and
SURA S
170
taken into consideration again by
Bowering (see chronology and the
cjur'an) that an existing Christian text may
underhe some qur'anic sections, appears to
be merely a hypothesis. The famihar for-
mulas do not make up entire sections or
strophes — as Liiling would have it — but
are embedded in exhortative (see
exhortations) or polemical contexts,
that, in the early siiras, contrary to the
later ones, frequently take the shape of
projections of the scenario of the Qiir'an
recitation itself, e.g. (j 53:59f: "Do you
wonder at this speech, will you laugh and
not weep?... Bow down to God and adore
[him] " (a-ja-min hddha l-hadithi ta'jabun wa-
tadhakuna wa-ld tabkun. . . fa-sjudu lilldhi wa-
'buduj. Particularly the cultic framework in
which the Qur'an was recited seems to
have met opposition: q 77:48-50: "and
when it was said to them, 'Prostrate!', they
did not do so... and what speech after that
will they believe?" (wa-idhd qila lahumu rka'u
Idjarka 'un... fa-bi-ayyi hadithin ba 'dahu
yu'minun); Q 107:4-5: "and woe to the wor-
shipers who neglect their prayers" (fa-waj-
lun lil-musallin alladhina hum. 'an saldtihim
sdhun); o g6:g-io: "have you seen the one
who prevents the servant from praying"
[a-ra'ayta lladhiyanhd 'abdan idhd salld; cf.
Q. 74-43) 75'3i> ^^^ Neuwirth,
Rezitationstext). The missing reference to
the persona of the Prophet as the transmit-
ter in early texts may be due to the still
undeveloped consciousness of the speaker's
own part in the communication.
There are at the same time unequivocal
addresses to the Prophet, like C3 74:2 f:
"Arise and warn and magnify your lord"
(qumfa-andhir wa-rabbakafa-kabbir), and his
figure gradually becomes prominent in the
suras. Many early suras end with an ex-
hortation to the Prophet to worship God
either in vigils (o 52:48-9: "and glorify the
praise of your lord as you stand and glorify
him part of the night and at the setting of
the stars" [wa-sabbih bi-hamdi rabbika hma
taqum wa-mina l-laylifa-sabbihhu wa-idbdra
l-nujum]; see vigil) or to praise him
{q_ 56:96: "and glorify in the name of your
lord the mighty" [fa-sabbih bi-smi rabbika
l-'aiim]; (5 93:11: "and speak of the bounty
of your lord" [wa-ammd bi-ni'mati rabbika
fa-haddith]; C3 108:2: "and pray to your lord
and sacrifice" [fa-salli li-rabbika wa-nhar]).
Sometimes he is admonished to worship at
the very beginning of a sura (c3 74:1 f : "O
enshrouded one, arise and warn and mag-
nify your lord" [yd ayyuhd l-muddaththir qum
fa-andhir wa-rabbakafa-kabbir]). It appears
that the early recitation took place in the
framework of already existing rituals (see
ritual and the q^ur'an), saldt, made up of
riikii' and sajda (see bowing and
prostration), being evidently already a
rite celebrated in Mecca before
Muhammad's mission (c3 53:62; 77:48).
These may have taken place in privately
held vigils as well as publicly performed
rituals.
There is, then, an obvious convergence of
the early qur'anic text to liturgy. Some
suras sound like calls for repentance (see
REPENTANCE AND penani;e) in the face of
the imminent coming of the day of judg-
ment. This event is the topic of a number
of sQras and is extensively elaborated: The
catastrophic events that precede the
judgment (q.v.) fill large sections of the
early suras, although the scene of judg-
ment is less clearly described. The
retribution — either in punishment by fire
(q.v.) or in the admittance to lofty gardens
(see garden) — is of special interest (see
REWARD AND PUNISHMENT). Indeed, the
entire corpus of early texts pursue one
task: to convince the listeners of the omni-
presence of God (see god and his
attributes) and thus of the moral respon-
sibility (q.v.) to which they will be held on
the last day (see also freedom and
predestination). As with the Psalms, the
171
SURA S
theme of God's generosity and philan-
thropic concern enhances his claim to hu-
man gratitude (see gratitude and
ingratitude). Also as in the Psalms,
events from salvation history are recalled:
in Q^ 51 the story of Abraham (q.v;
Ibrahim) and Lot (q.v.; Lut), and in Q_ 79
the story of Moses (q.v.; Musa) and
Pharaoh (q.v.; Fir'awn). Both are presented
as an exhortation ['ibra; cf <J 79:26) — and
dramatize the divine punishment for trans-
gressors (see SIN, MAJOR AND MINOR;
boundaries and precepts). Pharaoh's
behavior clearly reflects that of the
unbelievers, and his punishment is equally
historical and eschatological (see
CHASTISEMENT AND PUNISHMENT; HELL
AND HELLFIRe).
The Qiir'an developed diverse motifs and
structures not known from earlier Arabic
literature (see form and structure of
THE cjur'an). Beside the eschatological
prophecies (see prophets and
prophethood; foretelling) that abound
in early Meccan suras, the so-called dydt,
"signs" (q.v.; see also verses), are also
prominent. Several descriptions of the
"biosphere," of copious vegetation, fauna,
an agreeable habitat for humans, the natu-
ral resources at their disposal, and the like,
are incorporated into paraenetic appeals to
recognize divine providence and accept
divine omnipotence since all these benefits
are signs (djdt) bearing a coded message
(see AGRICULTURE AND VEGETATION;
grace; blessing). Properly decoded, they
will evoke gratitude and submission to the
divine will. The perception of nature,
which in pre-Islamic poetry (see poetry
AND poets) appears alien and threatening,
provoking the poet's heroic defiance of its
roughness, has crystallized in the Qiir'an
into the image of a meaningfully organized
habitat ensuring human welfare and arous-
ing the awareness of belonging (see
geography).
"Signs" (dydt) of divine omnipotence may
also manifest themselves in history.
Whereas extended narratives are prevalent
in later Meccan texts, very short narra-
tives — an invasion of Mecca (q^ 105) re-
pelled by divine intervention (see people
OF THE elephant), the Thamud (q.v.)
myth about a divine punishment of dis-
believers (Ci 91:11-15; see PUNISHMENT
stories), the story of Pharaoh and Moses
(o 79:15-26) — or ensembles of narratives
like that in C3 51 including Abraham and
Lot, Moses and Pharaoh, the 'Ad (q.v.), the
Thamud, and Noah (q.v; Null) — or evo-
cations of stories (c3 52, 53, 6g), occur from
the earliest suras onward. The latter some-
times form lists (<J 89). Somewhat longer
narratives are introduced by the formula
known from dydt on nature, "have you not
seen" (a-lam tara...), later "and when..."
(wa-idh ffa'ala]...), i.e. they are assumed to
be known to the listeners. It is noteworthy
that the longer narratives from early
Meccan texts onward are split into equal
halves, thus producing proportionate struc-
tures ((5 51:24-37; 79:15-26; 68:17-34).
Narratives then develop into retribution
legends or punishment stories, serving to
prove that divine justice (see justice and
injustice) is at work in history, the harassed
just being rewarded with salvation, the
transgressors and the unbelievers punished
by annihilation. At the same time, legends
that are located in the Arabian peninsula
may be read as re-interpretations of an-
cient Arabian representations of deserted
space. Sites no longer lie in ruins due to
preordained natural processes, but because
of an ecjuilibrium, maintained by divine
providence, that balances between human
actions and human welfare. Deserted
sites thus acquire a meaning; they carry a
divine message (see generations;
geography).
From the middle Meccan suras onward,
polemical and apologetic sections (see
SURA S
172
APOLOGETicis) Still do not refer to theoreti-
cal, let alone dogmatic, issues in the early
suras. In these middle Meccan texts, po-
lemical utterances are more often than not
directed against listeners who do not com-
ply with the exigencies of the behavioral
norms of the cult. These listeners are rep-
rimanded by the speaker in situ (c3 53:59 f).
Sometimes curses are uttered against ab-
sent persons ((J 11 1:1 f.) or against human-
kind in general (q 80:17; see curse). In
other cases menaces are directed at the
ungrateful or pretentious [q_ 114:1; see
arrogance; insolence and obstinacy),
and these may merge into a catalogue of
vices {q_ 107:2-7; see virtues and vices,
commanding and forbidding). Whereas
in most of the early cases the adversaries
are not granted an opportunity to reply,
later suras do present the voices of both
sides.
Later Meccan surds
Suras introduced by oath-clusters — the
most graphic reference to the kdhin speech
model — are no longer present once the
sura becomes complex and polythematic.
A turn in paradigm occurs with cj 15, a text
that triumphantly declares the achieve-
ment of another qur'anic text: Surat al-
Fatiha ("The Opening," Q_ i; see Neuwirth,
Referentiality; id., Surat al-Fatiha; see
fatiha). Here, for the first time, an allu-
sion is made to the existence of a particu-
lar form of service in which scripture
functions as the cardinal section. In such
suras, the references to the Meccan sanctu-
ary (haram) as the central warrant for the
social coherence of the community have
been replaced by new symbols. Instead of
introductory allusions to liturgical times
and sacred space we encounter an evoca-
tion of the book, be it clad in an oath
(Q. 36:2; 37:3; 38:1; 43:2; 44:2; 50:1) or in a
deictic affirmation of its presence (<j 2:2;
10:1; 12:1; 13:1, etc.).
Moreover, a new framework of the mes-
sage in terms of space is recognizable.
Later Meccan suras broaden the scope of
space for the listeners, who are transported
from their local surroundings to a distant
landscape, the holy land, familiar as the
setting where the history of the commu-
nity's spiritual forebears took place. The
introduction of the direction of prayer
towards Jerusalem (q.v.), the "first qibla
(q.v.)," is an unequivocal testimony of this
change in orientation (see Neuwirth,
Spiritual meaning). The innovation is re-
flected in q 17. In view of the increasing
interest in the biblical heritage, it comes as
no surprise that the bulk of the middle and
late Meccan suras seem to mirror a mono-
theistic worship service, starting with an
initial dialogical section (apologetic, po-
lemic, paraenetic) and closing with a
related section, most frequently an affirma-
tion of the revelation. These framing sec-
tions have been compared to the
ecclesiastic ecteniae, i.e. initial and conclud-
ing responsoria recited by the priest or dea-
con and responded to by the community.
The center of the monotheistic worship
service and, similarly, of the fully devel-
oped sura of the middle and late Meccan
period is occupied by a biblical
reminiscence — in the case of the service,
a lectio, and in the case of the sura, a nar-
rative focusing on biblical protagonists.
Ritual coherence has thus given way to
scriptural coherence, with the more com-
plex later suras referring to scripture both
by their transmission of scriptural texts
and by their being themselves dependent
on the mnemonic-technicalities of writing
for their conservation. It is true, however,
that already in later Meccan suras the dis-
tinct tripartite composition often becomes
blurred, with narratives gradually being
replaced by discursive sections. Many
compositions also display secondary
expansions — a phenomenon that still re-
173
SURA S
quires further investigation. Yet, for tlie
bulk of tlie middle and late Meccan
suras, the claim of a tripartite composi-
tion is sustainable (see Neuwirth, Vom
Rezitationstext).
Salvation history
The Qiir'an is often criticized for lacking a
chronological framework for the events of
pre-qur'anic history and for the repetitive-
ness of its narrative. While this accusation
may hold true for the earliest qur'anic dis-
course, that of eschatology, the situation
changes substantially when a new para-
digm is adopted. This new paradigm
switches the focus from the deserted sites of
the real homeland to the orbit of the mes-
sengers of the People of the Book (q.v.),
whose discourse as intermediaries between
God and man is much more sophisticated
(see messenger; heavenly book;
PRESERVED TABLET).
Although initially embedded in cata-
logues of narratives of a partly extra-bib-
lical tradition, stories about major biblical
figures like Moses and a number of patri-
archs known from the Book of Genesis
gradually acquire a function of their own.
They become the stock inventory of the
central part of the longer Meccan suras
and only rarely do they appear in other
positions. As mentioned earlier, suras from
the second Meccan period onward often
form an ensemble that mirrors the enact-
ment of a monotheistic service where the
central position is occupied by the reading
of scriptural texts. These sections are often
explicitly related to a divine source labeled
kitdb. In the qur'anic context, they are em-
bedded in a more extensive recital, whose
initiatory and concluding sections may
contain liturgical but also less universal
elements such as debates about ephemeral
community issues. The ceremonial func-
tion of the biblically inspired narrative as a
festive presentation of the book is under-
lined by introductory formulas (q ig:i6:
"and mention Mary in the book" [wa-dhkur
fil-kitdbi maryam]). At a later stage, when
the particular form of the revelation com-
municated to the Muslim community is
regarded as a virtual scripture of its own,
i.e. when community matters are acknowl-
edged as part of salvation history, whole
suras figure as manifestations of al-kitdb.
The phenomenon of recurring narratives
in the Qiir'an, retold in slightly diverging
fashions, has often been interpreted as
mere repetitions, i.e. as a deficiency of the
Qiir'an. They deserve, however, to be stud-
ied as testimonies of the consecutive emer-
gence of a community and thus reflective
of the process of canonization. They point
to a progressively changing narrative pact,
to a continuing education of the listeners,
and to the development of a moral con-
sensus that is refiected in the texts. In later
Meccan and Medinan suras, when a large
number of narratives are presupposed as
being well known to the listeners, the posi-
tion previously occupied by salvation his-
tory narratives is replaced by mere
evocations of narratives and debates about
them.
As was mentioned above, the
early — and densely structured — parts of
the Qur'an reflect an ancient Arabic lin-
guistic ductus, termed saj', a prose style
marked by very short and concise sen-
tences with frequently changing patterns of
particularly clear-cut, often phonetically
expressive rhymes. Once this style has, in
the later suras, given way to a more loose
flow of prose, with verses often exceeding
one complete sentence, the rhyme end
takes the form of a simple -dn or -in pat-
tern, which in most cases is achieved
through a morpheme denoting masculine
plural. One wonders how this rather me-
chanically applied and inconspicuous end-
ing should suffice to fulfill the listeners'
anticipation of an end marker of the verse.
SURA S
174
Upon closer examination, however, one
discovers that the rliyme as such is no lon-
ger charged with this end-marker function,
but there is instead another device to mark
the end. The verse concludes with an en-
tire syntactically stereotypical rhymed
phrase, which one may term cadenza — in
analogy to the final part of speech units in
Gregorian chants which, through their par-
ticidar sound pattern, arouse the expecta-
tion of an ending. In the Qiir'an what is
repeated is not only the identical musical
sound but a lingiustic pattern as well: a
widely stereotypical phrasing. The musical
sound pattern comes to enhance the mes-
sage encoded in the qur'anic cadenza-
phrase that in many instances introduces a
meta-discourse. Many cadenza-phrases are
semantically distinguished from their con-
text and add a moral comment to it, such
as "truly, you were one of the sinners"
(innaki kunti min al-khdtim, cj 12:29). They
thus transcend the main narrative or ar-
gumentative flow of the sura, introducing a
spiritual dimension: divine approval or
disapproval. They may also refer to one of
God's attributes, like "God is powerfid over
everything" (wa-kdna Udhu 'aid kulli shay'in
qadiran, o 33:27; see power and
impotence), which in the later stages of
qur'anic development become parameters
of ideal human behavior. These meta-
narrative insertions into the narrative or
argumentative fabric which woidd, of
course, in a written text, be meant for
silent reading, appear rather disturbing,
delaying the information process. They
add, however, fundamentally to the impact
of the oral recitation (see Neuwirth, Zur
Struktur; see also verses; reciters of the
C3Ur'an). The Qiir'an thus — as Nicolai
Sinai has expressed it — consciously styles
itself as a text evolving on different, yet
closely intertwined, levels of discourse and
mediality. Although it is true that not all
midtipartite verses bear such formulaic
endings, cadenzas may be considered char-
acteristic of the later Meccan and all the
Medinan qur'anic texts. The resounding
cadenza, thus, replaces the earlier expres-
sive rhyme pattern, marking a new and
irreversible development in the emergence
of the text and of the new faith. It imme-
diately creates a new literary form within
Arabic literature.
Types of Medinan suras
In Medina, suras not only give up their
tripartite scheme, but they also display
much less sophistication in the patterns of
their composition. One type may be aptly
termed the "rhetorical" sura or sermon
(Q. 22, 24, 33, 47, 48, 49, 57-66; see
RHETORIC AND THE 5)URan); they consist of
an address to the community whose mem-
bers are called upon directly by formidas
such asjifl ayyuhd l-nds ((J 22:1, "Oh peo-
ple"). In these suras, which in some cases
((J 59, 61, 62, 64) are stereotypically intro-
duced by initial hymnal formulas strongly
reminiscent of the biblical Psalms, the
Prophet (al-nabi) no longer appears as a
mere transmitter of the message but as one
personally addressed by God (c3 33:28, "Oh
Prophet" [yd ayyuhd l-nabi]) or as an agent
acting synergistically with the divine per-
sona (q^ 33:22, "God and his Prophet"
[alldhu wa-rasiiluhu]). A particularly graphic
testimony of the new self-positioning of
the Prophet is Q_ 33, particularly o 33:56.
As against these "monolithic" addresses,
the bulk of the Medinan suras are the most
complex of the entire Qiir'an. Most of the
so-called "long suras" [tiwdl al-suwar, e.g.
C5 2-10) cease to be neatly structured com-
positions, but appear to be the result of a
process of collection that we can not yet
reconstruct (see collection of the q^ur'an).
Initial attempts to claim an intended struc-
ture for some of these suras have been made
by Zahniser (Word of God); but a system-
atic study of all these suras is still an urgent
desideratum in the field.
Since we have to understand the Qiir'an 's
175
SURA S
development as one strain of a double pro-
cess that will result in both a scripture and
a cultus, the long suras are most interesting
as milestones of the development of the
ritual backdrop of the qur'anic commu-
nication process. Though their structure
may be secondary, their message sheds im-
portant light on particular ritual changes
whose symbolic value cannot be under-
estimated.
Although occasional regulations —
mostly concerning cultic matters — do
occur in Meccan suras, more elaborate
regulations about not only cultic but also
communal affairs figure prominently in the
Medinan context (see law and the
qUR'AN). Their binding force is sometimes
underlined by a reference to the transcen-
dent source: "it is prescribed for you"
[kutiba 'alaykum, cj 2:183-7). Among the most
important ritual rulings is the ruling con-
cerning the new direction of prayer, the
qibla, towards Mecca (c3 2:i43f ). This
ruling marks the separation of the com-
munity from the Jewish listeners who ear-
lier had been among the receivers of the
Qiir'an — a situation that had provoked a
re-reading of earlier texts that had been
done from the perspective of particular
rabbinical discourses (Neuwirth, Oral
scriptures). Other important rulings con-
cern the three pillars of what was to be-
come Islamic cultus and liturgy: the
establishment of a weekly communal ser-
vice, the saldt al-jumu'a (cf. q 62:9; see
FRIDAY prayer), the implementation of a
fast (see Ramadan; fasting), introduced
with reference to the Jewish fast — both
still preceding the exclusion of the
Jews — and the introduction of the hajj
ceremony into the festive canon (c3 2:196 f,
22:27 f; see pilgrimage). The Medinan
regulations do not display any structured
composition, nor do they form part of
neatly composed units; they suggest, rather,
later insertions into loosely connected
contexts.
Time, thus, in the Medinan suras be-
comes structured by an emerging Islamic
cultus. Simultaneously, the historical How
of significant events starts to inform the
consciousness of the community; indeed,
they enter the Qiir'an as part of salvation
history that is now perceived as encom-
passing the emerging Islamic community
(see COMMUNITY AND SOCIETY IN THE
(JUr'an). a new element appearing in
Medinan suras are accounts of contem-
porary events experienced or enacted by
the community, such as the battle of Badr
(q.v; o 3:123), Uhud (o, 3:155-74), the ex-
pulsion of the Banu 1-Nadir (q^ 59:2-5; see
NADIR, BANU L-), the siege of Khaybar
(c3 48:15), the expedition to Tabuk
(q, 9:29-35; see EXPEDITIONS AND
battles) or the farewell sermon of the
Prophet in C) 5:1-3 (see farewell
pilgrimage). It is noteworthy that these
reports do not display a special artistic lit-
erary shaping, nor do they betray any par-
ticular pathos. It comes as no surprise,
then, that, unlike the situation in Judaism
and Christianity, where biblical history has
been fused to form a mythical drama of
salvation, no such great narrative has
arisen from the Qiir'an itself. A meta-
historical blueprint of the genesis of
Islam was constructed only later, through
the sira.
Sura — parashah — perikope
The surely ancient division of the Qiir'an
into sections, some of which may already
have been called suras during the Prophet's
lifetime, has ruled out a later pericopiza-
tion such as occurred in Judaism and
Christianity (see Neuwirth, Three religious
feasts). Both Judaic and Christian ortho-
doxy bind biblical texts to particular
temporal frames. To quote Yerushalmi
[Jewish history, 15 f ):
The Pentateuchal narratives, which
brought the historical record up to the
sura(s)
176
eve of the conquest of Canaan, together
with the weekly lesson from the prophets,
were read aloud in the synagogue from
beginning to end. The public reading was
completed triennially in Palestine, annually
in Babylonia (as is the custom today), and
immediately the reading would begin again.
In an analogous way, the Gospels (q.v.) in
the Orthodox churches — having replaced
in Christianity the Torah (q.v.) as the core
of scriptures — are distributed over the
course of the year, "cut" into pericopes
{Greek perikope) and thus reflect the Jewish
reading of weekly chapters of the Torah
[Rehrew parashah). This cycle of readings
from the core of the scripture is accom-
panied, as in Judaism, by a second se-
quence of texts taken from other parts of
the scriptures. The Pauline letters (Greek
apostolos) and additional readings from the
historical or prophetic books of the
Hebrew Bible [Greek propheteia) are meant
to elucidate the pericopes from the core
texts, the Gospels. This, of course, con-
tinues the tradition of the readings from
the prophets in Judaism (Hebrew haftarah),
a corpus undisputed in its rank as a vital
complement and a necessary exegetical
context for the Torah.
As against that, no annual cycle of scrip-
tural reading exists in Islam; the qur'anic
text has never been divided into required
weekly or daily portions to be read out in
public services. That means that a con-
tinuous recollection of salvation history
from creation (q.v.) to redemption, as in
Christianity (see also fall of man), does
not take place during the weekly ritual nor
is the believers' predicants and salvation —
their ever again being saved by divine in-
tervention, as in Judaism — , made present
through the weekly service. Suras as
such — even if arranged in an annual
cycle of recitations — would not fulfill the
task of the parasha/i or perikope to "repre-
sent" salvation history. Reflective as the
suras are of certain stages of the proto-
Muslim communal development, they lack
interest in an extended linear memorial
representation of salvation history in its
entirety. Yet the Qiir'an has been justly
credited with having generated "a ceremo-
nial of textual repetition with a pro-
nouncedly obsessional character"
(al-Azmeh, Muslim canon). This is, of
course, due to its very structure, which pre-
disposes it to be chanted. As the reciter
with his chant re-enacts the practice of the
Prophet's own recitation, he is — like the
Prophet — free to select "whatever is easy
for him to recite" (cf. (3 73:20, md tayassara
mina l-qur'dni) be it an entire sura or only a
section of it.
Angelika Neuwirth
Bibliography
A. al-Azmeh, The Muslim canon from late
antiquity to the era of modernism (unpublished
paper presented at the Wissenschaftskolleg zu
Berlin, 1997); A. Baumstark, Jiidischer und
christlicher Gebetstypus im Koran, in Der Islam
16 (1927), 229-48; O. Hamdan, Studien zur
Kanonisierung des Koran. Al-Hasan al-Basn und die
Religionspolitik der Umayyaden, Wiesbaden
(Harrassowitz) 2005 (forthcoming); J. Horovitz,
Jewish proper names and derivatives in the
Koran, in The Hebrew Union College annual 2
(1925), 145-227; id., _K(7;Jeffery, For vocab.; G.
Liiling, Uber den Ur-Qur'dn. Ansdtze zar Rekonstruk-
tion uorislamishcer christlicher Strophenlieder im Qilr'an,
Erlangen 1974; Eng. trans. A challenge to Islam for
reformation. The rediscovery and reliable reconstruction
of a comprehensive pre-Islamic Christian hymnal hidden
in the Koran under earliest Islamic reinterpretations,
Delhi 2003; reviewed by Ibn Rawandi, On pre-
Islamic Christian strophic poetical texts in the
Koran. A critical look at the work of Giinter
Liiling, in Ibn Warraq (ed.), What the Koran really
says, Amherst 2002, 653-710; Ch. Luxenberg, Die
syro-aramdisiche Lesart des Koran. Ein Beitrag zur
EntschlUsselung der Koransprache, Berlin 2000;
M. Mir, Coherence in the Qur'dn. A study of IsldhVs
concept of na^m in Tadabbur-i Qur'dn, Indianapolis
1986; id., The qur'anic story of Joseph. Plot,
themes and characters, in MW^^ (1986), 1-15; id.,
The sura as a unity. A twentieth century develop-
ment in Qiir'an exegesis, in Hawting and
177
SUSPKUON
Shared, Approaches, 211-24; A. Neuwirth, Images
and metaphors in the introductory sections of
the Makkan suras, in Hawting and Shareef,
Approaches, 3-36; id., Oral scriptures in contact.
The bibhcal story of the Calf of Gold and its
biblical subtext between narrative, cult, and
communal debate, in S. Wild (ed.), Self
referentiality in the Qur'dn, in preparation; id.,
Qur'anic literary structure revisited. Surat al-
Rahman between mvthic account and
decodation of myth, in S. Leder (ed.), Story-telling
in the framework of non-fictional Arabic literature,
Wiesbaden 1998, 388-421; id., Referentiality and
textuality in Sural al-hijr. Some observations on
the qur'anic "canonical process" and the
emergence of a community, in I. Boullata,
Literary structures of religious meaning in the Qur'dn,
Richmond 2000, 143-72; id., Studien zur
Komposition der mekkanischen Suren, Berlin 1981; id.,
Three religious feasts between texts of violence
and liturgies of reconciliation, in Th. Scheftler
(ed.). Religion between violence and reconciliation,
Beirut 2002, 49-82; id., Vom Rezitationstext iiber
die Liturgie zum Kanon. Zur Entstehung und
Wiederauflosung der Surenkomposition im
Verlauf der Entwicklung eines islamischen
Kultus, in Wild, Text, 69-105; id., Zur Struktur
der Yusuf-Sure, in W. Diem and S. Wild (eds.),
Studien aus Arabistik und Semitistik. Anton Spitaler zum
siebzigsten Geburtstag von seinen Schiilern uberreicht,
Wiesbaden 1980, 123-52; Noldeke, gq; A.-L.
Vve\m.re, Joseph et Muhammad. Le chapitre 12 du
Goran, Aix-en-Provence 1998; G.R. Puin,
Observations on early Qur'an manuscripts in
San'a', in Wild, Text, 107-11; M. Radscheit, Die
koranische Herausf order ung. Die tahaddi- Verse im
Rahmen der Polemik-Passagen des Koran s, Berlin 1996;
M. Sells, Approaching the Qur'dn. The new revelations,
selections, translations, and commentaries by Michael
Sells, London 1999; id., A literary approach to
the hymnic suras in the Qiu''an. Spirit, gender
and aural intertextuality, in I. Boullata (ed.).
Literary structures of religious meaning in the Qur'dn,
Richmond 2000, 3-25; id., Sound, spirit and
gender in Surat al-Qadr, iny^io^ 11 (1991},
239-59; ^- ■^inai. From qur'an to kitab, in
M. Marx, A. Neuwirth and N. Sinai (eds.). The
Qur'dn in context. Historical and literary investigations
into the cultural milieu of the Qur'dn, Beirut (forth-
coming); Speyer, Erzdhlungen; M.R. Waldman,
New approaches to "biblical" materials in the
Qur'an, in W.M. Brinner and S.D. Ricks (eds.).
Papers presented at the Institute of Islamic-Judaic
Studies. Center for Judaic Studies, Atlanta 1986,
47-63; Wansbrough, QS; Y.H. Yerushalmi, ^akhor.
Jewish history and Jewish memory, Seattle 1982;
A.H.M. Zahniser, The word of God and the
apostleship of 'Isa. A narrative analysis of Al
Imran (3:33-62), in 75537 (1991), 77-112.
'surrenaer see war; fighting
Suspicion
Feeling, thought or instance of tentative
belief without ground or sufficient evi-
dence; an inclination to accuse or doubt
the innocence of someone or to question
the genuineness or truth of something. The
adjective "suspicious" denotes someone or
something that arouses distrust, that ap-
pears to be neither sound nor trustworthy
(see TRUST AND patienge). The meaning
of the English word suspicion and various
other forms of the verb to suspect are con-
veyed by a number of Arabic words that
can be derived from the roots ^-n-n, r-y-b,
sh-b-k, t-h-m, sh-k-k. Some of these words,
however, belong to the semantic field of
suspicion only in a wider sense and when
accompanied by particular other terms,
since they originally denote acts of accusa-
tion, expressions of doubt and distrust or
other kinds of thought (see un(;ertainty).
Suspicion — in the sense of entertaining
thoughts without evidence or doubts about
the existence of God and his power (see
polytheism and atheism; gratitude
and ingratitude; power and impo-
tence) or about the genunineness of his
messengers (see messenger; prophets
AND prophethood; lie) — is represented
in various places in the Qiir'an as an
attitude that displays or leads to unbelief
(see BELIEF AND unbelief). For example, in
q 41:22-3 the enemies (q.v.) of God are
described as people who wrongly thought
(^anna) that God would be unable to know
what they were doing (see hidden and the
hidden); such people will be punished on
the day of final judgment for the wrongs
they commited based on this suspicion (see
last judgment; reward and punish-
ment), q 45-24 mentions the lack of knowl-
edge [%lm; see knowledge and learning;
SUSTENANCE
178
ignorance) that is compounded by sus-
picion and speculation (ya^unnuna) as a
trait of tlie atlieists wlio believe that only
time (q.v.) will determine their fate (q.v.).
The followers of Muhammad who failed to
support him during his campaign against
the enemies of God are described in
C3 3:154 as temporarily entertaining suspi-
cious thoughts about God (ya^unnuna bi-
lldhi ghayra l-haqqi) that resemble those that
are characteristic for the times of pre-
Islamic paganism (see hypocrites and
hypoi;risy; age of ignorance;
EXPEDITIONS and battles). Ill C3 6:ii6 the
believer is enjoined not to adopt the opin-
ion of the majority of those living on earth
because they follow but their conjecture.
C3 10:36 implies that the unbelievers replace
firm reliance on the truth (q.v.; haqq) as
announced by God with pure conjecture
(^ann). Also in other verses, words of the
root ^-n-n are used to describe the suspi-
cion of those who doubt the capacities of
God or his messengers, as in {) 72:7, where
Muhammad, referring to a dream (see
DREAMS and sleep), puts those among the
jinn (q.v.) who are of the opinion that God
is not able to raise anyone on the day of
final judgment in the context of unbelief
(see resurrection; death and the dead;
eschatology). In Q, 12:110 even some
messengers of God are described as losing
faith (q.v.) and temporarily suspecting
(^annuj that God has told them lies.
There are other passages in the holy scrip-
ture where suspicion is mentioned without
any reference to words that originate from
the root ^-n-n. For example, this is the case
in the episode of C3 24:11-20 in which the
Prophet's wife, 'A'isha (see wives of the
prophet; 'a'isha bint abi bakr), is sus-
pected of an aberration without any jus-
tification and where the believers are
enjoined not to speak of something of
which they have no knowledge (see
gossip).
Firm and unquestioned belief in the
power of God and in the truth of his mes-
sengers is an indispensible characteristic of
the true believers, who distinguish them-
selves from the unbelievers in that they do
not doubt (lamyartdbii) the existence of
God or his messengers (q 49:15). Suspicion
is identified also as ethically reprehensible
in o 49:12, where the believers are called
upon to avoid undue suspicion (lannj as an
act that in some cases is tantamount to a
sin [ithm; see sin, major and minor;
ETHICS AND THE C^Ur'an).
Lutz Wiederhold
Bibliography
Primary; 'Abd-al-BaqT; Arberry; Damaghanl,
WujUh, ed. al-Zafltl, ii, 61-2 (lann, shakk, tuhma);
i, 371 (rayb); Lane; M. Sawar (ed.), al-Qur'an
al-kanm bi-l-rasm al-'uthmdm wa-bi-hdmishihi
Tafsir al-Jaldlayn, Beirut n.d.
Secondary: T. Izutsu, The structure of the ethical
terms in the Koran, Tokyo 1959, 128-9 {t^^^ vs. 'ilm:
ft 53:28-9; 10:37; 53:19-23; 10:67); 239-40 (on
<i 48:12, lanna l-saw'i).
Sustenance
Nutritional or financial support. In its vari-
ous and numerous nominal-verbal forms,
the root consonants r-z-q provide the key
qur'anic sense of "sustenance" understood
more particularly as that which sustains life
(q.v.) and health (see illness and health)
but in places suggests, too, that which
provides a livelihood (see wealth).
Another word signifying "sustenance"
[aqwdt, sing, qut) occurs once only (q 41:10)
in a description of God's creation (q.v.) of
the world. The great provider or sustainer
({) 5:114; 22:58; 62:11) is, of course, God
(see GOD AND HIS attributes), who orders
people in (j 2:60 to "Eat and drink of
God's sustenance" (and cf. o 20:131 f; see
FOOD AND drink). In Other places this
sustenance (rizq) is described as "honor-
179
SUSTENANCE
able" (kanm, Q_ 8:4; 22:50; 33:31) or "lawful"
[tayyibdt, C) 7:32; see lawful and
unlawful), or "goodly" [hasan, o 16:67;
see GOOD AND evil). It constitutes one of
God's "signs" (q.v.; dydt, ft 45:5; cf 40:13);
and it is even evidence of the genuineness
of prophecy (ft 11:88; see prophets and
prophethood; revelation and
inspiration). In one instance, a more
strictly secular context is found in o 18:19
where it means provisions purchased from
a city (q.v.) market (see markets).
The concept illustrates the central
qur'anic theme of the uniqueness of God
over and against other mere pretensions to
divinity (see polytheism and atheism)
and the dependence of everything upon
his power (see power and impotence),
will (see freedom and predestination)
and mercy (q.v.). Having created the jinn
(q.v.) and humankind to worship (q.v.) him,
God has no need that they give him sus-
tenance (<i 51:57). Indeed, Abraham (q.v.)
warned his people (see Warner) that the
idols (see idols and images) they wor-
shiped could not even provide their daily
bread (q.v), so they should seek instead the
bounty of God (q 2:22; 16:73; 29:17), whose
sustenance was better and more abiding
(c3 20:131). Compared to God, comments
al-Tabari (d. 310/923), idols could neither
harm nor benefit, neither create nor pro-
vide for their followers. God's power, on
the other hand, was such that he could
increase or restrict the livelihood of whom-
soever he wished (ft 13:26; 29:62; 30:37;
34:36). This applied equally to rewards in
the afterlife as in this life (see reward and
punishment; chastisement and
punishment; eschatology), as God pos-
sessed the keys to both (ft 42:12; also
ft 65:1). Al-Tabari observes that he who
revelled in the life of this world was ig-
norant of the favor and felicity of the af-
terlife that God bestowed on those who
believed (see belief and unbelief) and
obeyed (see obedieniie). Yet, whosoever
enjoyed God's bounty in greater abun-
dance than others enjoy and was loath to
share with those for whom he was respon-
sible denied God's blessings (ft 4:8 f; 16:71;
also ft 22:28, on giving to the distressed
and needy; see lie; poverty and the
poor). The collections of al-Bukharl
(d. 256/870) and Muslim (d. 261/875) pre-
serve the Prophet's saying that a dependent
whom God has placed under one's author-
ity (q.v.) must be fed and clothed in the
same measure as one would treat himself
(see maintenance and upkeep; orphans).
If conditions of poverty caused fear that
one's children (q.v.) could not be fed,
clothed and sheltered, they must not be
killed, for God would provide for all
(ft 6:151; see infanticide).
The believer's proper response to God's
munificence, as throughout the Qiir'an, is
gratitude (ft 29:17; see gratitude and
ingratitude). In one passage (ft 36:47),
however, the echo of debate with unbeliev-
ers (see debate and disputation;
provocation) is found in their mocking
rejoinder to being urged to spend on others
from what God had provided them: "Shall
we feed anyone whom, if (your) God had
willed, he could have fed himself?"
Ibn Khaldun (d. 784/1382), citing ft 29:17,
"So, seek sustenance from God," distin-
guishes between God-given "sustenance"
and "profit," the latter being that part of a
person's livelihood obtained by one's own
effort and strength (see work). He alludes
to, but does not discuss, the Mu'tazill argu-
ment of sustenance that they insist must be
rightfully gained and possessed (see
MU'tAZILA; theology and the ftUR'AN).
David Waines
Bibliography
Primary: Bukhari, Sahih; Damaghani, Wujuh, ed.
al-Zafltl, i, 372-3 (rizq); Ibn Khaldun-Rosenthal,
ii, 311-13; Lisan al-'Arab; Muslim, Salnh; Tabarl,
Tafsn, ed. Shakir (to (^ 14:27); ed. 'All et al.
SYMBOLIC IMAGERY
i8o
Secondary; van Ess, TG, iv, 497-9 (on rizq in
theology); A. Ghabin, Sina'a, in Ef, ix, 625-9;
D. Giniaret, Les noms divins en Islam, Paris 1988,
397-400 (rdziq, razz^g); J.T). McAnliffe, Rizq (in
tlie Kur'an), in Ef, viii, 568.
ouwa see IDOLS and images
Swear see oath; curse
Swine see lawful and unlawful; food
AND drink
Symbolic Imagery
The use of allusion and figurative language
to produce vivid descriptions and complex
levels of meaning. The symbolic imagery
in the Qiir'an arises out of the symbolic
imagery of previous revelations as well as
out of the poetic conventions of pre-
Islamic Arabia (see scripture and the
cjur'an; poetry and poets; pre-islamic
ARABIA AND THE ^ur'an). While a key
verse in the Qur'an (q 3:7) has sometimes
been read to suggest that Muslims should
not attempt to interpret its more ambigu-
ous (q.v.) or symbolic passages, most
Muslim exegetes (see exegesis of the
qur'an: classical and medieval) have
not shied away from examining the sym-
bolic imagery that radiates from virtually
every chapter of the sacred text. Since the
Qiir'an is first and foremost an oral text
(see orality; orality and writing in
Arabia; recitation of the cjur'an),
studies of symbolic imagery should not be
limited to its visual dimension but should
also take into account its aural dimension.
At this stage in qur'anic studies, however,
much more attention has been paid to the
Qiir'an's visual symbolism and the discus-
sion that follows will focus upon examples
of this visual dimension of qur'anic
imagery with particular emphasis on its use
of paired symbolic concepts (see pairs and
pairing).
Symbolic imagery of paradise and hellfire
Passages throughout the Qur'an use rich
figurative language, often employing sym-
bols that refer to desert life (see bedouin;
Arabs) or to poetic conventions that would
have been familiar to those who first heard
the revelations in seventh century Arabia.
For example, Angelika Neuwirth has
shown how the Qiir'an combines oath
statements (see oaths) with symbolic al-
lusions to tribal raids in order to construct
meaning through what she calls a "matrix
of images" or Bildmatrix (see Neuwirth,
Images; see also rhetoric and the
q,ur'an; form and structure or the
(JUr'an). The qur'anic use of desert im-
agery takes place on a more mundane level
as well, for instance in its juxtaposition of
the heat of the open desert with the cool of
the oasis (see HOT and cold), a contrast
that would have been immediately com-
prehensible to anyone living in such an
environment. Understanding this latter
type of symbolic imagery helps one to
understand the juxtaposition between the
tortures of the fire (q.v.) of hell (see hell
and hellfire) and the pleasures of the
garden (cj.v.) of paradise (q.v.). In addition,
the cool oasis evokes the trope of the fertile
garden and the remembrance of the lost
beloved that typically opens the early
Arabian odes. The example of the garden
thus illustrates how pre-existing associa-
tions serve as a vast repository of symbols
that the Qiir'an draws upon in order to
produce meaning in a new Islamic context.
The Qiir'an uses some of its most fre-
quent symbolic imagery to refer to the two
abodes of the next life, paradise and hell-
fire. Although different passages sometimes
expand upon distinct aspects of paradise.
i8i
SYMBOLU; IMAGERY
this realm is almost invariably depicted as
a garden of cool, luxurious abundance
through which rivers flow (see water of
paradise; springs and fountains).
Hellfire, on the other hand, becomes as-
sociated with a number of more complex
depictions and allusions, evoked through
Arabic terms such as jahannam,jahim,
hdwiya, hutama, and the most basic, al-ndr,
"the fire." Although these varied terms are
connected to the idea of judgment (q.v.)
and hellfire in some fashion, to collapse
them into one collective term "hell" is to
do violence to the subtleties of the qur'anic
symbolic discourse (Sells, Approaching, 24-6).
The Quran refers to fire in a personified
form in a couple of cases (5) 21:40; 70:15-18)
and in another as a metonym for idolatry
(q^ 40:41-2; see Sabbagh, Metaphore, go; see
idolatry and idolaters). It is important
to recognize, however, that the Qiir'an
does not always use fire as synonymous
with hellfire, idolatry or evil (see good and
evil). For instance, a verse compares the
light (q.v.) of a campfire a person builds to
the light of guidance that God is able to
take away (c3 2:17; cf. also the fire image in
the famous "Light Verse" of q 24:35).
Just as fire is a multivalent symbol in the
Qiir'an, despite its frequent association
with hellfire, so water (q.v.) expresses mul-
tiple values, despite its frequent association
with paradise. As discussed above, refer-
ences to the rivers of paradise are ubiq-
uitous and the sending down of rain is
often connected symbolically to God's
sending down of revelations (q 30:49;
31:34; 42:28; see Toelle, Coran, 115-20; cf
Lings, Qpranic symbolism; see
REVELATION AND INSPIRATION) or blessings
(see blessing; grace). Water also appears
in the Qiir'an with reference to the flood,
the treacherous seas and the destructive
capacities of rain (see weather;
PUNISHMENT STORlEs). The complex use of
water symbolism also appears in pre-
Islamic poetry and evokes the worldview
of the desert environment in which the
Qiir'an was first revealed.
Symbolic pairs that distinguish belief from unbelief
As with hellfire and paradise, the Qur'an
contains a number of other paired con-
cepts whose symbolic meanings transcend
their simple juxtaposition. One of the most
important of these paired concepts is the
distinction between belief and unbelief
(q.v.). This binary relationship forms the
basis for a whole series of .symbolic bina-
ries in the Qur'an: from hearing and deaf-
ness (q.v.; see also anatomy and ears) to
sight and blindness (see vision and
blindness; seeing and hearing; eyes);
from fertile and withered crops (see
agriculture and vegetation) to the
split between humans and animals (see
animal life); from the distinction between
the straight path and wandering lost (see
astray; error) to the ubiquitous imagery
of light and darkness (q.v). The juxtaposi-
tion between the believers and their ad-
versaries (see enemies) in the Qur'an
provides the basis for some of the most
expressive of its similes (q.v.), metaphors
(see metaphor), and parables (see
parable).
For instance, the aforementioned Light
Verse (q^ 24:35; see verses) offers an image
of God as light and of God's light as of an
oil lamp in a niche. These images form
complex symbols that have generated mul-
tiple and diverse interpretations by Muslim
exegetes. The images are followed by the
idea of light as a symbol of God's guid-
ance: "God guides to his light whom he
wills, God strikes parables for people,
and in all things God is most knowing"
(see freedom and predestination;
knowledge and learning). This
equation between light and guidance is
SYMBOLIC IMAGERY
182
developed in a number of other passages
(e.g. o 2:257; 4:174; 14:5) and is sometimes
explicitly associated with God's revelations
of the scriptures (e.g. c) 5:15, 44, 46).
In addition to the "parables" (amthdl)
mentioned in the Light Verse, the verses
that immediately follow it contrast the be-
lievers who remember God with the dis-
believers who presumably do not (see
memory; remembrance; gratitude and
ingratitude), the latter of whom are de-
scribed in a pair of expressive similes:
And [as for] those who disbelieve, their
works are like a mirage in a level plain that
the thirsty one considers water until he
comes to it and finds nothing. . . Or like
darkness in a fathomless sea, covered by
wave upon wave, over which are dark
clouds, some above others. When one puts
out one's hand, one almost cannot see it.
He for whom God does not make a light,
he does not have a light (o 24:39-40).
The first of these similes makes use once
again of the imagery of the desert, where
one who has gone astray and is dying of
thirst believes his deeds are bringing him to
water, while they are actually bringing him
to nothing (cf. <j 13:14). In other passages,
the Qiir'an employs different similes to
suggest the futility of the deeds of those
who deny the qur'anic message, comparing
their deeds to ashes (q.v.) blown about
(c3 14:18; see good deeds; evil deeds; air
and wind) or to empty noises and gestures
(c3 8:35). In the above passage, the water
imagery derives from the idea of paradise
as a garden in which rivers flow, a destina-
tion that this wayward traveler mistakenly
believes is ahead of him. The second simile
that follows the famous Light Verse is
sometimes known as the Darkness Verse
((J 24:40) and it enriches the image of the
light of God's guidance with a description
of the darkness surrounding the unbe-
liever. Not only is such a person without a
light but surging and billowing darkness
encompasses him or her on all sides: the
deep and dark waters below, the layers of
wave upon wave all around, the layers of
dark clouds above, resulting in darkness so
complete that sight is practically impos-
sible. The symbolism of this Darkness
Verse not only refers back to the Light
Verse that precedes it and the idea of guid-
ance, but it also evokes the vision/blind-
ness binary as a trope for the distinction
between belief and unbelief, as mentioned
previously.
While images of light and darkness are
frequently associated with the idea of guid-
ance or lack thereof, another qur'anic sym-
bol associated with this idea is that of the
straight road or path [al-sirdt al-mustaqim;
see PATH or way). This symbol implies
that there are many ways to travel off the
straight road, all of which will lead one to
wander astray. The "opening" chapter of
the Qiir'an, Surat al-Fatiha (see fatiha)
mentions this trope in its verse, "Guide us
on the straight road" (c3 1:6), and this same
straight road appears in at least thirty
other qur'anic passages. In a few escha-
tological passages, this concept of a
straight path takes concrete form in the
image of the narrow bridge that spans the
chasm between this world and the next
(see eschatology).
In other passages, the symbol of the road
or path appears in a related but somewhat
broader symbolic context, for example
when the Qiir'an describes righteous be-
havior as climbing the steep uphill pass
{al-'aqaba, c) 90:11). The text explains the
symbol in the following fashion:
What can tell you of the steep pass?
To free a slave (see slaves and slavery)
To feed the destitute on a day of hunger
(see famine),
a kinsman orphan (q.v.).
i83
SYMBOLIC IMAGERY
or a poor man in need (see poverty and
THE poor).
Be of those who keep the faith (q.v.), who
counsel one anotlier to patience (see TRtJST
AND patience), who counsel to compas-
sion. They are of the right (see LEFT hand
AND RIGHT hand). As for those who cast
our signs (q.v.) away, they are of the left;
over them a vault of fire (c3 go:i2-2o).
This passage begins with a mysterious sym-
bolic reference, signaled by the use of the
phrase "what can tell you of" (md adrdka
md) which typically introduces terms that
require further elaboration. The allusion to
the "steep pass" ('aqaba) here is followed by
an explanation of the term as a spiritual
metaphor.
The description of the "steep pass" above
illustrates another category of binary sym-
bols found in the Q;Lir'an, the juxtaposition
between left and right as morally-charged
concepts. While this juxtaposition is obvi-
ously an ancient one, the qur'anic dis-
course was revealed in the context of an
Arabian culture in which the left hand was
considered unclean and the right was used
for swearing oaths (see contracts and
alliances). In addition, the Qvir'an refers
to people "whom your right hand pos-
sesses" in reference to those people under
one's control, such as war captives (q.v.) or
slaves (e.g. Q 4:3, 24-5, 33-6; 24:33, 58;
30:28). The passage above, however, shows
how other verses in the Qi_ir'an invest the
categories of left and right with moral sig-
nification, associating the former with evil
and the latter with good (see ethics and
THE our'an). The distinction between the
"people of the right" (ashdb al-jamin/al-
maymana) and the "people of the left"
(ashdb al-mash'ama/al-shimdl) in C3 90 above
is elucidated at greater length in o 56.
Here the former are said to rest content-
edly in a garden paradise, while the latter
face punishment in a scorching hellfire
[fl 56:8-9, 27-38, 41-56, 90-4; see reward
and punishment). Yet other passages de-
pict the blessed receiving their book of
deeds in their right hands on the last day
(see heavenly book; last judgment), as
opposed to those unfortunate enough to be
given their books in another fashion. Such
examples illustrate the symbolic weight
that the Qvir'an invests in the concepts of
right and left, especially when it comes to
eschatological judgment.
hnagery of the last day
Beyond the eschatological references dis-
cussed above, the Qiir'an presents graphic
descriptions of what the world will be like
on the last day (see apocalypse). In these
passages, those things thought to be stable
are ripped apart, the graves are opened
and the earth yields up its secrets as if a
mother giving birth (e.g. (j gg). One par-
ticularly striking apocalyptic passage is
found in C3 lOi, The Calamity (Surat al-
Qari'a), in which the phrase "what can tell
you" appears twice to introduce two pre-
sumably unfamiliar concepts:
The qdri'a
What is the qdri'a
What can tell you of the qdri'a
A day humankind are like moths scattered
(ka-l-fardsh al-mabthuth)
And mountains are like fluffs of wool
(ka-l- 'ihn al-manjush)
Whoever's scales weigh heavy (thaqulat
mawdzinuhu; see weights and measures)
His is a life that is pleasing (rddiya)
Whoever's scales weigh light (khaffatun
mawdzinuhu)
His mother is hdwiya (see pit)
What can tell you what she is (wa-md adrdka
md hiya)
Raging fire (ndrun hdmiyatun, Q^ ioi:i-ii).
This sura offers a pair of similes to help
describe the "calamity" (al-qdri'a) through
symbolic images. Tlie image of people be-
coming like "moths scattered" conjures up
ideas of confused dispersion, rapid move-
ment and mortal frailty. The image of
mountains becoming like "fluffs of wool"
illustrates how a thing that many humans
see as a symbol of solidity and perma-
nence transforms on the last day into
something that will be cut from its roots
and pliable. The concept of scales of judg-
ment appears graphically in this sura,
offering a concrete visual image of deeds
being literally weighed in the balance on
the last day. Michael Sells has argued that
the sound cjuality of the consonants that
end the verses (see rhymed prose) help to
extend the similes "into more elaborate
metaphors," and that the terms "are
heavy" (thaqulat) and "are light" (khaffat) as
used in the scale imagery "have onomato-
poetic effects" [SeWs, Approaching, 178). This
insight reminds us that when examining
the symbolic imagery of the Qiir'an, not
only vistial images but also aural images
("soinid figures") help to generate layers of
meaning that deserve scholarly attention.
Frederick S. Colby
Bibliography
Bint al-Shati' {'AHsha 'Abd ai-Rahman), al-TafsTr
al-baydm lil'Qur^dn, Cairo 1962; M. Lings, The
qoranic symbolism of water, in Studies in compa-
rative religion 2 (1968), 153-60; T. Lohman, Die
Gleichnisreden Muliammeds im Koran, in Mitteilungen
des Institutsfur Orientforschung [Berlin] 12 (1966),
75-118; 416-69; A. Neuwirth, Images and
metaphors in the introductory sections of the
Makkan suras, in Hawting and Shareef,
Approaches, 3-36; T.J. O'Shaughnessey, God's
throne and the biblical symbolism of the Qiir'an,
in J^umen 20 (1973}, 202-21; R. Paret, Symbolik des
Islam, Stuttgart 1958, completed by J. Chr. Biirgel
and Fr. Allemann, Symbolik des Islam, Stuttgart
1975; T. Sabbagh, La metaphore dans le Coran, Paris
1943; W. Saleh, Formation of the classical tafsTr
tradition, Leiden 2004, 119-24; M. Sells,
Approaching the Qur'dn. The early revelations,
Ashland, OR 1999; id., Sound and meaning in
Surat al-C^ari'a, in Arabica 40 (1993), 403-30;
M. Siddiqi, Who is who in the holy Qur'dn? Qur'dnic
names and symbols, Lahore 1994; M. Sister,
Metaphern und Vergleiche im Koran, in
Mitteilungen des Seminars Jilr Orientalische sprachen ZM
Berlin. 2 Abt. Westasiatische Studien 34 (1931),
103-54; H. Toelle, Le Coran revisite. Lefeu, Peau,
I'air et la terre, Damascus 1999; B. WardT, Hawla
rumuz al-Qur'dn, Casablanca 1983; Watt-Bell,
Introduction.
Synagogue see jews and judaism;
RELIGIOUS PLURALISM AND THE OUr'aN
Synonyms see arabic language
Syria
In the larger sense, Syria (in Arabic al-
Shdm) extended from the Euphrates
River/Amanus Mountains to the Gulf of
Clysma/Suez. The region was known to
the pre-Islamic Arabs (q.v.), especially the
Meccans, whose caravans (see caravan)
traversed the spice-route, the two termini
of which, Gaza and Busra, were visited by
them, as was the Sinai (q.v.) peninsula (see
also pre-islamic Arabia and the
q^ur'an).
The term Syria or al-Sham does not
appear in the Qur'an but, as al-Sham
included the holy land, references to it in
the Qiir'an as the land of the biblical
prophets and of the scenes of biblical his-
tory do occur, however allusively and
anonymously (see scripture and the
^ur'an; history and the q^ur'an;
geography). Such are al-ard al-muqaddasa
((J 5:21), Jerusalem (q.v.) by implication,
where the masjid and the mihrdb were lo-
cated (c) 3:37, 39; 17:7; see mosoue; sacred
precincts); the Mount of Olives (^ 95:1);
anonymously, the Jordan river [nahr, liter-
ally "river," (^ 2:249; see water; springs
and fountains); the villages of Lot (q.v.;
al-mu'tafika, q_ 53:53; cf 69:9; see
punishment stories); Iram dhat al-'Imad,
i85
in present day Wadi Rumm in Trans-
Jordan ((3 89:7; see iram); al-Raqlm
(c3 18:9; see racjIm), possibly in al-Balqa' in
Trans-Jordan; and Sinai (q 23:20).
Altliough not mentioned by name,
Jerusalem represented the strictly Islamic
dimension of the holy land for two rea-
sons: it was the destination of the isrd] the
nocturnal journey of the prophet
Muhammad (c) 17:1; see ascension) and
the gateway to his mi'rdj, ascent to the sev-
enth heaven (see heaven and sky); and it
was the qibla (q.v), the spot to which the
Muslims turned in their prayers for twelve
years before the direction of prayer was
changed to Mecca (q.v.).
Al-Sham was known to the prophet
Muhammad before his call. According to
tradition (see sira and the qur'an), his
great-grandfather, Hashim, was buried in
Gaza, and he accompanied liis uncle,
Abu Talib, during the latter's journeys to
al-Sham. Later he led the caravans of
Khadija (q.v.) after he married
her — hence his references to places and
areas in al-Sham during the twenty-two
years of his prophethood: such, among
others, were Saffuriyya (Sepphoris) and
Habrun (Hebron) in Palestine, Mu'ta and
al-Balqa' in Trans-Jordan and al-Darum in
southern Palestine. After the campaign
against Tabuk in 630 c.E. (see expeditions
and battles), the Prophet concluded trea-
ties (see contracts and alliances) with
four of the towns of southern al-Sham,
namely Ayla, Adhruh, Maqna and Jarba,
places he had known before his prophetic
call.
Al-Sham was the first target of the
Muslim conquests. It was the region that
Islam conquered immediately after the
death of the Prophet. By 635 c.E., the holy
land within al-Sham was already in
Muslim hands after the two battles of
Ajnadayn in Palestine and Fihl in Trans-
Jordan. In 638 t:. E.Jerusalem surrendered
to none other than the caliph 'Umar him-
self; its surrender clinched the possession of
the holy land by Islam and opened the first
chapter in the long struggle between Islam
and Christianity (see christians and
Christianity), which reached its climax in
the crusades. The Muslim victory at
Yarmuk in 636 c.E. decided the fate of the
rest of al-Sham, the cities which surren-
dered one after the other being Damascus,
Hims, Hama and Antioch, among others.
The Muslim conquest of al-Sham and
the holy land imparted a peculiarly new
Islamic dimension to its holiness (cf. the
several traditions on the "merits" of
Syria/Damascus — and Jerusalem, for
example "happy Syria... the angels of the
merciful one spread their wings upon it,"
tuba li-Shdm,,, inna mald'ikata l-mhmdn
bdsitatun ajnihatahum 'alajhi, in e.g. Ibn Han-
bal, Musnad, xvi, 38, no. 21499; cf Gilliot,
Traditions, 18; Sivan, Beginning). Those
who died in the battles were martyrs (q.v.)
for the faith (q.v.) and many of them were
sahdba, Companions of the Prophet (q.v.);
such were the three commanders who died
at Mu'ta and others who settled in the re-
gion. The conquest was initiated by the
Prophet himself before he died, which im-
parted to it the religious tone of a holy war
(q.v.; see also jihad), especially as it was
preceded and supported by letters which
announced to their recipients the new
Islamic kerygma.
It was, however, in the Umayyad period
that al-Sham attained the acme of its im-
portance as the metropolitan province of
the first Arab dynasty of the Islamic em-
pire. Furthermore, its character as a holy
land was ratified by the first Umayyad
caliph (q.v.), Mu'awiya, who announced
his caliphate and received allegiance in
Jerusalem itself, as did Yazld and 'Abd al-
Malik after him. But it was the Marwanid
Umayyad branch that enhanced the
Islamic component in the holy land, when
i86
'Abd al-Malik built the Dome of the Rock
and al-Wahd, his son, built the Aqsa
Mosque (q.v.), without which the Islamic
presence in Jertisalem would have re-
mained unclear, based on sura 17 in the
Qiir'an, entitled Surat al-Isra' ("The Night
Journey"). The two structures dwarfed
architecturally all other strticttires in
Jerusalem and reflected a powerful Islamic
presence in the holy city. The future
Umayyad caliph Sulayman enhanced
further the importance of the holy land
when, during his governorship of
Palestine, he btiilt a new city, Ramla, and
its White Mosqtie, and added to the
Umayyad structures in Jerusalem. When
he became caliph (r. 96-9/715-17),
Palestine, the holy land, became the metro-
politan province of the vast Muslim em-
pire, which extended from India to Spain.
Islam raised to a higher level of impor-
tance not only Jerusalem but the sister city
Hebron, where Abraham (q.v.) and his son
Isaac (q.v.) and grandson Jacob (q.v.) were
buried together with their wives. Hebron
had been relatively obscure in the
Byzantine period (see Byzantines) but
Islam revived it, commensurately with the
fundamental place of Abraham in the
Qur'an and in Islam.
It was also dtiring the Umayyad period
that the concept of the holy land expe-
rienced an extension of its boundaries
from the old traditional ones to encompass
practically the whole of al-Sham. The
Umayyad Mosqtie of Damasctis built by
al-Walld contributed to the veneration of
the city as a Muslim center and Busra
was also venerated as the ventie of
Muhammad's encounter with Bahira (see
MONASTicisM AND MONKs). The extension
of the boundaries of the holy land had
started in the Byzantine period, when
other cities in the region acqttired a certain
holiness by association: such was
Damascus with St. Patd, Emesa with the
head of John the Baptist (q.v), and Antioch
as the place where the followers of Jesus
(q.v.) of Nazareth were first called
Christians. These loca sancta of Christianity
were not difficult for the Umayyads to
accept in view of the insistence of the
Qur'an on its close relation to Christianity
(see POLEMIC AND POLEMICAL LANOUAGE;
RELIGIOUS PLURALISM AND THE ^UR'aN;
religion), but still more in view of the
strong Muslim-Christian symbiosis in al-
Sham, accepted and promoted by the
Umayyads after being initiated by
Mu'awiya, whose wife Maysun was a
Christian, the mother of his son and stic-
cessor Yazld I, who also married a
Ghassanid Christian princess, Ramla. In a
religious context this symbiosis is reflected
in the fact that the mosque in Damascus
has within its precinct the tomb of John
the Baptist.
With the proliferation of loca sancta (see
SACRED and profane), mashdliid and
mazdrdt, in al-Sham, the whole region
acquired a certain holiness — so much so
that the medieval Muslim traveler, al-
Harawi (d. 611/1215), devoted to al-Sham
one third of his work on the loca sancta of
the Islamic world.
Irfan Shahid
Bibliography
Primary: al-HarawT, Taql 1-Dln Abu 1-Hasan ^All
b. Abl Bakr al-Mawsili, Ritdb al-Isbdrdt ild ma'rifat
al-ziydrdt, ed. J. Sourdel-Thomine, Damascus
1953, 4-34; Ibn Hanbal, Musnad, ed. Shakir; Ibn
Ishaq-Guillaume, 532, 678; Tabarl, Tdnkli, ed. de
Goeje, 2078-159.
Secondary: E.G. Bosworth, al-Sham, in El-, ix,
261-75; CI. Gilliot, Les traditions sur la
composition ou coordination du Goran (ta'lij al-
Qur'dn), in id. and T. Nagel (eds.), Das Prophen
hadlt. Dimensionen einer islamischen Literaturgattung
[Proceedings of the Gottinger Kolloquium uber das
Hadit\, Gottingen 2005, 14-39; Ph.K. Hitti,
History of the Arabs, London 1981 (repr.), 147-54,
189-278; R. Lescot, Un sanctuaire des dormants
en Jordanie, in KEl 36 (1968), 3-9; M.M.
Mandell, Syria, in A. Kazhdan (ed.), Oxford
i87
SYRIA (3 AND THE OUR AN
dictionary of Byzantium, 3 vols., Oxford 1991, iii,
1997-2000; E. Sivan, The beginning of the Fadd'il
al-Qiids hteratiire, in los i (1971), 263-71; S. Ward,
Muhammad said: You are only a Jew from the
Jews of Sepphoris, uijNES 60 {2001), 31-42.
Syriac and the Qur'an see foreign
vocabulary; language and style
OF THE C)Ur'an; CHRISTIANS AND
CHRISTIANITY
Table
A supported horizontal surface that
facihtates actions like working, writing or
eating. There is no precise equivalent in
classical Arabic for this English term.
Words like mindada, sufra and simdt only
signify "table" by derivation; their basic
meanings are respectively "a device where
mats, carpets or cushions are piled up,"
"food provision for the traveler," and "a
cloth or coat upon which the dishes are
put." By contrast, several designations for
"table" entered Arabic from neighboring,
non-Semitic languages. These include mez
and khiwdn from Persian, tarabeza from
Greek, tdwula from Latin, and md'ida via
Ethiopian, possibly originating from Latin
as well (see foreign vocabulary). Only
this last term occurs in the Qiir'an, where
it appears twice, namely in q 5:112 and 114;
it also gives the fifth sura its title, al-md'ida,
"The Table."
Strictly speaking, the table episode — a
much debated issue in the Qiir'an — com-
prises verses C) 5:112 to 115 only. In order to
understand the story properly, however,
one must consider its broader context. The
leitmotif oi the whole passage is that God's
messengers (see messenger) have no
knowledge of (see knowledge and
learning) — and therefore no responsibil-
ity (q.v.) for — the outcome of their mis-
sions (c3 5:109). This holds true for Jesus
(q.v.) as well. God guided him throughout
his lifetime, from when he spoke in the cra-
dle supported by the spirit (q.v.) of holiness
(see also holy spirit), to his divine protec-
tion (q.v.) from the Israelites (c) 5:110; see
children of Israel). On God's prompt-
ing, the apostles (see apostle) readily pro-
fessed their belief in him and his
messenger (q 5:111). The passage then
reads:
And when the apostles said, "O Jesus son
of Mary (q.v.), is your lord able to send
down on us a table (md'ida) out of heaven
(see HEAVEN AND sky)?" He said, "Fear you
God, if you are believers" (() 5:112; see
belief and unbelief; miracles;
marvels; fear).
They said, "We desire that we should eat
of it and our hearts (see heart) be at rest;
and that we may know that you have spo-
ken true to us, and that we may be among
its witnesses" (0,5:113; see truth;
WITNESSING AND TESTIFYING).
Said Jesus son of Mary, "O God, our
lord, send down upon us a table out of
heaven, that shall be for us a festival, the
first and last of us, and a sign from you.
i89
And provide for us; you are the best of
providers" (0^5:114; see sustenan(;e).
God said, "Verily I will indeed send it
down to you; whosoever of you hereafter
disbelieves, verily I shall chastise him with
a chastisement such as I chastise no other
being" (q 5:115; see chastisement and
punishment).
It was not Jesus who deified himself and
his mother Mary. During the time he lived
among men, he exhorted them only to
serve God alone, his lord and theirs
(c3 5:116-17). It is God who punishes or for-
gives (C3 5:118; see REWARD AND
punishment; forgiveness).
The broad scholarly consensus is that the
qur'anic table episode basically refers, in
one way or another, to the Lord's Supper,
although other biblical passages can be
adduced as possible reference points as
well, such as the feeding of the five thou-
sand, Jesus' discourse on "the bread of
life" (John 6: 22 f), Peter's vision in Acts
10:10 f , or Psalms 78:19 and 23:5. But
when it comes to understanding the mean-
ing of the episode, opinions are divided.
Are we dealing here with the demand for a
miracle (K'ais'anen, Jesusbild; Graf,
Christlichen Einfliissen; Busse, Theologischen
Beziehungen; and most of the Muslim com-
mentators)? Is the table a sign of God's
providence (Bowman, Debt of Islam; al-
Nadjdjar, Qisas; see signs) or a simile (q.v.)
for spiritual knowledge (the Sufi interpreta-
tion according to al-Baydawl)? Do the
apostles want to celebrate a kind of thanks-
giving ('Abd al-Tafahum, Qiir'an and com-
munion) or a commemorative meal (Beltz,
Mythen)? Or is the whole episode finally
nothing but confusion (Macdonald, 'Isa;
Bell, Origin of Islam; cf. Comerro, Nouvelle
alliance, 305f.; Radscheit, Iconography,
I72f.)? The question of the meaning of the
table motif in the Qiiran has proved to be
especially intractable.
Nevertheless, two explanations present
themselves. On the one hand, as stated
above, the word md'ida is borrowed from
Ethiopian, where it signifies the lord's table
(see CHRISTIANS and Christianity). This
original usage probably had the double
meaning of the altar of the Eucharist
(which in early times was a simple table)
and of the Eucharistic offering, viz. bread
(q.v.) and wine (q.v.). If one assumes that
this word still carried both meanings after
its adoption in Arabic, it is possible that the
apostles' request for md'ida sent down from
heaven does not refer to "a table," but
rather to "food" (see food and drink). In
fact, the Lisdn al- 'Arab even asserts that this
is the basic meaning of md'ida. On the
other hand, the table episode may be con-
sidered an instance of quranic allusion to
visual representations. In all the varying
interpretations of the Lord's Supper in
early Christian theology, the Eucharist is
always regarded as closely related to
Christ's being the son of God. Christian
depictions of the Lord's Supper can there-
fore be considered to represent the core of
Christian belief. The Qiir'an, however,
categorically denies the divine nature of
Jesus (see polemic and polemical
language). Any qur'anic reference to the
Lord's Supper, then, can only occur in a
polemic, i.e. a reinterpreting, form.
Although the table motif is admittedly
rather marginal in the Gospels' account of
the Lord's Supper, the table is nevertheless
one of the necessary elements in the
Christian depictions of the event: it is the
place where Jesus and the apostles reclined
for the Passover meal. Yet in a Christian
interpretation of such a picture, the table
still has no function of its own; it merely
serves to hold the food. Here one may ar-
gue that the Qur'an, in a deliberate re-
interpretation of the Lord's Supper, takes
its visual elements — Jesus, the apostles
and the table itself — at face value and
igo
re-contextualizes them in such a way that
the element "table" receives a prominent
place.
No matter whether the linguistic or the
cross-media explanation for the presence of
md'ida is more likely, in order to understand
the meaning of the table episode, it must
be noted that the major theme in Q, 5 is the
notion of "covenant" (q.v.; cf Comerro,
Nouvelle alliance). (^5:12 is a reminder of
God's covenant with the Children of Israel
(cf. 0^5:70); 5)5:14 mentions his covenant
with "those who say 'We are Christians' "
(cf. q 5:111); and 0,5:7 recalls to mind the
covenant God made with the actual com-
munity of believers (cf. o 5:3, "Today I
have perfected your religion [q.v.] for you,
and I have completed my blessing [c[.v.]
upon you, and I have approved al-isldm for
your religion"; see islam). But both the
Israelites and the Christians broke their
respective covenants, the first by disobey-
ing God and his messengers (cf. 0,5:13,
20-6, 70; see disobedience), the latter by
violating true monotheism (cf. o 5:14, 17,
72-6; see POLYTHEISM AND ATHEISM;
IDOLATRY AND IDOLATERS). Since the anti-
Trinitarian argumentation in 5:116-17
(see trinity) stresses that the covenant
with the Christians was broken only after
God took Jesus to himself, it seems likely
that the preceding verses also refer to this
very covenant. 5:iHj then, marks the mo-
ment the (twelve) apostles consent to this
covenant (cf. the motif of the twelve chief-
tains of Israel in 05:12 and of the twelve
men of the first 'Aqaba in the Sira [see sIra
AND THE oui^'an]; for references to the
apostles' speech [q.v.] act, see 5:7 and, in
a distorted form, o 2:93). Seen in this light,
05:112-14 must be understood as a request
to establish a commemoration feast ('id) for
this event. In the motif of the heaven-sent
food one may detect the early Christian
belief that the Holy Spirit comes down in
the Eucharist. But what is more, the two
ideas that food is a divine gift and that God
sends down "tranquility into the hearts of
the believers" are firmly rooted in the
Qiir'an, too (cf. for the former o 2:57;
50:9-11; 56:10-26, for the latter 048:4; see
shekhinah). Finally, since the early
Church considered Judas to be the pro-
totype of a traitor in the community, in the
singidar threat in 5'ii5 i' i^ possible to see
a transformation of Jesus' prophecy of woe
for Judas [Mt 26:24; Mk 14:21) into a gen-
eral verdict against all those who break the
covenant (05:13; ^^- Graf, Christlichen
Einfliissen, who suggests a connection with
I Cor 11:27-9).
To sum up, although the table episode
carries strong biblical overtones (see
SCRIPTURE AND THE O^R'aN; NARRATIVES),
it is basically a re-reading of the Lord's
Supper. In this reinterpretation, the person
of Jesus loses its paramount importance
and his being the son of God is expressly
denied. Instead, the Eucharist is inter-
preted as confirmation and remembrance
of God's covenant with the apostles. With
that, the Eucharist is added to the line of
covenants God has made both with the
Children of Israel previously and with the
new community of believers afterwards.
Matthias Radscheit
Bibliography
Primary: Tha'labl, Qisas, 397f.
Secondary: 'Abd al-Tafahum, The Qiir^an and
the holy communion, in il/ll'4g (1959), 239-48;
E. Beck, Die Eucharistie bei Ephraem, in Oriens
christianus 38 (1954), 41-67; R. Bell, The origin of
Islam in its Christian environment, London 1926',
London 1968, 136; W. Beltz, Die Mythen des Koran,
Diisseldorf 1980, 183; J. Bowman, The debt of
Islam to monophysite Syrian Christianity, in
J^ederlands Theologisch Tijdschrifi 19 (1964-5), 177-
201; H. Busse, Die theologischen Beziehungen des Islams
zu Judentum und Christentum, Darmstadt 1988, 130
f.; V. Comerro, La nouvelle alliance dans la
sourate at-md'ida, in Arabica 48 (2001), 285-314;
igi
TALENT
L. Goppelt, Trapeza, in G. Friedrich (ed.),
Theologisches Wbrterbuch <;i/m Ncuen Testament,
10 vols., Stuttgart 1932-79, viii, 209-15; E. Graf,
Zii den christlichen EinHiissen ini Koran, in Al-
Bahit. Festschrift Joseph Henninger, St. Aiigiistin
1976, 111-44; M. Kropp, Viele fremde Tische,
iind noch einer im Koran, in Oriens christianus 87
(2003), 141-4; K. Liitlii,Jndas. i. Dasjudasbild
vom Neuen Testament bis zur Gegenwart, in
Theologische Realenzyklopaedie 17 {1988), 296-304;
D.B. Macdonald, Tsa, in EI', ii, 562; 'A. al-
Nadjdjar, Qisas al-anbijid\ Cairo n.d.^; O. Paiitz,
Muhammeds Lehre von der Ojjenbarung quellenmdjiig
untersucht, Leipzig 1898; M. Radscheit, The
iconography of the Qur'an, in C. Szyska and
R Pannewick (eds.), Crossings and passages in genre
and culture, Wiesbaden 2003, 167-83; H. Raissa-
nen, Das koranische Jesusbild, Helsinki 1971, 43;
A. Shalabi, al-Masihiyya, Cairo 1998"^, 50 f.
Tablet see book; preserved tablet
Taboo see forbidden
Tabut see ARK
Taghut see IDOLS AND IMAGES
Tale see narratives; Joseph
Talent
A gift, ability or propensity provided by
God. There is no specific qur'anic term for
talent although meanings related to this
concept may be associated with ideas such
as degrees, ability, capacity and gifts (see
GIFT AND gift-giving; GRACE; BLESSING).
In modern Arabic, terms derived from the
root w-h-b, "gifts," and '-d-d, "preparation,"
refer to talent, but these roots and their
derivations are not employed in this sense
in the Qiir'an. In addition, istitd'a, "ability,
capacity," is an important theological con-
cept in Islam (see theology and the
(JUr'an), but it is usually discussed more in
terms of the extent to which humans have
the independent strength and ability to
make choices and perform actions (cf.
Gardet, Istita'a; see freedom and
predestination).
The concept of exceptional or distinctive
abilities may be extrapolated from qur'anic
expressions regarding preferring (faddala)
or degrees and rankings (darajdt). These
terms usually convey the idea that certain
people are raised by degrees both in this
world and in the next life (see reward and
punishment; eschatology), on the basis
either of their effort (q 4:95; see path or
way), belief (c3 58:11; see belief and
unbelief) or good deeds (q.v.; o 46:19).
Sometimes, however, this idea of degree
seems to be innate, as in the passage
asserting that males have been preferred
above females (q_ 4:34; see gender; women
and the qur'an; patriarchy). This verse
has attracted attention in the modern
period on the part of modernists and
Muslim feminists who interpret the words
as indicating male responsibility (q.v.)
derived on the basis of material resources
(see wealth; property; maintenance
and upkeep) rather than innate male
superiority or talent (Wadud, Qur'an and
woman, 65-9; see feminism and the
(JUr'an). Inasmuch as ultimately all guid-
ance and provision (see sustenance;
error; astray) has a divine source ac-
cording to the Islamic perspective, diversity
in human talents, inclinations and abilities
is understood as being part of God's plan.
All of these degrees in livelihood arise
from God's mercy (q.v.; rahma) that is ap-
portioned or measured [q-s-m; see weights
and measures; measurement) by God
alone (c3 43:32).
The idea of developing the inherent pro-
pensities or potentialities of each individ-
ual may be found in the thought of Sufi
mystics such as Ibn al-'Arabi (d. 638/1 240;
see sufism and the our'an). This is based
TAXATION
192
on emanationist cosmology (q.v.), in which
the pre-eternal creative act of God projects
the divine names and attributes (see god
AND HIS attributes) into creation (q.v.)
and therefore into individuals as well. It is
individual receptivity (qabul) or prepared-
ness (isti'ddd) that must be discerned and
developed through appropriate contempla-
tion and action (Ghittick, Sufi path, 91; see
remembrance).
Marcia Hermansen
Bibliography
W. Ghittick, The Suji path of knowtedge, Albany
1989; L. Gardet, Istita'a, in EI^, iv, 271-2;
D. Giniaret, Les noms divins en Istam, Paris
1988, 389-91 (diiU t-fadt, mutafaddit), 400-1
(wahhdb)' A. Wadud, Qur'dn and woman,
New York 1999.
Talisman see amulet; popular and
talismanic uses of the our'an
Talk see speech; gossip
Talut see SAUL
Tasnim see springs and fountains
Tawrat see torah
Taxation
Extraction of a part of communal wealth
for its social redistribution and for its use in
maintaining governing authority (q.v.), its
various institutions, and public works. The
Qiir'an offers no trace of the fiscal system
first developed under 'Umar b. al-Khattab
(r. 2-12/634-44), in substance a reformula-
tion of Byzantine and Sasanian models
(see Jeffery, For. vocab. and relevant El"
articles — e.g. Cahen, Djizya; Zysow,
Zakat; Cahen, Kharadj — for discussion of
the foreign origins of taxation terminology
in the Qiir'an; see also foreign vocab-
ulary). That fiscal system was a product of
empire (see Dennett, Conversion; al-Durl,
Nu^um; Lokkegaard, Islamic taxation), itself
the fruit of post-prophetic conquests (see
conquest), eventually being detailed by
state servitors in administrative handbooks
(e.g. Qiidama b.Ja Tar's [d. 337/948] Kitdb
al-Khardj wa-sind'at al-kitdba) or legal trea-
tises (e.g. Abu Yusuf's [d. 182/798] Kitdb
al-Khardj) and by religious scholars
seeking to define imperial administra-
tion in Islamic terms (e.g. Abu 'Ubayd
al-Qasim b. Sallam's [d. 224/839] Kitdb
al-Amwdl).
Taxation in the imperial context was ori-
ented primarily towards the legal status of
land (e.g. conquered, state, private); in con-
trast, the Qiir'an says nothing of a concept
of land-based taxation, with only a single
(and vague) reference at Q_ 23:72 to khardj
(the term later used to designate land tax)
as the bounty of the lord (q.v.; ci. Jaldlayn,
ad loc, where it is referred to as ajr, "rec-
ompense"; see also blessing; grace). Nor
is there any evidence in the hadlth that the
Prophet instituted such a system of taxa-
tion. State control of communal wealth
(q.v.) became a point of contention,
Kharijis (q.v.) seeing it as a threat to the
sovereignty (q.v.) of God (Sayf b. 'Umar,
Ridda, i, 357) and Shl'ls (see SHl'lsM and
THE qur'an) viewing it as a transgression
of the authority of the Imams (Madelung,
Shi'ite; see imam). Moreover, the Qur'an's
single reference to jizya at Q^ 9:29 suggests
tribute and not poll tax (q.v.) in the sense of
a tax per capita, as the term was to be de-
fined in the imperial context (the Prophet
may have instituted a poll tax of sorts,
which was assessed according to the num-
ber of adults \hdlini\ but imposed on a sub-
ordinate group as a whole, e.g. Yahya b.
Adam, Khardj, I07f ). Finally, the Qvir'an
makes no mention of the tithe f'ushr) levied
193
TAXATION
on Muslim-owned land (especially within
the confines of the Arabian peninsula).
Rather, if taxation of any kind is to be
read in the Qiir'an, it must be seen
through two lenses: (i) a nascent Medinan
polity attempting to extend its political au-
thority and religious message over a largely
tribally oriented society (see tribes and
clans; Medina) by managing the distribu-
tion of booty (q.v.); and (2) a charity-
oriented economy of exchange, in which
deserving groups (warriors, orphans [cj.v.] ,
the poor, etc.; see poverty and the poor)
were supported through almsgiving (q.v.) as
a function of the qur'anic call to renounce
the luxuries of this world in favor of the
one to come (cf. Rippin, Commerce; see
also TRADE AND COMMERCE). Both lenses
reflect a broader qur'anic message, namely
God's singular sovereignty and thus right
to consume all material goods even if he
permits their distribution to his "vassals,"
i.e. those faithful to his lordship — a mes-
sage echoed in the Bible, which makes the
similar claim that the spoils of war, even if
designated for the communal good of the
Israelites (see children of Israel;
election), belong ultimately to God in
recognition of his exclusive sovereignty
[e.g. Josh 6:17; see also Josh 7 which tells the
tale of Achan and his kinsmen who,
although Israelites, are wiped out for vio-
lating the holy ban instituted by God; cf.
q 9:79, which speaks of the punishment
awaiting those who deride believers for
their material and personal support of the
cause of God; cf. also Acts 5:1-10; see also
PATH OR way; chastisement and
punishment). If there is any connection
between the "fiscal" message of the
Qiir'an and the later imperial system of
taxation, it may lie in this idea of religious
sovereignty over (and potential consump-
tion of) all material goods, represented in
the Qiir'an by God and his messenger (q.v.)
and later in the imperial context by the
caliphal (or sultanic) ruler and his various
military and administrative servitors.
The fiscal program of the Qiir'an was
generally conceived in terms of material
(and also personal) support (nafaqa) of the
Islamic cause (i.e. as set by God and his
messenger), to be given by Muslims (i.e.
Companions of the Prophet [cj.v.]) and
their tribal allies (see Tabarl, Tafsir, ad
(3 9:103, who connects nafaqa [support of
the Islamic cause], jihad [q.v; struggle in
the way of God] and sadaqa [charitable
donation]). In support of this, later ex-
egetes (see exegesis of the cjur'an:
CLASSICAL and medieval) note the strong
rhetorical opposition in the Qiir'an be-
tween those who support (munfiq) the
Islamic cause and those who support the
enemy: al-Zamakhsharl (d. 539/1144,
Kashshdf, ad q 2:270) explains this as an
option — given to the qur'anic
audience — of making expenditure in the
path (or way) of God (Ji sabil Allah) or in
the path of Satan [Jj sabTl al-shaytdn; see
enemies; parties and factions; devil).
The Constitution of Medina, an early at-
tempt to define the nature of the first
Muslim polity, also strongly exhorts its
addressees to contribute nafaqa to the com-
munal cause. This qur'anic vision of com-
munal wealth, reenacted in Medina, is
detailed in later works on law and the pro-
phetic tradition under three categories (see
law and the our'an): division of booty,
alms-giving and tribute. Discussion here
will be limited to the first two categories (as
these relate to the two fiscal lenses of the
Qiir'an mentioned above). Tribute, later
expanded into poll tax (jizya) and land tax
(khardj), is discussed elsewhere (see poll
tax).
Division of booty
The legal (fiqh) and prophetic (hadith) com-
pendia treat division of booty as a distinct
category, qism alfay', reflecting an attempt
T AXATI ON
194
by piety-minded jurists and traditionists to
keep intact the qur'anic vision of com-
munal wealtli alongside state efforts to
immobilize land under its own domain and
extract taxes from those cultivating it. The
fiscal message of the Qiir'an originated in
the Prophet's practice of dividing the spoils
of raids (ghazawdt) and expeditions
[maghdzi; see expeditions and battles),
first as a means of livelihood and then as
part of the struggle to preserve the Islamic
cause (see, in general, the accounts of
Ibn Ishaq [d. 150/767] and al-Waqidi
[d. 207/822]), with a first share — later
identified as the "choice" share
(al-sdji) — going to the Prophet as leader of
the Muslim community and distributed to
those whom the Qiir'an had defined as
worthy recipients such as the Prophet's kin,
orphans, the poor, wayfarers (cf. C3 59:7 and
C3 8:41, although some scholars thought the
latter verse abrogated the former).
The Qur'an uses three terms for booty:
maghnam (only in the plural, maghdnim,
Q_ 4:94; 48:15, 19, 20; and twice in verbal
form, ghanimtum, C3 8:41, 69); nafl (also only
in the plural, anjdl, (38:1, for which
c) 8 — Sural al-Anfal — is named); and fay'
(only in verbal form, afd'a, C3 33:50; 59:6, 7),
which has the general sense of bounty
bestowed by God upon those faithful to his
cause (see belief and unbelief; trust
and patience). Exegetes understood booty
to function as an incentive {tahnd; see
Tabari, TafsTr, ad o 8:1) to work for the
Islamic cause, as implied in the qur'anic
claim that Muslims can expect not merely
earthly booty but heavenly-bestowed booty
(c3 4:94, _/«- 'inda lldhi maghdnimu kathira; the
three other instances of the term in refer-
ence to Hudaybiya [q.v.] also suggest an
eschatological conception of booty, cf.
Rippin, Commerce; see esghatology). In
other words, the Qiir'an has reoriented a
common tribal notion to the purposes of
its prophetic message of God's final sov-
ereignty in settling all accounts on judg-
ment day (see last judgment).
The "tax" to be extracted from the divi-
sion of booty and distributed by Medinan
leadership is called the fifth (khums), as
mentioned at q 8:41:
And know that whatever you take as booty
(ghanimtum), a fifth [of it] is for God, the
messenger, relations [of the messenger] ,
orphans, the poor [or helpless] (masdkin),
and the wayfarer (ibn al-sabil), if you be-
lieve in God and that which we have re-
vealed to our servant on the day of
criterion [c^.v.;yawma l-furqdn, i.e. between
right and wrong, but here in reference to
the battle of Badr [q.v.]), when the two
groups met [in battle] . God is master
over all.
Income, then, is to play a significant role in
the formation of the values of the Muslim
community as a religio-political entity in
which recognition of the sovereignty of
God and the corresponding authority of
his messenger is embodied in the redis-
tribution of wealth to worthy
recipients — those genealogically close to
the Prophet and those in material need of
some kind (see also people of the house;
OPPRESSED on earth, the). Emphasis on
the redistribution of wealth is confirmed at
(J 59:7. Since, however, this is not framed
as "the fifth," Simonsen [Studies, 61-70) sug-
gested that all booty — regardless of
origin — was subject to division only in
practice but fell entirely to the prophet
Muhammad in principle. He argued that
the fifth is a post-prophetic innovation as-
cribed retroactively to prophetic decree in
the battle of Badr to give Islamic legiti-
macy to the tribal practice of distributing
the bulk of the booty, four-fifths in this
case, to the warriors who captured it:
195
TAXATION
That which God has bestowed as booty
upon his messenger from [the spoils of] tlie
people of the villages [i.e. in the vicinity of
Medina] is for God, the messenger, rela-
tions [of the messenger] , orphans, the
helpless, and the wayfarer, lest it circulate
[only] among the wealthy among you. And
take what the messenger gives you and re-
frain from what he forbids (see
forbidden). Fear (q.v.) God, for God is
severe in the infliction of punishment (see
REWARD AND PUNISHMENT).
Finally, C3 8:i: "They ask you
[Muhammad] about the spoils (anjal). Say:
The spoils belong to God and the mes-
senger. So fear God, repair what is be-
tween you [i.e. communal disharmony]
and obey God and his messenger (see
obedience), if you are believers." This is
explained by al-Zamakhshari [Kashshaf, ad
q 8:i) to mean that judgment (q.v.) in the
division of the spoils is reserved for God
and his messenger (in echo of the biblical
vision; see si;ripture and the our'an).
Here, like c) 59:7, no mention is made of
"the fifth"; this is explained by al-
Zamakhsharl who defines anfdl as booty
promised to a warrior beyond his normal
share as an incitement to battle. So
defined, such booty would not be subject to
the fifth. If read on its own terms, however,
this verse associates booty-division with
communal harmony (wa-aslihu dhdta bayni-
kiim). Al-Tabarl (d. 310/923; Tafsir, ad
C3 8:1) cites a report that attributes the
occasion for the revelation of this latter
part of the verse (see verses; occasions
OF revelation) to the complaint brought
to the Prophet by the weaker members of
the community (ahl al-daj), who protested
that the strong had made off with the
spoils (dhahaba ahl al-quwwa bi-l-ghand'im),
leaving the weaker members of the com-
munity with nothing (Zamakhsharl,
Kashshaf, ad loc, echoes this by interpreting
the verse as a call for a just/equitable dis-
tribution of communal wealth: iqtasimu. . .
bi-l-'adl). The upshot of all this is the
intimate link between claims of the
Medinan leadership (i.e. the Prophet) to
authority over the nascent community in
general and its adjudication of the just dis-
tribution of communal wealth (see justice
AND injustice) in a way that engendered
communal solidarity between its various
members, both rich and poor (cf. Deut 15:11
and Rom 15:25-9), strong (i.e. the fighting
members of the community) and weak
(i.e. the rest of the community; cf. ,A«m
31:25-47).
It should be mentioned as an aside that
the caliphal state (especially the 'Abbasid
dynasty) and its scholarly servitors did turn
to the Qiir'an to establish canonical jus-
tification for its fiscal system in general and
the land tax specifically (see Heck,
Construction, chap. 4; see caliph). The legal
framework for the land tax drew a distinc-
tion between lands conquered by force
f'anwa) and lands which submitted to the
Muslim conquerors peacefully (sulh), a dis-
tinction of paramount importance for de-
termining a region's tax terms and land
ownership. Still, the Qvir'an and sunna
(q.v.) had to be at least referenced to ensure
Islamic legitimacy for this framework.
The belief that the Prophet had, in prin-
ciple, divided the proceeds of
conquest — both land and moveable prop-
erty (q.v.), including captives (q.v; see
Q_ 8:67-71; cf Paret, Kommentar, 192) — was
met by the state position, based on
Q. 59-7"9' that the canon also made provi-
sion for Muslims yet to come, a recognition
of the need to extend the idea of com-
munal solidarity to future members. The
community was ongoing (and no longer
eschatological) and subsequent generations
who would "emigrate" to Islam as had the
TAXATION
196
first Emigrants (al-muhdjirun) were equally
entitled to a share in the community's rev-
enues (see emioration; emigrants and
helpers). This would be accomplished by
immobilizing the land and levying a tax on
those cidtivating it, payable to the com-
mimal treasury (bayt al-mdl), a practice ini-
tiated by the Companion (see companions
OF the prophet) and second Rightly-
Guided Caliph, 'Umar b. al-Khattab.
This qur'anic justification of the land tax
was eventually accepted by piety-minded
circles (see piety), although when is not
exactly clear. (Interestingly, C3 23:72, the
sole qur'anic attestation of kharaj, is not
used as a rationale.) The distinction be-
tween poll tax and land tax is often attrib-
uted to the Umayyad caliph, 'Umar b.
'Abd al-'AzIz (r. 99-101/717-20; see Heck,
Construction, 163-5), '-'"' Malik b. Anas
(d. 179/796) makes no mention of the land
tax and understands taxation in Islam in
strictly religious terms (fanda). For his part,
al-Shafi'i (d. 204/820) is indecisive, first
looking down upon the state's decision to
immobilize the lands of concjuest as extra-
canonical but then deciding to leave the
decision — to divide or immobilize — to
the judgment of the leader [Umm, iv, 103,
bildd al-'anwa wa-bildd al~sulh). 'Abd al-
Razzaq (d. 211/826) mentions the land tax
in scattered places (e.g. Musannaf, entry
10,133) without treating it systematically.
The canonical status of the land-tax, as
mentioned above, never a dead issue, was
at play especially in Sunnl-Shl'l polemic
(see Modarressi, Khardj ), partly as a func-
tion of competition over the share in com-
mimal wealth due to the successor of the
Prophet (see Modarressi, Crisis).
Almsgiving
Almsgiving, the second important lens for
qur'anic notions of taxation, is charity ex-
tended mainly to those in need of some
kind. It functions primarily in a ritual way.
hence its inclusion as one of the five pillars
of the religion, i.e. as a means by which the
salvation (q.v.) of one's soul (q.v.) is sought.
It is designated in the Qiir'an by two
terms, zikdt and sadaqa, which are used
interchangeably in the early period. The
later distinction between them (although
never decisively made; see Weir/Zysow,
Sadaka) as obligatory and voluntary alms,
respectively, is not specified in the Qiir'an.
Yet they are never used in identical fashion
or paired in a single verse. It is the exegeti-
cal tradition that for good reason (see
below) defined z'lkdt as a religious duty (e.g.
Tabari, Tafsir, ad C3 2:177, al-zakdt al-
mafmda), hence one of the five pillars of
Islam (see religion; ritual and the
q^ur'an).
In line with (J 59:7, which is concerned
with the monopoly of wealth by the rich,
almsgiving in the Qtir'an functions practi-
cally as a way to redistribute communal
wealth, thus serving to define a charity-
based economy with a particular interest in
the poor, needy and dispossessed (see
Bonner, Poverty; see economics). It is not,
however, simply a matter of charity but an
eschatological-oriented charity for the sake
of one's own salvation (or, in the case of its
neglect, damnation; see C3 69:34; 89:17-20;
90:13-20; 107:3). ^akdt, mentioned thirty
times, mainly in Medinan verses, is thus a
way of purifying not merely one's wealth
but one's soul, giving a ritual efficacy to its
practice — charity in the function of gain-
ing one's salvation. As C3 92:18 indicates,
"Whoever gives from his wealth is made
pure (yatazakkd)" — purification of one's
soul (i.e. being made acceptable to God,
qurb) through a religiously ordained ex-
hortation to material giving (cf. (3 9:99).
Those who give alms can expect a reward
(ajr) from God (c) 2:277; 4:162; cf 2:110) in
the next life ({) 27:3; 31:4), effectively secur-
ing God's protection (q.v; q 22:78), which
makes almsgiving an essential part of true
197
TAXATION
religion, being included in the primordial
covenant (q.v.; mithdq) made between God
and humankind (q 2:83; 4:154; cf. 5:12
which speaks of it in terms of both reward
and covenant). This is summed up in
creed-like form at cj 2:177:
. . . the righteous are those who believe in
God, judgment day, the angels (see angel),
scripture [al-kitdb; see book), the prophets
(see PROPHETS AND prophethood), and
give wealth (mdl) out of love (q.v.) of him
[or in spite of love for it, cf. o 76:8 and
Tabarl, Tafsir, ad loc], to relatives [pre-
sumably indigent ones; see family;
kinship], orphans, the helpless (al-masdkin),
the wayfarer, beggars (al-sd'ilin), and to
ransom captives; and who undertake ritual
prayer (q.v.) and give alms
The religious quality of almsgiving here
suggests association with the patriarchs of
Israel (q^ 21:73; see children of Israel)
and the life of Jesus (q.v.; Q_ 19:31). It enjoys
sufficient religious status that its payment
by a polytheist (mushrik; see polytheism
and atheism) requires a Muslim to cease
fighting (q.v.) him {q_ 9:5; Tabarl, Tafsir,
ad loc, identifies it as repentance, tawba,
on the part of the polytheist) and, instead,
to consider him a brother in religion
(q, 9:11; see BROTHER and brotherhood).
There is no clearer sign of the salvific (i.e.
ritually efficacious) character of zukdt than
its almost exclusive coupling (twenty-eight
out of thirty occurrences) with ritual
prayer, "undertaking prayer and giving
alms" (iqdmat al-saldtwa-itd' al'zakdt), which
constituted grounds for its later designation
as a religious duty {Janda; see Tabarl, Tafsir,
ad C) 2:83, mdkdna lldhfarada 'alajhimfi
amwdlihim min al-zakdt; cf. Siddicjui, Zakat,
who sees this coupling as epitomizing the
religion itself, prayer representing the verti-
cal relation of the love of God and alms
the horizontal one of love of other). The
connection was later to become the crux of
the "wars of apostasy" (q.v.; see Shoufani,
Riddah) conducted by the first caliph Abu
Bakr (q.v.) against those tribes claiming
that loyalty (q.v.) and tribute owed to
Medina ceased upon the Prophet's death
and that undertaking prayer was enough to
make one a Muslim.
This raises many questions about the
nature of almsgiving in early Islam: Was it
conceived as tribal tribute in recognition of
Medina as regional hegemon (for a more
recent example of this, see Wilson,
Hashemites, 216), making its payment a
state concern (on the development of
Islamic administrative institutions in gen-
eral, see Sijpesteijn, Shaping a Muslim state)?
Or was it a mark not of state authority
over communal wealth but of
communal/confessional solidarity.^ C3 58:13
mentions that tribal groups were expected
to pay zokdt prior to an audience with the
Prophet and, yet, as we have seen, zi^kdt in
the Qur'an is decidedly salvific. The two
points of view, however, need not be
viewed as mutually exclusive, especially
when the Prophet, as messenger of God, is
the foundational reference point in rep-
resenting the pronouncements of God (see
REVELATION AND INSPIRATION). So, if
almsgiving is a means for seeking the face
of God (q.v; i.e. salvation, o 30:39, in
contrast to the practice of usury [q.v.]
which yields no retiu'n from God), it is also
a part of the process of binding men and
women together in moral solidarity under
the authority of God and his messenger
(o 9:71). It is partly for this reason that
jurists later associated zokdt with the tithe
('ushrj on agricultural produce, a "tax"
only on Muslims, assessed at five or ten
percent depending on irrigation method
(natural or human). (J 6:141, known as
"the verse of almsgiving" (djat al-zakdt),
was used to support this association:
"And give [him] his due on the day of his
TAXATION
198
harvest" (see Ibn Adam, Kharaj, 146-51).
The alms-tax, generally assessed at two
and one-half percent of property, has a
more complex formulation in the case
of livestock and agricultural produce
(see Aghnides, Mohammedan theories,
203-95)-
Sadaqa (pi. sadaqdt, also occurring in ver-
bal form, tasaddaqa) shares the basic mean-
ing of charity (e.g. (J 12:88, where Joseph's
[q.v.] brothers ask him to be charitable to
them in their need) and is used inter-
changeably with z<ikdt in exegetical and
legal literature (e.g. equated with z^kat and
treated as the tithe by Ibn Adam, Kharaj,
entry 356) and even with nafaqa (ibid., entry
428: al-nafaqaji l-Qur'dn hiya l-sadaqa). Still,
the term has its own semantic range in the
Qiir'an. It is considered a voluntary of-
fering (o 9:79, the verse used byjurists to
characterize it as voluntary in distinction
from the obligatory z^kat), with the amount
to be given left to the discretion of the
benefactor. It also carries a religio-moral
connotation, serving (i) to purify the bene-
factor (c) 9:103; Tabarl, Tafsir, ad loc, says
that it transforms belief from hypocrisy to
sincerity, wa-taifa'uhumji khasis mandzil ahl
al-nijdq bihd ild mandzil ahl al-ikhlds; see
HYPOCRITES AND HYPOCRISY), (2) to test
the right intent of those seeking the coun-
sel (najwd) of the Prophet (c3 58:12) and (3)
to expiate (takjir) evil deeds (q.v.; sayji'dt,
(J 2:271) or to compensate for the failure to
perform — as a result of illness (see
ILLNESS AND HEALTH) — the ritual obliga-
tion of not shaving while on pilgrimage
(q.v.; o 2:196). Debt (q.v.) forgiveness is also
designated charity (c3 2:280; cf. 4:92 and
5:45 where remission of the blood-pay-
ment for murder [q.v.] is labeled charity;
see BLOOD money).
In other words, sadaqa signifies a proper
response to God's abundant grace [fadl,
C3 9:75; cf. Bonner, Poverty), in the sense of
gratitude (see gratitude and
inoratitude) for his sustenance (q.v.; rizq)
embodied in care for others. Hence, sadaqa
was never reduced to material gift (see gift
and gift-giving) but included recognition
of a beggar with a smile when one had
nothing to give, and also lawful sexual in-
tercourse [saddq, cognate with "righteous,"
siddiq; see lawful and unlawful; sex
AND sexuality). Its purposeful use for
those in need implies distributive justice
({) 9:60; cf. 2:276 where it is contrasted to
ribd, i.e. [self-] interest), but also — since its
recipients at (J 9:60 include "those who
work upon (for?) it" (understood as "col-
lecting agents" but also likened, e.g. by Ibn
Adam, Kharaj, entry 354, to holy warrior
[mujdhid]) and hearts to be reconciled (i.e.
swayed to the prophetic cause, e.g. Meccan
tribal leaders) — as a religious duty (farida)
set by God (cf. (3 2:273). Such charity, it is
explained, should not be thought to relieve
the benefactor of proper moral behavior
(q^ 2:263-4) and is better undertaken in se-
crecy (c) 2:272; 4:114; cf Prov 21:14 and Matt
6:3-4; Zamakhshari, Kashshdf, ad c) 2:271-2,
says that sadaqa as a voluntary act is best
done secretly whereas z^ikdt as an obliga-
tory one should be done openly to avoid
any accusation of failing to perform one's
religious duty).
It should be noted that Simonsen {Studies,
32-5), largely on the basis of o 58:12, strips
sadaqa of any religious significance, viewing
it as a payment required of Bedouin (q.v.;
a'rdb) for an audience with the Prophet.
Once the social matrix shifts, he argues,
from the tribally oriented caravan city of
Medina (see caravan; city) that was at-
tempting to consolidate control of trade in
the Arabian peninsula to a vast empire
built upon the heritage of former empires,
the logic of sadaqa as Bedouin tribute was
tabled in view of richer sources of fiscal
exploitation (lands of conquest), finally
coming to be conflated with z^ikdt (cf.
Sijpesteijn, Shaping a Muslim state). This
199
TAXATION
hypothesis is borne out in certain passages
in Ibn Sa'd's (d. 230/845) account of tribal
delegations to the Prophet. He relates
[Tabaqdt, e.g. i, 293) an incident where the
Banu Tamlm renounce certain sadaqa con-
ditions, forcing the collector to inform the
Prophet, but not in others (ibid., i, 300,
where a letter from the Prophet is read to
the Banu Kilab delegation, calling them,
among other things, to respond to God
and his messenger, who will take sadaqa
from the rich and distribute it to the poor).
In yet another passage (ibid., i, 307), the
Prophet is depicted writing out sadaqa ob-
ligations [fard'id al-sadaqa; cf Abu 'Ubayd,
Amwdl, entry 1848, which shows al-Zuhri
[d. 124/742] recording the prophetic prec-
edent fsunna] on sadaqa assessment for the
Umayyad caliph 'Umar b. 'Abd al-Aziz).
The qur'anic conceptualization of sadaqa,
however, cannot be reduced to such a
politico-economic view; its religious sig-
nificance remained constant even if col-
lection and distribution took on different
forms in different times. As in the case of
Zakdt what stands out is its salvific role, not
merely as charity but also as a sacrificial
offering of sorts (see sai;rifi(:e) that in-
dicates a penitent heart (q.v.). q 9:104
states: "Do they not know that it is God
who accepts repentance from his servants
(see servant) and takes alms (sadaqdt) and
that it is God who grants repentance and
mercy [q.v.; i.e. salvation]." Alms thus be-
comes an important soteriological stage in
seeking the face of God (q 2:271-3; cf.
30:39), making almsgiving a sub-category
of gift-giving to God as ultimate recipient
(the gift thus being irrevocable) and to his
messenger as proxy in support (nafaqa) of
God's cause. This is not to discount the
tribal context but rather to note the close
association of material sacrifice with a true
desire to encounter the face of God as icon
of salvation, for it is in sacrifice and self-
denial that the will of the believer is hum-
bled and God's glorified (e.g. Tabarl, Tafsir,
ad C3 2:271-3). To seek the face of God, one
must prepare by purification — confirmed
via alms payment — of one's sinfulness
(Tabarl, Tafsir, ad c) 9:103, where sadaqa
removes the stain of sin; see sin, major
AND minor). Since, in the qur'anic view,
the rule of God and authority of the
Prophet were so closely intertwined (see
KINGS AND rulers), sacrificial offering be-
came part and parcel of building up the
Medinan polity under the leadership of
Muhammad — sacrificial alms as a kind of
"taxation" in support of God's cause.
Paul L. Heck
Bibliography
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Abu 'Ubayd al-Qasim b. Sallam, Kitdb al-Amwdl,
ed. M.S. al-Fiql, Cairo 1934; Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqdt;
Jaldlayn; Sayf b. 'Umar, Kitdb al-Ridda wa-l-futuh,
ed. Q. al-Samarra^T, 2 vols., Leiden 1995; al-
Shafi'T, Muhammad b. IdrTs, Kitdb al-Um.m, ed.
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al-Kkardj, ed. S Mu'nis, Cairo 1987.
Secondary: N.P. Aghnides, Mohammedan theories of
finance, New York 1969 (reprint); S. Bashear, On
the origins and development of the meaning of
zakdt ui early Islam, iuArabica 40 {1993), 84-113;
M. Bonner, Poverty and economics in the
Qur'an, vn. Journal of interdisciplinary history 35
(2005), 391-406; CI. Cahen, Djizya (i), in Ei^, ii,
559-62; id. et al., Kharadj, in El^, iv, 1030-56;
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Nu^um al-isldmiyya, Baghdad 1950; PL. Heck, The
construction of knowledge in Islamic civilization,
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classic period, Copenhagen 1950; H. Modarressi,
Crisis and consolidation in the formative period of Shi'ite
Islam, Princeton 1993; id., Khardj in Islam, London
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Zakdt, 2 vols., Beirut 1969; A. Rippin, The
commerce of eschatology, in Wild, Text, 125-35;
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al-Riddah and the Muslim conquest of Arabia,
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TEACHING
A. Zysow, Sadaka, in £/"', viii, 708-16; M.C.
Wilson, Tlie Haslieniites, the Arab revolt, and
Arab nationalism, in R. Khalidi et al. (eds.). The
origins of Arab nationalism. New York 1991, 204-21;
A. Zysow, Zakat, in EI^, xi, 407-22.
Teaching
The act of instructing; imparting knowl-
edge and information. Most of the numer-
ous teaching-related passages in the
Qiir'an are dedicated to the sound instruc-
tion of the believers in the faith (q.v.) and
to their spiritual growth as individuals and
members of the community (see belief
AND unbelief; knowledge and learn-
ing; ignorance). These passages include
instruction on the creed, worship and
other aspects of religious life. Some pas-
sages in the Qiir'an, however, also provide
detailed instruction on secular matters (hu-
man relations; political, social, and legal
affairs, etc.; see ethics and the q^ur'an;
virtues and vices, commanding and
forbidding; law and the our'an).
Matters related to teaching are dealt with
in the Q;Lir'an in a wide variety of ways
and are to be found in passages containing
the following lexemes and concepts:
i) 'allama: to teach, instruct, train; to make
somebody know; 2) other terms implying
the idea of teaching; 3) teaching principles;
4) certain approaches and techniques pro-
moting the Qiir'an's teaching(s), such as:
a) passages devoted to specific instructions;
b) language signs and literary devices used
as didactic tools (see parable; similes;
metaphor; symbolic language; nature
AS signs; literary structures of the
(jur'an); and 5) pedagogical and didactic
elements significant for a more general
context.
To teach, instruct, train
The verb 'allama (with various subjects and
objects) is found a total of forty-two times:
as 'allama (perfect active, twenty-two times),
yu 'allimu (imperfect active, sixteen times),
'ullima (perfect passive, three times), and
the passive participle mu'allam (once).
God teaches prophets
God "taught Adam the names of all
[things]" (c) 2:31; see ADAM AND eve;
ANIMAL life; CREATION; COSMOLOGY).
After David (q.v.) slew Goliath (q.v), David
was given "the kingship, and the wisdom
(q.v.), and he taught him such as he willed"
(Ci 2:251; see KINGS AND rulers). David
was also taught "the fashioning of
[armor] . . . , to fortify [his people] against
[the] violence [q.v.; they directed against
each other]" ((J 21:80). David's heir,
Solomon (q.v), "said, 'People, we have
been taught the speech of birds (mantiqa
Ttaj/ri)'" (tj 27:16; for this topic and for rel-
evant biblical passages, see Speyer,
Erzdhlungen, 384-5). Jacob (q.v.), ancestor of
all the Israelites, "was possessed of knowl-
edge for that we had taught him" [la-dhu
'ilmin li-md 'allamndhu, o 12:68; see also
Israel). Joseph (q.v), one of Jacob's sons,
was taught the interpretation of tales and
events [q_ 12:6, 21, lOi; see news) and of
dreams (c3 12:36-7; see dreams and sleep).
Moses' (q.v.) servant [fata, associated by
most commentators with al-Khidr; see
khadir/khidr) "had [been] given mercy
(q.v.) from us, and... taught... knowledge
proceeding from us" ((J 18:65); thus Moses
asked his servant: "Shall I follow you so
that you teach me of what you have been
taught?" (q 18:66; see also Wensinck, al-
Khadir). Jesus (q.v.) had been taught "the
book (q.v.) and the wisdom, the Torah
(q.v.), and the Gospel" (q.v.; Q_ 5:110), in
order to "be a messenger (q.v.) to the
Children of Israel" (q.v.; C3 3:48-9). To
Muhammad, God revealed "the book and
the wisdom, and taught [him] that which
[he] knew not [before]" (cj 4:113; see ummi;
illiteracy; revelation and inspira-
TEACHING
tion). Muhammad was "taught by one
mighty in power" ((J 53:5), the archangel
Gabriel (q.v.), "who brought [the Qiir'an]
down upon [Iris] heart (q.v.) by the leave of
God, confirming what was before it, and
for a guidance and good tidings of the be-
lievers" (q 2:97; see GOOD news; astray).
Muhammad, however, had not been
"taught poetry, [for] it [was] not seemly for
him" (q 36:69; see poetry and poets).
God teaches humankind/ common people
Q_ 96 (Surat al-'Alaq, "The Clot"), which
the Islamic tradition usually considers to
be the very first revelation to Muhammad,
gives priority to the fact that God "taught
man that which he knew not" ((J 96:5) and
that God did so "by [the use of| the pen"
(c) 96:4), possibly indicating that God
taught humankind "the holy scriptures" or
"writing" (cf also o 2:282; see literacy;
writing and writing materials;
ORALITY AND WRITING IN ARABIA; and
Giinther, Muhammad, 4-5).
God taught humankind the Qiir'an
(Q, 55-2) and "the explanation" [al-bajdn,
Q, 55:4; see also names of the C)Ur'an), i.e.
"articulated speech" [nutq; cf. Jaldlayn
and others on C3 55:4; see also C3 43:52,
wa-ld jakddu yubinu); or "the names of all
things" (asmd' kulli shay'in) or "all the lan-
guages" [al-lughdt kullahd; Qiirtubl, ^JamT,
xvii, 152-3; see language, concept of;
ARABIC language). It is said to "remem-
ber God, as he taught you the things that
you knew not [before]" (o 2:239; see
remembrance; memory; reflection
AND deliberation).
God orders Muhammad to warn people
about the previous generations (q.v.) who
did not measure God "with his true mea-
sure" (see Warner; punishment stories;
WEIGHTS and measures), denying that
God had "sent the book... [to] Moses... as
a light (q.v.) and a guidance to humankind
(bashar) . . ." (see lie). The unbelievers are
addressed directly: "you were taught what
you knew not, you and your fathers"
[q_ 6:91; see also Q^ 2:151, 239; 4:113; and
Q_ 2:282; 96:4). That God taught humans
how to train ("teach") animals is stated in
Q.5:4-
God teaches the angels
God taught the angels (see angel) so they
said "We know not save what you have
taught us" (q 2:32). Nonetheless, the angels
did not have Adam's knowledge, for God
had taught him the names of all
things — which resulted in God's setting
Adam and humankind on the earth as his
viceroy instead of the angels (see caliph).
Prophets teach
God's messengers (see prophets and
prophethood) were sent to the people
to "teach them the book and the wisdom,
and to purify them" (q 2:129; cf 2:151).
Muhammad was instructed "to recite his
signs (q.v.) to them, and to purify them,
and to teach them the book and the wis-
dom, though before that they were in man-
ifest error" (q.v.; () 62:2).
Pharaoh's (q.v.) accusation that Moses
taught sorcery is implied in Pharaoh's
threat to his sorcerers: "Have you believed
him (Moses) before I gave you leave? Why,
he is the chief of you, the same who taught
you sorcery" (cj 20:71; cf 26:49; see magic;
miracles; marvels).
Humans teach
Certain humans (Muslims) are warned
against wanting to "teach" God; this is evi-
dent in God's command to Midiammad:
"Say: 'What! Would you (people) teach
God what your religion (q.v.) is...?' "
(5349:16).
The rabbdniyyun, "masters (in the scrip-
ture), people of the lord (q.v.)," are re-
minded of their twofold obligation: to
teach and to continue studying. It is stated:
TEACHING
"Be you masters in that you teach the book
[to your brethren in faith] , and in that you
[yourselves] study [it]" {kiinu rabbdniyyina
bi-md kuntum tu'allimuna l-kitdba wa-bi-?nd
kuntum tadrusuna, () 3:79). According to Ibn
■Abbas (d. 68/687-8), "the father of
qiu''anic exegesis" (Veccia Vaglieri, 'Abd
Allali b. al- 'Abbas; see exegesis of the
q^ur'an: classical and medieval), the
rabbdniyyun are "scholars" and "teachers,"
for he remarks: "Be rabbdniyyun, wise, eru-
dite and learned men; and it is said that a
[good] rabbdmis, someone who [starts] in-
structing people in simple [things] , before
[dealing with] complex ones" [kunu
rabbdniyyina hukamd', fuqahd', 'ulamd'; wa-
yuqdlu: al-rabbdni lladhi yurabbi l-ndsa bi-
sighdri I- 'ilmi qabla kibdrihi; cf. Bukhari,
Sahih, K. al-'Ilm, bdb 10; Khan, Translation, i,
59-60). Rabbdniyyun is also a synonym for
"erudite men" {hukamd'; see Darimi, Sunan,
n. 329). A different nuance in meaning is
stressed by al-Razi (d. 606/1210) quoting
Slbawayhi (d. ca. 180/796): "A rabbdniis
[somebody] belonging to the lord, in the
sense of his being knowledgeable of him
and being persistent in obeying him" (a/-
rabbdnl l-mansub ild l-rabb, bi-ma'nd kawnihi
'dliman bihi wa-muwd^iban 'aid td'atihi; RazI,
TafsTr, xviii, 119; and the etymology offered
in Horovitz, Proper names, 57; ed. Ohio, 201).
In C3 5:44, 63, rabbdniyyun is used in con-
junction with the ahbdr (Jewish/non-
Muslim doctors, teachers; see also
Horovitz, KU, 63-4; Proper names, 53-4, 56-7;
ed. Ohio, 197-8, 200-1; Paret, Kommentar 39,
122; for the Aramaic word rabb, rabbi, and
the derived form rabbuni, meaning "[my]
master/teacher," also a title of a Palesti-
nian scholar, see '&oko\oii, Aramaic, 511, 513,
514; Buttrick, Interpreter's dictionary, iv, 522-4).
In this context, it is worth noting that al-
rabb in the Qur'an — when referring to
God, mostly translated as "the lord" — im-
plies the meaning of the "supreme master,
divine teacher," to whom humans feel close
despite his omnipotence (see clients and
clientage; power and impotence).
Humans shall "train, teach" animals as
God has taught them before, as it is men-
tioned in the context of slaughtering ani-
mals and dietary rules (see slaughter;
food and drink; lawful and unlaw-
ful): "The good things are permitted to
you, and such hunting creatures you teach,
training them as hounds, and teaching
them as God has taught you (see hunting
and fishing) — eat what they seize for
you, and mention God's name over it!"
({) 5:4; see basmala).
Furthermore, mention is made of
Muhammad's opponents (see opposition
TO Muhammad) and of their attempts to
discredit him and his message by claiming
that he had not been receiving revelations
but was being "taught" instead by a human
teacher: "And we know very well that they
say, 'Only a human (bashar) is teaching
him' " ((5 16:103) — perhaps an allusion to
a monk known as Sergius (Sargis Bahira;
cf. Giinther, Muhammad, 25-6, n. 124; see
CHRISTIANS AND CHRISTIANITY; MONAS-
TICISM AND monks; INFORMANTS). Along
these lines, Muhammad was accused of
being a man "tutored (mu'allam), pos-
sessed" (() 44:14; see insanity).
Angels/devils teach
The Qiir'an refutes the idea that Solomon
knew and taught sorcery: "Solomon dis-
believed not, but the satans (al-shaydtm)
disbelieved, teaching the people sorcery,
and that which was sent down [from
heaven] upon the two angels in Babylon,
Harut and Marut (q.v.); they [the two
angels] taught not anyone [sorcery] with-
out saying, 'We are but a temptation; do
not disbelieve'" (c3 2:102), for Solomon was
considered to be the originator of sorcery,
an idea apparently prevalent among the
Jews in Medina (q.v; see Tabari, TafsTr, ii,
408; Fiick, Das Problem, 5-6; Asad, The
203
TEACHING
message, 2i n. 82; for shaytdn meaning satan,
cf. Tabari, Tafsir, ii, 405, and passim; abr.
Eng. trans. Cooper, The commentary, 475-91;
see devil; jews and Judaism).
Other terms
This account of Solomon includes tlie only
two cjur'anic references to ta'allum, "learn-
ing," the linguistic counterpart of ta 'lim,
"teaching." It is said that the people in
Babylon "learned [from the two fallen an-
gels Harut and Marut] how they might
separate a man from his wife...; and they
learned what hurt them, and did not profit
them..." (c3 2:102; see also Fahd, Sihr).
Also relevant here is the concept of dirdsa,
"to investigate, search [the scriptures]"
(see Q 3:79; 6:105, 156; 7:169; 34:44; 68:37;
also Horovitz, Proper names, 199, and
the references given there; see also tradi-
tional DISCIPLINES OF OUr'aNIC STUDY;
TEACHING AND PREACIHING THE CJUR'an).
Most of the numerous other expressions,
implying more or less directly the idea of
"teaching," relate to the notion of "God
teaching the prophet(s)" and "the prophet
Muhammad instructing the people"; ex-
amples are amara, "to order" (cf. q 3:80),
dhakara, "to mention" (e.g. C3 7:2), dhakkara,
"to remind" (cf. C3 14:5; 51:55), qara'a and
tald, "to read aloud, recite" (e.g. q 11:17;
18:27; see RECITATION OF THE Q^Ur'an).
Adrd, "to cause to know, to teach" (occur-
ring seventeen times) is used in God's
orders to Muhammad and the Muslims to
reply to those who doubt the message of
the Qur'an (see uncertainty): "Say, 'Had
God willed, I would not have recited it to
you, neither would he have taught you it'"
(c) 10:16; see also the rhetorical questions
introduced by ma adrdka, "What will teach
you? What makes you conceive?" in
ft 69:3; 74:27; 77:14; 82:17, 18; 83:8, 19;
86:2; 90:12; 97:2; 101:3, 10; 104:5; and md
yudnka, Q_ 33:63; 42:17; 80:3; see
exhortations).
Further relevant terminology includes
tadabbara, "to ponder, contemplate, seek to
understand" (e.g. () 4:82; 47:24), istaftd, "to
ask for a legal opinion" (cf. <j 4:127), the
indicative designation "those who were
given knowledge" from God [utii l-'ilma,
Q, 16:27; 17:107; 22:54; 28:80; 29:42; 30:56;
34:6; 47:16; 58:11), and terms for "explana-
tion," such as haydn, tabyin, tafsil, tafsir and
the like.
In addition, the Qiir'an often employs
"alima, "to know," to mean "to gain knowl-
edge of something, to receive knowledge of
something." Its qur'anic counterpart, jaAj/a,
connotes "to be ignorant, not to know" (see
AGE OF ignorance). Dard is often used
figuratively in the Qrir'an to mean "to
learn of something, to know," while sha'ara
connotes "to know, to realize," and its
counterpart ghafala, "not to know, to be
unmindful" (for these latter terms, see
Flick, Das Problem, 12-19). Tadrls, "teach-
ing," and ta'dib, "educating," do not occur
in the Qiir'an. While sharh can imply
"explanation, explaining," in the Qiir'an,
derivatives of sh-r-h connote "acceptance,
opening, expanding," so they are not in-
cluded in this overview.
Teaching principles
The Qiir'an seems to suggest a number of
teaching principles, such as to be patient
(q. 17:11; 18:60-82; 75:16; see TRUST AND
patience), and to be attentive (q 7:204;
50:37) while receiving instruction; to train
the mind and improve the memory by
reading aloud, repeating and pondering
(o 4:82; 38:29; 47:24; 87:6); to instruct peo-
ple in their native language (o 12:2; 14:4);
to dispute only in matters of which one is
knowledgeable (q^ 3:66; see debate and
disputation); to argue in a courteous
manner (<J 16:125; 29:46); and to instruct
by use of examples and evidence, as
the many biblical narratives (q.v.) in
the Qiir'an illustrate (for instance, by
TEACHING
204
suggesting that lessons be drawn from the
past and the experiences of others; e.g.
(J 5:32; 11:89); similarly for the passages
teaching humans confidence (c) 11:38, I20;
see also Speyer, Erzdhlungen, 87, 462-92;
al-Gisr, Islamic education, 18-21; Jamali,
Falsafa, 13; Siddiqi, Qur'dnic concept, i-io).
Alethods and techniques
As for the question of what methods and
techniques the qur'anic text utilizes to pro-
mote its teaching(s), two points must be
made. First, there are passages expressly
dedicated to teaching; C3 2:282-3, for
example, provides detailed instruction
on how to handle legal matters:
O believers, when you contract a debt (q.v.)
one upon another for a stated term, then
write it down! And let a writer (kdtib) write
it down between you justly. And let not any
writer refuse to write it down, as God has
taught him (i.e. the art of writing). So let
him write it down. And let the debtor
dictate!... And if the debtor be a fool, or
weak, or unable to dictate himself, then
let his guardian dictate justly... (see
maturity; guardianship). And be not
loath to write it down, whether it (i.e. the
amount) be small or great...! That is more
equitable in God's sight... And take wit-
nesses whenever you are trafficking one
with another (see witnessing and
testifying)! And let neither a scribe nor a
witness suffer harm And if you are
upon a journey (q.v.), and you do not find a
writer, then a pledge (rihdn) in hand
[should be required] .
Second, there are textual characteristics
and literary devices that emerge as sophis-
ticated pedagogical and didactic tools.
Examples are rhetorical questions, such
as "Have you not seen...?" "Do you not
know...?" (see rhetoric and the
q^ur'an); textual elements that add force to
already powerful passages (cf. Welch,
Formulaic features, 77; see form and
STRUCTURE OF THE q^ur'an); notions of
forensic activity, such as proving (see
proof), explaining, making manifest, and
debating (cf. McAuliffe, Debate, 164); and
literary signs, such as parallelism, repeti-
tion, metaphor, parable, simile (see also
PAIRS AND pairing). The question as to
how and to what extent the Qiir'an actual-
izes itself — as an aesthetic object — in
the consciousness of its recipients seems
to gain in significance in the context of
"teaching and the Qiir'an" (see also
Kermani, Gott ist schon, chap. 2; see
language and STYLE OF THE CJUr'an;
TEACHING AND PREACHING THE CJUr'an).
Pedagogical and didactic elements
If "teaching (and learning)" were to
be understood in a wider sense, the
pedagogical and didactic elements in the
Qiir'an extend to issues such as the de-
velopmental stages, habits and socializa-
tion of the human being (for the child, see
Q, 2:233; 40:67; 46:15; 65:6; see children;
parents); ethical norms and values related
to education (for orphans [q.v.], see
Q, 2:215; 76:8; 90:15-16; 89:17; for piety
[q.v.] towards parents, see o 2:83; 4:36;
6:151; 17:23-4; 18:80; 19:14; 29:8; 31:14-15;
46:15; see also Izutsu, Concepts, 207-10); hu-
man psychology (q 3:135; 11:9-10; 12:53;
17:11; 21:37; 41:49; 96:6-7); and the appeal
to the mind, reason and understanding
(also in matters of faith) evident, for ex-
ample, in the frequent phrase a-fa-ld
ta'qililna, "do you not understand?" (c3 2:44;
see intellect), and in the epitome of
qur'anic praise for the learned: "[Only] the
erudite among his servants [truly] fear
God" (a 35:28).
Sebastian Giinther
205
TEACHING AND PREACHING
Bibliography
Primary: 'Abd al-Baqi; BukharT, Sahih, ed. in Ibn
Hajar al-'Asqalam, Fath al-bdn bi-sharh Sahih al-
Bukhdn, 13 vols., Beirut 1992; DarimT, Sunan;
Jaldlayn; Qurtubl, J^amf, Cairo 1952-67; RazT,
Tafsir, ed. 'A. Muhammad, 32 vols., Cairo 1357/
1938; TabarT, Tajsir, 12 vols., Beirut 1412/1992;
abr. Eng. trans. J. Cooper, The commentary of the
Qur'dn by Abu Ja'far Muhammad b. Janr al-Taban.
Being an abridged translation t/ Jami' al-bayan fl
ta'wTl al-Qiir'an, i, Oxford 1987.
Secondary: S. N. Al-Gisr, The Qiir'an on Islamic
education, in /c 42 (1968), 1-24; M. Asad, The
message of the Qur'dn translated and explained, Trow-
bridge 1997; I.J. Boullata (ed.), Literary structures of
religious meaning in the Qur'dn, Richmond 2000;
G. A. Buttrick (ed.) The interpreter's dictionary of the
Bible, 5 vols., Nashville 1962; T Fahd, Sihr, in
Ei^, ix, 567-71; J. Fiick, Das Problem des Wissens
im Qur'an, in S. Giinther [ed.),Johann Fiick.
Vortrdge ilber den Islam, Halle (Saale) 1999, 1-26;
S. Giinther, Muhammad, the illiterate prophet.
An Islamic creed in the Qur'an and qur'anic
exegesis, in Journal of gur'anic studies 4/1 {2002),
1-26; 'A.Y. liamza, Ma'dlim al-tarbiyyafi l- Qur'dn
wa-l-sunna, Doha 1409/1989; L. Hicks, Teaching
of Jesus, in G.A. Buttrick, The interpreter's diction-
ary of the Bible, 4 vols, plus Index, Nashville 1962,
iv, 523-7; J. Horovitz, Jewish proper names and
derivatives in the Koran, in Hebrew Union College
annuals (1925), 145-227 [repr. Hildesheim 1964];
id., Ku; Izutsu, Concepts; M. F. Jamall, al-Falsafa
al-tarbawiyyafi I- Qur'dn, n.p. 1966; H. E. Kassis,
A concordance of the Qur'an, Berkley 1983;
N. Kermani, Gott ist schon. Das dsthetische Erleben
des Koran, Miinchen 2000 (see also S. Giinther's
review^ in Journal of Arabic and Middle Eastern
literatures 6/1 [2003], 113-17); M. M. Khan, The
translation of the meaning of Sahih al-Bukhari
Arabic -English, [Beirut 1979 ?];J. D. McAuliffe,
'Debate with them in a better way' The
construction of a qur'anic commonplace, in
A. Neuwirth et al. [eds,.]. Myths, historical arche-
types and symbolic figures in Arabic literature.
Towards a new hermeneutic approach, Beirut/
Stuttgart 1999, 163-88; Paret, Kommentar;
P. Parker, Teacher, in G. A. Buttrick, The
interpreter's dictionary of the Bible, 4 vols, plus
Index, Nashville 1962, iv, 522-3; M. Siddiqi, The
qur'dnic concept of history, Karachi 1965; M.
Sokoloff, A dictionary of Jewish Palestinian Aramaic,
Ramat-Gan 1990; Speyer, Erzahlungen; L. Veccia
Vaglieri, 'Abd Allah b. al-'Abbas, in Ei'^, i, 40-1;
A. Welch, Formulaic features of the punishment
stories, in I. Boullata, Literary structures of religious
meaning in the Qur'dn, Richmond 2000, 77-116;
A.J. Wensinck, al-Khadir, in ei-, iv, 902-5.
Teaching and Preaching the Qiir'an
Since the earliest days of Islam, the Qiir'an
has been considered the foundation of ail
knowledge and moral behavior. Originally,
its study and transmission took place via
lessons and sermons in the mosque from
which the informal educational model of
madrasa schools developed, as well as the
master-student model, where students
sought out teachers for their particular
knowledge and studied with them for vary-
ing lengths of time. These two models
formed a more or less uniform system that
lasted for over a thousand years and actu-
ally still exists in modernized forms in vari-
ous countries. There were no exams, no
tables or chairs, and no distinction between
religious and secular subjects. In some
countries venerable mosque-universities
developed, such as al-Azhar [University] in
Cairo.
Students moved in and out of these edu-
cational structures and, depending on the
years and intensity of their study, took up
positions in the hierarchy of scholars (see
KNOWLEDGE AND LEARNING; SCHOLAR).
Some, wearing the mantle of their teach-
er's scholarship, became 'ulamd': scholars of
Islam who were qualified to participate in
the science of interpreting the Qur'an
[tafsir; see exegesis of the q^ur'an:
CLASSICAL AND MEDIEVAL) and developing
jurisprudence [fiqh; see law and the
q^ur'an). They were expected to have a
deeper knowledge of the Qiir'an and its
sciences than imams (see imam), leaders in
the mosque who on Friday delivered the
ritual sermon (khutba), or held a variety of
religious positions outside the mosque. The
prophet Muhammad was the first
preacher, addressing his followers in his
house-mosque in Medina (q.v.; beginning
in 622 C.E.), and those preaching the
Friday sermon (khatib) still stand in the
TEACHING AND PREACHING
206
tradition of his religious autliority (see also
FRIDAY prayer).
By the nineteenth century, tliis traditional
system of transmitting the Qiir'an and its
sciences (see traditional dis(;iplines of
(JUr'anic study) was more or less de-
stroyed when, under colonial influences,
Middle Eastern countries started to replace
the madrasas with secular institutions that
could produce teachers, medical doctors
and engineers. This led not only to a crisis
in the traditional educational system, forc-
ing the classical institutions to re-invent
themselves; it also involved a breakdown in
the traditional authority of those consid-
ered the custodians of the Qiir'an.
Over time, those carrying the message of
Islam graduated from secular institutions
as well. This was, among others, facilitated
by the reformist movement initiated by
Muhammad 'Abduh (1849-1905) that al-
lowed direct study of the Qiir'an and
hadlth (see hadith and the cjur'an) while
bypassing the sources of jurisprudence
(jiqh). Several influential teachers and
preachers of Islam, such as the philosopher
of the Muslim Brotherhood Sayyid Qiitb
(d. 1966), did not receive their training in
the traditional scliools that teach the clas-
sical qur'anic sciences. Some of the most
famous contemporary orators, such as the
Egyptian Canadian Jamal Badawi and the
Indonesian Abdullah Gymnastiar, hold
graduate degrees in business, which they
studied in addition to the Qiir'an.
Concomitant with changes in education,
new media such as radio, TV, cassettes and
the Internet developed, all contributing to
what Patrick Gaffney has called a "frag-
mentation of Islamic religious authority"
[Prophet's pulpit, 35).
As the media became a platform for non-
ritual preaching and the educational level
of Muslims in general rose, those deliver-
ing the message were no longer men only
but also included women who had become
more learned in religious topics (see
women and the qUR'AN). With Muslims
emigrating to the West, converts to Islam
such as the African American Siraj Wahaj
and US-born Hamzah Yiisiif gained prom-
inence as charismatic preachers, especially
among the second and third generation
Muslims who were born in the West.
Through the activities of reformist
Islamic movements, the act of preaching
changed as well (see politics and the
cjur'an). Non-ritual preaching that is not
constrained by the strict parameters of the
mosque sermon (khutba) came to serve as a
tool of mission or propagation [da 'wa; see
invitation). In order to make the message
more attractive, new methodologies and
modes of delivering it developed. Some
preachers chant or sing during their ser-
mon, others allow room for remarks from
the audience.
From the beginning of Islam, Friday wor-
ship has had more than just religious sig-
nificance. Muslim believers also gathered
in tlie mosque (q.v.) to intensify a sense of
solidarity among the members of the com-
munity and to discuss public issues. The
message of inspired preachers, inside and
outside the mosque, can have profound
spiritual, social and political ramifications.
It can instill a strong sense of religious pur-
pose in those within their audience, or
bring them to the point of revolting
against a regime or other power. In July
2004, the Yemeni firebrand preacher
Husayn Badr al-Din al-HQthl caused an
uprising that left 300 people dead. At the
other end of the spectrum, the messages
preached by Farid Esack and 'Abdiir
Rashid Omar in South Africa promoted
what they called "progressive Islam"
among the black Muslim population which
helped bring about the demise of the
Apartheid regime. It also promoted gender
207
TEACHING AND PREACHING
equality (see gender; feminism and the
qUR'AN) and the development of an
Islamic liberation theology.
Despite the fact that sermons, especially
the Friday khutba, can be a barometer of
social and political trends in Muslim societ-
ies, before the terrorist attacks in the
United States on September ii, 2001,
preaching had been largely ignored as a
serious topic for study.
Terminology
The English term "preaching" has a
variety of meanings in Arabic. The fore-
most act of preaching is the sermon, the
khutba, that is delivered during the ritual of
the Friday service, the two major feasts (see
FESTIVALS AND COMMEMORATIVE DAYs) Or
during specific gatherings such as prayers
for rain (see prayer formulas). Preaching
Other than in the ritual Friday setting is
called a wa '^, or wa '^a, "sermon, lesson,
moral warning," or dars, "lesson," in
Arabic, but, depending on the local lan-
guage, has many other translations. In
Indonesia, for example, it is caWeA penga-
jian, "the act of reciting the Qiir'an" (see
also RECITATION OF THE q^ur'an), or mojelis
ta'lim, "educational meeting."
The art of preaching the Quran took
and takes place on several levels. By the
fourteenth century, depending on the au-
dience's literacy, there were different spe-
cialists delivering the qur'anic messages for
a variety of listeners. Apart from the ritual
aspects (see ritual and the q^ur'an),
there was and is little to distinguish the
various types of preachers and their ser-
mons and speeches from each other. The
khatib, delivering the khutba or khutbat al-
juma \ carried some of the authority of the
Prophet. The wd%^ told stories of the early
heroes of Islam, whQe the qdss recited pas-
sages he had memorized from the Qiir'an
and hadith and encouraged his audience to
fulfill their religious duties. Storytelling and
preaching were mixed, and so were the
roles of their performers; some were highly
educated jurists, others based their knowl-
edge on a few years of education in a
madrasa, or had memorized the lessons of a
shaykh.
Those preaching the Friday sermon con-
tinue to be called khatib (preacher), while
nowadays the words imdm (leader of the
ritual prayer, who also is the preacher) or
(in the Middle East) shaykh are used as well.
Influenced by trends of Islamic resurgence,
dd'i [one who performs da'wa, a call or sum-
mons that invites or proselytizes) has be-
come another term for those preaching
non-ritual sermons. In the wake of the re-
formist movement the term muballigh, from
tabligh (to communicate, fulfill or imple-
ment a mission), which developed in
response to colonialism and Christian mis-
sionary activities, has gained prominence
as well.
Since the beginning of the twentieth cen-
tury, preaching in general became identi-
fied as da 'wa, a qur'anic term whose
meaning has evolved over time and differs
according to its context. "Preaching is
da'wa," according to an Islamic scholar
working at the Islam-online website. The
basis for the call to exhort believers with
the message of Islam is in the Qi_ir'an; a
frequently-cited reference is <i 3:104, which
refers to "A band of people (ummatun) invit-
ing to all that is good, enjoining what is
right and forbidding what is wrong" (see
GOOD AND evil; VIRTUES AND VICES,
COMMANDING AND FORBIDDING). Another
is q 16:125: "Invite (all) to the way of your
lord (q.v.) with wisdom (q.v.) and beautiful
preaching "
The proliferation of da 'wa was further
enhanced by the advent of the reformist
movement that contributed to the democ-
ratization of knowledge by stressing the
TEACHING AND PREACHING
208
importance of education so tliat tlie text of
tlie Qiir'an could become accessible to a
general audience. Complex traditions of
interpretation were bypassed and reading
the original text was stressed. In countries
where Arabic was not the local language
(see ARABIC language), the reformists
translated the text of the Qtir'an (see
translations of the ^ur'an) and
stopped giving sermons in Arabic, as this
language was understood by few.
Tabligh
In the wake of the reformist movement,
the term tabligh (from b-l-gh, form II, "to
inform, communicate a message"), became
interchangeable with da'wa, including the
phrase tabligh al-da'wa. According to re-
formist interpretation, for example, as
espoused by Muhammad Rashid Rida
(1865-1935), tabligh became the duty of
every Muslim who had knowledge of the
language and of Islamic laws. In non-ritual
preaching it is the preacher's duty to com-
miuiicate and warn others to follow the
truth (q.v.) and thus its goal has ranged
from strengthening Muslim believers to
inviting non-Muslims to accept Islam
(see BELIEF AND UNBELIEF).
Khutba and khatib
Neither the term khutba nor khatib is men-
tioned in the Qiir'an. The khutba is part of
the ritual Friday service, during which it is
delivered from a minbar (pidpit), precedes
the saldt (see prayer), and consists of
two parts. Since it replaces two of the
four customary rak'dt (see bowing and
prostration) of the noon (q.v.) prayer,
listening to it is considered an act of 'ibdda,
worship (q.v.), and hence should be ob-
served with appropriate reverence.
In principle, the authority to deliver the
khutba belongs to the successor of the
Prophet and in the early years of Islamic
history it was held by the caliph (q.v.) him-
self or his governor. As the Islamic domain
expanded, the ruler appointed a scholar
learned in religious matters to represent
him as the official khatib. Rhutbas were of
political importance and customarily men-
tioned the name of the ruler as a recogni-
tion of his legitimacy (see kings and
rulers; authority). As time went by,
their function expanded to providing
religious instruction and moral guidance.
Depending on the political conditions,
the khutba remained a political tool, and
was, for example, used as a form of
protest against colonialism in modern
times.
The khatib often serves as the imam of the
mosque and leads the daily prayers; many
of them used to be trained in a madrasa.
Nowadays they are trained in one of the
schools for traditional Islamic higher edu-
cation such as al-Azhar in Egypt or IAIN
(Institut Agama Islam Negeri, State
Institute for Higher Islamic Studies) in
Indonesia. Those working in state-owned
mosques are part of the state biuxaucracy.
The state not only provides their salaries
but also exercises a certain amount of con-
trol over the topics and contents of their
sermons, and, via its publications, guides
the khatib in the preparation of his mate-
rial. Especially because of the potentially
important political ramifications of a ser-
mon, local governments regidarly interfere
in its text, sometimes prescribing standard
pre-screened sermons for state-owned
mosques.
The preacher's authority is based on vari-
ous definitions of knowledge ('ilm). In prin-
ciple the khatib is a scholar, gifted in oratory
skills and drawn from among the reli-
giously-trained scholars f'ulamd'). Since
these have been the custodians of the
Islamic tradition for more than a millen-
nium, it is crucial that their authority be
based on solid knowledge of the Qur'an,
Islamic doctrine, and traditional learning.
209
TEACHING AND PREACHING
Teaching
In the pre-colonial era Islamic education
took place mostly in madrasah that ranged
from the elementary to the university level,
or via the master-student model. During
the twentieth century, these traditional
structures were replaced by modern in-
stitutions. As Muslims emigrated to non-
Muslim countries, the complexity of
teaching and preaching the Qiir'an in-
creased. As many Muslims achieved higher
levels of education, teaching went beyond
the schooling of children and future re-
ligious leaders and expanded to include
activities on the pre-school level, after-
school mosque instruction and forms of
continuing adult edtication. The Qtir'an
(c3 3:110) refers to the importance of teach-
ing (q.v.) its injunctions, since they shape
the character of a good and devout
Muslim and since the Qiir'an is the
foundation of all knowledge, its memoriza-
tion becomes the cornerstone of Islamic
learning.
After the traditional forms of education
broke down, its institutions lost ground and
became incorporated into the modernized
national school systems. In many countries
this not only interrupted the traditional
teaching models of qur'anic learning, but
in places such as Morocco, led for a period
of time to outright neglect of religious ed-
ucation. Other countries, such as Nigeria
and Tanzania, were hardly affected by
these trends and students continued to fol-
low the model of seeking knowledge from
a master or shajkh.
In the struggle to replace the classical
models of Islamic education, some coun-
tries were more successful than others in
creating contemporary alternatives.
Nowadays, in many countries, kindergar-
tens and private institutions continue to
teach children the fundamentals of Islam.
In countries such as Pakistan, Indonesia,
Nigeria and Tanzania, madrasas still exist
and have incorporated the ciu'riculum of
elementary school subjects. Furthermore,
in those countries, some madrasas offer sec-
ondary and higher levels of education.
Apart from these formal institutions of
learning, informal programs in schools and
mosques. Islamic organizations, and edu-
cational media such as websites play im-
portant roles in the formation and
education of Muslims and of those who go
on to become specialists in the Qtir'an.
While in earlier times education often
ended at the madrasa, nowadays, depending
on the accreditation of the madrasa, upon
graduation students can continue their
education in secular universities or in an
Islamic institution for higher learning such
as al-Azhar University in Cairo, the
International Islamic Universities in
Islamabad, Pakistan and Kuala Lumpur,
Malaysia, and the IAIN and the Islamic
State University networks in Indonesia.
Elementary education
Until the nineteenth century, the first level
of traditional Islamic education in the
Middle East took place in the kuttdb, maktab
(Iran), or mektep (Turkey) where for a period
of two to five years boys learned verses
(q.v.) from the Qiir'an, a limited number of
hadlths and some basic principles of
Islamic law (fiqh). Contemporary Islamic
education on the elementary level takes
different forms but Muslims agree that
inculcation of Islamic values and knowl-
edge should start as early in life as possible,
especially nowadays when television and
other media compete with religion in the
formation of children. In many instances,
teaching the children also provides an
opportunity to include mothers in the
educational process.
In her book about teaching qur'anic reci-
tation (Perfection makes practice. Learning, emo-
tion, and the recited Qur'dn in Indonesia), Anna
Gade provides several examples from
TEACHING AND PREACHING
Indonesia, showing liow a close conneetion
is formed between preacliing and Q;Lir'an
recitation in order to create a new cadre of
religious leaders. During the 1970s, when
the reformists realized the lack of recita-
tion skills among their preachers, they
started a movement (AMM, Angkatan
Muda Masjid dan MushoUa, Youth groups
for mosque and prayer house) that tried to
counter the influence of television by
teaching children Qiir'an recitation. This
resulted in an extra-curricular schooling
system for children under five (TKA,
Taman Kanak-kanak Al-Qiiran), for
elementary-school age children (TEA,
Taman Pendidikan Anak-anak), and for
youth. In order to instill enthusiasm for
the Qiir'an in children, these educational
institutions organized events such as mass
recitations by children and a large
pilgrimage (q.v.; hajj) simulation. The
curriculum for these courses includes
memorization of the ritual prayers, short
suras (q.v.), and daily non-ritual prayers;
studying hadith and the rules of Qiir'an
recitation (tajwid); writing Arabic and prac-
ticing rituals such as the ablution before
prayer [wudW; see cleanliness and
ablution; ritual purity). Mothers
whose children participate in these courses
often form their own groups to learn to
read the Qiir'an.
Madrasas
A madrasa is an endowed, private educa-
tional institution that originated in the
Middle East around the eleventh century.
Originally, it was an instructional center
connected with a mosque, or a mosque
complex where students could stay over-
night. It evolved into an institution that
until the nineteenth century came to pre-
serve Islamic learning and orthodoxy.
Madrasa^ produced 'ulamd', the cadre of
religious scholars, judges and teachers.
although, at their inore elementary levels,
an important aim was to inculcate the
practices, knowledge and principles that
shape the ethical and moral principles of a
good Muslim (see ethics and the
(JUr'an). All students learned the reading
and recitation of the Qiir'an in an accurate
way (see readings of the our'an), since
this is foundational to the transmission of
the faith (q.v.).
In 459/1067 the first formally institution-
alized madrasa, the Nizamiyya madrasa,
opened in Baghdad. Its founder, Nizam
al-Mulk (d. 485/1092), vizier to the Saljucj
sultans, envisioned a school that would
teach orthodox Siinnl Islam in order to
counter the prevailing heterodoxies, both
theological and philosophical (see
THEOLOGY AND THE Q^UR'an). The
Nizamiyya madrasa served as the nucleus
for the development of scores of madrasas
that provided education in Islamic sci-
ences. In addition to study and memoriza-
tion of the Qiir'an, the curriculum
included traditionally transmitted sciences
such as tafsir (exegesis), hadith, usul al-fiqh
(principles of jurisprudence); the ancillary
Arabic-language sciences of grammar (see
grammar and THE cjur'an), rhetoric (see
RHETORIC AND THE q^ur'an) and literature
(see LITERATURE AND THE C)Ur'an); theol-
ogy; and the classical or "rational" sciences
such as logic, philosophy (see philosophy
AND THE q^ur'an), astronomy, and arith-
metic (see SCIENCE and the our'an).
Learning took place with the students sit-
ting on the floor around a teacher while
memorizing and repeating certain texts.
Arabic was the primary medium of in-
struction, and students memorized the
Qiir'an and hadith and, lacking books,
took notes while committing to memory
the words of the teacher. There were no
exams, but students were certified in par-
ticular texts when they reached a certain
TEACHING AND PREA(;HING
level of mastery of them. Other famous
madrasaa were al-Zaytuna in Tunis, al-
Qarawiyyin in Fez and al-Sulaymaniyya in
Istanbul.
For the most part, madrasa education was
traditionally for men only and guaranteed
careers as religious leaders, as, for example,
imams in local mosques. Where they still
exist madrasas continue to attract students
from the poorer and middle classes
because of their lower tuition fees. In
Pakistan, for example, they offer a second
chance and possible upward mobility to
dropouts from state schools. Those who
can afford it prefer to send their children,
especially male children, to secular schools
since its diplomas open to students a
broader range of graduate programs or of
job opportunities. For this reason, in cer-
tain madrasa?,, for example those in
Indonesia, the number of female students
has been gradually surpassing that of male
students.
With the demise of the traditional institu-
tions for Islamic education, private or
state-owned mosques and institutes started
to offer alternative religious curricula.
Here children receive basic education in
the Qiir'an. Some institutes such as al-
Azhar University in Cairo continue to offer
the elementary, middle and higher level
courses that were the curriculum of the
madrasas. In Morocco, the state has estab-
lished religious institutes at the secondary
and post-secondary level. Several re-
nowned institutes of classical learning,
such as the Yusufiyya mosque-university,
became integrated with the Qarawiyyin
University. In 1924, Turkey abolished its
medreses, replacing them with a secular
school system, and opening special second-
ary schools to train imams and khatibs. This
system proved unsatisfactory, and by the
1950s the imam-hatip okullan were estab-
lished in order to provide comprehensive
religious education while the Faculty of
Theology at Ankara University became the
most important institute for Islamic higher
education.
Generally speaking, the madrasa system
that offers a comprehensive Islamic educa-
tion is still most vibrant in countries where
Arabic is not the national language, such as
in some sub-Saharan African countries,
India, Pakistan, Malaysia, and Indonesia.
In these places, children have to master
Arabic as a second language before they
can continue to study the Qiir'an-related
sciences. In several African countries (e.g.
Nigeria), new Islamic schools have prolifer-
ated; these combine traditional and mod-
ern features in their curriculum. Through
teacher training colleges for male students
they offer the traditional madrasa curricu-
lum where students concentrate on Arabic
and Islamic studies intensively for four
years. In Kano, northern Nigeria,
such a school exists exclusively for women.
Since the 1960s, the Indian and Pakistani
governments have attempted to reform the
religious curricula of the madrasas so that
their students can meet the standards
accepted by state schools and can enter the
mainstream education. These efforts have
been met with severe criticism from the
established 'ulamd' who considered the
introduction of secular subjects a threat to
their religious authority and an attempt to
weaken Islam. After it became known that
leaders of the radical Taliban movement
that ruled Afghanistan were trained in cer-
tain Deobandi madrasas (especially the
Darul Uloom Haqqania; see deobandis),
the Pakistani government tried to press
more forcefully for the modernization of
such institutions.
As secular models of education grew in
prominence, an unresolved tension arose
concerning the status of those graduating
from madrasas. While these graduates
TEACHING AND PREACHING
possessed the traditional knowledge of
Islam required for sustaining Islamic schol-
arship, they secured little respect in a so-
ciety that had come to prefer professions,
such as engineering or medicine, for which
one had to have studied at secular schools.
At the same time, madrasa graduates were
no longer the sole custodians of Islamic
knowledge, since "new" religious intel-
lectuals emerged who had obtained their
religious education elsewhere. Responding
to this challenge that redefined the place of
religion and religious authority in society,
madrasas and other institutions of Islamic
learning all over the Muslim world started
to introduce secular subjects into their
curricula.
India and Pakistan
While there is evidence that madrasas
existed in north India since the twelfth
century, the most vigorous madrasah of
the subcontinent grew out of reformist
movements whose da'wa activities needed
trained workers. In 1867, this led to the
establishment of the Dar al-'Ultim
Deobandi madrasas where those qualified to
work in tabligh were educated. This model
became rapidly replicated in other parts of
the country. One of the most prominent
changes in reformist Deobandi madrasas
was increased attention to the study of
hadlth in order to combat local, non-
orthodox beliefs and rituals (see popular
AND TALISMANIC USES OF THE OUr'aN;
heresy). The curriculum followed in most
madrasas in India and Pakistan derives from
a corpus of texts referred to as Dars-i
Mizami that was introduced by MuUa
Nizam al-Din Muhammad (d. 1748). In
most cases these texts were composed
between the ninth and the eighteenth
centuries by Iranian, central Asian and
Indian scholars.
The Deobandi schools emidated the
British educational system in introducing a
set curriculuin, a separation of academic
levels, and examinations (Metcalf, Islamic
revival, 87-137). Concurrent with the
Deobandi movement, the organization of
Nadwat al-'Ulama' set up the Dar al-
'Ulum madrasas that aimed at producing
scholars of Islam who could guide the be-
lievers in both religious and non-religious
matters. Currently it is estimated that there
are 30,000 madrasas in India.
The strong Indian madrasas did not ex-
pand to Pakistan with its establishment in
1947. There, religious leaders had to build
a new system. Pakistan tried to reconfirm
its commitment to Islam through opening
and reforming the madrasas. In Punjab
alone, for example, the number of madrasas
(called dini madaris) grew from 137 in 1947,
to 2,500 in 1994. State initiatives of 1962,
1979 and 2001 gradually introduced secular
modern subjects while also reforming the
religious subjects. President Muhammad
Zia ul-Haq (1977-1988), in particular, tried
to bring the dini madaris under government
supervision and into the mainstream edu-
cational system while preserving their char-
acter as the custodians of Islamic learning.
In 2001 the Pakistani state issued regula-
tions that aimed at unifying the curriculum
of the dini madaris in order to provide a
comprehensive Islamic as well as a general
education and so that the degrees these
madrasas granted could be recognized in
the national system. As part of this effort,
the new curriculum comprised subjects
such as English, mathematics, computer
science (see also computers and the
(JUr'an), economics (q.v), and political
science (see also social sciences and the
q^ur'an).
Southeast Asia
Institutions of Islamic education in
Singapore, Indonesia, Malaysia and
Thailand not only serve to educate the
Muslim populations but also provide a link
213
TEACHING AND PREACHING
to the Middle East where students often go
to complete their religious education. This
exchange guarantees a regular How of
Islamic thought between the Middle East
and the Far East. Indonesia, the largest
Muslim country with over 2I0 million
Muslims, has a large and very efficient sys-
tem of Islamic education that supplies
preachers and teachers of the Qiir'an.
Currently, many madrasas offer levels of
kindergarten (Raudlatul Athfal), elementary
(Ibtida'iya), middle (Tsanawiya), and high
school (Aliya). The current curriculum is
divided into 70% general education and
30% religious education, although some
madrasaa continue to offer religious educa-
tion only. There are 37,362 madrasas (85
percent of which are private) with nearly
six million students. Almost fifty percent of
the students are women, while more
women than men study at the Aliya level
(Jabali andjamhari, lAIM, 130).
In southeast Asia an indigenous system of
schools to teach Islamic sciences, called
pesantren, developed and spread from
Indonesia to the regions of Kedah and
Kelantan in Malaysia and to southern
Thailand. The. pesantren, also c?i\\eA pondok
pesantren (allegedly bom funduq, hostel), is
an Islamic boarding school where students
(called santri) share cramped quarters in
dormitories where they cook or buy their
own food, wash their own clothes and
spend the entire day following a discipline
of studying or doing study-related activi-
ties. The majority of the pesantren are situ-
ated in the countryside. They are always
independent and often set up by a char-
ismatic teacher (kiai) who attracts students
that can number into the thousands. Since
the 1950s several pesantren have allowed fe-
male students who live in segregated
dorms and have their own classes, often
with female teachers. There are pesantren all
over Indonesia; on the island of Java alone
their number is nearly 10,000. Originally
the pesantren curriculum was entirely re-
ligious. This changed in the 1980s, as a
result of which 30 percent of the pesantren
now offer three to four levels of mixed gen-
eral and religious education. In many
pesantren students attend state schools while
studying the Qiir'an and related sciences
for four to six hours a day before and after
school. There are two types oi pesantren:
those belonging to the networks of the tra-
ditionalist Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) organ-
ization and the modernist ones. The
Gontor pesantren on Java is a modernist
pesantren, famous for an innovative curricu-
lum that students can follow in English or
Arabic. Around one quarter of the stu-
dents of both types oi pesantren continue
their studies in the Middle East, mostly in
Mecca, Medina and Cairo.
In the traditionalist /'c.frtnZren, the daily
schedule is organized around the cycle of
ritual prayers. Apart from learning the
Qiir'an by heart, there is emphasis on the
study of the jiqh and on the practice of
spiritual disciplines similar to those of
tasawwuj [see SUFISM and the qur'an).
The topics studied can be classified into
several groups: qird'a or tildwa, the recita-
tion of the Qiir'an with its subdivisions of
syntax and morphology; jurisprudence
(jiqh); the sources of jurisprudence; tradi-
tion (hadlth); Q;Lir'an interpretation (tafsir);
the unity of God {tawhid; see GOD AND His
attributes); mysticism (tasawwuf), ethics,
history of Islam and rhetoric. The texts in
Arabic are called Kitab Kuning, "yellow
books," and are made up of loose leaflets
that can be taken out for study. Pesantren
students are expected to become religious
leaders who can deliver engaging sermons.
In their "free time" students learn to give
speeches (pidato) and practice the art of
debating (diskusi). The system is based on
rote learning which leaves little room for
creative thinking or questioning the kiai's
teachings. There are no final exams: when
TEACHING AND PREACHING
214
a santri masters a certain text she proceeds
to the next, more comphcated one. A
major milestone is to become a hdfi^ or
hafiia, i.e. someone wlio has memorized
the Qur'an (see memory; reciters of the
cjur'an). This is celebrated with much
pomp in a "graduation" ceremony during
wliich the public calls out random verses to
be recited and assures itself that those
graduating know the Qiir'an by heart.
Martial arts and other types of sports are
especially popular among male santri.
Apart from the academic curriculum,
many pesantren organize vocational training
courses and income-generating activities
such as agricultural projects and business
cooperations. To the surrounding com-
munities, pesantren serve as centers for
intensified expressions of religion. For
example, during Ramadan (q.v.) the santri
recite the entire Qiir'an daily following
tarwiya prayers.
In Indonesia, the focus on memorizing
the Qur'an and becoming a hdfii has pro-
duced unexpected results for women. As
women learned the Qiir'an by heart, they
asked that the Nahdlatul Ulama produce a
fatwd allowing them to recite in public. As
a result, the Nahdlatul Ulama decided in
the 1970s that women had the same obliga-
tion to spread the faith of Islam as men,
and they were allowed to recite the Qiir'an
in public. Consequently, women started to
compete in national Qiir'an recitation con-
tests, and Maria Ulfa became the first
woman to win the international Qur'an
recation contest in Malaysia in ig8o. The
following year she opened her own insti-
tute for Qur'an studies for women (IIQ,
Institut Ilmu Al-Qur'an), which is modeled
on al-Azhar University, with a subsequent
division for men. Graduates from this in-
stitute perform regularly on television and
radio (see media and the c>ur'an) and
among them there were two women who
in 2000, and based on their religious schol-
arship, gained access to the official bodies
of male religious authority. They were ap-
pointed members of the national councils
of the Nahdlatul Ulama and Majelis
Ulama Indonesia (MUI), both of which
issueyatojfls. Although moat pesantren are
run by men, some women run their own.
Tutty Alawiya is among the most famous
preachers who heads her own pesantren in
Jakarta.
Since the religious orientation of a
pesantren depends on the views of its kiai,
some have received ample press coverage
because their kiais radical interpretations
of Islam inspired students to join extremist
groups such as those who were responsible
for the Bali bombings in 2002. This event
did not, however, precipitate a radical ref-
ormation of the pesantren system because
such a transformation had already been
going on since the 1970s. Especially
pesantren within the Nahdlatul Ulama
network had designed several projects in
order to strengthen the Islamic learning of
their graduates so that they could be cus-
todians of the orthodox truth, while at the
same time filling relevant positions in
society. This reformation aimed at produc-
ing a counter discourse that could address
urgent issues concerning human, women's
and democratic rights. This movement was
based on the re-interpretation oi fiqh texts
so that these could become a hermeneuti-
cal tool to negotiate social pluralism. A
leader in this process is Abdurrahman
Wahid, the long-time national chair of the
Nahdlatul Ulama and former president of
Indonesia. His innovative approach to the
interpretation and teaching of the Qur'an
is based on his education as a classical
scholar of Islam — he studied in Iraq and
Egypt — combined with a rigorous train-
ing in Western philosophy and political
science (see contemporary critical
practices and the our'an).
Through some of these projects, many
215
TEACHING AND PREA(;HING
women studying and teaching in the
pesantren began re-interpreting the Jiqh texts
concerning women. Among other con-
sequences, tliis resulted in a unique effort
to address women's reproductive rights as
understood in Islam, including taboo top-
ics such as marital rape, a phenomenon
which Islamic scholars do not technically
admit as a legal category (see marriage
AND divorce; sex and sexuality).
The condition of the pesantren in Thai-
land illustrates the importance of the
indigenous institutes of Islamic education.
Since the early 1960s these schools have
come under the control of the Thai state.
As a result, future specialists in Islam re-
ceive their education mainly in Libya and
Saudi Arabia. Upon their return these stu-
dents propagate the ultra-conservative
interpretations of Islam that are practiced
in those countries.
Iran and Iraq
The town of Qpm in Iran has long been
among the leading centers for Shi'i Islamic
learning, with a madrasa tradition that pro-
vides the graduate levels of teaching neces-
sary for a student to become a mujtahid, an
authoritative doctor of the law. In the so-
called hawza 'ilmiyya (center of religious
learning), the most famous madrasa^ are
centered around ayatoUahs or niaraji' taqlid
who are the most authoritative religious
authorities in the hawza. Their advice and
learning spreads beyond Qpm, and Shi'ites
all over the world follow their opinions.
These authorities give specialized lectures
at advanced levels. Most madrasa^ offer the
traditional curriculum with courses in doc-
trine and jurisprudence. During the 1970s
new madrasas were added that introduced
modern teaching methods and subjects
such as English. Although by the nine-
teenth century Qpm's educational system
had lost its vigor, the AyatoUahs rehabili-
tated it and during the 1940s it had become
a center of resistance to the Pahlavi mon-
archy. In the 1960s, reformist ayatoUahs
tried to modernize the traditional madrasas
by setting up institutes with alternative
curricula. After the 1979 revolution of
AyatoUah RuhoUah Khomeini, Qpm
served as the center of educational and
political organizations of Shi'i clergy.
In Iraq, the shrine cities of Najaf and
Karbala became strongholds of Shi'ite
Islam after the center of Shi'ite religious
learning shifted from Iran to Iraq in the
mid-eighteenth century. Until the 1920s,
especially Najaf exercised both political
and religious influence far beyond its bor-
ders. Its madrasas produced experts in re-
ligious law and Iraqi literary figures of
renown. By the 1920s these cities lost their
prominence when Iranian scholars re-
turned home and the number of pilgrims
and amount of charitable income from
Iran diminished. Nowadays the cities re-
main centers of religious study and leader-
ship for Iraqi Shi'ite Muslims.
Western countries
Since the 1960s increasing numbers of
Muslims have moved to the West in search
of work, freedom of expression, and up-
ward mobility. This has led to a prolifera-
tion of institutes, organizations and schools
that teach children Islamic learning and
values. Many offer religious classes during
the weekend, in schools that are often
called madrasa, where children learn the
basics of the Qur'an, Arabic and Muslim
ethics. In several European countries, sup-
ported by state money, Muslims opened
their own schools with mixed curricula of
religious and non-religious subjects. In the
United States and Canada four Muslim
school organizations have established over
one hundred private schools that provide
education based on the Qur'an and Islamic
principles.
Beyond the middle school level, however.
TEACHING AND PREACHING
2l6
there are limited options for further
reHgious education. Few schools continue
to the high school level, and there is little
interest among students and their parents
for more advanced study towards a career
in religious education. In most countries
the position of imam is not officially rec-
ognized, and that means that individual
moscjues take it upon themselves to hire
their imams. Hence the salaries of imams
and other religious specialists are very low.
Following a new trend, the few who do
graduate with advanced degrees in Islamic
studies move into specialized professions
and serve as imams in prisons, hospitals or
the army, while others become teachers
and social workers. A lack of home-grown
leadership, especially imams, is the single
most important concern facing Muslims in
the West today.
The great shortage of western-born
imams in Europe and North America has
prompted communities to invite imams
from various Muslim countries. Unfor-
tunately, these leaders often lack knowl-
edge of the local culture and language and
are not familiar with problems and ethical
issues that members of their community
face in their new country. One of the main
imams in Copenhagen continues to preach
in English and Arabic — after nearly two
decades in Denmark — and that forces
half of his audience to wear headphones
for simultaneous translation. After the
events of ii September 2001 this problem
has become more evident as governments
have found that some clerics use their
khutbas and Qrir'an lessons to incite vio-
lence (q.v.), while others espouse views that
violate basic human rights, such as those
concerning wife beating (see insolence
AND obstinacy). In some cases this led to
mandatory "integration" courses about the
values of the host country. In December
2004, the French government decided that
it would only accredit imams trained in a
French university.
Other governments are trying to create
"Europeanized" imams by encouraging
local Islamic institutions of higher learn-
ing. For example, in the Netherlands the
Turkish community opened the Islamic
University of Rotterdam (lUR, 1997) that
since 2001 has been dominated by the
Nurculuk, a modern Turkish religious
movement founded by Said Nursi (d. i960).
A break-off group from lUR started the
Islamic University of Europe (lUE) in
Schiedam and seeks neutrality and coop-
eration with all Muslim groups present in
the Netherlands. The Dutch government
has tried to provide for the needs of
Muslim communities by launching the
Godsdienst Islam, De Educatieve Faculteit
Amsterdam (EFA), a community college
where Muslim students are taught the
basics of the Islamic sciences. Only a few
who graduate from this school, however,
become imams; rather, the graduates seek
teachingjobs or consider their education
as an opportunity to enhance their per-
sonal Islamic knowledge. In 2005 the
Dutch Ministry of Education decided
officially to establish a program that pro-
vides BA and MA degrees in a combina-
tion of Islamic and Christian theology at
the Free University of Amsterdam.
As a result of the diversity of Muslim
populations in various western European
countries, few Muslim communities in
these countries have managed to find sat-
isfactory solutions for the need to train lo-
cal imams. In several instances institutions
such as the Muslim College in London
have been funded and infiuenced by Libya,
Algeria or Saudi Arabia.
In the United States, imams who work
with government and health care institu-
tions are required to complete a master's
degree. So far there are few schools where
217
TEACHING AND PREACHING
they can prepare for this type of chap-
laincy. Tlie School of Islamic and Social
Sciences in Virginia offers a fledgling pro-
gram for the training of imams, while in a
few cases Muslim programs cooperate with
Christian schools to pool resources. Hart-
ford Seminary in Connecticut has a pro-
gram for Islamic chaplaincy in hospitals,
the military and prisons, while some stu-
dents of the American Islamic College in
Chicago attend classes at the Lutheran
School of Theology. (Few students were
willing to commit to this College full-time
and the College failed to obtain accredita-
tion.) In an attempt to fill the gap of
Islamic education, organizations such as
the Islamic Society of North America
(ISNA) organize part-time imam-training
workshops. ISNA recently established a
center to set standards for the education of
imams and chaplains. The struggle to cre-
ate appropriate venues to educate Muslim
teachers and preachers means that also in
Western countries all roads lead to the
Middle East where many Muslims return
for graduate education at Islamic institutes
for higher learning.
The institutes of higher learning
In most countries with significant Muslim
populations students can pursue advanced
degrees in Islamic studies at the under-
graduate and graduate levels in state or
private universities. The most illustrious of
these graduate institutions is al-Azhar
University in Cairo, set up in 361/972, ini-
tially to spread Fatimid Shi'i doctrines.
After Salah al-Din (d. 589/1193; Eng.
"Saladin") and his Ayyubid dynasty re-
stored SunnI Islam in Egypt, al-Azhar be-
came one of the most important Islamic
universities, educating students from all
over the Muslim world. It developed satel-
lite branches throughout Egypt and in sev-
eral countries, such as Syria and Indonesia.
Concurrent with the changes in the tra-
ditional educational systems, starting in
1872 it has undergone several reforms in
efforts to streamline and modernize its cur-
riculum. Since then, it has changed from
an institution where students gathered at
the feet of their professor as he lectured
from a designated pillar in the mosque, to
a modern school with classrooms, desks,
grade -levels, exams and academic depart-
ments and administrators. After education
in Egypt was gradually transferred to secu-
lar state schools, al-Azhar continued to
offer religious curricula from the elemen-
tary to high school level, an undergrad-
uate-level university degree, and specialized
courses of study in Islamic law, theology,
pedagogy and preaching and guidance.
Although pushed by reformers such as
Muhammad 'Abduh (d. 1905) and Mustafa
al-Maraghi (d. 1945), reform did not come
easily to al-Azhar because it had positioned
itself as the conservative custodian of tra-
ditional knowledge and the methods of
transmitting it. Reality overtook it several
times when Egyptian authorities opened
alternative schools that could train profes-
sionals more effectively. At the beginning
of the twentieth century, the Egyptian gov-
ernment opened the Dar al-'Ulum teacher
training college and the school forjudges
[qadh), both of which offered severe com-
petition to al-Azhar. This trend forced al-
Azhar to become a university, and in 19 61
the state passed a law that mandated the
addition of secular subjects to its curricu-
lum. Especially Mahmud Shaltut (1893-
1963), at that time al-Azhar's president, or
Shaykh al-Azhar (1958-1963), envisioned
an institute that would educate well-
prepared scholars who could fight reli-
gious fanaticism and unite the global
Islamic community. Under his auspices,
al-Azhar opened non-religious colleges for
engineering, medicine, commerce, science.
TEACHING AND PREACHING
agriculture, and education. Students at
tliese colleges were obliged to take a pre-
paratory year of religious studies. He tried
to raise al-Azhar's international profile by
instituting a Department of Culture and
Islamic Missions (Iddrat al-Thaqdfa wa-l-
Bu'uth al-Isldmiyya) which sent al-Azhar
graduates to teach and preach in other
coimtries. Primary and secondary Islamic
institutions (ma'dhid azharijya) graduated
both men and women missionary preach-
ers [dd'is) to work inside and outside of
Egypt. Finally, a Girl's College (Kulliyyat
al-Bandt) was added; it offers degrees in
Islamic, Arabic and social studies, as
well as technical subjects and European
languages.
Although nowadays many professors at
al-Azhar send their own children to secular
universities, al-Azhar continues to main-
tain its old aura of authority throughout
the Muslim world. From the pesantren in
Indonesia to the madmsas in Tanzania or
the USA, for many future 'ulamd' the road
to learning eventually leads to Cairo. The
Kulliyyat al-Da 'wa (Faculty for Islamic
Mission) provides fidl-time programs and
short courses in da'wa and trains many
future teachers and preachers whose re-
ligious authority is socially and culturally
reinforced for the Muslim audiences.
Al-Azhar graduates can deliver their ser-
mons in classical Arabic and a mediocre
preacher from outside the Arabic-speaking
coimtries, even after a cursory stay in the
Middle East, can claim an exorbitant
amount of religious authority upon return
to the homeland. Al-Azhar ordinarily pro-
duces graduates who are conservative and
moderate in their interpretation of Islam.
Through its censorship activities, al-Azhar
guards Islamic standards by banning books
of those considered "heretics." In its ongo-
ing efforts to keep pace with the times, in
2004 it chose Muhammad Tantawi as the
Shaykh al-Azhar.
Some other institutes outside the Middle
East that have become prominent institutes
for Islamic learning are the International
Islamic University at Kuala Lumpur,
Malaysia, the International Islamic
University of Islamabad, Pakistan, and the
network of IAIN schools in Indonesia.
They are not as international as al-Azhar
University but do serve local and regional
needs. The International Islamic Uni-
versity was set up by the Malaysian govern-
ment in 1983 and is co-sponsored by seven
other Muslim coimtries. Inspired by the
recommendations of the first World
Conference on Muslim Education (Mecca,
1977), it aims at the integration of Islamic
knowledge and secular sciences. It offers a
large number of non-religious disciplines,
all infused with Islamic values and knowl-
edge. In 1985, the International Islamic
University of Islamabad established the
Da'wa Academy, which publishes material
on da'wa and organizes leadership pro-
grams, as well as courses and workshops to
train imdms, community leaders, and pro-
fessionals in Islamic knowledge.
The network of IAIN schools (Institut
Agama Islam Negeri, State Institute for
Higher Islamic Studies) in Indonesia was
established in the 1950s to create a balance
between traditional Islamic knowledge and
indigenous modes of learning. Initially
working with professors visiting from al-
Azhar, these schools now have their own
professors who have obtained Ph.D.'s from
universities both in the West and in the
Middle East. The curriculum is predomi-
nantly religious and provides a channel for
advanced education and upward mobility
for students from schools that do not offer
the secular curriculum. Some of Indo-
nesia's most prominent public scholars,
such as Bahtiar Effendy and Komaruddin
Hidayat, graduated from the IAIN
network.
IAIN schools cooperate closely with
2IC
TEACHING AND PREACHING
McGill University in Canada, Leiden
University in the Netlierlands and al-Azliar
University. Unique to the IAIN are some
undergraduate and graduate programs in
comparative religions. Tlieir founders
stressed the application of Islam in society,
and envisioned a well-rounded education
in moderate Islam based on rationalism
(see intellect), modernity and tolerance
of other religions (see tolerance and
compulsion; religious pluralism and
THE q^ur'an). While it offers traditional
subjects, its staff has ventured into new
directions, which has led to innovative
projects of learning and research. For ex-
ample, IAIN Jakarta (the largest IAIN,
which became a university in 2001) has an
institute for research on Islam and society
(PPIM) that is active in developing an
Islamic discourse on civil society and de-
mocracy. IAIN Yogyakarta operates a
Women's Study Center (PSW) which has
prepared material that helps faculties of all
lAIN's to re-evaluate their educational
material from a gender-sensitive point of
view. Several alumni and professors of
IAIN have become well-known advocates
for human rights and social justice based
on Islam (see justice and injustk;e).
Preaching
Ritual preaching: The khutba
While there are no rules for non-ritual
preaching, there are several for the khutba
and the one who offers it, the khatib.
Preferably, the khatib or preacher stands on
the minbar or, if this is not available, on any
elevated place. Facing the people, he pro-
nounces at the outset the greeting al-saldmu
'alaykum wa-rahmatu lldh wa-barakdtuhu. After
the response of the audience, he sits down
to hear the call to prayer (adhdnj before the
khutba.
The khutba is encased in a formal ritual
framework consisting of two parts. The
first part, al-khutba al-wa'^iyya, sermon of
admonishing or warning, is longer than the
second part. It begins with two repetitions
of "Praise (q.v.) be to God" (the hamdala;
see laudation; glorification of god),
the declaration of faith {shahdda; see
WITNESS to faith), the saldt on the
Prophet ("May God bless him and greet
him with peace"); and must contain at least
one verse from the Qur'an. The second
part, al-khutba al-na 'tiyja, the descriptive or
qualifying sermon, should end with peace
and blessings on the Prophet and his
Companions (see companions of the
prophet) and prayer or supplication
(du'd') on behalf of all the Muslims (see
intercession). Prayer manuals teach that
the sermon should be short in accord with
the Prophet's saying: "Make your saldt long
and your khutba short." Traditionally, in the
manner of the Prophet, the khatib delivered
the sermon standing while holding a staff
in his hand, a pre-Islamic symbol of cer-
emony and authority (see rod). In the
Arabic-speaking countries the khatJb says
"now then" (ammd ba'd) to indicate the
beginning of his sermon.
The khutba admonishes and calls the believ-
ers to action. Although the contents of the
sermons vary, there are certain recurring
themes taken from the Qiir'an, tradition.
Islamic history, the political situation and
current events. To prepare the khutba
preachers rely as sources, on the Qiir'an,
hadlth, qur'anic commentaries (for exam-
ple, the Tafsir al-Jaldlayn written by Jalal
al-Din al-Mahalli, d. 864/1459, and his
student Jalal al-Din al-Suyuti, d. gii/1505,
is a popular source, and so is the tafsir of
al-Tabari, d. 310/923), and writings by
scholars such as al-Ghazali (d. 505/11 11)
and Ibn Taymiyya (d. 728/1328). In his
book describing the work of a rural
preacher, Richard Antoun provides lists of
titles from the preacher's library (Muslim
preacher, 96-100) and remarks that the
TEACHING AND PREACHING
preacher does not use his many books on
Islamic jurisprudence (fiqh) to prepare the
khutba but reserves tliose books for other
lessons on the Qi_ir'an.
Originally, Arabic was the language used
for preaching khutba^ all over the Muslim
world. Since most people in many coun-
tries did not know Arabic they were unable
to comprehend what they were hearing.
During the medieval period, khutbaa and
other sermons or moral lessons formed a
seamless part of Middle Eastern and other
societies in which knowledge was transmit-
ted orally (see orality). By the nineteenth
century, however, even in Arabic-speaking
countries the khutba had become fossilized
into forms of standardized discourse. The
classical Arabic text for a sermon was often
taken from a medieval source and repeated
with minimal chance for comprehension
by the mostly illiterate audience (see
literac;y; illiteracy). Influenced by the
reformist movements this changed, al-
though the sermons of medieval preachers
such as Ibn al-Jawzi (d. 597/1200) are still
readily available in the bookstalls around
al-Azhar university.
There has been some debate about
whether or not the khutba should be in
Arabic. Some scholars consider it part of
the ritual prayer (saldt) and argue that it
should. In 1975, hundreds of imams and
'ulamd' at the World Conference of
Mosques in Mecca agreed that it could be
delivered in local languages. But the dis-
cussion continued and as late as 200 1, the
Mufti of Egypt (Shaykh Dr. Nasr Farld
Wasil) ruled that it was admissible to de-
liver the Friday sermon in a language other
than Arabic provided that qur'anic verses
were recited in Arabic, followed by transla-
tion. Even when the khutba is delivered in a
language other than Arabic, it is still com-
monly laden with many Arabic quotes and
expressions.
Medieval preaching
Collections of sermons of famous Muslim
preachers from the medieval period in-
spired those coming after them and testify
to the importance of preaching in the
transmission of the Qrir'an during that
time frame. The sermons of famous
preachers such as Ibn Nubata al-Faric[i
(d. 374/984-5) and 'Abd al-Rahman b. 'All
b. al-Jawzi (d. 597/1200) were delivered by
many minor preachers after them. Preach-
ing often overlapped with what was taught
in the madrasaa. Some preachers are re-
ported to have attracted audiences of over
thirty thousand while others so inspired
listeners that they fought to touch the
preacher after he had descended from
the minbar.
Depending on the context and the time,
sermons could be politically charged. Ibn
Nubata called ior jihad (q.v.) when preach-
ing in a court on the Byzantine frontier
while 'Izz al-Din b. 'Abd al-Salam al-
Sulami (d. 660/1262) reprimanded the
Ayyubid sultan of Damascus for handing
over property to the Crusaders. Preaching
had potentially great impact. In the early
centuries, while the legal schools were tak-
ing shape and theological battles raged,
preachers contributed to the legitimization
of Ash'arite theology over and against
Mu'tazili teachings (see mu'tazila).
Sermons were a battleground about which
interpretations of the Qiir'an should be
considered the most authoritative. As the
rapprochement between Sufism and more
formal Islam took shape, Sufi preachers
became among the most popular. At times
this created tensions: for example, the ser-
mons of famous Sufi preachers such as
Shaykh Shu'ayb al-Hurayflsh (d. 801/
1398-9) vexed the legalistic mind of many
a jurist.
The Hanballjurist and theologian Ibn
al-jawzl not only drew crowds of thou-
TEACHING AND PREA(;HING
sands with his moving sermons, but was
also moved to admonish the popular
preachers (the qussds; sing, qdss) who in his
view broke the conventional boundaries of
religious authority. In his famous work
Kitdb al-Qussds wa-l-mudhakkinn, "The Book
of Storytellers and Remonstrators," he
reminds them of their potential power in
transmitting and explaining religious
knowledge, since their words reach all lev-
els of society while the teachings of jurists
are known only in limited circles. Preach-
ers could jeopardize the Islamic heritage of
knowledge by spreading false stories and
unsound traditions, and by the ninth/fif-
teenth century famous scholars such as
Jalal al-Din al-SuyutI continued to write
treatises against the "lies" spread by the
qdss. Others were vexed by the salaries
some preachers commanded. The themes
of sermons were matters close to peoples'
hearts: poverty (see poverty and the
poor), suffering (q.v.), death (see death
and the dead) and redemption (see
salvation; fall of man). Also popular
were the qisas al-anbiyd', the stories about
the pre-Islamic prophets (derived some-
times from Isrd'ilijydt; see JEWS and
JUDAISM; SCRIPTURE AND THE Q^Ur'aN;
CHRISTIANS AND CHRISTIANITY),
especially those about Moses (q.v.) and
Joseph (q.v.). Preachers challenged the
boundaries of religious authority and
sometimes those of gender, especially
when women flocked to the mosques to
hear them as well. They could elicit raw
emotions from their critics because, unless
they uttered blasphemies (see blasphemy),
given the absence of a formal ecclesiastical
structure in Islam, and short of direct
interference by the sultan or state, their
words were hard to control. In the end,
the issue at stake was about legitimate
religious knowledge and its corollary,
religious authority.
Contemporary preaching
Debates about who holds the authority to
interpret and preach Islam have never
completely disappeared and have recently
acquired the public's attention as govern-
ments in Muslim and non-Muslim coun-
tries have begun to realize the impact of
sermons, formal or informal. Both in the
West and in countries with a Muslim ma-
jority, or a substantial Muslim minority,
there is an increasing tendency to control
the mosques and the message.
Those bringing the message of the
Qi_ir'an, be it in the khutba or other non-
ritual forums, are expected to demonstrate
high moral standards. Considered to be
du'dt (sing, dd'in), propagandists or callers
to Islam, C3 41:33 refers to them in its say-
ing "Who is better in speech (q.v.) than one
who calls [people] to God." The Prophet is
reported to have said in a hadlth that "The
best among you are those who study and
teach the Qur'an."
Based on their high calling, those preach-
ing and teaching the Qiir'an are expected
to practice the virtue of ikhlds, sincerity
and purity of intentions and actions.
Secondly, having thorough knowledge of
the topic discussed is an essential obliga-
tion for a preacher (cf. cj 12:108). Thirdly,
they should imitate the Prophet's behavior
and translate excellence of character into
patience (see trust and patience), toler-
ance and forbearance (q 3:159; 16:125;
20:44). Preachers cannot be effective unless
they possess excellent moral character and
conduct: they should exemplify what they
preach since the Qiir'an states (o 61:2-3):
"why do you say that which you do not do?
Grievously odious is it in the sight of God
that you say that which you do not do."
Standards of morality and learning are
important because not all preachers are
scholars of Islam. In principle, preachers
or imams can be of any background and
TEACHING AND PREACHING
many of them also have professional
careers as engineers, economists or busi-
ness men. Whatever their background,
they practice da'wa, calling others to Islam,
and emphasize correct behavior and
attitude. Scholars of Islam, the 'ulamd', are
expected to have a more advanced reli-
gious education. They are expected to have
studied the Arabic language intensively
and to use their deep knowledge of the
Qur'an.Jiqh and shan'a to offer interpreta-
tion (tafsTr) and guide the believers, par-
ticularly through Xhefatwcm they issue. With
their writings, scholars guide preachers
who are not trained as 'ulamd' in the prepa-
ration of their messages. In the hierarchy
of learning, 'ulamd' nee A deeper training in
religion than khatibs, and the demands of
learning for those delivering non-ritual
messages are less than those of the khalTbs.
Perhaps this is the reason that in the 1990s
the participation of women in non-ritual
preaching began to grow rapidly in some
Muslim countries.
Demanding strict moral and educational
guidelines for preachers is also crucial,
since in most countries they are woefully
underpaid. This reality has forced
preachers nowadays and in the past to find
other means of income, for example, as
merchants or schoolteachers. In Indonesia,
it has long been held that the kiai in the
pesantren should not benefit in material
ways from preaching and teaching the
Qiir'an. Hence many still offer their
service for free, earning money by run-
ning a business, writing, and speaking
engagements.
Frequent topics
Friday sermons often consist of a mix of
Islamic teachings, exhortations and refer-
ences to local and international events.
