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MARKERS XVI 




Edited by 
Richard E. Meyer 



Markers XVI 



Annual Journal of 
the Association for 
Gravestone Studies 



Edited by 
Richard E. Meyer 



Association for Gravestone Studies 
Greenfield, Massachusetts 




Copyright ©1999 by 

Association for Gravestone Studies 

278 Main Street, Suite 207 
Greenfield, Massachusetts 01301 



All rights reserved 
Printed in the United States of America 



ISBN: 1-878381-09-1 
ISSN: 0277-8726 
LCN: 81-642903 



The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of 

American National Standard for Information Sciences - Permanence of 

Paper for Printed Library materials, ANSI Z39.48-1984. 



Cover illustration: Detail from gravestone of Rev. Samuel Brown, 1749 
(backdated), Abington, Massachusetts. Photograph by Vincent F. Luti. 



TABLE OF CONTENTS 



Page 



Obituary: Daniel Farber (1906-1998) 1 

James A. Slater 

Eighteenth Century Gravestone Carvers of the 

Narragansett Basin: John and James New 6 

Vincent R Luti 

Eternal Celebration in American Memorials 104 

Jonathan L. Fairbanks 

Joshua Sawyer 138 

John Fitzsimmons 

'I Never Regretted Coming to Africa': The Story 

of Harriet Ruggles Loomis' Gravestone 140 

Laurel K. Gabel 

'Fencing ye Tables': Scotch-Irish Ethnicity and 

the Gravestones of John Wight 174 

David H. Watters 

Murder in Massachusetts: It's Written in Stone 210 

Tom and Brenda Malloy 

The Year's Work in Gravemarker/Cemetery Studies 242 

Richard E. Meyer 

Contributors 264 

Index 267 



in 



MARKERS: ANNUAL JOURNAL OF THE 
ASSOCIATION FOR GRAVESTONE STUDIES 

EDITORIAL BOARD 

Richard E. Meyer, Editor 
Western Oregon University 

Theodore Chase Barbara Rotundo 

Harvard University State University of New York at Albany 

Editor, Markers V-IX 

James A. Slater 
Jessie Lie Farber University of Connecticut 

Mount Holyoke College 

Editor, Markers I Dickran Tashjian 

University of California, Irvine 
Richard Francaviglia 
University of Texas at Arlington David Watters 

University of New Hampshire 
Warren Roberts Editor, Markers II-IV 

Indiana University 

Wilbur Zelinsky 
The Pennsylvania State University 

Markers XVI was delayed for several months this year owing to a vari- 
ety of factors, for which I apologize to readers, with the added assurance 
that the unique blend of circumstances which caused this delay are most 
unlikely to recur in the future. That said, I hope readers will agree with 
me that the wait has been worth it. This year's issue presents a number of 
highly significant studies, including several more seminal carver explica- 
tions and a fascinating demonstration of the multi-layered narrative capa- 
bilities of a single gravestone. New features include an obituary (occa- 
sioned by the sad loss of AGS stalwart Dan Farber) and an example of the 
power of old gravestones to inspire the creative process. The annual bib- 
liographic roundup on matters relating to gravemarker and cemetery 
study ("The Year's Work..."), a standard feature in the last several issues 
of Markers, appears this year in a greatly expanded format. 

iv 



The untimely death earlier in the year of my friend and fellow folk- 
lorist Warren Roberts (an obituary will appear in Markers XVII) has neces- 
sitated my seeking a replacement for his invaluable scholarly expertise 
and sound judgement on the journal's editorial board. I am pleased to 
announce the appointment of Dr. Julie Rugg, University of York (United 
Kingdom), to this position. Director of the Cemetery Research Group at 
the University of York since 1991, Dr. Rugg is also the author of a number 
of highly significant scholarly articles dealing with cemetery and memor- 
ial practices in the UK and is editor of the recently published CBA 
Directory of Cemeteries and Crematoria in the UK. Her special expertise and 
international perspective add new and important dimensions to the 
board's collective wisdom. 

As ever, my thanks go out to the current year's contributors for the 
high quality of their submissions, and also to the individual members of 
the journal's editorial review board for their dedicated efforts, good 
judgement, and consistently high standards. Fred Kennedy of Lynx 
Communication Group, Salem, Oregon, and Patti Stephens of Philomath, 
Oregon again deserve special praise for the production and design skills 
which make Markers the handsome volume it is. The officers, executive 
board members, staff, and general membership of the Association for 
Gravestone Studies are what make it all possible in the first place, and 
Lotte Larsen Meyer remains my personal motivator and inspirational 
model of creative scholarship. 

Articles published in Markers are indexed in America: History and Life, 
Historical Abstracts, and the MLA International Bibliography. Information 
concerning the submission of manuscripts for future issues of the journal 
may be found in the "Notes for Contributors" printed at the conclusion of 
this issue. Address queries concerning publication to me: Richard E. 
Meyer, Editor, Markers: Annual Journal of the Association for Gravestone 
Studies, P.O. Box 13006, Salem, OR 97309-1006 (Phone: 503-581-5344 / 
E-Mail: meyerr@wou.edu). For information concerning other AGS publi- 
cations, membership, and activities, write to the Association's offices, 278 
Main Street, Suite 207, Greenfield, MA 01301, or call 413-772-0836. 

R.E.M. 



Daniel Farber (1906-1998) 




VI 



OBITUARY: DANIEL FARBER (1906-1998) 
James A. Slater 

A friend of mine once said, "When a man dies it is like a library burn- 
ing down; all is lost". This was certainly not true with the death of Daniel 
Farber, for he left a wonderful legacy, not only in the works that he accom- 
plished but also in the memories of his many friends and of those who 
benefited from his kindness and generosity. 

To those of us who knew him chiefly through his activities as one of 
the founders and leading members of the Association for Gravestone 
Studies he will, of course, always be held in special esteem for the mag- 
nificent photographs that he made and accumulated through decades of 
work. In a great many instances these pictures made us aware, as nothing 
else could, of the genius of the old gravestone carvers. If he had done 
nothing else but take these wonderful pictures we would always treasure 
him as one of our leading figures. 

Dan's genius as a photographer was appreciated by gravestone stu- 
dents even before AGS existed as a formal organization. Most of us think 
of Daniel Farber as the first recipient of the Association's Harriette 
Merrifield Forbes Award, presented annually for outstanding achieve- 
ment in the field of gravestone studies, but actually this is not precisely 
true. His award, not yet known by its present name, was bestowed at the 
founding meeting of AGS in Durham, New Hampshire on July 2, 1977. 
Written and presented by the first president of AGS, the Reverend Ralph 
L. Tucker, it read as follows: 

To Daniel Farber - outwardly a practical and successful American, whose 
inner eye captures nature and man, who sees beauty and strength, in the 
stones of the past, reflected in celestial light - The Association of 
Gravestone studies presents its HONOR AWARD in recognition of his 
many contributions. 

It certainly is a tribute to the affection and appreciation we all had for 
Dan that his award led directly to the establishment of the Harriette 
Merrifield Forbes Award, which in all the years since has come to none 
more worthy of it than was the recipient of its predecessor. 

It says something about Dan Farber's devotion to gravestone studies 
that in the last years of his life he and his wife, Jessie, devoted thousands 
of hours to organizing all of the Farber gravestone pictures, as well as 



Daniel Farber (1906-1998) 



those taken by Harriette Forbes in the 1920s and by Dr. Ernest Caulfield 
in the 1950s, onto CD-Rom format, a legacy that alone will keep his name 
alive far into the future. 

Dan, however, was much more than an artist of gravestone photogra- 
phy. His illustrations of pewter for the Museum of Fine Arts in Boston and 
the book he published of his nature photographs, some surprisingly 
abstract, others hauntingly elegaic, are further testimony not just to his 
technical skill but particularly to his feeling for the object he was pho- 
tographing. 

The difficulty of writing about a man like Dan Farber is in trying to 
express the essence of what he was. As I mentioned earlier, he was much 
more than a great gravestone photographer, or, for that matter, a photog- 
rapher of any sort. He was, as a human being, the epitome of kindness 
and consideration to everyone who knew him. 

His charitable contributions to the city of Worcester, Massachusetts, 
were many. Young people who play on the soccer fields he donated and 
old people who ride the wheelchair natural area he created will some- 
times be aware of what he did, but more often will not. To Dan it mattered 
little whether people knew of his generosity or not, as long as they were 
enjoying what would not have been available to them except for his sen- 
sitivity and responsibility. 

I am not technically qualified to discuss Dan's striking photographs of 
nature, both naturalistic and abstract. Many of us are aware of his won- 
derful notecards, each filled with the nostalgia of the seasons. What I do 
vividly remember, however, is Dan in the last year of his life, in the mid- 
dle of winter and hampered by his inability to travel far from home, busi- 
ly taking wonderful pictures of the small things of his garden - of a tuft 
of dried grass bending in the snow before the wind, of a rock with the sun 
shimmering on its surface, of the last garden flower seeding among the 
fallen leaves. To the end he had that ability to search for beauty all around 
him. It was perhaps this sense that made him such a special person to 
those who knew him well. 

He was also a man of strength of conviction, a man confident of his 
abilities and not afraid to express his point of view. He had little patience 
for cant and pomposity. As an example of his confidence, I will always 
recall, while on a trip with Dan and Jessie to the Broads in East Anglia, 
watching Dan return early one morning with his camera and tripod slung 
over his shoulder as the mist was just rising above the masts of the 



James A. Slater 



moored sailboats. "Did you get any pictures?" I asked. "Yes," said Dan, 
"some good ones, but only one great one". 

Before he "invented" the now ubiquitious mirror technique (some- 
thing of which he was very proud), going into the field with Dan Farber 
was quite an experience, and sometimes a nerve-wracking one. 
Gravestones come into perfect light for photographing for only a few 
moments. Dan would be working with a giant plate camera, behind 
which he was hidden completely from view beneath a black cloth. In 
those days he used a large blue formica board as background. Things 
were tense: from under the hood would come shouts of "that background 
isn't covering the whole area, move it left," or, "Reverend Tucker, please 
make that cloud go away!". 

Even with the mirror there were experiences that I treasure and which 
must not be allowed to sink from memory. The most memorable of these 
occurred very late one afternoon in a small churchyard near Leicester, 
England, where we had come upon a treasure of magnificent stones. The 
sky was mostly cloudy, a raw wind was blowing, the sun was playing 
hide and seek in a patch across a field many yards away where my wife 
Betty was directed to place the inadequately small mirror we had avail- 
able, while Jessie cleaned stones and I shot slides over Dan's shoulder. 
The sun would come out, and Dan would shout, "more rake, more rake!". 
Betty couldn't hear him over the blowing wind, so "more rake!" would 
come yet more loudly across the lawn. Finally, "Great, got it!" I am not 
going to tell you of some of the mumbles that came from Betty Slater, but 
they were less than complimentary to Daniel Farber's relentless quest for 
perfection, even though they were admiring of his persistence. 

His was a life that I think any of us would be proud to have lived. He 
came from the background of the great migration of Europeans who 
flooded into the United States a century ago, making a success of their 
lives by numbing hard work and intelligence. Dan never forgot that. One 
wonders how many charitable contributions he made that we will never 
know about. We do know they were many and even extended into the 
middle of Africa. 

Dan was the third child of Louis and Rose (Barsky) Farber, both of 
whom emigrated to the United States from eastern Europe. Louis found- 
ed the L. Farber Co., which, when sold in 1981, was the largest supplier of 
leather parts for shoes (shoe insoles and leather shoe welting) in the 
United States. He had four brothers and two sisters (one brother and one 



Daniel Farber (1906-1998) 



sister have survived him). His father was killed in a streetcar accident, 
and the four remaining brothers (one had died in infancy) took over the 
business and carried it to its most successful productive period. Dan's 
first wife, Juanita (Dill), the mother of his two sons, died in 1978. He mar- 
ried Jessie Lie the following year and together they became the rock upon 
which the early success of AGS was built. 

What Dan Farber meant to AGS will vary in everyone's mind, but that 
his contribution to its success was substantial I am sure all will agree 
upon. In my mind I have the strong conviction that it is very doubtful 
whether we would have an AGS today without him. It certainly would 
not be the same organization that it has become. Without Dan and Jessie 
one wonders if there would be a Markers, if there would be an Executive 
Director and an office, whether there would have been a Newsletter, and 
whether there would ever have been a research base like that so impor- 
tantly directed by Laurel Gabel. Dan was, after all, a successful business- 
man, and he was concerned not only with AGS as a bringing together of 
people with a common interest but also with the financial security of the 
association. He served as the President of AGS with its financial situation 
as one of his chief concerns. He was pleased that we were more than just 
a group who came together and talked. He wanted to see research going 
on, and he wanted always an aesthetic appreciation of the old stones. 

