Skip to main content

Full text of "Markers"

See other formats




I L./' 

fc,*. ■ 

Edited by 
Richard E. Meyer 

Markers XIV 

Annual Journal of 
the Association for 
Gravestone Studies 

Edited by 
Richard E. Meyer 

Association for Gravestone Studies 
Greenfield, Massachusetts 

Copyright ©1997 by 

Association for Gravestone Studies 

278 Main Street, Suite 207 
Greenfield, Massachusetts 01301 

All rights reserved 
Printed in the United States of America 

ISBN: 1-878381-07-5 
ISSN: 0277-8726 
LCN: 81-642903 

The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of 

American National Standard for Information Sciences - Permanence of 

Paper for Printed Library materials, ANSI Z39.48-1984. 

Cover illustration: Gravestone maker Merry E. Veal, Jackson, Mississippi. 
Photograph by Barbara Rotundo. 



Cemetery Symbols and Contexts of American Indian Identity: 

The Grave of Painter and Poet T.C. Cannon 1 

David M. Gradwohl 

Gravemarkers of the Early Congregational 

Ministers in North Central Massachusetts 34 

Tom and Brenda Malloy 

A Modern Gravestone Maker: 

Some Lessons for Gravestone Historians 86 

Barbara Rorundo 

The Remarkable Crosses of Charles Andera 110 

Loren N. Horton 

The Pratt Family of Stonecutters 134 

Ralph L. Tucker 

Under Grave Conditions: 

African-American Signs of Life and Death in North Florida 158 

Robin Franklin Nigh 

The Year's Work in Gravemarker/Cemetery Studies 190 

Richard E. Meyer 

Contributors 217 

Index 219 




Richard E. Meyer, Editor 
Western Oregon State College 

Theodore Chase Barbara Rotundo 

Editor, Markers V-IX State University of New York at Albany 

Jessie Lie Farber James A. Slater 

Mount Holyoke College University of Connecticut 

Editor, Markers I 

Dickran Tashjian 
Richard Francaviglia University of California, Irvine 

University of Texas at Arlington 

David Watters 
Warren Roberts University of New Hampshire 

Indiana University Editor, Markers II-IV 

Wilbur Zelinsky 
The Pennsylvania State University 

Markers XIV, with articles focusing on a range of ethnic, historical, and 
artistic issues, with a time frame which spans three centuries, and with a 
geographical spread which includes four major regions of the United 
States, comes the closest to date towards achieving the balance in empha- 
sis which I envisioned as the primary goal for the journal when I assumed 
its editorship five years ago. Individual contributors to the current issue 
bring a variety of disciplinary perspectives to bear on matters as far rang- 
ing as the material commemoration of Congregational ministers in early 
New England and the work of a folk gravestone maker in contemporary 
Mississippi. In these, as well as its other essays, Markers XIV continues its 
efforts to provide its readers with the best and most current examples of 
the type of broad-based and balanced examination of gravemarkers, their 
makers, and the places where they are found which define this special- 
ized area of folk art and material culture. Finally, in its ongoing efforts to 


establish the standards and outline the boundaries of this important and 
emergent microdiscipline, the current issue offers a greatly expanded ver- 
sion of its annual bibliographic survey, "The Year's Work in Grave- 
marker /Cemetery Studies." 

Any scholarly publication's merits are determined largely by the qual- 
ity of its manuscript submissions and the subsequent efforts of its editor- 
ial review board, and in both these regards my work as editor has once 
again been greatly aided by the high standards and conscientiousness dis- 
played by contributors and members of the editorial board. I thank them 
all, and hope that readers with scholarly projects in mind will consider 
submitting their best work for publication consideration in future issues 
of Markers. 

Others deserve thanks as well, in particular Western Oregon State 
College, which, through such efforts as the release time provided to the 
editor by its Faculty Development Committee, continues to generously 
support this publication in a variety of manners; staff members - most 
especially Fred Kennedy - at Lynx Communication Group, Salem, 
Oregon, and Patti Stephens of Philomath, Oregon, all of whom, through 
their design and production skills, make my job a lot easier and this vol- 
ume a lot more handsome; the officers, board members, staff, and gener- 
al membership of the Association for Gravestone Studies, who make it all 
possible in the first place; and, finally, Lotte Larsen, my inspiration, my 
conscience, my best friend, alongside whom, in the words of poet Wilfred 
Owen, I go on "quietly shining in her quiet light." 

Articles published in Markers are indexed in America: History and Life, 
Historical Abstracts, and the MLA International Bibliography. Information 
concerning the submission of manuscripts for future issues of the journal 
may be obtained upon request from Richard E. Meyer, Editor, Markers: 
Annual journal of the Association for Gravestone Studies, English department, 
Western Oregon State College, Monmouth, Oregon 97361 (Phone: (503) 
838-8362 / E-Mail: For information about 
other AGS publications, membership, and activities, write to the 
Association's Executive Director, Lois Ahrens, 278 Main Street, Suite 207, 
Greenfield, Massachusetts 01301, or call (413) 772-0836. 


American Indian Identity 

Fig. 1. Bronze bust of T.C. Cannon, Kiowa/Caddo Indian 
painter and poet, at the National Hall of Fame for 
Famous American Indians, Anadarko, Oklahoma. 



David M. Gradwohl 


A bronze image of T.C. Cannon (Kiowa /Caddo) stands among other 
sculptures at the National Hall of Fame for Famous American Indians in 
Anadarko, Oklahoma (Fig. I). 1 Among the forty Native Americans 
presently included in this Hall of Fame, located some fifty miles south- 
west of Oklahoma City, are such historical Indian luminaries as Sitting 
Bull (Sioux), Will Rogers (Cherokee), Sacajawea (Shoshoni), Sequoyah 
(Cherokee), Cochise and Geronimo (Chiricahua Apache), Jim Thorpe and 
Black Hawk (Sac and Fox), Chief Joseph (Nez Perce), Charles Curtis 
(Kaw), Oceola (Seminole), Tecumseh (Shawnee), Pontiac (Ottawa), and 
Pocahontas (Powhatan). Honored for his achievements in twentieth-cen- 
tury art, the late T.C. Cannon is among the youngest individuals selected 
for the Indian Hall of Fame. His memorial plaque and the associated lit- 
erature distributed by the Hall of Fame note that Cannon is buried in 
Anadarko' s Memory Lane Cemetery. Sources indicate that he was laid to 
rest with full American military and traditional Kiowa honors. 

T.C. Cannon's gravestone (Fig. 2) reflects the ethnic and historical 
identity of one Native American; however, this case study has implica- 
tions for the understanding of ethnicity in general and Native American 
ethnic identity in particular. In an attempt to interpret this specific tangi- 
ble representation of T.C. Cannon's identity, it is necessary to consider the 
symbols of certain immediate and broader mortuary contexts: additional 
gravestones in the Memory Lane Cemetery, and various general burial 
patterns of American Indians across time and space. To achieve these 
goals, this essay first outlines the life of T.C. Cannon and his accomplish- 
ments. Second, it reviews selected burial patterns in native North America 
to demonstrate some of the many different modes in which American 
Indians have materially expressed their identities across several thousand 
years. The third portion of this discussion deals with some general pat- 
terns and exemplary gravestones of non-Indians in the Memory Lane 
Cemetery. Fourth, there is a focus on the symbols associated with 
American Indians who are buried at Memory Lane. The fifth, and final, 
analytical section centers on the mortuary monuments of T.C. Cannon 

American Indian Identity 

and his parents. In conjunction with parallel studies I am conducting on 
the gravestones of American Jews and Lativian-Americans, 2 I conclude 
that the study of T.C. Cannon's gravestone and its contexts contributes to 
our understanding of the relationship of material culture and ethnicity. 
Cemeteries and gravemarkers provide an important basis for exploring 
the dimensions of individual and group identities through time. 

T.C. Cannon the Artist 

Tommy Wayne Cannon was born on September 27, 1946, at the Indian 
hospital in Lawton, Oklahoma. His mother, Mimi ("Mamie") Ahdunko 
Cannon, was of Caddo Indian ancestry, while his father, Walter Cannon, 
was a member of the Kiowa tribe. The Cannon family (which included 
older children Vernon and Joyce) lived in the vicinity of Anadarko, first at 
a farm near Mountain View and later at Gracemont, where Tommy com- 
pleted his secondary schooling. Tommy was always interested in art, and 
in his early teens began entering his work in art shows. He won some 
prizes and sold some of his paintings. As a child, Tommy was given the 

Fig 2. T.C. Cannon's gravestone (front side) in 
Memory Lane Cemetery, Anadarko, Oklahoma. 

David M. Gradwohl 

Kiowa name Pai-doung-u-day, which means "One Who Stands in the Sun." 
This was the Indian name of Walter Cannon's deceased maternal uncle. 
According to Kiowa cultural protocol, Walter Cannon formally sought 
permission to use the name from his uncle's son, who had the hereditary 
right to give the name to someone else. 3 This is just one of many ways in 
which Kiowa historical traditions and American Indian values in general 
were brought to bear on the young Tommy Cannon. Some years later, 
Cannon had this to say concerning these early traditional influences on 
his personal identity as an American Indian: 

I believe that there is such a thing as Indian sensibility. . .This has to do with 
the idea of a collective history. It's reflected in your upbringing and the 
remarks that you hear every day from birth and the kind of behavior and 
emotion you see around you. It's probably true of any national or racial 
group that's sort of inbred; in other words, where Italians marry Italians 
and live in an Italian community and eat Italian food you can't very easily 
turn out to be Chinese. 4 

Following graduation from high school in 1964, T.C. (as he subse- 
quently would be known) studied at the newly-founded Institute of 
American Indian Arts in Santa Fe, New Mexico. In the words of one art 
historian, "Under instructors including Allan Houser and Fritz Scholder, 
a new definition of Indian art evolved there, and Cannon helped author 
much of it". 5 A volume celebrating three decades of the Institute of 
American Indian Arts includes the statement that T. C. Cannon "... is per- 
haps the best known of the I ALA graduates". 6 Exemplary of this period is 
a work which demonstrates the artist's sense of humor as well as skill. 
This piece, entitled "Mama and Papa Have the Goin' Home to Shiprock 
Blues," portrays a Navajo man and woman waiting, presumably for a 
bus, to return to their Dineh homeland. 7 The man - wearing a traditional 
headband, black velvet shirt, and beaded necklace - sits cross-legged and 
dreamily waves a cigarette in his left hand, while his wife rests solidly 
next to him, huddled in a red and white striped blanket and sporting large 

In 1966, Cannon was awarded the Governor's Trophy at the Scottsdale 
National Indian Art Exhibition. That year he also studied briefly at the Art 
Institute of San Francisco. In 1969, following his military service, Cannon 
attended the College of Santa Fe and then transferred to Central State 
University in Edmond, Oklahoma, where he graduated with an art major 
in 1972. During this period Cannon was married to (and then divorced 

American Indian Identity 

from) Barbara Warner, a Ponca Indian from Oklahoma. Maturing as an 
artist while at Central State University, Cannon not only learned but com- 
bined the idioms of the Western European and American Indian painting 
traditions. For example, his painting entitled "Collector #5," or "Osage 
With Van Gogh," depicts an elaborately-costumed Indian dandy seated in 
a wicker chair which in turn is placed on a Navajo rug. 8 On the wall 
behind the seated figure is a perfectly-executed representation of Vincent 
Van Gogh's painting "Wheatfield." 9 Influences of Art Nouveau and the 
decorative style of Henri Matisse can be seen in the painting Cannon 
charmingly called "Grandmother Gestating Father and the Washita River 
Runs Ribbon-Like". 10 In this image, an abundantly pregnant woman 
bounces along a meandering multicolored strip holding a bright red 
umbrella. In addition to calf-high beaded moccasins, a concho belt, and a 
floral shawl around her waist, she wears a dress with large yellow-bor- 
dered red polka dots. Banded dots also embellish the surrounding topog- 
raphy and are repeated on the painted border that frames the scene. 

While studying in San Francisco, T.C. Cannon enlisted in the U.S. 
Army and volunteered for the paratroops. He spent 1967 and 1968 in Viet 
Nam with the distinguished 101st Airborne Division. During this time he 
filled notebooks with drawings and poetry about war and his comrades 
in arms. The U.S. government awarded Cannon two Bronze Stars for his 
bravery in Viet Nam, and upon his return to Oklahoma the Kiowa induct- 
ed him into their elite Black Leggings Warrior Society. This modern Kiowa 
warrior sodality has its roots in the ranked male military societies which 
were prominent among the Kiowa and many other High Plains Indian 
cultures during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. 11 In former 
times, members of the Kiowa's Tonkonko, or Black Leggings Society, 
danced with black-painted lower legs and forearms. 12 They wore horse- 
hair roach headdresses and carried eagle tail feather fans. Their unique 
military emblem was a curved "no-retreat" staff which, when planted in 
battle, signified a fight to death. In 1958, the Black Leggings Warrior 
Society was formally re-established. 13 Members of this prestigious con- 
temporary society must have served in the armed forces and are selected 
by invitation based on their high moral and ethical character. At pow- 
wows and Veterans' Day observances, members of the society dance in 
black knee socks, black buckskin leggings, or with their bare legs painted 

Much of Cannon's art deals with war and warriors. A hero of epic pro- 

David M. Gradwohl 

portions is depicted in his painting entitled "His Hair Flows Like a River," 
in which a warrior with face paint is shown attired in a bright robe, floral 
scarf, bone bead choker, and wolf skin headdress. 14 Cannon captured the 
tragedy of all wars in paintings such as "Big Foot in the Snow," which 
shows the horrifying image of the Sioux chief's frozen body on the bat- 
tlefield following the Wounded Knee massacre of 1890. 15 Finally, he 
depicted the folly and irony of war in various representations of General 
George Armstrong Custer, in particular the one he dubbed "Zero Hero". 16 

It is worth noting here that T.C. Cannon was among the more than 
42,000 American Indian military personnel with the U.S. armed forces in 
southeast Asia during the Viet Nam War. Historically, American Indians 
have served in the national armed forces in numbers exceeding their per- 
centage of the general population. 17 Recent estimates suggest that there 
are now some 160,000 American Indian veterans, representing ten percent 
of the living Native American population. 18 American Indians are three 
times as likely to have served in the armed forces as other American citi- 
zens during the twentieth century. Approximately 25,000 American 
Indians served in World War II; included in this number were at least 400 
Navajo "code talkers" who contributed greatly to the U.S. victory in the 
Pacific theater by using their indigenous language to baffle Japanese cryp- 
tographers. 19 The personal problems and identity issues of American 
Indian veterans returning to the United States have been on-going themes 
in contemporary literature, for example Ceremony by Leslie Silko (Laguna 
Pueblo), House Made of Dawn by N. Scott Momaday (Kiowa), and From 
Sand Creek by Simon Ortiz (Acoma Pueblo). T.C. Cannon's art, especially 
when considered with his various journals and poems, reflects these cen- 
trifugal forces in the contemporary life of Native Americans. In a recent- 
ly-published American Indian encyclopedia, Arthur Silberman points to 
this matter in commenting that Cannon "... identified strongly with tra- 
ditional values. He also used contemporary mainstream styles and made 
personal statements with wit, anger, and affection about the dilemmas 
and paradoxes of maintaining a sense of Native American Identity." 20 

During 1973 Cannon served as an artist-in-residence at Colorado State 
University; in 1975 he was a visiting artist at Dartmouth College. In the 
late 1970s, Cannon received a number of large commissions. The Santa Fe 
Opera Company engaged him to create paintings to advertise their 1977 
and 1978 seasons. The painting for the poster and program cover for the 
1978 opera season, entitled "A Remembered Muse (Tosca)", juxtaposes a 

American Indian Identity 

number of Euro-American and American Indian symbols. 21 Behind the 
two American Indian figures dressed in elaborate traditional garb is an 
American flag banner with the images of the martyred John F. Kennedy 
and Robert Kennedy. The painting is at the same time puzzling, provoca- 
tive, and poignant. A larger-scale endeavor, completed in 1977, was a 
huge mural, eight feet high by twenty-two feet long, for the Daybreak Star 
Indian Cultural Educational Center in Seattle. The title of the mural is 
"Epochs in Plains History: Mother Earth, Father Sun, the Children 
Themselves." Among the mural's figures are representations of the moon, 
a group of Old People from the primordial world, Mother Earth, an owl, 
a sacred eagle, a herd of bison, an equestrian warrior, the fabled White 
Buffalo, a skewered Sun Dancer, a shield-like sun, tipis, and a Peyote Man 
seated near some peyote buttons and a crescent-shaped altar. Moving off 
the right side of the image is a Gourd Dancer in blue jeans, a brightly pat- 
terned shirt, blanket, western hat, and "shades." In the center of the mural 
are T.C. Cannon's hand prints in red and yellow P- 

Whether or not some of the symbolism in the above-mentioned paint- 
ings is prescient of the artist's tragically early death can be debated. 
Nonetheless, T.C. Cannon was killed in a one-car accident near his home 
in Santa Fe on May 8, 1978. Although only thirty-one years old, Cannon 
had garnered many honors and was known not only throughout the 
United States but in Europe as well. In 1972, while he was still an under- 
graduate student, he was featured with Fritz Scholder in an exhibition 
entitled "Two American Painters," mounted by the Smithsonian's 
National Collection of Fine Arts. This two-man show toured Berlin, 
Belgrade, Skopje, Istanbul, Madrid, and London. Cannon's one-man 
shows included exhibitions at the Southern Plains Indian Museum in 
Anadarko (1971), Larkin Gallery in Santa Fe (1972), Pickard Galleries in 
Oklahoma City (1974), Beaumont-May Gallery in Hanover, New 
Hampshire (1975), and the Wheelwright Museum in Santa Fe (1976). In 
1979, the Aberbach Gallery in New York, which had served as Cannon's 
agent and dealer, mounted a posthumous show entitled "T.C. Cannon: A 
Memorial Exhibition." From New York this exhibition toured to the 
Museum of New Mexico in Santa Fe, the Heard Museum in Phoenix, and 
the Buffalo Bill Cody Cultural Center in Cody, Wyoming. Cannon's work 
was also included in more than twenty group exhibitions that not only 
toured the United States but Europe as well. Throughout 1990 and 1991 an 
extensive retrospective one-man show was exhibited by the National 

David M. Gradwohl 

Cowboy Hall of Fame and Western Heritage Center in Oklahoma City 
and the Eiteljorg Museum of American Indian and Western Art in 

The evaluation of T.C. Cannon's skill and position in the art world is 
outside the scope of this essay and beyond the expertise of this author, but 
one historian of contemporary art puts his work in perspective with the 
art of others of "the most successful Indian painters" - Fritz Scholder, Earl 
Bliss, Kevin Red Star, and Grey Cohoe: 

Their eclectic stylistic combinations of the expressive, the decorative, and 
the ironic have formed an ambivalent repertoire of recognizable but dis- 
torted images. Thus, at least an attempt is made to transform the stereotype 
into the archetype by its simultaneous acceptance and negation. An analy- 
sis of this development in Indian art might finally demonstrate that the 
artistic expression of minorities within majority cultures is based on a com- 
mon structural principle. This principle includes (a) the combination of 
myth and history, (2) the attempt to purify the cliche, and (3) the search for 
art forms that concentrate, intensify, and generalize motifs, images, and 
rhythms, first in symbolic, then in ironic, and, perhaps, finally in a playful 
popular mode". 23 

It is safe to say that T.C. Cannon's art epitomizes the above principles. 
Only time will tell whether his artistic contributions will have a continu- 
ing impact not only on American Indian art per se but contemporary art 
in general. 

Cannon was not only well aware of his blending of traditional 
American Indian aesthetic forms with modern Western art modes, he was 
also able to articulate it clearly and eloquently. In 1970 he wrote the fol- 
lowing in connection with the preparation of his first one-man exhibition 
at the Southern Plains Indian Museum in Anadarko: 

Contemporary Indian painting is an ever-expanding field full of infinite 
directions and countless rewards and dreams. In these few works, I have 
tried to align myself along the lines and codes of my ethnic background. I 
have not shut out my tradition, nor have I attempted to sacrifice or negate 
the traditional idiom from where I started ... I lean toward a more abstract 
idiom which I feel suits my situation more ideally. The contemporary 
Indian of today is a much more open-minded individual than ten years 
ago, especially the young people with their sensitive and revealing out- 
looks on the present day world. 24 

Put in this straightforward manner, Cannon's art is a paradigm of his life 
in general. 

American Indian Identity 

Selected Burial Patterns in Native North America 

During the thousands of years that they have inhabited North 
America, Native Americans have disposed of their dead in a variety of 
ways. A full discussion of these various patterns is obviously beyond the 
bounds of this essay. A few examples, however, will suffice to demon- 
strate two points. First, there is no one American Indian mortuary pattern, 
historically or today, but rather a number of differing modes. Second, 
these disparate burial practices are expressive of diverse group and indi- 
vidual identities. 

In the eastern United States, between approximately 800 BC and 800 
AD, people of the archaeologically-defined Woodland Tradition cultures, 
including Adena, Hopewell, and others, constructed large conical burial 
mounds over log tombs or pit inhumations. 25 Flexed inhumations in cir- 
cular pits, of course, had been the primary burial mode for some six thou- 
sand years back into the Archaic Tradition. 26 In the Upper Mississippi 
Valley, by at least 800 A.D. certain prehistoric Indian groups were build- 
ing mounds in the shapes of animal effigies. 27 Although these Effigy 
Mounds may have served more than one purpose, many of them do 
include disarticulated "bundle burials." In the Great Plains, numerous 
historic tribes placed their dead on above-ground scaffolds where the 
eventual disarticulated bones either fell to the ground or were gathered to 
be deposited in sub-surface pits. In the 1830s, artist George Catlin record- 
ed this practice at a Mandan village: burial scaffolds can be seen outside 
the community of earth lodges beyond the defensive stockade. 28 During 
the same time period, Swiss artist Karl Bodmer was hired to illustrate the 
western journals of traveler-scientist Prince Maximilian von Wied 
Neuwied. Bodmer's exquisite and detailed paintings document funeral 
scaffolds among the Sioux and human mortuary displays among the 
Mandan. 29 In the American southwest other mortuary patterns obtained. 
Some groups in the Hohokam Tradition practiced cremation, with the 
burial of ashes and burned bones in sub-surface pits. 30 Other groups, par- 
ticularly those in the Anasazi-Pueblo Tradition, often buried their dead 
below the floors of their stone or adobe houses, while Native Americans 
in western Canada and southern Alaska build separate "spirit houses" in 
which the dead are buried. 31 

To differing degrees today, many southwestern Indian groups have 
been converted to Christianity. This is certainly apparent at the cemetery 
of Taos Pueblo in northern New Mexico, where visitors are, for good rea- 

David M. Gradwohl 

sons, not allowed within the burial grounds. Still, from outside the 
peripheral wall, one can observe among the crosses several probable 
Native American carry-overs in the form of bird motifs painted on grave- 
markers and several mortuary offerings of beads (not rosaries). The 
Tohono O'odham or Papago have long been missionized at San Xavier del 
Bac in Tucson, Arizona. The adjoining cemetery has many characteristics 
of Hispanic Catholic cemeteries elsewhere and is abundantly decorated 
with mass-produced artificial floral bouquets and other mortuary orna- 
ments. Within that melange, however, can be seen offerings of jewelry and 
food which may represent traditional Indian mortuary patterns. Similar 
multi-cultural practices have been reported for the Zuni and Navajo. 32 
Similar processes also exist in the Inuit (Eskimo) native cemetery at 
Nome, Alaska. Particularly striking is the white painted wooden cross 
gravemarker of Aloysius Pikonganna, to which has been attached a stone 
amulet. The horizontal crossbar exhibits a black silhouette-like drawing 
rendered in an Arctic art style which goes back at least several centuries 
in engraved ivory. 33 The scene depicts boats, the hunting of a bird, walrus, 
and seal, along with dancers and a drummer with a tambourine. Finally, 
many contemporary American Indian burial practices are not open for 
observations from outsiders. At the Meskwaki Indian Settlement in cen- 
tral Iowa, for example, access to the cemetery is halted by a sign that reads 
"Private Cemetery. Tours of any kind are strictly prohibited. We have no 
chiefs, no agents, no delegates authorized to sell our cornfields, our 
homes, our trees, or the bones of our dead. Signed by The People." 

General Observations on Anadarko's Public Memory Lane Cemetery 

As Anadarko's public cemetery, Memory Lane presented a pleasant, 
tidy, and well-maintained appearance when I entered it. Judging from the 
names and /or symbols on gravestones, I assumed that American Indian 
and non-Indian burials were generally intermixed rather than being 
placed in separate sections of the cemetery. That impression was inde- 
pendently verified by a maintenance worker and a monument dealer with 
whom I spoke during my two visits to Anadarko. 34 The gravestone styles, 
source materials, epitaphs, and mortuary or decorative symbols here do 
not differ markedly from most other small town public cemeteries I have 
observed in the Great Plains. The changes in these forms from the late 
nineteenth century to the late twentieth century are also essentially pre- 
dictable. Among the monuments erected during the last twenty years, 

10 American Indian Identity 

however, one can observe increasing numbers of idiosyncratic symbols 
pertaining to occupations, favorite avocations, and other pursuits. The 
carved motif on the reverse side of Pat and Joan Anderson's monument, 
for example, records the family's participation in Oklahoma's oil boom. 
Similarly, carved scenes on the Francis family monument suggests that 
their wealth came not only from oil but also cattle. The double marker for 
the Vaughns has designs indicating that Shirley spent a lot of time with 
yarn and a crocheting needle while James was a handy-man with a ham- 
mer and screw driver. The monument of George Hector exhibits a chis- 
eled image of his personal airplane, specifically a Cessna 210-D 
Centurion. The epitaph on Bart Harrison's monument announces that he 
is "Going Home"; the image of a dove in flight emphasizes this message, 
while the likenesses of a trumpet and musical notes probably indicate the 
deceased's avocational or professional pursuits. Two other monuments 
attest to the individualistic interests of gravestone customers in addition 
to the vibrant virtuosity of monument dealers in central Oklahoma. One 
of these, the stone for Bill and Virginia Tallent, bears an epitaph pro- 
claiming "What beautiful memories we have" along with a complex chis- 
eled and /or laser-cut scene that includes large hills, trees, a barn, lots of 
livestock, a stream, and a family of six enjoying a plentiful picnic on a 
blanket next to their automobile, a Lincoln Mark IV coupe with optional 
sun roof and Continental rear end kits. The other, a recent pyramidal col- 
umn monument for Virgil O. Williams, recalls the taller obelisk form pop- 
ular seven to eleven decades ago. This column, however, has three cast 
bronze geese departing from its apex; and within its granite shaft is a 
glass-fronted niche that affords a view of a large porcelain or metal-lidded 
pitcher decorated with German inscriptions and folk figures. 

Gravestones of American Indians at Memory Lane Cemetery 

Gravestones of American Indians buried at Memory Lane Cemetery 
follow the characteristics outlined above for the monuments of non- 
Indians. Many gravestones include general floral designs or Christian 
symbols. Their association with American Indians lies solely with identi- 
fiable family names: examples include the monuments of Noah and Viola 
Spotted Horsechief (Fig. 3), Alexandra and Bertha Curley Chief, Lois J. 
Snake Blackwolf, Stephanie Buffalohead, and Jerry Scott Spotted Horse. 
Other monuments, though displaying no overt symbols of Native 
American identity, exhibit names of families from which prominent 

David M. Gradwohl 


Indian personalities have come. Mammedaty, for example, was the tradi- 
tional name of the paternal grandfather of N. Scott Momaday, the Kiowa 
Pulitzer prize- winning novelist and poet. 35 Nevaquaya is the family name 
of well-known Comanche painter and flute player Doc Tate Nevaquaya. 36 
The name Ahpetone (or Ahpeatone) appears on two small pyramidal 
columns dating from the early twentieth century as well as an adjacent 
contemporary large horizontal monument. "Apeahtone" was the last fed- 
erally-recognized chief of the Kiowa Tribe; a statue in his honor is sched- 
uled for dedication at the Indian Hall of Fame during the summer of 1996. 
The monument of Frank Kodaseet exhibits an image of Christ with the 
Sacred Heart and a symbol for the Knights of Columbus (Fig. 4). Also 
included on this monument is Frank Kodaseet's Indian name, Taime-Day. 
Interestingly enough in terms of traditional beliefs, the word Tai-me refers 
to the most sacred single image or fetish in the Kiowa Indian religion. Tai- 

Fig. 3. Monument of Noah and Viola Spotted Horsechief. 
The family name is the only specific indication of American Indian 

identity. The praying hands and open book or Bible motifs are 

general Christian symbols found on a number of American Indian 

and non-Indian gravestones in Anadarko and elsewhere. 


American Indian Identity 

me was the central figure of the Kiowa's K'ado, or Sun Dance, ceremony. 37 
Gravestones of other Native Americans are revealed by the employment 
of their Indian names, most often rendered in a hyphenated translitera- 
tion into English. For example, one may note the monument for A-On- 
Hote-Baw and Ke-He-Gould-Da Keah-Tigh (Fig. 5). The gravestone's 
other side identifies these people as Margaret Jane and KM. Keah-Tigh 
(presumably the additional rendering of their nicknames as "Mom-O" 
and "Pop-O" is an extension of the hyphenation principle!). The beveled 
column monument of Zos-Sah-Ane, who died in 1903, suggests that this 
individual was known by a traditional single name rather than by "first" 
and "family" names. Zos-Sah-Ane' s gravestone style, epitaph ("Gone But 
Not Forgotten"), and Christian mortuary symbols (crown of glory, stars, 
mansions in the sky, and gates of heaven) are typical "stock" forms found 








Fig. 4. Monument of Frank Kodaseet exhibiting Christian symbols, 

including Christ with the Sacred Heart and the Knights of Columbus 

emblem. His Indian name, Taime-Day, reveals an association with 

Tai-me, the most sacred single object in Kiowa traditional religion. 

David M. Gradwohl 


in turn-of-the-century cemeteries in the American midlands. Finally, one 
observes Tsait-Kope-Ta's monument, which is topped by a large sculpted 
angel pointing heavenward. Although such sculpted angels are a com- 
mon Victorian form elsewhere, this monument is strikingly unique in 
Anadarko, Oklahoma. 

The American Indian identities represented on numerous other grave- 
stones in Memory Lane Cemetery are considerably more obvious. For 
example, the monument of Lilly Catherine Botone Kodaseet (a.k.a. 
Ahkee'n Tih'n, or "White Rower") specifies her as a "Kiowa Prayer 
Woman" and further signifies her Indian identity by a tipi motif (Fig. 6). 
Another monument identifies Frank Waldon Jones as a member of the 

Fig. 5. Monument of A-On-Hote-Baw and Ke-He-Gould-Da Keah-Tigh, 

whose traditional Indian names are transliterated into English 

in a hyphenated manner characteristic of the rendering of many 

Native American names in Memory Lane Cemetery. 

The reverse side of the monument identifies these individuals as 

Margaret Jane ("Mom-O") and F.M. ("Pop-O") Keah-Tigh. 


American Indian Identity 

"Kiowa Tribe of Oklahoma," while his wife, Cecilia Belgarde Jones, is a 
designated member of the "Chippewa Tribe of North Dakota." Enoch 
Hoag's gravestone specifies him as the "Last Chief of the Caddo Tribe / 
Grandson of Chief Jose Maria" (Fig. 7). An oval porcelain photograph of 
Hoag in traditional garb further emphasizes his American Indian identi- 
ty. The small, wedge-shaped monument of Perry Arthur Keah-Tigh 
"Woman Heart" exhibits an inscription identifying him as an 
"Educational Indian song dance lecturer / A true credit to his father's 
people." Other than the family name, there is no symbol of Indian identi- 
ty on the front of Lois and Stacy Pahdopony's monument; cut and paint- 
ed portraits on the back of the gravestone, however, show Lois 
Tooahimpah Pahdopony's hair parted and braided in a traditional fash- 
ion. On one side of the Newkumet family monument is an engraved 
feather (Fig. 8). On the other side of the monument, and also on the indi- 
vidual markers for Vynola Beaver Newkumet and Phil J. Newkumet, is a 

Fig. 6. Monument of Lilly Catharine Botone Kodaseet. 

Her American Indian identity is revealed in three ways: 

her traditional name, Ahkee'n Tih'n, or White Flower; a tipi motif; 

and an inscription that identifies her as a "Kiowa Prayer Woman". 

David M. Gradwohl 


fire and rising smoke motif (Fig. 9). This emblem may represent the 
Sacred Fire or the New Fire ceremonies known throughout the Native 
American southeast. 38 Indian symbols in the form of a feather headdress, 
arrow, quirt, and trade bugle embellish the double marker of Clarence 
(Set'-Tain-Te) and Maggie Sankadota. The front side of the double monu- 
ment for Michelle A. Yackeyonny (almost 29 years old) and Dominic A. 
Reyna (8 years old) is decorated with Christian symbols including the 
praying hands motif and books (presumably the Bible or the Book of Life). 
On the reverse side, however, are two traditional feather dance or prayer 
fans. Dominic's epitaph reads "My canoe is small, the ocean wide / May 
the Great Spirit be my Guide" (Fig. 10). For Michelle - on her portion of 
the monument - there are the words "It's so hard to say 'goodbye' to yes- 
terday." The cultural metaphors are additionally mixed, however, as 

Fig. 7. Enoch Hoag's gravestone, which specifies him as "The Last 

Chief of the Caddo Tribe / Grandson of Chief Jose Maria". His 

American Indian identity is further expressed by the traditional 

clothing and hair style in his photograph on the monument. 


American Indian Identity 

Dominic is depicted playing soccer and his ephemeral grave offerings 
include toy cars, dinosaurs, and various commando and soldier dolls. The 
front of Leonard and Eve Silverhorn's monument exhibits no Indian sym- 
bols; but on the reverse side one observes the chiseled image of a wood- 
en flute, perhaps the courting flute employed by most Plains Indian tribes 
(Fig. 11). The double monument for Bessie Hunter Snake and Willie Snake 
has separate symbols for these two individuals. Bessie is commemorated 
by the image of a turtle; Willie by two dominoes. The meanings of these 
symbols are not immediately clear. The turtle could represent a clan or 
family totem, the "turtle island" of myths, or even a zoomorphic marker 
for the Indian dice game. While dominoes did not originate in American 
Indian tradition, Native Americans had a large array of games of chance 
and gambling. 39 Bingo halls and casinos are modern institutions, but gam- 
bling had independent roots among the first inhabitants of North 

More obvious, and in many ways more unique among the American 
Indian symbols observed at the Memory Lane Cemetery, are motifs which 
represent the Native American Church. This religious organization syn- 

Fig. 8 Newkumet family monument (back side) showing feather 
motif, a sacred symbol in many American Indian religions. 

David M. Gradwohl 


cretizes rituals of the traditional Peyote Cult and Christianity. 40 The 
Native American Church was incorporated in Oklahoma in 1918 and 
there are still many practitioners there today. Adherents of this religion 
ritually ingest buttons of the spineless peyote cactus (Lophophora william- 
sii) as a sacrament and a curative medicine. In this context peyote is non- 
habit forming but produces visual, temporal, and other sensory sensa- 
tions which are an ingredient of the ceremonies of the church. 41 The mon- 
ument of Mable Mahseet Weryavah identifies her as a member of the 
Native American Church (Fig. 12). Here we see the symbol of the tipi (in 

EL- r if'ii ^^^ii vi 

■ -1 

• * 

*""-• •' 


■M jji 


Newkumet I 

gin | 

Fig. 9. Newkumet family monument (front side) showing a fire and 

rising smoke motif. This emblem, repeated on the individual markers 

for Vynola Beaver Newkumet and Phil J. Newkumet, may symbolize 

the Sacred Fire or New Fire ceremonies known in many American 

Indian religions in the southeastern United States. 


American Indian Identity 

which the ceremonies are traditionally held), a peyote rattle made from a 
small gourd, and an image of the aquatic spirit bird or water bird, "usu- 
ally depicted with neck and wings extended as if in flight". 42 Worshipers 
in the Native American Church entrust their prayers to the aquatic spirit 
bird to be conveyed to the all-powerful guardian forces. Peyote rattles are 
typically decorated with bright beads and horsehair. One small gourd rat- 
tle in the collections of the Nebraska State Historical Society exemplifies 
the combination of Peyote Cult iconography (tipi, star, cactus plant, 
sun /peyote button, and crescent moon /altar) with Christian symbols 
(cross, prayer words) in the Native American Church. Another Native 
American Church member buried at Memory Lane Cemetery, identified 
by the tipi and aquatic spirit bird symbol, is Thomas Hugh Eckiwaudah. 
The double monument of N. Hazel Palmer and Earl Palmer, Sr. has no 
American Indian symbols on its front side; but the reverse side exhibits 
the symbol of a peyote tipi. Paul Kenyon Littlechief's monument promi- 
nently displays the aquatic spirit bird icon of the Native American Church 

Fig. 10. Detail of double monument for Dominic A. Reyna and 

Michelle A. Yackeyonny. In particular, note the engraved image 

of a traditional feather dance or prayer fan. 

David M. Gradwohl 


(Fig. 13). The accompanying inscription, "He had the heart of an eagle," 
refers to another bird that has much broader meanings in traditional 
American Indian religions. Eagle tail feather dance or prayer fans and 
individual feathers, for example, have a number of symbolic connotations 
to Native Americans. Since eagles soar high in the skies, they are wit- 
nesses to everything around them. In the words of Jordan Paper, "Eagle 
has varying symbolic functions that differ from culture to culture, but in 
all cases is a major spirit. Eagle may represent Sun or West Wind. Eagle 
also represents the sending of our messages to the spirits." 43 Finally, in 
regard to symbols of the Native American Church, we may observe the 
monument of Tom Little Chief. A close inspection of the oval porcelain 
photograph affixed to his gravemarker reveals his association with the 
peyote religion (Fig. 14). He is wearing a tie tack in the form of a "sun- 
burst," which, it is said, "symbolizes the peyote button dispersing its 
benevolent rays to all humanity". 44 Little Chief's portrait also shows him 
garbed in a beaded bandolier with a sunburst medallion and attached 
aquatic spirit bird pendant. 



Fig. 11. Monument of Leonard and Eve Silverhorn exhibiting the 

symbol of a wooden flute. Among most Plains Indian tribes, 

young men used flute music to court their girlfriends. 


American Indian Identity 

Mortuary Monuments of the Cannon Family- 
Two dark pink granite monuments represent the Cannon family in 
Memory Lane Cemetery. A rectangular horizontal block marks the grave 
of Mimi Cannon, who was born in 1913 and died in 1989, and the future 
resting place for Walter Cannon, who was born in 1911 and is still living 
(Fig. 15). Portraits of T.C. Cannon's parents have been cut into and paint- 
ed upon the front surface of the stone. Their marriage date in 1942 appears 
below their images. An inscription on the back of the monument records 
the fact that Walter and "Mamie" Cannon are the parents of Vernon, 
Tommy "Tee Cee," and Joyce (Fig. 16). The elder Cannons' tribal affilia- 
tions, respectively Kiowa and Caddo, are cut into the stone (Fig. 17). In 
addition there are two round Plains shield-like symbols. One (adjacent to 
the word "Kiowa") depicts an Indian man, presumably a warrior, riding a 
horse and carrying a shield and possibly a bow. The other (adjacent to the 
word "Caddo") shows a leaf and two small circles. The iconographic asso- 



1884 ~ J9 7 3 



Fig. 12. Gravestone of Mable Mahseet Weryavah displaying symbols 

of the Native American Church: a tipi, an aquatic spirit bird, and 

small gourd rattle used in peyote rituals. 

David M. Gradwohl 


ciations of these motifs are not clear. They could represent family crests, 
clan, or tribal symbols, but, if so, they appear to be idiosyncratic. 

Finally, we reach the monument of T.C. Cannon, which has a smooth- 
ly-cut, rectilinear-shaped form of a cross along one edge while the oppos- 
ing border is irregularly curvilinear and roughly hewn (Fig. 2). This 
gravestone form may well be the shape of a "stock" item available at the 
monument dealer engaged by the Cannon family; the company name 
"Bill Willis, Granite, Ok." is engraved at the lower right hand side of the 
front of the monument. On the other hand, one could speculate that these 
opposing borders are a formal metaphor for the contrasting and complex 
dimensions of T.C. Cannon. From one viewpoint - that of his paintings, 
poetry, music, reading interests, and general intellect - Cannon comes off 
as very polished and sophisticated. From the opposite perspective - 
Cannon's simple tastes, modest lifestyle, and to-some-extent shy person- 
ality - he appears to be more simple and uneven. In words written in 

Fig. 13. The aquatic spirit bird emblem of the Native American 

Church depicted on the monument of Paul Kenyon Littlechief. 

His epitaph refers to the eagle, a bird with widespread 

significance in American Indian religions. 


American Indian Identity 



■*i % 


I .? 

Fig. 14. Detail of the gravestone of Tom Little Chief. 

In addition to a feather and traditional braided hair style, 

his photograph shows symbols of the Native American Church: 

a peyote button or sunburst tie tack, and a bandolier with a 

sunburst medallion and attached aquatic spirit bird pendant. 

David M. Gradwohl 


1973, Cannon portrayed himself as the latter: "I am not sophisticated. I am 
not a man of letters ... I am nothing but a young man ... I have learned to 
accept myself as nothing more and nothing less". 45 The prominent sym- 
bol of the cross on T.C. Cannon's monument is also somewhat enigmatic. 
Cannon's former wife, Barbara Warner Cannon Ross, has stated that "On 
all the applications at school which listed what religion you were, he 
always put 'universalist.' ... I think he had strong religious feelings, but 
they weren't structured in the church or anything like that". 46 A statement 
by Sherman Chaddlesone, Cannon's close Kiowa friend, is even more 
emphatic: "T.C. wasn't a member of the Native American Church, and he 
didn't go to Christian churches either. He despised organized religion". 47 
His most recent biographer, Joan Frederick, commented that "T.C. did not 
belong to an organized church, but was a deeply religious person. His 
upbringing combined a belief in the mystical Indian religion of his ances- 
tors with basic Christian tenets". 48 The observations of Elizabeth Dear, 
whom Frederick identifies as "T.C.'s best female friend in Santa Fe during 

Fig. 15. Front side of monument of Walter and Mimi 
(Mamie) Cannon, parents of T.C. Cannon. 