The themes depend on the place and time
a sermon is given. The Jordanian village-
shaykh described by Antoun [Aluslim preacher,
137) addressed mainly matters of belief,
ethics, family (q.v.), society and the specific
religious occasion, while his colleagues in
Amman and Jerusalem referred regularly
to colonialism, Jews and Zionism. Often
the first part of the sermon contains the
religio-spiritual message while the second
part refers to political or other current
issues, especially those concerning
Palestine, Iraq and places where Muslims
suffer oppression (q.v; see also oppressed
ON EARTH, the). In Indonesia and
Malaysia, where non-Muslim minorities
and pre-Islamic ideas still pervade society,
preachers stress the centrality of the
Qur'an as a guide and tend to refer repeat-
edly to the need to behave correctly, to per-
form the ritual duties, and to the parents'
(q.v.) role in raising children (q.v.). Occa-
sionally they also discuss doctrinal points
such as predestination (see freedom and
predestination) and the right to practice
ijtihdd, individual interpretation of the
Qiir'an (inspired by the ongoing debate
between modernists and traditionalists; see
EXEGESIS OF THE Q^UR'aN: EARLY MODERN
AND contemporary). Of course, other
subjects such as Islam in the modern
world, daily concerns and political themes
are prevalent as well. Imams preaching the
khutba in Western countries face a com-
plicated social environment that poses
questions about moral and ethical issues
such as dating, homosexuality (q.v.), and
the relationship between Muslims and non-
Muslims. Most of these topics are of little
relevance in Muslim-majority countries.
During Shi'i ritual preaching, the names
of the Imams have to be mentioned and
qunut prayers are pronounced on behalf of
them. A Shi'l preacher needs to commu-
nicate in a precise, attractive way in order
to gain followers. Their sermons stress
signs and symbols peculiar to Shi'ism.
They refer to 'All (his wisdom, ingenuity,
and fairness in contrast to the behavior of
223
TEACHING AND PREACHING
the Other three cahphs; see 'ali b. abi
talib), the Prophet's daughter Fatima
(q.v.), his granddaughter Zaynab and, of
course, to the martyrdom of Husayn b. 'All
(see shi'a; family of the prophet;
PEOPLE OF the house). This last theme is
especially popular during the month of
Muharram when preachers also recount
the sufferings of the Imams, sometimes
engaging in anti-Sunnl polemics.
For several decades, governments of
Muslim countries have tried to influence
the tone of sermons by sending around
suggestions to preachers or, at times, com-
plete texts. Not only do those suggestions
aim to curb religious extremism, they are
also a tool to familiarize the believers with
government policies such as those on birth
control (q.v.). Some groups of Muslim
activists have started to emulate this gov-
ernmental pattern. In an attempt to com-
bat the increasingly aggressive attempts by
Muslim conservatives to promote polygyny,
an Indonesian women's group called YKF
mined the Qiir'an, hadith andfiqh sources
for a counter discourse and sent texts for
Friday sermons based on this research to
every mosque in Java (see patriarc.hy).
Star preachers
The influence of preachers who have risen
to stardom is enormous. Sermons by Ibn
al-Jawzi from the sixth/twelfth century
were repeated for centuries. Nowadays,
popular preachers (who preach ritual and
non-ritual sermons) expand their audience
through the media of newspaper columns,
cassettes, CD's, DVD's, television and the
Internet. Most of these preachers stand
out because of the clarity and simplicity of
their speech that directly connects with the
audience, addressing issues of daily life (see
EVERYDAY LIFE, THE ^UR'aN IN). During
the 1990s several came on the scene who
were especially popular with youth and
women. Their messages are open to mod-
ern life and stress the individual respon-
sibility to purify one's heart. The platforms
of such preachers are no longer limited to
mosques, and governments find it hard to
control their activities.
It is impossible to mention all the star
preachers operating in the Muslim world.
Some, however, are noteworthy because
they have strongly influenced other preach-
ers and also public opinion. Others stand
out for combining preaching with social
action. The examples of three popular
preachers from Egypt illustrate how the
use of media and new types of education
are influencing contemporary models of
preaching and causing the centers of tra-
ditional religious authority to shift from the
traditional, conservative al-Azhar gradu-
ates to a new type of lay preacher who
does not follow classical paths of training.
An important factor in the audio and
visual media is that they convey the col-
loquial language and emotions of the
preachers that cannot be transmitted via
the written, edited sermons in which the
colloquial is often replaced by classical
Arabic.
The al-Azhar-trained blind shaykh, 'Abd
al-Hamid Kishk (b. 1933), once called "the
star of Islamic preaching," was immensely
popular during the 1970s and igSos. Early
in his career he was barred from preaching
in official state mosques in Egypt because
he used his sermons to promote the ideol-
ogy of the Muslim Brotherhood. Although
boycotted by the Egyptian mass media
during the Sadat era, his sermons were
widely distributed via cassettes and pam-
phlets that served as what Gilles Kepel
(Prophet and pharaoh) has called "antidotes to
official discourse." Chanting his sermons,
he stressed personal and private piety — a
message attractive to Sufis as well. But his
preaching also had strong political implica-
tions, for example when he attacked Jews
and Christians (see christians and
TEACHING AND PREACHING
224
christianity; polemic and polemical
language; apologetics).
Chronologically, Shaykh Muhammad
Mutawalll 1-Sha'rawi's (ig 11-98) star rose as
that of Shaykh Kishk waned. His sermons
were televised on the Friday prime-time
slot, immediately following the Friday
prayers. Egyptians could see him in a
mosque, surrounded by a male-only audi-
ence. Delivering a khutba or dars, he was
cloaked in the mantle and ambiance of a
traditional al-Azhar scholar. In his pre-
sentations he could switch from classical
Arabic to pedestrian coUocjuial, explaining
complex Islamic principles with simple
language and examples drawn from
everyday life. His speech and traditional
views, interspersed with jokes, were
especially attractive to the lower and
middle classes. He attacked non-Muslims,
exhorted actresses to halt their sinful work
and, with one sermon in which he con-
doned the practice of female genital
mutilation, he virtually destroyed years of
activist work against it. After his death, his
sermons and religious sessions were — and
are still — televised, and can be found in
the form of booklets and painphlets on the
streets of Cairo.
The star of the iggos, 'Amr Khalid is a
lay preacher. Not trained at al-Azhar, the
former accountant refrains from practicing
tafsir or issuingy?;toas. His informal preach-
ing takes place on a talk show on television
{Kaldm min al-qalb, "Words from the heart"),
and in mass gatherings that are not gender
segregated. His speeches are available via
MP3 recordings, DVD's, CD's, cassettes
and booklets. He is a master of new media
technologies and techniques, such as hold-
ing on-line dialogues with his audience. He
is popular with youth and women from the
elite classes, reminding them of the futility
of life and the possibility of sudden death.
Unlike Kishk and Sha'rawi he is not ad-
dressed as shaykh or ustddh ("university
teacher") but is called a dd'iya. Comparable
to a born-again evangelical television
preacher, he brings a moderate message
that allows youth to moderate the injunc-
tions of Islam with the demands of mod-
ern life. 'Amr Khalid's influence is
enormous and he has used his fame to
launch a drive against smoking, for exam-
ple. He embodies a new search and desire
among young people to be good Muslims
while remaining trendy. For challenging
traditional notions of religious authority,
the Egyptian government more or less
exiled him in 2002.
These Egyptian preachers have coun-
terparts all over the Muslim world. Before
becoming a politician, the Indonesian
H. Zainuddin M.Z. (b. 1951), nicknamed
"Da'i of Thousands" (Da'i Berjuta Umat)
rose to prominence during the 1980s. A
graduate of IAIN and the Malaysian
Universitas Kebangsaan, he delivered con-
servative, clear and straightforward mes-
sages laced with humor that at times were
intolerant of religious pluralism. By the
end of the iggos, K.H. Abdullah Gym-
nastiar (b. ig62) came on the scene. Mixing
his lessons with songs, this owner of fifteen
media ventures preaches about "managing
the heart." Using the style of evangelistic
theatrics, he urges the faithful to improve
themselves instead of blaming others. He
brings crowds of both Muslims and
Christians to tears and is one of the few
Muslims ever to have preached in a church
(in Palu, Sulawesi). It is said that he de-
rived his knowledge from a three-day
"direct inspiration" experience with a guru
rather than through cumbersome years of
learning.
A Canadian professor of economics,
Jamal Badawi, was the da'i of the 1980s.
His enormous conservative output, often
about Muslim-Christian dialogue, consists
of a 352-segment television series on Islam,
and cassettes and lessons that are readily
225
TEACHING AND PREACHING
available on the Internet. His counterpart
in Etirope is Tariq Ramadan, the Swiss-
educated grandson of Hasan al-Banna, the
fotinder of the Muslim Brotherhood.
Nowadays, the US convert to Islam,
Shaykh Hamza Yusuf (b. 1959), is influenc-
ing Muslim youth in the West with Sufl-
inspired talk about "purification of the
heart" and how to live as a Muslim in the
United States. He lived many years in the
Middle East where he studied at universi-
ties and with individual shaykhs. Young
Muslim adults born in the US consider
him an antidote to conservative clerics
from the Middle East whose message about
the West they perceive to be too harsh. In
the United States there are several char-
ismatic African American preachers who
arouse audiences to clapping and shouting
responses. The charismatic Imam Siraj
Wahhaj is an African-American convert to
Islam who studied in Mecca. He currently
leads a mosque in New York City where
he has gained fame with his anti-drugs
program.
In Shi'i circles, various mardji' living in
Qpm, Najaf, or Kerbala, guide the believ-
ers from their respective countries of resi-
dence. They are considered the highest
juridical authorities who can interpret the
Islamic message to meet the challenges of
modernity. Through their religious depu-
ties, mardji' such as the Iraqi ayatoUah, 'All
Husayni 1-Sistani, try to formidate answers
for questions and needs of Shi'ls living in
the West. In 1999, al-SistanI published a
Code of practice for Muslims in the West.
The Lebanese marja' ayatollah,
Muhammad Husayn Fadl Allah, runs a
website in Arabic and English where
believers can read his Friday sermons. He
holds conference calls by phone with
believers in the West and his accessibility,
pragmatism and leniency have made him
popular with Shi'l youth. His teachings
about gender equality have also gained
him an audience among women. Finally,
the messages of a convert to Shi'ism from
Sunnite Islam, Tunisian-born Muhammad
al-TijanI al-SamawI, have attracted many
in prison to Shi'ite Islam.
Women teachers and preachers
In early and medieval Islamic works there
are references to women who became spe-
cialists in hadlth and the names of women
figure in some chains of transmission. Yet
during most of Islamic history women's
role in the transmission of the Qiir'an and
its sciences was peripheral at best. Women
were not allowed access to madrasas,, and
this led to the demise of female activity in
the transmission of hadlth and other forms
of Islamic learning. Later, and in isolated
cases they attended the kuttdb but were de-
nied access to the institutes of higher
Islamic learning. This began to change in
the 1970s as the general level of education
for women has risen as a result of manda-
tory public education for boys and girls in
many coimtries. Limited numbers of
women (less than five percent) were al-
lowed to attend, for example, the Umm
al-Qiira institute in Mecca. In Indonesia
they obtained degrees in pesantren and the
IAIN and Islamic State Universities. In
Iran, the seminaries in Qpm were opened
for women between the ages of sixteen to
twenty. Nigerian schools with a madrasa
curriculum started to admit women during
the 1980S-199OS. This is slowly producing
women 'ulamd'.
In Western coimtries, Islamic education
has become popular among women who
want a career as teachers in Muslim
elementary schools. Although some south
Asian Deobandi and Tablighi-oriented
mosques are still closed to women, in
Europe mosques organize Qiir'an courses
for women and girls, and some associations
allow women to become imams for other
women. The Turkish Sufi-oriented Siiley-
TEACHING AND PREACHING
226
manlis, for example, encourage women to
complete advanced religious studies in
Turkey in order to serve as "madam imam"
(hoca hanim). During Ramadan, some of
these women preachers conduct preaching
tours in Western countries. In the past,
many scholars allowed women to lead
other women in the ritual prayers. Thus
women are actually re-capturing their for-
mer leadership positions in worship.
Women's preaching and teaching activi-
ties take place outside the men's mosques,
in prayer houses, homes, community cen-
ters or schools. For example, in central
Asian countries (such as Kazakhstan,
Uzbekistan and Tajikistan) the wives of
imams, called Biblikhalifas, or Bibiotuns,
organize religious educational circles for
teenage girls. Several countries, such as
China, Iran and Indonesia, have a history
of women preachers who have had some
basic knowledge of the Qiir'an, tafsir and
hadlth, and in some cases they have ac-
quired the same level of knowledge as the
male 'ulamd'.
Shi'i women in Iran have long held re-
ligious meetings exclusively for women
(forbidden to men). Since the Islamic revo-
lution of 1979, the number of women with
religious educations who could lead these
meetings increased considerably. The
meetings take place at home and are led by
women preachers whose Islamic knowl-
edge is gender specific. Apart from reciting
the Qiir'an, the material discussed can be
religious rituals. Islamic teachings, holy
Shi'i texts, tafsir, special prayers, and read-
ings on the occasion of Ramadan or feasts.
Female preachers often have studied the
Qur'an with their fathers or other scholars.
Nowadays they can study at religious
schools or colleges. They need to have
knowledge of Arabic, philosophy, logic,
Jigh, and tafstr, and to have studied for at
least four years. The women preachers
gain high social status among their follow-
ers because of their piety and dedication to
religion. At times, some female khatibdt are
invited to the United States to preach to
women's groups, like during the major
feasts.
In north, northwest and northeast China
special mosques for women [quinzhen nusi
or nusi) appeared as early as the nineteenth
century. Adjacent to men's mosques, they
are presided over by a female religious
leader called nu ahong whose duties encom-
pass teaching, ritual and worship guidance,
sermons and counseling. The position of
the nu ahong is controlled by the male lead-
ership of the main moscjue and is carefully
mapped out within a systein of strict gen-
der segregation.
Women's agency is based on Chinese par-
adigms that were developed between the
sixteenth and eighteenth centuries to pro-
mote women's virtuous and religious
development. When adopted by Chinese
Muslims, these values were translated into
the call for Islamic education for women in
order to construct an ideal of Muslim
womanhood. Consecutive revival move-
ments of Islamic reformism in the late
nineteenth century and the 1980s stressed
women's participation in religion. The level
of training that female ahongs can obtain in
the religious schools for women (nuxue),
however, is far inferior to that of the male
leaders. Chinese Islamic colleges do not
admit women, and this has perpetuated
the limited education of women leaders.
Indonesian women connected to the
reformist Muhammadiyya organization
started preaching activities as early as 1917.
During the 1920s they built their own
prayer houses supervised and funded by
women. Since women have started to grad-
uate from pesantren, IAIN and other Islamic
universities, there are women preachers
and teachers who have reached the same
level of knowledge as male scholars of
Islam. Women preach not only in segre-
227
TEACHING AND PREACHING
gated gatherings, but also deliver sermons
in mixed, non-ritual meetings. The cas-
settes of some women star preachers such
as Tutty Alawiyah are sold widely. Female
preachers appear on television regularly
and many participate in talk shows and
call-in shows.
All over the world, new classes of edu-
cated Muslim women have started to de-
mand better religious education and more
religious rights. This has resulted in a va-
riety of initiatives, either mounted by
women or orchestrated by the state. For
example, the Turkish Diyanet, the govern-
ment body that oversees the country's
mosques, has appointed women preachers
and women who act as deputies to muftis.
The task of these deputies is to supervise
the work done in mosques as that relates to
women. Women in India recently an-
nounced that they want a mosque of their
own, while women from the Progressive
Muslims Union in the United States stated
that the time has come for appointing
women imams. In 1994, the African
American scholar of Islam, Amina
Wadud-Muhsin, preached a Friday sermon
at the South African Claremont Main
Road Mosque. She delivered the text
standing on the rostrum in front of the
minbar, while afterwards the imam climbed
the minbar and performed the required rit-
uals for the liturgical sermon. The same
pattern is now followed regularly in a
mosque in Johannesburg. In March 2005,
Wadud-Muhsin created a world-wide ava-
lanche of comments and protests when in
New York she led a group of women and
men in Friday prayers. This immediately
led to afatwd by Yusuf al-Q_ardawi insist-
ing that leadership in prayer is reserved to
Muslim men only.
Women have more religious room to
move in countries far from the Middle
Eastern heartland of Sunnl Islam.
Occasionally, we do hear of women, even
in Saudi Arabia, holding Qin"'an circles in
their houses but, on the whole, their
preaching and teaching activities remain
hidden from the public eye. Influenced by
the Islamist trends within contemporary
Egyptian society, women preachers there
urge women to become more observant
Muslims and to strengthen themselves in
piety, patience and perseverance. These
preachers obtain their religious knowledge
from private institutes and Islamic volun-
tary associations that offer religious classes
for women or from the al-Azhar College
for Girls. They meet with women in build-
ings adjacent to mosques and at times earn
bitter public criticism from those who find
them inept and their sermons "futile."
Women preachers often address topics
specific to women. Universal are basic
teachings from the Qiir'an and guidance
during the feasts and Ramadan. Further-
more, the correct execution of rituals con-
nected to womanhood and children (see
menstruation; birth) as well as forms of
ablutions, and issues of morality are im-
portant topics (see modesty). Depending
on the local culture, sexual ethics and
health care connected with the Islamic
concepts of cleanliness and purity can be
important as well.
Islamic organizations
During the twentieth century several
organizations — mostly reform-
ist — emerged that aimed at reviving and
strengthening Islam via da'wa and its mani-
fold related activities. Through their
courses, instructions, and handbooks, these
organizations became influential gateways
in recruiting and training missionary
preachers. Nowadays their use of multi-
media facilitates the dissemination of their
material. Most organizations have their
own web pages that provide support for
preachers as well as model sermons, and
on-line courses. Several organizations have
TEACHING AND PREACHING
228
set up their own schooling system from
elementary to university level, thus provid-
ing informal and formal Islamic education.
Some of these organizations have re-
mained local while others have trans-
formed themselves into global networks.
In 1912, inspired by the reformist teach-
ings of Muhammad 'Abduh and Rashid
Rida, the Indonesian kiai Ahmad Dahlan
(1868-1923) initiated the Muhammadiyya
movement that currently counts around
twenty million followers. Through its
Department for Tabligh it trains thousands
of male and female missionary preachers
who are active all over the Archipelago.
In 1927, Mawlana Muhammad Ilyas
(1885-1944) started a movement that grew
into the Tablighl Jama'at that now counts
several millions of followers. Reacting to
increasingly aggressive Hindu efforts to
convert Muslims, it aimed at reinvigorating
Islamic beliefs and practices among the
Muslims of the Indo-Pakistani subcon-
tinent. Abu 1-A'la Mawdudi (d. 1979), the
founder of Jama'at-i IslamI, elaborated on
the method of tabligh, stressing that it did
not require coercion. By the 1960s,
deliberate attempts were made to create
comprehensive international networks such
as the Higher Council of Islamic Affairs
(al-Majlis al-A'lci lil-Shu'un al-hldmiyja) that
was founded in Cairo, in i960. In 1961, an
Islamic university opened in Medina to
train missionaries who coidd work in mi-
nority commimities, and in 1962, the trans-
national Muslim World League (Rdbitat
al-'Alam al-hldmij was founded in Mecca.
Its constitution states the wish to "spread
the Muslims' word," and its training center
produces da'wa workers who operate all
over the world.
The Muslim Brotherhood (Jam 'iyyat al-
Ikhwdn al-Muslimin) set up in 1928 by the
Egyptian Hasan al-Banna (1906-49),
together with the Jama'at-i IslamI, became
among the most influential forces guiding
Muslims in Western countries. Both en-
tered North America through the Muslim
Student Association (MSA), which was
founded in 1963. Naturally their ideas
about da 'wa were heavily influenced by the
philosophies of Hasan al-Banna and Abu
1-A'la Mawdudi. In 1981, the MSA merged
into the large umbrella organization of
ISNA (the Islamic Society of North
America). Through national and regional
conferences, publications and a website,
ISNA has become instrumental in guiding
Muslims in North America. Websites also
serve as important transnational tools of
guidance and education. The Islam-Online
site, for example, has special sections in
English and Arabic to serve preachers.
Nelly van Doorn-Harder
Selected bibliography
Primary: Abu 'Ubayd al-Qasim b. Sallam, al-
Khutab wa-l-mawaHi, Cairo 1986; [AyatoUah]
Muhammad Husayn Fadl Allah, World of oar
youth, Montreal 1998; al-Ghazall, Abu Hamid
Muhammad b. Muhammad, Ihyd^ 'ulum at-dm,
book 9, Kitdb al-adhkdr wa-l-da'awdt, trans.
K. Nakamura, Invocations and supplications,
Cambridge 1973; Abdullah Gymnastiar, Rejleksi
manajemen qolbu, Bandung 2003; Ibn al-jawzl,
Abu 1-Faraj 'Abd al-Rahman b. 'All, Kitdb al-
Qussds wa-kmudhakkinn, ed. and trans. M.L.
Schwartz, Beirut 1971; 'Amr Khalid, Ibdddt
al-mumin, Cairo 2003; [Shaykh] Mutawalll
1-Sha'rawT, Good and evil, London 1995;
[AyatoUah] al-Sayyid 'All l-Husaynl al-Sistanl, A
code of practice, London 1999; H. Yusuf, Purification
of the heart. Signs, symptoms and cures of the spiritual
diseases of the heart, Chicago 2004.
Secondary: Teaching: H.N. Boyle, Quranic schools.
Agents of preservation and change, London 2004;
B. T)odge, Al-Azhar A millenium of Muslim learning,
Washington, DC 1974 (popularly written history
that ends at the 1961 reform); Ch.A. Eccel, Egypt,
Islam, and social change. Al-Azhar in confiict and
accommodation, Berlin 1984 (a detailed, at times
somewhat convoluted study on internal changes
within al-Azhar and its role in Egyptian society);
D.F. Eickelman, Knowledge and power in Morocco.
The education of a twentieth-century notable,
Princeton 1985 (description of a traditionally
educated Moroccan scholar of Islam); A. Fathi,
Preachers as substitutes for mass media.
229
TEACHING AND PREACHING
The case of Iran, 1905-1909, in E. Kedourie and
S.G. HaiiTi (eds.), Towards a modern Iran, London
1980, 169-84 (provides examples of the role of
preachers in agitating the people during the
Constitutional Movement [1905-9] in Iran);
M. Fischer, Iran. From religious dispute to revo-
lution, Cambridge, MA 1980 (detailed de-
scriptions of Shl'l madrasa education and
religious leadership in Qpm); id. and M. Abedi,
Debating Muslims, Madison 1990; N. Grandin and
M. Gaborieau, Madrasa. La transmission du savoir
dans le monde musulman, Paris 1997; K.M. Hassan,
International Islamic University at Kuala
Lumpur, inJ.L. Esposito (ed.), The Oxford ency-
clopedia of the modern Islamic world, 4 vols.. New
York 1995, ii, 2i\-i2'^ F. Jabali andjamhari, IAIN
dan modernisasi Islam di Indonesia, Jakarta 2002 (an
analysis of the effects of IAIN education);
J. Jomier, al-Azhar, in Ei^, i, 8r3-2i;J. Landau,
Kuttab, in Ei^, v, 567-70; G. Makdisi, The rise of
colleges. Institutions of learning in Islam and the West,
Edinburgh 1981 (provides detailed descriptions of
schools, how they were financed, what type of
knowledge was transmitted, and the various
categories of religious professions pursued by
those "graduating" from these institutions);
Y. Nakash, The ShVis of Iraq, Princeton 2003
(1994) (provides details on the influence and
developments of the shrine cities of Karbala and
Najaf and on the differences between Iraqi and
Iranian Shl'ism); J. Pedersen et al., Madrasa, in
El'', y, 1123-54; D.M. Reid, al-Azhar, inJ.L.
Esposito (ed.), The Oxford encyclopedia of the modern
Islamic world, 4 vols.. New York 1995, i, 168-71;
A.E. Sonbol, Shaltut, Mahmud, inJ.L. Esposito
(ed.), The Oxford encyclopedia of the modern
Islamic world, 4 vols.. New York 1995, iv, 42-3;
G. Starrett, Putting Islam to work. Education, politics
and religious transformation in Egypt, Berkeley 1998;
A. Talas, La Madrasa jSfizamiyya et son histoire, Paris
1939 (study about the first official madrasa); A.L.
Tibawi, Origin and character of al-Madrasah, in
BSOAS 2^/2 (1962), 225-38; M.Q. Zaman,
Religious education and the rhetoric of reform.
The madrasa in British India and Pakistan, in
Comparative studies in society and history 41/2 (1999),
294-323; id.. The Ulamu in contemporary Islam.
Custodians of change, Princeton 2002; M. Zeghal,
Gardiens de VIslam. Les ulama d'al-Azhar dans
VEgypte contemporaine, Paris 1995. Preaching and
preachers: R. Antoun, Muslim preacher in the modern
world. A Jordanian case study in comparative perspective,
Princeton 1989; W. Armbrust, Mass culture and
modernism in Egypt, Cambridge 1996; id.. Mass
mediations. New approaches to popular culture in the
Middle East and beyond, Berkeley 2000; Th.W.
Arnold, The preaching of Islam. A history of the
propagation of the Aluslim faith, London 1913"
(analyzes the spread of Islam and the issues
concerning tabligh);^.V. Berkey, Popular preaching
and religious authority in the medieval Islamic Near
East, Seattle 2001 (a comprehensive analysis of
medieval preachers, their message, the influence
they wielded on the audiences and rulers of their
time, and the issues concerning religious
authority that surrounded their performance);
id., The transmission of knowledge in medieval Cairo,
Princeton, NJ 1992; B.M. Borthwick, The
Islamic sermon as a channel of political
communication, in Middle East journal 21/3 (1967),
299-313; P.D. Gaffney, The changing voices of
Islam. The emergence of professional preachers
in contemporary Egypt, in MTv8i (1991), 27-47;
id., The Prophet's pulpit. Islamic preaching in
contemporary Egypt, Berkeley 1994 (an important
study that analyzes the discourses of several
preachers in Upper Egypt); A. A. GhaWash, al-
Da'wa al'isidmiyya. Usuluhd wa-wasd'iluhd ("The
principles and problems of Islamic mission"),
Cairo 1978; T Howarth, The Twelver Shi'a as a
Muslim minority in India. Pulpit of tears, London
2005; L.G.Jones, The boundaries of sin and
communal identity. Muslim and Christian preaching and
the transmission of cultural identity in medieval Iberia
and Maghreb (12th to ijth centuries), PhD diss.,
U. Santa Barbara, GA 2004; F.I. Khuri, The
ulama. A comparative study of Sunni and Shi'a
religious officials, in Middle Eastern studies 23
(1987), 291-312; J. Pedersen, The criticism of the
Islamic preacher, in Wl 2 (1953), 215-31; id.,
KhatTb, in Ei^, iv, 1109-12; B. Radtke andJ.J.G.
Jansen, Wa'iz [i and 2], in El^, xi, 56-7;
O. Roy, Globalized Islam. The search for a new
ummah. New York 2004; M. 'Izz al-Dln Tawflq,
Khutbat al-jumu 'a wa-dawruhdfi l-tawjih al-tarbawi,
Casablanca 1994; L. Wise, "Words from the heart".
New forms of Islamic preaching in Egypt, Oxford
2003 (engaging M.Phil, thesis about the
phenomenon of the popular preaching of 'Amr
Khalid; available on line). Africa: A.M.
Abdurrahman and P. Canham, The ink of the
scholar. The Islamic tradition of education in Nigeria,
Lagos 1978; R. Otayek (ed.), Le radicalisme
islamique au sud du Sahara. Da'wa, arabisation et
critique de I'Occident, Paris 1993; S. Reese (ed.). The
transmission of learning in Islamic Africa, Leiden
2004 (useful study that presents various articles
about teaching the Qiir'an in sub-Saharan
Africa); M.S. Umar, Mass Islamic education and
emergence of female \ilama^ in northern
Nigeria. Background, trends, and consequences,
in S. Reese (ed.). The transmission of learning in
Islamic Africa, Leiden 2004, 99-120 (describes the
process of granting women access to religious
education in northern Nigeria and how this led
to the emergence of women 'ulama); id., Profiles
TEACHING AND PREACHING
230
of new Islamic schools in northern Nigeria, in
The Maghreb review 28 (Summer/Fall 2003),
146-69. Indonesia and Malaysia: M. van
Bruinessen, Kitab Kuning. Books in Arabic
script used in the pesantren miheu, in Bijdragen
Koninklijk Instituut voor de Tropen 146 {1990), 226-69
{provides a detailed description of books used in
Indonesian pesantren); Dh. Z. Dhofier, The
pesantren tradition. The role of the Kiai in the
maintenance of traditional Islam in Java, Tempe, AZ
1999 (provides detailed information and
descriptions about the ^&h\i\T\ng pesantren in
Jombang, Java); A.M. Gade, Perfection makes
practice. Learning, emotion, and the recited Qur'dn in
Indonesia, Honolulu 2004;J. Nagata, The
refiowering of Malaysian Islam, Vancouver, BC
1984; P. Riddell, Islam and the Malay -Indonesian
world. Transmission and responses, Honolulu 2001
{chapter 13 is on preaching in Malaysia and
Indonesia); K.H. Abdurrahman Wahid,
Principles of pesantren education, in
M. Oepen and VV. Karcher (eds.), The impact of
pesantren in education and community development in
Indonesia, ^3ik?iYta. 1988; G. Weix, Islamic prayer
groups in Indonesia. Local forums and gendered
responses, in Critique of anthropology 18/4 (1998),
405-20. Europe and J^orth America: O. Cherribi,
Imams d'Amsterdam: A travers I'exemple des imams de
la diaspora m.arocaine, PhD diss., Amsterdam 2000;
F. Fregosi {ed.). La formation des cadres religieux
tnusulmans en France. Approches socio-jurisdique, Paris
1998; A. Ljamai, Imams in tekst en context,
Zoetermeer 2004 (details and analyzes the
sermons of three imams working in the Nether-
lands); B. Metcalf (ed.). Making Muslim space in
North America and Europe, Berkeley 1996;
L. Poston, Islamic da'wah in the West. Muslim
missionary activity and the dynamics of conversion to
Islam, New York 1992; M. Reeber, Islamic
preaching in France. Admonitory address or
political platform? in Islam and Muslim-Christian
relations 4/3 (1993), 2ii-22; id., Les khutbas de la
diaspora. Enquete sur les tendances de la
predication islamique dans les mosques en
France et dans plusieurs pays d'Europe
occidentale, in F. Dassetto (ed.), Paroles d'islam:
Individus, societes et discours dans I'islam. europeen
contemporain, Paris 2000, 185-203; id., Les minbars
de la diaspora. A propos de la predication, in
Projet: Revue trimestrielle 231 [special issue:
Musulmans en terre d'Europe] {1992), 55-9; id.,
A study of Islamic preaching in France, in Islam
and Muslim-Christian relations 2/2 (1991), 275-94;
J.I. Smith, Islam in America, New York 1999;
L. Walbridge, Without forgetting the imam. Lebanese
Shi'ism in an American community, Detroit 1997;
K. Vogt, Religious associations: Western Europe,
in S.Joseph (ed.), Encyclopaedia of women and
Islamic cultures, Leiden 2003-, ii, 451-4. Women
preaching: N. van Doorn-Harder, Women shaping
Islam. Indonesian Muslim women reading the Qur'dn,
Urbana, IE 2006 (analyzes preaching and
teaching activities by women belonging to the
organizations of Nahdlatul Ulama and
Muhammadiyya); Sh. Hafez, The terms of
empowerment. Islamic women activists in Egypt, Cairo
2003; M. Jaschok and Sh. Jingjun, The history of
women's mosques in Chinese Islam. A mosque of their
own, Richmond, Surrey 2000; Z. Kamalkhani,
Women's Islam. Religious practice among women in
today's Iran, London 1998; S. Mahmood, Politics
of piety. The Islamic revival and the feminist
subject, Princeton 2004; L. Marcoes-Natsir,
The female preacher as mediator in religion.
A case study in Jakarta and West Java, in
S. van Bemmelen et al. (eds.). Women and mediation
in Indonesia, Leiden 1992, 203-28; id. Muslim
female preacher and feminist movement, in
A. Samiuddin and R. Khanam (eds.), Aluslim
feminism, and feminist movement. South-east Asia, Delhi
2002, 253-89 (two detailed articles on the topics
and sermons of several women preachers on
Java). Aiiscellaneous: Shaykh '^Abd al-'AzTz b.
'^Abdallah b. Baz, Inviting towards Allah
and the qualities of the callers, on http://
www. salafipublications.com/sps/sp.cfm?
subsecID=DAW^Oi&articleID=DAWoioo02&
articlePages==i (written by the former Grand
Mufti of Saudi Arabia [d. 1999], this is one of
many such treatises available via the Internet
about the requirements for those preaching
and teaching the Qiir'an); D.F Eickelman
and J.W. Anderson (eds.). Mew media in the
Muslim world. The emerging public sphere,
Bloomington, IN 1999 (discusses how the
emergence of new^ media such as the Internet
has contributed to the re-shaping of religious
authority in the Muslim world); F Esack, Qur'dn,
liberation and pluralism. An Islamic perspective of
interreligious solidarity against oppression, Oxford
2002* (describes Amina Wadud-Muhsin's Friday
sermon and the preaching activities of the
imams leading progressive Muslims in South
Africa); J.J.G.Jansen, The neglected duty. The creed of
Sadat's assassins and Islamic resurgence in the Middle
East, New York 1986 (provides detailed descrip-
tions of the sermons of Shaykhs Kishk and
Sha'ra^vl); G. Kepel, The Prophet and the pharaoh,
London 1985 (provides the transcript of a ser-
mon by Shaykh Kishk with an insightful analy-
sis); id. and Y. Richard, Intellectuals et militants de
I'Islam contemporain, Paris 1990 (essays about the
tensions between traditionally Islamic and
Western-trained intellectuals in contemporary
Muslim society); B.D. Metcalf, Islamic revival in
British India. Deoband 1860-igoo, Princeton 1982
231
(a comprehensive study of the Deoband
movement and the role of Muslim religious
leaders in Indian politics); R. Schulze, Islamischer
Inter nationalismus im 20. Jahrhundert: Untersuchungen
zur Geschichte der Islamischen Weltliga, Leiden 1990;
M. Sharon, Black banners from the ^aj/, Jerusalem
1983 (analyzes the evolving interpretations of the
principle of da'wa, first introduced by the 'Abba-
sids as a politico-religious principle used to bring
them to power by re-creating the divine order).
Selected websites: http;//www.bayynat.org/{official
website of AyatoUah Fadl Allah); http://www.
isna.net/lilbrary/khutbahs/FridayKhutbahs.asp;
http://www.IslamOnline.net.
Tears see weeping
Technology see media and the
q^ur'an; computers and the q_ur'an
Teeth
Hard bony appendages found in die
mouths of vertebrates that assist in the
chewing of food, as well as in defense and
the capturing of prey. The word for tooth
(sinn) occurs once in the Qur'an, in a verse
that refers to the biblical lex talionis (law of
retaliation [q.v.]): "We prescribed for them
[the Jews; see JEWS and Judaism] therein
[in the Torah (q.v.)]: life (q.v.) for life, eye
for eye (see eyes), nose for nose, ear for ear
(q.v), tooth for tooth, and for injuries like
retaliation. If someone forgoes (retaliation)
out of charity, it shall be an expiation for
him. Whoever judges not by that which
God has revealed: such are wrong-doers"
(Q. 5-45) see judgment; revelation and
inspiration; evil deeds; virtues and
vices, commanding and forbidding).
This statement occurs in the course of a
passage discussingjews and Christians (see
CHRISTIANS AND CHRISTIANITY) who reSOrt
to the prophet Muhammad for the adju-
dication of legal disputes (o 5:42-50).
The basic principle established in the
Qiir'an is that legal disputes within each
religious community should be settled by
reference to that community's sacred text.
Disputes among Jews should be settled by
reference to the Torah, disputes among
Christians should be settled by reference to
the Gospel (q.v.) and disputes among
Muslims should be settled by reference to
the Qiir'an, no matter who is acting as
judge. This passage makes it clear that
each community (umma) has its own law
(c3 5:48) and that this law is contained in
the scripture (see LAW AND THE ciur'an).
The important role played by the sacred
text in judgment is recognized in several
ways. The Prophet or others are said to
judge between disputants by that which
God has revealed (q^ 5-44) 45) 47)- In other
passages, the sacred text is personified and
itself gives a verdict or judges between dis-
putants: "Have you not seen how those
who have been given a portion of the
scripture invoke the scripture of God (in
their disputes) that it may judge between
them, then a faction of them turns away,
opposed (to it)?" (c) 3:23; see parties and
factions).
In addition, mention of the lex talionis
shows an awareness in the Qiir'an of spe-
cific biblical legal rulings (see scripture
and the {)Ur'an): "Anyone who maims
another shall suffer the same injury in
return: fracture for fracture, eye for eye,
tooth for tooth; the injury inflicted is the
injury to be suffered" [Lev 24:20; see also
Exod 21:24; Deut 19:21). The principle of
like retaliation (qisds) was adopted in
Islamic law as well, but was supplemented
by an alternative regime of monetary com-
pensation. For the life of a free, adult male
(see murder; bloodshed), compensation
was set at one hundred camels and for the
loss of limbs and other injuries, as well as
for the death or injury of women (see
WOMEN and the our'an), children (q.v),
and slaves (see slaves and slavery), vari-
ous fractions of that amount were awarded
TEMPORARY MARRIAGE
232
[see vengeance; revenge; blood
money).
De
ij. Stewart
Bibliography
C. Carmichael, Biblical laws of talion, in Hebrew
annual review g (1985), 107-26; J. Chelhod, Les
structures du sacre chez les Arab es^ Paris 1986, 155,
176; W.B. Hallaq, A history of Islamic legal theories,
Cambridge 1997; B.Jackson, Tlie problem of
Exod. XXI 22-25 (1^1^ talionis), in Vetus testamen-
tum 23 (1973), 273-304; S. Loewenstamm, Exodus
XXI 22-25, ^^ Vetus testamentum 27 (1977), 352-60;
F. Rahman, Some key ethical concepts of the
Qiir'an, ui Journal of religious ethics ri (1983),
170-85; R. Roberts, The social laws of the Qprdn,
London 1925, repr. London 1990 (Eng. trans, of
Familienrecht im Qordn)] R. Westbrook, Lex talionis
and Exodus 21,22-25, in Revue biblique 93 (1986),
52-69-
Temperature see hot and cold
Temple see saiired precincts; house,
DOMESTIC AND DIVINE
Temporary Marriage
Financial contract between a man and an
unmarried woman permitting sexual rela-
tions for a fixed amount of time upon com-
pensation of the woman. Although the
Arabic term for this concept (niut'a) does
not occur in the Qiir'an, the tenth verbal
form of the root m-t- ' is employed at
C3 4:24, likely with reference to this practice
as a pre-Islamic Arabian tradition (despite
the explanations of many exegetes; cf. e.g.
the traditions preserved in Tabari, TafsTr,
ad loc, which identify al-istimtd' Wit\i
"nikdh" or "tazwy"; cf also Heffening,
Mut'a). This practice developed into a
complex Shi'l religious institution abotit
which there has been much cultural and
moral ambivalence, yet in Iran, since the
revolution of 1979, it has become more
commonplace (Haeri, Law of desire).
Literally "marriage of pleasure," mut'a is a
form of a pre-Islamic tradition in Arabia
(Robertson-Smith, Kinship and marriage; see
PRE-ISLAMIC ARABIA AND THE OUR'an) that
still retains legitimacy among the Twelver
Shl'ls who live predominantly, though not
exclusively, in Iran (see SHi'isM and the
(Jur'an). Legally, mMi a-marriage is a con-
tract ('aqd) in which a man and an unmar-
ried woman decide how long they want to
be married to each other and how much
money, or bride-price, is to be given to the
temporary wife (see contracts and
alliances; marriage and divorce;
bridewealth). Unlike in the case of per-
manent marriage [nikdh) a temporary wife
is not legally entitled to financial support
(nafaqa) above and beyond the bride-price,
even in the event of pregnancy, unless it is
agreed upon beforehand (see mainte-
nance AND upkeep). Doctrinally, the Shi'i
jurists distinguish temporary marriage
from permanent marriage by stating that
the objective of mut'a is sexual enjoyment,
while that of nikdh is procreation (Tusi,
Mhdya, 497-502; HiUij Shard'i', 524; Kashif
al-Ghita', Ayin-i ma; Tabataba'i, Shi'ite
Islam; Mutahhari, JVi^dm-i huquq-i zan, 38;
Khomeini, Tawdlh al-masd'il; id., Mut'a;
Levy, Introduction; Murata, Temporary mar-
riage; Haeri, Law of desire).
According to Shi'l literature, the second
caliph 'Umar (r. 13-23/634-44; see caliph)
outlawed the custom of mut'a marriage in
the first/seventh century and threatened its
practitioners with stoning (q.v). The Shl'is
have systematically contested the caliph's
decision. They argue, on the basis of the
qur'anic reference to mut'a [md stamta'tum
bihi minhunna, c) 4:24) and the lack of any
unambiguous prophetic hadlth banning its
practice (see hadIth and the cjur'an),
that 'Vmar's fatwd lacks legitimacy (al-
Aminl, al-Ghadir; Tabataba'i, Shi'ite Islam;
Shafa'l, Mut'a; 'Amill, Mut'a; Haeri, Law of
desire, 61-4; see law and the qur'an).
233
TEMPORARY MARRIAGE
Indeed die Shl'is point to the fact that tem-
porary marriage was common at tlie time
of tlie prophet Muliammad and tliat many
of the early converts were cliildren of mut'a
marriages: 'Adi, son of Hatim and
Mawiyya, is an example (al-Amim, al-
Ghadir, vi, 129, 198-240; Robertson-Smith,
Kinship and marriage, 81; cf Tabataba'l,
Shi'ite Islam, 227).
The Siinnis and Shl'is have not ceased to
dispute the religious legitimacy and moral
propriety of temporary marriage. Al-
though strongly opposed by the SunnI
'ulamd' [see suholar), the custom of tem-
porary marriage has apparently continued
among some Sunnis into modern times
(Snouck Hurgronje, Mekka, 12-13).
Rules and procedures regarding mut'a
developed piecemeal and by analogical
reasoning. Its present form is the result of
dialogues and debates among Shi'i schol-
ars, the most prominent of whom was the
sixth imam (q.v.), Ja'far al-Sadiq (d. 148/
765; TusI, .MAtyiflj 497-502; Hilli, Shard'i',
515-28; Ghazanfari, Khuddmdz-i lum'a, ii,
126-34; Kashif al-Ghita , Ayin-i ma, 372-92;
Khomeini, Tawdih al-masd'it; Mutahharl,
M^dm-i huqUq-i zan, 21-54; Imami, Huqiiq-i
madam; Levy, Introduction, i, 131-90; Fayzee,
Outlines, 117-21; Murata, Temporary marriage;
Haeri, law of desire).
Arabic in origin, the term mut'a has mul-
tiple meanings: "that which gives benefits,
for a short while," "enjoyment, pleasure"
(i.e. to saturate), "to have the usufruct of
something" (Dihkhuda, Sigha, 318). Al-
though the specified purpose of temporary
marriage is sexual pleasure (specifically
male pleasure), the religious language that
describes it places — or misplaces — the
emphasis on its marital aspect, thereby
creating the impression that mut'a is simply
a form of marriage but with a built-in time
limit. Outside of religious circles, everyday
language in Iran has remained more faith-
ful to the literal meaning of mut'a, which
has colloquially been substituted with the
vernacular Persian term sigha. Used in both
nominal and verbal forms, properly speak-
ing sTgha means "form" or "type" of a con-
tract. It is a pejorative term that has been
applied to a woman who is temporarily
married but not to the man who engaged
her services.
Primarily an urban phenomenon, tem-
porary marriage is culturally stigmatized
and is popularly perceived to be similar to
"legalized prostitution." Ironically, it is also
believed to be more prevalent around the
pilgrimage centers in Iran than elsewhere
in the country (cf. e.g. Haeri, law of desire,
9-10). Temporary marriage is a form of
contract that may be performed privately
and in any language as long as the partners
agree on the exact period the marriage
shall last and the amount of bride-price to
be given to the temporary wife (sigha). A
temporary marriage need not be witnessed
or registered (TusI, Nihdya, 498). Presently,
however, the Islamic state in Iran requires
its registration, ostensibly to ascertain the
legality of a woman's claim in case she
may become pregnant.
At the end of the specified period, the
temporary marriage automatically comes
to an end without any divorce ceremony.
Regardless of its length, women must keep
a period of sexual abstinence, 'idda, after it
ends (see waiting period). Also a feature
of permanent marriage and divorce, the
'idda of temporary marriage is shorter by
one month. It is two menstrual cycles for
women who menstruate regularly, and
forty-five days for women who are at an
age where they normally ought to menstru-
ate but for some reason they do not. 'Idda
is not required of menopausal women.
Temporary spouses do not legally inherit
from each other, though theoretically they
may negotiate such a condition in their
contract. In addition to the four wives re-
ligiously allowed all Muslim men, a Shl'l
TENTS AND TENT PEGS
234
man may simultaneously contract as many
temporary marriages as he wishes and re-
new any of them for as many times as the
partners desire it, provided that certain
conditions are met. A Shi'i woman is per-
mitted only one marriage at a time, be it
temporary or permanent.
Temporary marriage is an institution in
which the relationship between the sexes
(see SEX AND sexuality), marriage, sexual-
ity, morality, religious rules, secular laws
and cultural practices converge. At the
same time it is a kind of custom that puts
religion and popular cidture at odds.
Despite its legality and religious sanctity,
temporary marriage has never enjoyed
widespread support culturally, particularly
among the more "secidar" middle and up-
per middle classes in Iran, Iraq and
Lebanon, where a substantial number of
Shi'ls live.
Shahla Haeri
law, London 1987; M. Mutahharl, Ni/idm-i huquq-i
zan ddr Islam (Legal rights of women in Islam),
Qpm 1353/1974^; id., The rights of women in
Islam. Fixed-term marriage, part 3, in Alahjuba
(Oct/Nov 1981), 52-6; W. Robertson-Smith,
Kinship and marriage in early Arabia, Boston 1903;
M. Shafa'T, Mut'a wa-dthdr-i huqUq wa-ijtimd'-yidn
(Mut'a and its legal and social effects), Tehran
1352/1973^ [in Pers.]; C. Snouck Hurgronje,
Mekka in the latter part of the igth century, trans. J.H.
Monahan, London 1931; Tabataba'i, Muham-
mad Husayn, Mut'a ya izdiwaj-i muwaqqat
(Mut'a or temporary marriage), in Maktab-i
Tashayyu' 6 (1343/1964), 10-20; id., Shi'ite Islam,
trans, (from Pers.) and ed. S.H. Nasr, Albany
1975; id., Zan dar Islam (Women in Islam), in
Maktab-i Tashayyu' i (1338/1959), 7-30; id. et al.,
Izdiwdj-i muwaqqat ddr Islam (Temporary marriage
in Islam), Qpm 1985; TusI, Abii JaTar Muham-
mad, al'JVihdyaJi mujarrad al-Jiqh wa-l-fatdwd, Pers.
trans. M.T Danishpazhidi, Tehran 1343/1964.
Temptation see whisper; devil
Ten Gommandments see
COMMANDMENT
Bibliography
'Amili, Sayyid Husayn Yusuf Makkl, Mut'a dar
Islam (Mut'a in Islam), Damascus 1342/1963
[Pers. trans, of al-Mut'afi l-Isldm\; A. A. al-Amim,
Tarjuma-i al-Ghadir, vols. 5-6, Tehran 1372/1952";
'A. A. Dihkhuda, Sigha, in Lughatndma (Dihkhuda
dictionary), ed. M. Mu'ln, serial no. 204, Tehran
133S/19595 315J A. A. A. Fayzee, Outlines of
Mahammadan law. New Delhi 1974"^; M. Ghazan-
farl, KhuddmUz lum'a, Tehran 1336/1957; A. Gri-
betz. Strange bedfellows. Mut'at al-nisa^ and mut'at
al-hajj . A study based on Sunm and ShT'i sources of
tafsTr, hadith andfiqh, Berlin 1994; Sh. Haeri, Law
of desire. Temporary marriage in Shi'i Iran, Syracuse
1989, 1993; VV. Heffening, Mut'a, in El", vii,
757-9; al-Hilli, Najm al-Dln Abu 1-Qasim Ja'far,
ShardY al-Isldm (Islamic law), Pers. trans.
A. Ahmad YazdT and M.T. Danishpazhuh,
vol. 2., Tehran 1347/1968; Sayyid H. ImamI,
Huqq-i madam [Civil law), 5 vols., Tehran 1350-3/
1971-4; Kashif al-Ghita', Muhammad Husayn,
Ayin-i md (Our custom), trans. N.M. ShirazI,
Qpm 1347/1968; Ruhollah Khomeini, Mut'a, in
Mahjuba 2/5 (1982), 38-40; id., Tawdih al-masd'il,
Mashhad 1977 [in Pers.]; R. Levy, Introduction to
the sociology of Islam, 2 vols., London 1931-3;
S. Murata, Temporary marriage fmut'aj in Islamic
Tents and Tent Pegs
Portable shelters for nomadic peoples and
the means to affix them in the ground.
Arabic lexicographical works and diction-
aries provide us with a considerable variety
of terms designating a tent (see tools for
THE study of the our'an). Most of this
vocabulary goes back to Arab philologists
of the eighth/ninth centuries c.E. like
al-Asma'i (d. 213/828), Abu 'Ubayda
(d. 209/824-5) and Abii Zayd al-Ansari
(d. 215/830) to whom later lexicographers
owe most of their knowledge about pre-
Islamic Arabs, their culture and language
(see ARABS; pre-islamic Arabia and the
Q^UR'an; ARABIC LANGUAGE; ARABIC
script). Only four of the terms designat-
ing a tent occur in the Qiir'an: bajit, khayma,
^ulla, and surddiq.
The Bedouin (q.v.) calls his tent a bayt.
That is the common Semitic root for
235
TENTS AND TENT PEGS
"dwelling," regardless if what is meant is
the tent of the Bedouins or a house built of
brick or stone for sedentary people (see
nomads; city). The more precise term for
a tent is bayt sha \ "hair tent," which in-
dicates the material used for making it (see
HIDES AND fleece). The preferred fiber for
the Bedouin tent is goat hair the color of
which gives the tent its characteristic
"blackness," even though "black tents" are
often not black at all but are dyed in other
colors (IsfahanI, Aghdm, viii, 65 mentions
red tents: ahlu l-qibdbi l-humr). Many tents
are made of pure goat hair because it is
stronger and warmer in winter than other
sorts of wool. Furthermore, rain water
slides off the surface of goats' hair so that
the tent inside remains dry. Often sheep or
camel wool or a plant fiber are added; a
certain percentage of goat hair, however, is
always needed because sheep wool
stretches too much and cainel wool is too
short and weak (see camels; animal life).
The origin of the black tent is connected
with the domestication of goats and sheep,
the animals which provided the material
for the tent cloth. The earliest mention of
goat hair as tent material can be found in
the Bible [Exod 26:7): "You shall also make
the curtains of goats' hair for a tent over
the tabernacle " There are two basic
types of black tent — the eastern or
Persian type and the western or Arab type
(according to Feilberg, La tente noire). The
Persian black tent seems to be closer to the
black tents of biblical times which are of
the simple construction described in
Exodus. The Arab black tent is used by the
Bedouin tribes of Arabia, Iraq (q.v.) and
Syria (q.v.) and the tribes to the west of
them (Rackow, Beduinenzelt; see tribes
AND clans). The shape of the Arab tent is
an extended cube. The length of a tent can
vary from 4-5 meters to about 40 or 50 me-
ters. The more rooms the tent has, the
more wooden center poles are erected.
Secondary poles are used for supporting
the side and the open front of the tent.
The most important component of a tent
is the cloth panels: For a two-room tent
about eight panels are needed, each ten or
twelve meters long and 60 or 70 centime-
ters wide, which are stitched together. In
addition to the tent cloth of the Persian
type, the Arab type has tension bands sewn
across the cloth breadths. These tension
bands serve as reinforcement of the tent
cloth.
Pre-Islamic Arabic poetry gives only
scanty information on the construction of
tents and materials used for them (see the
examples in Jacob, Leben, 41-3; see poetry
AND poets). The Qiir'an itself does not
describe the characteristics of the tent any
further. The term bayt occurs only once in
the sense of "tent," in C) 16:80, whereas in
all other cases bayt denotes a holy place or
"God's house" (see house, domestic and
divine). The same verse mentions leather
(skins) as the material used for making the
tent: "God has appointed for you from
your tents (buyut) a rest, and from the skins
of the cattle (juliid al-an 'dm) he has ap-
pointed for you houses (buyut) which were
light for you on the day you strike them
and the day you set them up " The term
khayma, interpreted by early Arabic lexi-
cographers as some sort of tent-like shelter,
occurs in C3 55:72 in the plural (al-khiydm) as
tent for the houris (q.v.): "cloistered in
(cool) pavilions." This term is found again
in the same meaning in classical poetry (see
also Lisdn al-'Arab, xii, 193; about a possible
origin of the word from Ge'ez see Leslau,
Dictionary, 269; see foreign vocabulary).
Al-Asma'i holds that a khayma is built only
of branches of trees, and that otherwise it
is called bayt (similarly in Mutarrizi,
Mughrib, 94); other lexicographers hold that
it is made with pieces of cloth and tent
ropes. The term ^uUa occurs in o 7:171 and
could denote some sort of unstable shelter:
TENTS AND TENT PEGS
236
"And when we shook the mountain above
them as if it were a ^w/Zfl" (cf. other transla-
tions of the term as "covering" or
"shadow"). The commentators (e.g.
Bajdawl, Anwar, ad loc.) conceive this pas-
sage to mean that God hfted the mountain
like a roof. Arabic lexicographers interpret
the term as a "thing that covers, or protects
one, overhead" (Lane, 1916). According to
A.S. Yahuda (Contribution, 285), the Jews
in Arabia used ^ulal (pi. of ^ulla) for the
"booths" (Heb. sikkot) that they erected for
the Feast of Tabernacles (see JEWS and
Judaism). The Lisdn al-'Amb (xi, 416-17) says
that ^ulla is of Aramaic ("Nabatean") ori-
gin. Yahuda therefore proposes as transla-
tion "booths of foliage made for shelter."
In European translations of the Qi_ir'an the
word is similarly translated as "canopy"
(Arberry; Bell, Quran) or "Hiitte" (Paret,
Koran), whereas Blachere has "dais."
According to Arabic dictionaries, surddiq
denotes a pavilion or a cloth tent of quite
large dimensions. Surddiq is a Persian loan-
word (sardparda) signifying a curtain,
especially at the door of a pavilion (Jeffery
For vocab., 167; Asbaghi, Persische Lehnworter,
157; see also Jawaliqi, Mu'arrab, 90). Arabic
lexicographers interpret this word, besides
the above-mentioned meaning, as an aw-
ning extended over the interior court of a
house or as a tent-enclosure without a roof
(e.g. Mutarrizi, Mughrib, 130). The wording
in Q_ 18:29, "We have prepared for the evil-
doers a fire (q.v), whose surddiq encom-
passes them" (Arberry: "pavilion"; Bell,
Qur'dn: "awnings"; Blachere: "flammes";
Paret, Koran: "Zeltdecke"), evokes the im-
age of a wall of flames surrounding the
sinners, indicating that the term should be
understood rather in the sense of an
enclosure or a surround (see also Lisdn al-
'Arab, x, 157-8; see hell and hellfire;
reward and punishment; sin, major
AND minor; good and evil).
Of the components of a tent only tent-
pegs [awtdd, pi. of watad) are mentioned in
the Qiir'an. The term occurs twice, in
C3 38:12 and 5) 89:10, in connection with
Pharaoh (q.v.) where he is described as dhu
l-awtdd, "possessor of the pegs" (Bell,
Qur'dn: "possessor of the stakes"; Blachere:
"Maitre des Epieux"; Paret, Koran: "der mit
den Pfahlen"). No satisfactory explanation
of this epithet has been found; most of the
commentators interpret the passage as a
metaphor (q.v.) for power or grandeur (see
POWER AND impotence; SYMBOLIC
imagery). J. Horovitz {ku, 130) suggests
that it refers to his buildings, and H.
Speyer (Erzdhlungen, 238) sees in it an
allusion to the tower of Babel. It is often
supposed to refer to some form of torture
(impale) practiced by Pharaoh, which
seems to be the most acceptable explana-
tion (see Bell, Qur'dn, ii, 451; also
Kratchkovsky Koran, 632). A third passage,
Q^ 78:6, "Have we not made... the moun-
tains as pegs?," reminds one of the biblical
idea of the sky as tent [Ps 104:2; Is 40:12)
stretched out [Is 40:22) and fitted out with
pillars (2 Sam 22:8; see heaven and sky).
The concept of a pavilion as an image of
the sky is widespread in Christian literature
(see for Syriac and Coptic examples
Lumpe and Bietenhard, Himmel, 207; see
christians and Christianity) and plays
also a role in the Persian symbolism of
power. Plutarch [Vit. Alex., 37:3) describes
the golden pavilion of Alexander the Great
(see dhu l-oarnayn) representing the sky
(other examples in L'Orange, Studies, 74f.).
The Qur'an seems to refer here obviously
to common cosmological conceptions in
the Near East (see cosmology).
Ute Pietruschka
Bibliography
Primary: Baydawi, Anwar; Ibn Kathir, Tajsir,
4 vols., repr. Beirut 1980; IsfahanI, Aghdm, Cairo
1323/1905; JawalTqT, Mi/'arrai, ed. E, Sachau,
237
TEXTUAL CRITICISM
Leipzig 1867; Lisdn al-'Arab; al-MutarrizT, Biirhan
al-Din Abu 1-Fath Nasir b. Abi Makarim, al-
Mughrib fi tartib al-mu'rib, ed. M. Fakhurl and
'A. Mukhtar, Aleppo 1982, repr. Beirut 1999.
Secondary: A. Asbaghi, Persische Lehnworter im.
Arabischen, Wiesbaden 1988; T. Faegre, Tents.
Architecture of the nomads, London 1979; C.G.
Feilberg, La tente noire. Contribution ethnographique d
Vhistoire culturelle des nomades, Copenhagen 1944;
Horovitz, A't^; J.S. Jabbur, 77?^ Bedouins and the
desert. Aspects of nomadic life in the Arab east, trans.
L.L Conrad, New York 1995, esp. 241-56;
G.Jacob, Das Leben der vorisldmischen Beduinen nach
den Quellen geschildert, Berlin 1895; A. Jaussen,
Coutumes des Arab es au pays de Moab, Paris 1948,
74-7; Jeffery, For. uocab.; LY. Kratchkovsky, Koran,
Moscow 1963; W. Leslau, Comparative dictionary of
Ge'ez (classical Ethiopic), Wiesbaden 1991; H. List,
Notizen zu den Bezeichnungen von Zelt,
Kleidung und Kochgeschirr bei nahostlichen
Beduinen, in zal 17 (1987), 69-90; H.P.
L'Orange, Studies in the iconography of cosmic
kingship in the ancient world, Oslo 1953; A. Lumpe
and H. Bietenhard, Himniel, in Reallexikonfdr
Antike und Christentum 15 (1991), 190-211; Plutarch,
Plutarch's Lives, Eng. trans. B. Perrin, 11 vols.,
London 1919, repr. 1994 (tome vii); E. Rackow,
Das Beduinenzelt. Nordafrikanische und
arabische Zelttypen mit besonderer
Beriicksichtigung des zentralalgerischen Zeltes,
in Baessler-Archiv 21 (1938), 151-69, 170-84; Speyer,
Erzdhlungen; A.S. Yahuda, A contribution to
Qiir'an and hadith interpretation, in D.S.
Lowinger andj. Somogyi (eds.), Ignace Goldziher
memorial volume, 2 vols., Budapest 1948-58, i,
280-308.
Terror
see FEAR
Test
see TRIAL
Testifying see witnessing and
TESTIFYING
Textile see material culture and the
q^ur'an
Textual Criticism of the Qur'an
Introduction
Anyone who writes on textual criticism
sliould begin with definitions. So let it be
said from tire outset that textual criticism
has nothing to do with the criticism of
music, art or literature. In simplest terms,
textual criticism is the correction of errors
in texts. Classical scholars are, however, a
bit more sophisticated. A. E. Housman
(Application, 67) defines textual criticism as
the "science of discovering error in texts
and the art of removing it." But he goes on
to say that it is not an exact science, so per-
haps we might be justified in calling textual
criticism "the art of discovering error in
texts and the art of removing it."
Regardless of how we define it, it is un-
fortunately true that cjur'anic studies have
not profited much from it. Most Muslim
scholars have been unwilling to "discover
and remove error" in the qur'anic text, and
most non-Muslim scholars have followed
suit, preferring to devote themselves to as-
pects of qur'anic studies that do not im-
pinge directly on the text. There have
been, however, a few exceptions to this
rule, some of which we shall mention later
on. Classicists divide the process of textual
criticism into three phases: recension, ex-
amination and emendation. Recension is
the establishment of a preliminary text;
one examines it to determine whether it is
the best possible text and, where it is not,
one tries to emend. If the work is well
done, the residt should be a revised version
that is closer to the author's original. Since
the standard Egyptian edition of the
Qtir'an is quite good, there is no need to
produce a recension of the qur'anic text,
which would be impossible in any case,
since there is not sufficient manuscript ma-
terial to prepare a fully documented recen-
sion (see MANUSCRIPTS OF THE OUr'an). It
is, however, important to get an idea of just
what this extant recension consists of, since
it differs considerably from what we would
expect in an ordinary literary text.
The Qur'an began as a work of oral
composition which took twenty-odd years
TEXTUAL CRITICISM
238
to complete (see orality; orality and
WRITING IN Arabia; recitation of the
cjur'an). Parts, if not all, of it were copied
at the Prophet's dictation, but because the
Arabic alphabet has no vowels, only the
consonantal outline (rasm) of the words
could be written (see ARABIC script).
Moreover, the diacritics that distinguish
some consonants from others, though they
existed at the time, were not used, prob-
ably because the copyists had to write
quickly to keep up with the dictation.
These features of the orthography (q.v.)
can make the reading of individual words
uncertain — although this difficulty is of-
ten exaggerated. The great majority of
words in the Qvir'an can be read in only
one way, determined by sense and syntax
(see GRAMMAR AND THE cjur'an). Oral
transmission was the norm, however, and
there is no evidence that anyone in the
early years ever read the Qiir'an from a
written text in public (see reciters of the
(JUr'an). The oral tradition dominated
until an official written version, known as
the 'Uthmanic recension, was produced
(see codices of the q^ur'an; collection
OF THE ^ur'an). But even thereafter, the
oral tradition remained of primary im-
portance. Readers reciting in public,
whether they were dependent on the
'Uthmanic recension or not, could not sim-
ply omit ambivalent words (see
ambiguous), nor could they recite one or
two variants of a single rasm. They had to
make choices.
Qur'anic recitation soon became profes-
sionalized and many reciters made col-
lections of variants for their own use. The
results were rather chaotic but gradually
some order was introduced as the
'Uthmanic recension was accepted by
more and more readers. Ultimately com-
patibility with the 'Uthmanic recension
became a sine-qua-non for any acceptable
reading (see mushaf; 'uthman; politics
AND THE q^ur'an). The sacrality of the
'Uthmanic recension for Muslims is dem-
onstrated by the fact that it has been faith-
fully transmitted, including its errors, for
over 1300 years (see everyday life, the
q^ur'an in; teaching and preai;hing the
(Jur'an). One cannot really doubt that it
was the 'Uthmanic recension that pre-
served the Qiir'an from complete disin-
tegration. Competing recensions, ascribed
to Ibn Mas'ud (d. 32/652-3), Ubayy b.
Ka'b (d. bet. 19/640 and 35/656), 'All
(d. 40/660; see 'ali b. abi talib) and
others, were eclipsed by the 'Uthmanic
recension and were ultimately declared
non-canonical. Likewise the variant read-
ings that could be applied to the 'Uth-
manic recension were much reduced, and
in the early fourth/tenth century, a scholar
named Ibn Mujahid declared that only
seven systems of readings were canonical;
the others were shddhdh, "deviant," and
could not be used for ritual recitations (see
readings of the our'an). Not everyone
agreed with his decision but in the course
of time even more of them fell out of use,
so that today only two are in common use.
Another progressive feature was the de-
velopment of vowel signs and the regular
use of diacritics (see ornamentation and
illumination). These have been incor-
porated into the bare text so that a copy of
the Qiir'an purchased today combines the
'Uthmanic recension with one particular
reading. To be precise, the recension used
today is the 'Uthmanic recension, to which
has been affixed the reading of 'Asim b.
Abll-Najud, a Kufan scholar (d. 127 or
128/744-6), as transmitted by his student
Hafs b. Sulayman (d. ca. 190/805-6). The
printed edition most frequently used,
referred to as the Egyptian Qiir'an, or
the Royal Egyptian Qur'an, since it was
produced under the sponsorship of
239
TEXTUAL CRITICISM
King Fu'ad of Egypt in 1342/1923-4, is
much superior to all previous editions
(see PRINTINGS OF THE OUR'an).
Tlie next step is to examine the text with
the purpose of isolating possible errors.
The most important clue that an error may
have occurred is the lack of good sense in
the word or passage and the resulting va-
riety of opinion among scholars as to what
it means (see traditional disciplines of
q^ur'anic study; exegesis of the
cjur'an: classical and medieval).
Another clue is when the word is transmit-
ted in more than one form. Different views
about the meaning and/or form of a par-
ticular word make it likely that the word is
wrong. Still another clue is when the word
in question is said by the commentators to
be dialectal or foreign (see dialects;
foreign vocabulary). Such claims may
indicate that the word was unfamiliar to
the scribes and reciters and so probably
could be a mistake. In proposing emenda-
tions of my own, and in judging the emen-
dations of others, I have followed rules laid
down by the classicists. In order to be ac-
ceptable, an emendation must make better
sense than the received text; it must be in
harmony with the style of the Qiir'an (see
LANGUAGE AND STYLE OF THE OUr'an;
form and structure of the cjur'an;
rhetoric and the our'an); it should be
paleographically justifiable; and, finally, it
should show how the corruption occurred
in the first place. The most important of
these is the semantic criterion.
The earliest generation of reciters and
transmitters of the 'Uthmanic recension
soon realized that it contained mistakes,
some of which they claimed were copyists'
errors. The problems of recitation pre-
sented by these mistakes were solved in
three ways: Some simply corrected the text
(i.e. emended it), others retained the text as
it was and corrected only their recitation;
still others — and this was the most com-
mon solution — recited the text as it was
written. G. Bergstrasser (in Noldeke, GQ^,
iii, 2f.) notes several of these early-iden-
tified mistakes. For example, in (i 20:63 we
find the consonantal structure (rasm) 'n hdhn
Ishrn read by Hafs as in hddhdni la-sdhirdni.
This is wrong since in in the construction
in... la-... introduces verbs only, most of
which begin with kdf, especially kdna and
kdda (see Rabin, Ancient West-Arabian, iGgf).
I prefer to read inna hddhayni la-sdhirdni,
accepting the emendation of Abu 'Amr b.
al-'Ala' (d. 154/771), a Basran scholar, and
one of those approved by Ibn Mujahid
(DanI, Taysir, 151). Thejfl'was lost not be-
cause the scribe was ignorant of grammar
but because of bad handwriting. ^Trt' before
a final nUn and after a space is often mi-
nuscule and can easily be missed. More
important, however, the same
story — Moses (q.v.) before Pharaoh
(q.v.) — is told twice again in the Qur'an
with the same construction but in the sin-
gular: inna hddhd la-sdhirun 'alTmun (q 7:109;
26:34) and once more with reference to
Muhammad: inna hddhd la-sdhirun muhlnun
(cj 10:2; see narratives). Although hddhd
does not change for the accusative, inna
indicates that an accusative was under-
stood, so there is no good reason to read
q 20:63 differently (see also Gilliot, Elt,
196-7 on q 20:63). In the second chapter of
his study (Zur Sprache des Korans), Th.
Noldeke deals with stylistic and syntactic
peculiarities in the text. He points out a
number of peculiarities in qur'anic style
but does not go so far as to note errors or
propose emendations. A possible exception
(p. 27) is the passage in q 12:17 where
Joseph's (q.v.) brothers (see brother and
brotherhood) tell their father that he has
been eaten by a wolf and then add: wa-md
anta bi-mu'minin land wa-law kunnd sddiqin,
"but you would not believe us even if we
TEXTUAL CRITICISM
240
were telling the truth." Noldeke calls this
"zu ungeschickt," since they are in effect
admitting that they are lying. What they
really mean is "Yon do not believe us even
though we are telling the truth." Despite
this, Noldeke tries to save the text by sug-
gesting that Muhammad might be putting
his own condemnation of the speakers in
their own mouths. One shotild note, how-
ever, that Reckendorf [Arabische Syntax, 494)
gives several examples of law where, he
says, it is not used to convey what is coun-
ter factual but only more strongly than in,
gives "the mere mental object" (die blosse
Gedachtheit) of the case, or sometimes, of
the point in time, and so is related in sense
and tise to idhd. The statement by Noldeke
just quoted reveals very clearly the attitude
of nineteenth-century scholars towards the
qur'anic text. If Muhammad's audience
was unaware of the flaws of expression,
then he, too, must have been unaware of
them. Consequently, no one admitted that
they existed until they were discovered by
later scholars and were rescued from this
strange limbo of unawareness. Noldeke
was wise not to emend them, and one im-
portant lesson we can draw from his study
is never to assume that flaws of expression
are always errors.
Another method of emendation is em-
ployed by J. Barth (Studien zur Kritik imd
Exegese des Qprans), who tries to test the
inner connections ("Zusammenhange") of
the suras (q.v.) and their possible disjunc-
tions, and to point out insertions in the
original contexts as well as to make other
critical and text-critical contributions.
Most of Earth's proposals are based on the
assumption that the text has been disar-
ranged and that many verses, phrases and
words are out of place and should be re-
turned to their original locations. He thus
inaugurates the method that was applied
on a larger scale by R. Blachere, and was
carried to an extreme by R. Bell (see
POST-ENLIGHTENMENT ACADEMIC STUDY
OF THE quR'AN). Few later scholars refer to
Barth though Blachere cites him occasion-
ally in the notes to his translation (see
TRANSLATIONS OF THE c>ur'an). An ex-
ample of Barth's method can be seen in his
treatment of c) 97'4-5' tanazzult^ l-mald'ikatu
wa-l-ruhu fihd {i.e.Ji lajlati l-qadri) bi-idhni
rabbihim min kulli amrin; saldmun hiya hattd
matla'i l-fajri. He claims that min kulli amr
cannot be construed since it cannot mean
bi-kulli amr, nor "wegenjeder Sache," since
this would be indicated by min. He pro-
poses to read the last portion: bi-idhni rab-
bihim hattd matla'i l-fajr; saldmun hiya min kulli
amr, "Sie ist ungefochten von jeder (bosen)
Sache" (Barth, Studien, ig). In my view, if
emendation is necessary, which is doubtful,
it would be much simpler to emend min to
Ji, thus correcting a mistake that is fre-
quently found in later manuscripts. Barth
can, however, be given credit for one
emendation which is undoubtedly correct.
In ^ 37:78, 108, 119, and 129 he reads, in-
stead of taraknd 'alayhiji l-dkhirina, which
makes no sense, bdraknd 'alayhiji l-dkhirm,
"we blessed him among later genera-
tions." (Note that q 37:113 correctly reads
bdraknd.) Luxenberg (Syro-Aramdische Lesart,
138) also prefers bdraknd but does not
note that Barth was the first to make this
emendation.
Scholars, like Barth and Blachere, who
try to restore the original by moving bits
and pieces of text from one place to an-
other have great difficulty in fulfilling the
fourth requirement for an acceptable
emendation, namely showing how the cor-
ruption came about. If they claim that
these textual rearrangements are the
Prophet's revisions and alterations (see
REVISION AND ALTERATION; CORRUPTION;
forgery), they must admit that in the end
he did not really care whether the text
made sense or not. If they ascribe them to
the mistake of reciters, copyists, or editors.
241
TEXTUAL CRITICISM
they argue for a level of corruption that
cannot be admitted since the assumed dis-
locations run into the hundreds. Such a
high level of corruption could have oc-
curred with a written text only if someone
had taken the original, i.e. correct, text and
worked through it systematically, shifting
passages to wrong locations, thus leaving it
for later scholars to put right, something
that no one would suggest. The simultane-
ous presence of oral and written transmis-
sions of the qur'anic text complicates this
further and the most elaborate effort to
explain textual misplacement — that of
Richard Bell — remains unconvincing
to me.
Almost from the beginning of Islamic
studies in Europe, controversy arose be-
tween two groups of scholars, one of
which believes that Judaism, the other that
eastern (Syrian) Christianity, exercised the
greater influence on Muhammad, the
Qiir'an and the subsequent development of
Islam (see JEWS AND Judaism; christians
AND c;hristianity; religious pluralism
AND the (jur'an). The supporters of
Christianity have until now made little use
of textual criticism in their arguments, al-
though it has always been admitted that
the Arabic of the Qiir'an contains a large
number of borrowings from Syriac.
Recently, however, a book has appeared
under the name of Christoph Luxenberg,
in which the author, who prefers to write
under a pseudonym, deals critically with
what he deems to be traces of Syriac in the
qur'anic text, which include single words,
phrases and syntactic constructions. This
work should be carefully reviewed by
someone familiar with the methods of tex-
tual criticism and equally at home in both
Arabic and Syriac. Here, in some of the
examples that follow, I shall have to limit
myself to citing a few instances of Luxen-
berg's emendations in order to contrast
them with my own, so that the reader can
get some idea of the type of textual criti-
cism he is practicing.
Selected emendations
In the proposed emendations that follow,
because of limitations of space, I have
omitted most of the discussions that ac-
companied the original publications, which
consisted by and large of proposals by
Western scholars and the comments of
Muslim commentators (see tools for the
study of the q,ur'an; contemporary
critical practices and the our'an).
This material is instructive for the history
of tafsir and displays the difficulties that
scholars have had in coming to grips with
the text, but in my judgment it is mis-
guided and does not contribute much to
the correction of the text. I shall, however,
mention those comments of the commen-
tators which are helpful in emending the
text. For many, Arabic was their native lan-
guage, so they could sometimes sense the
correct meaning of a difficult passage (see
DiFFii;uLT passages) and "redefine" the
crucial word accordingly, even when this
was lexically impossible. The modern
textual critic has only to emend following
their lead. There are several examples of
this redefinition in the following
emendations.
Hasab: fuel. Read hatab, with Ubayy b.
Ka'b, in C3 2i:g8. Hasab cannot mean
"fuel"; hatab occurs with this meaning in
Q^ 111:4 ''■^'^ 'i. 72-I5- The mistake was
caused by a copyist omitting the vertical
stroke of the td ', turning it into a sad
(Bellamy, Some proposed emendations,
564)-
Ummah: time, while, (^ 11:8 and o 12:45.
Read amad, which has this meaning four
times, in o 3:30; 18:12; 57:16; 72:25. Final
ddlv/cLS turned into ha', either because the
copyist's pen fed too much ink or his hand
was unsteady and twitched upward and to
the right after the ddi was complete
TEXTUAL CRITICISM
242
(Bellamy, Some proposed emendations,
564)-
Abban: fodder, pasturage, C3 80:31. Read
lubban, "nuts." Abb has no acceptable
meaning here but lubb fits in well with the
other blessings that God has bestowed on
hiunankind (q 80:27-31; see grace;
blessing). The copyist's pen as it turned to
the left after the lam briefly ceased to flow,
breaking the connection with the following
bd' and converting the lam into alif
(Bellamy, Some proposed emendations,
564)-
Sijill: writer of a document, C3 21:104.
Read musjil or musajjil. Sijill means only
"document." In older hands, mim after the
definite article does not turn back under
the alif as in later hands but is no more
than a thickening of the line between the
lam and the following letter. A leaky pen
may have run the mmi into the first tooth of
the sin, causing the imm to lose its identity;
possibly one of the teeth of the sin was in-
distinct, thus facilitating the misreading
(Bellamy, Some proposed emendations,
566).
Hittah: forgiveness, q 2:58; 7:161; read
khitatan. This word has nothing to do with
hatta, which means "put down," but comes
from the verb khati'a, which in the Hijazi
dialect would become khatiya "commit a
sin," with masdar khitah, omitting the hamza.
The spelling is like that of shth — shat'ahu
"its sprout" in c) 48:29. The people are
appealing for forgiveness (q.v.), but they
first must confess their sins (see sin, major
AND minor; repentance and penance).
Khitatan, with the implied omission of the
verb khatind < khati'nd, is the equivalent of
"we have sinned" (Bellamy, Some proposed
emendations, 566).
Surhunna ilajka: incline them (the birds)
toward you, (J 2:260. Vjiadjazzihinna (wa-)
Ibuk, or wa-labbik. Abraham (q.v.; Ibrahim)
is instructed by God, "Take four birds and
incline them towards yourself (fa-surhunna
ilayka) then put a part of them on each
mountain, then call them, and they will
come to you flying." Al-Tabarl (d. 310/923;
Tafsn; iii, 35f.; cf Gilliot, Elt, 107) cites the
two major views on the meaning of sur,
"incline" and "cut up," and chooses the
latter because the majority of the exegetes
accept it; he takes issue with a few Kufan
lexicographers who maintain that sur never
means "cut up." Each group, however, is
right in its own way. Sur never means "cut
up" but the meaning must be "cut to pieces
and mix them up." With the emendation
suggested above the meaning would be,
"make them into pieces and mix them up."
Emending sad tojTm is simple;ja<:<;j is the
classical jrt^^z J since in the Hijazi dialect,
all the hamzas had been lost. The meaning-
less ilayka is removed by reading ulbuk with
no change in the rasm; the wdw was
dropped when the word was misread as
ilayka. Another possibility is that the phrase
originally read wa-labbik, which has the
same meaning, on the assumption that the
wdw was mistaken for an a/ff (Bellamy,
Some proposed emendations, 567).
Sab'an mina l-mathdm: seven mathdni {?).
This and the following two emendations
are of special interest since they depend on
assuming the same mistake. One can argue
that they were copied by the same scribe
with a certain peculiarity in his liandwrit-
ing. Mat/idm occurs in q 15:87: "We have
given you seven mathdm and the mighty
Qiir'an," and again in q 39:23: "God has
sent down the best account, a book (q.v.)
alike (in its parts), mathdm, at which the
skins of those who fear (q.v.) their lord
(q.v.) creep " Read: matdliyi and matdliya,
the broken plural of matluw, meaning "rec-
itations," literally "something that has been
or is to be recited." The copyist mistook
the Idm for a nun because it was too short.
We also emend sab'an to shay 'an. The scribe
wrote a small loop instead of the minim of
theyd'. The next scribe, seeing what he
243
TEXTUAL CRITICISM
took to be a sin and an 'ayn, could hardly
do anything but add the bd'. So (3 15:87
should read wa-la-qad dtayndka shay 'an mina
l-matdlTyi wa-l-qur'dna l-'a^im, "We have
given you some recitations and the mighty
Qur'an" (Bellamy, Some proposed emen-
dations, 567).
Tamannd; ji umniyatihi: to desire, in his de-
sire. In Q^ 22:52 we read: "We have not sent
down before you any messenger or prophet
but that when he desired (idhd tamannd)
Satan injected (something) into his desire
(Ji umniyatihi) but God cancels what Satan
injects, then God makes his signs (q.v.)
strong" (see abrogation; devil; satanic
verses). The word "desire" (verb and
noun) makes little sense here; the sense
required is recite, recitation, which was
recognized by some commentators, who
redefine tamannd to mean qara'a, even in-
venting shawdhid in support of this redefini-
tion (Ibn Ishaq, Sira, 370 f). The redefinition
is correct. We emend tamannd tojMm/fand
umniyatihi to im/fl'zAz, "dictates" and "in his
dictation." The latter word was originally
written 'mlyh, with no alif for the long d.
The nun was written for lam because it was
too short as in mathdm, and one of the min-
ims was lost. After jMm/i" was corrupted to
tamannd, umniyatihi was inevitable (Bellamy,
Some proposed emendations, 568).
Hid amdniyya: except desires. Read
amdliyya, "dictations." C3 2:78 wa-minhum
ummiyyuna (i.e. ignorant people who do not
know the scriptures; see ignorance; ummi;
SCRIPTURE AND THE q^ur'an) Id ya'lamunu
l-kitdba Hid amdniyya wa-in hum illdyag^unnuna,
"And among them are ummiyyuna who do
not know the book except desires and they
can only guess." The exegetes were not
satisfied with amdniyya, and try to redefine
it. Al-Tabarl [Tafsir, i, 2g7f.) prefers the
meaning "hes, falsehoods," but the best
suggestion comes from al-Zajjajl (d.
311/923), who says plainly "They do not
know the book except by recitation" [Hid
tildwatan, Lisdn al- 'Arab, xv, 294; Bellamy,
Some proposed emendations, 569).
Sibghat Alldh: God's religion, C3 2:138.
Read sani'a or kijaya. "But if they turn
away, they are in schism, but God will take
care of them for you [Muhammad;Ja-M-
yakjikahumu lldhu] for he hears and knows
(see SEEING and hearing; knowledge
AND learning); the sibgha of God and who
is better at sibgha than God" ((J 2:137-8).
The word sibgha refers to the Christian
baptism (q.v), so the exegetes were obliged
to redefine it. They take it to mean din or
imdn, or they equate it with the millat
Ibrdhim, in q 2:135, which they take to
mean Islam (see religion; faith). It
seems inconceivable that one should find
in the Q^ur'an the name of a Christian sac-
rament used — even metaphorically — for
Islam or imdn. The whole idea runs counter
to the general attitude toward Christianity
and Judaism in the Qiir'an (see polemic
and polemical language;
apologetics), and is so disturbing that the
word practically announces itself as a mis-
take. In my view, sibghat Alldh refers to the
words immediately preceding,y?!-jfl-
yakjikuhum Alldh. Taken thus, sibgha is an
exclamatory accusative, used in praise of
God's action in sparing the Prophet the
trouble of dealing with his own enemies
(q.v; see also opposition to muhammad).
There are two emendations that would
give this sense. The first is to read sani'a,
"favor." This emendation can be effected
without altering the rasm if we assume that
the original sdd did not have the little nub
on the left — this is often omitted in
manuscripts — but that the next copyist
took the nun to be the nub. Otherwise it is
possible to add a minim to the rasm, a mi-
nor change. The second possibility is to
read kijaya, the masdar of kaja, which would
have been spelled kjyh, the long d without
alij. In older manuscripts, kdjis, often writ-
ten without the diagonal stroke that we add
TEXTUAL CRITICISM
244
separately, but is written first and then
turns left and under to complete the letter.
The copyist misread kdfas sad, and then
took the loop of the^'for a miniin.
Initially, it was my assessment that sam'a
was preferable, since fewer changes were
necessary to bring it into line (Bellamy,
Some proposed emendations, 570), but
kijaya is what should be expected, given
sajakjikuhum and good sense should take
precedence over paleography.
Ashdb al-a 'raj: the People of the Heights
(q.v.), (J 7:48 (cf. (J 7:46). The verses refer to
a group of men who are situated in some
vantage point from which they can observe
both the blessed in heaven and the damned
in hell (see reward and punishment;
paradise; hell and hellfire). "Between
them is a curtain (hijdb), and on the a'rdf
('aid l-a'rdj) are men who know each by
their mark, and they call to the people of
heaven... and the people of the a'fdfcall to
men whom they know by their mark; they
say 'Your collecting [of money] has not
helped you nor has your arrogance (q.v.).'"
The word a'rdf is the plural of 'urf, which
means "mane" or "comb" of a cock, and it
may not be incorrect. It could be used met-
aphorically of some high place on which
these observers are located. What makes it
a bit suspicious is that the metaphor (q.v.)
does not appear to have been used either
before or after the revelation of this pas-
sage. Furthermore, if the word refers to the
top of the hijdb (see veil), as some think,
one should expect 'aid a'rdfihi. Two emen-
dations can be proposed here, neither of
which has to be metaphorical, though the
second may be. The first is ajrdf, pi. oi jmf
or juruf, which means "bank," specifically
of a wddi that has been undercut by the
current, or, simply, "a bank that rises
abruptly from a torrent or stream" (Lane,
411). Paleographically there is no difficulty.
Sometimes in early manuscripts and papyri
initial Aa' begins with a lead-in line like a
small arc with the concavity facing right,
which then continues toward the right
completing the main body of the letter. If
this arc is exaggerated the whole letter can
be mistaken for an 'ayn. The other sug-
gestion is ahruf, pi. of harf, which means,
among other things, "point, ridge, brow,
ledge, of a mountain" (Lane, 550). The
same emendation, 'ayn to Aa'is needed here
as in ajrdf, and the a/zf presents no problem.
It might have been introduced at the time
of the 'Uthmanic recension, or it could
have been added by 'Ubaydallah b. Ziyad,
who during his governorship of Kufa
(53"9/673-9) instituted a reform in cjur'anic
spelling, which consisted of the introduc-
tion of about 2,000 alifs into the text
(Noldeke, GQ_, iii, 255f ). Taken this way,
ahruf IS not metaphorical but we find the
singular harf used metaphorically in
(J 22:11: "And among the people there are
those who serve God on a Aarf and if good
comes to them they are at ease with it but
if trouble comes to them, they turn back to
their (old) ways" (see good and evil;
TRUST AND PATIENCE). These people who
serve God on a ridge (harf) are fence-sitters
who are not sure which way they will jump
since circumstances can vary. The same is
true of the ashdb al-a'rdf who are not sure
whether they will end in heaven or hell,
since it depends on God's will, which they
do not yet know (see freedom and
predestination). The two usages are not
exactly parallel, since a'rdf is plural and
definite and harf is singular and indefinite;
nevertheless the similarity is striking. In
general, I prefer the reading ahruf hut
would suspend judgment on whether it
should be taken metaphorically or not
(Bellamy, Some proposed emendations,
571)-
Wa-inna kullan lammd la-yuwaffyannahum
rabbuka a'mdlahum, cj 1 1:1 11. The crux is the
word lammd, for which we find the variants
la-md, lamman (ace), which is said to mean
245
TEXTUAL CRITICISM
"all" (jamT'an); or, inna is changed into neg-
ative in, and lammd given the sense of ilia
"except." Barth (Studien, 136) must be cor-
rect in saying that lamma cannot be con-
strued and ought to be deleted. Once this
is done the sentence is good grammatical
Arabic and fits perfectly in the context:
"Surely to all, your lord will give full re-
quital for their deeds" (see good deeds;
EVIL deeds; heavenly book). Barth does
not explain, however, how lammd got into
the text; that is, he ignores the fourth re-
quirement for an acceptable emendation.
The copyist's eye, after he had written kal-
ian, strayed back to verse 108, where we
find wa-innd la-muwajfuhum nasibahum,
"Indeed we shall give them their fidl por-
tion." He proceeded to write la-muwaffuhum
but caught his mistake after writing only
lam and mim, which he cancelled with a
vertical stroke. This stroke was read by a
later copyist as a/jf after the mim, thus pro-
ducing the meaningless lammd (Bellamy,
More proposed emendations, 196).
The earliest version of the story of the
prophet Shu'ayb (q.v.) is found in
Q^ 26:177-89, in which it is told how he was
sent to the People of the Thicket (q.v.;
ashdb al-ayka, cf q^ 26:176), whom he urged
to obey God and the prophet. He was re-
jected by his people and they were pun-
ished by a day of shadow. There are two
problems in the story: the form of the
prophet's name, and the identity of the
ashdb al-ayka. The name Shu'ayb does not
appear in pre-Islamic sources or in proto-
Arabic inscriptions and it does not have a
good Arabic etymology. It does, however,
contain an 'ajn, which argues for a Semitic
origin, so the natural place to look for the
original is the Hebrew Bible. I believe that
Shu ayb is a mistake for Sha'ya (spelled
with final alif), the Arabic form of Isaiah.
The difference between Sha'ya and
Shu'ayban (in the accusative) is only a sin-
gle minim, so the name in the original
(Arabic) source was probably in the ac-
cusative. The next step is to turn to the
book of Isaiah to see if we can find any
features common to the text of Isaiah and
that of the Qur'an that will corroborate
our claim that the two are the same. In
Isaiah 21:13-17 we find:
the oracle concerning Arabia. In the thick-
ets of Arabia you will lodge, O caravans of
Dedanites. To the thirsty bring water, meet
fugitives with bread, O inhabitants of the
land of Tema, for they have fled from the
swords, from the drawn sword, from the
bent bow, and from the press of battle. For
the Lord said to me, "Within a year, ac-
cording to the years of a hireling, all the
glory of Kedar will come to an end; and
the remainder of the archers of the mighty
men of the sons of Kedar will be few, for
the Lord, the God of Israel has spoken"
(Oxford translation).
I believe that the ashdb al-ayka are the
Dedanite merchants who were driven into
the thickets of Arabia by an incursion of
the sons of Kedar, who are to be punished
for their sins. That there is some confusion
between the two versions over who the real
sinners were is not serious enough to in-
validate this piece of evidence, which,
taken together with the emendation, is suf-
ficient not only to identify the ashdb al-ayka,
but also to confirm that Shu'ayb and Isaiah
are the same (Bellamy, More proposed
emendations, 197).
Q, 74'49"5i describes the rejection by the
Meccans of Muhammad's message: "Why
do they turn away from the reminder (q.v.)
as if they were frightened asses fleeing
from a qaswara?" There is much uncer-
tainty among the exegetes and lexicog-
raphers about this word, which is usually
translated as "lion." I believe that it derives
from the Syrmc. pantord "panther," which
goes back ultimately to the Greek panther.
TEXTUAL CRITICISM
246
The Greek was transcribed into Syriac
with the ambivalent letter ^/f; this in turn
was transliterated into Arabic with the am-
bivalent letter f/q, which closely resembles
Syriac jS, and which of course was left
without dots. The only real mistake in the
qiu''anic rasm is a minim error which oc-
curred when a copyist wrote a sin instead of
n-t. Panther is a better comparison in this
passage than lion, since it is unlikely that
Arabs ever had the opportunity to see a
lion chasing an onager. The cheetah, how-
ever, under the name fahd, which also
means "leopard" and "panther," was well
known to the Arabs as a hunting animal.
Fanturah does not present a perfect rhyme,
probably because it derives from a written
source that was neither pointed nor vocal-
ized, so the reader who first attempted to
pronounce the unfamiliar word changed
the vowel « to the consonant w, just as
he read q for f. If panturah had been
borrowed orally it would probably have
been pronounced bamturah, since p in
foreign words borrowed into Arabic
becomes b (Bellamy, More proposed emen-
dations, 198).
An alternative emendation is given by
Luxenberg [Syro-Aramdische Lesart, 45f.)
who derives qaswarah from the Syriac root
q-s-r (Arabic qasura, "be incapable"), from
which a dialect word qusrd, also qiisrd, is
found, which means "decrepit old ass un-
able to carry a load." The spectacle of
asses fleeing from a tired decrepit ass is
explained as a foolish action, unjustified
because there is no real threat. Likewise
there is no good reason for men to flee
from the reminder The Arabic has pre-
served the classical Syriac pattern qasord.
The name of the prophet or holy man
Dhu 1-Kifl (q.v.) appears twice in the
Qiir'an: "And Ishmael (q.v.; Isma'il) and
Idris (q.v.) and Dhu 1-Kifl were of those
who were patient and we caused them to
enter into our mercy" (o 21:85-6); and
"and remember Ishmael, Elisha (q.v.; al-
Yasa'), and Dhu 1-Kifl, they were all of the
best" (o 38:48). Kifl can mean "pledge,
guarantee" and "double," but no satisfac-
tory interpretation of the name has been
offered. I think that Dhu 1-Kifl is a copyist's
error for Dhu 1-Tifl, "he of the child," and
that it, like the story of Shif ayb and the
ashdb al-ajka, goes back ultimately to the
book of Isaiah. In Isaiah 9:6 we read: "for
to us a child is born, to us a son is given,
and the government shall be upon his
shoulder, and his name will be called 'won-
derful counselor, mighty God, everlasting
father, prince of peace"' and in Isaiah 11:6,
"the wolf will dwell with the lamb, and the
leopard shall lie down with the kid and the
lion and the falling together, and a little
child shall lead them." These verses were
regarded by Christians as foretelling the
coming of Christ, so they woifld be the
parts of Isaiah most likely to be widely cir-
culated among Christians, and so most
likely to be picked up by Muhammad or
his source. The use of the particle dhu is a
bit puzzling, but since the child is men-
tioned in the book of Isaiah, the phrase
Dhu 1-Tifl probably refers to Isaiah him-
self. He was of course a prophet and so
deserves to be mentioned along with
Ishmael, Idrls, and Elisha. Confusion of t
and k is a common mistake in Arabic man-
uscripts (Bellamy, More proposed emenda-
tions, 199).
In q 44:23 God orders Moses to lead the
Children of Israel (q.v.) through the Red
Sea: "Make my servants travel by night
(fa-asri bi-'ibddi laylan); indeed you will be
pursued; and leave the sea gaping wide
(wa-truki i-balim rahwan); indeed they are an
army that will be drowned" ((J 44:23-4; see
DROWNiNo). The crux lies in the words of
command which the exegetes assume God
addressed to Moses after the Israelites had
crossed over, although the first clause could
only have been spoken before they started
247
TEXTUAL CRITICISM
out. The word rahwan is taken by most ex-
egetes to mean "gaping wide," and most
translators accept this, though Blachere
(170) notes tliat tlie phrase makes no sense
to the commentators and that rahwan
means only "marcher doucement." The
necessary emendation is obvious. One
sliould read wa-nzili l-bahra rahwan, "and
descend into the sea at an easy pace."
There is no longer any need to shift tlie
scene from before to after tlie crossing, and
rahwan now has its most common meaning.
Confusion of isolated lam and kdf'ia com-
mon in Arabic manuscripts (Bellamy, More
proposed emendations, 198).
In q 70:10-14 the Qiir'an describes the
desperate situation of those sinners who
are about to be punished on judgment day
(see LAST judgment): "And friends will not
ask friends (wa-ldyas'alu hamimun hamiman);
they will be made to see them
(yubassariinahum); the sinner would like to
rescue himself from the punishment of
that day by his children (q.v.), his wife, and
his brother, and his kinfolks (see kinship)
who give him refuge and everyone on
earth, then (he thinks) this would save
him." Tubassarunahum makes little sense in
the context. Blachere (94) and Paret [Koran,
482) note that the meaning is uncertain.
Since Idyas'alu requires a second object,
the best emendation here is to read
jansurunahum without altering the rasm, and
translating, "Friends will not ask friend to
help them." Since they are willing to ran-
som themselves with the whole world, they
would not consider asking mere friends for
help (see friends and friendship;
intercession). The word hammi may be
used as a plural justifying the plural verb
(Lane, 637). When an is omitted, the fol-
lowing verb is in the indicative. Another
qur'anic example is found in (J 39:64;
a-Ja-ghayra lldhi ta'murunm a'budu, "Do you
command me to worship (q.v.) other than
God?" This construction is found after
verbs of command, including qdia, refus-
ing, forbidding, knowing, and in oaths and
asseverations (Reckendorf, Arabische Syntax,
384). Since asking is a mild form of com-
mand, it is reasonable to admit the con-
struction here, although I have not found
another example with sa'ala (Bellamy,
More proposed emendations, 200).
The word siira occurs nine times in the
Qur'an in the singular and once in the plu-
ral suwar. The word always refers to a por-
tion of the divine revelation but not as yet
a specific portion. The problem with sura is
not its meaning but its derivation, and on
this point there is much variation among
the Muslim exegetes and the non-Muslims
scholars alike. For an extensive survey of
the proposals by the latter, see Jeffery [For.
vocab., 180-2); none of them is convincing.
The lexicographers are equally at a loss.
They etymologize the word, trying to de-
rive it from s-w-r or s-'-r. The word sura
may mean "eminence of nobility, exalted
state, rank," as well as "row of bricks or
stones in a wall" (Lane, 1465). Su'ra means
"a remnant of food or drink left in a ves-
sel" or "remnant of youthfid vigor." But
one cannot really believe that Midiammad
would employ a word meaning "dregs"
and "orts" or "row of bricks" as a meta-
phor for a divine revelation. In emending
the text, the main consideration is to find a
word that is fitting and appropriate for a
revelation sent down by God from on high
(see revelation and inspiration). I be-
lieve we can find it in the Heb. be'sordh,
which means "tidings, good tidings, news
(q.v.; see also oooD news)." The mistake is
another instance of a minim error in
which the copyist wrote three minims in-
stead of four. As in the case of Shu'ayb
and qaswara, the error did not originate in
the qur'anic tradition, but was already
present in the source from which sura was
taken. The borrowing must have been
fairly old, since the word had already
TEXTUAL CRITICISM
248
acquired a broken plural (Bellamy, More
proposed emendations, 201).
In Exodus 3:1-5, die lord speaks to Moses
from the burning bush: "Do not come
near; put off your shoes from your feet
(q.v.), for the place on which you are stand-
ing is sacred ground" (see sacred and
profane). In the story as retold in the
Qiir'an (c3 20:12), the lord says: "I am your
lord, so take off your sandals; verily you
are in the sacred valley, Tuwa" (q.v.; bi-
l-wddi l-muqaddasi tuwan). The best that the
exegetes could offer is that tuwan is the
name of the valley, but they do not know
what it means. There is an episode in the
Bible, however, that will give us a clue as to
the meaning of tuwan. In Joshua 5:15 the
commander of the lord's army comes to
Joshua and says, "Put off your shoes from
your feet, for the place where you stand is
holy, and Joshua did so." The event oc-
curred in a place near Jericho called
Gilgal, where the Israelites were en-
camped. The Bible, with a play on words,
associates Gilgal with the g-l-l, which in the
yfl/-form means "to roll." By changing the
vowel damma in tuwd to fatha we get a verb
tawd, which means among other things "to
roll" (transitive), literally "he rolled." It is
reasonable to assume that tawd is a transla-
tion of the exegetical definition of Gilgal.
The discrepancy between Motint Horeb
and Gilgal and between Moses and Joshua
should not give tis pause, since the Qiir'an
in telling biblical stories often modifies
them. No emendation of the rasm is neces-
sary; however, the damma in Tuwa may
have been influenced by the fact that there
is a locality near Mecca (q.v.) called Dhu
Ttiwa, where the pilgrims rest up before
coming into the city (Bellamy, Textual criti-
cism, 2; see pilgrimage).
Q, 4:51 states that those who have been
given (only) a portion of the book believe
in the jibt (q.v.) and the tdg/iut (see idols
and images). No one really knows who or
what the jibt is or are. The Muslim
commentators equate it with the tdghut,
that is "idol, priest, sorcerer" (see magic;
POLYTHEISM AND ATHEISM; PRE-ISLAMIC
ARABIA AND THE (JUr'an). For the views of
non-Muslim scholars, see Jeffery [For.
vocab., 99). If, however, we emend jibt very
slightly, by moving the dot from beneath
the hd' to above the letter, we get al-jinnat,
which means the jinn (q.v.), a word that
also occurs frequently in the Qtir'an. The
only unusual thing about it is the use of the
long td', instead of td' marbuta, for the femi-
nine singular ending. Jinnah, which also
means "madness" (see insanity), occurs
ten times in the Qiir'an, always spelled
with td' marbuta. G. Bergstrasser (in
Noldeke, gq, iii, 27), however, lists thirty-
six instances in the Qiir'an where feminine
singular ending is long td', and a number of
cases where it may be either singtilar or
plural. The fact that all the other occur-
rences of the word have td' marbuta may
have been responsible for the readers' not
recognizing the word here. In the time of
Muhammad the jinn or jinna were im-
personal gods: "The Arabs of Mecca as-
serted the existence of a kinship (nasab)
between them and Allah (Ktir'an
XXXVII, 158), made them companions of
Allah (VI, 100), offered sacrifices to them
(VI, 128), and sought aid of them (LXXII,
6)" (Macdonald/Masse, Djinn, 547; see
sacrifh;e; idolatry and idolaters).
Particularly close to the phrase "they be-
lieve in the jibt —jinnat" (yu'minuna bi-l-jibt)
is (J 72:6, "there are people of mankind
who seek refuge with the people of the
jinn" (ya'udhuna bi-rijdlin mina Ijinni). Here
again we do not need to emend the rasm
(Bellamy, Textual criticism, 3).
In q 6:74 Abraham asks his father Azar
(q.v.), "Do you take (a-tattakhidhu) idols as
gods?" The problem is that in the Bible
Abraham's father is not Azar but Terah.
(See Jeffery, For vocab., 54f. for the opinions
249
TEXTUAL CRITICISM
of Western scholars on this name.) More
useful is the view of some Muslim exegetes
who believe that Azar is an expression of
blame; it is likejjfl a'raj, "O limper," as if he
were saying to his sinful father, "O sinner,
O dotard, O old man," or that it is a word
of rebuke or forbidding wrong-doing {Taj
al-'arus, x, 46f.). Although the canonical
reading ('-r-r) does not vary, there is an
unusual shddhdh reading, ascribed to Ibn
'Abbas, which takes the alifoi the follow-
ing word as the last letter of the previous
word. Jeffery thinks the reading was origi-
nally 'a-'izran, with the first a/i/^ represent-
ing two hamzas and the last the tanwm of
the accusative. This, he says, was the read-
ing of Isma'il al-Shami (Jeffery,
Marginalia, 137). Iz^ is a variant of wizr,
"burden," but it can hardly be correct; it
does not occur in the Qiir'an, whereas wizr
and its plural awzar occur twelve times, so
it is clearly the form preferred by
Muhammad. Combining the insight of the
Muslim exegetes noted above (that the
word is some kind of reproach) with the
deviant readingjust mentioned, the residt
is the reading '-r-r- \ which can be vocal-
ized 'izra'an, and translated "contemptu-
ously": that is, "when Abraham said to his
father contemptuously 'You take idols as
gods.'" The only objection that one might
make is that azrd takes the prepositions bi-
or 'aid before the object; but one can argue
here that the masdar is used absolutely, so it
is not necessary to mention the object,
which is clear from the context. No real
change in the rasm is necessary (Bellamy,
Textual criticism, 3).
Three names which have created difficul-
ties for the Muslim exegetes and Western
scholars alike are Idrls, 'Uzayr (see Ezra),
and al-Rass (q.v.). I believe that all three
refer to the same person, Esdras or Ezra,
the presumed author and protagonist of
the Jewish apocalyptic book 2 Esdras (4
Esdras in the Catholic Bible). Idrls is men-
tioned twice in the Qiir'an: "And mention
in the book Idrls; verily he was truthful and
a prophet, and we raised him to an exalted
place" [q_ 19:56-7; see prophets and
prophethood), and again in cj 21:85-6,
where he is mentioned along with Ishmael
and Dhu 1-Kifl. The Muslim commenta-
tors identify him with the biblical Enoch
because "Enoch walked with God, and he
was not, for God took him" [Gen 5:24),
which seems to refer to his "exalted place"
in {) I9-57- Among non-Muslim scholars,
P. Casanova correctly suggested that the
reference was to Esdras, and Bell in his
translation of the Qiir'an (p. 288) agrees
with Casanova that Idrls is probably
Esdras. The connection between Esdras
and Idrls is obvious. Arabic does not admit
consonantal clusters, so when a foreign
word is borrowed that has one, either an
epenthetic vowel is inserted or one of the
consonants is dropped, which reduces the
cluster to two; in this case the sigma has
been dropped. The following consonant jifl'
was pronounced (« or c as a result of the
imdla of the alif. There is moreover in 2
Esdras 14:9 a clear statement that Esdras
will be raised up. God says to him: "You
shall be taken up from among men and
henceforth you shall live with my son and
with those who are like you until the times
are ended." This is clearer than the state-
ment in Genesis about Enoch. No emenda-
tion of the rasm is necessary.
In C3 9:30 we read: "The Jews say: "Uzayr
is the son of God,' and the Christians say,
'The Messiah is the son of God.'" Even
more curious than the form of the name is
the statement that 'Uzayr was believed by
the Jews to be the son of God (see people
OF THE book). I believe that we can solve
both problems. Jeffery says that the form of
the name is difficult but that it must come
from the biblical 'Ezra. "The form may be
due to Muhammad himself not properly
grasping the name, or possibly giving it the
TEXTUAL CRITICISM
250
contemptuous diminutive form" (Jeffery,
For. vocab., 2i4f.). The last statement is most
unlikely since the Qtir'an does not else-
where treat biblical figures with contempt.
The first step in solving the textual prob-
lem is to take the a/ff from the beginning of
ib?i and attach it to 'Uzayr, as we did in the
case of Azar. This gives us 'Uzayra, which
could be the diminutive of 'Ezra. It is,
however, a feminine form (Howell,
Grammar, i/3, I232f.), and probably would
not have been used of a prophet who was a
man. Moreover, the Arabic diminutive
(orm fu 'ay I is used only when it is formed
from a noun with three consonants and no
long vowel, e.g.fa'i,fu'l, etc. (see ARABIC
language). So 'Uzayr could not be a di-
minutive of 'Ezra. I do not believe, how-
ever, that a diminutive was intended, but
that the yd' is intrusive, caused by a rough
spot in the papyrus or vellum, or by an
overflowing pen. Once this is eliminated,
two possibilities present themselves. First
we have '-.j-r-', an exact transliteration of
the biblical 'Ezra. We note, however, that
the word ibn in the Qiir'an is always writ-
ten with the alij^ but in later texts the alif is
often omitted contrary to the rules, and the
orthography may have been standardized
sometime after the original recording. A
second, even more likely, possibility is that
the long a was shortened in recitation be-
cause of the cluster bn which follows. The
scribe may simply have reproduced what
he heard the Prophet say, which was
'azrabnu, retaining, however, the conven-
tional alif in ibn. The question why the Jews
are said to believe that 'Uzayr is the son of
God can be answered by again referring to
2 Esdras 14:9. There is, however, an even
more pertinent reference in 2 Esdras
2:42-8. Esdras on Mount Zion sees a vision
of a yoimg man who is placing crowns on
the heads of a midtitude of people. He
asks an angel who the young man is, and is
told: "He is the son of God, whom they
confessed in the world." It is clear that
Muhammad or his informant confused the
name of the prophet Esdras, which is also
the name of the book, with the son of God
seen by Esdras in his vision.
The phrase ashdb al-rass occurs in two lists
of people who disbelieved in the prophets
sent to them and so perished (q 25:37-8;
50:12-14; see PUNISHMENT stories). The
word rass has several meanings but the one
adopted by most commentators, and con-
sequently by some translators, is "well," so
the ashdb al-rass become the People of the
Well. The commentators, however, do not
agree on who they were, where the well
was located, or precisely what the name of
their prophet was. This is not surprising,
since al-rass is nothing more than Idris mis-
spelled. The ra'was written too close to the
ddl, which was then read as a Idm. Theyd',
which has only one minim, was probably
lost through a flattening-out of the minims.
It may never have been there, however,
since the following vowel could have been
read as long d, but pronounced without
imdla and so not reproduced in the writing.
The only other letter that could have been
read instead of ddl/dhdl is kdf, but the roots
k-r-s and k-r-sh gave no satisfactory mean-
ing. So in sum, Idris and al-Rass go back to
Esdras and 'Uzayr goes back to 'Ezra, and
in the apocryphal tradition Esdras and
'Ezra are the same (Bellamy, Textual criti-
cism, 4).
Perhaps the most mysterious textual
problem in the Qiir'an is the name 'Isa,
which is the name given to Jesus (q.v). No
one has yet satisfactorily explained why the
Qiir'an should call Jesus 'Isa, since he is
referred to by eastern Christians as Yasu'
or Iso'. 'Isa does not occur before the
Qiir'an but Yasu' is used in personal names
at an early period. The fact that 'Isa has no
satisfactory derivation and no pre-qur'anic
history should have suggested to scholars
that the word might be a mistake. I had
251
TEXTUAL CRITICISM
originally emended the text to m-s-j-ji, to
be read Massiya, whicii I tliought derived
ultimately from the Greek messias without
the nominative singular ending. I now pre-
fer to derive it from the Arabic al-Masih,
from which the definite article has been
dropped. This involves emending the 'ayn
to mlm, and dividing the four minims into
sin anAjd', then emending the finaljrt'to
final hd'. It is much more likely that the
Prophet would have known the Arabic
term than the Greek, so we do not have to
assume that he vacillated between Greek
and Arabic. The real problem is why
Muhammad would have rejected Yasu' for
any alternative. I believe that his choice
was dictated by the fact that Yasu' could
have been turned into an obscene insult by
his enemies. The verb aswa'a and also ap-
parently sd'a, jasu'u refer to the action of
the two Cowper glands, which secrete a
fluid when sexually stimulated [Tdj al-'arus,
xxi, 243). The ras?ns of the two verbs are
the same, ji-s-w-'. The phrases "Yasu'
Yasu"' or "Yuswi' Yasu'" could have been
used to ridicule Muhammad's claim that
Jesus was a prophet (Bellamy, Textual criti-
cism, 6; id.. Further note, 587-8).
Luxenberg (Syro-Aramdische Lesart, 26f.), on
the other hand, derives 'Isa from the bibli-
cal Isay, (Jesse, in the English Bible) the
father of David (q.v.). The eastern Syrians
weaken initial 'ayn so that it is realized by
hamza, and the final 'ayn vanishes com-
pletely. This agrees with Mandaean spell-
ing in which 'ayn is used for hamza, and
final 'ayn is dropped. The diphthong
— ay — was eventually monophthongized
to d, a common feature in eastern Syriac.
The tale of the Seven Sleepers of
Ephesus is told in q 18 (see men oe the
cave). In C3 18:9 God speaks to the
Prophet: "Or did you think that the com-
panions of the cave and (of) al-Raqim (q.v.;
anna ashdba l-kahfi wa-l-raqimi) were one of
our marvelous signs?" The word al-raqim
has not been satisfactorily explained, which
makes it likely that the word is wrong. I
suggest that it is a mistake for al-ruqud, pi.
of rdqid, "sleeping, sleeper," so the phrase
should read ashdba l-kahji l-ruqudi, "the
sleeping companions of the cave." The
corruption began with the loss of the final
ddl; detached letters when final are some-
times omitted through carelessness. The
other mistakes occurred because of the
effort of a copyist to correct the text. The
remaining letters rqw make no sense, so he
mistook w for m, and addedjc to give the
word a common nominal pattern, but
since the new word does not fit with what
precedes, he added the conjunction to
make it a separate phrase. We note further
that ruqud is also found in C3 18:18, wa-
tahsibuhum ayqd^an wa-hu?n ruqudun, "you
would think them awake but they are
sleeping" (Bellamy, Al-racjim, 115).
Similarly, Luxenberg [Syro-Aramdische Lesart,
65f.) emends al-raqtm to al-ruqdd, "sleep,"
taking thejffl' as representing long d, read-
ing "the people of the cave and of the
sleep." This goes against the orthography
of the Qiir'an, in which d after qdf, which
occurs hundreds of times, is either omitted
or is represented by alif. Exceptions occur
when alif IS, alif maqsurd, as in '-sh-q-y =
ashqd ((j 87:11), and is retained when a suf-
fix follows, e.g. '-sh-q-h-' = ashqdha (q 91:12);
this represents the pronunciation — ay (see
JLahin, Ancient West-Arabian, ii^i. and 160,
who treats the matter in detail). In o 3:28,
however, we do find t-q-y-h = tuqdt, but in
q 3:102, with attached pronoun, t-q-'-t-h or
t-q-t-h = tuqdtihi (Noldeke, gq, iii, 40). This
word made difficulties for some readers:
Ya'qilb al-HadramI and Hasan al-Basra
(d. 110/728) read taqiyatan (ibid., n. 4). This
one exception, which is probably a mistake
itself, is not sufficient to justify the reading
al-ruqdd.
In C3 101:6-11 we read "As for him whose
scales are heavy (see weights and
T H A M U D
252
measures), he shall be in a pleasing way of
life, as for him whose scales are light^i-
ummuhu hdwiyah, but how should you know
what that is? A hot fire." Even though the
phrase in <J I0i:g is defined in verse 11, no
one has been able to explain how the
phrase can mean what it surely must mean
(see pit). The literal meaning is "his
mother shall perish" or "his mother shall
be bereft," but "hot fire" cannot explain it.
Of the several Western scholars who have
commented on this passage, Blachere
(p. 26) comes close to solving the problem.
He admits that the phrase does not make
good sense; he translates it, "s'acheminera
vers im abime," but he thinks it would be
simpler to take umm (perhaps to be read
amm) as a verbal noun of amma, "se diriger
vers, aller vers un but." I, however, believe
that what is required is an ordinary femi-
nine noun, which was supplied by ummuhu,
but which is inappropriate here. Read in-
stead, without changing the rasm, ummatun
"path, way, course," and translate "then a
steep course downward shall be his."
Ummatun hdwiyatun is an incomplete nomi-
nal sentence, which can easily be com-
pleted by reference to the context. Such
sentences are common in the Qiir'an; they
occur most often in the apodoses of con-
ditional sentences, as in this passage (see
Q, 2:265; 4:92; 56:88-94, for other exam-
ples; also Bellamy, Fa-ummuhu hawiyah,
485)-
James A. Bellamy
Bibliography
Primary: Abu 'Ubayd al-Qasim b. Sallam, Fada'il
al-Qur'dn wa-ma'dlimuhu wa-dddbuhu, ed. A. b.
A.al-W. al-KhayyatT, 2 vols., Rabat 1995, ii,
91-104 {traditions on mistakes in the codices);
Danl, Taysir; Ibn Ishaq, Sira; Lisdn al-'Arab;
TabarT, TafsTr; Tdj al- 'arus.
Secondary: J. Barth, Studien zur Kritik und
Exegese des Qprans, in Der Islam 6 (1916), 113-48;
Bell, Qiir'dn; ^.K. Bellamy, A further note of 'Isa,
in JAOS 122 (2002), 587-8; id., Al-raqlm or
al-ruqud. A note on surah 18:19, in jaos hi
{1991), 115-17; id., Fa-ummuhu hawiyah. A note
on surah 101:9, in jaos ri2 (1992), 485-7; id..
More proposed emendations to the text of the
Koran, in jAOs 116 {1996), 196-204; id., Some
proposed emendations to the text of the Koran,
in JAOS 113 (1993), 562-73; id.. Textual criticism
of the Koran, in JAOS 121 (2001), 1-6; Blachere;
J. Burton, Linguistic errors in the Qur^an, in jss
33 (1988), 181-96; Gilhot, EH; A.E. Housman,
The application of thought to textual criticism,
in Proceedings of the Classical Association 18 (1921),
67-84; M.S. Howell, Grammar of the classical Arabic
language, repr. Delhi 1986; Jeffery, For. vocab.; id..
Marginalia to Bergstrasser's edition of Ibn
Khalawih, in Islamica 7 (1935-6), 130-55; Lane;
Ch. Luxenberg (pseudonym). Die Syro-Aramdische
Lesart des Koran. Ein Beitrag zur EntschlUsselung der
Koransprache, Berlin 2000; D.B. Macdonald/
H. Masse, Djinn, in Ei", ii, 546-9; Noldeke, gq;
id., Zur Sprache des Korans, in id., J\feue Beitr age
zur semitischen Sprachwissenschaft, Strassburg
1904-10; repr. Amsterdam 1982, 1-30 (Fr. trans.
G.-H. Bousquet, Remarques critiques sur le style et la
syntaxe du Coran, Paris 1953); Paret, Koran;
G. ^ahin, Ancient West-Arabian, London 1951;
H. K^e ckendorf, Arabische Syntax, Heidelberg
1921.
Textual History of the Qiir'an see
UNITY OF THE TEXT OF THE Q^UR'aN;
mushaf; textual criticism of the
q^ur'an; collection of the our'an;
CODICES of the OUr'aN
Thamud
An ancient tribe, mentioned twenty-six
times in the Qiir'an, counted among many
peoples who rebelled against God and his
messengers (see messenger; prophets
AND prophethood). The story of
Thamud forms part of a repeated trope of
human rebellion (q.v.) and subsequent de-
struction (see PUNISHMENT stories;
generations) appearing in reference to
other lost peoples such as the 'Ad (q.v.) and
the people of Lot (q.v.), Noah (q.v),
Midian (q.v.), Pharaoh (q.v), Tubba'
(q.v), Iram (q.v) and the ashdb al-rass
253
T H A M U D
(see PEOPLE OF THE THICKET; see also
geography).
Most often the Thainud are mentioned
along with the 'Ad and represent lost pre-
Islamic Arabian tribes (see tribes and
clans; pre-islamic arabia and the
q^ur'an) that fit the pattern of rebellion
and destruction. The Thamud succeed the
'Ad and live in homes hewn out of the
earth (o 7:74; 26:149). Salih (q.v.) is God's
Thamudic prophet (o 7:73; 11:61; 26:141-2;
27:45) and the Qiir'an retains the oral
memory (see orality and writing in
Arabia): "And to Thamud their brother
Salih. He said: 'O my people! Serve God.
You have no other god save him' " ((j 11:61;
see worship; polytheism and atheism).
Salih's people acknowledge his qualities
(q, 11:62) but refuse to abandon the ances-
tral, polytheistic, tradition. They repudiate
him because he is only mortal (o 26:154;
54:24) and demand a sign (see signs). He
provides a she-camel, a camel (q.v.) of God
(Q. 7-73)> ^^<i recjuires that she not be
harmed or that both she and the people
drink their well water on equal terms
{q_ 11:64; 26:155-6; 54:27-8). They respond
by wounding or hamstringing her (c) 7:77;
11:65; 26:157; 54:29; 91:14); the term for
this, '-q-r, is far less common tha.nj~r-h and,
in some of its forms (e.g. 'aqir, a barren
[woman]), connotes infertility. As a result
the Thamud are destroyed except for their
messenger Salih, or Salih and a few right-
eous survivors (c3 11:66; 27:53; 41:18). The
Thamud are destroyed by an earthquake
[rajfa, q_ 7:78, associated with the last day in
Q, 79:6; see LAST judgment; apocalypse),
a thunderbolt {sd'iqa, c) 41:13, 17; 51:44), a
shout [sayha, (j 54:31), a terrible storm
{tdghiya, associated linguistically with a
common term for transgression, t-gh-y,
^ 69:5) or by burying [damdama 'alayhim,
Q_ 91:14). It is interesting to note that these
forms of destruction correlate with the saj'
rhyme of the different passages in which
the story is placed (see rhymed prose;
FORM AND STRUCTURE OF THE Q^UR'an;
language and STYLE OF THE Q^UR'an). In
Q^ 27, the story blends into a narrative rem-
iniscent of biblical and midrashic sources
treating the destruction of Sodom, with
nine evil, violent, plotting people who
caused the destruction (o 27:48-51), fol-
lowed by direct reference to Lot (<j 27:54;
see narratives; scripture and the
q^ur'an).
The story is expanded in the exegetical
traditions (see exegesis of the qur'an:
CLASSICAL AND MEDIEVAL) in ways that
provide meaning to obscure scriptural
verses, but with some renderings (i.e.
Kisa'i, Qisas, 117-28) utterly fantastic. The
Thamud was a mighty people living in al-
Hijr (see hijr) who served idols (see idols
AND images), were corrupt, and failed to
heed the warnings of their prophet, Salih,
unless he would show them a miracle (see
Warner; miracles). He asked them to tell
him what he should show them, so they
called on him to bring forth a specific kind
of pregnant camel from solid rock. When
he did so, some immediately agreed to fol-
low the prophet and encouraged others to
join them but were forbidden by powerful
tribesmen. The camel gave birth to a foal
and would drink all the water in a certain
well every other day, after which she would
give huge amounts of milk to the people.
On the other days, the Thamud would
drink abundantly and store enough until it
was again their turn. The camel's behavior
harmed some of the people's other flocks
and Salih made enemies inadvertently in
other ways as well. Certain women are in-
cluded among the ringleaders in the plot to
hamstring the camel, and nine people lead
in the process that would result in the
wounding and eventual destruction of the
camel. When the prophet warns them of
their impending doom, they try but fail
to kill him. He warns them that their
254
punishment would come in three days and
that each morning they would awake to
find the color of their sldn changing to yel-
low, red and, on the final day, black. This
terrified the Thamud as they observed the
changing color of their skin, but by that
time it was too late, with horrific destruc-
tion as a result.
A people called Thamud are mentioned
in non-Arabian sources such as Ptolemy
(Geography) and Pliny (.Natural history) . The
earliest mention is in a list of tribes de-
feated by the Assyrian Sargon II (721-705
B.C.E.). The name and other features of
the qur'anic story may be found in poetry
attributed to Umayya b. Abi 1-Salt, a
contemporary of Muhammad.
According to Ibn Sa'd (d. 230/845;
Tabaqdt, i, 37), the Thamud were the
Nabateans. Al-Bukharl (d. 256/870; Sahih,
iv, 358-60) relates a tradition in which,
when traveling northward through "the
land of Thamud, al-Hijr," Muhammad
forbade his troops from drinking the water
from its wells or using it in food produc-
tion. He further forbade them to enter the
ruined dwellings "unless weeping, lest oc-
cur to you what happened to them." Some
traditions find the Thaqif tribe of Ta'if to
have derived from a Thamudic survivor or
slave of Salih. Popular legend associates
the cliff dwellings, inscriptions and sculp-
tures in or near the northern Hijazi town
of Mada'in Salih ("The towns of Salih")
with the Thamud (see Yemen; south
ARABIA, RELIGIONS IN PRE-ISLAMIc). These
"Thamudic inscriptions" reference a real
community that is no longer extant.
Reuven Firestone
Bibliography
Primary: BukharT, SallTh, trans. M. Khan, Lahore
1983, iv, 358-60; Ibn Kathir, Tafsir, Beirut 1985;
Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqdt, 9 vols., Beirut 1997, i, 37;
trans. S.M. Haq, Ibn Sard's Kitdb al-Tabaqat at-
kabir, 2 vols., New Delhi n.d., i, 33-4; Kisa'l,
Qisas, trans. W.M. Thackston, Jr. , Tates of the
prophets of at-Kisa\ Boston 1978, 117-28; Mas'udi,
Muriij, 7 vols., Beirut 1966-79, ii, 156-9 (sect.
929-35); ed. and trans. Ch. Pellat, Les Prairies d'or,
5 vols., Paris 1962-97, ii, 350-3; TabarT, Tafsir,
Beirut 1984; id., Ta'rikh, ed. de Goeje; Thalabi,
Qisas, 57-63, trans. W.M. Brinner, 'Ard'is at-majdtis
Ji qisas at-anbiyd', or Lives of the prophets, Leiden
2002, 114-23; Umayya b. Abi al-Salt, in
F. Delitzsch, Umajja ibn Abi s-Satt, Leipzig 1911,
xxxiii, 23-8 (lOi); Yaqut, Butddn, Beirut 1990.
Secondary; Horovitz, KV, 94 (Ashdb ai-Higr), 123
(Sdtih); R. Hoyland, Arabia and the Arabs. From the
Bronze Age to the coming of Istam, London 2001;
M.J. Kister and M. Plessner, Notes on Caskel's
Gamharat an-nasab, in Oriens 25-6 (1976), 48-68.
Thanksgiving see gratitude .
INGRATITUDE
Theft
The unlawful taking of another's property
(q.v.) entailing, in some cases, a punish-
ment stipulated by the Qvir'an (see also
CHASTISEMENT AND PUNISHMENT; LAW AND
THE OUR'aN; LAWFUL AND UNLAWFUL; SIN,
MAJOR AND minor).
One of the better-known legislative pas-
sages in the Qiir'an provides: "As for the
thief, whether male or female, for each, cut
off the hands in punishment for what they
did, as an exemplary punishment (nakdlan)
from God" (c3 5:38). The Arabic wa-l-sdriq
wa-l-sdriqafa-qta 'it aydiyahumd closely paral-
lels the syntax of another qur'anic legisla-
tive pronouncement concerning adultery:
As for "the adulteress and the adulterer,
whip each one of them . . ." ((J 24:2, al-
Zdniya wa-l-z^nifa-jlidii kulla mdhidin
minhumd; see adultery and fornica-
tion). Muslim jurists came to include the
crime of theft among the so-called hudud
(sing, hadd, "limit"), the small group of
transgressions defined by the Qur'an that
constitute Islamic penal law (see Schacht,
Introduction, 175-8; see also boundaries
AND PREiiEPTs). Although the Companion
255
'Abdallah b. 'Abbas (d. 68/687; see
COMPANIONS OF THE PROPHET) IS Said tO
have declared die dieft verse "unrestricted"
in its application [al-aya 'aid I- 'umum,
Tabari, Tafsir, x, 296), the jurists rapidly
undertook to ameliorate its harsh penalty
by developing numerous exceptions that
led to a narrow and highly technical defini-
tion of theft (sariqa). Discussions of specific
exceptions are reported among early
Meccan jurists such as 'Ata' b. Abi Rabah
(d. 115/733) ^'^d his student Ibnjurayj (d.
150/767; see 'Abd al-Razzaq, Musannaf, x,
e.g. 195, 207, 232) and are also preserved in
early compilations of Iraqi jurisprudence
such as that attributed to Zayd b. 'All
(d. 122/740; Corpus juris, 817-20, probably
before 184/800). Most jurists came to con-
sider that the scope of the verse had been
considerably narrowed by various pro-
phetic hadiths (see hadith and the
(JUr'an), making the verse itself "re-
stricted" in its application [khass, e.g.
'Tabari, Tafsir, x, 296, who objects to the
characterization of Ibn 'Abbas; for a sum-
mary of the jurisprudence, see Schacht,
Introduction, 179-80, and for later legal-
hermeneutical approaches, see Weiss,
Spirit, 101-8). Legal reform and changing
sensibilities led to a further decline in
application of the hudud punishments in
later centuries (see e.g. Peters, Islamic
and secular law).
With regards to forceful theft (robbery).
Islamic jurisprudence has looked to
another qur'anic passage ((J 5:33) for penal
guidelines. This passage decrees execution,
crucifixion (q.v.), the amputation of the
opposing hand and foot or exile for those
who war against God and his messenger
and strive to sow "corruption" {q.v.;fasdd)
throughout the land. This has been vari-
ously interpreted in the penalties for rob-
bery found in Islamic law: for robbery that
involved murder, execution or crucifixion;
for simple robbery (i.e. in which no death is
involved), amputation of the opposing
hand and foot (cf. Heffening, Sarika; Carra
de Vaux/Schacht, Hadd).
In addition to the aforementioned pro-
hibition found in Q^ 5:38, the Quran also
contains a second though more oblique
injunction against theft. After the treaty of
Hudaybiya (6/628; see hudaybiya), cer-
tain Meccan women are said to have come
to Muhammad to offer him allegiance (see
women and the our'an; contracts and
alliances), and (^ 60:12 stipulated that the
Prophet should accept their pledge and
also prescribed its form, which included an
undertaking not to commit theft: "O
Prophet, if believing women come to you
to pay you homage, pledging not to
associate anything with God (see poly-
theism and atheism), steal, commit adul-
tery, kill their children (q.v.; see also
infanticide), come up with a lie (q.v.) they
invent between their hands and feet or dis-
obey you in any honorable matter (see
disobedience; obedience), then accept
their homage and ask God's forgiveness
(q.v.) for them" (see Noldeke, gq, i, 219).
Known as the "pledge of women" (bay 'at
al-nisd'), this text is considered to be sub-
stantially identical to the first pledge of
'Aqaba, made to Muhammad in 621 by a
group of Medinans (Ibn Ishaq, Sira, i, 433;
Ibn Ishaq-Guillaume, 198-9; Watt,
Muhammad at Mecca, 146; for affinities
with the Decalogue, see Weiss, Law and
covenant, 53-4).
Finally, a false accusation of theft plays a
role in the qur'anic (as in the bibhcal) story
of Joseph (q.v.). Whenjoseph's brothers
return to Egypt (q.v.) with Benjamin (q.v.),
Joseph causes a goblet to be put in
Benjamin's bag in order to create a pre-
tense for detaining the brothers (episode
beginning at c) 12:70; compare Gen 44).
Joseph's subordinate accuses the brothers
of being thieves (q^ 12:70; Gen 44:4, not in
the Hebrew) and they deny that they have
THEOLOGY AND THE OUR AN
256
Stolen (q 12:73; Gen 44:8). The subsequent
qur'anic elaboration of the narrative con-
tains several intricacies not found in the
biblical version (see si;:ripture and the
q^ur'an; narratives).
Joseph E. Lowry
Bibliography
Primary: 'Abd al-Razzaq, Alusannaf; Ibn Ishaq,
iSTra, ed. al-Saqqa et al.; Ibn Ishaq-Guillaume;
TabarT, TafsTr, ed. Shakir; Zayd b. 'All (attrib.),
Corpus juris, ed. E. Griffini, Milan 1919.
Secondary: B. Carra de Vaux/J. Schacht, Hadd
(a.), in El^, iii, 20-r; M. Fakhry (trans.), An inter-
pretation of the Qur'dn, New York 2004; W. Heffe-
ning, Sarika, in EI^, ix, 62-3; R. Peters, Islainic
and secular law in 19th-century Egypt. The role
and function of the qadi, in Islamic law and society
4 (^997)' 70"90;J- Schacht, ^H inlroduction to Islamic
law, Oxford 1965; S.S. Souryal and D.W. Potts,
The penalty of hand amputation for theft in
Islamic justice, m Journal of criminal justice 22/3
(1994), 249-65; W.M. Watt, Muhammad at Mecca,
Oxford 1953; B. Weiss, Law and covenant in
Islam, in E. Firmage et al. (eds.). Religion and law,
Winona Lake 1990; id.. The spirit of Islamic law,
Athens 1998.
Theology and the Qiir'an
The Qiir'an displays a wide range of theo-
logical topics related to the religious
thotight of late antiquity and through its
prophet Muhammad presents a coherent
vision of the creator, the cosmos and man.
The main issues of Muslim theological
disptite prove to be hidden under the
wording of the qur'anic message, which is
closely tied to Muhammad's biography (see
sira and the q,ur'an).
Preliminary remarks
Dealing with theology and the Qtir'an
means looking in two different directions at
the same time. On the one hand, the
qur'anic message plays an important role
in the religious history of late antiquity,
representing a specific step within the de-
velopment of monotheism as derived from
the Torah (q.v.) and its Hellenistic exegesis
(see POLYTHEISM and atheism; idolatry
and idolaters; scripture and the
(JUr'an). On the other hand, one has to
study the view of the creator and the uni-
verse (see creation; god and his
attributes) as expounded in a corpus of
heterogeneous texts (see form and
STRUCTURE OF THE j^ur'an), which share
the characterization of having been
revealed to the prophet Muhammad (see
revelation and inspiration). Neither of
these two aspects must be neglected, al-
though it wotild be disadvantageous to
combine them in this essay. Therefore, in
the interest of a better understanding of
the different issues, two separate lines of
inquiry will be followed here. The first
treats the place of qur'anic monotheism in
the religious history of the Middle East.
This problem will be tackled by scrutiniz-
ing the qur'anic narrative (see narratives)
about Abraham (q.v.), one that indicates
the far-reaching changes that the concept
of the one god underwent after the age of
the Torah. There is no need to discuss the
parallels between the qur'anic story and its
prestimed sources, since this kind of re-
search has been done frequently and it is
unlikely that substantially new results can
be obtained. But beyond the field of liter-
ary history (see also literary structures
OF THE OUR'aN; RHETORIC AND THE
Cjur'an; myths and legends in the
(JUr'an), the qur'anic narratives offer valu-
able clues, which have rarely been used to
deepen our understanding of how
Muhammad conceived the divine and of
how his conceptions were related to those
current in the Middle East of his time.
The answer to these questions will lead to
the second major line of investigation,
which will focus on the qur'anic text itself
(see COLLECTION OF THE q^ur'an; codices
OF THE our'an; mushaf; language and
257
THEOLOGY AND THE OUR AN
STYLE OF THE ^ur'an). This investigation
will include a detailed review of the main
theological topics of the Qiir'an, following
an order determined by the emergence of
particular concerns faced by the new com-
munity during the vicissitudes of the
Prophet's career. In other words, this anal-
ysis of the theological contents of the
Qiir'an will be conducted in close relation-
ship to the material of the sTra. That re-
ligious arguments cannot be understood if
divorced from their historical contexts is
accepted as an indispensable hermeneutic
principle in both Muslim and non-Muslim
scholarship (see Muhammad; occasions of
revelation). In the suras (q.v.) there is no
theological concept that remains un-
touched by the circumstances under which
it was pronounced by the Prophet (see
speech; recitation of the cjur'an). The
bulk of what the Qi_ir'an says about the
creator and the role he assigned to humans
as his viceregents in the world (q 2:30; see
caliph; ADAM AND EVE; CORRUPTION)
seems to have been important at least to
some of Muhammad's contemporaries
who were concerned with the divine and
its meaning in human life. Research on the
intellectual environment in which the
Qiir'an was revealed has been overshad-
owed by the Muslim view that there was an
abrupt change from the error (q.v.) of
jdhiliyya (see AGE OF ignorance) to the
truth (q.v.) of Islam (q.v.). But if one takes
the ample material on the pre-Islamic civi-
lization of the Arabs (q.v.; see also
bedouin; nomads; pre-islamii; Arabia
AND THE our'an) scriously — and there is
no convincing reason to discard it in
advance — one gets a distinct impression
of a society in unrest, looking for some
new and trustworthy guidance, and of a
Prophet sensitive to that unrest who con-
siders himself and his received revelations
to be the remedy for what was felt to be
going wrong. His personality and his
strength of mind were the decisive addi-
tions that forged the Qiir'an out of a
wealth of sundry ideas current in the
Arabian peninsula of those days (see
ORALITY AND WRITING IN ARABIA; ETHICS
AND THE Q^UR'an).
The Qiir'dn within the theological thought of late
antiquity
Although a great deal of research has been
done on the question of whether the
Qrir'an was influenced by Jewish or
Christian theological conceptions (see
CHRISTIANS AND CHRISTIANITY; JEWS AND
JUDAISM), no certainty has been reached on
this point. The issue requires a fresh ap-
proach, but is beyond the scope of this ar-
ticle. Even focusing the argument on
matters of theology alone would not do
justice to even the most important aspects
of the problem. Nevertheless, a few tenta-
tive steps are necessary in order to gain
some insight into the contributions of the
Qrir'an to the religious history of the Mid-
dle East. As indicated above, the qur'anic
figure of Abraham will serve as a guide.
The Abraham portrayed in the Qiir'an is
a Meccan citizen (see Mecca). Already in
the earliest passages where he is mentioned
the reader notices very close connections
between Muhammad's own reasoning and
his idea of Abraham, whom he considers
his most important predecessor. In
<J 51:25-34, for example, Abraham wel-
comes three guests unknown to him; before
leaving him they convey a warning to him
or, rather, to his people (see Warner): "We
have been sent to a people who are sinners
(see SIN, MAJOR AND minor) that we may
let loose upon them stones of clay (q.v.; see
also stone), marked by your lord (q.v.) for
the extravagant (al-musrifin)." The Mec-
cans would have recognized that the re-
proach of extravagance was directed
against them, too, or even them primarily;
extravagance, as Muhammad understood
THEOLOGY AND THE OUR AN
258
it, was tantamount to a fatal lack of com-
pliance with divine guidance (see
arrogance; insolence and obstinacy;
disobedience; obedience), and God
would punish the frivolous in the same way
that he had annihilated those who a few
decades ago had dared to wage war (q.v.)
against Mecca (cf Q^ 10:87; 21:9; 40:28, 34;
105:4; see also abyssinia). There is much
evidence showing how the Qiir'an's con-
cept of the Meccan Abraham and the per-
son of Muhammad the Prophet were
overlaid. It is sufficient to quote q 14:35-8,
where Abraham implores the lord to make
Mecca a place of security and to prevent
his children from worshipping idols (see
IDOLS and images): "O lord, I have caused
some of my offspring to settle in an un-
fruitful valley, near your holy house...
Grant therefore that the hearts of some
men may be affected with kindness toward
them; and bestow on them all sorts of
fruits that they may give thanks (see
gratitude and ingratitude)...."
Most frequently, however, the Meccan
revelations (see chronology and the
cjur'an) deal with Abraham's struggle to
convince his people to put an end to idola-
try (C3 19:41; 21:51; 26:69; 29:16; 37:83;
43:26). These passages can be read to re-
flect Muhammad's difficult experiences
with his unbelieving countrymen (see
belief and unbelief), but they also reveal
much about the theology behind the
qur'anic text, which sometimes seems strik-
ingly simple to the modern non-Muslim
reader. The most complete rendering of
the story is to be found in q 6:74-83 and
dates back to the time shortly before the
emigration (q.v.; hijra) to Medina (q.v.). It
reads: "(Recall) when Abraham said to his
father Azar (q.v): 'Do you take idols as
gods? Verily, I think that you and your peo-
ple are in manifest error.' Thus do we show
Abraham [our] power (malakut) over the
heavens and the earth (q.v.; see also
HEAVEN and SKY; SOVEREIGNTY; POWER
AND impotence), and [it is] in order that
he may be one of the convinced. When the
night came down upon him (see DAY and
night), he saw a star (see planets and
stars); said he: 'This is my lord,' but when
it vanished, he said: 'I love not the things
which vanish.' Then when he saw the
moon (q.v.) shining forth, he said: 'This is
my lord,' but when it vanished, he said:
'Truly, if my lord guides me not, I shall be
of the people who go astray (q.v.).' Then
when he saw the sun (q.v.) shining forth, he
said: 'This is my lord, this is greater,' but
when it vanished, he said: 'O my people, I
am quit of what you associate (with God).
Towards him who opened up (fatara) the
heavens and the earth, I have set my face
as a hanif(q.v.), and I am not one of the
polytheists.' But his people disputed with
him; he said: 'Do you dispute with me in
regard to God, though he has guided me;
I fear not what you associate with him ex-
cept [it be] that my lord will something
[against me] ; my lord's knowledge (see
KNOWLEDGE AND LEARNING) is wide
enough for everything; will you not then be
reminded (see remembrance; memory)?
How should I fear what you have associ-
ated (with him), when you are not afraid to
associate with God what he has not sent
you down any authority (q.v.) for? Which of
the two parties is the better entitled to feel
secure, if you have any knowledge?' Those
who have believed and have not confused
their belief with wrong-doing — theirs is
the security, and they are the guided. That
argument of ours we gave to Abraham
against his people; we raise in rank whom-
soever we will; verily, your lord is wise,
knowing."
During the fifth century, Sozomenos
[Sozomen], born at Bethelea near Gaza,
wrote an ecclesiastical history covering the
period from 324 to 422 c.E. In this work
there is to be found the oldest evidence of
259
THEOLOGY AND THE OUR AN
some sort of popular veneration of
Abraham: At the ancient holy place of
Mamre near Hebron, Jews, Christians and
pagan Arabs were accustomed to gather
once a year. The pagans would commemo-
rate the apparition of the angels (q.v.) to
Abraham and they would sacrifice (q.v.)
some animals like an ox or a cock.
Furthermore, they would abstain from sex-
ual intercourse (see SEX and sexuality;
chastity; abstinence) in order to avoid
the wrath of the lord, whom they thought
to be present at that holy place (Sozomene,
Histoire ecdesiastique, 244-9). The scene of
the angels announcing divine guidance to
Abraham goes back to Genesis 18:1-16.
The Bible tells us that Mamre was the
place where Abraham was dwelling when a
stranger with two companions visited him;
they predicted that Sarah would give birth
to a son, a prophecy that made Sarah
laugh because she knew that she was bar-
ren (see Isaac). In (j 51:24-34 the visitors
add the words quoted above, which point
to Mecca's recent past and to the moral
deficiencies of its citizens. One might
assume that those sentences are only a
digression, but there is much more behind
them. In a treatise entitled Z)c Deo, Philo of
Alexandria comments on Genesis 18:2.
The passage can be summarized as follows:
When (Abraham) raised his eyes, he saw a
stranger with two companions: Those who
study the holy scripture are given the
capacity to perceive the hidden qualities of
creation (see hidden and the hidden;
secret); they gain insight into nature and
its divine foundations and in this way they
understand the true meaning of being
God's creature. The creator, manifest in
and through nature, bears witness to him-
self by the process of constantly creating.
Galling Abraham's attention to this truth is
the main reason for the visit those men pay
him. They open his eyes and he can see
how the creator "makes the earth and the
water (q.v), the air (see air and wind) and
the heaven so that (these phenomena)
would be suspended from himself. . . rais-
ing the world as if protecting it through
guardians..." (Siegert, Abrahams
Gottesvision, 82).
Thus Abraham is portrayed as a vision-
ary whose experience testifies to God as
the indefatigable creator; everything that
exists in this world is dependent on his con-
tinuous activity. Philo's commentary points
to a wide range of religious concepts which
were alien to the original text of Genesis
18. Before going into more detail about
Philo's understanding of this passage, it is
worthwhile taking a look at the Book of
Jubilees, which was composed a few de-
cades before Philo's treatise. The author of
this work, a revision of Genesis and
Exodus, is convinced that he has repro-
duced the original text of the scriptures
which Moses wrote down on Mount Sinai
(q.v.), taking dictation from an angel or
from God himself (see orality). Never-
theless, the unknown author of the Book of
Jubilees does not aim at replacing the
Torah; he only wants to corroborate its
text. In Exodus 19-24, Moses receives the
Ten Commandments (see commandment);
in the Book of Jubilees God orders an an-
gel to dictate, in addition, a complete re-
cord of the events from the beginning of
creation until the erection of the sanctuary,
which is to last for ever. Comparing these
two accounts, the figure of Abraham un-
dergoes some remarkable changes, too. In
Genesis he is tempted by God who tells
him to sacrifice Isaac. In the Book of
Jubilees one reads about further tempta-
tions: When he is fourteen years old,
Abraham recognizes the futility of idola-
try; he forsakes his father and begins to
venerate the one creator of the world and
prays to him that he may save him from
error. Without hesitating, he complies with
God's order and leaves his country. While
THEOLOGY AND THE OUR AN
260
roaming through the holy land (see syria;
jerxjsalem), Abraham worships the creator
in the way the Jews will do after Moses has
delivered the tablets to them; he is a
Mosaic Jew avant la lettre (Kratz, Wie
Abraham Hebraisch lernte). Reflecting on
what is expressed in the Book of Jubilees
and what has been quoted above in a
greatly abridged form, it is not surprising
to note that Judaism does not accommo-
date itself to the Hellenistic Weltanschau-
ung by referring to the figure of Moses; the
divine law revealed to him on Mount Sinai
obviously segregates Judaism from any
other community and plays against the
cosmopolitan ethos of Hellenism.
It is Abraham, therefore, father of a pow-
erful people and the man chosen by God to
bear witness to his will to bless humankind
as a whole (see grace; blessing;
election), who proves most attractive as a
symbol of religious universalism compat-
ible with the cosmopolitanism then pen-
etrating Judaism. Whoever will be
well-meaning towards Abraham and his
offspring will pass his life in happiness (Gen
12:3). It is this interpretation of the figure
of Abraham that Philo has in mind when
writing his treatise De Deo, where he un-
folds his ideas about the creator and his
relationship to the universe. The God of
the Pentateuch creates the world; he expels
Adam and Eve (q.v.) from paradise (q.v.);
later he annihilates the sinful, saving only
Noah (q.v.) and his family to make a new
start for human history, a history which
culminates in Moses' encounter with him
on Mount Sinai (see theophany). This is
the internal logic of the events as narrated
in Genesis and Exodus; taking possession
of the holy land (see sacred precincts)
means the fulfillment of divinely-guided
history and the god who has caused those
events to happen is the god of Israel (see
children of Israel). But now, centuries
after the composition of the Pentateuch,
the perception of the world has changed
and the image of the creator has
changed, too.
The Septuagint refers to God as kyrios
and as theos. Do these two names point to
different beings? Philo asks himself in De
specialibus legibus. He answers in the nega-
tive. It is due to God's remoteness from the
world that people discern the different
ways in which God's overwhelming cre-
ative power takes effect within the universe
(see NATURE AS signs). Therefore humans
give him names with reference to the dif-
ferent ways of his acting, names that no
longer point to Israel, his people, but to the
cosmos as a whole, as Philo expounded in
De Deo. The God of the Pentateuch has
become a universal deity; he might still
maintain a special relationship with Israel,
but his never-ceasing creative actions per-
tain to the universe and to humanity as a
whole, regardless of nationality or place of
dwelling (see strangers and foreign-
ers). When God reveals himself to Moses
in the burning bush, the prophet asks him
in whose name he is to accompany the
Israelites out of Egypt and God answers:
"I am, "or "I shall be," "who I shall be." In
the Septuagint this sentence is rendered as
Ego eimi ho on, "I am the existing one." This
translation of the somewhat enigmatic
Hebrew phrase of Exodus 3:14 is indicative
of the changed conception of the creator
that we have just outlined, and it is in this
way that Philo interprets it in De specialibus
legibus. God discloses his identity by stress-
ing the personal character of himself — ho
on, not to on — but at the same time he re-
mains the hidden one, who himself cannot
be perceived by man in this world (see
FACE of god; anthropomorphism). The
fact that God is the existing one can only
be known indirectly, by regarding the ef-
fects of his uninterrupted creative actions
which constitute the cosmos, as Philo tells
us in his treatise De Deo (Siegert, Abrahams
26l
THEOLOGY AND THE OUR AN
Gottesvision, 79). As the builder and in-
defatigable ruler of the cosmos the "exist-
ing one" is as near to the Israelites as to
any other people regardless of their pagan-
ism, the history of Israel being just one
sign among innumerable others of his be-
ing at work (see signs; shekhinah).
Attention can now be turned back to the
Qiir'an. In the famous sura "The Star"
(Sural al-Najm, (j 53), Muhammad relates
the two visions (q.v.) he has had and con-
nects them to his understanding of the
divine. This siira proved problematic for
later Muslim commentators who grappled
with the question of God's invisibility in
this world and, as a rule, declared that it
was the angel Gabriel (q.v.) who had ap-
peared to Muhammad — an interpretation
that retrojects conceptions developed by
the Prophet at a later date to an earlier
time. In c) 53, the Qiir'an speaks frankly
about Muhammad's encounter with the
one God, repudiating the reproaches of
Muhammad's fellow Meccan citizens who
consider him a fool for what he relates (see
OPPOSITION TO MUHAMMAD). But what he
relates is nothing but "an inspiration he is
inspired with, taught by one, strong in
power, forceful. He stood straight, upon
the high horizon, then he drew near and
let himself down, until he was two bow-
lengths off or nearer and inspired to his
servant what he inspired. The heart (q.v.)
did not falsify what it saw. Do you debate
with him as to what he sees? He saw him,
too, at a second descent, by the lote tree at
the nearest boundary, near which is the
garden of the abode (see gardens; trees;
AGRICULTURE AND VEGETATION), wheil the
lote tree was strangely enveloped. The eye
turned not aside nor passed its limits.
Verily, he saw one of the greatest signs
(q.v.) of his lord" (q.v; o 53:4-18).
The following verses (q.v.) in the same
sura (o 53:19-30), denouncing al-Lat, al-
'Uzza, and Manat, three of the goddesses
worshipped in pagan Mecca (see south
ARABIA, RELIGIONS IN PRE-ISLAMIC), as
powerless names, might be a later inser-
tion, as Bell suggests. The argument made
against their divine character is in keeping
with the pagan milieu in which daughters
were not much appreciated (see children;
infanticide; gender; women and the
q^ur'an; patriarchy). Thus ascribing
daughters to God, the mighty one, is tan-
tamount to giving offence to him. After this
subject has been discussed at length, touch-
ing upon the male gender of the angels
and emphasizing the incomparable power
of the lord (see power and impotence),
Muhammad embarks on a description of
the extent to which God governs the cos-
mos (Q, 53'33"48)- "Have you considered
him who turns his back, gives little and is
niggardly? Is knowledge of the unseen
with him so that he sees? Or has he been
told of what is in the pages of Moses, and
Abraham who fully performed (his task;
see book; heavenly book)? That no bur-
den-bearer bears the burden of another
one; that man gets exactly (the result of) his
striving; and that (the result of) his striving
will in the end be seen; then he will be rec-
ompensed with the fullest recompense (see
REWARD and PUNISHMENT); that to your
lord one comes at last; that it is he who
causes laughter (q.v.) and weeping (q.v.);
that it is he who causes to die and causes to
live (see DEATH and the dead; life; pairs
AND pairing); that he created the pairs,
male and female, from a drop emitted in
desire; that upon him it rests to produce a
second time (see resurrection); that it is
he who makes rich and gives possession
(see wealth; property)."
In the same manner the lord directs
history (see history and the q^ur'an;
generations). It is he who destroyed the
peoples of 'Ad (q.v.) and Thamud (q.v.) and
who drowned the people of Noah (see
drowning) after he had ordered him to
THEOLOGY AND THE OUR AN
262
warn thein against their frivolous way of
life (see punishment stories; chastise-
ment AND punishment). One cannot cast
doubt on the overwhelming power of the
lord, who now has summoned Muhammad
to warn his countrymen, for the day of
judgment has drawn near (cf. q 53:50-8;
see LAST judgment; apocalypse).
This is the content of q 53, to the exclu-
sion of the passages identified as late inser-
tions by R. Bell. The text brings to the fore
the main theological subjects of the
Hellenistic interpretation of Abraham's
religious experiences pointed out above:
The lord reveals himself to Muhammad as
the mighty one, who not only determines
every being's fate (q.v.; see also destiny)
but also the history of humankind as a
whole; his power cannot be resisted, there-
fore it is wise to comply with his ordi-
nances. What is added to this conception
of the divine is Muhammad's prophetic
self-confidence: he alludes to Noah as his
predecessor, a topic which is displayed at
some length in c) 71 (Sural Nuh, "Noah")
with clear reference to his failure with the
Meccans. Furthermore, it should be re-
membered that both Moses and Abraham
are said to have received "pages." When
one reflects on the following verses, one
must conclude that those "pages" did not
contain the divine law (see law and the
cjur'an), but were registers of events to
come and, perhaps, of God's judgment
(q.v.) on those who had lived sinful lives
(see VIRTUES and vices, commanding and
forbidding; evil deeds). The seeds of
the theological question about the extent of
a human's capacity to determine his or her
own actions (see freedom and predesti-
nation) can be discerned in this qur'anic
passage; later on they will germinate in
Medina, as shall be seen. Suffice it here to
remark that q 53:38-9 ("That no burden-
bearer...") will later, in Kharijl polemics.
be interpreted as evidence of human re-
sponsibility for actions — which, in Kharijl
thought (see kharijIs), originates in the
human capacity to do so. This is a striking
example of distorting the original meaning
of a qur'anic passage to accord with politi-
cal circumstances (see politics and the
qur'an).
In comparison with q 53 the verses of (J 6
quoted above do not, at first sight, prove to
be indicative of the Qiir'an's identification
of Muhammad with Abraham. The story
is told of how Abraham came to know the
identity of the one creator, and there are
themes in this passage that can be traced
back to what is told in the Book of Jubilees:
Abraham denounces idolatry, thereby kin-
dling the wrath of his people. But there is
another remarkable detail in this passage.
(J 6:75 seems to be an enigmatic insertion
interrupting the flow of the narrative:
"Thus do we show Abraham (our) holding
sway over the heavens and the earth, and
(it is) in order that he may be one of the
convinced." Such a guiding vision of God
is the necessary condition for knowing him
(see intellect). This knowledge cannot be
deduced from nature or from the course of
history through human reflection (see
reflection and deliberation). On the
contrary, humans must be guided by the
creator to be open to deliberation of the
kind expounded in the following verses.
The cosmos as a whole is a sign of God's
unceasing creative power, but humans are
not able to decipher this sign without his
assistance. That means that the creator is
not an anonymous force asserting itself in
this world in which humans must find
access to some understanding of its nature;
if the human mind were restricted to its
own very deficient capacities, it would fail.
The creator, as conceived of by Philo and
as he reveals himself to Abraham in q 6,
is the existing one — ho on — i.e. he has
263
THEOLOGY AND THE OUR AN
an individuality, a personal character.
Certainly his individuality is unfathomable,
but because of this personal character God
is characterized by volition, too. It was his
intention to show Abraham his all-effecting
being, as it is now his intention to reveal
himself to Muhammad. Were it not for
God's intention, Abraham would not have
been one of the guided ones; he would
have gone astray like his countrymen. One
must also admit that the creator's volition
may be to the detriment of humanity; this
possibly grievous consequence of the
Abrahamic conception of God is hinted at
in o 6:81: idolatry is not forbidden because
it proves futile; it must be dismissed from
one's mind because God has not sent
down any authority for it. Indirectly, the
question of independent human reasoning
is raised here and this shall be touched
upon.
The last subject to mention when treating
the position of Islam within the religious
history of late antiquity is the cult of
Abraham. As Sozomenos told us, there was
a sort of pagan pilgrimage to the grove of
Mamre. One might suppose that the cult of
Mamre was emulated at Mecca; the
sources on the — legendary — history of
Mecca and the Qtiraysh (q.v.) abound in
references to the influence of Palestine and
Syria on the Hijaz, and tell us a lot about
the Qiiraysh interest in the area on the
northwestern fringe of the peninsida.
Once more, it is necessary to look at o 6:
At that crucial moment when Abraham
becomes aware of the futility of idolatry he
sets "(his) face towards him who opened up
(fatara) the heavens and the earth, as a
hanif'' (q_ 6:79) and he dissociates himself
from polytheism. Turning one's face to-
wards the lord is the spontaneous corollary
of knowing the creator. As a rule, this ges-
ture is expressed in the Qvir'an by the verb
aslama, and the person who has gained
such knowledge is referred to as hanif:
"Who is better with regard to his religious
practice (din) than he who surrenders
(aslama) his face to God, doing good mean-
while (see GOOD deeds), and follows the
creed (milla) of Abraham as a Aflnzf ?"
(c) 4:125; see also religion). The hamfi are
men who transform into a ritual the sin-
gular gesture indicating their attainment of
true knowledge (see ritual and the
q^ur'an); they reiterate that gesture several
times a day, thus confirming that over-
whelming truth and giving it a stability
which is required in order to conduct their
lives in keeping with it. The ritual prayer
(q.v.), the center of Muslim religiosity, has
its roots immediately in the history of
Abraham, as it evolved in late antiquity.
Except for the meager information in
Sozomenos there seems to be no further
evidence about the rites of the pagan cult
of Abraham. But it is known for certain
that the saldt was not initiated by
Muhammad. It was the hamfT^ayd b. 'Amr
who used to practice it at Mecca. In al-
Sham he had become acquainted with the
Abrahamic veneration of the one God;
back in Mecca, he preached against idola-
try and performed a saldt every evening
(Nagel, Abraham in Mecca, 143).
Abraham is the key figure who leads us to
a better understanding of the place of
Islam in religious history. Using this key
figure, fundamental theological concep-
tions of the Qiir'an can be related to an
amalgam of ideas of Jewish and Hellen-
istic origin: God is the one creator and
untiring governor of the cosmos; he de-
termines everything; humanity is guided to
know him according to his volition and
after that people interpret everything in
the universe with respect to this knowl-
edge; the ritual of prayer is symbolic of
the act of attaining that ultimate knowl-
edge and testifies to an individual's
THEOLOGY AND THE OUR AN
264
willingness to live his life before the face of
the One.
The main theological themes of the Qur'an: God
and creation
A very short summary of the qur'anic idea
of the divine is found in o 112:1-3: "Say:
'He is God, one, God, the uniform one
(al-samad); he brought not forth, nor has he
been brought forth; co-equal with him
there has never been any one.'" God is the
one and uniform god; that means there is
nothing with him or in him which is not of
the divine, transcendent nature of his es-
sence and for that reason he cannot be
equal to any created being. The anti-Chris-
tian polemical tone of these verses is evi-
dent (see POLEMIC AND POLEMICAL
language).
The almost dogmatic statement in C3 II2
does not, however, mark the starting-point
of qur'anic theological reflection. In the
earliest revelations pure monotheism is not
called for. Those who listen to Muham-
mad's preaching — one should avoid
speaking of "the Meccans" at that stage of
his career — are urged to pay veneration
to the "lord, the most high." A human
must purify himself (see cleanliness and
ablution), a very prominent demand, es-
pecially in the early suras, because he is
thought to have earned his wealth in an
unlawful manner (see lawful and
unlawful). Though one may do more
than just one's duty with respect to this
demand, one must not ask God for any
compensation. One is to do good to the
poor (see poverty and the poor) simply
"out of desire for the countenance of one's
lord, the most high" (c) 92:20). The "coun-
tenance," literally the face of God, in this
early revelation and also in later qur'anic
speech (e.g. (^ 13:22) is the pars-pro-toto
expression by which God's transcendent
being is rendered conceivable in human
thought. When the process of recognizing
the oneness of the creator attains its aim,
as has been demonstrated by Abraham,
one turns one's face to God, thus establish-
ing a face-to-face relationship with him,
and this relationship is renewed every time
one devotes oneself to one's ritual duties.
"The lord, the most high," of course, still
is not the One whom 112 preaches in
uncompromising words. "The most high
lord" implies there are "less high" divine
beings. Muhammad had to make his way
to absolute clarity in this matter through
painful struggles, which are echoed in C3 53
and in the famous story about the so-called
Satanic verses (q.v.). Though q 112 is an
unmistakable plea for radical monotheism
and untainted transcendence and therefore
sheds at least some light on q 92:20 — to
which <J 87:1 should be added — , the face-
to-face concept of that early revelation has
been preserved and proves fundamental in
the various kinds of Muslim ritual. There
is thus a characteristic tension between a
fully elaborated intellectual monotheism,
on the one hand, and an eager search for
some kind of immanence that is tolerable
within the framework of sound theological
reasoning and indispensable for an emo-
tional experience of the ritual, on the
other. This tension may be deduced from
Muhammad's career because he grew up
in a polytheistic milieu; but it may also be
due to the conception of the continuously
acting creator that had evolved in late an-
tiquity, as has been shown above. At any
rate, this tension, present in the qur'anic
interpretation of deity, will encroach on
Muslim theological speculation and will
cause a rupture between pure metaphysics
and the study of the sharl'a, i.e. "applied
theology."
"Glorify (see glory; glorification of
god) the name of your lord (see basmala)
the most high, who created and formed,
who assigned power and guided, who
brought forth the pasture, then made it
265
THEOLOGY AND THE OUR AN
blackened drift" (cj 87:1-4). Already the
"lord, most high" is the one power that
determines everything in this world, the
good and the bad things. His image is that
of a sovereign governor who rules without
paying attention to the benefit of his sub-
jects; or at least they are not in a position
to discern the motives behind his decree.
According to his volition, which is inac-
cessible to human reason, he created the
world out of nothing, and since that time
he has been caring for it, even looking after
the tiniest details. The Qiir'an frequently
stresses this idea, making use of the im-
pressive picture of a rider sitting on his
throne (see THRONE of god; kings and
rulers): this is the posture befitting an
omnipotent creator. By comparison with
this idea, the reminiscence of creation in
biblical history is rather shadowy: "We
have created the heavens and the earth and
what is between them in six days (see day;
DAYS OF god), without being affected by
fatigue (see sleep; sabbath)." Thus reads
o 50:38. Here God's indefatigability is
pointed out in order to encourage
Muhammad to perform the prayers as-
siduously. In other passages concerned
with creation, God is referred to as "your
lord" {q_ 7:54; 10:3), "God" (q 32:4), or "he"
(cf. Q 11:7; 25:59; 57:4). In each of these six
references we are told nothing more than
that God created the world (q.v.) in six
days; what God did on each of these days
is passed over in silence. But in each case
God's throne is mentioned, e.g. C3 7:54:
"Verily your lord is God, who created the
heavens and the earth in six days, then
seated himself on the throne causing the
night to cover the day, following it quickly,
and the sun and the moon and the stars,
subjected to service by his command; is it
not his to create and to command? Blessed
be God, lord of the worlds." Only in C3 11:7
is there a faint reminder of what the Bible
says about creation: "He it is who created
the heavens and the earth in six days, and
his throne was upon the water. ..." But
again it is the throne, symbol of God's
unquestionable sovereignty, that Muham-
mad bears in mind and the Qiir'an
employs — not the biblical "spirit" (q.v.)
of God, which seems less instrumental in
portraying the creator as the rider of an
empire.
In the qur'anic text the idea of continu-
ous creation is closely connected with two
further theological themes: the first is that
God's incessant creative action is indicative
of his all-embracing care for his world, and
the second that human beings should con-
sider this care as an irrefutable proof of
the truth of resurrection and final judg-
ment. To begin with the first theme, the
Qiir'an says that God's creative action is
tantamount to his unlimited mercy (q.v.);
both are almost synonymous in the
qur'anic conception of the creator. The
famous (J 55 (Sural al-Rahman, "The
Merciful") bears witness to this most viv-
idly: The merciful lord created this won-
derful world to the benefit of humankind;
neither they nor the jinn (q.v.) can deny
this; everyone in this world will pass away,
except "the face of your lord full of glory"
[dhu l-jalali wa-l-ikrdmi, ^ 55:27); "Those in
the heavens and the earth make request of
him, each day he [is engaged] in
something O company of jinn and men
(al-ins), if you are capable of passing
through any of the regions of the heavens
and the earth, pass through; you will not
pass through without authorization...
There will be sent upon you a flame of fire
and smoke, and you two will not find
help... Then when the heaven is rent and
becomes rosy like [burning] oil, which then
of the benefits of your lord will you two
count false?" [q_ 55:29-38).
No creature can act without God's per-
mission, and when he decides to destroy
this world, thereby doing the utmost harm
THEOLOGY AND THE OUR AN
266
to humankind, even this will be to human-
ity's benefit; it will be part of God's mercy.
In addition to that, God's capacity for in-
cessant creative action is the Prophet's best
argument to warn his unbelieving country-
men about resurrection and judgment; to
quote Q 11:7 again, this time passing to its
concluding phrases: "... and his throne
was upon the water; that he might try you
as to which of you is best in deed (see
trial; trust and patience). If you say:
'Verily you will be raised up after death!'
those who have disbelieved will say: 'This
is only magic (q.v.) manifest '"
We have already pointed to the contra-
diction which arises from the assumption
that the totally transcendent creator to
whom nothing is equal (c3 42:11) is simul-
taneously experienced as the omniscient
and wise one who takes care of human
welfare and is therefore "nearer to him
[each person] than [his] jugular vein"
(c3 50:16; see ARTERY AND vein). Is there
anything bridging the gap between tran-
scendence and immanence, which is felt
already in Philo's idea of ho on?
"God it is who created the heavens and
the earth and what is between them in
six days, and then sat firm upon the
throne — apart from him you have neither
patron nor intercessor (see clients and
clientage; friends and friendship;
intercession); will you not then be re-
minded? He manages the affair from the
heaven to the earth, then it mounts up to
him in a day, the length of which is a thou-
sand years as you reckon" (c) 32:4-5). God
knows everything, whether concealed or
open; his creation testifies to his unsurpass-
able skill. These verses use the Arabic word
amr that refers to an essence which is ca-
pable of linking God's creative power to
the results of its activity, thus making his
continuous determining of this world con-
ceivable to humanity. Bell translates amr
with "affair" (cf o 10:3; 16:1; 17:85; 97:4) or
"command" (q 7:54), a rendering which, in
the opinion of the present writer, does not
suit the qur'anic meaning of the word. To
grasp the idea expressed by the term let us
look at the following two qur'anic passages:
"The amr of God has come, seek not to
hasten it; glory be to him and exalted be he
above all that they associate [with him]!"
((3 16:1). The amr of God has come; it is
now present in his work and it is just for
this amr that God is the exalted One. Amr is
something like his decree, an uninter-
rupted influx of his volition into this world.
There is no clear statement as to the ontol-
ogy of amr. But as soon as the Prophet's
understanding of the revelation becomes
connected with the idea of transmitting a
heavenly book, the term is interpreted as
denoting God's all-embracing, incessant
determination of things in this world. Part
of this amr is the "spirit" manifest in the
words of the qur'anic revelation: "They
ask you about the spirit; say: 'The spirit
belongs to my lord's amr, but you have no
knowledge bestowed upon you except a
little'" (q_ 17:85; see also holy spirit).
When dealing with prophecy below, this
question will be revisited.
Humankind
The contradiction within Muhammad's
conception of the divine — the transcen-
dent, inaccessible lord, essentially different
from his creation versus the omnipresent
and omniscient care-taker — reasserts it-
self within the qur'anic understanding of
humankind, and the twofold roots of
qur'anic theology become more palpable
in this context. C3 32:5-9 can serve as a
starting-point of analysis: "He manages
the amr from the heaven to the earth...
That is the knower of the hidden and the
revealed, the sublime (al-'aziz), the com-
passionate, who has made well everything
that he has created. He created man at the
first from clay; then appointed his progeny
267
THEOLOGY AND THE OUR AN
to be from an extract of a base fluid. Then
he formed him and breathed into him of
his spirit, and gave you hearing and sight
(see HEARING AND DEAFNESS; VISION AND
blindness; seeing and hearing; eyes;
ears) and hearts — little gratitude (see
gratitude and ingratitude) do you
show." The shaping of humans means the
natural process of procreation, as can be
inferred from many other passages of the
Qi_ir'an (see biology as the greation
AND STAGES OF LIFE; SEX AND SEXUALITY).
Yet there seems to have been a remarkable
development of this conception in the
Qi_ir'an. In the very early suras only natu-
ral procreation is mentioned ((j 53-45f-;
75:37-9; 77:20-3; 86:5-7); the growth of the
embryo in the womb (q.v.) is the clearest
evidence of God's creative power [q_ 96:2).
Then the Genesis account of the history of
the creation of man finds its way into
Muhammad's revelations (see ummI).
In addition to C3 32:5-9 quoted above,
(I 18:37, 22:5, 23:12, and 40:67 must be con-
sidered; in each case God creates man
from clay and immediately after that
makes his "progeny from an extract of a
base fluid (nutfa)." At the outset of
Muhammad's prophetic career, the natural
world and course of nature are the best
evidence of the creator's activity; there
seems in the qur'anic revelations to be no
place for human singularity, which would
separate humans to some extent from the
rest of created beings. Then this idea is
introduced into the qur'anic reasoning by
way of the biblical traditions that go back
to Genesis: "At first" man is formed out of
clay. God breathes the spirit into him, thus
endowing him with "hearing and sight and
a heart," i.e. with reason. It is this act of
being created from clay which establishes
humankind's special relationship with
God, as expressed several times in the
Qur'an: By shaping the human being from
clay before the beginning of mundane his-
tory God has honored him by giving him
his special attention; no other beings were
considered worthy of a primordial shaping
before being initiated into the continuous
process of creation. It is for this reason that
God orders the angels to prostrate them-
selves before Adam (see bowing and
prostration). All except Iblis (see devil),
who deems himself nobler than Adam,
obey; therefore God expels Iblis from para-
dise (q.v.): " 'Verily you are stoned [rajlm;
see stoning) and upon you is the curse
(q.v.) until the day of judgment.' (Iblis)
said: 'O my lord, grant me respite then till
the day of their being raised up.' (God)
said: 'You are one of the respited
(muniann) till the day of the time ap-
pointed.' (Iblis) said: 'O my lord, as you
have perverted me, I will make things ap-
pear beautiful to them in the earth, and I
will pervert (aghwd) them all together, ex-
cept those of them who are your single-
hearted (al-mukhlasinj servants" (c3 15:34-40;
see servant; fall of man). Tliis is
granted to Iblis by God but his faithful ser-
vants will not be seduced; they will enjoy
paradise in the hereafter, whereas the
perverted will suffer eternal pain (see
suffering) in hell (jahannam, o 15:28-40;
cf 38:71-85; see HELL AND hellfire).
To what extent is the human being bur-
dened with individual responsibility (q.v.)?
This question arises when one reads the
story in which humans are declared subject
to a bet made by their creator and Satan.
Those who are God's servants will resist
the seducer's suggestions, the others will
not — the individual's fate after the day of
judgment seems to be predetermined.
Here one should recall that for a human to
know the one creator is due to God's voli-
tion, too. Tlius humans are not just part of
nature, whose growing and passing away is
the manifestation of God's decree in this
world; humans must do something about
good and evil (q.v.), otherwise there would
THEOLOGY AND THE OUR AN
268
be no reason for judgment (q.v.), for eter-
nal reward or punishment. A creator who
withdraws from his work at least temporar-
ily, thus asserting his transcendence, would
be appreciated as a neutral judge of hu-
mans; but what about the "creator of
everything" — the sinful acts of his crea-
ture included — a creator nearer to each
human than his jugular vein? In fact,
qur'anic theology has no systematic con-
ception of the human being as a respon-
sible actor. One may suppose that this
deficiency is due to the qur'anic under-
standing of the divine as analyzed above.
God's amr, permeating everything extant in
the cosmos, reminds one of something like
pagan animism or fatalism, as interpreted
in the light of the belief in the one creator
and fiu'ther overshadowed by reminis-
cences of the biblical tradition, which
tends to give prominence to individual
responsibility.
In the sira, the Prophet's Meccan enemies
sometimes call him a Sabian (q.v.; see e.g.
Baladhiu'i, Ansdb, v, 14; see also religious
PLURALISM AND THE Q^UR'an). Although
this may be for polemical reasons, there is
an interesting remark in al-Shahrastani
(fl. sixth/twelfth cent.) that comments on
the religion of the ancient Sabians which,
as must be inferred from the context, was
well-known in Arabia in Muhammad's
time. The Sabians, al-ShahrastanI tells us,
believe in the acquisition (kasb) of actions
whereas the hanlfi "maintained the innate
disposition of man" (fitra). Turning to the
Qur'an we find evidence of both ideas.
The term kasb occurs very often, e.g.: "But
how (will it be) when we gather them to a
day of which there is no doubt, and each
one will be paid in fidl what he has
acquired (kasabat), without being
wronged?"((;i 3:25; cf. 2:281 and many
other references). Acquisition is not to be
understood as the actions of human beings
directed by their own will and performed
according to their own deliberations. This
absence of self-determination must be in-
ferred from God's comprehensive care for
his creation and creatures; it is also clearly
pronounced in the Qtir'an itself: "They
have no power over anything that they may
have acquired, and God does not guide the
people of the unbelievers" (c3 2:264). It is
God who allots the means of subsistence
(rizq): "My lord makes generous provision
for whom he wills, or stints, but most of
the people have no knowledge" ((3 34:36;
numerous other references). Following the
theological discussion that was to evolve in
the first centuries after the Prophet's death,
the "acquisition of actions" has to be in-
terpreted as the manifestation of God's
decree [amr) to be discerned when one ob-
serves a certain individual; in fact, the in-
dividual is nothing but the substance
needed for making God's incessant acts of
governing perceptible in this world and to
its inhabitants. Insofar as it is the individ-
ual who makes perceptible a certain act
wrought by God, this individual acquires
the respective act. One might argue that in
the Qiir'an the impersonal power of fate
has assumed the character of a series of
the personalized orders of the creator,
tailored for the individual on his or her
way through this life.
The second idea mentioned by al-
Sharastanl claims a certain disposition
which is innate and inichangeable in hu-
man beings; this, fitra, says he, is part of the
belief of the hanifi, who, as can be con-
cluded from the Qiir'an (cf. q i6:i2o), are
the followers of Abraham's ritual. Fitra
only occurs once, in q 30:30, and dates
back to the middle or even late Meccan
period of Muhammad's career: "Set your
face towards religious practice as a
hanif — the innate disposition laid down by
God upon which he has created people
(nds); there is no alteration of the creation
of God. This is the eternal religious
269
THEOLOGY AND THE OUR AN
practice, but most of the people do not
know." Looking back at the story of how
Abraham came to know the one creator
(c) 6:74-83) and how lie responded to the
vision granted to him, we are now in a po-
sition to fathom its meaning: Of course,
everything one does is wrought by God;
tliis is borne out by the idea of acquisition;
but the friglitening consequences of tliis
conception are warded off by the establish-
ment of Islam, the face-to-face relationship
between humans and their creator. This
relationship, stabilized by ritual — "Set
your face towards religious practice," has
to occupy the center of human life; one
has to be aware of God's untiring activity,
has to suppress every impulse of self-con-
ceit including the misperception that one's
actions are one's own. Bearing this in
mind, acquisition of good or evil will no
longer be a cause of concern: Professing
and hving Islam is tantamount to preserv-
ing the innate disposition un-spoilt; Islam
eclipses the perpetual challenge of right or
wrong. The function of ritual in Muslim
life and its preeminence over dogmatic
ethics become apparent. What counts most
is a human's trustful devotion to his cre-
ator, a behavior which almost automati-
cally will save him from doing evil: "Recite
what has been suggested to you of the
book (q.v.), and observe the prayer, for the
prayer restrains from indecency [al-fahshd';
see ADULTERY AND FORNICATION) and
what is disreputable [al-munkar) , and surely
the remembrance (dhikr) of God is
greater..." fe 29:45).
Muslim edifying literature dwells at
length upon the importance of unlimited
devotion to God's actions, on the necessity
of strict observance of the ritual and on
remembering the creator, which is devel-
oped into a refined skill of continuous spir-
itual presence before him. This leads us
back to reason and its role in human life.
In accordance with the concepts of kasb
anAfitra, reason could not serve as a tool to
find one's way through the activities and
dangers of this world. As must be inferred
from the precedent of Satan's condemna-
tion, the function of reason is only to jus-
tify and effect total obedience to God's
orders: Satan refused to prostrate himself
before Adam, who had been made of clay,
explaining his refusal by pointing out that
his own nature, made of fire, was nobler
than Adam's (c3 38:76). Reasoning, in this
case within the framework of analogy (see
LITERARY STRUCTURES AND THE ^UR'an),
is subordinate to God's will, as has already
been elucidated in the story of Abraham's
way to the knowledge of the one creator. It
is not because of Abraham's reasoning that
idolatry is futile, but because God does not
authorize human beings to practice idola-
try. Keeping to the gist of this argument,
humans could discern that their reasoning,
if not immediately guided by God, may be
successfid as measured by the yardstick of
mundane affairs, but its success according
to the measure of the creator remains in-
herently doubtful. Success in mimdane
affairs may be tantamount to sin; for in-
stance, a cunning businessman might mid-
tiply his profit by giving interest-bearing
loans, thus trying to acquire more than the
livelihood {rizq, e.g. (j 16:71) God had al-
lotted to him (see usury; trade and
commerce). Such reasoning means to turn
one's face away from God and to become
entangled in passions for created things. It
is from this point of view that usury (ribd) is
prohibited. There is only one exception to
this rule: fighting (q.v.) for the victory (q.v.)
of God's Prophet and his community
means lending to God a good loan (see
debt), which he will double (o 57:10-11; see
also expeditions and battles; jihad). To
encourage the believers to do so, (^9:111
was revealed: "God has bought from the
believers their persons and their goods at
the price of the garden (q.v.; in store) for
THEOLOGY AND THE OUR AN
270
them, fighting in the way of God and kill-
ing and being killed (see bloodshed) — a
promise (see also oaths; contracts and
alliances; breaking trusts and
contracts) binding upon him in the
Torah (q.v.), the Gospel (q.v.), and the
Qur'an; and who fiilfils his covenant (q.v.)
better than God? So rejoice in the bargain
you have made with him "
Faith (q.v.; imdn) is proved by ruthless
fighting against the non-Muslim enemies
(q.v.). Those of the Prophet's adherents
who do not protect their own lives will be
superior to their fellows (e.g. o 4:96) in the
hereafter (see martyrs); they are sure to be
rewarded with paradise, whereas normally
God grants high ranks in the world to
come according to his own impenetrable
discretion (e.g. (J 12:76). In any case, during
the decisive years of struggle the Qiir'an
came to allude to the crucial theological
subject of a person's justification by way of
individual merit, an idea that proves sub-
stantially alien to the fundamental concep-
tion of the divine underlying Islam.
Prophecy
This is an illuminating example of the
wide range within which the qur'anic theo-
logical conceptions would oscillate accord-
ing to the circumstances (see prophets
AND prophethood). The same is true of
the understanding of prophecy, which un-
dergoes far-reaching changes over the life
of the Prophet and the qur'anic revela-
tions. Here these changes will only be dis-
cussed as far as theology is concerned. A
first step will embark on a short inquiry
into the scope of knowledge transmitted to
humankind through revelation; a second
will attempt to explain the qur'anic con-
cepts of the relationship between tran-
scendence and immanence in the context
of the various stages of Muhammad's pro-
phetic career.
God creates Adam to be his vicegerent in
this world. To fulfill this duty, Adam is de-
pendent on a sufficient amount of skill,
which, as has been shown, he cannot ac-
quire on his own; he needs divine guid-
ance. Accordingly, the creator does not
withhold knowledge from him: "[God]
taught Adam all the names. Then he mus-
tered [all things created] before the angels
and said: 'Tell me the names of these, if
you speak the truth!' They said: 'Glory be
to you! We have no knowledge but what
you have taught us (see teaching;
ignorance). You are the knowing, the wise
(see wisdom).' He said: 'O Adam, tell them
the names [of the things created]!' Then
when Adam told them the names, God
said: 'Did I not say to you that I know the
secret [things] of the heavens and the
earth?'..." (q 2:31-3).
Adam, considered as the first prophet,
received complete knowledge of every-
thing in this world. Therefore he is capable
of being the creator's vicegerent; he is to
act within God's cosmos in accordance
with the divine decree, continuously
remaining face to face with God. As a
prophet, Adam is granted the knowledge of
which humanity is destined to make use.
Revelation means the act of granting that
knowledge, which is not specified as divine
or theological but pertains to all mundane
affairs as well as to ritual and eschatology
(q.v.) and to those attributes of God that
human beings are allowed to understand.
Knowledge transmitted by revelation is as
all-embracing as God's decree and its
effects are manifest everywhere in the cos-
mos (see cosmology and the q^ur'an).
We have already stated that in the qur'anic
view revelation is closely related to the con-
cept of amr. This relationship becomes
even more apparent if we analyze the
meaning of the Arabic root u)-h-y, which is
used throughout the Qiir'an, even at an
early stage, to describe the event of revela-
tion: Abraham was a hanij: "We bestowed
271
THEOLOGY AND THE OUR AN
upon him in this world a goodly (portion),
and verily, in tiie hereafter he is among the
upright. Then we suggested (awhaynd) to
you: 'Follow the creed of Abraham, as a
hanij, and he was not of the polytheists!'"
(q, 16:122-3; cf 16:120). It should be noted
that in this and related contexts (e.g.
Q, 12:15), translating w-h-y as "suggestion,"
as Bell does, does not imply a specific fixed
wording, siutable for a heavenly book (q.v.).
In other cases (e.g. C3 7:117 and 160) the ex-
pression is followed by God's order refiect-
ing an actual situation: "We suggested to
[Noah] : Make the ship under our eye and
according to our suggestion..." (c3 23:27;
see ark). Yet it is not only the prophets
who receive divine suggestions: "(God) fin-
ished them (as) seven heavens and inspired
(awhd) each heaven [with] its command"
[amr, O 41:12).
From perhaps the beginning of the sec-
ond half of the Meccan revelations, there
is a remarkable change in the conception
of prophecy, though the older concept is
never completely abandoned: "Thus we
have suggested to you a spirit (mh) belong-
ing to our affair (ami). You did not [for-
merly] know what the book and the faith
were. But we have made it a light (q.v.) by
which we guide whomsoever we please of
our servants, and verily you will guide to
a straight path, the path of God..."
(q, 42:52-3; see PATH OR way). Here "sug-
gestion" is more than a single command
and more than God's decree; it has be-
come the text of a law teaching humans to
behave according to the creator's prescrip-
tions, a text suitable to be written down in
a book (see literacy; illiteracy). Still,
"suggestions" have their origin in the
realm of amr which is hidden from human
senses (cf C3 3:44; 11:49; 12:102), but part of
this amr makes itself manifest as a holy
message valid beyond time (q.v.). The cre-
ator, at work without interruption, be-
comes more and more personalized as the
revelations progress; the human beings are
gradually deprived of their shelter in the
midst of nature, though they still remain
completely dependent on God's determi-
nation; the feeling of existential insecurity
arising from this loss of sheltering is com-
pensated for by turning to God (islam) and
this compensation may be enhanced by
delivering oneself to fighting for the sake of
God ((J 9:111) or to incessant remembrance
of him [q_ 29:45). At this critical stage of
the evolution of qur'anic theological con-
ceptions, the Prophet is seen to become
more than a warner — namely the trans-
mitter of divine law, summoned by the
creator to pronounce his legislation, his
guidance of the obedient and his punish-
ment of the disobedient. This legislation,
together with the record of divine giud-
ance and punishment, are to be recited as
a heavenly book (see preserved tablet).
In the Qiir'an there are traces of a dis-
cussion between Muhammad and the
Meccans about such a heavenly book. The
Prophet's enemies evidently argued that he
should ascend to heaven in order to pro-
cure a divine message for them or for him-
self In fact, al-Waqidl (d. 207/822) relates
that Muhammad found himself raised into
heaven (see ascension) on the seventeenth
of Ramadan (q.v), some eighteen months
before the hijra, which is dated to Safar of
the first year of the Muslim calendar (Ibn
Sa'd, Tabaqdt, i/i, 143). "They say: 'We
shall not give you credence till you cause a
spring to bubble up for us from the earth
(see SPRINGS AND fountains; miracles;
marvels)... or you ascend into heaven;
nor shall we give credence to your ascent
until you bring down to us a writing (kitdb)
which we may read'" (c3 17:90-3). It should
be noted that now, near the end of
Muhammad's Meccan years, revelation
tends to be conceived of as a sending
down (tanzTl) of the divine message. The
personalized God establishes personal
THEOLOGY AND THE OUR AN
272
relations with his messenger (q.v.); this is a
very important innovation in the Prophet's
view of himself and his mission. In
Medina, where he is free of the sharp criti-
cism of the Meccans, the far-reaching con-
sequences of this innovation will be
realized. The majority of the Meccans, it is
true, were not much impressed by his claim
to have received a divine book: "If we were
to send down a book (written) tipon parch-
ment and they were to touch it with their
hands, those who have disbelieved would
say: This is nothing but magic manifest"
(c3 6:7; see scrolls; sheets; writino and
WRITING materials). Evcn if God had
made his messenger an angel, that angel
must have assumed the shape of a human
being in order to transmit the message, and
therefore the Meccans would have rejected
him as well. "Messengers have been
mocked before you..." (q 6:10; see
mockery).