Fortunately, Dan has left us some recollections of his early years. I 
think we find in them the sensitivity that is shown in both his gravestone 
and his nature photography. This is a young man taking long walks deep 
into rural New England, aware of the loneliness of existence at its heart 
but also of the beauty that was all around him. Most of his adult life he 
was confined to a hard, competitive business which he really never loved. 
His heart was always with nature and the out-of-doors, and he escaped 
there whenever possible. His gravestone enthusiasm in fact originated 
through his interest in the striking winter silhouettes that his perceptive 
eye was always seeing. 

What many of us admired most about Daniel Farber, in addition to his 
kindness, consideration, hospitality, and devotion to quality and beauty, 
was his ability to face reality. He seemed never to shy away from the 
frailty of life and the inevitability of its ending. Almost from the begin- 
ning, his photographs carried a printed notice that "after the death of 

Daniel Farber the original of this print will be placed in the ". In the 

last year of his life, he could talk of his failing health in a dispassionate 



James A. Slater 



manner. He was the ultimate realist, and to have this combined with a 
sense of the wonder of this world was a combination of extreme rarity. 

Sometimes it may sound trite to hear it said that "we shall never see 
his like again," but in Dan's case we have indeed had the rare pleasure of 
knowing an individual for which this may be true. 

For his gravestone friends, and I am sure his many other friends, his 
death is a sadness only in that we shall not see him again: but to have 
known him is to have known a unique man. 

Indeed, as Chaucer said of his most ideal character, "He was a verray, 
parfit gentil knyght". 






New Family Carvers 




Frontispiece. Peter Jacob, 1764, Weymouth, Massachusetts. 



EIGHTEENTH CENTURY GRAVESTONE CARVERS OF 
THE NARRAGANSETT BASIN: JOHN AND JAMES NEW 

Vincent F. Luti 

Introduction 

Some years ago I began a simple study of an area almost totally 
ignored by earlier scholarship. This work has developed into a very large 
and complex project covering old gravestones found within a natural geo- 
logical structure called the Narragansett Basin, around which lies the 
State of Rhode Island and its bordering lands in Massachusetts. 

My project, through the examination of primary documents and 
exhaustive stylistic analysis of the stones, would bring to light the previ- 
ously anonymous eighteenth century stonecarvers of the Narragansett 
Basin and identify their work. A series of monographs has resulted, which 
I hope will eventually be brought together in two volumes. 

The work of the New family was the first and largest study. It started 
very simply from a curious desire to know who carved a stone which was 




Fig. 1. Deacon Josiah Cushing, 1787, Rehoboth, Massachusetts. 



New Family Carvers 



one of my very first rubbing finds, that for Deacon Josiah Cushing, 1787, 
in Rehoboth, Massachusetts (Fig. 1). The design was startlingly original 
and also evocative of the resurrection-in-glory theme that very early on 
supplanted the grim predestination themes of Boston carvers (almost 
having been non-existent in any event) in the Narragansett Basin, a haven 
for all the non-conforming misfits in the Massachusetts Bay Colony. I feel 
now that I have done due justice to a heretofore unknown but great folk 
carver, in the process of which I hope that I have not overstepped the 
bounds of propriety. Perhaps future research by other scholars will refine 
my work and reduce it to more manageable proportions. Still, the dia- 
logue has to begin somewhere, and I am satisfied to have had the oppor- 
tunity to do that. 

John New: A Biographical Sketch 

Harriette Merrifield Forbes did some brief, conjectural work on the 
New family which is at once perceptive, tentative, and somewhat confus- 
ing, but she only presented a few stones in the Worcester, Massachusetts 
area and those only of James New, the son of John. 1 I do not believe she 
realized either the extent and variety of their work or who did what. 

Contrary to Forbes, I have not found any evidence to suggest that the 
first James New - the father of John - was ever a carver. 2 In fact, in one 
deed it says "James New, his mark," suggesting that he may have been 
illiterate. 3 Opposing that notion is another fact that, as constable for the 
town of Wrentham, Massachusetts, he was at one point in his life a tax col- 
lector and thus must have had some literacy 4 . Furthermore, there is a 
small group of crudely lettered gravestones in the Wrentham area that is 
not yet associated with any known carver. For the purposes of this study, 
I am going on the assumption that he was not involved in the carving of 
any stones under consideration here. 

James New senior's origins are obscure at present. He married Mary 
Shuttleworth in Medfield (now West Medway), Massachusetts on 
February 19, 1719 /1720. 5 They migrated over the line into Wrentham's 
west precinct (now Franklin) in 1720 to a point south of the junction of 
Long Walk Brook and the Charles River (probably on what is now 
Partridge Street), where he was awarded over the years a good deal of 
land. 6 He was also an original proprietor of the Wrentham West Precinct. 7 
It was there that their son, John, was born on July 8, 1722. 8 

The next information we have on John New is his marriage to Marcy 



Vincent F. Luti 



Adams, March 1, 1742/43 in Wrentham, he then being twenty-one, she 
twenty-seven. 9 Where they lived or what he did for a living is not 
known. 10 Later records refer to him as "laborer," "yeoman," and "stone- 
cutter." 11 Eight years after his marriage, the records show the beginning of 
turmoil in his life. 

On June 13, 1751, his father, out of "love and affection," gave him 
twenty-four acres of land and the west half of his home. 12 On September 
3, 1751, a fourth child, James, was born to John and Marcy (he also became 
a stonecarver). 13 Several months later, on December 23, 1751, John sold his 
father's gift to Elijah Farrington and bought from the latter fifty acres of 
land in modern North Attleboro, Massachusetts. 14 There is no mention in 
the transaction of a house being present on these fifty acres, which is most 
likely the case since New would not live there until some twenty years 
later. 15 There is no explanation for this odd transaction. 16 

There are a few gravestones by the hand of John New dating from 1745 
to 1752, certainly not enough to support a good sized family. He must 
have been in a bind - four children and a wife, no real home, and very lit- 
tle work and income - for in February of 1752 money was being request- 
ed to maintain his children as wards of the town of Wrentham. 17 

Wherever he may have been living and working, large numbers of 
gravestones appear in the years 1753 to 1755, some sixty in the 
Massachusetts towns of Wrentham, Medfield, Sherborn, and Holliston. 
This coincides with outbreaks of epidemics in that region and then in 1756 
in the towns north and east of Worcester, where some dozen stones also 
suddenly appear. 18 There is strong evidence that a middleman was 
involved in their sale and distribution. 

Now with five children, a wife, no home of his own, and with epi- 
demic deaths all around, overwork and a general inability to manage 
things led to a crisis, for on January 14, 1757 Judge Thomas Hutchinson, 
upon representation by John New's family that he was non compos mentis, 
ordered the selectmen of Wrentham to make inquisition into said New's 
condition. 19 The judge decreed him non compos, and on March 4, 1757 
appointed Benjamin Shepard to be his guardian. 20 It is in this document 
that New is first called "stonecutter." His meager inventory was taken: 
"armer and beding," tableware, woodenware, horsecart, "Ingraving & 
Tuckers tools," watch, "Horse and furneture," and fifty-five acres of 
land. 21 No house is mentioned. The critical document requested of the 
town selectmen by Judge Hutchinson would possibly reveal the nature of 



10 New Family Carvers 



New's non compos condition, but a diligent search has not yet turned it up. 

Not until August of 1761 do we hear from him again, but in the mean- 
time his mother died August 31, 1760. 22 His father remarried, to Mrs. 
Sarah Blake Fisher, in December, 1760, 23 and sold all his large land hold- 
ings in West Wrentham Precinct, moving elsewhere, probably to South 
Wrentham Precinct. 24 

At one point in these years of his early guardianship (1757-1761), John 
New ran away and had to be retrieved. 25 Once more his wife and children 
were farmed out. He was poor and barely working, 26 if at all (there are 
eight stones dated 1757 and seven dated 1758, but some of these are like- 
ly backdated). There is mention of some laborer's wages in doing odd jobs 
and running errands. 

In 1761 and 1762, Benjamin Shepard submitted various bills to the 
Court to account for his guardianship. 27 Even with the expenses of main- 
taining John, boarding out his wife and children, and the selling of some 
estate goods, the figures are not as high as one would expect. Only a very 
small parcel of New's land holding in Attleboro had to be sold. A series of 
questions now arise. First and foremost, where was the money coming 
from? At thirty-five years of age, was his "condition" physical, mental, or 
both? Was he able to continue carving and earning some living? After 
1762, his guardian, Benjamin Shepard, submits no more expenses to the 
Court. Why? 

It is in these questions and from these conditions that we can make the 
connection to John New of the astonishing and large body of exuberant, 
sometimes very ornate, and probably costly stonecarvings that appear 
quite suddenly around 1758-1760 in the shoreline and interior towns 
south of Boston (hereafter "South Shore," a common designation of 
today). Careful stylistic comparison shows them to be, indeed, from the 
hand of John New. Why does he suddenly appear in that area of 
Massachusetts? A creative fever must have struck him at the time of his 
"illness." Prior to this crisis in his life his output had mostly been simple 
skulls and foliate work (often in ornate settings, however). At the time of 
his non compos crisis, on the other hand, there appear dramatic changes in 
his work as he moved toward effigies and greater complexity. Perhaps his 
illness was one of blossoming genius or creative fever. 

What drew him unexpectedly away from the interior north-south axis 
of Wrentham-Worcester to the towns of the South Shore? The answer 
apparently hinges on three Blake sisters of Wrentham and a Doctor David 



Vincent F. Luti 11 



Jones, who was originally from the Wrentham area but moved to 
Abington in the South Shore about 1747. 28 Esther Blake, the sister of John 
New's future stepmother, Mrs. Sarah Blake Fisher, had married David 
Jones before the departure. A third sister, Hepzibah, was married to 
Benjamin Shepard. 29 John New acquired his stepmother in 1760, just at the 
time his work appears in the South Shore. However he got to the South 
Shore (Dr. Jones' influence?), John New found a wealthy, eager clientele 
there for his innovative modern style, and he carved elaborate, inventive 
work for them from circa 1758 to 1768 on a rich, red slate, often very large 
and very thick, until the Pratt family of Abington took over in the carving 
trade at the very end of the sixties. 

So despite whatever brought him to a non compos state, John New was 
able to continue working and help pay the bills back home (there is no 
evidence that he brought his family with him to the South Shore). We now 
know why his guardian sold very little of his estate and submitted sur- 
prisingly small accounts to the Court, none in fact after 1762. A petition by 
Benjamin Shepard around 1762-63 to sell all of New's real estate was 
never granted. 30 It was not needed. Perhaps Shepard was up to no good 
while New was away. The next, and last, appearance of Shepard in the 
records as guardian was in 1770 (about the time New returned to carve in 
the Attleboro area). 31 Oddly enough, John New did not carve Shepard's 
gravestone. 

Leaving Boston's South Shore communities around 1768, John New 
gathered up his family again and was eventually welcomed as a resident 
of Attleboro (modern North Attleboro), where he set up in business carv- 
ing his gravestones for the rest of his long life in the house, shop, and barn 
he must have built there, all of which are referred to in later deeds. 32 

But once again tragedy struck, and in the 1770s he lost three of his chil- 
dren. When his wife died in 1788, he remarried to Esther Day. 33 He had 
even run for governor of Massachusetts in 1782, but received only one 
vote. 34 The 1790s saw a long, steady decline into illness and poverty again. 
The Attleboro Town Records show in detail a long, sad litany of losing his 
home and property, becoming destitute and a ward of the town by 1797, 
declining in health and meeting his death on February 10, 1811 at the age 
of eighty-nine. 35 His remains lie in the Kirkyard Cemetery of Attleboro, 
surrounded by dozens of his own stonecarvings, only a few feet from the 
shattering vibrations emanating from the railroad tracks of the Boston- 
New York line: distress, even in death. His homestead is now under the 



12 



New Family Carvers 



waters of the man-made Greenwood Lake, all traces of his presence there 
wiped out. 

For John New, carving had to have been something more than just a 
laborer's trade. The imaginative inventiveness and originality of his 
designs, their individualization, his own copious epitaphs of pious senti- 




Fig. 2. Joseph House, 1756, Lancaster, Massachusetts. 



Vincent F. Luti 13 



merit and homely admonitions - all attest to this. His indomitable will in 
the face of personal struggles was indefatigable, as we can see even in 
1798 when, with the carver at age seventy-seven and a destitute ward of 
the town, the Town Treasurer paid Darias Brigs for carting one-half ton of 
gravestones to John New. Two pathetic stones of 1799 are sad reminders 
of a long and remarkable folk carving career come to an end. 

The Work of John New: Part I - Overall Classification 

What follows is an attempt to organize the vast output, variety of 
design, and extensive distribution of John New's work. This presentation 
should not and cannot be considered definitive nor rigid. Stones spill out 
and over the concentrated areas, and strays occur. 

Period I: Locus - The Interior Towns, 1745-1756 

Classification A: Foliate and Floral Tympani/Borders 

Very commonly found is a design with two facing, reverse double 
coils with tongues (a configuration which does not appear in later years). 
The earliest versions are often thickly and crudely done, raising the ques- 
tion as to whether they are by John New at all. However, with the 1756 
stone for Joseph House (Fig. 2) in Lancaster, Massachusetts (probated 
only one month later), the design appears with many other John New ele- 
ments, assuring the attribution of this odd - but not original - design to 
our carver. 