American Indian Identity 

the last two years of his life," suggest that Cannon had even broader and 
more eclectic leanings: "He considered himself a religious person and was 
deeply interested and involved in his traditional Indian beliefs, along 
with several other religions, including Judaism. This fascination led him 
to read as much as he could about it ..." 49 These statements are interest- 
ing in terms of the fact that T.C. Cannon normally wore a silver Star of 
David on a leather thong. That Star of David was recovered along with 
Cannon's body from the wreckage of his truck on May 7, 1978. 50 

Cut into and painted on the front surface of this gravestone is a hand- 
some and rather detailed portrait of T.C. Cannon - a proper memorial to 
a man who produced many self-portraits during his career. He is repre- 
sented informally by the name "Tee Cee" and formally as "Tommy Wayne 
Cannon." An inscription records the fact that he is the "Son of Walter and 
Mamie Cannon, Brother of Vernon and Joyce." This kinship reference, 
when taken together with the inscription on his parents' monument, iden- 
tifies T.C. Cannon as an American Indian of Kiowa and Caddo tribal affil- 

Fig. 16. Back side of the elder Cannon's monument listing the 
names of their children (Vernon, Joyce, and Tommy "Tee Cee"). 

David M. Gradwohl 


iation. His dates of birth and death are noted: Sept. 27, 1946 and May 8, 
1978. In between those two dates is carved the logo of the 101st Airborne 
Division in which Cannon served in Viet Nam (Fig. 18). The logo incor- 
porates the image of an eagle upon a shield. Recently I was informed that 
members of this elite American combat unit are known as the "Screaming 
Eagles." 51 Not only is the eagle a totemic avian symbol of the United 
States but, as alluded to previously, "Eagle is the winged spirit of the day 
sky, of the Sun" in most American Indian religions. 52 Among Cannon's 
paintings is one entitled "On Drinking Beer in Viet Nam in 1967." 53 This 
painting captures Cannon enjoying a brief interlude from war with his 
close friend, Kirby Feathers, a Ponca Indian from Oklahoma. 54 In the 
painting both men are wearing military uniforms, and the artist went to 
some little effort to clearly include the 101st Airborne' s logo shoulder 
patch. Cannon shows his hair as below shoulder length while his buddy 

Fig. 17. Detail of the back side of the elder Cannon's monument 

showing two round Plains shield-like symbols and the 

American Indian tribal affiliations of Walter Cannon (Kiowa) 

and Mamie Cannon (Caddo). 


American Indian Identity 

is depicted as sporting traditional braids - neither of which, I suspect, 
would have been expedient or tolerated in the U.S. military. Both men are 
wearing feathers in their hair. Quite evidently these are two American sol- 
diers; more obviously they are two American Indian warriors. For these 
reasons my hunch is that the shield and eagle on T.C. Cannon's grave- 
stone may have at least two sets of meanings, as they do in his painting 
from Viet Nam. Cannon was an American military hero with two Bronze 
Stars and a member of an elite combat unit with a proud and distin- 
guished history; he was also Pai-doung-u-day, a member of the Kiowa 
Black Leggings Warrior Society. 

The back of T.C. Cannon's monument also presents some food for 
thought (Fig. 19). The overall design shows a palette with paint, a con- 
tainer of brushes, and an artist's easel holding a rectangular form, sug- 
gesting a stretched canvas, upon which is written a poem (for T.C. 

f 1 X M. X ■ 1 

Fig. 18. Detail of the front side of T.C. Cannon's gravestone 

showing the logo of the 101st Airborne Division, 

the military unit in which Cannon served in Viet Nam. 

The eagle and shield symbols probably have additional 

meanings in terms of American Indian religious iconography. 

David M. Gradwohl 


Cannon was a writer of poetry and music too). The easel and other images 
convey the idea that Cannon was a contemporary painter. The poem is 
entitled "Remember Me Blues" and is written in Cannon's individualistic 

When the bright lights of the morning 

Have faded from the land 

And the ghosts of countless friendships 

Have all shifted with the sand 

And the chimes of farewell's melody 

Blows outward to the sea 

I'll be standing here r'memberin 

Hopin you r'member me. 

The poem is signed "T. Cee, Artist - Composer - Poet." The verse is cer- 
tainly poignant, but I must confess that I can find no absolutely certain 

' I BLUtS 


•- « 

Fig. 19. Back side of T.C. Cannon's gravestone. 

The epitaph and engraved images refer to Cannon's endeavors 

as a contemporary artist, composer, and poet. 


American Indian Identity 

threads of American Indian identity in its lines. The first time I viewed the 
monument I was so busy trying to comprehend its overall design and so 
engrossed in reading the poem that I almost overlooked the small but 
important icon identifying T.C. Cannon's Native American links which is 
situated in the lower left corner of the framed poem on the easel (Figs. 19 
and 20). It consists of the representations of three ceramic vessels deco- 
rated in the bichrome and polychrome styles in which pots have been 
painted in the American southwest by Anasazi-Pueblo Tradition artists 
for nearly two thousand years. It is this long tradition of conceptualizing 
forms and painting designs which must have stirred in T.C. Cannon as a 
child and carried him into his stellar career as a leading definer and expo- 
nent of contemporary American Indian art. 

4 q p vn 

, TV * \ 

Fig. 20. Detail of the back side of T.C. Cannon's gravestone 

showing three small ceramic vessels painted in the style of 

Anasazi-Pueblo artists in the American Southwest for nearly two 

thousand years. These small images are important symbols of 

Cannon's prowess as a painter and his connections to the 
long-standing traditions of painting among American Indians. 

David M. Gradwohl 29 


This study has shown that there are some demonstrable relationships 
between material culture and ethnicity. In this case we have seen many 
gravemarkers that express both individual and group ethnic identities of 
American Indians on the contemporary scene and back through time. The 
data presented in this essay illustrate several points. First, over the course 
of North American prehistory and history, American Indians have 
employed a number of different and distinctive burial practices. Second, 
some of these kinds of variations exist today among Native Americans 
despite Euro-American attempts at forced assimilation and religious mis- 
sionization. Third, a number of specific mortuary symbols are expressive 
of American Indian identities in the Memory Lane Cemetery in 
Anadarko, Oklahoma. These ethnic indicators include particularistic 
names, hyphenated format of transliterating names into English, epi- 
graphic indications of tribal affiliation, references to political and religious 
roles, photographs portraying traditional hair and clothing styles, and 
design motifs such as a feathered headdress, individual feathers, dance or 
prayer fans, fire and smoke, a flute, an arrow, and zoomorphic forms. The 
cemetery exhibits a notable degree of individuality and virtuosity in the 
modern gravestones of both American Indians and non-Indians. 
Particularly distinctive is the iconography of the Native American Church 
as expressed on mortuary monuments. Key symbols here include the cer- 
emonial tipi, Peyote rattle, aquatic spirit bird, sunburst or Peyote button 
symbol, and portrayals of "Peyote jewelry" in photographs attached to 
the gravestones. Fourth, the gravestones of artist T.C. Cannon and his par- 
ents specifically exhibit symbols of American Indian identification. It is 
significant, I think, that all three are represented by gravestone portraits. 
The tribal affiliations of Walter and Mamie Cannon are indicated and 
there are shield-like motifs which may be further material expressions of 
their particularistic identity. T.C. Cannon's monument includes a military 
emblem with a shield and an eagle - insignias with probable bicultural 
meanings. From documented records we know that Cannon was laid to 
rest with both U.S. military and traditional Kiowa honors. Furthermore 
Cannon's link to the heritage of American Indian art, particularly paint- 
ing, is represented by the symbol of three painted Puebloan pots on his 
gravestone. In an interview in 1975, T.C. Cannon reflected on this linkage: 
"From the poisons and passions of technology arises a great force with 
which we must deal as present-day painters. We are not prophets - we are 

30 American Indian Identity 

merely potters, painters, and sculptors dealing with and living in the later 
twentieth century". 55 These words are characteristically modest for a man 
of T.C. Cannon's stature. By the same token, the diminutive images of 
painted pots on Cannon's gravestone are significant but understated sym- 
bols for the man upon whom was bestowed the honored Kiowa name that 
means "One Who Stands in the Sun." 


I gratefully thank the following individuals for assistance in preparing this paper: Gretchen 
M. Bataille, Paul C. Brooke, Hanna R. Gradwohl, Benjamin R. Kracht, Terry and Nancy 
Lauritsen, Richard E. Meyer, Paul C. Nelson, Nancy M. Osborn, Stephen W. Pett, Helen H. 
Schuster, Don Van Sickle, and John L. Weinkein. All of the photographs were taken by the 
author. A briefer version of this paper was presented at the Annual Meeting of the American 
Culture Association in Las Vegas, Nevada, March 25-28, 1996. 

1. This memorial bust was sculpted by Kiowa artist Sherman Chaddlesone, a close friend 
of T.C. Cannon from their mutual days at the Institute of American Indian Arts in Santa 
Fe, New Mexico. 

2. David M. Gradwohl, "World View and Ethnicity: A Perspective From Latvian- 
American Gravestones in Lincoln, Nebraska," paper delivered at the Annual Meeting 
of the American Culture Association, Chicago, Illinois, April 6-9, 1994; David Mayer 
Gradwohl, "Intra-Group Diversity in Midwest American Jewish Cemeteries: An 
Ethnoarchaeological Perspective," in Archaeology of Eastern North America: Papers in 
Honor of Stephen Williams, ed. James B. Stoltman (Archaeological Report No. 25, 
Mississippi Department of Archives and History, Jackson, MS, 1993), 363-382; David M. 
Gradwohl, "The Jewish Cemeteries of Louisville, Kentucky: Mirrors of Historical 
Processes and Theological Diversity Through 150 Years," Markers X (1993): 116-149; 
David Mayer Gradwohl and Hanna Rosenberg Gradwohl, "That is the Pillar of 
Rachel's Grave Unto This Day: An Ethnoarchaeological Comparison of Two Jewish 
Cemeteries in Lincoln, Nebraska," in Persistence and Flexibility: An Anthropological 
Perspective on the American Jewish Experience, ed. Walter P. Zenner (Albany, NY, 1988), 

3. Joan Frederick, T.C. Cannon: He Stood in the Sun (Flagstaff, AZ, 1995), 12; Mildred P. 
May hall, The Kiowas ( Norman, OK, 1971), 140. 

4. Quoted in Jamake Highwater, Song From the Earth: American Indian Painting (Boston, 
MA, 1980), 177. 

5. David Rettig, "T.C. Cannon," American Indian Art Magazine 21:1 (1995): 56. 

6. Rick Hill, Nancy M. Mitchell, and Lloyd New, Creativity Is Our Tradition: Three Decades 
of Contemporary Indian Art of the Institute of American Indian Arts (Santa Fe, NM, 1992), 
88; see also W. Jackson Rushing, "Authenticity and Subjectivity in Post-War Painting: 

David M. Gradwohl 31 

Concerning Herrera, Scholder, and Cannon", in Shared Visions: Native American Painters 
and Sculptors in the Twentieth Century, ed. Margaret Archuleta and Rennard Strickland 
(Phoenix, AZ, The Heard Museum, 1991), 12-21. 

7. William Wallo and John Pickard, T.C. Cannon, Native American: A New View of the West 
(Oklahoma City, OK, National Cowboy Hall of Fame and Western Arts Center, 1990), 
55; Frederick, T.C. Cannon: He Stood in the Sim, 31. 

8. Wallo and Pickard, T.C. Cannon, Native American, 111; Frederick, T.C. Camion: He Stood 
in the Sun, 143; William Benton, "T.C. Cannon: The Masked Dandy," American Indian 
Art Magazine 3:4 (1978): 34-39. 

9. Referring to the late 1970s and early 1980s, Gerhard Hoffman, Professor of American 
Studies at the University of Wiirzburg in Germany, stated that this painting by Cannon 
was "among the most widely produced Indian works of the last decade" ("Frames of 
Reference: Native American Art in the Context of Modern and Post-Modern Art," in 
The Arts of the North American Indians: Native Traditions in Evolution, ed. Edwin L. Wade 
(New York, NY, 1986), 267). 

10. Wallo and Pickard, T.C. Cannon, Native American, 99; Frederick, T.C. Cannon: He Stood in 
the Sun, 131. 

11. Mayhall, The Kiowas, 136-140; Benjamin R. Kracht, "Kiowa Religion: An Ethnohistorical 
Analysis of Ritual Symbolism 1832-1987" (unpublished PhD Dissertation, Department 
of Anthropology, Southern Methodist University, Dallas, TX, 1989), 223-225. 

12. Kracht, "Kiowa Religion," 236-239. 

13. Ibid., 968-975; also Benjamin R. Kracht, personal communication to author, May 3, 1996. 

14. Highwater, Song From the Earth, 176; Frederick, T.C. Cannon: He Stood in the Sun, 137. 

15. Wallo and Pickard, T.C. Cannon, Native American, 94; compare with the actual field pho- 
tograph in Ralph K. Andrist, The Long Death: The Last Days of the Plains Indians (New 
York, NY, 1969), facing page 183; or Dee Brown, Bury My Heart at Wounded Knee (New 
York, NY, 1972), Fig. 48. 

16. Wallo and Pickard, T.C. Cannon, Native American, 95; Frederick, T.C. Camion: He Stood in 
the Sun, 127. 

17. Alison R. Bernstein, "Military Service", in Natme America in the Twentieth Century: An 
Encyclopedia, ed. Mary B. Davis (New York, NY, 1994); Arlene Hirschfelder and Martha 
Kriepe de Montaho, The Native American Almanac: A Portrait of Native America Today 
(New York, NY, 1993), 227-236. 

18. Bernstein, "Military Service," 341. 

19. Ibid.; Hirschfelder and de Montano, The Native American Almanac, 233-234. 

32 American Indian Identity 

20. Arthur Silberman, "Painting", in Native America in the Twentieth Century: An 
Encyclopedia, ed. Mary B. Davis (New York, NY, 1994), 421. 

21. Wallo and Pickard, T.C. Cannon, Native American, 115; Frederick, T.C. Cannon: He Stood 
in the Sun, 163. 

22. Wallo and Pickard, T.C. Cannon, Native American, Fig. 213; Frederick, T.C. Cannon: He 
Stood in the Sun, front and end papers. 

23. Hoffman, "Frames of Reference," 266. 

24. Quoted in Frederick, T.C. Cannon: He Stood in the Sun, 28-29. 

25. Jesse D. Jennings, Prehiston/ of North America (Mountain View, CA, 1989), 230-247. 

26. Ibid., 125-131. 

27. Clark R. Mallam, The Effigy Mound Manifestation: An Interpretive Model (Report 9, Office 
of the State Archaeologist, Iowa City, I A, 1976). 

28. Harold McCracken, George Catlin and the Old Frontier (New York, NY, 1959), 31. 

29. William H. Goetzmann, David C. Hunt, Marsha J. Gallagher, and William J. Orr, Karl 
Bodmer's America (Omaha, NE, Joslyn Art Museum, 1984), 184-185; 293-294. 

30. Jennings, Prehistory of North America, 299. 

31. H.S. Cosgrove and C.B. Cosgrove, The Smarts Ruin, A Typical Mimbres Site in 
Southwestern New Mexico (Papers of the Peabody Museum of American Archaeology 
and Ethnology, Harvard University 15:1, 1932), 23-25. Spirit houses in the Northwest 
were discussed by Macel M. Wheeler in her paper, "Cemeteries Along the ALCAN," 
presented at the Annual Meeting of the American Culture Association, Las Vegas, 
Nevada, March 25-28, 1996. 

32. Keith Cunningham, "The People of Rimrock Bury Alfred K. Lorenzo: Tri-Cultural 
Funerary Practice," in Ethnicity and the American Cemetery, ed. Richard E. Meyer 
(Bowling Green, OH, 1993); Keith Cunningham, "Navajo, Mormon, Zuni Graves; 
Navajo, Mormon, Zuni Ways", in Cemeteries and Gravemarkers: Voices of American 
Culture, ed. Richard E. Meyer (Ann Arbor, MI, 1989); Stephen C. Jett, "Modern Navajo 
Cemeteries," Material Culture 28:2 (1996): 1-23. 

33. cf. Dorothy Jean Ray, Artists of the Tundra and Sea (Seatle, WA, 1980), 31-97. 

34. Field observations were recorded and photographs taken on November 1, 1994 and 
November 3, 1995. Hanna R. Gradwohl and Nancy M. Osborn assisted in this endeavor. 

35. cf. N. Scott Momaday, The Names: A Memoir (New York, NY, 1976). 

36. Rosemary Ellison, Contemporary Southern Indian Plains Painting (Anadarko, OK, Indian 
Arts and Crafts Cooperative, 1972), 28; 51; 74. 

David M. Gradwohl 33 

37. Mayhall, The Kioivas, 147-151; 157. 

38. Thomas M.N. Lewis and Madeline Kneberg, Tribes That Slumber: Indians of the Tennessee 
Region (Knoxville, TN, I960), 176-180. 

39. Steward Culin, Games of North American Indians (New York, NY, 1975), originally pub- 
lished as the Twenty-Fourth Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology, 
Smithsonian Institution, 1907. 

40. Weston LeBarre. The Peyote Cult (New York, NY, 1969); J.S. Slotkin, The Peyote Religion: 
A Study of Indian-White Relations (New York, NY, 1975); Edward F. Anderson, Peyote: The 
Divine Cactus (Tucson, AZ, 1980); Omer C. Stewart, Pei/ote Religion: A History (Norman, 
OK, 1987). 

41. Stewart, Peyote Religion, 3. 

42. Rosemary Ellison, Contemporary Southern Plains Indian Metahvork (Anadarko, OK, 
Indian Arts and Crafts Cooperative, 1976), 14-19; Rosemary Ellison, "The Artistry and 
Genius of Julius Caesar", American Indian Art Magazine 3:4 (1978): 56-61; 75. 

43. Jordan Paper, Offering Smoke: The Sacred Pipe and Native American Religion (Moscow, ID, 
1988), 82. 

44. Richard Cronn, Circles of the World: Traditional Art of the Plains Indians (Denver, CO, 
1982), 136; 150. 

45. Quoted in Frederick, T.C. Cannon: He Stood in the Sun, vii. 

46. Ibid., 147. 

47. Ibid. 

48. Ibid. 

49. Ibid. 

50. Ibid., 175. 

51. I am indebted to Richard E. Meyer, a veteran of the 101st Airborne Division, for this fas- 
cinating and enlightening fact. 

52. Paper, Offering Smoke, 61. 

53. Rettig, "T.C. Cannon," 57; Frederick, T.C. Cannon: He Stood in the Sun, 46. 

54. Wallo and Pickard, T.C. Cannon, Native American, 20-21. 

55. Quoted in Highwater, Song From the Earth, 119. 


Early Congregational Ministers 

Fig. 1. Towns with markers of early Congregational ministers 

in northwestern Middlesex County and 

northern Worcester County, Massachusetts. 



Tom and Brenda Malloy 


The Massachusetts Bay Colony was established in 1630 as a Puritan 
theocracy. Within the first year of settlement six towns were laid out. In 
the ensuing years the Bay Colony experienced rapid population growth 
to the point that it would become Britain's most populated colony in 
North America. Consequently, a new county was established to the west 
of Boston. When Middlesex County was organized in 1643, it had eight 
towns, and by 1700 there were twenty-two. 1 

The town structure was viewed as a means by which control could be 
maintained over a rapidly growing population and, at the same time, 
ensure Puritan economic and religious domination. A town could only be 
formed when permission was given by Massachusetts' central govern- 
ment, known as the General Court. When a town was incorporated, the 
inhabitants cleared land to be used in common, i.e., the town common, 
and the next step was to build a meeting house. The structure was called 
a meeting house because both town and church meetings were held with- 
in the building inasmuch as towns were also legally considered parishes. 
As one town historian has stated, "A history of a New England town 
without an ecclesiastical chapter would surely be like the play of Hamlet 
with the part of Hamlet left out." 2 

The established church in Puritan Massachusetts was Congregational 
and, because the church was supported by the government, as late as 1800 
towns could be fined for not hiring a minister. The town provided the 
minister's salary and other various benefits, such as land and his year's 
supply of cord wood. The last benefits to be bestowed were his funeral 
expenses and the erection of his headstone. 

In some cases, a minister's marker might be a well-ornamented stone that 
was of the style found generally, throughout his congregation's burying 
ground. However, because of his high status in a church-state communi- 
ty, the minister's grave would normally be designated by the most 
impressive marker in the graveyard. In most instances the marker would 
be a portrait stone or a table stone. Frequently, if the grave was marked by 
a table stone, which was considered symbolic of a tomb, it was the only 


Early Congregational Ministers 

such marker in a cemetery. Portrait stones were carved not necessarily to 
reveal the individual's likeness, but to symbolize his position by the inclu- 
sion of clerical tabs. Also, if for some reason a minister's grave was not 
marked until some years after his death, it appears that an obelisk mark- 
er was normally chosen. 

In addition to being one of the most distinctive gravemarkers in a 
cemetery, a minister's marker normally contained a generous amount of 
documentation within the epitaph. Consequently, by using this informa- 
tion in conjunction with other historical sources, the role of the 
Congregational minister within a church-state community can be demon- 
strated. For the purposes of this study, this will be done through the 
analysis of ministers' markers in twenty-one towns of north central 
Massachusetts, eight of which are in the northwestern section of 
Middlesex County, and the remainder in northern Worcester County (see 
Fig. 1). 

Fig. 2. Reverend Samuel Whiting, 1719, Billerica. 

The epitaph on the Whiting stone, carved by Joseph Lamson, 

reveals that the Congregational clergy were provided with 

the genteel title of mister as well as that of reverend. 

Tom and Brenda Malloy 37 

Stones of the Ministers 

Examples of three different types of ministers' stones can be found at 
the South Cemetery in Billerica, which was incorporated as a town in 
1655. At the front of the cemetery is a stone for Samuel Whiting, the 
town's first pastor. Carved by Joseph Lamson, the headstone is orna- 
mented with a winged skull, gourds and finial faces (Fig. 2). The inscrip- 
tion reads: 








FEBRUARY YE 28 1719 

Whiting, whose father was the pastor in Lynn, Massachusetts, was a 
1653 graduate from the Puritan theological institution known as Harvard 
College. He arrived in Billerica three years after its incorporation. 
However, it would be two years after his ordination before the town could 
afford to build a meeting house. This meeting house, built for Whiting, 
was a thatched-roof structure with rough boards for siding, a primitive 
structure compared to the white-steepled churches that were eventually 
constructed on New England commons. Samuel Whiting preached the 
sermon in Billerica for fifty-six years before his retirement in. 1714, and the 
stone that marks his grave indicates that he died five years after his retire- 

In near proximity to the Whiting stone is the headstone of Billerica's 
second minister, Samuel Ruggles (Fig. 3). Ruggles graduated from 
Harvard in 1702, and was teaching in Hadley, Massachusetts when, in 
1708, he was selected to assist the aging Whiting. Succeeding Whiting as 
pastor, Ruggles served until his death in 1749, at which time the town 
voted 150 pounds for his funeral expenses. 3 His headstone is a large por- 
trait stone carved by William Park which was not erected until some years 
after the minister's death. 4 Features at the top of the stone include a por- 
trait with clerical tabs, an hourglass, the ubiquitous "Memento Mori," and 
the phrase "From deaths Arrest no age is free." The epitaph (on the lower 
portion of the stone) is inscribed in Latin. Translated, it reads in part: 


Early Congregational Ministers 

Under this rock of a tomb are found the ashes of 
Reverend Mister Samuel Ruggles recently pastor 
of the Billerica church who by the course which 
God had given completed at AD 1749. He took to 
death on the 3rd day of March when he had lived 
about 68 yrs. 5 

Upon the death of Samuel Ruggles, John Chanler became the third 
pastor in Billerica. He was a recent Harvard graduate who had grown up 
in the nearby town of Andover. However, he would only serve as pastor 
for eleven years before being dismissed for "indulgence in spiritual con- 
solations which were not from above." 6 It was known that he kept these 
"spiritual consolations" stored in his cellar. Two years after his dismissal 
he died at the early age of 38. The brevity of Chanler's tenure is referred 
to within the epitaph of his portrait stone, which reads: 

HRfe , '/.v wkimiLi i^r^ s'S V'-^ y \\ :■■■:/ 

Fig. 3. Reverend Samuel Ruggles, 1749, Billerica. 

The clerical tabs on the Ruggles portrait are typical of the neckwear 

worn by the Congregational clergy, and are considered symbolic of 

the tablets that contained The Ten Commandments. 

Tom and Brenda Malloy 


Here lye the Remains of the 
Revd. Mr. John Chanler 
Some time Pastor of the 
Church in Billerica 
who departed this life 
November the 10th AD 1762 

The Chanler stone (Fig. 4), which is located to the rear of the South 
Cemetery, was carved by the same artisan who cut his predecessor's 
stone. 7 Although, it is only about one-third the size of the Ruggles stone, 
both markers display a very similar style of portrait. 

Henry Cumings was Chanler 's successor, becoming the fourth pastor 
in Billerica. At the age of twenty he graduated from Harvard, which later 
bestowed on Cumings an honorary doctorate. He has been described as a 
man who "was six feet and upwards in height, finely proportioned, with 
silvery flowing locks and a pleasant smile." 8 Cumings' pastorate lasted 
for sixty-one years until his death in 1823 at the age of eighty-four. He 

Fig. 4. Reverend John Chanler, 1762, Billerica. Like the Ruggles 

portrait, the figure on the Chanler stone has details of clerical tabs 

plus buttons and pleats on the coat. 


Early Congregational Ministers 

would be the last minister to have his funeral expenses paid for by the 
town, probably because within a decade after his death church and state 
would be separated in Massachusetts. Cumings is buried in a family plot 
where a table stone, the only marker of its type in the South Cemetery, 
covers his grave (Fig. 5). The epitaph, which is on the surface of the stone, 

Beneath this stone 

rest the remains of the 

Rev. Henry Cumings D.D. 

late Pastor of the Church and Christian 

Society in Billerica 

Born Sept. 16th 1739 

ordained Jan. 26 1763 

died Sept. 6th 1823 

Incorporated the same year as Billerica, the town of Chelmsford bor- 
ders it to the west. Behind the First Parish Church is the Forefather's 

Fig. 5. Reverend Henry Cumings, 1823, Billerica. The Cumings table 

stone consists of a slate top supported by granite legs. Next to the 
table stone are the headstones of Cumings' daughter and three wives. 

Tom and Brenda Malloy 


** ¥ 






, j- /: - ■■ 




Fig. 6. Reverend John Fiske, 1676, Chelmsford. 

Truncated obelisks such as the Fiske cenotaph became popular 

markers during the late nineteenth century. 


Early Congregational Ministers 

Burying Ground, and here can be found the markers of the town's first 
four ministers. Because the exact site of the first minister's grave is not 
known, a memorial cenotaph in the form of a truncated obelisk was erect- 
ed by his descendants in 1899 (Fig. 6). The inscription reads: 

This cenotaph is erected by the Fiske Family of Chelmsford to 
the memory of the Rev. John Fiske First Pastor of Chelmsford who 
was born at South Finham Suffolk County England about the year 
1601. In 1637 he came to New England In 1644 he gathered a 
church at Wenham Mass. and continued as its pastor until 1656 
when he removed with the greater part of his church to 
Chelmsford where he ministered both as pastor and physician. 
Greatly respected and beloved until his death January 14, 1676 at 
the age of 76 years. 

The Reverend John Fiske, as his cenotaph notes, was born in England, 
where he was educated for the Anglican clergy. Eventually adopting 
Puritan theology, he fled England in 1637 in order to avoid persecution. 

tier ^_^j;?^-^ ^^^•3j!^^ L v"1 ** : ; 

^pfejWlWl ^>v1»0W^ "Iv^OcV; 

' ^ust^rVs rfimii. qui -filve 

Fig. 7. Reverend Thomas Clark, 1704, Chelmsford. 

In many cases the Latin epitaph on a ministers's stone 

was written by a surviving colleague. 

Tom and Brenda Malloy 


Fiske lived in Cambridge and then in Salem before moving to Wenham, 
Massachusetts, where he became the first minister of that town's church. 
After thirteen years he accepted the pastorate at the new church in 
Chelmsford, where he settled with a majority of the members from the 
Wenham parish. John Fiske died in the twentieth year of his ministry after 
an infirmity that required him to be carried in a chair to church services. 9 

Upon Fiske's death, Thomas Clark, who was born and reared in 
Cambridge, became Chelmsford's second minister. Town records perti- 
nent to Clark reveal how members of the early Puritan ministry might be 
compensated. Initially, he received provisions and meat as part of his 
salary. In 1680 he asked the town for, and received, ten acres of land. Three 
years later he claimed that thirty cords of wood was insufficient to heat 
his house, and was granted ten additional cords. Then, in 1688, he was 
given a yearly cash salary increase from eighty to one hundred pounds 
and an allotment of corn. 10 

In his twenty-seventh year in Chelmsford, Thomas Clark died of a 

Fig. 8. Reverend Samson Stoddard, 1740, Chelmsford. 

The sandstone cover on Stoddard's tomb has an inscription 

for his wife, Elizabeth, but not for him. 


Early Congregational Ministers 

fever after attending a funeral. Like the Whiting marker in Billerica, 
Clark's grave is graced by a winged skull stone carved by Joseph Lamson 
(Fig. 7). However, the top of the Clark stone also features an hourglass 
flanked on each side by imps carrying a burial pall. On the left, the imps 
are flanked by the phrase "Memento Mori" and on the right by the phrase 
"Fugit Hora." Also, in comparison to the Whiting stone, the finial faces on 
the Clark marker are accented with clerical tabs, thus symbolizing that the 
stone was erected for a member of the ministry. Further, Clark's epitaph 
is entirely in Latin. Translated, it reads: 

Here to the dust are committed the remains of the Reverend Mister 
Thomas Clark, the distinguished pastor of the flock of Christ in 
Chelmsford, who, in the faith and hope of a blessed resurrection, 
breathed forth his soul into the bosom of Jesus the 7th of December, 
in the year of the Lord 1704, and the 52nd of his age. 11 

Just a few feet from the Clark stone is the only box tomb in the Fore- 
father's Burying Ground. It marks the interment site of Chelmsford's third 
minister, although there is no inscription to designate it as such (Fig. 8). 

Fig. 9. Reverend Ebenezer Bridge, 1792, Chelmsford. 

Whereas the portrait stones in Billerica were carved by William Park, 

Bridge's portrait stone was carved by William's son, Thomas Park. 

Tom and Brenda Malloy 45 

Samson Stoddard was born in Boston in 1681 and graduated from 
Harvard in 1701. Five years after his graduation he was invited by a vote 
of a town meeting to serve as the pastor for the First Parish Church. 
Stoddard remained as the pastor for the next thirty-four years, during 
which time he won the reputation of being a plain and practical preacher. 
In the last three years of his ministry, Stoddard became so ill that he was 
unable to perform his duties, yet the town continued to pay his salary. 
Then, after he was found dead in his well on August 30, 1740, the town 
paid 132 pounds for his funeral expenses. 12 

Stoddard was succeeded by Ebenezer Bridge, whose portrait stone 
(Fig. 9) stands as a prominent marker in the town's burying ground. In 
addition to the portrait, with clerical tabs, the top of the stone is decorat- 
ed with draped urns. The inscription reads: 

By the Church of Christ 


In Testimony of their esteem and veneration 

This sepulchral stone erected, to stand 

as a sacred memorial of their late worthy Pastor 


who after having officiated among them 

in the service of the Sanctuary 

for more than a year above half a century 

the strength of nature being exhausted 

sunk under the burden of age 

and joined the congregation of the dead, 

Oct. 1, 1792, AE 78. 

During his fifty-two year tenure, Bridge was considered to be an excel- 
lent speaker whose sermons kept the full attention of the congregation. As 
a person, he is described as being "large and commanding" while being a 
"communicant friend and a pleasant companion." 13 

The first minister in the neighboring town of Westford also, like the 
Reverend Bridge, had a fifty-two year ministry, and his table stone is the 
only marker of its type in the town's East Burying Ground (Fig. 10). 
Originally, Westford was a western precinct of Chelmsford. In 1729, resi- 
dents of the precinct received a charter of incorporation from the General 
Court. Of course, in colonial Massachusetts the partitioning of a town also 
meant forming a new church. Consequently, in preparation for the parti- 


Early Congregational Ministers 

tion, the Reverend Willard Hall was ordained two years prior to incorpo- 
ration. As was customary in those days, ministers from surrounding 
towns were invited to ordination ceremonies, and attending the Willard 
ordination was Samson Stoddard, Chelmsford's third minister. 14 

Under Hall's leadership the Westford congregation expanded and 
prospered. During his tenure 274 people were admitted to the church, 280 
marriages were solemnized, and 1,535 children were baptized. However, 
as the Revolutionary War approached, many of the town's people became 
antagonized by Hall's criticism of the Colonial cause. As a result, in 1776 
Hall was dismissed by a vote of both the congregation and a town meet- 
ing. 15 Reverend Hall died three years after his dismissal, and the inscrip- 
tion on the surface of his table stone reads: 




In Westford. 

Fig. 10. Reverend Willard Hall, 1779, Westford. 

Whereas the Cumings table stone in Billerica has granite legs, 

the Hall table stone is supported by three granite pedestals. 

Tom and Brenda Malloy 


DIED MARCH 19, 1779, 


and in the 52nd year of his 


While the pale carcass tho'tless lies 

Among the silent graves, 

Some hearty friend shall drop his tear 

On our dry bones and say, 

These once were strong as mine appear, 

And mine must be as they. 

Thus shall our mouldering members teach 

What now our senses learn; 

For dust and ashes loudest preach 

Man's infinite concern. 

On the southwest border of Westford is the town of Littleton, which 
was incorporated in 1714. Here, in the town's First Cemetery, can be 

Fig. 11. Reverend Daniel Rogers, 1782, Littleton. Rogers' table stone 

stands in back of an obelisk that marks his family plot. At the foot of 

the table stone are headstones for his first two wives, Mary and 

Elizabeth, and for other members of his family. 

48 Early Congregational Ministers 

found a small monument for the first minister, the Reverend Benjamin 
Shattuck. Shattuck was born in Watertown, Massachusetts, where he 
taught grammar school while attending Harvard. He was ordained in 
Littleton on Christmas Day, 1717, but the town's new meeting house was 
not completed until five years later. The assignment of pews, called "lay- 
ing out the pew ground," in the Littleton meeting house was typical for 
Massachusetts towns. Those who paid the highest taxes sat at the front 
nearest the pulpit, with women on one side of the house and men on the 
other, and Black parishoners were assigned seats to the rear. 16 

Thirteen years into his ministry, it appears that Shattuck fell into dis- 
favor with his congregation, because in 1730 the town forced his retire- 
ment by not continuing his salary. Shattuck continued to live in Littleton, 
but as a person of reduced status. This is evident by the 1742 laying out of 
the pew ground for a new meeting house. At that time Shattuck was 
assigned a pew to the rear and on the women's side. Also, the present 
monument that marks his interment site was not erected until many years 
after his death. 17 The inscription reads: 

Here sleeps 

until the resurrection morn 



son of 

William Shattuck 

of Watertown 

the first ordained minister 

of Littleton 

Born July 30, AD 1687 

Died AD 1763 

AEt. 76 

According to a report given in the 1894-95 "Proceeding of the Littleton 
Historical Society," the birth date and parentage on the Shattuck monu- 
ment, written about seventy-five years after his death, were incorrect. 18 
However, the inscription quoted above does provide the correct informa- 
tion, indicating that the present marker is a second monument erected 
some time after the errors became evident. 

Daniel Rogers replaced Shattuck as Littleton's minister. His table stone 
(Fig. 11) stands as the only marker of its type in the town's First Cemetery. 

Tom and Brenda Malloy 49 

Rogers was born in Ipswich, Massachusetts and graduated from Harvard, 
where his grandfather had been president. In 1731, six years after receiv- 
ing his degree, he was offered the pastorate in Littleton. However, he 
refused the first offer at a salary of 100 pounds, later accepting the posi- 
tion when the salary was raised to 140 pounds. The people of Littleton 
must have been very pleased with Rogers' acceptance because at the ordi- 
nation ceremony the town entertained generously, paying forty-one 
pounds for the expenses. 19 

After more than forty years in the pulpit, Rogers came into conflict 
with his congregation. Like the Reverend Willard Hall in neighboring 
Westford, Daniel Rogers did not support the Colonial cause against 
England as did his parishoners. This conflict came to a head on 
Thanksgiving Day, 1775, when, during a service, the pastor concluded a 
proclamation with "God save the king." The congregation rose in protest 
and demanded a retraction, causing Rogers to flee to his house, where 
they called upon him to declare his position. When the pastor refused, 
they fired a volley into the door of his house. After this incident, as tem- 
pers cooled, Rogers was forgiven for his transgressions, and he remained 
in Littleton until his death, which occurred a year before the end of the 
Revolutionary War. 20 Like his colleagues Willard Hall of Westford and 
Ebenezer Bridge of Chelmsford, Rogers' ministry lasted for fifty-two years. 

As with the Cumings table stone in Billerica, the Daniel Rogers table 
stone consists of a slate top supported by four granite legs. However, 
unlike any other table stones in our sampling, the surface of the Rogers 
marker includes epitaphs in addition to his. The first epitaph on the stone 
is for Rogers' third wife, who predeceased him by three years. The last 
epitaphs are for Rogers' son and his previous two wives. In the middle of 
these inscriptions can be found Rogers' own epitaph which reads: 

Here lies buried the body of 
the Revd. Mr. Daniel Rogers 
who died Nov. ye 22nd 1782, In the 
77 year of his age and in the 
52nd year of his ministry. 

A learned and faithful Minister is God's delight. 

North of Westford and Chelmsford is the town of Tyngsborough, 
where in the Thompson Cemetery can be found a headstone for the first 


Early Congregational Ministers 

minister. Tyngsborough, originally a district of neighboring Dunstable, 
was not incorporated as a town until nearly a quarter of a century after 
the conclusion of the American Revolution. Similar to the separation of 
Westford from Chelmsford, a new congregation was formed in prepara- 
tion for the partition. Thus in 1790, a year after the district was estab- 
lished, Nathaniel Lawrence was ordained as the pastor of the First Parish 
Church. 21 

Nathaniel Lawrence is buried in a family plot next to his wife and two 
of his children. His term of office extended well beyond the date of sepa- 
ration of church and state in Massachusetts and well into the mid-nine- 
teenth century. Consequently, the tympanum of his slate stone is decorat- 
ed with a willow and urn, a common motif for that period (Fig. 12). The 
stone's epitaph provides a good documentation of Lawrence's life as well 
as the circumstances of his death: 

Fig. 12. Reverend Nathaniel Lawrence, 1843, Tyngsborough. 

The weeping willow on Lawrence's stone is symbolic of sadness 

and sorrow, while the urn symbolizes the soul and mortality. 

Tom and Brenda Malloy 51 

In Memory of 

Rev Nathaniel Lawrence 

Who died on Lords Day 
Feb 5 1843 
AEt 77 1/2 
Mr. Lawrence was a native of 
Woburn Mass. He graduated 
at Harvard College in 1787, 
and on Jan. 6, 1790 was 
ordained Pastor of the 
Congregational Society in 
Tyngsborough, which relation 
continued 49 years. 
On the morning of Feb. 5, 
He attended church as usual, 
in apparent good health, but 
on returning to his dwelling, 
very suddenly expired. 
His death was that of the 
righteous; and his last end 
like his. 

B. Day, Lowell 

The town of Groton, which borders Tyngsborough to the west, was 
incorporated in 1655, over a century and a half before Tyngsborough. 
There is only one table stone in the town's Old Burying Ground and it is 
for the fifth minister, the Rev. Caleb Trowbridge, who was ordained in 
1714 (Fig. 13.) A search of the cemetery as well as an 1878 publication of 
the cemetery's epitaphs revealed that there are no existing markers for the 
earlier ministers. 22 The epitaph on Trowbridge's stone provides informa- 
tion on his family background, graduation from divinity school, and peri- 
od of service, as well as his personal qualities. In full the epitaph states: 

of Christ in Groton, born of reputable Parents in the Town 
of Newton, educated at Harvard College in Cambridge 
New-England; of such natural and acquir'd Endowments as 


Early Congregational Ministers 

rendered him an Ornament and Blessing in the several 

Relations which he sustained: he was a good steward over the 

House of God and discharged the Duties of his Pastoral 

relation with Prudence and Impartiality; Diligence and 

Fidelity. He was a tender and loving Husband; an affectionate 

and kind Parent; an agreeable and faithful friend and a Useful 

Member of Society. He was much beloved and respected while 

he lived, and dyed greatly lamented, the 9th day of Septr, 

AD 1760 in the 69th year of his Age and the 46th of his Ministry 

and is we trust receiving the reward of his Labours in the 

Kingdom of his Lord: and in Honour to his Memory his loving People 

have erected this Monument over his Grave. 

Blessed are the Dead that die in the Lord for they rest from their 

Labour and their works do follow them. 

The Memory of ye just is Blessed. 

Fig. 13. Reverend Caleb Trowbridge, 1760, Groton. 

In contrast to previously illustrated table stones, 

Trowbridge's employs brick supports. 

Tom and Brenda Malloy 


Bordering Groton to the north is the town of Pepperell. Here the only 
table stone in the Walton Cemetery (Fig. 14) is for the town's first minis- 
ter. It stands next to the matching box tombs of William Prescott, the 
Colonial commander at Bunker Hill, and his wife. In 1747, when 
Pepperell was a precinct of Groton, Joseph Emerson was ordained as the 
pastor. He was the twenty-two year old son of a minister in Maiden, 
Massachusetts, and had recently served as a chaplain on a British expedi- 
tion against the French at Louisburg. 