^ 97 (Surat al-Q_adr, "Niglit of Destiny/
Power"), celebrating the "Night of Power"
(q.v.), seems to legitimate the new mode of
revelation; in that night "the angels and
the spirit (cf. c) 17-85) let themselves down,
by the permission of their lord, [Ijringing]
all kinds of divine decree" [amr, C3 97:4). In
Medina, the month of Ramadan is chosen
for commemorating the Prophet's vision
which he had been granted eighteen
months before leaving Mecca. As q 2
(Surat al-Baqara, "The Cow") is said to
have been revealed about eighteen months
after his arrival in Medina, the famous
verse of o 2:185 may highlight the third
anniversary of the event, now considered
decisive for the Prophet's career. As an
aside, the problem of the change in the
understanding of revelation is closely re-
lated to the question of writing down the
revealed texts, i.e. making a palpable book
of "parchment" (see mushaf; manu-
scripts OF THE OUr'aN; EPIGRAPHY AND
THE our'an). But since the focus here is
the theological implications, it is only
possible to discuss the last stage of
Muhammad's image of himself as a
prophet.
It is evident that most of the qur'anic
texts dealing with divine legislation and
with divine comments on actual situations
the Prophet and his community endiu-ed
are of Medinan origin. When reading
these parts of the Qiir'an one gets the
impression tliat the creator has become an
alter ego of his Prophet. The formula
"God and his messenger" is now smoothly
incorporated in Iris speech. For instance,
the Qiir'an enjoins his followers to pay un-
questioned obedience to Muhammad and
to those he appoints to some duty or other:
"O you who have believed, obey God and
obey the messenger and those of you who
have the command, and if you quarrel
about anything, refer it to God and tlie
messenger..." (o 4:59; cf. 3:32, 132; 4:80;
8:24, 27). It is not surprising that this kind
of revelation for a particular occasion (cf.
C) 58:1; 59:2; 33:37-40) would be met with
sharp criticism from the Medinan Jews (see
nadir; q^aynuq^a'; ourayza) — and on
the part of some among the Aws and
Khazraj (see tribes and clans). It takes a
considerable amount of credulity to be-
lieve in the divine origin of verses like
those. But the Qiir'an stresses the certainty
that Muhammad is the messenger of the
one personalized creator, whose amr has
not ceased to be at work since time began
and that part of this amr manifest in every
affair has been transmitted to him through
the spirit and thereby converted into
human speecli. The Qiir'an maintains this
view against the Jews, who would have
considered revelation an event which
occurred in distant history, and against the
skeptic pagans, by its praise for the one
God of creation: "To God belongs what is
in tlie lieavens and the earth; verily God is
the rich [al-ghaniyy), praiseworthy (see
273
THEOLOGY AND THE OUR AN
praise; laudation). If all the trees in the
earth were pens, and the sea with seven seas
after it to swell it, the words of God (see
word of god) would not give out; verily
God is sublime, wise" (o 31:26-7; cf 18:109).
Final remarks
Freeing oneself from the petitio principii that
all Arabic literary tradition showing
"qur'anic" ideas and ascribed to authors
prior or contemporary to Muhammad
must be a forgery (q.v.; see also corrup-
tion; musaylima; provocation), one
succeeds in setting into vivid relief the his-
torical background of the intellectual
world of early Islam as depicted in the
Qtir'an. As expressed in the Qiir'an,
Muhammad's vision of God and the uni-
verse governed by him does not imply a
history of salvation (q.v). Therefore theol-
ogy first of all is concerned with the cos-
mos and the creator manifesting himself in
it and through it. His incessant creative
activity may have been plausible even to
the pagans; he revealed himself to Abra-
ham, announcing the birth of a son to
him, and it is for this impressive example of
his all-embracing power, and perhaps for
others similar to it, that humans should
venerate him. Muhammad felt that the
Meccans fell short of this duty for several
reasons, and when he was sure that he was
summoned by the "lord, most high" to
warn his countrymen against frivolous neg-
ligence towards the one power to which
they owed their existence, he answered
this call.
It is a reasonable assumption that in this
situation Muhammad would have looked
for some elaborate theological tradition
that could furnish him with a system of
notions suitable to express his ideas.
Eventually the belief of the hanifi and their
interpretation of Abraham's path to the
knowledge of the one creator seemed to fit
with his experiences. These tended to crys-
tallize in the image of a highly personal-
ized God who was on intimate terms with
his Prophet, although he was to remain the
transcendent omnipotent one. As for theol-
ogy, this led to the contradictions outlined
above, which lie at the base of later
Muslim theological discussions. To attain
to a more elaborate analysis of later discus-
sions than has yet been achieved, a great
deal of further research on the theological
meaning of Midiammad's message and its
contemporary intellectual and spiritual
background is necessary.
The following few lines may give an in-
structive, albeit superficial impression of
what this means. Human beings cannot
account for their actions because it is the
one creator who makes them apparent in
this world, and even if one were to en-
deavor to avoid a certain action, one coidd
not escape God's decree. The amr, emanat-
ing from him into the cosmos, causes a hu-
man being to acquire (kasaba) that action.
Later, SunnI theology will discuss the prob-
lem of whether the capability of acquiring
a certain action has been deposited in the
individual human before that action comes
about or whether it is granted to the in-
dividual by God simultaneously with the
coming about of that action. The second
view came to be preferred in Ash'arism,
which is said to have carried predestination
to its extreme. This, of course, is the opin-
ion of the Westerner who has the problem
of freedom of will in his mind; for him this
is the idea which sets the standard for the
evaluation of conceptions of humankind's
position in this world. This is not the back-
ground of the Muslim view of the ques-
tion. Their theological reasoning is
based on the qur'anic picture of the re-
lationship between the creator and man.
Nevertheless there are verses which seem
to suggest one's responsibility for one's
actions; therefore the freedom of will
should be granted. "That day [the earth]
THEOLOGY AND THE OUR AN
274
will tell its news (q.v.), as your lord has
prompted (awhd) it; that day the people will
come forward separately that they may be
shown their works. Whoever has done a
particle's weight of good, shall see it..."
(q. 99:4-7; see WEIGHTS AND MEASURES;
measurement). This revelation dating
from the early Meccan period can be con-
sidered valid evidence of each person's
obligation to act according to his or her
own decisions. Yet this line of argumenta-
tion is completely mistaken. The early
Meccan passages of the Qiir'an do not
plead at all for freedom of will. On the
contrary, they advocate the all-embracing
power of the creator's decree, and in (j 99
the believers are reminded of God's knowl-
edge, which is all-embracing, too: On the
day of judgment not a single action that
has been "acquired" by a human being will
be forgotten. "... No burden-bearer bears
the burden of another;... man gets exactly
[the result oi] his striving" (cj 53:38f.). The
one God "who causes to die, and causes to
live... who makes rich and gives posses-
sion" (<J 53:44, 48) will look strictly into
everybody's record of actions. It is only in
Medina that the believers become respon-
sible for a certain type of action, i.e. those
greatly needed heroic deeds that would
save Islam from annihilation. The believers
now are summoned to sell their lives to
God who will make them enter paradise as
a recompense for fighting the enemies of
Islam. It is remarkable that some Muslim
scholars hold that C3 99 belongs to this
Medinan period of Muhammad's life.
They seem to be conscious of the possibil-
ity of interpreting C3 99 as an allusion to
one's responsibility for one's actions and
one's fate in the hereafter. Nevertheless, the
Westerner must be aware of the fact that
verses like (J 99 or (j 53-38 do not aim at
liberating the human being from divine
decree; they only point to a rather limited
range of actions left to human choice be-
cause God "has sent down authority" (cf
c) 6:81) for the individual to do them.
Therefore the question of human free-
doin of will in Muslim theology is neither
concerned with some capacity of reason
and power independent of God nor with
ethics. It refers to the limits of "authority"
granted to one by one's creator This is
even true of Mu'tazili thought (see
mu'tazilIs) which does not confront the
individual with the cosmos allowing each
to find his or her own way, but rather
obliges the creator to aim at the best (aslah)
for his creatures. Of course, under such
conditions it is more plausible that God
will do justice to the individual on the last
day (see JUSTICE AND injustice); but,
strictly speaking, God's authority still far
surpasses human responsibility. This re-
quires finally an examination of the hu-
man position in this world as intended by
the personalized creator, who "each day [is
engaged] in something" (c3 55:29). The
Qiir'an confines itself to calling Adam
God's vicegerent [khalifa, e.g. c) 2:30). In the
main, Islamic theological reasoning has
conceived two different answers, both of
them rooted in the qur'anic message of the
one God. The first answer is the elaborated
system of shan'a law; if one keeps to all of
its regidations scrupulously, seeing to the
best for oneself and for the community of
the believers, one will attain the rank of
God's vicegerent on earth because God's
volition and human action will be in per-
fect harmony (Shatibi, Muwdfaqdt, i, 25if.;
see BOUNDARIES AND PRECEPTS). The sec-
ond answer takes o 51:56 into consider-
ation: "I have not created jinn and men
but that they may serve me (see worship)."
The human being is God's servant, a fact
that is reflected in the dependence of
human reason on the creator's authority. A
human being cannot act on his own but
has to acquire every action, right or wrong,
wrought by God. And it is this iinques-
275
THEOPHANY
tioned compliance with God's decree (amr)
that is looked upon as the quintessence of
one's service to one's creator: By his inces-
sant creative actions he realizes himself as
the omnipotent one, and through the sinful
(and righteous) actions he causes humans
to acquire, he assures himself and human-
kind of his being the one legislator.
Rendering this inestimable service to him,
humans prove to be his indispensable vice-
gerents. This idea, elaborated in detail by
Ibn al-'Arabi (d. 638/1240) and his Sunni
interpreters, is the deepest understanding
of qur'anic theology ever arrived at. Both
answers do not pertain to the Western con-
cept of humankind hinted at above. The
careful analysis of the qur'anic message
and its historical background will guide
one, as has been demonstrated by this ex-
ample, to a more appropriate understand-
ing of Islam and Islamic theology and may
be instrumental in establishing a reliable
method of scientific hermeneutics.
T Nagel
Bibliography
Primary: al-Baladhurl, Ahmad b. Yahya, Jumal
min Kitdb Ansdb al-ashrdf, ed. S. Zakkar, 13 vols.,
Beirut 1996; ShahrastanT, Milal, ed. Cureton;
al-Shatibi, Abu Ishaq Ibrahim b. Musa, al-
Muwdfaqdt, 4 vols., Beirut 1991.
Secondary: Bell, Qjir'dn; I. Goldziher, Intro-
duction to Islamic theology and law, trans. A. and
R. Hamori, Princeton 1981 [Ger. orig. Vorlesungen
iiber den Islam, Heidelberg 1910]; G. Kratz, Wie
Abraham Hebraisch lernte, in id. and
T. Nagel (eds.), Abraham unser Vater, Gottingen
2002, 53-65; id. and T. Nagel (eds.), Abraham unser
Vater, Gottingen 2002; T. Nagel, Abraham in
Mecca, in G. Kratz and T. Nagel (eds.), Abraham,
unser Vater, Gottingen 2002, 143; id., Geschichte der
islamischen T^heologie, Miinchen 1994; id., Islam. Die
Heilsbotschaft des Korans und ihre Konsequenzen,
Westhofen 2001; id., Medinensische Einschube in
mekkanischen Suren, Gottingen 1995; A. Rippin,
'Desiring the face of God'. The qur'anic sym-
bolism of personal responsibility, in I. BouUata,
Literary structures of religious meaning in the Qur'dn,
Richmond, Surrey 2000, 117-24 (for an alter-
native understanding of an element of qur'anic
theology); F. Siegert, Abrahams Gottesvision im
hellenistischen Judentum, in G. Kratz and
T. Nagel (eds.), Abraham unser Vater, Gottingen
2002, 142; Sozomene, Histoire ecclesiastique, ed.
B. Grillet and G. Sabbah, Paris 1983.
Theophany
Visible appearance of God. In the Qiir'an,
the closest one comes to a visible appear-
ance of God is in q 7:143. Moses (q.v.) ex-
presses his wish to see God, who replies:
"You shall not see me. Look at the moun-
tain, though; if it stays in its place, then
will you see me." The verse continues: "So,
when his lord (q.v.) manifested himself
(tajalld) to the mountain, he flattened it,
and Moses, thunderstruck, collapsed.
When he came to, he said, 'Glory to you! I
turn toward you in repentance, and I am
the first of the believers'" (see repentance
AND penance; glorification of god).
The hairsplitting discussions (in the
qur'anic commentary of al-RazI, for ex-
ample; see EXEGESIS of the our'an:
classical and medieval) over the pos-
sibility of humans seeing God represent
attempts to vindicate theological positions
staked out long after the revelation of the
Qur'an (see revelation and inspiration;
theology and the qur'an; anthro-
pomorphism; cod and his attributes).
Both the letter and the spirit of C3 7:143
indicate that, according to the Qur'an, in
this world at least, human eyes (q.v.) cannot
see God. C3 6:103, "Eyes cannot perceive
him," makes the same point. The Qtir'an
does say that God "actually spoke to
Moses" but this does not mean that, in that
conversation, Moses, in some sense, saw
God (cf. Exod 33:11, which, using figurative
language, says that God spoke to Moses
"face to face"; see speei;h; word of god).
q 42:51 says that God speaks to human
beings in one of three ways — in revela-
tion, from behind a veil (q.v.) or through a
THRONE OF GOD
276
messenger (q.v.; see also prophets and
prophethood). Thus, in reference to
C3 7:143, the most one can say is that God
did manifest himself on the moinitain but
that Moses was unable to see him; Moses'
contrite "I turn toward yoii in repentance"
upon regaining consciousness is proof of
Moses' realization that he was a little too
bold in making the request to see God.
Not only is there no mention in the
Qiir'an of the several types of theophany
found in the Bible, theophany probably
woidd not have belonged in the theoretical
framework of the Qiir'an (as we know,
there is no history, in Islam, of any epiph-
any festival; see festivals and comme-
morative days; scripture and the
cjur'an). C3 4:153 cites disapprovingly the
Israelites' demand to see God with their
eyes (see children of Israel). Also,
theophany woidd be classed as a miracle
and the Qiir'an is, in principle, averse to
the idea of showing palpable miracles to
establish the Qiir'an's veracity or Muham-
mad's prophethood (see miracles;
marvels). According to the standard
Muslim theological position, the Qtir'an is
the miracle of Islam (see inimitability;
createdness of the our'an). In a sense,
the Qur'an — which is the speech of God
and, as such, a manifestation of one of
God's attributes — may be called the
theophany of Islam but this would be a
figurative use of that word, as Muslim
theologians do make a distinction between
God's being and his attributes, just as they
distinguish between God and his signs
(q.v.), the Qiir'an being one of those signs.
In the same vein, the term "inlibration,"
which is sometimes used to distinguish the
Qiir'an-event in Islam from the Christian
doctrine of incarnation, has no more than
a rhetorical value of highlighting a con-
trast between the two religions. For ad-
ditional qur'anic allusions to divine
self-manifestation (albeit not a "visible ap-
pearance"), see shekhinah; face of god.
Mustansir Mir
Bibliography
Primary: RazI, TaJsTr.
Secondary: I. Abu Bakar, The Qur'an and the
beatific vision in Mushm rationahst and tradi-
tional theologies, in Hamdard hlamicus 27/1
(2004), 55-61; 'A. Ahdal, 'liam al-minnaji ru'yat al-
mu'minin rabbahum ji l-janna, Mecca I989;J. van
Ess, Le mi'rdg et la vision de Dieu dans les
premieres speculations theologiques en islam, in
M. Amir-Moezzi (ed.), Le voyage initiatique en terre
d'islam, Louvain 1996, 27-56; L. Goodman (ed.),
Maimonides and the philosophers of Islam. The problem
of theophany, Leiden 2000; 'A. Salama, al-Sam' wa-
l-basarfi l-Qur'dn al-kanm, Tarabulus 1986;
A. Tuft, The origins and development of the controversy
over ruya in medieval Islam and its relation to
contemporary visual theory, PhD diss., UCLA 1979;
id.. The ruya controversy and the interpretation
of Qur'an verse VII (al-A'rdf): 143, in Hamdard
Islamicus 6/3 (1983), 3-41; H. Wolfson, The
philosophy of the Kalam, Cambridge 1976, chaps.
2 and 3.
Thicket see people of the thicket
Thief see THEFT
Thirst see food and drink
Thread, White and Black see
RAMADAN
Throne of God
Qur'anic (and biblical) image related to
God's sovereignty. The two terms used
most commonly in the Qur'an and exegeti-
cal literature for the throne of God are
'arsh and kursi, although the latter has often
been luiderstood not as a seat but as a foot-
stool or other accessory to the throne itself.
The word 'arsh appears twenty-five times in
the Qur'an with reference to God's throne.
277
THRONE OF GOD
as well as the thrones of others: the seat on
whichjoseph (q.v.; Yusnf) placed his par-
ents (q.v.) is referred to as an "arsh
(c) 12:100), as is the throne of Bilqls (q.v.),
the Qiieen of Sheba (q.v.; {) 27:23, 38, 41,
42). When referring to the throne of God,
verses speak either of the throne itself or
use it in a relational epithet to emphasize
aspects of God's majesty. The latter cat-
egory is the more common and God is re-
ferred to as the "lord (q.v.) of the throne"
[rabb al-'arsh, q 43:82) or "lord of the noble
throne" [rabb al-'arsh al-'a^im, (j 9:129; cf.
rabb al-'arsh al-karim, (3 23:116). Elsewhere,
God is referred to as "the one with the
throne" [dhU l-'arsh, c) 40:15; cf 17:42). A
literal reading of the Qiir'an gives a clear
sense of the throne of God as a concrete
object (see literary structures and the
cjur'an; metaphor; simile; language
AND style of the our'an). Thiis the
angels (q.v.) are mentioned as circling
God's throne (q 39:75); elsewhere the
Qiir'an describes the throne as being car-
ried while it is being circled (o 40:7). The
image of the throne being borne by the
angels appears explicitly in descriptions of
eschatological events (see eschatology):
"And the angels shall be ranged around
(the heavens') borders (see heaven and
sky), eight of whom will be carrying above
them, on that day, the throne of your lord"
(c) 69:17). The term kursT'is used for
"throne" on two occasions. One of these
refers to the throne of Solomon (q.v.;
Sulayman, (J 38:34). The other instance
(q, 2:255) is the most famous reference to
the throne of God in the Qiir'an, and may
very well be the most popular verse in the
Qiir'an (see verses), having come to be
known as the "Throne Verse" (djat al-kursi).
Eight sentences long, the verse only refers
to God's throne once: "His throne encom-
passes the heavens and the earth (q.v.), and
their preservation does not burden him."
The throne of God, both as 'arsh and
kursT, has figured prominently in theologi-
cal and mystical debates over God's
transcendence and the status of anthro-
pomorphic references in the Qiir'an (see
theology and the qur'an; sufism and
the q^ur'an; anthropomorphism). Hasan
al-BasrI (d. 110/728) is said to have re-
garded the two terms as synonyms, as have
some later scholars. A wide variety of writ-
ers have interpreted the throne of God
metaphorically, beginning with both al-
Tabari (d. 310/923) and Ibn al-Jawzi
(d. 597/1200) who credit Ibn 'Abbas (d. ca.
68/686) with stating that fa(raj" refers to
divine knowledge {'ilm; see knowledge
AND learning). Al-Suyuti (d. 911/1505)
takes a different approach and interprets
the roof of heaven [al-saqf al-matfi', liter-
ally "the upraised roof," c) 52:5) as a refer-
ence to God's throne.
In Sufi literature the notion of God's
throne has been a source of much specula-
tion and interpretation, as has the Throne
Verse mentioned above. In some schools of
mystical philosophy, the throne of God
('arsh) is the lowest or seventh heaven. This
is sometimes seen to coincide with the
locus of divine self-manifestation (tajalli).
Ibn al-'Arabi (d. 638/1240) referred to the
throne of God on many occasions in his
writings and viewed the mystical heart
(q.v; qalb) as a microcosm of God's throne,
in that it is capable of encompassing all
things. This concept is perpetuated in Sufi
thought derived from Ibn al-'Arabi, pri-
marily through the influence of al-Jlll's
(d. 561/1166) understanding of the "perfect
man" (al-insdn al-kdmil).
The notion of a divine or supernatural
throne is developed further in hadlth and
tafsir literature (see hadith and the
^ur'an; exegesis of the cjur'an:
CLASSICAL AND MEDIEVAL) where God's
throne is described as possessing different
designs and colors as well as being deco-
rated with precious stones. The collections
278
of al-Bukhan (d. 256/870) and Muslim
(d. ca. 261/875) refer to three celestial
thrones, including those of Satan (see
devil) and Gabriel (q.v.; Jibril) along with
that of God. Muslim and al-Tirmidhi
(d. ca. 270/883) speak of Satan's throne
floating on water and being surrounded by
snakes, an image with important reso-
nances in the study of comparative reli-
gion. See also sovereignty; kings and
rulers; power and impotence.
JamalJ. Elias
Bibliography
Primary: Bukharl, Sahih, 9 vols., Beirut 1980; al-
BuriLsawT, Abu 1-Fida' Isma^Tl Haqql Tafsir ruh al-
baydn, 10 vols., Cairo n.d.; Ibn al-'Arabl,
Muhammad b. 'Abdallah Abu Bakr, al-Futuhdt al-
makkiyya, 4 vols., Cairo n.d.; Ibn al-JawzT, ^dd,
9 vols., Beirut 1984; al-Kulaynl, AbuJaTar
Muhammad b. Ya'qub, al-Usul min al-kdji, ed.
'A. A. GhifarT, 2 vols., Tehran 1968; Muslim,
Saliih, Cairo 1987; SuyutT, Z)Mr?; 6 vols., Tehran
1998; Tabarl, TafsTr, 13 vols., Beirut 1999;
Tirmidhl, Sunan al-Tirmidhi, 5 vols., Medina
1965; ZamakhsharT, Kashshdf, 4 vols., Beirut
1995-
Secondary: W.C. Chittick, The self-disclosure of
God, Albany 1998; id.. The Sufi path of knowledge,
Albany 1989; J.J. Elias, The throne carrier of God,
Albany 1995; Gilliot, Elt, 249-54 (°n Muham-
mad's sitting on the Throne, ad <j 17:79);
D. Gimaret, Dieu a Vimage de I'homme. Les
anthropomorphismes de la sunna et leur interpretation
par les theologiens, Paris 1997, 76-89 {"Sur Son
Trone, ou Son Tabouret"); CI. Huart and
J. Sadan, KursT, in El^, v, 509; S. Uludag, Ar§, in
Islam Ansiklopedisi, 27 vols, to date, Istanbul 1988-,
iii, 410; Y. §erki Yavuz, Ar^, in Islam Ansiklopedisi,
27 vols, to date, Istanbul 1988-, iii, 406-9; id.,
Kursi, in Islam Ansiklopedisi, 27 vols, to date,
Istanbul 1988-, xxvi, 572-3.
Time
The successive continuum of events and its
measurement. The Qiir'an employs a rich
terminology for aspects of time but uses
these terms ad hoc and at random, in con-
crete and practical ways, rather than sys-
tematically and methodically addressing
abstract and theoretical notions of time.
This qur'anic vocabulary does not include
the principal technical terms for time,
Zamdn, and eternity (q.v.), qidam, which are
widely used in Islamic philosophy (see
philosophy and the q^ur'an), nor does
the Qiir'an contain typical philosophical
terms such as mudda for extent of time and
dawdm for duration or azal and abad for
eternity a parte ante and a parte post (though
it uses the adverb abadan, "forever and
ever," twenty-eight times). Three questions
involving "time" and the Qiir'an will be
excluded from this article because they are
treated elsewhere: (i) the scholarly analysis
of the text of the Qiir'an with regard to
the sequence of the various stages of its
composition and fixation as a normative
text (see chronology and the q^ur'an;
codices of the our'an; c;ollection of
the (JUr'an), (2) the vision of history em-
bodied in the Qiir'an as well as the use of
the Qur'an as a historiographical source
(see history and the cjur'an) and (3) the
fixed times of ritual prayer cited in the
Qur'an (see prayer; cf. e.g. al-Tabarl's
[d. 310/923] commentary on "the middle
prayer," al-saldt al-wustd, of (J 2:238, in his
Tafsir, ad loc; cf. Gilliot, Elt, 149-50).
Throne Verse see verses; throne of
god
Thunder see weather
Tidings see news; good news
The qur'anic day
Numerous references in the Qur'an refer
to the full twenty-four-hour cycle of the
day by the term oi yawm (see day, times
of). The term is used 374 times as a sin-
gular noun (yawmj or a temporal adverb
(yawma), three times in the dual (yawmayn)
279
and twenty-seven times in the plural
(ajydm) as well as seventy times in the form
of the temporal adverh jawma'idhin, "on
that day" (see form and structure of
THE cjur'an; rhetoric and the q^ur'an).
The entire day, jawm, is understood in
Semitic fashion as reckoned from sunset to
sunset (see sun; evening), beginning with
the darkness of night followed by the
brightness of daytime, namely "night" (col-
lectively, lajl, eighty-one times, singular,
layla, eight times, plural, laydlin, four times
and never in the dual) and "day" [nahdr,
fifty-eight times, always in the singular; see
DAY AND night). Likewise, the use of the
term sarmad to signify the "continuous
time" of night or day, which appears twice
in o 28:71-2, follows this precedence of
night before day.
The wordjflttim may also refer to a his-
torical event, such as "the day of deliver-
ance" [yawm al-furqdn, (j 8:41; see crite-
rion; victory) with reference to the battle
of Badr (q.v.) in 2/624 °^ "'^e day of
Hunayn" (c) 9:25) with reference to the
battle of Hunayn (q.v.) in 8/630. Most fre-
quently, however, it signals an eschatologi-
cal event (see eschatology), such as "the
day of resurrection (q.v.)" [yawm al-qiydma,
seventy times) or "the last day" [al-yawm
al-dkhir, thirty-eight times), "the day of
judgment" ( yawm al-dln, thirteen times; see
LAST judgment), "the day of decision"
[yawm al-fasl, six times) and "the day of
reckoning" [yawm al-hisdb, three times).
This threatening and disastrous day of
doom is further depicted by an abundance
of apocalyptic and awe-inspiring attributes
in the Qiir'an (see apocalypse; fear;
piety). ¥'vaa\\y, yawm can signify a ritual
event, such as "the day of assembly"
[yawm al-jumu'a, Q_ 62:9, referring to the
congregational prayer on Friday; see
FRIDAY prayer), "the day of the greater
pilgrimage (q.v.)" [yawm al-hajj al-akbar.
(3 9:3) or "the day of their Sabbath"
(c3 7:163) with reference to the Jewish
Sabbath (q.v.; see also JEWS and Judaism).
Ayydm, the plural oi yawm, is used in the
Qrir'an in a sense congruent with the pre-
Islamic combats of tribal prowess and bat-
tles of vengeance (q.v), known collectively
as "the days of the Arabs" [ayydm al-'arab;
see TRIBES AND CLANS; PRE-ISLAMIC
ARABIA AND THE ^ur'an; arabs). For ex-
ample, j;a«)m bu'dth names the battle be-
tween the Medinan tribes of Aws and
Khazraj in 617 i;.E. (see Medina). In the
Q;Lir'an, however, the term is attributed to
"the days of God" (ayydm Alldhj, the mag-
nalia Dei, manifested by God's intervention
in human history through his acts of cre-
ation (q.v.), revelation (see revelation
AND inspiration) and retribution (see
DAYS of god). In this sense, the ayydm Alldh
are explicitly compared to God's "signs"
(q.v.; dydt), revealed through Moses (q.v),
leading his people from darkness (q.v.) to
light (q.v; <J 14:5) and to God's final vic-
tories with their retribution of eternal gain
or loss for what people's deeds have earned
(q 45:14; see GOOD deeds; evil deeds;
REWARD AND PUNISHMENT). Similar to the
biblical six day-work of creation, the
Qur'an (q 7:54; 10:3; 11:7; 25:59; 32:4;
50:38; 57:4) understands God to have ac-
complished the creation of the heavens
and the earth "in six days" (Ji sittati ayydm).
Further, God is seen to create the universe
for a purpose, rather than for idle sport
(o 21:16-17; cf 38:27; 44:38), in order to
provide for the needs and wants of humans
(o 2:22 and passim) and to put their con-
duct to the test (o 11:7; see trial). In a pe-
culiar passage (o 41:9-12), the account of
creation assigns two days to the creation of
the earth (q.v), then four days to setting it
in order and, finally, two more days to the
creation of the seven heavens (see heaven
AND sky), while C3 71:14 asserts that God
28o
"created you in stages" (literally "times,"
atwdran, with reference to the stages of the
embryo's growth; see biology as the
CREATION AND STAGES OF LIFE).
Other uses of the term ayyam include the
incident when Zechariah (q.v.; Zakariyya')
is struck dumb for "three days" (o 3:41) or
"those days" (tilka l-ayjdm) when defeat is
anticipated in Muhammad's address before
the battle of Uhud in 3/625 (q_ 3:140; see
EXPEDITIONS AND BATTLEs). The Thamud
(q.v.) were given the sign of a she-camel
on an "appointed day" [yawm ma'lum,
C3 26:155) and hid "three days" in their
dwellings before calamity overtook them
(cj 11:65; ^^^ camel; punishment stories).
The 'Ad (q.v.) "were destroyed by a violent,
roaring wind which [God] impelled against
them seven nights and eight days, uninter-
ruptedly" {q_ 69:6-7; see air and wind), "in
days calamitous" [Ji ayydmin nahisdt,
Q_ 41:16) or on "a day of constant calamity"
[Jiyawmi nahsin mustamirrin, C3 54:19). Divine
warnings are given to unbelieving people
about "the like of the days of those who
passed away before them" {mithla ayydmi
lladhina khalaw min qablihim., <J 10:102; see
warning; generations; geography) and
the blessed of paradise (q.v.) are made the
promise of "eating and drinking with relish
for what you paid in advance in the days
gone-by" [Ji I- ayydmi l-khdliya, q 69:24; see
FOOD AND drink).
Ritual observances apply on "a certain
number of days" [Ji ayydmin ma'duddtin,
Q, 2:203) or "days well-known" [Ji ayydmin
ma'lumdtin, o 22:28) of the pilgrimage (see
RITUAL AND THE cjur'an). An exception is
made for its performance in "two days"
when one is in haste (o 2:203) and, under
certain circumstances, its ritual offering
may be substituted by "a fast of three days
in the pilgrimage, and of seven when you
return, that is ten completely" (cj 2:196; see
fasting). Other ritual excuses with regard
to the month of fasting (see months;
Ramadan) are made through "a certain
number of days" (ayydman ma'duddtin) for
people who are sick or on a journey (q.v.;
Q_ 2:184-5; see also illness and health).
In expiation for a wrong oath (<J 5:89; see
oaths) "three days" of fasting are re-
quired. The Jews claim that hellfire (see
HELL AND hellfire) shall iiot touch them
except "for a certain number of days"
[ayydman ma'duddtin, (3 3:24; see also
POLEMIC AND POLEMICAL LANGUAGE).
The qur'dnic vocabulary of the times of day
Night and day are used antithetically in the
Qiir'an (twenty-four times), e.g. "by night
and day" [laylan wa-nahdran, C3 71:5; see
PAIRS AND pairing). Night and day, cre-
ated by God, are among the signs (dydt) of
divine power [q_ 17:12; 41:37; see POWER
AND impotence) and put at the service of
humankind (c3 14:33). God brings forth the
day from the night (q 35:13), "covering the
day with the night it pursues urgently"
(Q. 7'54)- Night and day are complementary
(a 6:60; 25:47; 27:86; 30:23; 34:33; 36:40;
40:61), mutually concurrent (q^ 31:29; 39:5;
57:6) and succeed one another with regu-
larity (c) 2:164; 3:190; 10:6; 23:80; 45:5).
While nahdr follows upon layl consistently
in the Qur'an, the order reverses as the
sun, the asterism of the daytime, precedes
the moon (q.v), the asterism of the night
when both are cited together (except in
(J 71:16). This sequence of sun and moon is
paralleled hy yawm preceding layla in extra-
qur'anic literature, indicating that both
lunar and solar reckonings of time were
known to the Arabs (cf. Fischer, Tag und
Nacht, 745^9; see calendar). Notice,
however, the switch of gender (q.v.), the
sun being feminine and the moon mas-
culine, while it is the opposite ior yawm
and layla, whereas layl and nahdr are both
masculine (see grammar and the
(JUr'an).
Specific terms in the Qtir'an identify a
28l
number of regular time intervals and par-
ticular times of day and night. "Daybreak"
(al-falaq) appears when God, "the lord of
the daybreak" (c) 113:1), "splits the sky into
dawn" {q.v.;Jaliq alAsbdh, (^ 6:96). The
Qur'an swears by the time of "dawn" (fajr,
(J 89:1) when "the white thread becomes
distinct to you from the black" (q 2:187), a
phenomenon defining the time of the
"inorning prayer" [qur'an cd-fajr, q 17:78;
saldt al-fajr, C3 24:58) when god-fearing peo-
ple ask forgiveness at "the times of dawn"
[bi-l-ashdr, Q 3:17; 51:18; see morning). Lot's
(q.v.) family was delivered "at dawn" {bi-
sa/iai; C3 54:34), their appointed time "in the
morning" [subh, C3 11:81), while his disloyal
people were punished "in the early morn-
ing" [bukratan, C3 54:38). Muhammad and
Zechariah are bidden to give glory (q.v.) to
God "in the evening and early morning"
[bi-l-'ashi wa-l-ibkdr, (3 3:41; 40:55) and the
latter signals his people to give glory "in
early morning and evening" [bukratan wa-
'ashiyan, q_ 19:11, cf. 19:62; see glorifi-
cation OF god). Muhammad, exhorted to
remember the name of his lord (q.v.) "in
the early morning and evening" [bukratan
wa-asilan, Q_ 76:25; cf 33:42; 48:9; see
remembrance; basmala), is accused of
having ancient tales recited to him at those
times (q 25:5; see myths and legends in
THE cjur'an). The Qiir'an swears by the
"morning" [al-subh, Q^ 74:34; 81:18; cf
100:3) and exclaims, "so glory be to God in
your evening hour and in your morning
hour" [hina tumsuna wa-hina tusbihun,
Q^ 30:17). But when punishment descends,
"evil will be the morning (sabdh) of those
who have been warned" (o 37:177; see
CHASTISEMENT AND PUNISHMENT; GOOD
AND evil).
Generally, ghadan refers to "tomorrow"
(q, 12:12; 18:23; 31:34; 54:26), yet every soul
(q.v.) should consider "what it has for-
warded for the morrow" [ghad, q_ 59:18,
possibly with reference to the last day).
Muhammad is bidden to remember his
lord, without raising his voice, "at morn
and eventide" [bi-l-ghuduwwi wa-l-asdl,
Q_ 7:205), the times when the shadows bow
to God (q 13:15; see bowing and
prostration) and God's name is glorified
by people of prayer [q_ 24:36), "calling
upon their lord at morning and evening"
[hi-l-ghaddti wa-l-'ashiyyi, Q^ 6:52; 18:28). The
folk of Pharaoh (q.v.) will be exposed to the
fire (of hell) "morning and evening"
[ghuduwwan wa-'ashiyyan, (j 40:46) and the
wind, subjected to Solomon (q.v.), blew in
the morning and in the evening (q 34:12).
The Qiir'an swears "by the forenoon"
[duhd, o 93:1) and "by the sun and its morn-
ing brightness" [duhdhd, c) 91:1) and God
brings out the "morning brightness"
[duhdhd, ^ 79:29; cf 79:46). Adam (see
ADAM AND eve) does not have to "suffer
the sun" (wa-ld tadhd) in the garden (q.v.) of
paradise (c) 20:119) and Moses has the peo-
ple mustered on the feast day (yawm al-
ZTna) at "the high noon" [duhan, Q_ 20:59).
"The people of the cities" [ahl al-qurd, pos-
sibly Jewish villages around Medina; cf.
Bell, Commentary, i, 243) are warned lest
they are overcome by divine might at night
and in "daylight" [duhd, C3 7:97-8). The
"afternoon" (q.v.; 'asr, c) 103:1), used in a
qur'anic oath, may actually be another
term for time as destiny (q.v.; cf. Paret,
Kommentar, 521; Brunschvig, Le culte et le
temps, 168; see also fate). "The twilight"
[shafaq, o 84:16) also appears once in the
form of an oath in the Qur'an while "the
evening (q.v.) prayer" (saldt al-'ishd') is cited
in (3 24:58. Joseph's (q.v.) brothers (see
BROTHER AND BROTHERHOOD) return tO
their father in the "evening" ['ishd', q_ 12:16)
and standing steeds are presented to
Solomon in the evening [bi-l- 'ashiyy,
Q. 38:31), while the mountains join with
David (q.v.) giving glory to God at evening
and sunrise [bi-l-'ashiyyi wa-l-ishrdq,
O 38:18).
282
Tjpicalfeatures of the qur'dnic language of ti?ne
The qur'anic language of time commonly
invokes particular times of day by random
and mysterious oaths.
By the dawn fajr) and ten nights (laydlin),
by the even and the odd (see numeration),
by the night (layl) when it journeys on!
(a 89:1-4).
By the night (layl) enshrouding, by the day
(nahdr) in splendor! (c3 92:1-2).
By the bright forenoon (duhd), by the
brooding night (layl)\ (c) 93:1-2).
By the sim and her morning brightness
(duhdhd), by the moon when it follows her,
by the day (nahdr) when it displays her, by
the night (layl) when it enshrouds her!
fe 91:1-4)-
By the heaven of the constellations, by the
promised day (alyawm al-maw'ud)l
(a 85:1-2).
By heaven and the shooting star (al-tdnq)\
(q, 86:1; see PLANETS AND STARs).
By the afternoon ('asr)\ [c^ 103:1) — an oath
possibly invoking "time" in a more general
sense (cf. Paret, Kommentar, 521).
By the snorting chargers, striking fire in
.sparks, storming forward in the morning
(subhan)\ (o 100:1-4).
Nay! By the moon, by the night (layl) when
it retreats and by the dawn (subh) when it is
white! (^ 74:32-4).
No! I swear by the day of resurrection
(yawm al-qiydma)\ (o 75:1).
On the day (yawm) when the first blast
shivers and the second blast follows it!
fe 79:6-7)-
By the night (layl) swarming, by the dawn
(subh) sighing! (q 81:17-18).
No! I swear by the twilight (shafaq) and the
night (layl) and what it envelops!
(q, 84:16-17).
In one instance the seeking refuge from
evil is related to an interval of time, i.e. a
particular time of day, "I take refuge with
the lord of the daybreak" {rabb alfalaq,
o 113:1)-
References to intervals of day and night,
expressed in succinct metaphorical
phrases, are another typical feature.
Examples include: "the ends of the day"
[atrdf al-nahdr, c) 20:130), referring to sun-
rise (al-mashriq) and sunset (al-maghrib), fre-
quently cited in tandem (whether in the
singular c) 2:115, 142, 177, 258; 26:28; 73:9,
in the plural, mashdriq, maghdrib, C3 7:137;
70:40; cf. 37:5, or in the dual, as "the two
easts," al-mashriqayn, a 43:38; 55:17; and the
"two wests," al-maghrib ay n, c) 55:17).
Intervals of the night, "when it rims its
course" [idhdyasri, c) 89:4), are termed "the
watches of the night" {dnd' al-layl, Q^ 3:113;
20:130; 39:9), while dusk is depicted as "the
darkening of the night" [ghasaq al-layl,
5) 17:78) and "the night of the night"
[zulafan min al-layl, q_ 11:114). Z^ilafan, which
is plural, may refer not only to dusk but
also to dawn, which another qur'anic im-
age calls "the withdrawal of the stars"
[idbdr al-nujum, (j 52:49). The beginning of
the day is likened to "the face of the day"
(wajh al-nahdr, o 3:72) and "the rising of
dawn" {matla' al-fajr, (^ 97:5). The sunrise is
described by the images of "the sun shin-
ing forth" [al-shams bdzighatan, q_ 6:78), the
actual "rising" of the sun [al-ishrdq,
(J 38:18), "the sun when it rises" [al-shams
idhd tala'at, cj 18:17) and "experiencing the
sunrise" (mushriqin, o 15:73; 26:60), while
the early morning is the time when God
"has stretched out the shadow" [madda l-
Zilla, (J 25:45). Noontime is marked by the
"heat of noon" [al-iahira, q_ 24:58), "when
you enter noontide" [hina tu^hirdn, o 30:18),
just as "you enter the evening and the
morning" ((J 30:17). "The sinking of the
sun" {duldk al-shams, C3 17:78) follows the
time "before the setting [of the sun]" [qabla
l-ghurub, Q_ 50:39) and the night covers like
a "garment" (libds, C3 78:10; see clothing)
offering rest for sleep (q.v.).
283
The Qiir'an frequently uses temporal
clauses, introduced by "when" (idhd) or
"upon the day, when" (yawma), especially
in conjuring up the awe-inspiring phenom-
ena of the last day and impressing these
upon the listeners. Some examples for idhd:
ber for what he has striven (q 79:34-5)-
When earth is shaken with a mighty shak-
ing and earth brings forth her burdens
fe 99:1-2)-
When comes the help of God and victory
(a 110:1).
When the sun shall be darkened, when the
stars shall be thrown down, when the
mountains shall be set moving, when the
pregnant camels shall be neglected, when
the savage beasts shall be mustered, when
the seas shall be set boiling, when the souls
shall be coupled, when the buried infant
shall be asked for what sin she was slain
(see infanticide), when the scrolls (q.v.)
shall be unrolled, when heaven shall be
stripped off, when hell shall be set blazing,
when paradise shall be brought near, then
shall a soul know what it has produced
(a 81:1-14).
When heaven is split open, when the stars
are scattered, when the seas swarm over,
when the tombs are overthrown, then a
soul shall know its works, the former and
the latter {q_ 82:1-5).
When heaven is rent asunder and gives ear
to its lord, and is fitly disposed, when earth
is stretched out and casts forth what is in it,
and voids itself (q 84:1-4).
When the terror descends (c) 56:1).
When the earth shall be rocked (c3 56:4).
When the trumpet is blown with a single
blast [q_ 69:13).
When the trump is sounded, that day will
be a harsh day [jawm, (j 74:8-9).
When the sight is dazed and the moon is
eclipsed (a 75:7-8).
When the stars shall be extinguished, when
heaven shall be split, when the mountains
shall be scattered and when the messen-
gers' time is set (uqqitat), to what day shall
they be delayed? To the day of decision
[yamm al-fasl, q_ 77:8-13).
When the great catastrophe comes upon
the day (yawm) when man shall remem-
A cjur'anic passage using idhd, "when it
reaches the clavicles" ((j 75:26), introduces
the moment of death, the soul departing
from the body (see death and the dead).
Some examples ior yawma:
On the day when heaven shall be as mol-
ten copper ((^ 70:8).
On the day when the trumpet is blown
fe 78:18).
On the day when a man shall flee from his
brother (q_ 80:34).
On the day when men shall be like scat-
tered moths (q 101:4).
The fixing of time in the Qiir'dn
Fixing the divisions of time for the purpose
of communal life is a qur'anic preoccupa-
tion, which combines the pre-Islamic cus-
tom of reckoning time on the basis of the
rising and setting of stars, called anwd'
(a term absent from the Qiir'an, though
appearing once in the verbal singular,
la-tanu'u, 53 28:76), with the observation of
the lunar phases, called mandzil, "stations"
(a 10:5; 36:39), and the "mansions" (buruj)
of the signs of the zodiac (q 15:16; 25:61;
85:1). By and large, the pre-Islamic Arab
year was lunisolar, with the year beginning
in autumn and an intercalary month added
in leap years (see seasons). The Qtir'an,
however, opted for the lunar year (of 354
days) as established by God's creation. God
created the sun and the moon as a pair for
"reckoning" (husbdn) time (q 6:96; 55:5),
"stretching out the shadow" and appoint-
ing "the sun to be its guide" ((J 25:45). By
divine ordainment, he has the sun return
284
to its "fixed resting place" (?nustacjarr) and
lias the moon marked by "its stations till it
returns like an aged palm-bough"
(c3 36:38-9; see DATE palm; symbolic
imagery). The computation of years and
months is rooted in the will of the creator,
"who made the sun a radiance and the
moon a light, and determined it by stations
that you might know the number of the
years ('adada l-simn) and the reckoning [of
time]" [hisdb, o 10:5; cf 71:16). It is the cre-
ator who "determines the night and the
day" [yuqaddiru l-layla wa-l-nahdr, (j 73:20)
and establishes their order: "We have ap-
pointed the night and the day as two signs;
then we have blotted out the sign of the
night and made the sign of the day to see,
and that you may seek bounty from your
lord, and that you may know the number
of the years and the reckoning" (c3 17:12).
Sun and moon have each their orbit, and
night and day have each their measure,
both assigned by God with neither intrud-
ing on the domain of the other: "It be-
hooves not the sun to overtake the moon,
neither does the night outstrip the day"
fe 36:40). Time moves in a regular mode,
in the measurable rhythm of sun and
moon, with the moon and its phases fixing
the calculation of the months and years.
In the Qiir'an, the moon is the actual
measurer of time, and the beginning of the
month and the year is established by the
observation of the new moon [hildl, men-
tioned once in the Qiir'an in the plural,
ahilla). Each lunar month begins with the
sighting of the crescent in the clear sky:
"They will question you concerning the
new moons (al-ahilla). Say, they are ap-
pointed times (mawdqit) for the people, and
the pilgrimage" (c3 2:189). The month,
called shahr (twelve times in the singular,
twice in the dual, and six times in the plu-
ral ashhur, and once in the plural shuhur), is
established by God who divided the year
into twelve lunar months by divine decree:
"The number of months (shuhur), with
God, is twelve in the book of God, the day
he created the heavens and the earth; four
of them are sacred" [q_ 9:36). The names of
the pre-Islamic sacred months, Dhu 1-
Qa'da, Dhu 1-Hijija, al-Muharram and
Rajab, are absent from the Qiu"'an, but
there are allusions to them in the qur'anic
phrases, "Journey freely in the land for
four months" (09:2) and "When the sacred
months (al-ashhur al-hurum) have slipped
away, slay the idolaters" (<J 9:5; see verses;
IDOLATRY AND IDOLATERS; FIGHTING).
Of the twelve lunar months only the
month of fasting is mentioned by name in
the Quran, "the month of Ramadan
wherein the Qur'an was sent down"
(cj 2:185). This statement is frequently
linked with the verse, "We [God] sent it
down in the night of destiny" [laylat al-qadr,
Q, 97:1; see NIGHT OF power), with "it"
explained as referring to the Qur'an on the
basis of the parallel passage, "By the clear
book (al-kitdh al-mubin), we have sent it
down in a blessed night" (c) 44:2-3). It is
reasonably certain that Muhammad first
adopted the Jewish custom of the 'Ashura'
fast observed on the Day of Atonement
and replaced it in 2/623-4 ^Y ^^^ institu-
tion of the fast of Ramadan (c3 2:183-5)
after the battle of Badr (cf. C) 3:123). This
battle is usually understood to be the refer-
ent of cj 8:41, "What we sent down on our
servant (q.v.; 'ahdind) on the day of deliver-
ance (yawm al-furqdn) ." It is probable that
"a certain number of days" or "counted
days" [ayydman ma'duddtin, Q_ 2:184) repre-
sents a ten-day fast as a stage of transition
before the Qiir'an established the month-
long fast of Ramadan (Goitein, Zur
Entstehimg, 101-9). It is disputed, however,
whether the "night of destiny" refers to a
night in the month of Ramadan when
Muhammad received his first revelation
while practicing religious devotion
[tahannuth; see vigils) on mount Hira' out-
285
side Mecca (cf. Ibn Ishaq, Sua, 151-2; Ibn
Ishaq-Guillaume, 105-6) or whether it sig-
nifies the sending down of the entire
Qtir'an (a notion which is in conflict with
verses stating that the Qtir'an was revealed
graduaUy, cf. Wagtendonk, Fasting in the
Koran, 87; see occasions of revelation).
Scholars also differ over whether the
"night of destiny" was chosen against the
background of the ancient Arabian new
year, celebrated around the summer sol-
stice and frequently identified with the 27th
of Ramadan (cf. Wensinck, Arabic new
year, 5-8) or whether the night of the 27th
of Rajab should be determined as the night
of Muhammad's first revelation (Wagten-
donk, Fasting in the Koran, 113; see year).
The month of the pilgrimage is clearly
called "the holy month" [al-shahr al-hardm,
Q, 2:194, 217; 5:2, 97) although, somewhat
enigmatically, the pilgrimage (al-hajj) is said
to fall in "months well-known" (ashhur
ma'lumdt, q^ 2:197). The practice of adding
an intercalary month (nasi') to bring the
limar year in step with the seasons was ex-
pressly prohibited in the Qiir'an as "an
increase of unbelief" (<J 9:37; cf. Moberg,
an-Masi'). The Qiiran's fixing the number
of months as twelve and its prohibition of
intercalation prepared the way for Islam to
adopt the lunar calendar, beginning with
the 1st of Muharram of the year of the
hijra (not the hijra itself; see emigration), in
the caliphate of 'Umar (r. 13-23/634-44;
see caliph). A random reference to shahr in
the Qiir'an refers to the wind that was sub-
jected to Solomon and "blew a month's
(journey) in the morning (ghuduwwuhu shah-
run) and a month's (journey) in the eve-
ning" {rawdhuhd shahrun, q^ 34:12). Ritually,
a fast of "two successive months" (q^ 4:92;
58:4) can be substituted if one does not
find the means to pay the bloodwit (see
blood money). "A wait of four months" is
recommended for those who forswear their
women [q_ 2:226; see abstinence; mar-
riage and divorce; sex and sexuality).
Widows (see widow) are to wait "four
months and ten days" ({) 2:234) before they
can remarry after the husbands' death,
while the waiting period is reduced to
"three months" (c) 65:4) for those whose
menstrual periods have ceased (see
menstruation). According to the Qiir'an,
the bearing and weaning of a child lasts
"thirty months" (q_ 46:15; see maintenance
AND upkeep; children; wet-nursing)
and mothers are required to suckle their
children "two years completely" [hawlayn
kdmilayn, cj 2:233), a duration in step with
Luqman's (q.v.) instruction to his son that
weaning a child lasts "two years" {'dmayn,
q 31:14). The week (usbU) is not cited in the
Qtir'an; Friday ( yawm al-junm'a, C3 62:9)
appears only once, and the Jewish Sabbath
five times ({) 2:65; 4:47, 154; 7:163; 16:124).
For the year, the Qtir'an uses the terms
Sana (seven times in the singular, and twelve
times in the plural sinin) and 'dm (eight
times in the singular and once in the dual)
interchangeably. Noah (q.v.) remained
among his people "a thousand years, all
but fifty" (<J 29:14) and Pharaoh's people
were struck with years of famine (q.v.;
C3 7:130). Joseph explains the king's dream
vision of seven fat and seven lean cows as
meaning seven fertile and seven hard years
(o 12:47-9) and, forgetting a fellow-pris-
oner's wish, Joseph causes him to languish
in prison for "some years" ((j 12:42). Moses
also remained among the people of
Midian (q.v.) for "some years" (c3 20:40)
and, when sent to Pharaoh, is asked, "did
you not tarry among us years of your life?"
(c3 26:18). The people of Israel (q.v.; see
also children of Israel) wandered about
the earth "for forty years" (c3 5:26). God
sealed the ears of the seven sleepers for
years (q i8:ii; see men of the cave) and
"they remained in their cave (q.v.) three
hundred years and nine more" (<j 18:25).
The Meccans are told that a day (jiaw?n)
286
with God is "as a tliousand years" (q 22:47)
and tlie unbelievers wish to live a thousand
years (q 2:96; see belief and unbelief;
OPPOSITION TO Muhammad). The last day
is compared to a millennium, it is "one day
(yawm) whose measure is a thousand years
of your counting" [miqddruhu alfa sanatin
mimmd ta'uddun, o 32:5), while the angels
(q.v.) and the spirit (q.v.) mount up to God
in a day (yawm), "whereof the measure is
fifty thousand years" (c) 70:4). Perhaps with
reference to Ezekiel 27, the simile of a man
who was dead for a hundred years and
then finds himself raised up believing him-
self dead for only a day or part thereof is
given in c) 2:259 (see similes). A similar
time argument against the resurrection is
rejected by the rhetorical question of
c) 23:112, "How long have you tarried in
the earth, by a number of years?" Accord-
ing to the Qiir'an, a man reaches maturity
(q.v.) at "forty years" (o 46:15) and the be-
lievers are exhorted to go to war (q.v.) once
or twice a year ((J 9:126) while the idolaters
are debarred from the sacred mosque of
the Ka'ba (q.v.) "after this present year"
{q_ 9:28). Although it is difficult to fix the
particular event, q 30:4 refers to the defeat
of the Byzantine forces (al-Rum) on the
northern borders of Arabia in about 614
c.E. and promises them victory against the
Persians in "a few years" [Ji bid'i simn; see
Byzantines).
Just as the Qiir'an pays no attention to
fixing particular historical events in time,
so it hardly betrays any awareness of his-
torical epochs preceding its own advent,
except perhaps with regard to the term
al-jdhiliyya, which is generally taken as
denoting the age of Arab pagan ignorance
(q.v.) preceding the appearance of Islam
(see AGE OF ionorance). Rather than to
a historical epoch of pre-Islamic lack of
knowledge (see knowledge and
learning), this term primarily refers in the
Qiir'an to an age of uncouth behavior as
opposed to moderate conduct {hibn, cf.
Goldziher, Ms, 201-8; see moderation).
This may be the primary meaning in
Q. 33-33j where Muhammad's wives (see
WIVES OF the prophet) are admonished
not to act in the immodest ways (see
modesty) of "the former age of igno-
rance" (al-jdhiliyya l-uld); in C3 5:50, where
"the (mode of) judgment (q.v.) of the age of
ignorance" (hukm al-jdhiliyya) is contrasted
with God's judgment; in o 48:26, where
"the fierceness of the age of ignorance"
(hamiyyat al-jdhiliyya) is overcome by the
divine assurance of self-restraint; and in
Q. 3-154; where untrue "assumptions of the
age of ignorance" (^ann al-jdhiliyya) about
God are defeated by those peacefully trust-
ing in God (see trust and patience).
The vision of time in the (hir'dn
Arabic, a Semitic language and the lan-
guage of the Qiir'an, distinguishes two
aspects of time, complete (mddi) and in-
complete (muddri), lacking the morphologi-
cal distinction into three tenses common to
the Indo-European languages and operat-
ing without proper verbs for "to be" and
"to become" (see ARABIC language;
language and style of the our'an).
Similarly, the Arabic Qur'an does not
exhibit a notion of time divided into past,
present and future, but envisages time
either as phases of time in the past or
moments of time understood as instants
whether present or future. Furthermore,
the vision of time in the Qur'an is firmly
rooted in an Arabic vocabulary that be-
trays virtually no influence of foreign loan-
words, unlike some of the ritual and
religious terminology in the Qur'an (see
FOREIGN vocabulary; COSMOLOGY;
SCRIPTURE AND THE our'an). Rather, the
Qur'an seems to intertwine a great variety
of genuinely Arabic terms of time, com-
bining them with a vision of God as the
lord over time in the beginning and at the
287
end of creation as well as during all of hu-
manity's instants of time.
The Qiir'an rejects the pre-Islamic fatal-
ism of impersonal time and destiny (dahr,
(3 45:24; 76:1), also termed "fate's uncer-
tainty" [rayb al-manun, (3 52:30), which holds
sway over everything and erases human
works without hope for life beyond death
(cf. Ringgren, Studies, 117-18; id., Islamic
fatalism, 57-9). Rather than being forsaken
to impersonal destiny, the Qi_ir'an empha-
sizes that "all things come home" (tasiru
l-umur) unto God (c) 42:53) and "unto God
is the homecoming" [al-masir, (3 3:28; 24:42;
35:18; cf. 2:285; 5:18; 22:48; 31:14; 40:3;
42:15; 50:43; 60:4; 64:3), which for the
wicked is an "evil homecoming" {bi'sa
l-masir, C3 2:126 and passim; sd'at masiran,
Q_ 4:97, 115; 48:6; cf 25:15) to hellfire
fe •4'30; cf Berque, I'ldee de temps, 1158).
Proclaiming the creation of the universe by
God and affirming the resurrection of the
body in the world to come, the Qiir'an ex-
plains time from the perspective of a tran-
scendent and omnipotent God, who
obliterates the spell of fate and subdues the
all-pervading power of time.
God begins the creation of the world and
humanity with his creative command, kun,
"Be!": "When he decrees a thing, he says
to it, 'Be,' and it is" (c3 2:117; 3:47; 19:35;
40:68; cf 3:59; 6:73; 16:40). God gave this
command of creation when he formed the
first human being [q_ 3:59) and made the
heavens and the earth (q 6:73), fashioning
them in six days (q 7:54; 10:3; 11:7; 25:59;
32:4; 50:38; 57:4). "His are the creation
(khalq) and the command" [amr, q 7:54).
God is not only creator at the beginning of
creation and at the origin of a person's life,
he also is judge at the end of the world and
at the individual's death when humankind
will hear "the cry in truth" ((J 50:42). In the
final "hour" (sd'a), the only perfect
moment that there is, the divine command
is revealed in "the twinkling of an eye"
{lamh bi-l-basai; c) 54:50; cf 16:77). In the
Qrir'an, the divine creative command con-
stitutes the beginning of time brought
about by God who is beyond time. God
brings it abruptly to its end in an apoca-
lyptic termination when "the whole earth
shall be his handful on the day of resur-
rection and the heavens will be rolled up in
his right hand" (c) 39:67).
In the Qiir'an, the word sd'a, "hour," gen-
erally denotes a brief lapse of time rather
than the precise measure of one of the
twenty-four hours of the day. The term
appears forty-eight times, always in the
singular, and predominantly designates the
last hour. While the vivid imagery of apoc-
alyptic signs, reversing the natural order
and producing cataclysmic events (many of
them quoted in the "when" passages, cited
above), is depicted in reference to the day of
doom, these terrifying happenings are
rarely associated explicitly with the last
hour. The hour is "coming" [dtiya, (3 15:85;
20:15; 22:7; 40:59) and comes with God's
chastisement (c3 6:40; 19:75; 40:46). It
"comes" [taqumu, C) 30:12, 14, 55; 45:27),
"there is no doubt of it" [q_ 18:21; 45:32),
and comes "suddenly" (c3 6:31; 12:107;
22:55; 43:66; 47:18) with its signs and
"tokens" [ashrdt, (j 47:18). Only a few
tokens of the last hour are cited in the
Q;Lir'an, such as "the earthquake of the
hour is a mighty thing" ((J 22:1), "the hour
is their tryst, and the hour is very calami-
tous and bitter" (q 54:46), and god-fearing
people "tremble because of the hour"
(C3 21:49). The unbelievers are in doubt of
the hour (e.g. q 42:18), are heedless of its
coming (c3 18:36; 41:50) and do not seek to
know the hour (q 45:32), believing that it
will never come to them (o 34:3) and cry-
ing lies to the hour (q 25:11; see lie). On
the last day humanity will be mustered as if
they had not tarried in their graves "but an
hour of the day" [sd'atan mina l-nahdr,
q 10:45; cf 46:35), and the sinners will
swear that they have not remained in their
graves more than an hour (c3 30:55; see SIN,
MAJOR AND minor). The term (ajal) of a
nation can neitlier be put back "by a single
liour" nor put forward (5) 7:34; 10:49; 16:61;
34:30), and the Meccan emigrants and
Medinan helpers followed the Prophet "in
the hour of difficulty" {Ji sd'ati l-'usra,
Q_ 9:117; see EMIGRANTS AND HELPERS).
The Qiir'an insists that only God knows
the "hour" (a 7:187; 33:63; cf 31:34; 41:47;
43:61, 85) which is near (q^ 33:63; 42:17;
54:1), as if in "a twinkling of the eye" (ka-
lamhi l-basar, cj 16:77; cf. 54:50). In the con-
text of God's knowledge of the hour, the
Qur'an uses the term waqt, "moment, in-
stant," which influenced the notion of an
atomism of time in Sufism (cf. Bowering,
Ideas, 217-32; see sOrisM AND THE q^ur'an):
"They will question you concerning the
hour, when it shall berth. Say, the knowl-
edge of it is only with my lord; none shall
reveal it at its proper time (waqt), but he"
((J 7:187). Furthermore, the term appears
twice as a description of the day of doom
as "a day of a known time" {al-waqt al-
ma'lum, q^ 15:38; 38:81), "when the mes-
sengers' time is set" [uqqitat, q 77:11; see
messenoer) and "when the former and
later generations will be gathered to the
appointed time of a known day" [ild miqdti
jawmin ma'liim, c) 56:50). "Surely, the day of
decision is their appointed time (nnqdtu-
hum), all together" (q 44:40). Another use
of the term miqdt refers to Moses' encoun-
ter with God, when he came "to our
(God's) appointed time" [li-miqdtind,
Q, 7:143; see theophany). In fact, "We
(God) appointed with Moses thirty nights
and we completed them with ten more, so
the appointed time of his lord (miqdt rab-
bi/ii) was forty nights" (q 7:142). "Moses
chose of his people seventy men for our
appointed time" [li-miqdtind, C3 7:155), while
Pharaoh's sorcerers were assembled for
"the appointed time of a fixed day"
[li-mTqdti jawmin ma'lmn, c) 26:38; see
magic). Both waqt and miqdt denote a
momentous instant whether it is the es-
chatological instant of the last hour or the
moment of Moses' encounter with God.
Four times the Qiir'an uses the term amad
for "space of time," considered with regard
to its end. The believers are admonished to
be unlike those to whom revelation had
come before "and for whom the space of
time was long" (fa-tdla 'alayhimu l-amad,
Q. 57-^6). Each individual wishes to have a
"wide space of time" until the reckoning of
a person's actions on judgment day
(Q, 3-30)- The seven sleepers calculated the
"space of time" they had tarried in the
cave (q 18:12) and Muhammad professes
not to know whether God has set a long
"space of time" for the arrival of the last
day (q 72:25). The Qiir'an also employs the
temporal clauses, al-ams, "yesterday, the
day before" (c) 10:24; 28:18-19, 82) and,
more prominently, hina, "when" (once in
the form hma'idhin), al-dna, "now, at the
present time" (q 2:71, 187; 4:18; 8:66; 10:51,
91; 12:51; 72:9) and ayydna, "when," with
regard to the instant of the last hour and
the day of resurrection (q 7:187; 16:21;
27:65; 51:12; 75:6; 79:42). The indefinite
noun denoting "an instant" (hin) is used to
manifest God's causality in its actual
"efficacy" (e.g. q 21:111; 26:218; 37:174; cf
Massignon, Time, 108). The Qiir'an's lin-
guistic stress on the moment exerted an
influence on the concept of temporal at-
omism that emerged in the theological oc-
casionalism of Islam which, however,
relied heavily on extra-qur'anic nomen-
clature for its terminology (cf. Macdonald,
Continuous re-creation, 328-37; van Ess,
TG, iv, 474; see theology and the
quR'AN). Thinking atomistically, Muslim
theologians envision time as a "galaxy"
or constellation of instants rather than a
continuous duration (cf. Massignon,
Time, 108).
289
God ends the cosmos by setting a term
(ajal) to his maintenance of the universe
and human life. The Qtir'an differentiates
between an irrevocable period of time as-
signed by God for each human being in
this world (dunyd) and an endless period of
time (khulud) for his/her life in the world to
come (dkhira), whether in paradise or in
hellfire. The term ajal, as designating "ap-
pointed time" of a person's life, carries the
notion that the date of death is fixed for
humans, who each have their "stated
term" of death {ajal musammd, (J 11:3;
39:42). The Qiir'an uses the phrase ajal
musammd, probably derived from the legal
vocabtdary of Muhammad's time, to refer
to the date when a debt (q.v.) is due
(c3 2:282; cf 2:231-5; 65:2, 4; see also trade
AND commercie; economics; money) or to
Moses fidfiUing the "term" of serving a
period of years (hijaj) in order to obtain his
wife (q 28:27-9; see women and the
(3Ur'an). The Qiir'an, however, ordinarily
uses the word for God's setting a term to
his own action. God creates humans from
dust and appoints for each of them a
stated term of death (q 6:2). He deter-
mines the moment when each embryo
leaves the womb (q.v.; q 22:5) and, every
day anew, wakes up each soul to life until
humans reach their "appointed time" of
death (q 6:60; 39:42). All humanity will
return to God when the stated term is
completed on the last day (q 6:60) and all
those looking to encounter God will
experience God's term (ajal Alldh) surely
coming (q 29:5). The ajal is "fixed" [li-kulli
ajalin kitdb, q 13:38; cf 8:68) for both
individuals (q 6:2; 11:3; 63:11) and com-
munities (q 7:34; 15:5; 23:43). It can neither
be anticipated nor deferred (q 7:34; 10:49;
16:61; 35:11; 63:10-11), although God grants
the repentant sinner a respite until a
"stated term" (q 14:10; 16:61; 35:45; 71:4;
see repentance and penance). This is
why the wicked are not punished at once
and they do not find that sinning shortens
their existence (q 35:45; 63:10-11). Chal-
lenged to hasten the final punishment,
Muhammad declares himself imable to do
so because it will come suddenly at its
"appointed time" (q 29:53; see provo-
cation). Not only humans have their
appointed time of existence, the whole
universe was created by God with finality
built into it. God created the heavens and
the earth as well as all natural phenomena
"between them," decreeing their duration
until "a stated term" (q 30:8; 46:3) and
established the unchangeable course of the
sun and the moon, "running to a stated
term" (q 13:2; 31:29; 35:13; 39:5; see
nature as signs). God unambiguously
enunciated the stated term through "a
word" (kalima) that proceeded from
him (q 42:14; cf 10:19; 11:110; 20:129;
37:171; 41:45; 42:21; see speech; word
OF god).
There is no place in the Qtir'an for im-
personal time. God, rather than an im-
personal agent, rules the universe. The
destiny of human beings is in the hands
of God who creates male and female,
grants wealth (q.v.) and works destruction,
and gives life (q.v.) and brings death
(q 53:44-54). God is active even in a per-
son's sleep, for "God takes the souls unto
himself (yatawajja l-anfus) at the time of
their death, and that which has not died, in
its sleep. He keeps those on whom he has
decreed death, but releases the others till a
stated term" [ajal musamman, q 39:42).
Unless God has decreed a person's death,
he sends back the soul and the human per-
son wakes up. The divine command (amr)
rules all of human life and resembles a
judicial decision, proclaiming God's decree
with authority and stating the instant that
releases the acts which humans perform.
Both human life and human action begin
with the announcement of the divine kun
('Be!') and come to an end at the stated
TOLERANt^E AND COERCION
290
term [ajal, q 40:67) as the irrevocable
period of life assigned by God comes to an
end at the moment of divine sanction.
This appointed term of human life is fixed,
it can neither be anticipated nor deferred.
"No one has his life prolonged and no one
has his life cut short except as [it is written]
in a book [of God's decrees]" (q 35:11; see
HEAVENLY book). The imagc-rich promise
of the new human creation beyond time in
paradise heightened the awareness that
nothing escapes the grasp of God's per-
petual presence. From the kun of his cre-
ation to the ajal of his death, individual
human existence falls under the incessant
decrees of God, which occur instanta-
neously God is the lord of the instant.
What God has determined happens.
Terminologie des islamischen Kultus, in Der
Islam 16 (1927), 249-63; S. Kadi, Hattd idhd in the
Qur'dn. A linguistic study, Beirut 1996; M. Ishaq
Khan, Reflections on time and history vis-a-vis
the Qur'an, in Hamdard Islamicus 21 (1998), 7-14;
D.B. Macdonald, Continuous re-creation and
atomic time in Muslim scholastic theology, in Isis
9 (1927), 326-44; L. Massignon, Time in Islamic
thought, in J. Campbell, Man and time. Papers from
the Eranos yearbooks, Princeton 1957, 108-14;
A. Moberg, an-Nasi' in der islamischen Tradition,
Lund 1931; Paret, Kommentar; S. Pines, Beitrdge zur
islamischen Atomenlehre, Berlin 1936; H. Ringgren,
Islamic fatalism, in id. (ed.). Fatalistic beliefs,
Stockholm 1967, 52-62; id.. Studies in Arabian
fatalism, Uppsala 1955; F. Rosenthal, Sweeter than
hope, Leiden 1983; K. Wagtendonk, Fasting in the
Koran, Leiden 1968; Watt-Bell; A.J. Wensinck,
Arabic new year and the feast of tabernacles, in
Verhandelingen der Koninklijke Akademie van
Wetenschappen te Amsterdam, Afdeling Letterkunde,
JVieuwe Reeks 25/2 (1925), 1-41.
G. Bowering
Tiring see sleep; sabbath
Bibliography
Primary: Ibn Ishaq, Sua; Ibn Ishaq-Guillaume;
Tabarl, TafsTr.
Secondary: M. b. Musa Baba'ammT, Mafhum al-
Zamanfi I- Qur'dn al-karfm., Beirut 2000; J. Baljon,
The 'amr of God' in the Koran, in ao 23 (1958),
7-18; Bell, Commentary; J. Berque, L'idee de temps
dans le Coran, in Homenaje al Profesor Jacinto Bosch
Vila, 2 vols., Granada 1991, ii, 1155-64; G. Bowe-
ring, Ideas of time in Persian mysticism, in Iran
30 (1992), 77-89; R. Brunschvig, Le culte et le
temps dans I'Islam classique, in id., Etudes
d'islamologie, 2 vols., Paris 1976, i, 167-77;
W. Caskel, Aijam al-'Arab. Studien zur
altarabischen Epik, in Islamica 4 (1931), 1-99;
A. Falaturi, Experience of time and history in
Islam, in A. Schimmel and A. Falaturi (eds.). We
believe in one God. The experience of God in Christianity
and Islam, New York 1979, 63-76; A. Fischer, "Tag
und Nacht" im Arabischen und die semitische
Tagesberechnung, in Abhandlungen der Philologisch-
historischen Klasse der koniglichen Sdchsischen
Gesellschft der Wissenschaften, Leipzig 27 {1909),
739-58; Gilliot, Fit; F (S.D.) Goitein, Zur
Entstehung des Ramadans, in. Der Islam 18 (1929),
189-96; id.. The Muslim month of fasting, in
S.D. Goitein, Studies in Islamic history and institu-
tions, Leiden 1966, 90-1 lO; I. Goldziher, Die
Bedeutung der Nachmittagszeit in Islam, in arw
9 (1906), 294-302; repr. in id., gs, v, 23-31;
J. Horovitz, Bemerkungen zur Geschichte und
Tith
e see ALMSGIVING
Today
see TIME
Tolerance and Coercion
Accepting attitude towards a plurality of
viewpoints and the use of force to influ-
ence beliavior or beliefs. Qiir'anic vocabu-
lary lacks a specific term to express the
idea of tolerance but several verses explic-
itly state that religious coercion (ikrdh) is
either unfeasible or forbidden; other verses
may be interpreted as expressing the same
notion. Pertinent qur'anic attitudes un-
derwent substantial development during
Muhammad's prophetic career. The earli-
est reference to religious tolerance seems to
be included in o 109, a sura that recognizes
the unbridgeable gap between Islam (c[.v.)
and the religion of the Meccans (see
POLYTHEISM AND ATHEISM; SOUTH ARABIA,
RELIGION IN PRE-iSLAMic) and Concludes
by saying: "To you your religion, and
291
TOLERANCE AND COERCION
to me mine" (c) iog:6). This is best inter-
preted as a plea to the Meccans to refrain
from practicing religious coercion against
the Muslims of Mecca (q.v.) before the hijm
(Zamakhshari, Kashshdf, i\, 293; c£ q 2:139;
see emigration), but since it does not de-
mand any action to suppress Meccan poly-
theism, it has sometimes been understood
as reflecting an attitude of religious toler-
ance on the part of the Muslims (cf.
C3 2:139; 28:55; see also religious
pluralism and the cjur'an).
cj 15:85 and q_ 43:89, dated by Ndldeke
[00, i, 129, 131-2) to the second Meccan
period (see chronology and the
q^ur'an), are also relevant. In contradis-
tinction to C3 109:6, these verses clearly ad-
dress the Prophet and enjoin him to turn
away from those who do not believe (see
BELIEF and unbelief), o 15:85 reads:
"Surely the hour is coming; so pardon,
with a gracious pardoning" (fa-sfahi l-sajha
l-jamil); this injunction is related to the
imminent approach of the last day (see
last judgment). The verse seems to mean
that the Prophet may leave the unbelievers
alone because God will soon sit in judg-
ment (q.v.) and inflict on them the just pun-
ishment (see REWARD AND PUNISHMENT).
Then there is Q^ 10:99-100:
And if your lord had willed, whoever is in
the earth would have believed, all of them,
all together. Would you then constrain the
people, until they are believers? It is not for
any soul (q.v.) to believe save by the leave of
God; and he lays abomination upon those
who have no understanding.
The verse seeks to convince the Prophet
that matters of religious belief are in the
hands of God and that any attempt to
spread his faith by coercion would be an
exercise in futility. It also sounds as though
it were an attempt to allay the Prophet's
distress at his initial failure to attract inost
Meccans to Islam: people believe only as a
result of divine permission and the
Prophet should not blame himself for their
rejection of the true faith. Despite pro-
phetic efforts to the contrary, most people
opt for unbelief (q 12:103; 16:37). The
Qur'an declares in numerous passages that
prophets can only deliver the divine mes-
sage (see PROPHETS AND prophethood);
it is not within their power to assure its
acceptance or implementation (c3 16:35, 82;
28:56; 29:18 and elsewhere; cf. also Paret,
Toleranz). This argument may be seen as
compatible with the idea of predestination.
Moving to the period immediately fol-
lowing the hijra, we should consider the
famous document known as the Con-
stitution of Medina ('ahd al-umma) which
included a clause recognizing the fact
that the Jews have a distinct — and
legitimate — religion of their own (see
JEWS AND Judaism): "The Jews have their
religion and the believers have theirs"
{lil-jahiid dmuhum wa-lil-mu'minina dinuhum;
Abu 'Vhayd, Amwdl, 204). Rubin (The con-
stitution, 16 and n. 45) has already referred
to the affinity between this passage and
(J 109:6. Both accept the existence of re-
ligions other than Islam in the Arabian
peninsula. It stands to reason that both
passages reflect very early attitudes of
nascent Islam, which had been willing, at
that time, to tolerate the existence of other
religions in the peninsula. This seems to
have been the understanding of Abu
'Ubayd (d. 224/838-9) who thought that
the 'ahd al-umma clause originated at a time
when "Islam was not yet dominant and
strong, before the Prophet was com-
manded to take jizya (see POLL tax) from
the People of the Book" (q.v.; gabla an
ya^hara al-isldm wa-yaqwd wa-qabla anyu 'mara
bi-akhdh al-jizya min ahl al-kitdb, Abu
'XlhayA, Amwdl, 207).
o 2:256, "There is no compulsion in
religion ..." (Id ikrahaji l-dini) has become
TOLERANCE AND COERCION
292
the locus classicus for discussions of religious
tolerance in Islam. Surprisingly enough,
according to the "circumstances of revela-
tion" (asbdb al-nuziil) literature (see occa-
sions OF revelation), it was revealed in
connection with the expulsion of the
Jewish tribe of Banu 1-Nadir (q.v.) from
Medina (q.v.) in 4/625 (cf. Friedmann,
Tolerance, lOO-i). In the earliest works of
exegesis (see exegesis of the qur'an:
classical and medieval), the verse is
understood as an injunction (amr) to re-
frain from the forcible imposition of Islam,
though there is no unanimity of opinion
regarding the precise group of infidels to
which the injunction had initially applied.
Commentators who maintain that the
verse was originally meant as applicable
to all people consider it as abrogated
(mansukh) by C3 9:5, o 9:29, or o 9:73 (see
abrogation). Viewing it in this way is
necessary in order to avoid the glaring con-
tradiction between the idea of tolerance
and the policies of early Islam which did
not allow the existence of polytheism — or
any other religion — in a major part of the
Arabian peninsula. Those who think that
the verse was intended, from the very be-
ginning, only for the People of the Book,
need not consider it as abrogated: though
Islam did not allow the existence of any
religion other than Islam in most of the
peninsula, the purpose of the jihad (q.v.)
against the People of the Book, according
to q 9:29, is their submission and humili-
ation rather than their forcible conversion
to Islam. As is well known, Islam normally
did not practice religious coercion against
Jews and Christians (see christians and
Christianity) outside the Arabian penin-
sula, though substantial limitations were
placed in various periods on the public
aspects of their worship.
Later commentators, some of whom are
characterized by a pronounced theological
bent of thought, treat the verse in a totally
different manner. According to them,
c) 2:256 is not a command at all. Rather it
ought to be understood as a piece of in-
formation (khabar), or, to put it differently, a
description of the human condition: it con-
veys the idea that embracing a religious
faith (q.v.) can only be the result of em-
powerment and free choice (tamkm,
ikhtiydr). It cannot be the outcome of con-
straint and coercion (qcisr, ijbdr). Phrased
differently, belief is "an action of the heart
(q.v.)" in which no compulsion is likely to
yield sound results (li-anna l-ikrdh 'aid l-imdn
Idyasihhu li-annahu 'amal al-qalb). Religious
coercion would also create a theologically
unacceptable situation: if people were co-
erced into true belief, their positive re-
sponse to prophetic teaching would
become devoid of value, the world would
cease to be "an abode of trial" [ddr
al-ibtild'; Razi, Tafsir, vii, 13; Ibn al-Jawzi,
^dd, iv, 67; see trust and patience;
trial) and, consequently, the moral basis
for the idea of reward and punishment
would be destroyed. This argumentation
uses the verse in support of the idea of free
will (see freedom and predestination).
These tolerant attitudes toward the
non-Muslims of Arabia were not destined
to last. After the Muslim victory in the bat-
tle of Badr (q.v; 2/624), 'he Qiir'an started
to promote the idea of religious uniformity
in the Arabian peninsula. C3 8:39 enjoins
the Muslims "to fight... till there is no
temptation [to abandon Islam ;^toa] and
the religion is God's entirely" (cf. o 2:193).
Once this development took place, the
clauses in the 'ahd al-umma bestowing le-
gitimacy on the existence of the Jewish
religion in Medina had to undergo sub-
stantial reinterpretation. The clause stipu-
lating that "the Jews have their religion and
the believers have theirs" was now taken to
mean that the Jewish religion is worthless
[ammd l-dinfa-laysu minhuji shay'; Rubin,
The constitution, 19-20, quoting Abu
293
TOLERANCE AND COERCION
'Ubayd, Amwdl, 207). Similar was tlie fate
of Q_ 109:6, wliicli was declared abrogated
by Q^ 9:5 (djat al-sajf) or interpreted as a
threat against the polytheists. This new
attitude was also expressed in the prophetic
tradition according to which "no two re-
ligions will coexist in the Arabian penin-
sula" [Idyajtami'u dmdnifijazirat al-'arah;
Friedmann, Tolerance, 91-3).
Despite the apparent meaning of
Ci 2:256, Islamic law allowed coercion of
certain groups into Islam. Numerous tra-
ditionists and jurisprudents (fuqahd') allow
coercing female polytheists and Zoro-
astrians (see magians) who fall into captiv-
ity to become Muslims — otherwise sexual
relations with them would not be permis-
sible (cf o 2:221; see SEX AND sexuality;
MARRIAGE AND DIVORCE). Similarly, forc-
ible conversion of non-Muslim children
was also allowed by numerous jurists in
certain circumstances, especially if the
children were taken captive (see captives)
or found without their parents or if one of
their parents embraced Islam (Friedmann,
Tolerance, 106-15). It was also the common
practice to insist on the conversion of the
Manichaeans, who were never awarded the
status of ahl al-dhimma.
Another group against whom religious
coercion may be practiced are apostates
from Islam (see apostasy). As a rule, clas-
sical Muslim law demands that apostates
be asked to repent and be put to death if
they refuse (see repentance and
penance; boundaries and precepts;
chastisement and punishment). It has to
be pointed out, however, that the Qiir'an
does not include any reference to capital
punishment for apostasy. The Qiir'an men-
tions people who abandoned Islam and
reverted to their former faith; those of
them who did this willingly are condemned
in a harsh and vindictive tone. There is a
sense of resentment at the idea that some-
one who had perceived the truth of Islam
and joined it only a short time ago could
be swayed into reverting to idolatry or an-
other false religion (see idolatry and
idolaters). The Qiir'an therefore asserts
that the endeavors of the unrepentant
apostates will fail, God will visit them with
his wrath and will send valiant warriors
against them; however, the main punish-
ment of those who abandoned Islam will
be inflicted upon them, according to the
Qtir'an, in the hereafter (cf. C3 2:217; 3:86,
90; 4:137; 5:54; 9:74; 47:25)- But in the
hadlth andfiqh literature, the attitude to-
ward the apostate became much harsher. It
stands to reason that the Bedouin (q.v.)
insurrection against the nascent Muslim
state after the Prophet's death was the
background for this development. The new
attitude, which effectively transfers the
punishment for apostasy from the hereafter
(see eschatology) to this world, is re-
flected in utterances repeatedly attributed
to the Prophet in the earliest collections of
tradition. The most frequently quoted of
these reads: "Whoever changes his reli-
gion, kill him" {man baddala or man ghayyara
dinahu fa-qtuliihu or fa-dribu 'unuqahu; Malik,
Muwatta', ii, 736). In another formulation,
taking into account the idea that a person
forced to abandon Islam is not considered
an apostate, the Prophet is reported to
have said: "Whoever willingly disbelieves
in God after he has believed, kill him" (man
kafara bi-lldhi ba'da imdnihi td'i'anfa-qtuluhu).
Most jurists maintain that the apostate
should be given the opportunity to repent;
there is a great variety of views concerning
the time allowed for this purpose (Fried-
mann, Tolerance, 121-59; see repentance
and penance).
Hence, the ideas of tolerance and coer-
cion have undergone substantial develop-
ment in the Qiir'an and are characterized
by a great deal of variety in the literature
of tradition and jurisprudence. Yet what-
ever the original meaning of cj 2:256 may
TOOLS FOR THE S(3HOLARLY STUDY
294
have been, it is more compatible with the
idea of rehgious tolerance than with any
other approach. Any Muslim who wanted
to practice religious toleration throughout
the centuries of Islamic history could use
t^ 2:256, Q, 10:99 and q 109:6 as a divine
sanction in support of his stance. On the
other hand, q^ 9:5, () 9:29 or q 9:73 may be
interpreted as going a long way in the
opposite direction.
democratic pluralism. New York 2001; S. Ward, A
fragment from an unknown work by al-Tabarl
on the tradition "Expel the Jews and Christians
from the Arabian peninsula {and the lands of
Islam)," in bsoas 53 (1990), 407-20; A.L. Wismar,
A study in tolerance as practiced by Aiuhammad and his
immediate successors, New York 1927.
Tolerance and Compulsion see
TOLERANCE AND COERCION
Yohanan Friedmann
BibUography
Primary (extensive primary documentation of all
issues mentioned in this article is available in
Friedmann, Tolerance): Abu 'Ubayd, al-Qasim b.
Sallam, Kitdb al-Amwdl, ed. M. Hamid al-Fiqql,
Cairo 1353/1934; Ibn al-JawzT, ^dd, Damascus;
Malik, Muwatta', Cairo 1951; RazT, TafsTr. Beirut
1990; al-SarakhsT, Abu Bakr Muhammad b.
Ahmad, Kitdb al-Mabsutfi l-furu\ 30 vols.
{+ index, Beirut 1980), Beirut 1986, x, 98-124 (on
the murtadd); TabarT, Tafsir (ad o 2:256);
ZamakhsharT, Kashshdf.
Secondary: M. Chokr, ^andaqa et zindiqs en Islam,
all second siecle de Vhegire, Damascus 1993; Y. Fried-
mann, Tolerance and coercion in Islam. Interfaith
relations in the Muslim tradition, Cambridge 2003;
F. Griffel, Apostasie und Toleranz im Islam. Die
Entwicklung zu al-Gazdlis Urteil gegen die Philosophic
und die Reaktionen der Philosophen, Leiden 2000; id..
Toleration and exclusion. Al-Shafi'T and al-
Ghazall on the treatment of apostates, in bsoas
64 (2001), 339-54; W.B. Hallaq, Apostasy, in eq,
i, 119-22; A.M. Hufi, Samdhat al-isldm, Cairo 1979;
W. Kerber (ed.), Wie tolerant ist der Islam? Munich
1991; D. Little, J. Kelsay and A. A. Sachedina,
Human rights and the conflict of cultures. Western and
Islamic perspectives on religious liberty, Columbia, SC
1988; R. Mottahedeh, Toward an Islamic
theology of toleration, in T Lindhome and
K. Vogt (eds.). Islamic law reform and huinan rights.
Challenges and rejoinders, Copenhagen 1993, 25-36;
Noldeke, oq; R. Paret, Innerislamischer Pluralis-
mus, in P. Bachmann and U. Haarmann (eds.).
Die Islamische Welt z^ischen Mittelalter und Neuzeit,
Beirut 1979, 523-9; id., Sure 2,256: La ikraha fi
d-dini. Toleranz oder Resignation? in Der Islam
45 (1969)3 299-300; id., Toleranz und Intoleranz
im Islam, in Saeculum 21 (1970), 344-65; R. Peters
and G.J.J, de Vries, Apostasy in Islam, in Wl 17
(1976-77), 1-25; U. Rubin, The "Constitution of
Medina." Some notes, in 5/62 (1985), 16 and
note 45; A. Sa'idi, al-Hurriyya al-diniyyafi l-isldm,
Cairo n.d.; A. A. Sachedina, The Islamic roots of
Tomb see burial; death and the
DEAD
Tomorrow see time
Tongue see ARABIC language; speech
Tools for the Scholarly Study of the
Qiir'an
The entire body of scholarship, both Mus-
lim and non-Muslim, must be the founda-
tion of any responsible scholarly study of
the Qiir'an. Certain tools, however, form
key elements of any scholarly library.
The text of the Qur'dn
The basic tool for the study of the Qiir'an
is, of course, the text itself. Unlike the situ-
ation in scholarly study of some other
scriptures, decisions regarding the base text
to be used for analysis do not face scholars
from the outset. We have a text of the
QjLir'an before us, accepted by every
Muslim. It is the text which is the well-
known, well-established book, found be-
tween two covers in virtually every Muslim
home, known for convenience as the
'Uthmanic text (see codices of the
q^ur'an; collection of the our'an;
^^uthman). That said, it must be admitted
that this is a somewhat simplistic way of
presenting the matter (see contemporary
critical practices and the qUR'AN).
It is common to speak of the Royal
295
TOOLS FOR THE SCHOLARLY STUDY
Egyptian edition of the Qiir'an published
under the patronage of King Fu'ad I in
1342/1923 as being the modern standard
text of tlie scriptiux (see printing of the
(3Ur'an). This edition has been criticized as
not conveying the best rendition of the
Hafs 'an 'Asini transmission whicli it pur-
ports to represent because it is based upon
late Muslim sources for the details of the
reading (see Bergstrasser, Koranlesung; see
READINGS OF THE cjur'an). Somc Other
copies of the Hafs 'an 'Asim tradition
printed in the Muslim world — including a
second edition of the Cairo text which
appeared in 1952 — contain an additional
(but small) number of minor variations
especially in orthography (q.v.) and verse
numbering (see verses). Printed copies of
other established transmissions (e.g. that of
Warsh) are available but their distribution
is not widespread.
Still useful is the European edition of the
Qiir'an produced by Gustav Fliigel, which
was published in 1834 and revised in 1841
and again in 1858. This edition maintains
its value — it is typeset in a pleasant font,
for example — but its verse numbering
scheme, being at variance with any ac-
cepted Muslim tradition, has created an
unfortunate complexity in scholarly ref-
erencing. To complicate matters further,
Fliigel constructed an eclectic edition of
the text using undefined editorial princi-
ples. His edition has been subject to criti-
cism on many grounds (see e.g. Ambros,
Divergenzen; Spitaler, Verszdhlungj.
Neither the Royal Egyptian text nor the
Fliigel edition may be considered a criti-
cally edited text in the sense that is under-
stood in contemporary scholarly practice.
Of course, such a concept may be thought
redundant in the case of the Qiir'an,
given the Muslim view of the authenticity
of the written qur'anic text and reliability
of its transmission (see reciters of
THE q^ur'an; textual criticism of the
cjur'an; unity of the text of the
qUR'AN). Even so, a substantial scholarly
resource exists related to the establishment
of such a critical text. Much of the mate-
rial is the result of a project initiated in the
1930s which never achieved completion
(see Noldeke, gq, iii [Die Geschichte lies
Korantexts] ; Bergstrasser, Plan; Pretzl,
Fortfuhning; Jcikry, Progress). In recent
years a new effort has begun, one based on
the critical analysis of texts written in the
HijazI script, believed to be the oldest re-
cord of the text which we have available
(see Noja, Note; see ARABIC script;
MANUSCRIPTS OF THE qUR'AN; CALLI-
GRAPHY). Other manuscripts, epigraphy
(see EPIGRAPHY AND THE cjur'an), Schol-
arly emendations and related sources will
also prove to be important elements in cre-
ating such a critical text, but attempts to
gather these into a scholarly tool have yet
to be made.
As a part of the effort to establish the
critical text, attention has been paid to the
variant readings and traditional codices of
the Qiir'an. Jeffery's A'laterials was con-
ceived as a major step along the way to the
critical text edition, bringing together
much of the data on variant readings
(qird'dt) of the text. Such work needs con-
siderable updating today in light of more
extensive collections of variant readings
that are becoming available (see 'Umar
and Mukram, Aiu'jam; see also al-Khatib,
Mu'jam; the Qiir'an manuscripts discovered
in 1973 in the Great Mosque of San'a'
present yet another potential source of in-
formation on the early history of the
qur'anic text; cf. Puin, Observations, iio-ii).
The text of the Qiir'an is readily avail-
able in electronic form, following, for the
most part, the tradition of the printed
Egyptian edition (see computers and
THE ^ur'an). The text is available for
downloading in fully voweled text format
(for example, see www.al-kawthar.com/
kotob/quran.zip [8 September 2005]);
some imvoweled versions still linger at
TOOLS FOR THE SCHOLARLY STUDY
296
Other sites, the resiiU of Umitations of early
personal computer applications. The text is
available for consultation on the Web in a
variety of formats; the most useful ones are
in text form rather than graphic images
as the former facilitates the process of
"cutting-and-pasting" into other
applications.
Concordances
Even in this age of electronic texts, the
study of the Qiir'an is substantially eased
by the existence of printed concordances;
the closest thing available (which displays
great potential) is a project at the
University of Haifa for creating a web-
accessible tagged qur'anic text (see http://
www.cs.haifa.ac.il/~shuly/Arabic/;
accessed 7 September 2005). Two works
are especially worthy tools. 'Abd al-Baqi's
al-Mujam al-mufahras li-alfd^ al-Qur'dn al-
kanm is a concordance of the Arabic text
(in the Cairo edition) organized according
to Arabic word roots. Hanna E. Kassis, A
concordance of the Qur'dn, is a concordance
based on the translation by Arberry but
organized according to the Arabic word
roots, indexed to their English meanings.
Such concordances may not be perfect
tools (as Ambros, Lexikostatistik, 11, has
pointed out) in that the analysis of the root
structure of some words (and other techni-
cal matters) is open to dispute and confu-
sion. Until, however, a fidly lemmatized
and annotated computerized text is pro-
duced (which would have to allow the rec-
ognition of differences of opinion on
grammatical issues), these works certainly
have their place. The issues which Ambros
raises illustrate the difficulty of the task.
The concordance function of Paret, Koran,
is not complete but its attention to the-
matic and phrase parallels makes it an
essential and unique tool (cf. also the the-
matic concordance of Jules La Beaume,
with a supplement by Edouard Montet).
An additional merit of Paret's work is its
inclusion of separate lists of sura (q.v.)
titles; those lists may be supplemented by
Lamya Kandil, Surennamen. Since virtu-
ally every Arabic commentary on the
Qur'an uses the names of the suras rather
than their numbers to refer to chapters of
the text, such listings can be essential in
clarifying cross-references.
While the Arabic text of the Qtir'an is
easily available electronically and is thus
fully searchable, a morphologically tagged
text of the Qiir'an does not currently
appear to be available electronically for
manipulation on one's computer. Neither
does there appear to be an electronic ver-
sion of a concordance such as that of 'Abd
al-Bac[i. The CD ROM j^amc'; Software of
quranic tafsir, produced by Nashr-e Hadith-e
Ahl al-Bayt Institute in Iran, allows for text
search of the Qiir'an by word roots as well
as individual words (while also providing
English and Persian translations of the
text, Arabic recitation, and fifty-nine com-
mentaries in Arabic or Persian; see
REi;iTATION OF THE CJUr'aN; EXEGESIS OF
THE qur'an: classical and medieval;
EXEGESIS OF THE Q^UR'aN: EARLY MODERN
AND contemporary). Only the results of
such searches, however, may be printed;
there is no facility for exporting the texts
themselves. Another useful search facility is
available online at altafsir.com [February
26, 2003] which allows searching by root;
those results allow for successfid "cut-and-
paste" operations from one's web browser
into other applications.
Dictionaries
Until recently there did not exist a com-
plete dictionary of the Qiir'an in any
European language that coidd be consid-
ered a true modern scholarly tool. Penrice,
Dictionary, was first published in 1873 and
was based almost completely upon al-
Baydawl's (d. prob. 716/1316-17) com-
mentary. That work continues to be a
convenient place to start lexical investiga-
297
TOOLS FOR THE SCHOLARLY STUDY
tion, but it is very limited in scope. Otlier
European languages have been no better
served; works include F.H. Dieterici,
Handworterbuch (1881); S. Fraenkel, Vocabulis
(1880); C.A. Nallino, Chrestomathia (1893).
The recent publication of Arne Ambros
and Stephan Prochazka, A concise dictionary
of Koranic Arabic (Wiesbaden 2004), im-
proves the situation substantially; the work
is compiled on the basis of an extensive
analysis of the text of the Qtir'an and
consideration of earlier scholarly etymo-
logical examinations; the lexical impact of
variant readings is also documented.
Specialized works on aspects of qur'anic
vocabidary continue to provide some sup-
plementary support for lexicographical
purposes. While not a full dictionary, an
extensive and usefid work is Mir, Verbal idi-
oms. For the most part, standard scholarly
bilingual dictionaries, such as those of
Lane and its ongoing completion by M.
UUmann, Worterbuch, and the Dictionnaire of
R. Blachere, are essential for determining
the range of possible meaning of many
qur'anic words.
Foreign vocabulary (q.v.) and proper
names have attracted a good deal of schol-
arly attention and there are a number of
works that help in the etymological un-
derstanding of non- Arabic words: Jeffery,
Foreign vocabulary, has an extensive bibli-
ography of Qtir'an-related lexicographical
studies and provides a summary of ety-
mological data on many words. Such in-
formation is in need of substantial
updating in light of modern philological
principles and more recent research (see
for example, Zammit, Comparative).
Additionally, there are a large number of
scholarly articles that treat a more limited
range of individual qur'anic words, but the
lack of an effective bibliographical tool in
the field means that the material cannot
always be utilized effectively. Paret's
Kommentar provides one means of locating
references in standard scholarly works to
lexicographical studies but only those pub-
lished before the last quarter of the twen-
tieth century. Finally, there is no substitute
for the critical use of the Muslim commen-
tary (tafsir) tradition and its subsidiary lexi-
cographical works when it comes to
determining the range of meanings that
Muslims have ascribed to qur'anic words.
Some of the books that treat "difficult
words" in the Qtir'an approach the dimen-
sions of a full Arabic dictionary of the
Qtir'an; the classic text by al-Raghib al-
Isfahanl (fl. early fifth/eleventh cent.),
Mufraddt, is the best example (see diffi-
cult passages).
Grammars
The situation for studying the grammar of
the Qiir'an is similar to that of vocabulary;
the best sources for grammatical details
remain standard grammars such as that of
W Wright, Grammar, T Noldeke's Gram-
matik, and R. Blachere and M. Gaudefroy-
Demombynes, Grammaire. Once again, a
large number of specialized studies must
be consulted on individual issues of gram-
mar, for example Bergstrasser, Verneinungs-
und Fragepartikeln; M. Chouemi, Le verbe;
F. Leemhuis, D and H stems; Reckendorf,
Arabische Syntax. Analysis of qur'anic gram-
mar is, of course, a part of most tafsir
works but even in the tradition of Arabic
grammarians, no extensive and synthetic
grammar devoted to qur'anic Arabic ap-
pears to exist (see also grammar and the
q^ur'an; dialects).
Thematic indices
The bibliography of scholarly treatments
of the contents of the Qtir'an is extensive.
A few works attempt to provide synoptic
overviews. Mir, Dictionary, is introductory
but useful, as is F. Sherif, Guide to the contents.
Older but still valuable is H.U. Weitbrecht
Stanton, Teaching of the Qur'dn.
The punch card analysis, AUard, Analyse,
is now primitive in its technology but its
TOOLS FOR THE SCHOLARLY STUDY
298
ability to provide access to wliat would now
be termed "hyperlinks" between subjects
within the Qiir'an has still not been re-
placed. One continuing value of the work
resides in the analytic system that its au-
thor constructed; it is probably the most
sophisticated and complete of any attempt
to thematize the Qiir'an through its
semantic worldview.
Commentaries
Translations of the Qiir'an (q.v.) may be
considered valuable tools for research since
such works provide access to interpreta-
tions of the meaning of the Qiir'an; it is
important to remember, of course, that the
nature of a translation is necessarily mon-
ovalent. Thus the more extensive com-
mentaries that have been written to
accompany various translations are more
useful tools. Paret, Kommentar, is essential;
certain elements of Bell, Commentary, are
also helpful. A more recent project is A.T.
Khoiiry, Der Koran, a twelve -volume com-
mentary incorporating a translation. Such
commentaries cannot match the wealth of
information and analysis available in the
Arabic (and Persian) tafsir tradition, of
course.
Approaches to the Qiir'an
A number of introductions to the study of
the Qiir'an exist which can be used with
great profit because they incorporate many
of the basic resources needed to orient a
scholarly reading. As well, in their presup-
positions, they provide basic methodologi-
cal orientations to the field. Noldeke, gq;
Blachere, Introduction; Bell, Introduction,
updated as Watt-Bell, Introduction, clearly
stand out as "classics." Protracted and
explicit discussions of the methods by
which one approaches the Qiir'an in schol-
arly study have yet to appear; most such
reflections have been limited to articles or
introductions to books. The oeiivre of
M. Arkoiin is probably the most significant
in trying to bring attention to the issue (for
example, Arkoun, Bilan).
Four books can be singled out because of
their impact on the field in setting models
for how studies might proceed; they also
speak about the general contents of the
Qur'an and thus provide significant over-
views of major portions of the scripture.
These works indicate the range of con-
cerns of more contemporary scholars and
each in its own way has had a significant
impact on qur'anic studies as a discipline.
Few serious studies of the Qur'an can pro-
ceed without some acquaintance with the
following works: (i) Iziitsu, God, and (2)
Iziitsu, Concepts: each of these works tries to
define a semantic range of vocabulary cen-
tral to religious discussion and to examine
it in the context of Arabia (see sotJTH
ARABIA, RELIGIONS IN PRE-ISLAMIc).
Concepts in these books are defined
broadly, and the two works in combination
provide a significant view of the religious
and cognitive structures of the Qur'an.
The attention to the workings of the se-
mantic method that is contained in these
books has had a lasting effect on the dis-
cipline. (3) F. Rahman, Major the?nes, ap-
proaches the scripture with a structure that
reflects the central tenets of Muslim theol-
ogy as conceived in the late twentieth cen-
tury: God (see faith; god and his
attributes; belief and unbelief), man
as individual, man in society (see ethics
AND THE q^ur'an), nature (see nature as
signs), prophethood and revelation (see
prophets AND PROPHETHOOD;
revelation and inspiration), eschatol-
ogy (q.v.), Satan and evil (see devil; good
and evil; fall of man; virtues and
VICES, commanding and forbidding),
and the emergence of the Muslim com-
munity (see COMMUNITY and society in
THE C)Ur'an). Rahman's volume is thus
able to provide a full overview of the
Qur'an while demonstrating a historical
mode of analysis within the basic frame-
299
TOOLS FOR THE SCHOLARLY STUDY
work of Muslim assumptions. (4) Wans-
brougli, gij deals with the content of the
Qiir'an under the following rubrics: revela-
tion and canon (the document, its com-
position), emblems of prophethood, and
origins of classical Arabic (issues of lan-
guage; see LANGUAGE AND STYLE OF THE
qUR'AN). Attention in this book is primarily
to the relationship between form and con-
tent (see FORM AND STRUCTURE OF THE
c3Ur'an). The work has been considered
controversial in its treatment of the
Qiir'an's contents because its use of a bib-
lical-Jewish paradigm to contextualize the
scripture is criticized as offering only a lim-
ited view of the contents of the text in all
its dimensions. Methodologically his study
draws attention to the need for contex-
tualization of the Qiir'an as an essential
part of the process of understanding it.
His work demonstrates a reading of the
text that could be constructed outside the
framework traditionally established for it
by Muslim historiography (see sira and
THE ^ur'an; oc.gasions of revelation;
HISTORY AND THE qur'an). Each of these
four works, then, provides not only an
overview of the contents of the Qiir'an but
also a model by which the analysis of that
content can proceed.
Bibliographical aids
The scholarly study of the Qiir'an has a
long history, certainly not as long as the
Bible, but significant nonetheless (see also
PRE-1800 preoccupations of (jur'anic
studies). The history of the study has not
been written, although a number of bib-
liographically-oriented articles provide
good introductions. Valuable contribu-
tions are W.A. Bijlefeld, Some recent
contributions; A. Jeffery, Present status;
A. Neuwirth, Koran. As mentioned previ-
ously, Paret, Kommentar, is the only com-
prehensive bibliographical tool available,
although given its age its function is now
limited to more "classic" works of scholar-
ship. This Encyclopaedia of the Qtir'dn will
likely provide the best bibliographical tool
for scholars for most purposes. See also
post-enlightenment academic study
of the (^ur'an; traditional dis(;iplines
OF qur'anic study.
Andrew Rippin
Bibliography
Primary: al-Raghib al-Isfahanl, Mufraddt.
Secondary: 'Abd al-BaqT; M. Allard, Analyse
conceptuelle du Coran sur cartes perforees, 2 vols., Paris
1963; A. A. Ambros, Die Divergenzen zwischen
dem Fliigel- und dem Azhar-Koran, in WZKM 78
(1988), 9-21; id., Eine Lexikostatistik des Verbs
im Koran, in WZKM 77 (1987), 9-36; Arberry;
M. Arkoun, Introduction. Bilan et perspectives
des etudes Coraniques, in Arkoun, Lectures,
v-xxxiii; translated as Introduction. An
assessment of and perspectives on the study of
the Qiir'an, in A. Rippin (ed.). The Qur'dn. Style
and contents, Ashgate 2001, 297-332; Bell, Com-
mentary; id.. Introduction to the Qur'dn, Edinburgh
1953; G. Bergstrasser, Koranlesung in Kairo, in
Der Islam 20 (1932), 1-13; id., Plan eines Apparatus
Criticus zum Koran, Miinchen 1930, repr. in Paret
(ed.), Koran, 389-97; id., Verneinungs; W.A. Bijle-
feld, Some recent contributions to qur'anic
studies. Selected publications in English, French,
and German, 1964-1973, Parts I-III, in 71/ 1 1' 64
(1974), 79-102, 172-9, 259-74; Blachere, Intro-
duction; id., M. Chouemi and C. Denizeau,
Dictionnaire arabe-Jran^ais, Jrangais-arabe,
Paris 1967-; R. Blachere and M. Gaudefroy-
Demombynes, Grammaire de I'arabe classique, Paris
1975^; M. Chouemi, Le verbe dans le Coran, Paris
1966; EH. Dieterici, Arabisch-deutsches Hand-
worterbuch zum Koran und Tier und Mensch vor dem
Konig der Genien, Leipzig i88r; G. Fliigel, Corani
textus arabicus, Leipzig 1834, 1858^; S. Fraenkel, De
vocabulis in antiquis arabum carminibus et in Corano
peregrinis, Leiden 1880; Izutsu, Concepts; id., God;
Jeffery, For. vocab.; id.. Materials; id.. The present
status of qur'anic studies, in Middle East Institute-
Report on current research, Spring 1957, 1-16; id.,
Progress in the study of the Qur'an text, in j/ir
25 (1935), 4-16; repr. in Paret (ed.), Koran,
398-410; L. Kandil, Die Surennamen in der
ofhziellen Kairiner Koranausgabe und
ihreVarianten, in Der Islam 69 (1992), 44-60; H.E.
Kassis, ^ concordance of the Qur'an, Berkeley 1983;
A.Th. Khoury, Der Koran. Arabisch-Deutsch.
Ubersetzung und wissenschaftlicher Kommentar, 1 2
vols., Gutersloh 1990-; J. La Beaume, Le Koran
analyse d^apres la traduction de M. Kasimirski et les
observations de plusieurs autres savants orientalistes.
TORAH
300
Paris 1878; Ar. trans. M.F. 'Abd al-Baqi, TafsU
dydt al-Qur'dn al-hakim. Beirut 1969; Lane;
F. Leemliuis, The D and H Stems in koranic
Arabic. A comparative study of the function and
meaning of the fa "ala and 'af'ala forms in koranic
usage, Leiden 1977; N. Kermani, Gott ist schijn.
Das dsthetische Erteben des Koran, Munich 1999;
A. al-K.hatih, Mujam al-qird'dt, 11 vols.,
Damascus 2002; Mir, Dictionary; id., Verbal; C.A.
Nallino, Chrestomathia Qorani Arabica, Leipzig
1893; K. Nelson, The art of reciting the Qur'dn,
Austin 1985; A. Neuwirth, Koran, in gap, ii,
96-135; S. Noja Noseda, Note esterne in margine
al 1° volume del "Materiale per un'edizione
critica de corano," in Istituto Lombardo: Rendiconti
classe di lettere e science morali e storiche 134 (2000),
3-38; Noldeke, gq; id., ^ur Grammatik des
klassischen Arabischen, Darmstadt 1963^ (1897^);
Paret, Kommentar; id. (ed.), Koran; Penrice,
Dictionary; O. Pretzl, Die Fortfuhrung des Apparatus
Criticus zum Koran, Miinchen 1934; G.-R. Puin,
Observations on early Qiir'an manuscripts in
San'a', in S. Wild (ed.). The Qur'dn as text, Leiden
1996, 107-11; F. Rahman, Major themes of the
Qur'dn, Minneapolis 1980; H. Reckendorf,
Arabische Syntax, Heidelberg 1921; id.. Die
syntaktischen Verhdltnisse des Arabischen, 2 vols.,
Leiden 1895; F. Sherif, A guide to the contents of
the Qur'an, London 1985; A. Spitaler, Die
Verszdhlung des Koran nach islamischer Uberlieferung,
Miinchen 1935; H.U. Weitbrecht Stanton,
The teaching of the Qur'dn. With an account of its
growth and a subject index, London 1919;
M. Ullmann, Wbrterbuch der klassischen arabischen
Sprache, Wiesbaden 1970-; A.M. 'Umar and
A. Mukram, Aiujam al-qird'dt al-qur'dniyya,
8 vols., Kuwait 1982-5, repr Cairo 1997;
Wansbrough, QS; W.M. Watt, Companion to the
Qur'dn, London 1967; Watt-Bell, Introduction;
W. Wright, A grammar of the Arabic language,
2 vols., Cambridge 1859-62; 1896-8'; M.R.
Zammit, A comparative lexical study of qur'dnic
Arabic, Leiden 2002.
Torah
The scripture revealed by God to Moses
(q.v.) on Mount Sinai (q.v.). In the Qur'an,
it is mentioned by name (Ar. Tawrdt) eight-
een times, but a number of other terms are
used for the same revelation. The Arabic
word Tawrdt clearly derives, if perhaps in-
directly, from the Hebrew Torah, meaning
law (see Jeffery, For. vocah, 95-6; Lazarus-
Yafeh, Tawrat). In keeping, however, with
the widespread belief that the Qvir'an does
not contain words of foreign origin (see
FOREIGN vocabulary), Muslim commen-
tators traced it back to an Arabic root, viz.
w-r-y, which means to strike fire (q.v), a
reference to the light (q.v.) said to be in the
Torah (o 5:44; 6:91; and cf. C3 3:184; 21:48;
35:25; see Lisdn al-'Arab, xv, 389). Some, like
the exegetes al-Razi (d. 606/12 lo) and al-
Zamakhsharl (d. 538/1144), rejected this
etymology and admitted its non-Arabic
origin. Although in the Qiir'an the name
Torah is mostly used in its proper sense, i.e.
the books of Moses or Pentateuch, it is
often applied in post-qur'anic Islamic lit-
erature to the entire Hebrew Bible, and
even to Jewish extra-canonical literature.
The rabbinical literature, too, is some-
times called Torah, which is not sur-
prising considering the fact that Judaism
considers these sources to be the "oral
Torah."
References to the Torah in. the Qur'dn
The word Tawrdt appears in the following
verses: Q 3:3, 48, 50, 65, 93 (twice); 5:43, 44,
46 (twice), 66, 68, no; 7:157; 9:111; 48:29;
61:6; and 62:5. In most of these cases it
is mentioned in combination with the
Gospel (q.v., Ar. InjTl), the sacred scripture
of the Christians (see christians and
Christianity). The Torah had earlier
been confirmed by Jesus (q.v.; Q_ 3:50; 5:46;
61:6), and was now once again confirmed
and clarified by the new revelation brought
by Muhammad (e.g. Q^ 3:3, and see also
ft 2:89, 97, lOi; 4:47; 5:15, 19, 48; 6:93;
46:12, 30; see REVELATION AND INSPIRA-
TION; SCRIPTURE AND THE Q^UR'an). In
addition to the instances of the word
Tawrdt, the Qiir'an contains a much larger
number of passages which clearly refer to
this same scripture, describing it as the
book brought by Moses, the book given to
Moses, to Moses and Aaron (q.v.), or to the
301
T O RAH
Children of Israel (q.v.; o 2:53, 87; 6:91,
154; 11:17, no; 17:2; 23:49; 25:35; 28:43;
37:117; 40:53-4; 41:45; 45:16; 46:12). In nu-
merous verses the Torah is subsumed un-
der the collective rubric of the book (q.v.),
possessed by the People of the Book (q.v),
which often indicates the Jews and the
Christians together, but at times seems to
refer to the Jews alone. Such verses are
encountered in suras (q.v.) from both the
Meccan and the Medinan periods (e.g.
q 2:113, 121, 145, 146; 3:19, 23, 70, 71, 98,
no, 113. 199; 4:131; 5:59. 65; 6:20, 114;
13:36; 28:52; 29:46; see CHRONOLOGY AND
THE C3Ur'an). All verses containing the
word Torah seem to date from the period
of the Prophet's preaching in Medina
(q.v.), after he had come into close contact
with Jews (see JEWS and Judaism), al-
though q 7:157, which declares that
Muhammad can be found in the Torah
and the Gospel, is assigned by many to the
late Meccan period (see Mecca). Verses
referring to the Torah as the Book of
Moses, however, can be found in suras
from both periods of Muhammad's
preaching. Closely related to Tawrdt is an-
other term: the suhuf or scrolls (q.v.; and see
also sheets) of Moses, mentioned in com-
bination with those of Abraham (q.v.;
Q. 53-36-7; 87:19), which form part of a set
of ancient or previous scrolls (c3 20:133;
87:18). The question of whether these
scrolls of Moses are identical with the
Torah, or were revealed before it and con-
stitute a separate set of revelations, is de-
bated. Figures given for the total number
of scrolls revealed by God vary between
fifty and one hundred and sixty three;
those given to Moses are said to number
ten or fifty.
In a series of verses dealing with the rev-
elation on the Mount, we also encounter
the tablets [alwdh; see commandments)
which God gave to Moses (c3 7:145, 150,
154), and which are believed to have con-
tained the entire Torah. There is much
speculation in post-qur'anic literature
about the kind of precious stone the tablets
were made of, as well as about their color
and their number: the familiar figure of
two is given, as are three, seven, and ten.
In two of the qur'anic verses mentioning
the termfurqdn (viz. q 2:53; 21:48; see
criterion) the revelation to Moses is
intended. The term is ordinarily translated
as criterion, and glossed as what distin-
guishes between true and false, right and
wrong, allowed and prohibited. Two fur-
ther terms that should be mentioned as
belonging to the same semantic field are
dhikr (remembrance [q.v.]) and z^^bur (pi.
zubur, revealed scriptures), which are oc-
casionally interpreted as references to the
Torah, although the zcibfir is most often
taken to mean the Psalms (q.v.; see C3 3:184;
16:43-4; 21:7; 26:196; 35:25). In what fol-
lows, a composite account will be given of
the Qiir'an's treatment of the Torah, using
the whole gamut of terms applied in the
Qiir'an and its exegesis to the Mosaic law.
A substantial portion of the verses relates
to the period of Moses and the Children of
Israel, while others refer to the Jewish con-
temporaries of Muhammad. We shall not
discuss textual parallels between the
Qiir'an and the Torah (for these, see
Speyer, Ei'zdhlungen; Thyen, Bibel und Koran),
nor address the questions of Muhammad's
acquaintance with the Bible or the extent
of Jewish or Christian influence on him, on
which there is a host of scholarly and less
scholarly literature. Suffice it to say that
Muhammad's opponents (see opposition
to Muhammad) accused him of listening
to, or copying from, Jewish and Christian
informants (q.v), which is vigorously de-
nied in the Qiir'an, namely in C3 16:103 and
q 29:48. Although the first verse seems to
admit that Muhammad did have interlocu-
tors from among the People of the Book,
their role is reversed in Muslim tradition to
TORAH
302
that of recipients of Muhammad's teach-
ings (see Gilliot, Les 'informateurs').
References to the book of Moses in the Qur'dn
God had given prophethood and scripture
to the offspring of Abraham and Noah
(q.v.; 0,4:54; 29:27; 57:26, and cf 3:84;
6:83-90; see PROPHETS AND PROPHET-
hood). One of tlieir descendants, Moses,
was chosen to guide the Children of Israel
(o 2:53; 11:110; 17:2; 23:49; 32:23; 40:53-4).
God summoned him to the Mount, where
a conversation ensued (o 7:142-3; see
theophany). (This has given rise to the
composition of a genre of texts called
Mundjdt Musd, the conversations of Moses
witli God; see Sadan, Some literary prob-
lems, 373-4, 395-6.) The meeting lasted
forty nights, at the end of which God gave
Moses the tablets, on which he had written
admonitions and explained all things. This
is taken as a reference to the Torah. (It is
said that Moses could hear the squeaking
of God's pen on the tablets; see Lisdn al-
'Arab, ix, 192; x, 117.) In Moses' absence,
the Children of Israel had made a calf
which they worshiped (see calf of gold).
Upon seeing this, he threw down the tab-
lets, but once his anger abated, he took
them up again. According to later sources,
Moses had read in the tablets the descrip-
tion of an exemplary nation (umma). He
asks God to make them his people, but is
told that they are the people of
Muhammad. It is at this point that he shat-
ters the tablets (see Rubin, Between Bible and
Qur'dn, ch. 2). According to al-Suyilti
(d. 911/1505; Itqdn, i, I22f.), it is said that
the tablets were originally seven in number,
but that God kept six of them to himself,
returning to Moses only one tablet. What
is implied here is that God was saving the
larger part of his heavenly book (q.v.) for a
future occasion.
The verb used for God's revelation of the
Torah is anzala, and that for the revelation
of the Qiu''an nazzala (q, 3:3). The differ-
ence between these two forms of the same
root, say the commentators, is that the
Torah was revealed on a single occasion,
whereas the Qrir'an was sent down piece-
meal (see OCCASIONS of revelation), and
for a good reason: like the Israelites before
them, the Muslims would have found it
difficult to receive God's commandments
all at once; it would be much easier to ac-
cept the new dispensation in small doses
(SuyutI, Itqdn, i, 121). Unlike the Qiir'an,
the Torah was revealed directly by God
(O 4:164), without the mediation of an an-
gel (q.v). This, says al-SuyutI [Itqdn, i,
122-3), i^ because the Torah was revealed
to a prophet who could read and write (see
literacy), whereas the Qiir'an was sent
down in separate installments to an illiter-
ate prophet (the most commonly accepted
interpretation of the word ummT [c[.v.] with
which Muhammad is described in c) 7:157;
see also illiteracy). If Moses was grateful
for this favor, the Children of Israel were
not; they were reluctant to accept God's
covenant (q.v.) contained in the Torah, and
only accepted it after God held the Mount
over their heads and threatened to send it
crashing down on them (c3 2:63, 93; 4:154;
7:171; this motif is reminiscent of the
Mishna: Sabbath, 8oa, Avoda Zara, 2b).
Soon, however, they broke their covenant
(q. 2:64, 83, 93; 4:155; 5:13, 70), maligning
and killing the prophets, uttering different
words from the ones they were ordered to
speak by God (o 2:59; 7:162; see forgery;
revision and alteration), and generally
rejecting God's injunctions. The latter in-
cluded both the duty to fight for God's
cause (0 9:111; see fighting; path or
way) and the order to refrain from killing
(Q, 5-32; see murder; bloodshed). The
commentators mention an additional vio-
lation of the covenant: the Israelites hid
the description of Muhammad (na't
Muhammad), which, according to o 7:157, is
303
T O RAH
found in their Torali and whicli they were
under obligation to divulge (see also
POLEMIC AND POLEMICAL LANGUAGE;
INSOLENCE AND OBSTINACY).
The abrogation of the Mosaic law
The disobedience (q.v.) of the Israelites
liad grave consequences for themselves and
their descendants, the Jews. Not only was
their punishment in the afterlife assured,
but in tliis life they were burdened with
harsh laws (q 4:160; see reward and
punishment): much of what had earlier
been allowed is now forbidden (q.v.) to
them, especially in the realm of dietary
law, where Israel (q.v.), i.e. Jacob (q.v.), had
already imposed some restrictions on him-
self which did not originally form part of
God's law (e.g. c) 3:93; 6:118-19, 146; see
Wheeler, Israel and the Torah; see also
LAWFUL AND UNLAWFUL). Jesus Came to
abrogate a number of these laws [q_ 3 -50),
and further restrictions were later lifted by
Muhammad (5) 5:5; 7:157; see abroga-
tion). There is obviously no contradiction
between their confirming the earlier law
and abrogating it. That the Torah was
indeed abrogated and had lost its validity,
inasmuch as it did not correspond with the
teachings of Islam, was not doubted by any
Muslim, although there apparently re-
mained some who believed tliat certain
Mosaic laws applied to them as well (see
Adang, Ibn Hazm's critique; that God
abrogated parts of liis revelation or cast
them into oblivion, only to replace them
with something similar or better, is stated
in C3 2:106, wliich is, however, mostly linked
to the abrogation of one qur'anic verse by
another).
Rejection of the confirming scripture
In rejecting their covenant, the Israelites
had behaved exactly like all the other
nations to which God had sent messengers
(see messenger), and Muhammad would
encounter the same reaction during his
mission (cf C3 3:184; 35:25). When he began
to preach his message, he was first opposed
by the polytheists of Mecca (see poly-
theism AND atheism), and later also by the
People of the Book, especially the Jews
among them. They denied that Muham-
mad was receiving revelations (c3 6:92) and
demanded that he bring a revelation like
the one given to Moses, although they had
not been impressed when Moses brought
his book, wanting to see God instead
fe 4- 153)- Despite Muhammad's overtures
and attempts to point out the similarities
between their religions (c3 29:46), and the
fact that he believed in all the earlier
prophets ((J 3:84), their reaction was nega-
tive, and there were only a few who be-
lieved (c) 3:110, 113; cf 29:47, which is seen
as a reference to the Jewish convert
'Abdallah b. Salam and tlie sympathetic
king of Ethiopia; see abyssinia). Yet they
should have recognized this message (or
perhaps the Prophet himself; see the com-
mentaries to q 2:144; 6:20) as they recog-
nized their own sons. The People of the
Book, more than anyone else, should em-
brace it. Instead, they fling the book be-
liind their backs (q 2:101; this is taken to
mean either the Torah with its annuncia-
tions of Muhammad, or God's revelations
in general; see also Q, 3:187 wliere it is the
covenant that is discarded). Despite their
overall hostility, Muhammad is told to con-
sult the People of the Book if he has any
doubts about wliat God revealed to him
(c) 10:94, and cf Q_ 16:43-4; 21:7). Various
commentators explain that it is only the
believers among the People of the Book,
like 'Abdallah b. Salam, who are intended
here (see belief and unbelief).
For all the skepticism witli which they
regarded Muhammad, a group of Jews
appealed to his judgment (c[.v.; C3 5:42-3;
cf. also o 3:23). Post-qur'anic sources
are virtually unanimous about the
TORAH
304
circumstances which supposedly gave rise
to the revelation of these verses: an adul-
terous Jewish couple was brought before
Muhammad, who was asked to pass judg-
ment on them. This was a test to see
whether he would apply the law of the
Torah, which he claimed to confirm.
Muhammad asks the Jews what punish-
ment is prescribed in the Torah (see
CHASTISEMENT AND PUNISHMENT;
BOUNDARIES AND pre(;epts), SO that he
can apply it, following the example of the
prophets, the rabbis and the scholars of the
Jews (c3 5:44; see scholar). Taken aback,
the Jews cover the passage which pre-
scribes stoning (q.v.), and tell him that
adulterers are to be flogged and their faces
blackened — which is how they used to
deal with the more prominent members of
their community (see flogging; adult-
ery AND fornication). Muhammad is
unconvinced, and is proven correct when a
convert to Islam points to the relevant pas-
sage in the Torah. The Prophet thereupon
decides to have the couple stoned, much to
the horror of the Jews, c) 5:43 expresses
amazement at the fact that the Jews appeal
to Muhainmad, when they possess the
Torah in which God has given his ruling.
And moreover, say the commentators, why
should they turn to a prophet whose mis-
sion they utterly reject? q 3:23, too, is cited
as proof that the Jews were averse to the
contents of the Torah. According to the
exegetes, it was revealed after Muhammad
entered the Bayt al-Midrds and became em-
broiled in a discussion about Abraham. He
told the Jews to bring the Torah to clinch
the issue, but they refused. This story can
in turn be connected with q_ 3:65, in which
the Jews and the Christians are criticized
for claiming Abraham as one of their own
although he predated the revelation of the
Torah and of the Gospel and, therefore,
the beginnings of their respective religions.
(That the Jews and the Christians clashed
with each other, despite the fact that they
both read the scripture, is stated in
a 2:113.)
In two verses (q 5:66, 68) the Jews are
told that they will not be rightly guided
unless they observe the Torah, and the
same is true about the Christians and their
scripture. The commentators tell us what
they understood by "observing the Torah":
accepting its teachings, such as the mission
of Muhammad, and its laws, which in-
clude a prohibition of taking interest
(q 4:161; see usury). But the Jews delib-
erately ignore the revelation with which
they have been entrusted, and do not apply
the Torah. They have as much understand-
ing as an ass carrying books (q 62:5; see
metaphor).
Tampering with the. Torah
The Qiir'an more than once accuses the
Israelites, the Jews, and the People of the
Book in general, of having deliberately
changed the word of God as revealed in
the Torah and of passing off as God's rev-
elation something they themselves wrote
(c5 2:75-9; 4:46; 5:13). They are charged
with confounding the truth (q.v.) with false-
hood (q 2:42; 3:71; see lie), concealing the
truth (e.g. q 3:187), hiding part of the book
(q 6:gi), or twisting their tongues when
reciting the book (q 3:78). In some verses
we find a combination of allegations (e.g.
q 2:42; 3:71; 4:46). What may be at the root
of these allegations is that the Jews denied
that Muhammad was mentioned in their
scripture. Since the Qur'an does not al-
ways explicitly state how, when, and by
whom this misrepresentation (known as
tahrif) was effected — some authors ascribe
a major role to Ezra (q.v.) — different in-
terpretations of the relevant verses soon
arose. According to one, the Jews did not
corrupt the text of their scripture, but
merely misrepresented its contents. The
other view, which developed somewhat
305
T O RAH
later and seems to be held by the majority
of Muslims, asserts that the Israelites and
later the Jews changed the written text of
the Torah, adding to and deleting from it
as they pleased. Its most vocal and influ-
ential representative was Ibn Hazm of
Cordoba (d. 456/1064), but several other
polemicists took his cue, among them
Jewish converts to Islam such as 'Abd al-
Haqq al-Islami (wrote ca. 797/1395) and
Samaw'al al-Maghribi (d. 570/1175), who
sought to demonstrate the superiority of
their adopted faith at the expense of
Judaism. According to both interpretations
of the tampering-verses, the Israelites and
the Jews were motivated by a desire to de-
lete or obscure the scriptural references to
Muhammad, as well as by their aversion to
certain God-given commandments, such as
stoning adulterers, as was seen. The al-
legation of textual corruption continues to
be aired even in modern times. It has been
used to delegitimize Jewish claims to
Palestine, by stating that in the unadulter-
ated Torah the land was promised not to
the descendents of Isaac (q.v), i.e. the Jews,
but to those of Ishmael (q.v.), i.e. the Arabs
(q.v.); the former just substituted the names
(see Haddad, Arab perspectives, 89-122).
Ambivalent attitudes
Since the Qi_ir'an calls the Torah a divine
scripture, Muslims must treat it with the
respect due any one of God's books
(c3 2:177, 285; 4:136) even if they have their
doubts about the authenticity, and hence
the sanctity, of the Torah which the Jews
possess. The ambivalent attitude towards
the Torah is well illustrated in a number of
texts from the Muslim west. Afatwd from
fourth/tenth century Qayrawan deals with
the question of if and how to punish a
Muslim slave who, in a fit of anger, reviled
the Torah, if it can be proven that he only
targeted the forged Jewish Torah and not
the original divine scripture, in which case
his offense did not constitute blasphemy
(q.v.; al-Wansharlsi, Miydr, ii, 362-3, 525-6;
see Adang, Tunisian mufti). In sixth/
twelfth century Cordoba Ibn Rushd "the
elder" (d. 520/1126) forbade Muslims to
sell books supposedly containing the Torah
or the Gospel, since there was no way to
establish whether these were the true, un-
corrupted scriptures, and it is unlawful to
make a profit from such dubious transac-
tions. But in any case, he adds, even the
genuine scriptures have been abrogated, so
that dealing in them is out of the question
(Ibn Rushd al-Jadd, al-Bajdn, xviii, 559-60).
In Nasrid Granada afatwd was issued to
the effect that despite doubts about the
Torah 's authenticity, Jewish litigants who
appear before the Muslim qddi and are re-
quired to take an oath, should solemnly
swear by their book, and preferably in the
synagogue, for the fact that they hold the
Torah to be true and sacred considerably
reduces the risk of perjury (al-WansharlsI,
Miydr, X, 309 f; Adang, Swearing).
Tracing Muhammad in the Torah
Muslims who believed that the Jews pos-
sessed the original Torah, and merely in-
terpreted it incorrectly assumed, naturally,
that the references to Muhammad of
which Q^ 7:157 speaks could be found in the
book (see Rubin, Eye, ch. i, on early
attempts to trace Muhammad). Paradox-
ically, however, even commentators who
regarded the Torah as a corrupted book
that was not to be relied upon tapped it for
references to Muhammad, his nation and
his religion (see McAuliffe, Qiir'anic con-
text). That such references could still be
found in an otherwise corrupted book was
sometimes explained with the claim that
God had preserved these specific passages
from distortion. Muslim writers did not
usually attempt to trace these passages in
the Jewish scriptures themselves. First of
all, they did not need to: lists of testimonies
TORAH
306
had been available at least since the late
second/eighth century, when a number of
them were included in an epistle sent on
behalf of the caliph Harun al-Rashid
(r. 170-93/786-809) to the Byzantine em-
peror Constantine VI. They are clearly of
Christian origin, being mostly Messianic
passages made available to Muslim schol-
ars by converts to Islam. Even Ibn
Qiitayba (d. 276/889), one of the few
scholars to demonstrate some familiarity
with the Torah, and especially the book of
Genesis, apparently relied on a list of tes-
timonies for his "Proofs of Prophethood"
[dald'il al-nubuwwa; translated in Adang,
Muslim writers, 267-77), which was used,
among others, by Ibn Hazm and Ibn
Qayyim al-Jawziyya (d. 751/1350). The
testimonies cited most often by Muslim
authors are Gen. 17:29; Deut. i8:i8f.;
Deut. 33:2f and Isa. 21:6-10, the latter be-
longing to the Torah in its wider sense.
These and other passages became a
standard ingredient in tracts about the
proofs of Muhammad's prophethood
[dald'il — or a 'Idm — al-nubuwwa; see
Stroumsa, The signs of prophecy).
Secondly, apart from Jewish and Christian
converts to Islam, few Muslims knew
Hebrew, Syriac or Greek, and translations
of the Torah and further parts of the Bible
into Arabic were not readily available be-
fore the mid-ninth century: the claims of
Ahmad b. 'Abdallah b. Salam (active
around the end of the second/eighth cen-
tury) to have produced a full translation of
the Torah, faithfid to both the source and
the target language is not altogether cred-
ible (Ibn al-Nadim, Fihrist, 24; Adang,
Muslim writers, 19-20), while the translations
produced in the eighth and ninth centuries
c.E. in some isolated monasteries in
Palestine probably did not reach the
Muslim public. The earliest Arabic transla-
tions accessible to Muslim readers seem to
have been those by Himayn b. Ishaq
(d. 260/873), which is referred to by
al-Mas'udi (d. 345/956; Tanbih, 112-13) as
the one considered most accurate, and al-
Harith b. Sinan, who seems to have been
active in the latter part of the third/ninth
and the first half of the fourth/tenth cen-
tury. Both were translated not from the
Hebrew, but from the Greek, first into
Syriac and subsequently into Arabic.
Further translations, based on the Hebrew,
had been made by a number of Jewish
scholars, Rabbanite and Karaite alike. The
most influential one was that by Sa'adya
Gaon (d. 942 c.E.). These translations,
however, were clearly for internal con-
sumption: since most Jewish scholars used
the Hebrew script even for their Arabic
writings, they would not have been easily
accessible to the Muslims.
Pseudo-biblical quotations
Contrary to what might have been ex-
pected, the increased accessibility of the
Torah did not lead to an increase in reli-
able quotations. In the case of the kaldm
theologians this is understandable: they
preferred rational to scriptural arguments.
But apart from some authors of works of
an encyclopedic or comparative character,
such as Ibn Qiitayba, al-Mas'udi (d. 345/
956), al-MaqdisI (wrote ca. 355/966), and
al-Blrunl (d. ca. 442/1050), and writers
moved by polemical considerations, like
Ibn Hazm, hardly anyone used the Torah
(as distinguished from islamized versions of
biblical accounts) as a source. This may be
explained from the fact that many religious
scholars were strongly opposed to considt-
ing this book which was abrogated at best,
and possibly corrupted as well. They were
ecjually disapproving of seeking informa-
tion from Jews about their beliefs, although
the transmission of biblical narratives (q.v.)
whose protagonists had become islamized,
was permitted (see Vajda, Juifs et musid-
mans; Kister, Haddithu). Spurious quota-
307
TO RAH
tions from the Torah, intended to lend
authority to certain views, proliferated,
which shows that the theory of the scrip-
ture's corruption was not generally ac-
cepted. Because the Torah remained a
closed book to most Muslims, it was pos-
sible to ascribe sayings to it whose con-
nection with the actual scripture was
tenuous at best. As is only to be expected,
the popular genres of Qisas al-anbiyd' and
Isrd'iliyydt, which deal with the lives of the
prophets and the Israelites, abound in
pseudo- or semi-scriptural passages. They
can be found, however, in smaller or larger
quantities, in almost all genres of Muslim
writing, ranging from hadlth (see hadith
AND THE c^ur'an) and tafsir, to historiog-
raphy, geography, lexicography, and bi-
ography. A good example is Hilyat
al-awliyd', a biographical dictionary of pi-
ous and ascetic Muslims, which contains
many statements ascribed to the elusive
Ka'b al-Ahbar, Wahb b. Munabbih, Malik
b. Dinar and other putative specialists in
the sacred books, on the pattern "it is writ-
ten in the Torah" (maktuhji l-Tawrdt), or "I
have read in the Torah" (qara'tuft l-Tawrdt),
usually followed by some moral or ethical
principle, or saying in praise of ascetical
attitvides and practices (see asceticism).
Apart from more or less universal ethical
principles (see ethics and the cjur'an),
which can be said to correspond at least to
the spirit of the Jewish scriptures, less obvi-
ous things were traced to the Torah as well;
the Greek theory of the four humors, for
example, and the description of the second
caliph, 'Umar ("a horn of iron"; perhaps
inspired by Dan. 7; see Abu Nu'aym al-
Isfaham, Hilyat al-awliyd', vi, 25), whose
murder, too, was foretold in the Torah
(al-Malacji, Maqtal 'Uthmdn, i, 36). And
Haydara, one of the names of 'All b. Abi
Talib (q.v), could be encountered there
(Khalil b. Ahmad, Kitdb al-'Ayn, iii, 156).
The Umayyad caliph 'Umar b. 'Abd al-
'Aziz (r. 99-101/717-20) was allegedly
described in the Torah as a righteous man,
whose death was bewailed by the heavens
for forty days (Abu Nu'aym al-lsfahani,
Hilyat al-awliyd', v, 339, 342); and not only
Mecca, but also the city of Rayy is men-
tioned in the book of Moses in positive
terms (Yaqut, Bulddn, iii, 118; iv, 225). At
some point, however, someone must have
decided that this was going too far: in an
equally fictitious account, the (unnamed)
Jewish exilarch told his Muslim interlocu-
tors that what Ka'b was telling them was a
pack of lies, and that actually the Torah
was very similar to their own scripture (Ibn
Hajar, Isdba, v, 651).
Similar, yet different
The notion that there is a large degree of
correspondence between the Qiir'an and
the Torah is implicit in the qur'anic state-
ments that it confirms the earlier scrip-
tures, that it constitutes a revelation like the
Torah and the Gospel, and that it is con-
tained in the earlier scriptures (c) 3:3;
26:196; 29:47). The exegetes state that cer-
tain passages from the Qiir'an correspond
verbatim with the Torah. As proof they
cite two passages which are assumed to
occur also in the Torah, namely q_ 5:45,
which mentions the law of talion (see
retaliation), and cj 48:29, which states
that the believers are described in the
Torah as having a mark on their foreheads
as a result of their frecjuent prostration (see
BOWING AND PROSTRATION).
'Abdallah b. 'Amr b. al-'A.s (whose father,
incidentally, is said to have received per-
mission from the Prophet, or from 'Umar,
to read the true Torah) said that Muham-
mad is described in the Torah in the same
way that he is described in the Qiir'an: as a
witness (see witnessing and testifying)
and a bearer of good tidings (see GOOD
news) and a warner (q.v; see q 17:105;
25:56; 33:45; 48:8); he is not harsh nor
TORAH
308
rough nor does he cry in the streets. And
Ka'b al-Ahbar attributed the following
saying to the Torah: "Oh Muhammad, I
am revealing to you a new Torah, which
will open blind eyes (q.v.), deaf ears (q.v.)
and uncircumcised hearts" (Suyuti, Itqdn, i,
115; see VISION and blindness; hearing
AND deafness; heart; t;iRc;uMc.isioN).
These passages are reminiscent of Isaiah
42:2 and 35:5. The same man is credited
with the information that the opening
verse of the Torah corresponds with Q^ 6:1
("Praise be to God, who has created the
heavens and the earth, and has appointed
darkness [q.v.] and light. Yet those who
disbelieve ascribe rivals to their lord"), and
that it ends with q 17:111: "Praise be to
God who has not taken a son [...] and
magnify him with all magnificence." The
saying that the final verse of the Torah is
identical to the second half of the last
verse of o 11, Sural Hud ("so worship him
and put your trust in him. Your lord is not
unaware of what you do," c) 11:123; ^^^
KNOWLEDGE AND LEARNING; HIDDEN AND
THE hidden), however, is also ascribed to
Ka'b, as is the statement that the first
verses to be revealed in the Torah were ten
verses from C3 6 (Surat al-A'nam, "Cattle"),
starting with (j 6:151: "Say: Come, I will
recite to you that which God has made a
sacred duty for you" [md harrama rabhukum
'alajkum; see sacred and profane; law
AND the (jur'an). These verses bear a
striking resemblance to the ten command-
ments (see Brinner, An Islamic Decalogue),
c) 62:1 ("All that is in the heavens and all
that is in the earth [q.v.] glorifies God, and
he is the mighty, the wise"; see heaven
AND sky; glorifigation of god) is said
to appear 700 times in the Torah, and al-
Rahman, the name by which God made
himself known to Moses, is said to be
found throughout the Torah (Suyuti, Itqdn,
i, 116), which contains an additional ggg
names for God (Ibn Kathir, Tafsir, i, 20). It
is said that while the contents of the two
scriptures are essentially the same, their
chapters bear different titles. Thus C3 50,
Surat Qaf, is entitled in the Torah al-
Mubayyida, since it will whiten the face of
he who believes in it on the day when faces
will be blackened; o 36, Surat Ya Sin, ap-
pears in the Torah under the name al-
Mu'amma, for it encompasses the good
things of this life and of the afterlife. Many
more examples of this kind could be cited.
But not only isolated passages were attrib-
uted to the Torah: longer texts purporting
to contain the true Torah were compiled,
as were islamized Psalters. The texts in
question appear to be ethical treatises
which resemble the Qiir'an rather more
than the Torah (see Sadan, Some literary
problems; Jeffery, A Moslem Torah).
While the Torah, then, is believed to be
very similar to the Qiir'an, the two scrip-
tures are also said to differ on important
points. Although it was important to em-
phasize that the Qiir'an stood at the end of
a long line of venerated scriptures, which
strengthened its authority, it was equally
important to stress its unique nature and
superiority (see Shnizer, The Quran). It is
said, for example, that o i, Surat al-Fatiha
("The Opening"; see fatiha), is unique to
the Qur'an, and unparalleled, and that
neither in the Torah nor in the Gospel did
God reveal anything like it. But the main
difference was that unlike the Torah, the
Qiir'an constituted an inimitable miracle
and was matchless in style, composition
and content (see inimitability; language
and style of the our'an).
Translatable, therefore inferior
Many Muslim apologists and polemicists
were aware that different versions of the
Torah had existed even prior to its transla-
tion into Arabic, namely that of the Jews,
the Samaritan Pentateuch and the Greek
Septuagint. While some, like Ibn Hazm,
309
T O RAH
pointed to the discrepancies between tliese
versions as proof of the scripture's cor-
rupted state, others, like Ibn Qiitayba and
al-BiSciillanI (d. 403/1013), argued — with-
out playing the distortion card — that the
existence of translations of the Torah was
one of the clearest proofs of its inferiority
to the Qiir'an which, because of its inimi-
table character, remained untranslated
and untranslatable. For the Karaite al-
Qirqisam (fl. tenth cent. c.E.) the very fact
that the Qiir'an only existed in one lan-
guage weakened not the Jewish case, but
the Muslim one, for, he said, only those
fluent in Arabic could possibly appreciate
the miractilous nature of the Qitr'an
(Ben-Shammai, The attitude).
Ftirther proof of the Qtir'an's stiperiority
in the eyes of the Muslims is that it had
been revealed in the presence of the entire
nation, tinlike the Torah, which had been
given to Moses in the presence of a se-
lected few only, and was not transmitted to
the entire community, nor was it transmit-
ted in iminterrupted succession from one
generation to the other (tawdtur). Although
hardliners like Ibn Hazm took the view
that the Israelites and Jews had deliberately
suspended the transmission of their
(essentially unwanted) scripture, others,
like the astronomer al-BlrunI, took a more
charitable view: the Jews could not possibly
have transmitted their Torah from genera-
tion to generation, because of the adversi-
ties they suffered, like expidsion and
captivity.
Jewish reactions to attempts at discrediting the
Torah
The Jews took up the defense of their
scripture in polemical and apologetical
tracts that were usually for internal con-
sumption. In Iraq Sa'adya Gaon and his
Karaite contemporary Ya'qub al-
Qirqisam, among others, tried to dem-
onstrate, with rational and scriptural
argtiments, that the Torah had not been
and would not be abrogated. They do not
address the allegation of scripttiral cor-
ruption, which was not usually raised by
the Muslim mutakallimUn either; Mu'tazill
(see mu'tazilIs) and Ash'arl theologians
attempted to refute the Jewish argument
for the eternal validity of their scripture by
rational means (see Sklare, Responses).
Rabbanite and Karaite commentators did
not deny that Islam was referred to in the
Hebrew Bible: it was the last of the four
kingdoms that subjugated Israel, according
to the book of Daniel. Redemption will
come when this kingdom ends. This
should in no way, however, be taken as an
endorsement of Muslim claims that
Muhammad is a true prophet. If anything,
it was the falsity of his claims that could
be demonstrated on the basis of the
biblical text.
In later centuries it was formidable Jewish
scholars likejehudah ha-Levi (d. 1141 c.E.),
Abraham b. Daud (d. 1181 c.E.), Moses
Maimonides (d. 1204 c.E.), and Solomon
Ibn Adret (d. 1310 c.E.), interestingly
enough all Spaniards, who defended
Judaism and its Torah against the attacks
of the Muslim scholars. The influence of
the arguments of their fellow-countryman,
Ibn Hazm, can easily be discerned in their
works.
Camilla P. Adang
Bibliography
Primary: 'Abd al-Haqq al-lslami, at-SayJ ai-
mamdudfi l-radd 'aid ahbdr ai-Tahud, ed. E. Alfonso,
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awliyd\ 10 vols., Beirut 1405/1984; Ibn Hajar, ai-
ls aba ji tamyiz ai-sahdba, ed. A.M. al-BajawT,
8 vols., Beirut 1412/1992; Ibn Hazm, Milal; Ibn
al-JawzT, al-WaJa' bi-a!iwdi al-AiustaJd, ed. M. 'Abd
al-Wahid, Cairo 1386/1966; id., ^dd; Ibn Katliir,
Tafsir; Ibn al-Nadlm, Fihrist; Ibn Qayyim al-
Jawziyya, Kitdb Hiddyat al-haydrd min ai-Yahud wa-
l-Nasdrd, Cairo 1323/1905; Ibn Rushd (al-Jadd),
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ji l-masd'il al-mustakhraja, ed. M. HajJT et al.,
20 vols., Beirut 1408/1988; J^fl/fl/o^n; al-Khalll b.
Ahmad, Kitdb al-'Ayn, ed. M. al-Makhzuml and
I. al-Samarra'l, 5 vols., n.p. n.d.; Judah ha-Levi,
The Kuzari (Kitab al-Khazari). An argument for the
faith of Israel, trans. H. Hirschfeld, New York
1964; Lisdn al-'Arab; Moses Maimonides, Epistle to
Yemen, in A.S. Halkin (trans.), Crisis and leadership.
Epistles of Maimonides, Philadelphia 1985, 91-208;
al-Malaql, Muhammad b. Yahya, al-Tamhid wa-l-
baydnfi maqtal al-shahid 'Uthmdn, ed. M.Y. Zayid,
Doha 1405/2003; Mas'udl, Kitdb al-Tanbih wa-l-
ishrdf ed. M.J. de Goeje, Leiden 1894, 112;
Muqatil, Tafsir; al-Samaw'al al-Maghribi, Ifhdm
al-Yahud. Silencing the Jews, ed. and trans. M.
Perlmann, in Proceedings of the American Academy of
Jewish Research 32 (1964), 15-102; SuyutT, Itqdn;
TabarT, Tafsir; al-WansharTsT, al-Mi'yar al-mu 'rib
wa-l-jdmi' al-mughrib 'anfatdwd 'ulamd' Ifriqiyd
wa-l-Andalus wa-l-Maghrib, ed. M. HajJT et al., 12
vols., Rabat/Beirut 1401-3/1981-3; Yaqut, Bulddn.
Secondary: M. Accad, Muhammad's advent as
the final criterion for the authenticity of the
Judeo-Christian tradition. Ibn Qayyim al-
Jawziyya's Hiddyat al-haydrd fi ajwibat al-Tahud wa-
l-JVasdrd, in B. Roggema et al. (eds.). The three rings.
Textual studies in the historical trialogue of Judaism,
Christianity and Islam, Leuven 2005, 217-35;
C. Adang, A fourth/tenth century Tunisian mufti
on the sanctity of the Torah of Moses, in N. Ilan
et al. (eds.). The intertwined worlds of Isla?n. Essays
in memory of Hava Lazarus- Tafeh, Jerusalem 2002,
vii-xxxiv; id., Ibn Hazm's critique of some
"Judaizing" tendencies among the Malikites, in
R.L. Nettler (ed.). Medieval and modern perspectives
on Muslim Jewish relations, Oxford 1995, 1-15; id.,
Muslim writers on Judaism and the Hebrew Bible. From
Ibn Rabban to Ibn Hazm, Leiden 1996; id., A reply
to Ibn Hazm. Solomon b. Adret's Polemic
against Islam, in M. Fierro [ed.),Judiosy
musulmanes en al-Andalusy el Magreb. Contactos
intelectuales, Madrid 2002, 179-209; id.. Swearing
by the Mujaljala. Jewish oaths in the Muslim west
(forthcoming); H. Ben-Shammai, The attitude of
some early Karaites towards Islam, in I. Twersky
(ed.). Studies in Medieval Jewish history and literature,
II, Cambridge, MA 1984, 3-40; W.M. Brinner,
An Islamic Decalogue, in id. and S.D. Ricks
(eds.), Studies in Islamic and Judaic traditions, Atlanta
1986, 67-84; R. Brunschvig, L'argumentation
d'un theologien musulman du X siecle contre le
judai'sme, in Homenaje a Alillds-Vallicrosa, 2 vols.,
Barcelona 1954, i, 225-41; R. Caspar andJ.M.
Gaudeul, Textes de la tradition musulmane
concernant le tahrif (falsification) des ecritures,
in Is lamochristiana 6 (1980), 61-104; A. A. Dawud,
Muhammad in the Bible, Kuala Lumpur 1969;
T.A.M. Fontaine, In defence of Judaism. Abraham ibn
Daud. Sources and Structure oj ha-Emunah h.a-Ram.ah,
Assen 1990; CI. Gilliot, Les 'informateurs' juifs
et Chretiens de Muhammad. Reprise d'un
probleme traite par Aloys Sprenger et Theodor
Noldeke, in jsai 22 (1998), 84-126 (on the aheged
source of any similarities between the Torah and
the Qiir'an); I. Goldziher, Uber muham-
medanische Polemik gegen Ahl al-Kitab, in
ZDMG 32 (1878), 341-87, repr. in id., as, ii, 1-47;
M.Y.S. Haddad, Arab perspectives of Judaism. A
study of image formation in the writings of Muslim
Arab authors, ig^8-igy8, PhD diss., Rijksuni-
versiteit te Utrecht 1984; I. al-Hardallu, al-Tawrdt
wa-l-Yahudfifikr Ibn Hazm, Khartoum 1984; J.
Horovitz, Tawrat, in El', viii, 706-7; Jeffery, For.
VQcak; id., A Moslem Torah from India, in MW 15
(1925), 232-9; id.. The Qur'dn as scripture. New York
1952; S. Karoui, Die Rezeption der Bibel in derfrilh-
islamischen Literature am Beispiel der Hauptwerke von
Ibn Qutayba (gest. 276/ 88g), Heidelberg 1997; M.J.
Kister, Haddithu 'an bam isrd'ila wa-ld haraja. A
study of an early tradition, in lOS 2 (1972), 215-39
(on the ambivalent attitude toward material of
Jewish origin); H. Lazarus- Yafeh, Intertwined
worlds. Medieval Islam and Bible criticism, Princeton
1992; id., Tahrif, in Ei^, x, 111-12; id., Tawrat, in
EI'', x, 393-5; JD. McAuliffe, The prediction and
prefiguration of Muhammad, in J. C. Reeves
(ed.), Bible and Qiir'dn. Essays in scriptural inter-
textuality, Atlanta 2003, 107-31; id.. The qur'anic
context of Muslim biblical scholarship, in Islam
and Christian-Muslim relations 7 (1996), 141-58; CD.
Nickel, The theme of "tampering with the earlier
scriptures" in early commentaries on the Qiir'dn, PhD
diss., Calgary 2004; M. Perlmann, The medieval
polemics between Islam andjudaism, in S.D.
Goitein (ed.). Religion in a religious age, Cambridge,
MA 1974, 103-38; T Pulcini, Exegesis as polemical
discourse. Ibn Hazm on Jewish and Christian scriptures,
Atlanta 1998; N. Roth, Forgery and abrogation
of the Torah. A theme in Muslim and Christian
polemic in Spain, in Proceedings of the American
Academy of Jewish Research 54 (1987), 203-36;
U. Rubin, Between Bible and Qur'dn. The Children of
Israel and the Islamic self image, Princeton 1999 (on
the Torah in its wider sense as a source of
vocabulary and themes foiuid in hadlth litera-
ture); id.. The eye of the beholder. The life of
Muhammad as viewed by the early Muslims. A textual
analysis, Princeton 1995, ch. i;J. Sadan, Some
literary problems concerning Judaism and Jewry
in mediaeval Arabic sources, in M. Sharon (ed.).
Studies in Islamic history and civilization in honour of
Professor David Ayalon, Jerusalem/heiden 1986,
353-98; M. Schreiner, Zur Geschichte der Pole-
mik zwischen Juden und Muhanimedanern, in
3"
TRADE AND COMMERCE
ZDMG ^2 {1888), 591-675, repr. in id., Gesammelte
Schriften. Islamische und judisch-islamische Studien,
ed. M. Perlmann, Hildesheim 1983, 75-159;
A. Shnizer, The Qur'dn. Aspects of its sacredness
according to early Islamic tradition (Hebrew), PhD
thesis, Tel Aviv 2003; D. Siilare, Responses to
Islamic polemics by Jewish mutakallimun in the
tenth century, in H. Lazarus-Yafeh et al. (eds.),
The Majlis. Religious encounters in medieval Islam,
Wiesbaden 1999, 137-61; Speyer, Erzdhlungen;
S. Stroumsa, The signs of prophecy. The
emergence and early development of a theme in
Arabic theological literature, in Harvard theological
review 78 (1985), 101-14; J.D. Thyen, Bibel und
Koran. Eine Synapse gemeinsamer Uberlieferungen,
Cologne 1994; A.W. Tuwayla, Tawrdt al-YahUd
wa-l-Imdm Ibn Hazm, Damascus 1425/2004;
D. Urvoy, Ibn Haldun et la notion de I'alteration
des textes bibliques, in M. Fierro [ed.], Judiosy
musulmanes en al-Andalus y el Magreb. Contactos
intelectuales, Madrid 2002, 165-78; G. Vajda,Jiiifs
et musulmans selon le hadlt, iny.4 (1937), 57-127
(on the ambivalent attitude toward material of
Jewish origin); B.M. Wheeler, Israel and the
Torah of Muhammad, inJ.C. Reeves (ed.), Bible
and Qur'dn. Essays in scriptural intertextuality, Atlanta
2003, 61-85.
Torment see suffering; reward and
PUNISHMENT
Tornado see weather
Torture see suffering; reward and
PUNISHMENT
Touch see hand
Tower see ART AND architecture and
THE Q^Ur'aN
Tower of Babel see babylon
Towns see geography; city
Trace/Track see air and wind;
ASHES
Trade and Commerce
Economic activity focused on the exchange
of goods among people. The language of
the Qur'an is imbued with the vocabulary
of the marketplace both in practical, day-
to-day references and in metaphorical ap-
plications (see metaphor; literary
STRUCTURES OF THE q^ur'an). The Way in
which commercial activities are to be con-
ducted among people is dealt with as a
moral issue and a matter of social regula-
tion (see ETHICS AND THE c^ur'an). For
example, rules governing contracts and
trusts, and general economic principles
find their place in the text and have been
used within the shari'a to formulate the le-
gal structures of society (see law and the
(jur'an). Those aspects of this topic have
been treated under many entries in this
encyclopedia: see breaking trusts and
contracts; contracts and alliances;
debt; economics; markets; measure-
ment; property; selling and buying;
usury; weights and measures. Of par-
ticular interest in this entry are the terms
which have sometimes been classified as
constituting the commercial-theological
terminology and which consist of a series
of words linked to trade and commerce
that are employed in order to provide a
moral basis for the structures of society.
Modern scholarship has understood this
language as pivotal for reconstructing the
nature of pre-Islamic society, the rise of
Islam and Muhammad's place in his com-
munity (see pre-islamic Arabia and the
qur'an; post-enlightenment academic
STUDY of the qur'an). The classic analy-
sis by C.C. Torrey in his 1892 dissertation
has set the basic dimensions of under-
standing the semantic field related to
trade and commerce in the Qur'an
through an intuitive summary of relevant
vocabulary; later works which provide a
TRADE AND COMMERCE
312
general treatment of metaphor have added
some level of greater systematization to the
definition (see Sabbagh, Metaphore, 212-16,
and his classification of "Les termes se rap-
portant au commerce" under "Vie seden-
taire," a sub-category of "La vie sociale";
and Sister, Metaphern, 141-2, "Das gesell-
schaftliche Leben" under "Der Mensch
und sein Leben") but the basic scope of the
concept has remained fairly stable.
Torrey spoke of the general "business
atmosphere" of the Qiir'an and he saw the
vocabulary which relates to this context
falling into five main categories:
(i) Marketplace terminology: hisdh, "reck-
oning," used thirty-nine times plus many
related verbal uses; ahsd, "to number or
count," used ten times (see numbers and
enumeration); wazana, "to weigh," used
seven times plus miziin, "a balance," used
sixteen times; mithqdl, "a weight," used
eight times plus related verbal and adjec-
tival instances.
(2) Employment terminology:ja<:a', "rec-
ompense," used forty-two times plus many
related verbal uses (see reward and
punishment; chastisement and
punishment); thawdb and mathuba, "re-
ward," used fifteen times plus related ver-
bal usages; ajr (plural ujiir), "wage," used
107 times; wajjd, "to pay what is due," used
nineteen times usually with "wages"; ka-
saba, "to earn," used sixty-two times (see
intercession).
(3) Negative trading terminology: khasira,
"to lose," used sixty-five times in various
verbal and nominal forms; bakhasa, "to de-
fraud," used seven times in various forms;
Zcdama, "to wrong," used frequently and
has become, as ^.i^limun, a general ethical
term for "wrongdoers"; alata, "to defraud,
used once; naqasa, "to diminish," used ten
times in various forms.
(4) Positive trading terminology: shard and
ishtard, "to sell," used twenty-five times;
bd^a, "to sell, to bargain," used fifteen times
in various forms; tijdra, "merchandise,"
used nine times; thaman, "price," used
eleven times; rabiha, "to profit," used once.
(5) Finance: qarada, "to provide a loan,"
used thirteen times in various forms; aslafa,
"paid in advance," used twice; rahin and
rihdn, "pledge," used three times.
The terminology is thus wide-ranging and
the contexts in which it is employed are
diverse, demonstrating the extent to which
this range of language permeates the text.
Three contexts may be isolated for the
occurrence of the terms, in common with
the overall themes of the Qiir'an but also
illustrating the full range of the employ-
ment of the vocabulary: in recounting the
stories of the prophets of the past (see
narratives; generations; prophets
AND prophethood), in legislating the
Muslim community and in describing the
eschatological period (see eschatology).
Many examples could be cited; the fol-
lowing is just a sampling.
Of the seven uses of "defraud," as de-
rived from bakhasa, the first clearly deals
with contemporary legal practice since the
overall context relates to commercial trans-
actions and the keeping of records, cj 2:282
contains the statement, "Let him fear (q.v.)
God, his lord (q.v), and not diminish [the
debt] at all," when speaking of the scribe
who will record the transaction (see
WRITING AND WRITING MATERIALS;
ORALITY AND WRITING IN ARABIA) where
the verb Idyabkhas (translated here as "let
him not diminish") takes on the sense of
"he shall not defraud" (see cheating). In
Ci 7:85, the context is that of Midian (q.v.)
and its prophet, Shu'ayb (q.v), who is com-
manded to tell his people, "Do not under-
value (people's goods)," Id tabkhas, that is,
"do not defraud them of its value." C3 11:85
puts the same phrase in Shu'ayb's mouth
again as does q_ 26:183 in which Shu'ayb
313
TRADE AND COMMERCE
addresses the "People of the Thicket"
(q.v.). In c) 12:20, Joseph (q.v.) is sold by his
brothers (see brother and brother-
hood) for "a price which was fraudulent"
(bakhs) because his brothers did not value
him. In C3 11:15-16, the context is that of
speaking of the reward and punishment in
the voice of God: "If any Qicople] desire
the life of this world with all its finery, we
shall repay them in full in [this life] for
their deeds — they will not be defrauded
(Id yubkhasuna) — but such people will have
nothing in the hereafter but the fire (q.v.)."
Finally in q 72:13, the jinn (q.v.) speak of
the final reckoning being such that "who-
ever believes in his lord (see belief and
tJNBELlEF) need fear no fraud (bakhs) or
injustice (see justice and injustice)." The
terminology thus spreads over the focal
points of salvation (q.v.) history, past, pres-
ent and future (see also history and the
^ur'an).
The same observations can be made con-
cerning the image of the "balance," mizdn.
The statement in the Qiir'an, "Fill up the
measure and the balance with justice," re-
curs as a regular motif with the end result
that God is pictured as governing creation
(q.v.) in the same way that humans should,
if they are moral beings, run their own
affairs: that is, with a full sense of justice,
q 11:84-5 ^^^ Shu'ayb preach, "O my peo-
ple, serve God! You have no god other
than him. Diminish not (Id tanqusu) the
measure (al-mikydl) nor the balance (al-
mizdn) [in weight] . I see you are prospering
but I fear for you suffering on an encom-
passing day. O my people, fill up the weight
(al-mikydl) and the balance (al-mizdn) justly.
Do not defraud the people of their things,
and do not sow corruption (cj.v.) in the
land." The word mizdn also finds its place
in passages of a legal nature addressed to
the contemporary believing audience. In
Q^ 6:152, Muhammad is commanded to
enunciate a rule for his followers using the
same words as those used by Shu'ayb, "Fill
up the measure and the balance with jus-
tice." Overall, however, the use of the
word mizdn predominates as an image in
eschatological passages which thereby in-
voke the references in the past (the time of
the ancient prophets) and in the present
(the present community of Muhammad).
<J 21:47 says, "We shall set up the scales
(al-mawdzin) of justice for the resurrection
(q.v.) day, so that not one soul (q.v.) shall be
wronged anything." Other passages which
use the idea of a balance on the judgment
day include C3 7:7-8, 23:102-3, 101:6-9,
among others. It may also be noted that
wazana, "to weigh," is used verbally in all
three contexts as well.
The concept of ajr (plural Wjiir), "wage(s),"
is also widespread in the Qiir'an. In
Q^ 11:51, Hud (q.v.) says, "O my people, I do
not ask of you a wage (ajr) for this; my
wage (ajr) falls only upon him who origi-
nated me; will you not understand?" This
is also found in the sequence of prophet
stories in (j 26:105-91 where the same
phrase occurs five times with Noah (q.v.).
Hud, Salih (q.v.). Lot (q.v.), and Shu'ayb in
sequence. In terms of passages relating to
regulations of the Muslim community,
(^ 4:24-5, 5:5, 33:50 and 60:10 all use
"wages," ujur, in reference to marriage in
the sense of "dower," mahr, and also gen-
eral subsistence (see marriage and
divorce; bridewealth; maintenance
AND upkeep; sustenance). The escha-
tological uses of "wage" abound: "Their
wage (ajr) awaits them with their lord" and
variations on that phrase occur five times
in sura 2 alone (c3 2:62, II2, 262, 274, 277).
In the study of these words, many schol-
ars have tended to emphasize, according to
the principles of the historic-philological
approach, how the language of the
qur'anic text must reflect the social situ-
ation at the time of Muhammad (see
LANGUAGE AND STYLE OF THE OUr'aN;
TRADE AND COMMERCE
314
FORM AND STRUCTURE OF THE QVH. AN;
rhetork; AND THE q^ur'an). Thus, the
language is understood as being extended
to tlie propliets of tlie past wliose lives are
retold in a manner which reflects the life
circumstances of Muhammad, even to the
level of the vocabulary used to express
common ideas and motifs (see ARABIC
language; foreign vocabulary). That
understanding is also extended to eschatol-
ogy, reasoning that language would have
been used in a way in which the people in
Muhammad's time would best understand
the concepts of the hereafter and judg-
ment day (see last judgment). Torrey's
work set the tone for much subsequent
work when he declared, "Mohammed's
idea of God, as shown us in the Koran, is
in its main features a somewhat magnified
picture of a Mekkan merchant. It could
hardly have been otherwise" {Commercial-
theological, 15). Torrey suggested that these
words form a cluster of terms derived from
actual commercial applications which have
taken on theological overtones in the
Qiir'an (see theology and the ^ur'an).
The full implications of the ideas underly-
ing his work were developed later in works
by H. Lammens, M. Rodinson and W.M.
Watt, among many others, in their treat-
ments of Muhammad and the notion that
economics and social revolutions are cru-
cial to the rise of Islam. The evidence for
those theories is, at least partially, to be
found in the language of the Qtir'an and
its commercial emphasis. For example,
Watt's reading of the Qur'an allows him to
perceive a society in the throes of the im-
pact of individualistic capitalism being
challenged by a prophet of social justice.
In Watt's seminal Muhammad at Mecca and
Aduhammad at Medina the theme is clear;
Watt states, for example.
The Qiir'an has ample evidence of the
importance of voluntary "contributions"
in the plans for the yoimg community at
Medina. Men are commanded to believe
in God and his messenger and contribute
of their wealth. Their contributions are a
loan they lend to God; he knows more
than they do; he will replay them the dou-
ble and more [Medina, 252).
Watt clearly pictures the social environ-
ment and its regulations being reflected in
the language which is used to talk about
God, the essence of the notion of the
"commercial-theological" terminology.
The critique of such a reading of the
qur'anic text has been raised primarily in
the context of implications that underlie
the debates about the pervasiveness and
depth of commercial activity in pre-
Islamic Arabia. P. Crone points out that
there are only vague details for the model
of a society in the throes of economic
transformation within the Arab historical
texts. Arguing that the view provided in the
classical Greek texts of a flourishing trade
throughout Arabia speaks of a situation
some 600 years prior to the rise of Islam,
Crone suggests that the later Muslim writ-
ers have been read rather imaginatively in
light of the information provided about
this earlier period. When the texts are read
for what they say rather than for what is
assumed, she says,
such information as we have leaves no
doubt that [the Meccans'] imports were
the necessities and petty luxuries that the
inhabitants of Arabia have always had to
procure from the fringes of the Fertile
Crescent and elsewhere, not the luxury
goods with which Lammens woifld have
them equip themselves abroad (Meccan
It is noteworthy that the body of early
Arab poetry (see poetry and poets),
whether genuinely pre-Islamic or not, doe
315
TRADE AND COMMERCE
not provide testimony to tliis commercial
environment. As Peters comments (Qiiest,
292), the poetry "testifies to a quite dif-
ferent culture." Tlie Meccans traded, cer-
tainly, but mainly within the confines of
their own area and in response to their
basic needs and not for "the commercial
appetites of the surrounding empires"
(Crone, Meccan trade, 151).
It is not clear, however, where such cri-
tiques leave our understanding of the
qur'anic vocabulary. The difficulties with
the common interpretation have certainly
been noted by writers such as K. Cragg,
although the matter of how to resolve the
issue has not been pursued. As Cragg
notes,
strangely, the word tdjir (merchant) does
not figure in the Qiir'an, and tijdra (mer-
chandise) only on nine occasions, [yet]
commerce is the central theme in the life it
mirrors and in the vocabulary by which it
speaks [Event, 98).
Further, the question must arise, when the
issue is considered within the context of
the entire debate concerning the nature of
pre-Islamic trade, of whether we can read
references to the goods of trade such as
dates (see DATE palm), gold (q.v.) and silver
(see METALS AND MINERALS) which are
mentioned in the Qiir'an as allowing us to
infer historical evidence of the context of
the time and place of Muhammad (cf
Heck, Arabia without spices; see also
money; numismatics).
One answer might be found through a
new investigation of the vocabulary in light
of biblical and general near eastern reli-
gious metaphors (see religious pluralism
AND the our'an). One aspect of Torrey's
argument regarding the reading of this
vocabulary that justified his tying of these
particular terms to the historical environ-
ment of Muhammad is his assertion that
"the mathematical accounting on the judg-
ment day is alien to Judaism and Chris-
tianity" (Commercial-theological, 14; see JEWS
AND JUDAISM; CHRISTIANS AND CHRISTIAN-
ITY). This statement may well have re-
flected the state of research at the turn of
the twentieth century but such a position
can no longer be maintained. Torrey him-
self notes [Commercial-theological, 17 n. 3) that
he had been informed that the image of a
balance being used at the final judgment
was to be found in Egyptian religion. That,
it is now well known, only scratches the
surface of the extent to which it may be
claimed that the Qi_ir'an shares in a near
eastern mythic universe of judgment day
symbolism (see symbolic imagery). The
eschatological vision is that of justice and
the images used for that are ones which are
common in near eastern religious lan-
guage. God's justice on judgment day is the
grounding image: all prophets, past and
present, have urged that this must be re-
flected in human society (see also
religion; judgment). Ultimately,
eschatological imagery may be seen to
drive mundane symbolism and not vice-
versa (Rippin, Commerce of eschatology).
In that sense, the symbolism here is not
necessarily a reflection of the state of
affairs at the time of revelation (see
revelation and inspiration). Rather, it
expresses the aspirations of humans to
achieve the moral standards of the escha-
ton, just as those standards are believed to
have been enacted in the mythic past (as
demonstrated by the earlier prophets; see
myths and legends in THE ^UR'an)
and just as implementation of those
standards is urged in the present by the
current prophet. The eschaton functions
to assert the ultimate justice of the world
while being the moral goal for human
existence.
Andr
■ Rippi
TRADITION AND CUSTOM
316
Bibliography
K. Cragg, The event oj the Qur'dn. Islam in its
scripture, London 1971; P. Crone, Meccan trade and
the rise of Islam, Princeton 1987; G.W. Heck,
"Arabia without spices". An alternative hypo-
thesis, \nJAOS 123 (2003), 547-76; H. Lammens,
La Mecque d la veille de I'Hegire, Beirut 1924; RE.
Peters, The commerce of Mecca before Islam, in
F. Kazemi and R.D. McChesney (eds.), A way
prepared. Essays on Islamic culture in honor of Richard
Bayly Winder, New York 1988, 3-26; id., Muham-
mad and the origins of Islam, Albany 1994; id., The
quest of the historical Muhammad, in IJMES 23
{1991), 291-315; A. Rippin, The commerce of
eschatology, in Wild, Text, 125-35; ^- Sabbagh, La
metaphore dans le Coran, Paris 1943; M. Sister,
Metaphern und Vergleiche im Koran, in
Mitteilungen des Seminars fur Orientaliscke Sprachen 34
{1931), 104-54; C.C. Torrey, The commercial-
theological terms in the Koran, Leiden 1892; W.M.
Watt, Muhammad at Mecca, Oxford 1953; id.,
Muhammad at Medina, Oxford 1956.
Tradition and Custom
The way things have been done, or are
understood as having been done, in the
past. In many societies the appeal to tradi-
tion and custom as the basis for current
practice serves to legitimize the present.
For a religion emerging in opposition to
some of the beliefs and practices of its so-
ciety, however, appeal to tradition or cus-
tom by its opponents is an obstacle to be
overcome. At the same time, adherents of
the new order may well attempt to justify it
by reference to the past.
In Islam the positive value of tradition is
most obviously manifest in the concept of
sunna (q.v.), the accepted practice. The
sunna of the Prophet is a model that all
believers should strive to emulate and, ac-
cording to the classical Sunni theory of
law, it is the most important source of the
law alongside the Qtir'an (see law and
THE cjur'an). Innovations [hid'ci, hawddith;
see innovation) on the other hand, are
commonly regarded as reprehensible.
Naturally, the attitude towards custom and
tradition may vary according to circum-
stances. A category of commendable in-
novation (hid'a hasana) is recognized and
what by many has been understood as the
positive value of adherence to a tradition
(taqlid) may, in the hands of a religious
reformer like Ibn Taymiyya (d. 728/1328),
be reassessed as mere servile and blind
imitation.
The Qiir'an reflects these tensions re-
garding tradition and custom. The prophet
Muhammad denies that he is anything new
(bid') among the messengers (q^ 46:9; see
messenger) and references to preceding
prophets (see prophets and prophet-
hood) and messengers emphasize their
following in the footsteps (dthcir) of their
predecessors (e.g. (J 5:46; 57:27). One of the
complaints made against the Christians,
who are accorded some merits (see
christians and Christianity), is that
they had "invented" (ihtada'u) monasticism
(ft 57-27; see monasticism and monks).
What is "known" or "recognized"
(ma'rUf) is good or honorable in contrast to
what is reprehensible [munkar, q 3:104, etc.;
see VIRTUES and vices, commanding and
forbidding; lawful and unlawful).
Although some commentators gloss ma 'ruf
as "known or recognized by reason or rev-
elation" (see intellect; revelation and
inspiration), the related word 'mfin
C3 7:199 (where it is contrasted with
"ignorance" [q.v.;jahl] and understood to
mean simply "goodness" or "kindness") is
in Islamic law one of the most common
words for traditional practice or custom,
which has a limited role as a legal principle.
On the other hand, following the foot-
steps (dthdr) of predecessors and ancestors
is reprehensible if that means following the
wrong path (see path or way; astray;
error). In its arguments against those who
refuse to accept its message, the Qiir'an
frequently presents them as appealing to
the tradition of their fathers in justification
of their refusal to accept the truth (q.v.).
317
TRADITION AND CUSTOM
Those opponents (see opposition to
Muhammad), like the opponents of previ-
ous prophets, are portrayed as using the
justification that their fatliers' beliefs and
practices were good enough for them and
there is no reason why they should go
against their customs. "We found our fa-
thers attached to a religious community
and we are guided by their footsteps (wa-
inna wajadnd abd'and 'aid ummatin wa-innd 'aid
dthdrihim muhtaduna/muqtaduna),'" as they are
reported as saying in c) 43:22 and 23. This
sentiment, repeated sometimes with rela-
tively minor variations of wording and
usually involving reference to the "fathers,"
recurs frequently throughout the Qiir'an,
in the mouths of the opponents of its
prophet and of earlier ones like Moses
(q.v.; e.g. Q_ 2:170; 5:104; 6:148; 7:28; 10:78;
21:53; 26:74; 31:21). In a slightly different
manner, reference is made to this assertion
in the account of the primordial covenant
(q.v.) that God made with humans prior to
their earthly lives. Q^ 7:172-3 affirms that the
conclusion of the covenant by all mankind
should rid the nonbelievers from claiming
on the day of judgment (see last
judgment) that it was only their "fathers"
who ascribed partners to God and that
they were their "seed" after them (see
parents; polytheism and atheism): "So
will you destroy us on account of that
which the falsifiers did (see lie)?"
The social setting is presumably one in
which a high value is placed on loyalty
(q.v.) to one's ancestors. C3 2:200 urges peo-
ple to "remember God as you remember
your fathers" (see remembrance). In such
a society loyalty to the family tradition
would be a major hindrance to prosely-
tism. o 9:23 commands the believers not
to take their fathers or brothers as friends
(awliyd') if they take pleasure in disbelief
(see belief and unbelief; friends and
friendship; clients and clientage), and
the account of Abraham's (q.v.) break with
his father and his father's religion would
presumably be especially resonant (see
idolatry and idolaters).
In the Qiir'an, sunna never has the sense
of the exemplary custom of the Prophet.
When scholars sought a qur'anic support
for that notion they commonly found it in
the phrase "the book (q.v.) and the wis-
dom" (q.v.; al-kitdb wa-l-hikma; e.g. Q^ 2:231;
4:113; cf 33:34; see also signs; verses),
which they interpreted as indicating the
Qrir'an and the sunna of the Prophet (see
traditional disciplines of q^ur'anic
study). In the Qi_ir'an sunna nearly always
refers to God's exemplary and customary
punishment of earlier nations to whom he
had sent his messengers only for them to
be rejected (see punishment stories). The
believers are exhorted, when they travel in
the land (see journey; geography), to
take note of the sunna of those earlier peo-
ples (sunnatu l-awwalin, sunanu lladhina min
qablikum) or of the sunna of God regarding
them (sunnatu lldhiji lladhina khalaw). God's
sunna in this respect is not subject to
change or variation (tabdil, tahwll; Q^ 33:62;
35:43; 48:23). In such passages sunna usually
appears in collocation with either God or
the earlier generations (q.v.; al-awwalin or
alladhina min qablikum).
Another word signifying "custom" or
"habit" is da'b. In the Qi_ir'an this occurs
three times in the expression "as was the
da'b of the people of Pharaoh (q.v.) and
those [who were] before them" [ka-da'bi dli
fir'amna wa-lladhina min qablihim, q_ 3:11;
8:52, 54) and once (c) 40:31) in a similar
expression: "like the da'b of the people of
Noah (q.v.) and 'Ad (q.v.) and Thamud
(q.v.) and those [who came] after them"
(mithla da'bi qawmi nuhin wa-'ddin wa-thamuda
wa-lladhlna min ba'dihim). In each case it is
not easy to see what force da'b adds to the
preceding preposition "like" (ka-, mithla)
but on each occasion the passage refers to
the divine punishment (see chastisement
TRADITIONAL DISCIPLINES
3IC
AND punishment) that befell the peoples
mentioned (those of Pharaoh, Noah, 'Ad,
Thamud and others) and it is likely that
da'b is the equivalent of sunna in the pas-
sages mentioned above. Commentators
(see EXEGESIS OF THE OUR'aN: CLASSICAL
AND medieval) Sometimes gloss da'b by the
relatively neutral word "deeds" (mm', fi'l)
but one also finds it understood as equiva-
lent to sunna. Its other occurrence (cj 12:47)
is in the adverbial form da'ban and clearly
means "as usual" or "as is customary."
Commentators frequently explain parts of
the Qiir'an as referring to the traditions and
customs of the pre-Islamic Arabs (q.v.; see
also PRE-ISLAMIC ARABIA AND THE CJUR'an).
Sometimes, as witli infanticide (q.v.; e.g.
Q, 6:137, 140, 151; 16:57-9; 81:8-9) or "enter-
ing houses from their backs" (c) 2:189; see
HOLISE, DOMESTIC AND divine), the alleged
tradition of the ja/zf/r Arabs is rejected (see
AGE OF ignorance). Sometimes, as with the
circumambulation of Safa and Marwa (q.v.;
(J 2:158) or engaging in commerce while
making the pilgrimage (q.v.; haj], c) 2:198), it
is confirmed (see also trade and com-
merce; months; sacred and profane).
Cumulatively, such interpretations help to
substantiate the image of a revelation ad-
dressed in the first instance to the society of
the pre-Islamic period (jdhiliyya) .
On the whole, therefore, the Qtir'an does
not have the strongly positive evaluation of
tradition and custom that Islamic culture
later displays. It portrays the past nega-
tively as a series of episodes in which vari-
ous communities have rejected God's
message and messengers, and those whom
it addresses have to break the pattern by
dissociating themselves from the tradition
of their fathers. Only God's tradition and
custom — his sending of messengers and
his destruction of those who do not heed
them — is consistently good (see also good
AND evil; history and the cjur'an).
G.R. Hawting
Bibliography
Primary: al-Shafi'l, Muhammad b. IdrTs, Risdlaji
Usui al-Jiqh, ed. M. Shakir, Cairo 1940; trans.
M. Khadduri, al-ShdfiVs Risala, Baltimore 1961;
ShawkanT, Tafsir; Tabarl, Tafsir.
Secondary: M.M. Bravmann, Sunnah and related
concepts, in id. (ed.). The spiritual background of
early Islam, Leiden 1972, 123-98; M. Cook,
Commanding right and forbidding wrong in Islamic
thought, Cambridge 2000, 25-6; Goldziher, MS, i,
4lf.; trans, i, 46f.; R. Gwynne, Logic, rhetoric and
legal reasoning in the Qur'dn. God's arguments, London
2004, chap. 3 ("The sunna of God"); J. Schacht,
Introduction to Islamic law, Oxford 1964, 62, 136
(on 'urf);^. Wansbrough, The sectarian milieu,
London 1978, 67.
Traditional Disciplines of Qiir'anic
Studies
In Islamic theological representation the
Qiir'an is considered the "knowledge/sci-
ence" film), so it is not surprising that the
understanding and exegesis (tafsir) of this
text were considered the most excellent
kinds of knowledge (see knowledge and
learning). Thus in a tradition attributed
to Muhammad (see hadIth and the
cjur'an), transmitted by the Companion
Ibn Mas'ud (see companions of the
prophet), we read: "Whoever wants
knowledge, has to scrutinize the Qiir'an,
because it contains the knowledge of the
first and last (generations)" (Ibn Abl
Shayba, Musannaf, vi, 127, no. 30,009; Abu
'Ubayd, Fadd'il, 41-2, no. 79; Abu 1-Layth
al-Samarqandl, Tafsir, i, 71; Bayhaqi, Shu'ab,
ii, 332, no. i960; Ghazali, Ihyd' [8,Addb
tildwat al-Qur'dn], i, 254, 1. 18; Zabidl, Ithdf,
v, 94; Qurtubi, Tafsir, i, 446-53; Zarkashi,
Burhdn, i, 8). Or in another tradition at-
tributed to Muhammad: "The best of you
is he who learns the Qiir'an and teaches it"
(Bukhari, Salnh, iii, 402 [66, Fadd'il al-
Qur'dn, 2i]/trans. iii, 534; see teaching
AND preaching THE q^ur'an). The supe-
riority of the Qiir'an's language vis-a-vis
every other language is similar to the su-
periority of God vis-a-vis his creatures (in
319
TRADITIONAL DISCIPLINES
some versions: because it comes from him;
Baglidadl, Fad, i, 234-6; Ibn Durays,
Fadd'il, 77-8, nos. 132-40; K]\\rri, Akhldq,
61-8; Razi, Fadd'il, 70-1, nos. 26-7; Ibn
Rajab, Mawrid, 75-6; SuyutI, Itqdn, iv, 124;
cf. Biqa'l, Masd'id, i, 378-9, then 298-301,
and Flruzabadl, Basd'ir, i, 57-64, botli with
otlier traditions; uqm, i, 69-86). Or accord-
ing to a tradition attributed to 'All: "God
has sent down in this Qiir'an 'the exposi-
tion of all things' (an echo of q_ 16:89), but
our knowledge is too limited for it" (Biqa'l,
Masd'id, i, 379, from the commentary of
'Abd b. Hamid, d. 249/863; Sezgin, gas, i,
113). For Muslim scholars: "The book of
God and the traditions of his Prophet are
the exposition of every knowledge" [baydn
li-kulli ma'lum; Ibn al-'Arabi, Qdnun, 180). In
time, the science derived from the Qiir'an
or applied to it, was divided into many
"sciences," "the sciences of the Qiir'an"
('ulUm al-Qur'dn), called in the above title
"traditional disciplines of qur'anic
studies."
The Qur'dn, the noblest of the sciences?
As noted above, according to Islamic rep-
resentation, the Qiir'an contains all science
and particularly all legal knowledge, expres-
sis verbis or virtually (see law and the
C^ur'an; see also science and the cjur'an;
MEDICINE and THE q^ur'an). The locus
classicus for this conviction is <j 16:89:
"And we reveal the scripture unto you as
an exposition of all things (tibydnan li-kulli
shay 'in)" (see the interpretations below; see
book; teaching). Sometimes Q, 6:38, "We
have neglected nothing in the book," is
also quoted in the same spirit (Siiyuti,
Itqdn, iv, 28 [chap. 65]). The theme of the
"seven aspects [ahruf, sing, harf; in a later
context Aar/"sometimes corresponds to
what French linguists call 'articulation')" in
which the Qur'an is supposed to have been
delivered also played a major role in that
theological representation, as can be seen
in the use of this prophetic tradition by the
Andalusian jurist Abu Bakr Ibn al-'Arabi
(d. 543/748; Qdnun, 70, 189-95; ^^^
oft-repeated; polysemy). For him, "The
sciences of the hadith are sixty, but the
sciences of the Qur'an are more" (op. cit.,
193), and for him the sciences of the
Qur'an are 77,450, i.e. the number of the
words he said it contained (op. cit., 226-7;
Zarkashi, Burhdn, i, 16-17; Siiyuti, Mu'tarak,
i, 23; id., Itqdn, iv, 37 [chap. 65; cf chap, ig,
i, 242, for the number of words: 77,435,
77,437, or 77,200]; Rosenthal, Knowledge, 20:
ca. 78,000). This last declaration seems to
come from Sufi scholars (see sufism and
THE our'an); it was already in The revival of
the religious sciences of al-Ghazali (d. 505/
iiii; Ihyd', Cairo 1939, i, 290: 77,200
sciences).