Next most common in this period is a broken pediment effect of two 
facing foliate mounds rising up and capped by tightly coiled fronds (cre- 
ating triskelions). The interstices may contain a flower and, after 1756 and 
to the 1790s, a "bundle of wheat." This is the one most persistent tympa- 
num design in all of John New's output. It probably derives from George 
Allen, who used it only on footstones. 

Three stones in this period are worthy of special note for their intrica- 
cy - those for Gamaliel Beaman, 1745, Sterling, Massacusetts; Addington 
Gardner, 1754, Sherborn, Massachusetts; and the three children of 
Nathaniel Davenport (Figs. 3 & 4), 1745, 1753, Boylston, Massachusetts. 
Singular stones exist bearing scraggly trees, seashell, hourglass, rose, and 
"stone heaps" designs. 

Lettering in this period is usually heavy and thick, with some filagree 
decoration of capitals (e.g., Fig. 5). 



14 



New Family Carvers 




"■>.* 

■■**•* 



Fig. 3. Davenport Children, 1745, 1753, Boylston, Massachusetts. 



Vincent F. Luti 



15 




Fig. 4. Davenport Children (detail), 1745, 1753, 
Boylston, Massachusetts. 



16 



New Family Carvers 



Classification B: Winged Skulls 

This design is profuse, often employed on a soft, eroded, pale teal 
slate. It is a unique design used by no one else (actually a third-rate skull) 
and is very simple, with no relief modeling, and featuring a round or 
pointed jaw with serrated teeth and squinty eye sockets. The skull always 
sits in a "rolled V collar." 

The James Eager Stone (Fig. 5), 1755, Northboro, Massachusetts, is an 
example decorated with gracious, frilled capital letters and featuring ele- 
gant side borders as well. The Solomon Park stone, 1754, Holliston, 
Massachusetts, comes with a bold, baroque acanthus frame, and the 
Richard Temple stone (Fig. 6), 1756, Concord, Massachusetts, is signed. 

Transition (The Troubled Years): Locus - The Interior Towns, 1757-1758 

This brief, difficult time in John New's life is hard to unscramble. With 
the death of Jonathan Worcester in 1754, as Forbes states, there was room 
for a carver in central Massachusetts. 36 But with the arrival of William 
Park in 1756 to central Massachusetts, if Forbes is correct in her date, John 




til 



.ID.'TT 



r e r if/^ 



4\ w i o J led ime y: # 



Fig. 5. James Eager, 1755, Northboro, Massachusetts. 



Vincent F. Luti 



17 



New found himself in stiff competition with new ideas. Indeed, some 
Park carver may be mixed up in all of what follows. 

Also, at the same time, influences were emanating from the George 
Allen workshop to the south in old Reheboth, Massachusetts. Caught up, 
literally, in the fever of the epidemic, with new styles infusing stonecarv- 
ing from Boston to Newport, Rhode Island around 1758-1760, and with 
terrible financial pressures at home, John New turned from the depress- 
ing skulls to the more prosperous, resurrectionary images of secular mate- 
rialism which translated the virtues of the Protestant work ethic into 
heavenly rewards, a confusion not unknown even to this day. Powerful, 
heavily carved male winged effigies dramatically appear just about out of 
nowhere to express these new ideas of rich, material piety. 

An unresolved question is whether this effigy style was begun just 
before his non compos of January, 1757, say in 1756, or whether all of the 
transition came with and / or just after his non compos. Could the non com- 
pos be a miscalculation on the part of his family and the courts? It would 





; % 



Fig. 6. Dr. Richard Temple, 1756, Concord, Massachusetts. 



18 



New Family Carvers 




Fig. 7. John Bush, 1757, Boylston, Massachusetts. 

not be the first time creative fever was mistaken for madness. 

Besides their high relief carving, these male winged effigy stones 
exhibit curly wigs, bulging eyes, round faces (sometimes with fat jowls), 
a frowning mouth, a neck pedestal filled with feathers or a trace of cos- 
tume, and arched, thick-ribbed wings with heavily etched feathers. A fine 
example is the marker for John Bush (Fig. 7), 1757, Boylston, 
Massachusetts. Some appear to be prototypes for further development at 
a later time. Eyes come in two design types that are rather similar (with 
and without upturned extremities): 



**>**, 




Fig. 8. Tabitha Eager, 1755, 
Northboro, Massachusetts. 



^&" 

Fig. 9. John Bush, 1757, 
Boylston, Massachusetts. 



Vincent F. Luti 



19 



A third distinct type, appearing later with regularity in the 1760s and 
thereafter, features upturned extremities with simple round pupils: 




Fig. 10. 

The lettering on these markers is consistently the same, and sur- 
rounding detail is always from the New repertoire seen on stones from 
Period I. For a more detailed discussion of their chronology, see Figure 30. 

Period II: Locus - South Shore Towns, 1758-1768 



Classification A: Foliate and Floral, Celestial and Other 

Stones with only foliate / floral designs in the tympani are extremely 
rare in the South Shore towns below Boston, but are not so in the interior 
towns. This might possibly be an indication of the iconophobia of a con- 




Fig. 11. Constance Fisher, 1764, Swansea, Massachusetts. 



20 



New Family Carvers 



servative rural population vs. the attitudes of a more progressive middle 
class society of the South Shore. Foliate and floral work, on the other 
hand, some of it very ornate, often accompanies the heads, effigies, and 
cherubs of each of the other classifications of this period. Another feature 
of the backgrounds to these human configurations is a pattern of wavy 
and scalloped lines bearing hatchmarks or zig-zags. 

Appearing in this period for the first time is the use of sun, moon, and 
stars, either as the main tympanum design (often suggesting the heaven- 
ly spheres), as in the stone for Constance Fisher (Fig. 11), 1764, Swansea, 
Massachusetts, or as background and nimbus to the effigy heads. One of 
the best from this period was placed in Norfolk, Massachusetts for Mrs. 
Ann Blake, 1767 (Fig. 12). Stubby rising suns also make their first appear- 
ance as a tympanum design. 

Classification B: Winged Skulls II 

Closer to his home base in the Wrentham / Attleboro area there are a 
few examples of a half-hearted new skull design with round eyes and the 




Fig. 12. Ann Blake, 1767, Norfolk, Massachusetts. 



Vincent F. Luti 



21 



usual weak jaw. Of special interest, however, are several of these skulls 
from the interior as well as several from the South Shore in which the 
skull has the pear-shaped outline of a cherub head with skull features 
inside. Those for John and Martha Fales, 1754, 1758, Franklin (formerly 
West Wrentham), Massachusetts, are good examples of the pear-shaped 
skulls and make a direct connection to the South Shore stone for Obadiah 
Gross, 1750, Hingham, Massachusetts (discussed in detail later). 



Classification C: Winged Bald Cherubs 

These cherubs share the same carving technique and facial details with 
the next two classifications, D and E: bulging, modeled eyes, fat nipple 
noses, and mouths with severely frowning, dimpled hooks at each end. 
The wings are like those of the previously discussed I-B skull type, but 
they all now lack the "rolled V collar" of the skulls. They may have been 
modeled on the cherubs of George Allen of old Rehoboth (though they do 
not approach his draughtmanship and execution), who developed this 
type in the late 1730s. New's figures, the work of an unsophisticated 
hand, do have a vigorous conception, and are often surrounded by a rich- 




Fig. 13. Esther Jones, 1758, Abington, Massachusetts. 



22 



New Family Carvers 



ness of supporting detail that gives them a one-of-a-kind status. 
Interesting examples are the stones for John Cobb, 1743, Abington, 
Massachusetts; Esther Jones (Fig. 13), 1758, Abington, Massachusetts (a 
relative); and Embrous Beal, 1759, Hingham, Massachusetts. This design 
appears to cease in 1765, but re-emerges in Period III upon New's return 
to the Attleboro area after 1768. 



Classification D: Winged Effigy Heads with Wigs or Bonnets 

These winged effigy heads are richer versions of those found in II-B 
and have a portrait-like quality. An excellent example is found on the 
stone for Deborah Lincoln (Fig. 14), 1760, Hingham, Massachusetts. 
Oddly, they do continue the use of the "rolled V collar" characteristic of 
the skulls of I-B. They literally replace the skull with an effigy head. 37 
Peter Benes was correct in making this chronological relationship 
between skull and winged effigy head. They appear to cease suddenly in 
1762, only to re-emerge in Period III without the scroll collars and the 
excessively high modeling. Also at this time their settings become simpler. 
Other impressive examples of these Period II effigies in the South Shore 
are found on the stones for Laben Cushing, 1761, Hingham, 




i : 'S^^'x 



Fig. 14. Deborah Lincoln, 1760, Hingham, Massachusetts. 



Vincent F. Luti 



23 







Fig. 15. Mary Pratt, 1767, Abington, Massachusetts. 



24 



New Family Carvers 



Massachusetts (with a stacked scalloping background unlike anything 
else); Abel and Hannah Cushing, 1761, Hingham, Massachusetts (with an 
infant tucked between them); and Moses Reed, 1757, Whitman, 
Massachusetts (soaring aloft on elegant tracery). The imperious Ensign 



'■'■>v« : ■ - ■ :■■:■■ 






HHHMHBHHHHHHHnlinKi 
Fig. 16. Capt. Joseph Phillips, 1767, Marshfield, Massachusetts. 



Vincent F. Luti 



25 




Fig. 17. Rev. Samuel Brown, 1749 (backdated), 
Abington, Massachusetts. 



26 



New Family Carvers 



Andrew Ford stone, 1750, Abington, Massachusetts, and the formidable 
Elizabeth and John Beal marker, 1731, Hingham, Massachusetts are worth 
investigating also. Special note should be made of the bonneted effigy for 
Mrs. Sarah Pratt, 1761, Hingham, Massachusetts, with its accompanying 
seventeen small, peeking bald heads. She died at the age of one hundred 
and one and was formerly the wife of Stephen Garnett, "by whom she 
had a Numerous Posterity Running to ye 5 th Generation in Number they 
are 187." 



Classification E: Costumed Male/Female Torso Figures 

Abandoning all winged, heavenly-borne images, John New eliminat- 
ed the wings from his portrait effigies (II-C) and went right into costumed 
figures or torsos, creating an entirely secular image that sometimes shows 
the class and /or occupation of the deceased. It can also be argued, for pro- 
priety's sake, that all these bewigged men and bonneted women in their 
rich garments signify the regal robes and jewels of their heavenly reward. 
This design continues non-stop until the end of New's career, ceasing in 
the South Shore but - in February, 1768 - continuing on without missing 
a beat in the interior towns around Attleboro during Period III. It is here 




Fig. 18. Nathaniel and Ruth White, 1758, Weymouth, Massachusetts. 



Vincent F. Luti 



27 



we find a probate payment, the only stone confirming this design as John 
New's. Some fine examples of this type found in the South Shore are the 
stones for Ann Niles, 1732, Braintree, Massachusetts; Mary Pratt (Fig. 15), 
1767, Abington, Massachusetts (a relative); Ephraim Jones, 1762, 
Hingham, Massachusetts (smug in a heavenly vineyard); John 
Wadsworth, 1766, Milton, Massachusetts (in clerical garb, "a sudden 
death"); Ens. Joseph Wales (Fig. 38), 1767, Randolph, Massachusetts 
(proud standard bearer); Capt. Joseph Phillips (Fig. 16), 1767, Marshfield, 
Massachusetts (also a bewigged, proud standard bearer, replete with 
starched uniform and knee britches, atop a foliate framed heart tablature); 
and the two finest works of John New, the markers for Reverend Samuel 
Brown (Fig. 17), 1749, Abington, Massachusetts, and for Dr. Nathaniel and 
Ruth White (Fig. 18), 1758, South Weymouth, Massachusetts, the latter 
accompanied by a fully carved footstone as well. 

Constituting a sub-species of this group are the effigies surmounting a 
large tablature heart where the torso or bust is reduced to just a "V" seg- 
ment of the chest. A further division of this sub-classification is found in 
stones with nothing but wigged or bonneted heads and no torso at all. 




Fig. 19. Hannah Dyer, 1760, Whitman, Massachusetts. 



28 



New Family Carvers 




Fig. 20. Mehitable Vinton, 1761, Braintree, Massachusetts. 



Vincent F. Luti 



29 



Lastly, there is the important group of stones with profile heads. 
Examples of both sub-species are the markers for Hannah Dyer (Fig. 19), 
1760, Whitman, Massachusetts (set in a grape arbor), and for Mehitable 
Vinton (Fig. 20), 1761, Braintree, Massachusetts (in a Van Gogh heaven), 
each of these being of the heart tablature type. The stone for Peter Jacob 
(Frontispiece), 1764, Weymouth, Massachusetts, wreathed in celestial 
splendor, represents the profile type. 