According to a town history, Emerson's sermons did not deal with the 
depravity of human nature as did those of many Puritan ministers. 
Rather, his sermons dealt with people's needs relative to their worth in 
the eyes of God. In one particular sermon, delivered in 1760, he talked 
about the "Pepperell Fever", a disease which in four years had killed 103 
members of the parish. In another sermon, given on Thanksgiving Day in 
1766, he rejoiced at the repeal of the Stamp Act and held up the Glorious 
Revolution of 1688 as a warning to George III. 23 Thus, unlike his col- 

Fig. 14. Reverend Joseph Emerson, 1775, Pepperell. 

Standing next to the Prescott box tombs, Emerson's 

table stone provides a good illustration of how table stones 

were considered symbolic representations of tombs. 

54 Early Congregational Ministers 

leagues in Westford and Littleton, Emerson became an ardent supporter 
of the American Revolution. 

Joseph Emerson died in 1775, the year that Pepperell became a town 
and the first year of the Colonial resistance against England. As a patriot, 
it is fitting that Emerson is buried next to the American commander of the 
battle at Bunker Hill. The epitaph on the surface of his table stone, which 
was erected by the town, is highly complimentary: 


by the Town of Pepperell 

to the memory 

of the Revd Joseph Emerson 

1st Pastor of the Church here 

who deceased Oct. 29th 1775 

in the 52nd year of his age 

and 29th of his Ministry 

Steadfast in Faith 

once delivered to the Saints 

Fixed and laborious 

in the cause of Christ & precious souls 


in visiting and sympathizing 

with his Flock 

Diligent in improving his talents 

A kind Husband, a tender Parent 

A faithful Reprover a constant Friend 

and a true Patriot 

Having ceased from his Labours 

his works follow him 

Bordering Pepperell to the west is the town of Townsend, which was 
incorporated in 1732. Three years after incorporation the first interment 
took place in the town's Old Burying Ground. Among the burials to fol- 
low were those of the first two ministers. The marker for Townsend's first 
pastor, Phinehas Hemenway, is a portrait stone. Hemenway was 
ordained in 1734, and remained as the town's pastor until his death 
twenty-seven years later, at which time the town paid for his funeral 
expenses and for the erection of his gravestone. 24 The portrait at the top 
of the stone (Fig. 15) features clerical tabs and, in contrast to the portraits 

Tom and Brenda Malloy 


of other ministers in this survey, is framed by cherub wings. The stone's 
inscription reads: 

Erected by the Town to the 

Memory of the Revd, Mr Phinehas 

Hemenway the first Pastor of the 

Church here, who departed this 

Life May 20th 1760 AE 55 27th 

of his ministry 

Sound in Faith, Zealous in 

the Cause of God, meek and patient 

under Trials, Faithful to his Lord, 

and to the Souls of his People. 

At the bottom of the stone is inscribed the warning, "From deaths arrows 
no age or station is free." 

A few feet away from the Hemenway gravestone is the marker of his 
successor, Samuel Dix. Dix served the town until his death in the thirty- 

Fig. 15. Reverend Phinehas Hemenway, 1760, Townsend. 

Hemenway's portrait stone was carved by William Park, 

the same carver who executed the Billerica portrait stones. 


Early Congregational Ministers 

sixth year of his ministry. At the services for Reverend Dix, the funeral ser- 
mon was given by the pastor of the church in New Ipswich, New 
Hampshire, in which he stated that Dix's preaching provided "earnest- 
ness and pathos of address." 25 In the summer following the funeral, the 
town voted to establish a committee "to obtain a suitable stone to be erect- 
ed at the grave of Rev. Samuel Dix." 26 The committee selected a portrait 
stone (Fig. 16), but, unlike other ministers' portrait stones, this portrait 
did not include clerical tabs. The epitaph on the marker states: 

Erected by the Town 
To the memory of the 
Rev Mr. Samuel Dix, 
the 2d Pastor of the Church 
of Christ in Townsend, who 
departed this life Nov. 12th 
1797: in the 62 year of his 
age and the 36 of his ministry 

Fig. 16. Reverend Samuel Dix, 1797, Townsend. 
The portrait on the Dix stone is considered a common image carved 
by John Dwight, whose shop was located in Shirley, Massachusetts. 

Tom and Brenda Malloy 57 

Sound in faith, lover of souls 
Humble, meek and patient under trials, 
kind charitable and benevolent to all 

At the bottom of the stone is the verse: 

Ye living mortals take a solemn view, 
Of this my silent dark and long abode; 
Remember you were born like me to die; 
Therefore prepare to meet the righteous 

Lying to the west of Middlesex County is Worcester County. Of the 
sixty towns located within Worcester County, Harvard is the most north- 
easterly. The town's original cemetery is located just south of the com- 
mon, but there are no markers for the town's first two ministers. This is 
because they were both dismissed. The first minister, a married man, was 
discharged for suspected transgressions with a wealthy resident's maid, 
and the second minister proved to be unsatisfactory because of a speech 
impediment. 27 

Harvard's third and fourth ministers proved to be more acceptable 
and, even though their periods of service were relatively short, their 
graves are marked by two of only three table stones in the cemetery (Fig. 
17). The table stone for Daniel Johnson is the only one in our sampling 
that also features a portrait. The portrait is located in a crescent-shaped 
indentation on the upper surface of the marker. Because Thomas Park 
lived and worked in Harvard and was known to have carved stones sim- 
ilar to Johnson's, this table stone is more than likely his work. 

Considering that his period of service was only from 1769 to 1777, 
Johnson's epitaph is lengthy and highly complimentary. Also, the inscrip- 
tion documents that his death was caused by dysentery while serving as 
a chaplain for American forces during the Revolutionary War. The epi- 
taph reads in full: 

Sacred to the memory 

of the Rev. Daniel Johnson 

Late Pastor of ye Church of Christ in Harvard 

Early in Life 

He entered ye ministerial office, 


Early Congregational Ministers 

Fig. 17. Reverend Daniel Johnson (foreground), 1777; 

Reverend Ebenezer Grosvenor (background), 1788, Harvard. 

These table stones for Harvard's third and fourth pastors, respectively, 

represent two of only three table stones in the cemetery. 

Tom and Brenda Malloy 59 

and during his continuance therein, 

Shone with a brilliancy, and Lustre, 

Surpassing the most of his order 

For the God of Nature had endowed him 

with Powers of mind 

uncommonly sprightly and active. 

A copious invention & ready utterance 

made him, in extemporaneous Performances, 

greatly to excel. 

In his Sermons he was orthodox & elegant; 

In his delivery Zealous, popular & engaging; 

So that when he ascended the desk, 

a peculiar attention 

marked the countenances of his auditory, 

To his Friends he shewed himself Friendly, 

who had frequent Pleasing experience 

of his generous hospitality 

He was formed for action & Possessed 

of a martial Genius 

which lead him to accept ye office of a Chaplain 

in the American Army 

just on his entrance into which 

He was seized with a malignant Dysentery, 

which put a period to his valuable Life, 

(disappointing the expectations 

of his family, friends & Flock) 

on the 23d of Sept. 1777, 

In the 30th year of his age and 8th of his Ministry 

All flesh is as Grass & all ye glory of man 
as the flower of Grass. 

Daniel Johnson was not replaced by a permanent pastor for the next 
five years, at which time Ebenezer Grosvenor was ordained as the town's 
fourth pastor. He had previously been the pastor in Scituate, Massachu- 
setts, and, unlike most of his colleagues in central Massachusetts, he was 
educated at Yale rather than at Harvard College. Even though Grosve- 
nor's pastorate lasted for only six years until his death, the epitaph on his 
stone, like that of his predecessor, is lengthy and highly complimentary: 

60 Early Congregational Ministers 

To the memory of the 

Rev. Ebenezer Grosvenor 

late Pastor of the Congregational Church 

in Harvard; 
descended from respectable parents 
in Promfret Connecticut; 
educated at Yale College 

in New Haven; 
of such endowments as rendered him 
an ornament & blessing 
in the various relations which he sustained; 
he was a good steward in the house of God, 
and discharged the duties of his pastoral office 
with prudence & impartiality, care & fidelity; 
he was a man of polite address, 
and peculiarly formed for social life, 
a tender & loving husband, 
an affectionate & kind parent, 
an agreeable friend & pleasing companion; 
he was much beloved & respected in life, 
in death greatly lamented, 
and is we trust receiving the reward of his 
labours in the kingdom of his Lord; 
his bereaved & grateful people have erected 
this stone the monument of his virtues, 

& their affection, 
He was the beloved pastor of the first church 
in Scituate 17 years, 
and in Harvard 6 
He died May 28, 1788. 
Aged 49 

Blessed are the dead that die in the Lord 

for they rest from their labours & their works 

do follow them 

Two towns to the northwest of Harvard is Lunenburg, which was 
incorporated in 1728, four years before Harvard. At Lunenburg's South 
Cemetery there is a cluster of three table stones, all of which are for min- 

Tom and Brenda Malloy 


isters (Fig. 18). However, the grouping does not include a marker for the 
first minister because he was dismissed for "predilection for hunting wild 
turkeys on the Sabbath and his levity of manner." 28 Consequently, the 
table stones are for his successors, the first of whom was David Stearns. 

Stearns was born in Watertown, Massachusetts and graduated from 
Harvard in 1738. Five years after his graduation he was ordained in 
Lunenburg, where he won a reputation for being "a man of good ability, 
a faithful and devoted minister, a friend of the people, and labored for the 
public good." 29 Further testament to the Reverend Stearns' twenty-eight 
years of service can be found within the inscription on his table stone, 
which reads: 

This Monument 

erected by the Town of Lunenburgh 

Is sacred to the Memory 

of the Reverend David Stearns 

Fig. 18. Reverend David Stearns (background, left), 1761; 

Reverend Samuel Payson, (background, right) 1763; 

Reverend Zabdiel Adams (foreground), 1801, Lunenburg. 

The town of Lunenburg provided its second through 

fourth pastors with identical table stones. 

62 Early Congregational Ministers 

their much beloved and respected Pastor 

who departed this Life 

in the joyful Expectation of a better 

on the 9th day of March A D 1761 

and in the 52d year of his Age 

In his private capacity 

He was a kind Husband, a tender Parent 

an affectionate Brother and a faithful friend 

In his Ministerial Character 

his Conversation was pure entertaining 

and instructive: 

His Doctrines plain and Scriptural: 

and his Life truly exemplary: 

He was adorned 

with Hospitality with Singular Prudence 

and a most endearing Benevolence, with 

a good Knowledge of men and things, with 

a fervent Zeal for the Glory of Christ and the 

salvation of souls and was governed by the 

United Influence of the Accomplishments 

Help Lord for the Godly man ceaseth. 

About a year and a half after Stearns' death, Samuel Payson, whose 
father was a minister in Chelsea, Massachusetts, was ordained as 
Lunenburg's third pastor. Unfortunately, he died five months later at the 
early age of twenty-four. Despite Payson's brief tenure, the town erected 
a matching table stone for him next to that of his predecessor. The stone's 
inscription not only refers to the brevity of Payson's tenure, but also doc- 
uments his cause of death as atrophy. Translated from Latin, the full epi- 
taph reads: 

Here rest, within this tomb the remains 
of the Rev. Samuel Payson A.M. the 
beloved and exemplary Pastor of the 
Church of Lunenburg. He was a man of 
superior abilities and of an amiable 
disposition, more distinguished for virtues 
than for length of days. He died of an 
atrophy in February A.D. 1763, aged 24. 30 

Tom and Brenda Malloy 63 

The year following Samuel Payson's death he was succeeded by 
Zabdiel Adams of Braintree, Massachusetts. Zabdiel Adams was a double 
cousin to President John Adams, that is, their fathers were brothers and 
their mothers were sisters. On at least two occasions Reverend Adams 
was known to have had visits in Lunenburg from his famous cousin. 
Probably because of his cousin, Zabdiel Adams seems to have developed 
some political associations. For instance, in 1782 he gave the sermon at the 
inauguration of Governor John Hancock. 31 Reverend Adams died in the 
thirty-seventh year of his ministry. His table stone is identical to the other 
two and stands in line with that of David Stearns'. The inscription reads: 

This monument is erected by the Town 
as a tribute of affectionate respect to the 
memory of their deceased Pastor the Rev. 

who died universally esteemed and re- 
spected March 1st 1801, in the 62 year 
of his age and 37th of his ministry. 
An active and capacious mind nurtured 
by a publick education, rendered him an 
acceptable, instructive, and useful minister. 
The asperities of his constitution were 
softened by the refining influence of Religion. 
With a heart, and understanding formed 
for social life, he seldom failed to interest 
and improve all, who enjoyed his communi- 
cations. In his ministerial performances, in 
ready utterance, commanding eloquence 
and elevated sentiments, made him en- 
gaging and profitable. A catholic belief 
of the Gospel, a respect and love of the 
Saviour, and a confidence in the faithfulness 
of God, disarmed death of its terrors 
and inspired a rational and certain hope 
of a glorious resurrection. 

He was a burning and shining light 
and we rejoiced for a season in his light. 


Early Congregational Ministers 

In 1764, nearly 18,000 acres of the western portion of Lunenburg were 
separated to form the new town of Fitchburg. In Fitchburg's South 
Cemetery there stands only one table stone, and it marks the grave of the 
first pastor, the Reverend John Pay son, brother of Lunenburg's third min- 
ister (Fig. 19). Payson was ordained in 1768, four years after the town's 
incorporation. The later years of his ministry were marked by ecclesiasti- 
cal disputes. These disputes arose among members of the parish over the 
selection of a new meeting house site, as well as from dissenters such as 
Methodists and Baptists, who no longer wanted to provide financial sup- 
port for the state-endowed Congregational church. The conflict caused 
the minister so much stress that in 1802 he was dismissed for "mental 
infirmities," and two years after his dismissal he committed suicide. 32 The 
epitaph on the surface of his table stone, like that of his brother's in 
Lunenburg, is inscribed in Latin. In translation, it reads: 

Under this Tomb 

the Remains 

of Rev John Payson A.M. 


Fig. 19. Reverend John Payson, 1804, Fitchburg. 

Payson's table stone is flanked by his son John's headstone 

on the left and by his wife Anna's on the right. 

Tom and Brenda Malloy 


Once the Pastor of the Congregation 

of Fitchburg 

Who on the day of the 23rd of May 

In the Year 1804 A D 


At the Age of 59 

and in the 36th Year of his ministry 

A man with an outstanding talent 

and very kind spirit 

Endowed with knowledge and by divine 

order faithful to the study and training 

of theology, given to friendly advice and 

deeds rather than eager for 

greed and corruption. 33 

' -"\ktG<fcd'l)V(l2 

(ol\i\c\ Jonnfh, 
V-2 \Ulhrivlirfl 
jV^MovoclPaflor.NAho (] ( 
v W^d this 1 !| r o VC< iil N 

|7 jlntlv: 5i'-\c;ar ol Ins,,,,, j^y 
8°l hjs MiniHrx l,<J 

Fig. 20. Reverend Jonathan Winchester (left), 1767, Ashburnham. 

In comparison to Winchester's finely carved clerical tabbed portrait, 

which was executed by William Park, his wife Sarah's stone (right) 

displays the simple image of a face. 

66 Early Congregational Ministers 

Bordering Fitchburg to the northwest is the town of Ashburnham. 
Here, at the Meeting House Hill Cemetery, the portrait stones for the 
town's first minister and his wife stand as prominent markers (Fig. 20). 
Jonathan Winchester was ordained in 1760, which was five years prior to 
the town's incorporation from a district known as Dorchester-Canada. At 
the time of his ordination he was forty-five years old and had previously 
been a school teacher in Brookline, Massachusetts. Winchester died after 
serving only seven years of his pastorate. An obituary in a contemporary 
newspaper, The Boston Post Boy and Advertiser, referred to him as "a sensi- 
ble and worthy man." 34 Winchester was also described as a man of gen- 
erosity and compassion. For instance, it is claimed that he bought a slave 
girl for the express purpose of setting her free. However, even after his 
humanitarian act, the slave girl, Anne Hill, chose to remain with 
Winchester as his servant. 35 

Probably the greatest testament to Winchester's brief tenure is the epi- 
taph on his stone, which the town provided for in 1772. It reads: 

This Stone 

Erected by the People of 
Ashburnham is in Memory 
of Jonathan Winchester 
A. M. their first & much 
beloved Pastor, who de- 
parted this life greatly 
lamented Nov. 26 1767 
In the 51st year of his age 
and 8 of his Ministry 

The Gentleman, the Scholar & 

the Christian in him were 


As a preacher He was acceptable 

As an Husband tender, as a parent affectionate 

As a neighbor kind, as a friend sincere 

For candor, meekness, Patience & modesty (remarkable) 

Several feet away from the Winchester marker is a table stone for 
Ashburnham's second pastor (Fig. 21). At the age of twenty-four, John 
Cushing succeeded Jonathan Winchester and remained as Ashburnham's 

Tom and Brenda Malloy 


second pastor for over fifty-five years until his death in 1825. According 
to a town history, "the most fitting tribute to the memory of Mr. Cushing 
can be found in his works." 36 These works included the performance of 
987 baptisms and 312 marriages. Unfortunately, the granite table stone 

Fig. 21. Reverend John Cushing, 1825, Ashburnham. 
Cushing's table stone stands on top of his family tomb. 

68 Early Congregational Ministers 

marking his grave does not provide a lasting tribute. It is so covered with 
lichen that very few of the family names are readable. Also, even though 
John Cushing's name is legible, there is no discernible epitaph. 

As with many of early Massachusetts' pastors, the ministry for John 
Cushing was a family tradition. In the town of Shrewsbury, Mass- 
achusetts, in southeastern Worcester County, can be found a replacement 
gravestone for his father, Job Cushing. At the time of John's birth, his 
father was the pastor of this community. Job Cushing was originally from 
Hingham, Massachusetts, and had graduated from Harvard exactly fifty 
years before his son's graduation. 37 The epitaph on his stone reads: 

Here lies interred the 
remains of the Rev. 
Job Cushing A. M. and 
first pastor of the first 
Church of Christ in Shrewsbury 
who after 37 years laboring 
in the work of the Ministry 
suddenly expired Augt. 6 
1760 in the 67 year of his age 
Vigilans, prudens, patiens 

Incorporated two years after the American Revolution, the town of 
Gardner was formed from a portion of Ashburnham and parts of other 
surrounding towns. In the town's Old Burying Ground can be found the 
vandalized table stone of the first minister. It is broken in half and is now 
just a remnant of the cemetery's only table stone. It was erected for 
Jonathan Osgood, who arrived in the town in 1791 and remained as the 
pastor until his death in 1822. The stone's epitaph is simple: 

Rev Jonathan Osgood 

The first minister of Gardner 

Born at Andover Mass Sept 21 1761 

Died May 26 1822 

In the 31 year of his ministry 

Bordering Gardner to the west is Templeton, which was another one 
of the towns from which Gardner annexed a portion for its incorporation. 
Ebenezer Sparhawk was ordained here in 1760, the same year that 
Jonathan Winchester was ordained in Ashburnham and more than thirty 

Tom and Brenda Malloy 


years before Jonathan Osgood arrived in Gardner. The table stone that 
marks his grave stands in the middle of a family plot, and is the only 
marker of its type in the town's Pine Grove Cemetery (Fig. 22). Sparhawk 
was ordained when Templeton was still a township known as 
Narragansett No. 6, and he succeeded a pastor who served only four 
years. Consequently, he was the second pastor of the township but the 
first pastor of the town, a position he held for forty-five years. The lengthy 
epitaph on his table stone reads: 

This monument is raised to the memory 

of the 

Rev. learned & pious Ebenezer 

Sparhawk A. M. 
Pastor of the Congregational 

church in Templeton 
who expired Nov. 25 A D 1805 

Fig. 22. Reverend Ebenezer Sparhawk, 1805, Templeton. 

Sparhawk's table stone stands in the midst of markers for his 

immediate and extended family. To the left of his marker is the 

gravestone of the minister's first wife, Abigail, and to the right 

is that of his second wife, Naomi. 

70 ° Early Congregational Ministers 

In the 68 year of his age & 45 of 
his ministry 
Early in life he devoted him- 
self to the service of his 
God & Saviour 
Endu'd with good powers 
of mind, improved by 
liberal Education & sanctified 
by Grace, he proved a 
burning & shining Light. 
In the Pulpit he was clear & 
pungent rightly divining the 
word. In the circle of his 
acquaintance, he was ever 
a welcome guest: his conversation 
being ever pleasant & improving. 
From a child he knew the 
Holy Scriptures & was mighty 
in them. In Faith he was 
sound & Evangelical. 
In rectitude pure & exemplary 
A strict adherence to the order 
& discipline of the Churches, was 
a distinguishing trait in his 
As a Husband he was affectionate; 
as a Father tender. 
He ruled his own house well & 
his children arise up and call 
him blessed with assiduity & 
fidelity, he persevered in his 
Work until called to receive 
his Reward. 

Bordering Templeton to the northwest is Royalston, and here in the 
town's Old Centre Cemetery a single table stone, the only marker of its 
type in the cemetery, sits in the family plot of the Reverend Joseph Lee (Fig. 
23). Lee was born in Concord, graduated from Harvard in 1765, and was 

Tom and Brenda Malloy 


ordained in Royalston on October 19, 1768, three years after the town's 
incorporation. He served as the first pastor for half a century, his half cen- 
tury sermon being his last. At Lee's funeral on February 22, 1819, the pas- 
tor from the neighboring town of Athol delivered the sermon, in which 
he quoted the words from the last chapter of Genesis: "So Joseph Died." 38 
The epitaph on Joseph Lee's table stone is covered with lichen to the 
point that the inscription is almost illegible. However, through the efforts 
of a member of the Village Improvement and Historical Society of 
Royalston, the inscription has been largely deciphered: 

In Memory of 

Rev. Joseph Lee 

Pastor of the Church in Royalston 

was born in Concord 

May 12th 1742 O.S. (illegible) 

Graduated Harvard College 

ordained Oct 19th 1768 

Deceased Feb 16th 1819 

Q* ^3^'^%^ * v * 

Fig. 23. Reverend Joseph Lee, 1819, Royalston. 

Lee's table stone is flanked on the right by the headstones 

of his three wives, Sarah, Lucy, and Hannah. 


Early Congregational Ministers 

in the 77th year of age and 51st 

of his ministry 

As a man he was 

studious, prudent, and sincere 

As a Christian 

fervent humble and devout 

and as a minister 

faithful to the soul of men 

to his Lord and Master 

He lived in uninterrupted harmony 

with his people 

and was abundantly blessed 

in his labours. 

The inscription concludes with an elaborately-rhymed epitaph: 

i t 



..;. ' 

1 : -' ?•-• 






Fig. 24. Reverend Aaron Whitney, 1779, Petersham. 

Whitney's sandstone table stone has five fluted supports, and is 

flanked by the headstone of his first wife, Alice. The gravestone for 

his second wife, Ruth, is located in Keene, New Hampshire. 

Tom and Brenda Malloy 73 

While servile flattery spreads the Hero's fame 

and pours her lavish praise on the wise 

Jesus, tis on love of thy name 

the Christian's faith and hope of heaven relies 

Thy precious blood be all thy servant's plea 
the merits Lord above shall all speak for thee. 39 

Aaron Whitney was one of the pastors who participated in Joseph 
Lee's ordination ceremony. He was the first pastor in Petersham, which is 
situated two towns to the south of Royalston. Like Lee, Sparhawk, 
Cushing, and many of the previously mentioned pastors, his represents 
the only table stone in the town's cemetery (Fig. 24). However, unlike the 
table stones erected for the previous ministers, the Whitney marker is 
constructed of sandstone, a material more common for gravemarkers in 
western Massachusetts. 

Reverend Whitney was born in Littleton, Massachusetts in 1714, the 
year of that town's incorporation and three years before Benjamin 
Shattuck became Littleton's first pastor. Whitney was ordained in 1738 
when Petersham was still a township and sixteen years before it received 
full status as a town. In the thirty-seventh year of his ministry, Whitney 
fell into disfavor with the town because of his Loyalist politics, and in 
May of 1775 he was forbidden to preach from the pulpit. However, he 
continued to preach in his own home to members of the congregation 
who sympathized with his politics. Then, upon his death in 1779, his 
lands were confiscated and sold by the town. 40 

Even though Aaron Whitney was dismissed by a vote of the town in 
1775, the years of his ministry that are stated on his table stone show that 
his tenure was considered until his death. Also, in view of the circum- 
stances of his dismissal, the rhyming epitaph which follows the factual 
inscription reflects a great respect for the town's first minister: 

In Memory of 

The Revd. Aaron Whitney A.M. 

the First Pastor of ye Church of Christ 

In Petersham 

Who on ye 8th of September 1 779 

In the 66th Year of his Age & 41 of his Ministry 

Closed this varied Scene of Mortality 

In sincere Hope of eternal Rest. 

74 Early Congregational Ministers 

A faithful Father, Friend & Parent too 

Just to mankind & to his country true 

Fixed in his faith free from Bigotry 

Lover of Peace & Foe to Tyranny 

In manners pure & to his Friends sincere 

Candid to all; only to vice severe 

Watchful to shun prompt to forgive fault 

Was what he seemed & seemed what he ought 

Such was the man who now from Earth removed 

Enjoys the Peace & Liberty he loved. 

Translated from Latin, the last portion of the epitaph reads: 

If we would imitate the holy life of Christ 

Then we must do what we proclaim 


On Petersham's southern border is situated the town of Hardwick, 
which was incorporated in 1738, the same year that Aaron Whitney was 
ordained in Petersham. Two years prior to Hardwick's incorporation, 
David White was ordained as the town's first minister. In 1786 the town 
paid 7.18 pounds for the erection of his and his wife's double stone, 4.1 
pounds of which went to the stonecutter "Mr. Sikes." 41 The gravestone 
still stands as the most prominent marker in Hardwick's "old burying 
place" (Fig. 25). Measuring nearly six feet in height, its borders are deco- 
rated by stylized vines with leaves and flowers, while the top of the stone 
features a double tympanum with symbolic portraits on each side. 

The wigged portrait in the left tympanum, which is surmounted by 
the phrase "MEMENTO MORI," is representative of the Reverend White, 
who graduated from Yale College six years before his ordination in 
Hardwick. The town's history states that "His talents were respectable, 
but by no means brilliant," and that "His success in giving satisfaction to 
his people depended not so much on the energy of his mind, as on the 
meekness, simplicity, and purity of his heart." 42 Even though the congre- 
gation did not seem favorably impressed by White's intellectual ability, he 
was retained as their pastor until his death, forty-eight years after his 
ordination. Further indication of their respect is the fact that the congre- 
gation agreed to provide gloves to the ministers who acted as his pall- 
bearers. 43 At that time, tokens of this type were a common practice for 

Tom and Brenda Malloy 


funerals of prominent individuals. 

The bonneted portrait on the right portion of the stone, which is sur- 
mounted by the phrase "Tempus Fugit," represents White's wife, 
Susanna. Susanna's death preceded her husband's by six months, and she 
is remembered "by all who survived her, as brilliant and good." 44 She is 
further recalled as being "remarkable not only for her lady-like and 
Christian deportment, but for her intellectual power, in which she was far 
superior to her husband." 45 

Just below each of the portraits are individual inscriptions that com- 
memorate the couple's separate virtues: 

Sacred to the Memory of 
the Rev'd David White 
who died Janry. 6th 1784 
in the 74 year of his age 
He was the first Minister 

Sacred to the Memory 
of Mrs. Susanna White 
Consort of the Rev'd 
David White; who died 
July ye 17th 1783 in the 

> / 0,-i.r z\>U'.r\\ .V7;rJVfbe frl'jK 

. / -r :•{ \'.r / ' ■ ','; .m\rn\\y 

,' r. , i. • ' i- 

:, ■', ifi '. 

Fig. 25. Reverend David White (left), 1784, Hardwick. 

Although Elijah Sikes carved many figures similar to those in the 

double tympanum of this stone, it is obvious that the images are 

intended to be symbolic of portraits of White and his wife, Susanna. 


Early Congregational Ministers 

settled in the Town and 
faithfully and conscienti- 
ously performed the sacred 
functions of his office for 
almost 50 years to the great 
edification and enlargement 
of his church and the uni- 
versal Peace & Tranquility 
of the Town 

69th year of her age 
She lived a life of unex- 
ampled Piety and Virtue 
and of the greatest Patience 
and Resignation under 
her long continued bo- 
dily indisposition & died 
in the firm hope of a 
Glorious immortality 

Beneath these descriptive lines are separate rhyming verses: 

Adieu to sickness and death With Heartfelt Joy I yield my breath 

Adieu to vanities and cares; And quit a life of pain and woe 

Submissive I resign my breath Rejoicing pass the scene of death 

And rise to Bliss beyond the stars To live where Joys forever flow 

Almighty Father hear my prayers 
And send salvation to this land 
May this my People be thy Care 
And ever dwell at thy right hand 

And, at the very bottom of the stone: 

New Transports now inspire my 


With Joys Celestial and sublime 

O may you catch the Heavenly flame 

And soar beyond the reach of time 

Hail kindred spirits of the eternal skie 

We come to visit your devine abode 

To spend a long Eternity on high 

And love, adore, and bless, our Saviour God. 

Two towns to the northeast of Hardwick is Hubbardston, which was 
incorporated in 1767. Here, just to the right of the main gate of the Parish 
Cemetery, can be found the gravestones of Nehemiah Parker, the town's 
first pastor, and his wife (Fig. 26). At the top of the considerably larger 
minister's stone is a clerical tabbed portrait which is framed by an arch. 
As added decoration, the tympanum also contains a sprig of willow. 

Three years after Hubbardston's incorporation, the Reverend Parker 
was ordained under an oak tree on the town's common. The ordination 
came seven years after his graduation from Harvard, where, by his own 
account, he "was somewhat given to college pranks." 46 A reference to 
Parker's abilities states that "He seems to have been a man of decided the- 

Tom and Brenda Malloy 


ological convictions, though not of superior intellectual gifts." 47 After a 
twenty-year struggle for a decent salary the first minister, at his own 
request, was dismissed by a town meeting. He died the following year, 
and now "his remains sleep in the old burial ground, among the voiceless 
congregation to which he ministered." 48 Upon Parker's death the town 
paid 18 dollars and 58 cents for his funeral expenses, and erected the stone 
upon his grave. 49 The primary inscription on the marker reads: 

Sacred to the memory of the 
first Pastore of the Church of 
Christ in Hubbardston, 
Ordained to the Sacred office 
June 13th 1770 and deceased 
Aug 20th 1801 in the 
60th Year of his age 
much lamented 
In him were united the kind 


: j 

: ?li 

.. ?VVV,Y. : 

.-• f tu-. 

>V nYvvA I 

-u i.^.t^:' 1 : : 



Fig. 26. Reverend Nehemiah Parker, 1801, Hubbardston. 

While Parker was provided with a portrait stone for his gravesite, 

his wife Mary received a smaller willow and urn marker. 


Early Congregational Ministers 

l - 

Vv. jo^H! Biirk\ii\sTiT 

m \re than soYepix Palkv of 
"m1 (iflpl in ft 



~ ; ' 

'V-h . (»!*n\ s ' 





f <".- 

uk fi; (?)i 



IK In 

" ) 

Y ^ 

Fig. 27. Reverend Joseph Buckminster, 1792, Rutland. The epitaph on 
Buckminster's stone reveals that he died of a "cancerous complaint." 

Tom and Brenda Malloy 79 

Husband the tender and 

indulgent Father - the eloquent orator 

and benevolent Christian 

Hubbardston was created out of a northeasterly section of Rutland, a 
town that borders it to the south. In Rutland's Old Burial Ground can be 
found a commemorative marker with the inscription "IN MEMORIAM 
KILLED BY INDIANS IN RUTLAND." Listed on the marker are the 
names of six men who were killed in two separate raids in 1723 and 1724. 
The first name listed is that of Reverend Joseph Willard. Willard came to 
Rutland from Sunderland, Massachusetts in 1721, a year prior to the 
town's incorporation. He arrived with the intent of becoming the first par- 
son. However, just a month prior to his ordination, while working in his 
fields, Willard was killed and scalped by an Indian raiding party. 50 

Because Joseph Willard died before his installation, his name does not 
appear on a second commemorative marker for Rutland's early ministers. 
The inscription on this marker states: "IN MEMORIAM TO THE PAS- 
INTERRED ON THESE GROUNDS." The inscription continues: "THE 
SECUTIVELY." The first name on the marker is that of Thomas Frink, who 
served as the first pastor for thirteen years until asking to be dismissed in 
1740. The second name listed is that of Joseph Buckminster, whose por- 
trait stone is located directly behind the ministers' commemorative mark- 
er. Like the Parker portrait stone in Hubbardston, Buckminster 's features 
clerical tabs and is framed by an arch (Fig. 27). 

Joseph Buckminster was born in Framingham, Massachusetts and 
came to Rutland in 1742, three years after his graduation from Harvard. 
According to the epitaph on his stone, Buckminster remained as 
Rutland's second pastor for half a century. In full, the epitaph reads: 

In memory of the 

Rev Joseph Buckminster 

for more than 50 Years Pastor of 

the Church in Rutland who departed 

this life Nov 3 1792 in the 73d 
Year of his age. He was distinguish- 
ed for intellectual ability and 
ministerial fidelity and zeal 


Early Congregational Ministers 

and endured for a long time 
the distresses of a cancerous 
complaint which termina- 
ted his days 

Bordering Rutland to the east is the town of Holden, which was incor- 
porated in 1740 from a northern portion of the present city of Worcester. 
In Holden' s oldest cemetery stands the portrait stone of Joseph Davis, the 
town's first pastor (Fig. 28). Like the Buckminster stone in Rutland and 
the Parker stone in Hubbardston, the Davis portrait displays clerical tabs 
and is framed by an arch. Also, as on the Parker stone, Reverend Davis' 
portrait is surmounted by the design of a willow sprig. 

Joseph Davis was born in Concord and graduated from Harvard the 
same year that Holden was incorporated. Two years later, in 1742, he was 
ordained as the town's first pastor, which was the same year that Joseph 
Buckminster was ordained in neighboring Rutland. However, unlike 
Buckminster 's pastorate of fifty years, after thirty-one years of service 


Fig. 28. Reverend Joseph Davis, 1799, Holden. The portrait on the 

Davis stone, as well as those on the Buckminster and Parker stones, 

are the work of Paul Colburn of Sterling, Massachusetts. 

Tom and Brenda Malloy 81 

Davis requested dismissal. Although relieved of his clerical duties, the 
first pastor remained in the town until his death in 1799. 51 The epitaph on 
his gravestone reads: 

This monument is erected in 
memory of the Revd Joseph Davis 
who was born at Concord July the 16 
1720. Graduated at Harvard College 
in 1 740. Ordained first Pastor of 
the Church in Holden Dec 22d 1742 
Where he laboured many Years in 
the work of the gospel Ministry. 
He was a man of Science and a 
Zealous; pungent Preacher. The affe- 
ctionate husband. The tender parent 
The kind Neighbor, and the cordial 
friend. Died March 4th 1799 


It is obvious that portrait and table stones were the gravemarkers of 
choice for the Puritan ministry. In this sampling, which includes thirty- 
three ministers' markers in twenty-one towns of north central 
Massachusetts, twenty-five - or about three-fourths - were either portrait 
or table stones. Also, in most cases a minister's table stone was the only 
marker of its type in a town's cemetery, and most of the portrait stones 
were distinguished by the inclusion of clerical tabs on the image. 

Besides being the most distinctive marker in a cemetery, the ministers' 
stones provide for a greater amount of documentation than that found on 
the average monument. For instance, many of the inscriptions note that 
the marker was erected by the town, demonstrating the church-state rela- 
tionship in early Massachusetts. All of the epitaphs use the title of Rev- 
erend, and in a few instances the additional title of Mister. Beyond simply 
supplying the dates of life, most of the markers provide the year of ordi- 
nation, sequence of the pastorate, tenure of the pastorate, and the year of 
graduation from divinity school, which was usually Harvard and in some 
instances Yale. In addition, several of the markers note the place of birth 
or previous positions. Further, in some instances the cause of death is stat- 
ed, such as "atrophy," "dysentery," and a "cancerous complaint." 

82 Early Congregational Ministers 

Because of the ministers' eminent position in a town, many of the epi- 
taphs included lengthy descriptions of their qualities as husbands, 
fathers, and pastors. Relative to the roles of husband and father, terms 
such as "affectionate," "tender," and "loving" were frequently used. In 
relation to their pastoral abilities, it is clear that great value was placed on 
the ministers' competence to deliver a sermon, and some epitaphs 
describe this talent as "eloquent," "elegant," "pungent," and "accept- 
able." Consequently, all of this data, along with the distinctive styles of 
these stones, demonstrates that markers of the early Congregational min- 
istry remain as valuable and revealing material documents of a crucial era 
in New England history. 


All of the photographs for this article were taken by the authors. The authors would like to 
extend their appreciation to Laurel Gabel, Association for Gravestone Studies Research 
Clearinghouse Coordinator, for her input on carver identification. 

1. William Wheeler and Susan Decker, Discovering the American Past (Boston, MA, 1994), 


2. Lilley B. Caswell, History of the Town of Royalston, Massachusetts (Royalston, MA, 1917), 


3. Henry Hazen, History of Billerica, Massachusetts (Boston, MA, 1883), 182. 

4. Charles Stearns, "Billerica Mass. Cemetery," unpublished paper, 4. 

5. Translation provided by Katherine Sullivan, Foreign Language Director, Oakmont 
Regional High School, Ashburnham, Massachusetts. 

6. Hazen, History of Billerica, Massachusetts, 182. 

7. Stearns, "Billerica Mass. Cemetery," 4. 

8. Hazen, History of Billerica, Massachusetts, 261 . 

9. George Adams Parkhurst, "The Story of the First Parish Church Chelmsford 1655- 
1980," unpublished paper, Adams Library, Chelmsford, MA, 3. 

10 Ibid., 5-7. 

11. Ibid., 7. 

Tom and Brenda Malloy 83 

12. Ibid., 8. 

13. Ibid., 9. 

14. Edwin R. Hodgman, History of the Town of Westford (Lowell, MA, 1883), 256-57. 

15. Ibid., 265-66. 

16. Herbert Harwood, "An Historical Sketch of the Town of Littleton," 10. 

17. Ibid., 12. 

18. Edward Frost, in the "Proceedings of the Littleton Historical Society, 1894-95," points 
out that errors in birth date and parentage were made in Shattuck's inscription, which 
was written seventy-five years after the minister's death. However, the present inscrip- 
tion has these errors corrected, thus lending credence to the assumption that the pre- 
sent monument was erected after 1895. 

19. Harwood, "An Historical Sketch of the Town of Littleton," 11-12. 

20. John Sykes, "A History of Littleton, Massachusetts for Use in the Junior High School." 
M.Ed, thesis, Boston University, 1950, 42. 

21. Elias Mason, A History of Dunstable, Massachusetts (Boston, MA, 1877), 151-3. 

22. Samuel Abbot Green, Epitaphs from the Old Burying Ground in Groton, Massachusetts 
(Boston, MA, 1878). 

23. A Pepperell Reader, 27-29. 

24. Ithamar Sawtelle, History of the Town of Townsend 1676-1878 (Fitchburg, MA, 1878), 90. 

25. Ibid., 98. 

26. Ibid. 

27. Henry S. Nourse, History of Harvard (Clinton, MA, 1894), 194; Abijah Perkins Marvin, 
History of Worcester County Massachusetts , Vol. I (Boston, MA, 1879), 560. 

28. Nelde K. Drumm and Margaret P. Harley, Lunenburg: The Heritage of Turke]/ Hills 1718- 
1978 (Lunenburg, MA, 1978), 38. 

29. Ibid., 55. 

30. George Cunningham, Cunningham's History of the Town of Lunenburg (Lunenburg, 
MA,1866), 634. 

31. Drumm and Harley, Lunenburg, 57. 

84 Early Congregational Ministers 

32. Doris Kirkpatrick, The City and the River (Fitchburg, MA, 1971), 129. 

33. See note no. 5. 

34. Ezra S. Stearns, History of Ashburnham, Massachusetts (Ashburnham, MA, 1887), 254. 

35. Tom Malloy, Profiles of the Past (Athol, MA, 1984), 27. 

36. Stearns, History of Ashburnham, Massachusetts, 263. 

37. Ibid. 

38. Caswell, History of the Town of Royalston, Massachusetts, 55. 

39. The authors express their appreciation to Patricia Poor for her efforts in deciphering the 
Reverend Joseph Lee's epitaph. 

40. Mabel Cook Coolidge, The History of Petersham, Massachusetts (Petersham, MA), 87. 

41. Lucius Page, History of Hardivick, Massachusetts (New York, NY, 1883; rpt. Bowie, MD), 

42. Ibid., 192. 

43. Ibid., 193. 

44. Ibid., 537. 

45. Ibid., 193. 

46. J.M. Stowe, History of the Town of Hubbardston (Hubbardston, MA, 1881), 90. 

47. Ibid., 88. 

48. Ibid., 90. 

49. Ibid. 

50. Ellery Bicknell Crane, History of Worcester County, Massachusetts , Vol. I (New York, NY, 
1924), 67. 

51. David Foster Estes, The History ofHolden, Massachusetts (Worcester, MA, 1894), 255. 

Tom and Brenda Malloy 


Ministers' Markers: North Central Massachusetts 









Jonathan Winchester 




John Cushing 


Table Stone 




Samuel Whiting 


Winged Skull 


Samuel Ruggles 




John Chanler 




Henry Cumings 


Table Stone 




John Fiske 




Thomas Clark 


Winged Skull 


Sampson Stoddard 


Box Tomb 


Ebenezer Bridge 






John Payson 


Table Stone 




Jonathan Osgood 


Table Stone 




Caleb Trowbridge 


Table Stone 




David White 


Dual Portrait 




Daniel Johnson 


Table Stone 


Ebenezer Grosvenor 


Table Stone 




Joseph Davis 






Nehemiah Parker 






Benjamin Shattuck 




Daniel Rogers 


Table Stone 




David Stearns 


Table Stone 


Samuel Payson 


Table Stone 


Zabdiel Adams 


Table Stone 




Joseph Emerson 


Table Stone 




Aaron Whitney 


Table Stone 




Joseph Lee 


Table Stone 




Joseph Buckminster 






Job Cushing 






Ebenezer Sparhawk 


Table Stone 




Phinehas Hemenway 




Samuel Dix 






Nathaniel Lawrence 


Willow & Urn 




Willard Hall 


Table Stone 


A Modern Gravestone Maker 

Fig. 1. Merry E. Veal in February, 1995. 