In a later period, the Hanbalite tradition-
ist Ibn Rajab (d. 795/1395) wrote a book,
now lost, entitled Baydn al-istighnd' bi-l-
Qur'dnfi tahsil al-'ilm wa-l-imdn ("The ex-
position showing that the Qur'an is
sufficient for acquiring science and faith";
Hajjl Khalifa, Kashf i, 273, no. 613); he
mentioned it in his treatise against singing
and his other treatise on submission to
God during prayer (q.v.; J\uzhat al-as?nd', in
Ibn JLRJah, Majmu' rasd'il, ii, 463: against
singing the Qur'an and singing in general;
al-Dhull wa-l-inkisdr or al-Khushu'fi l-saldt, in
Majmu' rasd'il, i, 298: on people who died of
pleasure on hearing the Qur'an; see
recitation of the 5^ur'an; weeping).
This last work is usually mentioned with
the title al-Istighnd' bi-l-Qur'dn ("That the
Qur'an is sufficient"; quoted by Biqa'l,
Masd'id, i, 379). In the introduction to his
Nafahdt al-Rahmdn fi tafsir al-Qur'dn wa-tabyin
al-furqdn ("Fragrances of the merciful and
elucidation of the evidence"), the Shi'i
Muhammad b. 'Abd al-Rahim al-
Nihawandl (born 1289/1871; see SHl'lSM
AND the (JUR'an) provides an impressive
list of all the knowledge supposed to be
found in the Qur'an, which "contains ev-
erything" (quoted in uqm, i, 179-81). 'All is
TRADITIONAL DISCIPLINES
320
purported to have said, "The Qiir'aii was
sent down in four parts: a part concerning
us (i.e. the people of the family of the
Prophet), one part concerning our ene-
mies, one part obligations and regulations
(fard'id wa-ahkdm), and one part permitted
and prohibited (haldl wa-hardm). And tlie
exalted (kard'im) passages concern us"
(Furat al-Kufi, d. ca. 310/922, Tafsir, 45-6,
no. I, with other versions, 46-50; Bar-
Aslier, Scripture, 88-9).
Thus studying the Qiir'an is the most
sublime duty. According to Ibn al-jawzl
(d. 597/1200): "The holy Qiir'an, being the
noblest of the sciences, the insight into its
meanings is the most complete of insights
(kdna l-fahmu li-ma 'dnihi awjd l-fuhum) be-
cause the nobility of a science depends
upon the nobility of the subject of this sci-
ence" [^dd, i, 3; cf. Ibn Abi Shayba, Musan-
naf, VI, 125-6 [22, Fadd'il al-Qur'dn, 16]).
The origins and development of the sciences of the
Qur'dn
To enforce recognition of the new religion,
Muhammad and/or Islam used a kind of
competitive mimeticism (French mimetisme
concurrentiel, an expression used by anthro-
pologists) in viewing the Qiir'an ("al-kitdb")
as superior to the other sacred books. They
based this claim on the well-known tradi-
tion attributed to Muhammad: "The first
scripture came down according to a single
Aarf [mode, face, edge, letter, passage,
meaning or reading? in other versions bdb,
i.e. gate], while the Qur'dn came down ac-
cording to seven [other versions have four
or five]" (Tabari, Tafsir, i, 21-71; Eng. trans,
i, 16-30; Mahdawi, Baydn, 24-8; Gilliot,
Lectures, i; id., Elt, 111-33). The alleged
limitation of the prior scriptures and the
polysemy of the word Aarf opened the way
to an interpretation such as the following:
By the first Book coming down from one
gate he (Muhammad) meant the Books of
God which came down on his prophets to
whom they were sent down, in which there
were no divine ordinances and judgments,
or pronoimceinents about what was lawful
and what was unlawful, such as the Psalms
of David, which are invocations and ex-
hortations, and the Evangel of Jesus, which
is glorification, praise and encouragement
to pardon and be charitable, but no legal
ordinances and judgments besides this, and
scriptures like these which came down with
one or seven meanings, all of which are
contained in our Book which God con-
ferred on our Prophet, Muhammad and
his community (Tabari, Tafsir, i, 71; Eng.
trans, i, 30; Gilliot, Lectures, ii, 56).
The theme of "seven harfi" (in the SunnI
tradition; cf. uqm, ii, 127-207) has probably
been borrowed from Judaism or Chris-
tianity, and their notion of the quadruple
sense/meaning of scripture (^eh.: peshat,
remez, derash, sod; Lat: sensus litteralis, sensus
spiritualis, divided into: littera/historia, al-
legoria, tropologia/moralis, anagogia; Wans-
brough, QS, 243; Bowering, Mystical,
139-40; Gilliot, Elt, 120-1; see Gilliot/
Larcher, Exegesis, loob). The tradition on
the seven (three, four or five; Biqa'i,
Masd'id, i, 382-8) "meanings/faces" (ahruf)
of the Qtir'an was interpreted in different
ways (16 or 35 interpretations in the Sunni
tradition, which we have reduced to seven
kinds; Gilliot, Lectures, i, 18).
Imami Shf a [uQM, ii, 209-38), especially
the "rationalists" (usuliyya), also discuss the
Sunni way of interpreting these traditions
but early Shi'ism and the group of those
who were called later "traditionists/tra-
ditionalists" [akhbdriyya; Amir-Moezzi and
Jambet, Qu'est-ce que le chiisme, 221-3) reject
the theme of the seven ahruf in accordance
with their doctrine of the falsification of
the Qur'an by the Companions (see also
shi'a). They use as their authority a dec-
laration attributed to JaTar al-Sadiq
(d. 148/765): "The Qiir'an was only sent
321
TRADITIONAL DISCIPLINES
down in one harf, and die disagreement
comes from the transmitters" {uqm, ii,
237-8). But the tradition was also explained
as seven possibilities of interpretation, so
according to JaTar al-Sadiq: "The Qiir'an
was sent down in seven ahruf, and the most
suitable for the imam (adnd ma li) is to de-
liver his opinions (anyuftiya) in seven ways
(wujuh). Then he said: ^This is our gift, so
bestow, or withhold, without reckoning'"
(Q, 38:39; Ibn Babawayh, d. 381/991, Khisdl,
358; UOM, ii, 212).
One of these interpretations is especially
interesting for our subject. According to
Ibn Mas'ud, Muhammad should have said:
"The first Book came down from one gate
according to one haif, but the Qiir'an came
down from seven gates according to seven
harfi: prohibiting and commanding (see
forbidden; virtues and vices,
COMMANDING AND FORBIDDINo), lawful
and unlawful (q.v.), clear and ambiguous
(q.v.), and parables" (Tabari, Tafsir, i, 68,
no. 67; Eng. trans, i, 29; Abu Shama,
Murshid, 107, 109, 271-4; Suyuti, Itqdn, i,
170-1; Gilliot, Lectures, i, 20; cf. Abti
'Ubayd, Fadd'il [44], i, 278-9, no. 87: dif-
ferent, and from another Companion; see
also parable). Or in another version the
seven are "command and reprimand (^o/V;
or prohibition, na/iy), encouragement of
good and discouragement of evil [targhib
wa-tarhib; see good and evil), dialectic
[jadal; see debate and disputation), nar-
ratives (q.v.; qisas) and parable [mathal;
Tabari, Tafsir, i, 69, no. 68; trans, i, 29,
modified by us; Mawardi, Nukat, i, 29). We
are not at all sure that Muhammad ever
uttered such a declaration, but what
interests us here is that this tradition with
the symbolic number seven (see numbers
AND enumeration; numerology), which
relates to perfection, was one way to ex-
press the conviction that the Qiir'an con-
tains all knowledge. The word knowledge
('ilm) does not appear in it nor does it use
substantives, but only participles and ad-
jectives; yet the way was opened to creating
categories from these, i.e. different
"genres" or "sciences." This is exemplified
in a declaration attributed to the same Ibn
Mas'ud: "God sent down the Qiir'an
according to five ahruf: lawful and unlaw-
ful, clear and ambiguous, and parables"
(Tabari, Tafsir, 69, no. 70; trans, i, 29).
The early exegete Muqatil b. Sulayman
(d. 150/767; Gilliot, Muqatil) has summa-
rized in two lists, a shorter and a longer,
the various aspects or genres contained
in the Qiir'an (see literary structures
OF THE quR'AN). He does not refer to the
prophetic traditions on the ahruf oi the
Qiir'an but his lists clearly relate to that
subject. They are also an attempt to es-
tablish some exegetical or hermeneutical
principles (see exegesis of the q^ur'an:
CLASSICAL AND MEDIEVAL). He does not
speak of "science" ('ilm), but we can see in
these lists an indication for what will be-
come in the future the "sciences of the
Qiir'an." In the first list, he says: "The
Qiir'an was sent down according to five
aspects/modes/genres [awjuh, pi. of wajh;
Goldziher, Richtungen, 84-5): its command
(amruhu), prohibition, promise, threat
(wa%d), and account of the ancients"
(Muqatil, Tafsir, i, 26; Nwyia, Exegese, 67;
Gilliot, Elt, 118). This declaration should
be compared with that attributed to the
Companion Ibn 'Abbas (d. 69/688) and
transmitted by al-Kalbl (d. 146/763), since
both al-Kalbl and Muqatil have numerous
exegetical interpretations in common and
are considered the heirs of the exegesis of
the Companion Ibn 'Abbas:
The Qiir'an was [revealed] in four aspects
(wujiih): tafsir [the literal meaning?] which
scholars know; Arabic with which the
Arabs (q.v.) are acquainted (see ARABIC
language); lawful and unlawful (haldlwa-
hardm) of which it is not permissible for
TRADITIONAL DISCIPLINES
322
people to be unaware; [and] ta'wll [the
deeper meaning?] , that which only God
knows.
terpretation (Muqatil, Tafsir, i, 27; Gilliot,
Elt, 118-19; NerAeei^h, Arabic grammar,
104-5).
Where a further explanation of ta'wil is
demanded, it is described as "what will be''
[md huwa kd'in; Muqatil, Tafsir, i, 27; see
Gilliot/Larcher, Exegesis, loob).
Muqatil's second list is a considerable ex-
pansion of his first one:
The Qur'an contains references that are:
(i) particular and (2) general; (3) particular
to Muslims; (4) particular to certain idola-
ters, particular to one idolater (see
IDOLATRY AND IDOLATERS); (5) general to
all people; (6) ambiguous and (7) well-
established (or clear, univocal); (8) ex-
plained (mufassar) and (g) obscure (or
unexplained, mubham); (10) implicit (idmdr)
and (11) explicit (tamdm); (12) connections
(sildt) in the discourse. It also contains (13)
abrogating and (14) abrogated [verses (q.v.);
see abrogation]; (15) anteposition (taqdim)
and (16) postposition [ta'khir; Gk. hysteron vs.
proteron); (17) synonyms/analogues (ashbdh),
with many (18) polysems/homonyms
(wujuh), and with apodosis (jawdb) in
another sura (see suras). [It contains also]
(19) parables (amthdl) by which God refers:
to himself, (20) to unbelievers and idols (see
IDOLS AND images), (2i) to this world (q.v.),
(22) to resurrection (q.v.), and to the world
to come (see eschatology); (23) report (or
history; khabar) about the ancients, (24)
about paradise (q.v.) and hell (see hell
AND hellfire); (25) particular to one idola-
ter; (26) duties {fard'id, or perhaps here:
inheritance.^ [c[.v.]), (27) legal rules (ahkdm)
and (28) punishments {hudud; see
BOUNDARIES AND PRECEPTS; CHASTISE-
MENT AND punishment); (29) accounts of
what is in the hearts of the believers, (30)
or in the hearts of the unbelievers; (31)
polemics (khusuma) against the Arab idola-
ters; then (32) interpretation (tafsir), and
(33) the interpretation which has an in-
This list could be compared to the list of
thirty aspects attributed to "ancient" schol-
ars by al-Suyuti (/ijfl/z, iii, 117-18 [chap. 51]).
As for q 16:89, "And we reveal the scrip-
ture unto you as an exposition of all
things" (see above), it played a role com-
parable to the traditions of the "seven
ahruf" in preparing the way for the estab-
lishment or creation of "qur'anic sci-
ences." Indeed, this verse was interpreted
by an early exegete, Mujahid (d. 104/722),
as: "What is permitted and what is forbid-
den" (Tabari, Tafsir, xiv, 162). For one of
the first theorists of the methodology of
law, al-Shafi'l (d. 204/820):
God has revealed the scripture as an ex-
position of all things, and this clarification
(tabyin) has several forms: Either he has
clearly stated duties (md bayjana fardahu
fhi), or he has given general revelations [md
anzalajumlatan; see revelation and
inspiration), and in this case he has elu-
cidated how it should be, through the
tongue of his prophet, or he has given a
ruling on duties in a general way (jumlatan)
and ordered to investigate it, but giving
indications ('aldmdt) which he has
created... (Shafi'i, K. Jimd' al-'ilm, in id.,
al-Umm, vii, 277; ix, 15; trans, according to
this latter, better ed.; SuyutI, Itqdn, i, 16; cf.
ibid., iv, 29 [chap. 65]; Ibn 'Adil, Lubdb, xii,
140-1, commenting on (J 16:89, adds: con-
sensus, analogy, information coming from
a single traditionist, etc.).
For al-Shafi'i, "the Qi_ir'an virtually con-
tains all the modes of the baydn^' (Yahia,
Contribution, 310). It should be noted that
baydn cannot be translated as a single word
because it is "the manifestation of the
divine meanings, the intentions of the
Creator who conveys them by the acts of
323
TRADITIONAL DISCIPLINES
his will, the ahkdrn^ (i.e. rules). "It is a
theophany of the meaning" (Yahia,
Contribution, 362).
But the same al-Shafi'i related the in-
terpretation of (n i6:8g with the tradition
on the "seven ahruf'^ and its interpreta-
tions, opening the way to a representation
of "the science (then sciences) of the
Qiir'an," in ca. 189/805, when he ap-
peared before the caliph Harun al-Rashid,
in the presence of the famous Hanaflju-
rist, Muhammad b. al-Hasan al-Shaybani,
who defended him. The caliph asked al-
Shafi'i about his "knowledge/science" of
the "book of God" (kayfa 'ilmuka bihi), and
al-Shafi'i answered:
About what science do you ask, Com-
mander of the Faithful? Is it the science of
its descent (revelation, tanzil) or of its in-
terpretation (ta'wTl)? The science of what is
clear [muhkam, or well established) or am-
biguous [mutashdbih, or similar) in it? What
is abrogating (ndsikh) or abrogated
(mansUkh) in it? Its narratives (akhbdr) or
rules (ahkdm)? Its Meccan or Medinan
(suras or verses; see Mecca; Medina;
CHRONOLOGY AND THE CJUR'an)? What
was sent down in the night or during the
day? During a journey (q.v.; safar; see also
TRIPS and voyages) or at home (hadan)l
The elucidation of its description (tabjin
wasjihi)? The arrangement of its forms (?)
(taswiyat suwarihi)? Its synonyms/analogues
(na^d'ir)? Its good pronunciation (or gram-
matical pronunciation/explanation; i'rdb;
see GRAMMAR AND THE Q^UR'an)? The
modes of its reading (wujuh qird'atihi; see
READINGS OF THE CJUr'an)? Its WOrds
(hurujihi)? The meanings of its manners of
speaking (ma'dni lughdtihi)? Its legal punish-
ments (hududih)? The number of its verses?
Harun al-Rashid said, "You claim that
you have a great knowledge of the
Qtir'an" (BayhaqI, A'landqib, i, 136;
Zurcjani, Mandhil, i, 26: an abridged re-
port without references, of which the
beginning does not seem authentic: "The
sciences of the Qiir'an are numerous...").
This list of al-Shafi'i is not imconnected
to that of Muqatil b. Sulayman because he
knew Muqatil's exegesis and held it in high
esteem, and he reportedly declared that,
"All people are dependent on ('iydl) three
men: on Muqatil b. Sulayman for exege-
sis..." (Ibn Khallikan, Wafaydt, v, 255;
Abbott, Studies, ii, 100).
Books on the topic or with the term "sciences of the
Qur 'dn " in their title
The emergence of the technical expression
"sciences of the Qiir'an" has been credited
to the sixth/twelfth or seventh/thirteenth
century (uqm, i, 10), or seventh/thirteenth
century (ZurqanI, Mandhil, i, 27), or even to
the beginning of the fifth/eleventh century
(ibid., i, 28). A precise determination, how-
ever, depends on the state of our knowl-
edge, and to date no complete study in
Arabic or any other language exists con-
cerning this subject.
What can be said is that this technical
term already occurs in the title of a book
from the second half of the third/ninth or
the beginning of the following century: Ibn
al-Marzuban (Abu Bakr Muhammad b.
Khalaf al-Muhawwali al-Baghdadi al-
Ajurrl, d. 309/921; Brockelmann, gal, i,
125; S i, 189-90; Sam'ani, Ansdb, y, 221)
wrote a large book in twenty-seven parts
fajzd'), entitled al-HdwiJi 'ulum al-Qiir'dn
("The compendium in the sciences of the
Qur'an"; Ibn al-Nadim, Fihrist, 149; Ibn
al-Nadlm-Dodge, 328; Yaqut, Irshdd, vi,
2645, no. 1 1 15, has: Midiammad b. al-
Marzuban Abu l-'Abbas al-Dimirati, leg.
al-DimlratI; Dhahabi, Siyar, xiv, 264;
Dawudi, Tabacidt, ii, 141, no. 486; Salih,
Mabdhithi, 122). We know nothing about the
content of this book, which could be a
QjLir'an commentary. The author was pri-
marily a man of letters and he translated
more than fifty books from Persian into
TRADITIONAL DISCIPLINES
324
Arabic. One of his students, Ibn al-Anbari
(d. 328/940; Brockelmann, gal, i, 119; S ii,
182; Sezgin, gas, viii, 148, ix, 144-7) i^ said
to have composed 'Ajd'ib 'ulum cd-Qur'dn
("The marvels of tlie sciences of the
Qur'an"; Sezgin, gas, ix, 147 op. 4: ms.
Alexandria), in which he dealt with the
excellent qualities (fadd'il) of the Qiir'an,
its descent in seven modes, the writing of
its codices (see codices of the q^ur'an),
the number of its suras, verses and words,
etc. (Salih, Mabdhith, 122). This title does
not appear in the list of his works (Ibn al-
Anbarl, J^dhii; i, 21-7), but since a presumed
manuscript of it has been preserved, this
manuscript should be examined thor-
oughly to establish authenticity. On the
other hand, we are sure that he wrote al-
Mushkilji ma'am l-Qur'dn ("The obscure in
the meanings of the Qiir'an") which he
dictated over the years but only completed
up to o 20 (Surat Ta Ha; Sezgin, gas, viii,
153)-
An author who was accused of extremist
Shl'l tendencies, al-RuhnI (Muhammad b.
Bahr, fl. early fourth/tenth century; Yaqut,
Irshdd, vi, 2434-6, no. 1004; Kohlberg,
Medieval Muslim, no. 441) wrote Muqaddimat
'ilm al-Qur'dn ("The introduction to the sci-
ence of the Qiir'an," not extant) in which
he emphasized that 'All (see 'ali b. abi
talib) and the People of the House (q.v.;
i.e. the family of the Prophet; see family
of the prophet) are the sole authority
(q.v.) for the interpretation of the Qiir'an,
stating also that the copies of the Qur'an
which 'Uthman (q.v.) sent to the great cities
of the empire differed from each other in
their reading of certain passages, etc. (see
also RECITERS OF THE CJUr'an).
The Mu'tazill philologist al-RiimmanI
al-Ikhshldl (d. 384/994) wrote several
books on various qur'anic topics (see QiftI,
Inbdh, 295), among them a huge qur'anic
commentary, of which parts 7, 10 and 12
are extant (part 12 in 150 folios, from
C) 14:17 to o 18:37!) — namely al-Jdmi'Ji
'ilm ('ulum) tajsir al-Qur'dn ("The compre-
hensive treatise on the science [or sciences]
of the exegesis of the Qur'an"; Sezgin,
GAS, viii, 112-13, 270; for both, see
Mubarak, Rummdnl, 93-9). It seems to be
identical with his al-Tafsir al-kablr ("Great
commentary").
A confusion was made in some sources
(Ibn al-'Arabi, Qdnun, 119; id., 'Awdsim,
97-8) between two works of Abu 1-Hasan
al-Ash'arl (d. 324/935), al-Mukhtazan
("The depository"), a book on dialectic
theology, and TafsTr al-Qur'dn ("Com-
mentary of the Qur'an," in 500 volumes!)
in which he refuted his opponents and
especially the Mu'tazilite Abu 'All 1-Jubba'i
and al-Ka'bi. Ibn al-'Arabi claims that only
one copy (!) of this work existed in the
fourth/tenth century, for which al-Sahib
Ibn 'Abbad (d. 385/995) is reported to have
paid 10,000 dinars to put it in the Dar al-
Khilafa, but the copy was destroyed in a
fire (Gimaret, Bibliography d'Ash'ari,
255-6, 260-2). Ibn Furak (d. 406/1015) tells
us that there existed only rare copies of
this commentary and that it was unknown
by most of the Ash'arites (Ibn Furak,
Mujarrad, 165, 325).
In the second half of the fourth/tenth
century or the beginning of the following,
a great exegete of Khurasan, the Kar-
ramite Ibn Habib al-Nlsaburl (d. 406/1016;
Gilliot, Exegese, 139), who became a
Shafi'i, wrote al-Tanbih 'aldfadl 'ulum al-
Qur'dn ("The exhortation on the prece-
dence of the sciences of the Qur'an"; not
in the list of his works, but quoted in
Suyutl, Itqdn, i, 36), and Kitdb al-TanzTl wa-
tartibihi ("The book of the descent and its
arrangement"), which are extant (Saleh,
Formation, 45-7, 88). His well-known stu-
dent, the Nisaburian exegete Abu Ishaq
al-Tha'labi (d. 427/1035) composed al-
Kdmilfi 'ilm al-Qur'dn ("The complete work
in the qur'anic science"); one of his most
325
TRADITIONAL DISCIPLINES
noted disciples Abu 1-Hasan al-Wahidi
(d. 468/1076) read it in liis presence
(Yaqut, Irshdd, iv, 1663; Gilliot, Exegese,
140; Saleh, Formation, 51). These tliree
books are not extant.
But tlie works of these Nisaburians were
possibly preceded by those of the
Karramites of Nisabur (Saleh, Formation,
87-8: on al-Tha'labl's fourteen hermeneuti-
cal aspects). Another testimony of their
great activity in the cjur'anic disciplines is
The book of foundations (Mabdni, in Jeffery
Muqaddimas, 5-250; Gilliot, Sciences cora-
niques) of Ibn Bistam (Abu Muhammad
Hamid b. Ahmad b. Ja'far b. Bistam al-
Tuhayrl, or al-Takhirl? Sarlfinl, Muntakhab,
211, no. 638; Gilliot, Sciences coraniques,
19-20, 59). This book on qur'anic sciences
was completed in 425/1034, as an intro-
duction to Ibn Bistam's qur'anic commen-
tary. We had previously attributed it
erroneously to Abu Muhammad Ahmad b.
Muhammad b. 'All l-'Asiml (Gilliot,
Theologie musulmane, 183) but the right
attribution has recently been definitively
establislied (Ansarl, Mulahazat-i, 80). This
KarramI tradition in qur'anic sciences,
however, is earlier and comes from the
great KarramI master of Nisabur, al-
Haklm Ibn al-Haysam al-Nabi (d. 409/
1019; van Ess, Ungeniitzte Texte, 60-74), who
had a Kitdb Fjdz al-Qur'dn ("Book on the
inimitability of the Qiir'an") and from
important elements going back to Ibn
Karram (d. 255/869) himself, as seen in the
Kitdb al-Iddh of another KarramI, Ahmad
b. Abl 'Umar al-Zahid al-Andarabi
(d. 470/1077) who was a student of Ibn
Bistam (Gilliot, Theologie musulmane,
18-19, 57-8). Al-Andarabi had also col-
lected in a manuscript written by his own
hand (extant in Mashhad, Maktaba
Ridawiyya, ms. 12405 with a iwaj/^ signed by
al-Andarabi) five books or treatises on the
qur'anic sciences pertaining to the
KarramI legacy, like Qcimdri' al-Qur'dn
("The book on the verses containing male-
dictions against Satan," copied by al-
Andarabl in 429/1038, with certificates of
audition; edited in Iran but not on the
basis of the manuscript of al-Andarabi;
Ansarl, Mulahazat-i, 69-71). The leader of
the Nisaburian Karramites at his time,
Abu Bakr 'Atlq b. Muhammad al-Surabadi
(d. 494/1101; van Ess, Ungeniitzte Texte,
73-4), composed a commentary on the
Q;Lir'an which has been edited. Numerous
manuscripts of the Karramite productivity
in the field of qur'anic sciences are extant,
above all in Iranian libraries.
Al-Baqillanl (d. 403/1013), the Maliki and
Ash'arl scholar, who lived first in Basra and
then Baghdad, was the author of Tjdz al-
Qur'dn ("The inimitability of the Qiir'an").
He also wrote [JVukat] al-Intisdr li-naql al-
Qur'dn ("The victory for the transmission of
the Qiir'an"), which contains much mate-
rial on qur'anic disciplines, such as: the
names of the Qiir'an (q.v.), sura, verse (see
FORM AND STRUCTURE OF THE QUR'an); its
transmission and arrangement (see
MANUSCRIPTS OF THE qUR'AN; MUSHAF);
refutation of the Shl'ls and others on it, the
seven aspects (al-ahruf al-sab 'a); its lan-
guage and style (see language and style
OF THE (JUr'an); the satanic verses (q.v.); its
collection (see collection of the
q^ur'an); the variants and the seven read-
ers; etc.
The Egyptian grammarian and exegete
al-Hawfl (Abu 1-Hasan 'All b. Ibrahim,
d. 430/1039) wrote a qur'anic commentary
in thirty volumes, called al-Burhdnfi tafsir
al-Qur'dn ("The proof concerning the
exegesis of the Qiir'an"; Brockelmann,
GAL, ii, 411; S i, 729; Hajjl Khalifa, Kashf ii,
46-7, no. 1794; i, 241; Yaqut, Irshdd, iv,
1343-4, ii°- 7^3) Zarkashi, Burhdn, i, 301; iii,
222). It is extant in about fifteen volumes. It
is a commentary that follows the order of
the text but with subdivisions according
to the "sciences of the Qiir'an": the syntax
TRADITIONAL DISCIPLINES
326
of the verse and its sense in tlie context (i.e.
al-napn, "the arrangement"; cf. Biqa'i,
Nairn; Suyuti, Tandsub: on the relation be-
tween the suras), then the grammatical and
lexical points, or "prononciation grammaticale"
{i'rdb; Silvestre de Sacy, Muqni', 307). Al-
Zarkashi (d. 794/1392; Burhdn, i, 301, puts
this book in the list of the best books on
that subject). This commentary treats the
meaning and the exegesis (ma'nd, tafsir) of
the verse, then issues concerning the reci-
tational pause or its impossibility (al-waqf
wa-l-itmdm), then the textual variants
(qird'dt), then, if necessary, the legal rules
(ahkdm), the occasions of revelation (asbdb
al-nuzul), the abrogation (naskh), etc.
(ZurqanI, Mandhil, i, 27-8; according to
al-ZurqanI, al-Hawfl had originally en-
titled his commentary al-BurhdnJi 'ulum
al-Qur'dn, "The proof concerning the sci-
ences of the Qiir'an").
In the fifth/eleventh century, the man of
letters and poet Abu 'Amir al-Fadl b.
Isma'll al-Tamlmi 1-Jurjani (d. after 458/
1066) wrote al-BaydnJi 'ilm/'ulum al-Qur'dn
("The exposition on the science or sciences
of the Qur'an"; Yaqut, Irshdd, 2166, 2170;
Hajjl Khalifa, Kashf, ii, 82, no. 2012). It was
probably a commentary with special em-
phasis on the philological and literary as-
pects of the Qur'an, like Durj al-durar
("The drawer of pearls"; Brockelmann,
GAL, S i, 504, op. viii) of his colleague, the
philologist and rhetorician 'Abd al-Qahir
al-Jurjani (d. 471/1078; see rhetoric and
THE q,ur'an), if the attribution of this title
to al-Jurjani is true (Hajji Khalifa, Kashf,
iii, 222, no. 5043, expresses a doubt).
The Shafi'i jurist, judge and Ash'arl
theologian of Baghdad (who was originally
from Jilan, which was noteworthy for an
Ash'ari), Shaydhala (Abu 1-Ma'ali
'Azizl/'Uzayzi b. 'Abd al-Malik al-Jlll:
d. 494/1100; Brockelmann, gal, i, 433; S i,
775; Ibn Khallikan, Wafaydt, iii, 259-60),
wrote al-BurhdnJi mushkildt al-Qur'dn ("The
proof about the difficult passages of the
Qiir'an"). Al-Suyuti [Itqdn, i, 31-2; 177-81)
puts this book on the list of handbooks on
the sciences of the Qiir'an that do not pro-
vide exhaustive coverage of the consti-
tutent topics of this discipline. It is also
quoted by al-Zarkashi, especially concern-
ing the "inimitability" (q.v.) of the Qiir'an
[Burhdn, ii, 90; iii, 375).
In the sixth/twelfth century, the
KhurasanI Shafi'i of Marw al-Rudh, al-
Zaghrdi (Muhammad b. al-Husayn al-
Aruzzi, d. 559/1164), is said to have written
a work in 400 volumes, Qayd al-awdbid,
"The fettering of the fieeing (animals)"/
"The registration of the fleeting (ideas)," a
kind of huge encyclopedia on the sciences
of exegesis, tradition, law and language,
which is not extant (Dhahabi, Siyar, xx,
492-3; Ahlwardt, Verzeichnis, i, no. 450/2;
Hajjl Khalifa, Kashf, iv, 590, no. 9688, has
"four volumes"; ed. Yaltkaya, ii, 1367 has
"400 volumes").
The Hanball polymath from Baghdad,
Ibn al-jawzl (d. 597/1201), wrote several
books on the subject, e.g. 'Ajd'ib 'ulum al-
Qur'dn ("The wonders of the sciences of
the Qiir'an"; Brockelmann, gal, i, 504,
op. 30; 'Alwajl, Mu'allafdt, no. 324), which is
edited (Gilliot, Textes arabes, in MIDEO 19,
no. 29). The title mentioned by Brockel-
mann [gal, op. 32), al-A'Iujtabdfi 'ulum al-
Qur'dn ("The selection on the sciences of
the Qur'an"), extant in one volume, deals
not only with qur'anic knowledge (like
variants), but also with other matters,
hadlth, etc. l^ Alvia]i, Mu'allafdt, no. 383).
Ibn al-jawzl also wrote an abridgment of
it, al-Mujtabd min al-mujtabd ("The selection
of the selection"; Brockelmann, gal, S i,
918, sub op. 32; 'Alwajl, Mu'allafat, no. 384).
A third work, al-AIudhish ("The marvel-
ous"), also called al-Mudhish wa-l-muhddardt
("The marvellous and the lectures," or
"The marvellous on exhortations and ser-
mons," etc.), completed in 591/1194, treats
327
TRADITIONAL DISCIPLINES
some qur'anic matters in the first chapter
(2-22), then language, hadlth, historiog-
raphy, and parenetics, such as legends of
the prophets, etc., in the remaining four
chapters (Brockelmann, gal, i, 506, op. 81;
S i, 920; Hajji Khalifa, Kashf, v, 477, no.
11704; ii, 1640; 'Alwaji, Mu'allafat, no. 329).
But the book which is the closest to the
genre of the later voluminous and exhaus-
tive handbooks on the sciences of the
Qi_ir'an, like those of al-Zarkashi and al-
Suyutl, is Ibn al-Jawzi's Funun al-afndnji
'ajci'ib 'ulum al-Qur'dn ("The disciplines of
the branches in the wonders of the sci-
ences of the Qi_ir'an"; Brockelmann, gal,
i, 504; S i, 918; 'Alwaji, Mu'allajdt, no. 167).
It is also extant with other titles like Fann
al-afndnJi 'ujiun 'uliim al-Qur'dn ("The dis-
cipline of the branches in the sources of
the sciences of the Qvir'an"). But the rela-
tion between the first and the last of these
works should be checked, taking into ac-
count the content of the different manu-
scripts of both. Finally, it should be noted
that Ibn al-jawzl, like other scholars, also
wrote separate books on various sciences of
the Qiir'an (see below; cf also Fanlsan,
Athdr al-handbila, 94-9).
In the seventh/thirteenth century at least
two handbooks were composed on the sci-
ences of the Quran: Jamdl al-qurrd' wa-
kamdl al-iqrd' ("The beauty of the Qiir'an
reciters and the perfection of the recita-
tion"; Gilliot, Textes arabes, in MIDEO 19,
no. 24) by 'Alam al-Din al-SakhawI
(d. 643/1246). It is divided into ten books:
the sflras and verses of the Qur'an; its in-
imitability; its meritorious qualities; its
divisions; the number of its verses; non-
canonical variants; abrogation; readers and
readings; recitation (tajwid); pause and be-
ginning (al-waqf wa-l-ibtidd'). It is one of
the sources of another handbook: al-Mur-
shid al~wajiz ild 'ulum tata'allaq bi-l-kitdb al-
'aziz ("The brief guide to sciences
connected with the august book"; Hajjl
Khalifa, Kashf, v, 494, no. ii,8oi) by the
Damascene historian Abu Shama al-
MaqdisI (d. 665/1267); it falls in six chap-
ters: revelation (nuzul), collection, seven
modes (ahruj), recognized readings, irregu-
lar readings, and useful sciences of the
Qur'an.
The eighth/fourteenth century witnessed
the most complete handbook on the sub-
ject yet produced: al-BurhdnJi 'ulum al-
Qur'dn ("The proof concerning the sciences
of the Qiir'an") of the Egyptian Badr al-
Dln al-Zarkashi (d. 794/1392). It was made
up of forty-seven chapters (Brockelmann,
GAL, ii, 91-2; S ii, 108, op. 20; Anawati,
Textes arabes, in mlveo 4, no. 18; no. 15 in
MIDEO 6).
The work of the Andalusian Ibn Juzayy
al-Kalbl 1-GharnatI (d. 741/1340), entitled
al-Taslul li-'ulum al-tanztl ("The facilitation
in the sciences of revelation"), is a com-
mentary, but with a long introduction on
these sciences (op. cit., i, 4-29). Another
book, al-Durr al-masunji 'ulum/'ilm al-kitdb
al-maknun ("The protected pearls on the
sciences or science of the covered book")
of al-SamIn (or Ibn al-SamIn) al-Halabi
(d. 756/1355), which has been edited in six
volumes, is in fact a commentary limited to
grammatical and lexical explanations sup-
ported by numerous poetical quotations
(see POETRY AND POETs). For this reason it
is also called I'rdb al-Samin ("The gram-
matical commentary of al-SamIn";
Brockelmann, gal, ii, iii; S ii, 137-8, op. i;
Hajjl Khalifa, Kashf, iii, 190, no. 4870).
The genre thrived in the ninth/fifteenth
century, a century that can be called the
century of the great handbooks on the
qur'anic sciences. Thus we have the author
of a well-known Arabic dictionary (al-
Qamus), al-Flruzabadi (d. 817/1415), writing
his Basd'ir dhawT l-tamjizfi latd'f al-kitdb
al-'aziZ ("Insights of those having discern-
ment in the subtleties of the holy book").
Then Mawdqi' al-'ulu7nfi mawqi' al-nujiim
TRADITIONAL DISCIPLINES
328
("The positions of tlie sciences in relation
to the places from wliicli the stars set") is
written by the Egyptian Jalal al-Din 'Abd
al-Raliman al-Bulcpni (d. 824/1421;
Brockelmann, gal, ii, 112; S ii, 139). This
title is inspired by the concept of nazu.1/
tanzll (descent) whicli is one of the terms
used for the Islamic concept of "revela-
tion." The book of Bulqini, together with
that of al-Zarkashi, is one of the numerous
sources of the Itqan of al-SuyutI who was a
student of the former's younger brother
Alam al-Din al-Bulqini (Hajji Khalifa,
Kashf,vi, 233-4, '^°- I3)35i> Suyuti, Itqdn, i,
17-18, with the introduction of al-Bulqinl;
id., Tahblr, 27-8).
The Hanafi of Bergama who settled in
Cairo, Muhammad b. Sulayman al-
Kafiyaji (d. 879/1474; Brockelmann, GAL,
ii, 144-5, "/*• 1)5 ^'^^ °f al-Suyutl's teachers,
wrote a small handbook entitled al-TaysTrfi
qawd'id 'Urn al-tafsir ("The facilitation of the
principles of the science of exegesis"),
which was completed in 856/1452. It is said
that the author "was very proud of his
book, thinking that nobody had produced
such a good one before him. But he had
probably not seen al-Burhdn ("The proof")
of Zarkashi, otherwise he would have been
ashamed" (Hajji Khalifa, Kashf, ii, 487, no.
3813). It is divided into two chapters: i.
The technical terms of the qur'anic sci-
ences necessary for exegesis. 2. The rules of
exegesis and various related questions.
The Egyptian polymath Jalal al-Din al-
Suyutl (d. 911/1505) succeeded in writing
the most complete handbook on the genre.
When he read the book of his master al-
Kafiyaji on the sciences of the Qiir'an, he
was disappointed. Then he read the
Mawdqi' oi Jalal al-Din al-BulqIni, as per
the advice of the brother of the author, his
own master, 'Alam al-Din al-BulqInl; he
found it to be informative and well-
organized, but thought it needed to be
completed on a large number of important
points and to be reorganized. He thus
compiled al-TahbirJi 'Urn al-tafsir ("The re-
finement of the science of exegesis"; often
called al-Takhbir, "The index"; Hajji
Khalifa, Kashf, ii, 248, no. 2729), which was
written in 872/1467-8, in 102 chapters
(Suyuti, Itqdn, i, 16-23). Still unsatisfied, he
wanted to do better and to write an ex-
haustive work. At this point, he discovered
al-Zarkashl's Burhdn, which pleased him
greatly. He decided to reorganize it in a
better way, and to add chapters and ques-
tions to it. This resulted in his writing al~
Itqdn ji 'ulum al-Qur'dn ("The perfection of
the sciences of the Qiir'an"; Itqdn, i, 23-31),
which was completed in 878/1474, in
eighty chapters, as an introduction to his
major qur'anic commentary, Alajma' al-
bahrayn wa-matla' ai-badrajin, which he had
already begun (Ahlwardt, Verzeichnis, i, no.
423, on the genesis of the Itqdn; Brockel-
mann, GAL, ii, 144; S ii, 179, op. i). In spite
of the smaller volume of the Burhdn, it con-
tains things which are not in the Itqdn.
Before his Itqdn, al-SuyutI had written
Mu'tarak al-aqrdnji ijdz al-Qur'dn ("The
gymnasium of the equal [plurivocal words]
about the inimitability of the Qiir'an";
Hajji Khalifa, Kashf, v, 620, no. 12,346), on
the rhetorical and stylistic aspects of the
Qiir'an. Although it does not deal with all
the sciences of the Qiir'an, this book has
numerous chapters in common with the
Itqdn (e.g. Itqdn chapters 22-'] / Mu'tarak
chapter 10; 37-8/13; 43/9; 44/11; 45/14;
47/8; 48/7; 55/12; 60/5; 62/4; 63/6; 65/1;
67/29; 68/30, etc.).
The Shafi'l Sufi of Damascus, Ibn 'Arraq
(Muhammad b. Ahmad b. 'Abd al-
Rahman, d. 933/1526) wrote a kind of
anthology in 138 folios entitled Jawharat
al-ghawwds wa-tuhfat ahl al-ikhtisds
(Brockelmann, gal, ii, 332, op. i; Ahlwardt,
Verzeichnis, i, no. 427), on the sciences of the
Qiir'an, the Prophet, legends, the Com-
panions, and mystical notions. In it he
329
TRADITIONAL DISCIPLINES
copied Ibn al-Jawzi's Risdlaji 'Urn al-
mawd'i^ ("Treatise on tlie science of reli-
gious exhortations"; Brockelniann, gal,
S i, 919, op. 75a; 'Alwaji, Mu'allajdt, no. 168,
not extant apart from tliis ms.), in four
chapters: sciences of the Qvir'an, Qiir'an
and philology, the sciences of tradition,
historiography. He also copied Radd ma "dm
al-djdt al-mutashdbihdt, or Radd al-mutashdbih
ild l-muhkam ("The meanings of the
ambiguous passages of the Qiir'an") by
al-Labban al-MisrI (d. 749/1349; Brockel-
mann, GAL, i, iii, op. 3; Ahlwardt,
Verzeichnis, i, no. 716). Ibn 'Arraq followed
this with his own Mawh al-qulub ("The
intention of the heart") on the Prophet and
Companions, etc., which has nothing to do
with qur'anic sciences, and then included a
small treatise on special qur'anic expres-
sions coming from dialects (q.v.), according
to the order of the suras (ff. 14-30), trans-
mitted by Abu Tahir al-Silafi (d. 576/1 180),
in 572/1176, which is in reality Kitdb Lughdt
al-Qur'dn ("The dialectal expressions in the
Qtir'an"), attributed to Ibn 'Abbas, trans-
mitted to al-Silafi by al-Wazzan (Rippin,
Ibn 'Abbas, 19; Biqa'l, Kitdb Lughdt al-
Qur'dn, 137-8). Ibn 'Arraq ends his collec-
tion with Sufi explanations of a himdred
qur'anic expressions, drawn from the be-
ginning of the qur'anic commentary writ-
ten by Abu 1- 'Abbas al-Buni (d. 622/1225;
Brockelmann, gal, i, 497-8).
In his Adiftdh al-sa'dda wa-misbdh al-siyddaji
mawdu'dt al-'ulum ("The key of happiness
and the lamp of mastership on the subjects
of the sciences"), an encyclopedic bio-bib-
liographical work on the classification of
the sciences, Abu 1-Khayr 'Tashkubrizadah
(d. 968/1561) devotes the sixth chapter to
the legal sciences (vol. ii), i.e. Qtir'an,
hadith and law (fiqh), in which the qur'anic
sciences receive considerable attention:
exegesis of the Qiir'an, particularly the
books written about this discipline (ii,
62-128); the branches of the [variant] read-
ings [furu' al-qird'dt; 369-77); the branches
of exegesis [furu' al-tafsir; 380-595). That
means that for him most of the qur'anic
sciences center on exegesis. Others con-
sider them to be studies about the Qtir'an,
except those devoted to "the meanings
(ma'dni) and exegesis (tafsir) of its verses"
(UQM, i, 9).
The writing of handbooks on qur'anic
sciences continued in the following cen-
turies, until the present day. We have thus
Mahdsin al-ta'wil ("The beauties of exege-
sis") of Jamal al-Din al-Qasimi (d. 19 14),
which is a qur'anic commentary containing
much information on the sciences of the
Qiir'an; Tibjdn al-furqdnji 'ulum al-Qur'dn
("The exposition of the discrimination of
the sciences of the Qiir'an") of the
Damascene Tahir al-Jaza'iri (d. 1920);
Mandhil al-'irjdnji 'ulum al-Qur'dn ("The
springs of the knowledge of the sciences of
the Qiir'an") of the Azhari scholar of the
first half of the twentieth century,
Muhammad 'Abd al-'AzIm al-Zurqani,
published in 1943, and quoted by some
scholars as a source, although it is devoid
of references; Alanhaj al-furqdn fi 'ulum al-
Qur'dn ("The method of the discrimination
of the sciences of the Qur'an") of M.'A.
Salama; Fi 'ulum al-qird'dt ("On the sciences
of the qur'anic readings") of S.R. al-Tawil,
etc. And recently an anonymous collection
was published under the title 'Ulum al-
Qur'dn 'inda l-mufassirin ("The sciences of
the Qur'an according to the exegetes,"
which has been abbreviated to uqm in this
article) in three volumes, and also al-Tamhid
fi 'ulum al-Qur'dn ("The facilitation of the
sciences of the Qur'an") of Ayatollah
Muhammad Hadi Ma'rifa.
It should be also noted that several
exegetes wrote introductions to their com-
mentaries which include different aspects
of the sciences of the Qur'an {uQM, i, 12),
e.g. al-Tabari (d. 310/923; TafsTr, i, 3-110;
Eng. trans, i, 5-51); al-Tha'labi (d. 427/
TRADITIONAL DISCIPLINES
330
1035; Kashf, i, 73-87); al-Tusi (d. 460/1067;
Tibydn, i, i-2i); Raghib al-Isfaham (d. prob.
502/1108; Muqadimma to his Jdmi' al-tqfastr,
27-109); Ibn 'Atiyya al-AndalusI (d. 541/
1 147; Muharrar, i, 33-57; Jeffery, Muqaddimas,
251-94); al-Shahrastanl (d. 548/1153;
Majdtih al-asrdr, i, f. i'-27'; Monnot,
Introduction); al-Tabarsi (d. 548/1153;
Majma', i, 17-34); al-Qvirtnbl (d. 671/1273;
Jdmi', i, 1-107); Nizam al-Din al-Hasan b.
Muhammad b. al-Husayn al-Nlsaburi 1-
A'raj (d. after 730/1329; TafsTr, i, 1-48;
Gilliot, Exegese, 142-3, with reference to
the studies of Monnot); Ibn Juzayy (d. 741/
1340; Tashil, i, 4-29); Abu Hayyan al-
Gharnati (d. 745/1344, Bahr, i, 3-14:
sources, masters and disciplines of exege-
sis); Ibn Kathir (d. 774/1373; Fadd'il, as an
independent book but also as a part of his
commentary in some manuscripts (at the
end; Fadd'il, 3-4; and perhaps in some edi-
tions); however, the introduction of the
Tafsir (i, 11-18) is different from that in his
Fadd'il; al-Biqa'i (d. 885/1480; Masd'id, i,
97-478); Malimud al-Alusi (d. 1854; Ruh, i,
22-85), ^t'-- Some scholars, however, con-
sidered a general introduction, without
detailed treatment of the qur'anic sources,
to be sufficient, while others woidd write a
few pages on the necessity of exegesis, e.g.
al-Maturidl (d. 333/944, Ta'mTldt, ed.
Juburi, 5-6; ed. Vanioglu, i, 3-4: on tafsir
and ta'wil), Abu 1-Layth al-Samarqandi
(d. 373/983; Tafsir, i, 71-113), or al-Mawardi
(d. 450/1058; Mukat, i, 23-43), o'^ 'h^ names
of the Qur'an, the sura, the seven aspects
(ahruf), "inimitability" and exegesis.
We should also mention the great books
of traditions (hadith), many of which have
a "chapter on exegesis" (Kitdb al-Tafslr), e.g.
Sa'id b. Mansur al-KhurasanI (d. 227/842;
in his Sunan, ii-iv, up to q 5); al-Bukhari
(d. 256/870; in his Sahih, ill, 193-390
[bk. 65]; Fr. trans, ill, 249-519); Ibn Hajar,
in his Fath (viii, 155-744); Muslim
(d. 251/875; Saluh, iv, 2312-23 [bk. 54]); al-
Nasa'i (d. 303/915; in his Sunan, vi, 282-526
[bk. 82]); Hakim al-Nisaburl (d. 405/1014;
in his Mustadrak, ii, 220-541), etc. Many of
them also have a Fadd'il al-Qur'dn ("Book
on the meritorious qualities of the
Qiir'an"), e.g. Sa'ld b. Mansur, in his Sunan
(i, 7-232), one of the sources of al-Suyuti
{Itqdn, i, 48); Ibn Abl Shayba (d. 235/849,
in hia Musannaf Vi, 117-56 [bk. 22]); al-
Bukhari, in his Sahih (iii, 391-410 [bk. 66];
Fr. trans, iii, 520-43); Ibn Hajar, in his Fath
(ix, 3-103); Muslim, in his Sahih (iv, 543-66,
within book 6, on the prayer of the travel-
ers; see PRAYER formulas); al-Nasa'l, in
his Sunan (v, 3-34 [bk. 75], or in an inde-
pendent book such as Hakim al-Nisaburl,
Mustadrak, ii, 220-57, i.e. at the beginning of
Kitdb al-Tafsir).
A survey of qur'anic sciences based on the Itqan
of al-Suyuti
Of course, before handbooks covering
"all" qur'anic disciplines were compiled
and written, independent works on each of
these qur'anic disciplines were already in
circidation. Yet we still have no exhaustive
study, either in Arabic or in other lan-
guages, on the genesis and development of
each of the so-called "qur'anic sciences or
disciplines." We shall thus attempt to pro-
vide here some ordering of this topic,
based on the chapters of al-Suyuti's Itqdn,
and to give a brief chronological survey of
books written on some of these disciplines
(Nolin's Itqdn and its sources is be used with
caution because it contains many mistakes
in proper names and titles as well as other
errors). The eighty chapters of the Itqdn
can be divided into nine sections (Suyuti-
Balhan, Revelation, 23-9; for all these dis-
ciplines, see also Tashkubrlzadah, Miftdh,
380-595).
I. Where and how the Qur'dn was sent down
(inzdl, tanzil, nuzul; Gilliot, Le Goran, fruit
d'lm travail coUectif?): i. What was sent
331
TRADITIONAL DISCIPLINES
down in Mecca (q.v.) or in Medina (q.v.;
UQM, i, 303-20). 'Izz al-Din al-Dlrim
(d. 697/1297; Brockelmann, GAL, i, 451-2,
op. 3; Ahlwardt, Verzeichnis, i, no. 466-7)
wrote a poem of thirty-three verses, Fi
tartib nuzul al-Qur'dn al-'azTm, on the
arrangement of the suras according to the
place of their revelation. The question was
also treated by the Maliki Makkl b. Abi
Talib al-Qaysi 1-Qayrawani 1-Andalu.sI
(d. 437/1045), but al-Suyuti (Itqdn, i, 36)
does not include the title of his book. The
interpolation of Medinan verses into
Meccan suras is treated in this discipline
(Nagel, Einschube, according to Ibn 'Abd
al-Kafi's [d. after 400/1009] book without
a tide).
What was sent down: 2. At home or on a
journey (or during a campaign; Hajji
Khalifa, Kashf, i, 75 no. 4358; see expe-
ditions AND battles). 3. During the day
or at night. 4. In the summer or in the win-
ter (see seasons). 5. In bed and while sleep-
ing (see DREAMS AND SLEEP; VISION). 6.
On the earth (q.v.) or in the sky. 7. First
revealed, chronologically, either generally
or on a particular subject (e.g. on wine
[q.v] or food; see food and drink;
sustenance). 8. Last revealed.
9. The occasions of revelation. It is said
that the earliest book on this subject was
composed by 'All b. al-Madini (d. 264/849;
Sezgin, gas, i, 108; Suyuti, Itqdn, i, 177), but
al-Tafsil li-asbdb al-tanzil, attributed to
Maymun b. Mihran (d. 117/735), although
probably a later redaction with material
coming from him, is extant in manuscript
(introduction of the edition of Ibn
Hajar, 'ZT/V/A, i, 80, with a list of twenty-two
titles on this subject, 80-4).
10. Revelations (literally "descent") which
coincided with the speech of one of the
Companions. 11. Revelations which were
repeated. 12. Revelations containing legal
rules which were not applied immediately
or revelations which were revealed after
the application of a legal rule. 13. What
was sent down in fragments or as a whole
(jum'an). 14. What was sent down accom-
panied (by angels; see angel) or unaccom-
panied. 15. What had (already) been sent
down to a prophet or was not sent down
before the Prophet. 16. The modalities of
the revelation (trans. Suyuti-Balhan,
Revelation, 30-88).
II. Its edition: 17. The names of the Qiir'an
[uQM, i, 21-52) and of the suras [vqm, i,
321-34): In Shaydhala Abu 1-Ma'ali 'Azizl's
(d. 494/1100) al-Burhdn Ji miishkildt al-Qur'dn
("The proof about the difficult passages of
the Qiir'an"), it has fifty-five names [Itqdn,
i, 178-81). 18. Its collection [jam'; UQM, i,
335-412; Gilliot, Le Coran, fruit d'un tra-
vail coUectif?, 195-9, °'^ Zayd b. Thabit; on
its collection and the problem of its fal-
sification from a Shi'i point of view, see
Amln, Dd'irat, ix, 122-8) and arrangement
[tartib; Gilliot, Traditions). 19. The number
of its suras and verses (Pretzl, Koran-
lesung, 239-41, for both; Noldeke, gq, iii,
237-8: verses; Amln, Dd'irat, ix, 133a: 6236
verses), words and letters.
III. Its transmission: 20. Those who have
memorized (Gilliot, Traditions) or trans-
mitted it (see memory). 21-27. The char-
acter of the various chains of authorities
[isndds) through which the different
qur'anic readings (variants) were transmit-
ted (Noldeke, gq, iii, 116-231: readings,
readers and books; Pretzl, Koranlesung,
17-47, 230-45; books: Hajji Khalifa, Kashf,
iv, 506-8).
On readings and readers: Mahdawl
(d. after 430/1039), Baydn (justification of
the different readings); Andarabi (d. 470/
1077), Qird'dt. On the seven canonical read-
ings: Ibn Mujahid (d. 324/936), Sab'a; Ibn
Khalawayh (d. 370/980), Hujja; Abu
Mansur al-Azharl (d. 370/980), Ma'dm
l-qird'dt; Abu 'All 1-FarisI (d. 377/987),
TRADITIONAL DISCIPLINES
332
Hujja; Abu 1-Tayyib b. Ghalbun (d. 389/
999), Istikmdl; Ibn Shurayh al-Ru'ayni
1-Ishblli (d. 476/1083), al-KdJi; Ibn Siwar
al-Baghdadi (d. 496/1 103), Mustamr; Ibn
al-Badhish al-GharnatI (d. 540/1145;
Pretzl, Koranlesung, 28-9, no. 11: where leg.
Badhish, not Badhash), Iqnd', held in high
esteem by Abu Hayyan al-GharnatI [Bahr,
i, 1. 11-12). On the eight (see their names
and ways of transmission in Gilliot, Textes,
in MIDEO 25-6, no. 78), i.e. the seven ca-
nonical readers and Ya'qub b. Isliaq al-
Hadraml (d. 205/82 1): Ibn Ghalbun
(Tahir, d. 399/1009, the son of the previ-
ous Ibn Ghalbun), Tadhkira; AhwazI
(d. 446/1055), Wajiz, 63-76 (Kohlberg,
Medieval Muslim, no. 643); Abu Ma'shar
al-Tabari (d. 478/1085), Talkhu. On the ten
readings: Abu Bakr b. Mihran (d. 381/991),
Ghdya; id., Mabsut, which is a commentary
on his larger work, al-ShdmilJi l-qird'dt al-
'ashr (not extant); Makkl b. Abi Talib,
Tabsira; Abu l-'Izz al-WasitI 1-Q_alanisi
(d. 521/1127; Pretzl, Koranlesung, 40,
no. 28), Irshdd; Ibn al-Jazari (d. 833/1429),
Nashr, i, 2-192, with a list of books on read-
ings in general. On the fourteen readings
and ways of transmission: Banna' al-
Dimyati (d. 11 17/1705), Ihtdf, i, 75-9 (see
Khatib, Mujam al-qird'dt; Hamdan,
Koranlesung; id., Nichtkanonische Lesarten;
Muhaysin, Qird'dt, on the influence of the
readings on Arabic grammar and philol-
ogy; Gilliot, Ell, 135-64). Of course, most
qur'anic commentaries quote a great num-
ber of variants, but this is done above all
by the great Andalusian grammarian Abu
Hayyan al-GharnatI (d. 745/1344) in al-
BaJir al-muhit (see Khan, Lahjdt, a study on
this commentary).
On the differences in the consonantal
ductus between the so-called "codex of
'Uthman" and other codices we have: Ibn
Abu Dawud (d. 316/929), Masdhif; Ibn al-
Anbarl, MarsUm al-khatt; id., al-Masdhif
(Sezgin, gas, ix, 147, op. 7, one of the
sources for al-SuyutI, e.g. Itqdn, ii, 320); id.,
al-Radd 'aid man khdlafa mushaf 'Uthman
(SuyutI, Itqdn, ii, 322; Sezgin, gas, ix, 147,
op. 6); Ibn Ashta (d. 360/971), al-Masdhif
(not extant; one of the sources of al-
Suyutl, Itqdn, chapter 18, i, 205; chapter 41,
ii, 323-4, 327-9); Abu 1- 'Abbas al-MahdawI,
Hijd'; Ibn al-Banna' al-'Adadi 1-Marrakushi
(d. 721/1321), 'Unwdn; Farmawi, Rasm al-
mushaf; Qannawjl, ^A/W, ii, 299; Hamad,
Rasm al-mushaf.
IV. Its recitation: for all forms of pronuncia-
tion (Silvestre de Sacy, Alcoran, 76-110;
Hamad, Dirdsdt sawtiyja) we have DanI
(d. 444/1053), TaysTr (summarized in Pretzl,
Koranlesung, 291-331); Makkl b. Abi Talib,
Ri'dya. 28. The pause and the "beginning"
[al-wa(if wa-l-ibtidd'/ al-i'tindf, called also
al-Maqdti' wa-l-mabddi', the title of the book
of Ibn Mihran, which is not extant;
Noldeke, gq, iii, 234-7; Pretzl, Koran-
lesung, 234-8; Silvestre de Sacy, Repos de
voix; id., Pauses). 29. The exposition of
what is connected (mawsdl) according to
the wording but separated (mafsul) in
meaning. 30. Vocalic inflexion of a [imdla;
Noldeke, gq, iii, 197, 37; Pretzl, Koran-
lesung, 318-26; Griinert, Imala). 31-33.
Other phenomena of pronunciation
(Pretzl, Koranlesung, 293-318). 34-35. On
memorization and the learning of reading
(tildwa) and recitation [tajwid; Noldeke, gq,
iii, 231-4; Pretzl, Koranlesung, 232-4, 290-1).
V. Its linguistic aspects: 36. Uncommon or
rare words or words acquiring special
meaning in particular contexts (all of this is
called gharib; Hajjl Khalifa, Kashf, iv,
322-32: Science of the lexical rarities of
Qiir'an and hadlth). Lists on that subject
had been established very early or attrib-
uted to early scholars (Rippin, Ibn 'Abbas's
Gharib al-Qur'dn; id., Ibn 'Abbas's al-Lughdt
Ji l-Qur'dn; Neuwirth, Der Koran, 125-6). A
list of eighty-five titles, including, however,
also some A/a'anr ("meanings") al-Qur'dn
titles, has been collected (Mar'ashll, in-
333
TRADITIONAL DISC. IPLINES
troduction to Makkl b. Abi Talib, 'Umda,
19-37). Very early in Islam the vocabularly
of ancient poetry was used to explain
words of the Qiir'an, as evidenced by the
Responsa to the Khariji Nafi' b. al-Azraq
(see KHARljis) attributed to Ibn 'Abbas
(d. 69/688), which were collected in vari-
ous versions (SuyutI, Itqdn, ii, 67-105;
Masd'ilJVafi' b. al-Azraq; Neuwirth, Die
Masd'il; Gilliot, Textes, in mideo 23 [1997],
no. 44, with bibliography).
37. Words that are not in accordance with
the manner of speaking (lugha) of the
Hijaz. 38. Words that do not pertain to the
Arabic language (see foreign vocab-
tiLARY). 39. Polysemy/homonymy and syn-
onymy (al-wujuh wa l-nazd'ir). Under al-
wujuh wa-l-na^dn should be listed kinds of
concordances of the Qiir'an, such as:
Muqatil, Ashbdh; Harun b. Musa (d. 170/
786), Wujuh; Yahya b. Sallam (d. 200/815),
Tasdnf; DamaghanI, Wujuh; Ibn al-jawzl,
Nuzha; Samin, 'Umda, one of the best in
this genre.
40. Knowledge of the particles, letters
and special words (adawdt, huruf, etc.) which
is necessary for the exegete fUmayra and
al-Sayyid, Mu'jam al-adawdt wa l-damd'ir Ji
l-Qur'dn; Sharif, Mu'jam huruf al-ma'dniji
l-Qur'dn). 41. Case and mood [i'rdb; Hajjl
Khalifa, Kashf, i, 352-7, no. 926; Qannawji,
Abjad, ii, 80-2; Shantarlnl, Tanbih al-albdb).
Among the books on this subject men-
tioned by al-Suyuti {Itqdn, ii, 309, partly
repeating, as usual, al-Zarkashi, Burhdn, i,
301): Makkl (d. 437/1047), Mushkil; al-
Hawfl (d. 430/1039) who had a book in ten
volumes on this subject; Abu 1-Baqa' al-
'Ukbarl (d. 616/1219), Tibjdn; al-SamIn
al-Halabi (d. 756/1355), Durr, also called
I'rdb al-Samin; the commentary (Bahr) of
Abu Hayyan al-GharnatI, which contains
much on i'rdb. 42. The morphological rules
(Gilliot, Elt, 165-203), e.g. the pronouns,
masculine and feminine, affirmation and
negation, singular and plural, false syn-
onymy, question and answer, etc.
VI. Its normative (legal) aspect: 43. Clear and
ambiguous or similar verses (al-Kisa'l,
d. 189/805, Mutashdbih; al-Khatib al-Iskafi,
d. 421/1030, Durrat al-tanzil; al-KirmanI,
d. ca. 500/1106, Burhdn, which includes a
list of books on the subject, 61-4; Hajjl
Khalifa, Kashf, V, 370, no. 11350-1; UQM, ill,
11-165). 44. Anteposition (muqaddamj and
postposition (mu'akhkhar) . 45. General and
particular. 46. Synoptic or ambiguous
(mujmal) and elucidated or clear (mubajyan).
47. Abrogating and abrogated. 48. What
poses a problem (mushkil; Hajjl Khalifa,
Kashf, V, 559-60, no. 12,093-16) and suggests
disagreement (ikhtildf) or contradiction.
The grammarian Qiitrub (d. 206/82 1) is
said to have written a book on this subject;
it is probably Kitdb Qutrubf ?nd sa'ala 'anhu
l-mulhidun min dy al-Qur'dn (Sezgin, gas, viii,
65); Ibn Qiitayba (d. 276/889) composed
Ta'wTl mushkil al-Qur'dn ("The interpreta-
tion of the difficult passages [q.v.] of the
Qiir'an"). 49. Absolute and restricted
statements (mutlaq, muqayyad). 50.
Expressed or understood statements
(mantuq, mafhum).
Special books on the legal content or the
exegesis of the legal verses of the Qiir'an
have been composed, and are entitled
Ahkdm al-Qur'dn ("The legal rules of the
Qiir'an"; Hajjl Khalifa, Kashf, i, 173-4,
no. 156). The following book should be
added to our list (see Gilliot, Exegesis,
113-14): Ibn Faras al-GharnatI (d. 599/
1202), Ahkdm al-Qur'dn (Brockelmann,
GAL, S i, 734; SuyutI, Itqdn, i, 49, 54,
etc.).
VII. Its rhetorical and stylistic aspects and its
inimitability: 51-64 (see also literature
AND THE C)UR'an).
VIII. Various aspects: stylistic again, the
proper names in the Qiir'an, its meritori-
ous qualities (fadd'il), the writing of the
Qiir'an, etc. 65. Knowledge drawn from
the Qiir'an. 66. The parables (amthdl).
TRADITIONAL DISCIPLINES
334
Mawardi (d. 450/1058) has collected these
parables in al-Amthdl wa-l-hikam (see also
Ibn al-'Arabi, Qanun, 261-96). 67. The
oaths (q.v.). 68. Dialectic, argumentation
and polemics (jadal): according to al-
Suyuti [Itqdn, iv, 60), Snlayman 'Abd
al-Qawi 1-Tufi (d. 716/1316) wrote a book
on this topic. 69. The proper names.
70. The unidentified individtials
[al-mubham; Hajji Khalifa, Kashf, v, 367, no.
II, 342-3): Snhayli, d. 581/1185, Ta'rif; Ibn
'Askar of Malaga, d. 636/1239, Takmil {cor-
rect Suyuti, Itqdn, iv, 93, and Stiyutl,
Mujhamdt, 7, both of which have errone-
ously Ibn "Asakir"); Snyuti, ATuJJiamdt. In
numerous cases this discipline is related to
the occasions of revelations. 71. The names
of those upon/about whom the Qiir'an
was sent down (cf. chapters 70 and 9).
In the literature numerous books were
written on this topic, in particular concern-
ing 'All, the subsequent imams (see imam),
and the family of the Prophet (Kohlberg,
Medieval Muslim, no. 83, 107-8, 149, 488,
623). But deciphering anonymous and
obscure expressions to uncover them (tayin
al-mubham, tasmiya) was also a focus of
interest during the earlier stage of Shi'i
exegesis on "positive" and "negative"
verses, the former referring to members of
the Prophet's family, the latter to enemies
like Abu Bakr, 'Umar, or 'A'isha (see
'a'isha bint abi bakr), e.g. on (^ 15:44
(Bar-Asher, Scripture, 106-10; Amir-
Moezzi, Guide, 217-20; Amir-Moezzi and
Jambet, Qu'est-ce que le chiisme, 91-3); also
with words and expressions which are not
in the 'Uthmanic text, for both positive and
negative verses: c) 2:225; 4:63, 65-6; 20:115;
33:71; 42:13 (Amir-Moezzi and Jambet,
Qu'est-ce que le chiisme, 92-3).
72. The meritorious cjualities of the
Qiir'an (Fadd'il al-Qiir'dn, see also above
and below).
73. The best of the Qiir'an and what
makes it so (afdal, jadil; Hajji Khalifa, Kashf,
i, 373, no. 1022). This issue is a matter of
disagreement among scholars: al-Ash'ari,
Ibn Hibban (d. 354/965), al-Baqillani,
probably already Malik b. Anas (d. 179/
795), etc., did not find this topic acceptable.
They argued that since the Qtir'an is the
speech (q.v.) of God (see WORD of odd),
everything in it is excellent. Yet, others did
discuss this topic: Ishaq b. Rahawayh
(d. 238/853), al-Ghazali (Jawdhir, 37-8), Abu
Bakr b. al-'Arabi [Qdnun, 230-40, on Q i
and 112, also referring to al-Ghazall), etc.
74. Selected passages (mufraddt) of the
Qiir'an. This chapter is connected with the
previous one, but instead of saying "the
best of...," it discusses expression(s) or
verse(s) that are "the most sought" (arjd),
for one reason or another. 75. Its prophy-
lactic and propitiatory properties (khawdss).
According to the Itqdn, al-Tamlmi wrote
Khawdss al-Qur'dn. He was a physician of
Jerusalem called Abu 'Abdallah al-Tamlmi
(d. last quarter of the fourth/tenth cen-
tury; Hajji Khalifa, Kashf, ill, 180, no. 4814;
Sezgin, GAS, iii, 318, op. 2: Mandfi' khawdss
al-Qur'dn). Al-Ghazall also wrote a book on
the subject [Kitdb al-Dhahab al-abraz [al-
ibnzl fi asrdr khawdss kitdb Allah al-'azizi cf
Bouyges, Chronologic, 127-8, no. 199).
76. The calligraphic form [marsum al-khatt;
see ORTHOGRAPHY OF THE our'an) and
the discipline of writing the Qiir'an.
Among those who wrote on this subject,
al-SiiyutI mentions the treatises of al-DanI
on orthography (Aluqni'; Silvestre de Sacy,
Miiqni') and "punctuation" [Nacjt; Silvestre
de Sacy, Memoire, 320-49; id., Traite de
ponctuation; id., De differents traites); Ibn
Wathlq al-Ishblll (d. 654/1256), J'amr; Ibn
al-Banna' al-Marrakushi, 'Unwdn (see
above, chapters 21-7).
IX. Exegesis and exegetes (chapters 77-80; see
GiUiot, Exegesis; add: Amir-Moezzi and
Jambet, Qu'est-ce que le chiisme, 139-74: on
symbolic interpretation, ta'wTl, in Shi'ism;
VOM, iii, 169-587; French translation of
passages of several commentaries in
335
TRADITIONAL DISC. IPLINES
Borrmans, Commentaire): The early com-
mentator Yahya b. Sallam (d. 200/815) had
hsted twelve qualities (khasla) requisite for
the exegete, namely the knowledge of what
is Meccan and Medinan, the abrogating
and the abrogated, the anteposition and
the postposition, what is separated (mac/tu')
and what is connected [mawsul; cf. SuyutI,
Itqdn, chap. 29), the particidar and the gen-
eral, ellipsis (idmdr) and the Arabic lan-
guage (that is, the technical knowledge of
this language; Ibn Abi Zamanin, d. 399/
1008, Tafsn; i, 114).
It can be said that al-Zarkashl's Burhdn
and al-Suyutl's Itqdn represent the result of
centuries of Islamic studies on the Qiir'an.
Up to the present day they remain the
main sources, especially the Itqdn, for those
who write "new" handbooks in Arabic on
the sciences of the Qvir'an, e.g. Qattan,
Mabdhith, a sort of abridgment of the Itqdn,
also to a certain extent Salih, Alabdhith.
Final remarks
It should be emphasized that several au-
thors have written much on various
qur'anic sciences, e.g. the reader and gram-
marian of Kufa, al-Kisa'l (d. 189/805), was
the author of more than ten books on
qur'anic philology (Sezgin, gas, ix, 130-1),
and materials from his Ma'dni l-Qur'dn have
been recently collected. One of his stu-
dents, the grammarian and author of
Ma'dni l-Qur'dn, al-Farra' (d. 207/822),
wrote several other books on cjur'anic phi-
lology (Sezgin, gas, ix, 133). The gram-
marian Ibn Khalawayh (d. 370/980) wrote
some fifty books, five of which were on
qur'anic disciplines (see the introduction of
'Uthaymin to I'rdb at-qird'dt, i, 62-85).
Makkl b. Abu Talib (d. 437/1045) pro-
duced about 100 books, sixty-seven per-
taining to qur'anic sciences. These include
twenty-five on the readings, a qur'anic
commentary in seventy ajzd' (al-HiddyaJi
bulugh al-nihdya), another in fifteen volumes
[mujallads; Mushkil al-ma'dni wa-l-tafsir), a
book on recitation (Ri'dja), several on the
pause, etc. (Mar'ashli, ed. of Makkl, 'Umda,
50-4). Among the more than forty books
that Abu 'Amr al-Dani (d. 444/1053) com-
posed, twenty-nine were on qur'anic sci-
ences, of which fifteen were on readings or
readers, others on qur'anic philology, like
al-Idghdm al-kabir ("The great book of as-
similation in the Qiir'an"), Tahdid (on reci-
tation; see the introduction of the edition
of Muktajd, 35-42; introduction to Naqt,
15-19, listing only twenty-eight books).
Ahwazi (d. 446/1055) wrote some thirty
books (introduction to Wajiz, 31-7)) of
which sixteen were on readings and read-
ers. Ibn al-Jawzi (d. 597/1 200) wrote more
than 200 books (list of Ibn Rajab, 'Alwajl,
Mu'allajdt, 20-8, who lists in his book 574
titles, of which many are actually the same
book but with variant titles), twenty-eight
of which were on qur'anic sciences: two on
abrogation, one on occasions of revelation,
one on the seven readings, one on inter-
pretative constants [al-Wujuh wa-l-na^d'ir,
i.e. J^uzha), two on rare or strange words
(gharlb), several on exegesis {^dd, al-AIughni,
Tajsir al-bajdn; 'Alwaji, Mu'allajdt, 269-70;
Ibn al-Jawzi, Funun, 9-11, introduction of
the edition), etc.
Mention has been made several times in
this article of the "genre" known as the
"meritorious qualities of the Qiir'an"
(Fadd'il al-Qur'dn). This title is often used
for books or chapters of major hadlth col-
lections containing traditions attributed to
Muhammad or the Companions, or com-
ing from scholars of the first two centuries
of Islam or later. Some of them are small
handbooks of qur'anic sciences in general
with chapters on: (i) learning, teaching and
recitation of the Qvir'an; (2) those who
know and recite the Qtir'an and what is
required of them; (3) the suras and verses,
and the merits attached to the recitation
of the different suras; (4) the collection of
the Qiir'an, words contradicting the ductus
of the so-called 'Uthmanic codex and the
TRADITIONAL DISCIPLINES
336
various codices; (5) linguistic problems
(dialects, etc.); (6) Meccan and Medinan
suras; (7) the readers; (8) its exegesis; (g) the
orthography of the Qiir'an, etc. (see Abu
'Ubayd's, Ibn Kathir's, and also, but to a
lesser degree, 'Abd al-Rahman al-Razl's
Fadd'il, and Ibn Rajab's Afc/ixinW). Other
books have little or nothing about the his-
tory of the text (see textual history of
THE (JUr'an), but more about the merits
acquired through its recitation, audition
and occupying oneself with it [ta'dhud; cf.
Ibn Abi Shayba, Musannaf \h^. 22, Fadd'il,
ch. 13], vi, 124: Fi ta'dhud al-Qur'dn), e.g.
Firyabl's Fadd'il. In the arrangement of the
collection of traditions of Ibn Hibban
(d. 354/965) by Ibn Balban al-FarisI
(d. 729/1329), the equivalent of the Fadd'il
is the chapter on the recitation of the
Qur'an, a part of the Book of subtleties (Ibn
Hibban, Sahih [bk. 7, Raqd'iq, ch. 7, Qird'at
al-Qur'dn], iii, 5-83).
According to Franz Rosenthal, over time
there was a tendency in Islam to give pref-
erence "to a disjunctive juxtaposition of
individual data as against a continuous and
integrated exposition" of science. He fur-
ther explained, "It can also be assumed to
have contributed to the growing tendency
of constantly adding to the number of
what was considered to constitute inde-
pendent scientific disciplines" [Knowledge,
44) until they reached the number of 150,
or even 316 (Tashkubrizadah, Aliftdh, i,
74-5). This statement about sciences in
general is even truer for the "sciences of
the Qiir'an" whose specification and pro-
liferation was a matter of ultimate impor-
tance because they are supposed to lead to
salvation (q.v.) in the hereafter. According
to a declaration attributed to Muhammad:
"The believer will never become surfeited
with beneficial (khayr) [religious knowl-
edge] until he reaches paradise" (Tirmidhi,
Sahih [42, 'Urn, 19], v, 50-1, no. 2686; Rosen-
thal, Knowledge, 89). But some of these dis-
ciplines have also contributed to several
"profane" fields of knowledge, like gram-
mar, lexicography, stylistics, rhetoric, etc.,
which became, for many scholars, ancillary
disciplines for the study of the Qiu''an.
Claude Gilliot
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Transitoriness
Being subject to change, departure or
destruction. The Qtir'an contrasts the
transitoriness of this world (q.v.; see also
generations; history and the q^ur'an;
AIR AND wind; ashes) with the eternally
enduring quality of the hereafter (see
eschatology) and also with the eternity
(q.v.) of God (see god and his attrib-
utes). The Qiir'an often states that
whereas this life (al-haydt al-dunyd) will pass
away (e.g. q 10:24; ^^-45) ^^"^ both its
TRANSLATIONS OF THE OUR AN
340
pleasures (e.g. o 57:20) and its trials (e.g.
Q. 7-94"5> ^^^ trial; trust and patience)
are transitory, the realities to come in the
hereafter (al-dkhira) will endure forever.
More emphasis is laid on the latter point as
the Qur'an repeatedly emphasizes the ev-
erlasting destinies of believer and unbe-
liever in the garden (q.v.) and hellfire,
respectively (see belief and unbelief;
REWARD and PUNISHMENT; PARADISE;
HELL AND hellfire); "abiding in it for-
ever" (khdlidina Jjhd) is one of the most dis-
tinctive qur'anic refrains (e.g. Q^ 2:81-2;
98:6, 8). Believers should therefore not be
deceived, as unbelievers are, by the allur-
ing quality of this world's attractions
(c3 2:212, on which see Paret, Kommentar, for
numerous other references) but rather are
to be schooled in a perspective that sets
greater store by that which is eternal than
by that which is transitory. "You prefer this
life (al-haydt al-dunyd) but the hereafter (al-
dkhira) is better and more enduring" (abqd,
(J 87:16-17); "that which you have wastes
away (janfadu); that which is with God en-
dures" [bdqin, Q^ 16:96; cf 28:60; 38:54;
42:36). The unbeliever, failing to grasp this
truth, seeks to confer immortality upon
himself in ways doomed to failure: C3 104:3
speaks of an unbeliever who believes that
wealth (q.v.) will make him immortal; the
construction of impressive defensive biuld-
ings (masdni'J can also appear as a mis-
guided human attempt to escape the
transitoriness of this life (c3 26:129; see
city; house, domestic and divine).
In terms of frequency of reference this is
the main emphasis in the qur'anic perspec-
tive on the transitory quality of this life: a
contrast between this life and the life to
come. The Qiir'an does, however, also con-
trast the transience of this world with God
himself. "Everyone who is thereon [on the
earth] will pass away (Janin); there endures
(yabqd) only the face of your lord (q.v.),
possessor of might and glory" (q.v.;
Q, 55:26-7; see also face of god; power
AND impotence). Although this passage is
not obviously echoed elsewhere in the
Qiir'an (Paret, Kommentar, indicates no par-
allels) it memorably encapsulates the
qur'anic insistence on the gulf between
creator and creation (q.v.). Only God is
inherently eternal; everything else is transi-
tory. The wider cjur'anic context supple-
ments this theological foundation (see
theology and the c)Ur'an) with the
message that in the hereafter God will
bestow eternity on the destinies that
human beings earn for themselves
(see fate; destiny).
Bibliography
Izutsu, God, I
(ad a 2:212).
David Marshall
5-9, 123-32; Paret, Kommentar, 44-5
Translations of the Qiir'an
Translations of the Qiir'an did not have
the same significance during the early
spread of Islam that, for example, transla-
tions of the Bible had during the spread of
Christianity. This is connected to the role
of Arabs (q.v.) as the original target audi-
ence and bearers of Islam, as well as to the
increasing importance of the Arabic lan-
guage in the newly concjuered territories.
An additional role was played by the con-
viction of the stylistic inimitability (q.v.) of
the Q.ur'an. In the Qiir'an itself, its Arabic
nature is repeatedly emphasized (cf.
a 41:2-3; 12:2; 13:37; 20:113; 39:28; 41:2-3;
42:7; 43:3; see also ARABIC language).
Herein lies the deeply rooted conviction
among Muslims that a "valid" recitation of
the Qur'an (q.v.) is possible only in the
Arabic language. Only the Hanafite law
school (see law and the our'an;
THEOLOGY AND THE CJUr'an) alloWS for
exceptions in this regard, as set forth in
detail in 1932 by the Hanafi Azhar scholar
al-Maraghl (d. 1945).
341
TRANSLATIONS OF THE OUR AN
In the Islamic world up to the early twentieth
century
The question of qur'anic recitation sliould
be kept separate from that of the convey-
ance of its contents, i.e. its "meaning" (Ar.
ma'dni) in Islamic vernaculars. Commen-
surate with the paramount significance of
the oral tradition of delivering the Qiir'an
(see RECITERS OF THE qur'an), sermons
also played an important role (see
TEACHINO AND PREACHING THE CJUr'an).
The Qiir'an was always recited and then,
afterwards, paraphrased (and hence, ex-
plained) from the Arabic text into the ver-
nacular. From al-Zamakhshari's (d. 538/
1 144) exegesis of Q^ 14:4, it becomes clear
that he not only sanctioned the translation
of the Qiir'an from the Arabic, but also
that such translations actually existed.
Even the annotation (Ar. tajsir) of the
Qtir'an's text (see exegesis of the
^ur'an: classical and medieval) could
only be meaningfully conveyed to non-
scholarly non-Arabs in their respective
mother tongues (see traditional
disciplines of q^ur'anic study). The old-
est example for this is the translation of
al-Tabari's monumental commentary J^amT
al-bayan into Persian (see Persian litera-
ture AND THE ^ur'an), which was pre-
pared for the Samanid ruler Abu Salih
Mansur b. Null (r. 349-63/961-74). An an-
cient Turkish version was produced, almost
simultaneously, on the basis of the Persian
version (see Turkish literature and the
(3Ur'an). Numerous Ottoman annotations
exist for the most important commentaries,
such as al-Baydawl's (d. prob. 716/1316-17)
Anwar al-tanziU however, thus far, the ques-
tion of circulation of the most important
commentaries in the vernacular remains
largely imexamined. Evidence for the sec-
ondary significance of vernacular transla-
tions with respect to the Arabic original
may be found in the form of the interlinear
version, which is extant in numerous man-
uscripts. It frequently gives simply the iso-
lated meaning of the individual words, and
rarely indicates a coherent text. The latter
becomes common only later, mainly after
the widespread introduction of the print-
ing press in the Islamic world in the nine-
teenth century (see printing of the
qUR'AN).
Important impetuses for the translation
of the Qur'an arose through the confronta-
tion between the Islamic and Christian
worlds (see PRE-1800 preo(;cupations of
c^ur'anic study). This happened initially
in Spain, as a result of the Christian
reconquista, and in India as a result of
English colonization. In Spain, as of the
fifteenth century, translations of the
Qiir'an arose in Aljamiado (that is, in old
Spanish dialects), which were written in
Arabic script; however, a complete transla-
tion written in Latin script, dating from the
year 1606, is also preserved (cf. Lopez-
Morillas, Six Morisco-versions, 20). Although
not probable, it cannot be ruled out that
the majority of the remaining fragmentary
Aljamiado texts of the Qiir'an were in-
fluenced by the old-Castilian translation
prepared by the jurist Ycja of Segovia (that
is, 'Isa dha Jabir, also known as Yea
Gidelli) between 1454 and 1456 in Alton/
Savoy at the request of Cardinal John of
Segovia (see below, under "Qur'an transla-
tions outside the Islamic world until ca. lyoo").
Traces of an Aragonite translation of the
Qtir'an can be found in the polemical work
of the convert Juan Andres, Confusion dela
secta mahomatica (Valencia 1515). In India, it
was Shah Wall Allah Dihlawi (1114-76/
1703-62) who, in conjunction with his pur-
suit of modernization, called for the trans-
lation of the Qiir'an and, with his
Persian-language work, Fath al-Rahmdn bi-
tarjamat al-Qur'dn (1737), delivered a Persian
translation of the Qur'an that is still mean-
ingful today (first printed in Delhi, in
1283/1866). His two sons. Shah Rafi' al-
Dln (1749-1818) and Shah 'Abd al-Qadir
(1753-1814), translated the Qur'an into
TRANSLATIONS OF THE OUR AN
342
Urdu (printed in Calcutta in 1840, Deliii
1829; see SOUTH Asian literature and
THE cjur'an).
Actually, since the emergence of the
printing press, numerous translations have
appeared in India in various regional
Indian languages such as Urdu (first in
1828, by 'Abd al-Salam Badayuni), Sindhi
(1876), Punjabi (1870), Gujarati (1879),
Tamil (1884), and Bengali (1886; inciden-
tally, this translation was produced and
repeatedly reprinted at the initiative of
Girish Chandra Sen [1835-1910], a follower
of the neo-Hindu reformer Keshab
Chandra Sen [1838-84]; see also litera-
ture AND THE ^UR'an).
Even in the nineteenth century, the
Qiir'an and qur'anic translations were very
infiuential throughout the Islamic world.
The first printed Qiir'an in a Turkish
translation appeared in Cairo in 1842, and
a Turkish translation of the Tafsir al-
Jaldlajn in 1877. In Istanbul, Turkish trans-
lations have only been printed since 1865.
The first printed Persian translation ap-
peared in Tehran in 1855 and the first
Pashtu edition in Bahupal in 1861. The
first Serbo-Croatian translation (based on a
French translation) was published in
Belgrade in 1895.
In the Islamic world during the twentieth century
In the first half of the twentieth century,
printed translations of the Qiir'an were
still being published for the most important
languages used by Muslims. In Asia, this
necessitated translations into Balochi
(19 11), Brahui (19 16), Telugu (1938),
Malayan (1923), Indonesian (1928), Chin-
ese (1927) and Japanese (1920; see south-
east ASIAN 5^ur'anic literature). In
Africa, a translation into Yoruba appeared
in 1906. A translation into the Zanzibar
dialect of Swahili (printed 1923), produced
by Godfrey Dale and G.W. Broomfield,
was deemed unacceptable for Muslims
due to an added Christian apologetic text,
despite the quality of its language (see
AFRICAN literature). At this time, two
other factors became very significant: the
missionary activities of the Ahmadiyya
(q.v.) movement and the efforts of the gov-
ernment of Kemal Atatiirk in Turkey to
put the Qi_ir'an into Latin script, aiming to
publish only the Latin transcription with-
out further publication of the Arabic
Qiir'an text (see Arabic script;
calligraphy).
Both existing branches of the Ahmadiyya
movement valued above all spreading the
Qiir'an in European languages (such as
English, Dutch, and German). There is
therefore an unmistakably rationalistic ten-
dency in the older Ahmadiyya translations
(Maulvi Muhammad 'All, 19 17). Thus, for
example, in the English version of 1920 (a
text identical to the London first edition of
19 17), the word naml, "ants," appears in
(J 27 as the description of a clan and "by
hudhud is not to be understood the lapwing,
but a person of that name" (see animal
life; nature as sions). The explanatory
statement that follows says: "The verses
that follow show clearly that Solomon (q.v.)
was speaking of one of his own officers:
the infliction of severe punishment on a
small bird by such a mighty monarch as
Solomon, and the exposition of the great
religious doctrine of Unity by the lapwing,
are quite incomprehensible" (p. 747,
n. 1849). A comprehensive study of the
different Ahmadiyya translations is lacking.
The debate over the Qur'an in the Turkish
Republic led to important discussions in
al-Azhar, and in its journal these debates
coalesced into multiple, significant essays
(cf. Paret/Pearson, Translations, 429f.). In
an essay from the year 1936, the later
Rector of al-Azhar, Mahmiid Shaltut
(1893-1963), expressly embraced the use of
translation for non-Arabs, arguing that
even translations contain the meaning of
343
TRANSLATIONS OF THE OUR AN
God's word (see speech; word of god).
In contrast, the British author and con-
vert, Marmaduke Picktliall (1875-1936),
took a considerably more conservative po-
sition. In 1930, he published a translation
of the Qiir'an bearing the title The meaning
of the glorious Koran, "the first English trans-
lation of the Koran by an Englishman who
is a Muslim" (p. vii). In the foreword, he
wrote: "The Koran cannot be translated.
That is the belief of old-fashioned Sheykhs
and the view of the present writer. The
Book is here rendered almost literally and
every effort has been made to choose befit-
ting language. But the result is not the
Glorious Koran, that inimitable symphony,
the very sounds of which move men to
tears and ecstasy. It is only an attempt to
present the meaning of the Koran — and
peradventure something of the
charm — in English. It can never take the
place of the Koran in Arabic, nor is it
meant to do so" (ibid.). Pickthall's transla-
tion, which contains exceedingly few an-
notations, had enormous success among
Muslims and continues to be reprinted
today (for example, in Istanbul, I996f.).
Another prominent convert was the
Austrian journalist and, later, acting dip-
lomat for Pakistan, Leopold Weiss
(1900-92), who took the name Muhammad
Asad after his conversion in 1926. He pub-
lished an English translation of the Qiir'an
in Gibraltar in 1980.
Four years after Pickthall (1934), a further
translation appeared, which is still com-
mon today. It stems from the Indian
scholar 'Abdallah Yusuf 'All (1872-1951)
and is explicitly a response to Pickthall's
work. In its introduction, "Translations of
the Qiir-an," 'All writes of Pickthall's
translation, that it is " ^almost litteral': it
can hardly be expected that it can give an
adequate idea of a Book which (in his own
words) can be described as 'that inimitable
symphony, the very sounds of which move
men to tears and ecstasy.' Perhaps the at-
tempt to catch something of that sym-
phony in another language is impossible.
Greatly daring, I have made that attempt."
In the numerous notes to his bilingual edi-
tion (the Arabic text in calligraphy by Pir
'Abdul Hamid), 'All strives for a contem-
porary exegesis that seeks primarily to an-
swer the question: "What guidance can we
draw for ourselves from the message of
God?"
After the Second World War, intensified
efforts to make the Qiir'an accessible in as
many languages as possible can be
discerned — always with the theologically
motivated condition that the main concern
be with translating, i.e. explaining, the
meaning of the Qi_ir'an. Henceforth, trans-
lations by Muslims outnumber those by
non-Muslims. In the English language,
numerous new translations were published;
notable are the translations by Abdul
Majid Daryabadi (Lahore 1957) and, that
favored by the Ahmadiyya movement, the
translation of Muhammad ZafruUah Khan
(first published in London, 1971), both of
which contain detailed commentaries. The
first American translation derives from
TB. Irving (Vermont 1985). In 1959, the
scholar Muhammad HamiduUah
(1908-2002), who came from Haydarabad
in India, published an excellent French
translation. This edition underwent more
than twelve editions and was also trans-
lated into Turkish. Preceding the transla-
tion itself is an extremely valuable survey
of earlier Qur'an translations. In 1972,
Sheikh Si Hamza Boubakeur published a
French translation with detailed commen-
taries based on traditional sources; it is
particularly popular among north African
migrants. In Germany, several translations
by Muslims first appeared in the 1990's,
independently from one another.
The increasing number of Muslim
immigrants from various Islamic countries
TRANSLATIONS OF THE OUR AN
344
has been of great importance in different
European countries. Because of this phe-
nomenon, tlie task of translating the
Qiir'an into the languages of their new
host countries was set before Muslims
themselves. At the same time, intensified
Islamic missionary efforts are discernible
worldwide, particularly in African coun-
tries south of the Sahara. In this context,
the "King Fahd Complex for the Printing
of the Holy Qiir'an" (Ar. Aiujamma' al-Ma-
lik Fahd li-tibd'at al-Qur'dn al-kanm; founded
1982, opened 1984; www.qurancomplex.
org) in Medina acquires a very specific im-
portance. The ultimate goal of this institu-
tion is to make the Arabic text of the
Qiir'an, together with "the translation of
the meaning of the Qiir'an," freely
accessible worldwide. Presently, transla-
tions in 44 different languages (23 Asian, 11
African, and 10 European) are available.
All of these editions, produced with an
excellent quality of typographic technique
and binding, are bilingual, and some even
have additional, relatively extensive com-
mentaries. In the meantime, however, edi-
tions not containing the Arabic text have
also appeared.
Qur'dn translations outside the Islamic world until
circa lyoo
In the Middle Ages and in pre-modern
times, translations of the Qiir'an by non-
Muslims initially originated from the po-
lemical conflict with Islam (see polemic
AND POLEMICAL LANGUAOE; APOLOOY). A
complete translation of the Qur'an into
Greek is not preserved. Remnants of this
translation can, however, be found in
polemical works by Byzantine theologians
such as Niketas of Byzantium (third/ninth
century; cf. Versteegh, Greek translations).
References to a possible Syriac translation
of the Qiir'an can be found in the west
Syrian theologian Barsallbi's (d. 565/1 170;
cf. Mingana, Ancient Syriac translation)
polemical tract against Jews, Nestorians,
and Muslims (see JEWS and Judaism;
CHRISTIANS AND CHRISTIANITY). The com-
plete Qiir'an was repeatedly translated into
Latin; however, only two of these transla-
tions were also printed, namely that by
Robert of Ketton (1142/43, printed in
Basel, 1534) and that by Ludovico
Marracci (printed together with the Arabic
text in Padua, 1698; the Latin text only in
Leipzig, 1721, published by Christian
Reineccius). The oldest complete Latin
translation of the Qiir'an was produced in
Spain in the years 1142/43, at the instiga-
tion of the Abbot of Cliiny, Peter the
Venerable (1092-1156). The translator was
the English scholar Robert of Ketton
(Robertus Ketenensis, or Robert of
Chester, Robertus Cestrensis; exact life-
span unknown), who availed himself of the
assistance of a native "Moorish" speaker
named Muhammad. This translation, to-
gether with several non-qiir'anic Islamic
texts, found a remarkable circulation in
Europe, possibly because of its association
with Cluny. The quality of this translation,
however, was sharply criticized as early as
the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, and
by none other than Juan of Segovia in the
Prologue to his own translation (see below),
Martin Luther (1483- 1564) in his German
adaptation of Ricoldo's Contra legem
Sarracenorum (1542), as well as, eventually, by
Justus Joseph Scaliger (1540-1609; cf.
Bobzin, Reformation, 38 n. 127). Above all,
the typical qur'anic first-person speech of
God is completely obscured by merely ref-
erential paraphrase. Nevertheless, this
translation had great infiiience well into
the seventeenth century, because of its
printing in 1543 as a reference work.
Incidentally, the first completely preserved
translation into the Italian vernacular was
based upon this version (see below).
A second complete Latin translation be-
longs in the realm of the polemical conflict
345
TRANSLATIONS OF THE OUR AN
with the doctrine of the Almohads (al-
Muwahhidun, r. in nortli Africa and Spain
in the sixth-seventh/twelfth-thirteenth
cents.). Supported by tlie Archbisliop Don
Rodrigo Jimenez de Rada (ca. 1170-1247),
Mark of Toledo (Canon Marcus of Toledo,
exact lifespan unknown) produced a new,
fairly literal translation, apparently in total
ignorance of the earlier work by Robert of
Ketton. This translation, however, was not
widespread outside of Spain (cf. d'Alverny
and Vajda, Marc de Tolede).
A third Latin translation was produced
by John of Segovia (Juan de Segovia; ca.
1398-1458); it was, however, basically just
an accessory to an old-Castilian Qiir'an
translation, which he composed between
1454 and 1456 in the Monastery of Alton
in Savoy, together with the Muslim scholar
'Isa dha Jabir (alias Yga Gidelli). Both
translations have been lost, with the excep-
tion of the Latin prologue (cf. Gazquez,
Prologo). A fourth Latin translation was
produced by Johannes Gabriel Terrolensis
(exact lifespan unknown) for the Roman
curial cardinal Aegidius of Viterbo (Egidio
da Viterbo; 1470-1532). What is valuable
about this work, available in two recen-
sions, is a column of notes, based on the
Muslim exegesis of the Qiir'an (cf.
Burman, Latin-Arabic Qur'dn edition), next to
the Latin transcription of the Arabic text.
Another Latin translation, of which two
manuscripts are known, is attributed to the
Byzantine patriarch Kyrillos Lukaris (1572-
1638). Two manuscript recensions also re-
main of the translation of the Franciscan,
Dominicus Germanus de Silesia
(1588-1670; cf. Devic, Traduction inedite).
The translation by the Italian Fr.
Ludovico Marracci (1612-1700), which ap-
peared in 1698, ushered in an entirely new
era. For his translation, Marracci was able
to rely on the collection of Arabic manu-
scripts belonging to the Bibliotheca
Vaticana, which was rather substantial for
the time (cf. Nallino, Fonti arabe). In it, he
found the most important Islamic com-
mentaries to the Qiir'an, which he used
extensively for his translation and from
which he had numerous excerpts printed
in Arabic with a Latin translation. Because
of its accuracy, Marracci's translation can
be used profitably to this day. Of
Marracci's Qiir'an edition, Edward
Denison Ross quite rightly says: "It rep-
resents a most remarkable feat of scholar-
ship, greatly in advance of most
Orientalism of the period" (Ross, Marracci,
118).
Like the printed Latin precursor transla-
tion, Marracci's translation was also used
as a template, that is, as a reference work,
for further translations into the vernacular.
The German translation by the
Nuremberg pastor, David Nerreter
(1649-1726), refers directly and explicitly to
Marracci's text. Nerreter revised Pansebeia
(1653), the work in comparative religion, by
the Scottish author Alexander Ross (1590-
1654), and contributed his own extensive
volume about Islam, titled Meu erojjnete
Mahometanische Moschea (Nuremberg, 1703).
After a general description of Islam based
on the sources known at the time, the
German text of the Qiir'an followed in a
second tract, translated according to
Marracci's Latin version. Nerreter's work is
still fully immersed in the tradition of anti-
Islamic polemics of the previous century;
he translates the Qiir'an in order that every
individual can see for themselves the "cor-
ruptive teachings of Mohammad" (schad-
liche Lehre Mohammeds). Nerreter's work,
chronologically the third German transla-
tion of the Qiir'an, had no noteworthy
repercussions. The first Hungarian transla-
tion of the Qur'an (1831), by Imre Buzitai
Szedlmayer and Gyorgy Gedeon (born
1831), is also based on Marracci's
translation.
The oldest complete translation into a
TRANSLATIONS OF THE OUR AN
346
European vernacular, namely the Italian, is
in the Qtir'an edition issued by the
Venetian publisher Andrea Arrivabene in
1547. Although the title asserts that the
Qvir'an was "newly translated from the
Arabic," the translation is actually based
exclusively on the 1543 Latin Qiir'an by
Theodor Bibliander, as noted by the two
great Leiden philologists, Justus Joseph
Scaliger and Thomas Erpenius (1584-
1624). Arrivabene divides his Qiir'an edi-
tion into three books, with the text of the
Qjur'an being contained only in the second
and third books. The first book contains
three treatises, Chronica mendosa et ridiculosa
Sarracenorum, De generatione Mahumet et nu-
tritura eius, as well as Doctrina Machumeti,
which were published alongside a transla-
tion of the Qiir'an in the "Corpus
Toletanum" (cf. Bobzin, Reformation,
264f.). The first German translation of the
Qur'an, by the then-pastor of Nuremberg,
Salomon Schweigger (1551-1622), is based
on Arrivabene's edition. In the foreword to
the book, which first appeared in 1616, he
wrote that he had come to know of
Arrivabene's translation of the Qiir'an
during his travels as a missionary preacher
to Istanbul in Turkey (1578-61).
Schweigger's edition is entirely dependent
upon Arrivabene's in its composition and,
astonishingly, lacks any acknowledgement
of the Latin edition of the Qiir'an by
Bibliander. In the year 1659, an edition of
Schweigger's works, with a substantially
expanded commentary section, appeared
in Nuremberg in the prominent printing
office of Endters', without, however, nam-
ing Schweigger as the translator (reprinted
1664). The first Dutch translation of the
Qiir'an, printed in 1641, also goes back to
Schweigger's text, whose name appears as
"Swigger" on the title page; the name of
the Dutch translator is unknown and the
place of publication given there
("Hamburg") is false.
The oldest French translation (Paris 1647)
comes from Andre dii Ryer, "Sieiir de la
Garde Malezair" (d. 1672). Supported by
the French diplomat, Francois Savary de
Breves (d. 1618), dii Ryer studied Turkish,
Arabic and possibly also Persian from
1616-21 in Egypt. His path as a diplomat
led him first to an appointment as vice-
consul to Alexandria and Cairo, and then,
as interpreter and ambassador, to Istanbul.
He published one of the first studies of
Turkish grammar (1630; 1633) and trans-
lated one of the most famous works of
Persian literature, the "Flower garden"
(Gulistdn), by Sa'dl, into French (1634). Dii
Ryer's translation of the Qiir'an is the old-
est complete translation of the Qiir'an into
a European vernacular and became an
unparalled literary success, to which re-
prints in France and even more numerous
reprints in the Netherlands during the sev-
enteenth and eighteenth centuries testify.
The easy availability of the Qiir'an ac-
companied a newfound interest in the
Orient; additionally, dii Ryer's translation
lacked the polemical tone of previous edi-
tions, an orientation which arose mainly in
ecclesiastical contexts. Dii Ryer used
Islamic commentaries such as al-Baydawl's
Anwdr al-tanzil, the TafsTr al-Jaldlayn by al-
Mahalli (d. 864/1459) and al-Suyuti
(d. 911/1505), or an excerpt from al-Razl's
(d. 606/1210) great commentary made by
al-Raghi 1-Tunisi (d. 715/1315) entitled al-
Tanwirji l-tafsir, quite casually in his trans-
lation, merely noting them in the margins.
The deprecatory tone present in the in-
troductory chapter, "Sommaire de la re-
ligion des Turcs," can be understood as an
attempt at camouflage (cf. Hamilton and
Richard, Andre du Ryer, 94f.). The success of
dii Ryer's translation, despite its philologi-
cal shortcomings, which were already rec-
ognized by his contemporaries, rests on its
use as a basis for the production of further
translations.
347
TRANSLATIONS OF THE OUR AN
Already two years after the first French
edition, in 1649, tlie Scottish autlior
Alexander Ross, previously mentioned in
connection with Marracci and Nerreter,
published an English translation, whose
author is unknown. Ross prefaced his
translation with a very traditional view of
Muhammad's life and an extensive pre-
sentation of Islam. That problems with
censorship existed is evidenced by the sub-
title: With a Needful Caveat, or Admonition, for
them who desire to know what use may be made of,
or if there be danger in Reading the Alcoran. The
success of the book arose from the fact that
it was reissued in the year of its initial pub-
lication, 1649, as well as in 1688. Even-
tually, the translation was incorporated as a
fourth volume in The Compleat History of the
Turks from the Origin in the Year /jj to the Year
iyi8, by David Jones (London 1718). It
appears, without mention of Ross's name,
after the biography of Muhammad titled
The True Nature of Imposture fully Display 'd in
the Life of Mahomet, by Humphrey Prideux
(1648-1724). It is of particular interest to
note that the first translation printed and
published in America was that published
by Ross (Springfield 1806), not the transla-
tion by Sale (see below), which, at the time,
had already completely displaced Ross's
work in Britain.
The second language into which du
Ryer's Qiir'an was translated was Dutch.
The Mennonite Jan Hendricksz. Glaze-
maker (d. 1682) worked as a professional
translator of Latin, French, German, and
Italian; the list of works he translated
(among them, works by Descartes and
Spinoza) is impressive. His Qiir'an transla-
tion is "an elegant piece of prose which
was obviously intended for a public more
interested in literature than in the theologi-
cal study of Islam" (Hamilton and
^ic\i2i.rA, Andre du Ryer, 115). Glazemaker's
Dutch translation appeared first in
Amsterdam in 16^,8. The translation was
printed together with a life of Muhammad
from Thomas Erpenius's Latin translation
of the Historia Saracenica by the Coptic his-
torian al-Makin ( Jirjis b. al-'Amid, d. ca.
1273), as well as with excerpts from the
works of various ecclesiastical authors who
wrote about Muhammad (cf. Hamilton
and Richard, Andre du Ryer, Ii5f.). Further-
more, a text about Muhammad's ascension
(q.v.) to heaven, as well as a version of the
so-called Aiasd'il Abdalldh b. Saldm (cf.
Bobzin, Reformation, p. 334, n. 310 and
312), which had already appeared in the
earlier Toledo collection, was added.
Glazemaker's translation of the Qiir'an
was extraordinarily successful and a total
of six reprints were issued up to 1734.
Glazemaker based the second German
translation of the Qiir'an upon the Dutch
translation. It appeared, however, not as an
independent work, but rather as part of
the collected edition Thesaurus Exoticorum
(Hamburg 1688), published by the late-
baroque professional writer Eberhard
Werner Happel (1647-90). In this version,
the Qiir'an was embedded in the frame-
work of an all-encompassing cosmo-
graphic presentation, in which the "Asiatic,
African and American nations" were pre-
sented. In this extensive encyclopedic vol-
ume, the translation of the Qiir'an follows
a detailed illustrated description of the
Ottoman empire. Yet, the impact of du
Ryer's translation does not end with the
third German translation, but with two
Russian translations of the French edition.
The first appeared at the command of czar
Peter the Great in 1716 in St. Petersburg;
the translator was Petr Vasilyevic
Pos(t)nikov. This translation contains nu-
merous misinterpretations. The second
translation, penned by the litterateur
Mikhail Ivanovic Verevkin (1733-95), ^P"
peared in 1790, shortly after the first
Arabic edition of the Qur'an, which was
printed in St. Petersburg in 1787 at the
TRANSLATIONS OF THE OUR AN
348
behest of the empress Catherine II (cf.
Hamilton and Richard, Andre du Ryer,
ii7f.).
i8th century translations outside the Islamic world
In contrast to all previously presented
Christian translations, the history of the
impact of the translation done by the
English jurist and Orientalist George Sale
(d. 1736) endures until today. According to
J. Flick, "through a somewhat prosaic neat-
ness, it illustrates that what matters is to
reflect the contents of the work clearly and
effectively" ("zeichnet sie sich durch eine
etwas niichterne Sauberkeit aus, welcher es
niu" darauf ankommt, den Inhalt des
Werkes klar und deutlich wiederzugeben,"
Fiick, Studien, 104). In his discussion of
Marracci's translation. Sale writes, "This
translation... is very exact; but adheres to
the Arabic idiom too literally to be easily
understood." Undoubtedly, Sale's own
translation is based on the Arabic text, for
the interpretation of which Sale regularly
drew on the commentary by al-BaydawI.
But he continuously looked at Marracci's
interpretation of the text and used
Marracci's work copiously in his extensive
notes: "So much had been achieved by
Marracci that Sale's work might also have
been performed with a knowledge of Latin
alone, as far as regards the quotations from
Arabic sources" (E.D. Ross in the foreword
to his edition of Sale, ix). Of particular
significance, however, is the detailed
"Preliminary Discourse"; herein Sale gives
a detailed description of the history and
religion of the pre-Islamic Arabs, support-
ing himself above all with the Specimen
Historia Arahum, by Edward Pococke
(1604-gi), which appeared in 1650. To this,
he adds a general introduction to the
Qur'an, as well as an overview of the most
important Islamic sects. Sale's translation
had extraordinary success. In the eight-
eenth century itself four additional editions
appeared, and in the nineteenth, well over
60. This translation is still on the market.
Since 1825, editions preceded by a "sketch
of the life of George Sale," penned by
Richard Alfred Davenport (d. 1852) are
available, with expanded notes based on
translations such as the French translation
by Savary (see below). In 1882-6, Elwood
Morris Wherry (d. 1927) republished the
work under the title A comprehensive com-
mentary on the Quran without adding any-
thing essentially new to the edition.
Additionally worth noting is the edition of
1921, to which the British Orientalist
Edward Denison Ross contributed an in-
sightful introduction, pointing out the
manner in which Sale was indebted to
Marracci's work (see above).
The fourth German translation is based
on Sale's translation. It was composed by
Theodor Arnold (1683-1761), an English
teacher who also composed a widely used
study of English grammar (Leipzig 1736)
and translated numerous English works
into German, among them Ockley's History
of the Saracens. Arnold's German translation
appeared in Lemgo in 1764. Although not
widely circulated, Goethe used it for his
West-ostlichen Divan and its accompanying
Noten und Abhandlungen. Furthermore, the
third Russian translation of the Qur'an
(St. Petersburg 1792) goes back to Sale's
text by way of Alexej Vasiljevic Kolmakov,
as does the first Hungarian (1854) transla-
tion, by way of Istvan Szokoly (1822-1904).
The first German translation produced
directly from the Arabic was published in
1772 by the Frankfurt scholar David
Friederich Megerlin (1699-1778). From the
fact that an etching of "Mohammad, the
false Prophet," faces the title page, one can
infer that Megerlin remained entirely
attached to the traditional Christian
polemic against Islam. With respect to this
translation, Goethe spoke of an "elende
Produktion" (wretched production). Only
349
TRANSLATIONS OF THE OUR AN
one year later (1773), a further translation
directly from the Arabic appeared. It was
composed by the Qiiedlinbnrg clergyman
Friedrich Eberhard Boysen (d. 1800). A
contemporary reviewer criticized the trans-
lation for its tendency to paraphrase im-
properly. In 1775, a second print run was
issued. In 1828, a revision that attempted
to rebut the scathing critique by the most
important German Arabic scholar of the
time, Fleischer (1801-88), was issued by the
Orientalist Samuel Friedrich Giinther
Wahl (1760-1834), who, at the time, was
teaching in Halle/Saale.
Claude Etienne Savary (1750-88) pro-
duced a new French translation in 1783. It
originated during an extended stay in
Egypt (cf Lettres sur I'Egypte), quasi "sous les
yeiix des Arabes," as Savary wrote in the
foreword. Consequently, Savary can be
viewed as the first translator of the Qi_ir'an
who had a feel "for the perfection of the
style and the grandeur of the imagery" (fiir
die Perfektion des Stils und die GroBar-
tigkeit der Bilder) of the Qiir'an. For this
reason, he can rightly characterize du
Ryer's translation as a mere "rhapsodic
plate et ennuyeuse;... en lisant sa traduc-
tion, on ne s'imagerinait jamais que le
Koran est le chef-d'oeuvre de la langue
arabe." Accordingly, in his translation,
Savary tried to preserve precisely the lin-
guistic character of the Qiir'an's style: "To
the extent of my abilities, I have imitated
the concision, energy and grandeur of its
style" ("J'ai imite autant qu'il a dependu de
moi la concision, I'energie, I'elevation de
son style"). Above all, a certain stylistic
obscurity should not be smoothed out in
the translation. Savary preceded his trans-
lation with a "life of Muhammad," com-
piled from different Arabic authors. The
notes to the text are rather sparse, al-
though nevertheless substantive; they were
later incorporated into a part of Sale's edi-
tions. Savary's translation, of which there
are a total of seventeen different editions,
is still read to this day and is still on the
market. Incidentally, Savary was the first to
give up the until-then common European
usage of "Alkoran" (Alcoranus) in favor of
"Koran." The Spanish translations by
Joaquin Garcia-Bravo (1907) and
A. Hernandez Cata (19 13), as well as an
anonymous Italian translation (1882), draw
on Savary's text.
igth century translations outside the Islamic
world
A further translation of the Qiir'an, like-
wise still available today, was produced by
Albin de Biberstein Kazimirski (d. 1887), a
Polish immigrant to France. He was a stu-
dent of Silvestre de Sacy (d. 1838) and
worked as an interpreter of Arabic and
Persian. Kazimirski's translation first ap-
peared in 1840, as part of the three-volume
collection entitled Les livres sacres de ['Orient,
published by the Sinologist Jean Pierre
Guillaume Pauthier (d. 1873), which also
contained translations of the Shi Ring and
the laws of the Manu. This juxtaposition is
significant in the history of ideas in that
the Qiir'an was thereby placed on an en-
tirely new plane of understanding, as the
document of a world religion, that is, of
an independent cidtiu'c. In the same year
(1840), a separate edition, which was fre-
quently reprinted, appeared. The transla-
tion was certified as preserving "the poetic
vapor of numerous passages of the
Qur'an" ("le souffle poetique de nombreux
passages du Goran," G.C. Anawati).
Another testament to its quality is cer-
tainly the fact that scholars such as
G.H. Bousquet (1959), Mohammed Arkoun
(1970), and Maxime Rodison (1981) reis-
sued the translation, adding a new intro-
duction each time. The Spanish editions by
Jose Garber de Robles (1844) and Vicente
Ortiz de la Puebla (1872), as well as the
Russian translation by K. Nikolajev (1864),
TRANSLATIONS OF THE OUR AN
350
are all based on Kazimirski's translation.
In addition to further translations from
other languages, Kazimirski's constitutes
the basis for the two Dutch translations by
L.J.A. ToUens (1859) and Salome Keijzer
(i860).
A German translation was put out in
1840 as well, by the Rabbi Lion (Ludwig)
Baruch UUmann of Krefeld (d. 1843).
UUmann was inspired in his work by the
dissertation of the important Jewish
scholar Abraham Geiger (1810-74), Was hat
Mohammed aus dem Judenthume aufgenommen?
(Bonn 1833), and emphasized in the pref-
ace to his translation his conviction that
"what this translation will have above and
beyond all others is the exact observation
and documentation of everything that
Muhammad borrowed from Judaism"
("Was diese Ubersetzung vor anderen
voraushaben wird, ist die genaue Beach-
tung und Nachweisung alles dessen, was
Muhamed aus dem Judenthum entlehnt
hat"). Although this translation was
sharply criticized for its philological short-
comings by such important scholars of
Arabic as H.L. Fleischer (1801-88) and Th.
Noldeke (1836-1930), a ninth edition was
issued in 1897. A revision (1959) by Leo
Winter did nothing to improve the quality
of the translation; nevertheless, this edi-
tion, though linguistically deficient, remains
widely popular in Germany to this day.
A few years before UUmann, the German
poet and Orientalist Friedrich Riickert
(d. 1866), using the newly published Arabic
edition of the Qiir'an by Gustav Fliigel as
his basis, attempted a poetic rendition of
the Qiir'an that simultaneously observed
the philological standards of the time, but
not in the form of a complete translation.
Riickert 's work was first published after his
death. Annemarie Schimmel wrote of the
translation, "Riickert spiirte mit dichte-
rischem Instinkt die poetische Kraft und
Schonheit welter Parteien des Textes und
suchte sic so wiederzugeben, daB der
Originalcharakter- sei er starker poetisch
oder prosaisch- gewahrt blieb" (Riickert
felt with a poet's instinct the poetic power
and beauty of sections of the text and at-
tempted to render them in such a manner
that the original character- whether
strongly poetic or prosaic- remained
preserved).
The first Swedish translation of the
Qiir'an stems from the linguist and dip-
lomatj. Fredrik S. Crusenstolpe {1801-82)
and appeared together with a historical
introduction in 1843. It was followed in
1874 by the translation by Carl Johan
Tornberg (1807-77), ^ student of de Sacy,
who had been teaching Orientalism in
Lund since 1847. Tornberg prefaced this
with a Swedish translation of Noldeke's
Das Leben Muhammeds (Hannover 1863).
The first Italian translation of the Qiir'an
directly from the Arabic is by Cavaliere
Vincenzo Calza (1847). The first Polish edi-
tion of the QjLir'an was published by Jan
Murza Tarak Buczacki, together with a
Life of Mahomet (London 1849/50) by
Washington Irving (d. 1859), information
about various aspects of the relationship
between Poland and the Turks and Tartars,
and about the pre-Islamic Arabs and the
Qur'an (from Sale's "Preliminary
Discourse"). Eventually, a few of the
prayers, translated from the Arabic, were
added. This edition was reprinted in 1985
and 1988.
The 1857 Hebrew translation by the
Jewish scholar Hermann (i.e. Zvi Chajjim)
Reckendorf (d. ca. 1875) is noteworthy;
additionally, it even contains three essays
about the pre-Islamic Arabs, the life of
Muhammed, as well as about the Qiir'an.
Yosef Yoel Rivlin made another Hebrew
translation (1937), which is still viewed as
the most popular such translation; several
editions have been published over the
years. Aaron Ben Shemesh published a
351
TRANSLATIONS OF THE OUR AN
third Hebrew translation in 1971. To tliis
list sliould be added tlie 2005 Hebrew
translation by Uri Rubin.
In 1861, a new Englisli translation of the
Qi_ir'an by the clergyman John Meadows
Rodwell (d. 1900), who was an old friend of
Darwin's, appeared. It is unusual in that,
for the first time in a translation of the
Qiir'an, the suras were arranged by taking
into consideration their chronological or-
der. Rodwell could resort to the prior
works of Gustav Weil [Mohammed der
Prophet, Stuttgart 1843), William Muir [The
life of Mahomet, London i858f ), and
Theodore Noldeke, gq (first ed. i860); he
nevertheless followed his own ideas about
arrangement, compiling the older suras
according to thematic considerations
rather than historical allusion. Particularly
noteworthy is Rodwell's perception of the
significance of the originally oral character
of the Qiir'an: "Of all the Suras it must be
remarked that they were intended not for
readers but for hearers- that they were all pro-
mulgated by public recital- and that much
was left, as the imperfect sentences shew, to
the manner and suggestive action of the
reciter" (Preface). G. Margoliouth, who
revised the translation for the "Everyman's
Library" in 1909, characterized it in his
introduction as "one of the best that have
as yet been produced. It seems to a great
extent to carry with it the atmosphere in
which Muhammed lived, and its sentences
are imbued with the flavour of the east."
In 1875, the first Spanish translation from
the Arabic prepared by a Christian,
Benigno de Murguiondo y Ugartondo,
appeared. Like the translation by
Marracci, it included an extensive refuta-
tion on the basis of the doctrine of the
Catholic church. This is amply expressed
by the title. Three years later (1878), the
first modern Greek translation, by
Gerasimos I. Pentakes, appeared; by 1887,
three further editions had been published.
The first Russian translation of the
Qrir'an from the Arabic (first appearance
1877/9) ™^^ prepared by the Orientalist
Gordij Semjonovic Sablukov (d. 1880) from
Kazan on the basis of the so-called
Petersburg Qrir'an (1787; see above; see
also PRINTING OF THE our'an). As of the
third edition (1907), the Arabic text, set in
the Kazan Arabic typeface, was printed on
the opposing page. Reprints of this edition
still appeared after the second World War,
but without exact dates of publication.
To produce the Qiir'an translation for the
well-known series. Sacred Books of the
East, the publisher, F. Max Miiller
(d. 1900), engaged the services of the
Cambridge Orientalist Edward Henry
Palmer (d. 1882), who completed the task
in a short period of time. The two sections
appeared in 1880 as the sixth and ninth
volumes in the series. Palmer added a his-
torical introduction (pp. ix-lxxx), as well as
an "Abstract of the contents of the
Qvir'an" (pp. Ixxxi-cxviii), to the book. The
short period of time allowed for comple-
tion of the translation led to what Stanley
Lane-Poole (1854-1931) described as "the
grave fault of immaturity." H.A.R. Gibb
(1895-1971) judged the translation to be
"rather literal and inadequate." Never-
theless, Palmer's translation was reissued
numerous times and, as of 1928, was even
incorporated into the renowned serial
"World's Classics," with the addition of an
"Introduction" by Reynold AUeyne
Nicholson (1868-1945).
Two years later (1882), the first
Portuguese translation appeared in Rio de
Janeiro. A translator is not named.
20th century translations beyond the Islamic
world
Progress in Arabic philology in the nine-
teenth century initially had hardly any
effect on the translation of the Qiir'an.
In the festschrift for Theodor Noldeke
TRANSLATIONS OF THE OUR AN
352
(Bezold, Orientalische Studien, i, 34 n. i), the
German Arabist August Fischer wrote,
"dafl unter alien vorhandenen, voUstan-
digen wie partiellen, Qpran-Ubertra-
gungen keine einzige strengen
philologischen Anforderungen geniigt"
(of all the Qiir'an translations available,
whether complete or partial, not a single
one satisfies the stringent standards of phi-
lology). This statement makes clear that
philologically weak translations coidd still
be exceedingly successful, even in the
twentieth century. A good example of this
is the German translation by Max
Henning (d. 1927), who was certainly not
an Arabist. This version first appeared in
1901 as a volume in the popidar and highly
circidated "Universal-Bibliothek," pub-
lished by Ph. Reclam in Leipzig. In i960,
this edition was republished in the West
German branch of Reclam in Stuttgart,
slightly revised by Annemarie Schimmel (d.
2003). In 1968, another revision of this
translation was published by the Leipzig
historian of religion, Kurt Rudolf, in the
East German branch of Reclam in Leipzig.
This version distinguished itself through its
particularly meticulous and comprehensive
commentary. Henning's translation is easy
to read but philologically unreliable; it is
noteworthy that it was republished by
Turkish authorities for migrants from
Turkey. The translation experienced a
last, considerably more incisive revision
by the Muslim convert Murad Wilfried
Hofmann (first published in Istanbul,
1998).
More decisive philological advances than
those made by Henning's translation are
present in three other translations, which
are still reissued to this day, although with
partially new introductions. These are the
Swedish translation (1917; expanded re-
print 1971 and more recently) by Karl
Vilhelm Zettersteen (1866-1953), the Italian
translation (1929; numerous reprints) by
Luigi Bonelli (1865-1947), and the French
translation (1929; expanded reprint 1998)
by Edouard Montet (1865-1934). Three
other translations stand out because of en-
during scholarly qualities: the English ver-
sion by Richard Bell, the French version by
Regis Blachere, and the German version
by Rudi Paret.
Rodwell was the first translator of the
Qur'an to arrange the suras (q.v.) accord-
ing to chronological principles (see
CHRONOLOGY AND THE Q^Ur'an). The
Scottish Arabist Richard Bell (1876-1952)
went one step further down this path.
Although he held to the traditional order
of the suras in his translation of the
Qiir'an (1937-9), ™ '•^^ suras themselves, he
followed a "re-arrangement" according to
the origin of the individual components of
the suras. Underlying this is a concept of
"three main periods" of the composition of
the Qur'an (Bell, Qur'an, i, vii), as explained
in the preface: "(a) an early period from
which only fragments survive consisting
mainly of lists of 'signs' and exhortations
to the worship of Allah; (b) the Qiir'an
period, covering the latter part of
Muhammad's activity in Mecca (q.v.), and
the first year or two of his residence in
Medina (q.v.), during which he is produc-
ing a Qiir'an giving in Arabic the gist of
previous revelation; (c) the Book-period,
beginning somewhere about the end of the
year II, during which Muhammad is de-
finitively producing a Book, i.e. an inde-
pendent revelation." In his translation,
these composition processes are also visual-
ized within the individual suras. Even if
one cannot follow Bell's analysis in all its
points, his very exacting translation is an
asset to the historical understanding of the
text of the Qur'an. No other researcher of
the Qur'an put as much thought into the
inner coherence of the suras as did Bell
(see FORM AND STRUCTURE OF THE Q^Ur'an;
UNITY OF THE TEXT OF THE OUR'aN;
353
TRANSLATIONS OF THE OUR AN
TEXTUAL CRITICISM AND THE CJUr'an). The
many notes and explanatory statements
which Bell produced were mostly left out of
the printed version. In 1991, two volumes
of Bell's Commentary on the Qur'dn drawn
from materials left in his estate (admittedly
in unsatisfactory typographical form) were
published by C.E. Bosworth and M.E.J.
Richardson.
In 1947-9, the French Arabist Regis
Blachere (1900-73) brought forth a three-
volume introduction to the Qi_ir'an
(Introduction au Coran), as well as a new
translation of the Qiir'an itself, in which
the suras (similarly to Rodwell's edition)
were presented in the order Noldeke had
suggested, with only slightly modified
chronological changes. Blachere's transla-
tion is, as far as I know, the first scholarly
translation of the Qiir'an that uses the
Cairene Qiir'an text of 1342/1923 as its
foundation. Furthermore, Blachere's care-
ful and exacting translation is notable for
its continuous observance of important
ways of reading the Qiir'an (see readings
OF THE cjur'an), which every now and
again lead to translations that depart from
the traditional perception of the text. The
two extensive commentaries by al-Tabari
(d. 310/923) and al-Razi are constantly
taken into account, as well as those by al-
Baydawl and al-Nasafi (d. 710/1310;
Maddrik al-tanzil wa-haqd'iq al-ta'wll), al-
though only for grammatical issues. In
1957, a revised edition of the translation
appeared which, however, followed the
traditional arrangement of the sQras.
Already in 1935, Rudi Paret (d. 1983) had
published his "Plan einer neuen, leicht
kommentierten wissenschaftlichen
Koraniibersetzung." In this article, Paret
developed his concept of a historically
grounded translation, the main purpose of
which should be to "render the text in the
same manner as contemporaries heard it
from the Prophet's mouth" ("daB sieden
Wortlaiit so wiedergibt, wie ihn die Zeit-
genossen aus dem Miinde des Propheten
gehort haben," Paret, Ubersetzung, i).
Therefore, the Arabic commentaries,
"which are full of later, ahistorical inter-
pretations of the text" ("die voU sind von
spateren, unhistorischen Aiislegimgen des
Textes," Paret, Plan, 122), are to be used
only with great reservation. Instead, one
must "seek the key to understanding dif-
ficult sections in the Qiir'an itself" ("im
Koran selber den Schliissel zum Ver-
standnis schwieriger Stellen zii siichen";
ibid). Above all, Paret's translation, which
appeared in 1962 after much preparatory
work, is marked by these two principles
which he implemented rigorously through-
out. Addenda necessary to understanding
the text, which presents "an effectively
condensed historical commentary"
("gewissermaBen einen kondensierten his-
torischen Kommentar"; ibid.), are par-
enthetically inserted into the text. In the
relatively sparse critical apparatus, the lit-
eral translation is often given; aside from
that, alternative translations are provided.
The complementary volume Kommentar und
Konkordanz, published in 1971, painstakingly
and exhaustively lists parallels within the
Qiir'an and gives historical explanations
for selected sections. With regard to the
style of the translation, Paret emphasizes
that it is not intended "fiir erbauliche
Zwecke" (for edifying purposes), and that
he therefore did not aim for a lofty style
("gehobene Ausdrucksweise"). In a second
edition (1982), Paret carried out a series of
alterations, and, above all, occasionally
considering alternative readings (such as
that by Ibn Mas'ud [d. 32/652-3]).
The German translation by Adel
Theodor Khoiiry (1987) is entirely depen-
dent on Paret's concept of the text, but
with hardly any indication of alternative
translation possibilities. Khoury published
a twelve-volume commentary (1990-2001)
TRANSLATIONS OF THE OUR AN
354
on the basis of this translation whicli,
unfortunately, does not present a real
step forward in historical and literary
scholarship on the Qiir'an because it only
selectively engaged contemporary research
literature. In 2004, the same translator
published a brief one-volume commentary
with text and translation.
Paret's translation, of which, incidentally,
reprints published in Iran are available (for
example Qpm 1378/2000), had a wide-
reaching effect on the German-speaking
world. Many of the translations into vari-
ous European languages that have ap-
peared since Paret's are unthinkable
without the philologically pioneering work
of his translation.
Among the numerous English transla-
tions, that by the Cambridge Arabist
Arthur John Arberry (1901-69) holds a spe-
cial place. The very title, The Koran inter-
preted, hints that Arberry follows the
concept, first emphasized in the English-
speaking world by Pickthall, that the
Qiir'an is actually untranslatable. In no-
ticeable contrast to Bell, Arberry intends
"to imitate, however imperfectly, those rhe-
torical and rhythmical patterns which are
the glory and the sublimity of the Koran,"
and beyond that, "to show each Sura as an
artistic whole, its often incongruent parts
constituting a rich and admirable pattern"
(p. 25). Particularly among Muslims,
Arberry's translation is held in special
esteem because of its linguistic form. Also
widely popular is the translation by N.J.
Dawood that first appeared as a Penguin
paperback (1956). Among the French trans-
lations, that by Denise Masson (Paris 1967)
stems from the ambit of Louis Massignon
and is indebted to a dialogical attitude to-
wards Islam. In 1990, two new translations
appeared simultaneously. With his very
biblical language, Andre Ghouraqui, who
also translated the Bible, tried to empha-
size the continuity of the three monothe-
istic religions. Jacques Berque is primarily
concerned with rendering the Arabic text
in a stylistically fitting linguistic manner,
while at the same time providing scholarly
justification for the translation. The afore-
mentioned Italian translation by Bonelli
has, since 1955, been joined by a very aca-
demically valuable work by Alessandro
Bausani. Among the Spanish translations,
both that by Juan Vernet (1963) and that by
Julio Gortes (1980) deserve special notice.
Of the academically significant transla-
tions into Slavic languages, the following
two are noteworthy: the Russian edition by
Ignatij Julianovic Krackovskij (1963) and
the Gzech edition by Ivan Hrbek (1972).
Hartmut Bobzin
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Transportation see ships; vehicles
AND transportation; caravan
Travel see journey; trips and voyaoes
Treasure see wealth; booty
Tree(s)
A perennial woody plant with a main
trunk. The Lisdn al-'Arab defines the term
shajar as the "kind of plant that has a trunk
or stem." In the Qiir'an, the denominative
shajara (nomen unitatis) is the form used most
frequently (nineteen times) to designate this
concept. The nominal shajar is found gen-
erally in a collective sense of trees, bushes
or plants; in two instances (c) 56:52; 36:80),
however, it refers to specific trees, of which
more below. For mention of other trees
(date palm [q.v.], olive, etc.) see
AGRICULTURE AND VEGETATION.
The contexts in which the collective sense
of shajar appears depict the creative,
supreme power of the one, unique deity
(see creation; power and impotence).
For example, "It is he who sends down wa-
ter (q.v.) from the skies for you (see heaven
and sky; grace; blessing); from it is
drink and from it is foliage (shajar) upon
which you pasture [your beasts]" (o i6:io;
see sustenance; animal life). The fol-
359
lowing verse mentions specific plants such
as the olive tree, date palm, grape vine and
many (unnamed) fruits, as portents for
those who reflect upon God's creation. In
two similar passages ((J 22:18; 55:6), all
things in heaven and on earth prostrate
before God (see bowing and prostra-
tion), including the sun (q.v.), moon (q.v),
stars (see planets and stars), mountains,
trees and beasts (see animal life).
Whereas God alone causes splendid
orchards or gardens (see garden) to spring
forth, humans cannot produce (the seeds
of) the trees (q^ 27:60; see also o 56:72). The
hadlth collector Muslim (d. ca. 261/875)
records a tradition in which God is said to
have created trees on the third day,
Monday, after the earth (q.v.) and the
mountains (cf. Tibrlzi, Mishcdt, ii, 691-5
[chap. 7]).
One of the two instances of the nominal
form referring to a particular tree is the
"green tree" [al-shajar al-akhdar, C3 36:80).
Al-Zamakhshari (d. 538/1144) explains this
as one of the marvels of God's creation,
the wood of such a tree containing the op-
posite qualities of fire (q.v.) and water. A
proverb claims that "In every tree there is
fire (ndr), the best species being the markh
and the 'afar'" (cf. Zamakhshari, Kashshdf,
ad (J 36:80). A green twig the size of a
tooth stick (siwdk) cut from both trees, each
of which secretes drops of water, woidd be
rubbed together. Underlying the proverb is
the notion of fertility since the male twig
(markh) rubbed against the female twig
{'ajar) ignites fire with God's permission.
The second instance refers to shajar min
Zaqqum (o 56:52), a term that appears in two
other verses as shajarat al-zaqqum ((J 37:62;
44:43). Ibn Manzur (d. 711/1311-12) in the
Lisdn offers the explanation that, when
ft 44:43-4, "Verily the tree of Zaqqum is
the food of sinners" (see sin, major and
minor; food and drink; hell and
hellfire; reward and punishment), was
revealed, the Qiiraysh (q.v.) did not un-
derstand what tree it referred to as it did
not grow in the region. Abu Jahl enquired
if anyone could identify it. A north African
replied that in the dialect of Ifriqiya it
meant a dish of dates and fresh butter [al-
Zubd bi-tamr; the qur'anic commentator
al-Zamakhshari attributes the food to the
Yemenis). Abu Jahl ordered a plate of it for
his companions and, having sampled it,
they mockingly exclaimed, "Is this what
Muhammad has tried to scare us with in
the hereafter?" God then revealed
(J 37:62-5 in which the Zaqqum is de-
scribed as a tree that grows in the depths of
hell, the fruits thereof being like the heads
of devils or, according to al-Baydawi
(d. prob. 716/1316-17), like terrible serpents
foul in aspect, having manes. In C3 56:52
the tree feeds the "companions of the left
hand" (see left hand and right hand),
unbelievers tormented in the afterlife who
drink boiling water to quench their thirst
(see hot and cold). Hence, from being
the food of the people of the fire, the word
was extended to apply to any deadly food.
Combining other lexicographical explana-
tions, the tree might have been an import
to the Middle East (possibly froin India)
known for its pungent odor or astringent
and bitter qualities. The tree is alluded to
in (J 17:60 as the "cursed tree in the
Qtir'an." In this context al-Zamakhshari
presents a rejoinder to the unbelievers'
scoffing scepticism that a tree that did not
burn could possibly exist in hell. He cites
the example of an animal's fur skin used by
the Turks as a "table cloth." When it be-
came dirty it was thrown onto the fire, the
dirt vanished and the table cloth remained
unaffected by the fire. The real purpose of
the passage, he notes, is that God revealed
it to frighten the Prophet's followers who
feared the earthly punishment of death at
the battle of Badr (q.v.). Among the mul-
tiple symbolic functions of trees in the
world's religions, there is a notably infre-
quent occurrence of the tree as a direct
360
source of danger, or as an instrument of
punishment. Tlie tree of Zaqqum is one
sucli symbol wliich, as an integral part of
God's creation, reflects the divine control
over both destinies in the afterlife, hell as
well as heaven. In the post-biblical Book of
^ohar, the fruit of the tree of knowledge is
said to have brought death to the whole
world.
With the story of the forbidden tree in
paradise (q.v.), the qur'anic narrative falls
well within the earlier biblical tradition,
although with certain significant differ-
ences. The first reference occurs in o 2:35
where God permits Adam and his wife to
dwell in the garden (see ADAM and eve),
saying, "Eat freely of its plenty wherever
you wish, but do not go near this tree, or
you will be wrongdoers." The tree is un-
identified in this passage and al-Tabari's
(d. 310/923) sources suggest it referred to
wheat or the vine, among others. Al-
Tabari himself concludes that God had
indicated to them by name which tree he
meant. In the next passage (q 7:19-22), the
tree is again unidentified. Iblls (Satan),
whom God had already expelled from the
garden for his refusal to bow to Adam (see
BOWING and prostration; insolence
AND obstinacy; arrogance), secretly
re-enters it and deceitfully (bi-ghururin)
advises the pair of God's intention behind
his prohibition. This was to prevent their
becoming angels (see angel) or one of the
immortals (see eternity). In q 20:i20 the
tree is explicitly named. Here Iblis (Satan)
whispers (see whisper) to Adam, "Shall I
lead you to the tree of immortality (shajarat
al-khuld) and a kingdom that does not de-
cay?" Satan's real purpose was to expose
the couple to their own nakedness (of
which they had previously been unaware)
and shame in their disobedience (q.v.) of
God (see nudity; fall of man). In his
History, al-Tabari presents several overlap-
ping accounts of these events. In one, orig-
inating with Wahb b. Munabbih (d. ca.
110/728), the tree is described as having
intertwining branches which bore fruit of
which the angels ate in order to live eter-
nally. Then, addressing Adam after his sin
of disobedience, God says, "Neither in
paradise nor on earth was there a tree
more excellent than the acacia (talk) and
the lote-tree (sidr)," a pointed allusion to
these mentioned in q 56:28-9.
Lane says the denominative form (sidra)
denotes a species of lote-tree called by
Linnaeus rhamnus spina Christi and by
Forskal rhamnus nabeca, its fruit known as
nabiq. The (thornless) lote and acacia in the
collective sense appear in o 56:28-9 in a
description of the day of judgment (see
LAT judgment), where the companions on
the right hand (of God), the faithful, dwell
among the shade of the trees, gushing wa-
ter and abundant fruit. The lote-tree (nomen
unitatis sidra) is also mentioned in c) 53-14,
16, but here it is a unique tree, the sidrat
al-muntahd, the lote tree of the furthermost
boundary near the garden of refuge (jannat
al-ma'wd). Al-Zamakhsharl notes that here
ends the knowledge of the angels and oth-
ers and no one knows what lies beyond the
tree, and that the spirits of the martyrs end
here (see martyr). In the hadith literature
(see hadith and the q,ur'an), details from
the two qur'anic passages appear to be
conflated. In one, the Prophet said, "In
paradise there is a tree in whose shade a
horseman would be able to ride for a
hundred years." In another, also preserved
in al-Tabrlzl's (fl. eighth/fourteenth cent.)
Miskkdt al-Masdbih (Tibrlzl, Mishcat, i, 24) as
a citation from al-Bukharl (d. 256/870) and
Muslim (cf Bukharl, Sahih, i, 306-7 [bk. 59,
K. Bad' al-khalq, 6]; Fr. trans, ii, 428-31;
Muslim, Sahih, i, 145-7, ii°- ^59 [bk. i,
K. al-Imdn, 74]), the Prophet describes his
night journey and ascension (q.v.) through
the heavens where, in the seventh sphere
(in another version, the sixth), he is taken
36i
to the sidrat al-muntahd. Its fruits were as
large as earthenware pots and its leaves like
elephants' ears. His companion, the angel
Gabriel (q.v.), tells him of the four rivers he
witnessed; the two concealed which were
in paradise and the two manifest which
were the Nile and the Euphrates. As the
sidrat al-muntahd figured in the ascension
stories, it proved an attractive symbol in
the Sufi tradition (see sOfism and the
cjur'an). For example, al-Tustarl (d. 283/
896) links this qur'anic passage about the
celestial tree with the light of Muhammad
when it appeared before God a million
years prior to creation. There was unveiled
"the mystery by the Mystery Itself, at the
Lote Tree of the Boundary, that is the tree
at which the knowledge of everyone comes
to an end" (Schimmel, Muhammad, 125; see
intellect; knowledge and learning).
Historians of religion have seen in this
account of the lote tree parallels with
shamanic visions of the world-tree. N.R.
Reat has argued that the most common
name of the Islamic world-tree is taken
from a hadith in Ibn Hanbal's (d. 241/855)
Musnad. To the question, "What is bliss
(tuba)? ", the Prophet answered that it is a
tree in paradise called shajarat al-tubd, the
like of which does not exist on earth. In
the Shrt tradition (see SHl'lsM and the
q^ur'an), Muhammad Baqir al-Majlisl's
(d. 1110/1698) life of the Prophet contains
several references to the same tree. Jesus
(q.v.) inquired about it and was told by
God that he had planted it himself; that its
"trunk and branches are gold and its leaves
beautiful garments. Its fruit resembles the
breasts of virgins and is sweeter than
honey and softer than butter and it is
watered by the fountain of Tesneem"
(Majlisi, Life, 92; see springs and
fountains). Muhammad, on his ascension
journey, describes the tree as so immense
that a bird could not fiy around its trunk in
seven hundred years; that its roots lay in
'All's celestial palace (see 'alI b. abI talib;
shI'a) and "there was not a residence in
that blessed world to which a branch of
that tree did not extend." In this account,
Gabriel tells Muhammad that God has
referred to the tree in Q_ 13:29: "Those who
believe and do what is right (shall enjoy)
bliss (tuba) and a happy resurrection (q.v.)."
It is clear from Majlisi's account, however,
that tdbd was a tree distinct from the sidrat
al-muntahd, lying beyond the former and
"every leaf of which shaded a great sect."
Al-Tabari's sources are more equivocal in
his discussion of q 13:29. Some exegetes
argue for the abstract notion of "bliss" or
"bounty," while others claim it is a garden
in Ethiopia or India or a tree in paradise,
for which last meaning he provides lengthy
discussion.
Of the remaining references to trees in
the Qiir'an, the most notable occurs in the
famous "Light Verse" (q 24:35): "A blessed
olive tree, of neither east nor west, whose
oil gives light (q.v.), though fire (q.v.)
touches it not," forming part of a simile of
God (see similes) as "the light of the heav-
ens and earth." Prayer rugs may be de-
signed with a niche, a lamp and a stylised
tree appearing to feed it with its oil. Al-
Zamakhsharl explains that the best olive
tree with the purest oil grows in Syria and
that the rising and setting sun should fall
upon it, hence it is both of the "east and
west."
Finally, in C3 14:24, 26, there occurs the
parable (q.v.) of the good word which is
like a good tree (shajara tayyiba) with firm
roots and high branches while an evil word
is like an evil tree (shajara khabitha) uprooted
and unstable (see speegh; good and
evil), ci 37:147 refers to Jonah (q.v.) and
how he was cast up from the sea upon the
shore and a gourd vine (shajara minyaqtin)
was caused to grow over him for protec-
tion. A historical allusion is found in
q 48:18, that "God was well pleased with
362
the believers when they swore allegiance to
you under the tree." This is a reference to
the 1500 persons who declared themselves
for the Prophet at Hudaybiya (q.v; see also
CONTRACTS AND ALLIANCES). Robertson
Smith, citing Yaqut (d. 626/1229), says this
tree was visited by pilgrims seeking its
blessing until the caliph (q.v.) 'Umar cut it
down to avoid its being worshipped like
al-Lat and al-'Uzza (see polytheism and
atheism; south Arabia, religions in
PRE-lSLAMic). Among the numerous refer-
ences to God's causing vegetation to grow
from the rain he sends down, there is the
lone mention (c3 23:20) of "a tree that is-
sues from Mount Sinai (q.v.) yielding oil
(duhn) and seasoning (sibgh) for all to eat."
At o 28:30 God speaks to Moses (q.v.) from
a bush (al-shajara) on blessed ground. In
contrast to the examples discussed above
(with the possible exception of the "green
tree"), the trees mentioned in this last para-
graph are all terrestrial rather than super-
natural (see also esghatology).
David Waines
Bibliography
Primary: BaydawT, Anwar; BukharT, ed. Krehl; Fr.
trans. O. Hondas and W. Mar^ais, Les traditions
islamiques, 4 vols., Paris 1903-14; Ibn Hanbal,
Musnad; Lane; Lisdn al-'Arab; MajlisT, 'Allama
Mnhammad Baqir,TA(; life and religion of
Muhammad (Hayat al-qulubj, trans. J. Merrick,
Boston [1850] 1982; Muslim, Sahih; Tabarl,
TafsTr; id., Ta'rikh; al-TibrlzT, Muhammad b.
'Abdallah, Mishcdt-ul-masdbih, trans. Capt. A.N.
Matthews, 2 vols., Calcutta 1809-10; Zamakh-
shari, Kashshdf.
Secondary: Th. Barnes, Trees and plants, in ERE,
xii, 448-57; M.I.H. Farooqi, Plants of the Quran,
Lucknow 1989 (1992'); PR. Frese and S.J.M.
Gray, Trees, in ER, xv, 26-33; ^- Lechler, The
tree of life in Indo-European and Islamic cul-
tures, in Ars islamica 4 (1937), 369-416; Noldeke,
GQ, i, 135 n. 5 (for further references); N.R. Reat,
The tree symbol in Islam, in Studies in comparative
religion 9 (1975), 164-82; W. Robertson Smith,
The religion of the Semites, New York 1956;
A. Schimmel, And Aiuhammad is his messenger,
Chapel Hill 1985; A.J. Wensinck, Tree and birds as
cosmological symbols in western Asia, Amsterdam
1921, esp. pp. 1-35.
Trench see people of the ditch;
EXPEDITIONS AND BATTLES; MUHAMMAD
Trial
Challenge to be endured. Some one hun-
dred verses in the Qiir'an deal directly or
indirectly with trial, in particular as a trial
or test of true belief. Four verbs and/or
their verbal nouns are especially used, of
which the first two constitute the vast ma-
jority of these references: bald', ibtild' [e.g.
Q, 2:49; 3:186; 47:31; 8g:i6),fatana, Jitna (e.g.
C3 8:28; 64:15), mahhasa (only in C3 3:141 and
154) and imtahana (only in Q_ 49:3 and 60: lO;
(J 60 is additionally entitled al-Aiumtahana,
literally, "she who was tested," but its main
concern is relations between believers and
non-believers, which is tangential to this
article; see BELIEF AND unbelief). For
trial in the sense of inquisition, see
INQUISITION.
Yet the meaning of the Qiir'an in its en-
tirety can be taken as a trial or test since it
affords humankind the way to salvation
(q.v.) if people choose to follow God's com-
mands (see commandment; obedience)
presented in it. Trials serve the purpose of
distinguishing between those who do right
and those who do not (o 2:152-7; 47:31;
60:10; 67:2; see GOOD deeds; evil deeds;
VIRTUES AND VICES, COMMANDING AND
forbidding) or between believers and un-
believers. In his exegesis of a qur'anic verse
dealing with the issue of coercion in re-
ligious matters (q 2:256; see tolerance
AND compulsion), the exegete al-RazI
(d. 606/1210; see exegesis of the cjur'an:
CLASSICAL and MEDIEVAL) actually speaks
of this world as a place of trial (ddr al-dunyd
hiya ddr al-ibtild') with reference to the fact
that people have a choice to believe or not
363
TRIBES AND ('.LANS
(see FREEDOM AND PREDESTINATION;
GRATITUDE AND INGRATITUDE). Carrying
the argument further, he says that, had
there been no choice and all were true be-
lievers, the world would be a perfect place
and the notion of later punishment or re-
ward would cease to have any meaning (see
REWARD AND PUNISHMENT). Believers are
subjected to trials in this world, both ma-
terially and spiritually (e.g. (J 2:155; 3:186;
5:48; 6:165; 21:35; 89:16). Hope (q.v.) and
endurance (patience; see trust and
patience) help a believer during moments
of trial (o 4:104; 31:17). God gives signs
(q.v.) as a test to people (q 44:33) and God
rewards those who stand in the face of ad-
versity ((J 2:155-7). Even God's prophets
(see prophets and prophethood) are not
exempt from these tests: "Thus we have
appointed for every prophet an adversary
(see enemies; opposition to muhammad):
the demons of humankind or of jinn (q.v.),
who inspire to one another pleasing speech
intended to lead astray (q.v.) through guile"
(c) 6:112; cf. also Q 22:52; see devil).
In light of the above, trials of past proph-
ets and communities serve as examples for
humankind. Abraham (q.v.), for instance,
endured trials but in the end succeeded
because he accepted God's command-
ments (q^ 2:124; 37:104-7). The story of
Joseph (q.v.) recounts his torment but final
victory (q^ 12) and that of his father Jacob
(q.v.) who had lost his sight as a result of
his distress over the loss of his son
(c3 12:84), only to regain it later after learn-
ing that, true to his inner belief, his son was
indeed not dead (c3 12:96). The Children of
Israel (q.v.) suffered persecutions under the
people of Pharaoh (q.v.; (j 2:49) but were
delivered from this shame by the lord (q.v.;
Q, 44-30; see also deliverance). God
grants mercy (q.v.) to those who are faithful
in the face of numerous trials, illustrated,
for example, by the initial childlessness of
Zechariah (q.v.), and the allegations of
Mary's (q.v.) immoral behavior — both of
whom were ultimately rewarded and/or
exonerated (q^ 19:2-33; see chastity;
adultery and FORNit:ATioN). Satan, too,
may tempt and hence test people by raising
doubt in sick hearts (() 22:53; see heart)
and Satan brought agony to the prophet
Job (q.v.) which was taken away after Job
asked God for help (q 38:4if ).
The qur'anic emphasis on the trials of
this world is reflected in the theological
gloss given to the struggles of the Islamic
community, particularly in its early years.
This is especially evident in the portrayal
of social and political upheavals of the first
generations as rebellion (q.v.) against the
divine law (see LAW and the q^ur'an),
leading to schism which could threaten the
purity of the faith (q.v.) of the believers (cf.
Gardet, Fitna). Disturbances such as that
between 'All and Mu'awiya were often
labeled as eras oi fitna, or trial, for the
believing community (see also politics
and the q,ur'an).
John Nawas
Bibliography
Primary: al-GhazalT, Ahmad b. Muhammad,
Ihyd' 'ulum al-din, 4 vols., Cairo 1933 (repr. of
Bulaq 1289/1872), iv, 53-123 (A! al-Sabr wa-l-shukr,
esp. irof., for discussion of al-bald' in the life of
humans); Nu'aym b. Hammad, al-Fitan, ed. M. b.
M. al-ShurT, Beirut 1997 (particularly for the trial
of the afterlife, or 'adhdb al~qabr)] RazT, TafsTr.
Secondary: J. Aguade, Messianismus zur ^eit der
fruhen. Das Kitdb al-Fitan des Nu 'aym Ibn Hammad,
diss. U. Tubingen 1979 (another work important
for the trial of the afterlife); L. Gardet, Fitna, in
El', ii, 930-1.
Tribes and Clans
The social units that constituted Arabian
society in pre-Islamic and early Islamic
times (see pre-islamic Arabia and the
quR'AN). As the Muslim polity developed,
Muslim society became more complex and
TRIBES AND CLANS
364
tribes ceased to be the sole constituent ele-
ment. Nonetheless, Arab tribes did not
disappear altogether (see arabs; bedouin).
Modern historians of Islam understand the
word "tribe" as a social unit larger than a
"clan," but there is no consensus about the
definition of either of these terms. Other
words are occasionally used as synonyms of
"clan," such as "sub-tribe," "branch,"
"faction," and "subdivision," but all of
these lack a fixed meaning. Anthro-
pologists, in contrast, use such terms in a
much more technical and precise fashion.
The Arabic designations of social units,
such as qabila, hayj, 'ashtra, qawm, batn, etc.,
also lack precision and the sources often
use them interchangeably (see also
kinship). The common practice among
modern Islamicists is to translate qabila as
"tribe."
Four terms in the Qiir'an express the
notion of a social unit: 'ashira, asbdt, shu 'ub
and qabd'il. The first of these, 'ashira, oc-
curs three times [q_ 9:24; 26:214; 58:22) and
seems to denote an extended family (q.v.)
rather than a tribe. The second, asbdt, oc-
curs five times, invariably referring to the
tribes of the Children of Israel (q.v.;
Q, 2:136, 140; 3:84; 4:163; 7:160). Medieval
Muslim exegetes (see exegesis of the
qur'an: classical and medieval) explain
that the word asbdt is used to denote the
tribes of the descendants of Isaac (q.v.;
Ishaq) in order to distinguish them from
the descendants of Ishmael (q.v.; Isma'il);
the latter, the Arabian tribes, are referred
to as qabd'il. As for etymology, certain ex-
egetes derive the term asbdt from sibt in the
sense of "a grandchild," for the Children
of Israel are like grandchildren to Jacob
(q.v.; Ya'qub). Others assign to sibt the
meaning of "succession," explaining that
the generations (q.v.) of the Children of
Israel succeeded one another and therefore
they are asbdt. Yet another derivation of
asbdt is from sabat, a certain tree; the exe-
getes explain that the father is likened to a
tree and the descendants to its branches
(Ibn al-Ha'im, Tibydn, i, iii; Qiirtubl,
Jdmi', ii, 141; vii, 303; Ibn Kathir, Tafsir, i,
188; Shawkani, Fath, i, 147). The word asbdt,
however, seems to be a loan word from the
Hebrew shevatim (sing, s/ievet), "tribes."
The third and the fourth terms, shu ub
and qabd'il, occur in the Qiir'an once, in
the famous verse that served the Shu'u-
biyya movement (see below), "O people,
we have created you male and female, and
made you groups and tribes (shu 'uban wa-
qabd'ila) so that you may know one an-
other; the noblest among you in the sight
of God is the most pious" (c) 49:13). Sha'b
(pi. shu'ub) probably was the South Arabic
term parallel to the Arabic qabila (pi.
qabd'il; see Beeston, Some features; al-
Sayyid, al-Umma, 29). There were, how-
ever, important differences. First, the
Arabian social units called qabd'il were
based on common descent, whereas the
south Arabian units called shu 'ub were not;
secondly, the latter were sedentary, whereas
the former included both nomads (q.v.) and
settled people. Muslim exegetes, however,
interpreted the qur'anic shu'ub and qabd'il
according to the needs of their own days.
The various interpretations reflect the dis-
pute about equality between Arab Muslims
and other Muslims, the ideas of the
Shu'ubiyya movement and the response of
their rivals (see politics and the our'an).
One line of interpretation conceives of the
two words as applying to north and central
Arabian social units of different size and
different genealogical depth. According to
this interpretation a qabila is a tribe, such as
the Quraysh (q.v.), whereas a sha'b is a "su-
per tribe," that is, the framework that in-
cludes several tribes, such as Mudar.
Another line of interpretation endows the
two words with an ethnic coloring.
According to this, qabd'il refers to Arabs,
whereas shu'ub means non-Arabs
365
TRIBES AND CLANS
or mawaff (clients; see clients and
clientage) or social units based on ter-
ritory rather than on genealogy (which
again amounts to non-Arabs, see e.g. Ibn
Kathir, Tafsir, iv, 218; for a detailed discus-
sion and references, see Goldziher, Ms, i,
137-98; Mottahedeh, Shu'ubiyya; Marlow,
Hierarchy, 2-3, 96-9, 106; al-Sayyid, al-
Umma, 26-36).
The scarcity of resources in Arabia on
the one hand and the tribal structure of
the society on the other, led to incessant
competitions and feuds between the
Arabian social units. These facts of life
were idealized and became the basis of the
social values of the Arabs (Goldziher, MS, i,
18-27; Obermann, Early Islam; al-Sayyid,
al-Umma, 19-25). Naturally, when the
Prophet sought to establish a community
of believers, he hoped to achieve unity
among all Muslims (Goldziher, Ms, i,
45-9). Many prophetic traditions (hadlths;
see hadith and the cjur'an) were cir-
culated, denouncing tribal pride, tribal
feuds and tribal solidarity that disrupted
the overall unity of the Muslim commu-
nity. The Qiir'an, however, advocates
unity among Muslims (e.g. Q_ 3:103;
8:63; 49:10) without denouncing tribal
values. Indeed, the Qiir'an does not even
reflect the fact that pre-Islamic Arabian
society was a tribal society. It is never-
theless important to understand the
structure and the social concepts that
constituted the setting prior to the advent
of Islam.
Arabian society of pre-Islamic and early
Islamic times may be schematically de-
scribed as consisting of hierarchies of ag-
natic descent groups that came into being
by a process of segmentation. As a rule, the
major part of any given group considered
itself the descendants in the male line of a
single male ancestor, thus differentiating
itself from other descent groups (see
patriarc;hy). At the same time, it con-
sidered itself part of ever larger descent
groups because its members were also the
offspring of ancestors further and further
removed up the same male line. Any given
descent group referred sometimes to a
closer, at other times to a more distant
ancestor, according to its interests. When
referring to a distant ancestor, a descent
group ignored the dividing lines between
itself and those segments which, like itself,
descended from the same distant ancestor.
Thus, the more distant the ancestor, the
larger the descent group and the greater
the number of segments included in it. All
Arabs considered themselves to be ulti-
mately descended from two distant ances-
tors, in two different male lines, so that the
genealogical scheme may be represented
approximately as two pyramids. Descent
groups are typically called "Banil so-
and-so," i.e. "the descendants of so-
and-so." It should, however, be noted that
not every name mentioned in the genealo-
gies stands for a founder of a descent
group and that the recorded genealogies
are not always genuine (some would even
say are never genuine). Groups were
sometimes formed by alliances, not by seg-
mentation; but such groups, too, were
eventually integrated into the genealogical
scheme by fabricated genealogies and con-
sidered to be agnatic descent groups.
The sources preserved the names of
many agnatic descent groups, which varied
greatly in size and in their genealogical
depth or level of segmentation. It is often
clear that a given descent group was an
entity of considerable genealogical depth
that comprised a great number of inde-
pendent segments. In the genealogies, the
ancestor of such a comprehensive descent
group would be far removed up the male
line; the constituent segments of the group
would be called after various descendants
in the male line of that distant ancestor.
Modern scholars of Arabia and Islam
TRIBES AND CLANS
366
commonly refer to the comprehensive de-
scent groups as "tribes" ahhough, techni-
cally speaking, the term is perhaps not
entirely appropriate. A descent group
(comprehensive or not) consists of all de-
scendants in the male line of a single male
ancestor. A tribe, usually having a descent
group at its core, includes others as well
(clients, confederates; see brother and
brotherhood). It is in fact difficult to
determine whether the familiar names
such as Quraysh, Tamlm, 'Amir, Tayyi',
Asad, etc., stand for tribes or for compre-
hensive descent groups. Obviously, the
sources do not make this distinction (al-
though they may include various specifica-
tions); neither do Islamicists who refer to
these entities as tribes. As far as the me-
dieval books of genealogy are concerned,
these names stand for comprehensive de-
scent groups. The records of Qiiraysh,
Tamim, etc., in these sources only include
descendants in the male line of the respec-
tive distant ancestors. The genuineness of
the genealogies is often disputed but no
confederate or client is included as such in
the record of any given group. On the
other hand, it stands to reason that, in
practice, a descent group and its confeder-
ates and clients counted as one entity, at
least for certain purposes. Were it not so,
there would have been no point to the ex-
istence of categories such as confederates
and clients. This ambiguity is reflected in
the way the historical sources record details
of groups such as participants in a given
battle (see expeditions and battles).
The names of the genuine members of
each tribe are recorded first, followed by a
separate list containing the names of the
clients and the confederates. The same
analysis applies to the segments that con-
stituted the tribes. For the genealogical
books they are descent groups but in
practice they included outsiders as con-
federates and clients, so that they were
not in fact descent groups; they may be
referred to as "sections." The processes of
segmentation and alliance effected con-
stant changes in the composition of de-
scent groups, tribes and sections. Because
of this fact and the fluidity of the genea-
logical references, the distinction be-
tween tribes and sections is often
blurred.
There is no dispute about the tribal
nature of Arabian society before and after
the advent of Islam; yet we do not know
what the members of any given tribe had
in common other than the name and per-
haps some sense of solidarity (see an ex-
ample of such solidarity in Tabarl, Ta'nkh,
vii, 175). Defining features such as those
that exist for modern Bedouin tribes can-
not be discerned for the period under dis-
cussion. A modern Bedouin tribe in the
Negev and Sinai may be defined by a com-
mon name, common leadership, common
territory, sometimes common customary
law, and external recognition, both legal
and political (see Marx, Bedouin, 61-3, 95,
123-4; ^d.. Tribal pilgrimages, iog-i6;
Stewart, Bedouin boundaries; id., 'Urf, 891).
By contrast, the defining features of the
tribes of old are far from clear. The mem-
bers of a given tribe sometimes occupied
adjacent territories but the legal signifi-
cance of this fact, if any, is unknown (see
al-Jasir, Tahdid). As often as not, sections
of one and the same tribe were scattered
over large, non-adjacent areas. It is there-
fore not possible to define a tribe by its
territory. Customary law seems to have
constituted a factor uniting all Arabian
tribes rather than a boundary differentiat-
ing between them. A pre-Islamic tribe cer-
tainly had no common leadership and its
sections did not usually unite for common
activities. Political division within one and
the same tribe was the rule rather than the
367
TRIBES AND ('.LANS
exception. When the sources seem to be
reporting a joint activity of a tribe, it often
turns out that tlie report is misleading. The
confusion arises from the fluidity of the
genealogical references. Apparently fol-
lowing the practice of the tribesmen
themselves, the sources call sections in-
terchangeably by the names of their closer
and more distant ancestors. Obviously, a
designation by a more distant ancestor ap-
plies to a more comprehensive segment. As
a rule, a smaller section may be designated
by the name of one of the larger ones to
which it belongs but not vice versa (except
when a specific name becomes generic,
such as Qays, which came to designate all
the so-called "northern tribes"). Thus
when various versions of one and the same
account refer to a given group by different
names, the smallest framework mentioned
is probably the one that was really involved
in the events related in that account
(Landau-Tasseron, Asad; id., Tayyi'). We
are thus left with no real definition of an
Arabian tribe in the period discussed here,
except its name and a measure of solidar-
ity. The concept of 'asabiyya, commonly
rendered as "tribal solidarity," was too
vague and too fluid to bind all the men of
any given tribe or section.
'Asabiyya should not be confused with the
concept of shared legal responsibility.
The latter was a factor that drew precise
boundaries between groups; the groups
thus defined, however, were neither tribes
nor sections because they consisted of
adult males only. In pre-Islamic and early
Islamic society the adult male members of
certain agnatic descent groups shared legal
responsibility. They were accountable for
each other's offenses. At its most extreme
manifestation, this rule meant that they
jointly sought revenge or received blood
money (q.v.; see also retaliation) when
one of them was killed by an outsider (see
murder; violence); conversely, they were
all exposed to vengeance (q.v.) or obliged to
pay blood money when one of them killed
an outsider. The obligation of mutual as-
sistance applied not only in matters of
blood revenge but also in less extreme situ-
ations. Such a group of men sharing legal
responsibility may be called a co-liable
group (see Marx, Bedouin, chaps. 7 and 8).
The rules by which co-liable groups were
formed in the past are unknown. The ma-
terial at hand does not disclose whether
they came into being on the basis of a cer-
tain genealogical depth, mutual consent of
the members, a decision by the elders, ex-
ternal public opinion or any combination
of these or other factors (cf. Stewart, Texts,
i, 26-122; id., Tha'r; id.. Structure of
Bedouin society; Marx, Bedouin, 63-78,
180-242).
Agnatic descent groups often accepted
outsiders into their ranks. The male adults
from among these outsiders shared liability
with the male adults of the descent group
that they had joined. It should be noted
that, as a rule, a section bore the name of
the descent group that formed its core; the
co-liable group based on a given descent
group, or on the section that crystallized
around it (if any), bore the same name.
Obviously, great confusion ensues when
one and the same name designates three
groups of different kinds (a descent group,
the section that crystallized around it and
the male adult members thereof, i.e. the
co-liable group).
Co-liable groups were thus based either
on descent groups or on sections, but not
every descent group and every section con-
stituted the framework of a single co-liable
group. The actual boundaries of liability,
that is, the lines dividing the various co-
liable groups, are unknown. We may be
certain that the men of a tribe never con-
stituted a single co-liable group; we cannot
TRINITY
368
tell, however, which sections within each
tribe fulfilled this function at any given
point in time.
In conclusion, we know thousands of
names of tribes and sections but we cannot
describe the defining features of a tribe or
a section. We can define the phenomenon
of the co-liable groups that were based on
tribal sections but we cannot draw the lines
dividing them.
Ella Landau-Tasseron
Bibliography
Primary: Ibn 'Abd Rabbihi, Ahmad b. Muham-
mad, al-'Iqd ai-fand, ed. A. Amln, A. al-Zayn and
I. al-Abyarl, 8 vols., Cairo 1942, iii, 312-417; Ibn
al-Ha^Tm, Ahmad b. Muhammad, al-Tibydnfi
tafsir ghanb al-Qur'dn, Cairo 1992; Ibn Hazm, 'All
b. Ahmad, Jamharat ansdb al-'arab, ed. 'A.M.
Harun, Cairo 1962; Ibn Kathir, Tafsir, Cairo n.d.;
al-Nuwayrl, Shihab al-Dln Ahmad b. 'Abd al-
Wahhab, Nihdyat al-arabjifunun al-adab, 6 vols.,
Cairo 1924, ii, 291-375; al-Q_alqashandT, Ahmad
b. 'All, Qald'id al-jumdnji l~ta'rif bi-qabd'il 'arab al-
Zamdn, ed. I. al-Abyarl, Cairo 1383/1963; id.,
Subh al-a'skdji sind'at al-inshd, ed. M.H. Shams al-
Dln, 14 vols., Beirut 1407/1987, i, 359-420;
Qurtubl, J'amr, Cairo 1952-67; al-Shawkanl,
Muhammad b. 'All, Fath al-qadir, 5 vols., Beirut
n.d.; TabarT, Ta'nkh, Cairo 1960-9, vii.
Secondary: A.F.L. Beeston, Some features of
social structure in Saba\ in Sources for the history of
Arabia, 2 vols., Riyadh 1979, i, 115-23; E. Braun-
lich, Beitrage zur Gesellschaftsordnung der
Arabischen Bedouinenstamme, in Islamica 6
(1934), 68-iri, 182-229; ^^'- Gaskel, The bedouini-
zation of Arabia, in G.E. von Grunebaum (ed.),
Studies in Islamic cultural history [The American
anthropologist (n.s.) 56/2 pt. 2 (April 1954)],
Menasha, WI 1954, 36-46; id., Gamharat an-nasab.
Das Genealogicsche Werk des Hisdm b. Muhammad al-
Kalbi, Leiden 1966; J. Chelhod, Introduction a la
sociologie de I'islatn, Paris 1958, chap. 2; id., Kabila,
in El^, iv, 334-5; P- Crone, Tribes and states in
the Middle East, in jras^/'^ (1993), 353-76;
E Gabrielli (ed.), Uantica societa beduina, Roma
1959; Goldziher, Ms, trans.; H. al-Jasir, Tahdld
manazil al-qaba'il al-qadlma 'ala daw' ash'ariha,
in Majallat al- Arab 7 (1972-3), 321-57, 421-8,
515-22, 597-602, 653-68, 759-70= 829-38, 898-922;
8 (1973-4), 29-34, 104-14; 'U.R. Kahhala, Mujam
al-qabd'il al-'arabiyya al-qadima wa-l-haditha,
Damascus 1949; Ph.S. Khoury andj. Kostiner
(eds.). Tribes and state formation in the Middle East,
Berkeley 1990, part i; M.J. Kister and M. Pless-
ner. Notes on Caskel's Gamharat an-nasab, in Oriens
25-6 (1976), 48-68; E. Landau-Tasseron, Alliances
among the Arabs, in al-Qcintara 26/1 (2005),
141-73; id., Asad from Jahiliyya to Islam, in
/AM/ 6 (1985), 1-28; id., The participation of
Tayyi' in the ridda, in JSAI '^ (1984}, 53-71;
Majallat ai-Arab i (1966-7), 111-120 (a survey of
literature on genealogy, both ancient and
modern); L. Marlow, Hierarchy and egalitarianism in
Islamic thought, Cambridge 1997; E. Marx, Bedouin
of the JVegev, Manchester 1967; id., Tribal
pilgrimages to saints' tombs in south Sinai, in
E. Gellner (ed.). Islamic dilemmas. Reformers,
nationalists and industrialization, Berlin/New
York/Amsterdam 1985, 105-32; R. Mottahedeh,
The Shu'ubiyya and the social history of early
Islamic Iran, in IJMES 7 (1976), 161-82; J. Ober-
mann. Early Islam, in R.C. Dentan (ed.), The idea
of history in the ancient Near East, New Haven 1955,
239-310; W. al-Qadl, The conceptual foundation
of cultural diversity in pre-modern Islamic
civilization, in A. A. Said and M. Sharify-Funk
(eds.). Cultural diversity and Islam, New York 2003,
85-106; R. al-Sayyid, Majahim al-jamd'dtfi l-Isldm,
Beirut 1984; id., al-Umma wa-l-jamd'a wa-l-sulta,
Beirut 1984; E Stewart, Bedouin boundaries in
central Sinai and the southern Negev, Wiesbaden 1986;
id.. On the structure of Bedouin society in the
Negev, in Ha-mizrah He-hadash 33 (1991), 132-44
(in Heb.); id., Texts in Sinai Bedouin law, 2 vols.,
Wiesbaden 1988-90; id., Tha'r, in ei^, x, 442-3;
id., 'Urf, in Ei^, x, 887-92.
Tribute see taxation; poll tax;
booty; captives; politics and the
q^ur'an
Trick see laughter; lie; mockery;
magic; humor
Trinity
The distinctive Christian doctrine of one
God in three persons, directly alluded to
three times in the Qiir'an. The overwhelm-
ingly powerful assertion in the Qiir'an that
God is absolutely one rules out any notion
that another being could share his sover-
eignty (q.v.) or nature (see god and his
attributes). The text abounds with deni-
369
TRINITY
als that there could be two gods (c) 16:51)
and that he could have partners (e.g.
C3 6:163; 10:18, 28-9; 23:91; see POLYTHEISM
AND atheism) or relations (c) 6:ioo; 16:57;
17:111; 25:2; 112:3) and explicitly repudiates
the idea that he took Jesus (q.v.) as his son
(c) 4:171; 19:34-5)- This is the context in
which its rejection of belief in the Trinity
is to be understood. Whether it does, in
fact, reject the doctrine has been contested,
though from a very early date there has
been little doubt of this among Muslims.
The three direct references to triple deity
occur in the two late suras, (3 4 and 5,
which number lOO and 114 respectively in
the chronological order suggested by
Noldeke, gq. What appears to be the most
straightforward of the three is C3 5:73:
"Certainly they disbelieve (see belief and
unbelief) who say: God is the third of
three (thdlith thaldtha), for there is no god
except one God." It has been suggested
that this verse criticizes a deviant form of
Trinitarian belief which overstressed the
distinctiveness of the three persons at the
expense of their unity as substance
(Masson, Coran, 93; Watt-Bell, Introduction,
158). It has also been noted that, in fact,
this is not a reference to the Trinity but to
Jesus, who in Syriac literature was often
called "the third of three" (Griffith,
Christians and Christianity, 312-13). By this
reading C3 5:73 must be seen as constituting
part of a sustained criticism of the belief
in the divinity of Christ that occupies the
whole of C3 5:72-5, i.e. an emphatic repeti-
tion of the criticism in verse 72 that God
and Christ are identical (see christians
AND CHRISTIANITY; POLEMIC AND
POLEMICAL language). But it is equally
plausible to read this and the preceding
verse, which is evidently intended as a pair
with this since it begins with the same for-
mula (laqad kafara lladhina qdlu inna...), as
intentional simplifications of the two major
Christian beliefs in the humanity and
divinity of Christ and the Trinity, simpli-
fications that expose the weaknesses they
each contain when analyzed from the
strictly monotheistic perspective of the
Qvir'an. Thus, (J 5:72 attacks what it por-
trays as the eternal God (see eternity)
and the human born of Mary (q.v.) being
identical, while o 5:73 attacks the notion
that God could have partners in his divin-
ity. The teaching in this verse is certainly
that Christians place other beings along-
side the true God. If it is taken in its con-
text, the implication can be drawn from
Q^ 5:72 and 75 that one of these is Jesus,
while from the firm emphasis on his and
his mother's human needs in o 5:75
("Christ the son of Mary was no more
than a messenger [q.v.]... and his mother
was a woman of truth [q.v.]; they had both
to eat food"; see FOOD and drink;
PROPHETS and prophethood), it is even
possible to infer that the other was Mary
[Jaldlayn, ad loc).
Whether or not this is the intention in
Q_ 5:73, the second reference in the Qiir'an
to three deities makes such an accusation
explicit. This is in <J 5:116: "And behold!
God will say: ^O Jesus, the son of Mary!
Did you say to people (al-nds), "Take me
and my mother for two gods beside God?"'
He will say, 'Glory to you (see glorifica-
tion OF god)! Never could I say what I
had no right [to].' " In what is intended as
an eschatological interrogation of Jesus
(see o 5:109; see eschatology), God
brings up a claim evidently associated with
him, that he encouraged people to regard
himself and Mary as gods besides God (min
duni lldh). The implication is that Chris-
tians made him the source of the wrong
belief they hold. Strictly speaking, this
verse need not be read as a reference to a
version of the Trinity but rather as an
example of shirk, claiming divinity for
beings other than God (see idolatry
AND idolaters). As such, it could be
TRINITY
370
understood as a warning against excessive
devotion to Jesus and extravagant venera-
tion of Mary, a reminder linked to the cen-
tral theme of the Qiir'an that there is only
one God and he alone is to be worshipped
(see worship). Nevertheless, this verse has
been read in relation to the Trinity and
linked with others such as Q^ 6:iOi, which
denies that God has a consort and there-
fore a son, to assert that Christians believe
in a godhead comprising God, Mary and
Jesus.
It has been argued that this accusation,
which is remote from orthodox Chris-
tianity, may be directed at a particular
form of deviant belief, such as that associ-
ated with the CoUyridians, a female sect
who sacrificed cakes, kolljrides, to Mary
(Masson, Coran, 93; Varr'vaAer, Jesus, 135).
They are described by the fourth century
heresiographer Epiphanius (d. 403 (;.E.) as
a sect that "came to Arabia from Thrace
and northern Scythia" [Panarion LXXIX).
This suggestion is helpful in linking the
accusation with a historical referent but it
raises the problem of why the Qiir'an
should take this comparatively little-known
belief as a representative formulation of
the Trinity. To accept such a link may have
some attraction on historical grounds
(though firm proof is entirely lacking), but
it entails acknowledging that the Qiir'an is
not addressing mainstream Christian be-
liefs. If, on the other hand, there is no sec-
tarian version of Christian doctrine being
addressed in this verse, it need not be read
as a rejection of a deviant doctrine of the
Trinity but as a denial that Jesus and Mary
are equal with God, and a warning (q.v.)
against making excessive claims about them.
Thus, it can be understood as an instance
of the warning against the divinization of
Jesus that is given elsewhere in the Qiir'an
and a warning against the virtual diviniza-
tion of Mary in the declarations of the
fifth-century church councils that she is
theotokos, "God-bearer." The vehement op-
position of Nestorius (d. ca. 451) and his
followers to this title as incompatible with
the full humanity of Christ may be part of
the historical context from which the
polemics of this verse arise. It is not far-
fetched to think that ecclesiastical extra-
vagances as related by groups of Christians
to whom they were distasteful, combined
with the constant emphasis in the Qin''an
on the imicjueness of God, produced this
dramatically conceived denial that other
beings could be divine besides him.
The third clear reference to triple deity
occurs in o 4:171:
O People of the Book (q.v.)! Commit no
excesses in your religion (q.v.), nor say of
God anything but the truth. Christ Jesus
the son of Mary was only God's messenger
and his word (see word of god) which he
bestowed on Mary, and a spirit (q.v.) from
him. So believe in God and his messengers
and do not say "Three"; desist, it will be
better for you. For God is one God, far
removed is he in his glory from having
a son.
When read as part of the whole verse, the
reference here to "three" is most obviously
connected with the rejection of the related
claims that Jesus was more than a human
messenger and that God had a son. So a
straightforward interpretation would be
that here as in C3 5:73 the Qiir'an warns
against both divinization of Christ and
Trinitarian exaggerations because no other
beings should be placed beside God in di-
vinity. (There is a curious reminiscence of
the classical Christian doctrine in the im-
mediately preceding mention of Jesus as
word and spirit of God, though also a clear
denial of it on the grounds that the titles
hypostasised into persons of the godhead
by Christians are no more than qualities to
be ascribed to the human Jesus.) Like the
371
TRINITY
other two, this third qur'aiiic reference to
tripleness in deity is, then, really directed
against associating creatures with God,
though it must be taken as intended to re-
fute the central Christian doctrine of the
Trinity, and, as such, as a radical decon-
struction of that doctrine in its essential
formulation of three discrete beings who
share in divinity.
It appears that unless they are naive mis-
understandings of the doctrine, all of these
three references to the Trinity are directed
from the context of the uncompromising
insistence in the Qiir'an upon the unity of
God against claims that challenge this. (It
is, however, worth recalling that in their
discussions of these verses early commen-
tators often noted that for Christians the
"three" was an internal characteristic of
the godhead in the form of the persons
rather than a series of external beings
placed together with God.) The lack of
detail about what these claims actually
consist of suggests that the Qiir'an has no
concern to analyze and evaluate them but
simply to deny them as distortions of its
central teaching of divine unicity.
The undeviating denial in the Qiir'an of
any god besides God has not prevented
Christians over the centuries from detect-
ing in it hints of the Trinity. As early as the
mid-second/eighth century the anonymous
treatise entitled Fi tathlith Allah al-wdhid al-
ludes to the plural forms of self-address in
such verses as q_ 90:4, 54:11 and 6:94 as
indications of a triune godhead (Gibson,
Triune nature, 77; trans., 5; for dating of
this work see Samir, Arab apology, 61-4).
A little later the Nestorian patriarch Tim-
othy I in his dialogue with the caliph al-
Mahdi, dated to 165/781, refers to such
verses as o 19:17 and o 21:91 for the same
purpose, as well as to the groups of three
letters at the start of some suras (Mingana,
Apology, 201-4; see mysterious letters).
And some years after him the Jacobite
Habib b. Khidma Abu Ra'ita also refers to
the evidence of the plural forms of address
(Graf, Schriflen, 20). This motif can be traced
through the medieval period and is em-
ployed as late as 1461 c.E. by the German
cardinal Nicholas of Cusa in his Cribratio
Alkorani, where he also regards q 42:52,
4:171; 26:192-5; and 16:102 as open refer-
ences to the three persons of the godhead
(Hopkins, .Nicholas of Cusa, 119, 126-7; ^^^
PRE-1800 PREOc;t;uPATioNS OF cjur'anic
studies). Just as provocatively, the Melkite
bishop Paul of Antioch (thought to have
been active towards the end of the
sixth/twelfth century), who knew the
Qur'an more thoroughly than most earlier
Christians, sees a Trinitarian allusion in
the Throne Verse (see verses; throne of
god), "God, there is no god but he, the
living, the self-subsisting" ((J 2:255) and also
marshals mentions of God's word and
spirit in c) 5:110, 37:171, 40:68, and 66:12
into an argument that supposedly sup-
ports the doctrine from the Qvir'an itself
(Khoury, Paul d'Antioche, 69-71; trans., 177-8).
Needless to say, Muslim polemicists unan-
imously rejected such attempts to base the
doctrine on the Qiir'an and took what they
read as the denial of the Trinity in their
scripture as the basis of their own argu-
ments against it. As early as the beginning
of the third/ninth century the Zaydi Imam
al-Qasim b. Ibrahim (see imam; shi'ism
AND THE (jur'an) describes the doctrine in
tritheistic terms as "three separate indi-
viduals" (thaldthat ashkhds muftariqa), which
are "one compacted nature" [tahi'a wdhida
muttajiqa, di Matteo, Confutazione, 314-15,
trans., 345) and goes on to argue that the
names "Father" and "Son" cannot refer to
the eternal being of God since they derive
from the temporal act of begetting (di
Matteo, Confutazione, 318-g; trans.,
349-50). A little later the philosopher Abu
Yusuf al-Kindl (see philosophy and the
(3Ur'an) also describes the persons as
TRIPS AND VOYAGES
372
ashkhds who are each distinguished by par-
ticular properties and argues that tliey can-
not be eternal since they are composite
and, according to the Aristotelian system,
must be categories of existents which may
contain other categories of existents within
them or tliemselves be members of cat-
egories (Perier, Traite). At about tlie same
time tlie independent tliinker Abu 'Isa al-
Warraq (fl. third/ninth cent.), in the most
searching examination of tlie Trinity that
survives from a Muslim author, painstak-
ingly demonstrates that the Christian
doctrine cannot be reconciled with mono-
theism as long as it also itemizes a number
of constituents in the godhead (Thomas,
Polemic).
Arguments such as these which exposed
the tritheistic nature of the Trinity set the
pattern for later Muslim approaches to-
wards the doctrine. Despite their differ-
ences in detail, they all acknowledge the
lead of the Qiir'an in focusing on the ac-
cusation that the doctrine imports plurality
into the godhead.
David Thomas
Bibliography
Primary: M.D. Gibson (ed. and trans.), FT tathlJih
Allah al-wdhid, On the triune nature of God, in
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G. Graf (ed. and trans.). Die Schriften des Jacobiten
Habib Ibn KhidmaAbu Rd'ita, 2 vols., Louvain
1951; J. Hopkins, Nicholas of Cusa's De Pace Fidei
and Cribratio Alkorani. Translation and analysis,
Minneapolis 1994"; P. Khoury, Paul d'Antioche,
eveque melkite de Sidon (xii^ s.), Beirut 1964; I. di
Matteo, Confutazione contro i Cristiani dello
zaydita al-Qasim b. Ibrahim, in Jiso 9 (1921-2),
301-64; A. Mingana (ed. and trans.). The
apology of Timothy the patriarch before the
caliph Mahdi, in Bulletin of the John Rylands
Library 12 (1928), 137-298; A. Perier, Un traite de
Yahya ben 'Adi, in ROC 22 (1920-1), 3-21; S.Kh.
Samir, The earliest Arab apology for Chris-
tianity, in id. andJ.S. Nielsen (eds.), Christian
Arabic apologetics during the Abbasid era (2^0-12^8),
Leiden 1994, 57-114; D- Thomas, Anti-Christian
polemic in early Islam. AbU 'Isd al-Warrdq's 'Against
the Frinity", Cambridge 1992.
Secondary; S. Griffith, Christians and Chris-
tianity, in EQ, i, 307-16; R. Haddad, La Trinite
divine chez les theologiens arabes (y^o-io^o), Paris
1985; Y. KhiirT et al., Isd wa-Maryamfi l-Qur'dn
wa-l-tafdsTr, Amman 1996; D. Masson, Le Goran
et la revelation judeo-chretienne. Etudes comparees, 2
vols., Paris 1958; G. Parrinder, ^ejU5 in the Qur'dn,
London 1965; D. Thomas, The doctrine of the
Trinity in the early 'Abbasid era, in L. Ridgeon,
(ed.). Islamic interpretations of Christianity,
Richmond, Surrey 2001, 78-98.
Trips and Voyages
Travel episodes of long or short duration.
Instances and descriptions of travel may be
real, e.g. trips undertaken by qur'anic char-
acters, or figurative, e.g. following the
straight path (see path or way) to earn
God's pleasure. Both feature prominently
in the Qrir'an. Common also are refer-
ences to modes of and motives for travel
and allusions to the journeys (see jotJRNEY)
undertaken by Muhammad (e.g. the night
journey; see ascension) and by the early
Muslim community (e.g. the hijra froin
Mecca [q.v.] to Medina [q.v.]; see
emigration).