Period III: Locus - Attleboro, 1769-1799 

Classification A: Foliate and Floral, Celestial and Other 

Not at all popular in the towns south of Boston, these iconophobic 
designs return again in this last period to balance with Period I, i.e., use 
in the interior towns. As in Period I, the most common design is the ris- 
ing acanthus mound surrounded by facing coiled fronds (triskelion-like). 
Quite often now, a bundle of "wheat" fits between the fronds, and occa- 
sionally a rose insert appears. One example occurs with the sun, moon, 
and stars design. In its most developed form, this type appears even with 





x 



Fig. 21. Deborah House, 1762, ¥ 



dXIUVc 



r, Massachusetts. 



30 



New Family Carvers 






Fig. 22. Joseph Lane, 1786, Mansfield, Massachusetts. 



Vincent F. Luti 



31 



an effigy head in the interstice, as on the stone for Deborah House (Fig. 
21), 1762, Hanover, Massachusetts. At times there are strange tree-like 
motifs, and even a double trumpeting sun. Architectural columns for the 
side panels are not uncommon. 

Classification B: Skulls 

There are several skull carvings that might be the work of John New 
as there seems to be no one else to whom they might be attributed. 

Classification C: Bald, Winged Cherubs 

After a lapse of these Period II designs, they make their reappearance 
in the mid-1 770s, ten years after they ceased in the South Shore. There are 
very few and they are quite simple. 

Classification D: Winged Effigy Heads with Wigs or Bonnets 

These are a continuation from Period II, but never with the "rolled V 
collar." They cease in 1762, not to be taken up again until the mid-1 770s, 
which seems odd. More occur in the 1780s, but without the elaborate 




Fig. 23. Sarah Taylor, 1785, Barrington, Rhode Island. 



32 



New Family Carvers 



background settings of the South Shore style. In the 1790s they become 
very simple indeed, John New's energies running out, and five of them 
even have the anachronistic "rolled V collar" of Period I skulls. 

Classification E: Costumed Torso Figures, Male/Female 

This is the most common design of this period. The men are wigged, 
the women bonneted. Sometimes only the head appears. This design is a 
continuation from Period II, the only difference being - in the later years 
especially - an increase in heads that have gaunt oval outlines and pointy 
chins, although the majority still display the same proportions as in 
Period II. The execution at times is poor, especially towards the end, when 
lapses in skill occur. The backgrounds are not as elaborate as in Period II. 
Good examples of this type are Lydia Bliss, 1785, Rehoboth, 
Massachusetts, framed by swirling, plumed trees; Deacon Josiah Cushing 
(Fig. 1), 1787, Rehoboth, Massachusetts, truly radiant in his bonnet and 
gown (a very unusual, inexplicable usage); and ten year old Joseph Lane 
(Fig. 22), 1786, Mansfield, Massachusetts, with two "little mates" looking 





Fig. 24. Dr. Thomas Monro, Bristol, Rhode Island. 



Vincent F. Luti 



33 



up at his effigy in awesome fear of the mystery of death, addressed by the 
familiar epitaph: 

My Little Mates 
Behold and see, as you Pass By, 
As you are now, so once was I, 
As I am now, so you must Be, 
Prepare for Death & follow me. 

There are a handful of charming profile heads in this group, two good 
examples being those found on the stones for Sarah Tyler (Fig. 23), 1785, 
Barrington, Rhode Island, and Job Wheaton, 1785, Rehoboth, 
Massachusetts. There is also a famous profile torso view of Dr. Thomas 
Monro (Fig. 24), 1785, Bristol, Rhode Island, decked out in peruke, frills, 
and jacket, reaching out joyfully for his heavenly reward. 

Classification F: Urn and Willow 

There is one pathetic example of this type - the marker for Chloe 
Caswell (Fig. 25), 1799, Attleboro, Massachusetts. 




Fig. 25. Chloe Caswell, 1799, Attleboro, Massachusetts. 



34 



New Family Carvers 



The Work of John New: Part II - Analysis and Attribution 

An Expanding Design Repertoire for Attributing 
Periods I and II Work to John New 

Starting with a signed John New stone of 1756, the following discus- 
sion will build up a body of design evidence based upon it. This basic set 
of design elements is then used by association and linkage to reasonably 
authenticate other stones from which, in turn, further design elements are 
taken to enlarge the original body of design evidence. 



SKULL 5ERIES 




coiledvitf torso profilt 
jfr •* starve 



Fig. 26. 



Vincent F. Luti 35 



The signed stone - "John New, Wrentham" - is for Richard Temple (Fig. 
6), 1756, Concord, Massachusetts, who died in his eighty-third year, 38 and 
is probably one of his very last from the first skull series (Period I-B). The 
first eight design elements (see Fig. 26) drawn from that stone are associat- 
ed solely with similar skulls to form the foundation of the series. The skull 
itself, which is so characteristic as to be a signature (no other carver used it), 
can be said to be the singular creation of John New, albeit a third-rate one 
at that. It is most likely the result of bad copying of skull details on stones 
out of Boston. However, as long as this skull is present, I feel quite secure in 
attributing a stone to him and adding to the expanding repertoire other 
supporting design features that this unique skull design generates. This all 
becomes a design vocabulary, a language, for reading other stones for attri- 
bution. Eventually, we will want to remove the skull and replace it with 
other main tympanum features that are confirmed by a multiple of these 
accumulating design elements that form an associative set. All the first of 
these skull stones are found in John New's home town of Wrentham, 
Massachusetts, or other Massachusetts towns to the northwest as far as 
Lancaster and Leominster, north and northeast of Worcester. As this first 
referential set of eight design elements grows, like accretions around the 
original signature skull design, we use the numbers of the design items to 
verify secondary authentications, which in turn add their contributions, 
numbered as well, to enlarge the expanding, authenticating, referential set. 

Period I and Transition: Prime Authenticating Design Elements (See Pig. 26) 

1. The rolled moulding around the tympanum is found in both strong and 
weak relief. 

2. The "rolled V collar" derives as a segment of #3 and is always append- 
ed to the chin of the skull. 

3. The rolled parchment tablature contains the vital information. 

4. The pointed, egg-shaped skull always has the squinty almond-shaped 
eyes, the "pugnose," frowning mouthmark, and a row of serrated teeth, 
double or single, in the jaw area. 

5. The three-tiered, heavily etched wing is thickly cut and has the charac- 
teristic bell-shaped curve of all John New wing styles. 

6. Zig-zag filler is peculiar to John New in Massachusetts (did he invent 
it?). A few other carvers elsewhere used it, and in the nineteenth centu- 
ry it was quite popular and extensively employed. 39 It appears to be exe- 
cuted by alternate wedging strokes of the chisel. 

7. Stiple is another punching technique carefully done and densely 
packed. It is the most common background filler. 

8. The uncommon lower corner acanthus spray is quite elegant. 



36 



New Family Carvers 



From the end of John New's carving career comes the only other fully 
authenticated stone, that for Ezekiel Carpenter (Fig. 27), 1790, East 
Providence, Rhode Island, verified by a probate payment in 1791. In ret- 
rospect, it too offers some important design elements for secondary 
authentication accretions (see Fig. 28), primarily for stones from Period II 
(South Shore, 1758-1768) and Period III (Attleboro, 1769-1799), where the 
designs occur with greatest frequency. A few examples are rare at the end 
of Period I in Wrentham. 




Fig. 27. Ezekiel Carpenter, 1790, East Providence, Rhode Island. 




Fig. 28. 



Vincent F. Luti 37 



38. Etched tripartite scalloping is a major feature of all periods, whether 
occurring in the tympanum arch as border design or as a side panel 
design in its own right. 

39. The coiled frond (triskelion) with foliage is likewise a New family trade- 
mark, but of Periods II and III. 

40. The blunt double coil, encompassing stubby "fleur-de-lis" fingers, has 
innumerable variants, some quite elaborate and elegant. It is found only 
in Periods II and III. 

41. The finial, a single layered rose, is a recurrent figure in all periods. 

The Carpenter effigy is badly worn, but there is useful evidence for 
Period II and III effigies: 

42. The costume - a jacket with buttons. 

43. The flared wig with crest. 

44. The eyes, nose, and mouth. 

These facial features (element 44) have lost their fine surface details from 
wear, but the eyebrows and eye outline sweep up and the eyeballs bulge, 
all characteristic of New's effigy faces. The outline of the remaining nose 
is peculiar, but is exactly that of a nose design which would have nostrils 
and a pendant nipple between, as is seen on almost every one of the effi- 
gy faces carved by John New. 

Second Generation Elements Accruing to Design Items 1-8 in the Skull Series 
(See Fig. 26) 

The Silas Livermore stone, 1756, Northboro, Massachusetts, displays 
the signature John New skull and elements 1, 2, 5, 6, and 7, so with this 
confirmation we can add by derivation these second generation elements 
as well to the expanding repertory: 

9.Whorled rosette in the finials. 

10. Lacy cyma scroll with simple coils. 

11. Large scale vertical, raked ribbing (ribbing, derived from Boston mod- 
els, is a common feature in New's work, whether straight or curved). 

The John Morse stone, 1750, Norwood, Massachusetts, has the signa- 
ture skull and elements 2 and 5, contributing as well the following: 

12. Dense, low relief scrollwork, commonly the principal border type in 
Period I. 

The David Lawrence stone, 1754, Franklin, Massachusetts, features the 
signature skull as well as elements 2 and 4, and further contributes these 



38 New Family Carvers 



elements: 

13. Filled in, scrolled V collar (vertebrae in this case). 

14. Tongue and grooved tiered wing, usually without etching. 

15. The precursor of a style of swollen, broadly conceived, foliate scroll bor- 
der (in Period II). 

The Timothy Harrington stone, 1749, Lancaster, Massachusetts, has 
the signature skull and elements 2 and 5, contributing these new ele- 
ments: 

16. Beaded-bud edging work. 

17. A very small-detail version of raked lines, straight or curved. 

18. Chunky leaf cyma scroll. 

19. Coiled frond and chunky cyma scroll. 

20. Decorated letters. 

The Abigail Sawyer stone, 1753, Lancaster, Massachusetts, displays 
the signature skull and elements 2, 7, and 14, with these additional con- 
tributions: 

21. Fat axil bud or terminal bud, usually enclosed in double leaf. 

22. Multi-tiered rose with etching. 

The John Fisher stone, 1752, Needham, Massachusetts, has the signa- 
ture skull as well as elements 2, 4, and 14, also contributing a rare: 

23. Hourglass. 

The Ithamar Pond stone, 1754, Franklin, Massachusetts, shows the sig- 
nature skull with elements 1, 2, 4, 6, and 8, and further contributes: 

24. Fish scales, and heart tablature (more popular in Period II). 

Other heart-shaped tablatures occur with skull stones, e.g., the 
Hannah Clark stone, 1747, Millis, Massachusetts, with elements 2, 4, and 
9, and contributing: 

25. Heart-shaped leaves. 

Also, the John Adams stone, 1754, Franklin, Massachusetts, with ele- 
ments 4, 13, and 14, and contributing: 

26. Scalloped heart vine (taken directly from George Allen). 



Vincent F. Luti 



39 



Deeply cut and ribbed foliate drape (element 27) is uncommon but 
very important for linking widely disparate stones, e.g. a marker for 




Fig. 29. Dr. John Dunsmoor and children, 1747 (backdated), 
Lancaster, Massachusetts. 



40 



New Family Carvers 



Jerusha Billings, 1751, from the interior town of Sharon, Massachusetts, 
linked with markers for Sarah Adams, 1766, in the South Shore town of 
Milton, Massachusetts, and Ensign Andrew Ford, 1750, Abington, 
Massachusetts, with a winged effigy. 

Facing coils with tongue projections (element 28) comprise the foot- 
stone design, taken from Boston models, for the James Eager stone, 1755, 
Northboro, Massachusetts, which on its headstone has the signature skull 
with eight supporting elements. New employed this design quite fre- 
quently on headstones in Period I, after which it's use ceases. 

With these twenty-eight (Fig. 26, "Skull Series") plus seven (Fig. 28) 
design elements, plus a mental catalogue of lettering idiosyncracies and 
an eye to stone shape, material, and color, it is possible to reasonably 
attribute well over one hundred stones to John New during this first 
period. 

There is a very unusual, singular, Period I stone that draws its attribu- 
tion to John New from the design repertoire list. Every detail of the John 
Dunsmoor stone (Fig. 29), 1747, Lancaster, Massachusetts, except for the 



PERIOD 

I 



6$E) $ 



Richard TempW 
Concord, 



TRANSITION 



tatkanuL Ltwis \13L 
Morwood- 
Solomoi\Pa.rK.i''JJ 

,, Holli-storx, 

Tai)Lthato.aer ass 



Morthboro 



-If 



(Ma.ry (Wrett I7J;5) ? 

Concord. 
rtfrty Moore nst, , 

3oihv(L Smith l7Si 

Shrewsbury 

JbhaPreiit I7J6 

Lancaster 

MaryTonei nsb 

Ho ILLS ton. 
Edward Rice nsibwi)^ ~ 



"PEAR'outUae/ 7 
source'-Geo./ULeru ! 