Barbara Rotundo 


This essay will introduce a black craftsman whose work is unique; yet 
the study of his methods and of the development of his designs can reveal 
much about other craftsmen in contemporary and earlier eras. How I first 
noticed his work and what I did in trying to identify him are all part of 
the story, so let me begin at the beginning. 

After retirement, I taught for one semester in 1990 at Tougaloo, a small, 
private, black liberal arts college near Jackson, Mississippi. The many 
novel experiences made for an exciting and rewarding time. I treasure the 
memories of "good morning" from everyone I met, fresh shrimp at $2.99 
a pound, and camellias in blossom in January when I had left snow and 
glacial temperatures up north. But the experience relevant to this essay 
was driving on back country roads to find dozens of small cemeteries. I 
started in Rankin County because the Rankin County Historical Society 
had produced a publication that listed every burial place in the county. It 
gave the number of gravemarkers, the number of people buried, and its 
exact location on the Mississippi State Highway Department maps. It also 
identified which were black cemeteries, a great help to a field worker who 
had lived in the northeast all her life. 

It so happened that the fifth stone 1 I saw in the first cemetery I visited 
was one that I would see duplicated in several other cemeteries I visited 
that first day. It was professionally finished, yet obviously homemade. I 
was intrigued. I continued to see them throughout the county. Toward the 
end of my stay, I finished all the Rankin cemeteries that had ten or more 
stones and began exploring Hinds County. I found that markers by "my 
man," as I was soon thinking of him, were a sure signal that I was in a 
black cemetery. I thought the maker must be a man because it was unlike- 
ly that a woman could handle the finished gravestones and equally 
unlikely that an amateur would have specialized machinery for help in 
handling heavy material. As it is, I later found out that "my man" calls on 
a second man to help him free the stones from their forms and to place 
them in a cemetery. 

88 A Modern Gravestone Maker 

By the time the semester was over, I had photographed about a dozen 
of the special stones and included several slides showing them in a talk I 
gave at Tougaloo College just before I left. A colleague said her Uncle Bob 
was one of the men memorialized on the stones by "my man." Only 
months later did I think to ask her to find out the carver's name. By that 
time her grandmother, the only family member who kept in touch with 
the widow, had died. My search for the time being had literally come to a 
dead end. 

On a brief visit to Tougaloo a year later, I explored more of Hinds 
County and up into Madison County, where some churchyards had as 
many as ten examples of these special stones. Never was I in one when 
another visitor was present, nor did any adjoining church list a minister's 
name that I could find in the thick Jackson telephone directory. (Smith and 
Young were little better than anonymous.) In 1993 I made yet another visit 
to the area and found a cemetery across the road from St. Paul's Church 
in Tinnin, Mississippi that had twenty-eight of those special markers, and 
also a minister with a distinctive name. Copying four names from recent 
stones, I called the Reverend Paul Luckett to see if he could find related 
parishioners or if he knew the maker himself. He didn't know but said it 
should be easy to find out. However, he did not answer when I called 
back at the agreed time, and I left the next morning. He never responded 
to the letters I sent him in the following months with a self-addressed 
stamped postcard. 

Then in January 1994, 1 wrote that I would be in Jackson on a specific 
weekend in February. I would call and if he had not yet found out the 
name, I would stand on the church steps on Sunday to see if someone 
couldn't help me. Apparently the thought of a crazy lady outside his 
church roused him at long last. When I reached him in February, he had 
the name and a phone number. "My man" was Merry E. Veal, and he 
lived in Jackson. I immediately called Mr. Veal, and he invited me to come 
around the next morning when he would be working "out there." The fol- 
lowing day I found "out there" was his backyard. 

Merry E. Veal 1919- 

Merry Veal (Fig. 1 ) was born and brought up in a rural community just 
north of Jackson, Mississippi, where his family belonged to Pine Grove 
Church, which is the church he still belongs to. Although he did not 
attend high school, Veal is certainly literate, but shares certain character- 

Barbara Rotundo 


istic non-standard grammar forms common to blacks raised in a segre- 
gated community, north or south. Without any special training or educa- 
tion, he has provided a comfortable living for himself and his family. He 
served in the United States army during World War II and is now retired 
from his job in the mail room of the Veteran's Administration in Jackson. 
He lives in a house on a corner lot on a tree-lined residential street on the 
northern edge of the city. Reading his character from events he has 
described and thoughts he has expressed, I see him as a good neighbor 
and a thoughtful friend - thrifty, reliable, wise, and amused by the foibles 
and weaknesses he observes in his fellow men and women. He is what his 
brothers and sisters at Pine Grove would call a good Christian, generous 
and forgiving when it is appropriate, doing unto others as he would like 
them to do unto him. 

An Accidental Side-Line 

Veal began his gravestone "career" as a result of the traits described 
above. A neighbor asked him to put a name on a rock that she felt would 
make a nice gravestone for the unmarked grave of her sister. Veal told her 

Fig. 2. The backyard workshop with the shed and many examples 
of the tablet in a base, Veal's most frequently used model. 


A Modern Gravestone Maker 

the name would not fit, but he thought he could make a gravemarker for 
her. That was in 1966. Other people heard about his work and asked him 
for similar help. He soon found himself moonlighting on a regular basis, 
and began to keep records. He has now made more than 300 of these 
cemetery gravestones. Of the 122 stones I have photographed, 103 are 
tablets with a rounded top set in a base (Fig. 2), eight are what I call mush- 
rooms, with a curved top but set on a narrow column (Fig. 3), six are con- 
structed in the shape of a cross (Fig. 4), and five are flat stones (Fig. 5). 
Since the total represents a good third of his production, it seems a fair 
sample that would give an accurate picture. 

Is this just another example of those cement markers found on the 
graves of poor people all over the United States, or do these markers rep- 
resent special talent and a controlled design that would place them in the 
category of folk art? 

I needed to acquire a background in folk art, a field new to me, in 
order to place Veal's work for scholars and critics. However, as I began to 


Fig. 3. Mushroom-shaped marker with leaf design. 

Barbara Rotundo 


read, I discovered that I had opened Pandora's box. I should have sus- 
pected there might be problems. I knew that colonial carved gravestones 
are highly valued as antiques, but museum curators do not accept them 
as "Fine Art," and they are not included in the Inventory of American 
Sculpture. Originally, gravestones were not included in SOS! (Save 
Outdoor Sculpture!), but the early reports and pictures sent by field work- 
ers refusing to follow instructions and perhaps the indignant letters from 
gravestone enthusiasts softened the SOS! prohibition to allow a limited 
number of restricted styles to be included. 2 

The bibliography that I started to develop was overwhelming, and the 
contents confusing. One writer's folk art was another's material culture. 
One author's art is beneath the notice of another. They toss around words 
like "innocence," "mainstream," "ethnic," and "naive." I particularly like 
"naive." When a painter who is considered naive produces dozens of sim- 
ilar paintings that are snapped up at high prices, is it the painter or the 
buyers who are naive? 

After reading four books and a dozen articles, 3 I have decided to be 
naive myself. I will simply describe Merry Veal at work and show pictures 




WflO 1884- OCT. 15 193$ 


Fig. 4. Cross-shaped marker with heart design. 


A Modern Gravestone Maker 

Fig. 5. Veal working on a flat marker. 
Tablet in background has rough space for later date to be added. 

Barbara Rotundo 93 

of the stones he produced over time. Readers can have the freedom to 
decide for themselves how they would define the gravestones pictured on 
these pages. Mine will be the same wary innocence shown by most men 
and women who are enduring or enjoying the attention of critics or who 
are reaping the benefits of new and wider markets for their products. Like 
them I know there is a lot going on outside my world, but I choose to 
ignore it. 

The Process 

At the back of his yard, Merry Veal has a shed (see Fig. 2), and the land 
between the shed and the house is his workshop. He works only when it 
is not too cold or wet. In Mississippi there are many warm months, 
though rain can come at any time. In the shed he keeps all the supplies 
and equipment he needs for making the gravestones: a barrel of sand, a 
barrel of pebbles, tubs for mixing the cement, the forms and putty knives, 
and a wall of annual licenses from the city of Jackson allowing him to 
make "Ornamental Products." There is not one piece of machinery 
involved in the production of the stones. They are truly handmade. This 
also means the workshop is a benign neighbor. The greatest noise would 
be a few bangs of the hammer as he puts the forms together or some 
squeaks as he pulls the boards apart after the concrete has set. The straight 
sides of the forms are easy to make with boards. He ingeniously uses wide 
industrial belting to form the curved tops of the stones. Only when I saw 
a number set up close together in front of the shed did I notice that the 
thickness front to back varies. We are accustomed to look at memorial 
markers from the front because that is where the information is. For arma- 
ture he thriftily picks up the display stands from cemeteries when the 
funeral sprays have withered and turned brown. He snips off the legs, 
which make a perfect framework and are strong yet not too heavy. 

Veal does the lettering and designs freehand. He does not do a draft 
beforehand nor does he measure, except with his eye. When the cement 
has started to set, he takes a large nail, about 14-penny size, and inscribes 
the name, dates, and anything else the customer has ordered or that he 
feels is suitable. For instance, he sometimes chooses an appropriate cita- 
tion from the Bible when he has known the person being memorialized. 
At this point he can wipe out the inscription and start over if he has made 
a real error; however, he is not a perfectionist and will leave a wavering 
line, slightly irregular spacing, etc. It is interesting to note that his spacing 

94 A Modern Gravestone Maker 

and lettering have improved over the years. 

After the cement has hardened, he goes over the lines with the point 
of a beer can opener. Then he goes over them with a knife and smooths 
the flat surfaces with a putty knife (Fig. 6). He paints the stones a light 
gray with what he assured me is the most expensive acrylic latex house- 
paint. The most popular and expensive style has a base with holes for 
vases. The two holes are made by sinking a pair of large beer cans in the 
wet cement. When I asked him how he removed the flat markers from 
their forms, he went into the shed and came out with a plastic-covered 
cushion such as one finds on porch furniture - undoubtedly recycled. The 
man who helps him load and unload the stones that he sets in cemeteries 
comes to lift one side while Veal lifts the other, and they flip it onto the pil- 

Although he still works very much like an amateur, he has adopted a 
few commercial customs. He now asks for a deposit before he begins 
work. Two of the stones in the rows before his shed he repossessed from 
the cemetery where he had placed them because the woman who ordered 
them had made no payment in two years. In recalling this incident, he 
commented, "I had trouble tracking her down. Guess she isn't any better 
at paying her rent than she is at paying me." I asked if he set a certain per- 
centage of the final price for his deposit. He said he let them offer an 
amount and if it seemed right, he did nothing further. He has also adopt- 
ed the commercial dealers' custom of providing markers pre-need, mean- 
ing before death. He leaves a rough cavity for the second date (see Figs. 5 
and 6), to which fresh cement will adhere, and when it starts to set he can 
trace in the death date. Just a nail will do; he doesn't need the thick rub- 
ber stencil and the sandblasting equipment of commercial monument 

When he first began making the stones, Veal charged $57. His latest 
prices, shown in Figure 7, have hardly covered his costs. Furthermore, he 
will install the stone for an additional $15. When I scolded him for not 
charging more for installation, he smiled and said, "\ like to do it cheap- 
er." He really makes the gravestones to oblige people. Although his cus- 
tomers are not always his friends, they have found him through personal 
contacts. When he takes the trouble to make a stone he wants to be paid 
for his efforts, but he did not go into the business to make a profit. When 
I presented a paper on his work at the annual conference of the 
Association for Gravestone Studies in 1994, 1 wrote to ask his permission 

Barbara Rotundo 


Fig. 6. Smoothing the surface of a base. 


A Modern Gravestone Maker 

M/iK.10 18 So 

SEPT. % 19£6 


2."Wfi -32," ACROSS 

-jw 6 



33. L0W6 a " WfDS 3A, THICK 

All stones are $110.00 except BP. 7 it is $120.00. tory are Hwdn of oftay 

concrete only. 

K. E. Veal - '4505 Naadcw lane, Jackson, KS 39206 - Telephone no. 366-4734 

(Guaranteed) Mo. 4041 Licensed operated 

Fig. 7. Merry Veal's price sheet. 

Barbara Rotundo 


for the office to send out a press release and a picture to the Jackson Star- 
Ledger. He immediately wrote back a negative reply, saying he had never 
wanted to make his work public and at his age surely he did not. 

Design Development 

A comparison of early stones with recent ones shows increasingly 
attractive designs and proves Veal's good taste and aesthetic sensitivity or 




Fig. 8. Scalloped edge on early stone. 


A Modern Gravestone Maker 

- in the view of art critics who can't believe untrained workers control 
their product - his good luck. His choices were directed toward simplifi- 
cation and ease of vision. At first he used a scalloped edge (Fig. 8) but now 
has settled on a plain curved top. He eventually came to accept, as first he 
did not, the convention that the first date listed is for the birth and the sec- 
ond for the death. Notice also that he used "Born" and "Death" where 
conventional usage would require two verbal forms or two nouns (Fig. 9). 
Instead of the earlier completely outlined cross, which seems skimpy and 
a bit crowded (Fig. 10), he developed a cross with the second line sweep- 
ing out from the sides, thereby giving an impression of spaciousness yet 
a satisfactory closure as the two ends accent the curve of the name (Fig. 
11). He eliminated the busy effect of too many words in the center of the 
stone and now puts all extra words below the dates, adding visual weight 
to the bottom, where one's eye would naturally tend to pull it. I do not 
believe he thought through all these decisions with words and arguments 
in sentence form. He has the creative eye. I am trying to verbalize what 
his instincts told him to do. It was his felicity in design that caused me to 
remember the first example I saw and finally to focus on his work to the 
exclusion of everything else. 

Fig. 9. Early stone with dates identified. 

Barbara Rotundo 


The inscriptions on his stones follow the normal English language pat- 
tern, according to linguist Scott Baird, 4 since the two semantic items that 
always appear on a gravestone before any others are the name and date 
of death. However, Veal does something nearly unique in gravestone 
design. Look again at the pictured stones: he separates the name and the 
date by the image. In the thousands of stones I have observed in Europe, 
Australia, Canada, and the United States, the image is above the name, 
dates and any other semantic material, with the exception of brief apho- 
ristic phrases like "Gone home" and "Till we meet again" or introductory 
works like "Here lies" and "In memory of." On the 111 stones by Veal that 
I have photographs of and that have an image, the central focus might 
seem to be on the image, yet the name is not obscured and receives addi- 
tional grace as it curves with the top of the stone. Why have no other 
gravestone designers used this pattern? If nature abhors a straight line, 


FEB.ZO 1863 
MAR30 \W 

Fig. 10. Early stone with completely outlined cross. 


A Modern Gravestone Maker 

why must gravestones use that stiff, horizontal line? Conventional mon- 
ument designers are missing out by being blind to the pleasing charm of 
the curve. 5 

In addition to developing what we might call the surface design, Veal, 
who had never before worked with cement, needed to find the best meth- 
ods for handling his medium. He confesses that at first he didn't use any 
pebbles in the mix nor provide any structural frame. His more recent 
stones will obviously weather better than the earliest work. He also dis- 
covered the benefits of a wide base for the upright tablet. This design (see 
item no. 7 in Fig. 7) is more expensive than the single basic price for all the 
others, and rightly so since he makes the two pieces in separate molds and 
must wait till the tablet is completely dry before setting it into its base. 
Once he has the base, he puts in the holes for vases (at first these were 
placed in front of the tablet but eventually became one on each side, 
where flowers put in the vases will not obscure the epitaph). He ends with 

Fig. 11. Later cross design with accenting curves. 

Barbara Rotundo 101 

a design that has a professional layout and is conservatively attractive. 


Except for the mushroom shape, Veal uses the popular American 
gravestone forms. For his choice of imagery, the chief influence seems to 
be the Christian religion. He employs the cross more frequently than other 
images, and he can shape the entire stone like a cross if his customer 
requests it. Most of the stones are found in church-connected graveyards, 
and an informed guess would be that word about his handsome but inex- 
pensive stones probably traveled over the churches' networks. Certainly 
his lifetime of church-going enables him to choose the appropriate bibli- 
cal text for the friends he knows well. 

When I first saw the branch and leaf design, I though of my research 
in religious symbolism and said with confidence, "Ah, the tree of life." I 
asked him the meaning of that (pointing) design. He answered, "It does- 
n't mean anything. It's just a nice pattern — and it's a lot easier to do than 
the other one" (the cross). I asked him where he got the idea for it. " I saw 
it in a cemetery. Yes I did." Here again, his instinctive aesthetic taste 
picked up this image over all the others he might have seen in a cemetery. 
And he might have been unconsciously influenced, as we all are, by his 
background, which in his case would have included the tree of life, green 
pastures, and all the other nature symbolism in the Bible. Yet the green of 
the plant world is a universal image: for life, for immortality, for life ever- 
lasting, from the laurel leaves crowning the Greek victor to the tree plant- 
ed on the African grave 6 to the Greenpeace movement. 

African influence should certainly be checked in this day when blacks 
have become proud of their African heritage, and scholars are eager to fol- 
low Alex Haley and trace black culture back to its African roots. They are 
often too eager and use isolated examples of black gravemarkers to make 
sweeping statements that extensive fieldwork in black cemeteries can not 
support. For instance, John Michael Vlach relies on only historic evidence 
to claim that the pattern of African grave decoration follows the east to 
west and south to north movement of slaves with the result that "grave- 
yard offerings occur wherever black churches are found." 7 His evidence is 
four pictures taken in the 1930s. That a custom existed sixty years ago is 
no proof that it exists today. He says he saw a 1973 grave in Conway, 
North Carolina, with a glass pitcher that had its bottom knocked out and 
was set on a conch shell. 8 This is the single example he gives of modern 

102 A Modern Gravestone Maker 

African-derived grave decoration. I have been looking intensively at rural 
cemeteries in Louisiana and Mississippi and casually in Alabama, Florida, 
and Georgia, as well as asking local people whenever I get the chance. I 
have yet to find a single plot decorated with African-derived gravegoods. 
I have seen them decorated with artificial flowers, empty jars or vases, 
and mechanical toys, but not with containers having bottoms symbolical- 
ly broken nor personal items such as medicines and the last cup used. 

North and south, black and white, I have found toy cars, trucks, and 
airplanes on children's graves. A child's death at whatever age and in 
whatever region evokes an extreme emotional response, and gravegoods 
are a common reaction. In addition to toys there are frequently seasonal 
decorations - Easter bunnies, Christmas trees, and jack-o-lanterns. Their 
birthdays are more likely to be remembered with flowers than are adults', 
and they are more likely to have porcelainized portraits on their stones. 

Robert Farris Thompson discusses many of the same African traits, but 
when he is concerned with their appearance in the work of particular folk 
artists, he is on much firmer ground. It is easy to accept his statement 
about Henry Dorsey's constructions and decorations that used unrelated 
industrial products. Dorsey might never have heard about Kongo tradi- 
tions and heroes, Thompson says, "But I suggest that he was their proge- 
ny by virtue of the culturally open and responsive spirit of his imagina- 
tion." 9 Thompson admits that Dorsey's creation of unusual decorations is 
partly idiosyncratic but claims it is also partly the work of an African- 
derived sensibility that decorates graves and sets up bottle trees. But the 
idiosyncratic part is all important in one of the only two gravestones that 
Dorsey ever made. When he made and placed a gravestone on the grave 
of his sister in 1963, "the other members of the family quietly purchased 
a commercially rendered granite marker." 10 The point I would like to 
make about the work of Merry Veal in the light of the claims by these two 
most famous experts on African influence is that there may be evidence of 
that influence in visionary folk artists, in the eccentric, but the center of 
the black community, the mainstream, if you will, wants conventional 
Anglo-American memorialization. And that is precisely what Veal's 
gravestones provide. A picture that Thompson printed earlier in his book 
provides the same evidence. While he does not give a date, I suspect it is 
more recent than the pictures Vlach was using. It shows a grave with the 
typical cups and other porcelain objects, but in the background are four 
conventional commercial gravestones. 11 His one example produced four 

Barbara Rotundo 103 

examples to support my claim. The single example I have seen of unusu- 
al grave decorations that may or may not be in the African tradition was 
in Holt Cemetery in New Orleans. This is a municipal cemetery for black 
burials, containing hundreds and hundreds of marked graves. To the left 
of the entrance but not all the way in the far corner are two adjoining 
graves on which are piled boxes, carpets, garden edging, and what looked 
like racks from stoves or refrigerators. They were piled haphazardly and 
were very conspicuous, not at all like the graves with pottery and other 
gravegoods scattered on them. Black families who were tending other 
graves expressed great disgust with these two. 12 There were some com- 
mercial gravestones in Holt, but there were dozens of wooden and metal 
markers and hundreds of homemade cement markers. A few had, on the 
grave itself, homemade decorations, and some were outlined in materials 
such as cement blocks: all seemed well within the Anglo-American tradi- 
tion and none with a particular African stamp. 

This is not to deny the existence of African-derived black material cul- 
ture, but to urge modernation in making claims. As a reaction to the long- 
time white denial of any black culture, scholars today are often too apt to 
make sweeping statements. Some of the customs they attribute to African 
heritage have other possible sources as well. The decorative use of shells, 
for instance, seems to be a universal custom. European and Amerindian 
as well as African customs include decorating graves with shells. Since 
Terry Jordan presents a balanced discussion of these in his Texas 
Graveyards: a Cultural Legacy, I will not duplicate it here. 13 Some more dis- 
tinctive customs have alternative sources. For example, archaeologists in 
Florida have found that mound-building Indians in western Florida broke 
the bottoms of pots to be buried with the dead, 14 whereas Kongo custom 
in Africa was to place the broken pot on top of the grave. Henry Glassie 
offers an explanation that I can accept whole-heartedly: "African practices 
and material with non- African analogs stood a better chance of survival 
than did that which would have appeared totally alien to old marster." 15 

What about the influence of the customer on Veal's work? This inter- 
action has long been a question for historians and art critics. How much 
influence did the patron have, and how much did the creative ability of 
the artists control? Only a foolish critic would claim total influence for one 
or the other. Both sides, in this case the customer and Veal, have been 
influenced by the world they live in, and despite any lingering African 
influence both live in twentieth-century United States. What they have 

104 A Modern Gravestone Maker 

seen, heard, and learned in the United States will influence their taste, 
goals, and ideas. 16 Veal may not be a typical artisan because his craft 
developed in response to the customers' demands. However, no customer 
can demand what is outside the ability of the craftsman to produce. Since 
most of Veal's gravestones appear in church-connected cemeteries, it is 
not surprising that his customers wanted a cross. It is the refinement of 
the design that is Veal's artistic contribution. His selection and rendition 
of a leafy branch was inspired, even if it was copied from another grave- 
stone. Its implication of nature and immortality would make it acceptable 
to churchgoers, yet it has no special Christian tie for people with a differ- 
ent religious faith. The heart that shows in Figure 4 represents a rare use 
of that image. The heart as a decorative device has a long history in 
European folk art, but its modern use connects it to valentines and 
bumper stickers as well as love, so I doubt that it would ever become pop- 
ular with Veal's clientele. 

The one element that I didn't mention in my discussion of the design 
of these gravestones is the persistent use of a title for each person, usual- 
ly Mr. or Mrs., sometimes Sis. or Bro. The only exception is when the 
name is very long. This inclusion of the title by Veal may very well be 
what has attracted so many potential buyers. A title is very important to 
blacks, especially to older men and women who have too often been 
called by nothing but first name by all the whites whom they are expect- 
ed to address by title. During the interview I tried to ask a question that 
would elicit this information in Veal's own words. Instead, he took the use 
of the title so much for granted that in response to my question, "What 
about the way you always use a title before the name?", he said, "Yes, but 
I tell them if the name is too long." In other words, he was explaining (and 
excusing) the few times he did not use a title. Interestingly enough, other 
markers in the cemeteries rarely give titles. 

When I asked if he had ever made any stones for whites, Veal 
answered, "Yes, a couple for people I worked with, the rest for colored." 
I have used the term "black" throughout this essay because I am writing 
for a modern audience, but Veal is in his mid-seventies and grew up when 
the polite term was "colored." He grew up like the rest of his community, 
wanting but not yet daring to demand that he be granted the dignity and 
the right to share what was best and most desirable. His cement markers 
are unique and not copies of commercial gravestones, yet their design is 
solidly in the tradition of Anglo-American, mainstream gravestones. In 

Barbara Rotundo 105 

this the standards of the customers match those of the craftsman. John A. 
Milbauer, who has done extensive research in southern cemeteries, states 
what everyone with wide field experience knows: 

Blacks provided their own markers largely because of indigence, not due to 
a preference for folkways. With increasing affluence blacks are choosing 
commercial tombstones over those made by themselves. The transition 
from folk to mass culture manifests itself in the Afro- American cemetery, 
where one can observe a commercial tombstone juxtaposed to a homemade 
marker on the same grave. 17 

To amend that statement slightly, we could say that Veal's markers 
manifest the transition from folk to mass culture, that perhaps in 
Mississippi the black affluence has not yet reached the stage where they 
can afford the commercial prices, but are beyond expecting a relative to 
do the best he can with wood, metal, or cement. 

Other Gravestone Craftsmen 

With more than 300 gravestone to his credit, Merry Veal's work has no 
match. Only a few colonial slate carvers (and no modern craftsmen of 
whom I have heard or read) can come close to that number. In Holt 
Cemetery and in the cemeteries of the three-county area in Mississippi 
that I studied, there were a few examples of a repeated pattern in cement 
markers; at the most there would be half a dozen I would be sure were 
made by the same hand. No one of them was as neatly finished or as care- 
fully designed as those by Veal. In these different cemeteries I saw sever- 
al markers made by pressing colored glass into cement to form the shape 
of a necklace. These were very attractive, but not very satisfactory as a 
memorial since only one had a name inscribed and none gave a date. 
They resemble two stones that Ruth Little reported in her article, "Afro- 
American Gravemarkers in North Carolina." 18 One had pieces of mirror 
pressed into cement, the other had colored glass, and neither had a name 
inscribed. Little's is the only writing I have found that describes contem- 
porary folk gravestone carvers. She found two groups of stones and 
learned the names of the men who made them. One had already died, but 
she was able to interview his widow and two children. Renial Culbreth 
had been a blacksmith and acted sometimes as an undertaker. He con- 
structed four different molds and made the markers by pouring cement 
into these molds. The epitaphs he fashioned by pressing commercial let- 

106 A Modern Gravestone Maker 

ters and numbers into the wet cement. All told, he made about twenty of 
these markers. 

The other craftsman she described was Issaiah McEachin. He also has 
built molds for the poured cement and forms the names and dates by 
pressing metal letters and numbers into the cement. For decoration he 
outlines each stone with marbles pressed into the top and side margins. 
He is proud that the marbles can't be pried out because he inserts them 
more than halfway into the cement. He had made about eighteen such 
markers when he was interviewed in the 1980s. 

Descriptions of two other black craftsmen from the recent past have 
been published. One is Cyrus Bowen, who carved highly individual 
wooden sculpture for the graves of some family members. The WPA field 
workers who were studying black customs in coastal Georgia heard about 
him and went in search of him. 19 They apparently never found him 
because they describe the Sunbury, Georgia burial ground where they 
found his gravemarkers but never quote from an interview with him or 
with anyone close to him. They did, however, take a picture of the sculp- 
ture, and that picture appears in Vlach, Thompson, and others who have 
written about black craftsmen and artists. The picture dates from 1939, yet 
no one ever returned to ask Bowen about these unusual carvings before 
he died in 1960. 

Another twentiety-century craftsman is William Edmondson, who 
received much public notice. Edmondson, a native of Nashville, 
Tennessee, was born in the 1880s and died in 1951. 20 A black man without 
education or training, Edmondson in middle-age started carving blocks of 
granite that he was able to acquire, often discarded granite curbs. The 
original shape of the block controlled his sculpture. A few of these were 
bought and used as gravestones. Discovered in the 1930s by artists who 
were rebelling against conventional academic standards for fine art, 
Edmondson received several exhibitions in major cities because of the 
critical interest aroused by enthusiastic artists. His reputation was also 
helped by the fact that most people came to know his work through the 
pictures taken by the famous professional photographer, Edward Weston. 
The work is crude, but the imagery is strong. Edmondson told interview- 
ers that he carved what God told him to do. A sincere visionary artist, he 
was not at all a man who could have worked to customers' orders as 
Merry Veal has done. 

Barbara Rotundo 107 


This essay has shown why Merry Veal's work is unique, but so far it 
has only glanced at resemblances between his work and that of other 
gravestone craftsmen, present and historical. The similarities between 
Veal and colonial American carvers are basic, especially those for whom 
gravestones were a sideline as they were for him. They all belonged to a 
homogeneous, strongly bonded community. Reading and learning were 
oriented toward the Bible, and religion was ever-present in their lives, 
whether or not they themselves were deeply religious. Their visual train- 
ing came not from museums and art books but from the popular press, 
and the work of other carvers. 

Veal chose only the leafy branch from all the symbols he would have 
seen in the cemetery, and he assigned no conscious meaning to it. 
Students of colonial carvers should be a little cautious about assigning 
deep significance to the images chosen by the men they are studying. 
Instead of selecting on the basis of religious belief or geographic location, 
they may simply have liked a particular form and decided that they could 
reproduce it. 

Veal has lived and worked in Jackson all his life, yet you can see his 
gravestones in other cities in Mississippi and in Chicago, Illinois. He also 
told me he thought one had gone to Tennessee. In each case that he 
described, people had come "home" to Jackson on vacation or a family 
visit, ordered a gravestone, and picked it up the next time they were in 
town. The eighteenth century had no concept of a vacation from work, yet 
people made trips to distant markets, and visited possible new locations 
for settling. A few markers found in cemeteries far from the carver's usual 
base do not necessarily mean that he had moved his base or even that he 
had visited that area. 

Even trickier is any definitive statement about the customer's control 
over the design. Customers exercise control when they choose one crafts- 
man over another, but especially in a rural community there may be only 
one possibility. Cost can also limit choice. Those who choose Veal must 
also decide whether they want to spend the extra ten dollars for the tablet 
on a base. After that decision, do they specify the image they want and 
any addition to the epitaph? Veal's answer when I asked him whether his 
customers picked out the symbol is instructive. He smiled and said, "It 
depends. Some do and some don't." Let that stand as a warning. When 
we write about work done in the past, we can interpret but not speak with 

108 A Modern Gravestone Maker 

assurance about reasons and motivations as though we were giving fac- 
tual information. That is the lesson provided by Merry Veal. 


All photographs in this essay are by the author. 

1 . Although the gravemarkers I am discussing are all cement, I have used "stones" as a 
generic term throughout this essay. 

2. Sculpture by established artists would be included regardless of setting, another exam- 
ple of "Fine Arts." 

3. For those who may share my lack of awareness, I recommend the book based on a sym- 
posium at Winterthur Museum in 1977 because it covers a wide range of viewpoints: 
Ian M.G. Quimby and Scott T. Swank, eds. Perspectives on American Folk Art (New York, 
NY, 1980). See also Henry Glassie, The Spirit of Folk Art (New York, NY, 1989). 

4. Baird gave the information in a paper at the annual conference of the Gravemarkers & 
Cemeteries section of the American Culture Association, Toronto March 7-10, 1991, but 
see also his "Language Codes in Texas German Graveyards," Markers IX (1992): 251, 
note 32. 

5. Some nineteenth-century marbles have the name on a raised or enclosed surface resem- 
bling a ribbon, as though the drape of the ribbon required the name to be curved. 

6. Robert Farris Thompson, Flash of the Spirit: African and Afro-American Art and Philosophy 
(New York, NY, 1983), 138. 

7. John Michael Vlach, The Afro-American Tradition in Decorative Arts (Cleveland, OH, 
1978; rpt. Athens, GA, 1990), 149. 

8. Ibid., 143. 

9. Thompson, Flash of the Spirit, 147. 

10. Ibid., 154. Yet the design for his sister was conservative, a rectangular piece of metal with 
her name and dates, the rectangle attached to two legs that were stuck in the ground. 

11. Ibid., 133. 

12. This seemed to be an honest indignation, not just seeking the approval of the white 

13. Terry G. Jordan, Texas Graveyards: A Cultural Legacy (Austin, TX, 1982), 21-25. 

14. "Bottom of Vase Broken at Death," American Cemetery, February 1989, 5. 

Barbara Rotundo 109 

15. Henry Glassie, Patterns in the Material Folk Culture of the Eastern United States 
(Philadelphia, PA, 1968), 117. 

16. Veal has had foreign experience thanks to the US army, and probably some of the men 
he memorialized had been in Africa, Italy, France, and Germany with him. They did 
not, however, have much exposure to the culture of those countries, although they 
probably learned more than they wanted about the geography. 

17. John A. Milbauer, "Folk Monuments of Afro- Americans: A Perspective on Black 
Culture," Mid-America Folklore 19:2 (1991):104. 

18. M. Ruth Little, "Afro-American Gravemarkers in North Carolina," Markers VI (1989): 

19. Georgia Writer's' Project, Drums & Shadows: Survival Studies Among the Georgia Coastal 
Negroes (rpt. Athens, GA, 1986), 116-117. The pictured sculptures have now disap- 

20. All the information about Edmondson comes from Edmund L. Fuller, Visions in Stone: 
The Sculpture of William Edmondson (Pittsburgh, PA, 1973). 


Crosses of Charles Andera 


Fig. 1. Cast metal cross typical of Charles Andera's artistry. 
St. Wenceslaus Cemetery, Verdigre, Nebraska. 


Loren N. Horton 


From the limestone bluffs of northeast Iowa to the plains of east Texas 
to the sandy shores of Long Island, New York, visitors to cemeteries may 
observe the elegant artistic legacy of Charles Andera. This Bohemian 
immigrant designed and produced some of the most beautiful grave- 
markers that can be found in the United States (Fig. 1). These cast metal 
crosses were created in a multitude of sizes, shapes, and designs, and are 
mounted on a variety of bases. Found almost exclusively in Roman 
Catholic churchyards, the majority of inscriptions are in the Czech lan- 
guage. A few are in English and in German. 

The Andera crosses are much more ethnic specific than they are geo- 
graphically or chronologically restricted. The earliest date found on one of 
these crosses is 1875 and there are dates as late as 1938. These later dates 
are a bit puzzling because Andera died in 1929, and the business, as such, 
was not carried on by any of his family. One explanation may be that 
Andera produced the crosses in his own lifetime, and only the inscrip- 
tions had to be added later. Some inscriptions plates are in fact markedly 
different in composition and material. 

From Bohemia to Iowa 

Frantisek Andera, son of Vaclav Andera and Marie Anna Veselova, 
was born in Hrobska Zahradka, Pacov, Bohemia in 1804. The translation 
of the name of the village means "Garden at the Graveyard". He first 
married Anna Balounova and they had seven children, of whom three - 
Frantisek, Vaclav, and Marie - lived to be adults. He then married 
Katerina Cekalova and they had two sons, Josef and Karel. It is the 
youngest child, Karel, who grew up to become the cross maker of 
Spillville, Iowa under his anglicized name, Charles (Fig. 2). Charles 
Andera married Barbara Dostal in 1875 in Spillville, and they were the 
parents of ten children, of whom eight lived to be adults. 1 Descendants of 
four of those children helped to provide valuable information in the 
search for the explanations of how, where, and why Charles Andera got 
involved in the production of cast metal gravemarker crosses. 


Crosses of Charles Andera 

Fig. 2. Portrait of Charles Andera in 1875. 

Loren N. Horton 


Charles was baptized in the parish church at Cetoraz, near Tabor, 
Bohemia, and immigrated with his parents first to Canada and then to 
Sumner Township, Winneshiek County, Iowa in 1862 or 1863. Andera's 
whereabouts between 1862 and 1875 are not clear. His name does not 
appear in the 1870 federal decennial census in any of the logical locations. 
He is not listed in his parents' household, as is his brother, Josef. He is not 
listed with either of his half-brothers or his half-sister, all of whom lived 
in Floyd County, Iowa. There is in fact no documentary evidence of his 
existence until his marriage to Barbara Dostal in 1875. Thereafter, he is 
regularly listed in most of the available federal and state censuses. In 1880 
he is recorded as a carpenter, in 1885 again as a carpenter, in 1895 as the 
proprietor of a furniture store, in 1900 as a furniture dealer, in 1915 as 
retired, in 1920 as head of the household, and in 1925 the census mentions 
only that he owned his own home. 2 In the state gazetteer in 1882-1883, 
Andera is listed as a furniture dealer, and this same designation is contin- 
ued in the 1884 and the 1889-1890 editions. In the 1897-1898 gazetteer he 
is listed as a furniture dealer and cabinet maker. 3 

Fig. 3. Andera furniture store and workshop, Spillville, c. 1890. The 
photography study sky-light is visible at the back of the top floor. 


Crosses of Charles Andera 

Other Trades and Activities 

Somewhere, sometime during this twelve-year "mystery" period 
Charles Andera must have learned his crafts of cabinet making and gen- 
eral wood working because he opened his furniture workshop and store 
in Spillville (Fig. 3) shortly after his marriage. We have no indication of 
where or from whom he learned these trades, nor where he got the finan- 
cial assistance to open a store. Possibly Barbara Dostal's father, Jan 
Nepomucky Dostal, was partially responsible for both things. Family tra- 
dition is mute on the matter, and no records have been found to shed any 
light on it. 

During his career as a businessman in the furniture store, Andera 
made a great deal of furniture and other fine cabinet and wood work. 
Among his products were church furniture and other furnishings, includ- 
ing altars, rood screens, reredos, brackets, and other types of ornamental 
wood work and decorations for Roman Catholic churches in his area. 
Attributed to Andera are the side altars in St. Wenceslaus Church in 
Spillville, the high altars in St. John's Church in Fort Atkinson and Holy 
Trinity Church in Protivin, all in Iowa, and St. Wenceslaus Church in 
Tremont, Missouri, where the family lived from c. 1902 to c. 1905. 4 A let- 

Fig. 4. Andera family group portrait, 1899. 

Loren N. Horton 


ter from his daughter, Sister Sidonia (Emma Andera), confirms this. She 
also noted in that same letter that he could paint with a brush in one hand 
and at the same time sketch with the other hand. She recalled that, as a 
child, she would often say tatinek spravi, meaning Dad will fix it, and he 
could fix anything that broke, including toys and dolls. 5 

Charles Andera was also a photographer. It is the local understanding 
in Spillville that he took a portrait of the famous Bohemian composer, 
Antonin Dvorak, in 1893. 6 That he did take photographs is undoubted, 
and a studio was located at the back of the top floor of the furniture store. 
His daughter, Mary Andera Klimesh, remembered a room with a sky- 
light in the furniture store where her father would take pictures. 7 His 
grandson, William Andera, recalls playing with the photographic equip- 
ment on the farm west of Spillville after the death of his grandfather. 8 It is 
the family tradition that, after the birth of each child, Andera would take 
a new family group portrait and include himself in it. He devised a 
remote control apparatus and would trip the shutter after he resumed his 
seat in the family group. Mary Andera Klimesh wrote that her father stud- 



Fig. 5. Drayman named Seim in front of the 

Andera furniture store in Spillville with wagon load of crosses 

crated for shipping, date unknown. 


Crosses of Charles Andera 

ied photography on his own. When taking family group pictures, he used 
a long rubber hose and a bulb to trip the shutter, all hidden under a rug. 
There are existing illustrations of Andera family group portraits (e.g., Fig. 
4) as well as other photographs which Andera took of his business estab- 
lishment and his crosses. 9 

Andera was an organizer and charter member of the first Catholic 
Workman chapter in Iowa, a founder of the Western Bohemian Union 
insurance cooperative, a trustee of St. Wenceslaus Roman Catholic parish, 
and he sang in the church choir. As a part of his furniture store business, 
Andera routinely built coffins, a normal combination activity at that time. 
His daughter, Mary Andera Klimesh, recalled that when he made coffins 
he lined the bottom with shavings and then tacked down a fancy white 
cloth over the bottom and sides. 10 Family members recalled that Andera 
mentioned the lack of large trees in the area when he arrived. He had to 
haul large logs from a distance for his work. 11 

The Andera Crosses 

Despite these numerous activities, this busy man still managed to find 
time to make hundreds of cast metal gravemarker crosses. It is important 

Fig. 6. Drayman named Seim (and others) in front of the railroad 

depot in Conover with a wagon load of crosses 

crated for shipping, date unknown. 

Loren N. Horton 117 

to bear in mind that the cross manufacturing was only a sideline for him. 
Among the local young men who helped him in the making of crosses 
were Leopold Pohusta, Martin Soukup, John Dostal, and John Andera (his 
nephew, not his son). 12 There is one bit of evidence that his son, Albert, 
also helped in this enterprise. In an issue of a local newspaper there is an 
article noting that Albert Andera delivered a load of cast iron grave mon- 
uments to the railroad freight depot in Conover for shipment to points in 
various states (cf. Figs. 5 and 6). 13 

Construction and Distribution 

Mary Andera Klimesh mentioned in a letter that her father made and 
sold grave monuments. He made the crosses out of wood and sent them 
to the foundry as a pattern. They fabricated the crosses and sent them 
back to him. Andera then trimmed them off, painted them, and added the 
crucifixes. She recalled that he had six or seven patterns. Albert Andera, a 
grandson, recalled seeing at least four wooden corpus figures and a cross 
packed in a wooden box in the shop at the house in Spillville. Cyril M. 
Klimesh, another grandson, remembers two wooden corpus figures hang- 
ing behind the shop door. 14 

Where the casting was done is yet another mystery. There is no record 
that there was ever a foundry in Spillville or Conover. However, there 
were foundries in nearby Decorah and in Fort Atkinson, where the fami- 
ly lived for a few years when they moved back from Missouri (see Fig. 7). 
Some suggestions have been made that foundries in Nora Springs, Iowa 
or Winona, Minnesota or La Crosse, Wisconsin were used. The church his- 
tory in Tremont, Missouri states that the molds he made there were sent 
to Rockport, Illinois for casting. 15 Any of these are possible, but none are 
a certainty at this time. 