The Qin''an acknowledges the fact that
the course of human activity includes the
undertaking of trips and voyages. Among
God's gifts to humanity is the ability to
travel upon the earth (q.v): "And he has set
upon the earth... rivers and roads (anhdran
wa-subulan) that you may guide yourselves,
and sign-posts too; and stars by which to
be guided" (c) 16:15-16; see planets and
stars; grace; blessing; nature as
signs). These trips may be commercial,
military, diplomatic, religious or political
(see expeditions and battles; markets;
caravan). Indeed, in the context of cer-
tain ritual practices (see ritual and the
(JUr'an), this translates into explicit provi-
sions. Fasting (q.v.) in the month of
Ramadan (q.v.), for instance, is enjoined on
believers (see belief and unbelief) but
373
TRIPS AND VOYAGES
those on a trip ['aid safarin, also identified as
wayfarers, 'dbiri sabTl, in (J 4:43) and the sick
(see ILLNESS AND HEALTH) are exempt from
this obligation (c) 2:184, 185; see also clean-
liness AND ablution). Ritual prayers may
also be curtailed by reason of travel [wa-
idhd darabtumji l-ard..., 0^4:101; cf 5:106;
see prayer). The hazards of travel are the
reason for such provisions and are fre-
quently invoked by the Qiir'an. One dan-
ger facing travelers in the late antique
world was ambush, either on the road or at
sea. This helps explain the Qiir'an's harsh
view of pirates and highway robbers (see
theft), the threat of the latter being men-
tioned in one place together with sexual
relations between men (see homosex-
uality; SEX AND sexuality) and the giv-
ing of wicked counsel (ci 29:29; see also
boundaries and precepts).
The danger posed by weather (q.v.) con-
ditions (sometimes evoked directly, as in
(J 77:1-4) and the vagaries of nature are
implicit in the Qur'an's frequent reference
to the fact that God's grace is what allows
ships (q.v; in twenty-three places) to travel
without difficulty and for humanity's profit
upon the seas (q_ 17:66; cf. 2:164; 17:70).
From God's bounty also come the means
by which to navigate: "He is the one who
placed the stars so you may be guided by
them through the darkness (q.v.) of land
and sea" [wa-huwa l-ladhija'ala lakumu
l-nujuma li-tahtadu bihdji lulumdti l-barri voa-
l-bahri, C3 6:97) — although it should be
noted that in some Shi'l commentary these
stars are identified as the imams (see
TabarsI, Majma', iv, 132; see shi'ism and
THE our'an; imam). The most famous ship
mentioned in the Qi_ir'an is Noah's (q.v.)
ark (q.v.), which God instructs him to build
to save himself, his kin and the righteous
from the flood he will send as punishment
(C3 11:36-49; see CHASTISEMENT AND
punishment; punishment stories).
Noah's appeals to God to save his unbe-
lieving son (q 11:45-7) ^'"'^ rejected by God;
Noah's wife, too, is not spared (c3 66:10)
and so neither makes the momentous trip
to safety and grace (see Zamakhsharl,
Kashshdf, ii, 218-19; iv, 118). There is one
instance of a journey in the belly of a fish:
the prophet Jonah (q.v.; Yunus, also called
Dhu 1-Nun) is thrown overboard, swal-
lowed by a fish and cast forth on a barren
shore (c) 37:139-48).
Danger during trips also helps explain the
Qvir'an's use of safe passage and of public
safety as a metaphor (q.v). At 5) 14:35,
Abraham (q.v.) prays for a secure land; at
q 95:3 God swears by a safe city (q.v.;
wa-hddha l-baladi l-amm); and at c) 34:18,
God tells the people of Sheba (q.v.),
"Travel (sTru) between [the cities] in all
security (dminin), day or night." Sheba is
the place to which Solomon's (q.v.) hoopoe
travels and returns, bringing news of its
people and queen (c) 27:22; see bilois).
Solomon then dispatches both a human
and jinn (q.v.) embassy (c3 27:37-40)
prompting the queen's visit {q_ 27:42). Her
people are the ones who had covetously
asked God to place greater distances
between their way stations (q 34:19) be-
cause they wished to monopolize trade and
benefit from the hardship to others [Jald-
layn, 430; see TRADE AND commerce). The
latter is one of countless references to
trade in the Qiir'an, a revelation vouch-
safed, it should be remembered, to a mer-
chant of the Qiiraysh (q.v.) tribe (see e.g.
q 35:29 for a metaphorical use of tijdra,
commerce; see also tribes and clans).
The Quraysh and their caravans are de-
scribed in q 106, a short early Meccan rev-
elation (see revelation and inspiration;
chronology and the quR'AN). Although
this sura (q.v.) does not explicitly mention
the animals used in the caravans, they are
enumerated elsewhere (see animal life):
q 16:5-8, for example, mentions the cre-
ation of cattle (an 'dm) which "carry your
TRIPS AND VOYAGES
374
heavy loads (see load or burden) to lands
that you would not otherwise reach except
with great distress." Animals are beneficial
also because their skins can be used to
make tents, in particular for use on trips
[yawma ^a'nikum wa-jawma iqdmatikum,
Q_ i6:8o; see hides and fleece). Horses,
mules and donkeys [wa-l-khayl wa-l-bighal
wa-l-hamu, <j i6:8) are also identified.
Q_ 59:6 makes reference to the use of horses
and camels in battle, and in q 105, a short
Meccan sura which describes the unsuc-
cessfid attempt of the Abyssinian governor
Abraha (q.v.) to besiege Mecca and take
the Ka'ba (q.v.), war elephants are men-
tioned (see also camel; pre-islamic
ARABIA AND THE Q^UR'aN; ABYSSINIA;
people of the elephant).
That humankind may be involved in
struggles, both unarmed and armed, is
evoked in formulations such as "go forth
lightly or heavily equipped and struggle
with your wealth (q.v.) and your persons in
the cause/way of God" [infiru khijafan wa-
thiqdlan wa-jdhidu bi-a?nwdlikum voa-anfusikum
Ji sabTli lldhi, Q_ 9:41; see expeditions and
battles; jihad). Of special significance
here is the use of the term sabil
Allah — sabil (way, cause), and its plural
subul, occur in 176 places in the Qur'an. At
(J 4:94, the Qiir'an addresses those who do
God's work (Ji sabil Alldh), such as those
calling people to Islam (q.v.; see also
invitation). These righteous and pious
folk are occasionally specifically described,
like sd'ihdt (fi 66:5), women who travel for
faith (q.v.; cf al-sd'ihun at c) 9:112; see also
piety; visiting; fasting).
o 16:9 reads: "And unto God leads
straight the way" (wa-'ald lldhi qasdu l-sabil),
highlighting the fact that one's very life is a
journey (cf. Gimaret, j'ziAAflT, 543 for a
reading of this as God's imparting of
knowledge; see knowledge and
learning) and that life's destination is
God: innd lilldhi wa-innd ilajhi rdji'un
{q_ 2:156). The path to [God] is called by
the Q.ur'an al-sirdt al-mustaqim . Though
typically described as straight, most fa-
mously at c) 1:6 {ihdind l-sirdta l-mustaqim,
"guide us to the straight path"), it is also
described as "the path of [God], the
mighty, the praised" [sirdt al-'aziz al-hamid,
Ci 14:1; see god and his attributes;
praise; power and impotence), contra
the path to hellfire [sirdt al-jahim, (j 37:23;
see HELL AND HELLFIRE; REWARD AND
punishment) and contra the path of those
who have earned God's wrath [al-maghdub
'alayhim, (j 1:7; see Azad, Tarjumdn al-Qur'dn,
i; see anger). The possibility that one can
be led astray (q.v.) is in one instance ex-
pressed by the righteous (see good and
evil) who ask whether they shoidd be "like
the one whom the demons have made into
a fool (see ignorance), wandering bewil-
dered through the earth" (ka-lladhi istah-
wathu l-shaydtinuji l-ardi), averring that
God's guidance is the only guidance {inna
hudd lldhi huwa l-hudd, C) 6:71; cf. 10:23). The
human need for guidance on earth even
extended to Muhammad: God asks the
despairing Prophet (see despair; hope) in
Q. 93'7> "did he not find you wandering
and guide you" (wa-wajadaka ddllan
fa-hadd) — though this is understood by
some commentators to mean that
Muhammad was ignorant of God's law
(see e.g. Zamakhsharl, Kashshdf, iv, 219;
see LAW and the q^ur'an).
In this worldly life, one desirable destina-
tion is God's house, i.e. the Ka'ba in
Mecca (see house, domestic and divine).
When the prophet Abraham leaves his
home in Mesopotamia because of the idol
worship there (see idolatry and
idolaters), he travels to Mecca where he
rebuilds God' house, first erected by the
prophet Adam (cf. Q_ 3:96; see ADAM AND
eve) and by the angels (see angel) before
him [Jaldlajn, 62), where worship (q.v.) of
the one true God then resumes [q_ 2:125).
375
TRIPS AND VOYAGES
The pilgrimage (q.v.) to Mecca is enjoined
on believers several times (e.g. C3 2:196).
And blocking the path to God or that of
the pilgrims to the holy precincts (see
SACRED precincts; fighting) is described
as a grave offence [wa-saddun 'an sabili lldhi
wa-kufrun bihi wa-l-masjid al-hardm, Q_ 2:217).
The peril associated with the trip to Mecca
is suggested in the following appeal at
C3 22:27: "And proclaim the pilgrimage
among people: they will come to yon on
foot (rijdlan) and on every kind of mount
(wa-'ald kulli ddmirin), from distant moun-
tain highways (min kulli fajjin 'amiq)."
Many of the messengers and prophets in
the Quran travel about the earth on foot
(see messenger; prophets and prophet-
hood), calling people to belief or leading
their people to safety, such as Moses (q.v.;
see also myths and legends in the
cjur'an). Moses' own life begins with a
fateful trip when his mother places him in
a basket upon the river to protect him from
Pharaoh (q.v.; (J 20:39) who is killing new-
born boys (c) 28:4); but Moses is saved
when he is picked up and adopted by
Pharaoh's wife (identified in commentary
as Asiya, c) 28:9). Moses will in adult life
lead the Israelites (see children of
Israel) away from Egypt to the holy and
promised land ((J 5:21; see also e.g.
d 28:29). That trip includes surviving an-
other body of water (q^ 7:138; 10:90),
namely the Red Sea; traveling by night
(c3 20:77; see day and night); and wander-
ing in the desert for forty years (c3 5:26; cf.
28:29). Joseph (q.v.; see q 12) is also cast out
(by his plotting brothers; see brother and
brotherhood). He is picked up by a cara-
van and transported to Egypt (q.v), where
he eventually rises to a position of author-
ity (q.v). He is later reunited with his
brothers and father who had traveled to
Egypt to seek food and sustenance (q.v.) in
times of difficulty (see Beeston, Baiddwi's
commentary).
Though less momentous for the religious
history of the Israelites, Moses takes an-
other well-known trip in the Qiir'an when
he sets out on a journey in search of one of
God's elect (cj 18:60-82). He eventually
finds this man — unnamed but identified
as al-Khadir/Khidr (q.v.) by Muham-
mad — at a confluence and implores him
to let him accompany him (q 18:66). The
man reluctantly agrees and they journey
along a river (see q 18:71 for a boat and its
passengers) and then on to an unnamed
town. Their trip comes to an end when
Khidr demonstrates to Moses that he
(Moses) is luiable to abide him and his
actions. Earlier, the sura recounts the story
of the companions of the cave [ashdb al-
kahf, q 18:9-26; see men of the cave),
whose trip is the earliest example of "time
travel" in Arabic literature (see time;
spatial relations). Later in the same
sura (q 18:83-101) are described the travels
of Dhu 1-Q_arnayn, many features of
whose story resemble those of Alexander
(q.v.). In the qur'anic account, he journeys
to the east to deal with Gog and Magog
(q.v.), building an iron wall to contain them
(q 18:94). The terrestrial travels of Jesus
(q.v.) are not described in the Qtir'an but
the fact that he was not captured or cruci-
fied but rather raised alive to be with God
is mentioned (q 3:55; see crucifixion;
POLEMIC and polemical LANGUAGE;
resurrection).
A number of the trips taken by Muham-
mad are mentioned in the Qiir'an (see sira
AND the quR'AN). His hijra or emigration,
together with the small Muslim commu-
nity, north from Mecca to Yathrib/Medina
is explicitly mentioned at q 48:11 where
those who opted out of the trip for selfish
reasons (al-mukhallajuna mina l-a 'rdbi) are
criticized. At q 59:8-9 and elsewhere those
who did emigrate are praised, as are those
who strive in the way of God (q 2:218; see
EMIGRANTS AND HELPERS; HYPOCRITES
TROOPS
376
AND hypocrisy). Oil his way to Yathrib/
Medina, Muhammad is reported to have
hidden in a cave (q.v.), together with Abu
Bakr, to escape Meccan pursuers. This is
alluded to at (3 9:40 and foreshadows the
reference a few verses later to unbelievers
and hypocrites desperately seeking caves in
which to hide from God (o 9:57; see
Suyuti, Durr, iii, 436, 447). Of all Muham-
mad's voyages, the most spectacidar is the
nocturnal one from Mecca to Jerusalem
(q.v.), called the urfl'(and thence to heaven
[see HEAVEN AND sky], called the mi'rdj).
The isrd\ or night journey, is the subject of
a whole chapter (q 17, Surat al-Isra'),
which opens "Glory to God who took his
servant for a journey by night (asrd hi-
'abdihi laylan) from the sacred mosque
(Mecca) to the farthest mosque" (Jerusa-
lem; Q^ 17:1; see GLORIFICATION OF GOD).
At o 29:20, God asks believers to pro-
claim, "Travel through the earth and see
how God originated creation" (q.v.; qui sTrii
Ji l-ardifa-niuru kajfa bada'a l-khalq; see
Ghazali, Jewels, 126; and cf. e.g. (j 3:137 for
travel that reveals the consequences of
those who rejected God's messengers;
see trial). And at q 55:33 God urges
"O company of jinn and men, if you are
able to break through the regions of the
heavens and the earth (q.v.), then break
through, but (know that) you will not do so
without our sanction." This has been in-
terpreted by certain modernists to be an
invitation to space travel (see e.g. Haeri,
Keys, iv, 73; see exegesis of the q^ur'an:
early modern and contemporary;
SCIENCE and the qur'an). Terrestrial or
otherwise, the prophet Muhammad recom-
mended the following passage be recited
when setting out on a journey: "Glory be
to the one who has subjected these [modes
of travel] to our use because we could not
have accomplished this by ourselves"
(subhdna lladhi sakhkhara land hddhd wa-md
kunnd lahu muqrinin, q 43:13). The possibility
that one may die (see death and the
dead) on a trip is adumbrated at q 31:34:
"and no soul (q.v.) knows in what land it
will die" [wa-md tadri nafsun bi-ayyi ardin
tamut; see also farewell pilgrimage;
festivals and commemorative days;
hospitality and courtesy).
Shawkat M. Toorawa
Bibliography
Primary: A. Azad, The Tarjumdn al-Qur'dn, vol. i,
trans. S. Abdul Latif, Hyderabad 1978; A. EL.
Beeston, BaiddwT's commentary on surah 12 of the
Qur'dn, Oxford 1963; al-Gliazali, Abu Hamid
Muhammad b. Muhammad, The jewels of the
Qur'dn. Al-Ghazdli's theory, trans. M. Abul
Quasem, London 1983; Gimaret, Jubba'i;
F. Haeri, Keys to the Qur'dn, 5 vols., Reading, UK
iggo,; Jaldlayn; SuyutT, Durr; TabarsT, Adajma';
ZamakhsharT, Kashshdf.
Secondary: C.E. Bosworth, Travel literature, in
J. Meisaini and P. Starkey (eds). Encyclopedia
of Arabic literature, London 1998, 778-80;
M. Gooperson, Remembering the future. Arabic
time travel literature, in Edebiyat 8 (1998), 171-89;
D. Eickelman andj. Piscatori, Introduction, in
ids. (eds.), Muslim travelers. Pilgrimage, migration and
the religious imagination, Berkeley 1990, 3-25; J.E.
Montgomery, Salvation at sea? Seafaring in
early Arabic poetry, in G. Borg and E. de Moor
(eds.). Representations of the divine in Arabic poetry,
Amsterdam 2001, 25-48; LR. Netton, Seek
knowledge. Thought and travel in the house of Islam,
Richmond, Surrey 1996; S.M. Toorawa, Travel
in the medieval Islamic world, in R. Allen (ed.).
Eastward bound. Travel and travellers lo^o-I^^O,
Manchester 2004, 86-120; H. Touati, Islam et
voyage au Moyen Age. Histoire et anthropologic d'une
pratique lettree, Paris 2000; B.M. Wheeler, Prophets
in the Qur'dn. An introduction to the Qur'dn and Muslim
exegesis, London 2002.
Triumph see victory
Troops
Individuals massed together, often to form
an army. Qiir'anic references to "troops"
in the military sense fall second to those in
which "forces" or "hosts" are meant in a
more general sense. The military sense also
is usually obscured by an emphasis on the
377
TROOPS
eschatological thrust of a given reference
(e.g. q 10:90 on Pharaoh's "armies"; see
eschatology; pharaoh). In the second
category, a distinction is to be made be-
tween temporal and other-worldly "forces"
(see also ranks and orders).
The relevant terms are principally the
hapax legomenon shirdhima, and/or zumar,
fawj and jund. The first term, usually trans-
lated as "band," occurs in c) 26:54, in
Pharaoh's dismissive reference to the
Children of Israel (q.v.; shirdhimatun
qalTluna, "a worthless little band"). Al-
Tabari (d. 310/923; Tafsir, xix, 74) treats it
as a small group or "the remnant" of a
larger whole, ^umar (sing, zwnrd), the usual
name of the thirty-ninth sura (q.v.), occurs
there twice as "groups" or "throngs," in
the one case ((j 39:71) in reference to those
destined for hell (see HELL and hellfire),
and in the second case (c3 39:73) for para-
dise (q.v.; see also reward and punish-
ment). Faw] (pi. ajwaj) occurs synony-
mously; al-Tabarl defines it as "group"
(jamd'a). One occurrence (q 27:83) speaks
of the host (of evil-doers) drawn from each
community and arranged in ranks. The
relevant verbal phrase yuza'Una, "kept in
ranks," has a distinct military ring (see, as
Paret suggests, q 27:17; 41:19).
Jund (pl.junud), the most frequent of the
terms, occurs in roughly three ways and, as
a result, occasions some debate among
early exegetes (see exegesis of the
qur'an: classical and medieval).
References to military forces include those
to Pharaoh's armies (q 10:90; 20:78; 28:6,
8, 39-40; 44:24; 51:40; 85:17-18), and to
those respectively of Saul (q.v.; Talut) and
Goliath (q.v.; Jalut; q 2:249), and of
Solomon (q.v.; q 27:37). On the passage
concerning Saul's troops at the river's edge,
see M.M. Ayoub (Qur'dn, i, 241-3). Less spe-
cific occurrences are understood by the
exegetes in reference to the Qiiraysh (q.v.)
and others of the Prophet's opponents in
battle (see opposition to muhammad;
fighting). Al-Tabari (Tafsir, xxiii, 126),
commenting on q 38:11, puts it in relation
to the battle of Badr (q.v.), and q 33:9 in
relation to the Qiiraysh and their allied
forces arrayed against Medina (q.v.) at the
battle of the Trench (Tabari, Tafsir, xxi,
126-7; ^^^ expeditions and battles). The
reference to military forces per se is inci-
dental: the forces of Pharaoh are mostly on
display to demonstrate the certainty of de-
struction through divine retribution (e.g. by
drowning [q.v.]; see also chastisement
and punishment; punishment stories).
In addition, these references to "armies"
appear to be only loosely connected to the
patterns and rules of warfare dealt with at
some length elsewhere in the Qur'an (see
war). Jund also occurs in two references to
earthly "forces." q 37:173 speaks of those
aligned with God as inevitably victorious
[ghdlibun; see victory; parties and
factions), q 36:75 seems to refer to the
forces of those devoted to idols and false
gods who are thus misled (see idols and
images; error; astray; polytheism and
atheism; enemies). Al-Tabarl notes a dis-
agreement among his sources on the oc-
casion of the idols' intervention on behalf
of their followers (see intercession). He
sides with those who see it as a reference to
the forces aligned with the mushrikun on
earth and not, in the opposing view, at the
day of judgment (see last judgment). A
final set of references concerns other-
worldly "forces." A sole reference (q 26:95,
usingjMre(f ) refers to the "gathered hosts" of
hell led by Iblis [junudu iblisa ajma'una; see
devil). The remaining examples treat the
celestial "hosts" at God's disposal, q 36:28,
48:4 and 48:7 speak in general of these
hosts (respectively, minjundin mina l-samd'i,
junudu l-samdwdti wa-l-ardi). q 9:26, 9:40
and 33:9 refer to "hosts that you perceive
not" (junudan lam tarawhd) sent down, as is
consistently understood by the exegetes, as
divine intervention on behalf of the
prophet Muhammad. Al-Tabarl [Tafsir,
TRUST AND PATIENCE
378
xxiii, 1-2), referring to an early debate over
C3 36:28, argues that jund is to be under-
stood in terms of "forces" and not, as some
stiggested, as reference to a new scripture
[risdla; see revelation and inspiration;
SCRIPTURE AND THE c>ur'an). As for the
intervention of tlie celestial hosts, consider-
able discussion in the exegetical literature
surrotinds the angels of C3 3:124-5 (see
Ayoub, Qur'dn, ii, 314-17; see angel).
Matthew S. Gordon
Bibliography
Primary: Tabarl, Tajsir, ed. Shakir (up to
(J 14:27}; ed. 'All et al.
Secondary: M.M. Ayoub, The Qur'dn and its
interpreters, 2 vols., Albany 1984, 1992; Paret,
Kommeniar.
Trumpet see eschatology; last
judgment; apocalypse
Trust and Patience
Belief in another's integrity, justice or reli-
ability, and forbearance in the face of ad-
versity. According to the Qiir'an, trust and
patience are two distinguishing virtues (see
VIRTUES AND VICES, COMMANDING AND
forbidding) of the "faithful" person (i.e.
mu'min; see belief and unbelief). There
are two qtir'anic concepts typically trans-
lated by the English word "trust." The
first, tawakkul ('aid), is a masdar (abstract
noun expressing action) derived from the
fifth form of the Arabic root w-k-l, mean-
ing "to give oneself over to" (istaslama
ilayhi), "to rely/depend on" (i'tamada
'alayhij, or "have confidence in" (wathiqa
bihi) another as wakTl, that is as one's
"guardian" or "protector" (i.e. hdji^; Lisdn
al-'Amb, xv, 387; Bustani, Muhit, 984; see
clients and clientage). Evidence from
classical Arab grammarians (see grammar
AND THE Q^UR AN; ARABIC LANGUAGE) Sug-
gests that, in pre-Islamic usage, the word
wakil was nearly synonymous to the word
rabb (a qur'anic term applied to God and
most commonly translated as "lord" [q.v.])
in the sense that both imply a position, not
primarily of ownership, but of responsibil-
ity (q.v.) to nurture to its ftiUest potential
the thing, animal, or person over which the
wakil/rabb has charge {Lisdn al-'Arab, ibid.;
Bajdawi, Anwar, ad o 1:2). Although the
word tawakkul does not itself occur in the
Qur'an, the fifth-form verb meaning "to
trust [in God] " (in various tenses and
moods, i.e. tawakkala, jatawakkalu, tawakkal),
and the fifth-form active participle from
the root w-k-l (mutawakkil) meaning "en-
trusting oneself [to God]" are attested a
total of forty-four times.
The second qur'anic concept tmderstood
to mean "trtist" is amdna, a masdar derived
from the root '-m-n and ordinarily used to
refer to something given "in trust" (wadT'a)
with the expectation that it will be cared
for diligently and faithftiUy by the trustee.
[Lisdn al-Arab, i, 223 and 224; Bustani,
Muhit, 17). This word (amdna) occtirs in the
Qiir'an a total of six times. In only one of
these six occurrences ((3 33:72) does the
word "trust" (i.e. al-amdna) have cosmic
significance as the 'covenant (q.v.) of obe-
dience' (q.v.; td'a) that is the foundation of
the divine-human relationship (see Tabari,
Tafsir; BajdawT, Anwdr, ad (j 33:72).
The cjur'anic concept typically translated
by the English word "patience" is sabr, a
masdar from the first form of the Arabic
root s-b-r originally having to do with bind-
ing or "restraining a living creattire" (habs
al-ruh) for prolonged slaughter or execution
(see also sacrifice; consecration of
animals), btit also coming to mean — es-
pecially in a qur'anic context — to exercise
"self-restraint" (habs al-nafs), "to be per-
sistent," and/or "to endure great adver-
379
TRUST AND PATIENCE
sity" [Lisdn al-'Amb, vii, 275; Bustanl, Afi^/iS,
496). Sabr — along with other derivatives
of the same root, inchiding: the first-form
verb meaning "to liave patience" (in vari-
ous tenses and moods, i.e. Sahara, yasbiru,
isbir); the third-form verb (sdbara) meaning
"to excel in patience" or "compete with
one another in forbearance"; tlie eiglith-
form verb (istabara) meaning "to be pa-
tient"; the first-form active participle (sdbir)
meaning "having patience"; and the first-
form intensive noun (sabbdr) meaning "of
the utmost patience" — is attested in the
Qi_ir'an a total of 103 times. It is important
to note that, although in one hundred of
these 103 attestations sabr and other deriva-
tives from the same root carry the virtuous
connotation of "patient endurance," in the
remaining three cases sabr does connote
the vice of "stubborn persistence" in the
worship of ancestral deities (q 25:42; 38:6;
see POLYTHEISM AND atheism) as well as in
other errant behaviors (c3 41:24; see error;
astray).
Tawakkul
In the Qiir'an, God is the only proper
object of tawakkul. Thus, in a qur'anic con-
text, tawakkul is best understood as a hu-
man being's "absolute trust in," or
"unmitigated reliance upon," God (tawak-
kul 'aid lld/i). In this sense, tawakkul is, as
Izutsu notes [Concepts, 62), a fundamental
component of imdn, the qur'anic term for
"faith" (q.v.). This is particularly evident in
those five verses which make it explicitly
incumbent on the faithful to place their
absolute trust in God: "And it is in God
that the faithful must place their absolute
trust" (wa 'aid lldhifa-l-yatawakkali
l-mu'minun, Q^ 3:122; 5:11; 14:11; 58:10;
64:13). Of these five verses, two (c3 5:11;
64:13) speak about tawakkul as a general
moral and spiritual imperative, with each
verse drawing an essential connection be-
tween tawakkul and a specific component of
faith. In the case of C3 5:11 this component
is taqwd or "God-consciousness" (Asad,
Message, passim; see fear), and in the case
of (J 64:13 this component is td'a or "obedi-
ence" to both God and God's messenger
(q.v; i.e. Muhammad [q.v.]; cf. c) 64:12).
The remaining three verses refer to specific
instances of extreme duress in the context
of which tawakkul becomes the key to sur-
vival for the person of faith. Each of these
instances involves a confrontation with
powerful enemies (q.v.) whose goal is the
ultimate dissolution of their would-be vic-
tim's faith. In o 3:122 there is the implica-
tion that it was the faithful's absolute trust
in God that yielded the miraculous victory
(q.v.) of the vastly outnumbered Muslim
army at Badr (q.v.), and that it was
Muhammad's absolute trust in God that
prevented the ultimate desertion of the
Banii Salima and the Banu Haritha clans
at Uhud, and thus forestalled the Meccans
from completely decimating the Muslim
forces that day (Tabarl, TafsTr; Baydawl,
Anwdr, ad Q^ 3:122; see expeditions and
battles; Mecca). In o 14:11 we find the
trope of the tawakkul of God's messengers
as their only real source of resistance
against those who deny the validity of their
message [innd kafarnd bi-md ursiltum bihi,
<J 14:9) and who seek to do harm to God's
messengers. And finally, in q 58:10 tawakkul
is presented as the best defense against
the most powerful enemy of all — Satan
[al-shaytdn; see devil) — who insinuates
himself into the "private" or "secret con-
versations" (mundjdt) of human beings,
threatening to destroy the faithful and their
community, not from without, but from
within.
The mainstream theological rationale
for the centrality of tawakkul to the life of
faith is rooted in the important qur'anic
teaching regarding the divine power of
TRUST AND PATIENCE
380
determination over everything (qadar) and
tlie divine "decree" [qadd'; see freedom
AND predestination). Tliere are, for
example, two verses (q 33:3, 48) in which
God warns Muliammad never to yield to
"those who deny God" [al-kdjinn; see lie;
gratitude and ingratitude) and to the
"hypocrites" {al-mundjiqin; see hypocrites
and hypocrisy) — especially when, at one
point, they seek reconciliation by pressur-
ing him to compromise the integrity of the
divine message and recognize the interces-
sory role of certain pagan deities before
God (Baydawl, ^n«Jrt5 ad C3 33:1-2). Even
when such a compromise appears to be the
sine qua non of Muslim survival in an
overwhelmingly pagan environment,
Muhammad is told that compromise is not
an option. Instead, both verses (q 33:3, 48)
go on to enjoin the Prophet — and, by
implication, all the faithful — to place
absolute trust in God (tawakkal 'aid lldh)
precisely because "God is the guardian
(wakil) who never fails" (wa-kajd bi-lldhi
wakTlan). For classical SunnI exegetes (see
EXEGESIS of the Q^UR'aN! CLASSICAL AND
medieval) such as al-Baydawi (d. prob.
716/1316-17), the statement, "God is the
guardian who never fails" (c3 33:3, 48) is
synonymous with the statement in q 39:62,
"God is the guardian of everything" (wa-
huwa 'aid kulli shay'in wakilun); each state-
ment means that "all matters are in God's
charge" [mawkulan ilayhi l-umuru kulluhd;
Baydawl, ^n«)fl5 ad q 33-3), or that God
"has absolute power of disposal [over all
things]" [yatawalld l-tasarruf; Baydawi,
Anwdr, ad Q_ 39:62).
Modern translators and exegetes (see
exegesis of the ^ur'an: early modern
AND contemporary) such as Muhammad
Asad (d. 1412/1992) agree and point out
that the qur'anic references to God as wakTl
(i.e. the only proper object of tawakkul) al-
lude "to God's exclusive power to determine
the fate of any created being or thing"
(Asad, Message, ad q 17:2). In general,
therefore, the cjur'anic imperative that the
faithful place their absolute trust (tawakkul)
in God, and the corollary imperative that
they adopt no one other than God as the
ultimate guardian of their affairs (e.g.
Q, 17:2) have a deep semantic and theologi-
cal connection to the well known qur'anic
refrain, attested a total of thirty-five times:
"God has the power of determination over
everything" [Alldh [or simply huwa\ 'aid kulli
shay'in qadirun). In other words, the only
proper human response to the absolute
and limitless nature of God's power of de-
termination over all things (qadar) is an
equally absolute and limitless trust in, and
reliance upon, God. Anything less would
necessarily imply the sin of shirk — ascrib-
ing a partner to the partner-less
God — and would thus seriously compro-
mise one's faith.
Sabr
Reference to Job (cj.v.) as a paradigmatic
embodiment of the virtue of patience is as
deeply qur'anic as it is biblical. Of the four
appearances of the prophet Ayyub (i.e. the
biblical "Job") in the Qiir'an (o 4:163; 6:84;
21:83-5; 38:41-4) two are substantive and
make reference to Ayyub 's legendary af-
flictions (i.e. q 21:83-5; 38:41-4). There is,
however, at least one important difference
between the biblical portrait of Job and the
qur'anic portrait of Ayyub (see scripture
AND THE qUR'AN; NARRATIVES; MYTHS AND
legends in the qUR'AN). Though both are
portrayed as enduring great adversity, un-
like Job, Ayyub is not depicted as being
plagued by the problem of theodicy. Not
only does Ayyub refrain from cursing the
day he was born (cf. Job 3:1-12), but he not
once — as does Job — attributes his tra-
vails to God (cf Job 6:4; 8:17-18; 10:3, 8, 16;
13:24; 16:7, etc.); nor does he ask God for
the reason he is suffering (q.v.; cf. Job 6:24;
10:2b); nor does he protest that "there is no
38i
TRUST AND PATIENCE
justice" (cf. Job 19:7b; seejusTit;E and
injustice); nor does he witness to liis own
"rigliteousness" (cf. Job 29:14-20; 31:5-40).
In keeping with tlie liighly idealized
qur'anic presentation of the prophets (see
PROPHETS AND prophethood) and mes-
sengers of God as nearly perfect in their
submission (i.e. islam) to God's will, Ayyub
merely mentions his tribulations [annimas-
saniya l-durru and anni massaniya l-shaytdnu
bi-nusbin wa-'adhdbin, o 21:83 and 38:41,
respectively), and in the very same
breath — without ever explicitly asking for
deliverance — praises God as "the most
merciful of the merciful ones" (wa-anta
arhamu l-rdhimin, (j 21:83; see mercy; god
AND HIS attributes). Thus, in both the
Bible and the Qiir'an, neither Job nor
Ayyub ever curses God (see curse); in their
respective literary traditions both are re-
garded as paragons of patience because of
their ability to endure great adversity with-
out cursing God. The one significant dif-
ference, however, is that the Qrir'an seems
to set the threshold of "patience" a bit
higher for Ayyub than the Bible does for
Job. Whereas Job's patience allows him to
question God, including asking God why
he should be patient (Job 6:11); and
whereas Job is only silenced in humility
when God speaks to him "out of the whirl-
wind" (Job 38), Ayyub's patience has no
questions for God — only praise and duti-
ful silence.
This difference is significant because it
underscores the degree to which the
qur'anic proclamation of Ayyub's sabr or
paradigmatic "patience" {[ayyub] wa-ismd'il
wa-Tdnsa wa-dhd l-kifli kullun mina l-sdbinn,
C3 21:85 and innd wajadndhu sdbiran, q 38:44)
is predicated, not only on his endurance,
but quite specifically on his unquestioning
and presumably placid acceptance of suf-
fering and adversity (see also ishmael;
iDRls; DHU l-kifl). Nowhcre is this link
between sabr and a thoroughly unquestion-
ing and tranquil disposition more apparent
than in the story of the prophet Moses
(q.v.; Musa) and the mysterious 'servant of
God' (see servants) known to traditions of
qur'anic exegesis as "Khidr" (q 18:65-82;
see khadir/khidr). Here, although the
adversity is not his own (perhaps we are to
presume that, as a prophet, Moses did in-
deed have the patience of Ayyub when it
came to his own personal suffering?),
Moses cannot abide the seemingly anti-
nomian acts (i.e. q 18:71, 74, 77) of his new-
found teacher without asking for a reason
or justification. In so doing, however,
Moses loses the privilege of discipleship
which was originally established on the
basis of the stipulation that the prophet
would bear patiently (i.e. uncjuestion-
ingly — fa-Id tas 'aim 'an shay 'in hattd uhditha
laka minhu dhikran, () 18:70) with Khidr. The
first two times Moses impatiently asks a
question of Khidr, the latter chastises the
former with the words, "Did I not say,
'You will not be able to bear with me
patiently'?" [a-lam aqul innaka Ian tastati'a
ma'iya sabran, q 18:72; cf 18:75). The third
time Moses breaks his vow of patience,
Khidr finally declares "This is the parting
of the ways between me and you" [hddhd
firdqu bayni wa-baynika, q 18:78). Although
Khidr is willing to give Moses a third and
final justification for the former's third an-
tinomian act, he makes it clear to Moses
that he has not yet cultivated the patience
necessary to receive the special "knowledge
learned through intimacy" with God (i.e.
'ilm ladunniirora wa~'allamndhu min ladunnd
'ilman, C) 18:65; see Schimmel, Dimensions,
193), knowledge that he might otherwise
have received from Khidr had he been
able "to bear patiently what he did not
comprehend" [wa-kayfa tasbiru 'aid md lam
tuhit bihi khubran, C3 18:68). This connec-
tion between unquestioning patience (sabr)
and special knowledge ('ilm ladduni) — a
connection which is made quite explicit in
TRUST AND PATIENCE
382
the narrative of the encounter between
Moses and Khidr — comes to play a cen-
tral role in Sufi (see sufism and the
(jur'an) understandings of "patience"
(see below).
Tawwakul and sabr
In three instances (q^ 14:12; 16:42; 29:59) the
Qi_ir'an makes it clear that, on a founda-
tional level, the concepts of sabr and tawak-
kul belong to what Izutsu refers to as a
single "semantic category" (Izutsu,
Concepts, 9). In all three of these instances,
the qur'anic concepts of trust (tawakkul)
and patience (sabr) are understood as de-
fining and informing each other. In
(J 14:12, we find one of the many qur'anic
accounts of how all of God's messengers at
one time or another faced great adversity,
especially in the form of persecution at the
hands of those who refused to accept their
messages (see opposition to Muhammad).
Yet all of these messengers "patiently en-
dured" whatever harm might come their
way, "placing absolute trust in God." The
messengers are quoted as having said to
themselves and their persecutors, "Why
should we not place absolute trust in God
when he has guided us along our ways? We
shall patiently endure whatever harm you
might bring us! Let those who trust place
absolute trust in God [and God alone]!" In
C3 16:42, the original group of Meccan
faithful who emigrated with Muhammad
to Medina (q.v.; i.e. the muhajirun) in the
year 1/622 are described as "those who
have patiently endured and place absolute
trust in their lord" [alladhina sabaru wa-'ald
rabbihim yatawakkalun; see emigration). For
al-BaydawI, these emigres endured
"adversities such as the persecution of
those who deny God and separation from
their homeland" (sabaru 'aid l-shadd'idi ka-
adhd l-kuffdr wa-mujaraqati l-watan) precisely
by "keeping their exclusive attention on
God, realizing that every matter is in his
charge" [munqati'ln ild lldh mufavuwidm ilayhi
l-amra kullahu; Baydawi, Anwar, ad C3 16:42).
In C3 29:59, "those who are faithful and do
righteous deeds" [alladhina dmanu wa-'amilu
l-sdlihdt, Q, 29:58; see good deeds; good
and evil) are promised paradise (q.v.) and
are declared to be "those who have pa-
tiently endured, and place absolute trust in
their lord" (cf. o 16:42).
In addition to pairing "patience" and
"trust" into a single semantic category, the
Qiir'an does the same with "patience" and
"thankfulness" (shukr). There are, in fact,
four occurrences of an identical refrain in
which an intensive noun-form (ism al-
mubdlagha) of both roots (i.e. sabbdr and
shakur) are placed in apposition to each
other (i.e. Q. 14:5; 31:31; 34:19; 42:33). Each
of these verses mentions an astonishing
occurrence (e.g. the deliverance of the
Hebrews from bondage and ships cruising
on the seas; see c;hildren of Israel;
ships), and in reference to the occurrence
declares: "Surely in that there are signs
(q.v.) for every truly patient and thankful
person" (innafi dhdlika la-dydtin li-kulli
sabbdrin shakurin). This qur'anic pairing of
the concepts of the "patient" and the
"thankful" person eventually becomes the
basis for Sufi teaching that while patience
in adversity is undoubtedly a virtue, an
even greater virtue lies in the capacity to
go beyond patience and actually express
genuine thankfulness to God for the purga-
tive opportunities inherent in every trial
(q.v; see Schimmel, Dimensions, 124-5).
Sufi interpretations of tawakkul and sabr
The Tafsir al-(^r'dn al-karim (published
under the name of the great Sufi master
and mystical theologian Ibn al-'Arabi
[d. 638/1240], but actually the work of
'Abd al-Razzaq al-Kashani [d. 730/1329])
draws a direct connection between "pa-
tience" (sabr) and "courage" (q.v.; shajd'a),
while at the same time rooting both of
383
TRUST AND PATIENCE
them in the deepest profession of tlie one-
ness of God (tawhid Allah) . In his exegesis
of (J 3:145-51, a set of verses discussing the
"patience" of tlie many prophets wlio
fouglit for the sake of God (see fighting;
PATH OR way; jihad) witliout ever "flag-
ging" or "growing weak" in either body or
spirit (mdwahanu... wa-md da'uju), the au-
thor argues that the "terror" (ru 'b) that
eventually erupts in the hearts of the en-
emies of God's prophets "is a result of
their ascribing partners to God" (musab-
baban 'an shirkihim). The exegete goes on to
explain that "courage and the other virtues
[such as absolute trust in God] emerge out
of the proper balance of the faculties of
the lower self when it exists beneath the
[luminous] shadow of the divine oneness;
that is, when it is illuminated by the light of
the heart enlightened by the light of the
divine oneness. [Courage], therefore, truly
attains its fullness only when the one who
professes the oneness of God [in thought,
word, and deed] has attained certitude in
his or her profession" (ibid.). In this pas-
sage, the author is attempting to convey
the deeper meaning of a legend regarding
the state of the great Sufi Shaqiq al-
Balkhi's heart. According to Shaqiq's long-
time companion, Hatim b. al-Asamm, one
day — in the midst of an intensifying
battle — Shaqiq put down his weapon, put
his head on his shield, and fell asleep on
the battlefield to the point that Hatim
could hear him snoring. "This," al-
Kashanl [pseudo. Ibn al-'Arabi] writes, "is
the ultimate state of reliance on God and
confidence in him; it belongs to the faculty
of absolute certitude" [wa-hddhd ghdyatunfi
sukuni l-qalhi ild lldhi wa-wuthuqihi bihi li-
quwwati l-yaqin; ibid.).
It is no coincidence that al-Kashanl
(pseudo. Ibn al-'Arabi) reflects on the at-
tainment of absolute certitude in profess-
ing God's oneness in his exegesis of a
qur'anic passage which, at one point, pro-
claims God's "love" (q.v.; hubb or mahabbd)
for the "patient" {wa-lldhu juhibbu l-sdbirin,
<J 3:146). Just thirteen verses later, in the
very same chapter, the Qiir'an also pro-
claims God's love for those who have
absolute trust in him [inna lldhayuhibbu
l-mutawakkilin, (j 3:159). Since, for the Sufis,
love is the medium par excellence for the
purification of the soul (q.v.), any quality in
the human being which occasions divine
love must be a cjuality which is indispens-
able for the perfection of the human heart.
Therefore, as a Sufi, al-KashanI (pseudo.
Ibn al-'Arabi) understands patience and
trust not only to be "distinguishing marks
of the person of faith" ['unwdn al-mu'min;
see ^ayAscwi, Anwdr, ad Q^ 14:5), but as sta-
tions (maqdmdtj and states (ahwdl) of the
interior mystical journey to the goal of un-
qualified profession of divine oneness (i.e.
tawhid). For this author, as for many Sufis
before and after him, trust and patience
become two of the key ingredients in the
alchemy of spiritual purification and the
achievement of human perfection.
In his magnum opus. The Revivification of
the religious sciences (Ihjd' 'ulum al-dm), the
renowned medieval Sunnljurist, theolo-
gian, and mystic, Abu Hamid al-Ghazall
(d. 505/1 1 11), devotes an entire book to the
subject of the "profession of divine one-
ness and absolute trust in God" (bk. 35,
Kitdb al-Tawhid wa-l-tawakkul) and another
entire book to the subject of "patience and
thankfulness" (bk. 32, Kitdb al-Sabr wa-l-
shukr). In his treatment of tawakkul, al-
Ghazall articulates the thesis, later
developed by (the real) Ibn al-'Arabi and
others, that absolute trust in God is "[not
only] one of the stations of those who pos-
sess certitude, but it is also indicative of
one of the highest ranks of those who are
drawn near to God" [wa-maqdmun min
maqdmdti l-mUqinm bal huwa min ma 'dlT
darajdti l-muqarrabtn; Ghazall, Ihyd', xiii,
154/2490). Al-Ghazall argues that because
TRUST AND PATIENCE
384
the profession of the divine oneness
(tawhid) is the source or root (asl) of tawak-
kul, the perfection of both are cotermi-
nous. Tliis is why al-Gliazali correlates the
attainment of absolute trust in God with
what he refers to as the "fourth [and high-
est] degree" (al-rutba l-rdbi'a) of the profes-
sion of divine oneness. It is the state in
which the one who has attained it "does
not perceive anything in existence, but one
being.... [This is the person] whom the
Sufis designate as [having attained the state
of] 'passing away in the divine oneness'
from whence he or she perceives nothing
but one being, and thus does not even per-
ceive him or herself" (Ghazall, Ihyd', xiii,
158/2494)-
From al-Ghazali's perspective, however,
the problem with tawakkul is not the un-
derstanding that, as a spiritual state, it is
coterminous with complete realization of
the divine oneness. The problem, rather, is
with erroneous understandings that the
attainment of tawakkul is marked by a radi-
cal trust in God which eschews all pur-
posive action on the part of the human
person (Ghazall, Ihyd', xiii, 154/2490). 'Abd
al-Qadir al-Jllani (d. 561/1166) deals with
this very same issue in his "Satisfaction for
those who seek the path of truth" (Kitdb
al-Ghunya li-tdlibi tanqi l-haqq) where he
quotes a well-known hadlth (see hadith
AND the qUR'AN), reported on the author-
ity of Anas b. Malik (d. ca. 92/711), which
appears to be a scriptural locus classicus for
reflecting on the relationship between ab-
solute trust in God and responsible pur-
posive action on the part of the human
being (see Ibn Abll-Dunya, Tawakkul, n. 11,
46). According to al-Jilani's version of this
hadlth, a man arrives riding on a she-
camel which belongs to him and says, "O
messenger of God, shall I just leave her
[i.e. unattended] and place my trust [in
God]?" (adi'uhd wa-atawakkalu) . To which
Muhammad replies, "Tie her up, and then
place your trust [in God]" [i'qilhd wa-tawak-
fei/,jllanl, Ghunya, 219). Both al-Ghazali
and al-jilani represent mainstream Sufi
teaching that the attainment of tawakkul
should have no effect on whether one re-
sponsibly fulfills one's duties to God and to
others, but simply on how attached one is
to outcomes.
As for sabr, al-Ghazall cjuotes two hadlth
that have been attributed to the Prophet.
The first is a report with a weak chain of
transmission and which states plainly,
"Faith has two halves: patience and thank-
fulness" [fa-inna l-Tmdna nisjani nisfu sabrin
wa-nisfu shukrin; Ghazall, Ihyd', xii,
32/2176), and in doing so echoes the origi-
nal qur'anic coupling of sabr with shukr (see
above). The second has a much stronger
chain than the first and simply reads,
"Patience is half of faith" [al-sabru nisfu
l-imdn; Ghazall, Ihyd', xii, 33/2177). As al-
Ghazall sees it, the other half of faith to be
coupled with "patience" can be construed
to be either "certitude" (yaqin) or "thank-
fulness" (shukr), depending on one's per-
spective on faith. If one thinks of faith
primarily from the perspective of belief,
then "'certitude' refers to those definitive
types of knowledge (see knowledge and
learning) that come through God's guid-
ance of his servant to the fundamental
principles of religion (q.v), and 'patience'
refers to action on the basis of that cer-
titude" (Ghazall, Ihyd', xii, 42/2186). Thus
certitude is the first half and patience the
second half of faith. If, however, one
thinks of faith primarily from the perspec-
tive of states of being that give rise to vari-
ous types of practice — and one identifies
one state as appropriate for that which
benefits the servant in this life and the
next, and another for that which harms
the servant in this life and the next, then
" 'patience' is the state that correlates with
what is harmful and 'thankfulness' the state
which correlates with what is beneficial"
385
[vua lahu bi-l-iddfati ild mdyadurruhu hdlu
l-sabri wa bi-l-iddfati ild mdjanfa'uhu hdlu
l-shukr; Ghazali, Ihyd', ibid.; see GOOD
AND evil; reward and punishment).
Whichever perspective one might prefer,
patience remains one of the necessary and
paramount virtues of the faitliful person.
As al-Ghazali writes, "Tlie majority of the
virtues of faith enter through [the door of]
patience" [fa-aktharu akhldqi l-imdni ddkhilun
Ji l-sabr; Ghazali, Ihyd\ xii, 43/2187).
As for mainstream Sufi teaching on the
relationship between "trust" and
"patience" — not so much as cardinal vir-
tues of the faithful person, but as stations
and states on the mystical path — the fol-
lowing anecdote communicates one of the
dominant perspectives: "Abu 'All al-
Rudhbari. . . said, 'With respect to absolute
trust in God (tawakkul), there are three lev-
els. The first is [the servant of God's]
thankfulness (shukr) when [something he or
she wants] is bestowed upon him or her,
and patience (sabr) when he or she is de-
nied. The second is when it is one and the
same whether the servant is denied [what
he or she wants] or it is bestowed upon
him or her. The third is when the servant
meets denial with thankfulness — denial
being more dear to him or her [than be-
stowal] because of his or her knowledge
that this is God's choice for him or her'"
(Jllanl, Ghunya, 217).
Scott C. Alexander
Bibliography
Primary: 'Abd al-BaqI; M. Asad, The message of
the Qur^dn, London 1980; Baydawi, Anwdr^ 2 vols.,
Beirut 1420/1999; B. BustanT, Muhit al-muhit,
Beirut 1867, repr. 1998; The Holy Bible (NRSV),
Catholic ed., Oxford 1999; al-Ghazall, Abii
Hamid Muhammad, Itlyd' ^ulum al-dln, Cairo
1938 (vols, xii and xiii); Ibn Abi 1-Dunya, Kitdb al-
Tawaktiul 'aid lldh, ed. J.F. al-Dawsarl, Beirut 1987;
Ibn al-'Arabi, Tafsir; al-Jllanl, 'Abd al-Qadir,
Kitdb al-Ghunya li-tdlibT tariq al-haqq, Beirut 1996;
Lisdn al-'Arab, Beirut 1977 (vols, i, vii, and xv);
TabarT, TafsiT; ed. Shakir.
Secondary: D. Burrell (trans.), Al-Ghazali. Faith in
divine unity and trust in divine providence, Louisville
2001; Izutsu, Concepts; H. E. Kassis, ^ concordance
of the Qur'dn, Berkeley 1983; Lane; H.T. Little-
john (trans.), al-Ghazali on patience and thankful-
ness. Book XXXII of the Revival of the religious
sciences flhya' 'ulum al-dinj, Cambridge 2005;
B. Reinert, Die Lehre vom tawakkul in der dlteren
Sufik, Berlin 1968; A. Schimmel, Mystical
dimensions oj Islam, Chapel Hill, NC 1979;
W. Wright, A grammar of the Arabic language,
Cambridge 1859-1862, repr. 1981.
Truth
That which is established by evidential or
experiential proof. A number of qur'anic
lexemes convey this significance (haqq, qay-
yim, sawdb, sadaqa/sidq), haqq being the most
prevalent. Evidence abounds in the
Muslim tradition to support a multivalent
understanding of haqq as alternatively
"true" or "real," yet that is only the begin-
ning of a story with a pre-history. "The
original meaning of the Arabic root h-q-q
has been obscured but can be recovered by
reference to the corresponding root in
Hebrew with its meanings of (a) 'to cut in,
engrave' in wood, stone or metal, (b) 'to
inscribe, write, portray'" (Macdonald and
Calverley, Haqq). From this it can be in-
ferred that "the primary meaning of liaqq
in Arabic is 'established fact'..., and there-
fore 'truth' is secondary; its opposite is bdtil
[vain] (in both readings)" (ibid.). Yet as one
of the ninety-nine canonical "names of
God" (see god and his attributes), haqq
will exploit both of these meanings as well
as the original notions of forming or in-
scribing. Besides the five times the term is
introduced formally as a divine name, it is
found 247 times in the Qiir'an.
Beyond these philological considerations,
we must attend to our understanding of
"true," and even of "real," in order to
386
grasp the import of this term in the
Qvir'an and hence for Muslims. To ap-
preciate the complexities involved, let us
canvas the transformations needed in our
prima facie grasp of these notions. At least
since the development of Hellenic phi-
losophy, reinforced by medieval scholars
and in a peculiar way by modernity,
"true" is properly applied to statements
rather than to things, whereas "real" is
paradigmatically said of things. The cru-
cial difference presented by qur'anic use
centers on the creator, one of whose
proper names — al-haqq — should remind
us that whatever be true or real about ev-
erything else, the created universe derives
from this One who is paradigmatically true
and real (see creation; cosmology).
Since the concept of a free creator is
shared by all Abrahamic faiths (see
religion; Abraham), Western medieval
scholars also underlined this difference,
introducing a novel notion of the "truth of
things," whereby things (as created) can be
said to conform to the creator's intent,
much as statements conforming to what is
the case can be said to be true. So if God,
the free creator, is paradigmatically true,
then events or things will be true (or false)
as they conform (or fail to conform) to the
creator's intent. Yet that intent cannot be
discerned from creatures themselves,
whose derived status is hardly perspi-
cuous, so humankind has been gifted
with the Qiir'an (see revelation and
inspiration). While the primacy of
creation can hardly be gainsaid, without
the guidance of the Qiir'an there can
be no access to things-as-created, nor a
fortiori to the creator. So while the creator's
intent is what makes things be, and be
what they are, it is the Q;Lir'an which
makes that intent known, in the measure
that it can be made manifest at all, giving
to the notion of truth in the Qiir'an a
radical coherence (with divine intent) as
well as correspondence with what is.
Hence the very One "who sent down
upon you the book with the truth" (q 3:3),
"verifies the truth by his words" (q 8:7;
10:82). If the creating word makes things to
be, "it is he who created the heavens and
the earth (q.v.) in truth" (c) 6:73; see
HEAVEN AND sky), and that same word in
the Qiir'an becomes the "call to the truth"
((J 13:14) and the ground by which a people
"guide [others] in the truth" (q^ 7:159, 181)
and to the truth. Hence the centrality of
promise "be patient; surely God's promise
is true" (o 30:60; cf 31:33; see trust and
patience); indeed the Qiir'an is given
"that they might know that God's promise
is true" (<J 18:21), even though the truth
asserted there remains to be fulfilled. For
with promise comes faith (q.v.), "those who
believe follow the truth from their lord"
(q.v.; C3 47:3), which is the Qiir'an "guiding
to the truth and to a straight path"
(Q, 46:30; see path or way). Notice how
"truth" can never be anyone's possession; it
remains a lure yet with definite parameters
for the search: the "straight path" ((3 1:6) of
the Qiir'an together with the siinna (q.v.)
or traditions of the Prophet (see hadith
AND the cjur'an), cnshriiied in and in-
terpreted by the community or umma (see
community AND SOCIETY IN THE C)UR'an).
So the truth revealed in the Qiir'an be-
comes a path to discovering the "truth of
things" as created, by which one can hope
to find one's way to the creator. Only
then, according to the Sufis (see sufism
AND THE q^ur'an), will the promise, the
hope and the faith, be transmuted in such
a way that one could begin to say with al-
Hallaj (exec. 309/922): And l-haqq, "I am
the truth" (Massignon, Passion, 216-18). Yet
however coherently and properly it may
be expressed, the very fact that haqq is one
of the names which God gives himself in
the Qiir'an assures us that the path which
is the Qiir'an and the sunna will lead us
387
from the term to the divine name by a
process designed to transform us. As
empliasized in Sufi tliought, this is one
more manifestation of tlie way in which
the exoteric can meld into the esoteric in
Islam (see polysemy), as believers who
walk the path come to realize its trans-
forming power.
The QjLir'an consistently contrasts those
who accept the truth in faith with those
who reject it: "We brought you the truth
but most of you were averse to the truth"
(0,43:78; see lie; belief and unbelief),
where the reference is to Jesus' (q.v.) fol-
lowers who placed him on a level with God
(see CHRISTIANS AND CHRISTIANITY;
POLYTHEISM AND ATHEISM; POLEMIC AND
POLEMICAL language). Yct here, too, the
truth will emerge when "they encounter
their day promised them" ((J 43:83; see
last judgment; eschatology). So any
denial of the truth — especially the truth
of creation — will be short-lived, for when
"the promised truth draws near, then the
unbelievers, their eyes wild with terror, will
say: 'Woe betide us! We were heedless of
this!'" ((3 21:97). Moreover, such a denoue-
ment is perfectly reasonable, for such is the
nature of things: "to return to us is the des-
tiny of each and all. Whoever has done
good deeds (q.v.), being a believer, will not
find his endeavors denied" (o 21:93-4). So
the truth which things owe to their being
created freely by a wise God will be real-
ized in those who believe the truth revealed
to them, while the reverse side of the same
truth will be realized for those who reject
that revelation (see reward and punish-
ment). Since there is no escaping this cre-
ating truth, it is best to follow the "straight
path" to its benign realization. Yet if the
revelation of the Qiir'an is the precondi-
tion for human beings to realize their true
reality, the community engendered by that
revealed truth will offer them the way to
attain it. So "true" and "truth" in the
Qiir'an have an inescapably "performa-
tive" dimension, on God's part as well as
ours: "God meant to verify the truth of his
words by the total rout of the truth-reject-
ers, demonstrating how true the truth is
and how vain the falsehood" ((J 8:7-8).
"This is truth, certain truth" {q_ 56:95;
69:51), or alternatively, the "truth of cer-
tainty," hagq al-yaqin, w\\ereyaqm carries
more metaphysical than epistemological
connotations: the truth which stands fast.
The Qvir'an is less concerned with our
hold on what is true than with truth's hold
on us; and rightly so, since we cannot
"hold onto" a truth meant to be realized in
and through our "return" to it as our
source. That is why the final consequence
of that return is less individual reward
than it is human access to the divine mani-
festation, even though justice (see justice
and injustice) demands that believers be
recompensed, positively or negatively, for
an act which is theirs. Accepting the offer
would not be free were we not able to re-
fuse it, so the truth the Qiir'an insists will
be realized bears no hint of determinism
(see FREEDOM AND PREDESTINATION). The
human capacity to accept or reject is in-
ternally linked with the "graceful" offer
which the Qiir'an extends (see grace;
blessing).
Yet just as our access to the truth of cre-
ation is dependent upon our accepting the
truth revealed in the book (q.v.), so our
grasp of that revealed truth will be shaped
by the community which embodies it.
Because for Muslims, the Qiir'an is inex-
tricably linked with the siinna, the meaning
of "truth" in the Qiir'an will be unveiled in
practices characteristic of that community.
Greeting each other, Muslims will invari-
ably end their exchange with al-hamdu
lilldh, "God be praised" (see laudation;
GLORIFICATION OF god). Even when a
cliche, it remains an illuminating one. As
Eric Ormsby has noted, in explicating
388
al-Ghazali's (d. 505/1 iii) insistence that
the world as it stands is "the best possible,"
there is notliing Panglossian here, primar-
ily because al-Gliazah is not claiming that
we could know what the best woidd be,
such that this world conforms to it. It
rather states the conviction that we do not
know what "best" woidd be like but that to
those who believe, the world discloses un-
suspected ways of realizing the divine wis-
dom (q.v.) that directs its unfolding. That is
closer to the qur'anic insistence that God's
truth will be realized, even in the case of
scoffers. The divinely ordained context of
our lives — what William Chittick and
Sachiko Murata (Vision of Islam) translate
as "the measuring out" (qudra) — reflects
the truth as the Qiir'an sees it: the out-
working of what is divinely ordained. Such
an operative notion of truth demands that
we let go of any pretension to control what
will happen, which in fact only makes good
sense (see fate; destiny).
At this point, we are bound to ask: what
kind of truth can the Qiir'an be expoimd-
ing? One that is certain, yet unveiled only
as one's life unfolds; one more akin to
coming to understand a wisdom initially
hidden, than to knowing straightforwardly
what is the case (see knowledge and
learning; ignorance). So the truth of
the Qiir'an is of a paradoxical sort: it turns
on accepting as true what the Qiir'an re-
veals, and then on following the "straight
path" it prescribes to allow that truth to be
realized, and so confirm one's original ac-
ceptance. Recourse to metaphor (q.v.) sig-
nals our inability to say anything directly
about this "truth," since it embodies the
ineffable relation of creation to the creator:
eternally (al-Ghazali, Ninety-nine names, 124,
commenting on al-haqq as a name of God).
But note how al-Ghazali's exposition fol-
lows the performative ethos of the Qiir'an
itself (see ethics and the cjur'an),
appending the following counsel:
Man's share in this name lies in seeing
himself as false, and not seeing anything
other than God — great and glorious — as
true. For if a man is true, he is not true in
himself but true in God — great and
glorious — for he exists by virtue of him
and not in himself; indeed he would be
nothing had the Truth not created him.
By tracing the abiding Sufi sentiment of
one's proper nothingness to the originating
act of creating, al-Ghazali seeks to align
the conclusions of kaldm with Sufi convic-
tions (Gimaret, Les noms divins, 142; see
THEOLOGY AND THE Q^UR'an; TRADITIONAL
DISCIPLINES OF C)Ur'anic study). While
this reconciling move is characteristic of
al-Ghazall, it is illuminating as well, signal-
ing that the relation of creatures to their
creator, which allows us to speak of them
as true, exceeds our capacity for articula-
tion; and so opens the way for Ibn al-
'Arabl's (d. 638/1240) insistence that the
creator/creature relation be utterly unlike
any relation which obtains between crea-
tures themselves (Chittick and Murata,
Vision, 61). For creation is the founding or
grounding relation, allowing things to be
true in their dependent existence. And if
this be recondite philosophy, it can be
found implicit in the paradoxical uses of
"true/real" in the Qur'an itself.
the thing which most deserves to be
[called] true is the One whose existence is
established by virtue of its own essence,
forever and eternally; and its knowledge as
well as the witness to it is true forever and
David B. Burrell
Bibliography
Primary: Daniagham, Jl'ujuh, ed. al-Zafltl, 284-5
(for eleven meanings of al-haqq); al-Ghazall, Abu
389
Hamid Muhammad, The ninety-nine beautiful names
of God, trans. D. Burrell, Cambridge 1995.
Secondary: W. Chittick and S. Murata, Vision of
Islam, Minneapolis 1994; D. Gimaret, Les noms
divins en Islam, Paris 1988; D.B. Macdonald/E.E.
Galverley, Haqq, in EI^, iii, 82-3; L. Massignon,
Passion of al-Hallaj, trans. H. Mason, Princeton
1982; E. Ormsby, Creation and time in Islamic
thought with special reference to al-Ghazali, in
D. Burrell and B. McGinn (eds.), God and creation,
Notre Dame, IN 1990, 246-64; M. RawT, Kalimat
"al-haqq"fz l-Qur'dn al-kanm. Mawriduhd wa-
daldlatuhd, Riyadh 1995.
Tiibba'
"The people of Tubba'" (qawm tubba'), an
extinct community mentioned twice in the
Qiir'an. Among other pre-lslamic groups,
they were puni.shed because they refused to
believe God or obey God's prophets (see
BELIEF AND UNBELIEF; OBEDIENCE;
PROPHETS AND PROPHETHOOd). C3 44:37
compares Muhammad's detractors (see
provocation; opposition to Muham-
mad), who challenged him to prove resur-
rection (q.v.) by himself reviving the dead
(see death and the dead), with the
people of Tubba', who were destroyed for
their sins (see sin, major and minor;
PUNISHMENT STORiEs): "Are they better, or
the people of Tubba' and those before
them? We destroyed them, for they were
sinners." In o 50:14, the people of Tubba'
are listed along with other lost communi-
ties (see geography): the people of Noah
(q.v.), those of al-Rass (q.v.), and the
Thamud (ci.v.), the 'Ad (q.v.), Pharaoh (q.v.)
and the brethren of Lot (q.v): "And the
dwellers in the wood (see people of the
thicket), and the people of Tubba': all
denied the messengers (see messenger;
lie), so [my] threat took effect."
Arab lexicographers (see Arabic
language; grammar and the q^ur'an)
define the term tubba ' as a title of rulership
among the kings (see kings and rulers) of
Yemen (q.v.) and specifically among the
Himyar. The title is explained froin the
root meaning "to follow": every time one
tubba ' died, he was followed immediately by
one who took his place. Specifically, tubba'
was the royal title of the kings of the sec-
ond Himyarite kingdom (ca. 300-525 c.E.).
According to Ibn Ishaq (d. ca. 150/767),
Ibn al-Kalbl (d. ca. 205/820), al-Ya'qubl
(fl. third/ninth cent.), al-Tabarl (d. 310/
923) and others (with differences in detail),
the Tubba' As'ad Abu Karib returned from
Iraij (q.v.; or Yathrib [see Medina]) with
two rabbis [habrayn min ahbdr al-yahud; see
JEWS AND Judaism), who convinced him to
destroy the image of the idol (see idols
AND images) or place of sacrifice (q.v.)
called Ri'am, located in Medina, Mecca
(q.v.) or in Yemen (see also south Arabia,
religions in pre-islamic). "Thereupon
they demolished it, and the Tubba', to-
gether with the people of Yemen, em-
braced Judaism" (Faris' translation of Ibn
al-Kalbl). Beeston questions whether the
Himyar actually became Jewish or prac-
ticed some heterodox indigenous pre-
lslamic expression of monotheism. The
Himyar are known in legend to have
remained Jewish for a century until the
time of their last great king, Yusuf, also
known as Dhu Nuwas, who was killed ac-
cording to legend after his massacre of the
Christians of Najran (q.v.) and the sub-
sequent invasion of the Christian
Abyssinians to destroy him (see abyssinia;
CHRISTIANS AND CHRISTIANITY).
According to most commentators, the
Tubba' referenced in the Qiir'an was good
and a believer but his subjects were not.
They (the qur'anic "people of tubba'") are
destroyed while he is saved. The role of the
two Jewish learned men includes (i) prov-
ing the future coming of Muhammad
through the esoteric knowledge of the Jews
and thus convincing the Tubba' not to
destroy Yathrib, the future home of the
Prophet, and (2) proving the original
TURKISH LITERATURE
390
monotheistic purity of the Ka'ba (q.v.)
even before Muhammad. They aflSrm that
"it is indeed the temple (see sacred
precincts) of our forefatlier Abraham
(q.v.)... but the local people... set up idols
around it." They instruct the Tubba' how
to perform the pilgrimage (q.v.) rituals at
the Ka'ba and he subsequently learns in a
dream (see dreams and sleep) that he
should make for it a beautiful kiswa or cov-
ering. In an oft-repeated legend, when the
Tubba' returns to Yemen with the two
Jewish learned men, the people of Himyar
refuse him entry because he abandoned
their ancestral religion. The Tubba' calls
them to his new religion and the Himya-
rites propose that the conflict should be
settled by their traditional ordeal of fire
(q.v.), through which the guilty are con-
sumed while the innocent remain un-
scathed. The idolaters (see idolatry and
idolaters) came with their idols and of-
ferings (see CONSECRATION OF animals)
while the (Jewish) learned men came with
their texts (masahif) hanging from their
necks (see scrolls; sheets). The idolaters
are consumed along with their idols but the
wise men are not. The Himyarites are con-
vinced and thus accept Judaism, the
Tubba"s religion. The Himyarites were
said to have claimed that there were sev-
enty Tubba' kings.
Tubba' is a name as well as a title.
Al-Tha'labi (d. 427/1035) cites Wahb b.
Munabbih (d. ca. 114/732), who narrates
how Solomon (q.v.) married Bilqis (q.v.) to
Tubba' the great, king of Hamdan, and
brought him back to Yemen, and conflates
this with Dhu Tubba', who ruled over
Yemen with the support of King Solomon
and the help of the Yemeni jinn (q.v.). In
al-Kisa'i's Qisas, Ka'b al-Ahbar (d. 32/
652-3) is made to include a Tubba' among
the twelve male children of 'Ad b. 'Us b.
Aram b. Sam b. Nuh.
A pre-Islamic alabaster stele made by
"Laya'athat the Sabaean" (see sheba) on
behalf of "Abibahath wife of Tubba' son
of Subh" for the goddess Shams depicts a
male figure with bow, spear and dagger,
presumably Tubba', making an offering
with his wife to the goddess. See also
pre-islamh; Arabia and the our'an.
Reuven Firestone
Bibliography
Primary; Ibn Ishaq, Sira, 2 vols., Beirut n.cL,
i, 19-28; Ibn Ishaq-Guillaiime, 6-12; Ibn al-
Kalbl, Hisham b. Muhammad b. al-Sa4b, Kitdb
al-Asndm, trans. N.A. Faris, Princeton 1952; Ibn
Kathlr, Tafsir, Beirut 1985; Kisa'i, Qisas; trans.
W.M. Thackston, Jr. , The tales of ike prophets of al-
Kisd% Boston 1978, 109; Lisdn al-'Arab, viii, 31;
TabarT, TafsTi; Beirut 1984, xiii, 128-9, 154-5; i*^')
Ta'nkh, ed. de Goeje, 684, 901-10; trans.
M. Perlmann, The history of al-TabarT. iv. The
ancient kingdoms. New York 1987, 79; C.E.
Bosworth, The history of al-Tabari. v. The Sdsdnids,
the Byzantines, the Lakhmids, and Yemen, New York
1999, 164-76; Tha'labi, Qisas, 286; trans. W.M.
Brinner, Ard'is al-majdlisfl qisas al-anbiyd' or "Lives
of the prophets", Leiden 2002, 536; Wahb b.
Munabbih, Kitdb al-Tijdnfi muluk Himyar, San'a'
1979; Ya'qubl, Ta'rikh, 222-4.
Secondary: A.F.L. Beeston, Himyarite mono-
theism, in Studies in the history of Arabia, ii. Pre-
Islamic Arabia, Riyadh 1984, 149-54; Horovitz,
Kcr, 102-3; ^- Hoyland, Arabia and the Arabs. Fro?n
the Bronze Age to the coming of Islam, London 200 1 ;
M. Lecker, The conversion of Himyar to Juda-
ism and the Banu Hadl of Medina, in wo 26
(1995), 129-36; id., Judaism among Kinda and
the ridda of Kinda, in JAOS 115 (1995), 635-50;
C.A. Nallino, Raccolta di scritti editi e inediti, 6 vols.,
Rome 1941, iii, 88-9.
Tiir
see SINAI
Turkish Literature and the Qiir'an
The acceptance of Islam in Anatolia to-
wards the end of the third/ninth century
brought new beliefs and social norms, and
began to create a new linguistic and liter-
391
TURKISH LITERATURE
ary climate which would dramatically re-
shape the Turkish language and its literary
traditions. The literary language was even-
tually enriched with a large number of
borrowings from Arabic, the sacred lan-
guage of the Qtir'an (see arabk;
language), and from the court poetry of
Persia. In their effort to be pious Muslims,
the new converts adopted the script of the
qur'anic langtiage as well (see Arabic
script). Regardless of the degree to which
Turkish-speaking peoples have, or have
not, had access to the semantic content of
the Qiir'an, its iconographic power has
been extremely influential on their cultural
outpourings (see material culture and
THE cjur'an). The Arabic script, in its as-
sociation with the Qtir'an, conveys an aura
of spirituality and provides a calligraphic
and symbolic entry into the Islamic world
(see REVELATION AND INSPIRATION;
calligraphy).
The pre-Islamic Turkic epics went
through a striking transformation in
Anatolia after the acceptance of Islam and
its holy book. The birth of the romantic
epic (hikaje) with new dimensions of love
(q.v.) began to manifest Islamic references
but at the same time kept the pre-Islamic
(particularly Shamanistic) rituals and sym-
bols. In these epics, one can observe a re-
markable intertextuality of different and
often contrasting religious practices and
references. While a troubadour or bard
played his saz, a stringed instrument, per-
forming his epic to his audience, he would
not hesitate to talk about wine (q.v.) or his
character's sexual life (see sex and
sexuality), while at the same time citing a
verse from the Qtir'an. In some cases, the
epic-teller would address his audience
through a digression, saying that he
knows it is not right to cite from the
Qur'an while he is holding a musical
instrument in his hands (see lawful
and unlawful; ritual purity;
RECITATION OF THE q^ur'an). Linguistic-
ally speaking, these quotations from the
Qiir'an are often highly corrupt and out
of context. Since the audience would
not know Arabic, immediately after the
qur'anic quote the epic-singer would
offer his own Turkish translation and
commentary.
Turkish hagiographic legends exhibit a
similar use of the Qiir'an and hadith (see
HADITH and THE ^ur'an). Though no
scholarly treatment of the qur'anic verses
in these compositions exists, in the great
majority of the manuscripts, the com-
posers do not cite the Arabic verses cor-
rectly, and their Turkish renderings are
rather more like approximations than
accurate translations. This is typical of folk
literature, whether its transmission was
written or oral. Just as the peoples of
Anatolia created their own version of folk
Islam, their folk literature created its own
version of Islam, the Qiir'an, and
Muhammad.
The treatment of the Qiir'an finds a new
level of sophistication in Turkish, or more
properly Ottoman, court literature. It func-
tioned as one of the major sources of this
classical literary tradition (thirteenth-nine-
teenth centuries C.E.). Although the sub-
jects and vocabulary of tasawwuf, Islamic
mysticism (see sufism and the cjur'an),
dominate those aspects of Turkish court
literature that carry religious themes, the
Qur'an also has a very special place, both
in terms of its vocabulary and direct quo-
tations from it, as well as reworkings of
some famous qur'anic stories (see
narratives; myths and legends in the
q^ur'an). One important reworking of such
stories is §eyyad Hamza's (fl. seventh/thir-
teenth century) retelling of the Joseph
story. This narrative of Joseph (q.v.) was
widely used in Ottoman literature. Also
TURKISH LITERATURE
392
known as "the most beautiful of stories"
(cf (J 12:3), the tale has more or less the
same plot in Turkish court poetry: Joseph
(An Yusuf; T. Yusuf ) was one of the twelve
sons of the prophetjacob (q.v.; Ar. Ya'qub;
T. Yakub/Yakup). He was more loved by
his father than his other siblings (see
benjamin; brother and brotherhood).
One day he saw in a dream (see dreams
and sleep) that eleven stars (see planets
AND stars) and the sun (q.v.) and the moon
(q.v.) worshipped him. He recounted his
dream to his father. Jacob interpreted these
eleven stars as his brothers. He believed
that what Joseph saw in his dream was a
divine message from God to announce that
Joseph had been chosen to be a prophet
(see PROPHETS AND prophethood). He
told his son to be careful and not to tell his
dream to his brothers. He was afraid that
jealousy would invade the hearts of his
eleven other sons and, indeed, his worries
turned out to be true. Joseph's brothers
plotted against him, threw him into a well,
and told their father that a wolf had eaten
him. When Jacob heard the devastating
news, he cried, from that moment on, day
and night; Jacob's dwelling came to be
known as "the house of grief." In fact, his
brothers had sold Joseph into slavery to a
merchant for a couple of silver coins. The
merchant took Joseph with him to Egypt
(q.v.) where he was bought at the slave
market by an Egyptian notable named
'Aziz (T Aziz; see kings and rulers).
When his wife, Zulaykha (T Ziileyha; see
women and the our'an), saw Joseph, she
was drawn to him sexually as he had un-
rivaled physical charm. She did everything
to attract his attention. One day, Zulaykha
entered Joseph's room and tried to seduce
him. While he was struggling to escape
from her, Joseph's shirt was torn. When he
went out, he found 'Aziz in front of him.
Zulaykha seized this opportunity to take
revenge on Joseph for rejecting her. She
told her husband that Joseph had attacked
her. His resistance to her desires brought
him disgrace and imprisonment. In prison,
Joseph stayed with two other men. He in-
terpreted their dreams correctly. One of
his fellow prisoners was released and be-
came the king's cup-bearer. Through this
man, the king of Egypt found out the truth
about the Joseph-Zulaykha relationship
and released the innocent man. Joseph
interpreted one of the king's dreams, too.
He was later appointed a minister by the
king. After a while, his brothers came to
Egypt and were warmly welcomed by
Joseph. They did not know that he was an
important man. In the end, Joseph forgave
all of his brothers (see forgiveness) and
also brought his father from Canaan to
Egypt. Extra-qur'anic details elaborate the
narrative. For example, in the meantime,
great misfortunes had befallen Zulaykha.
Her husband had died, and she had be-
come desperate. She had also lost her
beauty (q.v.). When Joseph found this out,
he felt sorry for her, and decided to marry
her. Having done so, God bestowed her
former beauty upon her and happiness was
restored to the family.
The practice of citing from the Qur'an
and hadith was usually called iktibas (Ar.
iqtibds), and is similar to another common
figure of speech known as irsal-i mesel,
"providing a proverb and its application in
a single distich." The main purpose of
these quotes was to reinforce the poet's
discourse on a subject, on the assumption
that no one would challenge the word of
God (q.v.) or that of the Prophet, thus giv-
ing more credibility to the poet's own state-
ments. Often times, the poets use a figure
of speech called telmih (Ar. talmih), "allu-
sion," to a particular verse of the Qiir'an
or a hadith (see also literature and the
(JUr'an). a scholarly examination of these
quotes and allusions in Turkish literary
texts and their contcxtualization (and in
393
TURKISH LITERATURE
many cases decontextualization) has not
been undertaken.
While the authors of folk narratives
would often provide their audience with a
Turkish translation or approximation of
the qur'anic passages they were citing (see
TRANSLATIONS OF THE our'an), Ottoman
court poets did not engage in such prac-
tice. Indeed, there was no practical reason
for it. Generally speaking, court poetry
assumed an educated audience, an audi-
ence usually literate in Turkish, Persian
and Arabic, and with an adequate educa-
tion in the Islamic sciences (see
traditional dis(;iplines of q^ur'anic
study). Not translating such quotes, and
not providing any explicit source for the
quotes, also challenged the capacities of
the audience and added to the overall live-
liness of this tradition.
Despite the tremendous efforts of mod-
ern Turkish philologists since the founding
of the Turkish republic to decipher and
publish the major Ottoman literary
sources, unfortunately a great majority of
the existing sources remain in manuscript
form, and have not been studied. Thus,
any attempt to write an overview of the
Qur'an and Turkish literature is necessarily
incomplete. Based on some of the most
significant studies on Ottoman literature,
the following list of the most frequently
cited verses of the Qrir'an in Turkish court
poetry can be composed (cf. Levend, Divan;
Onay, Eski Tiirk; Pala, Ansiklopedik divan;
Tarlan, Fuziili divani): q_ 21:22; 95:4; 14:34;
36:69; 2:47; 89:27-8; 61:13; 2:82; 13:23;
16:31; 20:76; 39:73; 111:4; 6:2; 17:1; 2:224;
12:87; 11:70; 20:21-68; 27:10; 28:25-31;
29:33; 7:172; 43:32; 2:1; 29:1; 30:1; 31:1; 32:1;
2:225; 7:206; 13:15; 16:49; 17:107; 19:58;
22:18; 25:60; 27:25; 32:15; 38:24; 78:40;
24:36; 8:17; 3:14; 35:33; 39:73; 24:35; 2:2;
81:1; 95:4; 2:256; 5:45; 9:25; 93:1; 68:1;
56:30; 28:88; 56:29; 33:4; 20:6; 92:1; 93:2;
21:107; 30:50; 55:1; 24:35; 93:2; 17:1; 31:77;
39:73; 2:115; 53:9; 17:37; 31:18; 71:5; 35:1;
37:35; 47:119; 13:30; 39:6; 59:22; 27:30;
26:224; 36:69; 2:115; 78:40; 65:7; 84:5-6;
48:1; 39:22; 20:12; 2:285; 4:46; 5:7; 24:51;
96:19; 21:30; 61:13; 50:20; 87:1; 27:7; 28:29;
24:36; 8:17; 3:14; 9:72; 13:23; 16:31; 18:31;
19:61; 20:76; 38:50; 61:12; 39:73; 24:35; 81:1;
95:4; 2:256; 5:45; 9:25; 56:30; 28:88; 33:4;
20:4; 53:9; 15:72; 26:88; 25:53; 83:26; 21:23;
7:179; 25:44; 75:40; 14:7; 65:10; 5:100; 3:13;
59:12; 43:32; 55:26; 33:41; 39:53; 3:103-12;
20:66; 26:44; 21:107; 93:2. Many of these
verses were commonplace in the collec-
tions of Turkish poetry and for centuries
poets have alluded to them repeatedly.
Ottoman Turkish court poetry was highly
technical, linguistically cumbersome, and
rhetorically charged, but at the same time
it had a limited lexicon. Thus it is not sur-
prising to see the repetition of these verses
in collections {divans) written centuries
apart. The established literary tradition
dictated the vocabulary of the medieval
poet, as did the limited number of canoni-
cal books, the Qiir'an being the most sig-
nificant of all. Generally it was viewed by
the Ottoman poet as the supreme example
of "poetic perfection" (see inimitability).
In Turkish court poetry, the Qiir'an is
equated with the beauty of the beloved: his
or her beautiful face, tall stature, long and
dark hair, eyes, eyebrows, cheek fuzz, and
mole. Sometimes it is designated as the
kitap, "book" (q.v.), mushaf{see mushaf),
"book, volume," ajet (pi. ayat), "verses"
(q.v.; see also signs; miracles; marvels),
JUrkan, "that which distinguishes truth (q.v.)
from error (q.v.)" (see also criterion), and
nur, "light" (q.v.). In the majority of the
divans, it is the absolute truth with utter
perfection, and thus it is referred to with
utmost respect (see also names of the
qur'an).
In the eighteenth century, Ottoman court
poetry (together with other arts of the
empire, such as miniature painting) went
TURKISH LITERATURE
394
through a dramatic change in its language,
themes, representation of tlie real world,
manifestation of human sexuality, and de-
piction of the place of religious discourse
in poetry. Indeed, the whole society began
to display signs of a Turkish "renaissance,"
one that emphasized a more secular state
of mind. The clash between the rind, "the
epicurean poet," and z^hid, "zealot," had
long dominated the pages of Turkish
divans, but in eighteenth century poetry,
serious challenges to religion and religious
authorities were evident, but without the
previous centuries' reliance upon mysti-
cism to mediate this clash. The poet
Nedim (1681-1730) was one of those
Ottoman authors who openly confronted
some of the strongest proscriptions of
Islam, such as drinking alcohol and con-
suming opium (see intoxicants;
forbidden) during the holy month of
Ramadan (q.v.), refusing to write a single
tevhid, "composition praising the unity of
God" (see god and his attributes),
miinacat, "poem which calls upon God for
help, communicates with God," or na't,
"poem in honor or praise of Muhammad"
(see prayer formulas; names of the
prophet), and provocatively disparaging
the Qur'an itself:
Oh zealot, excuse me but your face seems
rather homely (literally "there is some
heaviness on your skin")
your ugliness can be perceived even by the
thickness of your book!
This secular or anti-religious posture in
literature became much stronger in the
nineteenth and twentieth centuries with
the advance of modernist movements in
Turkey (see contemporary critical
PRACTICES and THE ^ur'an). The positiv-
ist mentality of modern Ottoman and
Turkish literature emphasized critical
thinking, belief in positive sciences (see
SCIENCE and the our'an), and a desire to
free the human mind from the dogmas of
Islam and its holy book. Among the fore-
most figures of this literature of the
Turkish enlightenment were Tevfik Fikret
(1867-1915), Re§at Nuri Giintekin
(1889-1956), Nazim Hikmet (1902-1963),
and Aziz Nesin (1915-1995).
The philosophy exemplified in Fikret's
poem entitled "Haluk's credo" (written for
his son Haluk, and translated by Walter G.
Andrews; Silay, Anthology, 259-60) occupied
the pages of Turkish literature until the
1980s. A few lines can convey some sense
of this philosophy:
There is a universal power, supreme and
limitless
Holy and sublime, with all my heart, so
do I believe
The earth is my homeland, my nation all
humankind;
A person becomes human only by knowing
this, so
do I believe
We are Satan, and jinn (q.v), there's no
devil (q.v.), no angels (q.v.)
Human beings will turn this world into
paradise (q.v.), so
do I believe
The perfect is immanent in creation (q.v.);
in that perfection
By way of the Torah (q.v.), of the Gospels
(q.v.), of the Koran
do I believe
The military coup in Turkey on September
12, 1980 not only reshaped the whole po-
litical, cultural and economic nature of the
country but its literature as well. Whether
Marxist-Leninist or Kemalist, the positivist
character of Turkish literature began to go
through a remarkable "postmodern" trans-
formation and thus reflected a much more
positive image of the so-called "Ottoman
times" in general and Islam and its icons in
395
particular (see also politics and the
(^ur'an).
Kemal Silay
Bibliography
Ahmet Refik, Ldle devri, Istanbul 1331/1912;
K. Akyiiz, La litterature moderne de Turquie, in
J. Deny et al. (eds.), Philologiae turcicae fundamenta,
3 vols., Wiesbaden 1959-2000, ii, 465-634; W.G.
Andrews, The age of beloveds. Love and the beloved in
early-modern Ottoman and European culture and society,
Durham, NC 2005; id., An introduction to Ottoman
poetry, Minneapolis 1976; id., Poetry's voice, society's
song. Ottoman lyric poetry, Seattle 1985; O. Asla-
napa, Turk minyatiir sanatinin geli§mesi, in
Erdem. Ataturk KUltUr Merkezi Dergisi 2/6 (1987),
851-66; N. Berkes, The development of secularism in
Turkey, Montreal 1964; A. Bombaci, Histoire de la
litterature turque, trans. I. Melikoff, Paris 1968; P.N.
Boratav, TUrk halk edebiyati, Istanbul 1969;
M. Qscvu^o^u, Mecdti Bey divdm'nm tahlili, Istanbul
1971; C. Dilgin, Divan |iirinde gazel, in TUrk Dili
415-17 (1986), 78-247; id., Orneklerle Turk §iir bilgisi,
Ankara 1983; R. Ettinghausen, Turkish miniatures
from the thirteenth to the eighteenth century. New York
1965; A.O. Evin, The tulip age and definitions of
"westernization," in O. Okyar and H. Inalcik
(eds.), Social and economic history of Turkey (loyi-
ig2o), Ankara 1980, 131-45; F. Iz (ed.), Eski Tiirk
edebiyatnda nazim. XIII. YUzyildan XIX. Tuzyfl
ortasna kadar yazmalardan segilmi metinler [vol. i],
Istanbul 1966; L. Karahan, Erzurumlu darir, kissa-i
Yusuf (Tusuf u ^uleyhd). Inceleme, metin, dizin,
Ankara 1994; C. Kurnaz, Haydli Bey divdm
(tahlili), Ankara 1987; A.S. Levend, Divan edebiyati.
Kelimeler ve remizler, mazmunlar ve mefhumlar,
Istanbul 1943; id., Turk dilinde geli^me ve sadele^me
evreleri, Ankara 1972; G.M. Meredith-Owens,
Turkish miniatures, London 1963; A. Nedim, Nedim
divdni, ed. H. Nihad, Istanbul 1338-40 [1919-21];
A.T Onay, Eski Tiirk edebiyatinda mazmunlar, ed.
C. Kurnaz, Ankara 1993; I. Vala, Ansiklopedik
dwdn siiri sbzlugU, Ankara 1992; SirJ.W.
Redhouse, New Redhouse Turkish- English dictionary,
Istanbul 1968; id.,^ Turkish and English lexicon,
Beirut 1974; S. SamT, Kdmus-i Turki, 2 vols.,
Istanbul 1317-18/1899-1900; K. Silay (ed.). An
anthology of Turkish literature, Bloomington, IN
1996; id., Medim and the poetics of the Ottoman
court. Aledieval inheritance and the need for change,
Bloomington, IN 1994; id. (ed.), Turkish folklore
and oral literature. Selected essays of Ilhan Ba§gbz,
Bloomington, IN 1998 (for a sampling of works
by one of the most noted contemporary names
in Turkish folklore); F. Steingass, A comprehen-
sive Persian-Enplish dictionary, London loSS*^;
A.N. Tarlan [ed.), Ahmed Pa^a divani, Istanbul
1966; id. Fuzuli divam §erhi, 3 vols., Ankara 1985;
id., Haydli Bey Dwdni, Istanbul 1945; id., Kadi
Burhaneddin'de tasavvuf, in Tiirk Dili ve Edebiyati
Dergisi 8 (1958), 8-15; id.. Kadi Burhaneddin'de
tasavvuf. Ikinci gazelin §erhi, in Tiirk Dili ve
Edebiyati Dergisi 9 (1959), 27-32; id.. Kadi
Burhaneddin'de tasavvuf III. Bir gazelinin §erhi,
in Tiirk Dili ve Edebiyati Dergisi 10 (i960), 1-4; id.,
Mecati Bey divani, Istanbul 1963; id., §eyhi divam'm
tetkik, Istanbul 1964; H. T^olasa, Ahmet Pa^a'mn pir
dUnyasi, Ankara 1973; S.L. West, The Qissa-i Tusuf
of 'All. The first story of Joseph in Turkic
Islamic literature, in ao 37 (1983), 69-84.
Tl
An enigmatic term mentioned in the
Qiir'an, denoting a place or a concept of
holiness. The term's semantic origins are
obscure — a place name, a term meaning
"twice done," even a misreading of the
Syriac tur/turd ["mountain"] have been
suggested (cf. Bell, Co?nmentarji, i, 523 [ad
Q_ 20:12]; cf also Horovitz, KU, 125). The
sacred place called tuwd is found in two
suras ((J 20 and 79), both of which speak of
a holy valley and mention Moses (q.v.), but
which are quite different otherwise. While
(J 20 consists of 135 verses and q 79 of only
forty-six verses, they include only slight
similarity (see suras).
cj 20, entitled Taha (see mysterious
letters), begins with "We did not reveal
to you [Muhammad] the Qiir'an that you
should be distressed, but to admonish the
God-fearing" (q 20:2-3; see piety; fear;
Warner). Verses 9-12 tell what Moses did,
after which God spoke to him and men-
tioned tuwd: "Have you heard the story of
Moses? When he saw a fire (q.v.) he said to
his people: 'Stay here, for I can see a fire.
Perchance I can bring you a lighted torch,
or find guidance at the fire.' When he
came near, a voice called out to him:
'Moses! I am your lord. Take off your
sandals, for you are in the sacred valley of
tuwd.' " In verse q 20:15 God speaks
TYRANT
396
strongly, that "the hour is surely coming
(see time; last judoment; eschatology).
But I will keep it hidden so that every soul
may be rewarded for its striving (see
reward and punishment; path or
way)." Then God frightens Moses by tell-
ing him to throw down his staff (see rod)
which becomes a serpent. He then tells
him to take it with no fear, for it will return
to its former state, and promises that he
will show him most wondrous signs (q.v.).
God tells Moses that he has chosen him to
serve him (see worship; servant), to re-
cite his prayers (see prayer; ritual and
THE cjur'an) in remembrance of him and
warns that the hour (of doom) has come.
God continues ({) 20:16), "Let those who
disbelieve in the hour (see belief and
unbelief) and yield to their desires not
turn your thoughts from it, lest you perish
(see DEATH and the dead)." Moses asks
God to put courage (q.v.) into his heart
(q.v.), free his tongue from impediment,
and to appoint his brother Aaron (q.v.) to
strengthen him and share his task. God
agrees and tells the story of the birth and
early years of Moses, then goes on with the
story of Pharaoh (q.v.).
c) 79 is called al-Nazi'at, a title that is
little understood, and translated by
various English names such as "The Soul-
Snatchers," "Those Who Pull and
Withdraw," "Those Who Drag Forth," and
"The Pluckers" (see, for instance, the trans-
lations of A. Ali, A.J. Arberry, N.J.
Dawood, M. Pickthall, J.M. Rodwell and
M.H. Shakir). (j 79 briefly notes the story
of Pharaoh, with a mention of the fire and
the hour (of doom) as in o 20, and includes
a few final words of future events that
threaten humanity (see apocalypse). The
two first words of this sura (ndzi'at/ sdbihdt)
are difficult to understand and have been
the subject of considerable exegetical dis-
cussion. C3 79 contains the brief verses 15
and 16: "Have you heard the story of
Moses? His lord (q.v.) called out to him in
the sacred valley of tuwd."
Although exegetes differ as to the mean-
ing of the term tuwd, the most plausible
tradition is that which maintains that tuwd
is the name of a sacred place, the one that
was entered by Moses (but cf. sacred
precincts). 'Tuwd(n) has also been defined
as something "twice done," as though
folded, and medieval writers (see exegesis
OF the our'an: classical and medieval)
have said that tuwd is "twice sanctified,
twice blessed and twice called," as God
calls Moses.
William M. Brinner
Bibliography
Primary: Yaqut, Bulddn, ed. Wiistenfeld, iii, 553.
Secondary: Bell, Commentary; Horovitz, Ku.
Twelvers see shi'ism and the
q^ur'an
Twilight see evening
Tyrant see oppression; kings and
u
Uhud see EXPEDITIONS AND BATTLES
[Al-]Ukhdrid
Substantive (or proper name) found in tlie
qiir'anic expression ashdb al-ukhdud [q_ 85:4):
[Tliey] were destroyed, tlie men of tlie
furnace (ashdb al-ukhdiid) , a fire (q.v.) abun-
dantly fed, while they were sitting by it,
and they were witnesses of what they did
to believers (see belief and unbelief),
and they ill-treated them for no other rea-
son than that they believed in God
(a 85:4-9)-
Islamic tradition is almost unanimous in
identifying these ashdb al-ukhdiid with those
involved in tlie persecution at Najran (q.v.;
a large oasis in southern Saudi Arabia, on
the border with Yemen [q.v.]), in Novem-
ber 523 t;.E. (regarding this event and the
sources dealing with it, see Beaucamp
et al.. La persecution), but quite often with-
out specifying whether they mean the
Jewish persecutors (directed by the king
Zur'a dhu-Nuwas Yusiif, the Yusuf As'ar
Yath'ar of Himyarite inscriptions; see JEWS
AND Judaism) or their Christian victims
(see christians and Christianity). For
Wahb b. Munabbih (d. ca. 114/732; Tijdn),
Ibn Habib (d. 245/860; Muhabbar) or
Nashwan al-Himyarl (d. 573/1178; Muluk
Himyar), they are the persecutors, since
these authors call the king Yusuf sdhib al-
ukhdiid, but others remain rather vague (Ibn
Ishaq, Sira, followed by Tabari, Ta 'rikh;
Nashwan al-Himyarl, Shams al- 'uliiin, ad
h-d-d, etc.)
As a consequence of this identification,
tradition interprets al-Ukhdud as a place
name of the Najran oasis (BakrI, Mujam
md stajama, i, 121, ad "al-Ukhdud"; al-
Hasan al-Hamdam, Sifatjazirat al- 'Arab,
specifies that "the ancient city is the site of
'al-Ukhdud' "). In pre-Islamic sources
(principally the inscriptions of south
Arabia, but also external sources such as
Christian hagiographies relating to the
persecution, written in Greek and Syriac),
however, no evidence is available for such a
place name; in inscriptions, the oasis and
main city are first of all called Rgmf" [res
3943/3; Ma'ln 9/5; M 247/2; in Hebrew
Ra'md, in Greek Rag?na, in Gen 10:7 — I
Chron 1:9, and Ezek 27:22), then, after the
start of the Christian era, Ngr" (in Arabic
Najran; see ARABIC script). There is good
reason to believe that the name "al-
Ukhdud" bestowed upon the ruins of
Najran (already indicated in the tenth cen-
[al-
U K H D U D
398
tury c.E. by al-HamdanI and still used
nowadays, see Philby, Arabian highlands)
postdates Islam and is derived from an in-
terpretation of (J 85.
Other observations have led the majority
of contemporary scholars to doubt the
identification of the ashdb al-ukhdud with
those responsible for, or the victims of, the
Najran persecution. While the Qiir'an
speaks of a ditch filled with fire (for
R. Blachere, a furnace), since the meanings
given to the Arabic ukhdud (pi. akhddid) are
"ditch, cavity, pit" (for references in
Yemeni dialects, see Serjeant, Ukhdud),
scholars note that, according to Christian
hagiographies, those executed were not
thrown into a furnace but put to the sword.
Besides, the text of the Qtir'an, which gives
no indication of location or time, at no
point suggests that the "believers" were
Christians (see people of the ditch).
For al-Tabari (d. 310/923), followed by
some Islamicists, most recently Regis
Blachere, the Qiir'an is alluding to the
"fiery furnace" (Daniel 3:6, 11, 15, 17, 20,
21, 23 and 26) into which the three young
men are thrown. Other scholars, such as
Rudi Parct, following Hubert Grimme and
Joseph Horovitz, prefer an eschatological
interpretation (see eschatology): the
ashdb al-ukhdud will be the wicked cast into
hell (see hell and hellfire) at the time of
the last judgment (q.v.) because of their
crimes against believers, even if it is very
unusual to use the term "ditch" to describe
hell (see reward and punishment).
This last objection has disappeared fol-
lowing the publication of texts from
Qiimran, in which Sheol is constantly re-
ferred to by the Hebrew sahat, "ditch."
Marc Philonenko, who stresses this point,
equally notes the expressions bny h-sht,
"sons of the ditch," and 'nsy h-sht, "men of
the ditch," to denote the wicked, the
damned or rather those who suffer punish-
ment (see CHASTISEMENT AND PUNISHMENT:
GOOD AND evil) On judgment day. The
qur'anic expression ashdb al-ukhdud coidd
be an exact equivalent of the expressions
from Qimiran.
Christian Jidien Robin
Bibliography and abbreviations
Primary: al-BakrI, al-WazTr Abu 'Ubayd
'Abdallah b. 'Abd al-'AzTz al-AndalusT, Mujam
md sta'jama, ed. M. al-Saqqa, 4 vols, in 2, Cairo
1945, repr. Beirut 1983^; R. Blachere, Le Coran.
Traduction selon un essai de redassement des sourates,
3 vols., Paris 1947-51, ii, 119-20, no. 43; al-
Hamdanl, Abu Muhammad al-Hasan b. Ahmad
b. Ya'qub, SifatjazTrat at-'Arab, 2 vols., ed. D.H.
Miiller, al-Hamddni's Geographie der arahischen
Halbinset, Leiden 1884-91, repr. Leiden 1968,
l69f.; Ibn Habib, Abn JaTar Muhammad,
Mubabbar, ed. I. Lichtenstadter, Hyderabad 1942,
repr. Beirut n.d., 367-8; Ibn Ishaq, Sira, 24-5; Ibn
Ishaq-Guillaume, 15-16; Nashwan b. Sa'ld al-
HimyarT, AiulUk Himjiar wa-aqydl al-Yaman, ed.
'A. al-Jaraft, Cairo 1378/1958-9, 148 (poem with
commentary); id.. Shams al-'ulum. Die auf
Sudarabien bezuglichen Angaben NaSwdn's im Sams at-
'utum, Leiden/London 1916, 31-2; TabarT, Ta'rikb,
ed. de Goeje et al., i, 919/922-5; trans. C.E.
Bosworth, The history of al-Tabari. v. The Sdsdnids,
the Byzantines, the Lakhmids, and Yemen, Albany
1999, 191, 198-202; Tha'labi, Qisas; trans. W.M.
Brinner, Ard'is al-majdlis ji qisas al-anbiyd' or "Lives
of the prophets", Leiden 2002, 728-32; Wahb b.
Munabbih, Kitdb al-Tijdn fi muluk Himyar, San'a'
1347/1928-9, 323-501-
Secondary: J. Beaucamp, F. Briquel-Chatonnet
and Ch. Robin, La persecution des chretiens de
Nagran et la chronologic himyarite, in Aram
11/12 (1999-2000), 15-83; H. Grimme, Mohammed,
2 vols., Miinster 1892-5, ii, 77 n. 4; Horovitz, KU,
12; R. Parct, Ashab al-Ukhdud, in El', i, 692
(complete bibliography); H. VhiXhy, Arabian
highlands, New York 1976*, esp. chap. 14, Ukhdud,
254-5 (map of the Najran wadi and al-Ukhdud
area); 266-7 (sketch of the site between);
M. Philonenko, Une expression qoumranienne
dans le Coran, in Atti del Terzo Congresso di Studi
Arabi e Islamici (Ravello, 1-6 September ig66),
Napoli 1967, 553-6 (complete bibliography);
R. Serjeant, Ukhdud, in BSOAS 22 (1959),
572-3. Sigla: M: Iscrizioni sudarabiche. i. Iscrizioni
minee, Naples 1974; Ma'Tn 9: Ch. Robin and
G. Gnoli, Inventaire des Inscriptions sud arabiques, iii,
Paris/ Rome 1998; REs: Repertoire d'epigraphie
semitique.
399
Ulema see scholars
'Umar see caliph; companions of
THE prophet
Umm Hablba see wives of the
prophet
Umm Salama see wives of the
prophet
Umma see community and society in
THE ^ur'an; religion
Ui
A qur'anic epithet for the prophet Muham-
mad that acquired significantly different
interpretations in the course of Islamic
liistory. Traditionally, Muslims understand
ummt as "illiterate" and as uneqiuvocally
identifying Muhammad as "the illiterate
Prophet" (al-nabi l-ummi) — a view that has
come to constitute an article of orthodox
faith and spirituality in Islam (see
illiteracy). Recent research, however,
recovering some of the earliest exegetical
glossing, has suggested that umnn'in the
Qiir'an signifies the ethnic origin (being an
Arab, Arabian) and the originality of the
Prophet of Islam (coming from among a
people, the Arabs [q.v.], who had not yet
received a revelation; see revelation and
inspiration).
Terms in the Qur'dn and their interpretations
The term ummi occwva only in C3 7:157 and
158; its plural, ummiyyiin, is found in C3 2:78;
3:20, 75 and 62:2. In cj 7:157 and 158, God
proclaims:
My mercy (q.v.),... I shall ordain it for
those who are God-fearing,... those who
believe in our signs (q.v.; C3 7:156), [those]
who follow the messenger (q.v.), the ummT
Prophet, whom they find mentioned in
their [own scriptures, the] Torah (q.v.) and
the Gospel (q.v; see also scripture and
THE cjur'an), who bids them to what is just
(see justice and injustice) and forbids
them what is reprehensible (see virtues
AND VICES, commanding AND FORBID-
DING; forbidden), and who makes lawful
for them the good things and unlawful for
them the corrupt things... (q 7:157; see
LAWFUL AND UNLAWFUL; GOOD AND EVIl).
Say: "O humankind, I am the messenger
of God to you all " Therefore, believe in
God and in his messenger, the ummi
Prophet who believes in God and his
words. Follow him! Perhaps, you will [then]
be guided ({) 7:158; see error; astray).
In commenting on these verses, the clas-
sical Muslim exegetes (see exegesis of the
qUR'AN: CLASSICAL AND MEDIEVAL) offcr
several interpretations for ummi, including
"unable to read (and write; see literacy;
orality and writing IN Arabia),"
Arab/ Arabian (derived from u?nma,
"nation, the people of the Arabs"),
Meccan (from umm al-qurd, "Mother of all
Cities," an epithet for Mecca [q.v.]), and,
"pure, natural," like a newborn from its
"mother" (umm), thus incorporating the
notions of being "unlettered," "untaught,"
"intellectually untouched" (see knowl-
edge and learning), and "spiritually vir-
gin," by virtue of which Muhammad be-
came the receptacle for the divine
revelation. (For references and discussion
of these and the following derivations, see
Gtinther, Illiteracy, esp. 493-9; and id..
Literacy, esp. 188.) Despite these various
possible meanings, the classical commen-
taries stress that ummi'in the two verses
characterizing the prophet Muhammad
means "unable to read (and write)."
Presenting a threefold argument, they
suggest (i) that ummi most likely relates to
umma, "the people of the Arabs" who, (2) at
400
the time of Muhammad, were mostly an
"iUiterate nation" (umma ummiyja), "neitlier
reading nor writing," and, (3) since
Muhammad belonged to this nation, he
neither read nor wrote, or was unable to
do so.
Western scholars have contested, in par-
ticular, the idea that umniT means "illiter-
ate." While some scholars suggest the
meaning of "ethnically Arab/ Arabian,"
others argue in favor of "untaught" or "ig-
norant" (of the scriptures, as opposed to
being "learned," "knowledgeable" about
them) or "not having received a revelation"
and, strictly speaking, "pagan" and "hea-
then," or "gentile" (see Giinther, Illiteracy,
496; see POLYTHEISM AND ATHEISM; SOUTH
ARABIA, RELIGIONS IN PRE-ISLAMIc).
Analysis of the qur'anic expressions
ummiyyun and umma (the latter being the
noun from which iimmi is most likely de-
rived, as both classical exegetes and con-
temporary scholars agree) highlights above
all two things. First, umma in the Qi_ir'an
means "a people" or, more specifically,
"the nation [of the Arabs]" (notwithstand-
ing its other meanings, which are not rel-
evant here; see Giinther, Illiteracy, 496-8).
Second, the term ummiyyun in the Qiir'an
identifies "Arabs who have not [yet] been
given a divinely inspired scripture" (cf.
C3 3:20, 75; 62:2). On one occasion, how-
ever, a certain group among the Jews (see
JEWS AND Judaism) is called u?nmiyyun, "not
knowing the scripture," or "not being well-
versed in the book [q.v.; because they are
not reading in it]" [q_ 2:78). When the
terms ummi and pi. ummiyyun are examined
in conjunction with the previous two re-
marks, it becomes clear that in the Qiir'an
they do not represent a single meaning.
Rather, they suggest a spectrum of ideas,
which includes (a) someone belonging to a
people (umma) — the Arabs — who were a
nation without a scripture as yet; (b) some-
one without a scripture and thus not read-
ing it; and (c) someone not reading a
scripture and, therefore, not being taught
or educated [by something or somebody]
(cf Giinther, Muhammad, 15-16).
Although this spectrum of ideas does not
include the meaning of "illiterate" as such,
it apparently formed the basis upon which
the idea of ummT meaning "illiterate" was
developed.
The dogma of the Prophet being umml,
"illiterate"
The fact that questions surrounding the
possibility of Muhammad's literacy were
already an issue of considerable signifi-
cance at the time of the revelation seems to
be evident, for example, in <J 25:5. This
passage echoes attempts made by "unbe-
lievers" (polytheists in Mecca) to discredit
Muhammad by claiming that he was not
communicating divine revelations, but
"stories taken from writings of the ancients
[asdtir al-awwalTn; see generations), which
he has written down (see writing and
WRITING materials; opposition to
Muhammad) and which were dictated to
him (tumid 'alayhi) at dawn (q.v.) and in the
early evening" (q.v; see also Giinther,
Illiteracy, 492-3). In contrast, q 29:47-8
states: "We have sent down to you
[Muhammad] the book (al-kitdb) Not
before this did you read (tatlu) any book, or
inscribe it with your right hand..." (for tald
referring to "reading [the holy scriptures],"
see Giinther, Literacy, 190).
The concept of the Prophet's illiteracy,
however, "seems to have evolved in some
circles of Muslim learning not before the
first half of the second century of the hijra
(see emigration; calendar)," i.e. the first
half of the eight century c.E. (Goldfeld,
Illiterate prophet, 58). Furthermore, it
seems that Muhammad's illiteracy had
already become dogma by the end of the
third/ninth century when al-Tabari
(d. 310/923) summed up much of the
401
learning of previous generations of
Muslims (see Goldfeld's research into cer-
tain exegetical works, which al-Tabarl used
as sources and quoted in his comments on
umniT a.nd ummiyjun; see theology and
THE c)Ur'an). The famous theologian al-
Ghazali (d. 505/1 in), for example, advo-
cates this creed on numerous occasions in
his The revival of the religious sciences (Ihyd'
'ulUm al-din), his greatest and most authori-
tative work. Here he states that: "He (the
Prophet) was ummi; he did not read or
write God [himself] taught him all the
virtues of character, the praiseworthy ways
of behaving and the information about the
ancients and the following generations"
[Ihyd', ii, 364 [ch. 11]).
In the course of time, the notion of the
illiterate Prophet of Islam came to be a
central argument in defending Islam
against opponents who attempted to dis-
credit the prophet Muhammad and his
message. Moreover, for the exegete al-RazI
(d. 606/1210), and other orthodox Muslim
scholars in medieval and modern times,
this concept also underscores the inimi-
tability and uniqueness of the Qiir'an in
terms of content, form and style (i'jdz; see
inimitability), its miracidous nature
(mu'jiza; see miracles) and the outstanding
place Islam and its Prophet deserve within
the canon of the monotheistic religions
(see LANGUAGE AND STYLE OF THE Q^UR'aN;
FORM AND STRUCTURE OF THE Q^UR'an). In
Other words, Muhammad's illiteracy came
to be seen as a particularly excellent sign
and proof of the genuineness and nobility
of his prophethood (see al-Razl's lengthy
statement in Gtinther, Illiteracy, 495-6).
The Sufi (see sufism and the cjur'an)
'All b. Muhammad al-Baghdadi, known
as al-Khazin (d. 741/1340), for example,
says:
The Prophet was ummT; he did not read,
write, or count His being ummi is one of
the greatest and most magnificent miracles.
Had he mastered writing and then come
forward with this magnificent Qiir'an, he
could have been accused of having written
and transmitted it from others [Lubdb,
ii, 147).
To expand on this tenet could residt in
trouble, as seen in the example of Abu
1-Walid al-Bajl al-Maliki (d. 474/1081), a
distinguislied theologian and man of let-
ters in eleventh-century Spain. The con-
troversy began in the city of Denia, during
a teaching session on al-Bukharl's
(d. 256/870) famous collection of "Sound
prophetic traditions," which includes an
account of the events in 6/628 at al-
Hudaybiya, when a peace treaty was
agreed on between Muhammad and the
Meccan tribe of Qiiraysh (q.v.). As al-
Bukhari has it: "the messenger of God
took the document and wrote this (his
name), " fa- akhadha rasul Alldh . . . al-kitdba
fa-kataba hddha (no. 2700), although "he did
not write well...," wa-laysayuhsinuyaktubu
[sic] fa-kataba hddha (no. 4251; DarimI,
Sunan, no. 2507; wa-laysa yuhsinu anyaktuba
fa-kataba..., Ibn iianhal, Musnad, no.
18,161). Al-Bajl explained the significance
of the event and stated furthermore that
this tradition was authentic and a proof
that the Prophet wrote on that day.
Because of his explanation, al-Bajl was
accused of heresy and atheism. At a spe-
cifically organized public disputation, liow-
ever, he convinced the learned audience
that his opinion did not contradict the
Qiir'an — and its notion of the ummif
illiterate Prophet — because c) 29:47-8,
as al-Bajl argued, indicates (only) that
Muhammad did not write any scripture
before he received the revelation (al-kitdb)
and became a prophet. Al-Bajl later wrote
an epistle on this subject to justify his
doctrinal position (edited in Baji, Tahqiq,
170-240), which in turn gave rise to trea-
402
tises, for and against his position, written
by Muslim scliolars in Spain, nortli Africa
and Sicily (cf Bajl, Tahqiq, 115-16, iig; Abu
Hayyan, Bahr, vii, 155; Sprenger, Moham-
mad, ii, 398; and esp. Fierro, Polemicas,
425). A similar argument is made by the
influential Twelver-Shi'l scholar (see SHi'lsM
AND THE cjur'an) and legal authority (see
LAW AND THE our'an), 'AUama MajlisI
(d. 1110/1698), after he surveyed for his
Persian readership the various interpreta-
tions of umniT common among Muslim
scholars. Basing himself also on o 29:47-8,
he supports the idea that Muhammad was
"never taught to read and write" before he
became a prophet. He says, however:
whether [or not] he [actually] read and
wrote after he became prophet,... there
can be no doubt of his ability to do so, in-
asmuch as he knew all things by divine in-
spiration, and so by the power of God was
able to perform things impossible for all
others to do How could the Prophet be
ignorant [of reading and writing] when he
was sent [by God] to instruct others (cf.
MajlisI, Haydt, ii, 155).
It appears that c) 29:47-8 was instrumental
in harmonizing the doctrinal concept of
Muhammad's "illiteracy" with the data
given, for example, in historical and bio-
graphical sources (see sira and the
(jur'an), according to which Muhammad
seems to have had (some) knowledge of
reading and writing at a later stage of his
life. Nonetheless, the well-attested incident
that reportedly took place on Thursday,
June 4, 632 c.E. — i.e. four days before
Muhammad's death — also provides no
conclusive answer to the question as to
whether or not the prophet Muhammad
was able to read and write at the end of
his life. The accounts given by Ibn Sa'd
(d. 230/845) relate that the prophet
Muhammad was lying on his sick-bed
when he said: "i'tuni [sic] bi-davodt wa-sahifa
aktubu lakum kitdban la tadillu ba'dahu, " which
seems to mean, "Bring me writing instru-
ments and a piece of parchment (or pa-
pyrus). I will write (i.e. dictate?) a will for
you, after which you will not go astray,"
rather than, simply, "... I will draft for you
a writing. ..." (cf. Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqdt, ii,
244-5; f°^ '■h^ entire passage, see pp.
242-55, the chapter entitled al-Kitdb alladhi
ardda rasul Alldh anyaktubahu li-ummatihi; see
furthermore Ghedira, Sahlfa; Sprenger,
Mohammad, ii, 400-1; for kataba [Ii] meaning
in the Qi_ir'an also "to decree, to ordain [a
will, or law]," see Gtinther, Literacy, 190-1;
similarly, Lane, vii, 2590; on the verbal use
of the root k-t-h in the Qiir'an in general,
see Madigan, Qiir'dn's self-image, 107-24; on
the importance that writing and political
documents generally had for Muhammad
in Medina [cj.v.] after he had become a
statesman, see HamiduUah, Six originaux,
23-38, 48-51; Margoliouth, Mohammed, 5;
see POLITICS and the qur'an; for the fre-
quent occurrence of the expressions al-nabi
I- 'arabi, "the Arab/ Arabian Prophet," in
biographical and historical Muslim
sources, see for example Waqidi, Futuh, ii,
42, 54, 164; Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqdt, i, ig, 259;
Dhahabl, Siyar, i, 375; Ibn Khaldun,
Muqaddima, 3; Ibn Kathir, Biddya, ii, 16, 85;
Maqqarl, Majh, vii, 340, 427; Katib
Chelebi, Kashf al-^unun, ii, 1523 and 1718).
In conclusion, one notes two things: While
the meaning of the terms ummT and
ummiyyun in the Qiir'an can be determined
as indicated above, the question as to
whether or not the prophet Muhammad
knew how to read and write (at the end of
his life) is another matter that cannot be
decided conclusively on the basis of the
textual evidence available today.
Sebastian Giinther
403
UN (CERTAINTY
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mu 'ayyid wa-mu 'arid hawla da wd kitdbat al-rusul li-
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Russia competition of research projects in humanities,
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viii, 834-5; ^- Goldfeld, The illiterate prophet (nabi
ummi). An inquiry into the development of a
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58-67; S. Giinther, Illiteracy, in eq, ii, 492-500;
id., Literacy, in eq, iii, 188-92; id., Muhammad,
the illiterate prophet. An Islamic creed in the
Qiir'an and qur'anic exegesis, in Journal of qur'anic
studies 4/1 (2002), 1-26; M. Hamidullah, Six
originaux des lettres du prophete de VIslam. Etude
paleographique et historique des lettres du prophete, Paris
1986; Lane; D.A. Madigan, The Qur'dn's self-image.
Writing and authority in Islam's scripture, Princeton
and Oxford 2001; D.S. Margoliouth, Mohammed,
London [1939], esp. 2-5; O. Fautz, Muhammeds
Lehre von der Offenbarung, quellenmdfiig untersucht,
Leipzig 1898 (includes a survey of nineteenth
century scholarship on ummi, esp. 257-64); H.G.
Reissner, The ummi prophet and the Banu Israil
of the QjLir'an, in MW'^<^ (1949)5 276-81;
G. Schoeler, Charakter und Authentic der muslimischen
Uberlieferung uber das Leben Mohammed, Berlin and
New York 1996, 59-117 (w^ith a comprehensive
study of the various reports regarding the first
revelation to the prophet Muhammad, the iqra'-
account); L. Shayib, Hal K'dna Muhammad
Umiyyan? Al-haqiqa al-dd'i'a bayna aghldt al-
muslimin wa-Mughdlatdt al-Mustashriqin, Beirut
1423/2003; A. Sprenger, The life of Mohammad
from original sources, Allahabad 1851 (esp. 101-2); id.,
Mohammad, ii, 398-402; S.M. Zwemer, The
"illiterate" prophet. Could Mohammed read and
write, in m\v 11 (1921), 344-63.
Umra see pilgrimage
Unbelief/Unbelievers see belief .
unbelief; polytheism and atheism;
FAITH
Uncertainty
Qtiestioning the truth or existence of
something. In the Qiir'an, this is a quality
often attributed to those peoples, past and
present, who do not believe or trust the
messengers (see messenger) or signs (q.v.)
of God (see lie; belief and unbelief;
OPPOSITION TO MUHAMMAD; TRUST AND
patience). And, like its first auditors,
Islamic tradition (and certainly non-
Muslims) has grappled with how to
understand — and interpret — the word
of God (q.v.).
According to the tradition, Islam began
with Muhammad's uncertainty and panic
[fa-akhadhatni rajfa; al-nashi' 'an al-ru'b;
Suyutl, Itqdn, i, 93; see fear) after a very
early revelation (most authorities claim
that q 96:1-5 was the first revelation; see
Zarkashi, Burhdn [JS'aw' 10], i, 264; followed
by Suyutl, Itqdn, i, 93; see revelation and
inspiration) in, or shortly after leaving,
the cave (q.v.) of al-Hira' (see sira and the
quR'AN; chronology and the q^ur'an;
occasions of revelation; for the arche-
typical theme of the mythic hero and the
cave, see Jung, Memories, 160-1; Dreifuss
UN (CERTAINTY
404
and K^iemcr, Abraham, 6; see also Schub,
"Hakim al-balad... "). He rushed home to
his wife Khadija (q.v.) in such an agitated
state tliat she threw cold water on him (see
e.g. Zarkashi, Burhdn, i, 264); he then told
her to wrap him in a mantle to soothe him
(Khadija was the first umm al-mu'mimn,
"mother of the faithful"; for a discussion of
Muhammad's revelation in the context of
their relationship, cf. Dreyfuss and Riemer,
Abraham, 8g; see wives of the prophet;
WOMEN AND THE C>UR'aN; BELIEF AND
unbelief). She reassured him that he was
indeed worthy, being an exemplary upright
individual [tu'addi al-amdna . . . , literally "you
[always] return the surety to its rightful
owner..."; on amana, cf. Dreyfus and
Riemer, Abraham, 30); this is the sabab al-
nuzul, the occasion for the revelation, of
Q, 73 J Surat al-Muzzammil, "The
Enshrouded One," and c) 74, Surat al-
Muddaththir, "The Cloaked One."
The Qur'an describes itself as a "book in
which there is no doubt (rayb) [whatso-
ever]" (q 2:2; the word rayb is glossed by
al-Qiirtubi [d. 671/1272; j'amr, i, 119] in his
commentary as: (i) equivalent to shakk,
"doubt"; (2) tuhma, "suspicion" [q.v.]; or
(3) hdja, "want"); as al-yaqm, "certainty"
(q. 15:99; 74:47); haqq al-yaqin, "certain
truth" (q.v.; q 69:51); 'ilm al-yaqin, "certain
knowledge" (q 102:5; see knowledge and
learning); 'ayn alypaqin, "certainty itself"
(q 102:7), etc. (for discussion of biblical
struggles over questions of faith [q.v.] , see
Gries, Heresy, 341). Its truth (q.v.) is sem-
piternal; it is inscribed on the heavenly
"preserved tablet" (q.v.; al-lawh al-mahfii).
The Sunnis believe that it is uncreated
(ghayr makhluq) and coterminous with God
(see CREATEDNESS OF THE q^ur'an); the
medieval Mu'tazilis (q.v.) demurred, point-
ing to a resulting diminution of God's
imicity (see god and his attributes;
THEOLOGY AND THE Q^Ur'an).
Despite the qur'anic assertions of its in-
dubitable nature, the received text of the
Qiir'an was subject to scrutiny (see
TEXTUAL HISTORY OF THE Q^UR'an;
mushaf; unity of the text of the
CJUr'aN; CGLLEllTIGN GF THE ^Ur'aN;
CODICES GF THE q^ur'an) by the early
Muslim community, and elements such as
the foreign vocabidary (q.v.) of the Arabic
Qiir'an had to be explained (see ARABIC
language; language and style of the
q^ur'an; grammar and the q^ur'an):
From Abu Bakr, the eminently veracious
(al-siddiq), [is related] that when asked
about the meaning of abb [c3 80:31, a word,
probably from Syriac, that is usually trans-
lated as "herbage"], he said: "Which
heaven would cover me and which earth
would support me if I were to say that
there is something in the Book of God that
I know not?" [A correct translation: "If I
were to say about the book of God what I
know not."]
From 'Umar [is related] that when asked
about the meaning of abb, he said that he
once recited this verse and said: "We all
know that. But what is abb?" Then he
threw away a stick which he had in his
hand, and said: "By the eternal God! That
is artificiality. What does it amount to for
you, son of the mother of 'Umar, if you do
not know what abb is?" And then he added:
"Obey what is clear to you in this Book
and leave aside what is not clear!" (Gatje,
Qur'an, 64, translating Zamakhsharl,
Kashshdf, ad o 80:31).
It should be noted, however, that neither
Shl'ls nor Sunnis doubt the authenticity
and veracity of the received text of the
QjLir'an although some Shfl scholars have
questioned its integrity (see inimitability).
The therapeutic antidote to uncertainty/
doubt and its resulting anxiety is to invoke
the sakina (e.g. q 2:248; 9:40; 48:4, 18, 26;
see shekhinah) through "patience and
prayer" [q_ 2:45, 153; see trust and
patience; prayer) in order to be able to
405
UNITY OF THE TEXT
grasp al-'urwa al-wuthqd (q^ 2:256; 31:22, lit.
"the firm hand-hold on the camel-saddle";
see metaphor).
Michael B. Schub
Bibliography
Primary: QiirtubT, J'flmf', Beirut 2002; SiiyutT,
Itqan; ZarkasliT, Burhdn, Beirut 2001.
Secondary: A.Y. 'AlT, The meaning of the holy
Qur'dn, Beltsville, MD 1989; M. Cook,
Muhammad, Oxford 1983; G. Dreifuss and J.
Riemer, Abraham. The man and the symbol,
Wilmette, IL 1995; H. Gatje, The Qur'dn and its
exegesis, trans. A. Welch, Berkeley 1976; Z. Gries,
Heresy, in A. A. Cohen and P. Mendes-Flohr
(eds.). Contemporary Jewish religious thought, New
York 1972, 339-52; C ^ung. Memories, dreams,
reflections. Garden City, NY 1963; S. Murata and
W. Ghittick, The vision of Islam, New York 1994;
Pickthall, Koran; D. Powers, The exegetical genre
ndsikh al-Qur'dn, in Kippin, Approaches, 138;
M. Schub, "Hakim al-balad...", in zal 38 (2000),
88-90; id., Review of H. Berg, The development of
exegesis in early Islam. The authenticity of Muslim
literature from the formative period, Richmond,
Surrey 2000, \n JAL 33/3 (2002), 293-4; Watt-Bell,
Introduction.
Uncle see family; kinship
Unclean see contamination
Unction see BAPTISM
Unity of God see god and his
attributes; witness to faith
Unity of the Text of the Qiir'an
As a subject of study, the unity of the
qur'anic text assumes special importance
because the Qiir'an does not always seem
to deal with its themes in what most read-
ers would call a systematic manner (see
form and structure of the q^ur'an).
Western scholars of Islam have often
spoken of the "disconnectedness" of the
Qi.ir'an (see PRE-1800 preoccupations of
cjur'anic studies; post-enlightenment
ACADEMIC STUDY OF THE qur'an). Histo-
rically, most Muslim exegetes have not
raised the issue at all (see exegesis of the
(jur'an: classical and medieval). Of
those who have, some have offered the
apologetic explanation that a text revealed
in portions (see revelation and inspira-
tion) over more than two decades cannot
have a high degree of unity (see chrono-
logy and the q^ur'an; occasions of
revelation). But a few others, notably
Fakhr al-Din al-Razi (d. 606/1210) and
Ibrahim b. 'Umar al-Biqa'i (d. 885/1480),
present the Qiir'an as a well-connected
text (for further discussion of the concept
of tanasub / munasaba, see traditional
disciplines of qur'anic study), a dis-
tinction must, however, be made between
connection and unity: the former may be
defined as any link — strong or weak, in-
tegral or tangential — that is seen to exist
between the components of a text (see
LITERARY STRUCTURES OF THE Q^Ur'aN;
language and style OF THE Q^UR'an),
whereas unity arises from a perception of a
given text's coherence and integration and
from its being subject to a centralizing per-
spective. In the second chapter of al-Burhdn
fi 'ulilm al-Qur'dn, al-Zarkashi (d. 794/1392)
seems to make this distinction, but most of
his illustrative examples bear upon the
Qrir'an's connectedness rather than upon
its unity. The attempts of al-RazI and oth-
ers also do not go beyond demonstrating
that the Qiir'an is, in the above-noted
sense, a connected text. In modern times,
however, a number of Muslim scholars
from various parts of the Muslim world
have, with varying degrees of cogency,
argued that the Qrir'an possesses a high
degree of thematic and structural unity,
and this view seems to represent a modern
consensus in the making (see contempo-
rary critical practices and the
qur'an; exegesis of the cjur'an: early
modern and contemporary). In the
introduction to his Tajhim al-Qur'dn, Abu
4o6
1-A'la Mawdudi (d. 1979) maintains that
one can appreciate tlie unity of tlie
qur'anic text if one notes tliat nowhere
does the Qiu''an depart from its subject
(humankind's ultimate success and failure;
see eschatology; reward and punish-
ment), its central thesis (the need for
humans to take the right attitude in
life — that is, to accept God's sovereignty
[q.v.] in all spheres of life and submit to
him in practice; see virtues and vices,
COMMANDING AND FORBIDDING) and its
goal (to invite man to adopt that right at-
titude). One of Sayyid Qiitb's (d. 1966)
premises in Fi ^ildl al-Qiir'dn is that each
sQra (q.v.) of the Qiir'an has a mihwar
(pivot, axis) that makes the sura a unified
whole. But perhaps the most sustained
effort to bring out the unity of the qur'anic
text has been made by two exegetes of the
Indian subcontinent, Hamid al-Din al-
Farahl (d. 1930) and his student Amin
Atisan Islahi (d. 1997). Developing his
teacher's ideas, Islahi in his Tadabbur-i
Qur'dn shows that the Qiir'an possesses
unity at several levels: the verse-sequence
in each sura deals with a well-defined
theme in a methodical manner (see
verses); the suras, as a rule, exist as pairs,
the two suras of any pair being comple-
mentary to each other; and the suras are
divisible into seven groups, each dealing
with a master theme that is developed sys-
tematically within the suras of the group.
The Farahl-Islahi thesis would seem to
constitute a serious challenge to the theo-
ries that view the Qiir'an as a disconnected
text.
Mustansir Mir
of Isidhi's concept of nazm in Tadabbur-i C^ur'an,
Indianapolis 1986; id., The sura as a unity.
A twentieth-century development in qur'anic
exegesis, in Hawting and Shareef, Approaches,
211-24.
Universe see cosmology; creation;
NATURE AS SIGNS
Urination and Defecation see
contamination
U;
iiry
[Unlawful] profit gained as interest
charged when loaning money. The Qtir'an
refers to both interest and usury as ribd and
renounces evil effects on the equal, just
and productive distribution of resources.
The denunciation of ribd applies to ex-
cesses in both financial contracts (ribd l-
fadl) and fungibles (ribd l-nasi'a). It also
applies to all forms of interest — nominal,
real, effective, simple and compound (see
also economics; money; trade and
commerce).
c) 30:39 provides the general definition of
ribd relating to all forms and measures of
gifts (see gift and gift-giving) and
exchanges:
And that which you give in compensation
(wa-md dtaytum min riban) in order that it
may increase [i.e. your wealth (q.v.)] from
other's property (q.v.), has no increase with
God; but that which you give in charity
seeking God's countenance (see face of
god), then those they shall have manifold
increase (c) 30:39).
Bibhography
Primary: AmTn Ahsan Islahi, Tadabbur-i Qur'dn,
9 vols., Lahore 2000; AbG 1-Ala Mawdudi,
Tafhim at-Qur'dn, 6 vols., Lahore 1949-72; Qiitb,
^ildl; Zarkashl, Burhdn.
Secondary: M. Mir, Coherence in the Qifrdn. A study
In marked contrast with the cjur'anic en-
couragement and praise of the charitable
distribution of wealth, such as almsgiving
(q.v.; cf. Schacht, Riba), we can infer the
unacceptability of all forms of interest
407
from the following qur'anic verse by using
the idea of the term structure of interest
rates. The Qiir'an says: "O you who be-
lieve! Devour not ribci, doubled and mul-
tiplied; but fear (q.v.) God, that you may
prosper" (c3 3:130). Although a few
Islamicists do not concede to a uniform
implication of the qur'anic nia-law in all
forms of interest (i.e. usury versus interest,
compound versus simple interest), this
differentiation is luitenable. It is well-
known from the theory of the term struc-
ture of interest rates that any simple (i.e.
one period) interest rate can be expressed
as the compound rates over many smaller
time-periods within a given time horizon.
Besides, because nominal rates are abol-
ished in the rihd rule, real rates cannot
exist. The real rate is the nominal rate net
of the rate of change in price level (infla-
tion rate). Nominal rate is abolished by the
financial and real economic interrelation-
ship, which also, by means of the direct
productivity consequence of such an inter-
relationship, causes the rate of increase in
money to equal the rate of increase in real
economic returns. Consequently, inflation-
ary conditions caused by a mismatch of
the above-mentioned two rates cannot
exist. The inappropriateness of the equa-
tion in terms of nominal, real and inflation
rates is therefore non-existent in Islamic
economic relations, and the reason behind
this is both the complementary relation-
ship between money and real economy and
the institutional and policy action towards
realizing such complementarities.
Regarding the qur'anic principle of just
measure (see weights and measures;
measurement) in gifts and exchanges there
is the following in q 2:279:
And if you do not do it [i.e. give up riba],
then receive a declaration of war (q.v.)
from God and his messenger (q.v.), but if
you repent (see repentance and
penance), you will have your capital sums
(ru'us amwdlikum) . Deal not unjustly and
you will not be dealt with unjustly (see
justice and injustice).
The Qiir'an strongly forbids ribd on the
grounds that it fosters the unjust acquisi-
tion of wealth at the expense of social jus-
tice, the equitable distribution of wealth
and the well-being of the community.
According to the Qiir'an, these important
values are achieved through solidarity, co-
operation and active production of the
good things of life (see cooD and evil;
blessing; gra(;e; ethics and the
^ur'an). The jurist al-Shatibi (d. 790/1388)
explains the concept of the good things of
life as a combination of necessities
(daruriyydt), comforts (hdjiyjdt) and refine-
ments (tahsiniyjdt), all of which belong to
the hierarchy of positive, life-fulfilling
goods.
Several verses testify to this interconnec-
tion between the abolition of ribd and the
promotion of trade, charity and social
well-being. On the causal linkage among
charity, trade, prosperity and social well-
being, the Qiir'an declares:
Those who (in charity) spend of their
goods by night and day (see day and
night), in secret and in public (see
secrets; hidden and the hidden), have
their reward with their lord (q.v): On them
shall be no fear, nor shall they grieve (see
JOY AND misery). Thosc who devour ribd
will not stand except as stands one whom
the evil one by his touch has driven to
madness (see insanity; devil). That is
because they say: "Trade is like ribd'. But
God has permitted trade and forbidden
ribd..." (q, 2:274-5).
<i 2:265 makes the connection between
spending on the good things of life and
social well-beiiiP':
UTHM AN
And the likeness of those who spend their
substance, seeking to please God and to
strengthen their souls (q.v.), is as a garden
(q.v.), high and fertile [jannatin bi-rabwatin;
see also parables): heavy rain (see water)
falls on it and makes it yield a double in-
crease of harvest, and if it receives not
heavy rain, light moisture [suffices it] . God
sees well whatever you do (c3 2:265; see
SEEING and hearing).
This interrelationship between the aboli-
tion of ribd and the productivity and well-
being attained through trade and charity is
important to note. There are clear con-
nections between the abolition of ribd and
the implementation of co-operative and
participatory financial instruments for
resource mobilization, such as profit shar-
ing, equity participation and trade. These
generate and mobilize productive spending
on the good things of life and allow eco-
nomic participation for all ranks of society,
thereby creating social and political
empowerment (see kings and rulers;
oppressed on earth, the; oppression;
POLITICS AND THE our'an). o 2:267 speaks
to these issues of production, consumption,
exchange and distribution:
O you who believe (see belief and
unbelief)! Give of the good things which
you have [honorably] earned, and of what
we have produced for you from the ground
(see AGRICULTURE AND VEGETATION), and
do not aim at [getting anything which is]
bad, in order that you may give away some
of it, when you yourselves would not re-
ceive it except with closed eyes. And know
that God is free of all wants (ghaniyjun),
and worthy of all praise (q.v.; (J 2:267; see
also GOD AND his ATTRIBUTES).
While the full implication of these inter-
relationships mentioned above are too de-
tailed to be elaborated in this brief entry,
the salient feature can be stated: the aboli-
tion of ribd can activate the mobilization of
financial resources through its linkage with
real resource development. This causes
employment, profitability, equity and ef-
ficiency, entitlement, empowerment and
social security to emerge as elements of the
total social well-being (see work). These
gains ratify, in turn, the judgment to abol-
ish ribd and generate a continuing cycle of
socially beneficial economic development.
Masudid Alam Choudhury
Bibliography
R.H. 'Abd al-Rahman, al-Riba, Cairo 1978; 'A.J.
Abu Zayd, Fiqh al-ribd. Dirdsa muqdrana shdmila lit-
tatbiqdt al-mu^dsira, Beirut 2004; M.S. al-
AshmawT, al-Ribd wa-l-fd'idafi l-isldm, Cairo
1988; R. Brunschvig, Conceptions nionetaires
chez les jurists musulmans, in Arabica 14 (1967),
113-43; add. inArabica 15 (1968), 316; repr. in id..
Etudes d'islamologie, 2 vols., Paris 1976, ii, 271-301;
M.A. Choudhury, The Islamic world-system. Polity-
market interaction, London 2003; id., Money in Islam,
London 1997; id. and U.A. Malik, The foundations
of Islamic political economy, London 1992, chap. 4;
Th.W. JuynboU, Handbuch des isldmischen Gesetztes,
Leiden 1910, 270-6; R. Lohlker, Schari'a and
Aloderne. Diskussionen Uber Schwangerschaft,
Versicherung und ^insen, Stuttgart 1996, 107-39;
F. Rahman, Riba and interest, in Islamic studies 3
(1964), 1-43; E. Sachau, Muhammedanisches Recht
nach schajiitischer Lehre, Stuttgart 1897, 279-81
(sects. 3-4); 284-7 (sects. 6-9); 298-9 (sect. 15);
D. SantUlana, Istituzioni di diritto musulmano
malichita, 2 vols., Rome 1926-38, ii, 60-6;
J. Schacht, Riba, in EI^, viii, 491-3; A. Sen,
On ethics and economics, Oxford 1987 (on the
contemporary conception of social well-being);
al-Shatibl, Abu Ishaq Ibrahim b. Musa, al-
Muwdfaqdtfi usUl al-shari^a, trans. A. Draz, Cairo
n.d. (on the Islamic conception of social well-
being, al-maslaha).
Uterus see WOMB
'Uthman
Abri 'Abdallah 'Uthman b. 'Affan, third
caliph (q.v; r. 23-35/644-55) and first
409
UTHM AN
"rightly guided" (rdshid) caliph from the
Umayyad clan, an early convert to Islam
and emigrant [muhdjir; see emigrants and
helpers) to both Abyssinia (q.v.) and
Medina (q.v.; see also emigration). These
pious credentials (see piety) are tainted by
his absence at the battle of Badr (q.v.), his
flight at Uhiid (see expeditions and
battles), his absence at Hndaybiya (q.v.;
see Bnkhari, Sahih, 66, Fadd'il al-Qur'dn, 3;
ed. Krehl, iii, 93; trans. Hondas, iii, 522-3)
and his alleged impiety during the latter six
years of his caliphal rule (Mas'udi, A'luruj,
iii, 76). He was stabbed to death while
reading from the Qtir'an (supposedly from
the ?nus/iaf[q.v.] now known as the
Samarqand codex) by insurgents from
Egypt. 'Uthman is often credited with stan-
dardizing and codifying the present
qur'anic text, which is therefore called the
'Uthmanic codex (see also collection of
THE q^ur'an; codices of the qur'an).
The historicity of the 'Uthmanic codex
narrative is, for the most part, accepted by
scholars in preference to narratives attrib-
uting the collection to Abu Bakr or other
early caliphs (Caetani, 'Uthman; Noldeke,
GQ, ii, 11-27, 47-62; Jeffery, Afflfen'a/j, 4-9;
pace Mingana, Transmission). This nar-
rative relates that one of 'Uthman's gener-
als (Hudhayfa), alarmed at disputes
between his Syrian and Iraqi soldiers over
qur'anic recitation (see recitation of the
q^ur'an; SYRIA; iracj) during the conquests
(see concjuest), asked the caliph for guid-
ance, imploring: "O Commander of the
Faithful, inform this community what to do
before we are divided in our reading (see
PARTIES AND FACTIONS; READINGS OF THE
q^ur'an) like the Jews (see JEWS and
jtiDAisM) and the Christians" (Bukharl,
Sahih, 62, Fadd'il ashdb al-nabi, 7; ed. Krehl,
ii, 430-1; trans. Hondas, ii, 601-2; see also
CHRISTIANS AND CHRISTIANITY). In re-
sponse, 'Uthman secured the Qiir'an
materials already gathered by Abu Bakr
from Hafsa (q.v.; who had received them
via Abti Bakr's successor, her father 'Umar;
see also WIVES OF the prophet). With this
as reference, and with a committee made
up of the pro-Qiirayshite Medinan Zayd b.
Thabit (also protagonist of the Abu Bakr
collection narrative) and three Qiirayshites
(see ouraysh), 'Uthman had a musfiafwrit-
ten in the dialect of the Qtiraysh (see
dialects; ARABIC LANGUAGE). He sent
copies of it to Basra, Kufa, Damascus and
Mecca (q.v; Ya'qubl, Ta'nkh, ii, 160, adds
Egypt, Bahrain, Yemen and the Jazira) and
ordered that all variant versions be de-
stroyed, an order that met with resistance
from many (see reciters of the cjur'an;
teaching and preaching the ^ur'an)
and outright refusal from the Companion
Ibn Mas'ud in Kufa (see companions of
the prophet). Al-Baladhuri (fl. third/
ninth cent.; Ansdb, v, 36) has Ibn Mas'ud
declare the caliph's blood licit in response,
while al- Ya'qubl (d. early fourth/tenth
cent.; Ta'nkh, ii, 160) relates that the two
came to blows in the mosque at Kufa.
The historicity of this narrative, however,
is not beyond dispute. A number of
factors — conflicts between different ver-
sions, redundancies with the Abu Bakr col-
lection narrative and the temporal distance
of sources from events — suggest that it is
more the product of speculation and apol-
ogy than historical dictation (in fact, early
Muslim scholars disputed how to reconcile
the redundant and contradictory reports;
Khattabi [d. 386/996] concludes that God
inspired [alhama] all of the "rightly guided
caliphs," al-khulajd' al-rdshidun; see SuyutI,
Itqdn, 202 [beginning of chap. 18]).
J. Burton [Collection, 202-39) argues that the
narrative is meant to conceal the fact that
Muhammad himself compiled the Qiir'an,
thus justifying the absence from the mushaf
(that is, the Qiir'an in book form; see
ORALITY AND WRITING IN ARABIA) of Cer-
tain elements argued to be in the revealed
410
Qiir'an (e.g. the stoning [q.v.] verse, dyat
al-rajm). Burton also points out tliat alter-
nate codices contintied to be used in legal
disputes after they were supposedly de-
stroyed by 'Uthman's orders, suggesting
that they were actually "posterior, not
prior, to the 'Uthman text" (ibid., 228; see
abrogation; law and the cjur'an).
J. Wansbrough [qs, 45), meanwhile, noting
the absence of extant variations to the
'Uthmanic codex and considering it un-
likely that the caliph could have done such
a complete job of destroying other ver-
sions, suggests that the story is meant to
conceal the late origins of the Qtir'an. A
recently edited work, however, further
complicates this hypothesis (cf. Crone and
Zimmermann, Epistle).
Thus scholarly opinion differs in its es-
timation of 'Uthman: some see him as the
one who established, with pious meticu-
lousness, the textus receptus ne varietur of the
Qiir'an; others regard him as a semi-leg-
endary figure of Islamic salvation history.
This much seems clear: many traditions
surrounding 'Uthman's codification of the
Qiir'an come from a period when Islamic
religious development was fueled by apolo-
getical and polemical concerns (see
apologetics; polemic and polemical
language). In the third and fourth Islamic
centuries texts on the proofs (dald'il) of
Muhammad's prophecy (see prophets
AND prophethood; miracles), the in-
imitability (q.v.; ijdz) of the Qiir'an and the
refutation (radd) of other religions prolifer-
ated (see tolerance and coercion;
religious pluralism and the cjur'an).
The 'Uthmanic codex narrative serves a
clear purpose in this context: it confirms to
Muslims that their miishaf is indeed the
Qiir'an sent down from heaven (see book;
heavenly book; theology and the
qur'an; createdness of the qur'an).
Further work on early Qiir'an manuscripts
(such as the find in San'a'; see manu-
scripts OF THE QVR AN; TOOLS FOR THE
STUDY OF THE cjur'an) — not excluding
the study of the orality (q.v.) and variety of
readings of the qiir'anic text (see POST-
ENLIGHTENMENT ACADEMIC STUDY OF THE
(JUr'an) — remains a desideratum for a
fuller understanding of the historicity of
the narratives concerning the formation
of the 'Uthmanic codex (see also
traditional disciplines of ^ur'anic
study; verses; suras).
Gabriel Said Reynolds
Bibliography
Primary: Ibn 'Asakir, Tarikh, ed. 'AmrawT; al-
Baladhurl, Ahmad b. Yahya, Ansdb al-ashrdj, ed.
S. Goitein, 5 vols., Jerusalem 1936; Bukharl,
Sahth, ed. Krehl; trans. O. Houdas and
W. Margais, Les traditions islamiques, Paris 1908;
P. Crone and F. Zimmermann (eds.), Tfie epistle of
Sdlim ibn Dhakwdn, Oxford 2001; SuyutT, Itqdn;
Ya'qubi, Ta'nkh, ed. M. Sadiq, Najaf 1964.
Secondary: Burton, Collection (alternative visions
of the development of the qur'anic text);
L. Caetani, 'Uthman and the recension of the
Koran, in A/U'5 (1915), 380-90; M. Hinds, The
murder of the caliph 'Uthman, in IJMES 3 (1972),
450-69; Jeffery, Materials; Ch. Luxenberg, Die
SyrO'Aramdische Lesart des Koran, Berlin 2000
(alternative visions of the qur'anic text);
W. Madelung, The succession to Muhammad,
Cambridge 1998, chap. 3; A. Mingana, The
transmission of the Koran, in MW] (1917),
223-32, 402-14; H. Motzki, The collection of the
Qur'an, in Der Islam 78 (2001), 1-35 (a defense of
the historicity of the 'Uthman narrative);
Noldeke, GQ; A.-L. de Premare, Lesfondations de
I'lslam, Paris 2002, 278-316; Wansbrough, QS
(alternative visions of the qur'anic text).
'Uzayr
see EZRA
al-'Uzza see idols and images; satanic
VERSES
V
Vainglory see pride
Valley
see OEOGRAPHY
Variant Readings see readings of
THE OUr'aN
Vegetation see agrh;ulture and
VEGETATION
Vehicles
Objects used to carry people or things
from place to place, on land or sea or
through the air. The Qiir'an mentions sev-
eral kinds of vehicles while attributing
their existence to God's bounty (see
blessing; grace), as stated, for example,
in o 17:70: "And surely we have honored
the children of Adam, and we carry them
in the land and the sea (see earth;
water), and we have given them of the
good things (see sustenance) " The
same idea recurs in c) 10:22: "He it is who
makes you travel by land and sea" (see also
TRIPS AND voyages; JOURNEY).
The vehicles operating on land are beasts
of burden, and their kinds are enumerated
in o 16:8: "And (God made) horses and
mules and asses that you might ride upon
them " The camel (q.v.; ba'Tr) is men-
tioned separately as a vehicle carrying
wheat (q^ 12:65, 72; see agriculture and
vegetation), q 59:6 implies that camels
(called here rikdb), as well as horses, were
used also in military campaigns (see
expeditions and battles; fighting;
war).
God's creation of beasts on which people
can ride and of which they eat (see food
AND drink; hides and fleece) is praised
in C3 36:72 as a manifestation of the things
that God has subdued to them for their
own benefit (see also C3 40:79). Beasts of
burden carry not only people but also
cargo: They "carry your heavy loads to
regions which you could not reach but with
distress of the souls" (q 16:7; see also
q 6:142; see soul; load or burden). On
the other hand, sacred kinds of such ani-
mals were considered by the idolaters for-
bidden (q.v.) for usage as vehicles (q 6:138).
Ships (q.v.), too, signify God's benevo-
lence toward humankind, and they are
mentioned alongside of riding animals in
q 43:12-13: "He who created pairs of all
things (see pairs and pairing), and made
for you ships and beasts of burden such as
you ride, that you may firmly sit on their
backs, then remember the favor of your
lord when you are firmly seated thereon.
412
and say: Glory be to him (see
OLORIFICATION OF god) who made diis
subservient to us and we were not able to
do it" (see also o 2:164; 23:22; 40:80).
The imposing shape of sailing ships signi-
fies God's creative powers, as stated in
c) 42:32: "And among his signs (q.v.) are the
ships that ride on the sea like landmarks"
(see also <j 55:24). The glory (q.v.) of ships
as representing divine blessing comes out
most clearly in the fact that in C3 51:3 God
swears by them, calling them "the smooth
runners" (fa-l-jdriyatijusran; see oaths).
The idea that God is the one who has put
ships under human command means that
people should be thankful to him (q^ 14.32;
16:14; 17:66; 22:65; 30:46; 31:31; 35:12;
45:12; see ORATITUDE AND INGRATITUDE).
Noah's (q.v.) ark (q.v.) was the first mani-
festation of God's kindness in providing
transport on sea and all ships have pre-
served the beneficence of this original
model of divine salvation (q.v.). This paral-
lelism comes out in (J 36:42 in which God
alludes to the ark saying: "And we have
created for them the like of it, whereon
they ride." Most commentators hold that
by "the like of it" ships are meant but
some contend that the allusion is to camels
(see SYMBOLIC imagery).
Vehicles operating in the air (see air and
wind) occur in the legendary sphere, in the
commentaries on o 21:81. This verse states
that God has made the wind subservient to
Solomon (q.v.) and it was "blowing violent
and pursuing its course by his command to
the land which we have blessed." Tradition
has it that the wind would carry Solomon
from place to place and then bring him
back to his home in the holy land (see
sacred precincts; sacred and
profane). See also animal life for further
discussion, and bibliography.
Uri Rubin
Bibliography
RazT, Tafsir; TabarT, TafsTr; ZaniakhsharT,
Kashshaf.
Veil
Device that creates separation or privacy.
The concept of veiling associated with a
woman covering her body (see nudity)
appears in no definitive terms in the
Qiir'an. Instead the Q;Lir'an contains vari-
ous verses (q.v.) in which the word tiijdb,
literally a "screen, curtain," from the root
h-j-b, meaning to cover or screen, is used to
refer to a sense of separation, protection
and covering that has both concrete and
metaphorical connotations (see meta-
phor). Hijdb has, however, evolved in
meaning and is most commonly used to
denote the idea of a Muslim woman's veil,
either full or partial, and more generally to
denote a level of segregation between the
sexes (see gender; women and the
cjur'an). The word appears seven times in
the Qiir'an (according to the traditional
chronological sequence of revelation,
a 19:17; 38:32; 17:45; 41:5; 42:51; 7:46;
33:53; see CHRONOLOGY AND THE Q^Ur'an)
and has a common semantic theme of sep-
aration (Stowasser, Women, 168), albeit not
primarily between the sexes. In c) 19:17,
Mary (q.v.) withdraws from her family and
"places a screen (hijdb) [to screen herself]
from them." In (J 17:45, when the believers
(see BELIEF and unbelief) recite the
Qur'an (see recitation of the q^ur'an),
God "places a thick/invisible veil (hijdban
mastran) between them and those who do
not believe in the hereafter" (see eschato-
logy). Similarly, in (J 41:5, those who do
not wish to listen to or accept Muham-
mad's message say that there is a distance,
hijdb, between them and the Prophet (see
opposition to Muhammad). In q_ 7:46, for
those people who deliberately lead others
413
astray (q.v.) from God's path (see path or
way) or do not believe in tire liereafter,
"tliere will be a veil/screen (hijdb) between
them and... those who know" (see
KNOWLEDGE AND LEARNING). In ^ 42:51,
God claims that he sends revelation to
humankind in one of three ways: inspira-
tion (see REVELATION AND INSPIRATION),
messengers (see messenger; prophets
AND prophethood) or from behind a
veil/curtain (min ward'i hijdb). Com-
mentators (see exegesis of the q^ur'an:
CLASSICAL and MEDIEVAL) have drawn on
traditions from Muslim's (d. ca. 261/875)
hadlth collection (see hadith and the
C^ltr'an) to the effect that this veil refers to
a veil of light. In these verses, hijdb carries
various metaphorical levels of meaning,
specifically as something that separates
truth (q.v.) from falsehood (see lie) and
light (q.v.) from dark (see darkness). This
idea has been elaborated significantly by
the mystics (see suFisM and the q^ur'an)
who see hijdb as the curtain or barrier (q.v.)
that lies between them and God, the object
of their devotion.
The most common meaning of screen or
veil as implied in hijdb has, however, be-
come synonymous with the various forms
of clothing (q.v.) that a Muslim woman
wears to cover either her hair, her hair and
face or her full body when in public or
when in the company of those outside
close kinship (q.v.) bonds (see also
prohibited degrees). Although the
Qur'an itself enjoins modest behavior for
both men and women (see modesty; sex
AND sexuality) and contains no precise
prescriptions as to how a woman's body
should be covered in public, arguments in
favor of such modes of covering stem from
a literal as well as historical interpretation
of various verses (see feminism and the
qur'an; patriarchy). Some of the verses
deal specifically with items of clothing.
some refer more generally to behaving
modestly. The verse most famously known
as the hijdb verse itself refers more specifi-
cally to the observance of certain manners
when in the company of the Prophet
and/or his wives (see wives of the
prophet), c) 33:53,
O believers, do not enter the Prophet's
houses unless permission is given to you for
a meal... and if you ask them [the
Prophet's wives] for something you need,
ask them from behind a hijdb, that is purer
for your hearts and their hearts (see
heart).
There are variances in opinion as to the
exact context in which this verse was re-
vealed (see occasions of revelation) but
many of the tafsir accounts identify the
occasion as Zaynab bt. Jahsh's marriage to
the Prophet. The guests invited to the wed-
ding outstayed their welcome but they also
failed to observe the proper etiquette when
in proximity to the Prophet's wives. The
concept of hijdb here is actually a literal
curtain/screen which the Prophet let fall
between his chambers and his companions
so as to afford his wives privacy and pro-
tection. It also prescribes a level of seclu-
sion for the Prophet's wives away from the
public gaze by virtue of their special and
specific status. In fact, the verses soon after
™ ft 33-55 S'^^ ^ li^t °f individuals with
whom it is permissible for the wives to as-
sociate face to face ("their fathers, their
sons, their brothers, their brothers' sons,
their sisters' sons, their women, the [slaves]
whom their right hands possess"). The
subsequent revelation in (j 33:59, known as
the "mantle verse," addresses itself to the
Prophet that he should "tell his wives and
daughters and the women of the believers"
that they should cover themselves in a
mantle or a cloak (jaldbibihinna) when out-
414
side. The verse explains that this is so that
believing women are recognized in the
streets by virtue of their outer covering and
not molested in the streets of Medina (q.v.).
The advice on preserving modesty is con-
tained in o 24:30 which tells the believing
men to "lower their gaze and guard their
private parts" (yaghuddu min absdrihim
wa-yahfa^ufurujahum). q 24:31 goes on to
address Muslim women:
And tell the believing women to lower their
gaze and guard their private parts, and to
not display their adornments (zina) except
for what is apparent, and let them draw
their coverings [khumur, sing, khimdr) over
their bosoms [juyiib, Ang.jayb), and not dis-
play their adornments except to their hus-
bands, their fathers (see family; marriage
AND divorce)....
Both these verses deal directly with the
external appearance of all believing
women, urging them to adopt a certain
decorum in both their posture and clothing
when outside the home. The verses are not
concerned with restricting women's move-
ment nor secluding women within the
home, q 33:33, however, which instructs
the Prophet's wives to "stay in your
houses" as befitting the wives of God's
messenger, has also become part of the
whole segregation/modesty debate. The
internal domestic space for the wives of
the Prophet becomes the ideal space for all
righteous women.
The concept of veiling then develops be-
tween the two distinct but related concepts
of clothing that hides and space that
secludes. In both cases, the conceptual
framework is one where gender boundaries
are already assumed within the predomi-
nant cultural context and the issue at hand
is that of determining the basis upon
which these boundaries can be further
established. The use of these three words,
hijdb, jilbdb and khimdr in the Qi_ir'an and
the subsequent tajslr and legal debate (see
LAW AND THE qur'an) havc led to a
diversity of opinion about the exact nature
and context of female covering or veiling.
To some extent the discussions have
revolved around the distinction made
between those verses that address the wives
of the Prophet in particular, for whom
both physical covering and physical seclu-
sion with the advent of the hijdb verse
reflects their special status, and those
verses that advise all believing women to
adopt some level of concealing dress.
Scholars have argued on both sides; either
that whatever has been prescribed for the
Prophet's wives must naturally be applied
to all believing women or from the oppo-
site perspective that it was precisely be-
cause the Prophet's wives were seen as a
privileged group of women that they were
advised to assume a greater level of seclu-
sion from public gaze for their own
protection.
Classical commentaries go into very little
discussion about the precise nature of fe-
male dress but do discuss specific issues
such as what parts of her body a woman is
permitted to show. In so doing, they debate
the very nature of a woman's 'awra, liter-
ally, genitalia or pudendum. For al-Tabari
(d. 310/923), as women pray (see prayer)
and perform the pilgrimage (q.v.; hajj) with
their face and hands exposed, it would be
correct to argue that these parts of a
woman's body are not 'awra and therefore
can and should be left exposed. He argues
that it is therefore the hands and the face
that are alluded to in c) 24:31, "except that
which is apparent" (Tabari, Tafsir, v, 419).
Al-Baydawl (d. prob. 716/1316-17; ^4nH;a^ ii,
20), however, argued that a woman's whole
body is 'awra and must therefore be con-
cealed from the eyes of men outside the
415
permitted degrees of kinship. Tliis discus-
sion continued well into the legal tradition,
but aside from a general consensus that
women should be covered in public, no
form of dress is prescribed. For the Shafi'is
and the Hanballs, the concept of "awra was
applied to the entire female body, includ-
ing the face, hands and below the ankles;
the Malikis and the Hanafis, however,
excluded the face and the hands from
'awra on the basis that the Prophet's own
instructions to the "believing women" was
to bare their face and hands.
The hadith canons also vary on the issue
of female veiling. Despite mention of tech-
nical terms such as khimdr and jilbdb in
al-Bukharl (d. 256/870) and Abu Dawud
(d. 275/889; cf. Wensinck, Concordance,
s.vv.), the scant references to any specific
type of veiling give the overall impression
that adult females covered themselves to
some extent in public and that this con-
tinued to be encouraged as a form of
public modesty after the arrival of Islam;
once again, however, no exact dress form is
prescribed.
During the last two centuries, the issue of
female veiling has become one of the most
contentious religious and cidtural debates
in the Muslim world and also in Western
societies where there are relatively large
communities of Muslims (see exeoesis
OF THE OUr'an: EARLY MODERN AND
contemporary; politics and the
qUR'AN). Female veiling is very often used
as the distinguishing factor between "tra-
ditional" and "modern" societies. The
word hijdb has shifted in meaning from
delineating physical boundaries between
men and women to becoming very much a
boundary reflected through various types
of modest clothing, most specifically in the
form of headscarves. But it symbolizes far
more than a simple head-covering, chador
(cloak mainly worn in Iran) or niqdb, face
veil. Women who cover or veil in loose
clothing much of their bodies when in
public or in mixed company feel that this is
the manner of dressing most in conformity
with the spirit if not the literal prescription
of the Qiir'an and the associated hadith
references. The fact that the Qiir'an does
not specifically refer to veiling as under-
stood and practiced in a variety of ways
today is of little consequence, for the
Qtir'an could take for granted the social
practices of its time or modify them
slightly (see pre-islamic Arabia and the
q^ur'an). Conservatism has generally
tended to see this type of covering as syn-
onymous with a woman's expected social
and domestic role. Many women, however,
in both Islamic societies and in non-Mus-
lim countries have in recent years turned
to wearing the headscarf as a sign of reaf-
firming their religious devotion. This has
often been done in variance to the prevail-
ing female dress in their particular cul-
tures, and the veil represents at times a
political as well as religious position. For
many, veiling in its various forms offers a
kind of liberation from the fashion expec-
tations of modern life; it does not signify
coercion or oppression within any patri-
archal system. As more and more Muslim
women take up public professions, or are
schooled in mixed educational spaces, the
issue of male/female segregation is per-
haps not as significant as it once was in
many societies. The idea, however, that
modesty has to be preserved between the
sexes is most apparent in the frequent pre-
occupation with female dress and more
importantly, female covering. For Islamists
in countries such as Saudi Arabia and Iran,
the issue of female dress remains signifi-
cant in terms of how a society perceives its
own religious values. In many other parts
of the Muslim world, female veiling may
no longer be central to a country's Islamic
VENGEANCE
416
identity, but it remains at tlie margins of
what is still considered an ideal of an
Islamic society.
Mona Siddiqui
Bibliography
Primary: BaydawT, Anwar; TabarT, Tafsir, Beirut
1994-
Secondary: 'A. Ibn Baz, Masd'il al-hijdb wa-l-sujur,
Beirut 1986; M. Fakhri, Tahnr al-mar'a wa-l-sujur,
Cairo 1920; T. Haddad, Notre femme, la legisla-
tion islamique ei la societe, Tunis 1978, 207-17;
F. Mernissi, Beyond the veil. Male-female dynamics in
a modern Muslim society, Cambridge, MA 1975;
B. Stowasser, Women in the Qur'dn, traditions and
interpreialion, Oxford 1994; Wensinck, Concordance.
Vein
see ARTERY AND VEIN
Veneration see worship
Vengeance
Punishment inflicted in return for an injury
or offense, closely related to the concept of
retaliation (q.v.), i.e. "to return like for
like." In some dozen qur'anic passages the
eighth verbal form of the Arabic root
n-q-m is employed to describe God as "tak-
ing vengeance" upon sinners (i.e. C3 30:47;
32:22; see SIN, MAJOR AND MINOR), repeat-
violators of the regulations relating to the
pilgrimage (q.v; i.e. <J 5:95) and people
who reject his signs (q.v.; i.e. Pharaoh [q.v]
and his people, cf. q 7:136; see also lie;
BELIEF AND UNBELIEF; GRATITUDE AND
ingratitude). In addition to being an at-
tribute of God (cf C3 3:4; 5:95; 14:47; 39:37;
see GOD AND HIS attributes), vengeance
is also the provenance of humans, al-
though different lexemes are utilized (see
reward and punishment and punish-
ment stories for further discussion of
God's vengeance).
The first murder (q.v.) and the fear of
revenge in human history occurred soon
after the creation (q.v.) of humankind (see
also bloodshed; blood money). Accord-
ing to the Hebrew Bible, after being pun-
ished for the murder of his brother Abel,
Cain said, "My punishment is too great to
bear... anyone who meets me may kill me"
[Gen 4:13-14; see gain and abel). The sec-
ond commandment states, "You shall not
murder" [Exod 20:13). There is also a sanc-
tion for murder, "He who fatally strikes a
man shall be put to death" [Exod 21:12) and
"... a life (q.v.) for a life" (ibid., 23;
see also boundaries and precepts;
chastisement and punishment). The
continuation of that biblical verse specifies
different types of murder, including "eye
for an eye" and "tooth for a tooth," etc.
(see teeth; eyes). Also in the Hebrew
Bible a distinction is made between murder
or premeditated murder and killing, and
there is mention of cities of refuge for
murders committed unintentionally [Num.
35:10-31). It is worth comparing those
verses with C3 5:45 (Surat al-Ma'ida, "The
Table Spread"): "And in it [the To rah] we
prescribed for them life for the life, the eye
for the eyes, the nose for the nose and the
ear for the ear. ..."
In the jdhiliyya period (see age of
ignorance), Arabic poetry (see Arabs;
poetry and poets) is disdainful of mercy
(q.v.), moderation (q.v.) and compromise.
The early poetry glorifies force, even to the
point of murder, and a desire for battle
and revenge. The poet 'Amr b. Kulthum,
from the tribe of Taghlib, is cited in the
Mu 'allaqdt: "Hatred as a result of hatred
will overcome you" (verse 32); "Because
our blood was spilled, their blood was
made to flow" (verse 42); and "A person
who will harm you will be injured twice as
severely" (verse 51). Even after the advent
of Islam, the poet al-Mutanabbi (d. 354/
955) said, "You killed me, God will kill you.
Attack the enemy and kill." He said, "God
will kill you," but in fact the deed will be
417
VENGEANCE
carried out by humans [Goren, Ancient
Arabic poetry, 17; cf. 30-4; Pellat, al-Hakam
b. 'Abdal; see also Fakhurl, Ta'rikh, 602-50).
The Qiir'an, by contrast, refers to
murder-kiUing eight times (c) 4:29, 92, 93;
5:32; 6:151; 17:33; 25:68; 50:74) and the gen-
eral instruction is not to kill. Vengeance,
al-qisds, is mentioned four times (c3 2:178,
179, 194; 5:45). Commentary on these
verses clarifies the concept of vengeance
and the notion of using blood money in-
stead of revenge as well as how the issue
should be handled (see traditional
DISCIPLINES OF CJUr'aNIC STUDY;
EXEOESIS OF THE CJUr'an: CLASSICAL AND
medieval). An example of such legal
explication would be Ibn Q_ayyim al-
Jawziyya (d. 751/1350; ridm, ii, 78-9) who
claims that without a system of punish-
ments it is impossible to have a properly-
functioning society. According to him, such
punishments have a deterrent effect.
The method of avenging the murder has
also been discussed. Ibn al-Qayyim states
that the murderer has to be killed by a
sword, which supposedly causes him less
suffering, while others insist that a mur-
derer should be executed in the same way
as he murdered his victim. Ibn al-Qasim
(d. 191/806), the Maliki jurist, specifies the
mode of retribution depending on whether
the murderer used a stick, a stone, fire or
drowned the victim. Ibn Q_ayyim al-
Jawziyya (/7am, ii, 195 and ig6) cites au-
thorities who refer to o 2:194, "And one
who attacks you, attack him in the manner
as he attacks you" and o 16:126, "If you
punish [them] punish with the like of that
wherewith you were afflicted"). Further,
C3 2:178 states that vengeance for murder of
a free man is the murder of a free man and
likewise a slave for a slave and a woman for
a woman (see slaves and slavery;
WOMEN AND THE QUr'an).
There are, however, differences of opin-
ion about how to punish a person who
murdered a woman. Some say that he must
be executed. Others say that he has to pay
the dija, blood money, instead. Another
approach emphasizes that, although mur-
der deserves the punishment of death, the
woman's family must pay the murderer's
family the dija for the "difference" — the
man being considered more "valuable"
than the woman (Ahmad b. Hanbal [d.
241/855] and the Ba.sran jurist 'Uthman b.
Sulayman al-Batti [d. 143/760; cf. van Ess,
773, ii, I56f.] as well as 'Ata' [d. ca.
114/732] in Shinqlti, Adwd', 49). Yet an-
other view insists that only the sultan or
the imam (q.v), who represent religious
authority in Islam, can decide in an in-
dividual case whether the punishment is
execution or payment of the dijia (Sarakhsl,
Mabsut, V, 219; a similar approach can be
found in Shinqlti, Adwd', iii, 375). There is
a common agreement among the scholars
that when diya is paid instead of execution
as revenge, a need to conduct a sulh is
called for, a reconciliation ceremony
(Shinqlti, ylrfroa', iii, 3). The sulh ceremony
is performed upon receiving the diya,
which is based on cj 2:178 "and for him
who is forgiven somewhat by his (injured)
brother (see brother and brotherhood;
forgiveness), prosecution according to
usage and payment unto him in kindness.
This is an alleviation and a mercy from
your lord."
A ban on punishing a sleeping man who
killed someone exists, a ban which is also
applicable for a minor or an insane person
(see sleep; maturity; insanity). There is
no capital punishment for a master who
killed his slave or a father who murdered
his son (Ibn Qiidama, Alughni, ix, 349). The
murder of one of the "People of the Book"
(q.v.; ahl al-kitdb) i.e. a Jew or Christian (see
jews and JUDAISM; CHRISTIANS AND
Christianity), is, however, punishable by
death (ibid.); the Prophet executed a
Muslim who murdered a person from the
VENGEANCE
418
People of the Book, saying "I am the first
one who has to fulfill my duties towards the
People of the Book. If a Muslim or a per-
son of the People of the Book murders a
non-believer (kdfir) he will not be punished
and will not have to pay diya either" (ibid.,
341)-
The modern jurist Shurayh al-Kliuza'i
al-Shinqiti (d. 1913) summarizes the clas-
sical jurisprudence on the response to mur-
der by offering three options: to execute in
revenge, to receive diya, and the third is to
forgive without any payment (Ibn
Qtidama, Mughni, ix, 381).
Bedouin (q.v.) and semi-rural Arab so-
cieties have behavioral norms which do not
always correspond with the instruction of
the Qiir'an. Execution as revenge can be
carried out by killing any individual adidt
in the khams, the collective responsibility
unit of five generations (cf. Marx, Bedouin,
who introduced the term "co-liable group"
to define this collective responsibility unit
of five generations). Collective responsibil-
ity means that each member of the co-
liable group knows that if he murders
someone or even if he kills someone un-
intentionally without any premeditation,
he creates a conflict witli the injured
co-liable group that might lead to blood
revenge, the exUe of his co-liable group, or,
at tlie very least, payment of diya. The
blood dispute is not ended until there is a
reconciliation ceremony or revenge is
taken. It is not always tlie individual who
caused the murder upon whom revenge is
taken. It can be any member of the mur-
derer's co-liable group — somebody who is
completely innocent and not involved in
the original argument may be murdered in
revenge in the name of collective respon-
sibility. Although any member of tlie group
can be killed in revenge, members of the
injured group will usually try to kill a close
relative of the murderer (see Ginat, Blood
revenge, 26-30; for diya see al-'Arif, Qada)
'Abbadi, Min al-qiyam; see also tribes and
clans; kinship; everyday life, the
q^ur'an in).
In contrast to the Qiir'an and the hadith
instructions, in contemporary Bedouin
societies the murder of a woinan is re-
venged by the murder of four men in the
case where a man kills a woman. In most
such cases there is an attempt to solve the
conflict by payment of diya in an amount
equal to the diya of four men.
A group whose economy is based on
wage labor will be anxious to resolve a
blood quarrel quickly as compared to tent
dwellers whose economy is based on rais-
ing herds (see TENTS AND tent pegs).
More and more Bedouin are now entering
the wage labor market on a permanent
basis (see work). In undertaking such work
a Bedouin accepts a certain responsibility
to attend work regularly. If, for reasons of a
blood dispute, he decides one morning that
it is unsafe for him to attend, it is highly
likely that his job will not be waiting for
him when he decides that it is safe to re-
turn. The wish to keep one's job and the
benefits of a regular income are strong
reasons to make sure that blood disputes
are settled qviickly. The major factor af-
fecting revenge or settlement is the political
"condition" of tlie avenging group. A
leader anxious to promote cohesiveness
within the group will encourage revenge.
Mutual responsibility (q.v.) constitutes the
ultimate obligation of members of a
co-liable group. By deliberately increasing
tension a leader can make his group aware
of their collective responsibility, thus pro-
moting group cohesiveness (cf. Marx,
Organization). Even if the leader does not
advocate revenge he can achieve cohesion
by not permitting a cease-fire agreement.
There are also political circumstances
wliere it is in tlie interest of the injured
419
V E R S E (s)
group to agree to a settlement (see Ginat,
Blood revenge, 25-6).
While the Qiir'an and the hadlth are the
basic laws that govern the determination of
punishment for murder, throughout the
generations the values, the norms, the 'mf
(tradition) have widened the gap between
the original rules and the existing reality.
Joseph Ginat
Bibliography
Primary: Ibn Q^ayyim al-Jawziyya, ridm al-
muwaqqi'in 'an rabb al-'diamin, 4 vols., Beirut 1993;
Ibn Qiidama al-MaqdisT, MuwafTaq al-Din and
Muhammad b. Ahmad Shams al-Dln, at-Alughm
wa-l-sharh al-kabir, 11 vols. (+ 2 vol. hidex), Beirut
1983; al-SarakhsT, Abu Bakr Muhammad b.
Ahmad Shams al-A'imma, Kiidb al-Mabsut;
30 vols, in 15, Beirut 1989; al-ShinqltT, al-Shaykh
Muhammad al-Amm b. Muhammad al-Mukhtar
ii\-^ci]/i?ii\i, Adwd' al-baydnJiTddh al-Qur'dn bi-l-
Qur'dn, Beirut 1966, 49.
Secondary: A.'U. al-'Abbadl, Alin al-qiyam wa-l-
dddb al-badawijya, Amman 1976; 'A. al-'Arif, al-
Qadd' bayna l-badw, Jerusalem 1933; S. Bar-Zvi,
The tradition of justice among the Bedouin of the Negev,
Tel Aviv 1991 (in Hebrew); Y. Ben-David,
Jabaliyya. A Bedouin tribe in the shadow of the
moHflj^er^, Jerusalem 1981 (in Hebrew); van Ess,
tg; H. al-FakhurT, Ta'rikh al-adab al-'arabi,
Harisa, Lebanon 1953, 1966-; J. Ginat, Blood
revenge. Family honor, mediation, and outcast, Brighton
1997; A. GoYen, Ancient Arabic poetry, JeYwsaXem
1970 (in Hebrew); 'A. al-Hashshash, Qadd' al-'urf
wa-l-'dda, Amman 1991; H. Lammens, L'Arabie
occidentale avant I'hegire, Beirut 1928, 181-236;
G. Liiling, Das Blutrecht (die Blutrache) der
archaisch-mythischen Stammesgesellschaft. Zum
schriftkulturellen Staatsrecht, in ^eitenspriinge 1 1/2
(1999), 217-27; E. Marx, Bedouin of the Negev,
Manchester 1967; id.. The organization of
nomadic groups in the Middle East, in
M. Milson (ed.). Society and political structure in the
Arab world, New York 1973, 305-35; Ch. Pellat,
al-Hakam b. 'Abdal b. Djabala al-Asadi, in El^,
iii, 72-3; E.L. Peters, Some structural aspects of
the feud among the camel herding Bedouin of
Cyrenaica, in Africa 37 (1967), 262-82; O.C.
Procksch, Uber die Blutrache bei den vorislamischen
Arabern and Mohammeds Stellung zu ihr (Leipziger
Studien aus dem Gebiet der Geschichte), Leipzig
Verdict see judgment
Verse(s)
The smallest formally and semantically
independent qur'anic speech units, marked
by a final rhyme. The qur'anic word dya
(pi. dydt, probably from Syriac dthd, cf. Heb.
oth; see Jeffery, For. vocak), "sign," has be-
come the technical term used to denote a
verse of the Qtir'an. Like the term sura
(q.v.), however, which also entered the
Arabic language (q.v.) through the Qtir'an,
in the qur'anic corpus itself the word djia
means a literary unit undefined in extent,
perhaps at no stage identical with the
qur'anic verse (see literary structures
AND THE ^ur'an). During the process of
the qur'anic communication djia figures
primarily as part of the discourse of scrip-
tural authority that the Prophet and his
listeners engaged in through the entire pe-
riod of the emergence of the Qiir'an (see
REVELATION AND INSPIRATION). This dis-
course involves the notions of dya, sura,
qur'dn and kildb (see book; names of the
(3Ur'an). It is only in the mushaf{q.\'.), the
canonical codex of the Qiir'an codified
after the death of the Prophet (see col-
lection OF THE qur'an; codices of the
quR'AN), that the word dya comes unequiv-
ocally to denote a qur'anic verse. In this
entry, first the qur'anic discourse that
occurred in the course of Muhammad's
career will be sketched. In the second part,
evocations and quotations of early verses
in later qur'anic texts will be discussed (see
chronology and the q^ur'an) and,
finally, various manifestations of the liter-
ary unit "verse," dya, in the canonical text
will be surveyed.
The qur'anic imagination of aya
Aya in the Qiir'an is not a descriptive term
but rather a functional designation that in
the early suras primarily denotes non-
scriptural signs (q.v.) of divine omnipo-
tence (see power and impotence), such as
VERSES
420
those visible in nature (c) 76:6-16; 77:25-7;
79:27-32; etc.; see nature as signs) or re-
membered from history (<J 51:34-46;
79:15-26; etc.; see history and the
qur'an; form and structure of the
(JUr'an). In the vast majority of instances,
the word aya, thus, is not connected to a
text. In one rather early sura, C3 83:13,
however, it appears to cover an undefined
textual unit: "when our signs are recited to
him he says: mere legends of the ancients"
{idhd tutld 'alayhi dydtund qdla asdtiru
l-awwalin; see generations). In this sura,
one that already reflects the bifurcated cat-
egorization of the listeners into believers
(alladhina dmanuj and transgressors, un-
believers [alladhina ajramu, (^ 83:29; see
belief and unbelief), the "signs" are
unambiguously presented as texts that are
recited and that function as proofs of
divine power. The context is polemical (see
polemic and polemical language): the
hermeneutic value of the recited texts (see
recitation of the q^ur'an) is not rec-
ognized by a group of listeners who try to
distance themselves from the message,
claiming to know it from of old, and who
do not acknowledge the function of the
dydt as signs of authority (q.v.). The
qur'anic speaker, however, through the use
of the word dydt, which recalls the much
more frequently discussed visual and often
miraculous signs of divine omnipotence
observed in nature and history, claims a
miraculous and immediately convincing
character for the texts being recited (see
miracles; marvels; inimitability).
It is first and foremost their linguistic
guise, their particularly poetic code (see
rhetoric and the q^ur'an; language
AND STYLE OF THE qur'an), that substanti-
ates the claim of the qur'anic text sections
to miraculous signs of divine power. The
closeness of early qur'anic texts to poetry
(see POETRY AND POETs) or the equally
artistic speech of the soothsayers (q.v.) is.
more than once, indirectly acknowledged
by the Prophet's adversaries (see oppo-
sition TO Muhammad). Indeed, the poetic-
ity of the early qur'anic texts seems to have
triggered attempts at disqualifying him as a
messenger (q.v.) by connecting him typo-
logically to poets (c) 69:40-1: innahu la-qawlu
rasulin kanmin wa-md huwa bi-qawli shd'irin. . .
qalilan md tu'minun, "it is the speech [q.v.] of
a noble messenger, and it is not the speech
of a poet! How little do you believe!" cf.
Q, 52:29 f.; 68:2; 81:22, where shd'ir, "poet,"
is represented by majnun, "possessed, mad";
see insanity; provocation; reflection
AND deliberation) and soothsayers, the
kdhina (c) ^2:2C): fa- dhakkir fa-md anta bi-
ni'mati rabbika bi-kdhinin wa-ld majnun, "so
remind them, for you are not, by the grace
of your lord [q.v.] , a soothsayer or a
madman"; see Neuwirth, Der historische
Muhammad). His speech — perhaps not
least in view of the claim to a supernatural
source occasionally raised for it — ap-
peared closest to the enunciations of those
speakers, familiar in ancient Arabia, who
are themselves under the spell of a super-
human power (see pre-islamic Arabia
AND THE Q^Ur'an; SOUTH ARABIA,
RELIGIONS IN PRE-iSLAMic). It has been
justly underscored, however, that the
qur'anic claim to truth (q.v.) in the early
texts relies less on extra-textual reference
than on its very medium, the poetic char-
acter of its language.
The early suras' claim to validity is not
anchored in something beyond the text;
rather, it is the truth of what is being said
within the text, as made evident through a
variety of poetic devices, that grounds its
claim to validity: One might speak of a
poetic, rather than a theological truth-
claim (see THEOLOGY AND THE CJUr'an).
Thus, in suras such as o 89, 91, 99 or 100
the question on whose authority the recita-
tions can legitimately demand their listen-
421
VERSE S
ers to mend their ways is nowhere posed.
Their normative claim on tlie audience
rests on the fact that artful rhetoric, such as
the oath clusters (see oaths), functions like
an artfully ground lens which allows one to
glimpse something distant, yet visibly real,
namely, the imminent nature of divine
judgment (see last judgment). Rhetoric,
then, is conceived of not primarily as an
instrument of deception, as modern preju-
dice would have it, but rather as an instru-
ment of making manifest that which is,
and can be seen to be, the case. Exploring
the lens metaphor more might say that
knowing who has produced the lens is of
much less importance than simply looking
through it. In a sense, then, it would be
entirely amiss to pose the question on
whose authority one ought to acknowledge
what one sees (Sinai, From qur'an to kitab,
forthcoming).
It is initially the linguistic code, then, that
warrants the character of qur'anic text
units as signs of divine authority. The
gradual self-theologization of qur'anic
discourse — to refer again to Sinai's
survey — continues with the third-person
authorizations of Muhammad.
In response to scathing polemics and sar-
castic objections, Muhammad's recitations
are forced to provide some account of
whence and how they reach their audience.
The Qiir'an is thus driven into a rudimen-
tary form of prophetological reflection, as
attested by 81:19-25: innahu la-qawlu rasulin
kanm/dhi quwwatin 'inda dhi I- 'arshi makin/
mutd'in thumma amin/wa-md sdhibukum bi-
majnun/wa~laqad ra'dhu bi-l-ufuqi l-mubin/
wa-md huwa 'aid l-ghaybi bi-damn / wa-md
huwa bi-qawli shajtdnin rajim, "it is the
speech of a noble messenger, who has
power with the lord of the throne and is
highly placed, obeyed and trustworthy.
Your companion is not mad. He saw him
upon the luininous horizon; he is not re-
garding the unseen, niggardly. And it is not
the speech of a devil, accursed." Cf.
Q^ 53:2f. where Muhammad's unspecific
claim to divine inspiration is now with
greater terminological precision qualified
as "revelation," in huwa Hid wahyunyuhd/
'allamahu shadidu l-quwd, "it is only a revela-
tion being revealed. The mighty one
taught him" [q_ 53-4-5; Sinai, From qur'an
to kitab, forthcoming).
One might count the identification of
Muhammad's recitation with divine signs,
dydt, among these stratagems of indirect
authorization (see () 46:7; 34:43; 31:7;
2:252). The more or less systematic
employment of the "prophetical you,"
datable to early Meccan times, may be
regarded as a second step, reflecting
development on the level of literary
technique.
Nicolai Sinai identifies a third step along
the same lines in those early Meccan pas-
sages, in which the qur'anic discourse is
traced back to a written heavenly arche-
type (see HEAVENLY BOOK). Most probably,
this step, too, was triggered by polemics. As
(J 74:52 implies, the orality (q.v.) of
Muhammad's recitations was seen as be-
traying their human origin: "rather each
one of them wishes to be given scrolls (q.v.)
unrolled" (balyundu kullu mri'in minhum an
yu'td suhufan munashsham) . Elsewhere, and
probably by way of reaction to similar
charges, such suhuf, "scrolls," are presented
as indeed forming some kind of written
draft of which Muhammad's recitations
are but the oral promulgation or reading
((J 80:10-16): "Yet, it is only a reminder,
whoever wishes, will remember it, in scrolls
highly honored, lifted up and purified, by
the hands of scribes, honorable and pious"
[kalld innahd tadhkira fa-man shd'a dhakarahuji
suhujin mukarramatin marju'atin mutahharatin
bi-aydi safaratin kirdmin barara, (j 80:11-16;
VERSES
422
see memory; remembrance; piety). Since
the performative orality of Muhammad's
revelations, which appear to have been
viewed as incompatible with their claim
to divine authorship, could not very well
be simply denied, it is at least counter-
balanced.
Finally, in yet another passage, the term
kitdb instead of suhuf or lawh, "tablet" (as in
(j_ 85:22; see PRESERVED tablet; writing
AND WRITING MATERIALS), is UScd: "it is
indeed a noble qur'dn, in a hidden book,
that only the purified shall touch, a reve-
lation from the lord of the worlds"
[innahu la-qur'dnun kanm Ji kitdbin maknun
Idyamassuhu Hid l-mutahharun tanzilun min
rabbi l-'dlamin, Q^ 56:77-80). Thus, first
Muhammad's revelations are qualified
either from a functional viewpoint — they
serve as tadhkira, i.e. admonition — or from
a performative one — they are presented
as qur'dn, recitation — then they are said to
be "in" (Jj), something else: suhuf, lawh,
kitdb. This latter entity is most likely viewed
as a kind of transcendent storage medium
to which the basic message of Muham-
mad's preaching is traceable. In q 56:80,
this bipartite self-predication is expanded
upon by a third element, namely, reference
to the process by which the heavenly writ-
ing is transformed into an earthy recita-
tion, i.e. tanzTl, "revelation."
Where is the notion of aya as verse to he located in
this process?
The word appears first, and only once, in a
text from the end of early Meccan times,
serving as an indirect authorization of the
Prophet (o 83:13). The accusation of not
respecting the signs presented here be-
comes, in later Meccan and Medinan
suras, a stock argument (o 31:7; 34:5, 38).
This argument is further enhanced by the
qualification of the signs as bayyindt, "made
clear," by the divine sender himself ("we
have made clear the signs for people who
firmly believe," qad bayyannd l-dydti li-
qawminyuqinun, cj 2:118; "look, how we
make clear the signs for them, then look
how they are perverted," un^ur kayfa nubayy-
inu lahumu l-dydti thumnia n^ur anndyufakun,
a 5:75; cf 2:99; 5:89; 45:25, 46).