/ — S^, — ■y- — s. Mary Pond < 



► f stltr 
Jones 

nse 

Abincjto 




obaAuih Carpenter - + 
types I7«4 ' ^VP 6 

/760-/76S Attleboro 1740-/762. 

South Shore Sooth. Shore 



ironcLcevL Cyza_(r) 

Jaber G-orham. 

/7£4 
Wastport,Conn. 



Sarah 
Cushlnd 
/76S ^ 
rimgharrL 

Kalherinc 
Sooer 

1747 
Milton. 



A SUGGESTED DEVELOPMENT OF PERIOD JE. EFFIGIES 



Fig. 30. 



Vincent F. Luti 41 



angels, and including the lettering, is identical to the elements of the list, 
and there are four of the signature skulls on it as well. Did New also carve 
these remarkable angels? He certainly had the necessary skills by now (I 
estimate this was a very late stone in Period I) and only needed a model 
to copy from. The figures never occur again on his work. 

Transition from Skull to Period II Effigy: A Suggested Development with 
Some Geographical Linkages (see Fig. 30) 

With only two tympanum types in Period I, the winged skull and the 
foliate mound, the question looms large as to how within just a few years 
there appear many other design types, particularly effigies, without any 
seeming precedent. With a shorter time span, the question becomes even 
more difficult. Up to the end of 1756, there is no evidence at all - dis- 
counting a few backdates and the Dunsmoor stone - that would suggest 
John New could carve anything but the skulls and foliate mounds. Then 
three effigy stones suddenly appear, accompanied by established John 
New design elements. It would not appear, being so singularly isolated in 
time from each other and from the bulk of the effigies which they pre- 
date, that they were carved in or around the deathdate years they list. 
Where to put them? 

If we look at the time span from January, 1757 well into 1758, we find 
only a very small output by New of any type of stones. This was the time 
of his non compos and guardianship actions. Some of these few stones are 
even clearly backdated, i.e., carved after 1758. Apparently he was produc- 
ing few stones for sale in those two years, or, alternatively, this could be the 
time when he was working out his first effigy productions (at the expense 
of supporting his wife and children?). Assuming the latter, it is possible that 
the three stones referred to above - those for Nathaniel Lewes, 1752, 
Norwood, Massachusetts; Solomon Park, Jr., 1753, Holliston, Massachu- 
setts; and Tabitha Eager, 1755, Northboro, Massachusetts - were done as a 
group in 1757, concurrently with, or followed immediately by, a unique set 
of six for Mercy Moore, 1756, Rutland, Massachusetts; Joshua Smith, 1756, 
Shrewsbury, Massachusetts; John Preist, 1756, Lancaster, Massachusetts; 
Mary Jones (Fig. 31), 1756, Holliston, Massachusetts; Edward Rice, 1756, 
Rutland, Massachusetts; and John Bush (Fig. 7), 1757, Boylston, 
Massachusetts. Given this scenario, all of these stones would have to be 
labeled backdates if indeed they were carved after 1757, say in 1758. The 
Mary Barrett stone, 1755, Concord, Massachusetts, is too incomplete to 



42 



New Family Carvers 



convincingly add to either group. 

It is now that we draw very heavily upon the repertoire of design ele- 




"a 






I 

life ]i;ii4e^\| :( i60x73^ 



i 



h Hi 



1 6 • 



**> f'H 















y*^ 



Fig. 31. Mary Jones, 1756, Holliston, Massachusetts. 



Vincent F. Luti 43 



merits from the skull period to verify the continuity of John New's work: 
that is, each of these nine (three plus six) stones has a sufficient number of 
recognizable design elements from the skull series, items 1 through 28, to 
say it is his work even though the central tympanum image is no longer 
a skull (see Fig. 30). 

A fully realized face emerges on the badly worn Nathaniel Lewes 
stone (see Fig. 26, Effigy Series, #30). The Solomon Park, Jr. stone (see Fig. 
26, Effigy Series, #s 31, 32, 33) displays unique fish scale wings, some 
respectable modeling in the face - especially the bulging eyes, a New 
trademark - and a standardized wig design. A very interesting feature is 
in the cleft of the rolled collar. Carved in very fine detail is a pleated shirt 
and buttoned vest, This will emerge shortly as a fully formed, costumed 
torso design- 
Within six miles to the northeast of the homestead of John New's 
father, James, lived the Joneses of Mendon, Massachusetts, a prominent 
family in the area. The stone for Mary Jones (Fig. 31) is badly deteriorat- 
ed even in this old photo taken by Harriette Forbes. It is nonetheless rich- 
ly conceived and executed and very clearly points ahead to the work of 
John New in the 1760s. The effigy series elements #s 35, 36, and 37 (coiled 
wig, costumed torso, and profile head) will be exploited fully in the South 
Shore work of Period II. Note the base corner acanthus spray, the heart 
leaves, the ribbing, the rolled molding, the zig-zag filler, and the three- 
tiered etched wings - all authenticated design elements from the skull 
series. 

The figurative work of the remaining group of six "Transition" stones 
mentioned above is heavily immersed in supporting John New design 
elements, but the stones also have some features never to be found again: 
the head on a pedestal with scoop and arch wings; the thick double out- 
lined wing rib (occurs but once later - for Obadiah Carpenter, 1764, 
Attleboro, Massachusetts); and the appended vest or feathered bib below 
the chin. Not without significance is the appearance in other interior 
towns around 1760 of the same general tympanum design in a half dozen 
stones, possibly the work of George Allen, Jr. but certainly not that of John 
New. They are much more sophisticated and rich in Allen workshop style 
and details. 40 

Another approach to the problem would be to argue that all of these 
nine stones were carved by New before his non compos, that is, in 1755 and 
1756, as proto-typical explorations. This would accommodate the three 



44 New Family Carvers 



and six stone sets even better under the theory that, after his "break- 
down" or crisis in December of 1756, he was unable to carve much for a 
year or more, and, when he regained his energies to begin his Period II 
work in the South Shore, he came out with a somewhat different effigy 
and more mature, varied designs developed out of this "Transition" 
repertoire. 

It is in the set of six thick-ribbed effigy stones that the question arises 
as to their design source and the possibility of another hand altogether 
being involved (which I feel unlikely). It is possible that New saw some 
isolated effigy stones of George Allen, Sr. that are built along the same 
lines. Then again, there is later Park family work built up in the same way, 
although in both cases, Allen and Park, the details in the method of effigy 
construction and in the supporting design evidence are quite distinctly 
different from the work of New. Allen, Park, and New are without ques- 
tion three very different hands. They simply do not detail and finish their 
work in the same way. Each has a unique, total "surface," which is learned 
from seeing hundreds of their stones. This could be called the "surface 
signature" gestalt. 

What is more clearly derived from Allen is the bald, winged cherub 
effigy. Within this cherub group (see right side of Fig. 30) there is the 
amusing appearance of three or four stones on which skull features are 
carved into the outline of the cherub head. The John Fales Stone, 1758, 
Franklin, Massachusetts, has important new design elements that become 
staples in the Period II South Shore work: a hooked "d" stem, even scal- 
loping, and the important border feature of an impressive coiled cyma 
vine. An important linkage is to the Obadiah Gross stone, 1750 (backdat- 
ed), Hingham, Massachusetts, which has the identical skull in pear- 
shaped head design, and to the Jabez Gorham stone, 1764, Westport, 
Connecticut, which has the identical border as well. 

The hooked "d" stem may not seem much, but it is very efficient in 
confirming identity and locating much of John New's work. Moreover, 
nearly 100% of the stones in the South Shore have it after 1758, and a few 
at the start of the period have both the older non-hooked form - exclu- 
sively used up to about 1756 - as well as the hooked form on the same 
marker. After 1768, in all of Period III, he used either form of "d" indis- 
criminately, sometimes both on the same stone. His son James never used 
the hooked form. 

A last word about the mouth designs. For some reason John New used 



Vincent F. Luti 



45 




Fig. 32. (top) John Burrell, 1754 (backdated), Rockland, Massachusetts; 
(bottom) Alexander Balkcom, 1759, Attleboro, Massachusetts. 



46 



New Family Carvers 



three types freely: severe, straight across; severe, straight, only with dot- 
ted hooks downward in a deep frown (they wear off easily and look like 
the first type); and dotted hooks turned upward into a smile. They all 
appear in Period III as well, although the smiling version is never very 
common at any time. 

Period II: Attributions Derived from the Design Repertoire and their Linkages 

The backdated John Burrell stone (Fig. 32), 1754, Rockland, 
Massachusetts, hearkens back strongly to the skull effigy on the marker 
for Alexander Balkcom (Fig. 32; also Fig.26, Skull Series, # 29), 1759, 
Attleboro, Massachusetts, with its slit, bulging eyes, broadish nose, and 
vestigal mouth-mark. All other details are familiar from the design reper- 
toire list, including the arch decorations, which are nearly identical: 





Fig. 33. Alexander Balkcom (left), 1759, Attleboro, Massachusetts; 
John Burrell (right), 1754, Rockland, Massachusetts. 

New's property abutted that of the Balkcoms. 

An interesting stone, not illustrated here, is that for Susannah Randle, 
1761, Weymouth, Massachusetts, featuring a heavy frown and wrinkled 
forehead. The wig is probably how it looked on the badly deteriorated 
Mary Jones marker (Fig. 31). It's etched tri-partite scalloping, which will 
now become a frequent element in New's work, first appeared at the end 
of Period I on the stone for John Fales, 1759, Franklin, Massachusetts. 

The previously-mentioned Deborah Lincoln stone (Fig. 14) is wonder- 
fully rich in familiar New design elements and features an impressive, 
bonneted effigy head which stares out boldly at the living. An interesting 
new feature is the plaid work which will be fairly common after this. The 
arch decoration is of great importance for linkage, and will be referred to 
again as regards a very late Period III work. 

The least sacred of all John New's works must certainly be the previ- 
ously-mentioned stone which he carved for Dr. Nathaniel and Ruth White 



Vincent F. Luti 



47 



(Fig. 18). The two appear in the tympanum decked out in their finest frilly 
clothes and elaborate perukes, she holding her fan, he the tools of his 
trade. The marker is impressive for its height and thickness as well. Many 
of New's stones in the South Shore are simply huge, overwhelming dis- 
plays of wealth and status. 

Two unique stones elaborating the manner of death are those for John 
Stockbridge (Fig. 34), 1768, Hanover, Massachusetts, who died "from the 
fall of a tree," and Joseph Studley (Fig. 35), 1766, also Hanover, 
Massachusetts, upon which it says "the Lord spake and it was dun." I 
rediscovered this latter one some years ago behind a dense shrub, and it 
has since become rather famous. Upon it, the Hand of Fate is shown aim- 
ing a bolt of lightning at Joseph's head. 41 

To show further linkages in the work of John New, there are two pair- 
ings of stones for women which, when compared, demonstrate how he 
took his South Shore bonneted effigy type back to the interior towns 
around Attleboro, where he spent the rest of his life: (a) Elizabeth Beal, 
1767, Highham, Massachusetts, and Mehitabel Lane, 1774, Norton, 
Massachusetts (Fig. 36); (b) Ruth White, 1767, Holbrook, Massachusetts, 




Fig. 34. John Stockbridge, 1768, Hanover, Massachusetts. 



48 



New Family Carvers 



and Sarah Day, 1767, Attleboro, Massachusetts (Fig. 37). Additionally, two 
stones with male figures may be compared in the same manner: Ens. 
Joseph Wales (Fig. 38), 1767, Randolph, Massachusetts, and Thomas 
Brastow (Fig. 39), 1770, Norfolk, Massachusetts. 

Border Designs: A Closer Look 

Perhaps no other carver of the Narragansett Basin had as rich a vari- 
ety of border designs as John New. Each period saw new innovations. 
Certain border designs tie together works of disparate dates, seemingly 
unrelated geography, and differing tympanum designs. Some are the 
products of drifting, i.e., degenerate or misunderstood application, espe- 
cially in Period I. Skill and drawing ability improved rapidly, utilizing 
better models (perhaps from the Allen workshop), and New's borders 
began to exhibit elegance as his imagination worked variations to create 
lively arrays from stone to stone. There are, nonetheless, lapses into poor, 
uninspired, even sloppy work: his craft, like his life, was uneven. 

Plump, dense, stubby cyma scrolls in the borders - if indeed they even 
rise to the dignity of that form - are common in Period I, but not exclu- 




Fig. 35. Joseph Studley, 1766, Hanover, Massachusetts. 



Vincent F. Luti 



49 




Fig. 36. (top) Elizabeth Beal, 1767, Hingham, Massachusetts; (bottom) 
Mehitabel Lane, 1774, Norton, Massachusetts. 



50 



New Family Carvers 





Fig. 37. (top) Ruth White, 1767, Holbrook, Massachusetts; (bottom) 
Sarah Day, 1767, Attleboro, Massachusetts. 