The previously mentioned newspaper notice about Albert Andera 
brings to mind the question both of distribution and of advertisement. 
Spillville was located three and a half miles from the nearest railroad 
depot at Conover. Many of the places to which crosses were shipped were 
not on a railroad line either. Horses and wagons would have been the 
only means of transporting the crosses to the cemeteries. And the crosses 
were heavy. One clue about this is a "SAFE DELIVERY GUARANTEE" 
announcement signed by Andera: 

If it should happen that any part reach you broken or in any way dam- 
aged, be sure to have the Railroad agent mark the notation of such damage 


Crosses of Charles Andera 

on the expense bill, which he gives you when you pay the freight. On 
receipt of this bill I will make a claim against the Railroad company for the 
damage, and furnish you new part or parts, as may be the case in place of 
the damaged one without charge. Unless I have these facts written across 
the expense bill, I can not make a claim for damages and therefore only in 
this way I can guarantee safe delivery. 

Prices include ordinary inscriptions, but do not include verses which are 
charged extra at the rate of 1 1 /2 c for each letter. 

Chas. Andera 
Spillville, Iowa. 16 

Andera' s connection with the Catholic Workman is important to the 
study of his crosses. We know that he was an organizer of Chapter 33 on 
14 February 1897 in Spillville. He was probably also a member of the pre- 
decessor organizations, the First Central Union and the Western Czech 
Catholic Union. These memberships are significant in understanding the 
sale of the gravemarker crosses because the only advertisement yet found 
for the crosses is in a 1916 history of the Catholic Workman, noting that 
Karel Andera of Spillville, Iowa made iron crosses. 17 Because of the wide 
distribution of the crosses, there had to be some method of letting people 

Fig. 7. Barn at the farm near Fort Atkinson showing crosses 
and bases leaning against the wall, c. 1908. 

Loren N. Horton 119 

know of their availability. Searches of other Czech-language newspapers 
and magazines have not revealed additional advertisements for them. Yet 
people as far apart as Texas, North Dakota, and New York not only knew 
of them but ordered and installed them. 

Family information sheds some light on the type of person Charles 
Andera was and how some of the work was done. Mary Andera Klimesh 
wrote that her father made most of the crosses found in the cemetery in 
Spillville. He also dressed the stone and made the bases for them. He had 
a room in the barn where this work was done. She also noted that her 
father made a pattern for a cross, carved it out, and then sent it to the 
foundry to have the crosses cast. Additionally, he carved the figure of the 
body of Christ and encased it in plaster of paris, thus making a form. 
Mary also wrote that her father carved a statue of the Blessed Virgin and 
crucifixes for the grave monuments that he sold. 18 

When the trustees of St. Wenceslaus Church decided to have a clock 
installed in the steeple, it was Charles Andera who did the remodelling 
and installation. He also constructed small outdoor chapels in the church- 
yard which were used during the annual Corpus Christi processions. 19 

Post Office records in Spillville indicate that Charles Andera received 
twelve pieces of registered mail prior to 1902, the time of his move to 
Missouri. These included: 

31 August 1894, Tripp, South Dakota 

7 April 1896, Fayetteville, Texas 

8 April 1896, Oakdale Station, New York 
18 June 1897, Creighton, Nebraska 

13 May 1898, St. Louis, Missouri 
8 June 1898, North McGregor, Iowa 
17 June 1898, Prague, Nebraska 
30 October 1899, Bryan, Texas 
21 March 1900, Bryan, Texas 
4 October 1900, Bryan, Texas 
23 April 1900, Mincie, Wisconsin 
29 June 1900, Geranium, Nebraska 

Since we know that Andera crosses exist in about half of these places, we 
might assume that the other locations are also prime places to search. 
Without this clue the cross on Long Island, New York would not have 
been found. 20 

120 Crosses of Charles Andera 

In an attempt to determine whether or not Andera advertised in 
Czech-language newspapers and magazines, his grandson, Cyril M. 
Klimesh, has read through the relevantly dated issues of Hospodar, Hlas, 
and Slavie and found no such evidence. 21 There are, of course, additional 
periodicals to check, but it now seems more likely that the entry in the 
Katolicky Delnik Inkorporovany ve satu Minnesota in 1916 may be the only 
such reference we are likely to find. 


Another important question which naturally arises is from what mate- 
rial were these extraordinary crosses made? To answer this question, I 
submitted a sample of the material to the Department of Materials Science 
and Engineering at Iowa State University. Professor John D. Verhoeven 
examined a fragment in a scanning electron microscope, and his analysis 
indicated that the particular cross in question was composed of 94.5% FE, 
3.2% Si, 1.4% P, and 0.9% Mn. Translated into common language, this 
means the cross was made of iron with a high content of silicon and sig- 
nificant amounts of phosphorus. Professor Verhoeven stated that this 
would lead to good corrosion resistance. He also suggested further con- 
ventional chemical analysis. 22 

Following this suggestion, I arranged for a fragment to be submitted 
to the Chicago Spectro Service Laboratory, with the following results: car- 
bon 3.27%, manganese 0.62%, phosphorus 1.02%, and silicon 3.06%. 23 All 
of this analysis aroused the curiosity of Professor William L. Larsen of 
Iowa State University. With the assistance of Francis Laabs, Larsen stud- 
ied the cross fragment further and concluded that it was high phosphorus 
cast iron. Phosphorus has two main effects upon cast iron: (1) it makes the 
iron very difficult to machine because it forms hard particles which tend 
to wear or break cutting tools; (2) it contributes fluidity to the molten iron, 
allowing it to fill tiny crevices in the mold. Old fashioned radiators with 
ornate surface patterns and other decorative iron items commonly used 
this type of alloy. The two men did further study with an optical stereo 
microscope using a variable magnification up to 35X. This latter test was 
mainly concerned with surface features, rather than the composition of 
the substance of the cross. 24 

Professors Verhoeven and Larsen followed up their responses to my 
initial enquiry by suggesting that the lack of corrosion on the Andera 
crosses was probably the result of their being painted. 25 Since family 

Loren N. Horton 


information suggests that Andera did paint the crosses before he shipped 
them, and since most of the crosses that I have observed myself have been 
painted, this seems to be a reasonable conclusion (see Fig. 8). There are 
some crosses in Minnesota which show a brownish surface, not resem- 
bling corrosion, and yet do not seem to have been painted in the recent 
past. Additional analysis will need to be done in order to answer the 
materials questions more completely. Andera apparently initially painted 
many of the crosses black with gold trim (e.g., Fig. 8), although all of the 
crosses located in my survey that are painted at all are now done in a solid 
silver color. 


Despite these considerations, it seems that questions of manufacture, 
advertisement, and distribution pale in comparison with the manner in 
which one is struck by the visible beauty of these cast iron gravemarker 
crosses. The crosses are indeed monuments of rare artistic beauty and 
exhibit a large number of subtle variations in their design and ornamen- 

Fig. 8. Painted cast iron gravemarker crosses and 

carved wooden church furniture photographed by Charles Andera, 

precise date unknown, probably 1880s. 


Crosses of Charles Andera 

tation. There are at least eight different basic cross designs, with the pos- 
sibility of one or two more. Further, there exist at least six and possibly 
seven styles of bases for the crosses. A variety of ornamental features 
could be added to any one of the several basic cross designs, and I have 
located at least twenty-two different ways in which Charles Andera 
marked the crosses on the back (see Figs. 9, 10, and 11). 

Fig. 9. Styles of Andera cast iron gravemarker crosses, 1897. 

Loren N. Horton 


Some crosses have the inscription cast on the form itself. In other 
instances, the inscription plates were cast separately and then attached to 
the cross. Sometimes the inscription plate is of a different material entire- 
ly than that of the cross itself. There are crosses with botonee lobes, with 
patee lobes, with heart-shaped facing plates, with front views of angels, 
with profile views of angels, and with skull and crossbone emblems. 
Others feature a Crown pierced by a Cross, a Lamb of God surrounded by 
sunburst rays, winged faces, a Chalice, the Sacred Heart of the Blessed 
Virgin Mary, a praying Madonna (either in head only or with full body), 
and at least eleven different versions of the Corpus figure. 26 There are 
instances of identical crosses side by side, one marked on the back by 
Andera and the other not marked. Only two models for molds have been 
found: Robert Balik of Spill ville has located models for the Lamb of God 
and for the Chalice (see Figs. 12 and 13). 

Andera crosses range in weight from 108 to 318 pounds, in height 
from five feet eight inches to ten feet tall, and in original purchase cost 
from $10.50 to $47.00 each. While the weight and the height might have 

Fig. 10. Styles of Andera cast iron gravemarker crosses, 1904. 


Crosses of Charles Andera 

added to the difficulty of transporting the crosses, the low cost should cer- 
tainly have made them an attractive choice for a cemetery monument. In 
comparison, a 1902 mail order catalog lists a granite marker four feet four 

Fig. 11. Styles, prices, and heights of Andera cast iron 
gravemarker crosses, date unknown. 

Loren N. Horton 


inches tall and weighing 800 pounds at $26.70. Additionally, they list ship- 
ping costs at $1.00 to $1.50 per 100 pounds. 27 

The arms of Andera crosses are sometimes pierced by trefoil or qua- 
trefoil cusps as well as by a variety of either Gothic or Art Deco lattice or 
grill work, and some feature fleur de lis cresting. Very occasionally the 
arms are solid and plain. Crosses similar to these were manufactured by 
the Badger Wire and Iron Works of Milwaukee, Wisconsin, 28 and by the 
Kohler, Hayssen & Stehn Company of Sheboygan, Wisconsin. 29 The 
Andera crosses should not be confused with these alternatives. It is 
nonetheless possible that Charles Andera was a dealer for one or both of 
these companies, and actually sold a number of crosses he did not make. 

Neither are the Andera crosses to be confused with the wrought or 
forged iron cemetery crosses of the German Russians, found in plentiful 
quantity in North Dakota and in Kansas. Blacksmiths made strap iron 
crosses in many areas. There are even some of these in the St. Wenceslaus 
Cemetery in Spillville, the town in which Charles Andera lived and 


Fig. 12. Clay model for foundry mold of Lamb of God. 


Crosses of Charles Andera 

worked (Fig. 14). They are easily distinguished from the cast iron crosses 
of Andera and the other suppliers. Julaine Maynard, in an article which 
appeared in Volume I of Markers, discussed metal crosses in the Kenosha, 
Wisconsin area where there are Czech settlements: these are not Andera 
crosses either. 30 

Fig. 13. Clay model for foundry mold of Chalice. 

Loren N. Horton 



The remarkable crosses of Charles Andera remain to this day artifacts 
of intricate, ethno-specific beauty (Figs. 15, 16, and 17). They are also 
found in large quantities: to date, examples have been found in Texas, 
Oklahoma, Kansas, Nebraska, South Dakota, North Dakota, Minnesota, 
Iowa, Missouri, Wisconsin, Michigan, and New York. They seem to be 
most numerous in Texas, Nebraska, South Dakota, and Minnesota, and, of 
course, in Iowa. There are without doubt more to be found, and thus the 
search goes on. One hundred years ago, a craftsman from the small town 
of Spillville, Iowa struck such a chord in the hearts of his fellow Bohemian 
immigrants that they were willing to purchase these cast iron gravemark- 
er crosses even when they lived at considerable distance. The strong eth- 
nicity and fierce retention of culture by the Bohemian immigrants allowed 
for, or caused, this example of material culture to be perpetuated. We can 
value and treasure the Andera crosses for these and many other reasons. 

Upon Charles Andera's death in 1929, the Reverend W. A. Dostal 
wrote a letter of condolence to Andera's daughter, Anna. In it he rendered 
a great tribute to the man: "He was a genius. But because of his great 
humility he was unknown to the world." 31 I think he deserves to be 

(o* >'i>~£^ & !*iL<A*'&A/ — <X2/t <JV*si£/4^'' %M 

Fig. 14. St. Wenceslaus Church and Cemetery, Spillville, 1906, 
showing crosses of varying types in the churchyard cemetery. 


Crosses of Charles Andera 


Fig. 15. Andera cross model #3, with base model A, 
St. Wenceslaus Cemetery, Verdigre, Nebraska. 

Loren N. Horton 


Ifcr >tltl»l»t»j|l>lll|iX - I lltlll'-- 


Fig. 16. Andera cross model #5, 
St. Wenceslaus Cemetery, Verdigre, Nebraska. 


Crosses of Charles Andera 

known by the world. I think he deserves more than that, but at the least I 
would hope that through this essay the world will learn somewhat of this 
man and his many achievements, most particularly his remarkable cast 
iron gravemarker crosses which stand today as eloquent testimonials to 
his artistry and sense of ethnic community. 

Fig. 17. Detail of inscription plate on Andera cross illustrated 
in Fig. 16, St. Wenceslaus Cemetery, Verdigre, Nebraska. 


The photographs found in Figs. 1, 12-13, and 15-16 were taken by the author. Those in Figs. 
3-11 and Fig. 14 were taken by Charles Andera. The photographer who took Andera's por- 
trait (Fig. 2) is unknown. 

1. Cyril M. Klimesh, Letter to Loren N. Horton, 17 November 1994; Cyril M. Klimesh, 
Letter to Loren N. Horton, 9 June 1996; The Decorah Journal, 2 October 1929. 

2. Manuscript schedules of United States Census for 1880, 1900, 1920; Manuscript sched- 
ules of State of Iowa Census for 1885, 1895, 1915, and 1925. 

3. Iowa State Gazetteer and Business Directory (Chicago, IL, 1882-83, 1884-85, 1889-90, 1897- 
98), Vol. II, 713; Vol. Ill, 925; Vol. V, 1040; Vol. IX, 1059. 

Loren N. Horton 


4. The Quasquicentennial History Book, 1860-1985 (Spillville, IA, 1985), 182. 

5. Sister Sidonia (Emma Andera), Letter to Sister Martha (Andera), July 1971. 

6. The Quasquicentennial History Book, 1860-1985, 181; Mary Andera Klimesh, Letter to 
Sister Martha (Andera), 5 July 1971. 

7. Mary Andera Klimesh, Letter to Sister Martha (Andera), 5 July 1971. 

8. Personal interview with William Andera, 6 May 1996. 

9. The Quasquicentennial History Book, 1860-1985, 181; Mary Andera Klimesh, Letter to 
Sister Martha (Andera), 5 July 1971. 

10. Cyril M. Klimesh, Letter to Loren N. Horton, 2 December 1994, quoting Mary Andera 
Klimesh, Letter to Cyril M. Klimesh, 21 May 1979; The Quasquicentennial History Book, 
1860-1985, 181-182. 

11. Cyril M. Klimesh, They Came To This Place: A History of Spillville, Ioiva and Its Czech 
Settlers (Sebastopol, CA, 1983), 32. 

12. The Quasquicentennial History Book, 1 860-1 985, 1 81 . 

13. The Decorah Republican, 9 April 1908. 

14. Mary Andera Klimesh, Letter to Cyril M. Klimesh, 1979, quoted in Cyril M. Klimesh, 
Letter to Loren N. Horton, 2 December 1994; Mary Andera Klimesh, undated and 
unpaged autobiographical sketch; Mary Andera Klimesh, Letter to Sister Sidonia 
(Emma Andera), 5 July 1971; The Quasquicenntennial History Book, 1860-1985, 181. 

15. History of St. Wenceslaus Church (Karlin, MO, nd.), unpaged; Cyril M. Klimesh, Letter to 
Loren N. Horton, 12 November 1895, quoting from an unattributed 1902 newspaper 

16. Original clipping in the possession of Cyril M. Klimesh. Some models were cast in 
parts, which then had to be bolted together prior to installation. 

17. Katolicky Delnik Inkorporovany ve statu Minnesota (np, 1916), unpaged. 

18. Cyril M. Klimesh, Letter to Loren N. Horton, 2 December 1994, quoting Mary Andera 
Klimesh letter to Cyril M. Klimesh, 1979; Mary Andera Klimesh, undated and unpaged 
autobiographical sketch. 

19. The Quasquicentennial History Book, 1860-1985, 181. 

20. Cyril M. Klimesh, Letter to Loren N. Horton, 10 January 1995. 

21. Cyril M. Klimesh, Letters to Loren N. Horton, 4 October 1994; 8 January 1995; 23 May 

132 Crosses of Charles Andera 

22. John D. Verhoeven, Letter to Loren N. Horton, 28 June 1995. 

23. Richard Goldblatt, Letter to Loren N. Horton, 3 October 1995. 

24. William L. Larsen, Letter to Loren N. Horton, 10 October 1995. 

25. John D. Verhoeven, Letter to Loren N. Horton, 30 October 1995; William L. Larsen, 
Letter to Loren N. Horton, 2 November 1995. 

26. Cyril M. Klimesh, Letter to Loren N. Horton, 23 September 1995. 

27. Consumers Guide No. Ill (Chicago, IL: Sears, Roebuck and Company, 1902), 809. 

28. Catalog N, Iron Grave Crosses (Milwaukee, WI: Badger Wire and Iron Works, 1920). 

29. Catalog, Cast Iron Crosses (Sheboygan, WI: Kohler, Hayssen and Stehn, 1901). 

30. Julaine Maynard, "Wisconsin's Wrought Iron Markers", Markers I (1980): 76-79. See also 
Timothy G. Anderson, "Czech-Catholic Cemeteries in East-Central Texas: Material 
Culture and Ethnicity in Seven Rural Communities", Material Culture 25:3 (1993): 1-18; 
Karen S. Kiest, "Czech Cemeteries in Nebraska From 1868: Cultural Imprints on the 
Prairie", in Ethnicity and the American Cemetery, ed. Richard E. Meyer (Bowling Green, 
OH, 1993), 77-103; Nicholas Curchin Vrooman and Patrice Avon Marvin, Iron Spirits 
(Fargo, ND, 1982); and Timothy J. Kloberdanz, "Iron Lilies, Eternal Roses: German- 
Russian Cemetery Folk Art in Perspective," Journal of the American Historical Society of 
Germans from Russia 6:3 (1983): 27-31. 

31 . Cyril M. Klimesh, Letter to Loren N. Horton, 12 November 1995, quoting The Reverend 
W. A. Dostal, Letter to Anna Andera, October 1929. 

Loren N. Horton 



Locations of Andera Crosses Presently Identified 

IOWA Clayton, Dubuque, Fayette, Hancock, Howard, 

Johnson, Linn, Pocahontas, Tama, Washington, 
and Winnishiek counties 

Rawlings County 

Leelanau and Schoolcraft counties 

Hennepin, McLeod, Mower, Renville, Rice, 
Scott, and Steele counties 







Polk County 

Box Butte, Butler, Colfax, Fillmore, Knox, 
Richardson, Saline, Saunders, Thayer, and 
Valley counties 

Suffolk County 

Walsh County 

Lincoln County 

Bon Homme, Brule, and Yankton counties 

Austin, Brazos, Burleson, Fayette, and Lavaca 

Kewaunee, LaCrosse, Richland, and Vernon 


Pratt Family of Stonecutters 


w-,)Vnir'l- >>r(Auii 

I \ s ,01 

M » 



VI Ml 'fljLtUi 

K> <>A 


AliUU^U' f'l 


if^ 1 


frm \V\vbu; 

iftci w 

Fig. 1. Rev. Samuel Brown, 1749, Abington, Massachusetts. 
Carved by John New. 


Ralph L. Tucker 


Gravestones displaying portraits are rare in the pre-revolutionary 
period in New England. The earliest type of decorated gravestone gener- 
ally featured winged skulls; later, these gave way to winged faces (or 
cherubs), which were not really portraits. To find a significant number of 
realistically rendered full human figures, half figures, or even heads with- 
out wings, one generally has to look in the post-revolutionary period. It 
was only then that there was a noticeable shift from winged skulls and/or 
faces to other styles. Exceptions to this general pattern are found on 
Boston's south shore in the work of John New and the Pratt family, who 
are among the first to use realistic faces and figures. 

John New 

John New (b. 1722) carved a number of gravestones in various styles 
in the interior Massachusetts towns, and then came to the coastal towns 
near Abington where he carved portraits and other interesting figures in 
the 1758-1768 period. His work in the Abington, Massachusetts area is 
executed on an unusual dark red slate of conspicuous size and features 
full figures of people holding occupational tools in their doll-like hands 
(Fig. 1). 

These styles pioneered by John New were also carved by Noah Pratt, 
Sr., who before 1767 seems to have been New's apprentice. Stones of this 
type up to 1767 were either carved by John New alone or with the assis- 
tance of Noah, Sr. Only a detailed study, however, enables one to distin- 
guish the work of John New from that of Noah Pratt, Sr. The 1767 Hannah 
Lovell stone in North Weymouth, Massachusetts provides a case in point. 
It features a well carved three-dimensional foliate border and good letter- 
ing by John New, but also incorporates two "engraved" heads in the tym- 
panum which were probably carved by Noah Pratt, Sr. in a "flat" manner. 
New was better at rounding out his work, especially the foliate borders 
and the figures, while Pratt used an engraving technique which gave a 
"flat" result. Noah Pratt, Sr. at this time had a shaky hand with a chisel 
which only time would improve. 1 Aside from John New and members of 
the Pratt family, no other carver's work is even vaguely similar. 

136 Pratt Family of Stonecutters 

Although a competent carver, John New was throughout his life an 
unstable character and came under the guardianship of Benjamin 
Shepard in 1 767, perhaps because of alcoholism or mental troubles, which 
caused his removal to the Worcester, Massachusetts area at this time 2 . This 
may account for the fact that probate records say Noah Pratt, Sr. was paid 
for several stones which were actually carved by John New - a case where 
an apprentice as a middleman was paid for the work of his master. 

John New and his works were never found in the Abington area after 
1767, and while his son James New (1751-1832) would became a carver in 
the 1770s, he was located in Attleboro and later at Grafton, Massachusetts 
and employed an altogether different style from that of his father. His 
work is not found in the Abington area at all. It is thus a clear inference 
that stones in this style in the Abington area dated after 1767 were made 
by one of the Pratts. 

The Pratt Family 

There are several probate references wherein it is noted that Nathaniel 
Pratt and his son Noah, Sr. and grandson Robert Pratt were paid for 
gravestones 3 . Peter Benes, on the basis of this evidence, theorized that Lt. 
Nathaniel Pratt was the carver of the earlier Pratt stones, and that his 
grandsons Noah Pratt, Jr. and Robert Pratt took over the trade in 1779 
when Nathaniel was in his eighties. 4 Recent study, however, seems to 
indicate that it is more probable Nathaniel was a middleman for his son 
Noah, Sr., who was the first Pratt carver, and that Noah, Jr. and his broth- 
ers Robert and Seth carried on the trade in the next generation. An addi- 
tional Pratt carver, unknown to Benes, was Cyrus Pratt, the son of Noah, 
Jr., who carved in the 1800s, although in a different style altogether. 

Throughout discussions such as these, it should always be kept in 
mind that there often exist backdated stones by a carver where his later 
styles and skills appear to have been employed at an earlier date than 
when the stones were actually carved. The 1738 Benjamin Hayden stone 
in Braintree (Fig. 2) is an example of a marker most certainly carved by 
Noah Pratt, Sr., but obviously not when he was seven years old. The stone 
probably was made after 1770. 

The early Pratt stones of the 1760s and 1770s were carved by Noah 
Pratt, Sr. (1731-1781), with his sons as apprentices perhaps contributing to 
the trade as they grew old enough. Robert (1753-1791), the oldest son, 
may have carved as early as the late 1760s, Noah, Jr. (1758-1825) by the 

Ralph L. Tucker 


1770s, and Seth (1762-1838) by the late 1770s. Their early gravestones in 
the Abington area were carved on the unique dark red slate, shaped with 
chamfered edges, wide finials, and high tympanums. The large size and 
the unusual red slate make the stones stand out in any burial ground. 

|fvc. My (if )\ (i | until 
Miy fneWi'' 1 j 7 kft 

1 ' .3 


oj m> (he ;t^ v f^ 


HMfil $ 



- -*i*m$f- 


Fig. 2. Benjamin Hayden, 1738, Braintree, Massachusetts. 
Carved by Noah Pratt, Sr. 


Pratt Family of Stonecutters 



Fig. 3. Nehemiah Randal, 1790, Freeport, Maine. 
Carved by Noah Pratt, Jr. 

Ralph L. Tucker 139 

They are significantly larger than the usual gravestones of the period and 
are usually found in the vicinity of Abington, although a few are found as 
far afield as Boston's Copp's Hill Burial Ground and Portland, Maine. 
After the 1770s the stones displaying full figures are rare, and their stereo- 
typed heads are more commonly found. 

Noah Pratt, Sr. 

Noah Pratt, Sr. the son of Lt. Nathaniel Pratt of Abington, was born 
there on October 19, 1731 and married Mary Jones in Abington on January 
11, 1753. Revolutionary war records list eighteen entries for "Noah Pratt" 
- one from Abington and others from surrounding towns. It is unclear 
which references refer to Noah, Sr., which to Noah, Jr., or, for that matter, 
which to other Noah Pratts, of whom there were several. Little is known 
of the senior Noah's life, but local evidence in Abington indicates that he 
was something of an alcoholic. In the post-revolutionary period he 
removed to the Skowhegan area of Maine, but no evidence of his work 
has been located there. 

Noah Pratt, Jr. 

Noah Pratt, Jr. was born in Abington on July 20, 1758 and was married 
there to Alice (or Elsie) Jenkins on November 24, 1780. The next year, 
together with his relation Thomas Bicknell, he purchased fifty acres of 
land on Pleasant Hill in North Yarmouth (now Freeport), Maine from 
Benjamin Parker. The purchase price was £60. 5 The deed reads "... 
Thomas Bagnell (sic) & Noah Pratt, yeoman, both of N. Yarmouth...", 
thus indicating Pratt's residence there by 1781. In 1784 he purchased addi- 
tional land in North Yarmouth, and in 1785 he signed a petition for a road 
near his residence on what is now Pleasant Hill Road, Freeport. Noah is 
listed in the Militia of North Yarmouth, Cumberland County, Maine, 
which would be before 1789 when North Yarmouth became Freeport. In 
1789 the town made him a hog reeve and field driver. He then appears in 
the 1790 census as being located in Freeport and as having within his 
househole one white male over sixteen, four white males under sixteen, 
and two white females. His name does not appear in the Maine census in 
1800 because, upon the death of his older brother Robert in 1791, he 
returned to Abington, where he took over the family gravestone business. 
In that same year he sold his Freeport property to Thomas Bicknell 6 , and 
in the deed he referred to himself as "... Noah Pratt of Freeport, stone- 


Pratt Family of Stonecutters 

cutter..." No other records relating to Noah, Jr. have been found in the 
Freeport vital records or other papers there. Much later, in 1824, he moved 
from Abington to Hanover, Massachusetts together with his wife and son 
David. His wife's will in 1836 mentions eight living children. His son, 
Noah Pratt 3rd, was married in Abington in 1818 to Nancy Reed, but later 


1 **- 

Fig. 4. Jacob Silvester, 1776, Freeport, Maine. Carved by Noah Pratt, Jr. 

Ralph L. Tucker 


moved to Skowhegan, Maine, where in 1842 he married Lydia Eaton. He 
is not known to have been a stonecarver. 

Over forty gravestones have been located in the Freeport and 
Brunswick, Maine areas which can be attributed to Noah Pratt, Jr. These 
stones may be used to study his particular lettering and style and distin- 
guish them from the work of his father and two brothers. All of these 
gravestones are carved on a poor grade of black or gray slate, and three of 
them are eroded to the point of being barely identifiable as Pratt stones. 
There are few variations in the markers. All feature a symmetrical halo of 
leaves surrounding a head in the tympanum. The heads are of three basic 
types: 1) a male head facing the observer, with the head sitting upon a nar- 
row neck and displaying hair in a wig-like style (Fig. 3); 2) a head facing 
the observer, with a narrow neck and the head featuring a hood of the 
type used to cover the hair of women and children (Fig. 4); 3) a male head 
in profile showing his shoulders (Fig. 5). 

All the Pratts carved unusual eyes which are curved upwards . The side 
borders have fat foliage, which on occasion extends into the finial. In many 
cases a six pointed star can be found in the finial, as well as at the top cen- 
ter of the foliate halo. The inscription is situated in a rectangular frame 
beneath the tympanum. Only one stone departs from this rule: the 1788 

Fig. 5. Samuel Bartoll, 1786, Freeport, Maine. Carved by Noah Pratt, Jr. 


Pratt Family of Stonecutters 

marker for Zilpha Curtis, aged thirteen, in Mast Landing Burial Ground, 
Freeport, places the inscription within a large heart-shaped border (Fig. 6). 
Some of the markers have epitaphs below the inscription, but the stones 
usually are sunken to a point where the lettering can only be seen partially. 
The lettering on these stones shows only a few idiosyncrasies: an 
upper-case "P" is often used where the lower case is called for; the long, 

Fig. 6. Zilpha Curtis, 1788, Freeport, Maine. Carved by Noah Pratt, Jr. 

Ralph L. Tucker 


old fashioned "s" resembling the letter "f" is used; and one sees an unusu- 
al lower case "g" which has large flattened loops. Noah, Jr. often uses a 
lower case "m" on "Mr." Nearly all the inscriptions start with "In memo- 




\ < 1 f ' 5 ; r j . 1 

t ) 

Fig. 7. Hannah Bartoll, 1784, Freeport, Maine. 
Footstone, carved by Noah Pratt, Jr. 



144 Pratt Family of Stonecutters 

ry of . . .", only two stones saying "Here lyes ....". In the inscription, rather 
than the words "...who died...", the carver says"... he died...". Noah, Jr. 
often makes the numerals 3, 5, 6, and 8 to the height of upper case and 
drops numerals 4, 7, and 9 below the base line, leaving only numerals 0, 
1, and 2 within the lower-case lines. 

All the footstones are similar, displaying an empty half circle in the tym- 
panum and employing straight lines for borders (Fig. 7). They are usually 
inscribed with the name and date of death. There are only sixteen of these 
footstones remaining, three of which have no corresponding headstones. 

There exists a unique "sample" gravestone carved by Noah, Jr. which 
contains examples of the heads carved on his other stones, fifteen letters 
of the alphabet, the year "1787," and his name (Fig. 8). This stone, which 
is 14" x 7" in size, is easily transportable and the only such sample mark- 
er known to the author. In 1963 Colby College presented an exhibition 
entitled "Maine and Her Role in American Art," and the catalogue for the 
exhibition featured an illustration of the stone. Discovered in the attic of 
the Thomas Bicknell house where Noah had previously lived, and where 
the Bicknell family have lived to the present day, the provenance is 
unchallenged. This stone is now in the collection of The Society for the 
Preservation of New England Antiquities. 

Robert Pratt 

Robert Pratt was born on December 18, 1753 in Abington, 
Massachusetts. He married Jane Bicknell there on January 27, 1775 and 
died, also in Abington, on February 22, 1791. Robert's work can be iden- 
tified by looking at the stones in the Abington area dating from 1781-1791 
(the years Noah, Jr. was in Maine), and also by the unique lettering he 
employed. An example of the latter is found on one of his probated 
stones, the 1779 John Hobart marker in Whitman, Massachusetts, which 
features an unusual "curlicue" type of lettering (see also Fig. 9). From the 
war records, where three entries are found pertaining to Robert Pratt, it 
appears that he was a drummer who was present on the 19th of April 1775 
at the battle of Lexington-Concord. 

Seth Pratt 

Seth Jones Pratt, the brother of Robert and Noah, Jr., was born on June 
28, 1762 in Abington and married Hannah Hunt in March, 1784. He is 
referred to in the Abington records as a stonecutter, but his work cannot 

Ralph L. Tucker 


be distinguished from that of his brother Robert. There is uncertainty as 
to his place of residence during and after the war. Military records list 

Fig. 8. Sample stone, 1787. Carved by Noah Pratt, Jr. 


Pratt Family of Stonecutters 

four entries for Seth Pratt, and it appears that he spent all of 1780 in the 
Continental Army as well as some other spells of duty. There is a pension 
application on file which notes his service in Colonel Bayley's and 
Colonel Sprout's Regiments. 7 Later records indicate Seth's residence in 
Maine as well as his death there in 1838. He may also have carved there, 
but there are no reports of his work found in that area. 

S ^\| II e re lies; f, 1 V<> < 1} 
\ of > M !' Ifaac 
[ones her Died 
vlaich live 

7 B v n .1 

Fig. 9. Isaac Jones, 1783, Weymouth, Masachusetts. 
Carved by Robert Pratt. 

Ralph L. Tucker 


Cyrus Pratt 

Cyrus Pratt, the son of Noah, Jr., was born about 1783, apparently in 
Freeport, Maine. On December 7, 1808 he married Cynthia Orcutt in 
Abington. About 1820 he moved to nearby Hanover, where he died in 
1846. In the 1800s he carved some gravestones on slate bearing some 
Pratt-type faces, not as portraits, but as angels or cherubs with wings (Fig. 
10). Most of his work, however, is unlike the other Pratt stones except for 
the distinctively distorted almond-shaped eyes, which clearly identify 
him as a Pratt carver. He used a type of rock which was rare, being what 
is geologically referred to as rhyolite (sometimes called "wacke"), a green- 
ish trap rock quarried in Hanover, Massachusetts, where he was located. 
This rock is quite different in aspect from that found in other gravestones, 
making them stand out to even the casual observer. 


The changes in the cultural styles of gravestones during this period are 


I rm v 

v J A s ,;0 



Fig. 10. Benjamin Hearsey, 1793, Weymouth, Massachusetts. 
Carved by Cyrus Pratt. 

148 Pratt Family of Stonecutters 

well illustrated in the markers carved by the Pratt family. The stones of 
John New in the 1750s and 1760s, with their human figures and busts, 
were early examples of the shift away from the usual death heads and 
cherubs to themes less lugubrious. The Pratt family took up this style and 
used it through the 1790s. It would cease only when the still newer themes 
of neoclassical urns and weeping willow trees became increasingly preva- 
lent in the post-revolutionary period. 


Figs. 1, 2, 9 and 10 are from the Daniel and Jessie Farber Collection of Gravestone 
Photographs, American Antiquarian Society, Worcester, MA. Fig. 8 is from the collection of 
Nina Fletcher Little; originally published in the exhibition catalog, Maine and its Role in 
American Art (Waterville, ME: Colby College, 1963), the stone it illustrates is now in the col- 
lection of the Society for the Preservation of New England Antiquities. The photographs 
shown in Figs. 3-7 were taken by the author. In completing this essay, the following prima- 
ry and secondary sources proved particularly useful: 

Abington Bicentennial Committee. Abington and the Revolution. Abington, MA, 1975. 
Benes, Peter, The Masks of Orthodoxy: Folk Gravestone Carving in Plymouth County, 

Massachusetts, 1689-1805. Amherst, MA, 1977. 
Campbell, Martha (Mrs. Colin). Correspondence on genealogical and historical data as 

well as notes on Abington gravestones. 
Cumberland County Registry of Deeds: 20:184; 20:485. 
Dunning, Col. Thurlow. Genealogies of Freeport Families. Mss at Bartol Library, Freeport, 

Forbes, Harriette Merrifield. Gravestones of Early New England and the Men Wlio Made 

Them, 1653-1800. Boston, MA, 1927; rpt. New York, NY, 1989. 
Luti, Vincent. Correspondence on data relating to the New family and the early Pratts. 

(Vincent has done significant work on the New family of carvers.) 
Nash, Cyrus. Manuscript diaries, 1804-1850, on old Abington, MA. 
Pratt, Francis Greenleaf. Genealogical Record ofMatthezv Pratt of Weymouth, Mass. and his 

American Descendants , 1623-1888. Boston, MA, 1889. 
Rand, Sally (Mrs. John). Manuscript material on Noah Pratt, Jr.'s stones. Freeport 

Historical Society, Freeport, ME. 
"There's No Place Like Home," Portland Sunday Telegram, 8 Sept. 1940. 
Thompson, Deborah, ed. Maine and Its Role in American Art. Waterville, ME: Colby 

College, 1963. 
Thurston, Florence, and Cross, Harmon S. Three Centuries of Freeport, Maine. Freeport, 
ME, 1940. 

1. According to the best authority on the New family of carvers, Vincent Luti, John New 
was the better carver: he carved eyes with modeled pupils and realistic necks; his stip- 
pling was even; his foliate borders were full and three dimensional; his serifs were 
slanted; he used extensive punctuation; and he decorated his capital letters. On the 
other hand, Noah Pratt, Sr. carved unusual almond-shaped eyes, skinny necks, random 
stippling, flat serifs, poor foliate borders, and employed little punctuation. In general, 

Ralph L. Tucker 


New's work is more realistic and full, while Pratt's is flat and uncertain. Compare John 
New's work in the 1766 Sarah Adams stone in Milton, Massachusetts with Pratt's 1767 
Sarah Garnett stone in South Hingham to see the difference in abilities. 

John New had several episodes of unusual behavior, being insolvent on several occa- 
sions and once running for governor of Massachusetts, where he received one vote. 

There are several probate records for Nathaniel Pratt, two of which are specifically for 
gravestones. Eleven references involve Noah Pratt (no distinction as to which one), 
three of which mention gravestones. Three references cite Robert Pratt, two of which 
are for gravestones. See also, Peter Benes, The Masks of Orthodoxy: Folk Gravestone 
Carving in Plymouth County, Massachusetts, 1689-1805 (Amherst, MA, 1977), 142-146. A 
complete listing of relevant probate records follows: 


Stones marked with. * were made by John New although paid to Noah 

Suffolk County Probates 

probate date 

Dedham S37:121 £0.93.0 1744 Noah Pratt 
Weymouth S74:396 £1.16.0 

stone date 

1743 Wight, David 

1774/5 Nash, Alexander 

1774 Nathaniel Pratt, g.s. 

1745 Pratt, Dr. Henry Med way 

1745/6 Ellis, Caleb Dedham 

1761 Beal, Ebenezer Hingham 

1761 Beal, Ebenezer* Hingham 

1766 White, Samuel* Braintree 

1767 Lewis, Joseph Hingham 

1768 Leavitt, Hezekiah Hingham 

1769 Faxon, Capt. Richard Braintree 

1769 Faxon, Anne 

1770 Laurance, Edmund Dedham 
1770 Dodge, Ezekiel Abington 

S41:268 £1.10.0 1748 Noah Pratt 

S38:22 £27.4.0 1745/6 Noah Pratt 

S62:315 £2.6.8 1763 Noah Pratt 

S67:405 £2.12.8 1769 Noah Pratt, g.s. 

S66:123 £2.8.0 1767 Noah Pratt 

S69:125 £2.8.0 1770 Noah Pratt, g.s. 

S69:369 £1.13.0 1770 Noah Pratt, g.s. 

S71:194 £3.6.0 1772 Nathaniel Pratt 2 g.s. 

S69:369 £1.13.0 1770 
see town records 

Noah Pratt, g.s. 
Noah Pratt, Sr. 

1766 Studley, Joseph* 

1774 Lapham, David 
1777 Adams, Samuel 

1775 Hayward, Benjamin 
1777 Reed, Samuel 

Plymouth County Probates 

Hanover P20:193 1769 Noah Pratt 

Marshfield P21:350 1774 Nathaniel Pratt 

P38:343 1793 Robt. Pratt 

Bridgewater P21:414 1775 James New, g.s. 

Abington P24:387 £1.4.0 1777 Robt. Pratt, g.s. 

1779 Hobart, John/Huldah Whitman 

£12.0.0 1779 Robt. Pratt, 2 g.s. 

4. Benes, The Masks of Orthodoxy, 142-146. 

5. See Maine's Cumberland County Registry of Deeds book 20:184. 

6. See Maine's Cumberland County Registry of Deeds book 20:525 

7. S.A.R., Fisher, Soldiers, Sailors, and Patriots of the Revolutionary War, Maine, 1982. 

150 Pratt Family of Stonecutters 






CD LO h!, ni, ,JrL, 4-, 4-, 4- , Acfi cfi 



































































2 2 



Z 4 







0? frt co co co co co 

> 44 

;> t— i r-H rH t— i i— i 

— U Qj ^ g v v v ^ v 43 ^ 

c .5 .3 -h ^h ^.s .3 a) 0) 0) QJ CD r= ^rq c3 

3 3 3 fi w .3 3 i a>a»a)Qja»boos 

« o i cycowxcycy i u^^u^^^pixx 

e I 

z r. 