The idea that the recitation is particularly
adapted to fit the listeners' capacities for
understanding is further developed in texts
that attest to additional acts of clarifica-
tion, first through the structuring of the
texts (tahkim), then through their expound-
ing them (tcfsil): the late Meccan sura cj 11
(Surat Hud) starts thus: ^^Alif lam rd. A
book with sections which are elaborately
formulated and clearly expounded from
the wise, the all-aware" [alif Idm rd. kitdbun
uhkimat dydtuhu thummafussilat min ladun
hakimin khabir, c) ii:i; see god and his
attributes; wisdom; knowledge and
learning; hidden and the hidden).
Such clarification of the texts is even con-
sidered as the decisive factor for the con-
stitution of an emerging Arabic scripture:
"a book whose sections have been well ex-
pounded, an Arabic qur'dn addressed to a
people who know" (kitdbun fussilat dydtuhu
qur'dnan 'arabiyyan li-qawminya'lamun, (^41:3;
for the intra-qur'anic and exegetical de-
bates about the Arabic character of the
text, see foreign vocabulary). At a still
later stage, dydt made clear and unambigu-
ous (see ambiguous) are explicitly con-
trasted to others that allow for more than
one understanding — see the Medinan
verse C3 3:7: "it is he who sent down to you
the book, with sections that are precise in
meaning, and which are the mother of the
book, and others that are ambiguous"
(huwa lladhi anzala 'alayka l-kitdba, minhu
dydtun muhkamdtun hunna ummu l-kitdbi wa-
ukharu mutashdbihdtun) . Equally Medinan is
the idea put forward in q 2:106 that an dya
may, during the communication process,
occasionally become the object of modi-
fication or be forgotten and replaced:
423
V E R S E (s)
"whatever verse we abrogate or cause to be
forgotten, we will bring instead a better or
similar one" {md nansakh min ajatin aw
nunsiha na'ti bi-khayrin minhd aw mithlihd; see
abrogation). From late Meccan times
onwards, the term dya loses its connotation
of a sign that exerts a particular appeal
and comes to mean simply "text unit,
section."
In this late understanding, the term dja is
employed in the context of an argument of
central importance that had been aroused
by the unique situation of the qur'anic rev-
elations. The unbelievers raised the pro-
vocative question of why Muhammad's
revelation had not come down in one piece
but in small parts: "the unbelievers say, if
only the Qiir'an had been sent down to
him all at once?" [wa-qdla lladhina kafaru law
Id nuzzilii 'alajihi l-qur'dnu jumlatan wdhida,
Q^ 25:32), i.e. as a complete book, as in the
case of Jews and Christians (see jews and
JUDAISM; CHRISTIANS AND CHRISTIANITY;
SCRIPTURE AND THE q^ur'an). The qur'anic
response to that challenge was: "that is
how [it is revealed] because we wanted to
strengthen your heart (q.v.) with it and we
have recited it in a distinct way" {ka-dhdlika
li-nuthabbita bihifu'ddaka wa-rattalndhu
tartilan, Q_ 25:32). The fact that, because of
the Qur'an's situatedness, the scripture to
be recited is not under the control of the
transmitter, is presented as the result of
divine wisdom. What had been viewed by
adversaries as an embarrassing shortcom-
ing was turned "into a precondition for
God himself assuming the hitherto human
activities of recitation (qur'dn) and exegesis
(baydn). Hence, Judaism and Christianity
are trumped by an ingenious redescription
of the Qiir'an's 'ad rem mode of revela-
tion' " (Madigan, Qur'dn's self-image, 68)
transforming it from a liability into an as-
set. There is no better illustration of how
the dynamics of inter-communal polemics
can bring about a true revaluation of val-
ues: that which one party considers an ap-
palling Haw is elevated by the other party,
"through a blend of spite and theological
cunning, to the rank of a veritable hall-
mark of its self-definition" (Sinai, From
qur'an to kitab, forthcoming). This tafsil
al-dydt, the expounding of the qur'anic text
sections (c3 41:3), qualifies the revelation to
pose as an Arabic text speaking to the
hearts in an understandable way. At the
end of this development, the dya is estab-
lished as a term to designate relevant,
though undetermined, units of the
qur'anic text. Thus the qur'anic text that
attests to both the emergence of a scripture
and a community (Abraham [q.v.] and
Ishmael's [q.v.] prayer [q.v.] of consecra-
tion of the Ka'ba [q.v.]) can refer to the
dydt shape of the revelations as an achieve-
ment that enables Mecca (q.v.), its place of
origin, to rival Jerusalem (q.v.) in its most
prominent prerogative: to be recognized as
the birthplace of divine communications
[ha 2:3: The law will go out from Zion and
the word of the lord from Jerusalem; see
Neuwirth, Spiritual meaning), q 2:128-9
says: "Our lord, cause us to submit to you,
and make of our posterity a nation that
submits to you. Show us our rites and par-
don us (see ritual and the (jur'an;
forgiveness), you are indeed the par-
doner, the merciful (see mercy). Our lord,
send them a messenger from among them-
selves who will recite to them your signs
and teach them the book and the wisdom
and purify them (see cleanliness and
ablution; ritual purity); you are the
mighty, the wise" (rabhand wa-j'alnd
muslimina laka wa-min dhurriyyatind ummatan
muslimatan laka wa-arind mandsikand wa-tub
'alaynd innaka anta l-tawwdbu l-rahimu.
rabband wa-b 'athjihim rasulan minhumyatlu
'alayhim dydtika wa-yu'allimuhumu l-kitdba wa-
l-hikmata wayuzakkihim innaka anta I- 'a/Jzu.
l-hdkim).
VERSES
424
Verses alluded to and verses quoted in the Qur'dn:
basmala and Fdtiha
Although during the communication pro-
cess there appears to have been no term to
designate "verse," from early on the notion
of verse was strongly developed in the
Qiir'an. Verses are neatly structured and
unambiguously delimited often through
phonetically expressive rhymes (see
RHYMED prose). Though identical verses
sometimes recur in the Qur'an — such as
the phrase waylun yawma'idhin lil-mukadh-
dhibin, "woe on that day to those who de-
noimce," that figures as a refrain in o 77
(Surat al-Mursalat; o 77:15, 19, 24, etc.) and
recurs in <;) 83:10 — their repetition does
not usually convey a sense of textual
quotation, in view of the strongly oral
character of the Qur'an (see ORALITY and
WRITING IN Arabia). Some verses from
earlier texts, however, seem to be quoted or
evoked in later qur'anic contexts, thus
shedding liglit on the self-referentiality of
the Qiir'an. A case in point is the basmala
(q.v), the formula "in the name of God,
the compassionate, the merciful." Tlius, in
C3 27:30 a letter dispatched by Solomon
(q.v.) to the queen of Sheba (q.v.) is quoted:
"it is from Solomon and it says: 'in the
name of God the compassionate, the mer-
ciful' " {innahu min sulaymdna wa-innahu bi-smi
lldhi l-rahmdni l-rahim; see also bilois). What
is demonstrated here, according to the
most plausible hypothesis, is that the cus-
tom of starting written documents with the
basmala is a dignified ancient custom, ap-
plied already by an ancient prophet to his
written message (see prophets and
prophethood). It is usually assumed that
qur'anic texts were successively put into
writing in the middle and late Meccan pe-
riods, when verses became more compli-
cated structurally and through that
procedure were connected to the basmala.
That formula, which displays the divine
name al-rahmdn in a prominent position.
most probably originated from the time
when this divine name had replaced
others. Since in (J 27:30 the divine name
al-rahmdn figures only in the basmala, the
formida should be considered a quotation
in that text. But, of course, the basmala that
was promulgated through the Fatiha (q.v.)
is also a proper introduction to orally con-
veyed sacred speech. In the Qtir'an it pre-
cedes the texts of all suras with the sole
exception of o 9. Tlie basmala is counted as
an ordinary verse in the first sura (Surat
al-Fatiha, "The Opening"), although when
the text is recited in ritual prayer it is sepa-
rated from tlie bulk of the text of the
Fatiha through other formulas (see
Neuwirth, Surat al-Fatiha; see also prayer
formulas). Its consideration as an ordi-
nary verse is due, as will be shown, to the
pecidiar recognition that the Fatiha has
found in the qur'anic text itself (see
everyday life, the our'an in).
Q^ 15:87 triumpliantly states that, besides
his scriptural recitation, there are now at
the disposal of the Prophet a particular
group of verses fit to be repeated over and
again — the "seven litany-verses": "verily
we gave you seven litany-verses (mathdni)
and the mighty recitation" [wa-laqad
dtajndka sab'an mina l-mathdnT wa-l-qur'dna
l-'aiim; see oft-repeated). Although no
particular term is mentioned, the units
counted as sab' (seven) are certainly verses.
The allusion is to the Fatiha — an inter-
pretation already held by a major group of
classical exegetes (see Neuwirth, Referen-
tiality). The alternative interpretation ad-
vocated by some scholars like R. Paret
{Koran; Rubin, Exegesis) and A. Welch
(Kur'an), that mathdni should point to the
punishment legends (see Horovitz, Klf) is
untenable (see punishment stories) since
these stories were not yet composed at the
time the Qur'an is emerging. The word
mathdni, a plural form of mathnd ("in double
number," Q_ 4:3; 35:1; 34:46), occurs in
425
V E R S E (s)
o 39:23 where it is used to denote not an
individual partial corpus apart from the
Qiir'an, made up of seven units, but
appears as a qualification of the kitdb in
toto: "God has sent down the best dis-
course in a book with similar, repeated
texts, from which the skins of those who
fear their lord shiver; then their skins and
hearts mellow at the mention of God"
(alldhu nazzo-la ahsana l-hadlthi kitdban
mutashdbihan mathdnija, taqsha 'irru minhu
juludu lladhina yakhshawna rabbahum thumma
talmu juluduhum wa-qulubuhum ild dhikri lldhi).
"Mathdni" here refers to similarly repeated
units of texts that appear to be larger than
single verses, and, in view of the psycho-
logical effect ascribed to them, perhaps
refer to punishment stories. This meaning
is, however, deduced from the particular
context of late Meccan polemic and is
completely incompatible with the earlier
situation of c) 15, when no plurality of
punishment stories had yet existed, let
alone seven such stories (see Neuwirth,
Surat al-Fatiha). The Fatiha, in its canoni-
cal form, indeed consists of seven verses, a
number achieved through the counting of
the basmala that is usually not considered a
verse but an introductory invocation. The
fact, however, that the Fatiha "originally"
did not consist of seven, but of six, verses
does not contradict its identification with
the seven mathdni, "seven" being often un-
derstood in the sense of a small, "round"
number, not necessarily numerically seven
(see NUMBERS AND ENUMERATION). A Strong
argument in favor of sab' mina l-mathdm
meaning the Fatiha is the fact that the en-
tire sura (q 15) is replete with short evoca-
tions of the text of the Fatiha, thus
marking the emergence of this particular
text as a significant development. The
Fatiha indeed marks a turn of the liturgical
practice of the community since its text
was, originally, not considered to be part of
the qur'dn, the recitation, but was rather
used as a communal prayer, and as such
was often repeated, thus deserving of the
label of sab' mina l-mathdnT [see Neuwirth,
Referentiality). Eventually, the Fatiha came
to complete the liturgical service which,
until then, must have consisted in a qur'dn
(see q 15:87; al-qur'dn al-'azjim) and the in-
herited ritual gestures. At that point, the
Fatiha was presumably known under one
of its alternative designations, namely al-
hamd (alluded to as such in q_ 15:98; see
praise; laudation).
Typology of the qur'dnic verses
The poetical structure of the Qiir'an is
marked by the rhyme endings of the
verses. A classification of the rhymes has
been undertaken for the Meccan parts of
the Qiir'an in Neuwirth, Studien. It was
shown that semantically determined verse
groups in early suras are regularly brack-
eted by a joint rhyme pattern; thus escha-
tological introductions like (J 101:1-3 are
distinguished from the ensuing prediction
of the events on the last day (q 101:4) and
again from the description of the judgment
(q.v.; (5 101:6-11) by individual rhyme pat-
terns (see also eschatology; last
judgment; apocalypse). There is a sig-
nificant difference between those suras
classified as early Meccan whose endings
comprise no less than eighty types of
rhyme, those classified as middle Meccan
with seventeen types of rhyme endings,
and those classified as late Meccan with
only five types of rhyme endings. The
scope of diversity among the rhymes is
related to the general style of the Qiir'an.
The suras commonly considered the old-
est, i.e. those that display 50; 'rhymed prose
in the strict sense — short units rhyming in
frecjuently changing sound patterns re-
iterating the last consonants and based on
a common rhythm — are made up of
monopartite verses containing one colon
each. (For the colon, a text unit borrowed
VERSES
426
from classical rhetoric, see Norden,
Kunstprosa; Neuwirth, Studien; loosely con-
strued, a colon equals a single phrase.
This, however, is not sustained indefinitely.
As soon as the topics become less expres-
sive, turning from immediate appeal to
description or more sophisticated argu-
ment, verses tend to become longer and
more complex.)
Monopartite verses
Principally, two types of monopartite
verses can be distinguished, verses of the
saj' al-kdhin type (oath clusters, jfl'/ifl-phrase-
clusters, etc.; see form and structure of
THE (jur'an) and others reminiscent of
monotheistic hymns [sabbihi sma rabbika
l-a'ld, "praise the name of your lord, the
exalted," (j 87:1). The earliest verses thus
are not necessarily modeled after kdhin
speech but often seem to echo monothe-
istic hymnal texts. One has also to keep in
mind that kdhin style verses have changed
their function: the enigmatic speech does
not prepare the way for the disclosure of a
truly unknown danger, as is often the
case in kdhin predictions (see Neuwirth,
Der historische Mohammad), but the solu-
tion of the enigma built up by the short
verses of oath clusters (see Neuwirth,
Images) and idhd-phrase clusters comes as
no real surprise: it is the news of the im-
minent day of judgment. Still, from a rhe-
torical point of view, a tension is generated
in these texts by means not found in the
existing literary genres, tlius extending the
spectrum of literary forms substantially.
The clusters of particular syntactic struc-
tures as presented in the short verses are
remote from functional ordinary speech;
nor are they familiar from poetry either. It
is noteworthy that the cjur'anic .sa;' some-
times inverts the ordinary sequence of syn-
tagmata in order to facilitate the
achievement of expressive rhymes; thus in
the qur'anic idhd-phraae clusters the verb
stands in the final position, contrary to or-
dinary prose (for the aesthetic impact of
the monopartite verses, see Sells,
Approaching). On the other hand, short
hymnal verses would have been familiar
from the liturgical language in Christian
use (see Baumstark, Jiidischer und christ-
licher Gebetstypus). Indeed the typological
similarity of the qur'anic hymnal sections
to Christian hymns has inspired Giinther
Liiling's hypothesis of a Christian origin of
the Qiir'an [Uber den Urkoran; see
POST-ENLIGHTENMENT ACADEMIC STUDY
OF THE our'an). One has, however, to bear
in mind that cjur'anic hymns are mostly
functionally employed, serving as introduc-
tions to longer texts or as personal exhorta-
tions to the Prophet to perform liturgical
tasks. These verse groups are not infre-
quently followed by a report concerning
the acceptance of their recitation, thus
bringing them into a scenario of debate
(see Neuwirth, Vom Rezitationstext; see
DEBATE AND DISPUTATION). Only in one
case can a specific model for a hymnal text,
Q. 55 (Surat al-Rahman, "The Merciful"),
be determined, namely Psalm 136 (see
Neuwirth, Qiir'anic literary structure; see
also psalms). Still, through its re-casting
the psalm has been thoroughly islamized
and indeed turned into a new text alto-
gether. Similarly, the doxological introduc-
tory verses that become familiar with the
mid-sized suras in Medina (q.v; (j 59, 61,
62, 64) are not to be read as drawing on a
pre-existing "fr-text" from another re-
Hgious tradition but rather as rephrasings
of formulas derived from psalms that were
current in monotheistic liturgical use of
the time.
Whereas early kdhin-style and hymnal
verses are usually monopartite, more dis-
cursive sections, such as the description of
paradise (q.v.) in Q^ 52:17-28 and the debate
in (J 52:29-44, usually display bipartite or
even pluripartite verse structures, i.e. verses
427
V E R S E (s)
made up of an entire sentence, mostly
paratactically structured. The transition
attested in early Meccan texts from saj'
speech with monopartite verses to a more
ordinary, though still poetically tinted, ar-
ticulation attests to the transformation of
an adherence to standard pre-Islamic tra-
dition into a novel literary paradigm. This
can be considered to be a genuine qur'anic
development marking a new stage in the
history of the Arabic literary language (see
LITERATURE AND THE QUr'an).
Pluripartite verses
Even the structure of pluripartite verses
remains extremely conducive to recitation
(see Nelson, The art of reciting). The colo-
metric strticture of qur'anic style, com-
parable to that familiar from ancient
rhetoric (see Norden, Kunstprosa), facilitates
the oral performance of texts. A compari-
son between the shape of biblical narra-
tives (q.v.) narrated in the Qiir'an and in
poetry contemporary to the Qtir'an, e.g.
that of Umayya b. Abl 1-Salt, supports this
argtiment strongly (see also myths and
LEGENDS IN THE our'an). A Comparison
between qur'anic recitation and
the — equally chanted — recitations of
Hebrew Bible and New Testament texts
confirms the unique predisposition of
qur'anic verses for recitation. In Jewish and
Christian traditions, the scriptural texts,
most of which were originally not com-
posed to be recited, were, at a later stage,
structured by musical notation to ensure
the preservation of the meaning and to
facilitate recitation (see Neuwirth, Three
religious feasts). Though in later tradition
the Qur'an is also furnished with addi-
tional markers to prevent mistaken read-
ings through problematic connecting or
disconnecting of units of meaning (see
readings of THE our'an;
ORNAMENTATION AND ILLUMINATION;
MANUSCRIPTS OF THE OUr'an), it is not
comparably dependent on additional regu-
lations since the text is largely free of over-
long phrases and complex hypotactic
periods.
It is noteworthy that two multipartite
verses have acquired particular popularity
among Muslims, the Throne Verse [ajat
al-kursi, Q_ 2:255; see throne of god) and
the Light Verse [dyat al-nur, o 24:35; see
light), both outstanding examples of es-
pecially meditative qur'anic texts. It is dyat
al-nur in particular ("God is the light of the
heavens and the earth," alldhu nuru
l-samdwdti wa-l-ard; see earth; heaven
AND sky) that through its complex similes
(q.v.) and metaphors ( "his light is like a
niche in which there is a lamp [q.v.], the
lamp is in a glass, the glass is like a glit-
tering star," mathalu nurihi ka-mishkdtinjihd
misbdh/ al-misbdhu Ji zujdja/ al-zujdjatu ka-
annahd kawkabun durri; see also planets and
stars; sYMBOLii; imagery) simultaneously
discloses the paths leading to the knowl-
edge of the divine and upholds their mys-
tery. The description of the nature of the
divine light contained in its mysterious re-
ceptacles (colons 2-8) is followed by a call
for interpretation; colons 9-10 identify the
image of the lamp as an example, a mathal,
that demands from the reader the herme-
neutic task of de-coding (see parables).
Finally, colon 11 comes to confirm God's
wisdom in a hymnal clausula, a fit conclu-
sion for a section about an epistemic issue.
Multipartite verses like this — no longer
spontaneous addresses to the immediate
listeners only but composed to consider
later readers as well — describe the full
circle of communicating knowledge to the
reader and challenging the reader's
response.
Clausula verses
Any similarity to saj' is, abandoned when
verses exceed the bipartite structures. In
these cases, the rhyming end of the verses
VERSES
follows the stereotypical -un, -ra-pattern
that would hardly suffice to ffilfiU the lis-
teners' anticipation of a resounding con-
clusion. A new mnemonic technical device
that enters the picture is the rhymed
phrase, a syntactically stereotyped colon
that is distinguished from its context in-
asmuch as it does not participate in the
main strain of the discourse but presents
a kind of moral comment on it. One
might term this concluding phrase a
"cadenza" — in analogy to the final part of
the speech units in Gregorian chant, which
through their particular sound pattern
arouse the expectation of an ending — or,
more modestly, a "clausula." The musical
sound pattern of the often stereotypically
structured clausula phrase enhances the
message encoded in it, which in many
cases introduces a meta-discourse entailing
a moral judgment on the behavior of the
protagonists of a narrative, as in c) 12:29,
"verily, you were one of the sinners"
[innaki kunti min al-khdti'm; see SIN,
MAJOR AND minor). They thus transcend
the main — narrative or argumenta-
tive — flow of the sura, introducing a
spiritual dimension: divine approval or
disapproval. Indeed, their most typical
manifestation is the reference to one of
God's attributes, as in q 3:29, "verily God
has power over everything" (wa-lldhu 'aid
kulli shay'in qadir). These meta-narrative
insertions into the narrative or argumenta-
tive fabric of the qur'anic text would, of
course, in a written text meant for silent
reading, appear rather disruptive of the
larger argument or narrative. They add,
however, substantially to the impact of the
oral recitation. The Qiir'an thus con-
sciously styles itself as a text evolving on
different, yet closely intertwined, levels of
discourse. Although it is true that not all
multipartite verses bear such formulaic
endings, cadenzas may be considered char-
acteristic for the later Meccan and all the
Medinan qur'anic texts. The resounding
cadenza, thus, replaces the earlier expres-
sive rhyme pattern, marking a new and
irreversible development in the emergence
of the text and of the new faith.
The cadenza is a characteristically
qur'anic device that connects story and
commentary, making the divine sender of
the message also its exegete. The story is
told as a representation of human interac-
tion, the cadenza functioning to relate that
interaction to the divine authority in an
interplay of horizontal and vertical vec-
tors. The opening up of a communication
between the divine speaker and his human
audience, which is celebrated in the early
suras as a novel achievement, bestows on
the here and now the vision of an attain-
able equilibrium between the opposites
governing reality (see pairs and pairing).
Two textual stratagems contribute to this
breakthrough in qur'anic hermeneutics:
(i) the self-referential technique of reflect-
ing the narrated world through diverse
layers of the textual structure, both the
worldly and the transcendent, and (ii) the
genre-transcending stratagem of introduc-
ing two strands of speech, one commu-
nicated through the main text, the other
through the clausula. We are confronted
here with a unique kind of intrinsic
qur'anic commentary, through both self-
reference and exhortation, which invites
the listener to explain, to practice bajdn,
and to make apparent the hidden dimen-
sion of meaning (see polysemy; exegesis
OF the cjur'an: classical and
medieval). The listener does so by inter-
preting the information conveyed in the
narrative strand as tokens of divine facul-
ties, divine promises, and divine
demands — that is, social rulings (see law
and the cjur'an; ethics and the
cjur'an). The listener's exegetical semio-
429
V I tl T O R Y
tization of the words received is thus an
indispensable part of the text itself, its in-
trinsic exegesis.
Angelika Neuwirth
Bibliography
A. Baumstark, Jiidischer und christlicher
Gebetstypus im Koran, in Der Islam i6 {1927)
229-48; J. Horovitz, Jewish proper names and
derivatives in the Koran, in The Hebrew Union
College annual 2 (1925), 145-227; id., Arc/; Jeffery,
For. vocab.; G. Liiling, Uber den Ur-Qur'dn,
Erlangen 1972; D. Madigan, The Qur'dn's self-
image. Book, writing and authority in Muslim scripture,
Princeton 2001; K. Nelson, The art of reciting the
Qur'dn, Austin 1985; A. Neuwirth, Der
historische Muhainmad im Spiegel des
Koran — Prophetentypus zwischen Seher und
Dichter?, in W. Zwickel (ed.), Biblische Welten.
Festschriflfur Martin Metzger zu seinem 6^.
Geburtstag. Freiburg/Goettingen 1992, 83-108; id.,
Images and metaphors in the introductory
sections of the Makkan suras, in Hawting and
^YiSLve^i^, Approaches, 3-36; id., Qur'anic literary
structure revisited. Surat al-Rahman between
mythic account and decodation of myth, in S.
Leder (ed.), Story-telling in the framework of non-
fictional Arabic literature, Wiesbaden 1998, 388-421;
id., Referentiality and textuality in Surat al-Hijr.
Some observations on the qur'anic "canonical
process" and the emergence of a community, in
I. BouUata, Literary structures of religious meaning in
the Qur'dn, Richmond 2000, 143-72; id., Vom
Rezitationstext liber die Liturgie zum Kanon.
Zur Entstehung und WiederauHosung der
Surenkomposition im Verlauf der Entwicklung
eines islamischen Kultus, in Wild, Text, 69-105;
id., The Spiritual meaning of Jerusalem in
Islam, in N. Rosovsky (ed.). City of the great king.
Jerusalem from David to the present, Cambridge, MA
1996, 93-116, 483-95; id., Studien; id.. Three
religious feasts between texts of violence and
liturgies of reconciliation, in Th. SchefBer (ed.),
Religion between violence and reconciliation, Beirut
2002, 49-82; id. and K. Neuwirth, Surat al-
Fatiha: "Eroffnung" des Text-Corpus Koran
oder "Introitus" der Gebetsliturgie? in W. Gross,
H. Irsigier und T. SeidI (eds.). Text, Methode und
Grammatik. Wolfgang Richter zum ^^. Geburtstag, St.
Ottilien 1991, 331-58; Noldeke, gq; E. Norden,
Die antike Kunstprosa, Leipzig 1898, Darmstadt
1958°; Paret, Kommentar; U. Rubin, Exegesis and
hadlth. The case of the seven mathdm, in
Hawting and Shareef, ^^^roflcAej, 141-56; M.
Sells, Approaching the Qur'dn. The new revelations,
selections, translations, and commentaries, London
1999; id., A literary approach to the hymnic
suras in the Qiir'an. Spirit, gender and aural
intertextuality, in I.J. Boullata (ed.). Literary
structures of religious meaning in the Qur'dn,
Richmond 2000, 3-25; id., Sound, spirit and
gender in Siirat al-Qadr, \njAOS 11 (1991),
239-59; ^- Sinai, From qur'an to kitab, in
M. Marx, A. Neuwirth and N. Sinai (eds.). The
Qur'dn in context. Historical and literary investigations
into the cultural milieu of the Qur'dn, Leiden
(forthcoming); Wansbrough, qs;
A. Welch, Kur'an, in Ei^, v, 400-13.
Versions of the Qiir'an see textual
HISTORY OF THE Q^Ur'an; READINGS OF
THE OUr'aN
Vessels see ships; vehicles and
transportation; gups and vessels
Vestment see clothing
Vice see VIRTUES and vices,
commanding and forbidding
Vicegerent/Viceroy see caliph
Victory
Success, often in the face of military
aggression. The principal meanings of
"victory" in the Qiir'an are conveyed by
derivatives of the verbal roots f-t-h, n-s-r,
f-w-z, Sind gh-l-b. Particularly in the case of
fath, a specific military meaning can per-
tain to the defeat of one's foes in battle (see
expeditions and battles; fighting;
enemies) and, by extension, conquest, as
in the opening verses of q^ 48, entitled
"Victory" (Surat al-Fath), and referring to
the conquest of Mecca in 8/630 by the
Prophet and the early Muslims. More often
than not reference to aspects of an escha-
tological "triumph" is intended (see
eschatology). Onf-t-h, see conq^uest.
The many occurrences of n-s-r nearly
always refer to divine "support," the back-
430
ing necessary to the success of God's cause
and its partisans (see path or way).
Specific contexts in wliich n-s-r occurs
include references to Badr (q.v.; o 3:123)
and Hunayn (q.v.; Q_ 9:25), and tlie "lielp"
provided by God to Noah (q.v.; e.g.
c) 21:76-7), Jesus (q.v.; e.g. q 3:52; see also
apostle) and the prophets as a group (e.g.
Q, 6:34; see PROPHETS AND PROPHETHOOD).
A more general meaning is the "help"
provided by those who remain true to
God's cause. In this sense, God is the pro-
vider (nasir), a term frequently coupled
with "protector" [wall, e.g. q 9:74, 116; see
FRIENDS AND FRIENDSHIP; CLIENTS AND
clientage). It follows that the unbelievers
(see belief and unbelief) are those who,
seeking "help" from other sources, be they
false gods or armed conflicts, will inevi-
tably fail (e.g. q 7:197; 21:43; see idols and
iMAOEs; polytheism and atheism). The
term ansdr, "helpers," occurs both in refer-
ence to Muhammad's Medinan supporters
(e.g. q 9:117; see Medina; emigrants and
helpers) and, more generally, to those
who perpetuate God's way by siding with
Jesus or other prophets (e.g. q 61:14).
Most occurrences o{ f-w-z are in the
nominal form (fawz), always joined by one
of three modifiers: mubm, "clear, obvious"
(q, 6:16; 45:30); kabir, "great, mighty"
(c3 85:11) and, most often, 'azTm, "supreme"
(c3 9:72 and elsewhere). Fawz designates the
final reward, the "victory" as it were, of
God's activity on behalf of humankind
(see REWARD AND PUNISHMENT). Thus, in
(J 6:16, it is the avoidance of damnation
(see HELL AND hellfire), what Muham-
mad Asad (Alessage, 173) calls "a manifest
triumph." Similarly, in q 9:72, alongside
the "physical" pleasures of paradise (q.v.),
God's satisfaction (ridwdn) occurs as "the
supreme felicity" (Yusuf 'All, Meaning, 459).
Four verses (q 9:20; 23:111; 24:52; 59:20)
speak of those sure to be victorious (al-
Ja'izun).
Gh-l-b and derivatives, as in the case of
f-t-h, carry both the general sense of "to
overcome" and the more specific meaning
of military victory (or defeat). An example
in the first category is the evildoers of
q 23:106 (see evil deeds; virtues and
VICES, commanding AND FORBIDDING),
who are described as "overwhelmed" by
their own misfortune (shiqwa), or in
q 41:26, about those who seek by continu-
ous chatter to drown out or overwhelm the
sound of the Qiir'an so as to "gain the up-
per hand" (see recitation of the
quR'AN; opposition to muhammad). In
the second category, an example is
Byzantium (al-rumj in q 30:2-5 which, as
most exegetes understand it, nearly fell to
the Sasanids only to rally as the prediction
here would have it (see Byzantines). The
"party of God" (hizb Allah, q 5:56; see
PARTIES and factions) are "the true vic-
tors" (al-ghdlibun) . Some disagreement sur-
rounds the pronominal suffix in wa-lldhu
ghdlibun "aid amrihi (q 12:21), as noted by
Paret {Kommentar, 249).
Matthew S. Gordon
Bibliography
Primary: TabarT, Tafsir, Beirut 1972.
Secondary: 'A. Yusuf 'All, The meaning of the holy
Qur'an, Brentwood, MD 1989; M. Asad, The
message of the Qur'an, Gibraltar 1980; Paret,
Kommentar.
Vigil
Wakefulness at night for religious obser-
vance. There are a number of places in the
Qiir'an where night prayer (q.v.) is men-
tioned. The term which came to be used
for it in Islam is tahajjud, the verbal noun
(masdar) of tahajjada. In one place in the
Qiir'an the imperative of this verb is used:
"And in a part of the night, perform a vigil
(tahajjad) with it (bihi, i.e. with the Qiir'an)
431
voluntarily [ndfilatan, q 17:79). In c) 3:113 we
find a reference to the People of the Book
(q.v.) who perform this rite: "They are not
all alike; among the People of the Book is a
steadfast community (ummatun qd'imatun)
that recites the signs (q.v.) of God during
the night, prostrating themselves" (see
BOWING AND PROSTRATION). Probably
Christians are meant (see christians and
Christianity) as influence from Byzantine
orthodox Christianity, from monophysite
Ethiopia (see Abyssinia) or from Nestorian
Christians in al-Hira appears to have been
present in seventh-century Arabia. Priests
and monks are positively mentioned in the
Qiir'an (q 5:82; but cf 9:31, 34; see
monasticism and monks), and were likely
known to Muhammad. From the begin-
ning of his mission Muhammad practiced
nightly prayer (cf. <J 73:1-4, "O enfolded
one, stand up [in prayer] during the night,
except a small portion of it, the half or
rather less, or rather more, and recite the
Qiir'an with accuracy [tartilan]"), although
nightly vigil was never a prescribed rite for
his followers (see recitation of the
qur'an; ritual and the qur'an). Also in
another early Meccan verse (see verses;
Mecca; chronology and the cjur'an) it
is Muhammad himself who is addressed:
"And mention the name of your lord (q.v.)
in the morning (q.v.) and in the evening
(q.v.) and in the night prostrate yourself
before him and praise (q.v.) him the live-
long night" (o 76:25f ; see day, times of;
DAY AND night; REMEMBRANCE;
basmala); "And perform the saidt at both
ends of the day and in the stations (zulafan)
of the night" (c3 11:114). Eventually, pious
followers joined him (q 73:20). The right-
eous sleep (q.v.) little and pray at night,
says the Qtir'an (q 5i:i5f.). In Medina
(q.v.), when Muhammad and those who
followed him in night-vigils were not in a
position to pray at night because circum-
stances had changed, he was granted dis-
pensation from it: "Your lord knows that
you stand (in prayer) nearly two-thirds of
the night... and a party of those with
you He knows that you will not count it
precisely, so he has relented towards you.
So recite of the Qiir'an what may be con-
venient; he knows that some of you will be
sick and others are traversing the land
seeking the bounty of God and others
striving in the way of God (see path or
way; jihad; fighting; grace; blessing;
journey; illness and health). So recite
of it what is convenient" (q 73:20).
One night is especially mentioned in the
Qtir'an, the Night of Power (or, better,
"measuring-out"; laylat al-qadr; see
Wagtendonk, Fasting, 83f.; Wensinck, ^rrtizV
newyear, 1-13; see night of power), an
ancient Arabian new-year's night
(q 97:1-5). It is not known in which way this
night was celebrated in Muhammad's time
but later generations held vigils in it as the
night of the beginning of the revelation of
the Qiir'an to the Prophet (see revelation
AND inspiration; PRE-ISLAMIi: ARABIA
and the qur'an). Although vigils are not a
communal obligation, and there is no set
time for the pious practice of a protracted
stay in a mosque [i'tikdf, i.e. retreating to a
mosque for a specified period of time,
including nights, and not leaving except
for the performance of natural functions
and ablutions; cf. Bousquet, I'tikaf ),
such extended retreat vigils are particu-
larly popular in the last ten days of
Ramadan (q.v.).
K. Wagtendonk
Bibliography
Primary: Ibn Abl 1-Dunya, al-Tahajjud wa-qiydm
al-layl, ed. M. 'Abd al-Hamid M. al-Sa'danI,
Cairo 1994.
Secondary: T. Andrae, Der Ursprung des hlams lind
das Christentum, Uppsala 1926; id., Zuhd und
Moenchtum. Zur Frage von den Bezeihungen
zwischen Christentum und Islam, in Monde
VIOLENCE
432
oriental 25 (1931), 296-327; S.A. Ashraf, The inner
meaning of tlie Islamic rites. Prayer, pilgrimage,
fasting, jihad, in S.H. Nasr (ed.). Islamic spirit-
uality. Foundations, London 1987, 111-30; C. Bell,
Ritual theory, ritual practice, Oxford 1992; G.H.
Bousquet, I'tikaf, in El', iv, 280; I.K.A. Howard,
Some aspects of the pagan Arab background to
Islamic ritual, in Bulletin of the British Association of
Orientalists 10 (1978), 41-8; Mushaf al-tahajjud. An
edition of the Qur'an for night prayers, in
Journal of qur'anic studies i (1999), 158-61;
Wagtendonk, Fasting; A J. Wensinck, Arabic new
year and the feast of tabernacles [in Verhandelingen der
Koninklijke Akademie van Wetenschappen te Amster-
dam], Amsterdam 1925.
Vines see agriculture and
VEGETATION
Violate see sacred and profane
Violence
Aggression; use of physical coercion
against others. How does the concept of
violence emerge from the qur'anic corpus?
To answer this question simply identifying
the qur'anic vocabulary concerning vio-
lence is not enough. One needs to identify,
if possible, the social, political and reli-
gious status of violence, without, of course,
permitting oneself to make the usual
extrapolations from synchronic analysis to
diachronic extrapolation or, conversely,
devising an Islamic doctrine of violence
(see ETHICS and the qur'an; politics
AND THE qur'an; VIRTUES AND VICES,
commanding AND FORBIDDING).
Let us begin with some negative observa-
tions. The usual term employed in present-
day Arabic for violence is 'unf. It is not
found in the Qiir'an. In the biblical corpus,
violence is designated by the Hebrew word
hamas, which, as an acronym, has strong
political overtones in contemporary Ar-
abic. Hams in early and present-day Arabic
covers the semantic fields of force, con-
stancy, bravery and courage (q.v.) in com-
bat: anger (q.v.) and rage are also covered
by the term. This implies momentary vio-
lence in interpersonal relations but, above
all, war-like violence, which is always
accorded added value by each group par-
ticipating in the combat (see war; fight-
ing; EXPEDITIONS AND BATTLEs). The rOOt
word is similarly absent from the qur'anic
corpus. To the extent that we can make use
of a corpus of authentic texts, particularly
poetic ones (see poetry and poets), that
are contemporary with the Qiir'an, it
would be useful to ascertain the use made
of the roots '-n-fandh-m-s. It would be seen,
in fact, that the Qtir'an is never interested
in violence in itself, whereas today, a focus
on violence has become a major anthro-
pological theme (see social sciences and
THE qur'an; contemporary critical
practices and the qur'an).
Among the qur'anic roots from which are
derived terms implying violence, one finds
j-h-d, q-t-l, h-r-b, q-s-s, q-s-r, '-d-w,f-s-d, '-q-b,
d-r-b, b-gh-j, ^-l-m. The two dominant no-
tions are ^-l-m, oppression (q.v.), injustice
(see also justice and injustice;
OPPRESSED ON EARTH, THE), and q-t-l,
fighting the enemy, killing (see enemies;
murder; bloodshed), ^-l-m and its de-
rivatives are used 319 times (with ninety-
one times for idlimin and forty times for
lalamii). Qjt-l\& found 173 times; '-d-w, to
attack (without provocation), to transgress
the limits (see boundaries and precepts;
moderation), is found 106 times, with
fifty-six recordings for 'aduww, enemy\f-s-d,
meaning corruption (q.v), disorder, is
found fifty times; '-q-b, to punish, chastise,
twenty-seven times (see chastisement and
punishment; reward and punishment);
b-gh-y, to cause wrong, to go against correct
norms, thirty times. But h-r-b, to wage war,
is found only six times, jihad (q.v.) four
times, mujahidUn four times, jdhada twenty
times, and qisds, meaning retaliation (q.v.),
six times.
433
VIRTUE
The disproportion between the number
of times ^-l-m appears (319) and the num-
ber of times '-d-l (only thirteen) is ob-
served, throws light on the strategy of
qur'anic discourse (see language and
STYLE OF THE q^ur'an); it is concerned with
stigmatizing, rejecting and condemning
unjust conduct, by referring to it insistently
(see RHETORIC AND THE q^ur'an). Likewise,
the numerous appearances of q-t-l aim to
fix strict conditions for recourse to deadly
combat, to define the merits of those who
struggle to protect the true faith (q.v.; din
al-haqq; see also religion; truth;
religious PLURALISM AND THE CJUr'an),
and to disqualify the attitude of those who
retreat or refuse to give their lives to pro-
tect truth, justice and the common welfare,
such as they are redefined when confront-
ing different agents who "cannot clearly
distingtiish" (ya'qilun) between just and
unjust combat (see hypocrites and
hypocrisy). The designations of the forms
and shapes of "violence" are never named
as such btit always aiming at an attitude,
or at intolerable conduct that rejects val-
ues, knowledge (see knowledge and
learning), and the "limits" (hudud) fixed
by God and his envoy (see messenger;
PROPHETS and prophethood; law and
THE (JUr'an). The processes of composi-
tion and the arguments of qur'anic dis-
course strive to instill the idea of a
legitimate "violence," humanized in the
sense of "making sacred the htiman in-
dividual" (tahrim al-nafs), and to protect
him from arbitrary domination, or point-
less killing in the pursuit of mere power
(see POWER AND impotence), booty (q.v.),
and conquest of territory, etc. (see also
KINGS AND rulers; CONQUEST). On this
essential point, the Qiir'an continues, in its
own style and in a different context, the
work of the Bible and the Gospels (q.v.; see
also torah; scripture and the our'an),
which convert archaic usages of "violence"
in tribal societies into a "violence" con-
tained in a new symbolism (see tribes and
clans; Arabs; pre-islamic Arabia and
THE cjur'an). While this symbolism seeks
to be spiritual, its inner dynamic is to con-
sider sacred (see sacred and profane),
without realizing it, the rituals of violence
it was in search of "transcending." For spe-
cific examples of qur'anic alhisions to vio-
lent acts, see — in addition to the articles
cross-referenced above — martyrs;
consecration of animals; age of
ignorance; arbitration; byzantines;
crucifixion; drowning; flogging;
hunayn; infanticide; jews and Judaism;
nimrod; opposition to muhammad;
pharaoh; poverty and the poor;
prisoners; provo(;ation; punishment
stories; rebellion; sacrifice; sin,
major and minor; slaughter; slaves
AND slavery; stoning; suffering;
suicide; tolerance and ciompulsion;
vengeance; women and the cjur'an.
M. Arkoun
Bibliography
M. Arkoun, The unihoughi in contemporary Islamic
thought, London 2002; M. Dousse, Dieu en guerre.
La violence au coeur des trois monotheismes, Paris 2002;
J.Y. Lacoste, Violence, in Dictionnaire de iheot
catholique, Paris 1998.
Virgins see houris; chastity
Virtue
Moral excellence. Qiir'anic terminology
has no exact equivalent to "virtue" or to
the Greek word arete but it deals with how
moral excellence is taught, the noble ideals
of the righteous person and the virtues of
a God-fearing society (for virtue in the
sense of sexual propriety, see modesty;
chastity). Ethical reflection as such, in-
cluding the question of what constitutes a
VIRTUE
434
virtuous act, was taken up by Muslim
thinkers over time in a variety of genres
(see ETHICS AND THE qur'an). Yet the
Qiir'an's message is steeped in moral cat-
egories: "God poured out his favor on the
believers by sending to them a messenger
(q.v.) from their midst to recite to them his
signs (q.v.), to purify them, and to teach
them the book (q.v.) and wisdom (q.v.),
though they had previously been in mani-
fest error" (q.v.; C3 3:164). This message was
proclaimed by Muhammad in an Arabic
dialect easily intelligible to his hearers
(c3 26:195; see dialects; lanouage and
STYLE OF THE our'an). At the Same time, it
provoked hostility and opposition from the
leaders of pagan Mecca (q.v.; see also
OPPOSITION TO Muhammad). As contem-
porary theories of semantics and herme-
neutics necessarily raise issues of sociology
and anthropology (see contemporary
CRITICAL PRACTICES AND THE OUr'an),
one would have to look at the social, cul-
tural and political implications of this hos-
tility to fully grasp the Qiir'an's ethical
vision.
The Qiir'an exhorts its hearers to cul-
tivate virtues that were also prized by Arab
Bedouin (q.v.) culture — but always with a
twist (Hourani, Ethical presuppositions, 24;
Izutsu, Concepts, 74-104): generosity (see
GIFT AND gift-giving) and charity (see
almsgiving), not for show but out of sub-
mission to God (o 2:264) and without reck-
lessness (c3 17:26, 27); courage (q.v.) in
battle, not for personal or tribal glory, but
for God (q 9:5, 13, 44-5, etc.; see expedi-
tions AND battles); loyalty (q.v.; waja',
also as keeping covenant [q.v.], expressed
in the Qiir'an through the verb awfd) di-
rected to God and, beyond the tribe (see
TRIBES AND CLANs), to one's fellow Mus-
lims ((J 2:40; 48:10); truthfulness (these re-
lated words appear ninety-seven times:
sadaqa, sidq, sddiq, siddiq) as a virtue the be-
liever acquires because God himself is
truthful (e.g. Q 3:152; 9:119; 29:3; 33:24) and
abhors lying (over 200 instances of the root
k'dh-b; see lie); patience [sabr, steadfastness
and endurance) in battle (c) 2:249-50; 3:146)
and in the face of opposition to God's
cause (?) 2:153-6; 6:34; 7: 1 28; 73: 10; see TRUST
AND patienc;e; trial; path or way).
At the same time, the Qtir'an is no
stranger to the Greek virtue of moderation
(q.v.): "Those who, when they spend, are
not extravagant and not niggardly, but
hold a just [balance] between those [ex-
tremes]" (o 25:67). Ibn Kathir (d. 774/1373)
explains, "they are not wasteful by spend-
ing over that which they need, and they are
not stingy with regard to their family by
withholding what is theirs by right and
thus making them needy, but act justly and
kindly, and the best of options is the mid-
dle ground" [wa-khayru l-umur awsatuhd; Ibn
Kathir, TafsTr, x, 322). The prophet
Muhammad and his Companions (see
COMPANIONS OF THE prophet) displayed
this virtue, affirms al-SuyutI (d. gii/1505),
quoting from a hadith: "Those are the
Companions of God's apostle, who would
not eat food out of a desire for pleasure
froin it, and would not wear clothes out of
a desire for beauty from them, but they
were of one heart" (Suyuti, al-Durr, vi, 77).
Besides presenting us with a fuller version
of the above hadith (see hadith and the
q^ur'an), al-Shawkani (d. 1255/1839) cjuotes
the third/ninth century Basran grammar-
ian Abu 'Ubayda (see grammar and the
(JUr'an) who wrote that this median be-
tween excessive largesse and miserliness
means to stay "within the bounds of what
is right" (al-ma'ruf), and cites a parallel
passage, Q_ 17:29 [Tafslr, iv, 109). Fazlur
Rahman [Alajor themes, 29) expresses a
consensus among modern commentators
when he avers that this virtue of the mid-
dle path is at the heart of the qur'anic mes-
sage and it is best portrayed in the qur'anic
term, taqwd: "to be squarely anchored
435
VIRTUE
within the moral tensions, the 'Umits of
God,' and not to ^transgress' or violate tlie
balance of those tensions" (see piety;
fear; boundaries and precepts).
One might ask: what would this virtue of
self-restraint in obedience (q.v.) to God
have meant to Muhammad's contempo-
raries? The chief characteristic of the jd/iilT
mindset (see age of ignorance) is de-
scribed in the Qiir'an (q^ 48:26) as hamiyya,
"passion, violence (q.v.), arrogance (q.v.)."
By contrast, "God brought down serenity
[sakina; see shekhinah) upon his messenger
and imposed on believers the word of self-
restraint" [kalimata l-taqwd, o 48:26).
Commentators are unanimous about the
circumstances under which this passage
(indeed, the whole C3 48, Surat al-Fath
["Victory"]) was revealed (see occasions
OF revelation; revelation and
inspiration): Muhammad's Hudaybiya
(q.v.) treaty of 628 c.E. (see i;:ontracts
AND alliances). On the impulse of a
dream (see dreams and sleep),
Muhammad set off from Medina (q.v.)
with a group of about 1,500 men to per-
form a pilgrimage (q.v.) to Mecca fumra).
At Hudaybiya, on the outskirts of Mecca,
a Meccan armed delegation refused to let
them pass. Negotiations began but seemed
to falter. At this tense moment, the Qiir'an
informs us that the Muslims made a pledge
of loyalty to Muhammad, "the pledge un-
der the tree" (c) 48:18), which pleased God
who sent down his peace or tranquility
upon them (again, sakina, the second of
three instances in this sura, the first is in
verse 4). Finally, an agreement was
reached, in which the Muslims would
be obliged to sacrifice (q.v.) their animals,
at Hudaybiya this time (see also
CONSECRATION OF ANIMALs), but WOuld be
allowed to perform their pilgrimage to
Mecca the following year. In the context of
this passage, therefore, the tranquility God
sent was in large measure an affirmation of
Muhammad's controversial decision and a
calming of those among the Muslims who
would rather have fought the Meccans
then and there — after all, was not their
behavior going against the accepted
Arabian customs of the time?
What then is this hamiyya that took hold of
the unbelievers' hearts (see heart; belief
AND unbelief) at this time? Al-Tabarl
(d. 310/923) says, without specification,
that it was what made them act in this way,
and that "all of this sprung from the nature
(or ethics, akhldq) of the people of unbelief,
and none of it was permitted for
them — neither by God, nor by any of his
messengers" (Tabarl, TafsTr, xxvi, 104). Al-
Zamakhsharl (d. 538/1144) defined hamiyya
as anafa, "pride, or disdain," and sakina as
waqdr, "sobriety, dignity, a composed de-
meanor." Following al-Tabarl, and in con-
cert with most other commentators, he sees
the Meccans' hamiyya as their refusal to
allow Muslim wording in the compact (the
basmala [q.v] and the shahdda [see witness
TO faith]) and this, mainly because of the
phrase kalimat al-taqwd which is invariably
seen as the shahdda or, in some cases, Surat
al-Ikhlas ("Purity," c) 112; e.g. Ibn Kathir,
Tafsir, xiii, 112-13; Qiirtubl, j'amr, xvi,
275-6). Even if we grant the historicity of
the theological squabbles over the wording
of the treaty (see theology and the
cjur'an), it is likely that later commentators
tended to over-spiritualize the term
hamiyya. More in line with al-Zamakhsharl,
al-Shawkani [Tafsir, iv, 67) quotes the early
commentator Muqatil b. Sulayman
(d. 150/767) in saying that the hamiyya of
the Age of Ignorance (jdhiliyya) was in the
Meccans' reasoning: "They have killed our
sons and brothers and now they will attack
us in our homes and the Arabs will say that
they have entered [our city] to humiliate
us." The main issue was whether Muham-
mad would respond in kind and enter by
force or whether he would express God's
VIRTUES AND VICES
436
sakina by offering the kind of peaceful
terms that would allow a greater victory
for Islam in the years to come (Qiitb, ^ildl,
vi, 3325-9)-
Ironically, t\ie jdhilT Arabs, (q.v.) them-
selves contrasted "unbridled passion for
honor" (jahl) with forbearance, shrewd-
ness, and self-control {hilm; Goldziher, Ms, i,
201-8) but it was always the prerogative of
the powerfid (Izutsu, God, 203-15; see
POWER AND impotence; IGNORANCE). The
Qiir'an espouses this same ideal but
teaches that hilm can only blossom in a soul
(q.v.) that gratefully receives God's bounty
and mercy (q.v; the root meaning of kdjir
is "ungrateful"; see gratitude and
ingratitude; belief and unbelief;
blessing). Muhammad cares for the or-
phan and the poor because he himself had
been an orphan, wandering and poor
fe 93) s^E orphans; poverty and the
poor). This ethic of showing mercy to the
most vulnerable and needy is to be the
hallmark of the emerging Muslim com-
munity (o 28:77; 59:7; 80:1-10; 107; see
OPPRESSED ON EARTH, THe).
The greatest break whhjdhilT culture is
seen in the Qiir'an's assertion that virtue is
not determined by this-worldly consid-
erations but rather in light of the awesome
reality of divine judgment (q.v.) in the life
to come (see last judgment). The pri-
mary meaning of the key qur'anic term
taqwd (especially in the early Meccan suras)
is "trembling in fear of God" or "trem-
bling with piety before God" (e.g. C3 12:1).
In contrast to the fierce arrogance of the
jdhilT Arsh, the Qtir'an calls for submission
and surrender to God [isldm, e.g. q 3:19, 52,
64, 67). Thus only the pious (taql) who has
surrendered his will to God can be truly
righteous [sdlih appears thirty-three times;
bdrr, a close synonym, nine times) and pro-
duce the good deeds (q.v.; salihdt, ninety-
eight times) tliat God will reward. The
centrality of the root taqwd/ittaqd (almost
200 instances) and its connection to the
qur'anic ethical ideal is best illustrated by
the verse "Surely the noblest among you in
God's sight is the most pious of you"
[atqdkum, cj 49:13). See also virtues and
VICES, COMMANDING AND FORBIDDING.
David Johnston
Bibliography
Primary: Ibn Kathir, TafsTr, ed. M.S. Muhammad
et al., 15 vols.,Jiza, Egypt 2000; QurtubT, J^flm^,
ed. M.I. al-HifnawT, 22 vols., Cairo 1994; Qiitb,
^ildl; ShawkanT, TafsTr, ed. H. al-Bukharl and
Kh. 'UkkarT, 5 vols., Beirut 1997; SuyutT, Durr;
TabarT, TafsTr, Cairo 1954-68; Zamakhsharl,
Kashshdf
Secondary: M. Fakhry, Ethical theories in Islam,
Leiden 1991; Goldziher, MS, trans.; A. Hourani,
Ethical presuppositions of the Qiir'an, in MW 70
(1980), 1-28; Izutsu, Concepts; id., God; F. Rahman,
Major themes in the Qur'dn, Minneapolis 1994';
W.M.Watt, Muhammad at Mecca, Oxford i960.
Virtues and Vices, Commanding
and Forbidding
Forms of the phrase al-amr bi-l-ma 'ruf wa-
l-nahy 'ani l-munkar, literally "commanding
right and forbidding wrong" (hereafter
usually abbreviated as "forbidding wrong")
appear eight times in the Qur'an. Just what
is intended in the relevant qur'anic pas-
sages is somewhat unclear, and the exe-
getes interpret them in more than one way.
By far the most widespread interpretation
relates them to the duty of the individual
Muslim to forbid wrong as developed in
classical Islamic thought (see GOOD AND
evil; sin, major and minor; boundaries
AND precepts; ethics and the qur'an).
The qur'dnic attestations
In the context of an appeal for the unity of
the community of believers, Q^ 3:104 en-
joins "Let there be one community (umma)
of you, calling to good, and commanding
right and forbidding wrong." This strongly
437
VIRTUES AND VICES
suggests that forbidding wrong is a duty to
be performed by tlie community as a
wliole; but we are not told to whom the
commanding and forbidding are to be ad-
dressed and there is no further specifica-
tion of the right and wrong to wliich they
are to relate. The same is true of some fur-
ther references to forbidding wrong. One
that follows a few verses later in q 3:110
speaks of forbidding wrong in similar
terms (though with no explicit indication
that it is a duty): "You are (kuntum) the best
community (khayra ummatin) ever brought
forth to people, commanding right and
forbidding wrong." o 9:71 states that "the
believers, the men and the women (see
BELIEF AND UNBELIEF), are friends one of
the other; they command right, and forbid
wrong." (This contrasts with (J 9:67, in
which the terms are transposed: "The
hypocrites [see hypocrites and hypo-
crisy], the men and the women, are as
one another; they command wrong, and
forbid right.") q 22:41 refers to "those who,
if we establish them in the land . . ., com-
mand right and forbid wrong." This latter
verse may, however, relate to believers en-
gaged in holy war (q.v; see also fighting;
jihad; expeditions and battles; path
OR way) rather than to the believers at
large, if the reference is to "those who fight
because they were wronged" in q 22:39.
The same may be true of (J 9:112, which
speaks of "those who repent (see repent-
ance AND penance; fear; forgiveness),
those who serve (see worship), those who
pray [hdmidun; see prayer; laudation), . . .
those who command right and forbid
wrong, those who keep God's bounds," if
the people in question are in fact identical
with those who wage holy war in the pre-
ceding verse; but the relationship between
the two verses poses a serious syntactical
problem in the standard text of the Qiir'an
(see GRAMMAR AND THE CJUr'aN; TEXTUAL
HISTORY OF THE q^ur'an). Even if in
Q_ 9:112 and q 22:41 it is only a subset of
the believers who forbid wrong, it is never-
theless the most significant part of the
community, q 3:114 belongs with the verses
discussed so far inasmuch as it speaks of a
community forbidding wrong; however, the
"upstanding community" [ummatun
qd'imatun, q 3:113) in question is part of the
People of the Book (q.v; ahl al-kitdb).
In contrast to these passages, two verses
refer to forbidding wrong as something
done by individuals. One is q 7:157, which
refers to "those who follow the gentile
prophet [al-rasul al-nabi l-ummi; see UMMl;
illiteracy; prophets and prophet-
hood; messenger) whom they find in-
scribed in their Torah (q.v.) and Gospel
(q.v.; see also scripture and the
quR^AN)"; it is stated that, among other
things, he "commands them right and for-
bids them wrong." This verse is also the
only one in which it is specified to whom
the commanding and forbidding are
addressed, and the reference is clearly to
Jewish or Christian followers of the gentile
prophet (see JEWS AND JUDAISM; chris-
tians AND CHRISTIANITY). The other verse
in which forbidding wrong appears as
something done by an individual is q 31:17,
in which the pre-Islamic sage Luqman
(q.v.) tells his son to "perform the prayer,
and command right and forbid wrong, and
bear patiently whatever may befall you (see
TRUST AND PATIENCE)."
To sum up the data presented so far, we
can say the following: forbidding wrong is
usually referred to as something done by
the community as a whole or a significant
part of it but occasionally as something
done by individuals. Only one verse tells us
to whom the commanding and forbidding
is addressed, in that instance the Jewish or
Christian followers of the gentile prophet.
No verses give further indications regard-
ing the content of the commanding and
forbidding.
VIRTUES AND VICES
438
It may be noted that the two components
of the phrase — "commanding right" and
"forbidding wrong" — scarcely appear
separately in the Qiir'an, although there
are a couple of references to "forbidding
indecency and wrong" (c3 16:90; 29:45, and
cf. c) 24:21; the possible relevance of c) 5:79
will be discussed below). The term "right"
(ma ViZ^ literally "known," hence "recog-
nized, approved of") appears frequently in
the Qiir'an {q_ 2:178, 180, 228, 229, etc.),
normally as a substantive but occasionally
as an adjective (for the latter, see for ex-
ample C3 2:235; 24:53). It usually, though
not always, appears in legal contexts but
does not seem to be a technical term; it
appears to refer rather to performing a
legal or other action in a decent and hon-
orable fashion, and a few verses suggest
that it may be synonymous with "kindli-
ness" [ihsdn, see o 2:178, 229, and cf
Q_ 2:236; see GOOD deeds). The word
"wrong" [munkar, literally "unknown,"
hence "not recognized, disapproved of") is
much less common (q 22:72; 29:29; 58:2),
and its appearances do not help to limit the
scope of the term. The words "command"
(a?nara) and "forbid" (nahd) are, of course,
of common occurrence in the Qiir'an (see
forbidden).
As an indication of the scope of forbid-
ding wrong, it is perhaps worth noting the
kinds of themes that appear in conjunction
with it in the relevant verses: performing
prayer (o 9:71, 112; 22:41; 31:17); paying
alms (q 9:71; 22:41; see almsoiving); be-
lieving in God (() 3:110, 114), obeying him
and his Prophet (rasulahu, (J 9:71; see
obedience), keeping his bounds (c3 9:112),
reciting his signs (q.v.; qydt, Q_ 3:113; see also
verses); calling to good (q 3:104), vying
with each other in good works (q 3:114),
and enduring what befalls one (<J 31:17).
There is nothing here to narrow the con-
cept of the duty.
Two further passages require discussion,
though it is not clear that either refers to
forbidding wrong. One is q 5:78-9. After
stating that those of the Children of Israel
(q.v.) who disbelieved were cursed by David
(q.v.) and Jesus (q.v.) for their sins, the pas-
sage continues: kdnu Id yatandhawna 'an
munkarinfa'aluhu. This is the only qur'anic
occurrence of the verb tandhd. Etymologi-
cally it would be possible to interpret this
form in a reciprocal sense derived from
nahd, "to forbid"; the meaning woidd then
be that the Children of Israel "forbade not
one another any wrong that they com-
mitted." This would suggest that forbid-
ding wrong is something individual
believers do to each other. Yet there seems
to be no independent attestation of such a
sense of the verb, and in normal Arabic
usage tandhd is a synonym of intahd; this
verb, common in the Qiir'an and else-
where, means "refrain" or "desist" (as in
q 2:275 and cj 8:38). Thus the sense would
be that "they did not desist from any wrong
that they committed," and the passage
would then have no connection with for-
bidding wrong. There is in fact a variant
reading (see readings of the ^ur'an),
with yantahuna in place oi yatandhawna, that
would provide further support for this (in a
text written with scriptio defectiva, the two
forms would be distinguishable only by the
pointing of the second and third conso-
nants; see orthography; Arabic script).
The other passage is c) 7:163-6. These
verses tell a story about God's punishment
of the people of a town by the sea who
fished on the Sabbath (q.v; see also
punishment stories). The context implies
that a part of this community had re-
proved the Sabbath-breakers; another part
(ummatun) then asked the reprovers why
they took the trouble to admonish people
whom God would punish in any case (see
REWARD AND PUNISHMENT; CHASTISEMENT
AND punishment). God then saved those
who forbade evil {alladhina yanhawna 'ani
439
VIRTUES AND VICES
l-sii'i, o 7:165), and punished those who
had acted wrongly. Here we have a clear
conception of forbidding evil as something
done by members of a coinmtinity toward
each other, and we learn in concrete terms
what the evil in question was. The passage,
however, speaks of forbidding "evil" (su'),
not "wrong" (munkar).
What is the origin of the qtir'anic phrase
"commanding right and forbidding
wrong"? To judge from jV7/n7r poetry (see
AGE OF ignorance; PRE-ISLAMIC ARABIA
AND THE OUr'aN; POETRY AND POETs), the
terms here rendered "right" and "wrong"
were well-known in pre-Islamic Arabic,
and might be paired; but there is no worth-
while evidence that people spoke of "com-
manding" and "forbidding" them. The
phrase finds a parallel in Hellenistic Greek,
which might be its source; but the similar-
ity could be accidental, inasmuch as a
similar phrase can be found in classical
Chinese (for the question of origins, see
Cook, Commanding right, chap. 19).
The pre-modern exegetical tradition
It will be evident from the survey given
above that the relevant qur'anic passages
left wide latitude to the exegetes (see
EXEGESIS OF THE ^^UR'aN: CLASSICAL AND
medieval). Often they take some verse,
usually q 3:104, as an occasion to set out a
classical doctrine of forbidding wrong re-
flecting the traditions of their sect or
school (see law and the our'an). Such
discussions are likely to have much in com-
mon with accounts of the duty in other
genres and to have little bearing on the
exegetical problems raised by the verse in
question. In this article we will be con-
cerned only with the treatment by the ex-
egetes of properly exegetical questions.
With regard to the question as to who is
obligated by the duty, a major focus of
exegetical attention is an ambiguity of
q 3:104 (see ambiguous). The verse states
that there shotild be a "community of you
(minkum ummatun)" forbidding wrong. The
issue is the sense of "of" (min). Does it
mean "consisting of," or does it mean
"from among"? In the technical language
of the exegetes, the first would be an in-
stance of "specification" (tabyin.) and woidd
imply that all members of the community
had the duty of forbidding wrong; the sec-
ond would be an instance of "partition"
(tab 'id) and would imply that only some
members were obligated (for this termi-
nology, see, for example, Zamakhsharl,
Kashshdf, ad loc; Razi, Tafsir, ad loc). The
prevalent view among the exegetes was the
second (see, for example, Zamakhsharl,
Kashshdf, ad loc; Qiirtubi, j'am/', ad loc;
Abu Hayyan, Bahr, ad loc; Ibn Kathir,
Tafsir, ad loc). The minority view, however,
was held by a scholar as distinguished as
the philologist al-Zajjaj (d. 311/923) who
held that "Let there be one community of
you" meant "Let all of you be a commti-
nity" [Ma'dni, ad loc; see also Maturldl,
Ta'wildt, ad loc). The position of al-Tabari
(d. 310/923) is unclear [Tafsir, ad loc.) and
Fakhr al-Din al-Razi (d. 606/1210) sits on
the fence [Tafsir, ad loc). Exegetes often
link the issue to the highly technical ques-
tion whether forbidding wrong is a "col-
lective duty" (fard 'aid l-kifaya) or an
"individual duty" [fard 'aid l-a'ydn; see, for
example, Zamakhsharl, Kashshdf, ad. loc;
Razi, Tafsir, ad loc; Qiirtubi, j'flmj', ad loc;
Baydawi, Anwar, ad loc). (To say that a
duty is collective means that when one per-
son undertakes it, others are thereby dis-
pensed from it, whereas in the case of an
individtial duty there is no such dispensa-
tion.) The exegetes may also adduce as
people unable to perform the duty women,
invalids and the ignorant (see, for example,
Abu 1-Layth al-Samarqandl, Tafsir, ad loc;
Zamakhsharl, Kashshdf ad loc; Razi, Tafsir,
ad loc; Baydawi, ^»!xifl^ ad loc; Nisaburl,
Tafsir, ad loc; Abu Hayyan, Bahr, ad loc;
VIRTUES AND VICES
440
see WOMEN AND THE C)UR AN; GENDER;
ILLNESS AND HEALTH; IGNORANCE). Here
the occasional exclusion of women seems
odd in the light of the reference to "the
believers, the men and the women" in
a 9:71-
The exegetes have little to say about the
question to whom the commanding and
forbidding is addressed. Occasionally they
supply "people" (al-nds) as the object of
the verb "command" in q 3:104 (Tabarl,
Tafsir, ad loc.) or o 3:110 (Muqatil, Tafsir, ad
loc, echoing the use of the word earlier in
the verse).
The most interesting divergence concerns
the scope of the duty. One line of inter-
pretation limits the duty to enjoining belief
in God and his Prophet. This early trend is
particularly well established in the wujuh
genre, that is to say in a tradition of works
devoted to setting out the senses of
qur'anic terms that have more than one
meaning (see polysemy). According to the
earliest of these works, that of Mucjatil b.
Sulayman (d. 150/767-8), "commanding
right" in q 3:110, 9:112, and 31:17 means
enjoining belief in the unity of God
(tawhid), while "forbidding wrong" in these
verses means forbidding polytheism [shirk;
see POLYTHEISM AND ATHEISM); at the same
time, in o 3:114 and q 9:71, "commanding
right" refers to following (ittiba) and af-
firming belief (tasdiq) in the Prophet, and
"wrong" refers to denying (takdhlb) him
[Ashbdh, 113-14 no. 13; for the most part
these interpretations also appear in the
commentary to the relevant verses in his
Tafsir; see lie). This analysis recurs in later
works of the same genre (Yahya b. Sallam,
Tasdrlf, 203 no. 42; Damaghanl, Wujuh, 113;
Ibn al-jawzl, Muzha, 544 no. 270, 574 no.
286). Interpretations of this type are also
ascribed to yet earlier authorities. Thus
there is a view attributed to Abu l-'Aliya
(d. 90/708-g) according to which, in all
qur'anic references to "commanding right"
and "forbidding wrong," the former refers
to calling people from polytheism to Islam,
and the latter to forbidding the worship of
idols and devils (Tabarl, Tafsir, ad cj 9:71
and Q^ 9:112; and see Mujahid, Tafsir, ad
Ci 31:17; Abu Hayyan, Bahr, ad Q_ 3:110 and
Q, 9:71; SuyutI, Durr, ad Q_ 3:104 and cj 9:67;
see IDOLS AND images; idolatry and
idolaters; jinn; devil). Similar views are
ascribed to Sa'id b. Jubayr (d. 95/714;
Mawardi, Mukat, ad o 9:112; Suyuti, Durr,
ad CJ 31:17) and Hasan al-BasrI (d. 110/728;
Tabarl, Tafsir, ad q 9:112). Such interpreta-
tions are likewise an element in the main-
stream exegetical tradition, but we do not
find them adopted consistently there (see,
for example, Zajjaj, Ma'dni, ad <j 9:67, 112;
Maturidl, Ta'wTldt, ad o 3:114).
The more usual interpretation does not
limit the scope of forbidding wrong in this
way. Thus al-Tabarl in his commentary on
c) 9:112 explicitly rejects such limitation,
declaring that "commanding right" refers
to all that God and his Prophet have com-
manded, and "forbidding wrong" to all
that they have forbidden [Tafsir, ad loc).
Likewise Fakhr al-Din al-RazI in comment-
ing on Q 3:114 emphasizes that the terms
"right" and "wrong" are to be understood
without restriction — they refer to all
"right" and all "wrong" [Tafsir, ad loc; see
also Abu Hayyan, Bahr, ad C3 3:104). This
approach justifies the common under-
standing of the duty as extending to such
everyday sins as drinking liquor (see wine;
intoxk;ants) and making music.
There is a significant tendency among
the exegetes to construe as references to
forbidding wrong verses which make no
explicit reference to it. A striking example
of this is found in the commentary of al-
Qiirtubi (d. 671/1273), who takes the refer-
ence to "those who command justice (qistf
in Q^ 3:21 as an invitation to embark on his
major discussion of forbidding wrong
[Jdmi', ad loc); most commentators would
441
VIRTUES AND VICES
have waited till q 3:104. Another such case
is q 5:79, where the exegetes favor the in-
terpretation oi yatandhawna as "forbid one
another" rather than "desist." For exam-
ple, Fakhr al-Din al-Razi notes both in-
terpretations but describes the first as that
of the mainstream [Tafsir, ad loc.) and
many exegetes simply omit to mention the
second (see, for example, Wahidi, Waslt;
Baghawi, Ma 'dlim; Ibn al-jawzl, ^dd;
Qurtuhi, Jdmi'; Ibn Kathir, TafsTr; Jaldlajn,
ad loc). Likewise the exegetes regularly
take the story of the Sabbath-breakers
(c3 7:163-6) to be about forbidding wrong,
despite the fact that the passage speaks
rather of forbidding "evil" [sW; see, for
example, Zajjaj, Ma'am; Tabari, TafsTr;
Wahidi, Wasit; Zamakhsharl, Kashshdf; Ibn
Kathir, Tafsir, ad loc). Their main concern
in interpreting the passage is witli the
group who saw no point in admonishing
people whom God would punish anyway:
were they saved with those who spoke out,
or damned with those who had violated
the Sabbath? (see Zajjaj, Ma'dni, ad loc).
The Qiir'an provided no clear guidance on
the question, inviting division among the
exegetes. There are, for example, traditions
ascribing three different views to 'Abdallah
b. al- 'Abbas (d. 68/687-8): that those who
kept silent were saved, that they were
damned and that lie did not know (Tabari,
Tafsir, ad loc). This issue was related to a
question regularly discussed in formal
accounts of forbidding wrong: does the
duty lapse where it is known that perform-
ing it would not achieve anything?
In commenting on C3 31:17, the exegetes
often stress that one should be willing to
endure the unpleasant consequences of
forbidding wrong. This reflects the fact
that, immediately after telling his son to
command right and forbid wrong, Liiqman
goes on to say that he should "bear pa-
tiently" whatever befalls him (wa-sbir 'aid
md asdbaka). This is related to another doc-
trinal issue: is one dispensed from perform-
ing the duty in cases where this would put
one in harm's way? Most exegetes took the
patience enjoined by Liiqman to refer to
the consequences of forbidding wrong (see,
for example, Muqatil, TafsTr; Tabari, TafsTr;
Abu 1-Layth al-Samarqandl, TafsTr; Wahidi,
WasTt; RazI, TafsTr; Ibn Kathir, TafsTr,
ad loc). The alternative interpretation,
that the verse refers to the trials and tribu-
lations of life in general, is mentioned by
some exegetes but does not find much
favor with them (Mawardi, Mukat; Zamakh-
sharl, Kashshdf; Qiirtubl, _Jamj'; Baydawl,
Anwdr; Abu Hayyan, Bahr, ad loc). In this
context it is worth noting a variant reading
for q 3:104 which adds after "forbidding
wrong" the words "and they seek God's
help against whatever may befall them"
{wa-yasta'Tnuna lldha/bi-lldhi 'aid md asdba-
Aam; Jeffery, Materials, 34); some exegetes
draw the same moral from this textual vari-
ant, even while rejecting it (Ibn 'Atiyya,
Muharrar, ad loc; Abu Hayyan, Bahr, ad
loc). Some verses, though making no men-
tion of forbidding wrong, may be inter-
preted to refer to incurring death in the
course of it. One example is q 2:207,
which falls in a passage contrasting sincere
and insincere adherents of the Prophet;
here the sincere follower is described as
one "who sells himself desiring God's good
pleasure." Among the traditions quoted
regarding the circumstances in which this
verse was revealed, there is one from
'Umar b. al-Khattab (d. 23/644) according
to which it referred to a man who forbad
wrong and was killed (Tabari, TafsTr,
ad loc; Wahidi, ^4jAc7&, ad loc; Ibn al-
'Arabl, ^Mam, ad loc; see murder;
bloodshed). Al-Tabarl takes the wider
view that the verse includes both forbid-
ding wrong and holy war (Tabari, TafsTr,
ad loc).
A verse that posed a problem for the ex-
egetes, though it made no mention of for-
VIRTUES AND VICES
442
bidding wrong, was c) 5-105: "O believers,
loolc after your own souls ('alaykum anfu-
sakum). He wlio is astray (q.v.) cannot hurt
you, if you are rightly guided." The plain
sense of this verse clearly undermines the
idea that the believer has a duty to forbid
wrong. The exegetes therefore sought to
inactivate the verse, either by referring it to
some future time when the duty of forbid-
ding wrong woidd indeed lapse, or by in-
sisting that those who fail to forbid wrong
cannot be considered "rightly guided." In
an extensive commentary on the verse,
al-Tabari adduces earlier authorities in
support of both views, and states his pref-
erence for the second [Tafsir, ad loc). Some
went so far as to entertain the idea of
abrogation (q.v.) within the verse (see, for
example, Abu 'Ubayd, Ndsikh, 98).
All that has been said so far about exe-
gesis relates to the SunnI tradition. The
exegetical literature of the major sectarian
traditions is for the most part similar in
character: it draws on the same pool of
material, and presents its results in the
same kind of way. This is true of such
Ibadi and Zaydi commentaries as are easily
available and also of much Imami com-
mentary. Thus the relevant discussion in
the exegetical works of Abu Ja Tar al-Tusi
(d. 460/1067) and al-Tabrisi (d. 548/1153)
is more strongly colored by Mu'tazili than
by Shf 1 thought (see mu'tazila; shi'ism
AND THE qUR'AN). There is, however, a
strongly Shi'i tradition of exegesis that is
particularly well-represented in ImamI
sources and construes certain verses on
forbidding wrong as references to the
(Shi'i) imams (see imam). Thus the com-
mentary attributed to 'All b. Ibrahim al-
Qiimmi (alive in 307/919) interprets
C3 9:111-12 to refer to them — those who
command right are those who know all
that is right, as only the imams do [Tafsir,
ad loc; and see 'Ayyashi, Tafsir, ad loc). In
commentary to c) 3:110 this is linked to a
variant reading transmitted by the Imamis,
in which "the best community" (khayra
ummatin) becomes "the best imams" [khayra
a'immatin; Qiimml, Tafsir, ad loc; 'Ayyashi,
Tafsir, ad loc). These views appear in
Imami commentaries down the centuries,
though they are almost absent from that of
al-TusI (see, for example, Abu 1-Futuh
RazI, Rawd, ad o 3:110; KashanI, Manhaj,
ad o 3:110; BahranI, Burhdn, ad Q_ 3:104;
and cf Tusi, Tibydn, ad q 3:110).
Modern exegesis
The exegetes of the thirteenth/nineteenth
century remained overwhelmingly tradi-
tional in their approach to the relevant
verses (see exegesis of the c>ur'an:
early modern and contemporary).
Thus there is nothing even incipiently
modern about the treatment of C3 3:104 in
the commentaries of the Yemeni ShawkanI
(d. 1250/1834) or the Iraqi Mahmud al-
AlusI (d. 1270/1854; ShawkanI, Trt/s-fr; AlusI,
Rah, ad loc).
It is with the Tafsir al-mandr of Muham-
mad 'Abduh (d. 1323/1905) and Rashid
Rida (d. 1354/1935) that modernity floods
in (see contemporary critical
PRACTICES AND THE our'an). Their com-
mentary on C3 3:104 is a good example of
this (Rashid Rida, Mandr, ad loc). Thus it
sets out an elaborate curriculum of study
for Islamic missionaries, including political
science ('ilm al-siydsa), by which is meant
the study of contemporary states; this mis-
sionary enterprise requires organization,
and should be in the hands of what these
days is called an association (jam 'iyya), with
a leadership (riydsa) to direct it. In a similar
vein, Rida was able to find in this verse a
basis for government by a representative
assembly such as is found in republics and
hmited monarchies.
Another area in which modern concerns
are manifested in discussions of forbid-
ding wrong is an increased interest in the
443
VISION
role of women (see feminism and the
quR'AN). On the whole, however, this has
little impact on Simnl commentaries on
q 9:71. Nevertheless, the Palestinian
Muhammad 'Izzat Darwaza (d. 1404/
1984) understands the verse to establish
the equality of the sexes, in particular
with regard to forbidding wrong {TafsTi;
xii, 186).
Perhaps the most original approach to
forbidding wrong in modern SunnI exe-
gesis is that of Sayyid Qiitb (d. 1386/
1966) in his commentary on q 5:79 {Z^LUk
ad loc). At first he seems to align himself
with traditional views: he observes that the
Muslim community is one in which no one
who sees someone else acting wrongly can
say "what's that to me?" and that a Muslim
society is one in which a Muslim can de-
vote himself to forbidding wrong, without
his attempts being reduced to pointless
gestures or made impossible altogether, as
is regrettably the case in t\iejdhili l^.e. neo-
pagan) societies of our times. The real task
is accordingly to establish the good society
as such, and this task takes precedence over
the righting of small-scale, personal and
individual failings through forbidding
wrong; such efforts can only be in vain as
long as the whole society is corrupt. All the
sacred texts bearing on forbidding wrong,
he argues, are concerned with the duty of
the Muslim in a Muslim society — that is
to say, in a form of society that does not
exist in our time.
Modern ImamI discussions of forbidding
wrong have tended to be more innovative
than Sunni ones. This contrast has little
to do with qur'anic exegesis but it finds
echoes in Imami commentaries. Modern
Imami exegetes are significantly more
likely than their Sunni counterparts to take
<J 9:71 as an occasion to discuss the role of
women in forbidding wrong (see, for
example, Akbar HashimI RafsanjanI, Tafslr,
ad loc). While Sunni exegetes rarely cjuote
Imami commentaries, Imami exegetes
have a liking for the discussion of q 3:104
in the Tafsir al-mandr (see, for example,
Muhammad Rida AshtiyanI and others,
Tafsir, ad loc).
Modern exegetes, whether Sunni or Shfl,
have little that is new to say about the
properly exegetical questions raised by the
relevant verses.
Michael Cook
Bibliography
Primary (almost every commentary on tire
Qiir'an touches on the subject under the relevant
verses, in particular q 3:104): Abu 1-Futuh RazT,
Rawd; Abu Hayyan, Bahr; Abu 1-Layth al-
Samarqandl, Tafsir; Abu 'Ubayd, Ndsikh; AlusT,
Ruh; Muliammad Rida AshtiyanI et al., TafsTr-i
numuna, Tehran 1353-8 Sh.; Ayyashi, Tafsir;
Baghawi, Ma^dlim; Bahrani, Burhdn; BaydawT,
Anwar; Damagham, Wujuh; Darwaza, Tafsir; Ibn
al-'Arabi, Ahkdm; Ibn 'Atiyya, Muharrar; Ibn al-
JawzT, Nuzha; id., ^d; Ibn Kathir, Tafsir; Jaldlayn;
KashanT, Manhaj; Maturldl, Ta'wildt; Mawardi,
J^ukat; Mujahid, Tafsir; Muqatil, Ashbdh; id.,
Tafsir; Nisaburl, Tafsir; QiimmT, Tafsir; Qiirtubl,
Jdmi'; Qiitb, ^ildl; Akbar HashimI RafsanjanI,
TafsTr-i rdhnumd, Qiimml 1371 Sh.; Rashid Rida,
Mandr; RazI, Tafsir; ShawkanI, Tafsir; SuyutI,
Durr; Tabarl, Tafsir; TtisT, Tibydn; Wahidi, Asbdb;
id., Wasit; Yahya b. Sallam, Tasdrf; Zajjaj,
Ma'dni; Zamakhsharl, Kashshdf
Secondary: M. Cook, Commanding right and
forbidding wrong in Islamic thought, Cambridge 2000,
especially chap. 2, with fuller references (for
forbidding wrong in Qiir'an and exegesis; the
data in the present article are mostly taken from
this chapter); id., Forbidding wrong in Islam. An
introduction, Cambridge 2003 (for a general
account of forbidding wrong); Jeffery, Materials;
W. Madelung, Amr be ma'ruf, in E. Yarshater
(ed.). Encyclopaedia Iranica, 13 vols, to date, Lon-
don 1982- (for general accounts of forbidding
wrong),! [19851,992-5.
Vision
The perception of reality through the eyes,
or — for immaterial realities or future
events — also the "mind's eye." Two main
semantic fields converge in the notion of
VISION
444
"visions": one is oneiric, referring to
dreams (ru'yd; see dreams and sleep) and
tlie otlier is sensory, meaning the actual
faculty of siglit [basm; pi. absdr). In both
cases divine action plays a central role (see
REVELATION AND INSPIRATION). When as-
sociated with dreams, visions appear as
processes forced upon liumans by divine
stimulation. Most prominent of these are:
the dream of Abraham (q.v.) that involves
the sacrificing of liis son (c3 37:102-5; see
sacrifice); Joseph's (q.v.) dream that
eleven stars (see planets and stars), the
sun (q.v.) and the moon (q.v.) bow before
him [q_ 12:4-6; see bowinc and
prostration); and Muhammad's dream
that precipitates his night journey ((J 17:60;
see ascension). In all these instances, the
dreams are premonitions that intimate a
divine plan rather than random somatic or
mental activities (see foretelling;
divination). In fact, Joseph's father tells
his son that God will teach him the skill of
dream interpretation (^ 12:6), recognizing
at the outset the significance of such ex-
periences within the revelatory order. Most
exegetes (see exegesis of the q^ur'an:
CLASSICAL AND MEDIEVAL), howeVCr, foCUS
on the possible names of the planets and
stars and/or their meaning, thus engaging
in the intricacies of dream interpretation
and acknowledging that Joseph's father
was fully aware of the significance of such
divine interventions (Tabari, Tafsir;
KashanI, Silfi; Ibn Kathir, Tafsir). In certain
instances, exegetes point out that ruya (the
visual faculty) is not to be confused with
ru'yd (dream), especially in the case of
Joseph's experience (KashanI, Sdjj;
Zamakhshari, Kashshdf). Al-Tabarl
(d. 310/923), however, does recognize the
double entendre in C3 17:60 which evokes
r-'-y as possibly dreaming and/or seeing
(see SEEING AND HEARING; VISION AND
blindness), and he reports divergent opin-
ions on this matter. Here, God announces
that he has induced a dream (ja'alnd
l-ru'yd) so that he could show (arayndka)
Muhammad a test for the people (see
trial; trust and patience). Similarly, in
Ci 48:27, in reference to the signing of the
peace of Hudaybiya (q.v.) and taking con-
trol of Khaybar (see expeditions and
battles), God confirms the fulfillment of
Muhammad's dream about entering
Mecca (q.v.) with his people (KashanI, Sdji;
Ibn Kathir, Tafsir, ad loc). Dreams, then,
belong to the category of God's signs (q.v.)
through which he communicates with hu-
mankind, although it is not clear that all
dreams are to be viewed as such.
In the semantic field of the root b-s-r,
God gives human beings the capacity to
see (<J 76:2), which throughout the Qiir'an
is directly linked to the cognitive and psy-
chological potential of human beings to
recognize and accept God (see belief and
unbelief; knowledge and learning). In
that way, the sensory and other human
faculties interrelate as the criteria of faith
(q.v). God thus characterizes his prophets,
specifically Abrahain, Isaac (q.v.) and Jacob
(q.v), as possessing vision (absdr). In q 59:2,
God addresses the believers as "people of
vision!" (yd uli l-absdr) , that is, those, ac-
cording to Ibn Kathir (d. 774/1373; Tafsir,
ad loc), on whom God has bestowed clari-
fication for his actions. But just as God
creates vision, he can disable or remove it
({) 6:46, no), seal it (q 2:7), seize it
(^ 2:20-2), or restore it (c) 12:96; 50:22; see
POWER AND impotence; veil). In turn,
those who refuse God are accused of turn-
ing away their vision ((J 24:37; see lie;
gratitude AND INGRATITUDE). The true
vision is one that, even if it does not per-
ceive God, learns to perceive his signs and
results in submission. After all, unlike the
divine, human vision is limited, as per
(J 6:103: "No vision can comprehend him;
but he comprehends all visions" (Id tudri-
kuhu l-ahsdr wa-huwayudriku l-absdr). Al-
Suyutl (d. 911/1505; Durr, ad loc.) explains
that, according to the tradition (see hadith
445
VISION AND BLINDNESS
AND THE our'an; sunna), this means that,
while in this world (q.v.) God can never be
seen (see theophany; face of god), in
the afterlife one will be able to see him on
the horizon the way one now sees the
moon rise in the night sky (see
eschatology). The ability to see is un-
derstood at once as a physical and ethical
capacity (see ethics and the cjur'an)
whereby vision is opposed to blindness,
figuratively as well as literally, as per
(3 35:19-20: "The one who is blind is not
the same as the one who can see (al-hasTr),
just as the darkness (q.v.) and the light
(q.v.) are not the same" (see also pairs
AND pairing; symbolic imagery;
metaphor).
Amila Bnturovic
Bibliography
Primary: Ibn KathTr, Tafsir, Beirut 1980; Jalalayn;
Kasham, Sdji; SuytitT, Durr; TabarT, TafsTr, Beirut
1984; ZamakhsharT, KashshdJ.
Secondary: L. Kinberg, Dreams as a means to
evaluate hadlth, in JSAI 23 (1999), 63-80; id.,
Literal dreams and prophetic hadlth in classical
Islam. A comparison of two ways of
legitimation, in Der Islam 70/2 (1993), 279-300;
M. Maroth, The science of dreams in Islamic
culture, mJSAIiO (1996), 229-36; M. Mir, The
qur'anic story of Joseph. Plots, themes, and
characters, in Miv^^ (1986), 1-15.
Vision and Blindness
Ability, or lack thereof, to perceive physical
objects and, when used metaphorically,
ideas and concepts.
Witnessing the unseen
The Qiir'an divides existence into this
world (c[.v.) and the next, followed by a sec-
ond division into the seen (shdhid) and the
unseen (ghayb), as in q 59:22, "He is God,
besides whom there is no god, the one who
knows the unseen and the seen" (see
HIDDEN AND THE HIDDEN). The two di-
chotomies overlap in an important way.
The next world is entirely unseen but this
world consists of elements seen and ele-
ments unseen. God is not visible (see god
AND HIS attributes), as in cj 7:143,
"Moses (q.v.) said, 'My lord, show yourself
to me and let me gaze upon you!' God
said, 'You will never see me' " (see
theophany). Elements of the unseen
world are made visible, however, in mir-
acles (q.v.) granted to prophets (see
prophets and prophethood) and saints
(see saint), like Muhammad's ascension
(q.v; mi'raj). q 53:1-18 asserts that "The
heart [of Muhammad] never denied what
he saw" [ra'd, C3 53:11) and "[his] vision (al-
basar) never swerved nor did it transgress"
fe 53-'7> s^^ ^^^° error; astray; seeing
AND hearing). The term for Prophet, nabJ,
is derived from a verbal root meaning to be
lofty and command a far-reaching over-
view (n-b-y), connoting the ability to in-
form others of what is beyond the horizon
of their sight. A hadlth report (see hadith
AND THE q,ur'an) clarifies that "Truthful
vision (al-ru'yd al-sdlih) is one fortieth part
of prophecy" (see also vision; truth).
Seeing is believing
God's signs in the world can be seen and
can prompt people to have faith (q.v.) in
what is beyond routine perception. Angels
(see angel) and jinn (q.v.) are normally
unseen but can be manifest to human
sight, forming two important conduits be-
tween the world of human habitation and
the ambiguities beyond. For example,
Mary (q.v.) sees an angel who announces
the birth of Jesus (q.v.) in q 19.17. "Then
we sent our spirit (q.v.) to her, and it ap-
peared to her [vision] (tamaththala lahd) ex-
actly like a man." In this way, the Qtir'an
gives profound depth to the truism that
"seeing is believing." Physical vision is a
powerful metaphor (q.v.) for faith (imdn):
faith is the vision of the heart (cf. e.g.
q 58:22) rather than the eyes (q.v; cf. e.g.
q 6:103). Conversely, blindness is a meta-
VISION AND BLINDNESS
446
phor for deliberate disbelief (see belief
AND unbelief; lie; gratitude and
ingratitude) when confronted with the
truth or spiritual insensitivity, and is often
linked to deafness (e.g. Q, 7:179; 11:20; 47:23;
see hearing and deafness).
The Qiir'an links true vision to percep-
tion of the prophets and acceptance of the
covenant (q.v.; mithdq) they offer. 5) 5:78-9
says that whenever a prophet came to
Israelite tribes (see children of Israel)
with a message that contradicted their de-
sires (see messenger), a part of them called
the prophet's mission a lie and fought
against the prophet: "They estimate that
there will be no trial (q.v.)? Thus they go
blind and deaf. Yet God turns to them ac-
cepting repentance (see repentance and
penani;e), still many of them remain blind
and deaf. But God is the one who sees
(basir) all they do."
The Qiir'an often informs the prophet
Muhammad of what he sees or will see in
the future and clarifies the spiritual im-
portance of what Muhammad sees or pro-
vides prognostic visions (e.g. (J 17:60; 48:27;
see foretelling; divination). The Mec-
can revelations often stress eschatological
vision (e.g. C3 99 and 102; see eschato-
logy; form and structure of the
(JUr'an), while the Medinan revelations
frecjuently allude to what the community
will see in the near earthly future (see
chronology and the q^ur'an; mecca;
Medina). The Qiir'an often equates
Muhammad's revelation with vision as well
as audition, as in o 4:105: "We have caused
the message [al-kitdb; see book) to descend
upon you in truth (see revelation and
inspiration), so that you judge between
the people (see judgment) by means of
what God has shown you (ardka)."
The Qiir'an expresses ambivalence
toward routine vision. It challenges people
to see the signs (q.v.) of God in nature,
human history and individual experience
(see also history and the qur'an;
geography; generations; nature as
signs), q 67:3-4 challenges, "Do you see
(tard) any imbalance in the creation (q.v.)
of the compassionate one? So turn your
vision to it again — do you see any flaw?"
C3 24:41 asks, "Have you not seen (a-lam
tara) that all beings in the heavens and the
earth glorify God (see glory; glorifica-
tion OF god), even the birds in flight (see
animal life)?" In these examples, seeing is
a test, not simple perception. It is witness-
ing the truth [shahdda; see witness to
faith) if sight causes the heart to recog-
nize God's presence but it is ignoring or
covering the truth (kufr) if sight urges the
heart toward denying God's presence or
aggrandizing the ego. (j 96:6-8 pro-
nounces, "No indeed, the human being
transgresses the limits, and sees (ra'dhu)
him/herself as independent (see
arrogance) — [but no indeed,] to your
lord all things return." Sufi commentaries
(see sfJFlsM AND THE cjur'an) Understand
"returning" as "remembering" the pri-
mordial moment of witnessing the truth
(see remembrance; witnessing and
testifying), when each human before cre-
ation witnessed (sh-h-d) God directly in
seeing, hearing and being present, as in
Q, 7:172 (see cosmology).
Deceptive appearances
Vision can misconstrue the truth; seeing
something from one's own perspective can
mean holding an opinion that may be false.
In this way, the Qiir'an often uses the ver-
bal root "he saw" (r-'-j) as synonymous
with the verbal root "he imagined" (z- '-m)
or "he thought" (n-^-r; see suspicion;
KNOWLEDGE AND LEARNING; INTELLECT).
Q^ 6:46 provides an example: "Say, 'Do you
think (a-ra'aytum) that when God snatches
away your hearing and your sight
447
VISION AND BLINDNESS
(absdrukum) and seals up your hearts that
there is any other god (see polytheism
AND atheism) that could return [them] to
you?" Seeing could be disbelieving if the
heart's spiritual vision is obscured by dark-
ness (q.v.; cf. e.g. ^ 6:25; 17:46; 22:46),
impaired by disease (cf. e.g. c) 2:10; 5:52;
8:49; see ILLNESS AND HEALTH), Or Sealed
up with rust (cf e.g. C3 83:14; cf. 42:24; 47:24
see heart).
From the contrary perspective, blind peo-
ple can have intense spiritual insight. C3 80
describes an incident when Muhammad
turned away from a blind man who sought
spiritual guidance. The blind man had in-
terrupted the Prophet's meeting with a
tribal leader who, if he converted to Islam,
would bolster the early Muslim commu-
nity, cj 80:1-6 states.
He frowned and turned away, when the blind
man (al-a'md) came to him. And what might
let you know if he would increase in purity,
or if he were bearing [God] in mind that he
might benefit from the reminding? But as for
him who considers himself independent, you
turn to him to attend his needs!
This is the only qur'anic passage to men-
tion an actual blind person and in it, the
Qiir'an chastises Muhammad. According
to Muslim tradition he remained ashamed
of this incident throughout his life, to the
point of wishing that if any phrases of
the Qiir'an could be erased, these are the
ones he would like to see eliminated. This
is because the Qur'an condemns hypocrites
for their deceptive appearance (and judg-
ing people by how they appear; see
HYPOCRITES AND HYPOCRISY): in Q_ 63:4,
"When you see them (ra'aytahum), their ex-
ternal appearance (ajsdmuhum) pleases you,
but when they speak, you hear them speak
it is as if they are hollow timber propped
up."
Metaphorical blindness
Despite this example of an actual blind
man, the Qiir'an mainly refers to the blind
in a metaphorical sense (see symbolic
imagery). The blind are those whose
hearts have no spiritual perception, and
they are the subject of critique, ridicule
and threat of punishment, o 13:16 (cf.
(J 6:50) rhetorically contrasts the blind to
those with sight (see rhetoric and the
q^ur'an): "Say, 'Is the blind person ecjual to
one endowed with vision, and is the dark-
ness equal to the light?' " 5) 35:19 answers
the question negatively (those with sight
are better); and o 40:58 offers a further
comparison to clarify the ethical impor-
tance of the question (see ethics and the
q^ur'an): "Not ec[ual are the blind and
those who see (al-a'md wa-l-basTr)\ Nor are
those who believe, performing good works
(see GOOD deeds), and those who perpe-
trate evil actions (see evil deeds; good
and evil)!" Those who believe have true
vision because their hearts perceive the
spiritual reality of the unseen consequence
of action. In contrast, those who do evil
are truly blind: the arrogance and way-
wardness of their hearts blinds them,
rather than the vision of their eyes, o 22:46
clarifies that "It is not their eyes that are
blind (Id ta'md l-absdr), but rather the hearts
in their breasts that are blind." Abu Hamid
al-Ghazall (d. 505/11 11) provided a pro-
found commentary on physical vision and
spiritual \'ision in his treatise Mishkdt al-
anwdr, "Niche for lights."
S. Kugle
Bibliography
F. Colby (trans.), Subtleties of the ascension. Early
mystical sayings on Muhammad's heavenly journey as
compiled by Abu 'Abd al- Rahman Sulami, Louisville,
KY: Fons Vitae 2006; F Esack, A short introduction
to the Qur'an, Oxford 2002; J. van Ess, Vision and
ascension. Surat al-Najm and its relationship
VISITING
448
with Muhammad's mi'rdj, in Journal of qur'anic
studies I (1999), 47-62; W.H.T. Gairdner (trans.),
Al-GhazzdlT's Mishkdt al-anwdr ("The niche for
lights"), London 1924; S. Kugle, Heaven's witness.
The uses and abuses of Muhammad Ghawth
Gwahori's ascension, iny/A' 14 {2003), 1-36 (for
discussion of the appropriation of the rehgious
experience of a sixteenth century Indian Sufi of
the Shattariyya tanga); S. Murata and W.
Chittick, The vision of Islam, St. Paul 1994;
M. Sells, Early Islamic mysticism. New York 1996.
Visiting
Traveling to another place and staying
there for a period of time. The terms that
usually come to mind when considering
the concept of visiting are derived from the
root <;-H'-r. These terms occtir in hadlth
literature (see hadith and the q^ur'an) in
reference to visiting graves (see burial),
usually in order to pray for the deceased
(see Wensinck, Handbook, 89-90; see death
and the dead; prayer formulas). In
popular parlance, .jyfflra came to be identi-
fied with spiritual practices (see sOfism and
the cjur'an) involving the visitation of
saints' tombs (see saint) so that pilgrims
could acquire blessings, request miracles
(q.v.) and benefactions, or seek mediation
for sins (see sin, major and minor;
intercession). The term, in this sense,
does not occur in the Qtir'an. Words stem-
ming from the root z^w-r, which pertain to
the concept of visiting, occur only once, in
C3 102:2, "tintil you come (zurtum) to the
graves." According to al-Tabarl (d.
310/923), the term "zurtum" is a metaphor
(q.v.) for death that ends the struggle for
material wealth (q.v; Tafsir, xii, 678-9). The
more common term used in the Qur'an for
visiting or visitation is 'umra, as in (3 2:196
that refers to the minor pilgrimage to the
Ka'ba (q.v). The verb i'tamara also occurs
in C3 2:158 which specifies what 'umra entails
and serves as the qur'anic basis for legal
rules outlining pilgrimage (q.v.; see Tabari,
Tafsir, ii, 47-55, 212-19). An example of how
far later legal discourse moved away from
the Q.ur'an as a basis of law (see LAW AND
THE our'an) is the rather lengthy discus-
sion of haj) and 'umra in the a/- 'Aziz shark
al~Wajiz (iii, 456-523) by Abu l-Qasim al-
Rafi'l (d. 623/1226), the most important
Shafi'i legal text of the late medieval pe-
riod, which does not refer to the two
qur'anic passages btit bases its entire dis-
cussion on hadlth.
Mathdba, as a place of visitation, is men-
tioned in o 2:125 although there appears to
have been a dispute as to the specific
botindaries of the area around the Ka'ba
to which it refers. Al-Tabarl said that it
could refer to the whole of Mecca (q.v.),
the haram, or more specifically to the im-
mediate area of the Ka'ba itself. Finally,
the term td'if, or tdfa, came to be inter-
preted as a kind of visitation from a
supernatural entity. In o 7:201 Satan
(Shaytan; see devil) visits humans, al-
though the nature of the visitation was,
according to al-Tabari, a matter of some
dispute. He argtied that some theologians
held that the visitation (td'if) came in the
form of a whisper (q.v.) or a low voice that
the individual heard and was thus
prompted into action. Others held that
Satan came over the person in the forin of
emotions such as anger (q.v.) or jealotisy
(see envy). In Q 68:19, a variation of this
occurs, which states "So there came (tdfa)
on it a visitation (td'if) from your lord (q.v.)
[all arotind], while they slept" (see sleep).
In this instance, al-'Tabarl maintains that
td'if refers to the command (amr) of God as
embodied by Muhammad. According to
Ibn Kathir (d. 774/1373; Tafsir, viii, 214),
however, the "it" refers to the Qiiraysh
(q.v.) who rejected Muhammad and td'if
refers to their destruction. In other words,
God visited [destruction on] the people of
Qiiraysh who rejected Muhammad as a
prophet (see opposition to Muhammad;
449
PROPHETS AND prophethood). For visitors
in the sense of "guests," see hospitality
AND courtesy; ABRAHAM.
R. Kevinjaqiies
Bibliography
Primary: Ibn KathTr, TafsTr, ed. M.H. Shams al-
Din, 8 vols., Beirut 1998; al-Rafi'l, Abu 1-Qasim
'Abd al-KarIm b. Abl Sa'ld Muliammad, at- 'Aziz
shark al-WajJz, ed. 'A.M. Mu'awwad and 'A. A.
'Abd al-Mawjud, 13 vols., Beirut 1997; Tabarl,
TafsTr, 13 vols., Beirut 1999;
Secondary: Wensinck, Handbook.
Vocabulary see language and
STYLE OF THE {^UR'aN; FOREIGN
VOCABULARY
Vow
A promise made to God to undertake an
act of piety (q.v.). It differs from an oatli
(q.v.) which is not a promise to do some-
thing but a solemn declaration of truth
(hence, its essential role as a form of juridi-
cal evidence; see witnessing and
testifying) performed by an act of swear-
ing (often but not necessarily by God; but
for overlap in juristic discourse on oaths
and vows, see Calder, Hinth, esp. 220-6). A
vow, whicli in Islam can only be made to
God (for vows in pre-Islamic Arabia and
non-religious vows after Islam, see
Pedersen, Nadhr; see pre-islamic Arabia
AND the our'an), may or may not include
an act of swearing (aqsama and halafa in
Arabic), but does imply a pledge of
oneself — one's honor and
credibility — i.e. it places one in a state of
self-dedication. Thus, failure to fulfill a vow
in Islam carries the same requirement for
the performance of "penance" (i.e. expia-
tion, kaffara; see repentance and
penance) as does breaking an oath. This
usually entails feeding or clothing ten poor
(see POVERTY and the poor; food and
drink), releasing a slave (see slaves and
slavery), or, in case of hardship, fasting
(q.v.) for three days (on the basis of q 5:89).
There is also the possibility of releasing
oneself from a vow that one could perform
but no longer feels it good to do so,
through the performance of expiation.
A vow [nadhr, pi. nudhiir), a self-imposed
promise to carry out a religious act not
required by the law filzfim al-nafs bi-qurba),
is understood as obligatory (in effect, the
vow renders the supererogatory act of pi-
ety a recjuired individual duty, wdjib 'ajm,
to God). Those who do not fulfill their
vowed religious pledges ('ahd) are hypo-
crites (q 9:75-8; cf 48:10; and Bukhari,
Sahih, no. 6695, where the Prophet declares
that Muslims in the third generation after
him will begin to break their vows; see
hypocrites and hypocrisy; hadith and
THE (JUr'an), while righteous servants of
God fulfill their vows (cj 76:5-7). The
mother of Mary (q.v), in an echo of
I Samuel 11, vowed to God what was in
her womb (q.v.; q 3:35) and Mary herself,
the Qiir'an reports, made a vow to fast and
to speak to no himian for a day (c) 19:26).
Finally, vows are associated witli involun-
tary alms (see almsgiving) at q 2:270, sup-
porting evidence for defining vows as
religious acts above and beyond what is
prescribed by law.
That humans had made vows before the
coming of Islam was recognized by the
first Muslims (e.g. Bukhari, Sahih, no. 6697,
where 'Umar b. al-Khattab asks the
Prophet whether he should fulfill a vow he
made before his conversion; o 3:35 and
q 19:26 are also cited in this regard), as was
the fact that they had made them for pur-
poses of religion (q.v.), e.g. before idols
(c) 6:136; 39:3; see idols and images).
Given this recognition, it was important to
establish an understanding of vow-making
acceptable to Islam: the consensus
450
eventually established this as a vow capable
of being fulfilled and freely made as an act
of obedience (q.v.) to God by a Muslim of
legal majority (Abu Fans, Ajmdn, 138-40;
the Hanball school, however, recognized as
valid the vow of non-Muslims; see law
AND THE qUR'AN; RELIGIOUS PLURALISM
AND THE quR'AN). The VOW must stipulate
the act to be performed, i.e. a supereroga-
tory act with its origin in the ritual duties
of Islam (fiirud al-isldm). It is thus permit-
ted to vow to give alms, spend the night in
prayer (q.v.; see also vigil), fast, go on (ad-
ditional) pilgrimage (q.v.; both 'umra and
haji), sacrifice (q.v.) an animal (see also
CONSECRATION OF ANIMALs), but not to do
something forbidden (q.v.; e.g. consume
pork or alcohol; see intoxicants; wine)
or even something permitted (see lawful
AND unlawful) that is not ritual in nature
(e.g. divorce one's wife, eat food, sleep
[q.v.] at night; Abu Faris, op. cit., 140-5;
however, a condition commonly used in
vow-making has been the promise to di-
vorce one's wife, see Pedersen, Nadhr; see
also MARRIAGE AND DIVORCE).
A vow, then, was equated with obedience
(td'a) to God in the sense of ritual acts
('ibdddt), by which one might draw close to
God (see ritual and the cjur'an). Any
other element in the formulation of a vow
was incidental. For example, a vow to walk
to Iraq or Morocco has no meaning; in
contrast, a vow to walk to Mecca (q.v.),
with the goal being the performance of
pilgrimage, is acceptable. The vow to walk,
however, is itself incidental, while the per-
formance of pilgrimage, an act of piety, is
the element of the vow that renders it
meaningful (see Calder, Hinth, 226-32).
There is no set formula for a vow, although
it must be uttered aloud. It need not be
accompanied by a condition (e.g. if X hap-
pens, I will do Y) but can be simply a for-
mal statement of ritual intention (e.g. I will
fast tomorrow), and it is invalidated if ac-
companied by the phrase "if God wills" (in
shd'a lldh, Abu Faris, Ajimdn, 145-7). ^ vow is
also invalidated if it involves pledging
goods belonging to someone else (on the
basis of a hadith in which a woman of the
Ansar, held captive by enemy tribes,
wrongfully vowed to sacrifice the Prophet's
camel upon the back of which she made
her escape; Muslim, Sahih, no. 4245; see
property) but it is recommended that one
fulfill a vow made by a deceased relative
(Bukhari, Sahih, nos. 6698-g; see death
AND THE dead; KINSHIp).
The prophetic tradition is careful to
downplay any magical dimension of vows
(i.e. the idea that a vow might cause the
deity to carry out the condition of the vow;
see magic; popular and talismanic uses
of the q^ur'an), essentially declaring vows
to be useless since they cannot influence
God (see power and impotence). Thus,
excessive piety of the kind that hopes to
influence the divine will was discouraged.
The Prophet ordered a man who had
vowed to go on foot to the Ka'ba (q.v.) to
mount his riding animal, since God "has
no need of this [man's] chastisement of
himself" [ghani 'an ta'dhib hadhd nafsahu,
Muslim, Sahih, no. 4247) and "has no need
of you or your vow" [ghanT 'anka wa- 'an
nadhrika, Muslim, op. cit., no. 4248). A vow
is therefore incidental to God's foreor-
dained decree (qadar), acting only as a
pious supplement to it on the part of the
votary — a means not to hasten or delay
divine decree but to extract some good
from the miserly (Bukhari, Sahih, nos.
6692-4; see GOOD and evil; freedom and
predestination), a vow, then, is a spur to
piety, the condition of which, if it is ac-
complished, merely coincides with the
foreordained decree of God (Muslim,
Sahih, no. 4025). It is in this sense that a
vow generally was understood in Islam, as
a mechanism to encourage believers (see
belief and unbelief) to strive towards a
451 VOYAGE
life of piety and to lielp tliem to persevere
in it.
Paul L. Heck
Bibliography
Primary: Bukharl, Sa/uh, Riyadh 1999; ed. Krehl,
iv, 257-81 (bk. 83, K. al-Aymdn wa-l-nudhur); Ibn
Hazm, al-Muhalld, ed. A.M. Shakir, 11 vols.,
Cairo 1928; repr. Beirut n.d., viii, 30-64 (K. al-
Aymdn), 65-76 (K. Kajardt); Muslim, Sahih, Riyadh
1998; ed. 'Abd al-Baql, iii, 1260-5 (bk. 26, K. al-
JVudhur); iii, 1266-90 (bk. 27, R. al-Aymdn).
Secondary: M.'A. Abu Paris, Kitdb al-Aymdn wa-l-
nudhur, Amman 1988^; N. Calder, Hinth, birr,
tabarrur, tahannuth. An inquiry into the Arabic
vocabulary of vows, in bsoas ^\ (1988), 214-39;
J. Pedersen, Nadhr, in Ef, vi, 846-7; 'A. al-
TahtawT, Bida' al-nudhur wa-l-dhabd'ih wa-l-
tasawwul wa-l-du'd' wa-l-hilf bi-ghayr Alldh ta'dld,
Beirut 2000; M.S. 'Ubaydat, Fiqh al-aymdn wa-l-
nudhur wa-hukm al-isldmji l-dhabd'ih, Amman 1992.
Voyage see trips and voyages;
JOURNEY
w
Wadd see IDOLS AND IMAGES
Wage
see REWARD AND PUNISHMENT
Wahhabism and the Qiir'an
The eighteenth century revival and reform
movement founded by the scholar and
jurist Muhammad b. 'Abd al-Wahhab
(d. 1206/1792), in the Arabian peninsula.
Based on the central qur'anic concept of
tawhid (absolute monotheism), Wahhabism
called for a direct return to the Qiir'an and
hadlth for study and interpretation (see
sunna; hadith and the ^ur'an; tools
FOR THE STUDY OF THE OUr'an).
Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab considered the
Qiir'an and hadlth to be the only infallible
(see impeccability) and authoritative
sources of scripture with the Qur'an, as the
revealed word of God (q.v.), holding
absolute authority (q.v.) in cases of conflict-
ing views (see abrogation; inimitabil-
ity). Other source materials, including
legal opinions (see LAW and the qur'an)
and qur'anic commentary [tafsTr; see
EXEGESIS OF THE QUr'an: CLASSICAL AND
medieval), could be consulted, but could
not contradict the Qiir'an or hadlth. Ibn
'Abd al-Wahhab's Qiir'an interpretation
was based on historical contextualization
of the revelation and on consideration of
the use of both terms and concepts within
the broader context of the entire Qur'an in
order to know which prescriptions were
universal as opposed to those that were
hmited to specific historical conditions (see
OCCASIONS OF revelation). This meth-
odology was then combined with legal con-
cepts like maslaha (consideration of public
welfare) to interpret Islamic law. For ex-
ample, although the Qur'an requires pay-
ment of zi'kat (almsgiving [q.v.]), Ibn 'Abd
al-Wahhab used maslaha to allow delay of
payment during times of public hardship,
such as the aftermath of a natural disaster.
Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab also sought to
determine broad qur'anic values, such as
the obligation to preserve human life (q.v;
see also murder; bloodshed) as a higher
priority than obedience (q.v.) to Islamic law
or ritual (see ritual and the qur'an), for
application in both private and public life.
Examples of the application of this value
include the limitation of violence (q.v.) and
killing during jihad (q.v.; see also fighting;
PATH OR way; expeditions and battles;
war) and the command that women
(see women and the qur'an) should seek
medical care when ill or injured, even
when this means sacrificing modesty (q.v.).
453
WAITING PERIOD
Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab believed that the
Qi_ir'an assigned equal responsibilities to
men and women with respect to God,
accompanied by a balance of rights in
their human relations. He held both
genders responsible for carrying out the
five pillars of Islam and for studying and
interpreting the Qiir'an (see traditional
DISCIPLINES OF Q^UR'aNIC STUDY; EXEOESIS
OF THE CiUR'AN: EARLY MODERN AND
contemporary). He declared a balance of
rights in matters of marriage and divorce
(q.v.), guaranteeing the woman the right to
divorce by khur through repayment of the
dower [main; see bridewealth) to the hus-
band upon her recognition that she could
no longer fulfill the requirements of mar-
riage. This interpretation assured the
woman the practical right to assert khul'
unfettered by the husband in the same way
that the husband has the right to divorce
by taldq unfettered by the woman. He bal-
anced the husband's rights in marriage by
granting the woman the right to stipulate
conditions favorable to her in the marriage
contract relating both to the contracting
and the continuation of the marriage (see
CONTRACTS AND ALLIANCES; BREAKING
TRUSTS AND CONTRACTS).
By the twentieth century, Wahhabism
had become synonymous with literal in-
terpretations of the Qiir'an and hadith
that did not appear to take context into
consideration (see sira and the ^ur'an).
The result was a more legalistic interpreta-
tion of Islam. At the turn of the twenty-
first century, however, as interest in Ibn
'Abd al-Wahhab's methodology was re-
newed, Wahhabi legal scholars in Saudi
Arabia re -initiated a more context-
sensitive interpretation of the Qiir'an,
combined with greater attention to legal
tools like maslaha and recognition of the
Qur'an's gender balance of rights and
responsibilities.
NatanaJ. DeLong-Bas
Bibliography
Primary: Muhammad Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab,
Mu 'allafat al-Shaykh al-Imam Muhammad Ibn 'Abd
al-Wahhab, 5 vols., Riyadh 1983; id., Mu'amaldt
al-Shaykh al-Imdm Muhammad Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab.
Mulhaq al-musannafdt, Riyadh 1983; id., Mu'dmaldt
al-Shaykh al-Imdm Muhammad Ibn Abd al-Wahhab.
Qism al-hadith, 4 vols., Riyadh 1983.
Secondary: Buhuth Usbu al-Shaykh Muhammad b.
Abd al-Wahhab: Rahimahu lldh, 2 vols., Riyadh
1980; N.J. DeLong-Bas, Wahhabi Islam. From
revival and reform to global jihad, New York 2004;
R. Firestone, J^zAfl^. The origin of holy war in Islam,
New York 1999; H. Laoust, Essai sur les doctrines
socials et politiques de TakT-d-din Ahmad b. Taimiya
canoniste hanbalite, Cairo 1939, 506-40; E. Peskes
and W. Ende, Wahhabiyya, in El', xi, 39-47; 'A.S
al-'Uthaymin, al-Shaykh Muhammad Ibn Abd al-
Wahhdb. Haydtuhu wa-fikruhu, Riyadh 1992.
Waiting Period
The period that must be observed by a
married couple after separation. Waiting
periods are known in many cultures.
Within the Qiir'an this concept is ex-
pressed by two Arabic words: tarabbasa or
tarabbus, literally "waiting," and by 'idda,
literally "number." The first word appears
in C) 2:226, 228, 234 and seems to be the
earlier expression because the verses in
which the term 'idda is used (o 33:49; 65:1,
4) answer questions that must have been
raised from rules stipulated in (J 2 (see law
and the cjur'an). The clear relation be-
tween the two groups of verses shows that
the word 'idda in this context has to be in-
terpreted as 'iddat al-tarabbus, i.e. "waiting
period."
There are three different causes of sepa-
ration that necessitate a waiting period: (i)
death of the husband ((5 2:234), (ii) divorce
{q_ 2:228; 65:1) — except in the case in
which the marriage has not been consum-
mated (CJ 33:49; see MARRIAGE AND
divorce) — and (iii) the oath of the hus-
band to stop intercourse with his wife
(o 2:226; see oaths; sex and sexuality).
The length of the waiting period differs
accordingly. It is (i) four (lunar) months
WAITING PERIOD
454
(q.v.) and ten days in the case of death of
the husband (q 2:234); (ii) three menstrual
periods (qurW) for menstruating women or
tliree months for non-menstruating women
after divorce has been pronounced pro-
vided that the marriage had been consum-
mated (cj 2:228; 65:4; see menstruation),
or until tlie birth of tlie child in the case of
a divorced pregnant woman whose divorce
has become definite (c) 65:4; see birth);
and (iii) four months after the oath of con-
tinence (q^ 2:226; see abstinence).
The waiting period has different func-
tions. First, in the case of a revocable
divorce and that of an oath of continence,
it gives time to the man to think over his
decision that could have serious personal
and financial consequences for himself, his
wife and their children (q.v.; see also
family; women and the q^ur'an). He can
return to his wife during the waiting pe-
riod. Second, the waiting period after di-
vorce has been pronounced and after the
death of the husband serves as a means to
establish whether the wife is pregnant. A
prerequisite is, on the one hand, that no
sexual intercourse with the husband (or
anyone else) take place during the waiting
period after the divorce lias been
pronounced — a condition implied but not
expressly stipulated in the qur'anic rules,
and, on the other hand, that the wife does
not conceal a pregnancy that becomes ap-
parent during this period [q_ 2:228). This is
important for two reasons: pregnancy and
thus the prospect of offspring may influ-
ence the husband's decision to separate
from his wife; the ruling prevents the wife
from remarrying and then giving birth to a
child whose father's identity is doubtful (see
patriarchy; parents). Consecjuently,
there is no need for a waiting period in the
case of divorce before consummation
(Q. 33'49)- Third, the waiting period after
the husband's death has, in addition, the
function of a period of mourning that
should be respected by men wishing to
marry the widow (q.v.; see also death
AND the dead; burial). Hence, it is
strictly forbidden to propose a marriage
to a widow or to arrange for it during
the waiting period (c3 2:235). The Qiir'an
is silent on the question of whether a
husband whose wife has died must
observe a mourning period of similar
length.
Several responsibilities are combined
with the waiting period. First, the respon-
sibihty for its correct observance. The re-
sponsibility is given partly to the wife
(cj 2:228, 231, 234), partly to the husband
(q, 2:226; 33:49; 65:1, 4). In the case of di-
vorce, the end (ajal) of the waiting period
must be established in the presence of two
witnesses [q_ 65:2; see witnessing and
testifying). Second, the husband is
obliged to provide maintenance [matd',
nafaqa, rizq, o 2:241; 65:1, 6, 7) for his wife
during the waiting period and to let her
remain in her house ((J 65:1) without doing
any harm to her (o 65:6; see maintenance
AND upkeep). The widow has the right to
maintenance and housing at her former
husband's expense even for a whole year
(q^ 2:240). The woman is obliged to live
chastely (see chastity) during the waiting
period; otherwise she forfeits her rights
(a 65:1).
It seems that the qur'anic rules concern-
ing the waiting period changed the existing
customs of pre-Islamic Mecca (q.v.) and
Medina (q.v.). According to Muslim tradi-
tions the mourning period of a widow in
pre-Islamic times was a year (Muslim,
Sahih, 18:146; Bukhari, Salnh, 68:46; see
HADITH AND THE CJUR'aN; PRE-ISLAMIC
ARABIA AND THE q^ur'an). Whether there
had been a custom of a waiting period for
divorced women at all is doubtful. Yet the
new rules of the Qur'an provided only a
basic framework and gave rise to many
questions concerning details. The answers
455
are found in hadith compilations as well as
in exegetical and legal literature (see
EXEGESIS OF THE Q^UR'aN: CLASSICAL AND
medieval).
Harald Motzki
Bibliography
Primary: 'Abd al-Razzaq, Alusannaj, vii; Bukharl,
Sahth; Jaldlayn; Malik, Muwatta '; Muslim, Sahih;
TabarT, Tafsir, ed. Shakir.
Secondary: Y. Linant de Bellefonds, ^Idda, in EI^,
iii, 1010-13; H. Motzki, The origins of Islamic
jurisprudence, Leiden 2002 (index);J. Wellhausen,
Die Ehe bei den Arabern, in Machrichten von der
Koniglichen Gesellschaft der Wissenschajten und der
Georg-Augusts-Universitdt zu Gottingen ri (1893),
431-81, esp. 453-5.
Wall (between Heaven and
Hell) see barzakh; people of the
HEIGHTS
Wander see journey; astray
War
A state of open, armed and often pro-
longed conflict between states, tribes or
parties, frequently mentioned in the
Qur'an. It is usually referred to by deriva-
tives of the third form of q-t-l, "fighting"
(q.v.), sometimes with the cjualificationyT
sabTl Allah, "in the path of God" (see path
OR way); but we also hear of harb, "war,"
both against God and the messenger (q.v.;
e.g. C) 5:33; 9:107; cf 5:64) and by or for
them [q_ 2:279; 8:57; cf. 47:4). Derivatives of
j-h-d are used for efforts which include
fighting without being reducible to it (see
jihad).
Wars mentioned
Past wars are rarely mentioned (see
HISTORY AND THE q^ur'an). The vanished
nations are destroyed by brimstone, fire
and other natural disasters (see
PUNISHMENT STORiEs), not by conquest
(q.v.), though the messenger expects to
punish his own opponents by military
means (c) 9:14, 52). Of the Israelite con-
quest of the holy land we are only told that
when Moses (q.v.) ordered the Israelites
(see CHILDREN OF ISRAEL) to enter this
land, all except two refused on the groimds
that it was inhabited by mighty men
(jabbdnn); the Israelites thus had to wander
in the desert for another forty years
(q. 5:21-6; cf J{um 13:31-14:34). But else-
where we learn that many prophets were
accompanied in battle by large numbers,
who never lost heart when they met di-
sasters ((J 3:146). There is also an obscure
reference to thousands who went out from
their homes: God told them to die (so they
did), whereupon he revived them. This is
told in encouragement of fighting in God's
path ((3 2:243f.), followed by an account of
the Israelite demand for a king (c) 2:246-51;
see KINGS AND rulers): they wanted a king
so that they could fight in the path of God
(cf. / Sam 8:5, iQlJudg 8:22), having been
expelled from their homes and their fami-
lies; but when fighting was prescribed for
them, they turned back, except for a small
band. Worse still, when their prophet an-
nounced that God had appointed Talut,
i.e. Saul (q.v), as their king, they disputed
his authority (q.v); and when Saul set out
to fight Goliath (q.v.), most of them failed
the test he set for them {ci.Judg 7:4-7; see
trial; trust and patience); but the
steadfast uttered the famous words, "How
many a small band has vanquished a
mighty army by leave of God," and David
(q.v.) slew Goliath. No fiu'ther Israelite
wars are mentioned down to
Nebuchadnezzar, whose destruction of
Jerusalem (q.v.) is briefly alluded to, as is
the Roman destruction of the Temple, in
both cases without any names being
named; the two disasters are presented as
punishment for Israelite sins (see jews and
456
Judaism), with a period of wealth and
power in between and a possibihty of bet-
ter times ahead (c3 17:4-8). Another sura
[q_ 30:2-4) notes that tlie Byzantines (q.v.)
have been defeated, predicting tliat they
will soon win (over the Persians) or, alter-
natively, that the Byzantines have been
victorious, predicting that they will soon be
defeated (by the believers).
Most warfare in the Qiir'an is conducted
by the believers in the present. One verse
regulates fighting among the believers
themselves: one should make peace (q.v.)
between the two parties or fight the wrong-
doers (c3 49:9; see arbitration). Another
threatens war against the believers when
they take usury (q.v; (J 2:278f.). But most
encourage the believers to fight others, var-
iously identified as "those who fight you"
(C) 2:190), unbelievers (e.g. Q^ 4:84; 9:123;
47:4), the polytheists altogether (q 9:36),
People of the Book (q.v.) who do not be-
lieve in God and the last day (<j 9:29; see
LAST judgment), hypocrites (c) 9:73),
friends of Satan (q^ 4-76), and imams of
unbelief (q 9:12), without it being clear
how far these groups are identical or
distinct. The hypocrites side with the be-
lievers when the latter win but not
when they lose [q_ 4:141) and once appear
in alliance with unbelieving People of the
Book (q 59:11). All war is assumed to in-
volve religious issues.
The moral status of war
Fighting is declared legitimate in self-
defense, by way of preemption (c) 9:8; cf.
60:2), for the rescue of fellow believers
fe 4-75) ^'^'^ f°'' the righting of wrongs,
including the punishment of the wrongdo-
ers (c3 9:13-14). The basic principle is that
one should treat other communities as they
treat one's own (see ethics and the
cjur'an). "As for the person who defends
himself after having been wronged, there is
no way of blaming them" (q 42:41); God
would help those who had always met like
with like, only to be wronged (o 22:60), for
a bad deed called for another like it
(0,42:39-42; see GOOD deeds; evil deeds).
"Fight in the path of God those who fight
against you, but do not transgress"
(c3 2:190); "a sacred month for a sacred
month... whoever aggresses against you,
aggress against him in a like manner"
(O 2:194; see months); "fight the polytheists
all together as they fight you altogether"
fe 9-36). Where the principle of like for
like is abandoned (see retaliation), the
claim is that bloodshed (q.v.) is the lesser
evil ("kill them wherever you come upon
them, expel them from where they expelled
you, (or Jitna is worse than killing," C3 2:191;
cf 2:217; see GOOD and evil). The famous
"sword verse" ("kill the polytheists wher-
ever you find them, take them, seize them,
besiege them, and lie in wait for them,"
Q_ 9:5), seems to be based on the same
rules, given that it is directed against a par-
ticular group accused of oath-breaking
and aggression (o 9.1-23; cf. 8:56-60; see
BREAKING TRUSTS AND CONTRACTS;
oaths) and that polytheists who remain
faithful to their treatises are explicitly
excepted (c) 9:4). Here as elsewhere, it is
stressed that one must stop when they
do (a 2:193; 4:90; 8:39f , 61; 9:3, 5, 11)
and, though the language is often ex-
tremely militant, the principle of forgive-
ness (q.v.) is reiterated in between the
assertions of the right to defend oneself
(a 42:37-43)-
Justifying war appears to have been hard
work. The exhortations (q.v.) are addressed
to a people who were not warlike ("pre-
scribed for you is fighting, though you dis-
like it," o 2:216), who assumed warfare to
be forbidden (q.v.; "permission has been
granted to those who fight/are fought, be-
cause they have been wronged," C3 22:39),
457
and who had to be persuaded that it could
be morally right ("if God did not drive
back some people by means of others,
cloisters, churches/synagogues [bija '], ora-
tories [salawdt], and mosques in which
God's name is much mentioned would be
destroyed," q_ 22:40; "the earth would be
ruined," c) 2:251). Only the jizya verse
(c3 9:29; see POLL tax) seems to endorse
war of aggression. If read as a continu-
ation of q 9:1-23, however, it would be
concerned with the same oath-breaking
"polytheists" (cf. C3 9:3of.) as the sword
verse.
Mobilization
Orders to fight came down in "suras"
(q.v.), apparently on an ad hoc basis
(c) 9:86; 47:20) and always in what appears
to be a mobilizing rather than a legislative
vein (for C3 2:216, an apparent exception,
compare q_ 2:246; 4:77). Exhortations to
fight abound (q 2:244; 4:71, 84; 8:65; 9:36,
41, 123; 61:4, etc). Those who emigrate (see
emigration; emigrants and helpers)
and strive for the cause with their wealth
(q.v.) and their lives are promised rich re-
wards, not least when they fall in God's
path (e.g. o 2:154; 9:20; 22:58f , see
martyrs; reward and punishment).
They rank higher than those who sit at
home (c3 4:95), just as those who joined the
fighting before the victory rank higher than
those who joined after it ((J 57:10; cf. 9:20;
see ranks and orders). Fighting and/or
striving in God's path is described as sell-
ing the present life to God for the hereafter
(Q, 4'74> 9-iii)> ^ loan that will be repaid
many times over (c3 2:245; 57:11; cf. 57:18;
73:20) and a commerce that will deliver
from painful chastisement (q 6i:iof.; see
trade and gommerge; esghatology).
Whatever one spends, God will repay in
full (q 8:60).
The response to these appeals is fre-
quently deemed inadequate. "How is it
with you that you do not fight in God's
path?" [q_ 4:75; cf 4:72); "What is the mat-
ter with you, that when you are told to go
forth in the path of God you sink heavily
into the ground?" ((J 9:38). Some people
are apparently happy to pray and pay alms
but protest when fighting is prescribed for
them, asking for postponement (c3 4:77).
Some hope for a sura but would look faint
if one were to come down mentioning
fighting (cj 47:20; cf 9:86). Some plead ig-
norance of fighting or turn back, wishing
that their brethren who have fallen in
battle had done the same (c3 3:i55f , i67f ).
Others ask for permission to leave before a
battle, pleading that their own homes are
exposed (c3 33:13) or ask not to be put in
temptation (by being asked to fight against
kinsmen?; cj 9:49; cf Q^ 60; see kinship).
Bedouin (q.v.) shirkers plead preoccupation
with their flocks (amwdl) and families
(c3 48:11; see family). Some turn their
backs in actual battle (c3 3:155; 8:i5f.;
33:i5f-)-
All lack of martial zeal is debited to base
motives. The blind, sick, weak and des-
titute are of course exempted (q 9:91;
48:17; see POVERTY AND THE POOR;
ILLNESS AND HEALTH) but shirkers are sick
of heart (q.v.; q 47:20), unwilling to be in-
convenienced by long journeys (o 9:42) or
heat ((^ 9:81), keen to stay at home with
their women (o 9:87, 93), reluctant to con-
tribute even though they are rich (c3 9:81,
86, 93), cowards who anticipate defeat
(^48:12; see gourage; fear), who are
scared of death (cf Q^ 33:i8f ; 47:20) and
who would boast (q.v.) of their luck if the
expedition were hit by disaster but wish
that they had been present when things
went well (q 4:72f.); if they were Bedouin
(q.v.), they are only interested in booty
(q.v.; (J 48:15). Such people are liars
(q, 9:42; cf 48:11), hypocrites (q^ 3:167),
458
cursed by God for only obeying part of
what he sent down (q^ 47:26), closer to un-
belief than to faith (o 3:167), indeed out-
right unbelievers (5^ 3:156; 33:19; cf 9:44f ),
who are really fighting for tdghiit ((J 4:76, cf.
4:72; see IDOLS AND images; JIBt); they will
be cast into a blazing fire (q.v.; o 48:13) and
hell is to be their abode (q 9:95; see hell
AND hellfire). Some people who have
been granted permission to stay behind, a
decision now regretted, are singled out for
particular attention in increasingly sharp
terms (ci 9:43-88). But the Bedouin who
stayed behind are promised a second
chance: they will be called against a mighty
people and rewarded if they obeyed
(c3 48:16). The believers in general are told
that if they would not go forth, God will
punish them and choose another people
fe 9'39)- If they think their fathers, sons,
brothers, wives, kinsmen, trade and
houses are more important than God, his
messenger, andjihddji sabil Allah, then they
will eventually learn otherwise ((J 9:24).
There is no need to be afraid. Death will
come at its appointed time, wherever one
may be ((3 4:78), and God might restrain
the power of the unbelievers (q^ 4:84); in
any case, unbelievers, hypocrites and
People of the Book are all cowards who
will turn their backs (cf. ^ 3:iiof.; 48:22;
59:iif.).
Attempts are also made to shame the be-
lievers into fighting by construing war as a
test: God could have avenged himself on
his opponents but he wants the believers to
do it so that he and they can see their true
worth (c3 47:4, 31). Most people have failed
the test, as they had done back in the time
of Moses and Saul and David (q.v.; above),
whose experiences clearly reflect the mes-
senger's own (see narratives). Misfor-
tunes in battles are likewise cast as tests
(c3 3:i66f ; 33:iof ). God alternates good
and bad days to purify the believers and to
destroy the unbelievers, i.e. to weed out
those of little faith {q^ 3:i4of ). Here as so
often, the unbelievers seem to be members
of the party deemed lacking in commit-
ment to the cause.
The objectives of war
Opponents have wronged the believers by
breaking their oaths and plotting to expel
or kill the messenger (c3 8:30; 9:13; 17:76)
and by actually expelling both him ((j 60:1;
9:40) and the believers without right, just
for saying "God is our lord" (q.v.; e.g.
Q, 22:40; cf 60:1, 8f); they have also
blocked access to the sanctuary (c3 2:217;
48:25; see SACRED precincts). The objec-
tive of war is to avenge these wrongs, to
help the weak men, women and children
left behind (q^ 4:75; see oppressed on
earth, the), to expel the people in control
of the sanctuary as they expelled the be-
lievers (c3 2:191), to put an end to fitna (trial
or test, traditionally understood as persecu-
tion, more probably communal division),
to make the religion entirely God's
((J 2:193; 8:39), to make his religion prevail
even if the polytheists dislike it ((J 9:33;
61:9; cf. 48:2) and to punish the opponents:
one should fight them so that God might
chastise them "at your hands" (q 9:14);
God will chastise them either on his own
[mill 'indihi, presumably meaning by natural
disasters; see weather; cosmology) or
"at our hands" (c3 9:52); he would have ex-
acted retribution himself (see vengeance)
if he had not decided to do it through the
believers to let them test one another
fe 47:4). T\iejizja verse stands out by en-
joining fighting until unbelieving People of
the Book are reduced to tributary status
((J 9:29). That the opponents will be de-
stroyed is treated as certain: "How many a
city (q.v.) stronger than the one that ex-
pelled you have we destroyed," God says
((J 47:13); "are your unbelievers better than
they?" ((J 54:43). And the objectives are in
fact achieved: God has expelled the un-
459
WARNER
believing People of tlie Book from tlieir
homes and tlieir fortresses, banishing them
(c3 5g:2f.); and he has fulfilled the vision he
had granted the messenger by allowing the
believers to enter the sanctuary ((J 48:27),
though the presence of believing men and
women there has caused him to withhold
his punishment (q 48:25).
Exegesis
The exegetes understood the cjur'anic
verses on war as legislation regarding the
Islamic duty of jihad and typically treated
each verse as an independent unit for
which the context was to be found in the
tradition rather than the Qiir'an itself. For
the result, see conquest, jihad, jews and
JUDAISM, and the further cross-references
given there.
Patricia Crone
Bibliography
(in addition to the classical coninientaries on the
verses cited above): H. Busse, The Arab conquest
in revelation and politics, in los 10 (1980), 14-20;
R. Firestone, J^zAfl^. The origin of lioly war in Isiam,
New York 1999; M.K. Haykal, al-Jifidd wa-l~qital
jt l-siydsati l-siiar'iyya, Beirut 1996; A.A. JannatT,
Defense and jihad in the Qiir'an, in al~TawhTd I
(1984), 39-54; M.J. Kister, 'An yadin (Qiir'an
IX/29). An attempt at interpretation, in Arabica
II (1964), 272-8; A. Morabia, Le Gifidd dans I'lslam
medieval. Le "combat sacre" des origines au XIF siecle,
Paris 1986; M. Mutahhari, Jihad in the Qiir'an,
in M. Abedi and G. Legenhausen (eds.), Ji/idd and
sliahddat. Struggle and martyrdom in Islam, Houston
1986, 81-124; A. Noth, Heiliger Krieg und heiliger
Kampf in Islam und Christentum, Bonn 1966; H.T.
Obbink, De heilige oorlog volgens den Koran, Leiden
1901; 'Abdallah b. Ahmad al-Qadirl, al-Jiliddjl
sabTli lldh. Haqiqatuliu wa-ghdyalu/iu, Jeddah 1992;
U. Rubin, Bard'a. A study of some quranic
passages, in JSAI^ (1984), 13-32; A. Sachedina,
The development of jihad in Islamic revelation
and history, in J.T.Johnson andj. Kelsay (eds.).
Cross, crescent and sword. New York 1990, 35-50;
A. Schleifer, Jihad and traditional Islamic
consciousness, in 10 27 (1983), 173-203;
F. Schwally, Der heilige Krieg des Islam in
religionsgeschichtlicher und staatsrechtlicher
Beleuchtung, in Internationale Alonatsschrift fur
Wissenschaft, Kunst und Technik 6 (1916), 689-714;
W.M. Watt, Islamic conceptions of the holy war,
in TP. Murphy (ed.). The ftoly war, Columbus,
OH 1976, 141-56.
Warmth see hot and c;old
Warner
One who foretells the (negative) conse-
quences of actions. The Arabic word nadhir
(pi. nudhur) appears no fewer than fifty-
eight times in the Qiir'an, scarcely less fre-
quently than the verb andhara (including
nominal and adjectival forms, particularly
mundhir) from which it derives, and nearly
always in the sense of "warner" (cf. Lisdn
al-'Amb, xiv, 100). As Watt puts it [Muham-
mad at Mecca, 71), the verb "describes the
action of informing a person of something
of a dangerous, harmful, or fearful nature,
so as to put him on his guard against it or
put him in fear (q.v.) of it" (see also
CHASTISEMENT AND PUNISHMENT; REWARD
AND punishment). Particularly in the lan-
guage of the sira (see sira and the
(jur'an), andhara is also used to describe the
Prophet's foreknowledge — his "giving
notice" — of future events (see fore-
telling; miracles; marvels) and as such
can be counted as one of the signs (q.v.; see
also proof) of his prophethood (Ibn Ishaq,
Sira, i, 134; Ibn iiazm, Jawdmi' al-sira, lof;
see prophets and prophethood).
The primary sense of nadhir in pre-
qur'anic Arabic seems to have been con-
nected to warfare: the nadhir al-jaysh/
al-qawm is usually described as the scout
who warned the main force of the enemy's
presence (see war; enemies), a usage that
continues in the Islamic period (see Bevan,
Nakd'id, 12, "one who gives the alarm," and
517, "a warner"; Ibn Qjntayba, 'UyUn, i,
109; Wensinck, Concordance, s.v. andhara). It
is apparently this sense that lies behind the
WARNER
460
prophetic hadith in which Muliammad
identifies himself as the "naked warner"
[al-nadhir al-'urydn; cf. Wensinck, Con-
cordance, iv, 203), who waves his slied gar-
ments in order to raise the alarm (see
HADITH AND THE (^ur'an). Unlike bas/ur
(and its cognate, mubashshir, "the bearer of
good news"; see news; good news) or, for
that matter, nadhr ("vow"), which have par-
allels in pre-Islamic Semitic languages (see
Jeffery, For. vocab., 79f. and 278; Widengren,
Muhammad, I3f.), usage of the term nadhir
apparently becomes monotheistic only in
the Qiir'an itself (see foreign vogab-
ulary; grammar and the qur'an).
Although the jinn (q.v.) can occasionally
warn people (see (J 46:29 and Ibn Ishacj,
Sira, i, 130), here as elsewhere God, acting
out of his mercy (q.v.), usually sends men.
The bashir, with which nadhir is frequently
paired (at least in part for reasons of
rhyme; see rhymed prose; pairs and
pairing; rhetorig and the ^ur'an),
promises good news for those who believe
(see BELIEF AND UNBELIEF), but God's War-
ners invariably promise bad news for those
who do not (see, for the two antonyms, al-
Raghib al-lsfahani, Aiufraddt, s.v. n-dh-r;
and on C3 34:28, Muqatil b. Sulayman,
Tafslr, iii, 533). In this respect, andhara and
nadhir lie close to the qur'anic dhakkara
"to remind, admonish" (on which see
Bravmann, Spiritual background, 87 n. i; see
remembrange; memory; reflegtion and
deliberation). As the last of the prophets,
Muhammad seems to have been construed
as the last of the nadhirs, and exhorting the
faithful to fear would later fall to preachers
of varying status, some of whom took their
name from the far less common qur'anic
term mudhakkir (for examples, see Ibn al-
Jawzi, Qiissds, 42f ; see teaghing and
preaching the ^ur'an).
Attempts to assign fairly precise dating to
the "warner" passages (thus Horovitz, KU,
47; Speyer, Erzdhlungen, 34f.; Andrae,
Mohammed, 43f ; see ghronology and the
(JUr'an) are only as persuasive as the
schemes upon which they otherwise rely.
But if one holds to the traditional and
modern consensus that C3 74:2 ("Rise and
warn!") is among the earliest lines — in-
deed, perhaps the earliest — revealed to
Muhammad, then his role as God's warner
is at least as old as that (thus Tabari, Tafsir,
xxix, I43f.; id., Ta'rikh, i, Ii53f.; Rubin,
Shrouded messenger; see oggasions of
revelation). Even if one does not,
Muhammad's role as warner is still attested
in Q_ 26:214 ("And warn your nearest rela-
tives..."; see kinship), which is held to sig-
nal the beginning of his public preaching,
an event conventionally dated three years
after his first revelation (thus Ibn Ishaq,
Sira, i, 166; Tabari, Ta'rikh, i, 1169;
Noldeke, UQ, i, 129). In the traditional lit-
erature, the imagery is one of the battle-
field (see Rubin, Eye, I30f.), which may
suggest a relatively early date (see
EXPEDITIONS AND BATTLEs). That this
verse marks the concept's point of entry
into the Qiir'an is also suggested by echoes
of the parochialism (cf. also c) 42:7) that
characterizes earlier warners, who had
warned their communities of their own
particular fates: the thunderbolt that fell
upon 'Ad (q.v.) and Thamud (q.v.) in
(J 41:13, the blow delivered to the people of
Lot (q.v.) in (j 54:36 and the "painful chas-
tisement" promised by Noah (c[.v.; q 71:1),
which is glossed in tradition as the fiood
(thus Tabari, TafsTr, xxix, 91; see punish-
ment stories).
Muhammad is certainly portrayed as one
of a line of monotheistic warners (thus
(J 28:46; 32:3), "there is not a community
but that it has had a warner" (o 35:24), and
warning sometimes appears to have been
intrinsic to prophecy itself (see especially
^ 6:48 and c^ 18:56: "We have not sent
461
WATER
messengers save as bearers of good news
and Warners"; see messenger). Unlike his
predecessors, liowever, Muliammad is fre-
quently given to warn through a scripture
that was revealed to him (e.g. (^ 6:19; 7:2;
42:7; 46:12; see book; revelation and
inspiration); he is also given to warn "all
humankind" (c3 34:28), and whereas Noah's
"painful chastisement" ['adhdb 'alim, C3 71:1)
was the Hood, Muhammad warns of
nothing less than the eschaton itself: "the
day of meeting" ((J 40:15; cf. 40:18; see
eschatology) and "the flaming fire"(q.v.;
C3 92:14; see also hell and hellfire). At
least once (o 78:40), this day of chastise-
ment is said to be near to hand, but the
precise timing of the end probably held
more interest for later Muslims than it did
for Muhammad himself (see Bashear,
Muslim apocalypses; see apocalypse). In
sum, "this is a warner of the warners of
old" (cj 53:56), but the Prophet brings to-
gether an altogether unprecedented com-
bination of vision, scripture and political
action (cf. Gook, Muhammad, 35f.; Cook
and Crone, Hagarism, i6f ; see scripture
AND THE C>UR'aN; POLITICS AND THE
qur'an).
Chase F. Robinson
Bibliography
Primary: A. Bevan (ed.), The Nakd'id oj Janr and
al-Farazdak, Leiden 1905; Ibn Hazm, 'All b.
Ahmad b. ?i?i\A, Jawdmi' al-sTra, Cairo 1956; Ibn
Ishaq, Sira, ed. Wiistenfeld; Ibn al-JawzT, Abu
1-Faraj 'Abd al-Rahman b. 'All, Kitdb al-Qussds
wa-l~mudhakkinn, ed. M. Swartz, Beirut 1971; Ibn
Qiitayba, 'Uyun al-akhbdr, Cairo 1925; Lisdn al-
'Arab, Beirut 1988; Muqatil, TafsTr; al-Raghib al-
IsfahanT, Mujraddt; TabarT, Tafsir, Cairo 1954-7;
id., Ta'nkh, Leiden 1879-1901.
Secondary; T. Andrae, Mohammed. Sein Leben and
sein Glaube, Gottingen 1932; S. Bashear, Muslim
apocalypses and the hour. A case study in
traditional interpretation, in 10s 13 (1993), 75-99;
M.M. Bravmann, The spiritual background of early
Islam. Studies in ancient Arab concepts, Leiden 1972;
M. Cook, Muhammad, Oxford 1983; id. and
P. Crone, Hagarism. The making of the Islamic world,
Cambridge 1977; Horovitz, Kf/; Jeffery, For vocab.;
Noldeke, gq; U. Rubin, The eye of the beholder.
The life of Muhammad as viewed by the early Muslims,
Princeton 1995; id.. The shrouded messenger.
On the interpretation of al-muzzcimmil and al-
muddaththir, injSAiiQ (1993), 96-107; Speyer,
Erzdhlungen; W.M. Watt, Muhammad at
Mecca, Oxford 1953; Wensinck, Concordance;
G. Widengren, Muhammad, the apostle of God and
his ascension, Uppsala and Wiesbaden 1955.
Warning see warner
Wars of Apostasy see apostasy
Washing see cleanliness and
ablution; ritual purity
Waslla see consecration of animals;
camel; idols and images
Waswas see DEVIL
Watcher see god and his attributes;
SEEING AND HEARING
Water
The compound of oxygen and hydrogen
on which every form of life depends. Of
the four Heraclean elements, water has the
highest number of attestations in the
Qtir'an and appears in the greatest variety
of forms. In its general sense, it is desig-
nated by the Arabic word ma'. It subsists in
the sky as clouds (sahdb, muzn, mu 'sirdt,
ghamdma, 'ard), falls to the earth as rain (md'
min al-samd', wadq, malar), or hail [barad; see
weather) or is condensed from the at-
mosphere as dew (tall). It rises from within
the earth as springs ('ayn, yanbu') and is also
accessible as wells [bi'r,juhb; see SPRINGS
AND fountains). It flows across the land as
WATER
462
rivers [nahr, pi. anhdr) and foaming torrents
(sayl). It comprises the great aqtieoiis mass
of the sea [jam, bahr, pi. bihdr), and its
surges are waves (mawj). Often explicit
mention of it is elided (mahdhuf) and its
presence indicated by context, through
such verbs as ghasila, "to wash," or saqd,
"give to drink" (see food and drink).
There is the water of bodily fluids, such as
semen [nutfa, md' mahin, md' ddjiq; see
BIOLOGY AS THE CREATION AND STAGES OF
life) and tears (dam'; see weeping). Finally,
there is in hell scalding water (hamlm) and
putrid liquid (sadid) among the torments of
the damned (see reward and punish-
ment; HELL and HELLFIRe).
Water in all these forms has a part in the
divine economy of creation (q.v.). The
words that designate it interact with each
others' meanings, creating what Frithjof
Schuon calls a spiritual geometry that
yields structures of religious meaning char-
acteristic of qur'anic rhetoric (see
RHETORIC AND THE q^ur'an). They occur
individually but are also combined to form
images of power and beauty (q.v.). Water is
a sign of God's power (see nature as
signs; power and impotence). It reveals
aspects of the dependence of creation on
him, his dealings with it, and its duty to
serve him.
God created water before the heavens
(see heaven and sky) and the earth
(q.v.) — this is how the commentators (al-
Tabari, al-Razi, al-Nasafi), luiderstand the
verse "[God] created the heavens and the
earth in six days, when his throne was
above the water (md')" (o 11:7), and "He
raised up the dome [of the sky] , then per-
fected it; he made dark its night and made
bright its day (see day and night), he laid
out the earth, and drew forth from it its
water (md'J and its pasturage" ((J 79-28-31;
see AGRICULTURE AND VEGETATION). It is
life-giving. Further God says, "We made
every living thing of water (md'f (c) 21:30;
cf. 24:45) and, as seminal fluid, in phrases
such as md' mahin ((J 77:20), and md' ddjiq
((J 86:6), water passes on life (q.v.) from one
generation to the next.
From above the earth
"Water from the sky" (min al-samd' md), a
regular periphrasis for rain, is among the
gifts celebrated in hymnic pericopes (see
LANGUAGE AND STYLE OF THE OUr'aN;
GIFT AND gift-giving) such as: "He has
set the earth for you as a resting place, and
placed across it paths for you, and sent
down from the sky water by which we have
brought forth in profusion greenery of var-
ious kinds" (q^ 20:53). It is one reason for
humankind to worship (q.v.) God (see also
GRATITUDE AND INGRATITUDE). Water is a
single entity, but it produces a variety of
wonderful things. "In the earth are neigh-
boring tracts of land and gardens, of
grapes, land with sown crops, date palms
in clusters (see DATE palm), sprung from a
single root, or standing singly, though ir-
rigated by one water" [md', cj 13:4; cf.
80:25). By it "he makes grow for you your
crops, olives, dates, grapes and fruits of
every kind" (q 16:10-11; cf. 50:9-10).
Humankind depends totally on God's
bounty, "Have you reflected on the water
(md) you drink? Did you make it come
from the cloud (muzn) or did we?"
(q 56:68-9; cf 67:30; see REFLECTION AND
deliberation; grace; blessing).
Water may be taken away (c3 23:18), and
without it, everything withers. "We send
down [water] from the sky. The greenery
of the earth blends with it, but then be-
comes dry grass that the wind scatters"
((J 18:45). Water is carried by the clouds
(sahdb). The winds (riydh lawdqih) impreg-
nate them (with water), and by them "We
send water (md) down from the sky, then
give it to you as drink. It is not you who
463
WATER
hold it in store" (q 15:22). Tlie winds drive
the clouds to carry water wherever God
wills.
Clouds may portend blessings. "We
spread over you clouds (ghamama), and sent
upon you manna and quails" (q 2:57). The
winds carry them, "... you see rain (wadq)
come from the midst of them," and "his
servants (see servant)... who receive it
rejoice" (q 30:48). They may, however,
contain thunder and lightening, and send
down hail (barad), and threaten punish-
ment (q 24:43; see CHASTISEMENT AND
punishment).
The wonderful effect water has on
drought-stricken earth is proof of God's
power to resurrect the dead. "Among his
signs (q.v.) is [this] : That you look on the
earth [and see it] barren, yet when we send
down upon it water (md'), it is stirred and
becomes fecund. Indeed, he who brings it
back to life restores to life the dead"
(Q, 4I-39J cf 7:57; 16:65; see DEATH AND THE
dead; resurrection).
On earth
Water is given to humankind in wells, riv-
ers and torrents (sayl) flowing through the
valleys (q 13:17) and springs. Wells are
mentioned in q 12:10, 15 asjubb, and as bi'r
in (J 22:45. The miraculous appearance of
the well of Zamzam near Mecca (q.v.), is
implied in q 2:158, that prescribes the sa'y
between Safa and Marwa (q.v.), and is the
scriptural basis for the story of Ishmael
(q.v.; Isma'il) and Hagar (Hajar).
Rivers provide water for irrigation, are a
means of travel and transport and are
sources of food and ornaments. Like rain
they are celebrated in hymnic pericopes of
great beauty (cf q 13:3; 14:32; 16:15; 27:61).
The imbelievers (see belief and unbelief)
say to Muhammad that they will not be-
lieve unless "You provide for us a garden
(q.v.) of date palms and grapes, and rivers
(anhdr) gush through it" (q 17:91; see
OPPOSITION TO Muhammad). On two
occasions, jyamm replaces nahr to identify
the river Nile, when the infant Moses (q.v.)
was left to float in a box to be carried by its
waters to safety (q 20:39; 28:7).
Springs have a place in the canon of
divine blessings: "he has caused you to
have abundance of cattle and sons, of gar-
dens and springs" (q 26:133-4). And "we set
[upon the earth] gardens of date palms
and grapes, and we make gush from it
springs" (q 36:34). Yet springs only gush
from the earth because God so wills
(q 67:30). Like God's other gifts they may
be taken back due to people's wickedness
(see GOOD AND evil). Salih (q.v.) warned
his people that, if they did not accept his
message, the "gardens, springs, tilled fields,
and date palms with heavy sheaths"
(q 26:147-8) they enjoyed would be taken
away from them (see Warner;
PUNISHMENT STORIEs).
So precious are they that the unbelievers
said to Muhammad, "We will not believe
you until you make a spring (yanhu'an) gush
forth for us" (q 17:90). Moses had per-
formed such a miracle (q.v.). When he
asked God for water in the desert, God
replied, "'Strike the rock with your staff
(see rod),' and twelve springs gushed from
it" (q 2:60).
The sea
There are two words for sea: bahr and
jamm, the latter of which is attested only
eight times in the Qiir'an. Li four places,
yamm refers to the sea in which Pharaoh
(q.v.) drowned (q 7:136; 20:78; 28:40; 51:40;
see drowning), and once to the sea in
which were thrown the ashes of al-Samirl's
idol (q 20:97; see Samaritans; calf of
gold). The sea (bahr) is mighty. God
swears by Mount Sinai (q.v.), by the Torah
(q.v.), by the heavenly Ka'ba (q.v.), by the
WATER
464
vault of the sky, and by the ever brimful
sea [q_ 52:1-6) that the punishment he
threatens will come about (c3 52:7; see
oaths). The water of the sea is salty. The
Qiir'an contrasts it with the fresh water of
springs and rivers, speaking of the two seas
(bahrayn): "It is he who has let flow the two
seas, one sweet and one salty and set a bar-
rier (q.v.) between them" (q 25:53-4; cf
55:19-20; see also barzakh). The point of
meeting of the two seas is apotheosized in
the Qiir'an as the place at which Moses
meets the prophet al-Khidr (o 18:60-5; see
khadir/khidr). Though different, both
serve humankind: "From each you can eat
fresh fish and find ornaments. You can
watch the ships (q.v.) cleaving them with
their prows as they seek his bounty" (cf.
Q. 14:32; 16:14; 17:66; 22:65; 31:31; 35:12;
45:12; see HUNTING AND FISHINg).
Especially vivid is "his are the ships on the
sea with sails aloft like mountains"
(a 55:24) ■
The sea is also a place of terror and dark-
ness (q.v.). God gives protection against
these perils: "God has set the stars to guide
you in the darknesses of land and sea"
(CJ 6:63, 97; 27:63; see PLANETS AND STARs).
It is at its most terrifying when mariners
are threatened by a tempest: "When waves
are suspended over them like a canopy,
they call on God, in total sincerity, but
when he has brought them safely to land,
their faith (q.v.) grows feeble" (o 31:32; cf.
10:22; 17:67).
Water as punishment
Water may be an instrument of punish-
ment. One occasion, in historical time, is
referred to in (j 34:16: "Then they turned
away from us, so we sent to overwhelm
them the torrent (sayl) of the great dam
(at-'arim [q.v.])," referring to the devasta-
tion of Saba' (see sheba) after the collapse
of a dam above the city. On a greater scale
is the flood sent to pimish the people of
Noah (q.v.), wiping out all of humankind
apart from Noah and his family. "So we
opened the gates of the sky to let water
(ma') pour forth, then we made springs
('upiin) gush from the earth until the water
(md') [from above and below] met to
accomplish what had been decreed"
(Q, 54:11-12; cf 69:11). The waves (mawj)
drowned Noah's son (q 11:43), who put his
trust in a mountain instead of God. The
waters of the sea drowned Pharaoh and his
armies (c3 10:90; 44:24). God has total
power over the waters. He saved Noah,
"By God's help, the ark (q.v.) sailed safely
amid [waves] like mountains" (c3 11:42).
God saved Moses from Pharaoh by divid-
ing the sea (c^ 2:50; 7:138; 20:77; 26:63).
In
A surging up of the sea (o 81:6; 82:3) is a
sign of judgment day but it is no longer
mentioned in the hereafter (see
eschatology; last judgment). Water,
however, still has a role. In the gardens of
paradise (q.v.) are springs (q 15:45; also
q 44:52; 55:50; 77:41-3) and from them the
blessed are given drinks of wonderfifl taste
fe 37:45-7; 76:6), including zanjabil irom a
spring called salsabil (q 76:17-18). Those
brought close to the divine presence drink
from water called tasnim (q 83:27-8; see
face of god). Through these gardens flow
rivers (c3 64:9; 65:11; cf. 2:266; 98:8), the
water of which will never run brackish
(q 47:15). For those enjoying them is as-
surance of forgiveness (q.v), the ending of
hostilities and peace (q.v.; q 47:12; 48:17;
see also enmity).
In hell
Water is also part of the torments of the
damned. The most terrible form of it is
hamim. It is a scalding, seething fluid, with a
terrible taste (q 38:57; 44:46). There are
other liquid torments. The damned who
cry out calling for cooling water (q 7:50)
465
WATER
are given water like fused brass, like the
dregs of oil (q^ 18:29; see smell; hot and
cold). It is foul and purident, and can
scarcely pass their throats (o 56:42). There
are springs that add to their agony such as
one that spouts scalding water (c) 88:5).
In God's design
Water plays a direct role in the dispositions
of divine providence. One example is the
vignette of Moses, after his flight from
Egypt, helping the two daughters of Je thro
water their flocks (cf. Q_ 28:23-4). This was a
critical moment in his career, for it set the
stage for his retiu'n to Egypt as a prophet
(see PROPHETS AND prophethood).
Another is the pivotal role played by "wa-
ter from the sky" the evening before the
battle of Badr (q.v), rain making the soft
and shifting sand firm underfoot for the
Muslims, and providing a stream to furnish
drink and from which to take water for
ritual ablutions (cf Q^ 8:11; see cleanliness
and ablution; ritual purity).
In purification
q 8:11 alludes to the nexus between water
and the ritual purity necessary for the valid
performance of the ritual prayer (q.v.), and
by extension, progress in the spiritual life.
Ci 4:43 and (J 5:6 prescribe the ritual of
wudW and the circumstances that render it
necessary. (5 38:42 shows water as an agent
of healing, sanctifying and restoring. After
Job (q.v.) has suffered for many years, God
says to him, "Scuff [the earth] with your
foot! This is [a spring] . A cool place to
bathe, and [it is] drink" (o 38:42), the
words "water" and "spring" being under-
stood. The water this miraculous spring
provides quenches Job's thirst, cleanses him
from disease, and is a sign that everything
taken from him is to be restored. It is a cue
to the spiritual dimensions of water in the
Qur'an, richly exploited in the Sufi tradi-
tion (see SUFISM and the cjur'an), notably
in the thought of al-Ghazah (d. 505/11 11)
and Ibn al-'Arabi (d. 638/1240).
In rhetoric
Metaphors in which water plays a part
highlight its connotations (see metaphor).
Unbelieving hearts are harder than stone
(for nothing good can come from them; see
heart), whereas from some stones rivers
gush forth, others shatter, and water flows
from them (c3 2:74). The unbeliever is to-
tally ignorant and blind (see ignorance;
vision and blindness). He is "in the dark-
ness of a vast sea; waves envelop him,
above them further waves, above them
clouds, [forming] layers of darkness, one
upon the other" (c3 24:40). Finally, even the
plenitude of the sea is little compared to
the words of God, for if all the trees of the
world were pens, and the seas seven times
over were ink, they would not suffice to
write them (cj i8:iog; 31:27; see writing
AND WRITING MATERIALS; WORD OF GOd).
Conclusion
Water, in its primal position in the order of
creation, the variety of its forms and uses,
its literal and symbolic significances (see
SYMBOLIC imagery), has a dominant
position in the Qvir'an's presentation of
natural phenomena. In it is an inherent
dynamism that makes it imique. It is one,
but fecundates life in diverse forms. The
movement of the life-cycle from the ger-
mination of a seed depends on it. It brings
the dead earth back to life and is thus an
image of God's power to resurrect the
dead. The frequent periphrasis "water
from the sky" instead of rain (wadq, matar)
highlights water as substance, iintram-
meled by any accident.
Every attestation elaborates the spiritual
economy of the qur'anic revelation (see
revelation and inspiration). Like the
QjLir'an (tanztl), it is sent down (nazala) from
the sky, as a inercy (q.v.) to humankind. It
WATER OF PARADISE
466
is essential to every form of life and a sym-
bol and agent of spiritual purity. Mystics
have found in it an infinity of aspects and
significances.
Anthony H.Johns
Bibliography
Primary: Baydawi, ^4HM)fl/v Jalalayn; Nasafl, 'Tafsh;
RazI, TafsTr; Tabarl, Tajsir.
Secondary: T. Burckhardt, The symbolism of
water, in W. Stoddart (ed. and trans.), Mirror of
the intellect. Essays on traditional science and sacred art,
Albany, NY 1987, 124-31; A.H.Johns, Narrative,
intertext and allusion in the qur'anic presenta-
tion of Job, in Journal of qur'anic studies I (1999),
1-25; M. Lings, The qoranic symbolism of water,
in Studies in comparative religion 2 {1968), 153-60;
F. Schuon, Understanding Islam, London 1976;
H. Toelle, Le Coran revisite, Lefeu, I'eau, Vair et la
terre, Damascus 1999.
Water of Paradise
Rivers and springs found in the paradisia-
cal garden, as described in the Qiir'an.
The phrase "rivers of paradise," anhdr al-
janna, occurs forty-six times, while the
terms 'ayn, spring, and its plural, 'uyiin,
occur nine times only (see also water;
SPRINGS AND FOUNTAINS). There are four
kinds of rivers in paradise (q.v.): Rivers of
milk (q.v.) whose taste never alters, rivers of
pure honey (q.v.), rivers of delightful wine
(q.v.) which causes neither drunkenness nor
heaviness (see intoxicants) and, finally,
rivers of water that are always gushing, as
in 0.47:15.
Where are these rivers and springs lo-
cated? Al-Qiirtubl (d. 671/1272) mentions
that the qur'anic expression "underneath
them" means that rivers flow "under the
dwellers of paradise's couches and under
their chambers" [Jdmi\ viii, 312). A much
earlier commentator, al-Tabarl (d. 310/
923), had offered an expanded explanation:
"God means the trees, fruits, and plants in
the garden (q.v.; see also agriculture
AND vegetation), not the ground. That is
why he has said ^underneath which rivers
flow,' because it is clear that he wanted to
say that the water of the rivers therein
flowed under the trees, plants, and fruits,
not under the ground. For, when water
flows under the ground, it is not the lot of
someone above it to see it unless the cover
between it and him is removed. According
to the description of the rivers of the gar-
den, they do not flow in underground
channels" [TafsTr, ad loc). Al-Qiirtubl
delves into the location of these rivers. He
cites al-Bukhari's (d. 256/870) Sahih: "If
you asked God, then ask him to dwell in
al-Jirdaws which is in the middle of the gar-
den. It is located in the highest place. On
top of it is placed the Throne of God (q.v.),
the merciful (see mercy; god and his
attributes). It is from al-Jirdaws that the
rivers of paradise flow" [Jdmi', ix, 311).
Islamic tradition (see traditional
DISCIPLINES OF ^ur'anic study) has as-
cribed various names of qur'anic origin to
these rivers (e.g. Kawthar, Kafur, Tasnim,
Salsabil; cf. Smith and Haddad, Islamic
understanding, 88, esp. n. 76). One of them,
al-kawthar, occurs only once in the Qiir'an.
Ibn Qayyim aljawziyya (d. 751/1350) cites
a hadlth of the Prophet (see hadith and
THE our'an) from Muslim (d. ca. 261/875):
^^ al-kawthar is a river in paradise that my
God promised me" [Hddl l-arwdh, 314). Abu
Nu'aym al-LsfahanI (d. 430/1038) quotes
the following hadith: "Then sidrat al-
muntahd (the lote-tree of the boundary; see
trees; ascension) was uncovered for me,
and I saw four rivers: two internal and two
external; I said: ^What are these rivers, O
Gabriel (q.v.)?' He said, ^The internal ones
are in paradise and the external are the
Nile and the Euphrates'" [Sifat al-janna, iii,
157-8; see geography).
In 76:18, we read that the faithful will
drink from a source called salsabil. Its water
is flavored with ginger (cj 76:17) and the
467
WEALTH
calyx of sweet-smelling flowers (cf. o 76:5;
see camphor; smell; food and drink).
Water of paradise purifies literally and
metaphorically (see metaphor; cileanli-
NESS and ablution; ritual purity). A1-
Qiirtubl [Jdmi', x, 33) interprets (J 15:45 as
follows: "when the people of paradise en-
ter paradise, two springs are offered to
them. They drink from the first one, and
God erases all hatred and desire for ven-
geance (q.v.) from their hearts (see heart).
Then, they enter into the second spring
and wash themselves. Their faces (q.v.) be-
come serene."
Inasmuch as the water of paradise puri-
fies, it was connected to light (q.v.). Light,
like water, renews and regenerates. Thus,
al-Qiirtubl interprets the term nahar in
ft 54:54 as light rather than river [Jdmi',
xvii, 149). These two meanings of radiance
and refinement can be understood in a
highly esoteric way, as expressed in the
commentary published under the name of
the great Sufi (see SUFISM AND THE c^ur'an)
Ibn al-'Arabi (d. 638/1240) as "the sources
of the esoteric sciences and their
branches" [Tafsir, i, 234; see polysemy).
Amira El-Zein
Bibliography
Primary: Abu Nu'aym Ahmad b. 'Abdallah al-
Isfaham, Sifat al-janna, 4 vols., Damascus 1987;
Ibn al-'Arabl, Tafsir; Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya,
Hadi l-arwah ila bilad al-afrdh, al-Dammam, Saudi
Arabia 1997; Qiirtubl, J^am? '; TabarT, Tafsir.
Secondary: E. Clark, Underneath which rivers flow.
The symbolism of the Islamic garden, London 1996
(2004); S. El-Saleh, La vie future selon le Coran,
Paris 1971; E.J. Jenkinson, The rivers of paradise,
in MW 19 (1925), 151-5; M. Lings, Symbol &
archetype. A study in the meaning of existence, Cam-
bridge, UK 1991, 67-82 (ch. 7, The qur'anic
symbolism of water); J. Macdonald, Paradise, in
IS 5 (1966), 331-83; J. Smith and Y. Haddad, The
Islamic understanding of death and resurrection, Albany
Weakness see oppressed on earth,
the
Wealth
Worldly possessions and property. In this
sense, "wealth" occurs often in the Qur'an.
The most common term for it, mTil and its
plural amvudl, prevails in the later (Medi-
nan) suras (q.v.; see also chronology and
THE cjur'an). Additional terms include
ghind' and other words derived from its
root, especially in the early (Meccan) suras.
Sometimes property (q.v.) seems taken for
granted as a simple fact of life: God "has
made it a support for you" [allatija'ala lldhu
lakum qijdman, q 4:5); one reason for men's
control over women is "the expenditure
they make [for them] out of their prop-
erty" (C3 4:34; see MAINTENANCE AND
upkeep; women and the our'an;
patriarchy). For the most part, however,
wealth is considered permissible and even
desirable under certain conditions but a
dangerous thing overall.
To begin with, God is ghani, which means
both "wealthy" and "able to dispense with"
something or someone (see god and his
attributes). He has no need of creation
(q.v.) and the world [q.v.; ghaniyjiun 'ani
l-'dlamm, o 3:97; 29:6). Human beings,
however, need at least a bare minimum of
the goods of this world, which can only
come from God. God combines his wealth
with mercy (q.v.; C3 6:133), providing hu-
mans with property to satisfy their needs
(Q. 53-4^> aghnd wa-aqna). Accordingly, we
have the famous passage C3 35:15, "Oh you
people! You are the (poor) ones in need of
God [al-fuqard'u ild lldhi; see poverty and
THE poor), while God is the wealthy and
praiseworthy one [al-ghaniyyu l-hamid; see
praise; laudation; glorification of
god)." God's gifts (see gift and gift-
giving) may be related to the sustenance
WEALTH
(q.v.; rizq) which he provides, as for in-
stance in the quickening rain (see water;
blessing). More to tlie point liere, how-
ever, is the fact tliat tlie divine beneficence
is often called^;//, which means "grace"
(q.v.) but, also, in many cases, something
more like "surplus" (see Bravmann,
Surplus of poverty). "So if you fear (q.v.)
poverty, God will make you wealthy out of
his fadl" ((J 9:28); those who lack the means
for getting married should wait chastely for
God's fadl to arrive {q_ 24:33; see marriage
AND divorce; chastity).
God's generosity contrasts with the
hoarding and greed of certain people
(c3 10:58; see avarice). It is especially
blameworthy to respond to God'sfadl with
vengeful behavior (cf. Q^ 9:73-4; see
vengeance). Yet many people are misled
by or through their material goods. In the
days of old, the Children of Israel (q.v.;
Banu Isra'll) rejected their prophet's des-
ignation of Saul (q.v.; Talut) as king over
them, because they did not consider him
rich enough (o 2:247; see kings and
rulers). The people of Midian (q.v.) asked
Shu'ayb (q.v.) if his religion would require
them "to cease doing whatever we like with
our property" (c3 11:87). The dazzling
splendor and wealth of the present life
which God permitted to Pharaoh (q.v.) and
his chiefs caused them to lead people
astray (q.v.) from God's path (o 10:88; see
path or way). In Muhammad's own time,
the unbelievers spent their wealth in pre-
cisely the same way (q 8:36; see belief
AND unbelief). Acquisition of wealth is
repeatedly described as useless (e.g.
Q, 15:84; 69:28; 92:11; 111:1-2, etc.). In a
great many verses, worldly wealth is paired
with children (q.v.), together constituting a
vain enticement or temptation away from
God (q. 3:10, 116; 8:28; 9:55, 69, 85; 17:6,
64; 18:34. 39. 46; 19:77; 23:55-6; 26:88;
34:35. 37; 57:20; 58:17; 63:9; 64:15; 71:21;
see trial; trust and patience).
Hoarding, avarice and arrogance (q.v.) all
go together (see c) 57:23-4; 4:36-8, "God
does not love the arrogant and vainglori-
ous, nor those who are stingy and who hide
the benefits that God has bestowed on
them... nor those who spend of their sub-
stance so as to be conspicuous before oth-
ers"). Every time a warner (q.v.) appears
before a people, its well-off members
(mutrajuhd) say, "We do not believe...; we
have more in wealth and children, and we
cannot be punished" (cf. <J 34:34-5). Of
course they are proved wrong; and in the
afterlife, the saved will call down to the
damned (see reward and punishment):
"Of what profit to you were your hoarding
and arrogant ways?" ({) 7:48; cf. 14:21). The
basic problem with avarice is its claim to
self-sufficiency (c3 92:8, man bakhila wa-
staghna). Avarice thus comes at the cost of
one's own soul (q.v.; o 47:38) and to be
saved from the "covetousness of one's
soul" is to achieve true "prosperity"
((J 64:16). Similarly, greed is a form of in-
gratitude: the creature whom God created
and to whom he granted abundant goods
and sons, and whose life he made comfort-
able, is now greedy for more (o 74:11-15).
Man, though created for toil and struggle
(see work), still boasts, "I have squandered
abundant wealth" (q 90:4-6).
A great many passages in the Qiir'an
speak of arrogance and the arrogant
(alladhina stakbaru), rather than of wealth
and the wealthy. These two groups (the
arrogant and the wealthy) are related, if
not identical. Interestingly, the Qiir'an, like
the New Testament (Mark 10:25; Matthew
19:24; Luke 18:25) talks of a camel (q.v.)
going through the eye of a needle yet here
the object of comparison is not the wealthy
man seeking entrance to heaven (see
paradise) but rather "those who reject our
signs (q.v.) and consider them with arro-
gance" (q^ 7:40; see lie; gratitude and
ingratitude).
469
WEALTH
Despite its many dangers for us, we can
purify our wealtli by giving it away witliout
any thouglit for favors in return
(c) 92:18-19). We sliould not mar our acts of
cliarity (see good deeds; almsgiving)
with reminders of our generosity or witli
unkind remarks (q 2:264). In this way, our
wealtli may come to resemble God's origi-
nal gift to humankind (rizq or fadl) , which
was likewise given without any expectation
of its being restored to the original donor.
This reciprocity between God and the do-
nor becomes clear when we are called
upon to help meritorious mukdtah slaves (see
SLAVES AND SLAVERY): "give them some of
God's wealth (min mdli lldhi) which he has
given you" ((J 24:33). Many passages spec-
ify how to take alms from property and the
right or claim (haqq) for "the needy and the
deprived" that inheres within the property
itself (c) 51:19; 70:24-5; see oppression;
OPPRESSED on earth, THe).
Wealth becomes an aid to salvation (q.v.)
when it has not only been "purified," but
also spent "in the path of God" (cj 2:261-5).
Repeatedly, the believers are enjoined to
struggle with their possessions and their
persons (bi-amwdlihim wa-anfusihim); often
(as at cj 4:95; 8:72; 9:44, 81, 88) this refers
specifically to fighting (q.v.) and warfare
(see war), though in other cases perhaps
not (see jihad). God has purchased the
possessions and persons of the believers in
return for the garden (q.v.; (j 9:111). Here,
through war and conquest (q.v), material
wealth becomes a positive value: "He
made you heirs of the lands, houses and
goods [of the People of the Book (q.v.)] ,
and of a land which you did not frequent
previously" (q^ 33:27).
There are also many passages that deal
with the management of property.
Orphans' estates must be handled honestly
(see orphan; guardianship). Money is
prescribed for dowries (o 4:24; see
bridewealth) and should not be made
over to the weak of understanding ((j 4:5;
see maturity; intellect). You should not
devour your own substance and that of
others by spending it on vanities or on
bribes (?) forjudges (e.g. {) 2:188; 4:29). The
alternative to such spending on vanities is
commerce based on mutual good-will
[tijdratan 'an tarddin minkum, C3 4:29).
Similarly, ribd denotes a kind of bad trans-
action, contrasted with alms (c) 30:39), and
permissible trade (c3 2:274; see usury).
Regarding the historical context for refer-
ences to wealth in the Qiir'an, in one
place, o 48:11, the term amwdl is used to
refer to the herds of nomadic desert-dwell-
ers (see nomads). Otherwise, we seem to be
in a world consisting largely of town-dwell-
ers, perhaps one in a process of intense
social change, as Watt (Muhammad at Mecca;
Muhammad at Medina), Ibrahim (Merchant
capital) and Bamyeh (Social origins) have var-
iously proposed (see t;iTY). It is not often
clear, however, whether or to what extent
the references to wealth in the Qiir'an have
to do with moveable or immoveable prop-
erty. Clear references to money (q.v.) are
lacking altogether. Only rarely does the
Qiir'iSn provide much context for these
matters. One example may be C3 4:160-1,
where the Jews (see JEWS and Judaism) are
mentioned together with ribd (usury?);
however, this may fit within a well-estab-
lished thematic of monotheist debate (see
DEBATE and DISPUTATION), as Rippin
(Commerce) has suggested regarding the
commercial vocabulary of the Qiir'an (see
TRADE AND COMMERCE; POLEMIC AND
POLEMICAL language).
Despite the variety among them, these
qur'anic themes relating to wealth and
property together constitute a coherent
view. A summary of this view, at o 47:36-8,
makes it clear that if people believe and do
the right things (see virtues and vices,
COMMANDING AND FORBIDDING; ETHICS
AND THE qur'an), if they are generous and
WEATHER
470
open-handed, and if they remember that
this life is mere play and frivolity, then God
will allow them to keep their worldly prop-
erty after all. Among the classical exegetes
(see EXEGESIS OF THE (JUr'an: classical
AND medieval), al-Tabarl (d. 310/923) had
a particidarly strong sense of the qur'anic
moral economy regarding property and
wealth.
Michael Bonner
Bibliography
M. Bamyeh, The social origins of Islam, Minnea-
polis 1999; M. Bonner, The Kitdb al-Kasb
attributed to al-Shaybanl. Poverty, surplus, and
the circulation of wealth, inJAOS 121 (2001),
410-27; id.. Poverty and economics in the
Qur'an, m. Journal of interdisciplinary history 35/3
{2005), 391-406; M.M. Bravniann, The surplus of
property. An early Arab social concept, in Der
Islam 38 (1962), 28-50; repr. in id.. The spiritual
background of early Islam, Leiden 1972, 229-53;
M. Ibrahim, Merchant capital and Islam, Austin,
TX 1990; A. Rippin, The commerce of
eschatology, in Wild, Text, 125-35; W.M. Watt,
Muhammad at Mecca, Oxford 1953; id., Muhammad
at Medina, Oxford 1956.
Wean see lactation
Weapons see instruments; fighting;
war; hunting and fishing
Weariness see sleep; sabbath
Weather
In general terms, the state of the atmo-
sphere at a given time and place, involving
the variables of heat, cold, moisture, wind
and pressure, and referring both to bene-
ficial and destructive consequences. In the
Qiir'an there are a number of words cover-
ing many of these aspects, some phenom-
ena having more than one term. In the
vast majority of contexts, the agency of
God is explicit (e.g. q 30:48).
Rain, for example, is expressed in several
ways. The most frequent is the mention of
God's "sending down water from the sky"
thereby giving life (q.v.) to or restoring it on
earth (q.v.; see also agriculture and
vegetation). The word ghayt/i is also
employed in a bountiful sense in q 42:28
and q 57:20 (see grace; blessing). The
two occurrences of wadq (q 24:43; 30:48)
mean a heavy rain falling from a cloud;
sayyih (q 2:19) is also rendered heavy rain or
rainstorm. A neutral sense is conveyed in
q 4:102 where fighters are allowed to set
aside their arms (see fighting; expedi-
tions AND battles; weapons) if sick (see
ILLNESS and health) or discomfited by
rain (malar). The causative verbal form IV
of this root (m-t-r) is used exclusively to
express divine punishment, as in q 25:40
where it "rained an evil rain" (umtirat
matara l-saw'i) upon Sodom. The same
occurred to the people of Lot (q.v.; q 7:84;
26:173; 27:58), although in q 11:82 and
q 15:74 (see also q 8:32) "stones" (hijdr)
were rained down upon them, possibly a
metaphor (q.v.) for a volcanic eruption (see
stone).
A series of related weather terms, wind
(sing, and pi.; see air and wind), storm
{'dsif, q 14:18), and cloud may be treated
together. In q 22:31, ascribing partners to
God (see polytheism and atheism) is lik-
ened to a wind (rih) that carries someone
far away. Another simile (q.v.) compares
those who devote themselves to the life of
this world to a biting icy wind [rThJihd sirr,
q 3:117) that destroys the harvest. Solomon
(q.v.) is granted a fair wind by God by
which he could safely set sail at sea
(q 21:81; 38:36). On the other hand, the
ungrateful (see gratitude and ingrati-
tude) may feel a sense of security but God
could drown them in a mighty storm or
hurricane [qdsifan mina l-rihi, q 17:69; see
drowning), a fierce roaring wind [nh
sarsar 'dtija, q 69:6; cf also q 41:16; 54:19;
471
WEEPING
al-rih al-'aqim, c) 51:41) destroyed the people
of 'Ad (q.v.) for their disobedience (q.v.).
The faithful (see faith; belief and
unbelief) are reminded of God's favor
that when they were besieged at Medina
(q.v.) by the Qiiraysh (q.v.), he sent against
them a strong wind [rihan, q 33:9) and hosts
they could not see (see ranks and orders;
angel). God sends winds (al-riydh bushran,
Q_ 7:57; see also Q_ 25:48; 27:63; cf 30:46)
that herald his mercy (q.v.) by bringing
clouds to water a scorched earth (see
water).
Two words for cloud, 'arid and sa/idb, the
latter used in a collective sense as well, nat-
urally occur along with mention of wind(s)
(c3 2:164; 46:24) and rain. One splendid
passage (q^ 24:43) contains numerous signs
of God's lordship as creator and sustainer
of the natural order in the clouds, rain,
hail (barad) and lightning [barq; see
creation; sustenance; lord; nature as
signs). Thunder (ra'd) and lightning ap-
pear naturally together in (J 2:19-20 along
with thunderbolts {sawd'iq; see also
(3 13:12-13). The people of Thamud (q.v.)
were destroyed (c) 69:5) by a divine punish-
ment which appeared to combine the qual-
ities of thunder and lightning (tdghiya), a
term occurring only in this context (see
PUNISHMENT STORlEs). Lane notes that it is
synonymous with sd'iqa (pi. sawd'iq) mean-
ing "thunderbolt" (<j 41:13), although
translators render it as "lightning" as well.
Thunder (ra'd) is also the title of the thir-
teenth chapter of the Qiir'an (see sura).
David Waines
Bibliography
Lane; Lisan al-'Arab; H. Toelle, Le Corcm revisits. Le
feu, Veau, fair ei la ierre, Damascus 1999.
Wedding see marriage and DIVORCE
Weeping
Shedding of tears as a result of a height-
ened emotional state. Weeping out of piety
(q.v.) or the fear (q.v.) of God is considered
an expression of great devotion and several
hadlths relate that this is what the Com-
panions of the Prophet (q.v.) used to do
when they heard sermons and preaching
(see teaching and preaching the
q^ur'an). According to a hadlth reported
by Abu Hurayra (d. ca. 58/678; see HADITH
AND the (JUr'an), among "the seven peo-
ple to whom God gives his shade on the
day" of resurrection (q.v.), there is "a man
who remembers God in solitude and his
eyes become tearful" (Bukhari, Salnh,
K. Adhdn 14; Tirmidhi, Sahih, K. ^uhd, 53;
see remembrance; vigils). Another
hadlth, reported by 'Abdallah b. al-Shikh-
khir (fl. fourth/tenth cent.), says that the
Prophet himself, "when he was performing
prayers, would sob and his chest sound like
a boiling kettle" (Abu Dawud, Sunan, K.
Saldt, 22, 157; see prayer). In the Qiir'an,
some verses say that the believers (see
belief and unbelief) are those who, lis-
tening to the holy book, "fall down on their
faces in tears" (c3 17:109; see recitation
OF THE (jur'an), and the same is said
about the ancient prophets who "would fall
down in prostrate adoration and in tears"
(o 19:58; see BOWING and prostration).
These verses are among the eleven, ac-
cording to al-Q_ayrawanI (d. 385/996,
Risdla; most traditional schools speak of
fourteen or fifteen occasions) that, when
recited, Muslims are commanded to per-
form sujud (see ritual and the cjur'an).
Al-Bukharl (d. 256/870) and Muslim (d. ca.
261/875) report that Muhammad ordered
Abu Bakr (q.v.) to lead the prayer, but
'A'isha (see 'a'isha bint abi bakr) said
that he could not because he "will not be
able to recite the noble Qiir'an to the peo-
ple on account of weeping" (Bukhari,
WEIGHTS AND MEASURES
472
Sahih, K. Fadd'il al-sahdba, 3; Muslim, Sahih,
K. Fadd'il al-sahdba, 2). In spite of that, the
Prophet re-afSrmed liis order. The ques-
tion of whether it is permitted to weep for
the dead is more complex (see DEATH AND
THE dead; burial). Muslim scholars agree
that weeping for the dead is permissible,
whereas lamenting and wailing are not (cf.
Halevi, Wailing; Rippin, Sadjda). Many
narrations report that in particidar 'Umar
admonished those who wail for the dead,
recalling that the Prophet had said: "A
dead person is tormented by the wailing of
the living people" (Bukhari, Sahih, K.