Vincent F. Luti 



51 








Fig. 38. Ens. Joseph Wales, 1767, Randolph, Massachusetts. 







' _ ;- ■■■ 





Fig. 39. Thomas Brastow, 1770, Norfolk, Massachusetts. 



52 



New Family Carvers 



sively (see Fig. 26, Skull Series, #s 12 and 19). By 1755-1756, New had seen 
and mastered a George Allen border which presents a thin, elegant, 
sweeping cyma curve suspended from a rose-ring, with lily-like flowers 
in the axils which coil back around their own stems, ending in plain 
curled knobs (as, for example, in Fig. 40, a, b, and c). He took this border 
design en toto to the South Shore, but replaces the plain curled knobs with 
tightly coiled small fronds ("triskelions"). A most impressive example of 
this form is found on the previously-mentioned stone for the Reverend 
Samuel Brown (Fig, 17), which shows a death date of 1749 but is backdat- 
ed some ten years. This triskelion design then, in turn, had migrated 
down from the tympani of Period I, where it had been the large facing 
caps surmounting acanthus mounds. Brought down into the border pan- 
els, these large-sized coiled fronds of the tympani then rapidly expanded 
to create an open interstice which became, after 1760, an interesting shape 
to fill in with various background elements - stipling, hatching, flow- 
erettes, zig-zag, and ribbing: 



L plain, Mcrtlons ahnunA. ujith '■nm.-trM.lien," coll* J 




l* John Harding ;782 Mi His 
JobWheaton 178S Rekoboth 
JatobWhite 1791 Mansfieli 



<D 


Ho 
STID.\ 


thboro 




"orw 


B05T0N If* 






.'-.ihrMK 




A.b 


*ffUa.'*' I 


PRWIKHCt 


•ffnuiKkn 

\ .Koiton. 

nrtckoth\ 




"" ""^ 




er 


'**?' barren. 


ol,« 


0- 





BmgWiKL ^Jiboro 



wales 
hammond 
. '780 
Avon 



Select Cyma- curve, * u/itA coiled, -/rvad 
and Comparative Distribution *~ p 



BlaKe 

.-747 

•folK 



Fig. 40. 



Vincent F. Luti 53 







Fig. 41. Coiled frond border panels with various filler designs: 

(from left) Abigail Beal, 1742 (backdated), Hingham, Massachusetts; 

Ruth Cushing, 1761, Hingham, Massachusetts; Laben Cushing, 1761, 

Hingham, Massachusetts; Sarah Linkorn, 1770, Attleboro, 

Massachusetts; Ephraim Randell, 1759 (backdated), 

Easton, Massachusetts. 

Other border types, some singular, are the flower stem, ribbed swirls, 
flower-entwined architectural columns, the tripartite scallop with etching, 
and, in the South Shore exclusively, broad, too loosely designed leafy 
cyma scroll borders that became corrupted even further when borrowed 
by the Pratt I carver. 

These Period II border types are found right through Period III, 
although they are not so numerous. Instead, new designs were devel- 
oped, one of which originated with Gabriel Allen around 1771 only to 
appear shortly thereafter (ca. 1772) on John New stones. Carvers, at least 
in the Narragansett Basin, kept up to date with the times and fashions. 

Select Cyma Curve Linkage in Period II (see Fig. 40) 

The stones for Obadiah Carpenter, 1764 (probated 1765), Attleboro, 
Massachusetts. Samuel Read, 1765 (probated 1766), Attleboro, Massachu- 
setts, and Jabez Gorham, 1764, Westport, Connecticut, as mentioned ear- 
lier, are part of a small group of cherub effigies that, considered together 
for their internal evidence, help support the attribution to John New of 
this effigy type (with the upswept eyes) in the following way: besides the 
same head, they all have in common nearly identical borders, a long 
sweeping cyma curve with leaves framed by tightly coiled fronds. This 
same border appears on the Asa Richardson stone, 1764 (probated 1768), 
Millis, Massachusetts, only with a skull tympanum. It appears also, quite 
handsomely, on the previously-mentioned Constance Fisher stone (Fig. 
11), with its remarkable celestial spheres landscape tympanum. 42 

This identical cyma curve border design found on the Constance 
Fisher marker turns up in the South Shore towns as well, on stones with 



54 



New Family Carvers 




* 





Fig. 42. Bethia Thatcher, 1793, Attleboro, Massachusetts. 



Vincent F. Luti 55 



portrait-like costumed torso effigies (some in profile), in the very same 
years - 1764-1765 - thus tying together disparate designs and geography. 
They link John New, west of Plymouth county in the interior towns, with 
John New plying the carriage trade in the South Shore, over forty miles to 
the east. The most impressive evidence of this relationship is found on the 
previously-mentioned Reverend Samuel Brown stone (Fig. 17), 1749 (but 
backdated some ten years), which shows in very high relief the bewigged 
and clerically-garbed minister in his pulpit with two deacons below. The 
panel is also identical to that on other stones of the South Shore with this 
cyma curve border design: Peter Ripley, 1765, Hingham, Massachusetts; 
William Tirrell, 1764, Whitman, Massachusetts; Alexander Turrel, 1764, 
Weymouth, Massachusetts; and John Bates, 1760, Weymouth, 
Massachusetts. 

Period III and a Final Note 

As was pointed out in my earlier discussion of Period III, the designs 
of Period II continue to prevail, but, for the most part, in simpler, modi- 
fied form. Likewise, New returns to the use of gray and black slates as 
found in Period I. There are red slate outcrops in the Attleboro-Wrentham 
area, but why he never chose to use it for his gravestones carved there is 
a mystery. Perhaps red was too daring for the conservative rural taste. 

Besides the odd stone for his first wife, Marcy, with its palms-forward, 
raised hands, and the delicate, sensitive double stone for his two children, 
John and Mary (regardless whether carved by him or by his son, James), 
there is one other important stone - the previously-discussed Ezekiel 
Carpenter marker (Fig. 27) - that serves for attribution purposes. 

There is one other stone that merits particular mention since it recalls 
so many earlier design elements, and this is the marker for Bethia 
Thatcher (Fig. 42), 1793, Attleboro, Massachusetts. A veritable clutter of 
John New design elements, some from the first period and some from the 
second, it sums up forty years' work. We find, for instance, the recurrence, 
after some thirty years, of the scroll collar. Most remarkably, the stone has 
a tympanum border design nearly identical to not only the Period I skull 
stone from north of Worcester for Mercy Gates, 1765, Sterling, 
Massachusetts, but also to the Period II winged effigy marker from the 
South Shore for Deborah Lincoln, 1760, Hingham, Massachusetts, once 
again confirming the far-ranging stylistic and geographic dispersion of 
New's work (see Fig. 43). 



56 



New Family Carvers 




i& 



Mercy 
G-ates 

sterling 




Deborah. 
Line o In. 
17fcO 
HiagKam 




BetKLah. 
Thacher 
J793 
Attteboro 



Fig. 43 



Health and fortune continued their decline. By 1797, John New was 
seventy-five years old and a ward of the town. Yet, always active in the 
craft he pursued with vigor and imagination for fifty years, I like to think 
that with the stone he carved for Chloe Caswell (Fig. 25), 1799, Attleboro, 
Massachusetts, he made one last sad attempt at the age of seventy-seven 
to keep up to date with the times. Always in the vanguard - if not a leader 
- of the new fashions and styles in his folk art medium, he produced this 
one urn and willow stone, a sad, pathetic rendering, and then was heard 
from no more. 

A Select Design Element Chart for Periods 
I, II, and III with Chronological Display (see Fig. 44) 



The chart presented as Figure 44 tracks a number of key elements in 
John New's work: 



pinwheel 
fish scales 

double coil and tongue 
squint-eye skull 
rolled V collar 
stubby scroll 
rolled molding 
tongue and groove wing 
three-tiered, etched wing 
simple, plain wing 
corner acanthus 
heart tablature 



m. rolled parchment tablature 

n. zig-zag 

o. tri-partite scallop 

p. lacy cyma stem 

q. plain coil cyma stem 

r. frond coil cyma stem 

s. dense frond with cyma axil flower 

t. scalloping 

u. roses 

v. sun, moon, and stars 

w. open "triskelion" 

x. two-tiered wing (not shown) 



Vincent F. Luti 



57 



"~> f» 00 _, 0- 
S* <0 v> «o 


_§MS1'* !: sJ = 1— T 


i£«*> -- -■ = _ 


(^)® 3 1 = -= - = . I -- = . = ..- = 


rrv^» +> = - = s _[_ 


Iggli* -» .= s ... . -I : - 


^fj- _ __ i = , 


(^^tf • - ---Hi -. -■ 


^S^^ - = m 


d&Sx ° . _ _ 3 =.. = .== = H.iiiii-. = - 1 = -- -- - - 


§ C - | ; !_, |1-1 = . s£ i-.-- 


i^.rarC . _ 


£> - . .. . I T 1 




^^ ;.|-j - ei::4:.-""??----j 


^P- . j b . 


^x _ | s __ = 


^ -- --1.I ... 1.- - - - -— - 


^g- ;_..._.i.._... :...... 


£* .t...t.i!if. .: 


(&- _.i.....iliL 




4- . 


^H* 


«i ix oo £ 



"Eh 

-5 



50 

d 
o 



. A 



d 



73 
O 



0> 



-d 



d 
50 



0) 
T3 









58 New Family Carvers 



This represents only a random sampling of some of John New's design 
elements and is for a limited number of stones. In no way is the chart 
comprehensive. It's purpose is to show how some elements appear and 
disappear, associated with only one or two periods, and how others, in 
turn, link two or three periods together to show that stones from seem- 
ingly unrelated areas bear the style of New's hand. There is no question, 
given just these few elements, that his work was greatly varied and inven- 
tive. The density of each design is only general since the sampling choice 
was limited to less than half his output and surveys a large part, but not 
all, of his design elements. Arrows at the bottom of the chart indicate con- 
tinuation into the 1790s. 

It is curious to note the large time gaps for the reappearance of a (pin- 
wheels), e (rolled V collars), m (rolled parchment tablatures), p (lacy cyma 
borders), and just wings in general. This may be due in part to missing or 
undocumented stones and, in the case of wings, the intrusion of a very 
popular design such as non-winged effigies. 

Note the progressive overlap of wing styles from h to i to /, and then 
the wingless torso effigies gap followed by a new type, x, as wings reap- 
pear on effigies after 1775. Also, note how p (lacy cyma) is immediately 
superseded by elaborate, denser cyma curve versions q and r, to be super- 
seded by an even denser form (taken directly from the Allen workshop). 
It is also true that scroll border designs themselves are taken apart and re- 
assembled variously to make an infinite variety of borders. Those shown 
are only generalized versions of my own. 

An important source of New's designs may possibly be the Park fam- 
ily of carvers, although this may not be definitely asserted without further 
study. For now, we can assume, as was noted earlier, that he was also 
familiar with the designs of Boston carvers and of the Aliens of Rehoboth, 
Massachusetts. 

A Special Problem of Attribution: New or Pratt? 

A necessary part of the present study is to make a convincing argu- 
ment that certain work quite disparate in style and distribution is in fact 
carved by the hand of John New. His style did influence other carvers, 
such as the Pratt family of Abington, Massachusetts, and the early work 
of William Throop of Bristol, Rhode Island. 43 But these carvers developed 
their own idiom, and very few of their stones can be confused with John 
New's work. My interpretation of this attribution problem thus differs 



Vincent F. Luti 59 



from that of several other commentators, such as Peter Benes and Martha 
Campbell. 44 

There are a good number of red slate stones in the South Shore towns 
near Boston that appear to be related, whether the work of one carver or 
more. They begin and end quite distinctly in the years 1758-1768 and 
average eleven per year. They have been variously attributed to Nathaniel 
Pratt, to his son, Noah, to the "unknown South Shore carver," and now - 
by me - to John New. I have weeded out what appears to be the work of 
the first Pratt carver from that which I call New's. The "unknown carver" 
(Benes' term) probably does not exist, since all the remaining stones of the 
group, radiating out from a locus in Brockton, Massachusetts, are surely 
the beginning work of James New, John's son, in the years circa 1770-1776, 
when he was in his twenties. I would not at this time know who the first 
Pratt carver was: Nathaniel, or Noah his son. 

It should be made quite clear that there is no direct documented evi- 
dence that proves John New - or any other carver for that matter - carved 
any of the stones in the South Shore towns: hence, the need to go into 
great detail on design and lettering linkages to authenticated New stones 
or to others within a five-mile radius of his workshop in Attleboro which 
are surely his. 

It is not always clear in Harriette Forbes' notes that some of the pay- 
ments to suspected stonecarvers are documented as unspecified, meaning 
they may, in fact, be for something other than gravestones. 45 Hence, under 
Noah Pratt, she attributes stones solely on the basis of a general probate 
payment. Ironically, checking out these stones -unspecified payments to 
Noah Pratt in the 1760s - shows them to be the work of John New. The 
first payment to a Pratt that specifies gravestones was in 1769, after New 
had left the area. It, too, is a work by John New (Ebenezer Beal, 1761, 
Hingham, Massachusetts). Other probate payments to a Pratt after this 
date, 1769, are in fact for Pratt stones. 