£ -° « 

< g 






















CJ „ 7m B" 1 j_ j-i S3 s-< C S3 

Hi i U i^^co^co co 

O 4» 7? 

u fi CD 

■m I S £ •£ £ r- q «H -H 

c J f53X^^.^g^C r 3S33^ 

<" to S g S'?3 N « N O O C S g o 3 g4 

bb « 

S3 S g 

ci ^ m ^^^^^^^b^" 3 " 3 " 3 ^^" 303 " 3 

.5 £ hJ |<<<<<<<<<CQCQ3QCQpa3QpQCQ 

■— i 03 

'o £ 



3 3 ^ t^r^c^r^c^t^oot^c^t^t^t^t^t^l^l^t^ 

t—< 03 W I !— It— it— I r- I r- I rH r- I r- It— i r-n r-i i— i t— i t— i t— i <-h i— I 

Ralph L. Tucker 151 

£ £ 

qj qj 

2 2 

CD cn cd CD 












CD X^ Xi> 

x x x x 








r] cj 












(8 (8 (5 (C 







re as 








03 03 n3 

o o o o 








o o 










O O O 









2 2 










2 2 2 


!_, Jh •— j-c j- i_ j_ j-c j- ■— •— Jh !_ ;_ ;_ i- •_ i- j_ i_ j-c v. i- 5-h ;_ 



XXXXX^ ,-2 JG qj J£J 

"X5 ^ ^ +2 ^3 X C •<-> to 03 .£ a3 j_i 

■S . . § § § § g g£ C 3^S 5 |2S 

>^^^x<<<x;<<:> >^ *- .5 x qj ai c c a> c w i ^ « 



£ £ o jy XX 

. <n -w bo bo +e 

tf I I 2 & | S S C* 2 U 2 T3 T3 2U S 

^_ _j- CD 5h 

1) ^ _, \ 03 r* 

•?C-2 ^^^ A ~ cd qj 5 

H QJ »* I— < QJ (C H (« 1) f u U +J . H 

oj c g, - c oj fr| I 5 % frlS 1 I I x 1 3 f i g 1 1| 

V V c c c 

^^^^^ = ^0303 2 ^bC OO 

^ ji s s § s § a •§ ■§ g s , la 3 .3 -s J J 8 i ■§ 





















152 Pratt Family of Stonecutters 






























































































J-. en _.- _> 

^ h S 5 

c* U 2 2 


j^ ^ j^ ^ j^ )^ S-( S-i S-, S-i S-. S-i S-i S-i S-i S-( S-i S-. *-i S-i S-i S-( 5-h S-i S-i 

0) 03 






























































'. j 




4— » 

























o <u •rt' -5 x > a 

Qj C 
bO P 

cl, bo .a ^ 

QJ -t-j S-i U 

qj .a CD O 03 











££m<<Qp4(5p3p3>'<cq i wwaqcDtiCcQwcoSXi-Q 

+- n, .SP en CO OJ 

re 5° S> re t Oh <+h CD C^^fei^ Lh C 

Is II , £ 5 1 S , , I S 3 I 3 s S 

03 J-i 

g X x; re ^ re 


OO C ^ ±J ±1 ±i ^ >-, C 

iQ.^ ni QJQJ O,-- re^QJQJQJQ>r 1 QjtDcD J - ; r-a ; j 

^ a ^^ - * E I I sr-p S g S ^ g^ £ 'E 'E I 3 U 

qjqjPPPEJS > re re oo b 2i .* .<S -3 Js IS .? JS JS ^ ^ JS 


Ralph L. Tucker 153 

<J) ►=, CD 

,J- CD CD S-i 

'S 3 d QJ 

O >, >, o 

2 u u c* 



1- *-' 




5 -£> 




►5 o 




2 c* 



















































o3o303o3o3n3o3o303o3o3n3o3o3o3030303n3o3 03030303 

i- S_ •_ :_ !_ ^ i_ '_ s_ i_ !_ !_ '~- '— '— -~- ;- 1- 1- '_ •_ !_ i- :_ 

22222222222222222222 2222 


a; qj qj — 

^ _e d „ .r: t« * "^ 

E .5 .-= 2 2 d £ccE^£-;-!-r£:£bc<s2brjbJD ±5 



r- i- 3 ^- W <D 

SS^I iQ2 i i £ 2 i S 2 ii22 



i> d' y S £ jj 5 3 2 •§ 'g , 5 ^ 

oj oi 05 -f* ■£ "5 -£< ;=; 4S <u £ S ^ ^ 

jffiDi °^ °2K jQ^2hfc 

& ST t- „, "S g ' 

>,« Sx 3£ C C^ a i) ^ u 












































































154 Pratt Family of Stonecutters 

















































































2 2 2 2 

2 2 

2 2 

2 2 




2 2 2 




































































(^Pl,PlhPhPhPhPhP-hC1hPhChPh2P-(PhPhCl4PhPlhClhCuPhPh cu 

<w<w<www<www << <<<<<< pq < 


M) M bC bC bJD 03 

QJQJ CL 0) QJ QJ X. <S TS ^ X 

J hJ to ^ ^ J J J .& £ 3 ■{- * 

s *r s * I f-i 53 5 £ --§1 ,i 1 1 c B B e 4 1 1 

X fO M 03 h ~> 5-1 |— 4 (_| <— ) 03 03 03 5-4 >~2» __ l ~> »H W 5-4 5-4 03 --4 I—, 


QJ QJ <£ 

M-4 "4-4 g 

? "S 8 


03 ±3 ±! 03 

2sn sssssiiquiSS a 


•pi CO 

-C QJ 

t« >-, ^5^ 

U * § co •§ 

^^^^^■qj^^^ScXX^^^^^^^^os^ -° 

QJ — i 

5 a QJ >, >, 

O i— r- r- ' — I V "I -1 « _C QJ QJ H ^4 S-4 4-> 03 03 to TO 

03 C 




g 2 















2 ? 'S 'S ^ « S a 5 6 5 3 S S S S s y " ^ ( 


Ralph L. Tucker 


C/3 CD 

03 oS 
>, O O 


a ^ 

P ^ £ 

m H ST 







OS o 

2 c* 




c2 2 

en en 


45 45 X X X X 45 

03 03 fC (3 OS 03 03 

o o o o o o o 

2 2 2 2 2 2 2 












I en 

















"5b £P »x J5 £ 

55 .£ .5 m m£ 
•9 j_ s_ 55 55 en 
-5 JX 5X55 55 O 
<C cn en hC 3-1 CQ 


OJ 45 


55 t>0 bJD 
.-5 55 55 


0) pQ 




■a ■§ £ < 

4-> 43 

^ < < 2 ^ £ 

P <D 
O bfj 








i> o 

a a 



55 y .5 

^ Ph £ 

> « C7 



I U 2 U U i 




•h eg 03 . 

w w DC DC 2 2 

r^ 45 

"3 03 

O 03 03 

P< en en 







03 QJ 
^ 03 

a (5 

P 03 

P ^ 

en D 

CXi 45 

n * 

T3 T3 



45 45 

Ph SX 

0) QJ 
CO (/l 

O O 

$5 55 


T5 — i 


H .H tn 

03 03 



bJD en 

O O 




I < 



en en 



156 Pratt Family of Stonecutters 

u^X>X>X^x,xl,<J)<S)X> ►=, c/) en \ ^ ^ en u~) en en A en 



































































2 7 

2 7 



2 S 


2 ^ 





2 S 


U J_ '_ !_ !_;_'_ J_ 1_ !_ !- 5- |_ '_ '-- !_ '— V- i- '_•_!_ j_ <_ '_ 

CD -fi 


CO CO 03 

+:■ +j- +-- ^ .y c c -m" 5 -^ j-i ^ £ ^ 4> +f s Ji j» 9^ ^ s ■£ ^ 

.i_v H i-,>>oo^5<' < ^ ( ^oi < i J '- i, - < 5? J ? J J u ooP^: 

3QjQjQj ( T-3OOii)r)3 ( rta3.S03<UQJJD n3a3n3 <lJa»b3 


o o X o 

U u 

03 , 03 

oj i cu 

q^IS^ qS Qii BS-3 ^Hq 














S ? 8 -| ^ -I -3 13 ^~ g # o S46'S 

a 1 J a 1 ^ * .i 5 ^1 1 -§ ^ s s£lrVs£3s£# 

C ^h Vh J-H ^ i, O 

03X^^3^2.5 d c o ex, i2 £} .2 .2 i; >> >^ >^ a! x; x o o c 3 

00 ON IT) ^O O O <— iOOO^OOr-iOO(N^OaNOOt^OOT— i a On r i 00 ro 

Ralph L. Tucker 157 






-— i-i 















en en 

















X X 


















A3 03 

















o o 



















2 2 
















J— iS— ,»— iS— 1»— <S— i^hJ— t^-i5— iJ— <S— i^-cJ— 1»— iJ— ,»— c^-c5— 15— iJ— .^-c^-ij— i 


S-i 5-i 0) 

x 3 x^ 3 ^ X £ 3 > 5 £ £ £ 

r >^ ^ .3 .3 >^ > S, .3 .3 .3 .3 >^ .3 .3 3 >, ^ B ^ 3 3 Ti CO 

o^> £ £ IT^ >|T £ 2 £ £ ^ £ gS^^cQcaXXS" 

G qj ^3 ^3 ^3 

O G ""3 > > > 

U !_ O > i> . > . > 

22 S 2 Q £ q 2 2 u 2 u 2 i w 


X 3 S3 «-. \> ^ 

.3^3^333-^- c i33^o3'33e^-e3CC'fH>.^^ 
^3^333oSn3hnRnCi^X(3a3Ho3r-;o3SyEr! : t3 


03 03 . G G G G 

3 3 OO 03 05 03 03 -- ,- 

£ 3 333 ^^^^xxx^^xxxx^xx^.^PS 





African-American Graves 

„ BainbrldJ* Thocaasvilie Valdosta 


■line? • Honticello 



.St. Mat* 

Fig. 1. Map of North Florida study area. 



Robin Franklin Nigh 

"Let the Soul's of thy people be cool..." 1 


Cemeteries are deliberately created and highly organized cultural 
landscapes. 2 Studied collectively, they present miniaturizations and ideal- 
izations of larger patterns and social conditions. Studied individually, 
cemeteries and grave decorations provide visual texts that illustrate the 
belief systems of the living. In African-American cemeteries, they articu- 
late trends and customs of a diasporic people. This essay examines select 
cemeteries and grave decorations in relation to the development and 
structure of the black Christian Church in North Florida. 

In order to understand the similarities and simultaneous uniqueness 
of African- American graves in relation to those of other groups in North 
Florida, a review of the commonalities in cemeteries is helpful. North 
Florida cemeteries are of the Upland South folk graveyard type. 
Cemeteries of this type are widely dispersed across the South and are 
identified by, among other things, their small size, hilltop location, east- 
west grave orientation, scraped ground, and preferred species of vegeta- 
tion. 3 These cemeteries are typically found in or near rural communities. 
The Upland South type is a blending of the three cultures that have 
formed the present-day South: Euro-American, Native American and 
African- American. Because of this blending, a number of shared motifs or 
elements, such as east-west orientation, may have multiple origins and 
are thus subject to diverse interpretations. For instance, the European 
Christian tradition for facing east derives from the notion of facing 
Jerusalem and the direction of the second coming. In African traditions 
(namely those of Ghana and Central Africa), east/west is regarded as the 
direction of the earth and therefore positive. Alternatively, while certain 
customs have multiple origins and meanings, the scraped ground, and 
some of the grave adornments seen locally, seem unquestionably of 
African origin. 4 This is not to say that adornment is not found in white 
cemeteries across the South, simply that, as stated by Zora Neale Hurston, 
"the will to adorn is one of the greatest contributions that the African- 

160 African-American Graves 

American has contributed to Southern culture." 5 

My fieldwork in North Florida includes several cemeteries of varying 
sizes and totals approximately one thousand graves. These cemeteries 
were in or near a three-county area that includes Leon, Jefferson and 
Gadsden Counties (study area outlined in Fig. 1). Most were of the tran- 
sitional-type defined within the Upland South criteria. This type, as 
described by D. Gregory Jeane, has grass within the cemetery, but not 
over the graves. 6 In these instances, however, the above-ground granite or 
concrete covering seems to have replaced the raked /scraped ground 
upon the grave. Among those I interviewed were an African-American 
funeral director and several people who had family buried in these ceme- 
teries. I found many variants in grave adornment, and in the presumed 
origin of these decorations. Many African- Americans do not know why 
they decorate the graves, or what the ornaments might signify in their 
African heritage. Most assume the decoration or organization of the grave 
is derivative of white burial traditions. 7 I postulate that the structure and 
adornments of North Florida graves and cemeteries are strongly connect- 
ed to the rise and development of the Black Church. As shall be discussed, 
the Black Church has been a consistently influential institution among 
African-Americans since the days of slavery. Additionally, it is the one 
institution that remains essentially segregated, and it is this segregation 
that has allowed Yoruba undercurrents to continue to thrive in North 
Florida. 8 

The Role of the Black Church 

African-American churches in the rural South have a long and com- 
plex history that weaves together African and Euro- American traditions. 
While graves may be physically organized according to European influ- 
ence (headstone, casket, etc.), their function remains comparable to 
African altars and traditions. 9 This is because many African-Americans 
view cemeteries, and consequently graves, as part of a living, active 
process. These graves are portals or crossroads where the living meet 
those ancestors who have passed on to the next state of being. The ances- 
tors will continue to play an active role within the family and may be 
included in such family traditions as reunions (where group photographs 
are taken by the headstones of the deceased) or the custom of passing an 
infant over the casket at the funeral. 10 Both traditions present death as 
simply the other side of living, not as a terminal or permanent end. 

Robin Franklin Nigh 161 

Acculturation can generate innovations. One must acknowledge the 
simultaneous creativity and the cultural blending of the newly arrived 
Africans and their subsequent generations as they were forced to recode 
their faith. It would be inaccurate to suggest that the hardship of slavery 
destroyed the creative tendencies of the West Africans; it simply reconfig- 
ured or rechannelled the religious structure. Rules and parameters of the 
dominant white culture were superficially obeyed, not adopted. In the 
nineteenth century, slave funeral practices were largely dictated by whites 
in regards to when the funeral would be held. 11 Christian practices were 
encouraged by the dominant white society, but the white society most 
likely stayed away from the personal lives of the slave community. This 
allowed African- Americans to reconfigure much of the traditional Euro- 
Christian imagery and practices and recode it with their own meaning. In 
doing this, they did not convert to God, they converted God to them. 12 A 
new visual language - one of duality and complexity - brought forth new 
types of imagery that are represented in the form of grave decorations. 
The individuals creating this language are no longer African or European: 
they are part of a diasporic experience, and must come to terms with iden- 
tity and self-worth. As expressed by John Michael Vlach, African and 
European components merge within the African-American. 13 This sug- 
gests a split identity which W.E.B. DuBois addressed in his The Souls of 
Black Folk: 

... It is a peculiar sensation, this double-consciousness, this sense of always 
looking at one's self through the eyes of theirs, of measuring one's soul by 
the tape of a world that looks on in amused contempt and pity. One ever 
feels his twoness - an American, a Negro; two souls, two thoughts, two 
unreconciled strivings; two warring ideals in one dark body, whose dogged 
strength alone keeps it from being torn asunder. 14 

DuBois expresses the plight of the African- American in evangelical lan- 
guage, evoking the image of an outraged preacher shouting from his pul- 
pit. For the African-American in the South, the notion of identity has 
always had a direct line to the Church because the role of the church has 
always been utterly different for the African-American than the Euro- 
American. 15 To quote Paul Radin, "the white Methodist or Baptist was 
asked to prove that Christ had forgiven his sins; the black was asked to 
prove that Christ had recognized him and that he recognized Christ. 16 

Since reconstruction, the Church has continued to play an important 
role in the lives of African-Americans in the South. 17 This role has tradi- 

162 African-American Graves 

tionally been different from that performed by the Euro- American church 
because the needs are different. As in Africa, the black minister was and 
continues to be priest, politician, and orator all at once. 18 From its early 
days, beginning with the slave church, it has been associated with a strug- 
gle for human rights (though perhaps not always labeled as such). 19 
W.E.B. DuBois referred to the church as a sort of "Club House" serving 
the community with multiple functions. 20 Additionally, Martin Luther 
King, Jr. and Jessie Jackson provide more recent examples of the priest- 
politician-orator initiating issues of civil rights through a church environ- 
ment. In Tallahassee, the Black Church is a powerful and influential pres- 
ence within the community. Within one block of Florida State University's 
Fine Arts Building there are two black churches. One church, Bethel 
Baptist, has secured expensive real estate on busy Tennessee Street and 
opened a family restaurant. While the restaurant feeds the body, and the 
church the soul, they both function to strengthen the community. 21 All of 
this is to say that the role of the Church is emphasized within the com- 
munity and this I believe is clearly related to practices of grave decora- 
tion. Certainly not all African-Americans are devout church goers: how- 
ever it should be remembered that the graves seen in north Florida exem- 
plify these belief systems of the Black Church, belief systems that are 
recoded African traditions. 22 

African- American graves in North Florida are of significant interest 
because in many cases connections can be traced directly to West Africa. 
Roughly 75% of the individuals I interviewed were born and raised in 
Leon County. Most could trace their ancestors back to slavery in North 
Florida, although they could not say precisely when their ancestors were 
brought to this country or where they ultimately derived from in Africa. 
It is fundamental to acknowledge that the African- American community 
in North Florida is not a particular mobile community. Most have family 
members buried in cemeteries that include slave graves (though most of 
the slave graves no longer have their original wooden markers). Another 
reason why African-American graves in this area are worthy of study is 
because this region of the country, though not isolated, had the reputation 
of being backwards and having uneducated ministers. These false 
assumptions indicate black ministers learned from an oral, black tradi- 
tion. 23 

Like the Black Church, black graves in North Florida possess strong 
Kongo traditions that were orally perpetuated by plantation and runaway 

Robin Franklin Nigh 163 

slave settlements. From 1824-1860, the slave trade was a profitable busi- 
ness in Tallahassee, as this area was considered the heart of the cotton belt 
in Florida. Patterson and Hughes, a large slave trading firm, operated out 
of Tallahassee. T.R. McClintok, another slave trader, was extensively 
engaged in the slave trade in Leon County. These slaveholders and 
traders influenced the economic and religious affairs of the county very 
early in its history. Illegal importation of slaves in Leon County continued 
as late as 1828 (some through the port of St. Marks, just twenty miles 
South of Tallahassee). Some thirty years later, in the 1860 census, there 
were listed 75 large plantations with thirty slaves or more, and 73% of the 
total population in Leon County were indicated as slaves. 24 These slaves 
were allowed to attend the White Church, though not in equal propor- 
tions to the white congregation. Some blacks would break away and form 
their own church with the congregation consisting of free blacks and 

After the Civil War, during the reconstruction period, some African- 
Americans went north, while others moved to neighboring counties 
(Gadsden and Jefferson in particular). Many, however, remained in Leon 
County. 25 The newly freed slaves would not automatically assimilate to 
white society, and they found themselves having to adjust to vastly dif- 
ferent social conditions. 26 The role of the Black Church would play an 
increasingly important role in the development and organization of social 
rituals, including funerary and burial customs. 

African-American Burial Patterns in North Florida 

Like the markers used for early slave settlement graves, those found 
on many contemporary North Florida graves are not commercially pro- 
duced, but handmade. When commercial headstones are used, they are 
frequently of custom design and emphasize either personal loss or a bio- 
graphical statement. The handmade gravemarkers are usually made of 
concrete. These also make emotional statements. One assumption might 
be that the family was too poor to buy a commercial tombstone, 27 but 
according to John Michael Vlach, the concrete gravemarkers form a neat 
intersection between commercial headstones and scattered burial offer- 
ings of the Kongo and nineteenth century America. 28 Additionally, I have 
found the handmade, individualized gravemarkers to be a source of 
pride. On the Ayavalla Plantation, there is a cemetery that has been active 
since at least the early nineteenth century and is known to contain the 


African-American Graves 

graves of many slaves. I was told about the handmade, personalized 
gravemarker of a woman who died in 1987 and is buried in this cemetery 

Fig. 2. Handmade headstone of Florence Holliday. 

Robin Franklin Nigh 165 

(Fig. 2). When I contacted him about this marker, the son of the deceased 
woman proudly and sincerely stated that "My Dad made that head- 
stone." 29 

This idea, that the prevalence of handmade gravemarkers is not an 
issue of economics but rather represents recoded traditions, is further 
borne out when graves of black military veterans are examined. At death, 
the government provides deceased veterans a headstone that commorates 
their service. However, in addition to this standardized marker, many 
graves of black military veterans in North Florida will display multiple 
forms of identification (Fig. 3). In some cases, the grave has three forms of 
identification - two headstones (one standard military, one handmade) 
and a footstone (frequently of cement with block letters). 

This redundant identification, ultimately a form of respect and senti- 
ment for the "new ancestor," is in accordance with a number of other bur- 
ial customs honoring and respecting the dead. In the early decades of the 
twentieth century in North Florida (as in other black communities in the 
South), it was not uncommon for a week or two to pass before the 
deceased was actually buried. Newbell Puckett writes that many African- 
Americans thought it disrespectful that so many whites buried their dead 
so quickly 30 Since the 1930s, there has been some shift in North Florida 
and South Georgia as funeral homes are playing a larger role and subse- 
quently influencing traditional funerary customs. Billy Hutchings, a third 
generation African-American funeral director in Macon, Georgia, said the 
average length now between death and burial is three to five days. 
Though he assumed most black funerary traditions were assimilated from 
white society, he does recognize two fundamental differences as possess- 
ing African origins. First, and foremost for Hutchings, is the music in the 
funeral services performed in the Black Church. This, he feels, represents 
a statement of rebellion against the White Church from which it derived 
- a church that allowed no music or dancing. 31 Secondly, Hutchings notes 
that the ceremonies for the deceased are fundamentally different: "In the 
white church, it's like a memorial service. In the black church, it's like a 
regular church service." 32 This is affirmed by Roberta Hughes Wright and 
Wilbur Wright III, who note that funeral sermons are never preached at a 
burial but rather afterward at church on a following Sunday. 33 

An 1887 drawing of an African- American burial on the banks of the St. 
Johns River (near Jacksonville, Florida) depicts other examples of Kongo 
death and burial traditions that have been recoded to the available mate- 


African-American Graves 

rials and conditions (Fig. 4). This drawing was first published in Hezekiah 
Butterworth's A Zig-Zag Journey In The Sunny South, and according to 
Robert Farris Thompson the image portrays several Kongo and Angola 
influences. 34 

Fig. 3. Multiple identifications are typical on the graves of 
African-American military veterans in North Florida. 

Robin Franklin Nigh 


Fig. 4. This drawing, originally published in 1887, depicts the grave 

of an African-American near Jacksonville, on the banks of the 
St. Johns River. Note the animal skin banner and the broken pots. 


African-American Graves 

For instance, placing broken crockery (or pots with the bottom punc- 
tured) on the grave of the deceased is a practice seen in parts of West and 
Central Africa and is also seen on some African- American graves (Fig. 5). 
Of course, interpretations vary as to what this practice may mean. One 
explanation is that the dishes are broken so that the chain is broken - i.e., 
that no one else in the family will follow the deceased too quickly. In West 
Africa, the pots are to assist the deceased in the next life. It has been false- 
ly presumed that they were broken to prevent theft. What is consistent is 
that the broken fragments are for the deceased and are not to be touched. 35 

Additionally, the hanging skin seen at the head of the pyre compares 
directly with the lifting-up of wildcat banners on Kongo graves and is 
associated with kings. It is also said to mean the arrest of evil. 36 In the pho- 
tographic archives of the State of Florida, I have found what may be an 
extension of this tradition. In the archives, there are several post-mortem 
photographs of the deceased's casket placed on an animal skin rug or 
straw mat (mats are also associated with kings), including one striking 
example taken in the 1920s in St. Augustine, a town 20 miles south of 
Jacksonville (Fig. 6). 37 This arrangement seems to have been an important 
part of black funeral practice in Florida in the 1920s and 1930s and coin- 

Fig. 5. The grave of Eddie Wade in Greenwood Cemetery 
has broken pottery placed on the cement headstone. 

Robin Franklin Nigh 


cides with a similarly important practice of placing the deceased on a 
cooling board. 

Cooling boards were a practical method of preserving the body, allow- 
ing the deceased to "rest easy" and "be cool." This practice was actually 
used for both blacks and whites; however, certain African parallels would 
suggest the practice would be easily assimilated with African meanings. 
First is the notion of coolness. If the spirit is kept "cool," it is more likely 
to leave the living alone. Secondly, cooling boards often resembled beds. 
In some African areas, such as Senufo, beds function as catafalques 
whereupon the body is wrapped and displayed while formal mourning is 
observed. 38 The bed is thus used for sleep in life and afterlife. The notion 
is echoed in the Black Church, where death is considered a type of sleep, 
and the correspondence is frequently articulated on handmade head- 
stones (e.g., Fig. 7). This association of sleep with death is, of course, com- 
mon in many mainstream religious practices as well. To say the deceased 
is sleeping suggests the potential of awakening, or resurrection. Again, 

Fig. 6. This post-mortem photograph of an African-American woman 
was taken in St. Augustine in the 1920s. The animal skin rug has 
associations with kings in Yourba and denotes a form of respect. 


African-American Graves 

however, this also specifically evokes one of the Yoruba concepts of the 
soul - that of breath, and the notion that breath leaves the body during 
sleep. 39 Additionally, the graves themselves can recall the form and func- 
tion of a bed with a headboard /headstone and a footboard /footstone. 

Other themes that may be read as African with a Christian overlay, or 
acculturated blendings, are illustrated by graves that possess sentimental 
offerings. For the West African, it is common practice to bury people with 
broken pottery (a point discussed earlier) and /or with the tools of their 
trade. 40 In Africa, the tools or implements of a person's livelihood are 
placed upon their grave: they have now been rendered useless in the pre- 
sent life, as they belong to the essence of the deceased. While I did not find 
this exact tradition at work in North Florida, I did note a comparable com- 
memorative notion in cemeteries in Quincy and Tallahassee. On one 
grave, a truck driver is rendered standing alongside his truck; at another, 
a motorcycle is forever emblazoned on the grave of the deceased. Billy 
Hutchings recalled a similar example in Macon where a motorcycle is 
engraved on a grave covering because the deceased "was just crazy about 

Fig. 7. Sleep and death have associations in many faiths, but may have 
an additional dimension in African-American Christian Churches. 

Robin Franklin Nigh 


Fig. 8. The grave of Danilo Michielin, a former airline pilot, 

is surmounted by an airplane propeller. The propeller indicates 

his livelihood while also suggesting motion. 


African-American Graves 



Fig. 9. The grave of former football player Willie L. Galimore. 

Note the heart shape, the football, and the dates given 

for his separate football careers. 

Robin Franklin Nigh 


motorcycles." 41 At Southside Cemetery, a former airline pilot is honored 
with a propeller atop his grave "for eternity and infinity" (Fig. 8). While 
recognizing the forms of livelihood is an increasingly common practice in 
all cemeteries, there seems to be a particular relevancy when considered 
in the context of African gravesite decoration. All of these decorative ele- 
ments - trucks, motorcycles, and airplanes - are associated with the 
deceased's living occupation or hobby, but they are also strongly sugges- 
tive of motion, an element important to the African concept of "blazing." 42 
Similarly, in Greenwood Cemetery, an elaborate granite gravemarker 
recounts the three lives of Willie Galimore - his life on earth generally, his 
life as a husband and father, and his life as a football player, first at the col- 
legiate level for Florida A&M University and ultimately as a professional 
with the Chicago Bears (Fig. 9). The heart shape, as seen on Galimore's 
monument, remains a popular motif in African- American cemeteries. In 
addition to its usual connotations, the heart shape also evokes the concept 
that the soul resides in the heart - it is at the center of the body. 43 

Fig. 10. A ceramic Christ figure and an angel are cemented atop 

this grave in Quincy. The materials and placement 

of these figures suggest an altar-like function. 


African-American Graves 

Fig. 11. This Bible is wrapped in plastic and forms the center of a large 
red and white wreath. It is forever opened to the Twenty-Third Psalm. 

Robin Franklin Nigh 


African- American graves in North Florida are frequently found deco- 
rated with mementos that seem more like offerings on altars (e.g., Fig. 10), 
supporting the notion that graves are an access point to the spirit world. 
The grave is considered to be an active "channel" or crossroads. In 
Quincy, I found a Mickey Mouse note taped to a headstone. Reading it, I 
found a simple message, "Mom I miss you and know I will see you 
again." This deep sense of mourning and personal loss is also filled with 
hope and promise. It continues the Kongo tradition of tomb decorations 
imposing multiple dimensions upon outwardly simple shapes and ges- 
tures. 44 A Bible placed on a grave in a Monticello church cemetery is open 
to the Twenty-Third Psalm (Fig. 11). It is placed so as to form the center of 
a heart-shaped wreath of red plastic roses with a white dove, evoking, 
among other religious meanings, the red and white of Shango. 4 " 1 While 
this paper Bible is undoubtedly wrapped in plastic for protection, it 
reminds one of the plastic Bibles frequently used in black cemeteries as 
part of the gravesite decoration (see, for instance, Fig. 20). 

A consistent theme or metaphor found throughout these black ceme- 
teries is that of water. Articulated in various ways - through pipes, shells, 

Fig. 12. Shells in a jar are placed on the grave of Anthony Oates. 


African-American Graves 

or overt suggestions - the notion of water has significant meaning to both 
Christian and Yoruba traditions. 

Shells have broadly cross-cultural meanings throughout the South. 
For the Native American, shells are associated with death but not used in 
above-ground graves. For the Euro- American, shells evoke ancient tradi- 
tions associated with Venus, and ultimately the Virgin. But John Michael 
Vlach maintains that the practice of using shells as grave decoration 
amongst African-Americans is unquestionably of African influence. 46 In 
Kongo, shells suggest immortality, and the spirals serve as a metaphor for 
the soul's infinite journey. The shell encloses elements such as water, earth 
and wind, and is believed to enclose as well the soul's immortal presence. 
It is a world in miniature. Of course, not all African- Americans are aware 
of these traditions. Billy Hutchings says that people put shells on the 
grave because "they look nice, and people will use what is available to 
them." 47 He is right, of course, but there is also a recoding taking place 
here, a recoding that would also explain why shells are found on graves 

Fig. 13. This grave is located near the "crossroads" of 
busy Highway 27 and Old Bainbridge Road. 
Note the four posts that surround the grave. 

Robin Franklin Nigh 


that are well inland. Shells are associated with water, and the spirit world 
is deeply connected to water. The notion of water as a type of passage 
may be manifested in many forms of grave decoration. In particular, 
shells placed on or near the headstone (e.g., Fig. 12) create an image of a 
river bottom, the environment in African belief under which the realm of 
the dead is located. 48 Bleached shells could symbolize both the whiteness 
and watery character associated with death. 49 Robert Farris Thompson 
associates this phenomenon with spiritual return. 50 

An extension of the shell motif is the notion of a scaffolding structure 
(cf. Fig. 4) functioning as a mediation of the spirit. 51 The poles intersect 
both worlds - the living and the spirit world - thereby creating a cross- 
roads. One grave in the cemetery of St. Mark's Primitive Baptist Church 
is surrounded by four posts (Fig. 13), suggestive of the "crossroads" struc- 
ture. In this instance, the deceased is also facing a literal crossroads, the 
busy intersection of State Road 27 and Old Bainbridge Road. This motif is 
reconfigured in a number of media such as pipes and poles (e.g., Fig. 14). 

Fig. 14. This grave is located in a plantation cemetery 

known to have slave burials. Note the iron pipe 

bowed over the grave. Pipes are associated with water 

and intersect the living world with the spirit world. 


African- American Graves 

Fig. 15. Next to the grave of Bettie Dickey is a broken water pump. 

The water pump assures that the spirit will be satisfied 

and will not wander. 

Robin Franklin Nigh 


Such sites, notes Thompson, "are grounded in dimensions where the flow 
of the spirit, and contact between worlds, becomes possible as through 
the passage of water." 52 

The spirit world travels through water and for water. A water pump 
(Fig. 15) placed near a grave at the Ayavalla Plantation Cemetery provides 
assurance that the soul will not wander. A stream runs through the east 
side of Greenwood Cemetery, providing similar assurance for the souls of 
those who rest there. Water also sparkles when it catches the light. 
Glittering objects in general embody the spirit, because, for the dead, the 
world is upside down. This also affects the concept of time. In the spirit 
world, it is noon at our midnight. 53 Glittering objects, such as the blue 
glass placed beside and atop a marker at a Primitive Baptist Church ceme- 
tery (Fig. 16), the blue and yellow stone inlay on a headstone at 
Greenwood Public Cemetery (Fig. 17), and the purple and gold beads 
arranged atop a grave slab in Southside Cemetery (Fig. 18), all sparkle in 
the sun, when it is dark on the other side. Shiny and reflective objects 
share the likeness of the western mirror - they are all an index to the con- 
sciousness of spiritual proximity. The spirit can dwell in them. 

"O ~ 




Fig. 16. Blue glass sparkles in the sun 
on the grave of Sylvester Williams, Sr. 


African-American Graves 

The "pool" which covers and outlines a gravesite in Monticello is fash- 
ioned of turquoise-colored stones and is surrounded by a white wooden 
border (Fig. 19). At night it glows; by day, it looks like a cool pool. This 
grave, so typical of many in my study, evokes the form and function of a 
Christian motif (a pool used for total submersion in baptisms and identi- 
fied with rebirth) and, simultaneously, a Yoruba river bed where spirits 
may dwell. It is completed with a wooden marker - the only (recent) 
example of a wooden marker found throughout my fieldwork. Carved 
into the wood are two interlocking birds (probably doves) with names 
written on each. Etched on the dove on the right is the name Wayans, 
while on the left dove is the name of Jesus. Below it reads "Soldier of 
Fortune." Behind the marker is a gardenia bush. As in a number of cul- 
tures, how well a plant does when planted at a grave is seen as an indica- 
tor of how well the spirit is doing in the afterlife. In African traditions, this 
notion is further extended as the tree or schrub's roots extend downward 

Fig. 17. This headstone features yellow and blue stone inlay. 

Robin Franklin Nigh 


Fig. 18. Purple and gold bows and beads are taped 
to the Moore family's grave slab. 


African-American Graves 

towards the deceased. Next to the gardenia there is a large anthill. Ants in 
African traditions are considered good luck when found near a grave. 
They not only turn the soil, but like the gardenia in this example, can cross 
between the spirit world below and the world of the living above. 

Additionally, some African-American graves in these North Florida 
cemeteries recall the function of a nkisi (plural = minkisi). Minkisi are con- 
tainers made of various materials ranging from fabric to wood or metal, 
and they function in a fashion similar to Kongo cosmograms or charms. 
Included among the minkisi functions are their ability to serve as hiding 
places for people's souls and to keep and compose order to preserve life. 
They are filled with spirit-embodying materials including cemetery earth, 
which is considered at one with the spirit of a buried person. According 
to Robert Farris Thompson, graves are the ultimate charm in that they 
provide an effective medium for communicating with the dead. 54 In this 
sense, all objects placed on the grave, and most especially those which 
bear particular relevance to the deceased, are similar in function to the 
objects placed in the minkisi (see Figs. 20 and 21). 

The decorative border surrounding the graves, as illustrated in 
Figures 20 and 21, can be dually read as the perimeter of the minkisi and 

Fig. 19. The Wayans gravesite in Monticello looks like a cool pool. 

Turquoise stones are framed by a white wooden border. 

Note the gardenia bush behind the wooden marker. An anthill - 

another culturally relevant feature - is near the gardenia. 

Robin Franklin Nigh 


as a luumbu. The luumbu is the protective enclosure that commonly sur- 
rounds Kongo graves and royal compounds. In African- American burials, 
the custom of surrounding the grave with a border or fence seems partic- 

Fig. 20. The grave of a child. Artificial flowers, toys, and 

plastic garden pinweels decorate the grave, and the plastic bible 

in the center is inscribed with the name of the deceased. 

Note also the border surrounding the grave. 


African-American Graves 

ularly prevalent at the gravesites of children. It doesn't seem to matter 
what the grave covering is: what is important is that the grave itself is sur- 
rounded and protected. 


The African- American graves found in North Florida are the embodi- 
ment of African and Euro-Christian traditions. There is a duality present, 
and an aesthetic that, acknowledged or not within the community, con- 
tinues to thrive. The graves function like living, dynamic altars - they pre- 
sent a channel or doorway through which the living and the spirit worlds 
can meet and commune. The grave decorators of North Florida are leav- 
ing individual doors open to communicate with the deceased. There is 
thus an ongoing exchange established between the living and the dead. 
The living must make the dead understand that they have lost nothing by 
dying since they receive mementos and offerings from those who are yet 
a part of this world. The dead, in turn, are expected to compensate 

Fig. 21. Two graves of children. Note the mounded rocks, the 

protective, surrounding border, and the garden planted for the child 

on the left, where red and white garden pinwheels flank each side. 

The grave on the right is protected by wire fencing. 

Robin Franklin Nigh 185 

through listening and understanding. 55 This ancient cross-cultural tradi- 
tion is actively seen in North Florida's African-American cemeteries. It is 
fundamental, because there is still - and ever - interaction, even in death. 


I wish to acknowledge many enthusiastic discussions with Jehanne Teilhet-Fisk and Robert 
Farris Thompson on this topic. I am grateful for their encouragement. I am particularly 
indebted to Frank Hammaker, who not only told me about many of these cemeteries, but 
took the time to show me. And most especially I wish to express my gratitude to the fami- 
lies who spoke with me. Except for Figures 4 and 6, all photographs are by the author. Fig. 
6 is reprinted with the permission of the Florida State Photographic Archives. 

1. Line from a Neur Prayer. Quoted in Mechal Sobel, Trabelin' On: The Slave Journey to an 
Afro-Baptist Faith (Westport, CT, 1979), 11. 

2. Richard Francaviglia, "The Cemetery as an Evolving Landscape," Annals of the 
Association of American Geographers 61:2 (1971): 501. 

3. Gregory Jeane, "Rural Southern Gravestones: Sacred Artifacts in the Upland South Folk 
Cemetery," Markers IV (1987): 55. 

4. Terry G. Jordan, Texas Grazm/ards: A Cultural Legacy (Austin, TX, 1982), 18. D. Gregory 
Jeane argues against this premise in his article, "The Upland South Folk Cemetery 
Complex: Some Suggestions of Origin," in Cemeteries and Gravemarkers: Voices of 
American Culture, ed. Richard E. Meyer (Ann Arbor, MI, 1989), 113-116. 

5. Zora Neale Hurston, "Characteristics of Negro Expression," reprinted in The Sanctified 
Church (Berkeley, CA, 1981), 50. For examples of white decorated graves, see the Photo 
Archives of the State of Florida; see also Jordan, Texas Graveyards, 14. In reverse, it 
should be noted that not all African-American graves are decorated. 

6. See Jeane, "The Upland South Folk Cemetery Complex: Some Suggestions of Origin," 

7. Billy Hutchings, Alfreddie Holliday Louis Henry, and Barbara Jones, personal com- 
munications. Just as I was surprised to find how different and personal African- 
American cemeteries are, I found it interesting that those I interviewed were equally 
surprised at my initial unawareness of the richness in these cemeteries. 

8. See Robert Farris Thompson, Flash of the Spirit: African and Afro-American Art and 
Philosophy (New York, NY, 1984). See also Robert Farris Thompson, Face of the Gods 
(New York, NY, 1993); and Henry John Drewel, "Art and Divination Among the 
Yoruba: Design and Myth," African Journal 14: 2-3 (1983): 139. 

9. Coffins, for instance, were introduced by the Portuguese to Africa in the late fifteenth 
century. For information on coffin development in Africa, see Thierry Secretan, Going 
into Darkness: Fantastic Coffins from Africa (London, England, 1994). 

186 African-American Graves 

10. The passing of an infant over the casket of the deceased assures that the infant will have 
the blessing of the deceased, and that the child will not suffer the same fate of the 
deceased. See William H. Wiggins Jr. and Douglas DeNatale, Jubilation!: African- 
American Celebrations in the Southeast (Columbia, SC, 1993), 53. 

11. John Blassingame says that most slave funerals were held at night so as not to interfere 
with the work schedule. A second funeral would be held at a later date that allowed for 
more elaborate celebrations. These included dancing and singing. See Blassingame, The 
Slave Community: Plantation Life in the Antebellum South (New York, NY, 1972), 41-45. 
The notion of a second funeral is also a Yoruba tradition. Slaves were buried quickly 
(with no embalming) and typically in pine boxes. One gentleman I interviewed, Louis 
Henry, told me of an experience in which he had fallen into a rotted wooden coffin 
while out hunting. He spoke of how he went home, got the proper materials, and 
reburied the deceased - essentially giving the deceased a "second" (or third?) funeral. 

12. Paul Radin, "Status, Phantasy, and the Christian Dogma," in God Struck Me Dead: 
Religious Conversion Experiences and Autobiographies of Negro Ex-Slaves, Vol. 19 of The 
American Slave: A Composite Autobiography, ed. George P. Rawick (Westport, CT, 1971), x. 

13. John Michael Vlach, The Afro- American Tradition in Decorative Arts (Cleveland, OH, 
1978; rpt. Athens, GA, 1990), 1. 

14. W.E.B. DuBois, The Souls of Black Folk (New York, NY, 1969), 45. 

15. Radin, God Struck Me Dead, xi. 

16. Ibid. 

17. For further information on the developing and influential role of the church see: W.E.B. 
DuBois, "The Religion of the American Negro," New World, December 1900, p. 631; 
Zora Neale Hurston, The Sanctified Church; Joe M. Richardson, The Negro in the 
Reconstruction of Florida (Tallahassee, FL, 1965), 83-96; Mechal Sobel, Trabelin On; and 
Andrew P. Watson's essay "The Negro Primitive Baptist Church," in God Struck Me 

18. Bennetta Jules-Rosette, "Creative Spirituality from Africa to America: Cross-Cultural 
Influences in Contemporary Religious Forms," Western Journal of Black Studies 4:1 
(1980): 239. 

19. Robert Hall, "Response," in Black and Wliite Cultural Interaction in the Antebellum South, 
ed. Ted Ownby (Jackson, MS, 1973), 45. This is borne out in the events surrounding 
Barnetts Creek Baptist Church in Thomas County, Georgia. Controversy erupted when 
the church asked the parents of a deceased infant to exhume the remains of their 
daughter and bury her elsewhere because her father was black. This story made nation- 
al news (NPR) and the front page of the Tallahassee Democrat, 28, 29, and 30 March 1996. 

20. W.E.B. DuBois, "The Religion of the American Negro," p. 631. 

Robin Franklin Nigh 187 

21. This church was founded in 1869, during the reconstruction period. Reverend R. B. 
Holmes, the church's current leader, says of economic projects, "It will be a little Wall 
Street," and adds that "the next project will be a strip mall". See Penelope M. 
Carrington, "Restaurant to Feed Spirit of Church," The Tallahassee Democrat, 4 March 
1996, Bl, 3. 

22. This can also be seen in the length of the church services. Many churches meet fre- 
quently - some several days a week and for several hours at a time. The 1990 statistics 
for the Leon County area listed devotional Bible reading as a favorite pastime. This sta- 
tistic includes the entire population, and is not split on racial lines. 

23. Language would undoubtedly be an important issue. African dialects were common on 
the plantations, with many slaves eventually learning a "pigeon english." Over the 
decades, one can image the linguistic blending of vocabularies and speech inflections 
that would impact the black community. 