Jand'iz, 33; Muslim, Sahih, K. Jand'iz,
passim). After the death of 'Umar, 'A'isha
said, in reply to the son who had admon-
ished those who were crying for his father,
that, on the contrary, "The messenger of
God did not say that a believer is punished
by the weeping of his relatives. But he said
that God increases the punishment of a
non-believer because of the weeping of his
relatives" (Bukhari, Sahih, R. Jand'iz, 32;
Muslim, Sahih, K. Jand'iz, passim). She fur-
ther added, quoting the Qiir'an: "Nor can
a bearer of burdens bear another's bur-
dens" (q 35:18). Ibn 'Abbas (d. ca. 68/
686-8) then recited: "It is he who grants
laughter and tears" (tj 53:43). After that,
Ibn 'Umar did not say anything. On the
other hand, it is related that the Prophet
himself wept on the death of his son
Ibrahim and said: "The eyes shed tears
and the heart feels pain, but we utter only
what pleases our lord. O Ibrahim! We are
aggrieved at your demise" (Sayyid Sabiq,
Fiqh al-sunna, iv, 21). The verb "to weep"
recurs only rarely elsewhere in the Qiir'an.
Regarding those who were congratulating
themselves on having successfully avoided
taking part in the expedition of Tabuk (see
EXPEDITIONS and BATTLES; HYPOCRITES
AND hypocrisy), it is said: "Let them
laugh a little: much will they weep"
(q, 9:82; see laughter). Joseph's (q.v.)
brothers also pretend to weep on their re-
turn to their father after having sold their
sibling (ci 12:16; see brother and
brotherhood; benjamin). Those who
make fim of the announcement of the end
of the world (see eschatology) are re-
buked for laughing instead of weeping
(Q, 53-6o). Lastly, we are told that neither
heaven nor earth shed tears for the people
of Pharaoh (q.v), after being punished by
God for not having listened to Moses (q.v;
Q, 44:29; see also chastisement and
punishment; reward and punishment;
joy and misery).
Paolo Branca
Bibliography
Primary: Abu Dawud; Abu 'Ubayd, Fadd'il, 63-6
(for early treatment of weeping in response to
the Qiir'an); al-AnsarT, Abu 'Abdallah, Shark
hadud Ibn 'Arafa, Morocco 1992; Bukhari, Sahih,
ed. M.D. al-Bagha, 6 vols., Beirut 1987; Ibn
Hibban, Sahih, ed, Sh. al-Arna'ut, 18 vols., Beirut
1993; Ibn Hisham, al-Sira al-nabawiyya, ed.
T. 'Abd al-Ra'uf Sa'd, 6 vols., Beirut
1411/1990-1; Ibn KatliTr, Tafsir, Beirut 1980;
Malik, Muwatta'; al-MaqdisT, Muhammad b.
'Abd al-Wahid, al-Ahadith al-mukhtdra, ed. 'Abd
al-Malik b. 'Abdallah b. Duhaysh, 10 vols.,
Mecca 1410/1989-90; Muslim, Sahih; Qiirtubl,
Jdmi'; Sayyid Sabiq, Figh al-sunna, Eng. trans.
4 vols., Indianapolis 1989 (orig. 5 vols., Cairo
1954-5); Tabarl, Tiifsir, Beirut 1984; Tirmidhl,
Sahih, 13 vols., Cairo 1931-4.
Secondary; L. Halevi, Wailing for the dead. The
role of women in early Islamic funerals, in Past
and present 183 (May 2004), 3-39; A. Rippin,
Sadjda, in EI^, viii, 740.
Weights and Measures
Means for making cjuantitative evaluations.
Information about weights and measures
in the Qtir'an must be derived from sym-
bolic discourse (see symbolic imagery;
similes; metaphor). This is true even for
very concrete weights and measures and is
reflected in the exegetical literature (see
EXEGESIS OF THE OUr'an: CLASSHIAL AND
473
WEIGHTS AND MEASURES
medieval), which contains often divergent
information and explanations about
weights and measures in the Qiir'an. What
follows is a closer examination of the
qur'anic (i) measures of length; (2) meas-
ures of weight; (3) mixed measures; and
(4) measures of time. The Qiir'an
makes no mention of explicit measures
of area.
Measures of length
Dhird\ "cubit," appears only in (J 69:32, in
"a chain of seventy cubits reach." It is
ecjuivalent to "the part of the arm from the
elbow to the tip of the middle finger" (see
Hinz, Dhira', on its concrete early Islamic,
not qur'anic, dimension). Al-Tabarl
(d. 310/923) simply says "God knows best
the span of its length" [Allcihu a 'lamu bi-qadri
tulihd; Tafsir, xii, 220). He also mentions the
opinion that "one a'Aira' corresponds to
seventy bd'^ The term 6a 'does not occur
in the Quran but in early Islamic times it
corresponded to about two meters (see
Hinz, Islatnische Masse, 54). Following al-
Tabarl, one bd' can also represent — sym-
bolically, of course — a distance that is
supposed to be longer than the distance
between Kufa and Mecca (q.v).
Qdb denotes "a short span" and appears
only in Q_ 53:9, in combination with qaws,
"bow," or "cubit" (see Lane, vii, 2575) as
qdba qawsayn, literally the "distance of two
bow-lengths," meaning "very close." Al-
Tabarl [Tafsit; xi, 507-9) reports opinions
on the length of qdba qawsayn, including,
among others, "half the length of a finger"
or "length of a finger." He also explains
the phrase as referring to either the dis-
tance between the archangel Gabriel (q.v.)
and God or between Muhammad and
God.
Measures of weight
Mithqdl, "(an undefined) weight," appears
eight times, six occurrences of which
(q 4:40; 10:61; 34:3, 22; 99:7-8) are in a gen-
itive construction with dharra. Dharra (e.g.
"God does not do a grain's weight of
wrong," q 4:40) denotes something tiny, a
speck (e.g. an ant — a hundred of them
weigh one grain of barley; see Lane, iii,
957), or, in modern Arabic usage, an atom.
Following al-Tabarl [Tafsir, x, 574) with re-
gard to C3 10:61, mithqdl dharra denotes the
weight of one single, small speck. With
regard to C3 34:3, al-Tabari says: "God
misses nothing in heaven (see heaven and
sky) and on earth (q.v.), even if it has only
the weight of a dharra [Tafsir, x, 346) and at
Q^ 34:22 he comments: "There are no gods
but God, so they do not even own some-
thing of the weight of a dharra in heaven
and on earth" (ibid., x, 371; see poly-
theism AND atheism; idols and images;
POWER and impotence).
Kayl appears repeatedly for "measure" in
general. In just one place the Qiir'an uses
kayl ba'ir, "camel-load" (see camel), as the
definition of a weight which is, following
the verse itself, "an easy measure": "We
shall... get an extra measure of a
camel(-load). That is an easily acquired
measure" [nazdddu kayla ba'irin dhdlika kaylun
yasirun, o 12:65). Apart from that, whenever
kayl appears — ten places in all — it
never refers to a defined weight (see
measurement).
Some other expressions belong to the
sphere of measures of weight. Twice,
mithqdl appears in connection with habba
min khardal, "grain of mustard" (c3 21:47;
31:16): "... if it be the weight of a grain of
mustard, and it be in a rock,... God will
produce it" (q 31:16). In all other places
where habba, "grain," occurs alone, it is a
mere metaphor (cf. the metaphorical
"grain of a mustard seed" of the Bible, e.g.
in Mark 4:31).
Himl, "load," serves in three places as a
periphrasis for a weight: as "camel-load"
[himl ba'Tr, (j 12:72, .synonymous to the
WEIGHTS AND MEASURES
474
above-mentioned kayl ba'Tr); one burdened
soul (q.v.) will not bear the burden of an-
other (c3 35:18; see also intercession;
REWARD AND PUNISHMENT); some Will bear
a burden on the resurrection (q.v.) day
(c3 20:101; the same meaning is denoted by
wizr, "load," in the preceding verse,
Q, 20:100).
Similarly metaphorical are waqr, "heavi-
ness," which occurs four times ((J 6:25;
17:46; 18:57; 31:7), and wiqr, "burden,"
where once ((J 51:2) it denotes metaphori-
cally the burden of water (q.v.) that clouds
carry (see also air and wind; weather).
Mixed measures
Some terms of measure in the Qiir'an sig-
nify simultaneously weight and value (see
also trade and commerce; markets;
money; numismatics).
Dirham denotes the early Arabic silver
coin, and, at the same time, a weight as a
coin was understood to be of a particular
weight. It appears only once, in the plural
dardhim ((j 12:20). From there, it simply fol-
lows that it is a measure for a small value:
"They sold him [Joseph (q.v.)] for a low
price, a certain number of dirhams, for they
thought little of him." At the time of the
prophet Muhammad, one dirham was sup-
posed to have the value of a tenth or a
twelfth of a dmdr (Miles, Dirham).
Dinar denotes the early Islamic gold coin
and appears only once, too. It is of a lesser
value than the qintdr (o 3:75). It is said that
Christians and Jews who had borrowed
dinars from Muslims would sometimes not
give them back (Miles, Dinar; see jews and
JUDAISM; CHRISTIANS AND CHRISTIANITY).
Qintdr, mostly understood as "talent," ap-
pears three times ((3 3:75; 4:20; pi. qandtir,
C3 3:14). It is apparently derived from the
Latin centenarius (Ashtor, Mawazin). In
C3 3:14 "talents of gold (q.v.) and silver" are
listed as earthly enticements, in addition to
women (see women and the cjur'an),
children (q.v.), excellent horses, cattle (see
animal life) and land (see also grace;
blessing; property; wealth). Com-
mentaries on this verse list many different
opinions on the meaning of qintdr.
Al-Tabarl (TafsTr, iii, 199-202) says repeat-
edly that it means "a lot of property (mdl)
of gold and silver" and that it cannot be
defined by weight. The other interpreta-
tions al-Tabari lists range from 1200 uqiyya,
"ounce" (not in the Qiir'an; in early Islam
it denoted a weight of 125 grams; see Hinz,
Islamische Masse, 35) to over 1200 gold dindrs;
or 1200 dindrs, and 1200 mithqdl (see above)
in silver; or 12,000 dirham, or lOOO dindr;
until the equally unclear "as much gold as
a sack made of bull hide can contain"
(miVu maski thawrin dhahaban). Ibn Kathir (d.
774/1373; Tafsir, ii, 17-18, 57) concedes that
the opinions of the interpreters differ. He
understands qintdr simply as "money" or
"property" (mdl), although he has heard
opinions that it is worth 40,000, 6o,000,
and 80,000 dindrs. He refers to the Prophet
who is said to have assigned to a qintdr the
weight of 12,000 uqiyya (see above): each
single uqiyya is supposed to be more valu-
able than everything between heaven and
earth (kullu uqiyyatin khayrun mimmd bayna
l-samd'i wa-l-ard).
Again for the sake of completeness, two
metaphorical expressions for something of
little value should be noted: qitmir, "skin of
a date-stone," which denotes symbolically
very little value and appears only in
8. 35''3' "Those whom you call upon, apart
from him, have not power over the skin of
a date-stone"; and qabda, "a handful,"
which occurs twice, as in (j 39:67: "The
earth as a whole will be his handful on the
day of resurrection" (also (5 20:g6). Al-
Tabari [TafsTr, viii, 451-2) says with regard
to Q, 20:96: "A handful (of dust) from the
track, which the hoof of the horse of the
475
WEIGHTS AND MEASURES
archangel Gabriel (who came to reveal
the Qiir'an to the prophet Muhammad)
had left."
Measures of time
A number of terms are used with the
meaning "eternity, unlimited period of
time" (for further discussion of measure-
ments of time, see eternity; time): dahr
(twice, in (J 45:24; 76:1), also with the
meaning of "fate" (q.v.; see Watt, Dahr);
sarmad (twice, in (3 28:71-2), meaning "in-
cessant continuance" (see Lane, iv, 1353);
abad, always in the accusative case, abadan
(twenty-eight times), fourteen of which are
with the meaning of "forever," e.g. q 64:9:
khdlidmajihd abadan, "to abide therein for-
ever." In the remaining places, abadan is
not a measure of time in the strict sense,
because it appears as a negation meaning
"never."
In contrast, amad denotes a clearly limited
period of time (four times, in q 3:30; 18:12;
57:16; 72:25): "Time, considered with re-
gard to its end" (Lane, i, 95; Tabari, TafsTr,
xii, 275, with regard to (J 72:25). Al-Tabarl
{Tafsii; iii, 231) gives the term a different
gloss at each occurrence: he acknowledges
with regard to C3 3:30 the interpretation
"period of time" as well as "place" (makdn),
meaning an undefined measure of dimen-
sion or space. Then, he compares the amad
of C3 18:12 (Tabari, Tafsu, viii, 187) with
ghdja, "extreme limit," noting that it can
denote both a temporal and a spatial di-
mension. He knows also the interpretation
"number" ('adad) for amad. Moreover, al-
Tabari {TafsTr, xi, 682) narrates an opinion
about q 57:16 in which amad is synonymous
to dahr (see above).
Not much more concrete are the syn-
onymous terms Sana and 'dm, both meaning
"year," because they are used either meta-
phorically or for the vague description of
longer periods of time. Sana appears seven
times in the singular and twelve in the plu-
ral sinlna; 'dm appears nine times (see
year), q 2:189 and 10:5 indicate that time-
fixing follows the new moon (q.v.). The
calculation of the year according to the
lunar calendar (in which one year is ca.
354 days) thus has a qur'anic basis (see
calendar). The Qtir'an, however, knows a
year longer than the lunar year because it
mentions a leap month (q 9:37, see below;
see months).
This leads us to the next smallest unit of
time, shahr, "month," of which twelve make
one year (q 9:36). Shahr appears twenty-one
times, twelve of which are in the singular,
twice in the dual, once in the plural shuhur,
six in the plural ashhur. One month is in-
dicated by its name: Ramadan (q.v.;
q 2:185). Sacred months in general (see
sacred and profane) are mentioned
eight times (in q 2:194, 197, 217; 5:2, 97;
9:2 — here the four months during which
one can travel safely in the country, be-
cause feuds are forbidden [q.v.] ; see also
fighting; lawful and unlawful;
journey), a travel distance of two months
corresponds to the distance that the wind,
which was made to serve Solomon (q.v.),
covered in one day (q 34:12; see below at
yawm).
Shahr is also used metaphorically: "The
Night of Power (q.v.) is better than a thou-
sand months" (q 97:3). When God created
the heavens and the earth (see creation;
cosmology), he simultaneously created
twelve months, four of which are sacred
(q 9:36). Thirty months are the time for a
woman to become pregnant and wean her
child (q 46:15; see biology as the
creation and stages of life; wet-
nursing; fosterage; lactation; milk).
Other regulations in connection with the
measure of months can be found in q 4:92
(about fasting [q.v.] for the sake of repen-
tance; see REPENTANCE AND PENANCe),
WET-NURSING
476
c) 58:4 (about remarriage; see marriage
AND divorce; law and the q^ur'an),
(J 2:226 and 65:4 (about the woman's wait-
ing period [q.v.] after divorce and before
remarriage), C3 2:234 (about a widow's
[q.v] waiting period before she may be
remarried after her liusband's death). If we
assume tliat tlie Arabs (q.v.) at the time of
the revelation followed the lunar calendar
(see pre-islamk; Arabia and the
C3Ur'an), a cjur'anic month has an average
duration of around 29.5 days (see De Blois,
Ta'rikh, 258). The length of the leap
month, al-ndsi', whose insertion is prohib-
ited ((J 9:37; see calendar; months; cf
De Blois, Ta'rikh, 260), is unclear.
The next smallest unit of time i^yawm,
"(an entire) day (between sunset and sun-
set)." Layl and layla, "night" (pi. laydlin),
stands for the first half of the twenty-four
hour day, nahdr, "day," for its second half.
The times of the day generally denote
vaguely defined periods of time (for more
details see day and night; day, times
of). For example, two terms describing
times of the day signify a short period of
time in relation to the (metaphorical) hour
of the last judgment (q.v): 'ashiyya (late,
dark evening) and duhd (forenoon): ka-an-
nahum yawma yarawnahd lamyalbathii Hid
'ashiyyatan aw duhdhd, "On the day when
they see it, it will be as if they had not tar-
ried more than an evening, or its morning"
(only Q_ 79:46; see morning; evening).
Two other terms appear in connection
with the time or the distance which the
wind that was made to serve Solomon cov-
ered in one day: ghuduww (morning) and
rawdh (evening, or "afternoon [q.v] , from
the declining of the sun [q.v] from the
meridian until night"; see Lane, ill, 1182);
both terms appear only in C3 34:12: "And to
Solomon (we subjected) the wind which
blew a month's (journey) in the morning,
and a month's (journey) in the evening "
Al-Tabari [Tafslr, x, 353) repeats the opin-
ion that the wind covers in one day the
distance that one travels in two months (a
distance equal to that between Kabul and
an unidentified place).
The smallest unit of time in the Qtir'an is
sd'a, commonly translated as "hour." Sd'a
appears forty-eight times. It denotes a
period of the day shorter than its second
part, al-nahdr; as in C3 10:45 (cf. Q^ 46:35): lam
yalbathu Hid sd'atan min al-nahdr, "On the day
when we round them up as if they had not
remained (in the grave; see bxjrial; death
and the dead) an hour of the day."
Therefore, it can also be understood as "a
time, a (little) while, a space, a period, an
indefinite short time" (Lane, iv, 1467).
Stephan Dahne
Bibliography
Primary: 'Abd al-BaqT; Ibn Kathir, Tafslr; TabarT,
Tafsir, 12 vols., Beirut 1420/1999.
Secondary: E. Ashtor, Mawazin, in if/^, vi,
118-21; EC. de Blois, Ta'rikh, in Ei", x, 257-64;
W. Hinz, Dhira', in Ei^, ii, 231-2; id., hlamische
Masse und Gewichte, Leiden 1970; Lane; G.C.
Miles, Dinar, in EI^, ii, 297-9; i^-) Dirham, in EI^,
ii, 319-20; W.M. Watt, Dahr, in El", ii, 94-5.
Wells see SPRINGS AND FOUNTAINS
Wet-Nursing
Breastfeeding — voluntary or for
payment — of an infant by a woman other
than its own mother, or by the latter, fol-
lowing divorce (see marriage and
divorce). Murdi'a (pi. marddi') in the
Qiir'an denotes in general "suckling fe-
male" (q 22:2, Bell; "nursing mother,"
Pickthall) and, more specifically, a "foster-
mother" (c3 28:12, Arberry) or a "wet-
nurse." In (J 65:6 the root r-d-' in the fourth
form describes the act of wet-nursing, and
in c) 2:233 the tenth form of this root de-
notes "seeking, or demanding, a wet-
477
WET-NURSING
nurse" (see Lane, 1097). The term ^z 5 "one
that inchnes to, or affects, the young one of
another, and suckles or fosters it" (Lane,
1907-8), which became very common in
Islamic legal and medical writings from the
classical through the medieval periods
(Giladi, Infants, esp. 106-14), was in use al-
ready in early cjur'anic exegesis (Muqatil,
TafsTr, ad C3 2:233) but has no qur'anic roots
(see LAW AND THE qur'an; medicine and
THE Q^Ur'an).
Inasmuch as it assumes a connection be-
tween a nurse's blood and her own milk,
Q^ 4:23 makes ties created by suckling simi-
lar to ties of blood kinship (q.v.; see also
BLOOD AND BLOOD clot) and therefore
explicitly forbids sexual relations (see SEX
AND sexuality; prohibited degrees)
between men and their (non-biological)
milk-mother(s) and milk-sister(s). In hadlth
(see hadIth and the cjur'an) and fqk
writings these impediments were gradually
widened to include the nurse's husband
and his relatives — a development based
on the idea that the nurse's milk is created
by the man who made her pregnant
(Benkheira, Donner le sein, 5-52).
cj 28:12 furthermore points out that in-
fants sometimes reject the milk of women
other than their own mothers (see
lactation; fosterage). The Qiir'an,
however, sanctions in principle (in the spe-
cific context of divorce) mercenary nursing
of an infant either by its divorced mother
or, if the divorced parents "find mutual
difficulties" (c3 65:6), i.e. disagree on the
fee, by "some other woman" (see also
C3 2:233). Both verses (as well as o 65:7)
encourage men to be both fair and even
generous towards women hired to nurse
their own infants (and see e.g. Muqatil,
TafsTr, ad C3 65:6-7).
The Qur'an itself gives almost no hint
about actual wet-nursing practices in sev-
enth century Arabia or neighboring
areas — e.g. in which circumstances they
were applied, how popular they were, how
gender (q.v.) relations within the nursling's
family and that of its wet-nurse both af-
fected and were affected by these practices,
what the common criteria were for select-
ing wet-nurses and the physical and moral
demands with which these women had to
comply, etc. (see pre-islamic Arabia and
the (JUr'an). Suggestions, e.g. that it was
the accepted custom to send a child to fos-
ter-parents in Mecca (q.v.) but not in
Medina (q.v.; Stern, Marriage, g6), are
based on the interpretation of post-
qur'anic sources and are, in any case,
debatable (see Benkheira, Le commerce,
3-6). From later exegetical and legal writ-
ings, however, one gleans that in the
Islamic classical and medieval periods wet-
nursing was practiced in vast areas of the
Muslim world.
Muslim scholars who interpreted c) 2:233
as pertaining to parents (q.v.) in general
(see e.g. Jassas, Ahkdm, tab al-radd'; RazI,
Tafsir, ad C) 2:233), distilled from this verse a
great niunber of rules (see lactation;
Giladi, Irfants, 53-6, 106-14). As they clearly
viewed breastfeeding as a maternal instinct
and the preferable way of feeding infants
(see lactation; milk), Muslim scholars
generally regarded it as a natural right of
the mother (see e.g. Tabari, Tafsir, ad
Q, 2:233 and 65:6; Jassas,^Mflm, bdb al-
radd') but often insisted that no mother
could be forced to suckle her baby unless
the nursling's health would otherwise be
endangered (see e.g. Tabari, Tafsir;
Zamakhsharl, Tafsir; RazI, Tafsir, ad
Q_ 2:233). Wet-nursing is a legitimate option
when the mother is unable or refuses to
breastfeed. In these and similar circum-
stances (specified e.g. in Tabari, TafsTr and
RazI, TafsTr, ad o 2:233; see also Ibn al-
'Arabl, ^Mam, ad Q_ 2:233), it is the father's
duty to look for a wet-nurse and pay for
her services (Muqatil, TafsTr, ad o 2:233;
Jassas, ^Mam, bdb al-radd'; RazI, TafsTr, ad
WHISPER
478
q_ 2:233; see maintenani;e and upkeep;
children). In the same context such other
questions are discussed, as the father's duty
versus his economic abihty (see e.g. Tabari,
TafsTr, ad (J 2:233), the hiring of a woman
by her own husband to breast-feed their
infant (see e.g. Zamakhshari, TafsTr, ad
C3 65:6), the duties of the wet-nurse, both
concerning her own way of life and liealth
(see Benkheira, Le commerce; Giladi,
Infants, 53-6, 106-14) as well as the proper
treatment she should extend to the infant
and other legal aspects of the hire agree-
ment (see e.g. Ibn Qudama, al-Mughm, vi,
73-5; on the detailed chapter in al-
Sarakhsl's al-Mabsut in this regard, see
Shatzmiller, Women and wage, 182-8; Giladi,
Infants, 106-14). The core of the Islamic
attitude towards wet-nursing is perhaps
best characterized by the insistence of
legal-moral authorities to try if at all pos-
sible not to separate nurslings from their
mothers (see e.g. Jassas, ^Mdm, bdb al-rada\
passim).
Avner Giladi
Bibliography
Primary: Ibn al-'Arabl, Ahkdm; Ibn Qiidama,
'Abdallah b. Ahmad b. Muhammad, al-Mughm,
Beirut 1972; Jassas, ^Mrtm; Muqatil, Tafsir; RazT,
TafsTr; TabarT, Tafsir; Zamakhshari, Tafsir.
Secondary: Arberry; Bell, Qur'dn; M.H.
Benkheira, Le commerce conjugal gate-t-il le lait
maternel? Sexualite, medecine et droit dans le
sunnisme ancien, in Arabica 50 (2003), 1-78; id.,
Donner le sein c'est comme donner le jour. La
doctrine de I'allaitement dans le sunnisme
medieval, in si Q2 (2001), 5-52; A. Giladi, Infants,
parents and wet nurses. Medieval Islamic views on
breastfeeding and their social implications, Leiden
1999; Lane; M. Omidsalar and Th. Omidsalar,
Daya, in E. Yarshater (ed.). Encyclopaedia Iranica,
London 1983-, vii, 164-6; Pickthall, Koran;
M. Shatzmiller, Women and wage labour in the
medieval Islamic west, inJESHO 40 (1997),
174-206; G. Stern, Alarriage in early Islam, London
1939-
Wheat see grasses; agriculture and
VEGETATION
Whip see FLOGGING
Whisper
Barely audible speech or sound, often with
sibilance. The Qiir'an is a text to be heard
(sam ') more than to be read and within the
text there are many allusions to aurality
and its different degrees (see book;
recitation of the cjur'an; orality;
ORALITY AND WRITING IN ARABIA). Ill the
most common qur'anic scenario one
hears a noise without discerning its source.
This is the meaning of hasis in C3 2i:i02.
Those who will escape the tortures of
hell [jahannam; see hell and hellfire;
REWARD AND PUNISHMENT) Oil the day of
promise (wa'dj will be saved by discerning
(aurally) the presence of the brazier near
them. They will thus escape the terror
(initially not visible) which will grip the
damned.
The auditory contents can be positive but
also entirely negative. A positive inspira-
tion (wahi), perceived as a distant and
persistent noise like a roll of thunder, is
contrasted to a category of very different
noises (see revelation and inspiration).
These are unexpected, furtive, worrying
sounds which take one's hearing unawares.
Even before Islam, they were to be classed
as negatively supernatural. These collective
obsessions are linked to a parallel world,
conceived as dangerous, of jinn (q.v.) and
desert beings (Wellhausen, Reste, 148-59;
Eichler, Die Dschinn, 8-39; Niekrens, Die
Engel, 65-7; see spiritual beings). In the
Qiir'an the collective representations of
the jinn conclude by coalescing into the
extremely negative form of shaytdn, the
devil (q.v.). As for people who give them-
479
WHISPER
selves over to secret intrigues and assem-
blies, they, too, will be seen as participating
in a jinn-like and diabolical activity. The
Qi_ir'an therefore uses a largely recycled
terminology ("une terminologie largement
de remploi") relating to earlier usages
which seem to be hardly changed.
The following roots link directly with the
jinn and the diabolical world: w-s-w-s, from
the connotation of a light, intermittent
wind sound (see air and wind), the con-
cealed approach of hunters laying an am-
bush (see HUNTING AND FISHING), or the
muted jingling of jewelry worn by a
woman, shifts to the confused and perni-
cious murmurs of <;) 114:4-5. With a form
of conspiracy, a jinn-like murmurer,
waswds, passes furtively (khannds) after
implanting an evil proposition in the
breasts (the center of understanding; see
heart; knowledge and learning;
intellect) of people (nds). But God,
whom nothing escapes, as the Qiir'an
emphasizes constantly, is there to oppose
this. In the later passages of q 7:20 and
20:120, the association of w-s-w-s with the
devil, shajtdn, becomes explicit (cf. Tabari,
TafsiT, ed. ShiSkir, xii, 346-7, ad o 7:20,^0-
waswasa lahumd).
The concealed whisper is negative, as in
o 20:108 [hams, the murmur), with respect
to the damned (in this context, o 20:108
must be read in conjunction with the pre-
ceding verses, esp. o 20:103; cf. Tabari,
Tafsir, ed. 'All, xvi, 214, ad o 20:103,
yatakhafatiina baynahum). Connected to the
sphere of the secret word [sirr; see secrets)
it is opposed tojahr, the word spoken
clearly to be heard by everyone. But God
knows both (i.e. Q 67:13). The rikz, how-
ever, the voice heard from so far away as to
be almost imperceptible, is linked in a
more neutral way to the very rich termi-
nology of hearing in the desert world. In
this environment one must listen constantly
and alertly to protect oneself from danger.
Q^ 19:98 indicates that one does not hear
the least murmur (rikz) of the people in the
past whom God destroyed (cf. Tabari,
Tafsir, ed. 'All, xvi, 134; see punishment
stories; generations; geography). It is
a way of saying that no survivor has re-
mained of them.
The theme of a hostile secret assembly
looms large in qur'anic discourse. It con-
cerns both people and the devil simul-
taneously. The takhdfut bayna, a precise
expression that designates the transferring
of secrets, and so of offering a word that
divides rather than unifies, occurs only
twice, both in entirely negative contexts:
<J 20:103, the damned who whisper, think-
ing they are not heard by God, and think
they can escape punishment, and (j 68:23,
the futile secret assembly of two greedy
men whose plans God frustrates.
The terminology that conveys notions of
dissimulation (q.v.; katama, asarra versus
a'lana, jahara) occurs most frequently. A
commonly found meaning is that of vol-
untarily suppressing the truth, katm al-haqq,
and is applied often to the adversaries of
Muhammad in Medina (q.v; i.e. (j 2:159;
21:110). The secret word (v. asarra, n. sirr)
among men, against God, or that which is
concealed by the individual (a thought
formed in secret) — is in the same category
(see also hidden and the hidden). But sirr
and its cognates also has a wider meaning,
both in Meccan and Medinan suras (q.v.;
Q, 2:77; 16:19, etc.; see also chronology
and the qUR'AN). These words or secret
thoughts cannot escape God (q 64:4).
More rarely one meets ajwd, tandji, najwd
(to speak into someone's ear in order to
weave a plot, often in association with
asarra, sirr, cf o 17:47; 20:62; 21:3). As for
the terms linked to ruse and the intent to
deceive (makr, kayd, khad', ibrdm), they refer
to the whole process of deceit (see magic)
WIDOW
and leading astray [daldl, tadlTl; see error;
astray). The devil, shajtdn, is associated
with deceit but also with divinity; he has
the same supreme power of deceiving any
enemy, human or demon (c3 86:i6; 13:42),
and of foiling the most cunning plots
hatched against him (e.g. c) 52:42; 4:76).
Jacqueline Chabbi
Bibliography
Primary: Ibn Abl 1-Dunya, Abu Bakr 'Abdallah
b. Muhammad, Kitdb al-Hawdtif, ed. M.S.
Ibrahim, Cairo 1988 (61-71 on the exclamations
or shouts and calls of the jinn); id., Aiakdyid al-
shaytdn, ed. M.S. Ibrahim, Cairo 1991; Tabarl,
TafsTr, ed. Shakir; ed.'All.
Secondary.' G. Calasso, Note su waswasa, 'sus-
surrare', nel Gorano e nei hadit, in Annali Istiiuto
Orientale diNapoli (n.s.) 23 (1973), 233-46; P.A.
Eichler, Die Dschinn, Teufel und Engel im Koran, PhD
diss., Leipzig 1928; W. Eickmann, Die Angelologie
und Ddmonologie des Korans im Vergleich zu der Enget-
und Geisterlehre der Heiligen Schrift, New York/
Leipzig 1908; W. Niekrens, Die Engel- und
Geistervorstellungen des Korans, PhD diss., Rostock
1906; J. Wellhausen, Reste arabischen Hiedentums,
Berlin 1887, 1897'.
White see colors; weeping; eyes
Wicked see good and evil
Widow
A woman whose husband has died. The
Qiir'an speaks of the widow by addressing
the male believers in (J 2:234-5 (see belief
AND unbelief), who die leaving behind
wives (jadharuna azwdjan). The term itself
has no Arabic ecjuivalent in the Qiir'an
though it is implied in the status of the
thayyibdt in (J 66:5, which refers to any
woman who is not a virgin (see chastity;
abstinence), a woman who has had sexual
intercourse (see SEX AND sexuality) either
as a previously married woman, a divorced
woman (see marriage and divorce) or a
widow. In this particular verse, the wives of
the Prophet (q.v.) are admonished for their
jealousies and told that they could be re-
placed by other women (see women and
THE (jur'an). There follows a long list of
desirable virtues (see virtue; virtues and
VICES, COMMANDING AND FORBIDDING)
with the words thajyibdtin and abkdran, vir-
gins, at the end of the verse. The juxtaposi-
tion of the two words signifies that these
qualities could belong to both sorts of
women, "the women who are deflowered
and whose virginity has gone and the vir-
gins" (Tabarl, TafsTr, ad loc).
The first reference to the specific status
of the widow is made in the context of
verses pertaining to marriage and divorce.
Inasmuch as every dissolution of a mar-
riage that has been consummated, or even
where there has been a presumption of
consummation, requires the wife to ob-
serve a waiting period ('idda), so it is for the
widow. The Qrir'an states specifically four
months and ten days as the widow's 'idda.
This is longer than the 'idda for the di-
vorced woman, which is three menstrual
cycles (q^ 2:228; see menstruation). The
primary legal concern (see LAW and the
(JUr'an) in the case of both the widow and
the divorced woman is to ascertain whether
or not the woman is pregnant with her hus-
band's child (see children). In such cases,
the widow should not remarry until she
has given birth (q.v.) to the child. Once she
has given birth, she is free to remarry and
the full period of 'idda need not be ob-
served (see waiting period).
In the case of the widow, the time of 'idda
is longer, as it is also a time of mourning
for the deceased husband (see burial;
death and the dead). There is, however,
no indication in the Qrir'an that the wom-
an's position as a widow should be seen as
either a social stigma or a disadvantage to
her. Widowhood is understood to be a tem-
porary situation, o 2:235 speaks immedi-
ately to those men who would wish to ask
for the widow's hand in marriage. It is ap-
propriate tliat tliey do so openly and not in
secret once the woman has observed her
period of 'idda.
C3 2:240 explains what men should be-
queath to their widows in terms of finan-
cial and residential support (see
inheritance; maintenance and upkeep).
A widow should be entitled to a year's
maintenance and full residence in the hus-
band's home. If, however, she herself
chooses to leave the home, she is entitled
to do so. q 4:12 refers to inheritance rights
in which the widow is entitled to a quarter
of her husband's property (q.v.) if he leaves
no children and an eighth if he leaves
children.
In the legal discussions on mahr (dower
paid to the wife on marriage; see
bridewealth), widowhood is one of the
three situations, along with consummation
and divorce, which confirms the payment
of the full mahr to the wife. Even if the hus-
band dies before the marriage has been
consummated, the widow is entitled to the
full mahr because "by the death of the hus-
band, the marriage is rendered complete.
For everything becomes established and
confirmed by its completion, and becomes
established with respect to all its effects"
(Marghinani, Hiddya, i, 204).
Mona Siddiqui
Bibliography
Primary: al-Marghinani, Abu 1-Hasan 'All b. Abl
Bakr, al-Hiddya shark biddyat al-mubtadi , 4 vols.,
Cairo 1908-9, i, 204; TabarT, Tafsir.
Secondary: J.I. Smith and Y.Y. Haddad, Eve.
Islamic image of woman, in Women's Studies
international forum 5 (1982), 135-44; ^- Stern,
Marriage in early Islam, London 1939;
B. Stowasser, Women in the Quran, tradition and
interpretation, New York 1994; A. Wadud-Mnhsin,
Qur'dn and woman, Kuala Lumpur 1992.
Wife see MARRIAGE AND DIVORCE
Will see FREEDOM AND PREDESTINATION;
INHERITANCE
Wind see AIR AND WIND
Wine
Intoxicating beverage made from fer-
mented grapes or other substances. The
most common word for wine in the Qtir'an
is khamr, a term prevalent in early Arabic
poetry, although the Arabs of the penin-
sida customarily drank nabldh, a fermented
beverage made, for example, from barley,
honey, spelt or different kinds of palms.
While the climate and geography of much
of "Arabia" is not suitable for wine produc-
tion, parts of the Yemen, as well as areas
such as Medina and Ta'if, would have had
the necessary conditions for the cultivation
of grapes. Wine was also imported from
Syria and Iraq, particularly through the
agency of the Jewish and Christian com-
munities in the peninsula (the Arabic khamr
may derive from the Syro-Aramaic hamrd).
The qur'anic khamr marks both earthly
and paradisiacal vintages (see food and
drink; paradise). Unlike later Islamic
exegetes (see exegesis of the q^ur'an:
CLASSICAL and MEDIEVAL), who privileged
a limited set of wine references to support
its strict prohibition, the Qtir'an expresses
a highly nuanced and largely ambivalent
attitude towards this beverage and its
effects (see intoxicants; law and the
(Jur'an). Rhamris linked with gambling
(q.v.) and identified as a source of both sin
and profit (q^ 2:219; see sin, major and
minor), with gambling, idol worship (see
idols and images; polytheism and
atheism) and divination (q.v.) arrows, and
labeled an abomination (c3 5:90-1). Joseph's
dreams (see dreams and sleep) in prison
482
feature khamr (q 12:36, 41), and dwellers of
paradise delight in rivers of wine ((J 47:15;
see McAuliffe, Wines). In addition to khamr,
sakar appears as an inimical earthly intoxi-
cant (cf. q 4:43) that undermines prayer
(q.v.) but also serves as a divine gift
(cj 16:66-9; see GIFT AND gift-giving), a
sign [dya; see signs) for those who under-
stand (see intellect; knowledge and
learning). Also mentioned is rahlq, the
purest, most excellent of heavenly wines
{q_ 83:25) and a celestial goblet (see cups
and vessels) with liquid from a pure
spring (ma'm) mirroring its earthly coun-
terpart in every way but its ability to in-
toxicate (ci 37:45; 56:18-19). Throughout
the shorter suras (q.v.) of the Qvir'an, a
chaotic, intoxicated madness that marks
the day of judgment (see last judgment)
contrasts sharply with the tranquil, per-
fected garden of repose (see gardens),
where righteous ones imbibe as much wine
as they please without the drunken effects.
This tension between the real and the ideal
may also account for the Qiir'an's sober
portrayals of Noah (q.v.) and Lot (q.v.),
men all too familiar with the pleasures of
the vine in their Jewish and Christian con-
texts (see JEWS and Judaism; christians
and CHRISTIANITY) but pillars of absti-
nence (q.v.) in the Islamic revelation (see
REVELATION AND INSPIRATION; SCRIPTURE
AND THE qUR'AN), where their actions mtist
match the integrity of the message they
bear. Even servants of God (see servant;
worship) may fall prey to wine's earthly
enticements. The Qiir'an's ambivalent
treatment of wine was resolved by early
exegetes, who determined the historical
"occasion" upon which God revealed each
wine passage (see occasions of revela-
tion). By examining such passages sequen-
tially, qur'anic commentators noted a
gradual diminution in tolerance toward
wine consumption (see abrogation;
forbidden; lawful and unlawful). A1-
Tabarl (d. 310/923; Tafsir, v, 58) records
how God allowed humans to enjoy his gift
until they proved incapable of drinking
responsibly. After a series of such atrocities,
like the Prophet's uncle mutilating 'All's
camel in a fit of drunkenness, God finally
prohibited wine. While both SunnI and
Shi'i schools of law assert the prohibition
of wine (a position that critiques the pre-
Islamic, libertine position; see age of
ignorance; pre-islamic Arabia and the
(JUr'an), dissensions over what constitutes
"wine," or whether the substance itself or
only its effects are prohibited, can be de-
tected in legal disctissions surrounding this
beverage. The Hanafis, for example, note
that since the Qiir'an only condemns khamr,
the prohibition of khamr should not extend
to other alcoholic beverages. Contrary to
this view, the majority opinion emphasizes
a drink's potential to intoxicate over and
above its composition and forbids intake of
any amount of liquid if it causes (or may
potentially cause) one to become drunk.
The law extends well beyond mere con-
sumption to include the production and
sale of alcoholic beverages under penalty
of ptmishment (see boundaries and
precepts; chastisement and punish-
ment). Despite its prohibition, wine
becomes a favorite metaphor of mystics
(see sfJFiSM AND THE cjur'an), who exploit
the Qiir'an's ambivalence towards this
potent substance to confuse the boundaries
that separate sobriety from intoxication,
licit from illicit, human from divine and,
ultimately, real from ideal.
Kathryn Kiieny
Bibliography
Primary: Ibn Qiitayba, Abu Muhammad
'Abdallah b. Muslim al-Dlnawari, Ashriba, ed.
Y.M. al-Sawwas, Beirut 1998; RazT, Tafsir;
TabarT, Tafsir, ed. Shakir.
Secondary: A.J. Arberry, The mystical poems oj Ibn
al-Farid, Dublin 1956; Goldziher, MS; R.S.
483
WISDOM
Hattox, Coffee and coffeehouses, Seattle 1985;
P. Heine, Nabidh, in EI^, vii, 840; K.M. Kueny,
The rhetoric of sobriety. Wine in early Islam, Albany
2001; J.D. McAuliffe, The wines of earth and
paradise. Qur'anic proscriptions and promises,
in R.M. Savory and D.A. Agins (eds.). Logos
islamikos. Studia islamica in honorem Georgii Michaelis
Wickens, Toronto 1984, 159-74; ^- Rosenthal,
Gambling in Islam, Leiden 1975; A.J. Wensinck
andj. Sadan, Khanir, in El^, iv, 994-7.
Winter see seasc
Wisdom
Ability to understand deeply and judge
soundly. God is wise (hakim). He is,
however, never described by this
characteristic alone, but always in
conjunction with another characteristic.
Hakim is most frequently connected with
'aziZ, "almighty" (forty-seven times; see
POWER AND impotence), and almost as
frequently is God described as hakim and
'alim, "omniscient" (thirty-six times; see
KNOWLEDGE AND LEARNING; INTELLECT).
Hakim with khabir, "knowing," is rare (three
times) and even rarer are the occurrences
of hakim with "forgiving" (tawwdb), "all-
embracing" (wdsi'), "praiseworthy" (hamid),
and "exalted" ['alT; see GOD AND his
attributes).
God possesses wisdom (hikma), which he
can give "to whom he wishes" ((J 2:269),
mainly to the prophets (see prophets and
prophethood; messenger): Abraham
(q.v.) and his family ((j 4:54), David (q.v.;
C3 2:251; 38:20), Jesus (q.v.; e.g. q 5:110;
43:63) and Muhammad (c3 4:113), but also
to Luqman (q.v.; C3 31:12). Wisdom is a
revelation (e.g. awhd, q 17:39; see
revelation and inspiration) and the
Qiir'an is also "wise" {al-Qur'dn al-hakim,
Q_ 36:2; see names of the qur'an), for
wisdom stands on an equal footing with
scripture [kitdb; see book; scripture and
the cjur'an), including the Torah (q.v.)
and the Gospel (q.v.; Q_ 3:48; 5:110). God
teaches scripture and wisdom (e.g. {) 3:48;
see teaching): he sends down scripture
and wisdom ((J 2:231). It remains unclear
whether in such collocations "wisdom"
means another holy scripture or is a
summative reference to the contents of
those holy books just mentioned. The task
of the messenger or prophet is to deliver
the scriptures together with wisdom to the
people (cf. (^ 2:151; 43:63), or to recite the
scripture and wisdom to the people (cf. e.g.
Q. 33-34> 62:2; see recitation of the
q^ur'an; orality and writing in
Arabia). Qiir'an commentators under-
stand hikma as knowing and understanding
the Qiir'an, or as understanding and
reflecting on the religion, or even as fear
(q.v.) of God (godliness, devoutness, piety
[q.v.]; khaysha, wara\ Tabari, Tafsir, iii, 6of.;
Qurtubi, j'flmr, iii, 330; Ibn Kathir, Tafsir,
h 57if-)-
God is the omnipotent, omniscient
creator of the world (q.v.; see also crea-
tion; cosmology), in which the wisdom
of God reveals itself, the recognition of
which is the task of the wise. Hikma, as
human wisdom, is understood in two ways.
First, Greek philosophy (falsafa), natural
science and medicine in its Arabic-Islamic
form are hikma. Thus the biographical
lexicons for philosophers, natural scientists,
physicians, etc. are called ta'rikh
al-hukamd' — for example, Ibn al-Qiftl's
(d. 646/1248) Ta'rikh al-hukamd'; addi-
tionally, accounts and collected works are
called siwdn al-hikma (e.g. al-Bayhaqi's
Tatimmat siwdn al-hikma; see scholars;
science and the qur'an; medicine and
the cjur'an; philosophy and the
^ur'an).
In devout-mystic circles, hikma is wisdom
delivered through the pronouncements of
wise men (hukamd') mostly anonymously:
edifying, devout and mystic aphorisms. In
WISH AND DESIRE
this context, in tlie third/nintli century,
hikma becomes mystical wisdom and also
theosophy (see sfJFisM and the q^ur'an).
Of this, the best example is the east
Iranian mystic al-Hakim al-Tirmidhi (who
died between 318/936 and 320/938). For
him, hikma is the mystic knowledge of the
soul (q.v.) and the world. A further step was
the syncretic mingling of the more
mystical hikma — theosophy — with Greek
philosophy and non-Islamic religious
concepts. This occurred in the systems of
Suhrawardi (d. 587/1 191) and Ibn al-'Arabi
(d. 638/1240).
Lastly, for the gloss of al-hikma (in al-kitdb
wa-l-hikma of e.g. o 2:129) as sunnat al-nabi,
see SUNNA.
Bernd Radtke
Bibliography
D. Gimaret, Les noms divins en Islam, Paris 1988,
99, 271-2; A.M. Goichon, Hikma, in Ei'^, iii,
377-8; B. Radtke, Theosophie (Hikma) imd
Philosophie (Falsafa). Ein Beitrag zur Frage der
kikmat al-masriq/ al-isrdq, in Asiatische Studien 42
(1988), 156-74.
Wish and Desire
The act of hoping for or wanting some-
thing and the object of that act. There are
three main agencies through which wish
and desire are exercised in the Qiir'an: one
is divine, another human, and the third
Satanic (see devil). The manifestations and
the interplay of the three create an ethical
tension (see ethics and the qUR'AN) that
evokes cjuestions of accountability, respon-
sibility (q.v.) and justice (see justice and
injustice). In that sense, wish and desire
become the principles whereby the subject
and the object are placed into a value-
laden relationship. Be it an act of God,
Satan, or the human being, wish and desire
are a function of the subject's awareness
and expectations of the object. Among the
three, God's wishes are mentioned most
frequently. The phrase "God willing" (in
shd'a llcih) is both common and varied, in-
dicating that God's wishes are exercised at
both cosmic and everyday levels (see
cosmology). Like many other passages,
c) 5:17 affirms that it was through God's
wish/will that the world came into being
(yakhluqu mdyashd'u) in such a way that
associates his wishing with his infinite
power (wa-Alldh 'aid kulli shay'in qadirun; see
POWER and impotence; freedom and
predestination). As divine wish is inex-
tricably linked with divine omnipotence, it
is continuously carried out within and be-
yond worldly limits (see world). No won-
der then that the verb shd'a and its
derivatives appear over 500 times in the
Qiir'an, mainly in reference to God.
Although at first glance God's wishes
appear volatile and unpredictable, the
Qur'an ascertains that their function and
purpose can be appreciated only after the
human mind accepts its own limitations
(see intellect; knowledge and
learning). In q 18:23-4, the Qiir'an
warns: "And do not say anything like T will
surely do this tomorrow.' Unless God
wishes, and remember your lord (q.v.)
when you forget (see remembrance;
memory) and say, ^Maybe my lord will
guide me (see astray) to a nearer way to
truth (q.v.) than this.'" Historically under-
stood as a response to Muhammad's neg-
ligence when he answered a Qiirayshi
inquirer (see qURAYSH) with inappropriate
self-confidence — "Come tomorrow and I
will surely give you an answer" but without
adding the phrase in shd'a lldh — this verse
was ostensibly intended to highlight the
unpredictability of divine volition even
in the context of Muhammad's own pro-
phetic mission (see prophets and
prophethood). Reflecting upon this
essential dependability on, yet inacces-
485
WISH AND DESIRE
sibility to, divine wishes, classical Muslim
exegetes (see exegesis of the cjur'an:
CLASSICAL AND MEDIEVAL) interpret the
ubiquitous i?i shd'a llah phrase in relation to
their theological positions on free will and
predetermination. Al-Razi (d. 606/1210),
for example, develops a lengthy argument
by contrasting the Mu'tazill (see mu'ta-
zila) and his own Ash'ari positions and
concludes that: one, we can never be sure
that we will/can do anything imtil God
gives us permission; and, two, we should
never anticipate future events because, if
they prove to be different, we will be
deemed liars (see lie; foretelling;
THEOLOGY AND THE q^ur'an). He charges
the Mu'tazila with transferring the agency
of wishes and desire to liuman beings
rather than leaving it with its divine source.
When God asks for belief (see belief and
unbelief) and obedience (q.v.) and liis ser-
vants disobey (see disobedience), al-Razi
continues, God's wishes are not fulfilled. In
contrast, he holds that everything that God
wills must happen: for exainple, if a man
says, "Tomorrow I will return the debt I
owe, if God wills," and if he fails to do it,
he cannot be blamed because this was
clearly God's wish and we can either
understand it or not. He contrasts this
interpretation with that of the Mu'tazila,
according to which it is the man who is to
blame if the debt is not returned because
man's evil nature (see good and evil;
FALL OF man) prevents him from doing
what he has promised (RazI, Tafsir). Al-
Razl's interpretation poignantly relates to
Q_ 81:27-9 which says, "This is surely a re-
minder to all human beings (HI- 'dlamina),
and those among them who wish to change
their ways (anyastaqima); you cannot wish
but what God, the lord of all worlds,
wishes" (the wording almost identical to
0,76:29-30).
In addition to shd'a, God's wishes are also
expressed through the verb ardda. Although
often used synonymously with shd'a, ardda
evokes more strongly divine intentionality,
as in 2:26: "What does God intend/
mean (mddhd ardda) by this parable (q.v.)?"
Reflecting thus with divine deliberation,
ardda attempts to lay out the inner workings
of the divine order in the implementation
of God's desires, as per C3 16:40: "Truly,
when we refer to a thing, if we want it to
be (idhd aradndhu), we just tell it 'Be!' and it
is." God does not desire without a purpose
but the specidations of what that purpose
might be yields different theological
possibilities.
While continuously attesting to the power
of divine desire, both shd'a and ardda place
human beings in a direct and dynamic re-
lationship with it. But the nature of that
relationship is far from simple. In fact, its
complexity has created a theological co-
nimdrum and the rise of several scholastic
positions on the questions of free will and
predestination. Can human beings act on
their own wishes and desires? Do these
desires predate them in accordance with
the divine plan? Notwithstanding the theo-
logical and political implications of such
questions in Islamic history, it is clear that
the Qur'an keeps the tension among dif-
ferent possibilities alive, placing divine and
human wishes simultaneously in harmony
and conflict, and perpetuating sharp ethi-
cal differentiations between the wishes and
desires of believers and those of nonbeliev-
ers. There are no simple answers in the
Qur'an or in the later intellectual tradition,
even though the message seems rather
straightforward, as (J 6:125 states (similarly,
in o 5-4i; 6:17, 125; 7:176; 10:107; etc.):
"Whomever God wishes to guide, he opens
his heart (q.v.) to Islam; whomever God
wishes to lead astray, he restricts his heart,
as if he is rising to heaven (see heaven and
sky). This is how God inflicts punishment
(see CHASTISEMENT AND PUNISHMENT) Oil
those who do not believe."
WISH AND DESIRE
486
In this sense, because the relational func-
tion of divine desire necessitates reciproc-
ity, many qur'anic passages posit human
beings not only as objects of God's wishes
and intentions but as subjects/agents ex-
ercising their own desires. It is here that
the Qiir'an draws a sharp distinction be-
tween believers and nonbelievers. Believers
surrender to God's wishes and, in turn,
become conscious of, and act on, their de-
sires for divine grace (q.v.) and mercy (q.v).
Nonbelievers, on the other hand, reject
God and direct their desires elsewhere, for
which they become eternally condemned,
as in q 18:29, "Say The truth comes from
your lord; whoever so wishes, let them be-
lieve; whoever wishes, let them disbelieve,"
upon which the Qiir'an details the differ-
ence in the outcome of the two choices for
the condition in the hereafter (q 18:30-44;
see eschatology; reward and punish-
ment). Human desire directly reflects both
one's knowledge of God and one's system
of belief (see faith; religion). Those
who lived in the pre-Islamic Age of
Ignorance [q.v.ijdhihyja) are accused not
only of their ignorance (q.v.) of the creator
(see creation) but of the stubborn, blind-
ing urge to fulfill their desire for material
and visible goods (see wealth; insolence
AND obstinacy): "There is only our life in
the present world; we die (see death and
THE dead), we live (see life), and only fate
(q.v.)/time (q.v.; al-dahr) destroys us"
(c3 45:24). The pursuit of this-worldly
desires is a pursuit for self-realization that
reflects the pre-Islamic teaching that all
sensations and experiences belong to the
physical world only, in contrast to the
qur'anic cosmos in which the greatest
self-fulfillment comes in the hereafter,
as worded in C3 87:16-17: "No, you prefer
the life of this world; whereas the here-
after is superior and lasting" (see
transience; eternity). Human desires
are thus bifurcated into those that are low
and worldly, characteristic of a conduct
inspired by one's whims and fancies {ahwd'
[sing, hawci], appearing numerous times,
e-g- a 3:14; 18:28; 20:16; 25:43; 28:50; 42:15;
45:18), and those that are ethically sound
and inspire to behave and do one's duty as
a servant (q.v.) of God. An example of this
distinction is those incidents at the early
stages of Muhammad's career when pagan
Arabs hurled accusations at him and the
Qiir'an responded (<J 53:2-3): "No, your
companion has not strayed away nor has
he erred, and he does not speak on a whim
[mdjantiqu 'ani l-hawd; see opposition to
muhammad; pre-islamic arabia and the
q^ur'an)."
In addition to the ethics of desire-driven
behavior, the issue of human wishes and
yearning acquires another interpretative
trajectory, associated with the Sufi world-
view (see SUFISM and the qur'an). For the
Sufis, a hadith qudsi (see hadith and the
(JUr'an) exemplifies the principle of the
relationship between God and human be-
ings: "I was a hidden treasure and I longed
to be known, so I created the world." The
desire for self-refiection is believed to in-
spire the very act of creation. Focusing on
the language of love (q.v.) and yearning
that permeates much of the Qiir'an (e.g.
a 2:165, 195; 49:9; 57:19, 23; 60:1, 8; etc.),
the mystics define desire as a spiritual pro-
peller that allows the wayfarer (see
journey) to achieve closeness with God.
The wayfarer is often referred to as the
mund — the active participle form of
ardda — in accordance with the aforemen-
tioned double-entendre of ardda, to want
and to intend. The desire for God is per-
sonalized as both affection and primordial
yearning for beatific vision (see face of
god), in accordance with not only the
hadith qudsi raentioneA above, but also with
the qur'anic phrase ibtighd'a wajhi lldh, "out
487
WISH AND DESIRE
of yearning for God's face," that appears
in o 2:272, 6:52 and 92:20. After all, it is
only God's face that lasts forever while ev-
erything else perishes (q 28:88). Desiring it
(both ardda and ibtaghd are used in the
Qiir'an) is therefore the only ultimate kind
of desire and yearning a believer can have
in this self-reflective genesis of creation.
Finally, in the ethical triangle of
wishing/desiring, Satan's role in splitting
liumankind into believers and nonbelievers
is instrumental: wa-yuridu l-shaytdnu an
yudillahum daldlan ba'idan (c) 4:60; see
PARTIES AND FACTIONS; ENEMIES). The
Qtir'an repeatedly mentions Satan's desire
to confuse and lead humankind astray as a
vindictive reaction against his expulsion
from heaven. Satan's rebelliousness (see
rebellion; arrogance) is thus expressed
through his desires to intervene at the level
of human action. Because metapliysically
speaking Satan is neither superior nor
equal to God, his desires do not pose a
competition to God's nor do they overrun
them. Rather, being more powerful than
inferior human beings, Satan desires to
confuse them about the nature of divine
commands, leading them away from God's
path (e.g. o 4:48, 60; 22:52; see path or
way), making them forget God (c3 5:91),
tempting them with various promises
which he never fulfills (o 4:120; 7:20; 8:48;
14:22, etc.) and ever deceiving them
(q, 4:76; 24:21; 58:10; see JOY AND misery).
Satan tlius redirects human desire from
God to himself, turning himself into the
false object of desire: "God made a true
promise to you (see covenant). I too made
promises, but did not keep them. I had no
authority over you, but when I called out
to you, you answered. Do not blame me;
blame yourselves." Those who, against
God's warnings (e.g. c) 7:27, "Children of
Adam, do not let Satan seduce you"; see
ADAM AND EVE; OATHS; BREAKING TRUSTS
AND contracts), respond to Satan, are
doomed, as in o 43:36: "And whoever turns
away from remembrance of the compas-
sionate (see GOD AND HIS attributes), we
shall assign Satan to be Iris companion."
Divine wishes thus tower over both hu-
man and Satanic ones, keeping the two in
a tension that creates a range of possibili-
ties that people can choose once they are
offered the knowledge of God's path. This
interplay fimctionally separates the three
agents only in the realm of individual
action, laying out specific guidelines for
practical judgments as well as inducing
divergent theological debates on the issues
of accountability, justice and responsibility.
In the cosmic scheme of things, however,
divine wishes prevail and reflect the
integrity and omnipotence of God's plan
to make all human beings aware of the
ways to realize their ultimate desires.
Regarding the theological matters of
agency, Muslim ortliodoxy eventually
found a middle ground that, no matter
what the subjective reasons for acting on
one's desires through the principles of
acquisition (hash) may be, the epistemic
frame of reference is unwavering, stable,
and clear. The Ash'arls sum up this posi-
tion in the following terms:
His will is one, everlasting, connected to
all willing from his own actions, and the
actions of his servants insofar as they are
created for him, not insofar as they are
acquired from them. From tliat, he said
that he willed everything, good and bad,
beneficial and harmful, just as he willed
and knew it to be. He willed from his ser-
vants what he knew and what he com-
manded his pen (see writing and
writing materials) to write on tlie pre-
served tablet (q.v). That is his decree, rul-
ing, and predetermination which never
changed and can never be replaced. It is
WITNESS TO FAITH
impossible for anything to be against what
is known and predetermined in form in
this manner (from Shahrastani, Milal, i,
66-9; trans. M. Sells, Early Islamic mysticism,
320).
Amila Buturovic
Bibliography
Primary: RazT, TafsTr, Beirut 1981; Shahrastani,
Milal.
Secondary: M. Fakhry (trans.), An interpretation oj
the Qur'dn, New York 2004; F. Denny, The will in
the Qiir'an, in JNES ^0/^ (1981), 253-7; ^- Gold-
ziher, Introduction to Islamic theology and law,
Princeton 1981; H. Kassis, _^ concordance of the
Qur'dn, Berkeley 1983; M. Sells (trans, and ed.).
Early Islamic mysticism. New York 1996; M. Watt,
Free will and predestination in early Islam, London
1948; T.J. Winter, Desire and decency in the
Islamic tradition, in Islamica (London pub.) 1/4
(1994), 9-12.
Wit
see humor; intellec;t
Witness to Faith
Arabic shahdda, i.e. tlie statement "I testify
that there is no god but God and I testify
that Muhammad is the messenger of
God," ashhadu an Id ildha ilia lldh wa-ashhadu
anna Muhammadan rasdlu lldh. The utterance
of the statement in Arabic is required of
all Muslims to signify acceptance of Islam
and thus it must be said at least once, with
full intention, in a lifetime. The shahdda
also plays a central role in the structure of
the daily prayer (q.v.; saldt) as well as in
other life-cycle occasions and thus is re-
peated frequently in a Muslim's life. In the
Qiir'an the statement itself is not found as
a formula nor is there indication of the
ritual act which later Islam has made it (as
one of the five pillars; see ritual and the
(JUr'an). The content of the statement,
however, and the phraseology of the two
elements (known as the shahddatdni) of the
shahdda are in the Qiir'an, as is a very
strong sense of the role of "witnessing"
one's faith (q.v.; see also belief and
unbelief; witnessing and testifying).
Proclaiming the unity of God
'There is no god but God" is found in the
Qiir'an in the exact phrasing of the shahdda
only in o 37:35 and o 47:19. The first of
these passages is especially interesting
given the development of the ritual
shahdda, since it speaks of an oral pro-
fession of the statement in front of un-
believers (see orality; god and his
attributes). Verses 34 through 36 of q_ 37
state: "Even so it is with the sinners (see
sin, major and minor). When it is said to
them, ^There is no god but God,' they wax
proud (see pride; arrogance) saying,
'What, shall we forsake our gods for a
poet possessed (see poetry and poets;
insanity; jinn)?' " q_ 47:19 is a command
to believers but not one entailing ritual
testimony: "Know therefore that there is
no god but God and ask for forgiveness
[q.v; of your sin] ." Given this, it would be
accurate to suggest that the performative
aspect of the statement of the oneness of
God as it is expressed in the shahdda is
clearly post-qur'anic. That said, it is worth
remembering that the statement, "There is
no god but he," Id ildha illd huwa, is a con-
stant refrain in the Qiir'an, found over
forty times with some variations, including
"There is no god but I" and "There is no
god but you" (e.g. C3 2:163; 16:2; 21:87).
Sometimes (e.g. C3 2:255) this is prefaced by
the word "God," Alldh Id ildha illd huwa,
"God, there is no god but he!" In C3 3:62
and c) 38:65 the phrasing of the negative in
the statement "There is no god but God" is
another variant of the ritual shahdda, using
wa-md min ildhin rather than the particle of
absolute negation, Id (see grammar and
THE (JUr'an). The theological position of
"There is no god but God" is a major
WITNESS TO FAITH
theme of the Qiir'an, even if the precise
way in wliich tliat is ritually expressed in
Islam is, at best, latent in the text.
The non-qur'anic status of the precise
phrasing (as well as some variability in how
the statement was to be expressed in the
early centuries of Islam — on which see
below) has led some to seek the back-
ground to the phrase outside the Islamic
context. Attention has been drawn to the
Samaritans (q.v.) as having a parallel for-
mulation (Baumstark, Herkunft; Macuch,
Vorgeschichte).
Proclaiming Muhammad's status
The figure of the "messenger of God" is a
constant presence in the Qiir'an with
phrases such as "He is the messenger of
God" in (J 49:3 and proclamations such as
"I am the messenger of God" in C3 7-158
(see messenger). References to "God and
his messenger" with variants such as "me
and my messenger" also abound (e.g.
(J 4:13, 136; 5:111, with Jesus as the mes-
senger; 9:62). The precise phraseology
"Muhammad is the messenger of God" is,
however, included in scripture only once,
in o 48:29. The context there is a state-
ment of fact and not of ritual enunciation:
"Muhammad is the messenger of God
and those who are with him are hard
against the unbelievers, merciful to one
another (see mercy)." The other three
instances of the use of the proper name
Muhammad (q.v.; see also names of the
prophet) in the Qiir'an (c3 3:144; 33:40;
47:2) do not suggest any notion of a ritual
formula.
The emergence of the formula of the shahada
Within the early Islamic period the shahada
and variations on it emerged as identifiers
of Islamic allegiance, being found on coins
and in inscriptions dating from the first
Muslim century (see epigraphy and the
q^ur'an; numismatics; money). It is during
this period that the shahada clearly gained
status and, eventually, a set formulation.
The precise phrasing of the statements
displays some variation over time.
Commonly the word "alone" [wahda or
wdhid), is added ailer Allah, perhaps pick-
ing up on the phrasing of c) 6:19 (cf.
Q, 18:110, etc.), which states, huwa ildhun
wdhidun, "He is one god." This phrase, as
found in coins and inscriptions, is often
followed by "He has no partner," la sharika
lahu (as found in Q_ 6:163; see polytheism
and atheism), a typical example of this
formulation is found in the wall mosaic
located in the ruins of some Umayyad
shops in Baysan (today, Bet Shean, in
Israel) dating from earlier than 131/749
(when the town was destroyed by an earth-
quake). This inscription reads, "In the
name of God, the merciful, the compas-
sionate. There is no god but God alone; he
has no partner. Muhammad is the mes-
senger of God" (Khamis, Two wall mosaic
inscriptions, 163). The examples of coins
with the phrasing "There is no god but
God alone" from the post-'Abd al-Malik
monetary reform period are well known.
Examples still exist from as early as the
years 77/696 and 78/697. Those coins of-
ten add the phrase "Whom he sent with
guidance (see astray) and the religion
(q.v.) of truth (q.v.), that he might make it
victorious (see victory) over all religions"
(cf. Q_ 9:33; 48:28; 61:9; for examples see
Walker, Catalogue). The existence of these
phrases on coins might suggest that, at this
time, the ritual status and formulation of
the shahada had not yet been reached. The
same observation may be made for the
inscriptions in the Dome of the Rock in
Jerusalem (q.v.) dating from the same
period. Even in the hadlth literature of the
third Muslim century/ninth century c.E.
(see hadTth and the our'an), the place
and the formulation of the shahada as an
independent ritual activity (outside of its
WITNESS TO FAITH
490
incorporation into the prayer ritual)
appears to be not yet completely fixed
(see Rippin, Muslims, 98-100; Wensinck,
Muslim creed, 27-35).
"Witnessing" as a qur'dnic theme
The Qiir'an uses the root sh-h-d some 200
times in a variety of senses, some of which
may be connected with the sense of "giv-
ing witness to faith," thus providing
impetus, it may be thought, to the develop-
ment of the shahdda as a ritual activity.
There are two main senses of witnessing
in the Qtir'an. One relates to matters of
faith and the other, to various legal matters
(see LAW AND THE ^ur'an). While it may
be argued that there is a relationship be-
tween those two, especially since God is
described as al-shahid, the witness over ev-
erything (e.g. o 58:6; 85:9), the emphasis
on a notion of testifying specifically to
one's faith, a notion which is not present in
the legal "witness" passages, suggests that
at least a theoretical separation is possible.
On the legal side, the Qiir'an speaks of
witnesses as needing to be involved in vari-
ous commercial and personal transactions
(see CONTRACTS AND ALLIANCES). Such
witnessing is deemed evidence and the
words bayyina, "evidence," and shahdda,
"witnessing," are often tised interchange-
ably. The Qiir'an (e.g. o 2:282; 4:15; 24:4)
requires such witness-evidence from people
in a ntimber of situations, inchiding law-
suits, matters regarding the stattis of per-
sons (marriage, divorce, manumission,
bequest; see marriage and divorce;
SLAVES AND SLAVERY; INHERITANCE),
financial matters and hadd offences (i.e.
those which involved prescribed penalties
such as fornication, adultery, manslaughter
and so on; see boundaries and precepts;
chastisement and punishment;
adultery and fornication; murder;
bloodshed).
Of its religious uses the first thing to note
is that witnessing is not passive btit active.
It is a demand to "bear witness" or to "tes-
tify." C3 3:64 states, "If they [the People of
the Book (q.v.)] turn back, say, 'Bear wit-
ness that we are Muslims.' " C3 2:143 has
biblical resonances in stating, "Thus we
have made you a middle nation that you
might be witnesses to the people and the
messenger a witness to you." It is relevant
to the development of the shahdda as a
spoken ritual activity that God bears wit-
ness to his oneness in Q^ 3:18, "God bears
witness that there is no god but he," and
believers bear witness to the truth of
Muhammad's message in q 3:86, "How
can God guide those who disbelieve after
they have accepted faith and testified that
the messenger was true and that the clear
signs (q.v; see also verses) had come to
them?" Statements close to both elements
of the shahdda are thus foimd in the Qiir'an
in a context which suggests an active pro-
cess of witnessing.
Martyrdom as witnessingfaith
The semantic link between "witnessing
faith" (being a shdhid) and being a "mar-
tyr" (shahid) — two terms and usages
clearly separated in later Islamic
times — is not evident in the Qur'an (see
martyrs). Goldziher (ms, ii, 350-4) argued
that the development from witness to mar-
tyr derived from Christian Syriac usage of
the cognate sdhdd in translating the Greek
martus. Those who are spoken of as "wit-
nesses to faith" in the Qur'an (either
shuhadd', the plural of shahid, as in q 3:140;
4:69; 39:69; 57:19, or shdhidun in q 3:53;
5:83, etc.) fit within the meaning sketched
above of those who "testify" to their faith
in God and Muhammad (the plural uses of
the word as "legal witnesses" are clearly
separated). Many commentaries, however,
interpret shuhadd', especially in q 3:140, in
the sense of "martyr" by connecting it to
the context of the battles of Badr (q.v.) and
491
WITNESS TO FAITH
Uhud which occurred during the lifetime
of the Prophet (see expeditions and
battles). The early authority Ibn Jurayj is
reported by al-Tabarl (d. 310/923; Tafsir,
vii, 243, report no. 7915) to have said re-
garding "So that God may know those who
believe and may take witnesses/martyrs
from among you" (c3 3:140), that the
Muslims used to petition their lord (q.v.) by
saying, "Our lord, show us another day like
the day of Badr in which we can fight the
polytheists, strive well in your cause, and
seek therein martyrdom." That prayer was
said to have been answered at Uhud be-
cause, on that day, the Muslims met the
polytheists in battle and God chose mar-
tyrs from among them. Such readings of
these verses are also found in very early
exegetical works; the meaning of the
shuhadd' as "those martyred in the path of
God" is, for example, the fourth of six
meanings given to the word by Muqatil b.
Sulayman (d. 150/767) in his al-Ashbdh wa-
l-na^d'irji I'Qur'dn al-kanm (148-9) con-
nected to C) 4:69 and q 57:19 (see path or
way). As Goldziher has pointed out,
however, the more standard qur'anic
phrase for referring to the martyrs who die
in battle is "those killed in the path of
God" (e.g. q 3:169, "Think not of those
who are slain in the path of God as dead!
They live, finding sustenance [q.v.] with
their lord"; see death and the dead;
REWARD and PUNISHMENT; PARADISE).
Be that as it may, it is clear that by the time
of the hadith literature, shahid as "martyr"
is well established, with martyrdom un-
derstood in a very broad sense, not limited
to those killed in battle, and often carrying
an implicit criticism of those who seek
death in order to gain the status of the
martyr.
The shahada in theology
The ritual repetition of the shahdda is often
treated as the core or ground level of faith,
Tmdn, as a whole. In many discussions, the
profession of the shahdda is the one action
required for someone to be considered a
Muslim. Qi_iestions about the status of
works beyond that required profession pro-
duced the debates about the role of works
in the life of the believer in Islam (see
GOOD deeds; theology and the
(JLTr'an). Most famously, this related to the
discussion of the status of the "believing
sinner" which, in the extreme case, applied
to someone who only said the shahdda but
whose actions were otherwise not in keep-
ing with Islamic requirements. In later
Muslim times, likely starting with al-
Ghazall (d. 505/11 11), the shahdda was un-
derstood as the creedal statement of Islam,
providing the basis for the discussion that
characterized all theology as an explana-
tion of the two sentences of the shahdda
(Wensinck, Muslim creed, 270-6).
Andrew Rippin
Bibliography
Primary: Muqatil, .-Jj/z/jw/z; Tabari, Tafsu; ed.
Shakir.
Secondary: A. Baumstark, Zur Herkunft der
monotheistischen Bekenntnisformeln im Koran,
in oc 37 (1953), 6-22; Goidziher, MS, trans;
E. Khamis, Two wall mosaic inscriptions from
the Umayyad market place in Bet Shean/
Baysan, in BSOAS 64 (200r), 159-76; E. Kohlberg,
Shahid, in i/^, ix, 203-7; R. Macuch, Zur
Vorgeschichte der Bekenntnisformel Id ildha ilia
lldhu, in ZDMG 128 (1978), 20-38; C.E. Padwick,
Muslim devotions. A study of prayer-manuals in common
use, Oxford 1996 (original 1961), chaps. lOa and
lob; A. Rippin, Aiuslims, their religious beliefs and
practices, London 2001^; J. Walker,^ catalogue of the
Muhammadan coins in the British Museum, ii. Arab-
Byzantine and post-reform Umaiyad coins, London
1956; A.J. Wensinck, The Muslim creed. Its genesis
and historical development, London 1932; id.. The
Oriental doctrine of the martyrs, in Mededeelingen
der Koninklijke Akademie van Wetenschappen, Afdeeling
Letterkunde, Deel 53, Serie A, No. 6, Amsterdam
1921.
WITNESSING AND TESTIFYING
492
Witnessing and Testifying
Perceiving sometliing and giving evidence
of it. These two notions are distinct from
each other but interrelated, insofar as the
one is the prerequisite of the other. Also,
the act of perception results in knowledge
that can later be passed on, and so may be
considered to be oriented towards the
future; bearing evidence, by contrast, refers
to the past. Thus, witnessing and testifying
establishes a chain of information, with the
witness serving as a connecting link be-
tween a past event and a person incjuiring
about it. From an epistemological point of
view, however, this chain consists of two
different relationships. On the one hand,
the witness' relationship to the event in
question is normally characterized by trust
in his own perception; the inquirer, on the
other hand, must always decide whether
the witness is credible and, therefore,
whether the information he is obtaining is
true. Since the practice of witnessing and
testifying is one of the most important
methods of arriving at a decision in the
field of law, formulating criteria to ensure
the credibility of the witness has always
been of pivotal importance.
The Arabic counterpart to the English
notion of "witnessing and testifying" is
derived from the root sh-h-d, which occurs
160 times in the Qrir'an, mainly in the first
verbal form. The verb shahida (44 times)
covers a set of notions that includes: first,
"to be present (at)" or "to be (eye)witness
(of)" (with ace: e.g. q 2:185; 12:26; 27:49;
43:19); second, "to bear evidence of some-
thing" [bi-, seldom 'aid), or "against some-
one or oneself" ['aid; e.g. q 6:130; 12:81;
41:20; 46:10); and, third, "to declare" or
"to profess" (with ace. or anna, "that"; e.g.
q 3:81; 7:172; 11:54; 25:72; with even God as
its subject: C3 3:18). Likewise, the active par-
ticiple shdhid (21 times, including its plural
forms shdhidun, shuhud and aslihdd) and the
verbal adjective shahld (56 times, including
the dual shahiddn and the plural shuhadd')
mostly refer to the eyewitness of deeds and
events (e.g. o 4:72; 12:26; 28:44), to the wit-
ness who gives evidence in the court either
in this world or in the hereafter (e.g.
c) 4:166; 24:4; 40:51; see judgment; last
judgment) and to the witness who attests
to his faith (q.v.) or beliefs (e.g. C3 3:53;
6:150; 46:10; not shahld).
Finally, the verbal noun shahdda (26 times)
signifies the "manifest" in contrast to al-
ghayh, "the hidden" (see hidden and the
hidden), in the recurrent formula 'dlini
al-ghayb wa-l-shahdda (" [God] knower of the
unseen and the visible"; e.g. c) 6:73; 9:94;
cf. 6:19). It also denotes witnessing the con-
clusion of an agreement (e.g. C3 2:282;
5:106; see contracts and alliances) and
testifying to one's knowledge (e.g. q 2:140;
24:4; see knowledge and learning),
while in q 24:6, 8 its meaning comes close
to that of an oath (see oaths). There are,
however, several instances where it is not
easy to determine in which sense words
derived from the root sh-h-d should best be
understood (e.g. q 3:18, 99; 11:17; 46:10;
74:13; 83:21).
At any rate, due to its complex shades of
meaning, the term shahdda with its deriva-
tions gained central importance in three
different fields of Islamic culture. It refers,
first, to witnessing in a judicial context,
second, to the credo statement, "I confess
(ashhadu) there is no god except God,
Muhammad is the messenger of God" (see
witness to faith) and third, to martyr-
dom (see martyrs).
Two types of witnesses: attesting and testifying
In the Qiir'an, the notion of witnessing is a
main issue in the description of events on
judgment day, on the one hand, and in the
prescriptions for procedural rules in penal
and civil law cases in this life, on the other
(see LAW AND THE our'an; chastisement
493
WITNESSING AND TESTIFYING
AND punishment). These two usages
should be treated separately.
To give an idea of the impending divine
judgment at the end of time, the
Qi_ir'an — aside from referring to the met-
aphor (q.v.) of the mechanical and hence
impartial scale (e.g. c) 7-8-9; 21:47; see
WEIGHTS AND MEASURES) — cvokcs above
all the imagery of a great trial. The
Qi_ir'an, however, hardly talks about the
course of events at this trial; rather, it fo-
cuses on the impact of two kinds of evi-
dence that will be presented there: i)
written documents (see orality and
WRITING IN Arabia; writing and
WRITING materials), and 2) the testimony
of witnesses. Both draw their authority
from the close surveillance to which hu-
man beings are subject during their life-
time. Nothing that happens on earth
escapes God (cf Q^ 50:16; 58:7; see power
AND impotence). Therefore: "God is suf-
ficient as witness" {shahid, C3 4:79; cf 3:98;
4:33; 6:ig; 13:43; and sometimes God is
called raqib, "watcher," e.g. q_ 5:117; 33-52;
both designations belong to his "most
beautiful names," al-asmd' al-husnd; see god
AND HIS attributes). Also he (q 3:181;
19:79; 36:12), or rather some angelic beings
who are mostly called "our messengers"
[rusulund; e.g. Ci 10:21; 43:80; see angel) or
"guardians" {lidfi^m, q 82:10; hafa^a, q 6:61;
cf 4:166; 13:11; 50:17-18), write down the
deeds of every human being (see
HEAVENLY BOOK).
According to some verses (q.v.), on judg-
ment day there will be one comprehensive
book (q.v.; kitdb) for all (c3 18:49; 39:69; cf.
36:12); according to others, there is one
book for the sinners and one for the pious
(Q, 83:7, 18; see SIN, MAJOR AND minor),
one for each community [umma, C3 45:28-9;
see community and society in the
qUR'AN), or one record for each individual
(Q, 17-13-141 71; 69:19, 25; 84:7, 10)- Be that
as it may, the notion of celestial registers of
deeds belongs to the common religious
heritage of the Near East (see scripture
AND THE ^ur'an). In the Qiir'an, as well as
in biblical texts (cf Malachi 3:16-17; Daniel
7:10; Revelation 20:12), written documents,
whether collective or individual, are the
decisive evidence in the last judgment. In
fact, due to their precision and compre-
hensiveness, these writings themselves dic-
tate unmistakably the final fate of the souls
(see soul; reward and punishment). The
events on judgment day do not themselves
serve to determine the verdict — since
God is all-knowing, this is already
clear — but rather to demonstrate that the
divine verdict is just (see justice and
injustice). Therefore, on judgment day
the records of deeds will be made public:
they will be spread open before the souls
fe '7-13) 18:49; 39:69); they will be handed
over to them (o 17:71; 69:19, 25; 84:7, lo);
everyone has to read his own register aloud
((J 17:14, 71; 69:19). Thus the pious as well
as the sinners, after gaining insight to the
records of their deeds, will acknowledge
the supreme divine justice (q^ 17:14; 18:49;
69:i9f).
The second piece of evidence that plays a
major role on the day of judgment, the
testimony of witnesses, is only ever men-
tioned in connection with evil-doers
(o 50:21 might appear to be an exception,
but as the context shows, the sinner is the
focus of attention here, too; see EVIL
deeds). Those who are summoned to
appear as witnesses before the tribunal in-
clude first of all the messengers of God,
who are to testify against the peoples to
whom they have been sent (e.g. C3 4:41, 159;
5:116-17; 16:84, 89; 28:75). Q. 2:143 is rel-
evant here, too. Concerning the Muslim
community, it says: "... that you may be
witnesses against humankind (shuhadd'a 'aid
l-nds), and that the messenger may be a
witness against you ('alaykum shahidan) "
Here, as well as in c) 22:78 where nearly the
WITNESSING AND TESTIFYING
494
same formula recurs, the context in which
it appears has to do with Muslim ritual
duties, especially prayer (q.v.; saldt; see also
RITUAL AND THE QUR'an). ThuS, it COuld
be argued that these verses imply that the
believers, while performing their duties,
are considered to act as witnesses for God
in face of the unbelievers (see belief and
unbelief). The mainstream of Muslim
exegesis, however (see exegesis of the
q^ur'an: classical and medieval), relates
this expression to the role of Muhammad's
community on the day of judgment: Rely-
ing on what their Prophet taught them, the
members of the community will testify that
God's messengers indeed conveyed their
message to the nations. And the nations in
turn, impressed by the Muslims' privileged
status, will exclaim: "This community, they
all were nearly prophets!" (see Tabari,
Tafsir, ad loc.)
Another important group who will be
gathered to give evidence are the
shurakd' — the associates (whom the
unbelievers venerated beside God; see
POLYTHEISM AND atheism). When they are
asked whether they led the unbelievers
astray (q.v.), they will renounce them and
give the unbelievers full responsibility (q.v.)
for their conduct ((^ 25:17-19; 28:62-6; cf
11:18; 16:86; 37:22-32; 39:69; 40:51). The
unbelievers will be called upon to produce
witnesses for their own claims, but they will
be unable to comply (o 41:47; cf. 6:94;
10:28; 30:13; etc.) — a motif that also
recurs in the polemical passages of the
Qur'an (e.g. c) 2:23; 11:13-14; 68:41; see
POLEMIC AND POLEMICAL LANGUAGE) and
that can be traced back to God's tribunal
on the heathen nations in Isaiah 43:8 f. In
this context, mention must also be made of
C3 50:20-9. It says that on judgment day
"every soul shall come, and with it a driver
(sd'iq) and a witness" [shahid, (^ 50:21): "...
And his comrade (qannuhu) shall say, ^This
is what I have, made ready'" (q 50:23); and,
" 'Oiu" lord (q.v.), I made him not insolent,
but he was in far error'" (q.v.; 5) 50:27; see
also INSOLENCE AND OBSTINACY). The
question of who the "driver," the "witness"
and the "comrade" are, is not easy to an-
swer. Aside from other, partly metaphorical
interpretations. Islamic exegesis usually
takes the "driver" to be a kind of heavenly
court usher; while the "witness" is gener-
ally understood as the angels who record
the human deeds. These angels, however,
are nowhere else expressly called "wit-
nesses" (see above). As for the soid's
"comrade" who denounces him, al-
Zamakhsharl (d. 538/1144; Kashshdf,
ad loc.) explains that it is a satan (see
devil) who was sent to seduce him (cf.
O 4:38; 6:112; 25:31; 41:25; 43:36). This
"comrade," then, is reminiscent of the
Judaic conception of Satan as an angel of
God whose office it is to tempt human be-
ings on earth and to act as heavenly pros-
ecutor against them before the last
judgment (Zechariah 3:1; Job 1:6 f; Ps.
109:6). Finally, God will also enable the
limbs and sense organs of the unbelievers
to testify to their actions (c3 41:20-2; 24:24;
36:65). Thus, left alone without any witness
for the defense, the unbelievers — human
beings and jinn (q.v.) — will give evidence
against themselves and end up in hell
(C3 6:130; 7:37; see HELL AND HELLFIRe).
Now, while the cjur'anic view anticipating
the events of the last judgment is char-
acterized by trust in the triumph of divine
justice, the qur'anic attitude towards
legally relevant matters in worldly affairs
takes a rather more realistic tone. This is
demonstrated clearly in the prescriptions
related to the attesting and testifying wit-
nesses. (As to terminology, in the Qiir'an,
both shdhid and shahid signify both the at-
testing and the testifying witness [see
above] . But since shahid later acquired the
meaning of "martyr," Islamic jurispru-
dence then began using the term shdhid
495
WITNESSING AND TESTIFYING
exclusively for the witness in legal matters.)
The Qiir'an expressly demands the pres-
ence of witnesses for five kinds of
acts — four of them belonging to civil law,
one to penal law. These include: the agree-
ment on a financial obligation (c3 2:282; see
debt), the delivery of property (q.v.) to
orphans (q.v.) by their guardian (c3 4:6; see
guardianship), the drafting of the last
testament (q 5:106-8; see inheritance),
the decision on the continuation or dis-
solution of a marriage after the prescribed
waiting period (q.v.; o 65:1-2; see also
marriage and divorce), and the execu-
tion of the /zaf/fl'-pimishment for fornication
(c) 24:2; see adultery and fornication).
(It could be argued that (j 2:185, man sha-
hida... al-shahr implies that witnesses are
required to attest to the new moon [q.v.],
as well, but this is not at all clear. For
the discussion concerning the rujat
al-hilal — "attesting of the new
moon" — see Lech, Geschichte, i, 73-105; see
also month; ramadan). As for the last-
named act, i.e. punishing a fornicator, the
reason for the attendance of witnesses lies
in the special character of the qur'anic
/7fla'(/-regulations. Because they are pre-
scribed by God, they cannot be altered,
and it is the duty of the community of be-
lievers to implement them duly if the ac-
cused is found guilty (see boundaries and
precepts). The execution of the punish-
ment is therefore a public concern, and the
witnesses represent the community. In this
respect, Muslim commentators speak of
tashhir — public exposure. But since c) 24:2
simply says: "Let a party (td'ifa) of the be-
lievers witness their punishment," the
teachings from the scholars diverge as to
the minimum number of witnesses re-
quired. According to al-Tabari's (d. 310/
923) commentary, Mujahid (d. bet. 100/718
and 104/722) considered the presence of
only one person to be sufficient; the major-
ity, however, prefer at least three, but better
four, witnesses, analogous with the pre-
scriptions concerning fornication (see
below).
In contrast, the other instances men-
tioned above [(^ 2:282; 4:6; 5:106-8; 65:1-2)
deal with private-law agreements. There,
the number of the witnesses has to be (at
least) two. C3 2:282, the extremely long dyat
al-dayn — the verse of debt — deals with
witnessing agreements concerning finan-
cial obligations. It lays down the following:
first, that a scribe has to fix such agree-
ments in writing; and, second, that two
witnesses must be called in to attest to the
drafting of the contract, in order to be able
to give evidence of its proper course in
case of future legal contest. Now, this pre-
scription conforms generally with the cor-
responding regidations in Talmudic law. In
the Talmud, however, women are excluded
from acting as attesting and testifying wit-
nesses (cf Josephus, ^nizjaffej, bk. 4, chap.
8, par. 15) except in the case of typically
female matters. The Qtir'an, on the other
hand, stipulates the ride: "If the two be not
men, then one man and two women, such
witnesses as you approve of (mimman
tardawna mina l-shuhadd'), that if one of the
two women errs the other will remind her"
(see WOMEN AND THE q^ur'an; gender).
According to the Hanafis, this means that
the testimony of two women and one man
may be accepted for all cases, except for
hadd and qisds (retaliation [q.v.]). The other
Islamic schools of law, however, restricted
this possibility mainly to financial transac-
tions and otherwise conceded women the
right to testify in matters within their spe-
cial realm of knowledge. In such matters,
the judge could confine himself to the tes-
timony of women only — although the
required number of female witnesses in
these cases differed from school to school.
C3 65:2 stipulates that after the 'idda — the
waiting time of three menstural periods
[qurii'; cf o 2:228; see menstrua-
WITNESSING AND TESTIFYING
496
tion) — the husband's decision wlietlier to
retain liis wife or to part from her must be
attested to by "two men of equity from
among yourselves (dhawaj 'adl minkumj." It
continues: "and perform the witnessing to
God (wa-aqimu l-shahddata lilldh)." <j 5:106
uses the same notion, i.e. "two men of
equity" should be present when a testa-
ment is made. Both should come "from
among yourselves (minkum)" but if the tes-
tator faces death away from home, two
others (dkhardni min ghajrikum) will do as
well. For the Shafi'i and Maliki jurists (just
as for the Hanafi exegete al-Zamakhshari),
this differentiation between "from your-
selves" and "from others" refers to the rel-
atives of the testator and to strangers.
Scholars of the Hanafi tradition (and also
the Shafi'i commentator al-Suyuti [d. 911/
1505]), however, explain it as referring to
Muslims on the one hand, and to non-
Muslims on the other, allowing the "People
of the Book" (q.v.) thereby to witness in
this special case, when no Muslims can be
found. (As a rule, the testimony of the
"People of the Book" is admissible only
when it concerns their own religious com-
munities.) In the continuation of (j 5:106,
the wording leaves space for interpretation,
as well. It says the witnesses should be de-
tained after prayer (saldt) and, in case of
doubt, made to swear by God (fa-yuqsimdni
bi-lldh): "We will not sell it for a price, even
though it were a near kinsman (see
kinship), nor will we hide the testimony of
God (Id naktumu shahddata lldh), for then we
would surely be among the sinful." Here, it
is neither entirely clear whether the pre-
scriptions mentioned refer to the first pair
of witnesses, those "from among your-
selves," or to the second pair, the "two oth-
ers"; nor whether the moment of drafting
the last testament or giving evidence of
this act at a later time is intended.
As to the criteria of witness credibility,
'adl — equity — is the only one expressly
mentioned in the Q_ur'an [q_ 5:106; 65:2).
There, this term sometimes implies a cer-
tain legal competence (cf. q 5:95; 42:15); in
later times, however, it was usually under-
stood as referring generally to a good repu-
tation. Al-Shafi'i (d. 204/820) defined it as
"acting in obedience (q.v.) to God" and
added that one's surface impression of a
person suffices to attest to his 'adl. In ad-
dition to 'adl, later Islamic scholars also
drew up lists of further criteria for both the
attesting and the testifying witness. These
criteria include the following: the witness
should be a Muslim (thus, Jews and
Christians are normally excluded from
witnessing, see above; see JEWS and
JUDAISM; CHRISTIANS AND CHRISTIANITY),
a free man [hurr; see slaves and slavery),
in full possession of his mental faculties
['dqil; see insanity), have attained the age
of majority [bdligh; see maturity), not be
suspected of having personal interests in
the case [najy al-tuhma; the classical defini-
tion of the testimony is ikhbdr bi-haqqin lil-
ghayri 'aid dkhar), and not have been
previously punished by hadd because of
defamation [ghajr mahdudjj l-qadhf; cf.
(J 24:4). The judge {qddi, pi. quddt) is re-
sponsible for examining whether the wit-
nesses meet these conditions before the
court. Now, while the external conditions
can easily be checked, the verification of
the 'addla is problematic. (Since 'adl can
also be used as an adjective, it is often re-
placed by " 'addla" as a noun.) According to
the procedure of ta'dil — declaring one's
equity — it is incumbent upon the judge to
make secret enquiries about a candidate's
reputation and private life, and to cjuestion
him in public, before accepting him as a
witness.
'Addla understood as good reputation is,
however, an extremely flexible notion and
can be interpreted arbitrarily. Therefore,
one finds in the sources that not only the
belief in the doctrine of free will (see
497
WITNESSING AND TESTIFYING
FREEDOM AND PREDESTINATION'), but also
eating in the streets or breeding pigeons
and tlie like could disqualify someone from
acting as a witness. Due to the subjective
nature of interpreting this term, private-
law agreements could easily be contested
later on by denying the 'adala of the wit-
nesses that attested to the act. To minimize
this risk, already in the second/eighth cen-
tury, judges started to confer a permanent
status of 'addla to a limited group of per-
sons, who were then regularly examined.
The presence of these officially approved
witnesses at the closing of contracts and
passing of sentences secured the legality of
these acts. In this way, a class of notarial
witnesses, the shuhiid 'udul (sing, shdhid 'adl),
evolved. They belonged to the judge's en-
tourage, but could also work independently
as notaries, attesting and testifying legal
acts, drawing up deeds and documents.
The notary profession (which was called
'addla, as well) required specialist knowl-
edge of law and legal jargon — the sind'at
al-wirdqa, arithmetic, calligraphy (q.v.) and
so on, and was the subject of the treatises
of 'Urn al-shuriit — the discipline pertaining
to the conditions (of the notary profession).
Conversely, the evidentiary weight con-
ceded to written documents — although
recommended in (J 2:282 (and decisive in
the hereafter; see above; see eschato-
logy) — was originally very limited, at
least in theory: Those witnesses who
attended the drafting of a document had
to reappear before the court in order to
testify to its validity. It was only for practi-
cal reasons that written documents
eventually became fully admissible as
evidence — chiefly by a revaluation
of the witnesses' signatures on the
document — except in cases of hadd and
qisds.
Concerning the role of witnesses testify-
ing before a worldly court, the Qiir'an con-
tains very little information (cf. Q_ 21:61, the
trial against Abraham [q.v; Ibrahim], and
Q_ 12:26-8, the acquittal of Joseph [q.v]
through circumstantial evidence). Only in
two passages are precise prescriptions
given: (j 4:15 says: "Such of your women as
commit indecency (al-Jahisha), call four of
you to witness against them (fa-stashhidu
'alajihinna arha'atan); and if they bear wit-
ness (fa-in shahidu), then detain [the
women] in [their] houses until death takes
them or God appoints for them a way."
(J 24:4, too, demands the testimony of four
witnesses: "And those who accuse honor-
able women but bring not four witnesses
(bi-arba'ati shuhadd'), scourge them with
eighty lashes (see flogging) and never
afterward accept their testimony
(shahdda).^^ While this verse deals with the
accusation of fornication (zind), the delict
in Q^ 4:15 is interpreted either as lesbian sex
[sihdq; see homosexuality) or fornication,
as well. In the latter case, the difference
between the penalty in {) 4:15 (house arrest
or a divine decision) and the one in C3 24:2,
where a hundred lashes are prescribed for
the fornicator, is clarified by taking re-
course to the supposed order of revelation
(see revelation and inspiration;
chronology and the q^ur'an;
OCCASIONS OF revelation): first, q_ 4:15
came down; it was then replaced by Q_ 24:2;
this in turn was superseded by the notori-
ous verse of stoning (q.v), the dyat al-rajm,
"whose recitation is abrogated but not
its validity" [md nusikha tildwatuhu duna huk-
mihi; Suyuti, Itqdn, naw' /^.j; see
abrogation).
Be that as it may, two items deserve men-
tion here: First, Islamic jurisprudence has
always restricted the necessity of the tes-
timony of four (male) witnesses to ^ot« (and
sihdq) only. For all other cases, murder
(q.v.) and manslaughter included (see
bloodshed), two witnesses suffice — a rule
which is in accordance with Mosaic law (cf.
Deuteronomy 17:6; 19:15 f). The witness'
WITNESSING AND TESTIFYING
statement before the judge has to be in-
troduced by the formula, "I testify by God"
(ashhadu bi-lldh), or simply "I testify" and is
considered an oath (qasam). Second, he
who cannot call four witnesses to support
his charge is guilty of defamation (qadhf)
and risks not only losing his right to give
evidence, but also a corporal punishment,
one which is only slightly milder than the
punishment for the fornicator. (It is char-
acteristic of the qur'anic /zar/o'-prescriptions
that they are followed by restrictive clauses,
which gave rise to discussions about their
respective fields of application; besides
C3 24:4-5, see a 3:86-9; 5:33-4, 38-9.) Within
the sphere of marriage, however, in
C) 24:6-9 the Qiir'an allows the procedure
of li'dn, which entitles the husband, instead
of calling four witnesses, to swear four
oaths that his accusation is true. And be-
cause the truth of these oaths normally
cannot be verified, he then has to declare
in a fifth oath that, in case of perjury, he
should be subject to God's curse (q.v.). In
order to evade punishment, the accused
wife in turn must invalidate her husband's
oaths, swearing four times that he is a liar
and a fifth time that she, too, if lying,
should incur the wrath of God (see anger).
Insofar as in the li'dn each of them is invok-
ing an ordeal, it can be compared with the
mubdhala, the mutual curse in Q^ 3:61.
There are yet other instances in Islamic
law where an oath may replace the tes-
timony of a witness. Except for the
Hanafis, all other schools accept the oath
(yamin) of the plaintiff together with the
testimony of another man as valid in
financial matters. It is also valid the other
way round: if the plaintiff's testimony is
not based on sufficient evidence, the de-
fendant can reject the accusation by means
of an oath. Finally, in a situation where
there is strong, but not sufficient, evidence
against a person suspected of killing some-
one else, i.e. when there are neither two
eye-witnesses nor the confession of the cul-
prit, the practice of qasdma is allowed as
supplementary evidence. This consists in
the swearing of fifty oaths, either by fifty
men or by fewer persons who then have to
swear more than once in order to make up
the required number. According to the
Hanafis, the qasdma on the part of the rela-
tives of the suspect, swearing that they
were neither involved in the crime nor do
they know the culprit, prevents the mecha-
nism of retaliation. For the Malikis, how-
ever, the qasdma is an instrument for the
relatives of the victim. Their fifty-fold oath
that the suspect is doubtless the offender
increases the weight of the available,
legally insufficient evidence to a sufficient
degree.
As a rule, giving evidence is a duty for the
Muslim community, but if someone can
thereby be exonerated, the duty is indi-
vidual (cf. c) 2:282). Nevertheless, in cases
of Aflfl'^^-delicts, it is laudable to keep one's
knowledge to oneself in order to spare the
suspect the corporal punishment.
The profession of faith
In its second meaning, the term shahdda
refers to the credo statement of Islam.
Although there exist some slight varia-
tions in wording (see Fischer, Gestalten;
'All, saldt, 57 f, 136 f), the shahdda essen-
tially consists in the bipartite slogan
"There is no god except God (Id ildha
Hid lldhu)"" and "Muhammad is the mes-
senger of God (Muhammadun rasulu lldhi).'^
It is therefore also called "the two
words" — al-kalimatdn — its first part be-
ing the kalimat al-tawhld — the word of
God's oneness — (or, with respect to its
sound, the tahlil), its second part the kalimat
al-rasul — the word of the Prophet. For the
Shi'a (q.v.) it is commendable, though not
indispensible, to add a third phrase,
namely: " 'All is the friend of god" {'Alijyun
waliyyu lldh; as to the alleged 'Alawite
499
WITNESSING AND TESTIFYING
shahdda see Guyard, Fetwa, 182; Firro,
'Alawis, 5f.; see also shI'ism and the
q^ur'an; ali b. abI talib). In Islam, the
shahdda is considered a performative ut-
terance: Saying it intentionally in tlie pres-
ence of a Muslim audience means
embracing Islam or emphasizing one's
affiliation to it. By speaking the formula "I
confess (ashhadu)"" that precedes the whole
declaration and that may be repeated be-
fore its second — and, as far as the Shi'ites
are concerned, also its third — part, the
performative nature of the shahdda is made
explicit. In the philological tradition of
Islam, this special character is mostly ref-
ered to as inshdX what can be rendered
approximately as "declarative," in contrast
to pure statements, whicli are classified as
ikhbdri, i.e. "informative" (see the discus-
sion in Alusi, Kanz, 32f.).
As a performative, the shahdda requires
publicity. This public nature of the shahdda
shows above all in its prominence in the
whole complex of the Islamic common
prayer, the saldt: First of all, it is part of the
adhdn — the call to prayer — which means
that it can be heard loudly from above the
minarets (see moscjue) five times a day in
artistic rendering, sometimes even collec-
tively performed (Damascus) or with in-
strumental accompaniment (Mashhad). It
thereby became one of the most noticeable
features of the Islamic world. It then fig-
ures in the ijdba — the individual Muslim's
response to the adhdn — and in the
iqdnia — the repetition of the adhdn
immediately before the prayer starts. In
addition, at tlie end of every two
rak'as — series of ritual acts in the saldt (see
BOWING and prostration) — and at the
end of each saldt itself, the believer utters
the tashahhud — a set of phrases which in-
cludes the shahdda, too. (Because one has to
raise the forefinger of the right hand while
saying Id ildha ilia lldhu in the tashahhud, tliis
finger is also called the shdhid — the confes-
sor.) But beyond this importance in daily
ritual, the shahdda accompanies the Muslim
literally throughout his or her whole life: It
is a custom to whisper it into the ear of the
new-born child, a Muslim should die with
it on his lips (see death and the dead),
and the deceased, before being buried (see
burial), is reminded of it so that he or slie
may know what to answer when asked in
the grave by the two angels Munkar and
Nakir (q.v.).
These practices illustrate that the shahdda
is considered the essential message of
Islam. Accordingly, al-Ghazall (d. 505/1111)
used it as his starting point to unfold
Islamic dogma ('aqida) in his "Revival of
the religious sciences" [Ihyd' 'uldm al-din, i,
i6of.), and the 9th/i5th century theologian
al-Sanusi concludes his creed (q.v), saying:
"The meanings of all these articles of be-
lief are brought together in the words,
'There is no god exept God; Muhammad
is the messenger of God' " (see Watt,
Islamic creeds, 94). Therefore, every Mus-
lim is admonished to remember the
two words constantly; according to the
Shafi'ite scholar al-Bayjurl (d. 1276/1860),
the Islamic teachers of law — the
fuqahd' — recommended that one should
repeat it at least three hundred times a day.
Generally, the first part of the shahdda,
the kalimat al-tawhld, is considered to imply
the second part, the kalimat al-rasul, as well
(see e.g. Sha'rani, Fath, 24). But not only for
this reason do the words Id ildha Hid lldhu
hold a great fascination. Theology dis-
cusses the logical structure of its phrasing
as an exception clause and the philosophi-
cal implications of this (cf. Bayjurl, Hdshiya,
35f ; see theology and the our'an;
PHILOSOPHY AND THE Q^UR'an). With its
distinctive rhythm and sound, it became a
prefered formula for the (/AzAr-exercises of
the mystics (see remembrance; sufism
AND THE cjur'an) and for exorcisms (cf.
Schimmel, Sufis). The graphical shape of
WITNESSING AND TESTIFYING
500
its letters made it a favorite motif for cal-
ligraphic embellishments (see Arabic;
script). The number of these letters and
the existing symmetries among them invite
to further speculations about hidden har-
monies (cf. Canteins, Mirroir; see also
numerology). And popular imagination
all along was able to decipher it in natural
phenomena like flowers, trees or swarms of
bees. Thus, the shahdda is one of the most
important constituents of communal iden-
tity in Islam. This is clearly expressed in a
prophetic saying that calls the believers the
"people of Id ildha ilia lldhu" (cf. Ghazall,
Ihyd\ i, 505). Despite this popularity,
however, the origins of the shahdda remain
rather obscure.
In order to express the core idea of
monotheism, the Qiir'an uses various
formulations, e.g. the statement of (J 42:11:
laysa ka-mithlihi shaj'un, "Like him there is
naught," the rhetorical question Q, 35:3: hal
min khdliqin ghayru lldhi, "Is there any
creator apart from God?" (see creation;
RHETORii; AND THE ^ur'an), and the
command in C3 112:1: qui huwa lldhu ahadun,
"Say: He is God, one." Two kinds of
formulas, however, are especially
prominent. There is, on the one hand, the
positive statement ildhukum ildhun wdliidun,
"Your god is one god" (six times, e.g.
Q, 2:163; 18:110; 21:108; 41:6) with the
variations "He (huwa) is one god" (three
times: C) 6:19; 14:52; 16:51) and "God
(alldhu) is one god" (once only: o 4:171). As
A. Baumstark pointed out (Zur Herkimft),
this formula can be traced back
indirectly — via a supposed Jewish-Arabic
version of Aramaic translations (see
FOREIGN vocabulary) — to Deuter-
onomy 6:4, the opening verse of the
sh'ma' — the Judaic creedal prayer: "Hear,
O Israel: The lord (yhwh) our God, the
lord (yhwh) is one." In its historical
context, Deuteronomy 6:4 originally
demanded Israel's exclusive cultic
veneration of Yahweh alone, while
implicitly conceding the existence of other
gods for other nations. In exilic times,
however, after Israel's turn to exclusive
monotheism, i.e. to the negation of the
existence of other gods, this verse could no
longer be understood in its original sense,
and the predicate "one" had to be
interpreted in an absolute way (cf.
Rechenmacher, "AuJSer mir giht es keinen
Gott!," 195 f). The same holds true, of
course, of the qur'anic formula as well,
and, thus, the Muslim commentators
explain the predicate wdhid as meaning
"one in essence" or "the unique one," etc.
(cf. Tabarl, Tafslr, ad q 2:163 and compare
the different translations of this formula).
On the other hand, there is the exception
clause, "There is no god but he" [Id ildha
Hid huwa, thirty times, e.g. q 2:163, 255;
3:18; 9:31; 73:9) with the alternative
endings "but I" [illd and, three times:
q 16:2; 20:14; 21:25), "but God" [illd lldhu,
twice: q 37:35; 47:19) and "but you" [illd
anta, only q 21:87). According to Baum-
stark (Zur Herkunft), the wording Id ildha
illd huwa ultimately echoes Deuteronomy
4:35, 39 and must have been part of a pre-
Islamic Jewish- Arabic cult prayer. In fact,
many passages where this phrase figures
exhibit a distinctive Jewish-Christian
coloring, e.g. when combined with
Hebrew or Aramaic borrowings like
al-qayyum — "the everlasting" (q 2:255; 3:2)
and rabb al-'dlamin — "the lord of all
being" (q 40:64-5), in connection with the
biblical motif of the throne (q 2:255; 9:129;
20:5-8; 27:26; see THRONE of god) or in
juxtaposition to al-rahmdn — "the
all-merciful" — the name under which
God was venerated in pre-Islamic times by
the Jews of the Yemen (q.v.), e.g.: "Your
god is one god; there is no god but he, the
all-merciful, the all-compassionate" [al-
501
WITNESSING AND TESTIFYING
rahmdn al-mhim, q 2:163; cf. 13:30; 59:22).
Thus, it must be assumed that the phrase Id
ildha ilia huwa was, at the time the Qiir'an
originated, a popular slogan in Arabian
Jewish or Christian circles. But then, the
way the Arabic proper name "God," Allah,
becomes connected with this phrase in the
Qi_ir'an, shows how the new religions
movement first adopted and, later on,
started to monopolize it. There are verses
where the word Allah simply precedes the
la ildha Hid huwa (e.g. q 2:255; 3:2; 4:87; cf.
3:18), while in others, Allah is almost
defined by means of it (q 20:98; cf 6:102;
39:6; 40:62, 64-5). After a short hymn to
al-rahmdn on the throne, (3 20:8, which runs
"God (Alldhu), there is no god but he, his
are the most beautifid names (lahu l-asmd'u
l-husnd)" may be read as a justification for
the use of the Arahic Allah in connection
with the exception clause (cf. c) 17:110).
One may discern another attempt to justify
this connection in q_ 3:18, where the praxis
of confessing Id ildha Hid huwa is somewhat
illogically attributed to Alldh himself.
Finally, in two verses the name Alldh enters
the exception clause itself and constitutes
the kalimat al-tawhid. And it is especially
noticeable that in both instances the
preceding verbs indicate that the resulting
slogan Id ildha Hid lldhu was already in use
for purposes of teaching and proselytizing
(see TEACHING AND PREACHING THE
qur'an): "When it was said to them (idhd
qila lahum): There is no god but God
(Alldh), they were scornful" (c3 37:35; cf.
47:19).
A central motif in the Qiir'an is the
emphasis on the authority (q.v.) of the
prophetic duty (see prophets and
prophethood). One of the means to
effect this, is to equate the belief in and the
obedience (q.v.) to God with the belief in
and the obedience to the messenger [rasul;
the term "prophet," nabi, by contrast, is
seldom used: q 2:177; 5:81; 7:158). This
principle is clearly stated in q 4:80:
"Whosoever obeys (manjuti') the
messenger (al-rasul), thereby obeys God"
(cf. q 4:64). And thus, many qur'anic
orders and regulations are enforced with
formulations like "Those only are
believers, who believe in (dmanu hi) God
and his messenger and who, when they are
with him upon a common matter, go not
away until they ask his leave" (q 24:62; cf.
49:15; 61:11) or with the imperative "Obey
God and obey the messenger!" (e.g. q 4:59;
5:92; cf 24:47). And although there are
some short catechisms which add further
elements, like the belief in angels and the
scriptures of revelation or the performance
of the prayer and the payment of the alms
[zakdt; e.g. q 2:285; 4:136; 9:71; see
almsgiving), verses like q 48:17 suggest
that obedience is in the end the decisive
criterion for salvation (q.v): "Whosoever
obeys God and his messenger, he will
admit him into gardens underneath which
rivers flow" (cf. q 33:71; see garden). It is
characteristic, however, not only of these
passages, but of the Qiir'an as a whole,
that this messenger remains without a
name, except for four verses — q 3:144;
33:40; 47:2 and 48:29 (see names of the
prophet) — which identify Muhammad
(q.v.) as the messenger of God and as a
recipient of revelations. It has been
suggested that these verses were later
insertions into the Qiir'an; Islamic
tradition, too, doubted the genuineness of
at least q 3:144 (see SuyutI, Itqdn, naw' 10;
Noldeke, GQ, ii, 8if ; van Ess, to, i, 3 n. 3).
Anyway, at the end of q 48 — after the
divine promise to his messenger: "You (pi.)
shall indeed enter the inviolable place of
worship [al-masjid al-hardm; see sacred
precincts)" in verse 27 and after the
assurance that God sent his messenger to
make the "religion (q.v.) of truth" (q.v; din
WITNESSING AND TESTIFYING
502
al-haqq) prevail over all religion in verse
28 — the final verse (c3 48:29) identifies this
messenger and extols his supporters. This
is the only qur'anic instance of what later
was to become the second part of the
shahdda: "Muhammad is the messenger of
God."
In the Qiir'an can be found at least three
ways to declare one's belief in and
obedience to God and his prophet: first,
the formula "We hear and we obey [sami'nd
wa-ata'nd; see also SEEING and hearing)"
with which the believers accepted the
covenant (q.v.) with God (q 5:7) and with
which they submit to the decisions of the
prophet (c) 24:51; this formula ultimately
goes back to Deuteronomy 5:27, and
therefore, the Qiir'an especially connects it
with the Israelites, although in a
deliberately distorted form; cf. q 2:93; 4:46;
see CHILDREN OF israel). Second, there is
the confession of faith "We believe"
[amannd, o 2:14, 76; 29:2; 49:14; sometimes
with additions such as "in God and the last
day" or "in God and the messenger, and
we obey": q 2:8; 24:47; cf. 40:84). That this
is not merely an expression of an inner
conviction, but should rather be under-
stood as a performative utterance which
confers upon its speaker a privileged status,
is clear from verses like o 40:84-5 and 49:14
(this latter verse plays exactly on the
possible double use of amannd; cf. c) 9:97).
Finally, the verb shahida is used to signal the
consent of the children of Adam (see adam
AND eve), of the prophets and of the
Children of Israel in the covenant (nnthdq)
with God (c3 2:84; 3:81; 7:172). But there are
also instances where it obviously signifies a
formal declaration of loyalty (q.v.) to the
messenger of God, e.g.: "How shall God
guide a people who have disbelieved after
they believed, and bore witness (shahidu)
that the messenger is true?" [anna l-msula
haqqun, q 3:86; cf 63:1; as for c) 3:86, see
above).
Opinions differ considerably about when
and how the shahdda as credo statement
developed. According to K. Cragg
(Shahadah), it was used in the Prophet's
Medinan period (see Medina) as a formula
for conversion, but its wording probably
belonged to an even earlier time. M.J.
Kister (Study) connects the origin of the
twofold shahdda with the experiences of the
wars of apostasy (q.v.; hurub al-ridda) after
the death of the Prophet. A.J. Wensinck
(Tashahhud) argues that the shahdda must
be comparatively early since it is part of
the saldt-riXe and that it was customary to
proclaim it at conversion to Islam in the
second half of the first century a.h. — a
view largely adopted by W.M. Watt
(Formative period), too. By contrast, T Nagel
(Inschriften) thinks that from 72/691-2 on-
wards the Umayyad caliph (q.v.) 'Abd al-
Malik (r. 65-86/685-705) propagated
especially the second part of the shahdda
against the inner-Islamic opposition of the
Zubayrids in order to legitimize the pro-
phetic tradition, the hadith (see hadith
AND THE q^ur'an), as an authoritative
source of its own. Finally, A. Rippin
(Muslims) assumes that the shahdda "re-
ceived its final shape fairly late" and that it
gained acceptance as the first of the five
pillars of Islam not before the third Islamic
century.
Thus, the problem of the early history of
the shahdda can be summarized in three
questions: First, at what time were the two
kalimas combined with each other? Second,
what was the underlying intention thereby?
And, third, when did the shahdda gain
general acceptance as a set phrase to
express Muslim identity? To start with,
there is no evidence that the two parts of
the shahdda were combined with each other
before the second half of the first century
A.H. Both formulas were originally inde-
pendent from each other. When, for
instance, the phrase "Muhammad is the
503
WITNESSING AND TESTIFYING
messenger of God" begins to appear on
coins (see epigraphy and the q^uran),
from 66/685-6 onwards, it is introduced by
the basmala (q.v.), but not accompanied by
the kalimat al-tawhid. There exist several
variations, especially to this latter phrase.
For example, a south Jordanian graffiti (see
also ARCHAEOLOGY AND THE OUr'an),
probably from the first century A.H., runs:
"O God, I do call you to witness that you
are God. There is no god but you
(alldhumma inni ushhiduka annaka lldhu Id ildha
Hid anta)." The favorite wording, however,
of the Umayyads — still preserved in the
tashahhud — is: "There is no god except
God alone, he has no associate (wahdahu Id
shanka lahu).'^ From the seventies of the first
Islamic century onwards, both words of
the shahdda appear together. In 72/691-2, a
drachma was issued in Sistan which on its
reverse bears a Pahlavi text very close in
meaning to the shahdda (see numismatics).
And from 73/692 on, there are Arab-
Sasanian and Arab-Byzantine coins with
both the basmala and shahdda on the
margin. These examples, however, are still
tentative efforts to link the notion of the
exclusiveness of God with the claim that
Muhammad is his messenger. Both words
of the shahdda were freely combined with
other religious phrases, too. There is, for
example, the outer inscription of the am-
bidatory of the Dome of the Rock (see art
and architec;ture and the qur'an)
from 72/691-2. In five sections, the text
emphasizes the two basic ideas of the
shahdda, and in each of these sections, both
kalimas appear. They do not, however,
make up a distinct unit, but are rather
divided from each other by additional for-
midas. Likewise, in the standard legend on
the Umayyad coins from 'Abd al-Malik's
reform (77/696-7 onwards), the two kalimas
are separated from each other and are
given different weight: The obverse has the
Umayyad version of the first kalima as cited
above, and the reverse gives the text of
Q^ 112 (without the initial "Say: He"), while
the legend on the margin runs: "Muham-
mad is the messenger of God. He sent him
with the guidance and the religion of
truth, that he may uplift it above every re-
ligion, though the unbelievers be averse"
(cf. C3 9:33; 61:9; also C) 48:28; see above).
Only when the 'Abbasids came to power
and struck new coins, did the kalimat al-
rasul take the place of C3 112 on the reverse
and thereby became the true counterpart
of the kalimat al-tawhid on the obverse (see
also POLITICS AND THE CJUr'an).
This epigraphic and numismatic material
suggests that it was in the period from the
reign of 'Abd al-Malik (r. 65-86/685-705)
until the 'Abbasid assumption of power in
132/750, that both words of the shahdda
first became combined with each other and
finally coalesced into a set phrase express-
ing Muslim identity. Therefore, it is not
likely that the shahdda should have been
used before 'Abd al-Malik's reign as a slo-
gan for conversion. By contrast, there is
plenty of evidence that at least throughout
the first/seventh century allegiance to
Islam was expressed — besides many other
formidations — by a declaration of the
type: "I believe" [dmantu; see Ory, Aspects;
Abbott, Kasr Kharana). In addition, it
seems that before the seventies of the first
century A.H./ the end of the seventh cen-
tury C.E., none of the rival factions in early
Islam — Zubayrids, 'Alids, Kharijis (q.v.)
and Umayyads — explicitly mentioned the
Prophet in their creedal formidas (see be-
low). But then, the decision of 'Abd al-
Malik to promote the kalimat al-rasul hardly
had an inner-Islamic background. Since
the phrase "Muhammad is the messenger
of God" ascribes God-given authority to
the Arab Muhammad, it is more likely that
it was originally directed towards the non-
Arab, non-Muslim subjects in the new em-
pire and emphasized the Umayyad
WITNESSING AND TESTIFYING
504
dominance in the field of religion, too.
Tliis becomes especially evident in the in-
scriptions of the Dome of the Rock. In any
case, 'Abd al-Malik's propagation of the
two words of the shahdda created for him
serious diplomatic tensions with the
Byzantines (q.v.; see Walker, Catalogue of
the Arab-Byzantine and post-reform Umaiyad
coins, liv).
The discussion of the term islam, as pre-
served in the medium of the hadlth — the
prophetic tradition — shows how the
shahdda started to play a role in theology.
Given the fact that eventually islam was
defined by five "pillars" [arkdn, sing, rukn),
A.J. Wensinck [Creed, i']i.) argued that defi-
nitions, which are less complex, can be
considered preliminary stages belonging to
an earlier date. Besides a tradition that de-
fines islam solely by five daily prayers, obe-
dience and the fast of Ramadan (e.g.
Muslim, Sahih, K. Imdn, 8), three principal
groups of hadiths can be distinguished:
first, traditions that emphasize the exclu-
sive veneration of God and add three fur-
ther, mostly ritual duties (e.g. Muslim,
Sahih, K. Imdn, 5, 7, 12, 14, 15); second, tra-
ditions where a catalogue of five pillars is
established, which, however, do not include
any declaration of loyalty towards the
Prophet (e.g. Muslim, Sahih, K. Imdn, 19, 20,
22); and, third, the kind of tradition where
the bipartite shahdda figures as the first of
the five pillars of isld7n, either in answer to
Gabriel's (q.v.) examination of the Prophet
or introduced by the formula, "Islam is
built upon five" (e.g. Muslim, Sahih,
K. Imdn, i, 21). Wensinck rightly called this
type "a masterpiece of early Muslim theol-
ogy." Its importance lies in the fact that it
holds the middle position between the
Murji'l thesis that the public confession of
faith (Tmdn) alone establishes one's status as
a believer, on the one hand, and the
Khariji rigorism with its emphasis on
works, on the other (see good deeds; evil
deeds). All the traditions of this type go
back to 'Abdallah b. 'Umar (d. 73/693), a
personality famous for his neutrality during
the Umayyad civil wars and therefore a
suitable candidate for the attribution of
such a compromise solution. The
names in the isndds — the chains of
transmitters — point, however, to the
milieu of proto-SunnI traditionalists of the
second/eighth century who, equally
opposed to Murji'is, 'Alids, Kharijis and
Q_adarls, formulated these traditions and
put them in circulation.
Now, the instruction in these hadiths to
testify to both kalimas ("Islam is the
testimony [shahdda] that there is no god
but God and that Muhammad is the
messenger of God..."), signals, first, that,
at that time, they both belonged together
and, second, that they were used as a per-
formative utterance. This strongly suggests
that the shahdda must already have been
part of the adhdn and the tashahhud in the
saldt-r'ite. It is of great interest to know
when the saldt got its final shape but this is
still an open question. Wensinck's argu-
ment, that the saldt must have been stan-
dardized shortly after the Prophet's death
"since there are no traces of deviation
from the common ritual of the saldt among
the sects" [Creed, 32), as plausible as it
seems at first sight, is after all an argument
ex nihilo. We do not even know at what time
the five daily prayers were introduced (cf.
Alverny, Priere; Rubin, Morning; Monnot,
salat). What we do know is, on the one
hand, that according to Muslim tradition
the Prophet was taught the adhdn either
during his ascension (q.v.) to heaven or
while sleeping in the lap of 'All (cf. Ibn
Babawayh, Alan Idyahduruhu, 28of.), and
that he taught the tashahhud "the way he
used to teach us a sura (q.v.) of the
Qur'an" (Muslim, Sahih, K. Saldt, 60). On
505
WITNESSING AND TESTIFYING
the Other hand, there are indications that
the Uniayyads more than once enforced
alterations in the rite of the saldt. During
the revolt of Ibn al-Ash'ath (80-3/699-702),
for example, their opponents reproached
them with the demise of the saldt, and, at
Dayr al-Jamajim, the battle cry of the
qurrd' [see reciters of the our'an;
READINGS OF THE q^ur'an) rimsi "Revenge
for the saldt!^^ What they meant by this,
however, is not at all clear; further research
is neccessary. For use of the term shahdda to
mean "martyrdom," see martyrs.
Matthias Radscheit
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Wives of the Prophet
The Prophet is usually said to have had
thirteen wives or concubines, of whom
nine survived him. But there is some
dispute as to the identity of the thirteen.
Some modern Muslim biographers have
linked the large size of the Prophet's
harem to the fact that all of the
Prophet's marriages had been con-
cluded by the time that the early
Medinan revelation of 0,4:3 limited the
number of wives to four (Haykal, Life of
Muhammad, 293; see marriage and
divorce). Conversely, an Orientalist his-
torian of the qur'anic text has suggested
that the Prophet had only four wives at
the time of the revelation of Q^ 4:3 (Stern,
Marriage, 78-81; see post-enlighten-
ment ACADEMIC STUDY OF THE
our'an).
507
WIVES OF THE PROPHET
In hadith (see hadith and the our'an)
and classical qur'anic exegesis [tafsir; see
EXEGESIS OF THE q^ur'an), the Prophet's
right to less restricted polygamy is pre-
sented as a prerogative that sunnat Allah,
God's "law" for the world (see sunna; law
AND THE our'an), had always granted to
God's prophets and apostles (see prophets
AND prophethood; messenger).
Furthermore, the classical sources found
the scriptural legitimization of the
Prophet's larger household (see FAMILY OF
THE prophet) in Q^ 33:50, a late Medinan
revelation that enumerated the "categories
of females" lawful to the Prophet for mar-
riage as follows (see lawfltl and
unlawful; prohibited degrees; women
AND THE our'an): wives with whom the
Prophet contracted marriage involving
payment of "hires" (dowers; see
bridewealth); female prisoners of war
(slaves) who fell to him as part of his share
of the spoils (see slaves and slavery;
booty; captives); paternal and maternal
cousins who had migrated to Medina (q.v.;
see also emigrants and helpers; kinship;
family); and
a believing woman (see belief and
unbelief), if she gives herself to the
Prophet, if the Prophet should wish to
marry her. Especially for you, exclusive of
the believers. We know what we have im-
posed upon them concerning their wives
and slaves. So that there be no restriction
on you. And God is forgiving, compassion-
ate (see forgiveness; mercy; god and
HIS attributes).
The interpretation of the verse has pre-
sented difficulties because it appears to
relate to a social system that had ceased to
exist within a century after the Prophet's
death (Watt, Muhammad at Medina, 393).
Especially problematic within the changing
code of early Islamic marriage law was the
institution of hiba, possibly a pre-Islamic
form of marriage, by which a woman "of-
fers herself" to a man without a guardian
(^alT; see guardianship) to negotiate the
union and without expectation of a dower.
Later Muslim interpreters were uncomfort-
able with the institution of hiba and some
opined that it was not a lawful form of
marriage for anyone with the sole excep-
tion of the Prophet himself. Consequently,
they used C3 33:50 primarily as an aid to
classify the Prophet's consorts; but it also
provided them with scriptural proof
that Muhammad's marriages — even
though more than four — were divinely
sanctioned.
Hadith reports agree overall that the
Prophet was married to the following
women:
1. Khadija bt. Khuwaylid (Qiiraysh
[q.v.] — Asad; see khadija). She was mar-
ried to Abu Hala Hind b. al-Nabbash of
Tamlm with whom she had two sons, Hala
and Hind, and to 'Atiq b. 'Abid of
Makhzum, with whom she had a daughter.
Hind. Twice widowed (see widow),
Khadija was a wealthy merchant woman
who is said to have employed Muhammad
in a business enterprise in 595 c.E. and
then proposed marriage to him (see
markets; caravan). He was twenty-five
years old at that time and she was forty.
They had two or three sons, named
Qasim, 'Abdallah al-Tahir al-Mutahhar
(and Tayyib?), and four daughters,
Zaynab, Ruqayya, Umm Kulthum, and
Fatima (q.v). All the male children died in
infancy. When the revelations began (see
revelation and inspiration), Khadija
was the first person or, some say, the first
woman to accept Islam from the messen-
ger of God. Khadija died three years be-
fore the migration to Medina (see emigra-
tion) and was buried in Mecca (q.v.).
2. Sawda bt. Zam'a (Qiu'aysh — 'Amir).
WIVES OF THE PROPHET
508
She was married to Sakran b. 'Amr, an
early Muslim, and made the hijra (emigra-
tion) to Abyssinia (q.v.) with him. He died
after their return to Mecca and she mar-
ried the Prophet around 620 c.E. when she
was about thirty. She migrated with his
household to Medina where she died in
54/673-4.
3. 'A'isha bt. Abi Bakr (q.v.;
Quraysh — Taym), married in 1/623 when
she was nine. She was the only virgin
Muhammad married. She remained child-
less and died in Medina in 58/677-8.
4. Hafsa bt. 'Umar b. al-Khattab
(Qiiraysh — 'Adi) was the widow of
Khumays b. Hudhafa, a Muslim killed at
Badr (q.v.). She married the Prophet in
3/625 at age eighteen. She died in 45/665
(see hafsa).
5. Umm Salama (Hind) bt. al-Mughlra
(Qiiraysh — Makhzum) married the
Prophet in 4/626 at age twenty-nine. Her
husband Abu Salama had died of a wound
received at Uhud and had left her with
several small children (see expeditions
AND battles). She died in 59/678-9.
6. Zaynab bt. al-Khuzayma ('Amir b.
Sa'sa'a — Hilal) was first married to al-
Tufayl b. al-Harith (Qiiraysh — al-
Muttalib) who divorced her. Then she
married his brother 'Ubayda who was
killed at Badr. Her marriage to the Prophet
took place in or around 4/625-6 when she
was about thirty. She died just a few
months later.
7. Juwayriyya (al-Mustaliq — Khuza'a),
daughter of the chief of the tribe, was cap-
tured in the attack on her tribe in 5/627,
married by Muhammad on her profession
of Islam and set free. She was about
twenty years old at the time. Some say that
she was at first only a concubine (see
concubines) but that she had become a
full wife before the Prophet's death.
Juwayriyya died in 50/670.
8. Zaynab bt. Jahsh (Asad b. Khuzayma)
married Muhammad in 5/626-7 at age
thirty-eight after her divorce from Zayd b.
Haritha. She was a granddaughter of 'Abd
al-Muttalib, and Muhammad's first cousin
on his mother's side. Her father was a cli-
ent of the clan of 'Abd Shams of the
Quraysh tribe (see clients and
clientage). Zaynab bt. Jahsh died in
20/640-1.
9. Mariya the Copt (see christians and
Christianity) was a slave-concubine
whom the ruler of Egypt (q.v.) sent to the
Prophet as a gift in or around 6/627-8. She
bore Muhammad a son called Ibrahim
who died when he was less than two years
old. She remained a concubine. She died
in 16/637.
10. Umm Hablba (Ramla) bt. Abi Sufyan
(Quraysh — 'Abd Shams) was about
thirty-five when the Prophet married her
on his return from Khaybar in 7/628. She
was the widow of 'Ubaydallah b. Jahsh
with whom she had made the emigration
to Abyssinia. She died in 46/666.
11. Safiyya bt. Huyayy (of the Jewish al-
Nadir tribe; see jews and Judaism; nadir,
BANU L-) was captured at Khaybar in
7/628 and assigned to the Prophet. She
was seventeen. Perhaps she was at first a
concubine, but later accepted Islam, was
set free, and became a wife. She died in
52/672.
12. Maymuna bt. al-Harith ('Amir b.
Sa'sa'a — Hilal) became Muhammad's
wife at age twenty-seven in the year 7/629
during or right after the lesser pilgrimage
(q.v.). She died in 61/680-1.
13. Rayhana bt. Zayd (of the Jewish al-
Nadir tribe) was captured in 5/627 during
the attack on the Banu Qurayza (q.v.) to
whom her husband had belonged. With
the Prophet, she had the status of con-
cubine which she apparently retained until
her death in 10/631-2.
In addition to these thirteen women gener-
ally acknowledged to have been either reg-
ular wives or concubines, there is some
509
WIVES OF THE PROPHET
information on a number of otliers whose
names are linked with the Prophet, but tlie
accounts are truncated, often contradic-
tory, and on the whole quite dubious. The
Prophet is said to have married several
women whom he divorced (or some of
whom divorced him?) before the marriage
was consummated; mentioned are Fatima
bt. al-Dahhak b. Sufyan of the Kilab tribe
and 'Amra bt. Yazid of the Kilab tribe (of-
ten assumed to be one and the same per-
son), Asma' bt. al-Nu'man of the Kinda
tribe, Qiitayla bt. Qays of the Kinda tribe,
and Mulayka bt. Ka'b of the Banu Layth.
To some additional women, marriage was
proposed but the marriage contract was
not concluded (see contracts and
alliances; breaking trusts and
contracts). The identity of the women
who "gave themselves to the Prophet" by
way of hiba is likewise quite obscure, as the
list contains some additional names but
also the names of several of the established
wives.
When the Prophet died in 11/632, three
of his thirteen consorts — Khadija bt.
Khuwaylid, Zaynab bt. Khuzayma, and
Rayhana bt. Zayd — were already dead.
Mariya retained her rank of concubine.
The other nine were recognized as rightful
bearers of the honorific title "Mothers of
the Believers" (cf. q 33:6, a late Medinan
revelation; see chronology and the
our'an).
The Prophet's wives in the Qur'dn
The Qur'an specifically addresses the
Prophet's wives on numerous occasions;
many other revelations are linked with
members of their group in the hadlth lit-
erature. They are clearly the elite women
of the community of the faithful whose
proximity to the Prophet endows them
with special dignity. But this rank is
matched by more stringent obligations.
While the Qiir'an (q 33:32) says of the
Prophet's wives that they "are not like any
[other] women," their peerlessness also
entails those sharper rebukes for human
frailties and more stringent codes of pri-
vate and public probity, with which the
scripture singles out the Prophet's consorts
(see virtues and vices, commanding and
forbidding). By linking dignity with ob-
ligation and elite status with heightened
moral responsibility (q.v.; see also ethics
AND THE (jur'an), their example defines
two aspects of sunnat Allah, God's "law"
for the world. On the one hand, the
Prophet's wives emerge in the qur'anic
context as models of the principle of
ethical individualism. On the other hand,
the dynamic of the revelations when
read in chronological order moves toward
increasing emphasis on the perfection of
the Prophet's household as a whole; it is
this collective entity that the revelations
ultimately mean to strengthen and elevate
to model status, even if it be at the
expense of individual ambitions and
the idiosyncrasies of some of its
members.
The Prophet's wives figure unequally in
qur'anic exegesis, which is to say that only
a small number of their group are con-
sistently presented as key figures in the
hadlth accounts of contexts of specific rev-
elations [asbdb al-nuzHl, "occasions of rev-
elation"). The following presents the
qur'anic revelations commonly linked with
one, or several, or all of the members of
the Prophet's household in the traditional
chronology of revelation.
I. Q^ 33:37-8, Lawfulness of marriage with for-
mer wife of adopted son, and Q_ 33:4, 40,
Adopted sons are not sons
Muslim scholarship dates these revelations
to the fifth year after the hijra and com-
monly links them with the figure of
Zaynab bt. Jahsh. The Prophet had
arranged her marriage with Zayd b.
Haritha, a former Arabian slave of
Khadlja's whom the Prophet had freed and
WIVES OF THE PROPHET
510
adopted as a son. The marriage was not
harmoniotis and Zayd desired a divorce.
The Prophet is tlien said to have begun to
feel an attraction for Zaynab; he concealed
it because at that time adopted sons were
regarded as the full equals of legitimate
natural sons, which rendered their wives
unlawful for the adopting father. The rev-
elations of C3 33:37-8 commanded the
Prophet to marry Zaynab, and (j 33:4, 40
abolished the inherited notion of legal
equality between real sons and adopted
2. Q, 33:53, The hijab verse, and o 33:55,
exemptions thereto
Zaynab bt. Jahsh's marriage to the
Prophet, likewise said to have occurred
dining the fifth year after the hijra, is identi-
fied in the majority of hadith and tafsir ac-
counts as the occasion of God's legislation
of the hijdb, "curtain, screen," imposed by
God to shield the Prophet's women from
the eyes of visitors to his dwellings (see
veil; modesty). Many traditions maintain
that this revelation was vouchsafed after
some of the wedding guests had overstayed
their welcome at the nuptial celebration in
Zaynab's house. Another strand of tradi-
tions mentions 'Umar b. al-Khattab in the
role of counselor who urged the Prophet to
conceal and segregate his wives as a pro-
tective measure. For some of the later
medieval exegetes, such as al-BaydawI
(d. prob. 716/1316-17) and Ibn Kathir
(d. 774/1373)5 'Umar's vigilance for the
good of the Prophet's wives rates greater
consideration as an occasion of revelation
of C3 33:53 than do the accoimts of the
Prophet's annoyance at the guests who lin-
gered in Zaynab's house on the wedding
eve. The liijdb verse is followed by a revela-
tion that establishes the classes of relatives
and servants with whom the Prophet's
wives were permitted to deal face-to-face
rather than from behind a partition
fe 33:55). The qur'anic directive to the
Prophet's wives in C3 33:33 to stay in their
houses and avoid strutting about is dated
later than o 33:53 (cf below; see house,
DOMESTIC AND DIVINE).
Self-protection of "the Prophet's wives,
his daughters, and the women of the be-
lievers" was thereafter enjoined in
Q. 33-59"6o by way of God's demand that
Muslim women cover themselves in their
"mantles" (jaldhihj when abroad, so that
they would be known (as free women) and
not molested. Once again, classical
exegesis has here identified 'Umar b. al-
Khattab as the main spokesman in favor of
a new clothing (q.v.) law. An additional
legislative item on female modesty, directed
at Muslim women in general, was revealed
at a later date in C3 24:31 which prescribed
use of their "kerchiefs" [khumur, sing.
khimdr) as a means to cover up "their bo-
soms" (juyub) and their finery (zina) except
in the company of their husbands, other
males to whom marriage is taboo and fe-
male friends and relatives, slaves, and the
small children. It was on the basis of
9. 33-53 (hij^b, "curtain" or "partition"),
Q. 33-59 (j«'«i*^^) "mantles"), q 24:31 (khumur,
"kerchiefs") and C3 33:33 ("stay in your
houses and avoid self-display") that clas-
sical law and theology (see theology and
THE our'an) thereafter formulated the
medieval Islamic ordinance for overall
female veiling and segregation. Muham-
mad's wives' domestic seclusion behind a
partition (hijdb) merged with the clothing
laws to such an extent that the very gar-
ments which Muslim women were com-
manded to wear in public came to be
called hijdb.
3. C3 24:11-26, The qur'dnic irjunction against
slander
In chronological terms, the next block of
qur'anic legislation consistently linked in
the hadith with a member of the Prophet's
WIVES OF THE PROPHET
household is cj 24:11-26, the injunction
against slander (see gossip). The verses are
dated into the fifth or sixtli year after the
hijra and are said to liave been occasioned
by 'A'islia bt. Abl Bakr's involvement in
"the affair of the lie (q.v.)," al-ijk.
The medieval hadith describes 'A'isha as
the Prophet's favorite wife. The only virgin
among Muhammad's brides, she was be-
trothed to the Prophet three years before
the hijra when she was six or seven years
old, and the marriage was concluded and
consummated when she was nine. The "af-
fair of the lie" thus occurred when she was
eleven, twelve, or thirteen. Returning from
a military expedition on which she had
accompanied the Prophet, 'A'isha was in-
advertently left behind at the last camping
ground when the army departed for
Medina in the darkness of early morning.
She was rescued and returned to Medina
by a young Arab Bedouin (q.v.; see also
ARABS; nomads). A scandal broke that was
mainly instigated by the Prophet's enemies
(q.v.) but also tore the Prophet's followers
apart (see opposition to Muhammad). A
full month later, the revelation of
o 24:11-26 was vouchsafed which estab-
lished 'A'isha's innocence, severely rep-
rimanded the believers for their
unrighteous behavior, and announced
grievous penalties for all who would per-
petrate unfounded slander of chaste
women (see boundaries and precepts;
chastity). Additional legislation on slan-
der is found in (J 24:4-5. The transgression
was later classified in Islamic jurisprudence
as one of the hudud offenses ("canon law
cases with unalterable punishments"; see
CHASTISEMENT AND PUNISHMENT).
4. Q 33:28-9, The verses of choice
Hadith accounts do not reflect a consensus
on the incident or incidents that led to the
Prophet's seclusion from all of his wives for
a month until he received the revelation of
(J 33:28-9 that instructed him to have his
wives choose between "the life of this
world and its glitter" and "God, his
Prophet, and the abode in the hereafter."
This revelation has been dated to the late
fifth, seventh, or ninth year after the hijra.
The hadith sources mention several dif-
ferent episodes of household disagreement
caused by the women's (or some of the
women's) insubordination and backtalk
(see INSOLENCE AND OBSTINACY;
obedience), material demands that the
Prophet was unable to fulfill (see
MAINTENANCE AND UPKEEp), and mutual
jealousy (see envy), that may all have fed
into one major crisis. By all accounts, the
domestic turmoil was of significant propor-
tions and when the Prophet secluded him-
self for a month, there was fear in the
community that he would divorce his
wives.
When the Prophet returned, he repeated
the newly-revealed "verses of choice" to
each of them. Thereupon each of the
women, beginning with 'A'isha, declared
that she chose God and his Prophet and
the abode in the hereafter over the world
and its adornment. It is said that 'A'isha
reached her decision swiftly and without
consulting her father (or parents), and
that the Prophet was gladdened by her
choice.
5. q 33:30-1, Double punishment and double
reward for the Prophet's women, q 33:32,
Peerlessness of the Prophet's women and injunction
against complaisant speech, q 33:33-4, Command
that they stay in their houses, avoid displaying their
charms, and be pious, charitable, obedient, and
mindful of God's verses and wisdom recited in
their houses
These verses are generally thought to have
been revealed soon after the crisis that had
led to the Prophet's seclusion from his
wives. They acknowledge the peerlessness
of the Prophet's consorts and also impose
WIVES OF THE PROPHET
512
specific and far-reaching restrictions on tlie
women's accessibility, visibility, and man-
ner of comportment. (J 33-30-1 establish
double punishment in the case of clear
immoral behavior, and double reward for
obedience to God and his apostle and
godly acts (see good deeds). In q 33:32,
the Prophet's women are then told that
they are "not like any (other) women," and
are enjoined to abstain from submissive
speech that might be misunderstood. In
the verses immediately following,
d 33:33-4, the expression "O women of the
Prophet" does not appear, but both verses
are syntactically tied to the four that pre-
cede them. Because of the context,
qur'anic exegesis has traditionally under-
stood C3 33:33-4 as having been addressed
to the wives of the Prophet. The question
of context is here especially significant be-
cause the verses include important pieces
of legislation. In q 33:33, the Prophet's
wives (or, a plurality of women?) are com-
manded to stay in their houses, avoid tabar-
ruj, "strutting-about," in the manner of
al-jdhiliyya l-uld, "the first age of unbelief"
(see AGE OF ignorance; ignorance), per-
form the prayer (q.v.), give alms (see
almsgiving), and obey God and his
Prophet. In q 33:34, they are commanded
to be mindful of God's signs (q.v; or verses
[q.v.]) and the wisdom (q.v.) that is recited
in their houses (see recitation of the
qUR'AN).
In terms of Islamic legal-theological in-
stitution building, when q 33:33 was later
applied to Muslim women in general it
enjoined them to stay at home and also be
indistinguishable from all other females
when abroad, as tabarruj came to mean a
woman's display of her physical self in all
manners of speaking that would include
the wearing of revealing garments, the use
of cosmetics, unrestricted gait and the like.
While the exact definition of tabarruj has
varied over the ages, its condemnation by
the custodians of communal morality has
always included the qur'anic reference that
it is un-Islamic, a matter oi jdhiliyya and
therefore a threat to Islamic society.
Tabarruj, forbidden to the Prophet's wives
ii Q. 33-33) eventually came to signify the
very antithesis of the hijdh imposed on the
Prophet's wives in q 33:53, both in its
qur'anic sense of seclusion qua "partition"
and also its extended meaning of a con-
cealing garment worn outside the house.
In their totality, the three qur'anic com-
mands to Muhammad's wives of q 33:53
and 33:33 thus became the scriptural foun-
dations for an Islamic paradigm of wom-
en's societal role in which space, clothing
and comportment were powerful factors
(see gender; patriarchy).
6- q 33:6, The Prophet's wives are the Mothers of
the Believers, and q 33:53, Muslims may not
marry the Prophet's wives "after him"
These revelations are thought to have been
received at a later date than the verses of
choice (q 33:28-9) and the peerlessness and
restriction verses (q 33:30-4)- Muslim
qur'anic interpretation has recognized a
connection between the honorific title of
"Mothers of the Believers" in q 33:6 and
the injunction against marriage with the
Prophet's wives (or widows) in q 33:53, be-
cause, according to q 4:23, marriage with
the mother is forbidden. Even though
q 33:6 and q 33:53 are not consecutive in
the established qur'anic text, they are gen-
erally considered to belong together.
Qiir'an interpreters point out that the in-
junction against marriage with the
Prophet's wives or widows was divinely
enjoined in order to glorify the Prophet,
alive or dead. In fact, none of the
Prophet's established wives are known to
have been divorced by him and none of his
widows remarried after he had died.
513
WIVES OF THE PROPHET
7. Q 66:1-5, Release of the Prophet from certain
restrictions, expiation of oaths, a wife who be-
trayed the secret, warning to two women who con-
spired against the Prophet, threat of divorce and
enumeration of wifely virtues
This group of verses has been dated to the
period of, or right after, a major crisis in
tire Propliet's liouseliold tliat culminated in
the Prophet's montli-long seclusion from
his hotisehold. Tire revelation relieves the
Prophet from some unspecified, apparently
self-imposed, restriction. Mentioned then is
the duty to expiate oaths (q.v.). A matter of
confidence was disclosed by the Prophet to
one of his wives but she dividged it. Two
women are called to repent, are sternly
reprimanded, and are warned not to con-
spire against the Prophet. Thereafter the
wives are threatened with the possibility
that if the Prophet divorces them, God in
exchange will give him "better wives than
you, Muslims, believers, devout, penitent,
obedient in worship, observant of worship
and contemplation, both formerly married
and virgins."
Clearly these verses also refer to a major
crisis in the Prophet's hotisehold, which
hadith and exegetical literature again at-
tribute to shortcomings (insubordination,
greed, jealousy) on the part of the women.
There is a great deal of overlap in the
details of the quoted asbcib al-nuzul (occa-
sions of revelation of qur'anic verses)
materials, and some sources even collapse
the occasions of revelation of o 33:28-9
and o 66:1-5.
8. C3 33:50, Classes of women lawfulfor mar-
riage with the Prophet, c) 33:51, Special privileges
for the Prophet within his polygamous household,
Q. 33-52> Injunction against additional marriages?
These verses have been dated to the late
Medinan period. (J 33:50, specifying the
categories of women from which the
Prophet was empowered to choose his
wives and concubines, was discussed at the
beginning of this article. C3 33:51, most
probably revealed on the same occasion as
q 33:50, grants the Prophet greater free-
dom in choosing — or dealing with — his
wives, by permitting him to "defer" or to
"take in" whom of the women he willed;
the verse continues with the words "and if
you desire one whom you have sent away, it
is no sin for you (see SIN, MAJOR and
minor). This is more appropriate that their
eyes be gladdened and that they should not
be sad (see joy and misery), and all be
satisfied with what you have given them.
God knows what is in your hearts." One
school of exegesis links q 33:51 with
ft 33:50 in order to read (3 33:51 as divine
permission for the Prophet to enter into
new marriage arrangements and terminate
old ones. Another strand of interpretation
stiptdates that q 33:51 applies only to the
Prophet's relations with his existing
spouses, whence it means a release from
the rigid pattern of marital equity that
Muhammad had practiced in the past.
<J 33:52 (which appears to contradict
Q, 33-50 and C3 33:51) instructs the Prophet
that henceforth (additional) women are not
lawful for him (for marriage) nor in
(ex)change for (established) wives, with the
exception of his slaves. According to some
commentators, this revelation put an end
to further marriages by the Prophet.
Others interpreted the verse as limitation
on the groups, or classes, or categories,
from which the Prophet was empowered to
choose new marriage partners. A third
point of view maintained that q 33:52 was
abrogated by C3 33:51 (see abrogation);
the stipidation of abrogation eliminated
the apparent contradiction between
Q^ 33:52 and o 33:51 and also served to con-
firm the Prophet's complete freedom with
regard to his marital arrangements.
The qur'anic legislation directed at the
WIVES OF THE PROPHET
514
Prophet's wives is entirely of Medinan
provenance and belongs to the last six or
seven years of the Prophet's life.
Considered in chronological sequence of
date of revelation, the duty of seclusion
behind a partition in the presence of non-
relatives was the first rule imposed on the
Prophet's wives. It was accompanied, or
soon followed, by stringent codes of mod-
est comportment in private and public that
emphasized the women's duty to maintain
seclusion in their houses, in addition to
piety (q.v.), charity (see almsgiving), and
obedience to God and his Prophet. Added
thereto were strongly worded warnings
against domestic disobedience (q.v.) in the
form of plots or conspiracies. While the
Prophet was granted unequalled rights
concerning the number and type of mar-
riages he might wish to conclude, remar-
riage of his wives "after him" was
forbidden.
The chronological sequence of revela-
tions was clearly an important concern of
early Muslim hadith, tafsir, andjiqh (Islamic
jurisprudence), made all the more urgent
by the doctrine of naskh, "abrogation" of
an earlier revelation by a later one, that
had theological as well as legal import.
While in chronological terms the qur'anic
legislation on the Prophet's domestic affairs
progressed toward granting him increasing
control over his women, the time frame
also suggests a trend toward greater re-
straint, not increasing "liberation," of the
Prophet's women. The Qiir'an itself pro-
vides the ratio legis for this trend in its re-
peated statements of concern for the
collective wellbeing, indeed the perfection,
of the Prophet's household. The Prophet's
polygamous household here becomes a
prime example of cjur'anic reasoning in
favor of righteous institutions over indi-
vidual aspirations. At the same time, the
qur'anic legislation also signifies the prin-
ciple of ethical individualism in its linkage
between individual elect status and indi-
vidual virtue (q.v.; see also election). As
posited in the "verses of choice" of
Ci 33:28-9, double shares of divine reward
are compensation for the Prophet's wives'
choice to accept obligations more stringent
than those which the Qiir'an imposes upon
Muslim women in general. According to
sunnat Allah, God's "law" for the world, hu-
man virtue bears rewards both individual
and communal, when virtuous institutions
are maintained by the individual virtue of
their members. That is to say that the
Qur'an's promise of everlasting elite status
for the Prophet's consorts hinges on their
acceptance of greater and graver obliga-
tions, since for their group the conditions
of "obedience to God and obedience to his
Prophet" are cast in more exacting terms.
The Prophet's wives in the classical hadith
In a complex mixture of history and para-
digm, the Prophet's wives appear in the
classical hadith in at least three distinct sets
of personae: as models for the righteous, as
elect consorts touched by the miracles (q.v.)
that marked the Prophet's career, and as
embodiments of female emotionalism, ir-
rationality, greed, and rebelliousness (see
rebellion). The first of these three sym-
bolic images of the Prophet's wives is most
pervasive in the authenticated, or "sound,"
hadith collections that bear the imprint of
development of the terms of Islamic law.
Second, the hagiographic material in the
hadith is largely linked with the legacy of
the qussds, popular tellers of pious lore.
Third, the image of the Prophet's wives as
"ordinary women" who display all the
frailties and foibles of their sex (see sex
AND sexuality) is mainly foimd in hadith
works compiled for biographical purposes,
such as Ibn Sa'd's (d. 230/845) Kitdb al-
Tabaqdt al-kubrd, of which the eighth vol-
ume deals with the hadith by and about
the women of early Islam. Ibn Sa'd's col-
515
WIVES OF THE PROPHET
lection includes items pertaining to all of
the normative, hagiographic and anecdotal
hadlth on Muhammad's wives, and much
of the material that he assembled can later
be encountered in the classical tafsTr
literature.
The Prophet's wives as models to he followed
Their Qiir'an-established rank, role as the
Prophet's helpmates and supporters in his
mission to preach and implement the true
religion (q.v.; see also teaching and
PREAimiNG the cjur'an; invitation), and
their intimate involvement with the right-
eous Prophet in all of the minutiae of daily
life elevated the Prophet's wives even dur-
ing their lifetime to a level of prestige well
above the community's other females. This
special status grew loftier with the progres-
sion of time, when Muslim piety came to
view the women of the Prophet's house-
hold as models for emulation. Eventually,
the Prophet's wives' behavior was recog-
nized as sunna, an "impeccable model,"
that furnished many of the criteria of what
was lawful or forbidden for Muslims, es-
pecially Muslim women. These criteria
were then codified qua examples in the
works of early Islamic jurisprudence (fiqh).
The interplay between the principle of
the women's righteousness and their func-
tion as categorical norm-setters is espe-
cially clear in the traditions that deal with
modesty, veiling and seclusion, where the
Prophet's wives are depicted as both mod-
els and enforcers of the then newly im-
posed qur'anic norms. Their invisibility
went beyond the restrictions placed upon
Muslim women in general at that time. In
addition to obligatory seclusion in their
houses, the Prophet's wives were shrouded
in multiple garments when abroad, such as
during prayer and the pilgrimage, and they
traveled in camel (q.v.) litters so unreveal-
ing and undistinguishable that even the
Prophet mistook one wife's litter for that of
another. In some sources, the fact that the
Prophet on his return from Khaybar
wrapped his war captive Safiyya in his own
cloak from the top of her head to the bot-
tom of her feet was taken as proof that
Safiyya was no longer a concubine but had
become a wife. 'A'isha is said to have hid-
den behind the hijdb of her house even in
the presence of a blind man and to have
replaced her niece's flimsy khimdr with a
thick cloth, reminding her of the revelation
of Q^ 24:31.
At the Farewell Pilgriinage (q.v), the
Prophet is said to have enjoined his wives
to stay home at all times (and even forego
the pilgrimage in the future), and after he
had died, several of his widows did opt for
complete confinement. The most notable
exception to such righteous immobility on
the part of the Mothers of the Believers
was 'A'isha's well-established active in-
volvement in public affairs after the
Prophet's death which culminated in the
Battle of the Camel. 'A'isha's behavior was
clearly outside of the norms reportedly
observed by the Prophet's other widows.
The hadlth overall deals with the event not
by way of reports of censure that others
cast against her but emphasizes the fact
that 'A'isha herself regretted her involve-
ment most bitterly and passed her final
days in self-recrimination.
The Prophet's wives coexisted with one
another in mutual love (q.v.) and compas-
sion and thus embodied the ideal spirit of
a harmonious polygamous household.
They called each other "sister" (q.v.) and
praised each other's uprightness, devotion,
and charity. When Zaynab bt. Jahsh fell ill,
it was the Prophet's other widows who
nursed her and, when she died, it was they
who washed, embalmed and shrouded her
body (see death and the dead; burial).
They also lived lives of voluntary poverty
(see poverty and the poor) and denied
themselves even lawful pleasures. Of
WIVES OF THE PROPHET
si6
'A'isha, for instance, it is said that slie
fasted continuously (see fasting) and
freely gave alms at the expense of lier own
already meager food supply and that she
wore threadbare clothes which she mended
with her own hands. Of Maymuna it is
reported that she picked up a pomegranate
seed from the ground to keep it from going
to waste. Zaynab bt. Jahsh, nicknamed
"the refuge of the poor," gave away all her
wealth, including the large yearly pension
that she received during the caliphate of
'Umar b. al-Khattab (see caliph), since
she regarded wealth as fitna, "temptation,"
and 'A'isha donated in charity the five
camel loads of gold (q.v.) that the
Umayyad caliph had sent her for the sale
of her house located near the Medinan
mosque (see MOSc^UE OF dissension). The
Prophet's wives were also profoundly
knowledgeable about matters of the faith
(q.v.) and they were scrupulously honest in
transmitting traditions. 'A'isha's knowledge
was such that very old men who had been
Companions of the Prophet (q.v.) came to
seek her counsel and instruction. Based on
the criteria provided by the medieval
hadith, the main components of the ex-
emplary precedent set by the Prophet's
wives are: segregation and quiet domestic-
ity, modest comportment, invisibility
through full veiling when outside of the
house, ascetic frugality (see asceticism),
profound knowledge of the faith and de-
vout obedience to God and his Prophet.
Since the Prophet was also the husband of
these women, special emphasis is placed on
wifely obedience as an important dimen-
sion of female righteousness.
The Prophet's wives in early hadith hagiography
The hadith collections contain reports of
miraculous events that embellished the
lives of the Prophet's consorts. These oc-
currences always involve the Prophet, and
it is in their relationship with him that the
women were granted miraculous experi-
ences and abilities. Before her marriage to
the Prophet and the coming of Islam,
Muhammad's first wife Khadija bt.
Khuwaylid was participating in a popular,
annual, pagan celebration for the women
of Mecca (see pre-islamic Arabia and
THE QUR'an; south ARABIA, RELIGIONS IN
PRE-lsLAMlc) that centered around an idol
in the shape of a man, when the idol be-
gan to speak, predicting the coming of a
prophet named Ahmad (see names of the
prophet), and advising those who could
among the women of Mecca to marry
him. While the other women pelted the
idol with stones, Khadija paid attention to
its words. Later, after she had hired
Muhammad to trade on her behalf in
Syria (q.v.), she heard about the miraculous
events that had occurred on this journey,
and it was because of this information that
she asked him to marry her (Ibn Ishaq-
Guillaume, 82-3). Most of the Prophet's
other wives experienced dream visions
(q.v.) prior to their marriages with him (see
also DREAMS AND SLEEP). While Sawda was
still married to her previous husband, she
dreamt that Muhammad approached her
and placed his foot on her neck, and also
saw a moon that hurled itself upon her
while she lay prostrated. When Umm
Habiba and her husband lived as tempo-
rary refugees in Abyssinia, she had a
dream in which she saw her husband dis-
figured. On the following morning she
learned that he had apostatized (see
apostasy) and when she rebuked him, he
took to drink and died soon afterwards.
Then she heard a dream voice that ad-
dressed her as Mother of the Believers,
and on the following morning the ruler of
Abyssinia informed her that the Prophet
had written a letter asking for her hand in
marriage. Safiyya, the woman of Jewish
517
WIVES OF THE PROPHET
descent froin Khaybar, saw herself in a
dream standing by Muhammad's side
while an angel's wing covered the two of
them. Later she dreamt that a moon had
drawn close from the direction of Medina
and had fallen into her lap. Her husband
hit her in the face when she told him of
this vision, and the mark was still visible
when the Prophet married her after the
conquest of Khaybar. In 'A'isha's case, it
was not she but the Prophet who was fa-
vored with a sign, as it is reported that
Muhammad only asked Abu Bakr for her
hand in marriage after the angel Gabriel
(q.v.) had shown him her picture as his fu-
ture wife. Later it was only 'A'isha in whose
company Muhammad is said to have re-
ceived revelations (see revelation and
inspiration); some traditions report that
'A'isha could even see the angel on these
occasions and exchanged salutations with
him, while others say that she could not see
him but that she and the angel greeted
each other through the Prophet. Zaynab
bt. Jahsh was miraculously blessed by God
when the meager food that the Prophet's
servant Anas b. Malik had prepared for her
wedding feast multiplied until it sufficed to
feed a large crowd.
The hadith collections establish that all of
the Prophet's terrestrial wives will be his
consorts in paradise (cj.v). The angel com-
manded the Prophet to take Hafsa bt.
'Umar back after he had divorced her, say-
ing that she was a righteous woman and
would be his wife in heaven. Sawda im-
plored the Prophet not to divorce her be-
cause she yearned to be his consort in
heaven. The angel showed the dying
Prophet 'A'isha's image in paradise to
make his death easier with the promise of
their reunion in the hereafter. The first of
the wives to join the Prophet in heaven was
Zaynab bt. Jahsh. He had predicted this
when he said that the wife who had "the
longest arm" woidd arrive there soon after
him; later the women comprehended that
what he had meant was "charity," because
the first to die after him was the charitable
Zaynab bt. Jahsh. Traditions of this genre,
then, are of inspirational character. They
depict the Prophet's wives as divinely fa-
vored individuals, ranked above ordinary
womankind and surrounded by God's
grace, because they are his Prophet's cho-
sen consorts.
The Prophet's wives as "ordinary women"
Many of the accounts of life in the
Prophet's household contain detailed de-
scriptions of the jealousies and domestic
quarrels of the Mothers of the Believers.
These reports present the Prophet's wives
as a petty, greedy, backbiting and power-
hungry lot. The unseemliness of their be-
havior is more glaringly highlighted by the
many traditions about the Prophet's im-
partiality towards his wives. He is said to
have been scrupidous in treating them eq-
uitably, visiting each of them once a day.
After a wedding night spent with a new
wife, he wished his other wives well and
asked to receive their good wishes. Each
wife had her turn of a fixed period of com-
panionship and sexual contact with the
Prophet, a prerogative that she zealously
guarded as her right and could give to a
rival if she chose. If a new bride opted for
a longer period of privacy and intimacy
with the Prophet after the wedding, then
the other wives were entitled to the same.
On travels and military expeditions, he
determined by lot which two of his wives
would accompany him. This equitable sys-
tem was upset time and time again when a
wife woidd think of some trick or another
to detain the Prophet in her house during
his daily visit. An oft-quoted story tells that
Hafsa bt. 'Umar (or maybe Umm Salama)
who knew of Muhammad's love for sweets
WIVES OF THE PROPHET
.Si8
detained him by offering a honey drink,
until the ruse was discovered and tliwarted
by a counter-ruse of 'A'isha, Sawda and
Safiyya (or maybe it was 'A'islia and
Hafsa).
Many traditions state tliat the women
were dissatisfied with tlie manner in which
food and other presents were distributed
among them. But most of the jealousy nar-
ratives have a sexual and emotional theme.
New arrivals in the Prophet's household
are said to have evoked intense jealousies
among the established wives who feared
that a new rival might replace them in the
Prophet's affection. Such jealousies could
make a new wife appear more imposing
and beautiful than perhaps she really was.
'A'isha, for example, is said to have been
most fearful when the Prophet had mar-
ried the Meccan MakhzumI aristocrat
Umm Salama, or brought home the beau-
tiful Arab war captive Juwayriyya, or the
young Jewish war captive Safiyya. Umm
Salama was especially prone to jealousy
and had warned the Prophet about this
fact before accepting his marriage pro-
posal. Some of the Prophet's wives reviled
each other and each other's fathers and did
so even in his presence; such backbiting
and bragging matches are reported be-
tween Zaynab bt. Jahsh and 'A'isha, Umm
Salama and Safiyya, and 'A'isha and
Safiyya, while Zaynab bt. Jahsh is also said
to have refused to lend one of her camels
to Safiyya whose mount had become defec-
tive. All of the wives were intenselyjealous
of the Prophet's concubine Mariya the
Copt, especially after she had given birth
to Ibrahim, the Prophet's only child after
the sons and daughters whom Khadija had
borne him; their jealousy of Mariya was so
intense that the Prophet had to assign her a
dwelling in a loft he owned that was at
some distance from his established wives'
living quarters. The women also boasted
among themselves (see boast) about who
had played a special role in an "occasion of
revelation," or held a special rank with the
Prophet. Some traditions assert that the
wives disliked Zaynab bt. Jahsh's reminders
that her marriage to the Prophet had oc-
curred by divine dispensation, and that the
hijdb verse had been revealed on the oc-
casion of her wedding. 'A'isha, in turn,
reminded the wives that she had been the
only virgin bride among all of them and
that the Prophet often called her his fa-
vorite wife. Some of the traditions on the
Prophet's wives' mutual jealousies may
very well have carried some underlying
political meaning during the period of
their first formulation, since the Prophet's
wives hailed from different clans and even
tribes of whom many were, or later turned
out to be, affiliated with opposing factions
in early Islamic history (see politics and
THE our'an; history and the cjur'an).
The Jewish background of two of
Muhammad's consorts, Safiyya and
Rayhana, and the Christian faith of his
concubine, Mariya the Copt, may also at
some level have influenced the shape and
import of the jealousy narratives. In any
case, the almost formulaic early hadlth
image of the Prophet's wives as jealous,
competitive, petty and backbiting, while
perhaps in part historically correct, was
retained and even highlighted in medieval
Islamic scholarship because it supported
'a/ama' opinion of women's irrational na-
ture. In part, the ongoing popularity of
traditions depicting the Prophet's wives as
"ordinary women" was surely due to the
need and desire of the pious to collect
background information on the cjur'anic
verses of rebuke and censure revealed on
their behalf. But this preference was also
grounded in the generally low opinion of
women's nature as expressed in medieval
legal-theological literature as a whole,
where information on the fiaws of the first
female elite of Islam served to reinforce an
519
WIVES OF THE PROPHET
emerging blueprint of gender discrimina-
tion (see FEMINISM AND THE Q^Ur'an).
The Prophet's wives in modern Aiuslim
interpretation
It is symptomatic of tlie new age and de-
bates on women's questions that tlie mod-
ern and contemporary literature on the
Prophet's consorts has largely excised the
"anecdotal" materials so copious in Ibn
Sa'd and other medieval sources. The same
is largely true for the hagiographic dimen-
sion. With the exception of works of popu-
lar piety (that often have a Sufi bent; see
SUFISM AND THE our'an) and some tra-
ditionalist inspirational writings, contem-
porary Muslim literature now
deemphasizes the miraculous experiences
of the Prophet's wives, just as it also de-
emphasizes their all-too-human frailties. It
is as fighters for the establishment of
Islamic values — and there mainly by way
of impeccable morality and manner of
life — that the wives of the Prophet are
now depicted. As such, they embody the
model behavior that the contemporary
Muslim woman can recognize and which
she must strive to follow.
Modern Muslim literature on the
Prophet's life and domestic affairs often
includes long passages on gender issues in
general. Dignity, honor, and rights both
spiritual and material provided for the
women in Islam are contrasted with wom-
en's chattel status in the Arahmn jdhilijy a
and other past and present godless societ-
ies, especially of the West. Criticism of the
West focuses on pre-modern legal inequi-
ties and also the ongoing exploitation of
the Western woman in the workplace and
as a sexual object in the entertainment and
advertising industries (Haykal, Life of
Muhammad, 3i8f ; al-'Aqqad, 'Abqariyyat
Muhammad, ggf ; Bint al-Shati', Tardjim,
2o6f , 257; Gharib, Misd', Ii4f , I22f ). While
women's exploitation in Western societies
undermines self-serving Western claims to
being "advanced," women's rights in Islam
verify the collective dignity of all Muslims,
indeed of the whole Islamic system, that
the West (missionaries and Orientalists)
had set out to defame. History itself proves
the Prophet's superior nature in that
Muhammad not only founded a legal so-
ciety in which women were at long last rec-
ognized, but he himself also treated
women, including his own wives, better
than did any other man at any time in hu-
man history before or after his lifetime
(Haykal, Life of Muhammad, 298; al-'Aqqad,
'Abqariyyat Muhammad, I02f ; Bint al-Shati',
Tardjim, 2o8f.; Gharib, jVua', 12 if). In some
of the modern literature, the medieval
hadlth is omitted or used very sparingly
(Haykal, Lfe of Muhammad; al-'Aqqad,
Abqariyyat Muhammad), while in other
works the old texts are read in new ways
(Bint al-Shati', Tardjim). In both ap-
proaches, the old hagiographic traditions
are eliminated. Instead the Prophet's wives
are depicted as helpmates and participants
in the Prophet's mission, and their "jeal-
ousy," that is, their competitive love for
him, is frequently attributed to piety, com-
mitment to the cause, and their own at-
tractive and lively natures. The Prophet's
harmonious household supports the argu-
ment in favor of polygamy when its main
features are legality, equity, honor, prac-
ticability, and necessity. The large size of
the Prophet's harem is now interpreted as
a sign of his perfected humanity (see
impeccability). That the Prophet married
his many wives for reasons involving some
sexual interest is indication of his sound
original nature (al-'Aqqad, Abqariyyat
Muhammad, iio-ii; Bint al-Shati', Tardjim,
204; Gharib, Misd', I22f ). That he then had
the power to fulfill the demands of his mis-
sion and also his wives' demands is proof
of his superiority as a human. But mere
pleasure-seeking was never a motive in his
WIVES OF THE PROPHET
520
choice of any of his wives, before or after
his call, in youth or old age. Muhammad
was a man of seriousness and equanimity
who could have lived like a king but chose
to live like a pauper. He chose frugality
even though this went against the wishes of
his wives who craved the means to beautify
themselves for him. Clearest proof that the
Prophet was free from base instincts such
as lust (as claimed by the Orientalists) are
the historical facts of his celibacy until his
twenty-fifth year and then his monoga-
mous marriage with a woman fifteen years
his senior, to whom he was completely de-
voted until she died and he was more than
fifty years old. In Khadija, his first follower
and supporter, he also found a substitute
mother (Bint al-Shati', Tardjim, 223;
Gharib, Misci', 119). The many other mar-
riages that the Prophet concluded after her
death were either means to cement politi-
cal alliances with friends and foes alike, or
they were concluded in order to provide a
safe haven of refuge as well as rank and
honor for noble women whom the Islamic
struggle had left unprotected or even des-
titute. Even the marriage with 'A'isha came
about at first because the Prophet wished
to strengthen his relationship with her fa-
ther, Abu Bakr; it was only later that she
emerged as his most beloved wife, but even
then she could not take Khadlja's place in
his heart (Bint al-Shati', Tardjim, 233f.,
240-1, 254, 272f ). The marriages with
Hafsa bt. 'Umar, Umm Hablba bt. Abi
Sufyan, Juwayriyya of the Banu
Mustaliq and others were likewise primar-
ily political unions but the compassion
motif was never absent (al-'Aqc[ad,
'Abqariyyat Muhammad, 115-17; Bint al-Shati',
Tardjim, 242f , 304f , sigf , 355f , 377f ,
382f , 387f.).
Modern Muslim biographers do not ex-
clude the jealousy theme from their de-
scriptions of the Prophet's domestic
relations, but their use of the theme differs
from the medieval hadlth in both mood
and purpose. In many instances, jealousy is
equated with the power of love and also
other attractive human traits that distin-
guish full-blooded and lively women such
as the Prophet's wives (Bint al-Shati',
Tardjim, 278f., 293). The Prophet himself
permitted his wives to fill his private world
with warmth, emotion, and excitement,
and barring a few instances when they
went out of bounds and he had to deal
with them sternly, he did not mind spend-
ing his free hours observing their small
battles that were kindled by their love and
jealousy for him. Since the Prophet was the
perfect husband, all of his wives found
honor and happiness with him such as no
monogamous marriage to another man
coidd have entailed (Bint al-Shati', Tardjim,
204f).
The large-scale replacement of the me-
dieval jealousy theme with the attractive
modern image of the lively and loving
spouse signifies the end of the classical
construct of female weakness, including
female powerlessness. As the Prophet's
wives once again emerge as ideal women in
the modern literature, the qualities now
emphasized differ from the past.
Prominently featured are the women's par-
ticipation in the Prophet's struggle for the
cause, that is especially constituted by their
active role as helpmates on the home front.
Here, the domesticity theme involves the
glorification of the female in her God-
given roles of wife and mother. The fact
that of Muhammad's actual wives only
Khadija bore him children may explain
why it is she who now emerges in the de-
bate on the wives of the Prophet as the
most prominent figure, unlike the medieval
hadlth which placed far greater emphasis
on 'A'isha. Modern sources celebrate
Khadija as both wife and mother while she
521
was also the Prophet's most important sup-
porter and his fellow-struggler in liis great
jiliad that slie waged as liis deputy from the
moment of their first meeting until the day
of her death (Bint al-Shati', Tardjim, 233-5;
al-'Aqqad, 'Abqariyyat Muhammad, 113-15,
118; Gharib, Nisd\ ii8f ; Razwy, Khadija,
146-7). The interrelationship of domestic
support and shared struggle for the cause is
also pursued in the examples of the
Prophet's later wives. Bint al-Shati' defined
the virtues of the wives of the Prophet as
follows: constancy in worship, charity, de-
votion to the husband, raising her children
by herself in order to free him for a greater
purpose, self-control, dignity, pride (q.v.),
courageous defense of Islam against un-
believers (see courage) even if these be
blood relatives (see blood and
bloodclot), knowledge of the doctrines
and laws of Islam, and wise counsel in re-
figious matters (Tardjim, 271, 297, 311-12,
317-18, 322-3, 352, 364-8, 387-8).
A perhaps more activist modern ap-
proach to the legacy of the Prophet's wives
insists that Muhammad's consorts were
dynamic, influential, and enterprising, and
that they were full and active members of
the community. They were the Prophet's
intellectual partners and they accompanied
him on his raids and military campaigns
and shared in his strategic concerns. He
listened to their advice which was some-
times the deciding factor in thorny nego-
tiations (e.g. Mernissi, The veil, 104, 113-14).
The wives of the Prophet were activists
who in Medina worked to secure equal
status for women with men regarding eco-
nomic (see economk;s) and sociopolitical
rights, mainly in the areas of inheritance
(q.v.), participation in warfare and booty,
and marital relations (Mernissi, The veil,
Ii8f., I29f.). Even 'A'isha's involvement in
political affairs (the Battle of the Camel)
after the Prophet's death, an occurrence
much criticized in hadlth and most later
religious literature, here counts as proof
that the Prophet's widows had the power to
be political actors in their own right
(Mernissi, The veil, 49-61). Changed in es-
sence but not always in form, the hadith
materials on the wives of the Prophet con-
tinue to play an important role as a frame-
work of religious self-understanding, a
normative mirror-image of contemporary
Muslim societal realities and plans for the
future.
Barbara Freyer Stowasser
Bibliography
Primary: Abu 'Ubayda, Tasmiyat azwdj al-nabi wa-
awlddilii, ed. K.Y. al-Hut, Beirut 1985; Baydawl,
Anwar; Ibn Ishaq-Guillaume; Ibn KatliTr, Tafsir;
Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqdt, ed. Sachau; TabarT, TafsTr,
Beirut 1972; ZamakhsharT, Kashshdf, Cairo 1953.
Secondary: N. Abbott, Aishah — The beloved oj
Mohammad, Chicago 1942; London 1985';
L. Ahmed, Women and gender in Islam, New Haven
1992; 'A.M. al-'Aqqad, Abqariyyat Muhammad,
Beirut 1974; Bint al-Shati', 'A'isha bt. 'Abd al-
Kahman, Tardjim sayyiddt bayt al-nubuwwa, Beirut
1984; M. Gharib, Nisd'fi haydt al-anbiyd] Cairo
1977; M.H. Haykal, The life of Muhammad, tran.s.
I.R. al-Faruql, Indianapolis 1976; M.H. Kabbani
and L. Bakhtiar, Encyclopedia of Muhammad's
women companions and the traditions they related,
Chicago 1998; J. Knappert, Islamic legends [i],
Leiden 1985; M. hing^, Muhammad, Cambridge
1995; F. Mernissi, The veil and the male elite, trans.
M.J. Lakeland, Reading 1991; Noldeke, gq;
Paret, Kommentar; id., Koran; S.A.A. Razwy,
Khadija-tul-kubrd, Elmhurst 1990; Ch.D. Smith,
Islam and the search for social order in modern Egypt. A
biography of Muhammad Husayn Haykal, Albany
1983; D.A. Spellberg, Politics, gender and the Islamic
past. The legacy of A'isha bint AbT Bakr, New York
1994; G.H. Stern, Marriage in early Islam, London
1939; B. Freyer Stowasser, Women in the Qur'an,
traditions and interpretation. New York 1994;
W. Montgomery Watt, Muhammad at Medina,
Oxford 1962; A. Wessels, ^ modern Arabic biography
of Muhammad. A critical study of Muhammad Huseyn
Hevkal's Hayat Muhammad, Leiden 1972.
Wolf see ANIMAL LIFE
522
Womb
The female reproductive organ, the uterus,
by extension, the importance of kinship
and blood relationships. The root of the
Arabic term for "womb" {rahim, rihm, pi.
arhdm), r-h-m, is also the base of rahma,
"compassion," and the divine names al-
rahmdn and al-rahim, the merciful and com-
passionate, each of which signals the
feminine associations of the divine cjuality
of mercy (q.v.; see also GOD AND his
attributes; arabic language; gender).
The use of the term "womb" in the
Qiir'an most often refers either to the gen-
erative function of the female reproductive
organ (^ 2:228; 3:6; 13:8; 22:5; 31:34; see
BIOLOGY AS THE CREATION AND STAGES OF
life) or to the importance of the bonds of
kinship (q.v.; silat al-rahim; e.g. q_ 47:22,
6o:3;cf 4:1,8:75, 33:6).
Some of the verses mention the womb in
the context of the legal implications as-
sociated with conception and birth (see
LAW AND THE our'an); for example
women about to be divorced should not
"hide what God has created in their
wombs" (c) 2:228; see marriage and
divorce; women and the our'an), and
the closeness of kinship should be taken
into account in settling inheritance (q.v.;
e.g. o 8:75; 33:6). In the case of these latter
two verses the classical commentators (see
EXEGESIS OF THE ^UR'aN: CLASSICAL AND
medieval) interpret the statement, "those
related by 'the womb' are nearer to one
another in the book [q.v.; God's decree],"
to refer to their primary claims to inheri-
tance based on proximity of kinship. The
implication in this case was that the
"brotherhood relationship" initially es-
tablished between the emigrants from
Mecca (q.v.) and the Medinan "helpers"
(see Medina) should no longer affect in-
heritance rights (see brother and
brotherhood; emigrants and helpers;
family). In the case of Shfl tafsTr (see
SHi'iSM AND THE q^ur'an), the primacy of
those related by the womb is interpreted as
indicating the superior rights of the
Prophet's descendants in authority (q.v.),
sovereignty (q.v.) and faith (q.v.; MajlisI,
Bihar, xxiii, 257-8; see family of the
prophet).
The reference to the womb's shrinking
and swelling, or to its gestation periods
(c3 13:8), conveys but one aspect of a com-
plex qur'anic embryology, including the
mention of a "sperm-drop" (nutfa, o 23:13),
"a hanging element" {'alaq, C3 23:14) and a
"chewed lump" [mudgha, q_ 23:14) during
the early phases of conception. Such verses
have inspired a particular genre of modern
Islamic apologetic that understands these
phrases as anticipating current scientific
findings about the stages of pregnancy (see
EXEGESIS OF THE CJUr'an: EARLY MODERN
AND CONTEMPORARY; SCIENCE AND THE
q^ur'an). In the Qur'an the "ties of the
womb," i.e. kinship bonds, are so strong
that reverence for them is paired with the
fear (q.v.) of God (taqwd) in the opening
verse of (J 4 ("The Women," Surat al-
Nisa') and breaking these ties is an aber-
ration paired with "sowing corruption (q.v.)
in the land" in q 47:22. On the last day (see
LAST judgment; apoc;alypse), however,
these ties will not offer a person any relief
(q 60:3; see intercession). The idea of
upholding relationships, first those based
on blood ties (see blood and blood
clot) and then more remote ones, is a
basic moral teaching affirmed in the
Qiir'an:
Worship (q.v.) God and join not any part-
ners with him (see polytheism and
atheism); and do good (see good deeds;
VIRTUES AND VICES, COMMANDING AND
forbidding) — to parents (q.v.), kinfolk,
orphans (q.v), those in need (see poverty
and the poor), neighbors who are near.
523
WOMEN AND THE OUR AN
neighbors who are strangers, the compan-
ion by your side, the wayfarer [you meet;
see TRIPS AND voyages; journey] . . .
(Q, 4-36; see also hospitality and
courtesy; ethics and the (jur'an;
strangers and foreigners).
Many hadlths (see hadith and the
quR'AN) also refer to the ties of the womb
(kinship), for example, "Worship God and
do not associate anything with him, es-
tablish regular prayer (q.v.), pay zakdt (see
almsgiving), and uphold the ties of kin-
ship" (Bukhari, Sahih, bk. 73 [K. al-Adab],
no. 12).
Later philosophical (see philosophy and
the cjur'an) and Sufi interpretations (see
SUFISM AND THE our'an) Connect the
womb with broader concepts of the cre-
ative process in nature.
Ma
H
arcia xlermansen
Bibliography
Primary: BukharT, Sahlh; MajlisI, Muhammad
Baqir, Bihar al-anwdr, no vols., Tehran 1956-.
Secondary: K. Moore et al., Human development as
described in the Quran and Sunnah, Mecca 1992;
S. Murata, The tao of Islam, Albany 1992.
Women and the Qiir'an
Only one woman is actually named in the
Qtir'an, but a large number of verses refer
to women. A long chapter of the Qiir'an is
titled "The Women" (c3 4, Surat al-Nisa')
and contains a great deal of material relat-
ing to gender (q.v.), but numerous verses
(q.v.) in other chapters (see sura) are also
gender-related. These include exhortations
(q.v.) addressed to the believing men and
the believing women, revelations specific to
women or to relations between men and
women, and laws pertinent to marriage
(see MARRIAGE AND DIVORCE), illicit sexual
relations (see sex and sexuality;
ADULTERY AND FORNICATION), divorce,
inheritance (q.v.), etc. Female characters
appear in qur'anic narratives about pre-
Islainic figures and some verses have been
ascribed to various women who lived in
proximity to the prophet Muhammad (see
WIVES OF THE PROPHET). According to
Islamic tradition, a number of women
among the early believers had a role in the
transmission of the text of the Qiir'an (see
COLLECTION OF THE OUr'aN; CODICES OF
THE q^ur'an; mushaf; textual history
OF THE (jur'an), and through the centu-
ries, women learned the qur'anic text (see
readers of the qur'an; recitation of
THE (JUr'an). Female and feminist exe-
getes, however, appear to be an innovation
of the twentieth century (see exegesis of
THE ^ur'an: early modern and
contemporary; feminism and the
q^ur'an).
spiritual equality, symbolic weakness and social
reality
In the spiritual realm, women and men are
regarded in the Qiir'an for the most part as
equal in the eyes of God and as having
similar religious duties (see ritual and
the (JUr'an). a large number of verses are
addressed to the believing men and the
believing women (see belief and
unbelief) or, conversely, the hypocritical
men and the hypocritical women (see
hypocrites and hypocrisy) as well as the
idolatrous men and idolatrous women
fe 9:67, 68, 71, 72; 24:12; 33:35, 36, 58, 73;
48:5-6, 25; 52:12, 13; 71:28; 85:10; see
idolatry and idolaters; gratitude
AND ingratitude; polytheism and
atheism). The most commonly quoted of
these is Q^ 33'35- "Lo! Men who surrender
unto God, and women who surrender, and
men who believe and women who believe,
and men who obey and women who obey
(see obedience; disobedience), and men
who speak the truth (q.v.) and women who
WOMEN AND THE OUR AN
524
speak the truth, and men who persevere
[in righteousness] and women who per-
severe (see GOOD AND evil; virtues and
VICES, COMMANDING AND FORBIDDING),
and men who are humble and women wlio
are humble (see arrogance), and men
who give alms and women who give alms
(see almsgiving; charity), and men who
fast and women who fast (see fasting),
and men who guard their modesty (q.v.)
and women who guard (their modesty), and
men who remember God much and
women who remember (see remem-
bran(;e; memory) — God has pre-
pared for them forgiveness (q.v.) and a
vast reward" (see reward and
punishment).
Humans as well as other creatures were
created in pairs, male and female (c) 4:1;
7:189; 35:11; 49:13; 51:49; 53:45; 76:39; 78:8;
92:3 and the creation [q.v.] story below).
Both are admonished to believe in God
and do good works (q 16:97; 40:40; cf.
4:124; see GOOD deeds; evil deeds) in or-
der to enter paradise (q.v). The giving of
alms is specifically required of both women
and men (cited above and again in
c) 57:18). Moreover, the women's oath of
allegiance to the Prophet is described
(q. 60:12; see CONTRACTS and alliances).
Like men, believing and righteous women
will go to heaven while the wrong-doers
will suffer in hell (see gardens; hell
AND hellfire), but women's fate in the
afterlife is associated with that of their hus-
bands (c3 36:55-6; 37:22; 43:70). Most prob-
lematic are a number of verses that
promise believers in paradise modest,
beautiful woman who are sometimes ex-
plicitly described as virgins (q 37-48; 38:52;
52:20; 55:56, 72, 74; 56:22, 36; 78:33; see
HOURIS).
Symbolically, the concept of woman in
the Qur'an is undoubtedly that of a being
who is considered to be weak, flawed or
passive. Menstruation (q.v.), a prime signi-
fier of the female, is an illness or an im-
purity (q^ 2:222; 4:43; see CLEANLINESS AND
ablution; ILLNESS AND HEALTH). Not sur-
prisingly, the earth is female and humans
consider themselves her masters (e.g.
Q. 39-69). Thus, the much-quoted verse
"Your women are a tilth for you, so go to
your tilth as you will" (q 2:223) may be un-
derstood as the obverse of the earth-
woman metaphor (q.v.; see also literary
STRUCTURES OF THE our'an). Women's
subaltern status is reflected in verses that
position them among orphans (q.v.), chil-
dren (q.v.) and men who are too weak to
fight (c3 4:2-3, 75, 98, 127; see fighting;
EXPEDITIONS and BATTLES; WAR).
Women's dependency is expressed not only
in the fact that they are not named (except
for Mary [q.v] discussed below) but also
that they are almost always ascribed to
men as mother of, wife of, "women of,"
and so on, all forms of linkage to men (see
family; kinship).
In social matters, women's position is de-
picted ambivalently in the Qiir'an. There
are a number of instances of matrilineal
ascription (see patriarchy): Moses (q.v.) is
described by Aaron (q.v.) as "son of my
mother" (q^ 7.150; 20:94) and Jesus (q.v.) is
referred to as the son of Mary (as will be
seen below). Preference for the birth of a
son over that of a daughter is one of the
sins of the pagans (c3 16:58-9), for female or
male offspring (or barrenness) are in the
hands of God (c3 42:49-50; see power and
impotence; grace; blessing). The bury-
ing alive of a girl-child is specifically men-
tioned as an unnatural, evil act ((J 81:8-9;
see infanticide).