It is most likely that Noah was acting as agent in the sale of these John 
New stones. New could not have received payment during this period 
because he was under guardianship. It turns out also that this Noah Pratt 
was distantly related to John New by marriage. Dr. David Jones' sister, 
Mary, was Noah Pratt's wife. 46 The wives of both men, David and Noah, 
have stones carved by John New. I would conjecture that John New lived 
with Dr. Jones or the Pratt family in Abington during his "exile" years. 
Martha Campbell says that the Pratts had a shop on their property. 



60 



New Family Carvers 



Perhaps New carved there. 

If, as Benes, claims, the first Pratt carver is Nathaniel (1702-1779), then 
he was sixty-five years old when he first started carving in the John New 
style (ca, 1767). The problem is, why was he "paid for gravestones" that 
are John New's? If, as Campbell believes, the first Pratt carver was 
Nathaniel's son, Noah (1731-1807?), whose own two sons are known to be 
carvers after 1777, then he was thirty-six years old when he started imi- 
tating New. 

In any case, it is this Noah Pratt who is the middleman in the sale of 
John New stones. Payments to him cease abruptly with the departure of 
John New from the South Shore. 

So the carving chains look like this: 

Benes: Lt. Nathaniel ... Noah, Jr. and Robert ... unknown Pratt 

Campbell: Noah, Sr. ... Noah, Jr. and Robert ... Cyrus Pratt 

Luti: First Pratt Carver ... Noah, Jr. and Robert ... Cyrus Pratt 




Fig. 45. Sarah Garnett, 1767, Hingham, Massachusetts. 



Vincent F. Luti 61 



The question arises as to whether John New personally taught the 
Pratts to carve, and any answer is completely conjectural. What is all too 
apparent, on the other hand, is the degree to which the Pratts copied John 
New designs. The examples populate the cemeteries of the South Shore, 
and a few will shortly be illustrated. The impressive backdated stone in 
Abington, Massachusetts by John New for Reverend Samuel Brown (Fig. 
17) is without peer, and we read in the Abington Town Records of March 
16, 1772 that when "the Town votes to get the late Mr. Dodge 
Gravestones" they called upon a Pratt carver. The stone that he produced 
mimics all of the Reverend Brown stone, in second-rate fashion, even to 
its gigantic size and the use of red slate. Reverend Izekial (sic) Dodge died 
June 5, 1770: that John New was not asked to carve his stone is testimony 
to my theory that he had already left the area to return to and work in 
Attleboro. 

A Quick Guide to Distinguishing John New from the First Pratt Carver 

Careful scrutiny of many stones and their details, some suggested 
here, makes it possible to separate the red slate stones of the 1760s into 
two distinct bodies of work, as shown below. The exceptions exist, but 
they are rare. 

First Pratt Carver (see Figs. 45, 47, 49) John New (see Figs. 16-21; 46, 48) 

Overall, the work bunches around Overall, the work spreads evenly 
1767-1770. Earlier dates are most over period 1758-1768. Earlier 

likely backdates. dates are backdates. Work drops to 

in 1769. 

1. Crude handling of the chisel; 1. The chisel is used to sculpt and 
used to draw rather than to create model. 

relief; hence, flat pancake planes to 
the effigies and border designs. 

2. Lack of control over chisel; poor 2. Chisel under control at all times; 
drawing, often random, decent drawing sense; designs 
meaningless. understood. 



62 



New Family Carvers 



Most Relevant Elements 



1. Crude owl eyes, no modeling. 

2. Tiny, flat-surfaced heads. 

3. Pinched, tiny necks. 



1. Eyes and pupils are modeled for 
volume effects. May be owlish. 

2. Modeled face and hair. 

3. Necks are always correct width. 



Other Details 



1. The number 2. 

2. Stipling random, not dense. 

3. Lowercase m for Mr. on occasion. 

4. Flat serifs toward the end of the 
decade. Lettering not always 
under control, scratchy, poor 
spacing, often leans to the right. 

5. Three forms of ye. 

6. Crude to only fair foliate designs, 
often just curlicues or geometries. 

7. Pinwheels common. 

8. Little or no punctuation. 



1. Decorated capital letters. 

2. Dense, even stipling. 

3. Uppercase M for Mr. 

4. Lettering mostly consistent and 
reasonable, controlled, although 
sometimes not much better than 
Pratt. Serifs always slant. 

5. -- 

6. Foliate work perhaps abstracted, 
but knowingly cut, in control, 
acanthus-like. 

7. Unique zig-zag filler. 

8. Apt to punctuate, sometimes 
excessively. 



For further illustration of differences in the technique and skill levels 
of these two carvers, compare the two groups of paired stones represent- 
ed by (a) Figures 45 [First Pratt] vs. 46 [John New] and (b) Figures 47 [First 
Pratt] vs. 48 [John New]. The stone for Sarah Garnett (Fig. 45), 1767, 
Hingham, Massachusetts, exhibits flat modeling, crude foliate work, ran- 
dom stipling, shaky lettering, and a tiny head and neck, whereas that for 
Sarah Adams (Fig. 46), 1766, Milton, Massachusetts, features relief mod- 
eling in the face and in gracious scrollwork borders, signature zig-zag, 
decorated letters, dense stipling, and control of lettering and spacing. 
Similarly, the stone for William Torrey (Fig. 47), 1770, Weymouth, 
Massachusetts, displays no relief carving, a tiny head and neck, curlicues, 
and pinwheels, but good lettering because carved after 1770 (late period 
Pratt I), as compared to the stone for Caleb Marsh (Fig. 48), 1763, 
Hingham, Massachusetts, which is notable for its modeled, sculpted face 
(hair, chin, eye-balls, pupils), correct width, modeled neck, dense and 



Vincent F. Luti 



63 




Fig. 46. Sarah Adams, 1766, Milton, Massachusetts. 



64 



New Family Carvers 



even stipling, reasonable acanthus and fan design, elegant raking line 
filler, and careful, controlled lettering. As a final example of early letter- 
ing, sloppy stipling, and other weak design and skill qualities of the First 
Pratt carver, see the stone for David Rice (Fig. 49), 1767, Weymouth, 
Massachusetts. 

James New: A Biographical Sketch 

James New was born September 3, 1751, in Wrentham, Massachusetts, 
to John and Marcy (Mercy) Adams New. 47 Nothing more appears in the 
records until his enlistment in the military. 48 

In his own words, James was living with his father in Attleboro when 
he enlisted on May 1, 1775, in Bridgewater, Massachusetts, in a company 
made up of men from that and neighboring towns. He served in 
Cambridge, Massachusetts until the end of 1775 and then re-enlisted for a 
year. This lasted only two months, however, as he took ill and obtained a 
furlough to go home. We can only assume this meant back to Attleboro for 
the rest of 1776. With the Resolves of 1777 he was drafted, in November 
of that year. However, he did not go, "not being in fine health," and hired 




Fig. 47. William Torrey, 1770, Weymouth, Massachusetts. 



Vincent F. Luti 



65 



a substitute, as was allowed. These details for 1775-1777 are important for 
trying to collate the stone carvings from his hand dated in these years and 
for understanding the special nature of their distribution. 

The records in Massachusetts Soldiers and Sailors of the Revolutionary War 
are not entirely reconciled with New's own deposition, but it is clear that 
up to May 1, 1775, he could have been at home in Attleboro carving, and 
that from May to December of 1775 he could not have been carving, as he 
was then stationed in Cambridge. For the greater part of 1777 (at least 
March to November) he was at home and could have been working on 
stones. On October 23, 1777, he married Anna Perry of Attleboro. For a 
week in July of 1780 he served in Freetown, Massachusetts, his wife 
remembering staying up late at night to knit socks for him to take along. 

It can be certain that he was in fact carving before May 1, 1775 (his 
enlistment date) since there is a probate payment for gravestones within 
the time frame 1773-1775 (death date and probate date). 

Though I can offer no explanation, there are two things that lead me to 
suspect James New had some connection with the Bridgewater, 
Massachusetts area before the war broke out: (1) he enlisted from 







Fig. 48. Caleb Marsh, 1763, Hingham, Massachusetts. 



66 



New Family Carvers 



Bridgewater, not Attleboro, his hometown; (2) his earliest work before 
1775 is distributed in a north-south band of territory from Bridgewater 
north to Milton, Massachusetts, i.e., the very towns which were contained 
in his first military company of 1775. 49 This area is a void left between his 
father's territory in the South Shore towns to the east and the interior 
towns in the Wrentham-Attleboro area to the west. Furthermore, this rela- 
tionship to the Bridgewater area is evident in the fact that many of the 
family names of members of his company and regiment are those found 
on the stones he carved in this region throughout the 1770s. After his 
enlistment in 1775 there are even more of his gravestones found in this 
area. 

By his own account, New lived for fourteen years after 1777 in 
Attleboro, but exactly where or with whom we do not know. His work 
and style is kept reasonably separate from that of his father during this 
period, and to some degree the distribution as well, even though it is pos- 
sible they lived and carved together on John New's property, with its 
house and shop mentioned in several deeds. 50 This homestead was locat- 
ed in modern North Attleboro, Massachusetts, on what is now in part the 




Fig. 49. David Rice, 1767, Weymouth, Massachusetts. 



Vincent F. Luti 67 



National Fish Hatchery and in larger part is under the waters of the man- 
made Greenwood Lake. There are no deed records for James until 1791, 
which could indicate he was living at his father's home. 

James New moved to Grafton, Massachusetts in 1791, where he lived 
thirteen years, then fourteen in Bellingham, Massachusetts, four in 
Franklin, Massachusetts, one again in Bellingham, and four in Medway, 
Massachusetts. His final move was to Holliston, Massachusetts, where he 
finished out his life and died (according to data inscribed on his grave- 
stone in Bellingham) on August 28, 1835. His wife, Anna, died in 1849 and 
is buried next to him. They had eight children, six of whom reached adult- 
hood and married. None appears to have become a stonecarver. 

The Work of James New 

I cannot say with any precision when James New began carving. 
When James was age sixteen - a not uncommon time for apprenticeship 
or production - his father was living and working in the Abington, 
Massachusetts area, but we do not know if his young family was with 
him. There is reason to believe they were not. Despite the variability in 
execution of John New's work at this time, I do not think this is attribut- 
able to the hand of a fledgling son (a few of the stones are even hard to 
distinguish from those of the Pratt I carver). I would only suggest that 
James probably began his apprenticeship and production under his father 
when John returned to live in what is now North Attleboro around 1769 
or 1770. James would then have been about eighteen. 

The Repertoire of James New Designs 

I- A. Costumed Torso Figures, Male and Female, to 1772 

These are awkward, outright attempts to imitate his father's torso 
design. Principal details include the following: nipple nose, coil and leaf 
mound elements, and scalloping, as in the Joanna Dean stone, 1772, 
Easton, Massachusetts; lacework edging to the gown, as in the Sarah 
Kingman stone, 1771, Brockton, Massachusetts; sun, moon, and stars, as 
in the Richard Faxon stone, 1772, Braintree, Massachusetts; and wavy 
lines edged in zig-zag (with sun, moon, and stars), as in the backdated 
Caleb Thayer stone, 1759, Braintree, Massachusetts. Halfway down the 
Nathaniel Thayer stone, 1768, Braintree, Massachusetts, a wavy band 
across the stone employs a tiny fleur-de-lis figure which was not used by 



68 



New Family Carvers 




Fig. 50. Benjamin Hayward, 1773, West Bridgewater, Massachusetts. 



Vincent F. Luti 



69 



John New but becomes a signature element right into James' later years. 51 
The faces are standing-on-end eggs with pinched eyes and noses placed 
very high. 

The wide borders of this early period exude nervous energy in the 
wrinkly, shallowly incised lines that design a variety of loose, leafy foliate 
work - such as the excessively busy filler between odd, unbound flower- 
like rounds on the Richard Faxon stone - and show that the carver does 
not always know what it is he is representing. The flattened-out rose of 
the Silence Pratt stone, 1771, Easton, Massachusetts, will emerge as a con- 
sistent element in James' work, but more sculpturally done in later years, 
with double-edged petals. The expanding, coiled frond of the Josiah 
French stone, 1768, Braintree, Massachusetts, was taken from his father's 
work. All these stones, then, lead up to their style authentication in the 
Benjamin Hayward stone (Fig. 50), 1773 (probated February 6, 1774), West 
Bridgewater, Massachusetts, with its costumed male torso and with the 
identical panels found on the Josiah French stone. As is evident from the 
illustration, the Hayward marker is in quite poor condition. 




Fig. 51. Capt. Moses Curtis, 1763 (backdated), Brockton, 
Massachusetts. 