24. Larry E. Rivers, "Slavery in Microcosm: Leon County, Florida, 1824 to 1860," Journal of 
Negro History 66:3 (1981): 236. Leon County was created in 1828. Prominent individuals 
(bank and land owners) and church leaders (such as Francis Eppes, founder of St. 
John's Episcopal Church) all owned slaves. 

25. Dr. Larry E. Rivers, Professor of History and African Studies at Florida A&M 
University, personal communication, 5 March 1996. 

26. Robert Hall, "African Religious Retentions in Florida," in Africanisms in American 
Culture ed. Joseph E. Holloway (Bloomington, IN, 1990), 112. 

27. Billy Hutchings, Director, Hutchings Funeral Home, Macon, Georgia, personal com- 
munication, 21 March 1996. 

28. Vlach, The Afro-American Tradition in Decorative Arts, 145. For a contrasting interpreta- 
tion, see the essay by Barbara Rotundo in this issue of Markers. 

29. Alfreddie Holliday, personal communication, 18 March 1996. 

30. Newbell Niles Puckett, Folk Beliefs of the Southern Negro (New York, NY, 1969), 109. 

31. Billy Hutchings, personal communication, 21 March 1996. Hutchings is most likely 
referring to Primitive Baptist. 

32. Ibid. 

33. Roberta Hughes Wright and Wilbur Wright III, Lay Down Body: Living History in African- 
American Cemeteries (Detroit, MI, 1996), 282. 

34. See Hezekiah Butterworth, A Zig-Zag Journey In The Sunny South (Boston, MA, 1887); 
Robert Farris Thompson, personal communication, 13 March 1996; see also Robert 
Farris Thompson and John Cornet, The Four Moments of the Sun: Kongo Art of Two Worlds 
(Washington D.C., 1984), 191. 

188 African-American Graves 

35. See Vlach, The Afro-American Traidition in Decorative Arts, 141. During my fieldwork, I 
found several other graves that also had broken pottery; however, the placement of 
some of the broken crockery or glassware suggests inconclusive interpretations. In one 
instance, a broken flower pot had been placed behind a gravemarker. Though the 
flower pot seemed new and unused, its breaking and placement appeared accidental. 
Other graves had broken bottles near the grave, but none on the grave. This was seen 
at Greenwood Cemetery, where empty beer bottles were frequent; however, 
Greenwood is in located in an economically depressed area (Frenchtown) where van- 
dals are not uncommon. 

36. Ibid. 

37. This photograph is from the Richard Aloysius Twine Collection, Florida Photographic 
Archives. I do not know what type of animal skin is shown here, but is my guess is that 
it is sheepskin. 

38. Roy Sieber, African Furniture and Household Objects (Bloomington, IN, 1980), 105. 

39. See William Bascom, "Yoruba Concepts of the Soul," in Men and Cultures: Selected Papers 
of the Fifth International Congress of Anthropological and Ethnological Sciences, ed. Anthony 
F.C. Wallace (Philadelphia, PA, 1956), 401. See also Babatunde Lawal, "The Living 
Dead: Art and Immortality Among The Yoruba of Nigeria," Africa 47:1 (1977): 51. 

40. Thompson and Cornet, The Four Moments of the Sun, 202. 

41. Billy Hutchings, personal communication, 21 March 1996. 

42. See Thompson and Cornet, The Four Mo7nents of the Sun, 202-203. 

43. Another configuration of headstone, more frequently seen in African-American ceme- 
teries than in those of other cultural groups in north Florida, is the diamond shape The 
diamond shape is a variant of the dikenga sign, or turning point. In Kongo, the diken- 
ga marks the crossroads, the tomb, the parting of the ways. The diamond points repre- 
sent birth, florescence, decline and renaissance. For further information on dikenga 
marks, see Thompson, Face of the Gods, 43. 

44. Thompson and Cornet, The Four Moments of the Sun, 183. 

45. Color symbolism for red and white is abundant. See Claude Levi-Strauss, The Savage 
Mind (Chicago, IL, 1966); and Thompson, Face of the Gods, 232-244. 

46. Vlach, The Afro-American Tradition in Decorative Arts, 143. 

47. Billy Hutchings, personal communication, 21 March 1996. 

48. Vlach, The Afro-American Tradition in Decorative Arts, 143. 

49. Jordan, Texas Graveyards, 24; and Vlach, The Afro-American Tradition in Decorative Arts, 

Robin Franklin Nigh 189 

50. Thompson and Cornet, The Four Moments of the Sun, 184. 

51. Ibid., 190-191. Thompson also cites other Bakongo sources who have suggested the scaf- 
folding was part of a mummification process. 

52. Ibid., 194. 

53. Ibid., 198. There is a conical-shaped gravemarker embedded with marbles at Southside 
Cemetery. The shape is similar to an African crown, perhaps recalling the concept of 
kingship. The argument that they function similarly might be furthered when the bril- 
liantly colored inlaid marbles are compared with the brilliant colored beadwork of the 
crown. Also, one notes the fact that they both come to a point, thus emphasizing ashe, 
and a location of spirit in Yoruba tradtion. The spirit writing on the surface may indi- 
cate that this is not associated with the Black Church. 

54. See Thompson, Flash of the Spirit, 117. See also John M. Janzen and Wyatt MacGaffey, 
An Anthology of Kongo Religion: Primary Texts from Lower Zaire (Lawrence, KS, 1974). 

55. Levi-Strauss, The Savage Mind, 31. 


Richard E. Meyer 

This annual feature of Markers, inaugurated in 1995, is intended to 
serve as an ongoing, working bibliography of relevant scholarship in the 
interdisciplinary field which is ever more consistently coming to be 
known as Cemetery and Gravemarker Studies. Entries, listed in alphabet- 
ical order by author, consist to a large extent of books and of articles found 
within scholarly journals: excluded are materials found in newspapers, 
popular magazines, and trade journals (though, as any researcher knows, 
valuable information can sometimes be gleaned from these sources), as 
well as genealogical publications and cemetery "readings," book reviews, 
video productions, electronic resources (e.g., World Wide Web sites), and 
irretrievably non-scholarly books (i.e., things along the order of the 
recently published, "revised" edition of a book with the grotesque title, 
The Definitive Guide to Underground Humor: Quaint Quotes about Death, 
Funny Funeral Home Stories, and Hilarious Headstone Epitaphs). Though not 
included here, it should be particularly noted that short but valuable crit- 
ical and analytical pieces are frequently published in the AGS Quarterly: 
Bulletin of the Association for Gravestone Studies (formerly - prior to 1996 - 
entitled the Newsletter of the Association for Gravestone Studies). New to this 
year's listing are a much larger selection of relevant foreign language 
materials in the field, the inclusion of formal master's- and doctoral-level 
theses and dissertations (important research often not published in the 
traditional manner but nonetheless frequently obtainable through interli- 
brary loan), and, in several instances, valuable unpublished typescripts 
on deposit in accessible locations. 

With its debut listing in Markers XII, "The Year's Work" attempted to 
fill gaps in existing bibliographic resources by actually covering the year's 
1990 through 1994 (for work prior to 1990, readers are advised to consult 
the bibliographic listings found at the conclusion of my Cemeteries and 
Gravemarkers: Voices of American Culture, first published in 1989 by UMI 
Research Press and reissued in 1992 by Utah State University Press). Since 
this first listing in Markers, additional materials have been identified from 
the earlier years of the decade which are worthy of inclusion. Realizing 
that, to a certain degree at least, this belated identification is likely to 
occur at any time, bibliographic listings will henceforth be presented 


under two headings: (I) materials from roughly 1990 through the previous 
year's listing which have not been previously cited in "The Year's Work"; (II) 
materials identifiable at press time from the year just completed. To help 
facilitate this ongoing process, the editor continues to welcome addenda 
from readers (complete bibliographic citations, please) for inclusion in 
future editions. 

1. 1990-1995 

Adler, Josef. Bernhmte Graber in Wien und Umgebung. 2d ed. Vienna, 
Austria: Verlag Perlen-Reihe, 1991. 

Albisinni, Piero. II disegno delta memorial storia, rilievo, e analisi grafica del- 
V architettura fnneraria del XIX secolo. Rome, Italy: Kappa, 1994. 

Anstead, Christopher J., and Bouchier, Nancy B. "The Tombstone Affair,' 
1845: Woodstock Tories and Cultural Change." Ontario History 86:4 
(1994), pp. 363-381. 

Antoniazzo-Bocchina, Anita. Fiume, il Cimitero di Cosala. Padua, Italy: 
Bottega d'Erasmo, 1995. 

Arbury, Andrew Stephen. "Spanish Catafalques of the Sixttenth and 
Seventeenth Centuries." Ph.D. diss., Rutgers University, 1992. 

Ausel, Monika. Monumente des Todes - Dokumente des Lebens?: Christliche 
Friedhofs und Grabmalgestaltung Heute. 2d ed. Altenberge, Germany: 
Telos Verlag, 1990. 

Bacino, Ezio. I golfi del silenzio: iconografie funerarie e cimiteri dTtalia. 2d ed. 
Poggibonsi, Italy: A. Lalli, 1991. 

Baker, J. The New Burying Ground: The History of Clifton Street Cemetery. 
Belfast, Northern Ireland: Glenravel Local History Project, 1992. 

Barkin, R., and Gentles, I. "Death in Victorian Toronto, 1850-1899." Urban 
History Review 19:1-2 (1990), pp. 14-29. 


Barrow, Julia. "Urban Cemetery Location in the High Middle Ages." In 
Death in Towns: Urban Responses to Dying and the Dead, 100-1600. 
Edited by Steven Bassett. Leicester, England: Leicester University 
Press, 1992, pp. 78-100. 

Bartosik, Barbara. "Soteriological Iconography of the Annunciation in 
Two Renaissance Northern Italian Sepulchral Monuments." Master's 
thesis, University of Notre Dame, 1990. 

Berg, Richard E. "An Investigation of Burials at the Scisson Family 
Cemetery in Gregory County, South Dakota." South Dakota 
Archaeology 14 (1990), pp. 36-92. 

Berg, Shary Page. "Approaches to Landscape Preservation Treatment at 
Mount Auburn Cemetery." ATP Bulletin: The Journal of Preservation 
Technology 24:3-4 (1992), pp. 52-58. 

Berger, Patrick. "Replanning of the Romantic Sector at the Pere Lachaise 
Cemetery." Domus 769 (1995), pp. 26-31. 

Betterly, Richard D. "Using Historic Rural Church Cemeteries as a 
Material Culture Resource in Heritage Education." D.A. thesis, 
Middle Tennessee State University, 1991. 

Bevans, Bruce W. "The Search for Graves." Geophysics 56:9 (1991), pp. 

Biddington, Ralph. "Death of the Old Melbourne Cemetery." Victorian 
Historical Journal 65:1 (1994), pp. 3ff. 

Black, Jimmy. The Glasgow Graveyard Guide. New York, NY: State Mutual 
Book & Periodical Service, 1993. 

Blakita, Paul M. "Rest in Peace." Civil Engineering 65:12 (1995), pp. 40-43. 

Bloch, Maurice. Placing the Dead: Tombs, Ancestral Villages, and Kinship 
Organization in Madagascar. Rev. ed. Prospect Heights, IL: Waveland 
Press, 1994. 


Bollet, Patrick. Lorient: le Cimitiere de Camel. Lorient, France: Association 
les Amis du Cimitiere de Carnel, 1993. 

Booij, Kees. Grafmonumenten in de Grote of Sint-Gertrudiskerk te Bergen op 
Zoom. Bergen op Zoom, Netherlands: Geschiedkundige Kring van 
Stad en Land van Bergen op Zoom, 1993. 

Brackner, Joey. A Walk Through Greenwood Cemetery. Tuscaloosa, AL: 
Heritage Commission of Tuscaloosa County, 1992. 

Brasch, Rudolph. Permanent Addresses: Australians Down Under. Sydney, 
Australia: Angus & Robertson, 1995. 

Bridges, Phyllis. The Honored Dead: The Ritual of Police Burial. Denton, TX: 
Center for Texas Studies at the University of North Texas, 1995. 

Brinkman, Robert, and Dunlap, Sandi A. "The Centro Asturiano 
Cemetery: An Immigrant Landmark in Early Twentieth-Century 
Florida." Gulf Coast Historical Review 9:2 (1994), pp. 68-79. 

Brock, James, and Schwartz, Steven J. "A Little Slice of Heaven: 
Investigations at Rincon Cemetery, Prado Basin, California." 
Historical Archaeology 25:3 (1991), pp. 78-90. 

Brocke, Michael. Der Judische Friedhof in Soest: Tine Dokumentation in Text 
und Bild. Soest, Germany: Mocker & Jahn, 1993. 

. Stein und Name: Die Judische Friedhofe in Ostdeutschland. Berlin, 

Germany: Institut Kirche und Judentum, 1994. 

Burley, David V. "Contexts of Meaning: Beer Bottles and Cans in 
Contemporary Burial Practices in the Polynesian Kingdom of Tonga." 
Historical Archaeology 29:1 (1995), pp. 75-83. 

Buschmann, Hans-Georg. Der Nordfriedhof von Wiesbaden und seine 
Vorganger: Geschichte, Begrabnissitten und -riten, Grabmaler. Frankfurt 
am Main, Germany: P. Lang, 1991. 


Butterfield, A. "Social Structure and the Typology of Funerary 
Monuments in Early Renaissance Florence." Res 26 (1994), pp. 47-68. 

Caba, Victoria Soto. Los catafalcos reales del Barroco Espanol: un estudio de 
arquitectura efimera. Madrid, Spain: Universidad Nacional de 
Educacion a Distancia, 1991. 

Caillet, Jean-Pierre. La vie d'eternite: la sculpture funeraire dans I'Antiquite 
chretienne. Paris, France: Editions du Cerf, 1990. 

Cardoso, Carlos Lopes. Esterlas funerarias dos Mbali: un caso de aculturacao. 
Coimbra, Portugal: Instituto de Antropologia, Universidade de 
Coimbra, 1991. 

Chapel, David. "Cemeteries as a Lesson Resource." Social Studies Review 
32:2 (1993), pp. 75-78. 

Childs, Henry Clay. Gardens and Graveyards of the Southeastern Seaboard: A 
Photographic Journey. Washington, CT: Pointer Ridge Publications, 

Clairmont, Christoph W. Classical Attic Tombstones. Kilchberg, 
Switzerland: Akanthus, 1993. 

Claridge, John R. Landscapes for Eternity: Erie, Laurel Hill, and Wintergreen 
Gorge Cemeteries. Erie, PA: Erie Cemetery Association, 1995. 

Cloulas, Annie. "La sculpture funeraire dans l'Espagne de la Renaissance: 
les commandes ecclesiastiques." Gazette des Beaux- Arts 121 (1993), pp. 

Coffman, Eileen Wilson. "Silent Sentinels: Funerary Monuments 
Designed and Executed by Louis Comfort Tiffany and Tiffany 
Studios." Master's thesis, Southern Methodist University, 1995. 

Collins, Bobbie L. "Decoration Day at Higgins Chapel Cemetery in Unicoi 
County, Tennessee: A Time to Remember and to Celebrate Life." 
Bulletin of the Tennessee Folklore Society 54:3 (1990), pp. 82ff. 


Constant, Caroline. The Woodland Cemetery: Toward a Spiritual Landscape - 
Erik Gunnar Asplund and Sigurd Lewerentz, 1915-61. Stockholm, 
Sweden: Byggforlaget, 1994. 

Cooke, R.V., Inkpen, R.J., and Wiggs, G.F.S. "Using Gravestones to Assess 
Changing Rates of Weathering in the United Kingdom." Earth Surface 
Processes and Landforms: The Journal of the British Geomorphological 
Research Group 20:6 (1995), pp. 531-546. 

Copper, Cheryl. "A Heritage in Stone: The History of Norfolk's Burial 
Grounds and Customs, Seventeenth to Nineteenth Century." 
Master's Thesis, Old Dominion University, 1991. 

Corbett, Katherine. "Belief ontaine Cemetery: St. Louis' City of the Dead." 
Gateway Heritage 12:2 (1991), pp. 58-67. 

Cray, Robert E. "Memorialization and Enshrinement: George Whitefield 
and Popular Religious Culture, 1770-1850." Journal of the Early 
Republic 10 (1990), pp. 339-361. 

Cross, David, and Bent, Robert. "Where Legends Lie." American Visions 
7:5(1992), pp. 16-21. 

Cross, Harold A. They Sleep Beneath the Mockingbird: Mississippi Burial Sites 
and Biographies of Confederate Generals. Murfreesboro, TN: Southern 
Heritage Press, 1994. 

Cutler, Blayne. "A Spot in the Country." American Demographics 13 (1991), 
pp. 42-43. 

Daniels, Karen L. "The Cemeteries of Chattanooga, Tennessee and their 
Design Influences." Master's thesis, Georgia State University, 1992. 

Davies, Douglas. Reusing Old Graves: A Report on Popular British Attitudes. 
Crayford, England: Shaw & Sons, 1995. 

Davies, Glenys. "The Language of Gesture in Greek Art: Gender and 
Status on Grave Stelai." Apollo 140 (1994), pp. 6-11. 


Davey, Frances E. The Outcast Artisan: The Struggles of Gravestone Carver 
Solomon Ashley. Deerfield, MA: Historic Deerfield Fellowship 
Program, 1991. 

Day, Karen Elizabeth. "Cultural Landscape Report: Oakwood Cemetery." 
Master's Thesis, State University of New York - College of 
Environmental Sciences and Forestry, 1994. 

DeRosa, Elizabeth Johnston. "Louis Comfort Tiffany and the 
Development of Religious Landscape Memorial Windows." Ph.D. 
diss., Columbia University, 1995. 

Dethlefsen, Edwin. "Strange Attractions and the Cemetery Set." In The Art 
and Mystery of Historical Archaeology: Essays in Honor of James Deetz. 
Edited by Anne Elizabeth Yentsch and Mary C. Beaudry. Boca Raton, 
FL: CRC, 1992, pp. 149-164. 

Devins, Driscoll P. Home of the Living: A Venetian Cemetery. Verona, Italy: 
Triton Press, 1991. 

Dickenberger, Udo. "Poesie auf Grabern: Die Literarischen Inschriften des 
Hoppenlau-Friedhofs." Marbacher-Magazin 59 (1991), pp. 3-37. 

Dinn, Robert. "'Monuments Answerable to Mens' Worth': Burial Patterns, 
Social Status and Gender in Late Medieval Bury St. Edmunds." The 

Journal of Ecclesiastical History 46:2 (1995), pp. 237-255. 

Donohue-Putnam, Barbara. "Patterns Behind the Images: Newton 
Gravestone Art, 1680 to 1820." Master's thesis, University of 
Massachusetts at Boston, 1990. 

Dooner, Vincetta DiRocco. Seasons of Life and Learning: Lake View Cemetery, 
an Educator's Handbook. Cleveland, OH: Lake View Cemetery 
Foundation, 1990. 

Dove, J. "A Comparison of Gravestones in Two County Churchyards." 
Proceedings - Geologists' Association 103:2 (1992), pp. 143-154. 


Dowe, Amy Patricia. "Finding the Children: An Archaeological Case 
Study from St. Phillip's Moravian Church and Parish Graveyard." 
Master's thesis, University of South Carolina, 1994. 

Drozda, Robert M. "They Talked of the Land with Respect': Interethnic 
Communication in the Documentation of Historical Places and 
Cemetery Sites." In When Our Words Return: Hearing and Remembering 
Oral Traditions of Alaska and the Yukon. Edited by Phyllis Morrow and 
William Schneider. Logan, UT: Utah State University Press, 1995, pp. 

Echo-Hawk, Roger G. Battlefields and Burial Grounds: The Indian Struggle to 
Protect Ancestral Graves in the United States. Minneapolis, MN: Lerner 
Publications Co., 1994. 

Elliott, John R. "Funerary Artifacts in Contemporary America." Death 
Studies 14:6 (1990), pp. 601-612. 

Ell wood, Brooks B. "Electrical Resistivity Surveys in Two Historical 
Cemeteries in Northeast Texas: A Method for Delineating 
Unidentified Burial Shafts." Historical Archaeology 24:2 (1990), pp. 91- 

, et al. "Search for the Grave of the Hanged Texas Gunfighter, 

William Preston Longley." Historical Archaeology 28:3 (1994), pp. 94- 

Etzold, Alfred. Der Dorotheenstadtische Friedhof: Die Begrabnisstatten an der 
Berliner Chausseestrasse. Berlin, Germany: Ch. Links, 1993. 

Fairey, Wade B. "The Changing York County, South Carolina Tombstone 
Business, 1750-1850." Journal of Early Southern Decorative Arts 16:2 
(1990), pp. 1-29. 

Farhat, May. "The Funerary Complex of Qaytbay in the Eastern 
Cemetery: An Interpretation." Master's thesis, University of Victoria 
(Canada), 1990. 


Farr, Warner Dahlgren. "Resting Rebels: A Historical and Medical Study 
of the San Antonio Confederate Cemetery." Master's thesis, 
University of Texas Health Science Center at Houston, 1990. 

Fendak, Janos. Monumental Tombs of the Hellenistic Age: A Study of Selected 
Tombs from the Pre-Classical to the Early Imperial Era. Cheektowaga, 
Canada: University of Toronto Press, 1990. 

Ferguson, Robert. The Pioneers of Lake View: A Guide to Seattle's Early 
Settlers and Their Cemetery. Bellevue, WA: Thistle Press, 1995. 

Filey, Mike. Mount Pleasant Cemetery: An Illustrated Guide. Toronto, 
Canada: Firefly, 1990. 

Fitts, Robert K. "Gravestone Inscriptions as a Source for Colonial History: 
A Case Study on the Transition from Puritan to Yankee New 
England." Man in the Northeast 41 (1991), pp. 65-83. 

. Puritans, Yankees, and Gravestones: A Linguistic Analysis of New 

England Gravestone Inscriptions. Columbia, SC: South Carolina 
Institute of Archaeology and Anthropology, University of South 
Carolina, 1990. 

Flores, Francisco Moita. Cemiterios de Lisboa: entre o real e o imaginario. 
Lisbon, Portugal: Camara Municipal de Lisboa, 1991. 

Foley, David C.C. "The American Rural Cemetery: An Outgrowth of 
European Romanticism." Master's thesis, University of Notre Dame, 

Frobish, Dennis. "The Cheyenne Cemetery: Reflections of the Life of a 
City." Annals of Wyoming 62:2 (1990), pp. 90-99. 

Garfield, Linda. "Obelisks and Angels: A Social and Aesthetic History of 
Calvary Cemetery, Evanston, Illinois." Master's thesis, School of the 
Art Institute of Chicago, 1995. 


Gargiulo, Emy. "A Cemetery on Punta Delia Campanella, Sorrento." 
Master's thesis, Harvard University, 1991. 

Garman, James C. 'Faithful and Loyal Servants': The Masking and Marking of 
Ethnicity in the Material Culture of Death. Columbia, SC: South Carolina 
Institute of Archaeology and Anthropology, University of South 
Carolina, 1992. 

. "Viewing the Color Line Through the Material Culture of 

Death." Historical Archaeology 28:3 (1994), pp. 74-93. 

Goberman, David Noevich. Jewish Tombstones in Ukraine and Moldova. 
Moscow, Russia: Image Publishing House, 1993. 

Golden, Gerald D. "Each in His Narrow Cell Forever Laid: An 
Investigation Into the Evolution of the American Cemetery Within the 
Central Connecticut Region." Master's thesis, Central Connecticut 
State University, 1995. 

Gordon, William Ashley. "Style and Status: A Case Study of Competetive 
Display." Master's thesis, Arizona State University, 1995. 

Greene, Janet. Epitaphs to Remember: Remarkable Inscriptions from New 
England Gravestones. Rev. ed. Chambersburg, PA: Alan C. Hood and 
Company, Inc., 1993. 

Greenwood, Douglas. Wlio's Buried Wltere in England. Rev. ed. London, 
England: Constable, 1994. 

Hagan, Christina Marie. "A Child's Sarcophagus in Raleigh." Master's 
thesis, University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, 1994. 

Hammer, Klaus. Historische Friedhofe und Grabmaler in Berlin. Berlin, 
Germany: Stattbuch Verlag, 1994. 

Harbolt, Tami. "Too Loved to Be Forgotten: Pet Loss and Ritual 
Bereavement." Master's thesis, Western Kentucky University, 1993. 


Harrington, Spencer P.M. "Children of the African Burial Ground." 

Archaeology 48 (1995), pp. 14-15. 

Haubold, Barbara. Die Grabdenkmaler des Wiener Zentralfriedhofs von 1874 
bis 1918. Munster, Germany: Lit, 1990. 

Hawkins, David C. "Trees of Mid-Nineteenth Century Rural Cemeteries." 
Master's thesis, State University of New York - College of 
Environmental Sciences and Forestry, 1994. 

Healy, Lisa Jo. "Attitudes Toward Children and Death as Reflected in 
Broome County Gravestones." Master's thesis, State University of 
New York at Binghampton, 1990. 

Heyne, Maren. Stille Garten - Beredte Steine: Judische Friedhofe im Rheinland. 
Bonn, Germany: Dietz, 1994. 

Holl, Augustin. "The Cemetery of Houlouf in Northern Cameroon (AD 
1500-1600): Fragments of a Past Social System." African Archaeological 
Review 12 (1994), pp. 133-170. 

Holliday, Peter James. "Processional Imagery in Late Etruscan Funerary 
Art." American Journal of Archaeology 94 (1990), pp. 73-93. 

Hondo, Leszek. Epitaphs and Symbolism of the Gravestones at the Jewish 
Cemetery in Tarnow. Tarnow, Poland: Regional Museum of Tarnow, 

Hoshower, Lisa M., and Milanich, Jerald T. "Excavations in the Fig 
Springs Mission Burial Area." Florida Anthropologist 44:2-4 (1991), pp. 

Hughes, Buckner, and Hughes, Nathaniel C, Jr. Quiet Places: The Burial 
Sites of Civil War Generals in Tennessee. Knoxville, TN: East Tennessee 
Historical Society, 1992. 

Inglis, Ken. "Entombing Unknown Soldiers from London and Paris to 
Baghdad." History and Memory 5 (1993), pp. 7-31. 


Jamieson, Ross W. "Material Culture and Social Death: African-American 
Burial Practices." Historical Archaeology 29:4 (1995), pp. 39-58. 

Jochens, Birgit. Die Friedhofe in Berlin-Charlottenburg: Geschicte der 
Friedhofsanlagen und deren Grabmalkultur. Berlin, Germany: Stapp, 

Jumonville, Florence M. "The Wastebasket and the Grave: Funeralia in the 
South." Southern Quarterly 31:2 (1993), pp. 98-118. 

Kerrigan, Michael. Who Lies Wliere: A Guide to Famous Graves. London, 
England: Fourth Estate, 1995. 

King, Henry. Tar Heel Tombstones and the Tales They Tell. Asheboro, NC: 
Down Home Press, 1990. 

King, Julia A., Bevan, Bruce W., and Hurry, Robert J. "The Reliability of 
Geophysical Surveys at Historic-Period Cemeteries: An Example 
from the Plains Cemetery, Mechanicsville, Maryland." Historical 
Archaeology 27:3 (1993), pp. 4-16. 

Kippax, John R., ed. Churchyard Literature: A Choice Collection of American 
Epitaphs, with Remarks on Monumental Inscriptions and the Obsequies of 
Various Nations. Reprint of 1876 edition. Bowie, MD: Heritage Books, 
Inc., 1994. 

Knobloch, Heinz. Berliner Grabsteine. 4th ed. Berlin, Germany: 
Morgenbuch Verlag, 1991. 

Kohler, Rosemarie. Der Judische Friedhof Sclwnhauser Allee. Berlin, 
Germany: Haude und Spenersche Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1992. 

Kot, Elizabeth. U.S. Cemetery Address Book. Vallejo, CA: Indices 
Publishing, 1994. 

Krajewska, Monika. A Tribe of Stones: Jewish Cemeteries in Poland. Warsaw, 
Poland: Polish Scientific Publishers, 1993. 


Krepps, Karen Lee. "Black Mortuary Practices in Southeast Michigan." 
Ph.D. diss., Wayne State University, 1990. 

Laffin, John. We Will Remember Them: Australian Epitaphs of World War I. 
Kenthurst, Australia: Kangaroo Press, 1995. 

Lafontaine, E. Antonieta. En la memoria de la piedra: historia, creencias y 
mitos del culto a los muertos. Buenos Aires, Argentina: Grupo Editor 
Latinoamericano, 1995. 

Lagree, Michel. Tombes de memoire: la devotion populaire aux victimes de la 
Revolution dans I'Ouest. Rennes, France: Editions Apogee, 1993. 

Laqueur, T.W. "Cemeteries, Religion and the Culture of Capitalism." In 
Capitalism in Context: Essays in Economic Development and Cultural 
Change in Honor of R.M. Hartwell. Edited by John A. James and Mark 
Thomas. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1994, pp. 138-155. 

Latini, Luigi. Cimiteri e giardini: citta e paesaggi funerari d'Occidente. Firenze, 
Italy: Alinea, 1994. 

Lawrence, Cynthia. "The Monument of Elisabeth Morgan: Issues and 
Problems in Late Renaissance Sepulchral Art." Nederlands 
Kunsthistorisch Jaarboek 45 (1994), pp. 324-349. 

Leveillee, Alan D., and Glover, Suzanne. "An Archaeological Approach to 
a Suspected 18th and 19th Century Graveyard: Investigations Along 
the North River, Norwell, Massachusetts." Bulletin of the Massachusetts 
Archaeological Society 53:2 (1992), pp. 42-51. 

Levenson, Rosaline. "Oroville's Jewish Cemetery: Enduring Legacy of the 
Gold Rush." Western States Jewish Historical Quarterly 23:1 (1990), pp. 

Litt, Paul. Death at Snake Hill: Secrets From a War of 1812 Cemetery. Toronto, 
Canada: Dundurn Press, 1993. 


Livengood, R. Mark. "Flagstaff, Arizona, Citizen's Cemetery Gravestones 
and Graves: Symbols of a Western Culture's Dialogue With the 
Land." Master's thesis, Northern Arizona University, 1990. 

Livingston, R.A., and Baer, N.S. "Use of Tombstones in Investigations of 
Deterioration of Stone Monuments." Environmental Geology and Water 
Sciences 16:1 (1990), pp. 83-90. 

Malikova, Milena Critz. "Tombstones in St. Vitus Cathedral in Prague." 
Master's thesis, San Jose State University, 1994. 

Marwil, Milton. "The True Story of the Cemetery in the General Motors 
Parking Lot." Michigan Jewish History 33 (1992), pp. 30-32. 

Masson, Ann Merritt. "The Mortuary Architecture of Jacques Nicolas 
Bussiere de Pouilly" Master's thesis, Tulane University, 1992. 

Mateescu-Bogdan, Catalina. "Brancusi's Tirgu Jiu Funerary Ensemble: An 
Analysis of History, Form, and Meaning." Master's thesis, Tulane 
University, 1990. 

McCain, Diana Ross. "Graveyards and Gravestones." Early American Eife 
23:5 (1992), pp. 14-18. 

McDannell, Colleen. "The Religious Symbolism of Laurel Hill Cemetery." 
Chap. 4 in Material Christianity: Religion and Popular Culture in America. 
New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1995, pp. 103-131. 

McGowan, Elizabeth P. "Tomb Marker and Turning Post: Funerary 
Columns in the Archaic Period." American Journal of Archaeology 99 
(1995), pp. 615-632. 

Melano, Oscar Pedro. II monumentale di Milano: guida all 'architettura e alle 
opere d'arte. Milan, Italy: Guerini e associati, 1994. 

Menschen, Schicksale, Monumente: Doblinger Friedhof, Wien. Vienna, Austria: 
F. Csongei, 1990. 


Messer, Stephen C. "Individual Responses to Death in Puritan 
Massachusetts." Omega: Journal of Death and Dying 21:2 (1990), pp. 

Meyer, Elizabeth A. "Epitaphs and Citizenship in Classical Athens." The 
Journal of Hellenic Studies 113 (1993), pp. 99-121. 

Miller, Mildred J. Time Is, Time Was: Burial Customs and History, Iredell 
County, North Carolina. Statesville, NC: Genealogical Society of Iredell 
County, 1990. 

Misra, Ratanalala. The Mortuary Monuments in Ancient and Medieval India. 
Delhi, India: B.R. Publishing Corp., 1991 

Moore, J. Roderick. "Decorated Gravestones of Wythe County, Virginia." 
Antiques 140:4 (1991), pp. 618-627. 

Morawski, Karol. Warszawskie Cmentarze: Przezvodnik History czny. Warsaw, 
Poland: Wydawn, 1991. 

Moriarty, Ellen. "A Cemetery, House, and Chapel in Mid-Town Jackson, 
Mississippi." Master's thesis, Mississippi State University, 1995. 

Mosley, Erma Dianne. "The History and Social Context of an African- 
American Family Cemetery and Its Influence on Social Organization 
and Mental Health." Ph.D. diss., Texas Woman's University, 1991. 

Mrozowski, Przemyslaw. Polskie Nagrobki Gotyckie. Warsaw, Poland: 
Zamek Krolewski w Warszawie, 1994. 

Muller-Wille, Michael. Death and Burial in Medieval Europe. Philadelphia, 
PA: Coronet Books, 1993. 

Munman, Robert. Sienese Renaissance Tomb Monuments. Philadelphia, PA: 
American Philosophical Society, 1993. 

Murray, Hugh. This Garden of Death: The History of York Cemetery. York, 
England: Friends of York Cemetery, 1991. 


The York Graveyard Guide. Edinburgh, Scotland: Saint Andrew 

Press, 1994. 

Nadenicek, Daniel J. "Sleepy Hollow Cemetery: Philosophy Made 
Substance." Emerson Society Papers 5:1 (1994), pp. 1-2; 8. 

Nakagawa, Tadashi. "Cemetery Landscapes of Ascension Parish, 
Louisiana." Geographical Bulletin 36:2 (1994), pp. 65-73. 

. "Gravestone Landscape Evolution of A Japanese Rural 

Cemetery." Geographical Bulletin 34:2 (1992), pp. 82-90. 

. "Louisiana Cemeteries as Cultural Artifacts." Geographical 

Review of Japan 63:2 (1990), pp. 139-155. 

Nicolai, Julie Dell. "Augustus Saint Gaudens' Adams Memorial." 
Master's thesis, Washington University, 1992. 

Nicolas-Gomez, Dora. La morada de los vivos y la morada de los muertos: 
arquitectura domestica y funeraria del sigh XIX en Murcia. Murcia, Spain: 
Universidad de Murcia, 1994. 

Niewoehner, Elizabeth S. "Gender and Age Roles in Transition: Early 
Boston Gravestones as Indicators of Historical Change." Master's 
thesis, Harvard University, 1990. 

Noonan, Peter V. "Ritual and Place: A New Urban Cemetery." Master's 
thesis, University of Maryland at College Park, 1992. 

Norris, Malcolm. "Later Medieval Monumental Brasses: An Urban 
Funerary Industry and Its Representation of Death." In Death in 
Towns: Urban Responses to the Dying and the Dead, 100-1600. Edited by 
Steven Bassett. Leicester, England: Leicester University Press, 1992, 
pp. 184-209. 

Noy, David. Jewish Inscriptions of Western Europe. Cambridge, England: 
Cambridge University Press, 1995. 


Oliver, Vere L. Monumental Inscriptions: Tombstones of the Island of Barbados. 
San Bernardino, CA: Borgo Press, 1995. 

O'Neil, Thomas E. Home at Rest: The Story of the West Point Cemetery. 
Brooklyn, NY: Arrow & Trooper Publishing, 1991. 

O'Neill, Barbara. Cemetery Art in the Old Burying Ground. Beaufort, NC: 
Beaufort Historical Association, 1990. 

Oy-Marra, Elisabeth. Florentiner Ehrengrabmaler der Fruhrenaissance. Berlin, 
Germany: Gebr. Mann, 1994. 

Paine, Cecelia. "Landscape Management of Abandoned Cemeteries in 
Ontario." APT Bulletin: The Journal of Preservation Technology 24:3-4 
(1992), pp. 59-68. 

Paludan, Ann. The Chinese Spirit Road: The Classical Tradition of Stone Tomb 
Statuary. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1991. 

Paonessa, Laurie J. "The Cemeteries of St. Eustatius, N.A.: Status in a 
Caribbean Community." Master's thesis, College of William and 
Mary, 1990. 

Pereira, Jose. Islamic Sacred Architecture: A Stylistic History. Columbia, MO: 
South Asia Books, 1994. 

Petrucci, Armando. Le scritture ultime: ideologia della morte e strategic dello 
scrivere nella tradizione occidentale. Torino, Italy: Giulio Eidaudi, 1995. 

Pfeiffer, Susan, and Williamson, Ronald E, eds. Snake Hill: An Investigation 
of a Military Cemetery from the War of 1812. Toronto, Canada: Dundurn 
Press, 1991. 

Phillips, Mary Jane. "A Second Empire Memorial to Itself: Significant 
Aspects of the Funerary Monuments in Paris' Pere Lachaise Cemetery 
(1850-1871)." Ph.D. diss., University of California, Berkeley, 1993. 


Pinnau, Peter. Gruft Mausoleum Grabkapelle: Studien zur Sepulkralarchitektur 
des 19. und des 20. Jahrhunderts mit Besonderer Hinsicht auf Adolph von 
Hildebrand. Munich, Germany: Maander, 1992. 

Podgarbi, Bronislaw. Cmentarz Zydowski w Lodzi. Lodz, Poland: Wydawn, 

Precht-Banados, Hernan Alejandro. Cementerio General de Santiago. 
Santiago, Chile: Ilustre Municipalidad de Santiago, 1990. 

Protsenko, Liudmyla. Kyivskyi Nekropol: Putivnyk-Dovidnyk. Kiev, Ukraine: 
Ukrainskyi Pysmennyk, 1994. 

Rauschenberg, Bradford L. "A Study of Baroque and Gothic-Style 
Gravestones in Charleston and Its Environs." Journal of Early Southern 
Decorative Arts. 26:1 (1990), pp. 19-63. 

Rees, Nigel. Epitaphs: A Dictionary of Grave Epigrams and Memorial 
Eloquence. New York, NY: Carroll & Graf, 1994. 

Rhoads, Loren. Death's Garden: Relationships with Cemeteries. San Francisco, 
CA: Automatism Press, 1995. 

Ridlen, Susanne S. 'Tree-Stump Tombstones: The Influence of Traditional 
Cultural Values on Rustic Funerary Art in Indiana in the 1890s." Ph.D. 
diss., Indiana University, 1992. 

Robin, Ron. "Diplomatic et commemoration: les cimitieres militaires 
Americaines en France." Revue d'histoire moderne et contemporaine 42:1 
(1995), pp. 126-141. 

. "'A Foothold in Europe': The Aesthetics and Politics of 

American War Cemeteries in Western Europe." Journal of American 
Studies 29:1 (1995), pp. 55-72. 

Rosen, Mina. Haskoy Cemetery: Typology of Stone. Philadelphia, PA: 
University of Pennsylvania Press, 1995. 


Ruuskanen, Leena. Der Heidelberger Bergfriedhof: Kulturgeschichte und 
Grabkultur. Heidelberg, Germany: B. Guderjahn, 1992. 

Ryan, Joanne. The Egyptian Obelisk as a Tombstone in Two New England 
Cemeteries. Columbia, SC: South Carolina Institute of Archaeology 
and Anthropology, University of South Carolina, 1992. 

Sassaman, Cherry Johnson. "The Pious and the Prudent: An Analysis of 
Gender Variation in the Eighteenth-Century Tombstones of the South 
Carolina Low Country." Master's thesis, University of South 
Carolina, 1995. 

Saunders, Shelley R., and Lazenby, Richard, eds. The Einks that Bind: The 
Harvie Family Nineteenth Century Burying Ground. Dundas, Canada: 
Copetown Press, 1991. 

Schleindl, Angelika. Der Judische Friedhof Gross-Gerau: Ein Beitrag zur 
Geschichte der Eandjuden in Sudhessen. Darmstadt, Germany: Justus 
von Liebig, 1993. 

Schmidt, Heike. Friedhof und Grabdenkmal im Industriezeitalter am Beispiel 
Essener Friedhofe: Geschichte, Gestaltung, Erhaltung - Eine 
Kunsthistorische Untersuchung mit Besonderer Berucksichtigung des 
St einzer falls. Bochum, Germany: N. Brockmeyer, 1993. 

Schneider, Carlo. Die Friedhofe in Darmstadt. Darmstadt, Germany: E. 
Roether, 1991. 

Schneider, Mareleyn. History of A Jewish Burial Society: An Examination of 
Secularization. Lewiston, NY: Edwin Mellen Press, 1991. 

Schoones, Pieter. Inscriptions on Padrones, Postal Stones, Tombstones and 
Beacons. Cape Town, South Africa: South African Cultural History 
Museum, 1991. 

Severance, Debra B. "Shifts in Paradigms and their Impact on 
Architectural Design: A Cemetery for Las Colinas, Texas." Master's 
thesis, Texas Tech University, 1994. 


Shannon, Edward J. "As Time Passes: Garden, Monument, Ruin." 
Master's thesis, Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, 

Sharp, Michele Turner. "The Churchyard Amongst the Wordsworthian 
Mountains: Mapping the Common Ground of Death and the 
Reconfiguration of Romantic Community." ELH 62:2 (1995), pp. 387- 

Shaw, Ernest R. The Dead Can Still Speak - Through the Art of the Stone: A 
Photographic Visit to Ancient Connecticut Graveyards - Windsor, 
Wethersfield , Hartford, Farmington. Farmington, CT: Heritage Trails, 

Sherve, Margaret. "Representations of Home in Mid-Nineteenth Century 
Sentimental Fiction and Cemetery Sculpture." Master's thesis, Iowa 
State University, 1991. 

Sheumaker, Helen. "The Gravemarkers of Nicodemus, Kansas, as a Test 
of Black Town Isolation." Master's thesis, University of Kansas, 1993. 

Silinonte, Joseph M. Tombstones of the Irish Born: Cemetery of the Holy Cross, 
Flatbush, Brooklyn. Bowie, MD: Heritage Books, Inc., 1994. 