Gender relations are most succinctly ex-
pressed in a phrase that has been widely
quoted throughout the centuries to support
the superiority of men over women: "Men
are the sustainers of women as God has
preferred some of them over others, and
because they sustain them from their
525
WOMEN AND THE OUR AN
wealth..." (q 4:34). Some classical exegetes
interpreted this verse in the narrow sense
as a reflection of men's duty to provide
material support for women (see work;
MAINTENANCE AND uPKEEp). Others ex-
panded the phrase to refer to men's
superiority in a number of religious, politi-
cal and intellectual fields (see scholar;
TRADITIONAL DISCIPLINES OF ^UR'aNIC
study). In the twentieth century, the
meaning of the verse has been subject to
alternative translations and interpretations
(see below). Women's status compared to
that of men is expressed in a variety of
contexts. Women have rights but the rights
of men are a degree above them ((^ 2:228).
Women are ranked separately after the free
man and the slave (see slaves and
slavery) regarding the issue of retaliation
(q.v.) for murder (q.v.; o 2:178; see also
bloodshed; blood money), but they are
punished equally for stealing (q^ 5:38; see
theft; boundaries and precepts; law
and the cjur'an; chastisement and
punishment).
Women's testimony is another ambivalent
issue in the Qiir'an (see witnessing and
testifying). When two male witnesses are
required but no men are available, the tes-
timony of one man and two women is
specified. The reason for this inequality
is clearly stated in the relevant verse
(c3 2:282), "so that if one of them errs, the
other can remind her." In other words,
women are reliable enough to provide legal
testimony but their memory is not as ac-
curate as that of men. When making a will,
however, only two male witnesses are stipu-
lated (q^ 5:106).
The seclusion of virtuous Muslim women
and their separation from men who are not
their kin are rooted in the interpretation of
a number of rather obscure qur'anic
verses. The wives of the Prophet are or-
dered to "stay in your houses" (o 33:33)
and subsequently most legists explicated
rules which prohibited women from travel-
ing more than three days walking distance
without the permission of their male
guardians and, even then, only when ac-
companied by a chaperon (see journey).
Another reading of the same phrase would
have the wives of the Prophet be honor-
able or quiet in their homes [qirna as
opposed to qarna; see whisper). Another
exegetical question is whether the instruc-
tion refers only to the Prophet's wives or to
other Muslim women as well. The continu-
ation of the verse commands the women to
dress modestly (see clothing), pray regu-
larly (see prayer), give to the poor and
obey God and his messenger (q.v.), and
these are surely not requirements restricted
to the wives of the Prophet. Thus, one
could deduce that the order to stay in your
houses (or alternately to be honorable or
quiet) may be extrapolated to apply to all
Muslim women.
Conversely, the verse ordering the believ-
ers to speak to the wives of the Prophet
from behind a curtain also prohibits them
from marrying the Prophet's widows after
his death (q^ 33:53; see veil; widow), a
limitation unique to the Prophet's wives. In
this case, separating women from male
visitors by a curtain, a hijdb, would logically
apply only to the Prophet's wives. Never-
theless, Muslims endeavored to seclude
women within the house (see house,
DOMESTii; and divine; sunna), whether by
a curtain in a modest dwelling such as that
of the Prophet or by the demarcation of
more elaborate domestic quarters similar
to the ancient Greek gynaeceum. The
context of this verse of the hijdb is crucial
to understanding its meaning (see
OCCASIONS of revelation; sira and the
(jur'an). a simple reading of the verse im-
plies that some of the early Muslims en-
tered the Prophet's house at all times of
the day and night, without asking permis-
sion, and stayed around talking. The
WOMEN AND THE OUR AN
526
Prophet was too shy to ask them to leave
but God revealed an injunction against
this improper behavior. In qur'anic ex-
egesis (see EXEGESIS of the cjur'an:
CLASSICAL AND MEDIEVAL), the circum-
stances upon which the verse was revealed
(asbdb al-nuziil) indicated that some visitors
bothered the Prophet's wives to the point
of sexual harassment. These accretions
would dictate a more stringent approach
to the separation of the women of the
household from men who are not their
kin, both for the Prophet's wives and, by
extension, for other Muslim women as
well.
The term hijdb came to refer to the
proper attire for modest Muslim women
when they are in public, and justification
for the "dress code" is anchored in the
interpretation of a number of qur'anic
verses that apply to the Prophet's women
as well as to believing women in general.
The issue is addressed directly in two
verses admonishing men and women to be
modest (q 24:30-1). While the verse ad-
dressed to men is expressed in general
terms, the modesty of women is specified
as in the command to show only those or-
naments that are revealed and "draw their
veils [khumur, sing, khimar) over their bo-
soms." The ornament in question (zina)
seems to be a type of jangling jewelry that
draws attention to the woman wearing it,
since in the latter part of the verse, women
are told not to stamp their feet to draw
attention to this hidden ornament, appar-
ently ankle bracelets. As for the "veil," it
has been interpreted as a kerchief on the
head, as a scarf that the women of Mecca
(q.v.) and Medina (q.v.) wore over their
chests with differing degrees of modesty,
and even as a face covering. Another
qur'anic verse instructs the believing
women to draw their outer garments
[jaldbib, sing.jilbdb) around themselves so
that they will be recognized and not both-
ered (c3 33:59). In the third/ninth century,
the time of the crystallization of Islamic
law, prominent qur'anic commentators
were not certain what parts of the body a
woman was supposed to cover. This
imprecision and difference of opinion
among major exegetes continued for cen-
turies, although it would appear that the
"ornaments" which drew attention to a
woman were gradually expanded until they
encompassed the whole body. The domi-
nant opinion among the legists, however,
seems to require that Muslim women con-
ceal their entire bodies with the exception
of their feet, their hands and their faces. A
well-known hadlth (saying of the Prophet;
see hadIth and the cjur'an) advised a
young man to go see his prospective bride,
indicating that her face was not covered,
which would preclude legislating the face-
veil for Muslim women. The ambiguity of
the qur'anic text on the issue of the hijdb
leaves room for a multiplicity of social,
cultural, economic and geographical fac-
tors to define the precise code of behavior
for Muslim women at a given time and
place.
The relationship between husbands and
wives is described in general terms as mu-
tual and equal: they are raiments for each
other, helpmates and pairs for themselves
(C5 2:187; 30:21; 42:11; see PAIRS AND
pairing). Elsewhere, however, wives are
described as created for their mates
(q, 26:166). The balance of rights and
duties of a husband and wife are discussed
in greater detail in the legal proscriptions
regarding marriage and divorce (elabo-
rated below).
The work of females as well as males is
valued (c3 3:195) and both women and men
retain what they have earned (q 4:32).
Thus, women are independent economic
individuals who may generate income and
527
WOMEN AND THE OUR AN
possess their own property (q.v.; see also
wealth; economics; trade and
commerce).
In sum, the overall image of women
in the Qiir'an is ambivalent. They are
autonomous in religious obligations and
economic affairs but are subject to men in
the social sphere. Women are also objecti-
fied, most notably as one of the rewards
for men in the hereafter (see eschatol-
ocy). Women's modesty is specified in
greater detail than that of men, albeit in
terms that were obscure even to the earliest
legists. This implies either that women's
sexuality is more threatening than men's or
that women require more guidance to pro-
tect their modesty. Matrimony is regarded
as the natural state of human affairs (see
abstinence; chastity). These principles
are amplified in a mass of laws pertaining
to gender and family affairs set down in the
Qtir'an.
Legal material relating to women and gender
Some eighty percent of the legal material
in the Qiir'an refers to women. Marriage is
regarded as a formal, legal connection and
referred to as a contract ['uqdat al-nikdh,
Q^ 2:237). A relative who arranges the nup-
tials in the name of the bride is referred to
in the Qiir'an ((J 2:237) although the tech-
nical term waB and its precise legal defini-
tion were later derived from traditions of
the Prophet. Polygyny is clearly sanctioned
in the Qiir'an which permits a man to take
up to four wives so long as he treats them
equally (c) 4:3). A later verse in the same
chapter ((3 4:129) states that it is virtually
impossible not to prefer one wife over the
others and admonishes the husband not to
neglect any of his wives. This requirement
was interpreted up to the twentieth century
in technical, economic terms by which a
husband was required to provide equal
lodgings, food, clothing, etc. for each of his
wives as well as to divide his sexual atten-
tion equally among them.
In addition to the women a man weds by
a marriage contract, he may conclude an
agreement with a virtuous woman for sex-
ual relations in return for a fee and this is
not considered illicit (q 4:24). These "plea-
sure," or mut'a, marriages, contracted for a
limited time between a man and an un-
married woman, were subsequently the
subject of debate among legists (see
temporary marriage). Shi'is (see shI'ism
and the (JUr'an) recognize them as legal
to this day, while SunnI scholars maintain
that the qur'anic reference to mut'a was
cancelled by several subsequent verses
(q. 4:3; 23:5-6; 65:4). In addition, Sunni
authorities argue that the Prophet recom-
mended the existing custom to his soldiers
only because of exigencies specific to his
time when men were separated from their
wives for long periods while they went off
to war. Moreover, the second caliph (q.v.)
'Umar interpreted the Prophet's intent and
banned the practice. The dispute about the
legitimacy of mut'a has been a major bone
of contention between Sunnis and Shf Is
and is rooted in contradictory interpreta-
tions of the Qiir'an as well as differing
approaches to religious and political au-
thority (q.v.; Haeri, Law of desire, 61-4; see
also POLITICS AND THE qur'an; imam).
Concubines (q.v.), or literally "those
whom your right hand possesses" or
"women whom you have purchased," are
frequently mentioned in the Qur'an along-
side wives (a 4:3, 24-5; 23:6; 33:50; 70:30)
and there is no limitation on the number of
concubines a man may accjiiire. The legal
and spiritual status of slaves is regulated in
the Qur'an, including specific rules relating
to sexual relations that are permitted or
forbidden to them (see lawful and
unlawful). Thus, a master may not
prostitute his slave (cj 24:33) and he has a
WOMEN AND THE OUR AN
528
moral obligation to marry her off to either
a free man or slave (cf. Brnnschvig, 'Abd,
esp. p. 25). The status of a female slave
who bears her master a child, an umm al-
walad, is not defined in the Qiir'an; her
unique rights developed during the codi-
fication of Islamic law in abotit the
third/ninth century.
Illicit sexual relations are referred to as
zind (often translated as fornication or
adultery) and are strictly forbidden
(q, 17:32; cf 6:151: al-fawdhisli). Two sepa-
rate verses stipulate the punishment for
such infractions: one mentions only women
and specifies that they shoidd be incarcer-
ated in their homes for a period of time
which may be until their death (<J 4:15); the
other refers to a male and a female of-
fender, both of whom are to be pimished
by one hundred lashes (q^ 24:2; see
flogging), ^ind, however, is extremely
difficult to prove because the verses refer-
ring to "the affair of the falsehood, or slan-
der" [al-ijk, C) 24:4-26; see lie; gossip),
require four witnesses to the act and pre-
scribe dire punishment, eighty lashes,
for a false acctiser. The punishment of
stoning (q.v.) for z^d is not in the Qiir'an
but is based on the traditions of the
Prophet.
Homosextiality (q.v.) and sodomy are dis-
cussed in the Qiir'an in the many refer-
ences to Lot (q.v.) and his family, who were
the only ones of their people who repented
their lewd acts and were spared by God.
Those who did not change their ways are
severely condemned and both parties to a
homosexual relationship are to be strictly
pimished (o 4:16; 7:81). Lesbianism (sihdq)
is not cited in the Qiir'an; it is forbidden
by hadith sayings of the Prophet, as is
transvestitism.
Divorce is discussed extensively in the
Qiir'an: a chapter is titled "Divorce" (o 65,
Sural al-Talaq), a long section is devoted
to the subject in q 2, and several verses
appear in q 4 (Sural al-Nisa', "Women").
Divorce is the prerogative of the husband
and he may divorce his wife in the pres-
ence of two witnesses without any formal
ceremony (q 65:2). The divorce is not final
until the wife has completed three men-
strual cycles (q 2:228; see waiting
period); during that period she remains
in her husband's home and he must sup-
port her (q 65:6). The purpose, of course,
is to ascertain if she is pregnant as well as
to give the husband an opportunity to
withdraw the divorce. The latter explana-
tion dovetails with the preference for rec-
onciliation between an estranged couple
rather than divorce, which appears in
several places in the Qur'an (q 2:229, 4:35).
If the wife turns out to be pregnant, the
divorce does not take effect until after
she gives birth (q 65:6; see lactation).
A husband may divorce his wife and
change his mind only twice; after the
third divorce, she is not lawful to him until
after she has married another man
(q 2:229-30).
A clause in the Qur'an states that "it is no
sin for either of them if the woman ran-
som herself" (q 2:229); this is the basis for a
type of divorce that is designated khuV (di-
vestiture) in Islamic law. When a woman
wishes a divorce, she may, with the permis-
sion of her husband, return to him the
bridewealth (mahr) and any gifts she had
received from him. Even in a divorce initi-
ated by the wife, it is the husband who re-
tains the right of divorce. Moreover, this
type of divorce is economically unfavor-
able for the wife. A marriage contract, like
any other contract, may also be annulled
by a court for violation of inherent ele-
ments of the pact (see breaking trusts
AND contracts). Thus, for example, a
woman whose husband is incapable of car-
rying out sexual relations for a long period
of time could obtain an annulment. The
dissolution of a marriage contract at the
529
WOMEN AND THE OUR AN
discretion of a court is a ratlier extreme
measure, but could be claimed by either
spouse for a variety of reasons that have
differed over time and place.
The laws of inheritance are specified pre-
cisely and in great detail, leaving little
room for interpretation (q 4:7-20, 175).
These regidations are extremely complex
and were regarded as an area of expertise
apart from the general field of law. From a
gender point of view, a number of basic
principles may be summarized. Women
inherit, but their portion is usually half of
the share of a man of the same degree of
kinship. Daughters, for example, inherit
half as much as sons, sisters half of the
brothers' portions, and mothers half the
inheritance of fathers. Women inherit from
their husbands and husbands from their
wives, again according to the rule of half a
share. Inheritance, therefore, is an area in
which women's status as legal persons, as
well as the right of a woman to own her
own property, is firmly anchored. More-
over, the right of married women to make
wills is clearly stipulated in the Qiir'an
(c3 4:12), although this privilege is more
symbolic than practical because of general
limitations on wills. The inheritance of
maternal brothers and sisters is also
alluded to ((j 4:12), reflecting ongoing
semi-matrilineal ties in what was funda-
mentally a patrilineal society.
In addition to inheritance, women receive
bridewealth (q.v.) upon marriage (termed
ajr in the Qiir'an rather than mahr, the des-
ignation which became prevalent later). A
woman may, however, remit part of her
bridewealth to her husband of her own
free will (q 4:4). Husbands' duty to provide
material support for their wives is implied
in the quintessential qur'anic verse defining
gender relations (q 4:34). A man may not
withhold divorce from a woman in order
to take her property, nor may he divorce
her with false accusations of lewdness so
that he may get part of her property
(q 4:19-20).
The unusually liberal property rights of
women anchored in the Qiir'an have been
the subject of much speculation. Classical
Muslim scholars explained that, since the
inheritance rides follow a section dealing
with care for orphans, they reflect concern
for the kin of Muslims who died in battles
for the sake of Islam. In view of the fact
that these relatives of fallen Muslim heroes
would revert to the care of their families
who most likely were anti-Muslim, it was
deemed important to provide for them eco-
nomically. Some modern scholars of early
Islam (such as Goitein and Stern) have sug-
gested that, in the mercantile city of
Mecca before the advent of Islam, women
had certain rights of inheritance, citing the
vast property of the widow Khadija (q.v.)
and a number of other women. Thus, the
social reality at the time and place of the
Qur'an's revelation could have infiuenced
the economic provisions regarding women.
The association made between women,
orphans and children in the Qiir'an sug-
gests that women were regarded as weaker
social entities and therefore providing for
their welfare was viewed as an ethical act
(see ETHICS AND THE qUR'AN). Women's
inheritance of half the portion of a man
logically follows from men's double finan-
cial responsibility to support their wives.
Some have argued that women were gener-
ally not as economically incumbered as
men were and therefore required fewer
financial resources. In any case, the
qur'anic inheritance rules, while providing
women with a crucial source of income,
are also a concrete reflection of their sub-
ordinate status.
Female characters in qur'anic narratives
Some narratives (q.v.) in the Qiir'an are
about pre-Islamic figures such as Adam
and Eve (q.v.), Joseph and 'Aziz's wife, the
WOMEN AND THE OUR AN
530
wife of Pharaoh (q.v.) who was Moses'
step-mother, Solomon (q.v.) and the Queen
of Sheba (q.v.; see also BiLcjis), and Mary,
mother of Jesus. They project a variety of
roles and images of women, and have been
the subject of various interpretations and
amplifications. Some of these could
change the dominant precedent or role
model that emerges from the holy text.
Adam's wife (though nameless) is men-
tioned in the Qiir'an in three passages
(q. 2:30-7; 20:115-23; 7:11-25) and is referred
to in several isolated verses (q 4:1; 7:189;
39:6), while elsewhere the creation of
humanity and stories of the first man refer
only to Adam. Some narratives of the cre-
ation do not mention the first man's part-
ner, but other verses state that God created
man and his mate from a single soul (q.v.).
Adam alone is granted an exceptional posi-
tion among the angels (q.v.) and the crea-
tures, but this appears to be an indication
of his status as a prophet (see prophets
AND prophethood) rather than as a male.
Both Adam and his wife, however, are in-
structed to dwell in the garden and both
are warned not to eat of the tree of im-
mortality (see trees; eternity; fall of
man). Most importantly, in the qur'anic
version, both Adam and his wife are
tempted by Satan (see devil), both eat of
the tree and both are expelled. (Only in
one verse, C3 20:i20, is Adam alone
tempted.) Moreover, for the most part,
Adam repents his disobedience and is for-
given and given guidance by his lord (q.v.;
see also astray; error). Only in one
verse, do Adam and his wife admit their
guilt and beg for forgiveness (q 7:23). In
short, the qur'anic text describes the cre-
ation of the first woman (when it is re-
ferred to at all) as contemporaneous and
similar to that of the first man. She is not
responsible for tempting him, and if there
is any unecjual guilt, it is Adam who bears
a greater degree of culpability. Moreover,
the gender issue in the story of Adam and
his wife may be viewed as marginal to the
main qur'anic message of the covenant
(q.v.) between God and humanity, and his
forgiving of the folly of both male and fe-
male believers (q 7:172-3; 33:72-3).
From the earliest periods of qur'anic ex-
egesis, as well as in hadlth traditions of the
Prophet, Islamic world histories and popu-
lar stories of the prophets, however, the
image of Eve (Ar. Hawwa') is portrayed in
negative terms. She is held responsible for
Adam's temptation and fall, and is usually
depicted as deliberately deceiving him.
Only Adam's repentance is mentioned (see
repentance and penance), while the par-
ticipation of Hawwa' in a joint admission
of guilt is ignored. Highlighting the trans-
gressions of Hawwa' and suppressing her
repentance allowed qur'anic exegetes to
multiply the punishments said to be borne
by Eve (and by extension all women).
These include the pain of childbirth (see
birth; biology as the creation and
STAGES OF life), menstruation and wom-
en's duties such as weaving, spinning, pre-
paring dough and baking bread. Even
upon his death, Adam accuses her of being
responsible for his transgression and pun-
ishment. Thus, in contrast to the qur'anic
text, classical Islamic scholars portrayed
the first woman as a threat to her husband
and by extension to all humankind.
The seduction of Joseph (Ar. Yusuf ) by
the wife of the Egyptian al-'AzIz is nar-
rated as one trial in a series of ordeals that
the hero must overcome in order to dem-
onstrate his greatness. In a chapter of the
Qiir'an named for the protagonist ((3 12),
Joseph is thrown into a pit by his brothers
(see brother and brotherhood) and
sold into slavery to al-'AzIz, who brings
him home and treats him like a son. After
Joseph achieves maturity (q.v.), al-'Aziz's
wife attempts to seduce him but he rejects
her. He was actually tempted and desired
531
WOMEN AND THE OUR AN
her, but his faith in God as well as his fine
qualities enable him to overcome evil and
licentiousness. The two race for the door,
the wife tears Joseph's robe from the back
and at the entrance they encounter the
husband. At this point, Joseph is exoner-
ated of the wife's allegation of immoral
conduct. Her husband rebukes her and all
women, saying: "This is of the guile (kajd)
of you women. Your guile is great"
(c3 12:28). The wiles of women and their
unbridled passion are further illustrated in
a tale in which Joseph is objectified. When
women in the city began to gossip about
the infatuation of al-'AzIz's wife for the
young slave, she invited them to a banquet
and gave each a knife. When she ordered
Joseph to appear before them, the women
were so confounded by his beauty, which
they likened to that of an angel, that they
cut their hands with their knives. Having
proven her point, al-'Aziz's wife threatens
Joseph that if he does not obey her orders,
he will be imprisoned (<J 12:30-2). Joseph
appeals to the lord to fend off the women's
wiles for he fears that he will capitulate to
them and prefers incarceration. God an-
swers his prayer and he is sent to prison
(a 12:33-5).
Joseph is fully and finally vindicated on
the occasion of his release from prison
when he appeals to the king to investigate
the deceitful women who cut their hands,
and the king investigates those women who
had tried to seduce him (q 12:51). The
women absolve Joseph, and al-'Aziz's wife
confesses and affirms his honesty and vir-
tue. But Joseph admits that he was inclined
to evil and thanks the lord for helping him
to overcome his human instincts (5) 12:53).
Joseph is taken into the king's service, be-
comes custodian of the storehouses, takes
revenge on his brothers and performs a
miracle (see miracles; marvels; dreams
AND sleep).
The story of Joseph and Zulaykha (as
al-'AzIz's wife came to be known in Islamic
literature) has provided rich material not
only for commentaries on the Qiir'an,
hadith traditions, popular stories of the
prophets and world histories, but also for
mystical love poetry and visual art (see art
AND ar(;hitei;ture and the our'an;
SUFISM AND THE qur'an). It is frequently
referred to in other genres and may have
been integrated with ancient Egyptian,
pre-Islamic Iranian or Indian morality
tales about the guile of women as well as
with the analogous narrative in the
Hebrew Bible and Jewish interpretations of
the Bible (see scripture and the our'an;
JEWS and JUDAISM; torah).
In the exegesis of the Qiir'an, the focus of
the story of Joseph and Zulaykha was often
shifted from a tale about a prophet over-
coming adversity to an account of the dan-
gers of female sexuality and of women's
cunning as embodied in the term kayd
which appears no less than seven times in
the narrative (q^ 12:28, 33, 34, 50, 52). The
unbridled sexuality and guile of woman is
amplified in Islamic histories and stories of
the prophets, and these are genres that
tended toward embellishment and were
not restricted by the rules of the Islamic
sciences (see traditional disciplines of
c^ur'anic study). In these narratives,
Zulaykha is punished for her transgres-
sions, redeemed and becomes Joseph's wife
and mother of his children. Thus, the dan-
gerous sexual woman becomes an ideal
spouse, in the process fulfilling her love for
Joseph.
The theme of passion and love (q.v.) was
particularly developed in mystical litera-
ture. Esoteric mystical commentary identi-
fied the woman Zulaykha as the lower
world of matter and sensuality in contrast
to Joseph who is the heart (q.v.) on a spiri-
tual quest for gnosis (Stowasser, Women, 54;
see intellect; knowledge and
learning). While some mystical authors
WOMEN AND THE OUR AN
532
censured Zulaykha's attempt to subvert
Joseph's innocence, others extolled her
unreserved love for him. The earthly love,
however, was also interpreted as a meta-
phor for the love of God and was ex-
pressed in clearly sextial terms. Thus,
Zidaykha, the lover, desires union with the
divine symbolized by Joseph's exceptional
beauty (q.v; Merguerian and Najmabadi,
Zulaykha andjoseph, 497-500). Mystical
poets viewed the female soul as inciting to
evil (based on q 12:53, where the feminine
nafs is used) but may be purified through
inner struggle and suffering (Schimmel, My
soul, 68). The Sufi writers of these works
were men, and both their identification
with Joseph, the man who overcomes his
base instincts, as well as the desire to unite
with Joseph the epitome of divine, even
feminine, beauty, have interesting trans-
sexual ramifications. The dramatic and
concise qur'anic story of Joseph and al-
'Azlz's wife, we are told, is meant as a les-
son and a guide for the righteous (q^ 12:102,
III). It has been woven into a variety of
images of women which captured the
imaginations of Muslims for centuries.
Among the women related to Moses in
the Qiir'an, Pharaoh's wife attained the
most prominence as an example to believ-
ers because of her having convinced
Pharaoh not to kill the infant Moses. She
was a righteous woman who prayed to God
to build her a house in paradise and save
her from Pharaoh's wrongdoing and from
evil people ({^ 28:9; 66:11). Asiya, as
Pharaoh's wife is called in the commentar-
ies and stories of the prophets, was one of
the four most outstanding women of the
world and also of the four "ladies of
heaven" (along with Mary, mother of Jesus,
Khadija, Muhammad's wife, and Fatima
[q.v.], his daughter). Miraculous events
surrounded her birth and early life, and
her marriage to Pharaoh was a sacrifice
she made for her people but it was never
consummated. Asiya saved and protected
the infant Moses on many occasions. She
suffered torture and death at the command
of the wicked infidel Pharaoh, but the an-
gel Gabriel (q.v.) succored her and neutral-
ized her pain. Asiya and the three other
most hallowed women in Islamic tradition
represent paragons of virtue. They are
revered primarily for their commitment to
God and obedience to his command, but
as women they are variously characterized
by virginity, purity and motherhood, and
in Asiya's case by her act of adoption.
The Qiieen of Sheba appears in the
Qiir'an as a sovereign ruler who engaged
in political negotiations with the wise and
knowledgeable Solomon (see KINGS AND
rulers); eventually they submit to God
together. Solomon is mentioned frequently
in the Qiir'an where he is cited for his wis-
dom (q.v.), justice (see justice and
injustice) and God-given esoteric knowl-
edge and miracidous powers. The story of
the Qiieen of Sheba is narrated in a single
chapter (q 27:22-44). Solomon learns that
there is a pagan woman ruler and sends a
letter to Sheba asking its inhabitants to
submit to him (or to become Muslims).
The queen first turns to her advisers,
claiming she has never decided a matter
alone, but they defer to her command. She
wishes to avoid the suffering of war and
opts instead for diplomacy. Solomon tests
her by disguising her throne. Upon enter-
ing his palace, she uncovers her legs think-
ing that she is in deep water. But Solomon
reveals to her that in fact the palace was
paved with glass. She responds that she has
"wronged herself" and that she submits
together with Solomon to God. Glearly, the
story as a whole is an affirmation for
Solomon, for the Qiieen of Sheba and for
Muslims in general that God is the one and
only god to whom they must submit (see
GOD AND HIS ATTRIBUTES). The QtlCCn of
Sheba seems at first to be hesitant about
533
WOMEN AND THE OUR AN
making a decision on lier own, but tlie
qur'anic text leaves no doubt that slie is
capable of independent reasoning in af-
fairs of state and that her decisions have
legitimacy. Her acumen seems equal to
Solomon's when she passes the test of the
throne that he has prepared for her. In the
anecdote about the glass floor that appears
as water, however, he clearly bests her by
ruse and humiliates her as well. Never-
theless, it is intriguing that at the end of
the qur'anic story, the two submit together
to God.
In exegesis of the Qiir'an, Islamic history
and popular tales of the prophets and
Islamic legends relating to the Qiieen of
Sheba (or Bilqis, as she came to be known),
a major issue was the manner in which she
came to be a ruler, her competence in this
role and the potential precedent for Islamic
society. A great beauty, she tricked the king
who wanted to marry her on their wedding
night, cut off his head and convinced his
ministers to declare their loyalty to her.
Thus, one could conclude that she attained
the throne by proximity to a male ruler
and by exploiting her feminine attraction
and cunning. As queen and in her stand-off
with Solomon, however, she proves her
intelligence and good judgment, and these
are qualities generally attributed to men.
Interestingly, classical Islamic authors
rarely address the question of whether this
astute and legitimate qur'anic queen could
serve as a precedent for women's role in
their own society. Among the gifts that the
Queen of Sheba sent to Solomon to test
his moral fiber were not only gold (q.v.)
and silver but one liundred young slave
boys dressed as girls and one hundred
young slave girls in boys' clothing. Solo-
mon, for his part, miraculously moved the
queen's throne to his court, a slight but
perhaps symbolic embellishment on the
qur'anic narrative. Solomon's cunning
test of the glass floor provided a base for
interpretive explanations of precisely what
the queen's legs or feet would reveal about
her. The vivid picture of Bilqis standing in
the water before Solomon revealing her
hairy legs (or whether she had donkey's
feet), surely undermines her image as a
capable, independent ruler.
Maryam, or Mary, is frequently named in
the Qiir'an to designate the matrilineal
ascription of Jesus flsa b. Maryam) since
according to Islamic belief Jesus had no
human father (e.g. C3 2:253; 4:156, 171; 5:17,
46, 75. 78, no, 112, 114, 116; 9:31; 19:34;
23:50; 33:7; 43:57; 57:27; 61:6, 14). Both
Jesus son of Mary and his mother are re-
garded as signs (q.v.) of God's powers and
humanity's need to believe and worship
(q.v.) him (c3 23:50). Mary's story is de-
picted in two chapters of the Qiir'an
(a 3:35-47; 19:16-34), one of which, C3 19, is
named for her. The virgin birth is men-
tioned several times (c) 19:20; 66:12, for
example) and Mary is considered to be
chosen among all the women of the world
(q_ 3:42). The idea that both Jesus and his
mother are deities is directly refuted (e.g.
Q. 5:75. 116), although the verses that rebut
Mary's divinity raise questions about the
origin of this belief. Western scholars have
naturally focused on a comparison be-
tween the qur'anic story of Mary and Jesus
and the Gospels and other Christian texts
and folklore (see christians and Chris-
tianity; gospel; pre-islamic arabia
and the qur'an). In the Qiir'an, Mary is
divinely succored during childbirth with
water (q.v.) from a brook and dates from a
palm-tree (c3 19:23-6; see date palm;
springs and fountains).
Muslim commentators have discussed
Mary's religious status, often comparing
her with Fatima, daughter of the prophet
Muhammad, who is not explicitly
mentioned in the Qur'an. While the
miraculous events surrounding lier were
augmented, a debate evolved about
WOMEN AND THE OUR AN
534
whether she was a prophet and about her
ranking among the women of this world
and the next. Some Muslim theologians
argued that Mary (as well as Sara, the
mother of Isaac [q.v.], the mother of
Moses, and Pharaoh's wife Asiya) should
be considered prophets because they re-
ceived the word of God from angels or by
divine inspiration (see revelation and
inspiration). But even these scholars dif-
ferentiated between the prophethood
(nubuwwa) which some women attained
and the message (risala) which was re-
stricted to men. The consensus of Sunni
thinkers, however, has been to reject the
notion of Mary's prophethood as heretical
because as a menstruating woman she
could not attain purity (see ritual
purity). Despite the fact that in the
Qiir'an Mary is specifically purified by
God (c3 3:42), hadlth traditions and schol-
arly opinions have been marshaled to
prove that Mary's purity meant that she
was free of menstruation or, conversely,
that she menstruated like all other women
but was ethically pure. A more practical
problem was God's command to Mary to
bow down in prayer with the praying men
fe 3-43> ^^^ BowiNO and prostration).
Classical commentators interpreted this to
mean that Mary prayed with the congrega-
tion of men, contributing to the debate on
whether women should pray in the moscjue
(q.v.) or in the privacy of the home.
Another subject of debate was Mary's
ranking among the chosen women of the
Qiir'an: alternately including Asiya, the
Prophet's wives Khadija and 'A'isha and
his daughter Fatima. For the most part,
qur'anic exegesis and stories of the proph-
ets tend to exclude 'A'isha from the four-
some of the most excellent women of the
world and the paramount females in
heaven. In Sunni as well as Shi'l tradition,
Mary and Fatima have been conflated as
both were visited by angels, were miracu-
lously assisted during childbirth and were
free of menstruation and post-partum
bleeding. Both are noted for their sorrows
and suffering. Most Shl'ls rank Fatima
above Mary and she is sometimes referred
to as Mary the Greater [Adaryam al-kubrd;
McAuliffe, Chosen of all women, 27-8;
Stowasser, Women, 79-80). Both Muslims
and Christians have focused on the image
of Mary, particularly in popular piety, as
imderpinning a commonality between the
two faiths. Similarities between the two
religious traditions have been underscored
for ecumenical or for missionary purposes.
For many centuries, however, Mary has
also been central to polemical controver-
sies between Christians and Muslims and
to the expression of mutual suspicion and
misunderstanding (see polemic and
polemical language).
The wives of Noah (q.v.). Lot and
Abraham (q.v.), as well as other women in
the life of Moses, are mentioned less prom-
inently in the Qiir'an, but present a variety
of female images. In addition, classical
Muslim biographers and commentators
tried to identify some of the numerous,
seemingly anonymous women referred to
in the Qiir'an through the stories con-
nected to the revelation of the verses in
which they appear. Among the well-known
stories explicating a qur'anic verse that
refers anonymously to a woman is that of
Zaynab, daughter of Jahsh, the divorced
wife of Muhammad's adopted son Zayd,
whose marriage to the Prophet was ex-
pressly permitted in a revelation and
served as a precedent for the legality of
such unions (c3 33:37). At least three women
are connected to another obscure verse
that permits the Prophet to marry his pa-
ternal and maternal cousins who emi-
grated with him (see prohibited degrees;
EMIGRANTS AND HELPERS) and to "a believ-
ing woman if she gives herself to the
Prophet" [q_ 33:50). Perhaps the most
535
WOMEN AND THE OUR AN
famous story elucidating a qur'anic passage
is that of the slander [al-ijk; cited above)
against 'A'isha, tlie Prophet's wife (see
'a'isha bint abi bakr), which explains the
stringent rules for proving adultery and the
harsh penalty for unsubstantiated allega-
tions against a woman [q_ 24:4-26). Shl'is
point out tliat, since 'A'isha is not actually
mentioned in the Qiir'an, she was never
exonerated of the accusation of adultery.
The qur'anic chapter "She Who Disputes"
(c3 58, Surat al-Mujadila) opens with verses
about a woman who complained to the
Prophet that her husband had divorced her
using the formula "be to me as the back of
my mother," a custom Muhammad had
apparently abolished. Classical Muslim
scholars have specidated about who the
woman in question was. The chapter title
"She Who is to Be Examined" (q^ 60, Surat
al-Muntahana) was identified as a refer-
ence to Umm Kidthum, daughter of
'Utba, because of its verses that sanctioned
refuge from her pagan family for her and
other Muslim female refugees. A female
simile for breaking oaths — "a woman
who breaks into untwisted strands the yarn
which she has spun, after it has become
strong" ((3 16:92) — led Muslim classical
scholars to an obscure Abyssinian woman
(see ABYSSINIA; oaths; magic; pre-
ISLAMIC ARABIA AND THE OUr'an).
In the Qiir'an, Muhammad's wives, the
"mothers of the believers," are quite fre-
quently addressed and they are held up as
paragons for Muslims but are also subject
to obligations that are more stringent.
None of these women, however, are iden-
tified by name, so it was left to classical
exegesis to attempt to link revelations to
wives of the Prophet, particularly by flesh-
ing out stories about the "occasions of
revelation" or asbab al-nuziil. These com-
mentaries and hadlth traditions of the
words and deeds of the Prophet have
served as the basis for numerous anecdotes
about the jealousy, covetousness and
scheming of the women of his household.
While a polygynous family undoubtedly
provides fertile ground for petty intrigues,
it would seem that the classical male
Muslim scholars relished interpretations
that highlighted harem politics.
The rich narratives in the Qiir'an include
a variety of female characters and the
images of these women were often
changed in classical commentary and pop-
ular literature composed in patriarchal
societies, as we have seen. Modern and
feminist interpretations of the Qiir'an re-
trieved the original images from the holy
text, provided their own role models and
attempted to read these stories as women
would have done.
Women's scholarship and feminist readings of the
Qur 'an
A number of women among the early be-
lievers had a role in the transmission of the
text of the Qur'an. 'A'isha, the Prophet's
favorite wife, heard passages of the Qur'an
from the Prophet himself, ordered a full
written copy to be prepared and corrected
the scribe. Hafsa (q.v.), daughter of the
caliph 'Umar and widow of the Prophet,
gave the caliph 'Uthman (q.v.) written
pages of the Qur'an that she had received
from her father. 'Uthman had the pages
gathered into a book and declared this text
to be the official version of the holy book.
Hafsa also corrected a scribe who was writ-
ing a qur'anic text. During the first three
or four centuries of Islam, 'Uthman's text
was only one of various versions of the
Qur'an that were ascribed to Companions
of the Prophet (q.v.), the caliphs 'Umar
and 'All (see 'ali b. abi talib), and wid-
ows of the Prophet — 'A'isha, Umm
Salama and Hafsa. One of the Prophet's
female Companions, Umm Waraqa, col-
lected and recited the Qur'an and may
have assisted 'Umar in assembling the text.
WOMEN AND THE OUR AN
536
Throughout the centuries, girls as well as
boys have learned the Qiir'an (generally by
rote) in primary schools (kuttdb, maktab) in
gender-defined spaces, occupying separate
areas of the classrooms, separate rooms,
classrooms or informal venues (for classical
examples, see figs. I and 11; for a contem-
porary female Qiir'an study group, see fig.
III). There have been attestations of this in
Islamic painting, biographies, government
statistics and autobiographies. Women as
well as men were required to obtain the
minimal knowledge needed to be good
Muslims and this included gender-specific
principles and laws. The Islamic religion
did not serve as a barrier to this learning
since traditions of the Prophet encourage
the education of girls. Moreover, segrega-
tion of the genders did not preclude pre-
pubescent girls and boys attending qur'anic
schools together (see teaching and
PREACHING THE qur'an). Nevertheless, to
the best of our knowledge, no woman was
among the classical exegetes of the
Qiir'an.
Proponents of Islamic reform move-
ments, like those of other scriptural re-
ligions, quite naturally returned to the
original text of the Qtir'an to reinterpret
what they regarded as incorrect readings of
the divine word by classical exegetes (see
CONTEMPORARY CRITICAL PRACTIC;ES AND
THE cjur'an). Some of the earliest pro-
ponents of the liberation of Muslim
women anchored their arguments in their
rereading of the Qur'an. The Indian
Mumtaz 'Ali in his Women's laws (1898) pro-
moted the explanation of (J 4:34 as mean-
ing that women have precedence over men
who work for them. He refuted the belief
that Adam had precedence in creation and
a privileged position over Eve as being
contrary to the Qiir'an. As for the disparity
between male and female witnesses, he
argued that the relevant verse refers to
business transactions, something with
which male Arab merchants were more
familiar than women. For matters of per-
sonal law, a woman would be as qualified
to testify as a man. On the question of
polygyny, Mumtaz 'All held that the condi-
tion not to treat one wife better than others
effectively cancels the possibility of a man
marrying more than one woman since it is
humanly impossible to love several women
equally. As for purdah or pardah, the Urdu
word for the Arabic hijdb, Mumtaz 'Ali
argued that only one verse of the Qur'an
refers specifically to this. Other verses rec-
ommend modesty in general terms and
purdah as it developed in Muslim India
was a recent, indigenous phenomenon.
The modern Syrian commentator
Muhammad Jamal al-Din al-QasimI con-
cluded that a woman could lead the prayer
as imam based on a verse referring to
Mary, but then neutralized this potential
empowerment of women by falling back
on a classical view that a unique woman
like Mary is like a man in the eyes of God.
Moreover, even if a woman might serve as
a religious leader for other women, she
could not participate in the communal
prayer, not only because of her impurity,
but also because of her physical weakness
and the shame involved in mixing with
men (Smith and Haddad, The Virgin
Mary, 163-4, ^Ti)-
Calls for the liberation of Muslim women
in the Arab world emerged from and were
infiuenced by the salafijja movement which
aspired to return to the true, early un-
tainted Islam. The Egyptian Shaykh
Muhammad 'Abdiih (1849-1905) and his
follower Muhammad Rashid Rida
(1865-1935) composed a new exegesis of
the Qur'an that initially appeared in their
journal al-Mandr to address contemporary
problems. 'Abduh emphasized women's
humanity and their equality before God.
Adam together with his wife represent
humankind which is tested (see trial;
537
WOMEN AND THE OUR AN
TRUST AND patienc:e), goes astray, repents
and is forgiven. Mary's physical, spiritual
and behavioral purity, however, granted
her a distinctive status and should not be
regarded as a precedent for all women.
'Abduh is credited with the determination
that the qur'anic verse which appears to
permit a man to marry up to four wives
actually indicates that monogamous mar-
riages should be the norm, by a logic simi-
lar to that of Mumtaz 'All. On the
question of the hijdb, however, 'Abduh re-
fused to take a stand. By a similar meth-
odology Rida interpreted a fragment of a
verse on divorce (q 2:228) to define the re-
lationship between man and wife as equal
and reciprocal, but defers to the view of
classical exegetes that a husband has sexual
rights over his wife as a concomitant to her
rights to material support from him.
Alongside the hesitant efforts of Muslim
reformists, commentaries on the Qiir'an
that relied on the methods and contents of
classical exegesis with regard to women's
issues and female characters continued to
appear.
An important innovation of this period
was the utilization of qur'anic interpreta-
tion to bolster views on the status of
women, not only by recognized Islamic
scholars like Shaykh 'Abduh (who had
been chief mufti of Egypt) but also by
Muslim writers who did not have formal,
systematic religious training. One of the
most prominent, albeit misogynist, works
of this kind was Woman in the Qur'dn (al-
Mar'afi l-Qur'dn), by the Egyptian writer
Mahmud 'Abbas al-'Aqqad. Works of this
type paved the way for Muslim lay think-
ers, both men and women, to engage in
qur'anic commentary.
The first Muslim woman to undertake
qur'anic exegesis was Dr. 'A'isha 'Abd al-
Rahman (1913-96), known by her pen-
name, Bint al-Shati'. She studied Qur'an
cominentary with her professor, mentor
and husband, Amin al-Khuli, who was
considered one of the outstanding modern
experts in the field. Some scholars regard
'Abd al-Rahman's exegesis as a reflection
of al-Khuli's theory, and in fact, in the
preface to the first volume of her qur'anic
exegesis, she writes of her "attempt" to
apply al-Khrdl's method to a few short
chapters and compares the usual method
of Qiir'an interpretation to "our new way."
As the first woman engaged in what had
for centuries been an all-male endeavor, it
is not surprising that she and some scholars
would present her ground-breaking, ambi-
tious work as a mere extension of the theo-
retical framework of her male mentor.
Actually, 'Abd al-Rahman published her
first of two volumes of qur'anic exegesis in
1962, several years before the death of her
husband. Moreover, the choice of difficult,
theological qur'anic verses with no social
implications whatsoever seems to be the
strategy of an ambitious woman carefully
invading a traditionally male domain. It is
also no accident that this innovation
emerged from Cairo University's Depart-
ment of Arabic Language and Literature
rather than from a woman studying at al-
Azhar. 'Abd al-Rahman's qur'anic exegesis
was published by one of the largest pub-
lishing houses in Cairo in a series devoted
to literary studies of Arab poetry and other
genres as well as non-Arabic literature,
perhaps an additional strategy to avoid
conflict with the religious establishment.
Her qur'anic commentary brought her
prominence in Egypt and the Arab world
but its content could not be considered
feminist nor was it meant to be.
The qur'anic underpinnings of the
Islamist movements originate with the
efforts of Sayyid Abu l-'Ala 1-Mawdudl
(1903-1979), an Indian Muslim whose ideas
on the seclusion of women were written in
Urdu in the 1930s, translated into Arabic
and subsequently in English. Of his
WOMEN AND THE OUR AN
538
six-volume exegesis of the Qtir'an, the only
selection translated into Arabic was de-
voted to a chapter dealing with female sex-
uality ((J 24; cf. Swanson, Commentary on
Stirat al-Nur, 187). Mawdudi interpreted
some rather vague verses on visiting other
homes (q 24:27-9) in gender terms to the
extent that a man must announce his ar-
rival before entering a house even to the
women in his own household. On the issue
of modesty (o 24:30-1), he regards virtually
everything connected with a woman as
seductive and therefore requires the most
extreme forms of concealing dress, includ-
ing a thick face-veil and gloves. Even a
woman's perfume or voice are sexual and
should be restricted. Marriage is the
proper outlet for human sexuality and
Mawdudi regards the Islamic state as re-
sponsible for providing financial support
for a man who is precluded from marrying
because of the expense.
The Egyptian Sayyid Qiitb (d. 1966) fol-
lowed Mawdudi's lead in many respects
but appears to have had a more intensive
dialogue with western notions of gender
and with contemporary technologies. In
his exegesis on the story of Eve, he em-
phasizes the equal responsibility of women
and men to battle Satan and their equal
rewards for their struggle in the path of
God (see path or way; jihad). He stresses
that the Qiieen of Sheba was intelligent
and independent. Mary, however, serves as
a role model for the gender segregation for
Muslim women. Qiitb's stand on women's
seclusion is no less extreme than that of
Mawdtidi but he responds to Freud's theo-
ries in his own coin by warning of psychol-
ogical disorders that can arise if sexuality is
not restrained. Thus, a man must warn
even his female relatives that he will be
entering the house by telephoning to ask
permission. Marriage is the natural state of
affairs but, despite what many commenta-
tors have stated, the husband's exclusive
right of divorce is specific to dissolving a
marriage and does not imply superiority
over his wife.
In the ig90s, Muslim women began to
read the Qiir'an with a feminist agenda in
mind. Feminism in the Muslim world (even
when it was termed secular) had frequently
drawn from Islamic sources and employed
Islamic discourse from its onset in the nine-
teenth century. The innovative aspect of
Islamic feminism has been that Muslim
women, who usually did not have formal
religious training, have rejected the com-
mentaries on the Qiir'an by generations of
male exegetes who had functioned in pa-
triarchal societies and independently in-
terpreted the text of the divine word. In
order to enhance the legitimacy of these
daring projects, they often used neo-clas-
sical methods such as ijtihdd or independent
reasoning. This phenomenon has emerged
in various parts of the Muslim world, has
usually been spearheaded by academic
women and activists, and has been dis-
seminated by new media and networking
(see media and the q^ur'an).
One of the earliest efforts by Islamic fem-
inists to read the Qiir'an was undertaken
by a non-hierarchical study group of
women who met in 1990 under the aus-
pices of Women Living Under Muslim
Laws, a network founded in 1984. The pro-
ceedings were subsequently distributed in
English and French, two common lan-
guages for millions of Muslims throughout
the world. The participants, who remained
anonymous, were from Algeria, Bang-
ladesh, Egypt, India, Indonesia, Malaysia,
Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Sudan and the United
States. Six resource persons (who were also
not identified) opened the sessions with
presentations but they were questioned and
even challenged in the ensuing discussions.
The aim was to interpret the Qur'an only
539
WOMEN AND THE OUR AN
from the Qiir'an itself and therefore great
emphasis was placed on philological
exegesis and classical Arabic dictionaries
were employed (see grammar and the
(3Ur'an). Nevertheless, classical Islamic
sources were occasionally referred to, as
well as liberal and conservative modern
Muslim thinkers such as Mumtaz 'Ali and
Sayyid Qiitb. The issue of skewed transla-
tions of the Qiir'an (q.v.) was raised, since
translation inevitably involves a degree of
interpretation (and is theologically ques-
tionable) and also since the majority of
Muslims do not know Arabic well enough
to understand the qur'anic text (see arabk;
language; inimitability; language and
STYLE OF THE ^ur'an). In view of the rich
and variegated academic backgrounds of
the women who studied the Qtir'an, it is
not surprising that they employed universal
scientific methods alongside classical
Islamic ones such as psychology, sociology,
literary theory, linguistics, etc. (see
LITERATURE AND THE QUr'an; SOCIAL
SCIENCES AND THE QUR'an).
The point of departure for Women
Reading the Qiir'an was a discussion of
"foundational myths" that ostensibly sup-
port the notion that men are superior to
women. The first of these relate to the
story of the creation of Adam and Eve, her
role in the fall and the purpose of woman's
creation. The women argue that the
Qiir'an explicitly states that woman and
man were created equal and the creation
of Hawwa' from a male rib is a product of
biblical and Christian influences, inaccu-
rate translations of the original Arabic,
qur'anic exegesis, and most seriously,
hadith traditions of the Prophet (see
HADITH AND THE cjur'an), many of which
are not genuine. These supplements to
the holy text supported the view held by
most Muslims that woman is secondary,
derivative and subordinate. Similarly,
Eve's culpability, which raises questions
about the trustworthiness of all women,
is not found in the Qiir'an but is the prod-
uct of subsequent patriarchal readings.
Debunking the belief that woman was
created for man is tied to a lengthy discus-
sion of the qur'anic verse which embodies
gender relations, q 4:34, rendered by
Pickthall as follows: "Men are in charge
(qawwdmuna) of women, because Allah
hath made the one of them to excel the
other, and because they spend of their
property (for the support of women). So
good women are obedient, guarding in
secret that which Allah hath guarded. As
for those from whom ye fear rebellion, ad-
monish them and banish them to beds
apart, and scourge them. Then if they
obey you, seek not a way against them. Lo!
Allah is ever High, Exalted, Great." The
women use the translation of the modern-
ist Muslim commentator M. Yiisuf All who
interprets the phrase "Men are the protec-
tors and maintainers of women," and em-
phasizes that men may only beat women
lightly and as a last resort. The women
focus on reinterpretation of crucial words
in the verse such as qawwamun. This term
had previously been taken a step further
than M. Yiisiif All to mean the basic idea
of moral guidance and caring by the femi-
nist Aziza al-Hibri (Study of Islamic her-
story). One resource person at the
workshop suggested that qawwdmuna means
breadwinners and, philosophically, men
ought to be breadwinners although not all
men fulfill this function. Thus, the com-
parison is not between men and women
but between men in terms of their ability
to be breadwinners. A second resource
person understood qawwdmuna as standing
upright or men's upholding the rights, pro-
tection, well-being and material support of
women. In other words, in Islamic society
men have a psychological, social, spiritual
WOMEN AND THE OUR AN
540
and financial responsibifity to women.
Participants challenged these and other
explications by the resources persons. A
similar methodology was applied to the
words excel (faddala), obedient (qdnitdt) and
rebellion (q.v.; nushuzj.
From the fiindamental principles of gen-
der, the Women Reading the Qiir'an move
on to Islamic family law and women in
society. The issues of Muslim jurispru-
dence discussed are: divorce, post-divorce
maintenance, polygamy and age of mar-
riage, inheritance, adoption and marriage
to non-Muslims. Under the rubric of
women in society, the related subjects of
zind, evidence and punishment are ad-
dressed. Menstruation and the image of
"your wives as a tilth" (q 2:223) are dis-
cussed. Finally, the hur (sing, hawrd') who
are promised to the righteous Muslims in
paradise are considered. These have been
defined in patriarchal terms as fair white
virgins with large eyes but, in the inter-
pretation of women reading the Qiir'an,
all believers, male and female, will be
paired with soul companions.
Amina Wadud-Muhsin produced a femi-
nist exegesis of the Qiir'an as a whole in
1992. Perhaps because Arabic is not her
native language, she came up with the rad-
ical but controversial idea that verses of
the Qiir'an relating to women are an ar-
tifact of Arabic as a gendered language. As
a result, many verses which appear to refer
to men and women should actually be un-
derstood in more gender-neutral language.
Her book has become very popular and
even Arabic-speaking feminists have en-
dorsed her methodology.
Another important forum for women to
interpret the Qiir'an in accordance with
their own needs has been the Persian wom-
en's magazine ^andn published in Tehran.
^andn was founded in 1992 and by 1994
had become a major voice for reform of
the status of women. The magazine's edi-
tor, Shahla Sherkat, and other women
well-versed in the Qiir'an have cham-
pioned the right of women to use ijtihdd or
independent reasoning, thereby challeng-
ing the primacy of the clergy in the realm
of interpretation. Similarly, the Iranian
expatriate Nayereh Tohidi has promoted
feminist ijtihdd in Persian-language writings
and lectures and promoted reinterpreting
the Qiir'an. In the mid-ig90s, some pro-
ponents of Islamic feminism argued that
endeavors like those of ^anan opened a
dialogue between religious and secular
feminists in the heady debate carried on in
the Islamic Republic of Iran and the
Iranian diaspora.
Feminist exegesis of the Qiir'an by
women outside the Muslim scholarly
establishment has not been without its crit-
ics and it is yet to be seen what its long-
term infiuence will be. One problem is
undoubtedly the language barrier between
Muslims in different parts of the world and
in particular among those who do not read
or write Arabic or, conversely, read neither
English nor French. Translation of seminal
works in this field into Arabic has greatly
enhanced their prestige as well as their im-
pact in the Arab world. Trans-global me-
dia have also facilitated the dissemination
of new readings of the Qiir'an. A second
generation of Islamic feminists have begun
to cite the pioneering exegesis of women
who have reinterpreted the Qiir'an and no
longer have to analyze the holy text them-
selves. Nevertheless, women and men will
continue to seek varying views on gender
as well as specific rules relating to women
and discrete female role models in the
Qiir'an.
Ruth Roded
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Sherif, What is hijdb? in MVV']'] {1987), 151-63; J.I.
Smith and YY. Haddad, Eve. Islamic image of
woman, in Women's Studies international forum 5
(1982), 135-44; i*^^-? The virgin Mary in Islamic
tradition and commentary, in M\v'](^ {1989),
161-87; G. Stern, Marriage in early Islam, London
1939; B. Stowasser, Women in the Quran, tradition
and interpretation. New York 1994; M.N. Sw^anson,
A study of twentieth-century commentary on
Surat al-Nur {24):27-33, in MWj/^ (1984), 187-203;
A. Wadud-Muhsin, Qur'dn and woman, Kuala
Lumpur 1992; Women Living Under Muslim
Laws, For ourselves. Women reading the Qiiran,
Grabels 1997.
Wonders see marvels
Wood see TREES
Wool see HIDES AND FLEECE
Word see speech; oaths
Word of God
Divine verbal utterance that bridges tire
gap between God's transcendence and tlie
created world. That God addresses himself
to the world by means of speaking is one of
the most influential concepts in the whole
monotheistic tradition and is also a central
issue for the Qiir'an (see revelation and
inspiration; orality; scripture and
THE OUr'aN; south ARABIA, RELIGIONS IN
PRE-lSLAMic). There, several verbs describe
God as speaking, e.g. nddd, "to call" (ten
times), qassa, "to relate" (thirteen times), or
nabba'a, "to tell" (twenty-one times); but the
most important verbs are qdla, "to say"
(around I20 occurrences), and kallama, "to
speak to" (seven times). Stemming from the
same roots as the two last-named verbs,
q-w-l and k-l-m, the nouns qawl (about
twenty-two times), kaldm (four times), kalima
(sixteen times) and its plural form kalimdt
(twelve times) are also attributed to God.
In most of their occurrences these nouns
can be rendered literally in English as
"word(s)," as in qawl rabbind, "our lord's
word" (^ 37:31), kaldm Alldh, "God's word"
(c3 2:75), kalimatuhu, "his word" (o 4:171), or
min rabbihi kalimdtin, "words from his lord"
[q_ 2:37). Nevertheless, they cover a broad
range of meanings and, according to their
different contexts, can be translated as
"verbal address," "revelation," "decree,"
and "creative command" (see also speech).
The mystery of monotheism
There are two distinct concepts that un-
derlie biblical monotheism: On the one
hand — because of the historical situation
WORD OF GOD
542
of competition with other deities — God's
exclusive oneness is emphasized (see god
AND HIS attributes). Characterized on-
tologically as the creator of the universe
and cause of being (see cosmology;
creation), and ethically as the supreme
lawgiver and final judge for humankind
(see JUSTICE and injustice; last
judgment; judgment; law and the
j^ur'an; ethics and the ^ur'an), God is
conceived of as the sole true, yet personal,
agent in a monopolar world order. On the
other hand, and in order to glorify God's
majesty, stress is laid on his transcendent
uniqueness. Although he is, at times, de-
scribed in anthropomorphic terms, God, in
his essence, is thought to transcend the
realm of the created world (see anthro-
pomorphism): He dwells not only beyond
the reach of human disposal, but he also
exceeds human intellectual capacities (see
intellect; knowledge and learning).
When, however, these two notions are
combined with each other — as is the case
in biblical monotheism — a clear tension
appears between them. While the first con-
cept suggests direct contact between God
and the world, the second implies their
definite separation. So, the question arises
of how to understand the relationship be-
tween God and his creation, i.e. how to
reconcile the opposing notions of tran-
scendence and immanence.
Deeply rooted in the religious thinking
of the ancient Near East, Islam — like
Judaism and Christianity before it (see
JEWS and Judaism; christians and
CHRISTIANITY; PEOPLE OF THE
book) — proposed the "word of God" as
one of the most important answers to this
question. God created the universe by
means of his word, and it is his word that
he revealed to humankind. Nevertheless,
this idea raises further questions. First,
does "word of God" mean the same thing
in respect to creation as in reference to
revelation, or are these two entirely dif-
ferent concepts that only share the same
terms, i.e. the creative command as op-
posed to the speech of God? Secondly, the
notion of God's creative command as the
sole causation for entities coming into be-
ing directly calls for an inquiry into the
underlying assumptions concerning the
relationship between language and exis-
tence. Thirdly, the idea of the "word of
God" carries with it considerable difficul-
ties in respect to the nature of revelation.
Not only is the physical means of God's act
of communication to be questioned; even
more important is how to conceive of the
nature of his speech. In order to be under-
standable, God has to address humankind
in human language. But does that mean
that the very language of revelation is
part of God's essence — thus presenting a
common link between God and his cre-
ation that comes close to a manifest
anthropomorphism — or is revelation
rather a kind of translation of God's true
speech that exceeds the human capacity of
understanding? And if the latter is so, how
can this translation be understood? It is in
the context of these questions that the
qur'anic use of the "word of God" must be
considered.
Word and creation
Eight qur'anic verses unambiguously state
that God creates by means of the impera-
tive "Be." The most prominent formula of
this is "When he decrees (qadd) a thing
(amr), he but says to it 'Be' (kun), and it is"
(ft 2:117; 3:47; 19:35; 40:68; cf. 3:59; 6:73;
16:40; 36:82; and see below). As an expres-
sion of faith (q.v.) , this passage emphasizes
God's omnipotence (see power and
impotence) and suggests that, by virtue of
his command, God's decree is tantamount
to its realization. As a dogmatic statement,
however, the exact wording by which this
ide
expr
edd
ressecl deserves closer examina-
543
WORD OF GOD
tion. Though the single words that occur in
this passage are quite common in tlie
qnr'anic vocabulary, here they acquire
meanings that are rather exceptional. The
verb qadd, to begin with, is generally trans-
lated as "to decide" or "to carry out," and
the noun amr usually denotes something
like "command," "plan," "action" or
"affair," thtis being an appropriate comple-
ment for qadd. Indeed, there are several
instances where both words appear to-
gether, as in the recurrent formidation
qudiya l-a?nru — approximately "the affair
was decided" (q 2:210; 6:8, 58; 11:44; 12:41;
14:22; 19:39). In the verse cited above, how-
ever, amr is described as something being
spoken to; therefore the word in this con-
text has to be understood as a kind of per-
sonalized entity. This observation is
corroborated by the parallel passages
C3 16:40 and 36:82 (see below), where the
proper word for "thing" (shay') is used in-
stead. And since a thing, strictly speaking,
cannot be decided or carried out — and
the verb qadd thus takes on a meaning that
is not entirely clear — again, the parallels
(J 16:40 and 36:82 replace it by forms of
the verb "to want" (ardda). In addition,
with the possible exceptions of o 2:280,
193 and 8:39, this passage exhibits the only
qur'anic occurrence where forms of the
verb "to be" (kdna) are not used as copulas
or as determiners of tense, but in an ab-
solute mode meaning "to exist." Based on
these observations, the obvious implication
of this passage is that there are two realms
of existence, one hidden [al-ghajb; see
HIDDEN AND THE HIDDEN) and the other
manifest (al-shahdda); and that in the ghayb,
there are entities conceived of as personal-
ized beings with the ability to obey God's
command (see obedience) and to enter
the realm of manifest existence. Thus, the
process of creation consists of an interplay
between command and obedience, and
does not rest upon any alleged magical
power of words. This understanding of the
operational mode of the word of God goes
back to the time of Hellenistic Judaism. At
that time, although the idea of the creation
with the word in Genesis i was labeled as a
creatio ex nihilo (2 Mace 7:28), it was also fre-
quently combined with the motif that God
exerts his authority (q.v.) over the universe,
just as a military commander does over his
subordinates [Jer 44:26; 48:13; Ps 33:9; Matt
7:9). While rather precluding any specula-
tions about the origins of primeval chaos,
the resulting concept of creation by direct
address [Syrian Apocalypse of Baruch, 21:4;
48:8; as cited in Schlier, Romerbrief, 132; also
Rom 4:17; Heb 11:3; 2 Clem 1:8) together with
the concomitant notion of the pre-exis-
tence of non-being (Philo, De migratione
Abrahami 9; Babylonian Talmud, Nesikin,
ch. Sanhedrin 91a; as cited in Schlier,
Romerbrief, 132) causes both philosophical
and theological problems: It raises the
question of the ontological status of the
pre-existent, and it seems to limit the di-
vine omnipotence, by suggesting that the
pre-existent possesses a certain indepen-
dence from God. Nevertheless, in spite of
these difficulties, this concept became
successfid because it helps to explain not
only the primeval creation of the universe,
but also the way God controls his creation
and effects the phenomena of human
birth (q.v.) and resurrection (q.v.; see also
CREATEDNESS OF THE QUR'aN; THEOLOGY
AND THE CJUr'aN; PHILOSOPHY AND THE
qUR'AN).
The creation of the heavens and the
earth is a recurrent motif that appears
more than fifty-five times in the Qvir'an.
The verb that is most frequently attributed
to God in this respect is "to create"
(khalacja). While this verb leaves the man-
ner of creation open, other, far less fre-
quently employed verbs suggest a similarity
to handicraft activities, like "to level"
[sawwd, e.g. (j 2:29), "to make" (ja'ala.
WORD OF GOD
544
5^ 6:i; 13:3), "to cover" (aghshd, e.g. q 7:54;
13:3), "to raise up" [rafa'a, q 13:2), "to
stretch out" [madda, q 13:3) and "to rip
open" (fataqa, e.g. c) 21:30). Tliere is, liow-
ever, one single instance wliere God clearly
appears to be speaking in connection with
the creation of the cosmos:
Then he lifted himself to heaven (see
HEAVEN AND sky) when it was smoke (q.v.),
and said (qrda) to it and to the earth (q.v.),
"Gome willingly, or unwillingly!" They
both said, "We come willingly." So he de-
termined (qadd) them as seven heavens in
two days, and revealed (awhd) its com-
mandment in every heaven (q 41:11-12).
This passage exposes further peculiarities
of the concept of creation by direct ad-
dress. On the one hand, it illustrates
what has already been said about the
implications of the kun formula: The pre-
existence of heaven — amorphous as
"smoke" — and earth is taken for granted
(cf. q 21:30); and both heaven and earth
appear as personified and obeying God's
command. On the other hand, there are
also elements that enlarge the creation
concept: God's command, "Come" instead
of "Be," refers here only to a preparatory
stage of creation, while the actual creative
work is indicated by the verbs "to deter-
mine" and "to reveal." The latter verb de-
notes at least a kind of mental activity
through which God conveys his orders to
living beings (cf. C3 16:68; see below), and
seems to fit in by and large with the "Be"
concept. In the case of the other verb, "to
determine," however, it is not clear
whether the molding of the seven spheres
out of the primeval smoke comes to pass
by creative command, also, or is brought
about in some other way (cf. o 2:29, where
"to level" replaces "to determine"). These
divergences arise because the passage
(5) 41:9-12) — not unlike Genesis i — tries
to combine two different, disharmonious
concepts of creation: the notion of a cre-
ative command that effects the immediate
realization of its objects, on the one
hand, and the idea of creation as a de-
miurgic process, lasting several days and
passing through successive stages, on the
other.
In several instances the creation of the
universe with the word is referred to by the
term haqq. This term occurs 247 times in
the Qiir'an, and predominantly means
"reality, truth (q.v.), right." In eleven pas-
sages, however, where it says — mostly in
connection with the announcement of
resurrection — that God "created the
heavens and the earth with the haqq" (e.g.
q 14:19; 30:8; 45:22), it seems to mean the
"wisdom" (q.v.) or "wise plan" inherent in
creation. In addition, (J 6:73 shows that
haqq can encompass the creative command
"Be" as well:
It is he who created the heavens and the
earth with the haqq. On the day when he
utters "Be" and it is, his utterance is the
haqq. His is the sovereignty (q.v.) on the day
when the trumpet is blown. He knows the
unseen and the seen. He is the all-wise, the
all-aware (cf. q 19:34, where qawla l-haqq,
"the word of the truth," probably refers to
the creation of Jesus [q.v.]; see below).
The origins of the extensions of meaning
that haqq undergoes in the Qiir'an — from
"reality" to "wisdom" to "word of
creation" — can be traced back to late
Hellenistic times. "Truth" was then identi-
fied with God's precepts [Ps 119:86; Dan
9:13), and "wisdom" was understood as the
originator of creation {Wis 7:12), so that
ultimately "truth," too, could refer to the
creative command (James 1:18). Against
this background, (J 21:18 ("We hurl forth
the haqq upon the bdtil [lit. "vain, invalid"]
and it [the haqq^ overcomes it and look! the
545
WORD OF GOD
bdtil is disappearing"; cf. q 34:48-9) can be
understood as anotiier attempt to articu-
late the effect that the creative command
"Be" exerts on the pre-existent (cf. Josepli
and Asenath, 8:9; as cited in Scliher,
Romerbrief, 132).
God's relationship to nature after cre-
ation is also described in different ways.
First, there are processes that seem to func-
tion on their own, following God's initial
command, like the movements of the sun
(q.v.) and the moon (q.v; cf. o 13:2; 14:33;
31:29; 35:13). Then there is an assortment
of ongoing divine activities attributed to
God, especially in respect to life (q.v.) and
death (see death and the dead), rain and
provision (see sustenance). These are in-
dicated by such verbs as ahyd, "to give life,"
amdta, "to cause to die," anzala, "to send
down" (of rain), or razaqa, "to sustain" (e.g.
C3 3:156; 10:59; 16:65; 30:40). Additionally,
some passages express the idea that God
continues to act upon nature and history in
the same way he did in respect to primeval
creation, i.e. by means of his command
(see NATURE AS signs; history and the
q^ur'an). This is evident in Q^ 21:69, which
relates how God rescued Abraham (q.v.)
from his people: "We said, 'O fire (q.v), be
coolness and safety for Abraham!'" In the
same manner the metamorphosis of the
Sabbath-breakers is effected (c3 2:65; 7:166;
see sabbath). And just as in (3 4:47 the
word amr (command) refers to this punish-
ment, it is likely that amr indicates the di-
vine command in respect to other
punishment stories and the eschatological
cataclysm, as well (e.g. c) 11:40; 19:39;
46:25; cf 2:243; see eschatology;
apocalypse; reward and punishment).
It is characteristic of this amr not only that
it happens in "the twinkling of an eye"
(Q. 54-50)) but also that it is sometimes ac-
companied by, or even becomes audible as,
"the cry" (al-sayha, e.g. C3 11:67; '5-73J
36:29; 54:31).
God's command, however, is particularly
linked with the origin of life, both in this
world and the hereafter. This is especially
clear in the eight qur'anic "Be" passages
that justify either the message of bodily
resurrection, or the denial that Jesus is the
son of God. There, the idea that at the end
of days the dead will be resuscitated by
means of divine command is explained
by referring to God's previous creative
activity:
. . . He says, "Who shall quicken the bones
when they are decayed?" Say: He shall
quicken them, who originated them the
first time. ... Is not he, who created the
heavens and the earth, able to create the
like of them? Yes indeed; he is the all-cre-
ator, the all-knowing; his command, when
he desires a thing, is to say to it 'Be,' and it
is (q, 36:78-9, 81-2).
The underlying assumption of this com-
parison is that the unborn, like the dead,
have a hidden existence until God calls
them to life (see ^ 2:28; 30:25; cf. 7:172). In
9. 3-59! J^^i^i^ i^ compared to Adam (see
ADAM and eve), in that both were created
by "Be." The tertium comparationis, however,
is not that only these two came to life in
this way — this holds true for everyone (cf.
the annunciation stories of Isaac [q.v.;
Ishaq] and John the Baptist [q.v.; Yahya];
C3 3:38-40; 11:71-3; 19:7-9) — but rather that
in their case, the activity of the creative
command is particularly evident, since
both have no natural father. Besides, in
three much-disputed verses Jesus is called
"a word from God/him" [kalimatin mina
lldh/minhu, q 3:39, 45) or "his word"
[kalimatuhu, C) 4:171). And although this
naming has often been explained as a ref-
erence to the creative imperative (because
Jesus was created by the word "Be," he was
called "word of God"), considering what
has been mentioned above, it is more prob-
WORD OF GOD
546
able that here, as elsewhere in the Qiir'an,
kalima has simply the connotation of a
"promise" made by God (see below; see
covenant).
Word and revelation
The idea that God speaks to humankind is
central to the Qiir'an; in ntimerous verses,
various terms characterize him as speaking
(see above). Yet c) 42:51 shows that in re-
spect to revelation, the very expression
"God speaks" can be understood in dif-
ferent ways or modes: "It belongs not to
any mortal that God shoidd speak to him
(yukallimahu), except (i) by inspiration
(wahy), or (2) from behind a veil (q.v.), or (3)
that [God] should send a messenger (q.v.)
and he inspires (fa-juhiya) whatsoever he
will, by his leave; surely he is all-high,
all- wise." Three modes of revelation,
each of which is understood as a kind of
speaking, are presented here in a probably
hierarchical ranking. As to "inspiration"
(wahy), it is evident from the episode of
the dumb Zechariah (q.v.; Zakariyya) com-
ing out from the sanctuary and signaling
(fa-awhd) to his people "Give you glory
(q.v.) at dawn (q.v.) and evening" (q.v;
Q^ 19:11; cf. 3:41; see GLORIFICATION OF
god), that it denotes a nonverbal and in-
audible form of communication. It nev-
ertheless imparts precise contents, like
hidden knowledge (e.g. C3 12:15; 14:13;
17:39; see KNOWLEDGE AND LEARNING;
HIDDEN AND THE HIDDEN), Or Orders tO
behave in a certain way (e.g. q 7:117; 10:87;
20:77; 23:27), and can be conveyed either
directly (mode i) or indirectly (mode 3).
(Phenomenologically, however, it seems
that the latter mode is nothing but the per-
sonalization of the God-given prophetic
state of mind; see in this respect the oscil-
lating term ruh in (3 42:52.) And although
wahy as a mode of revelation comes close
to pseudo-prophecy or dream-inspiration
(cf Q 6:93, 112, 121 and 12:44; 21:5; 52:32;
see DREAMS AND SLEEp), it still represents
the normal method of divine communica-
tion to former prophets and messengers as
well as to the qur'anic prophet (q 4:163 f;
12:109; 16:43; 42:3; etc.). Thtis, in order to
deliver the divine message to their audi-
ence, it is the prophet's task to translate the
iiifl/yj-revelation into human language.
The second mode of speaking, "from
behind a veil," is contrasted to wahy. This
motif goes back to the idea in Hellenistic
Judaism that God is hidden by a veil that
surrounds his throne (see THRONE OF god),
even when he speaks to the angels (see
angel). The only human being to whom
he spoke "from mouth to mouth" and
"from face to face," i.e. without a veil, was
Moses (q.v.; cf Num 12:8; Exod 33:11; Deut
34:10; see theophany). Now, while the
Qiir'an concedes to Moses, and only to
Moses expressly (and tacitly to the
Children of Israel [q.v.] gathered at the
foot of the mountain; cf q_ 2:63, 93; 4:154),
that on Mount Sinai (q.v.) God "really
spoke" to him [kallama llcihu A4usd taklTman,
Q, 4:164; cf 7:143; 2:253), it nevertheless
denies him the privilege of a vision of God
fe 7:143; cf ii.TOfl' 33:18 f ; see face of
god). Thus, as the concept of wahy is no-
where connected with the Mount Sinai
revelation, the speaking "from behind a
veil" can probably be understood as an
indirect reference to this event, admitting
that Moses heard God's true speech but
explicitly denying that he saw him (see
seeing and hearing). This attitude to-
wards the Mosaic revelation is in line with
the general qur'anic tendency to play down
the paramount significance of the Mount
Sinai events in Judaism. And so, although
God "really spoke" only on Mount Sinai,
there is no indication in the Qiir'an of
which language he used. The Qur'an
seems to avoid the question of any con-
crete lingua sacra, btit rather considers lan-
guage, as such, as a God-given, effective
547
WORD OF GOD
means of communication (cf. the passages
on "names" and "naming" and "clear
Arabic speech," Q^ 2:31-3; 7:71; 16:103;
26:195, etc.; see language, concept of;
ARABIC language; LANGUAGE AND STYLE
OF THE Q^UR'aN; NARRATIVES). This would
imply that from the qiu"'anic point of view,
the word of God, his speaking, is not
defined by any linguistic idiom — to put
revelation in words is the task of the
prophets — but only by its divine origin
and content.
As mentioned above, the two most im-
portant consonantal roots from which the
verbs and nouns referring to the word of
God are derived are q~w-l and k-l-m. The
verb qdla, "to say," is most often used to
characterize God as speaking. Approx-
imately half of all its occurrences appear
in the context of the events in the garden
(q.v.) of Eden (thirty-two times), or on the
day of judgment (twenty-eight times); the
rest are distributed over the course of his-
tory, frequently in connection with Moses
(sixteen times). Qala is nearly always fol-
lowed by direct discourse, which often con-
tains orders (e.g. (J 2:131; 7:13; 29:55; see
commandments; exhortations), but also
announcements (e.g. C3 3:55; 38:84-5), rhe-
torical questions (e.g. q 5:116; 27:84; see
rhetoric and the q^ur'an) and other
kinds of statements (e.g. o 2:33; 7:143;
10:89; see literary structures of the
our'an). When the corresponding noun
qawl, "saying, word," is attributed to God,
its meaning sometimes comes close to "ut-
terance" [q_ 36:58) or "message" [q_ 14:27;
28:51; 39:18; 73:5). In other instances, it is
used in connection with divine decisions
and unchangeable decrees, such as the cre-
ative command (q 3:59; 6:73; 16:40; 40:68,
etc.). Especially when combined with the
verb haqqa, "to be realized," qawl stands for
God's firm intention to punish the sinners,
and it is not entirely clear whether this im-
plies divine predestination (see freedom
and predestination): "If we had so
willed, we could have given every soul its
guidance (see error; astray); but now my
word (qawl) is realized (haqqa): Assuredly I
shall fill Gehenna (see hell and hellfire)
with jinn (q.v.) and people all together'"
fe 32:13; cf 17:16; 28:63; 37:31; 41:25;
46:18).
As to k'l-m and its derivations, when the
verb kallama, "to speak to," is attributed to
God, it implies that, for the addressee, be-
ing addressed by God is a special privilege.
This is clear since God spoke to Moses
(o 4:164; 7:143; cf 2:253; 42:51), the igno-
rant demand from him that he speak to
them (c3 2:118; see ignorance), and in the
hereafter he will not speak to the sinners
(o 2:174; 3:77; see SIN, major and minor).
In (J 7:144, the noun kaldm, "speaking,
speech," also has the connotation of an
"honoring address." In C3 2:75 and <j 9:6,
however, kaldm Allah obviously refers to the
whole of the revelations delivered by the
qur'anic Prophet; and in C3 48:15, it
is — like qawl — synonymous with "God's
decision" (cf Q_ 3:59; 7:162). The noun
kalima, "word, statement," signifies the
divine decision not to put an end to strife
about religion in this world, and to post-
pone punishment to the hereafter (e.g.
c^ 10:19; 11:110; 20:129; see i;:orruption;
religious pluralism and the cjur'an).
Just like qawl, it implies the intention to
punish (e.g. q 10:96; 11:119; 39'I9> 40:6);
but other than qawl, it sometimes also
stands for promises (c3 7:137; 37:171; 6:115).
In its singular form, it nowhere refers ex-
pressly to the creative command, and thus
it is more probable that in respect to Jesus,
too, it means "promise" (see above). Yet, in
its plural form, kalimdt, it is not easy to de-
cide whether the expression in C3 8:7, 10:82
and 42:24 (yuhiqqu l-haqqa bi-kalimdtihi)
must be translated by "He realizes the
truth with his words" or "in his words." In
any case, kalimdt mostly refers to former
548
revelations, and bears the connotation of
promises, as well (q_ 2:37, 124; 6:34; 7:158;
10:64; 18:27; 66:12). The single exception to
this is the simile in q 18:109 and q 31:27
(see similes), which is of rabbinic origins
and praises God's omniscience and
omnipotence.
Matthias Radscheit
Bibliography
G.G. Anawati, 'Isa, in Ei^, iv, 81-6; R. Arnaldez,
Hayat, in Ei^, iii, 302-3; id., Khalk, in ei', iv,
980-8; J.M.S. Baljon, The 'amr of God' in the
Koran, in Ao 23 (1959), 7-18; R. Bultniann,
Aletheia, in G. Kittel (ed.), Tkeoiogisches Worterbuch
ZumMeuen Testament, 10 vols, in 11, Stuttgart
1932-79 (repr. 1966), i, 233-48; R. Casper, Parole
de Dieu et langage humaine en Ghristianisme et
en Islam, in Islamochristiana 6 (1980), 33-60; W.
Foerster, Ktizo. C. Die Lehre von der Schopfung
im Spatjudentum, in G. Kittel (ed.), Tkeoiogisches
Worterbuch z^ifnJVeuen Testament, 10 vols, in 11,
Stuttgart 1932-79 (repr. 1950), iii, 1015-22;
K. Haacker, Greatio ex auditu. Zum Verstandnis
von Hbr ir, 3, in ^eitschriftfur die neutestamentliche
Wissenschaji 60 (1969), 279-81; O. Hofius, Der
Vorhangvor dem Thron Gottes, Tubingen 1972;
Izutsu, God, 151-93; D.B. MacDonald/E.E.
Galverly, Hakk, in £/^, iii, 82-3; D.B. Mac-
Donald/L. Gardet, al-Ghayb, in Ei^, ii, 1025-6;
J. Obermann, Koran and Agada. The events at
Mount Sinai, in The American journal of Semitic
languages and literatures 58 (1941), 23-48; K.-H.
Ohlig, Weltreligion Islam, Mainz 2000, 96-100; Th.
O'Shaughnessy, Greation from nothing and the
teaching of the Qiir'an, in zdmg 120 (1970),
274-80; id., Greation with wisdom and with the
word in the Qur'an, injAOS gi (1971), 208-21; id.,
The development of the meaning of spirit in the Koran,
Rome 1953; id., God's purpose in creating
according to the Qur'an, iwjss 20 (1975),
193-209; id., Word of God in the Qur'an. Second,
completely revised edition of The Koranic concept
of the word of God, Rome 1984; M. Radscheit, Die
koranische Herausforderung. Die tahaddl-T^T-je im
Rahmen der Polemikpassagen des Korans, Berlin 1996,
44-6, 90-4; H. Raisanen, Das koranische Jesusbild,
Helsinki 1971, 23-37; H. Ringgren, Word and
wisdom, Lund 1947; A.A. Roest Grollius, Thus were
they hearing. The word in the experience of revelation in
Qur'an and Hindu scriptures, Rome 1974; H. Schlier,
Der Romerbrief Kommentar, Freiburg 1977;
S. Schreiner, Der Dekalog in der jiidischen
Tradition und im Koran, in Kairos 23/1 (1981),
17-30; U. Wilckens, Der Brief an die Romer, Ziirich
19973, 274-5; H. Zirker, Der Koran, ^ugdnge und
Lesarten, Darmstadt 1999, 51-102.
Work
The activities engaged in to earn a living;
occupation. Words associated witli the root
'-m-l are used over one hundred times in
the Qiir'an to signify "actions" or "deeds"
in the broad sense; only a few times
(q, 18:79; 34:12, 13) do they signify "work"
in particular. Sh-gh-l twice signifies "oc-
cupation," both in the sense of livelihood
and what keeps one busy ((3 36:55 and
48:11). The Qiir'an's repeated emphasis on
"good works" (al-salihdt; see good deeds)
while reflecting little interest in the occupa-
tions of believers, indicates that shaping a
proper moral outlook, rather than structur-
ing a particular kind of socioeconomic
order, is a primary goal of the revelation
(see REVELATION AND INSPIRATION; ETHICS
AND THE Q^Ur'an).
Qiir'anic references to specific occupa-
tions may provide some indication of the
social context of the revelation, although
caution should be exercised in this respect
since the Qur'an uses selected metaphors
(see metaphor), parables (see parable)
and images (see symbolic imaoery) to
achieve its didactic and liturgical function
(see LITERARY STRUCTURES OF THE
cjur'an). Among references to occupations,
the cultivation of crops, especially grapes,
dates, other fruits and grains are plentiful
(see AGRICULTURE AND VEGETATION).
Domestic cattle (an'dm) are mentioned al-
most thirty times in the Qiir'an, often as a
corollary to the cultivation of crops (see
ANIMAL life). In Contrast, shepherding and
pasturing animals are referred to only in
the story of Moses (q.v; (J 28:23) and in a
negative light in connection with the
549
Bedouin (q.v.; c) 48:11). Hunting and fish-
ing (q.v.) are indicated as activities (c3 5:4,
94-5), if not occupations. Trade (tijdra) and
its constituent activities including weigh-
ing, measuring, buying and selling (see
trade and commerce; weights and
measures; measurement; money;
markets; caravan), are the most fre-
quently cited activities in which the believ-
ers engage to earn a living (kasb). There
are few references to manual labor (q.v.).
Aside from the references to Noah's (q.v.)
ark-building (see ark), building (s-n-') and
construction (kh-l-q) are generally noted
negatively in connection with oppressive
rulers (e.g. q 7:137; 26:129; 89:6-12; see
KINGS AND rulers; OPPRESSION;
OPPRESSED ON EARTH, the). Forccd pros-
titution is condemned ((J 24:33; see SEX
AND sexuality; adultery and forni-
cation; SLAVES AND SLAVERY). The
description of servants in paradise (q.v.)
as being ageless and beyond fatigue
(c3 56:17; 76:19) is understood by some
scholars as recognition of the tiresome
nature of such work in this life (Tabarl,
TafsTr, ad loc; see servant). The Qiir'an
gives some guidelines for the employment
of wet-nurses (q^ 2:233; see wet-nursing),
an occupation that provided an oppor-
tunity for the mother of Moses to have her
infant returned to her (o 28:12-13).
Scholars discuss the issue of the lawful-
ness of a believer working for an enemy or
an immoral person in reference to the
story of the mother of Moses and also in
reference to the prophet Joseph (q.v.) work-
ing for the "king" of Egypt (q.v.; C3 12:54-6;
see also enemies; pharaoh). Al-Qiirtubi
(d. 671/1272; Jflmf, ad c) 28:12-13) says that
Moses' mother accepted a daily wage from
Pharaoh not for nursing her son but as
spoils of war (see booty; lactation;
maintenance and upkeep). Scholars dis-
agreed on the rulings that could be derived
from the example of Joseph. Most scholars
were concerned with the way in which
authority (q.v.) was passed from the em-
ployer to the employee. If the employee
derived the authority to do his job directly
from an immoral person or unlawful ruler,
the employment could be unlawful. If the
employee was performing a divinely
ordained task, like the distribution of zi^kdt
(see almsgiving), this may be permissible,
despite the corruption of his employer (see
LAW and the q^ur'an; lawful and
unlawful; forbidden).
A fuller picture of work in seventh-cen-
tury Arabia (see pre-islamic Arabia and
the (jur'an) has been drawn by scholars
who rely mostly, but not exclusively, on
textual sources. It should be noted that
nomads (q.v.), although an important seg-
ment of the Arabian population, were
present in much smaller numbers than sed-
entary people, whose professions reflected
the diversity of their environments
(Donner, Early Islamic conquests, 11-20; see
city; Arabs). In the fertile lands of south-
ern Arabia, agriculture and shepherding
were significant occupations, as was the
case in desert oases like Yathrib (see
Medina) and Yamama. Across Arabia, the
manufacture of items from the skin and
hair of animals was a major activity (see
hides and fleece). Tanning and weaving
were occupations shared by nomadic and
sedentary people. Leather was made into
containers to store oils and other liquids
and used for many other purposes (see
CUPS and vessels). Goat-hair and wool
from camels and sheep were processed and
woven for many purposes — in particular,
to make carpets and Bedouin tents. Wool
was the most readily available material for
clothes, but a desire for more comfortable
fabrics allowed a number of Meccans to
make a living importing cotton, linen and
silk (q.v.), all of which were produced to a
550
limited extent in soutliern Arabia (see
clothing), a number of prominent
Meccans are said to have been clotli mer-
cliants or tailors. Residents of Mecca and
other towns also worked as blacksmiths,
arrow-makers, saddle-makers, carpenters,
butchers and builders, among other things.
In Medina, some Jewish tribes are said to
have specialized as goldsmiths and in trad-
ing in precious jewels (see metals and
minerals; gold).
In seventh-centtiry Arabia, women, like
men, worked in a wide variety of occupa-
tions, inchiding trading, mantifacturing
and agriculture (see women and the
qur'an; gender; patriarchy). Specialty
occupations for women included wet-
nurse, beautician, singer and prostitute.
There were male and female musicians,
magicians and servants (see magic;
soothsayer). The Prophet's wife, Khadija
(q.v.), is portrayed as a successful business-
woman who first met Muhammad when
she employed him to trade for her. One
assumes that domestic chores like child-
rearing, cooking and cleaning occupied
much of the average woman's day (see
children; family; maintenance and
upkeep). Grinding grain and making bread
appear to be two of the most tiresome
daily chores most women had to perform.
Hadith reports show some female Com-
panions of the Prophet (q.v.) expressing a
desire for servants or slaves to help them
with their work; in some cases the women
were given help, in other cases, they were
advised that the more pious path was to do
the work themselves (see piety; hadith
AND THE quR'AN). These hadith arise in
scholarly discussions about the dignity or
dishonor of labor. The Prophet's wives (see
WIVES of the prophet; widow) are said
to have occupied themselves with useful
tasks after his death, despite receiving large
annual state allowances. 'A'isha taught
children (see 'a'isha bint abi bakr), Hafsa
(q.v.) administered her father's agricultiu'al
estate and Zaynab bt. Jahsh mantifactured
items she gave to the poor.
Due to the nattire of the sources, few de-
finitive statements about attitudes towards
work at the rise of Islam are possible.
There are, however, a number of indica-
tions that a shift in the status of certain
occupations occurred with the rise of
Mecca (q.v.) and other towns to greater
prominence. According to the martial
norms of the Bedouin, most work other
than fighting was done by slaves and
women, while sedentary people labored to
produce the food and goods Bedouin ac-
quired through force, trade and negotia-
tion (see war; fighting; contracts and
alliances). Despite the lingering preju-
dice of Bedouin culture, there are a num-
ber of indications that before the Islamic
conquests, an individual's occupation was
generally not a significant marker of social
status for townsmen. After the conquests
(see con(JUESt), cities in the central Islamic
lands exhibited more complex, varied and
often hierarchical work environments than
were present in seventh-century Arabia.
Two centuries into the Islamic era, the
Iraqi scholar Ibn Qiitayba (d. 276/889;
Ma 'drif, 575-7) finds it notable that at the
rise of Islam, so many of the "nobles"
(ashrafj among the Qiiraysh (q.v.) worked
in professions considered base or menial in
his time. These occupations include:
butcher, carpenter, veterinarian, black-
smith, arrow-maker, slave trader and
leather merchant. Although the Qiir'an
does not associate honor or dishonor with
certain occtipations, or even work itself,
this is widely discussed in early Islamic
literature.
The Qiir'an does indicate that it is obvi-
ously preferable to be a master than a slave
((J 16:71). There are many possible reasons
why a slave may have been employed in-
stead of a free person for any given task.
551
WORLD
Slaves were not confined to menial labor
but were employed in virtually all occupa-
tions. The absolute dependence of slaves
on their owners clearly gave them some
advantages as employees but simple avail-
ability may have been the most critical ad-
vantage. The relationship between slavery
and labor shortages in this period needs
further study.
Ingrid Mattson
Bibliography
Primary: Ibn al-Athlr, Izz al-Dln 'All, Usd al-
ghdbaji ma'rifat ai-sakdba, Cairo 1970-3; Ibn
Qiitayba, Abu Muhammad 'Abdallah b. Muslim,
K'itdb al-Ma'drif, Cairo 1969; Ibn Sa'd, Tabaqdt;
Muslim, Sahih; QurtubT, ^amT; al-Shaybam, Abu
'Abdallah Muhammad b. al-Hasan, K'itdb al-Kasb,
Aleppo 1997; TabarT, Tafsir.
Secondary: F.M. Donner, The early Islamic con-
quests, Princeton 1981; L. Marlow, Hierarchy and
egalitarianism in Islamic thought, Cambridge 1997;
I. Mattson, A believing slave is better than an unbe-
liever. Status and community in early Islamic law and
society, PhD diss., U. Chicago 1999; W. Samad,
al-Sina wa-l-hiraf 'inda l-'Arabji l-'asr al-jdhilT,
Beirut 1981; M. Shatzmiller, Labour in the medieval
Islamic world, Leiden 1994; 'A. b. I. al-'Umarl,
al-Hiraf wa-l-sinafi l-Hijdzfi 'asr al-rasul, Cairo
1985-
World
In English, "world" denotes mainly the
entire cosmic system whether created by
God, by chance, or simply having existed
throtighout eternity (q.v.). In its more lim-
ited sense the world means the earth (q.v.),
all its inhabitants and specifically human-
kind characterized by certain
institutions — social, religious and so on.
World also conveys the sense of a special
time (q.v.), as in "this world" meaning "life-
time" as opposed to "the world to come"
(see eschatology). Some of these mean-
ings appear in the Qiir'an but are ex-
pressed by particular words as explained as
follows.
'A lam
The word "dlam occurs seventy-four times
in the Qiir'an in the oblique plural
('dlamm). It is a loan word from either
Hebrew or Aramaic/Syriac sources (see
JEWS AND JUDAISM; CHRISTIANS AND
CHRISTIANITY; SC:RIPTURE AND THE
q^ur'an; foreign vo(;abulary), although
it is also found in Nabatean and Palmyran
inscriptions. In biblical Hebrew it means
any duration of time (q.v.; see also spatial
relations) and in Rabbinic usage, as in
Aramaic, it denotes "age": this world (ha-
'olam ha-zeh), as contrasted with the next
world (ha-'olam ha-bd). The common
qur'anic phrase rabb al- 'dlannn is equivalent
to ribbon ha- 'olamim, "the master of all peo-
ple," in the Jewish liturgy (see lord).
As a rule, Muslim exegetes (see
cosmology and THE q^ur'an) understand
'dlamin in most verses and particularly in
the second verse of c) i "Praise (q.v.) be to
God, the lord of all created beings" (rabb
al-'dlamin) as denoting all creatures (see
creation): human beings, angels, devils,
animals and so on (see angel; devil).
Some exegetes exclude animals (see
animal life), claiming that the term
applies only to rational beings (see
intellect). In a tradition ascribed to Ibn
'Abbas (d. 68/687), 'Ulii'min has the meaning
of the whole creation: the heavens (see
HEAVEN AND sky) and the earth and what
is in them and between them (Ibn Kathir,
Tafsir, i, 43). According to al-Zajjaj (d.
311/923), al-'dlam (in the singular) is what-
soever God created in this world and in the
world to come (ibid., i, 44). Elsewhere,
however, 'dlamin can only be understood as
human beings, as in "O Children of Israel
(q.v), remember my favor which I be-
stowed on you, and that I preferred you to
all human beings" ((J 2:47; see election;
grace; blessing), and "God chose Adam
(see ADAM AND eve) and Noah (q.v.) and
the house of Abraham (q.v.) and the house
WORLD
552
of 'Iinran (q.v.) above all human beings"
(a 3:33; see also Q. 3:96, 108, 7:80, 26:165).
In al-Tabari's (d. 310/923) view [Tafsir, i,
48f.), 'dlamun (the nominative form) is the
plural of a collective noun (ism jam '),
namely 'dlam, which has no singular form,
Vikcjaysh, army, or raht, a group of human
beings. Each nation is an 'dlam and each
nation in a certain generation is also called
'dlam. Likewise, each genus of creation is
an 'dlam. Thus 'dlamun includes all things
except God (cf. Qurtuhi,Jdmi', i, 138). Al-
Qurtubi (d. 671/1272; Jflmz', i, 139) adds
another interpretation of 'dlam which he
derives from 'alam or 'aldma meaning a
"sign" (see signs), for 'dlam demonstrates
its producer (yadullu 'aid mujidihi), that is,
serves as a sign for the existence of its cre-
ator (cf. Razi, Tafsir, i, 229).
Dunyd
Al-dunyd, the feminine of the elative adjec-
tive (literally, "lower, lowest," "nearer,
nearest") means "this world." Al-dunyd is
found in one hundred and fifteen places in
the Qiir'an and denotes both the place and
time spent in this world. C3 2:201 reads:
"And others among them say: 'Our lord,
give to us in this world (al-dunyd) good (see
GOOD AND evil), and good in the world to
come [al-dkhira; see reward and
punishment), and guard us against the
chastisement of the fire' " (q.v.; see also
0.5:33; 7:156; 9:69; 16:30; 27:29; see also
HELL AND hellfire). The aspcct of time is
clearly indicated when the word "life"
(haydt) is juxtaposed to al-dunyd as a com-
bination of a noun with an adjective. It is
not, however, only lifetime which is meant
by al-haydt al-dunyd; this term is also colored
by moral traits (see ethics and the
cjur'an). Lifetime is replete with tempta-
tions and evils which human beings should
avoid (see trial; sin, major and minor).
As q 3:185 says.
Life in this world (al-haydt al-dunyd) is noth-
ing but pastime and amusement (see
laughter); surely, the next world [al-ddr
al-dkhira, literally, "the last abode") is better
for those who are God-fearing (see fear;
piety). Do you, thus, not understand (see
KNOWLEDGE AND LEARNING)?
Although the present life is nothing but the
joy of delusion ((J 3:185), some people de-
sire it, although others do not (c3 3:152).
Human beings enjoy real life, states the
Qiir'an, only in the next world (q 29:64).
These and other similar verses served the
Sufis (see sufism and the cjur'an;
abstinence) in their censuring of this
world. In his Ihyd' 'uldm al-din, al-Ghazali
(d. 505/1 1 11) devoted a whole book to dis-
paraging this world (Bk. 26, Kitdb Dhamm
al-dunyd, iii, 174-99; niany traditions of
which are taken from Ibn Abi 1-Dunya's
[d. 281/814] book by the same name).
Akhira
Like al-dunyd, al-dkhira, the feminine of
dkhir (the last), appears one hundred and
fifteen times. This term signifies "the next
world" as opposed to al-dunyd, "this world,"
or to the latter's equivalent, "the first" (al-
uld). For example, (j 93:4 reads: "And the
next world is better for you than this
world" (literally, "the first world"). Similar
to al-dunyd, al-dkhira connotes both place
and time. When it occurs with ddr either in
a construct state (ddr al-dkhira) or as a com-
bination of a noun and an adjective (al-ddr
al-dkhira), it means "paradise" (q.v.), that is,
the world prepared for the God-fearing, as
stated in C3 7:169 "...and the last abode is
better for those who fear God..." (see also
Q, 6:32; 16:30; 29:64; 33:29; see also house,
DOMESTIC AND divine). Ill Contrast to al-
dunyd, the connotations of al-dkhira are in
general positive; however, the Qiir'an ex-
plicitly states that the punishment in the
last abode is stronger and more enduring
553
WORLD
than that of this world (o 13:34; see
CHASTISEMENT AND PUNISHMENT). BeHef ill
the next world is an important part of
one's religion (q. v.). Just as a man gives
alms (see almsgiving), he should believe in
the coming of this period (c) 27:3; 41:7).
al-Samdwdt wa-l-ard
In the Qiir'an there is no single specific
word that designates the whole physical
world or cosmos (see cosmology). Al-
samdwdt wa-l-ard (literally, "the heavens and
the earth") comes near to such a designa-
tion, namely, the entire physical entity that
was created by God. "Praise be to God,
who created the heavens and the earth..."
(q, 6:1; see also laudation; glorification
OF god). It also seems that the phrase
malakut al-samdwdt wa-l-ard, "the kingdom
of the heavens and the earth" (c3 6:75;
7:185; see SOVEREIGNTY; KINGS AND
rulers) has the same meaning. In two in-
stances the phrase "the heaven (in the sin-
gular) and the earth" (al-samd' wa-l-ard)
accoinpanies a reference to creation
(q, 38:27; cf 30:25). Two verses (q^ 26:23-4)
show that rabb al- 'dlamin, "the lord of the
world" (literally, "worlds") is equivalent to
rabb al-samdwdt wa-l-ard: "Pharaoh (q.v.)
said: 'And what is the lord of the world?'
[Moses (q.v.)] said: 'The lord of the heav-
ens and earth '" A more inclusive phrase
is "the heavens and the earth and what is
between them" (see e.g. (J 25:59; 32:4;
50:38).
Ard
Ard, literally, "earth," can be interpreted to
mean all humanity, that is, all inhabitants
of the earth, o 2:251 reads: "If God had
not repelled some people by others, all the
inhabitants of the earth (al-ard) would have
been corrupted (see corruption). But
God is gracious to all human beings"
(al-'dlamm; Razi, Tafsir, vi, 192). In certain
cases al-ard means al-dunjd, that is, "this
world," as it is said in (j 23:112: "How long
have you stayed in this world? ..." iji l-ard,
lit. "in the earth"). Al-ard also contrasts
with al-ddr al-dkhira, "the last abode,"
which further demonstrates its meaning as
"this world." Q_ 28:83 states: "That is the
last abode; we make it for those who desire
neither haughtiness (see arrogance;
pride) nor corruption in this world (Ji
l-ard)."
God and the world
God created the world (the heavens and
the earth and what is between them) in six
days (o 25:59). He is not only the creator of
the world but also the owner of whatsoever
is in it (c3 2:284; 3:129) and the knower of
all that exists (o 3:29; see possession;
hidden and the hidden; power and
impotence). Later Muslim scholars tried
to find the notion of creation ex nihilo in the
qur'anic text by deducing this notion from
q 16:40: "When we desire a thing, the only
word we say to it is 'Be,' and it is." Thus
things were brought into existence after
their nonexistence by the imperative "be"
(see also q 19:9)- The world was created
purposefully (q 23:115; 44:38), so that
people will worship (q.v.) God (q 51:56).
Most of the phenomena observed in the
world were designed by God for the
benefit of humankind (see also nature
AS signs):
Verily it is God who splits the grain of corn
and the date-stone (see agriculture and
vegetation). He brings forth the living
from the dead, and the dead from the liv-
ing (see life; death and the dead)... He
splits the dawn (q.v.), and has established
the night as a time of rest (see sleep; day
AND night), and the sun (q.v.) and the
moon (q.v.) as a reckoning (of the festivals;
see calendar)... It is he who has estab-
lished for you the stars to guide you in the
darkness (q.v.) of the land and sea (see
WORLD
554
water; planets and stars) . . . And it is he
who has brought down water from the
heaven, and thereby we have produced
shoots of every kind... In tliat tliere are
signs for people who believe (q 6:95-9; see
BELIEF AND UNBELIEF).
Tlie world is full of signs (q.v.) which might
lead one to believe in God. On the basis of
these verses and others of the same kind,
Muslim theologians have elaborated the
argument from design, according to which
the design in the universe proves God's
existence, unity, wisdom, ride and provi-
dence (see OOD AND HIS attributes).
The notion of the last abode (cd-dkhira)
presupposes the end of this world.
Although the termination of al-dunyd is not
stated explicitly in the Qiir'an, it is alluded
to in the following verses: "It is he who
created you of clay (q.v.), then decreed an
appointed time of death (ajal)..." (q 6:2),
"...the affair is finished..." (q 2:210) and
"all [that dwells] on [the earth] will perish,
and only the face of your lord will remain"
fe 55-26-7; see face of god; freedom and
predestination). Rationalist theologians
interpreted God's face to mean his essence.
Adding to this interpretation the phrase
"he is the first and the last" (q 57:3), they
concluded that just as God was alone be-
fore creation, he will be alone after the ter-
mination of the world.
In contrast to the finality of the present
world, most of the traditionalist theolo-
gians claim that the world to come, which
is divided into paradise and hell, will exist
forever. "And as for those who believe and
do righteous deeds (see good deeds), we
shall make them enter gardens (q.v.) un-
derneath which rivers flow, to dwell therein
forever..." (0,4:57). The two Hanball theo-
logians Ibn Taymiyya (d. 728/1328) and his
distinguished disciple Ibn Q_ayyim al-Jaw-
ziyya (d. 751/1350) held the view that hell
will finally come to an end. Their textual
basis is o 78:21-3: "Behold, Jehenna has
become an ambush, for the insolent a re-
sort, therein to tarry for ages." Since it is
impossible to measure eternity by periods
of time ("ages"), says Ibn al-Qayyim, the
duration of hell is finite.
Whether God has already created the
world to come, that is, paradise and hell, or
whether he will create it after the judgment
(see last judgment), is another question
dealt with by the theologians. Most tra-
ditionalist theologians held the view that
paradise and hell have already been cre-
ated by God. C3 3:133 reads: "And vie with
one another, hastening to forgiveness (q.v.)
from your lord, and to paradise (janna)
whose breadth is as the heavens and the
earth, prepared for the God-fearing (u'iddat
lil-muttaqinj ." "Prepared," which also re-
ferred to hell (c) 3:131), was interpreted to
mean "was already created." Rationalist
theologians, however, argued that God al-
ways acts for the benefit of humankind.
Since as places of reward and punishment,
paradise and hell will be needed only after
the day of judgment, it follows that they
have not yet been created.
Binyamin Abrahamov
Bibliography
Primary: al-Ghazall, Abu Hamid Muhammad b.
Muhammad, Ihyd' 'ulmn al-dJn, Cairo 1933 (repr.
of Btilaq 1872); Ibn Abl 1-Dunya, Kitdb Dhamm al-
dunyd, ed. A. Almagor, Jerusalem 1984; Ibn
Kathir, Tafsir, Beirut 1966, repr. igyo;Jaldtayn;
Qiirtuhi, Jdmi', Beirut 1952; RazT, TafsTr; TabarT,
Tafsir, Cairo 1905-11, repr. Beirut 1986-7.
Secondary: B. Abrahamov, The creation and
duration of paradise and hell in Islamic
theology, in Der Islam 79 (2002), 87-102; id. (ed.),
al-Qdsim h. Ibrdhim on Ihe proof of God's exislence,
KUdb al-daltl al-kabir, Leiden 1990; Arberry;
J. Horowitz, Jewish proper names and derivatives in ihe
Koran, Ohio 1925, repr. Hildesheim 1964, 55!., 71;
Jeffery, For vocak, 2o8f.; Noldeke, gq, i, 112;
Paret, Kommentar; Pickthall, Koran; G. Widengren,
Muhammad, the apostle of God and his ascension,
Uppsala and Wiesbaden 1955, 8f.
555
WORSHIP
Worship
The veneration of God (or any other being
or object regarded as worthy of worship),
by the performance of acts and/or the ut-
terance of words that signify attitudes such
as adoration, submission, gratitude (see
GRATITUDE AND INGRATITUDE), love (q.V.)
or fear (q.v.). Arabic does not have a direct
semantic parallel to the English word but
derivatives of the root '-b-d, conveying
ideas of obedience (q.v.), dependence (see
also CLIENTS AND CLIENTAGE) and service
(see SLAVES and slavery; servants), are
often rendered in English translations of
the Qur'an by "worship." In a broad sense
the worship of God involves fulfilling his
law (see law and the our'an; virtues
and vices, commanding and
forbidding) and submission (islam) to him
and in that sense it may be said that the
fundamental message of the Qiir'an is the
need for humankind to worship God alone
(see idolatry and idolaters;
POLYTHEISM AND ATHEISM). In Commen-
tary (see EXEGESIS OF THE c>ur'an:
CLASSICAL AND MEDIEVAL), the Qtir'an's
recurrent prohibitions against "associating
others with God" (shirk) are often amplified
to explain that we must not worship or
serve ('abada) anything other than him.
In Islam acts that express obedience and
submission to God, especially those duties
required in fulfilment of the "five pillars of
Islam" (see ritual and the our'an), are
commonly referred to as the 'ibdddt (sing.
'ibddd), and it is clear that they are re-
garded as the most important ways in
which humankind should worship God.
The fundamental reason for performing
those acts of service is that they are re-
quired by God. In fulfilling his require-
ments his servants ('ibddj demonstrate their
submission to his commands (see also
commandments). Of those duties it is the
five-times-daily performance of the ritual
prayer (q.v.; saldt) that is the most frequent
and fundamental expression of their ser-
vice or worship. Some scholars writing in
English, such as E.E. Galverley, prefer to
translate saldt by "worship" rather than
"prayer."
In a number of qur'anic passages serving
God is clearly linked to the performance of
acts of worship, c) 7:206 refers to the way
in which the angels (see angel) serve God
by constantly praising (see laudation) and
prostrating before him (see bowing and
prostration). At o 20:14 God is reported
as saying to Moses (q.v.) from the burning
bush, "There is no god but me so serve me
(fa- 'hudnl) and establish prayer in remem-
brance (q.v.) of me (wa-aqimi l-saldta li-
dhikn)." At o 29:16-17 Abraham (q.v.) is
described as calling on his people to aban-
don the idols that they serve instead of
God (see idols and images), to serve God
and fear him (u 'budu lldha wa-ttaqUhu), to
seek provision [rizq; see sustenance) from
him, to serve him and give thanks to him.
(3 53:62 commands us to make prostration
to God and serve him (fa-sjudu lilldhi wa-
'budu). Clearly in all of these passages and
many others and in Muslim discourse in
general, the idea of serving God (or other
beings) is largely coterminous with wor-
ship. According to (j 51:56, God's sole pur-
pose in creating humankind and the jinn
(q.v.; see also creation) was that they
should serve/worship him (ilia li-ja'budum) .
Apart from the names of the "five pil-
lars," common words in the Qur'an con-
nected with the performance of ritual acts
of worship relate to prostration and bow-
ing (s-j-d, r-k- ), circumambulation (t-w-J),
the offering and slaughter (q.v.) of animals
iji-d-y, n-h-r, dh-b-h, n-s-k; see also
consecration of animals), remaining in
a holy place {'-k-f; see sacred precincts),
offering praise (q.v.) to God {s-b-h, h-m-d;
see also glorification of god), and call-
ing God to mind (dh-k-r) by repetition of
WORSHIP
556
his name or names (see memory; god and
HIS attributes). Such acts should be car-
ried out in an attitude of submission or
obedience {q-n-t; e.g. c) 2:238; 3:17). Among
terms that appear in the Qur'an and are
commonly used in connection with Islamic
worship are qibla (q.v.; the direction of
prayer), masjid (place of prostration,
mosque [q.v.]), bayt (house, sanctuary; see
HOUSE, DOMESTIC AND DIVINE; SACRED
AND profane), 'umra (the minor pilgrim-
age; see pilgrimage) and sadaqa (alms,
charity; see almsgiving).
The Qiir'an is relatively rarely con-
cerned, however, with the details of the
correct forms of such acts of worship.
Frequently it merely alludes to them and
seems to assume that they are normal in-
gredients of religious life, the forms of
which are already known (see religion).
Even when there are passages that refer to
aspects of performance (such as cj 2:183-7,
concerned with fasting [q.v.] in Ramadan
[q.v.]), they are not so full that they would
allow tis to reconstruct all the details of the
performance simply from the Qiir'an
alone. For that we would need to refer to
texts outside the Qiir'an. There is clearly
the possibility that we assume too readily
that the Qiir'an is referring to institutions
of worship existing in exactly the same
forms as they are known from other
Islamic texts or from observation.
The references to the ritual prayer are
especially allusive and often consist of no
more than calls for the "establishment"
(iqdma) of the saldt, sometimes linked with
the command to bring the zci-kdt. There is a
reference (c3 5:58) to making a call to
prayer (idhd nddaytum ild l-saldt), but no
clear and unambiguous qur'anic text that
indicates it should be performed five times
daily, nor any precise details as to its timing
(see day, times of), the sequence of bodily
postures and words to be followed, the
number of "cycles" (rukW) to be performed
for the different times of prayer, etc. One
passage (c3 17:78-9) orders "saldt at the set-
ting of the sun until the darkness (q.v.) of
night [li-duluki l-shamsi ild ghasaqi l-layl; see
evening) and the qur'an of the dawn (q.v.;
al-fajr)" and also prayer (not specifically
saldt) at night [wa-mina l-laylifa-tahajjad bihi
ndfilatan laka; see day and night); another
(5) 2:238) refers to the "middle" prayer {al-
saldt al-wustd; see noon; recitation of
THE our'an).
Nevertheless, qur'anic verses (q.v.), when
suitable ones exist, are usually cited in
commentaries and law books as evidence
of the legal obligation regarding a par-
ticular 'ibdda. The obligation of hajj (and,
according to some, 'umra also) is related to
(J 2:196 ("complete the haj] and the 'umra
for God") and more especially (j 3:97 {"hiyj
of the house is a duty upon men towards
God, those who are able to find a way"; see
ka'ba). The revelation of Q_ 2:144-5
(" . . . turn your face towards al-masjid al-
hardm") is taken to have imposed the duty
of facing towards the Ka'ba (instead of
Jerusalem [q.v.]) in prayer (qibla). The fast
of Ramadan (replacing the fast of
'Ashura') is regarded as instituted by the
revelation of C3 2:183-7, "fasting is pre-
scribed for you . . . the month of Ramadan
in which the Qur'an was revealed ..." (see
REVELATION AND INSPIRATION; OCCASIONS
OF revelation). Discussions of zakdt in
the law-books (for whom it is intended and
on what goods it is to be paid) refer to a
large number of different verses, especially
Q, 9:60 (which actually refers to alms as
sadaqdt rather than zikdt). When the details
of Muslim practice concerning the 'ibdddt
cannot be related to qur'anic texts, they
tend instead to be ascribed to the sunna
(q.v.). A notable example concerns the
number and times each day of the saldt,
reported as having been indicated to the
Prophet in extra-qur'anic revelations that
are recorded in hadlths and accounts of his
557
WRATH
life (see hadith and the ^ur'an; sIra
AND THE OUr'an).
As an alternative to the traditional view
that the forms of Islamic worship are de-
rived from such revelations, it may be theo-
rized that they developed as a result of
evolving community practices (adapting
forms of rituals already in existence in the
milieu from which Islam emerged) and that
the textual "sources" are a result of schol-
ars making links between the already exist-
ing practices and available texts. Making
such links would sometimes involve cre-
ative interpretation of the texts (see
traditional dis(;iplines of qur'anic
study).
Muslim acts of worship frequently in-
clude the recitation of parts of the Qiir'an,
and reciting the whole or extended parts of
it is regarded as an act of worship in itself.
AI-Ghazall (d. 505/1 iii) refers to recitation
(tildwa) of the Qiir'an as the most impor-
tant form of 'ibdda with the tongue, and he
sets out [Ihyd', book 8) the conditions (such
as being in a state of ritual purity [q.v.])
necessary for the ritual. The daily saldt rit-
ual involves saying the opening chapter
(Surat al-Fatiha; see fatiha; prayer
formulas) and other short chapters or
verses chosen as appropriate for the time of
day or the nature of the festival (see
FESTIVALS AND COMMEMORATIVE DAYs),
and commonly longer passages are recited
following the conclusion of the saldt.
Informal prayer ceremonies such as the
dhikr frequently begin with and include
passages of the scripture. In Ramadan it is
customary for the whole of the Qi_ir'an to
be recited in the mosque in thirty sections,
one for each day of the month. During the
ceremonies of the haj] there are many oc-
casions when the pilgrim recites or hears
parts of the Qur'an (see orality), but it is
notable that some scholars disapproved of
its recitation during the circumambulation
(tawdf) of the Ka'ba. Although al-Shafi'i
(d. 204/820), for example, held that the
tawdf was the place of dhikr and the most
important form of dhikr was reciting the
Qiir'an, other scholars disapproved of
qur'anic recitation during the act of cir-
cumambulation (Muhibb al-Tabari,
Qird, 311). It is not clear why that should
be so since in general the Qiir'an lies at
the heart of Islamic worship (see also
EVERYDAY LIFE, THE Q^UR'aN IN; POPU-
LAR AND talismank; uses of the
q^ur'an).
G.R. Hawting
Bibliography
Primary: E.E. Calverly, Worship in Istam. Being a
translation with commentary and introduction of al-
GhazzalT's Book of the Ihya' on the worship, London
1925; London igsy''; al-GliazalT, Abu Haniid
Muhammad b. Muhammad, Ihyd' 'ulum al-din,
4 vols., Cairo 1933 (repr. of Bulaq 1872), esp. i,
129-87 (bk. 4, A. Asrdr al-saldt; vol. i contains bks.
I-IO, on the 'ibdddt, including bks. I and 2, A! at-
llm and K. Qawd'id al-'aqd'id); Muhibb al-Dln al-
TabarT, al-Qird li-qdsid Umm al-Qurd, Cairo 1970,
311; al-Murtada al-ZabldT, Abu 1-Fayd
Muhammad b. Muhammad, Ithdf al-sdda
l-muttaqin (bi-sharh Ihyd' 'uldm al-din), Cairo
1331/1913; TabarT, Tafsir,
Secondary: M. Abul Qiiassem, The recitation and
interpretation of the Qur'an. Al-Ghazali's theory,
London 1982; J. 'All, Ta'rikh al-saldt, Baghdad
n.d. (ca. 1968); G.-H. Bousquet, Les grandes
pratiques rituelles de I'lslam, Paris 1949; S.D.
Goitein, Studies on Islamic history and institutions,
Leiden 1966 (contains studies on the early
development of the saldt, Friday worship, and
Ramadan); W.A. Graham, Beyond the written word.
Oral aspects of literature in the history of religion,
Cambridge 1987, 102-9; M. Holland, Inner
dimensions of Islamic worship, Leicester 1983; C.E.
Padwick, Muslim devotions. A study of prayer manuals
in common use, London 1961, repr. Oxford 1996;
U. Rubin, Morning and evening prayers in early
Islam, vdJSAI 10 (1987), 40-64.
Wound see illness and health;
SUFFERING
Wrath see ANGER
WRITING
558
Wretched see joy and misery;
OPPRESSED ON EARTH, THE
Writing and Writing Materials
Inscribing characters, letters or words for
otliers to read; tlie instruments (q.v.) used
in sucli inscription. Tlie Qvir'an attests to
written materials and tlie process of writ-
ing witli a variety of lexemes — both
metaphorical and concrete (see meta-
phor) — supplying evidence that supple-
ments epigraphic traces of the develop-
ment of writing in seventh-centiu'y Arabia
(see orality and writing in Arabia;
ARABIC script). Among the most promi-
nent qur'anic terms for materials used in
the writing process are: ink [middd,
(J 18:109), parchment [qirtds, pi. qirdtis,
C3 6:7, 91), pen [qalam, pi. aqldm; cf. q 31:27;
68:1; 96:4). The act of writing itself — and
the written product, the book (q.v.) — is
most commonly denoted by derivatives of
the Arabic root letters k-t-b, a root fre-
quently used in the context of scripture
and revelation (see revelation and
inspiration). Other Arabic roots, such as
s-t-r, kh-t-t and r-q-m are also employed to
convey "inscription" [ci. yasturna, (j 68:1;
mastur, cj 17:58; 33:6; 52:2; mustatar, q 54:53;
khatta, e.g. cj 29:48; marqum, C3 83:9, 20; see
also scrolls; heavenly book; scripture
AND the c^ur'an; orality).
Verses from the Qiir'an have been written
on a variety of materials, from pottery
shards, bones and mosaic to woodwork,
metal wares and buildings (see epigraphy
AND THE qUR'AN; MATERIAL CULTURE AND
THE cjur'an), but the most frequent form
used to copy the full text of the revelation
is the codex (see codices of the our'an).
Traditionally written with a reed pen
(qalam), manuscripts of the Qiir'an (q.v.)
nevertheless vary enormously in materials,
format, aspect, and function.
The earliest manuscripts were copied in
brown, tannin-based ink on parchment.
The sources mention the skin of goat, calf,
donkey, and even gazelle, but the most
common animal used was sheep. The skin
was cured, scraped to remove any fat or
flesh remaining on the inside, sanded,
stretched taut and then dried. Occasionally
it was also dyed, as in the famous, now-
dispersed "Blue Qtir'an." The calligrapher
penned the text freehand in various styles
of angular script often now known as
Kufic (see calligraphy), on the individual
folios, which were then gathered in quires
and bound in leather. Most were produced
in the horizontal ("landscape") format,
perhaps to differentiate them from other
non-qur'anic and even non-Arabic codices.
We do not know how early these parch-
ment manuscripts were produced, for there
is, as yet, no convincing method to date
any manuscript of the Qiir'an before the
third/ninth century. Scholars have tried
different methods, from paleography and
codicology to radiocarbon analysis, in or-
der to assign dates to the mass of undated
parchment folios and fragments but no
manuscript contains an authentic colo-
phon with a date or the authentic signature
of a known calligrapher. So far the only
secure evidence is an endowment notice
(waqfiyya), such as the one in a manuscript
endowed by the 'Abbasid governor of
Damascus, Amajur, to a mosque in Tyre in
262/875-6 (dispersed; many pages in
Istanbul, Tiirk ve Islam Eserleri Miizesi).
Parchment manuscripts were certainly
made before this date but as yet we do not
know which ones.
From the late fourth/tenth century
Qiir'an manuscripts written in brown, tan-
nin-based ink on parchment were increas-
ingly replaced by copies written in black,
carbon-based ink on paper. The first sur-
viving example (dispersed, e.g. Chester
Beatty Library 1434 and Istanbul Uni-
559
WRONG
versity A6758) was transcribed by 'All b.
Shadhan al-Razi 1-Bayyi' (sic) in 361/972.
Tliese materials had already been used to
transcribe other Arabic manuscripts for at
least 150 years, and their slow adoption for
copying the Qiir'an was undoubtedly due
to the reverence accorded the divine rev-
elation. In comparison to earlier parch-
ment manuscripts, the paper codices were
smaller, cheaper and more portable and
were usually made in vertical ("portrait")
format. They were also more readily read-
able, as they came to be written typically in
the rounded hand known as naskh. They
often recorded variant readings (see
READINGS OF THE our'an) and Catered to a
more diverse audience. Some manuscripts,
such as the well-known copy penned by
Ibn al-Bawwab at Baghdad in 391/1000-1
(Dublin, Chester Beatty Library), were
apparently made for a specifically Shi'l
clientele.
Once accepted, paper became the most
common material used for Qiir'an manu-
scripts, adopted regularly in the eastern
Islamic lands from the fifth/eleventh cen-
tury and in the Maghrib from the seventh/
thirteenth. It came in many sizes, from
pocket-book to the large "Baghdad" sheet
(approximately lOO X 70 cm), used for stu-
pendous thirty-volume manuscripts com-
missioned by the Ilkhanids and Mamluks.
Transcribed in a bold muhaqqaq script,
sometimes in black outlined in gold and
decorated in glowing colors (see
ORNAMENTATION AND ILLUMINATION),
these extraordinary manuscripts, which
contained as many as two thousand sheets
and took as long as six or seven years to
transcribe and decorate, are some of the
finest manuscripts produced anywhere in
the world. See also sheets.
Bibliography
F. Deroche, Le livre manuscrit arahe. Prelude a une
histoire, Paris 2004, 11-35 (°^ ^^e Qiir'an);
A. Gacek, The Arabic manuscript tradition. A
glossary of technical terms and bibliography, Leiden
2001.
Wrong see SIN, MAJOR AND MINOR
Sheila S. Blair
Y
Yaghuth see IDOLS AND IMAGES
Yahya see john the baptist
Ya JUJ see GOG AND MAGOG
Ya'qub seejACOB
Yathrib see medina
Ya'uq see IDOLS AND IMAGES
Year
The time required for tlie eartli to com-
plete a revolution around the sun. 'Am and
Sana, the qur'anic Arabic words for "year,"
raise questions of both meaning and chro-
nology. Q^ 29:14, "1000 years (alf sanatin)
save 50 (khamsin 'dman),^^ contains both
words and implies their equivalence. Al-
Zamakhshari (d. 538/1144; see exegesis of
THE cjur'an: (;lassigal AND medieval)
explains in the Rashshaf that the repetition
of the same word should be avoided and
that writing "950 years" would require
more words. The Qiir'an's phrasing, as
opposed to "1000," also conveyed preci-
sion, o 22:47, "a day with God is as lOOO
years" (see days of god), though, has
been understood metaphorically (see
metaphor; literary structures of the
(Jur'an), because of the particle ka-, "as."
'Am and sana are not always synonymous
in the Qur'an. Al-Raghib al-Isfaham (H.
early fifth/eleventh cent.) in his Mufraddt,
cites c) 12:49, "a year when the people have
plenteous crops (see agriculture and
vegetation; grace; blessing)," to argue
that Sana could denote a year of barren-
ness, and 'dm a year of plenty. According to
Lisdn al- 'Arab, an 'dm could be a winter and
a summer (see seasons) and therefore
shorter than a sana, which was either a so-
lar year or twelve lunations (see sun;
moon), a passage from al-'Ajjaj (d. 97/715),
min [or, wa-^ marr a 'wdmi l-sinmna I- 'uwwami
("from the passage of the years' lengthy
summers and winters"; cf. Tdj al-'arus,
xxxii, 157, for the reading with "wa-"), sup-
ports such a distinction, a distinction dif-
ficidt to discern from the Qiir'an.
In Q^ 10:5, the Qiir'an states that the
moon is a way to measure the passage of
time: "He it is who appointed the sun a
splendor and the moon a light (q.v; see
also lamp), and measured for it stages, that
you might know the number of years and
the reckoning." The stages (mandzil) are
asterisms that track the moon's monthly
path. The heliacal (just before sunrise) ris-
561
ings and acronychal (soon after sunset) set-
tings of certain asterisms were called anwa'
and were how tlie pre-Islamic Arabs (q.v.)
marked time (q.v.), including festivals
(see FESTIVALS AND COMMEMORATIVE
days), before the development of a cal-
endar (q.v.) in the late pre-Islamic period
(see PRE-ISLAMIC ARABIA AND THE
q^ur'an).
The pre-Islamic lunar calendar used the
names of the months (see month) that are
known from the Muslim calendar, though
sometimes Sajar i, then followed by Sajar 2,
took the place of al-Muharram. The length
of a year of twelve lunar months, 354 days,
is tied implicitly to the length of a solar
year. So by 420 c.E., the pre-Islamic Arabs
had adopted, probably from the Jews
(see JEWS and Judaism), the practice of
adding an intercalary month in order to
have the lunar year keep pace with the
solar. Like the Jewish year, the new year
would occur in the autumn. While the Jews
at the time probably intercalated a month
every seven of nineteen lunar years, Ginzel
[Handbuch, 245) accepted al-Birum's (d. ca.
442/1050) report that the Arabs interca-
lated a month every nine of twenty-four
years.
The Qiir'an banned intercalary months,
on the occasion of Muhammad's Farewell
Pilgrimage (q.v.; see also pilgrimage), in
Q_ 9:37: "Postponement is only an excess of
disbelief (see belief and unbelief)... [so
that] they allow that which God has forbid-
den (q.v.)." Fakhr al-Din al-Razi (d.
606/1210) comments in his Tafsir (ad loc.)
that adding intercalary months would be
privileging dunyd over dm (see religion;
world). The problem remains that a pre-
cise lunar year is eight hours, 48 minutes,
and 36 seconds longer than 354 days;
eleven times in a thirty-year cycle, Dhu l-
Hijja contains a thirtieth day.
Robert G. Morrison
Bibliography
Primary: al-Blruni, Abu 1-Rayhan Muhammad
b. Ahmad, al-Athdr al-bdqiya 'an al-qarun al-khdliya,
ed. E. Sachau, Leipzig 1878 (repr. 1923); Lisdn al-
'Arab; al-Raghib al-Isfaham, Mufraddt; RazI,
Tafsir, ed. 'Abd al-Hamld et al., Cairo 1933-62;
Tdj al-'arus, Kuwait 1965-2001; Zamakhsharl,
Kashshdf.
Secondary: F.K. Ginzel, Handbuch der
mathematischen und technischen Chronologie. Das
^eitrechnungswesen der Volker, 3 vols., Leipzig 1906;
W. Hartner, Zaman, in £/', iv, 1207-12; A.
Moberg, An-Nasl' in der isldmischen Tradition, Lund
1931; D.M. Varisco, The origin of the anwd' in
Arab tradition, in si 76 (1991), 5-28.
Yellow see COLORS
Yemen
Name derived from the Arabic al-yaman,
which indicates the south of the Arabian
peninsula. Etymologically, al-yaman means
"the south" and is the opposite of al-shdm,
"the north" (see syria). These two words
are themselves derived from Arabic terms
for right and left. Before Islam there is no
evidence of the proper name Yaman in the
sources, whether they are internal (the in-
scriptions of south Arabia) or external, to
indicate the country. They refer to the
Himyarls, the tribe which ruled south
Arabia from the end of the third century
C.E. In the list of titles of the fourth, fifth
and sixth century Himyari kings, however,
south Arabian inscriptions mention a re-
gion called Tmnt (apparently the
Hadramawt south), a name which certainly
derives from the himyarite substantive
ymnt, "south" (as opposed to s^'mt "north";
for the precise location of place names and
ethnic groups, see Robin and Brunner,
Map of ancient Yemen).
The geographical extent of the historical
Yemen varies according to the historical
period and point of view. For the Yemeni
al-Hasan b. Ahmad al-Hamdani (d. bef.
360/971), Yemen includes all the territories
YEMEN
562
south of a line which starts at Qatar and
reaches the Red Sea midway between
Mecca (q.v.) and Najran (q.v.; HamdanI,
Sifatjazirat al-'Arab, 51). On the other liand,
al-Mas'udi (d. 345/956) assigns to Yemen
borders which are very close to those of
the current nation [Muruj, 1034).
The religions history of Yemen in the
centuries preceding Islam is distinguished
principally by the rejection of polytheism
during the 380s (see polytheism and
atheism; pre-islamic arabia and the
q^ur'an; south arabia, religions in
pre-islamic), that is nearly 240 years be-
fore the hijra (see emigration), and by a
very favorable disposition towards Judaism
until the period of rule by the (Christian)
Aksumites, who were followed by the
(Zoroastrian) Persian Sasanians (see JEWS
and Judaism; christians and
Christianity; magians; abyssinia).
The sources
The Himyarl inscriptions after the rejec-
tion of polytheism, about one hundred in
number (plus around twenty fragments),
are the most reliable source because they
are contemporaneous and still in their
original form (without the danger of al-
teration and manipulation of manuscript
transmission). But they only shed light
upon a tiny part of society and are far
from objective, since their authors are con-
cerned with themselves, whether to cel-
ebrate their glorious feats and
commemorate their good works, or to es-
tablish rights of custom and property.
These inscriptions, sometimes drawn up by
the sovereign (eighteen, plus several doubt-
ful instances), but most often by private
individuals, are of three kinds: commemo-
rations of buildings and various public
works (for example, the building of a sanc-
tuary portico, establishment of a cemetery,
repair of the Ma'rib dam, etc.); commem-
orations of buildings for personal use (pal-
aces); commemorations of the glorious
deeds of the sovereign or aristocrats. These
documents provide us with indirect infor-
mation on the religious attitude of the rul-
ing classes, thanks to the religious
invocations they contain (and sometimes
by their silence; see also epigraphy and
THE our'an). As far as archaeological re-
mains are concerned, they are of little sig-
nificance (see ART and archaeology and
THE our'an): there are some column capi-
tals from the great church of San'a' reused
in the grand mosque (q.v.), some artifacts
from daily life, and finally a building in
Qani' which could have been a synagogue
(Finster, Arabien in der Spatantike). The
last source consists of the Arabic traditions
which were collected from the early days of
Islam but have been passed on to us
through works, the oldest of which have
been composed at a relatively late date,
more than 150 years after the hijra.
The rejection of polytheism
Before the unification of south Arabia by
the Himyari kings Yasir'"" Yuhan'im (who
annexed the kingdom of Saba' around 275;
see sheba) and Shammar Yuhar'ish (who
conquered the kingdom of Hadramawt
several years before 300), all the inscrip-
tions, both those drawn up by the sover-
eign and those by private individuals, are
polytheistic. Nevertheless, certain third
century texts present an innovation vis-
a-vis those of earlier periods: the final in-
vocations of the dedication of the most
important Sabaean temple, consecrated to
Almaqah, mention this single god, whereas
previously they would list all the divinities
of the Sabaean pantheon and, frequently,
the (personal and tribal) divinities of the
authors of the text. Certain scholars have
concluded from this that Almaqah must
have become a kind of supreme god.
In January 384 ((/-(/'«/' 493 of the Himyari
era), the ruling kings, Malklkarib Yuha'min
563
and his sons Ablkarib As'ad and
Dhara"aniar Ayman, celebrated the con-
struction of two new palaces, called
Shawhatan and Klri", in two inscriptions
{res 3383 and Garb Bayt al-Ashwal 2)
coming from Zafar, the Himyari capital. In
the final invocation, where the pagan di-
vinities are normally mentioned, they call
upon "the support of their lord (q.v.), the
Lord of the Heaven" (b-mqm mr'-hmw Mr'
S'mji"). These documents clearly show a
new religious orientation by the Himyari
authorities. The formula, which is some-
what laconic, does not, however, allow us
to determine the exact nature of the new
religion. A little earlier (around 380?), the
same king Malklkarib, co-ruling with just
one of his sons (perhaps Ablkarib As'ad),
had a building constructed at Ma'rib de-
scribed as mkrb (Ja 856); unknown from
more ancient inscriptions, mkrb seems to be
the Himyarite term for a synagogue.
These three inscriptions reveal radical
and definitive religious change since later
documents are all monotheistic. Only one
small text, dating from 402-3 c.E. (512
Himyarite), which mentions a temple of
the pagan god Ta'lab in passing, may be an
exception. This religious change clearly
demonstrates the success of a unification
which had been initially political (with the
annexation of Saba' and Hadramawt) and
linguistic (with the disappearance of the
Hadramawtian language and, much ear-
lier, of Madhabite and Qatabanian; see
also ARABIC language; ARABIC SCRIPT)
and subsequently affected the calendar
(q.v.).
The religious position of Himyaris during
the transitional period, between 300 and
380, is more hypothetical. It is probable
that polytheism was dominant. The tem-
ples remained in use and all the inscrip-
tions drawn up by private individuals
(except YM 1950 which will be discussed
further and two unpublished inscriptions.
discovered in 2003) are polytheistic. But no
royal inscriptions (with the exception of
two insignificant fragments, which make
no mention of religion) have yet been
found, so that the personal stance of the
sovereigns is not known.
The first indication of progress towards
monotheism is the inscription YM 1950,
dated d-hrf" [..]3, which bears an invoca-
tion to king Tha'ran Yuhan'im, co-ruling
with a son whose name has disappeared, in
all likelihood Malklkarib Yuha'min; from
this fact, the date can be reconstructed
as d-hrf" [47] 3 or [48] 3 Himyari, or August
[36]3 or [37]3 c.E. The authors of YM
1950 are powerful lords (qajls) of an im-
portant tribe with territory bordering
San'a' to the north west; in this text they
are apparently commemorating the con-
struction of a sanctuary in honor of "[their
lorjd the Master of Heaven" (... mr](')-hmw
B'l-S'my"; see heaven and sky). The name
of the divinity appears again on line 4 in
the expression m-l-ys'm 'n B'l-S'fmy". . . ],
"and which is granted by the Master of
He[aven...]". No other deity is mentioned
or invoked. The text seems monotheistic
but its brevity prevents us from deciding
whether this monotheism is pagan.
Christian or Jewish. The two unpublished
texts date from ca. 355 i;.E. for the latest,
and from the preceding decades for the
earliest (see also god and his attributes).
An external source, corresponding to
roughly the same period, casts further light
upon this. Apparently, between 339 and
344, a Byzantine embassy (see
Byzantines), sent by Constantius II
(r. 337-61) under the leadership of
Theophilus the Indian, had gone to the
Himyaris with the intention of converting
the sovereign and obtaining "the building
of a church (q.v.) for the Romans who
came there and for any locals who might
be disposed towards religion." The results
were encouraging:
YEMEN
564
The sovereign of the people with pure-
liearted judgment, was disposed towards
religion and built three churches, rather
than just one, throughout the country, and
he did this not with the imperial funds
brought by the ambassadors, but with what
he eagerly contributed from his own
wealth.
It seems, however, that we cannot really
speak of the conversion of the Himyarls:
the report of Theophilus does not mention
the baptism of the sovereign or the cre-
ation of a church hierarchy. Regarding the
religious practices of the Himyarls,
Theophilus indicates that the people are
still polytheists, even if Judaism, of which
this is the first datable mention in Arabia,
is particularly influential in the king's circle
(Philostorgius, Kinhengeschichte).
During the period 300-380, it would
therefore appear that Yemen was still poly-
theistic. From the inscriptions, the aban-
donment of polytheism by certain
individuals dates from the reign of Tha'ran
Yuhan'im (ca. 324-ca. 375). If Jewish and
Christian monotheism did indeed gain
support, the inscriptions do not yet give
any indication of this. As regards the per-
sonal attitude of the sovereign, this is un-
known. The official rejection of polytheism
occurred in the following reign, the reign
of Malkikarib Yuha'min (ca. 375-ca. 400),
co-ruling with two sons, Ablkarib As'ad
and Dhara"amar Ayman.
"Judaizing" monotheism, from the gSos to
525-530
For nearly 140 years, from the reign of
Malkikarib Yuha'min (ca. 375-ca. 400) to
that of Yusuf As'ar Yath'ar (522-between
525 and 530), Himyarl epigraphy displays
the same characteristics. Their rulers use
only vague expressions and brief formulas
when they refer to religion (fifteen inscrip-
tions in total). As far as individuals are con-
cerned, while they often do the same as
their rulers (more than thirty inscriptions),
they do sometimes explicitly demonstrate
their sympathy towards Judaism (seven in-
scriptions could be described as "judaiz-
ing"). This sympathy is shown by the use of
the ritual exclamations "amen" {'mn) and
"shalom" (s'lwm), or by bequests in favor of
Jews (as in HasI i, which establishes a cem-
etery set aside for Jews). There are few in-
disputably Jewish inscriptions. The most
significant (Garb Bayt al-Ashwal i), which
comes from the beginning of the fifth cen-
tury, is written by one Yahuda' Yakkuf
(Thwd' Tkf), apparently a proselyte, who
counts upon "the help and grace of his
lord, who gave him his being, the lord of
the living and the dead (see life; death
AND THE dead), the lord of heaven and
earth, who created all things, and on the
prayers of his people Israel" [b-rd' w-b-zkt
mr'-hw d-br' nfs'-hw mr' hyn w-mwtn mr'
s' \my" w-'rd" d-br' kt" w-b-slt s''b-hw Ys^r'l;
see children of Israel). An addition in
Hebrew is carved in the central mono-
gram. The text contains several terms bor-
rowed from Aramaic, notably zkt (Arabic
Zakdt; see almsgiving) and sit (Arabic saldt;
see prayer), words which are again found
in the Qiir'an (see foreign vocabulary).
Two other documents could be Jewish.
There is both the inscription ciH 543 (date
uncertain), in which is found the name
Israel (q.v.; Ys^r'), and the divine epithet
"Lord of the Jews" (Rb-yhd), as well as the
fragment Garb, Framm. no. 7 (ca. 400-20)
which mentions Israel (Ys^r'l).
A final document, DJE 23 (also of un-
certain date), may also be added to this
small corpus. Written in the Hebrew lan-
guage and alphabet, it sets out part of the
list of twenty-four priestly classes, already
detailed in the Book of Chronicles (I,
24:7-18), adding the name of the village in
Palestine where each class originates. The
reign of the famous king Joseph, in
565
Sabaean, Yusuf As'ar Yath'ar (Tws^f 's"r
rt'r in Ja 1028/1; Ts'f 's"r in Ry 508/2), de-
serves particular examination. Tliis king
does not liave a south Arabian, but a for-
eign name, one wliich occurs in the Bible
(Arabic Yusuf, in Hebrew Yosef), followed
by two south Arabian names. In Syriac
hagiography, he has the surname Masruq,
in Greek hagiography Dounaas and in the
Arabic tradition Zur'a dhu Nuwas. The
external sources (Syriac, Greek and
Arabic) all depict him as a Jewish radical,
who persecuted Christians, especially in
the Najran oasis. Three large inscriptions
(Ry 508, Ja 1028 and Ry 507), dated d-qy^"
and d-mdr'" 633 Him., as well as a handful
of small engravings beside them, refer to
his reign. Their author is an army com-
mander called Sharah'il Yaqbul, who had
undertaken the siege of the Najran oasis,
in the months before the persecution,
which took place in November 523 accord-
ing to Syriac hagiography. This dating al-
lows us to date Ry 508, Ja 1028 and Ry 507
to June andjuly 523 c.E. and to place the
beginning of the Himyarl calendar in
April no B.c.E. Although these documents
were produced at the height of a religious
war — they speak also of the destruction
of churches at Zafar and Makhawan (in
Arabic al-Makha', or Mokha, the Red Sea
port) — they scarcely mention doctrinal
matters. Although there are several implicit
references to Judaism, the Bible is not
quoted and they are not accompanied by
Jewish symbols, such as the menorah or the
shofar (there is not a single ancient example
in Yemen). The nature of this judaizing
monotheism has not yet been decisively
resolved. Although very close to Judaism, it
seems to have been distinct. It brings to
mind instead the powerful religious cur-
rents of paganism, which imitated Judaism
in the eastern part of the Roman world
until the fourth century (Mitchell, Cult of
Theos Hypsistos).
Some important documents contain no
mention of religion. These include the two
inscriptions that the kings Ablkarib As'ad
and Hassan Yuha'min in the first instance
(Ry 509, dated around 440) and Ma'dikarib
YaTur in the second case (Ry 510, dated
June 521), had engraved in central Arabia,
probably at the time of operations to
strengthen the Hujrid principality.
Similarly we might also mention BR-
Yanbuq 47 (April 515). This silence prob-
ably indicates a situation of instability or
conflict. Finally, there is no evidence of
Christianity throughout this entire period.
Christian Yemen (^2^/jgo-beginning of the ^yos)
The persecution by Yusuf provoked the
intervention of the Christian Aksumite
king, Kaleb. He conquered Yemen (be-
tween 525 and 530) and placed on the
throne a Himyarl Christian, Sumuyafa'
Ashwa' (we have only one inscription, 1st
7608 bis + Wellcome A 103664), who is
called Esimiphaios by Procopius.
According to the Syriac and Greek ha-
giographies, Kaleb installed a bishop and
founded a large number of churches.
A short time later, Abraha (q.v; an
Aksumite army leader) overthrew
Sumuyafa' and seized power. He built a
magnificent church at San'a', which is de-
scribed by al-AzraqI (d. 250/865). From
this time onwards, San'a' supplanted Zafar
as the seat of power of Yemen. Abraha
tried to retain control of the tribes of the
Arabian desert, previously under Himyarl
rule. In 552 (662 Him.), he launched an
important expedition to central Arabia,
which reached Huluban (300 km southwest
of Riyadh) and Turaban (130 km east of
al-Ta'if; Ry 506). He would subsequently
undertake the expedition which, according
to Arabic Islamic traditions, was to halt
before Mecca, to which the Qiir'an alludes
in sura 105 with the expression "the men
with the elephants" (ashab al-fil; Kister,
YEMEN
566
Campaign of Huluban; Simon,
L'inscription Ry 506; see people of
THE elephant).
Altliougli tliey had never been so previ-
ously, all the inscriptions henceforth are
explicitly Christian, no longer making any
direct or indirect reference to Judaism:
Christianity has become the official re-
ligion. The Sumuyafa' inscription ends
with the invocation: "in the name of
Rahmanan and of his son, the conquering
Christ" (ist 7608 bis/16, b-s'm Rhmn" w-
bn-hw Krs^ts^ Gib" .[...]). Abraha's inscrip-
tions contain equally clear formidas. The
most significant is ciH ^1^1, which begins
"With the power, help and mercy of
Rahmanan, of his Messiah and of his
Holy Spirit" (c[.v.; b-jrfl w-[r]d' w-rhmt Rhmn"
w-Ms'h-hw w-Rh fgjds'), and recounts a
Christian celebration: "... they came back
to the town of Marib and celebrated a
mass at the church in Marib, because
there was a priest there, the abbot of its
monastery" (11. 65-67: ... 'dyw hgr" Mrb
w-qds'w bt Mrb k-b-hw qs's'" 'b-ms'tl-h).
Despite this, the Christian symbol of the
cross appears only rarely: it may be noted
once at the start of Ry 506, twice in the
margin of Ja 544-547 and on several ar-
tifacts. It is eqvially noteworthy that the
inscriptions never mention church authori-
ties or make use of any biblical quotations
(in contrast to contemporary Aksumite
inscriptions, where there are numerous
such references). All these Christian docu-
ments come from characters linked to the
Aksumite regime, no doubt reflecting his
political and religious inclinations, which
were also those of the Egyptian church
(opposed to the decisions of the Council of
Chalcedon of 451 c.E.). Other Christian
movements would certainly have had fol-
lowers in Yemen, in particular the
Nestorians, but they have left no trace.
Yemen, decimated by the Aksumite con-
quest, then by the plague, sank into crisis:
the last datable inscription [ciHo^i^) refers
to 559-560 (669 Him.). Two sons of
Abraha, Aksum (described as "the son of
the king" in f;//f 541/82) and Masruq
(known only through the Arabic Islamic
traditions) briefly occupied the throne at
the end of the 560s or the beginning of the
570s. The Aksumite dynasty, which then
collapsed, was replaced by Persian
Sasanian rule, which lasted for some sixty
years.
The name of God and the name of the
sanctuary
In the Himyari monotheistic inscriptions,
God is addressed in many ways, as if his
complex nature could not be expressed by
a single name. In the first period (until
around the 430s), he is described with a
simple circumlocution, "Master of
Heaven" (B'l-S'mj"), "Lord of Heaven"
(Mr' S'my") or "Lord of Heaven and Earth"
(Mr' S'mji" w-'rd"). Next, even before the
end of the reign of Abikarib As'ad, God
begins to be given a proper name.
Sometimes it is Rahmanan (Rhmn"), a
name of Aramaic origin, elsewhere he is
called by the title "the god, God" (Ilahan
and variants: II, Ilan and Aluhan, 'Ih", 'I, 'I"
and "Ih") used as a proper name. Although
it is not used exclusively, Rahmanan pre-
dominates from 462 (Garb Sh .Y, d-'l" 572
Him.) in inscriptions of all kinds, royal or
private, explicitly judaizing or not, what-
ever their source. It was clearly successful,
since it was adopted by the majority of
Arab monotheistic movements, in particu-
lar the Christian Himyaris (for the first per-
son of the Trinity [q.v.]). Sometimes the
name Rahmanan is qualified, "Rahmanan
the merciful" (Fa 74/3, Rhmn" mtrhm") or
"Rahmanan the most high" (Ja 1028/11,
Rhmn" 'If; see god and his attributes).
In three inscriptions (6'//f 543,Ja 1028 and
Ry 515), God is not only called
"Rahmanan," but also "Lord of the Jews"
567
[Rb-yhd, Rb-hd and Rb-hwd). This syntagma
consists of tlie substantive rh, unknown in
Sabaean (except perhaps in onomastica) in
the sense of "lord (q.v.), master," and of
the term (Y)h(w)d, which means "Jews."
The most significant text, but also the most
difficult to interpret, is CIH 543 of which
only the opening blessing has survived:
[b]rk w-tbrk s'm Rhmn" d-b-S'my" w-Tsh'l w- \
'Ih-hmw Rb-yhd d-hrd' 'bd-hmw S'hr'" w- \
'm-hw Bd" w-hs'kt-hw S'ms'" w-'l \ wd-hmy
Dmm w- 'bs^'r w-Msr \ '" w-kl bht_-h[. . . ], "May
they bless and be blessed the name of
Rahmanan who is in heaven, Israel and its
God, the Lord of the Jews, who helped
their servant Shahr"'", his mother Bd'", his
wife Shams""', their children (of them both)
...Dmm, Ablsha'ar and Misr""', and all their
close rela[tives ]." Strangely, this docu-
ment seems to indicate two divine beings,
"Rahmanan who is in heaven" and "the
God (of Israel), the Lord of the Jews," plus
perhaps a third, Israel, mentioned with
them. Finally in Ja 1028, already quoted,
we find a double exclamation at the end
Rb-hd b-Mhmd, "Lord of the Jews, with
Mhmd" (1. 12). Mhmd, probably pronounced
Mahmud or Muhammad, meaning "de-
serving of praise," is definitely a divine
name: for it to be considered as a human
name, there would need to be a family
name and an indication of the rank of
Mhmd in the social hierarchy (see also
NAMES OF THE PROPHET).
The most remarkable piece of informa-
tion is that God has the same name,
Rahmanan, in the inscriptions of the
Christians and those whom we have called
monotheistic "judaizers." On the other
hand, the same term is not used to indicate
the sanctuary (see sacred precincts).
The Jews and "judaizers" used the term
mikrdb (mkrb), while the Christians used
qalis [qls', from the Greek ekklesidj and bi'at
[b % which comes from a Syriac word
meaning "egg, dome"). On one occasion
we discover ms^gd (Arabic masjid) and kns't
(Arabic kanisd) but the context is unclear
(see moscjue).
An outstanding personality, king Abikarib As'ad
According to the Arabic Islamic traditions,
Yemen became Jewish after king "Tuban
Abu Karib b. Malkl Karib," also called
As'ad the Perfect (As'ad al-Kamil), had
brought back with him two Yathrib rabbis
(see Medina; tubba'). This conversion is
often considered doubtful for two reasons.
This same Abu Karib is the hero of an
epic cycle, consisting of far-flung military
expeditions in Asia. Besides, the figure of
the king has been reconstructed by Islamic
apologetics, which recognizes in Abu
Karib the originator of the practical rituals
at the Ka'ba (q.v.) at Mecca and one of
those who believed in Muhammad before
his coming. The inscriptions allow us to see
this more clearly. The Himyari royal family
completely and definitively rejected poly-
theism during the reign of Malklkarib
Yuha'min, a sovereign who, most likely
because of his advanced age at accession,
is first seen co-ruling with one son (prob-
ably Abikarib As'ad), then with two
(Abikarib As'ad and Dhara"amar Ayman).
The relation between religious reform and
the person of Abikarib established by tra-
dition is thus quite precise. The neglect of
Malklkarib probably stems from the par-
ticularly outstanding reign of Abikarib,
who ruled for over 50 years (at least
493-543 Him.) and imposed Himyari rule
on the tribes of central Arabia as shown by
the inscription Ry 509 (250 km west of
Riyadh) and the lengthening of the royal
list of titles. The nature of Abikarib 's re-
ligious reforms is harder to determine. If
the renunciation of polytheism is general,
emphasizing the strength of central au-
thority, only a number of private individu-
als demonstrate a particularly firm
commitment to Judaism. The rulers and
YEMEN
568
the majority of those responsible for in-
scriptions seem satisfied to refer to their
commitment to monotheism, without be-
ing more specific. Similarly, there is the
complete absence of the Jewish symbols so
common in the Roman world during the
same period. The religious reform which
occurred in the reign of Ablkarib Asad was
therefore not really a conversion to
Judaism. It was rather a commitment of
principle, giving rabbis a privileged status
(Beeston, Martyrdom of Azqir), without
new "followers" undertaking to follow all
the very restrictive practices of Mosaic law.
This in no way precludes the conversion of
individuals and small groups, who thus
broke with their original background. In
this hypothesis, the crisis, which began af-
ter the disappearance of Ablkarib and
reached its peak in the reign of Yusuf, had
as its cause not only the advance of
Christianity supported by Byzantium and
Aksum, but also the pressure of the central
authority in favor of total conversion to
Judaism: thus both Christian hagiographies
and Islamic traditions also stress the ap-
peals of king Joseph to choose between
conversion to Judaism and death. The in-
complete nature of the conversion to
Judaism is further emphasized by the fact
that neither the language, the script, the
calendar nor the dating system underwent
any change, whereas one would have ex-
pected a more important role for Hebrew
or the adoption of the Jewish liturgical
calendar.
Christian Julien Robin
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Martad'ilan Yun'im, in Proceedings of the Seminar
for Arabian Studies 28 (1998), 81-8; id., Remark on
the chronological terminology in the catalogue
of the Yemen exhibition in Paris, in Archdologische
Berichte aus dem. Tem.en, forthcoming {publication of
YM 1950); G. Garbini, Frammenti epigrafici
sabei, in Annali delVIstituto Orientate diNapoli 33
[N.S. 23] {1973), 590 and pi. I d.; id., Una
bilingue sabeo-ebraica da Z.afar, in Annali
deWIstituto Orientate diNapoli 30 [N.S. 20] {1970),
153-65 and pi. I-II; id., Una nuova iscrizione di
Sarahbi^l YaTur, in Annali deWIstituto Orientate di
Napoli 29 [NS 19] {1969), 559-66 and pi. II-IV;
Ja.B. Gruntfest, Nadpis' "dvadcati cetyreh
ceredov" iz Beit Hadira, in Drevnaja Aravija
(materialy i soobscenija) (Pis'mennye pamjatniki i
569
YOUTH AND OLD AGE
problemy istorii i kurtury Narodov Vostoka, IX
godicnaja naucnaja sessija LO IV AN SSSR),
Leningrad (Izdatel'stvo "Nauka") 1973, 71-81;
A. Janime, Inscriptions des alentours de Mareb
(Yemen), in Cahiers de Byrsa 5 (1955), 265-81 and
pi. I-II; id., The late Sabaean inscription Ja 856,
in Bibliotheca orientalis 17 (i960), 3-5 and pi. I.; id.,
Sabaean and Hasaean inscriptions from Saudi Arabia,
Rome 1966; M.J. Kister, The campaign of
Huluban. A new light on the expedition of
Abraha, in Museon 78 (1965), 425-36; K.A.
Kitchen, Bibliographical catalogue of texts.
Documentation for ancient Arabia, Part II, Liverpool
2000; S. Mitchell, The cult of Theos Hypsistos
between pagans, Jews and Christians, in P.
Athanassiadi and M. Frede (eds.). Pagan
monotheism, in late antiquity, Oxford 1999, 81-148;
W.W. Miiller, CIH 325: Diejiingste datierte
sabaische Inschrift, in Etudes sudarabes. Recueil
offert a Jacques Ryckmans, Louvain-la-Neuve 1991,
117-31; id., Ein hebraisch-sabaische Bilinguis aus
Bait al-Aswal, in Neue Ephemeris Jur semitische
Epigraphik 2 (1974), 117-23 and fig. 32-34, pi.
IX-X; id., Religion und Kult im antiken
Siidarabien, in M. Krebernik and J. van
Oorschot (eds.), Polytheismus und Monotheismus in
den Religionen des Vorderen Orients, Miinster 2002,
175-94; Ch.J. Robin, Les inscriptions de HasT, in
Rayddn 7 (2001), 179-223 (including a contribution
by Serge Frantsouzoff); id., Le judai'sme de
Himyar, iw Arabia r (2003), 97-172; id, Sheba. II.
Dans les inscriptions d'Arabie du sud, in
Supplement au dictionnaire de la Bible, Paris 1996,
fasc. 70 [Sexualite — Sichem], col. 1047-1254
(Sheba. I. Dans la Bible, by J. Briend, col.
1043-6); id. and U. Brunner, Map of ancient
Yemen — Carte du Yemen antique, 1:1 000 000,
Miinchen 1997 (archaeological map, 70 x lOO cm,
in three colors, with index); G. Ryckmans,
Inscriptions sud-arabes. Dixieme serie, in Museon
66 (1953)5 267-317 and pi. I-VI; J. Ryckmans, Le
christianisme en Arabic du sud preislamique, in
Atti del Convegno inter nazionale sul tema : L'Oriente
cristiano nella storia della Civiltd (Roma ji marzo-^
aprile iq6^; Firenze 4 aprile igS^), Rome 1964,
413-54; id., L'inscription sabeenne chretienne
Istanbul 7608 bis, \n JRAS [n.s.] (1976), 96-9 and
pi. I; R.B. Serjeant and R. Lewcock, The church
(al-Qalls) of San'a' and Ghumdan Castle, in
R.B. Serjeant and R. Lewcock (eds.), San'd\ an
Arabian Islamic city, London 1983, 44-8;
R. Simon, L'inscription Ry 506 et la prehistoire
de la Mecque, in Acta Orientalia Academiae
Scientiarum Hungaricae 20 (1967), 325-37.
Sigla (n.b. for a complete bibliography of south
Arabian inscriptions, see K.A. Kitchen,
Bibliographical catalogue of texts. Documentation for
ancient Arabia, Part II, Liverpool 2000): BR
Yanbuq 47: Bafaqlh-Robin, 1979, pp. 49-57 and
pi. 5; cih: Corpus Inscriptionum Semiticarum. Pars
quarta. Inscriptiones Himyariticas et Sabaeas continens,
tomes I-III, Paris 1899-1930; cY/f 325: Miiller
1991; f//f 543: Abdallah 1987; DJE 23: Degen
1974; Garb Bayt al-Ashwal 1: Miiller 1974; Garb
Bayt al-Ashwal 2: Garbini 1970; Garb, Framm.
no. 7: Garbini 1973; Garb Sh.Y.: Garbini 1969;
Has! i: Robin 2001, pp. 182-91 and fig. 2-14 (pp.
207-15); 1st 7608 bis + Wellcome A 103664:
Ryckmans J. 1976 and Beeston 1980;Ja 544-547:
Jamme 1955, pp. 275-9 ^^^^ P^- ^^Sj^ 856: Jamme
i960, pp. 3-5 and pi. I; Ja 1028: Jamme 1966, pp.
39-55, fig. 13-15 and pi. X-XIII; res: Repertoire
d'epigraphie semitique; res 3383: Garbini 1970; Ry
506, 507, 508, 509, 510 and 515: G. Ryckmans
1953; YM 1950: Gajda (forthcoming).
Yesterday see time
Yoke see LOAD OR BURDEN
Youth and Old Age
The early and last stages of the normal
[human] lifespan. The Qiir'an portrays
youth and old age in two main contexts: to
demonstrate God's power (see power and
impotence) and to illustrate the proper
relations between generations (q.v.). The
"ages of man" occur in recitals of divine
signs (q.v.): "There have come to me clear
signs (bayyindt) from my lord (q.v.). . . . He it
is who has created you from earth (q.v.;
turdb)^ then from a drop of sperm, then
from a clot (see blood and blood clot);
then he brings you forth as an infant (tifl),
then to reach your full strength, then to be
old (shuyukh), though some among you die
before that, and [in any case] to fulfill an
appointed term: perhaps you will attain
wisdom" (q.v.; Q^ 40:66-7; cf 22:5; 30:54;
35:11; see biology as the creation and
STAGES of life), q^ 8o:i8-22 culminates the
sequence: after God creates the embryo,
smoothes its way, and causes it to die, he
resurrects it (see creation; death and
THE dead; resurrection).
570
Relations between yomig and old, and
the psychological and physical character-
istics that deserve special treatment, are
usually set in family (q.v.) contexts.
Muslims must not regard children (q.v.)
simply as possessions ((J 8:28; 63:9; see
property). Unlike pre-Islamic society
fe 6:137, 140, 151; 8i:8-g; see pre-islamic
ARABIA AND THE q^ur'an), Muslim society
assumes responsibility for children's weak-
ness (see MAINTENANCE AND UPKEEP;
guardianship; maturity). Children are
among the oppressed whom Muslims must
fight to protect (c3 4:75; see fighting; path
OR way; OPPRESSED ON EARTH, THe).
Orphans (q.v.) require special kindness and
protection of any property they may have
inherited (c3 4:2, 6-10; see inheritance)
but this does not include legal adoption
fe 33'4f')' ^^ least five passages concern the
proper nursing of babies (e.g. C3 2:233;
28:7-13; see lactation; fosterage;
wet-nursing). Wet-nurses may be hired in
the absence of the mother (cf. (J 65:6).
Children are born knowing nothing
{q_ 16:78; see knowledge and learning;
ignorance); sexual innocence gives them
freedom of the house (c) 24:31) but puberty
restricts it (o 24:58f.; see sex and sexual-
ity). Outside the family, beauty and purity
are personified in the companions of para-
dise (q.v; Q_ 52:24; 76:19), though female
companions will be "of equal age"
(Q, 56:37; 78:33; see also houris).
Aged wisdom instructs youth. Lucjman
(q.v.; o 31:13-19) first enjoins monotheism
on his son, then care and gratitude to par-
ents (q.v); but a child is not to obey if un-
believers (see BELIEF AND unbelief) try to
make him worship other gods (c) 3i:i4f.; cf.
I9:4if ; see obedience; polytheism and
atheism; idolatry and idolaters).
Aged parents are not to be reprimanded
but addressed honorably and kindly: "My
lord, have mercy on them as they raised
me in childhood" (q 17:23-4). It is duty to
their old father that exposes two Midianite
women to strange men (see midian), until
Moses (q.v.) helps them water their flocks
({) 28:23). By contrast, Joseph's (q.v.) broth-
ers (see brother and brotherhood) cru-
elly remind their father of his mental
decline; Jacob's (q.v.) forgiveness (c3 12:98)
is thus all the more astounding. Old age
(kibar) strikes like a whirlwind and weak
children are part of the doom that is a
sign of God (c3 2:266; see reward and
punishment; chastisement and
punishment).
Reversal of age-related characteristics is
also a sign of God. John's wisdom as a
youth (q I9:i2f ; see john the baptist),
Jesus' (q.v.) speech (q.v.) in the cradle
((J I9:29f.) and the child's hair that turns
gray on the day of judgment (o 73:17; see
LAST judgment) are all unnatural to youth.
Abraham's (q.v.) wife asks incredulously,
"Woe is me! Shall I bear a child when I am
an old woman fajuz) and this husband of
mine an old man (shaykh)?" (c) 11:72).
Finally, Zechariah (q.v.; Zakariyya'), suc-
cessfully praying for an heir, describes his
age in unforgettable imagery: "O lord, my
bones are weak, and my head has burst
into gray flame!" (o 19:4).
R. Gwynne
Bibliography
M.F. Ansari, The qur'dnic foundations and structure of
Muslim society, vol. 2, Karachi 1973; A. Giladi,
Infants, parents and wet nurses, Leiden 1999;
Th. J. O'Shaughnessy, The qur'anic view of
youth and old age, in ZDMG 141 (1991), 33-5,
repr. A. Rippin, (ed.), The Qur'dn. Style and
contents, Ashgate 2000, 177-95 (unique and
fundamental).
Yunus see JONAH
Yusuf see JOSEPH
Zabur see psalms; scripture and the
cjur'an
Zakat
see ALMSGIVING
Zaqqum
The tree of Zaqqum, or the cursed tree
mentioned four times in tlie Qiir'an, with
three explicit references (c3 37:62; 44:43;
56:52) and one imphcit (q^ 17:60). Unhke
the beautiful trees with clustered fruits in
paradise (q.v.; C3 69:23), the good tree of
"the good word" (c3 14:24) and the heav-
enly tree of eternity (q.v.) from which
Adam and Eve (q.v.) were prohibited to
eat (c3 20:120), the tree of Zaqqum stands
out as the ugliest and the most terrifying
tree described in the Qiir'an (see trees;
agriculture and vegetation). It
grows at the bottom of hellfire (see HELL
and hellfire), its blossom (tal'uhd) like
"devils' heads" (c3 37:64-5), is "bitter in
taste, burning in touch, rotten in smell
(q.v.), black in appearance. Whoever eats
from it cannot tolerate its [revolting]
taste and therefore is forced to swallow it"
(Razi, Tafsir, xxix, 174; see food and
drink).
The one possible implicit reference to
Zaqqum is very brief and speaks of al-
shajarata l-mal'unatafi l-Qiir'dn, "the tree
cursed in the Qur'an" ((J 17:60) being a
"trial (q.v.) for men." The majority of the
commentators (see exegesis of the
^ur'an: classical and medieval), and
the translators following suit (see
translations of the q^ur'an), take for
granted that al-shajarata al-mal'unata is the
tree of Zaqqum (Tabari, TafsTr, xv, 1 13-15).
In explanation of its description as a trial
[fitna, q 17:60; 37:63), the commentators
often relate the story that, when the tree of
Zaqqum was mentioned for the first time
in the Qiir'an, the unbelievers (see belief
AND unbelief) wcre skeptical about a tree
growing "at the bottom of hellfire"
{9. 37-64; see uncertainty), and said:
"One day Muhammad claims that hellfire
burns stones (see stone), and the next day
that it grows trees!" Thus, according to the
commentators, it is indeed a trial for men:
on the one hand, the believers will accept
that God is capable of creating a tree that
does not burn in the blazing flames of hell-
fire and that it will be one of many punish-
ments for the unbelievers (see reward and
punishment) and, on the other hand, the
unbelievers will not believe in it and will
ZEAL O TR Y
572
reject (see lie) and mock (see mockery)
the Qiir'an as they in fact did (Zamakh-
sharl, Kashshdf, ii, 675).
The name of the tree is derived from
"deadly food," "ingestion," or "excessive
drinking." The lexicographers as well as
the commentators are uncertain about the
origin of the word Zaqqum. In addition to
the meanings suggested above, all of which
are based on speculation about what the
root i-q-m might mean, they relate a story
suggesting that it is the name of a tree
which grows in the desert or an African
word for 'ajwa, dates mashed with butter
[Lisdn al-'Arab, iii, 1845 and Firuzabadl,
al'Qamus, 1118). It is curious to note, how-
ever, that the same stories are repeated
almost identically and always without
examples of usage from any other text
than the Qiir'an. The subtlest explanation
is that of al-Raghib al-Isfahani (fl. early
fifth/eleventh cent.), who ignores all the
stories and suggests that the qur'anic use
came first and "thereafter the root was
'borrowed' for ingestion of distasteful
food" [Mufraddt, 380).
The three explicit references occur in a
typical punishment/reward qur'anic dis-
course (see FORM AND strlk;ture of the
{jur'an; language and style of the
(JUr'an). All three describe the tree as one
of the hellfire horrors which the unbeliev-
ers will be forced to experience. Together
they provide us with a very powerful image
detailing the physical description of the
ugly tree and its effect on those who will be
forced to eat it, i.e. the sinful (see sin,
MAJOR AND minor) and the unbelievers
(c3 44:44; 56:51). It will "boil in their insides
like molten brass (al-muhl), like the boiling
of scalding water" (c) 44:45-6). The image
is taken at its literal meaning by main-
stream Sunni commentators but is under-
stood by rationalists as a metaphorical
objectification of the mental and emo-
tional torture awaiting the unbelievers (see
metaphor; symbolic imagery;
theology and the our'an).
Salwa M.S. El-Awa
Bibliography
Primary: al-Flruzabadi, Majd al-Dln
Muhammad b. Ya'qub, al-Qdmus al-muhit, Beirut
1998; Lisan al-'Arab; al-Raghib al-Isfahani,
Aiufraddt, Damascus 1992; RazT, TafsTr; Tabarl,
TafsTr, ed. Shakir; ZamakhsharT, Kashshdf, Cairo
1987.
Secondary: M. Asad, The message of the Qiir'an,
Pakistan 1992; A. Geiger, Was hat Mohammed aus
dem Judenthume aufgenommen? Lieipzig 1902^ (Bonn
1833'), 66; Ch. Genequand, Metaphysics, in
S.H. Nasser and O. Leman (eds.). History of
Islamic philosophy, Routledge 2001 (1996'),
783-801; M. Wolff (ed.), Muhammedanische
Eschatologie /^Abd al-RaliTm b. Ahmad al-Qadi,
Kitdb ahwdl al-qiydma], nach der Leipziger und der
Dresdner Handschrift zum ersten Male arabisch und
deutsch mit Anmerkungen, Leipzig 1875, 170-1 (in
the Ger. trans.; this work is also known under the
title ^'Daqd'iq al-akhbdr fi dhikr alfanna wa-l-ndr').
Zayd b. Haritha see family of the
prophet
Zayd b. Thabit see companions of
THE prophet
Zaydis see shi'ism and the our'an
Zaynab bt. Jahsh see wives of the
prophet
Zealotry
Religious and/or political fanaticism. The
main qur'anic stand on zealotry is ex-
pressed in o 2:143 where the Muslim com-
munity is described as a "community of
the middle," a community that is "in the
middle between any two extremes,"
thereby assigning to its members the
responsibility of maintaining a community
that is just and moderate in all its beliefs
and practices (Qiitb, ^ildl, 130-2; see
573
ZEALOTRY
moderation). This characteristic is, ac-
cording to tlie exegetes (see exegesis of
THE q^ur'an: classical and medieval),
wliat malies tlie Muslim coinmunity the
"best community" applauded in q 3:110,
"because the middle is the best"
(Zamakhsharl, Kashshaf, i, ig8; Razi, Tafslr,
iv, 108-12). The implication of C3 2:143,
then, is that in its endeavor to be the best
community, the Muslim community should
not be extreme in its practice or under-
standing of its own religion (q.v). Various
prophetic hadiths support this view (see
hadith and the cjur'an), such as "Beware
of zealotry!" [iyydkum wa~l~ghuluwwji l-din;
Albani, Sahih, no. 2680, i, 522) and "Death
be to zealots!" [halaka l-mutanatti'iin; ibid.,
no. 7039, i, 1183). Nevertheless, there ap-
pears to be no explicit, general condemna-
tion of zealotry or religious fanaticism in
the Qiir'an, although many of its char-
acteristics are denounced in various con-
texts. It is worth noting, however, that
words like te/arri^(extremism) and usuliyya
(fundamentalism) are modern translations
of foreign words and hence are not used to
express these meanings in the Qiir'an and
classical Arabic texts. A recurrent theme of
the qur'anic discussions of how different
people practice their religion is that of tak-
ing the law (see law and the ^ur'an) into
human hands (e.g. by forbidding [see
forbidden] what God has made lawful
[see LAWFUL AND UNLAWFUL] , an all too
familiar attitude encountered among mod-
ern day zealots). The theme occurs in six
different verses (q 5:87; 6:116, 140; 7:32;
10:59; 66:1), all condemning this attitude,
sometimes in a very harsh tone (e.g.
q 6:116; 10:59).
Though not mentioned in many discus-
sions about the cjur'anic criticism of
Christianity (see christians and
CHRISTIANITY; POLEMIC AND POLEMICAL
languace), the verb taghlu, "to be over-
zealous, to exceed the bounds," is used in
two qur'anic verses that warn the
Christians against ghuluww as represented
in their notion of Jesus' (q.v.) "sonship" to
God (see polytheism and atheism;
IDOLATRY AND IDOLATERS; GOD AND HIS
attributes). It is hard to see, however,
how holding to the doctrine of the Trinity
(q.v.), to which these verses object, makes
Christians zealots. A possible explanation
for the use of ghuluww here can be under-
stood to imply the literal interpretation of
the text, a characteristic often associated
with zealotry, in which case the Christians
are being blamed for their literal interpre-
tation of the biblical use of the word
"Father" in phrases like "the cup of my
Father," "to do the will of my Father," and
"I must be about my Father's business" (see
Cragg, j'c.TMi, 31, whose argument approxi-
mates this interpretation; see also
corruption; forgery; scripture and
THE CJUr'an).
Many other qur'anic passages can be
seen as either encouraging or discouraging
forms of zealotry, depending on which
parts of the context one chooses to em-
phasize (see chronology and the
^ur'an; occasions of revelation).
Among them is religious intolerance, which
the Qiir'an discourages very strongly in
numerous verses (see tolerance and
compulsion; religious pluralism and
the cjur'an). The most widely cited verse
in this context is (J 109:6, which some com-
mentators argue has been abrogated (see
abrogation). Other exegetes deny this,
especially in the light of verses such as
q 2:113, 256; 22:56, 69, all of which stress
the fact that judgment (q.v.) between per-
sons is not to be made by persons in this
life but by God on judgment day (see last
judgment). Similarly, there is no unequivo-
cal qur'anic judgment with regard to con-
troversial matters such as exclusivism (see
PARTIES and factions) and the use of vio-
lence (q.v.) to achieve political aims (see
ZEC HARIAH
574
POLITICS AND THE our'an). Islamic phi-
losophers (see PHILOSOPHY and the
cjur'an), exegetes and jurists have argued
opposing views, always on the basis of
qur'anic verses (q.v). In sum, in its discus-
sions of various forms of zealotry, the
Qur'an expresses firm objections to some
practices and allows room for dispute
about many others.
Salwa M.S. El-Awa
Bibliography
Primary: Ibn Taymiyya, Taql 1-Dln Ahmad b.
^Abd al-ilaliui^ MajmH' al-faidwd, Cairo 1978;
Lisdn al-'Arab; Qutb, ^ildl; RazT, TafsTr;
ZamakhsharT, Kashshaf, Cairo 1987.
Secondary: N. al-Albanl, Sahih al-jdmV al-saghir,
Beirut 1986'^; K. Cragg, Jesus and the Muslim. An
exploration, Oxford 1999; R. Firestone, J'i'Aa;^. The
origin of holy war in Islam, Oxford 1999; Kh. Jilbi,
Jadahyyat al-tafkir wa-l-takftr fl 1-mujtama' al-
Muslim, in al-Wasatiyya, i, Riyadh 2002; S.A.
Mawdudi, Towards understanding the Qur'dn, trans.
Z.I. Ansari, Leicester 1988; M. Muqri', Hukm qatl
al-madaniyyin, London 1998; M. Shams al-Din,
Fiqh al-'unf al-musallahji l-isldm, Beirut 2001.
Zechariah
The father of John the Baptist (q.v.) in both
the Bible and Qrir'an. Zechariah (Zaka-
riyya) is mentioned in four qur'anic pas-
sages (c3 3:37-44; 6:85 [a passing reference];
19:2-15; 21:89-90). He is not directly named
as a prophet (nabi) but by implication is in-
cluded in the collective references to proph-
ets at (J 19:58 and prophethood (nubuwwa) at
5^6:89 (see prophets and prophethood).
The qur'anic story (see narratives) of
Zechariah and John is always linked to that
of Mary (q.v.) and Jesus (q.v.).
The fullest account of Zechariah occurs
at o 19:2-15. There he is portrayed as a
pious old servant of God who prays in
secret for a successor (q 19:3-6). When an
unnamed speaker (God? angels?: see
below) responds with "good tidings of a
boy whose name is John" (o 19:7; see good
news), Zechariah asks how this can be, in
view of his old age and his wife's barren-
ness (q^ 19:8), thus prompting a simple
affirmation of God's power to create
effortlessly out of nothing (c) 19:9; see
cosmology; i;reation). Zechariah then
asks for a sign and his request is granted:
he will not speak for three days (cj 19:10;
see signs). The passage then shifts its focus
to John [q_ 19:12-15). This Meccan narrative
(see CHRONOLOGY and the c^ur'an) about
Zechariah is set within a sequence of
stories (q^ 19:2-58) in which a common
theme is God's bestowal of mercy (q.v.) on
his faithful servants (q.v.) as they endure
various trials (childlessness for Zechariah,
allegations of immorality for Mary,
c) 19:16-33, a hostile pagan father for
Abraham [q.v], C3 19:41-50). Note that the
word "mercy" (rahma) is emphasized in the
opening words of the Zechariah story
(cj 19:2; cf 19:50, 53; also 19:21 in a slightly
different sense). In this Meccan context the
significance of Zechariah to Muhammad
and his followers thus appears to be that
his story is one of many which speak en-
couragingly to believers of the mercy that
God will show them in the midst of their
difficulties (see trial; trust and
patience). The same interpretation holds
for the much briefer Meccan narrative at
C3 21:89-90, which simply portrays
Zechariah crying out to God and God re-
sponding with the gift of John. Stress is
also laid on the humble, godfearing piety
(q.v.) of Zechariah and his wife. The wider
context is a sequence of stories describing
God's deliverance of his faithful servants
from adversity (e.g. q 21:68-71, 74, 76-7,
83-4, 87-8). Again, Zechariah is an
encouraging example of how the believer
should persevere through difficulties, trust-
ing in God.
The one Medinan passage about Zecha-
riah (q 3:37-44) has distinctive narrative
575
ZECHARIAH
features. In contrast to (j ig, where the
story of Zechariah precedes that of Mary
and Jesus, here the story of the birth of
Mary (q 3:35-6) leads into an account of
the role of Zechariah as her guardian.
Whenever he enters the sanctuary, Zecha-
riah finds that she is mysteriously supplied
with food by God (o 3:37; Zechariah's
guardianship of Mary is also mentioned
at (J 3^4)- At this point Zechariah prays
for "goodly offspring" (q 3:38) and in
Q. 3'39"4' 'h^ story then unfolds much as at
(3 19:2-15, except that q 3:39 mentions an-
gels as responding to Zechariah's prayer
(see angel). This Medinan passage about
Zechariah and John, although telling
broadly the same story as in the Meccan
versions, needs to be understood within the
changed context of the tense relationship
between Muhammad and the Jews of
Medina (q.v.) that is apparent throughout
the third sura (see JEWS and Judaism). The
longer narrative sequence ((3 3:33-58) is
essentially a history-lesson warning the
Jews that, however much they might
oppose Muhammad, God will vindicate
him, just as he did other faithful servants in
the past (see history and the ^ur'an).
This lesson is most explicit in the culminat-
ing story of Jesus, rejected by Jewish un-
believers but vindicated by God ((J 3:45-57))
but it is natural to assume that the same
lesson underlies the whole narrative
sequence. That suggests that the brief
reference to Zechariah and John might
assume knowledge of the fate of John as
one of the prophets killed by ungodly Jews
(such prophets are mentioned often in o 3;
see C3 3:21, 112, 181, 183; see belief and
unbelief; polemic and polemical
languaoe). The inclusion of the story of
Zechariah and John here would then be
serving as part of an extended reminder
that if Muhammad was rejected by un-
believing Jews, that had been the experi-
ence of prophets before him; nevertheless.
the prophets are all honored in the sight of
God (see the affirmations bestowed upon
John at q 3:39) and the scheming of the
unbelievers is ultimately frustrated. (This
analysis is more fully argued in Marshall,
Christianity, 12-14.)
This siu'vey shows that while there is a
constant narrative core to the qiu''anic pas-
sages about Zechariah, his significance
varies with the changing wider context of
the challenges faced by Muhammad and
his followers, first in Mecca (q.v.) and then
in Medina. Commentators have addressed
a number of issues raised by these pas-
sages. For example, many take the view
that it was the sight of God's miraculous
provision for Mary that emboldened
Zechariah to pray for the miracle of a son
(see miracles). They also fill out the brief
reference in 5) 3:44 to give a fuller account
of how Zechariah becomes Mary's guard-
ian through a process of casting lots (see
divination). They discuss the apparent
problem that Zechariah's request for a sign
suggests that he, a prophet, has doubted
God's message (see uncertainty;
impeccability). They also address the
related question as to whether Zechariah's
silence for three days should be seen as a
punishment (see chastisement and
punishment; for a range of comments on
these and other points, see Ayoub, Qur'dn,
99-122; see also scripture and the
^ur'an). Finally, it should be noted that the
exegetical tradition contains reports linking
Dhu 1-Kifl (q.v.) to Zechariah (and also
Elijah [q.v.]; cf. Tha'labi, Qisas, trans.
Brinner, 438).
David Marshall
Bibliography
Primary (for later elaborations of the story): Abu
^Umara b. Wathima al-FarisT, Kitdb Bad' al~haig
wa-qims al-anbiyd\ ed. in R.G. Khoury, Les Legendes
prophetiques dans Vislam, Wiesbaden 1978, 298-340
(on Zechariah, John the Baptist and Mary);
ZOROASTRIANS 576
TabarT, Ta'nkh, ed. de Goeje, i, 733-9; al-Tarafi,
Muhammad b. Ahmad b. Mutarrif, Storie dei
profeti, ed. and It. trans. R. Tottoh, Geneva 1997,
297-304 and passim; Eng. trans. The stories of the
prophets by Ibn Mutarrif al-Tarafi, ed. R. Tottoh,
Berhn 2003, 161-6; Tha'labl, Qisas, Cairo n.d.,
333-42; Eng. trans. W. Brinner, 'Ard'is al-majdlis fi
qisas al-anbiyd', or, Lives of the prophets, Leiden
2002, 438, 621-30, 637-8.
Secondary: M. Ayoub, The Qur'dn and its inter-
preters, ii. The house of Imrdn, Albany 1992, 99-122;
Horovitz, KU, 113; D. Marshall, Christianity in
the Qiir'an, in L. Ridgeon (ed.). Islamic inter-
pretations of Christianity, Richmond 2001, 3-29;
G. Parrinder, J^e5z/5 in the Qiir'dn, London 1965
{ch. 5 discusses biblical and apocryphal parallels
to the qur'anic material on Zechariah); B.M.
Wheeler, Prophets in the Quran. An introduction to the
Quran and Muslim exegesis, London 2002, 292
{partial Eng. trans, of some classical accounts).
Zodiac see ANIMAL life; planets and
STARS
Zoroastrians see people of the book
$(M &^fM V^HLCOMl
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[i] A segment of a contemporary hajj mural containing qur'anic
verses (e.g. Q_ 11 3: 1 , "Say, 'I seek refuge in the lord of the dawn,'"
qui dudhu bi-rabbi l-falaqi), composed upon return from the pil-
grimage to Mecca. This particular mural is found on the wall
of an alabaster shop in Gurna, Egypt (near the Valley of the
Kings). Photograph courtesy of Juan Campo.
[i] Contemporary Pakistani truck, decorated with talismanic slogans, among which are
Qur'an passages. Photograph courtesy of JamalJ. Elias.
[i] South Arabian inscription of Yusuf As'ar Yatli'ar (Yws'f's''r Yfr), ajewisii king of Himyar to
whom Christian sources attribute the early sixth-century c.e. persecution of the Christians of Najran.
The name of the king appears on the third line of the inscription. Photograph courtesy of Chris-
tian Robin.
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[ii] The walls of the southern Arabian ancient city ol Najran (today called al-Ukhdud). Photo-
graph courtesy of Christian Robin.
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[iiij The dam of the southern Arabian city ol' MaVib (Marib): northern sluice and canal. Photo-
graph courtesy of Christian Robin.
[iv] The dam ol ihc soulhcrn Arabian city of Ma' rib (Marib): view irom the southern sluice.
Photograph courtesy of Christian Robin.
[v] A south Arabian inscription of the Himyarile king Abll'^arib (An Abu Karib); in about 380 c.e.
he rejected polytheism and accorded Judaism a privileged position. Photograph courtesy of Chris-
tian Robin.
[vi] Pari ol' ihe main nionumenial south Arabian rock inscrijjlion ol al-Mi'sal, from tiie third
century c.e. Photograph courtesy of Christian Robin.
[vii] A votive south Arabian inscription on a bronze tablet (ca. first century
B.G.E.). Photograph courtesy of Christian Robin.
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[i] Folio from an Ottoman manuscript (copied 1227/1812) of Kashf alsuturjt tqfasir dyat al-nur hy Sa'd
Allah b. Isma'll (Sa'ld Efendi, d. 1247/1831), that contains Silft interpretations extolling the "Light
Verse" (Q_ 24:35). Reproduced with the kind permission of the manuscript collection at the Univer-
sity of Michigan, Ann Arbor (Mich.Isl. 1 3, fol. 1 a-b. Special Collections Library, University of Michi-
gan).
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[i] Lale ninth/fifteenth century depiction of a mixed-gender study group, most likely for the
instruction of the Qur'an, entitled "Layla and Majnun at school" (ca. 895/1490, on a folio
from the Diwdn of Haiiz). Note the muezzin in the upper left hand corner. Courtesy of the
Arthur M. Sackler Gallery, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, DC (SI 986.289).
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[ii] Folio from the Khamsa of Nizami depicting mixed-gender education in tlie classical Is-
lamic world (Layla and Majnun at school). Courtesy of the John Rylands Library, Manches-
ter, UK (fol. 107 V. of MS Pers. 36).
[hi] Female Qur'an study circle in contemporary Indonesia. Photograph courtesy of Nelly van
Doorn-Harden
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[i] Examples of South Arabian cursive on inscribed stripped palm stalks, a writing material
constantly mentioned in early Islamic texts (published on p. 78 of J. Ryckmans, W. MuUer and
Y.M. Abdallah, Textes du Yemen antique. Inscrits sur bois, Leuven 1994). Reproduced with the kind
permission of Peeters Press, Leuven, Belgium.
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