Slate, Ursula Sylvia. "God's Forgotten Acre: The Search for Life in the 
American Cemetery." Master's thesis, University of Massachusetts at 
Amherst, 1995. 

Smiley, Shawn. Archaeological Excavation of Tombstones: The Job Johnson 
Project. California, PA: California University of Pennsylvania, 1995. 

Stefanski, Krzysztof. Stary Cmentarz Ewangelicko-Augsburski w Eodzi. Lodz, 
Poland: Ewangelickie Wydawn. sw. Mateusza, 1992. 

Steiner, Michael Joseph. "The Democratization of Immortality in 
Nineteenth-Century America." Ph.D. diss., Saint Louis University, 


Steines, Patricia. Mahnmale: Judische Friedhofe in Wien, Niederosterreich, und 
Burgenland. Vienna, Austria: H.H. Hitschmann, 1992. 

Stjernquist, Berta, ed. Pre-Historic Graves as a Source of Information. 
Philadelphia, PA: Coronet Books, 1994. 

Strutt, Michael. "Rediscovering the Dead: Practical Applications to 
Remote Sensing in Historic Cemeteries." Master's thesis, College of 
William and Mary, 1991. 

Svanevik, Michael. City of Souls: San Francisco's Necropolis at Colma. San 
Francisco, CA: Custom & Limited Editions, 1995. 

Terraroli, Valerio. // vantiniano: la scultura monumentale a Brescia tra 
Ottocento e Novecento. Brescia, Italy: Grafo, 1990. 

Trinkley, Michael. The St. John's Burial Association and the Catholic Cemetery 
at Immaculate Conception, City of Charleston, South Carolina: What 
Became of the Repose of the Dead?. Columbia, SC: Chicora Foundation, 
Inc., 1994. 

Turnbull, Michael. The Edinburgh Graveyard Guide. New York, NY: State 
Mutual Book & Periodical Service, 1991. 

Umoren, U.E., and Uduakobong, E. "The Port Harcourt City Cemetery: 
An Archaeological Site of Socioreligious Symbolism." West African 
Journal of Archaeology 23 (1993), pp. 122-132. 

Valimont, Kathleen Marie. "Air Pollution and Spatial Patterns of Marble 
Tombstone Weathering in Western Pennsylvania." Master's thesis, 
University of Deleware, 1990. 

Vandervelde, Cecelia. La Necropole de Bruxelles: etude de V architecture et de 
la sculpture funeraires, des symboles et des epitaphes, inventaires. Brussels, 
Belgium: Commission d'histoire de l'Europe, 1991. 


Veit, Richard. "Middlesex County Gravestones, 1687-1799: Shadows of a 
Changing Culture." Master's thesis, College of William and Mary, 

Wapnish, Paula, and Hesse, Brian. "Pampered Pooches or Plain Pariahs?: 
The Ashkelon Dog Burials." The Biblical Archaeologist 56:2 (1993), pp. 

Wiggins, Deborah Elaine. "The Burial Acts: Cemetery Reform in Great 
Britain, 1815-1914." Ph.D. diss., Texas Tech University, 1991. 

Willoughby, William Thomas. "A Theoretical Investigation in the 
Metaphysics of Architecture: A Design Study in Funerary 
Architecture." Master's thesis, Kent State University, 1991. 

Wilson, David M. Awful Ends: The British Museum Book of Epitaphs. 
London, England: British Museum Press, 1993. 

Woods, Ann Christine. "The Funerary Monuments of the Augustales in 
Italy." Ph.D. diss., University of California, Los Angeles, 1991. 

Woronczak, Jan Pawel. Specyfika Kulturowa Cmentarzy Zydowskich. 
Katowice, Poland: Wojewodzka Biblioteka Publiczna w Katowicach, 

Young, Mel. Wliere They Lie: Someone Should Say Kaddish. Latham, MD: 
University Press of America, 1991. 

II. 1996 

Archaeological Investigations and Restoration of the Old Pioneer Cemetery in 
Greenland, Washington County, Arkansas. West Fork, AR: SPEARS, Inc., 

Baird, Scott. "The Taylor, Texas, Cemetery: A Language Community." 
Markers XIII (1996), pp. 112-141. 


Bertram, Jerome, ed. Monumental Brasses As Art and History. Herndon, VA: 
Books International, Inc., 1996. 

Broce, Gerald. "Juris: An Ethnic Cemetery on the High Plains." Plains 
Anthropologist 41:156 (1996), pp. 175-204. 

Callahan, Leslie Abend. "Signs of Sorrow: The Expression of Grief and the 
Representation of Mourning in Fifteenth-Century French Culture." 
Ph.D. diss., City University of New York, 1996. 

Carrington, Jill Emilee. "Sculpted Tombs of the Professors of the 
University of Padua, c. 1358 - c. 1557." Ph.D. diss., Syracuse 
University, 1996. 

Crist, Thomas A.J., amd Roberts, Daniel G. "Engaging the Public Through 
Mortuary Archaeology at Philadelphia's First African Baptist Church 
Cemeteries." Cultural Resource Management 19:10 (1996): pp. 5-7. 

Cronin, Xavier A. Grave Exodus: Tending to Our Dead in the 21st Century. 
New York, NY: Barricade, 1996. 

Daniell, Christopher. Death and Burial in Medieval England, 1066-1550. New 
York, NY: Routledge, 1996. 

Dayton, Kim. "Trespassers Beware!': Lyda Burton Conley and the Battle 
for Huron Place Cemetery." Yale Journal of Law and Feminism 8:1 
(1996), pp. 1-30. 

Dockall, Helen Danzeiser. Home Hereafter: An Archaeological and 
Bioarchaeological Ananysis of an Historic African-American Cemetery. 
College Station, TX: Center for Environmental Archaeology, Texas A 
& M University, 1996. 

Edge, Kay. "The African Burial Ground." Master's thesis, Virginia 
Polytechnic Institute and State University, 1996. 


Esmonde-Cleary, A. Simon. Excavations at the New Cemetery, Rochester, 
Staffordshire, 1985-1987. Stafford, England: Staffordshire 
Archaeological and Historical Society, 1996. 

Fanning, Kathryn. "American Temples: Presidential Memorials of the 
American Renaissance." Ph.D. diss., University of Virginia, 1996. 

Felsen, Gregg. Tombstones: 80 Famous People and Their Final Resting Places. 
Berkeley, CA: Ten Speed Press, 1996. 

Ferguson, K.E., and Turnbull, P. "Narratives of History, Nature, and 
Death at the National Memorial Cemetery of the Pacific." Frontiers: A 
Journal of Women's Studies 16:2/3 (1996), pp. 1-23. 

Florence, Robert. City of the Dead: A Journey Through St. Louis Cemetery #1, 
New Orleans, Louisiana. Lafayette, LA: Center for Louisiana Studies, 
University of Southwestern Louisiana, 1996. 

Franck, Michael S. Elmwood Endures: History of a Detroit Cemetery. Detroit, 
MI: Wayne State University Press, 1996. 

Huskinson, Janet. Roman Children's Sarcophagi: Their Decoration and Social 
Significance. New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 1996. 

Jensvold, Angela. "Geophysical Methods of Locating Unknown Graves, 
Wyuka Cemetery, Nebraska." Master's Thesis, University of 
Nebraska - Lincoln, 1996. 

Jett, Stephen C. "Modern Navajo Cemeteries." Material Culture 28:2 (1996), 
pp. 1-23. 

Kaufman, Edward, ed. Reclaiming Our Past, Honoring Our Ancestors: New 
York's Eighteenth Century African American Burial Ground and the 
Memorial Competition. New York, NY: African Burial Ground 
Competition Coalition, 1996. 


Kelly, Ann Christine. "History and Documentation of Five Major Local 
Cemeteries in the City of San Diego." Master's thesis, University of 
San Diego, 1996. 

Knoblock, Glenn A. "From Jonathan Hartshorne to Jeremiah Lane: Fifty 
Years of Gravestone Carving in Coastal New Hampshire." Markers 
Xin (1996), pp. 74-111. 

Konefes, John L., and McGee, Michael K. "Old Cemeteries, Arsenic, and 
Health Safety." Cultural Resource Management 19:10 (1996): pp. 15-18. 

Lees, Hilary. Cornwall's Churchyard Heritage. Truro, England: Twelveheads, 

. Hallowed Ground: The Churchyards of Wiltshire. Chippenham, 

England: Picton, 1996. 

Lewis, Simon. "Graves With a View: Atavism and the European History 
of Africa." Ariel: A Review of International English Literature 27:1 (1996), 
pp. 41-60. 

Lyons, Claire L. The Archaic Cemeteries. Princeton, NJ: Princeton 
University Press, 1996. 

Meyer, Richard E. "Cemeteries." In American Folklore: An Encyclopedia. 
Edited by Jan Harold Brunvand. New York, NY: Garland Publishing, 
1996, pp. 132-134. 

. "Gravemarkers." In American Folklore: An Encyclopedia. 

Edited by Jan Harold Brunvand. New York, NY: Garland Publishing, 
1996, pp. 340-342. 

Miller, Arthur G. The Painted Tombs ofOaxaca, Mexico: Living With the Dead. 
New York, NY: Cambridge University Press, 1996. 

Mills, Cynthia J. "The Adams Memorial and American Funerary 
Sculpture, 1891-1927." Ph.D. diss., University of Maryland, College 
Park, 1996. 


Peterson, Freda C. Over My Dead Body: The Story of Hillside Cemetery, 
Silverton, Colorado. 2d ed. Norman, OK: Levite of Apache Publishing, 

Rankin-Hill, Lesley M. A Biohistory of 19th-century Afro- Americans: The 
Burial Remains of a Philadelphia Cemetery. Westport, CT: Bergin & 
Garvey, 1996. 

Reisem, Richard O. Forest Lawn Cemetery: Buffalo History Preserved. Buffalo, 
NY: Forest Lawn Heritage Foundation, 1996. 

Ride, Lindsay. An East India Company Cemetery: Protestant Burials at Macao. 
Hong Kong, China: Hong Kong University Press, 1996. 

Ridlen, Susanne S. "Tree-Stump Tombstones: Traditional Cultural Values 
and Rustic Funerary Art." Markers XIII (1996), pp. 44-73. 

Robb, John E. "New Directions in Italian Burial Studies: A Disorganized 
Renaissance?" American Journal of Archaeology 100:4 (1996), pp. 773- 

Robinson, David, and Koontz, Dean R. Beautiful Death: The Art of the 
Cemetery. New York, NY: Penguin, 1996. 

Schroeder, Marjorie B. "In a Box of Pine: Coffins from the Grafton Historic 
Cemetery." The Living Museum 58:1 (1996), pp. 3-5. 

Shepardson, Ann F. "John Huntington, Gravestone Carver of Lebanon, 
Connecticut." Markers XIII (1996), pp. 142-222. 

Slater, James A. "Jotham Warren: The Plainfield Trumpeter." Markers XIII 
(1996), pp. 1-43. 

Solomon, Jack. Gone Home: Epitaphs from Alabama. Montgomery, AL: Black 
Belt Press, 1996. 

Smith, Ronald G. The Death Care Industries in the United States. Jefferson, 
NC: McFarland & Company, Inc., 1996. 


Stump, Richard Edward. "Siting the Industrial Cemetery: New Burial 
Grounds and Crematory for Braintree, MA." Master's thesis, 
Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1996. 

Sweterlitsch, Richard. "Epitaphs." In American Folklore: An Encyclopedia. 
Edited by Jan Harold Brunvand. New York, NY: Garland Publishing, 
1996, pp. 223-224. 

Thompson, Sharyn. "Lapidary Trails." American Visions 10 (1996), pp. 44- 

Vlach, John Michael. "Cemeteries and Burials." In Encyclopedia of African- 
American Culture and History. Edited by Jack Salzman, David Lionel 
Smith, and Cornel West. New York, NY: Simon & Schuster Macmillan, 
1996, vol. 1, pp. 510-512. 

Walwer, Gregory F. "Combining Archival and Archaeological Research: 
The Connecticut School for Boys Cemetery in Meriden, Connecticut." 
Cultural Resource Management 19:10 (1996): pp. 8-11. 

Webb, C. Anne. "Teaching Epitaphs." English Journal 85:3 (1996), p. 107ff. 

Weyl, Robert. Richesse artistique et spirituelle des cimetieres juifs d' Alsace. 
Strassbourg, France: Merkaz, 1996. 

Wilkins, Robert. Death: A History of Man's Obsessions and Fears. Rev. ed. 
New York, NY: Barnes & Noble, 1996. 

Willsher, Betty. Understanding Scottish Graveyards. Reprint. North 
Hampton, England: Interlink Publishing Group, Inc., 1996. 

Wright, Roberta Hughes, and Hughes, Wilbur B., III. Eay Down Body: 
Living History in African-American Cemeteries. Detroit, MI: Visible Ink 
Press, 1996. 

Xu, Jay. "The Cemetery of the Western Zhou Lords of Jin." Artibus Asiae 
56:3-4 (1996), pp. 193-232. 



David M. Gradwohl, Professor Emeritus of Anthropology at Iowa State 
University, lists as his principal research interest the relationship of eth- 
nicity and material culture. He was a co-founder and former chair of the 
American Indian Studies Program at ISU. A past president of the Plains 
Anthropological Society, he is currently a member of the Board of Editors 
of the National Association for Ethnic Studies. His article on Jewish ceme- 
teries in Louisville, Kentucky, appears in Markers X, and, with Richard E. 
Meyer, he co-authored an article on San Francisco's Presidio Pet Cemetery 
which appeared in Markers XII. 

Loren N. Horton has retired after 24 years with the State Historical 
Society of Iowa, most recently in the capacity of Senior Historian. He is 
the author of numerous articles about 1 9th Century history and culture, 
and served as guest editor for the January, 1994 issue of the Journal of the 
West, to which he also contributed an article entitled "Victorian 
Gravestone Symbolism on the Great Plains." He has also published other 
articles concerning symbolism on Victorian gravemarkers, and has fre- 
quently presented papers at the annual meetings of the Cemeteries and 
Gravemarkers Section of the American Culture Association. 

Tom Malloy is Professor of American History at Mount Wachusset 
Community College in Gardner, Massachusetts. Brenda Malloy teaches 
fifth grade in Westminster, Massachusetts, and serves as a member of the 
Board of Trustees of the Association for Gravestone Studies. Both have 
presented a number of scholarly papers on cemeteries and gravemarkers 
at annual meetings of AGS and the American Culture Association. Earlier 
articles by them have appeared in Markers IX and Markers XI. 

Richard E. Meyer is Professor of English and Folklore at Western Oregon 
State College in Monmouth, Oregon. Besides serving as editor of Markers, 
he has edited the books Cemeteries and Gravemarkers: Voices of American 
Culture (1989, reprinted 1992) and Ethnicity and the American Cemetery 
(1993) and is co-author (with Peggy McDowell) of the book The Revival 
Styles in American Memorial Art (1994). He is a member of the editorial 
board of The Journal of American Culture, and from 1986-1996 chaired the 
Cemeteries and Gravemarkers section of the American Culture 


Association. His articles on Oregon pioneer gravema'kers and (with 
David M. Gradwohl) on San Francisco's Presidio Pet Cemetery have 
appeared in Markers XI and Markers XII, respectively. 

Robin Franklin Nigh is a doctoral candidate in Art History at Florida 
State University and the registrar for the Museum of Fine Arts, located on 
the campus of FSU. Her primary area of interest is contemporary non- 
western art. The essay which appears in this issue of Markers is an out- 
growth of a graduate seminar under the direction of professors Jehanne 
Teilhet-Fisk and Robert Farris Thompson. 

Barbara Rotundo, Associate Professor Emeritus of English at the State 
University of New York at Albany, is a long-time member of the 
Association for Gravestone Studies and a recipient of the Association's 
Harriette Merrifield Forbes Award for excellence in gravestone studies. 
Her normal publishing mode includes articles on topics concerning 
Nineteenth-Century gravestones, cemeteries and literature: with her 
essay in the current issue of Markers she moves up to modern times. 

Ralph L. Tucker is a retired clergyman who has been involved with 
genealogical research and the study of New England G ravestones since 
the early 1960s. He was the first president of the Association for 
Gravestone Studies and in 1992 received the Association's Harriette 
Merrifield Forbes Award for excellence in gravestone studies. He has 
authored previous articles on New England carvers in Markers IX, Markers 
X, Markers XI, and Markers XII. 



Boldface page numbers [in brackets] indicate illustrations 

Aberbach Gallery, New York NY, 6 
Abington, MA 134-137, 139-140, 144, 147 
Adams, John 63 
Adams, Sarah 149 
Adams, Zabdiel 63, [61] 
African-American Church, role of 158-189 
Andera, Albert (grandson of Charles 

Andera) 117 
Andera, Albert (son of Charles Andera) 117 
Andera, Anna 127 

Andera, Charles (Karel) 110-133, [112, 114] 
Andera, Frantisek 111 
Andera, Josef 111, 113 
Andera, John 117 
Andera, Vaclav 111 
Andera, William 115 
Anderson, Pat and John 10 
Apeahtone 11 
"A Remembered Muse (Tosca)" (Cannon) 

Art Institute of San Francisco, San 

Francisco, CA 3 
Art Noveau 4 

Association for Gravestone Studies 94 
Ayavalla Plantation Cemetery, Leon 

County, FL 163-165, 179 

Badger Wire and Iron Works, Milwaukee, 

Baird, Scott 99 
Balik, Robert 123 
Balounova, Anna 111 
Barnetts Creek Baptist Church, Thomas 

County, GA 186 
Bartoll, Hannah [143] 
Bartoll, Samuel [141] 
Beaumont-May Gallery, Hanover, NH 6 
Benes, Peter 136 

Bethel Baptist Church, Tallahassee, FL 162 
Bicknell, Jane 144 
Bicknell, Thomas 139, 144 
"Big Foot in the Snow" (Cannon) 5 
Black Leggings Warrior Society 4, 26 
Blassingame, John 186 
Bliss, Earl 7 

Bodmer, Karl 8 

Bowen, Cyrus 106 

Bracey, Kattie [91] 

Bridge, Ebenezer 45, 49, [44] 

Brown, Samuel [134] 

Buckminster, Joseph 78-80, [78] 

Buffalo Bill Cody Cultural Center, Cody, 

Buffalohead, Stephanie 10 
Butterworth, Hezekiah 166 

Caddo tribe 1-33 

Cannon, Joyce 2, 20 

Cannon Mimi Ahdunko 2, 20-21, 29, 

[23, 24] 
Cannon, T.C. 1-33, [vi, 2, 26, 27, 28] 
Cannon, Vernon 2, 20 
Cannon, Walter 2, 20-21, 29, [23, 24] 
Catholic Workman 116, 118 
Catlin, George 8 
Cekalova, Katerina 111 
Central State University, Edmond, OK 3-4 
Chaddelstone, Sherman 23, 30 
Chanler, John 38-39, [39] 
Chicago Bears football team 172-173 
Chicago Spectro Service Laboratory, 

Chicago, IL 120 
Clark, Thomas 42-44, [42] 
Cohoe, Gray 7 
Colburn, Paul 80 

Colby College, Waterville, ME 144 
"Collector #5," aka "Osage with Van Gogh" 

(Cannon) 4 
Congregational Church 34-85 
Conover, IA 117, [116] 
Conway, NC 101 
Cooling Boards 169-170 
Copp's Hill Burial Ground, Boston, MA 139 
Culbreth, Renial 105-106 
Cumings, Henry 39-40, [40] 
Curley Chief, Alexandra and Bertha 10 
Curtis, Zilpa 142, [142] 
Cushing, Job 68 
Cushing, John 66-68, [67] 
Custer, George Armstrong 5 


Davis, Joseph 80-81, [80] 

Day, B. 51 

Daybreak Star Indian Cultural Educational 

Center, Seattle, WA 6 
Dear, Elizabeth 23-24 
Dickey, Bettie [178] 
Dix, Samuel 55-57, [56] 
Dorsey, Henry 102 
Dorstal, Barbara 111, 113-114 
Dorstal, Jan Nepomucky 114 
Dorstal, John 117 
Dorstal, W.A. 127 
BuBois, W.E.B. 161-162 
Dvorak, Antonin 115 
Dwight, John 56 

East Burying Ground, Westford, MA 45-47 

Eaton, Lydia 141 

Eckiwaudah, Thomas Hugh 18 

Edmondson, William 106 

Eiteljorg Museum of American Indian and 

Western Art, Indianapolis, IN 7 
Emerson, Joseph 53-54, [53] 
"Epochs in Plains History: Mother Earth, 

Father Sun, the Children Themselves" 

(Cannon) 6 
Eppes, Francis 187 

Feathers, Kirby 25-26 

First Cemetery, Littleton, MA 47-49 

First Central Union 118 

Fiske, John 41-43, [41] 

Florida A&M University 172-173 

Florida State Photographic Archives 168- 

Florida State University 162 
Forefather's Burying Ground, Chelmsford, 

MA 40-45 
Fort Atkinson, IA 117-118 
Francis family 10 
Frederick, Joan 23 
Frink, Thomas 79 

Gadsen County, FL 158-189 
Galimore, Willie 173, [172] 
Garnett, Sarah 149 
Gates, Pairlee [97] 
Glassie, Henry 103 

"Grandmother Gestating Father and the 
Washita Runs Ribbon-Like" (Cannon) 4 

Grant, Lurline W. [90] 

Greenwood Cemetery, Tallahassee, FL 1 73, 
179, 188 

Grosvenor, Ebenezer 59-60, [58] 

Haley, Alex 101 

Hall, Willard 45-47, 49, [46] 

Hancock, John 63 

Hanover, MA 147 

Hardwick, MA 74-76 

Harrison, Bart 10 

Harvard College 37-39, 45, 48-49, 51, 59, 61, 

68, 70, 76, 80 
Harvard, MA 57-60 
Hayden, Benjamin 136, [137] 
Heard Museum, Phoenix, AZ 6 
Hearsey, Benjamin [147] 
Hector, George 10 
Hemenway, Phinehas 54-55, [55] 
Hill, Anne 66 
Hinds County, MS 86-109 
"His Hair Flows Like a River" (Cannon) 5 
Hoag, Enoch 14, [15] 
Hobart, John 144 
Holden, MA 80-81 
Holliday, Florence [164] 
Holmes, R.B. 187 

Holt Cemetery, New Orleans, LA 103, 105 
Holy Trinity Church, Protivin, IA 114 
Houser, Allan 3 
Hunt, Hannah 144 
Hurston, Zora Neale 159-160 
Hutchings, Billy 165, 170, 173, 176 

Institute of American Indian Arts, Santa Fe, 

Inventory of American Sculpture 91 
Iowa State University 120 

Jackson, Jessie 162 
Jackson, MS 86-109 
Jeane, D. Gregory 160 
Jefferson County, FL 158-189 
Jenkins, Alice (Elsie?) 139 
Johnson, Daniel 57-59, [58] 
Jones, Cecilia Belgrade 14 
Jones, Frank Waldon 13-14 


Jones, Isaac [146] 
Jones, Mary 139 
Jordan, Terry G. 103 

Kaiolicky Delnik Inkorporovany ve satu 

Minnesota 120 
Keah-Tigh, Margaret Jane and F.M. (A-On- 

Hote-Ban and Ke-He-Gould-Da) 12, [13] 
Keah-Tigh, Perry Arthur 14 
King, Martin Luther, Jr. 162 
Kiowa tribe 1-33 
Klimesh, Cyril M. 117, 120 
Klimesh, Mary Andera 115-117, 119 
Kodaseet, Frank 11, [12] 
Kodaseet, Lily Catherine Botone 13, [14] 
Kohler, Hayssen and Stehn Company, 

Sheyboygan, WI 125 

Laabs, Francis 120 

Lamson, Joseph 36-37, 44 

Larkin Gallery, Santa Fe, NM 6 

Larsen, William L. 120 

Lawrence, Nathaniel 50-51, [50] 

Lee, Hannah [71] 

Lee, Joseph 70-73, [71] 

Lee, Lucy [71] 

Lee, Sarah [71] 

Leon County, FL 158-189 

Littlechief, Paul Kenyon 18-19, [21] 

Little Chief, Tom 19, [22] 

Little, M. Ruth 105-106 

Lovell, Hannah 135 

Luckett, Paul 88 

Madison County, MS 86-109 

"Mama and Papa Have the Goin' Home to 

Shiprock Blues" (Cannon) 3 
Massachusetts Bay Colony 35 
Mast Landing Burial Ground, Freeport, ME 

Matisse, Henri 4 
Maynard, Julaine 126 
McClintok, T.R. 163 
McEachin, Issaiah 106 
Meeting House Hill Cemetery, 

Ashburnham, MA 66-68 
Memory Lane Cemetery, Anadarko, OK 1- 

Meskwaki Indian Settlement, IA 9 

Michielin, Danilo [171] 

Middlesex County, MA 34-85, [34] 

Milbauer, John A. 105 

Mission San Xavier del Bac, Tucson, AZ 9 

Momaday, N. Scott 5, 11 

Moore family gravesite [181] 

Museum of New Mexico, Santa Fe, NM 6 

National Collection of Fine Arts, 

Smithsonian Institution 6 
National Cowboy Hall of Fame and 

Western Heritage Center, Oklahoma 

City, OK 6-7 
National Hall of Fame for Famous 

American Indians, Anadarko, OK 1,11 
Native American Church 16-19, 23 
Navajo "code talkers" 5 
Nebraska State Historical Society 18 
Nevaquaya, Doc Tate 11 
New, James 136, 149, 152 
New, John 134-136, 148-149, 151-152, 155- 

Newkumet family monument 14-15, [16, 

Newkumet, Vynola Beaver and Phil J. 14-15 
North Yarmouth (Freeport), ME 139 

Oates, Anthony [175] 
Old Burial Ground, Rutland, MA 78-80 
Old Burying Ground, Gardner, MA 68 
Old Burying Ground, Groton, MA 51-52 
Old Burying Ground, Townsend, MA 54-57 
Old Centre Cemetery, Royalston, MA 70-73 
"On Drinking Beer in Viet Nam in 1967" 

(Cannon) 25 
101st Airborne Division 4, 25-26, [26] 
Orcutt, Cynthia 147 
Ortiz, Simon 5 
Osgood, Jonathan 68 

Pahdopony, Lois and Stacy 14 
Pai-doung-n-day ("One Who Stands in the 

Sun") 1-33 
Palmer, N. Hazel and Earl, Sr. 18 
Paper, Jordan 19 

Parish Cemetery, Hubbardston, MA 76-77 
Park, Thomas 44, 57 
Park, William 37, 44, 55 
Parker, Benjamin 139 


Parker, Mary [77] 

Parker, Nehemiah 76-77, 79, [77] 

Patterson and Hughes, Tallahassee, FL 163 

Payson, Anna [64] 

Payson, John 64-65, [64] 

Payson, John, Jr. [64] 

Payson, Samuel 62-63, [61] 

"Pepperell Fever" 53 

Petersham, MA 73-74 

Peyote Cult 17-19 

Pickard Galleries, Oklahoma City, OK 6 

Pikonganna, Aloysius 9 

Pine Grove Cemetery, Templeton, MA 69-70 

Pine Grove Church, nr. Jackson, MS 88-89 

Pohusta, Leopold 117 

Pratt, Cyrus 136, 147, 151-155, 157 

Pratt, David 140 

Pratt, Nathaniel 136, 139 

Pratt, Noah, Jr. 136, 138-145, 147, 149-157 

Pratt, Noah, Sr. 135-137, 139, 148-157 

Pratt, Noah, 3rd 140-141 

Pratt, Robert 136, 139, 144-146, 149-157 

Pratt, Seth 136-137, 144-146 

Prescott, William 43, [53] 

Puckett, Newbell 165 

Radin, Paul 161 

Randal, Nehemiah [138] 

Rankin County, MS 86-109 

Rankin County (MS) Historical Society 87 

Red Star, Kevin 7 

Reed, Nancy 140 

"Remember Me Blues" (Cannon) 27 

Revolutionary War 46, 49, 54, 57 

Reyna, Dominic A. 15-16, [18] 

Rice, William [98] 

Rogers, Daniel 48-49, [47] 

Rogers, Elizabeth [47] 

Rogers, Mary [47] 

Ruggles, Samuel 37-38, [38] 

Sankadota, Clarence and Maggie 15 

Santa Fe Opera Company, Santa Fe, NM 5-6 

Scholder, Fritz 3, 6-7 

Scottsdale National Indian Art Exhibition 3 

Shattuck, Benjamin 48 

Shepard, Benjamin 136 

Shrewsbury, MA 68 

Sikes, Elijah 74-75 

Silberman, Arthur 5 

Silko, Leslie 5 

Silverhorn, Leonard and Eve 16, [19] 

Silvester, Jacob [140] 

Sister Sidonia (Emma Andera) 115 

Snake, Bessie Hunter and Willie 16 

Snake Blackwolf, Lois J. 10 

Society for the Preservation of New 

England Antiquities 144 
SOS! (Save Outdoor Sculpture!) 91 
Soukup, Martin 117 
South Cemetery, Billerica, MA 37-40 
South Cemetery, Fitchburg, MA 64-65 
South Cemetery, Lunenburg, MA 60-63 
Southern Plains Indian Museum, 

Anadarko, OK 6-7 
Southside Cemetery, Tallahassee, FL 173, 

Sparhawk, Abigail [69] 
Sparhawk, Ebenezer 68-70, [69] 
Sparhawk, Naomi [69] 
Spillville, IA 110-133 
Spotted Horse, Jerry Scott 10 
Spotted Horsechief, Noah and Viola 10, [11] 
St. Augustine, FL 168-169 
St. John's Church, Fort Atkinson, IA 114 
St. Johns River, nr. Tallahassee, FL 165-167 
St. Mark's Primitive Baptist Church, nr. 

Tallahassee, FL 176-177 
St. Paul's Church, Tinnin, MS 88 
St. Wenceslaus Cemetery, Spillville, IA 125, 

St. Wenceslaus Cemetery, Verdirgre, NE 

110, 128-130 
St. Wenceslaus Church, Spillville, IA 114, 

119, [127] 
St. Wenceslaus Church, Tremont, MO 114 
Stearns, David 61-62, [61] 
Stoddard, Elizabeth [43] 
Stoddard, Samson 43-46, [43] 
Sunbury, GA 106 

Tallahassee, FL 162-163 

Tallent, Bill and Virginia 10 

Taos Pueblo, Taos, NM 8-9 

Thompson Cemetery, Tyngsborough, MA 

Thompson, Robert Farris 102, 106, 166, 177, 

179, 182 


Tichy, Vojtech [129, 130] 
Tougaloo College, Jackson, MS 87-88 
Tremont, MO 114, 117 
Trowbridge, Caleb 51-52, [52] 
Tsait-Kope-Ta 13 

Upland South folk graveyard type 159-160 

Van Gogh, Vincent 4 

Vaughn, Shirley and James 10 

Veal, Merry E. 86-109, [cover, 86, 92, 95] 

Verhoeven, John D. 120 

Veselova, Marie Anna 111 

Viet Nam War 4-5, 25-26 

Village Improvement and Historical 

Society, Royalston, MA 71 
Vlach, John Michael 101-102, 106, 161, 163, 


Yackeyonny, Michelle A. 15, [18] 
Yale College 59, 74 
Younger, Eli [99] 

"Zero Hour" (Cannon) 5 
Zos-Sah-Ane 12 

Wade, Eddie [168] 

Walton Cemetery, Pepperell, MA 53-54 

Warner, Barbara 4, 23 

Wayans marker 180, [182] 

Weryavah, Mable Mahseet 17-18, [20] 

West Africa, cultural influences 158-189 

Western Bohemian Union 116 

Western Czech Catholic Union 118 

Weston, Edward 106 

"Wheatfield" (Van Gogh) 4 

Wheelwright Museum, Santa Fe, NM 6 

White, David 74-76, [75] 

White, Odell [cover, 95, 100] 

White, Susanna 74-76, [75] 

Whiting, Samuel 37, [36] 

Whitney, Aaron 73-74, [72] 

Whitney, Alice [72] 

Whitney, Ruth 72 

Willard, Joseph 79 

Williams, Sylvester, Sr. [179] 

Williams, Virgil O. 10 

Williamson, Arthur Carl [166] 

Willis, Bill 21 

Winchester, Jonathan 66-67, [65] 

Winchester, Sarah [65] 

Worcester County, MA 34-85, [34] 

Wounded Knee massacre 5 

WPA (Georgia Writer's Project) 106 

Wright, Roberta Hughes and Wilbur, III 165 





The Association for Gravestone Studies was incorporated as a non- 
profit corporation in 1978 as an outgrowth of the Dublin Seminar for New 
England Folklife. The first volume of the Association's annual scholarly 
journal, Markers, appeared in 1980. While the charter purposes of AGS are 
broad, the general editorial policy of Markers is to define its subject mat- 
ter as the analytical study of gravemarkers of all types and encompassing 
all historical periods and geographical regions, with an emphasis upon 
North America. Gravemarkers are here taken to mean above-ground arti- 
facts that commemorate the spot of burial, thereby in most instances 
excluding memorials or cenotaphs (exceptions may, however, be made to 
this latter prohibition and prospective authors are urged to consult the 
editor if they have any questions concerning this matter). Articles on 
death and dying in general or on other aspects of death-related material 
culture would not normally fall within the journal's purview unless clear- 
ly linked to the study of gravemarkers. Particular cemeteries may form 
the basis of study if a major focus of the article is on the markers con- 
tained therein and if the purpose of the article is more than simply a his- 
tory or description of the cemeteries themselves. Finally, articles submit- 
ted for publication in Markers should be scholarly, analytical and inter- 
pretive, not merely descriptive and entertaining. Within these general 
parameters, the journal seeks variety both in subject matter and discipli- 
nary orientation. For illustration of these general principles, the prospec- 
tive author is encouraged to consult recent issues of Markers. 


Submissions to Markers should be sent to the journal's editor, Richard 
E. Meyer, English Department, Western Oregon State College, 
Monmouth, OR 97361 (Telephone: (503) 838-8362 / E-Mail: Meyerr® Manuscripts should be submitted in triplicate (orig- 
inal and two duplicate copies) and should include originals of any accom- 
panying photographs or other illustrations. Generally, articles in Markers 
run between fifteen and twenty-five 8 1/2 x 11 typescripted, double- 
spaced pages in length, inclusive of notes and any appended material. 

Longer articles may be considered if they are of exceptional merit and if 
space permits. 

Should the article be accepted for publication, a final version of the 
manuscript must be submitted to the editor in both a hard copy and com- 
puter diskette format. Most current word processing programs are com- 
patible with the journal's disk translation software, which is used for 
typesetting contributors' articles. Any questions on this matter should be 
directed to the editor. 

Regular volumes of Markers are scheduled to appear annually in 
January or shortly thereafter. No deadline is established for the initial sub- 
mission of a manuscript, but the articles scheduled for publication in a 
given volume of the journal are generally determined by the chronologi- 
cal order of their acceptance and submission in final form. 


In matters of style, manuscripts should conform to the rules and prin- 
ciples enumerated in the most current edition of The Chicago Manual of 

Notes, whether documentary or discursive, should appear as end- 
notes (i.e., at the conclusion of the article) and those of a documentary 
nature should conform in format to the models found in the chapter enti- 
tled "Note Forms" of The Chicago Manual of Style. In manuscript, they 
should be typed double-spaced and appear following the text of the arti- 
cle and before any appended material. Separate bibliographies are not 
desired, though bibliographical material may, of course, be included with- 
in one or more notes. Any acknowledgements should be made in a sepa- 
rate paragraph at the beginning of the note section. 

Any appendices should be placed following the endnotes and clearly 
labeled as such (e.g., Appendix I, Appendix II, etc.). 

Again, the prospective author is encouraged to consult recent issues 
of Markers for examples of these principles in context. 


Markers is a richly illustrated journal, its subject matter naturally lend- 
ing itself to photographs and other visual material. The journal encour- 
ages prospective authors to submit up to twenty photographs, plus any 
number of appropriate pieces of line art, with the understanding that 
these be carefully chosen so as to materially enhance the article's value 

through visual presentation of points under discussion in the text. Photos 
should be 5x7 or 8x10 black and white glossies of medium to high con- 
trast, and should be of the highest quality possible. Maps, charts, dia- 
grams or other line art should be rendered as carefully as possible so as to 
enhance presentation. A separate sheet should be provided listing cap- 
tions for each illustration. It is especially important that each illustration 
be numbered and clearly identified by parenthetical reference at the 
appropriate place in the text, e.g. (Fig. 7). 


Submissions to Markers are sent by the editor to members of the jour- 
nal's editorial advisory board for review and evaluation. Every effort is 
made to conduct this process in as timely a manner as possible. When 
comments have been received from all reviewers, the author will be noti- 
fied of the publication decision. If an article is accepted, suggestions for 
revision may be made and a deadline for submission of a finalized man- 
uscript established. All accepted articles will be carefully edited for style 
and format before publication. 


Authors are responsible for understanding the laws governing copy- 
right and fair use and, where appropriate, securing written permissions 
for use of copyrighted material. Generally, if previously copyrighted 
material of more than 250 words is used in an article, written permission 
from the person holding the copyright must be secured and submitted to 
the editor. In like manner, permission should be obtained from persons 
who have supplied photographs to the author, and credit to the photog- 
rapher should be provided in captions or acknowledgement statement. 

As regards articles published in Markers, copyright is normally given 
to the Association for Gravestone Studies, though requests for permission 
to reprint are readily accommodated. Offset copies of published articles 
are not provided to authors: each contributor, however, receives a com- 
plimentary copy of the volume. 


MARKERS I Reprint of 1980 journal. Collection 
of 15 articles on topics such as recording & care 
of gravestones, resources for teachers, some 
unusual markers, & carvers Ithamar Spauldin of 
Concord, MA & the CT Hook-and-Eye Man. 
182 pages, 100 illustrations 

MARKERS II Signed stones in New England & 
Atlantic coastal states; winged skull symbol in 
Scotland & New England; early symbols in reli- 
gious & wider social perspective; MA carvers 
Joseph Barbur, Jr., Stephen & Charles 
Hartshorn, & carver known as "JN"; Portage 
County, WI carvers, 1850-1900; & a contempo- 
rary carver of San Angelo, TX. 
226 pages, 168 illustrations 

MARKERS III Gravestone styles in frontier 
towns of western MA.; emblems & epitaphs on 
Puritan markers; John Hartshorn's carvings in 
Essex County, MA.; & NH carvers Paul 
Colburn, John Ball, Josiah Coolidge Wheat, 
Coolidge Wheat, & Luther Hubbard. 
154 pages, 80 illustrations 

MARKERS IV DE children's stones, 1840-1899; 
rural southern gravemarkers; NY & NJ carving 
traditions; camposantos of NM; & death Italo- 
American style. 

180 pages, 138 illustrations 

MARKERS V PA German markers; mausoleum 
designs of Louis Henri Sullivan; Thomas Gold 
& 7 Boston carvers, 1700-1725, who signed stones 
with their initials; & Canadian gravestones & 
yards in Ontario & Kings County, Nova Scotia. 
240 pages, 158 illustrations 

MARKERS VI Carver John Dwight of Shirley, 
MA.; markers of Afro-Americans from New 
England to GA; sociological study of Chicago- 
area monuments; more on NM camposantos; 
hand symbolism in southwestern Ontario; an 
epitaph from ancient Turkey; & a review essay 
on James Slater's The Colonial Burying Grounds of 
Eastern Connecticut. 

245 pages, 90 illustrations 

MARKERS VII A trilogy on cemetery gates & 
plot enclosures; the Boston Historic Burying 
Grounds Initiative; unusual monuments in colo- 
nial tidewater VA; tree stones in Southern IN's 
Limestone Belt; life & work of VA carver Charles 
Miller Walsh; carvers of Monroe County, IN; 
Celtic crosses; & monuments of the Tsimshian 
Indians of western Canada. 
281 pages, 158 illustrations 

MARKERS VIII A collection of the pioneering 
studies of Dr. Ernest Caulfield on CT carvers & 
their work: 15 essays edited by James A. Slater 
& 3 edited by Peter Benes. 
342 pages, 206 illustrations 

MARKERS IX A tribute to the art of Francis 
Duval; the Mullicken Family carvers of 
Bradford, MA; the Green Man on Scottish mark- 
ers; the Center Church Crypt, New Haven, CT; 
more on Ithamar Spauldin & his shop; the 
Almshouse Burial Ground, Uxbridge, MA; 
Thomas Crawford's monument for Amos 
Binney; Salt Lake City Temple symbols on 
Mormon tombstones; language codes in Texas 
German cemeteries; & the disappearing Shaker 

281 pages, 176 illustrations 

MARKERS X The markers carved by Calvin 
Barber of Simsbury, CT; Chinese markers in a 
midwestern American cemetery; stonecarving 
of Charles Lloyd Neale of Alexandria, VA.; 
Jewish cemeteries of Louisville, KY; 4 genera- 
tions of the Lamson family carvers of 
Charlestown & Maiden, MA; & the Protestant 
Cemetery in Florence, Italy. 
254 pages, 122 illustrations 

MARKERS XI Fraternal symbolism & grave- 
markers; regional & denominational identity in 
LA cemeteries; carvings of Solomon Brewer in 
Westchester County NY; Theodore O'Hara's 
'The Bivouac of the Dead'; slave markers in 
colonial MA; the Leighton & Worster families of 
carvers; a Kentucky stonecutter's career; & pio- 
neer markers in OR. 

237 pages, 132 illustrations 

MARKERS XII Terra-Cotta gravemarkers; 
Adam & Eve markers in Scotland; a sociological 
examination of cemeteries as communities; the 
Joshua Hempstead diary; contemporary grave- 
markers of youths; San Francisco's Presidio Pet 
Cemetery; & The Year's Work in Gravemarker/ 
Cemetery Studies. 

238 pages, 111 illustrations 

MARKERS XIII Carver Jotham Warren of 
Plainfield, CT; tree-stump tombstones; 50 Years 
of gravestone carving in Coastal NH; language 
community in a TX cemetery; carver John 
Huntington of Lebanon, CT; & "The Year's 

248 pages, 172 illustrations