70 New Family Carvers 



I-B. Costumed Torso Figures, 1773-1775 

Three stones that come immediately after the I-A group show a strong 
tightening up of the scratchy border work and exhibit coherent, simple, 
but strongly articulated designs. Details of face and clothing are not so 
loutish and now have tiny, refined figurations. The eyes are still very 
pinched, but not as ropey in outline as before. The three stones in ques- 
tion are for Capt. Moses Curtis (Fig. 51), 1763 [backdated]; Sarah Packard, 
1773; and Constant Southworth, 1775, all in Brockton, Massachusetts. This 
tympanum design now ceases and does not reappear in this form again. 

II. Winged Bald Effigies 

Five stones - those for Abner Phillips, 1747; Timothy Keith, 1761; 
Abigail Packard, 1763; a second Abner Phillips, 1766, all of Brockton, 
Massachusetts; and Mehetabel Howard, 1770, West Bridgewater, 
Massachusetts - likewise show their debt to a John New design, the 
winged bald effigy. They even display the etched, bell-curve wing of John 
New, and the stone for Mehetabel Howard has a finial directly traceable 
back through James' father to George Allen, who in turn took it from John 
Stevens I. Given that the border panel designs are coherent foliate and 
flower work, these five stones may be co-extensive with the I-B set in exe- 
cution and type. This tympanum design ceases at this point and will not 
reappear in this form again. 

I1I-A/B. Skulls 

There is a set of winged skull stones that, from their similar border 
techniques and design elements, shows a co-extension with I-A /I-B (to 
1775). It is a skull design that John New developed after 1756. The skull 
on the Anna Hay ward stone, 1776, West Bridgewater, Massachusetts, is 
remarkable in that it incorporates a Plymouth County cat- whisker mouth- 
mark between two sets of teeth. 52 Other examples of the skull are found 
on the stones for Nathaniel Hammond, 1770, Brockton, Massachusetts; 
Benjamin French, 1772, Braintree, Massachusetts; and Katherine South- 
worth, 1775, Brockton, Massachusetts. This skull design never appears 
again. 

IV-A/B/C. Foliate Work Tympani 

These stones are harder to date, but based on the cruder lettering and 
the relationship of border designs and techniques, I'd conclude that this 



Vincent F. Luti 



71 



set covers the years of I-A/I-B (to 1775) as well. Those tympani 
designs that are out of control and make no sense (set A) are prob- 
ably the earliest of the group: John Lothrup, 1774, West Bridgewater, 
Massachusetts; Nathaniel Hammond, 1749; Reuben Keith, 1762; and 
Silence Hammond, 1770, all of Brockton, Massachusetts. The B set of 
stones (1773-1775) are those for Mark Perkins, 1756; Susannah Packard, 
1773; and Damarais Cary, 1775, all of Brockton, Massachusetts. The C set 
of stones (1775ff.) appears to directly follow the B set and includes the 
somewhat elegant examples for Mary Cary, 1768, and Huldah Cary (Fig. 
52), 1775, both of Brockton, Massachusetts; Sarah Hayward, 1776, West 
Bridgewater, Massachusetts; and Nathaniel Southworth, 1778, Brockton, 
Massachusetts. Foliate tympani designs will continue in James New's 
repertoire all the way into the 1790s. Although there are various forms 
used throughout this period, the most prominent is one taken 
from his father in which facing foliate mounds are capped with coiled 
fronds. 



, — . 




Fig. 52. Huldah Cary, 1775, Brockton, Massachusetts. 



72 



New Family Carvers 



V. Arched Wing, Severe Effigies 

(a) The 1773-1775 Set 
These effigies have little or no hair and the panel work relates to I-A 
(to 1772). The arched wing, severe effigies are done in adult proportions 
with thin noses and ovoid faces. They must have come into being with, or 
shortly after, the beginnings of the costumed torso effigies. They are either 
bald or have only the slightest trace of a haircap. The high wings are flop- 
py and barely incised within their outlines with a few scratchy, wiggly 
lines. Peculiar, bladder-shaped wings appear. They appear to go through 
four phases in this early period, and, if nothing else, display imaginative, 
though crude, individuality. This set is represented by the stones - all 1773 
and in Brockton, Massachusetts - for Moses Curtis (bladder wings 
incised with curlycues on a pile of fish scale rocks in an electrified 
zig-zag background), Eliphalet Phillips (riding vertical heat waves on 
bladder wings), and Elisha Dunbar (floppy wings on a quilted back- 
ground). 




Fig. 53. Luke Perkins, 1776, Brockton, Massachusetts. 



Vincent F. Luti 



73 




Fig. 54. Luke Perkins, 1776, Brockton, Massachusetts. 
Detail of border panel. 



74 



New Family Carvers 



(b) The 1773-1776 Set 

This group features narrow, curly wigs and borders more like I-B and 
is represented by several stones found in Brockton, Massachusetts. The 
marker for Luke Perkins (Figs. 53 and 54), 1776, is notable for its thick, 
staring wigged head supported by heavily-cut bladder wings and also for 
what are perhaps the wildest, most incomprehensible, and bizarre border 
panels of any stone in New England. Other include the markers for Moses 
Curtis, 1769, steely-faced, with lettering and decorated, needle-etched 
capitals not a bit worn after two hundred years; Theophilus Curtis, 1771; 
and Marthas Snell, 1776, a companion piece to Luke Perkins, but with 
handsome, swirling borders topped with tulip rounds for finials. 

(c) The 1777-1778 Set 

This set is characterized by an odd, ribbed cap (hairpiece?), and a few 
carved on an extremely metallic-like stone with designs that have a glassy, 
almost neoclassic serene frontality. Examples include the markers for 
Ruth Allen, 1770, and Robert Allen, 1778, Walpole, Massachusetts; and 
Thomas Wales, 1776, Avon, Massachusetts. The well-preserved Abigail 
Hayward stone (Fig. 55), 1776, West Bridgewater, Massachusetts, dis- 




IBM 




Fig. 55. Abigail Hayward, 1776, West Bridgewater, Massachusetts. 



Vincent F. Luti 



75 



plays, in addition to interesting tympanum background plaidwork (a 
quilt?), very elegant borders of open, coiled fronds encompassing finely- 
etched, dotted flower bursts which may be, along with the lettering, the 
work of John New. A hierarchic rendering occurs on the double stone for 
John and Silence Burr, 1777, West Bridgewater, with a crown situated 
between and above the two effigies. 

(d) The 1779-1784 Set 
In this set are nine stones which have, variously, minimal haircaps and 
arched wings, as, for example, on the marker for Rebekah Sweet, 1784 
(probated 1785), Attleboro, Massachusetts. Further authentication for 
these stones comes from the marker for Samuel Robinson (Fig. 56), 1779 
(probated 1784), Attleboro, Massachusetts, and also from that for 
Nathaniel Hammond, 1781 (probated 1782), Avon, Massachusetts. 53 

VI. Plump, Moon-Faced Effigies 

Very rapidly, after 1783, type V evolved into round faces with a cheru- 
bic cast - plump noses, flat, button pupils in stylized almond eyes with 
ropey outlines (but not pinched together as earlier), and fat cheeks. They 
have either a peaked bonnet or a bangs-like haircap. Some are quite sweet. 
The famous Sarah Allen stone (Fig. 57), 1785, Bristol, Rhode Island, has 




Fig. 56. Samuel Robinson, 1779, Attleboro, Massachusetts. 



76 



New Family Carvers 




Fig. 57. Sarah Allen, 1785, Bristol, Rhode Island. 



Vincent F. Luti 



77 




Fig. 58. Mary Croade, 1784, Warren, Rhode Island. 




Fig. 59. Deacon Abner Stow and Mary Stow, 1785, Grafton, Massachusetts. 



78 



New Family Carvers 



rising suns accompanying this design. Charming examples are the mark- 
ers for Mary Croade (Fig. 58), 1784, Warren, Rhode Island, and Darius 
Sawyer, 1789, Lancaster, Massachusetts. From this style also comes the 
stone for Deacon Abner Stow and his wife Mary (Fig. 59), 1785, Grafton, 
Massachusetts, holding hands in their winged ascent to heaven (note the 
signature fleur-de-lis and scalloping). The arched, drooping wings in this 
group are more solidly cut than ever before and have lost their nervous 
scratchings. 



VII. Chevron-Winged Moon Effigies in Flight 

In the last stage of the effigies, 1790-1800, the heads start out much like 
those of type VI, but the wing feathers reach out horizontally on either 
side of the head or curve upward above the head. They are no longer 
earthbound (drooping). The sweetest of all is the Elizabeth Adams foot- 
stone, 1790, Grafton, Massachusetts; the most winsome is the marker for 
Solomon Peck (Fig. 60), 1794, Sutton, Massachusetts; the most flighty is 
that for Susannah Perkins (Fig. 61), 1789, Brockton, Massachusetts; and 
the most hierarchic that for Charles Lincoln (Fig. 62), 1794, Brockton, 
Massachusetts. 




Fig. 60. Solomon Peck, 1794, Sutton, Massachusetts. 



Vincent F. Luti 



79 




Fig. 61. Susannah Perkins, 1789, Brockton, Massachusetts. 




Fig. 62. Charles Lincoln, 1794, Brockton, Massachusetts. 



80 



New Family Carvers 



Then, around 1800, the effigy goes rigid, cast in steely technique and 
mass produced in boring repetitions. But one is startling - the stone for 
Margaret Hill (Fig. 63), 1804, Holliston, Massachusetts, which for all the 
world looks like something from a 1930s aviator film with helmet, gog- 
gles, and strutted wings in an electrified, quilted, zig-zag sky. 

This group is authenticated by the Eunice Willis stone, 1797, Brockton, 
Massachusetts, which is signed, as is the Gardner Waters stone, 1793, 
Sutton, Massachusetts. The design is used for children as well as for 
adults. 

VIII. Torsos, Portraits, and Winged Torsos 

This diverse group picks up on the earlier abandoned costumed fig- 
ures (I-A/I-B), but is influenced in design by the more cherubic styles of 
the winged effigies. Torsos, with or without little shoulder wings, are gen- 
eralized figures. The eeriest is the spider-winged depiction of Martha 
Dean (Fig. 64), 1788, Attleboro, Massachusetts, peering hypnotically for- 
ward in a flame-like arch. Of others, Hannah Tiffany, 1785, Atleboro, 
Massachusetts, is famous for having "sought and found him"; Reverend 




Fig. 63. Margaret Hill, 1804, Holliston, Massachusetts. 



Vincent F. Luti 



81 




Fig. 64. Martha Dean, 1788, Attleboro, Massachusetts. 




Fig. 65. Benjamin Morse, 1796, Sutton, Massachusetts. 



82 



New Family Carvers 



Elisha Fisher, 1795, Upton, Massachusetts, is quite pious; Margaret Cole, 
1792, Sutton, Massachusetts, points heavenward; Benjamin Morse (Fig. 
65), 1796, Sutton, Massachusetts, leans on a ledge in utter sweetness, 
dressed in a stipled shirtdress and wearing neat bangs, while two broken 
trees appear on either side in a quilted background; and Charles Brigham, 
1781, Grafton, Massachusetts, a portrait, has been celebrated in Harriette 
Forbes' book. 54 

IX. Moon-in- Arch Effigies 

This design, and often its accompanying border panels, has too much 
in common with the work of the Park family - even to the use of the pro- 
file "bird in the vine" borders - not to wonder what the connection was. 
They are signed, so we know James New carved them. They date 
throughout his carving career from the 1770s to the 1790s. The gowned 
figures, with perfectly round moon-cherub faces (a few not so round), fit 
tightly into a roman arch. Some are more portrait-like or individualistic 
than others. Simple trees stand guard left and right of the image, fre- 
quently in a quilted zig-zag background. The border panels are often 




Fig. 66. Edward Goddard, 1777, Shrewsbury, Massachusetts. 



Vincent F. Luti 



83 



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84 New Family Carvers 



either a column or a simple two-leafed vine. Other types occur. The stone 
for Reverend Daniel Perkins, 1782, West Bridgewater, Massachusetts, is 
nicely stylized, and the well preserved, signed Edward Goddard stone 
(Fig. 66), 1777, Shrewsbury, Massachusetts, is especially handsome. 

X. Urn and Willow 

There are numerous James New stones in this design, thickly drawn 
and executed and well lettered, but I have not made a study of them. 

Geographic Distribution of the Work of John and James New (See 
Figs. 67-69) and the Collaboration Issue 

As of this writing, I have catalogued some eight hundred and eighty- 
five gravestones that in all likelihood were carved by the New family. This 
does not represent all that there are. The number could rise to close to one 
thousand. Between father and son, the time span of the documentation is 
of some sixty-five years, from circa 1745 to 1810. Plotting the distribution 
of these gravestones (Figs. 67, 68, and 69) produced block-like demo- 
graphics that flow with epidemics, prosperity, war, and familial ties. At 
the center, or home base, of all this wide demographic distribution were 
the areas around old Wrentham, Massachusetts, where John New was 
born, and old Attleboro, Massachusetts, where he died. These areas are 
most consistently represented by all the styles. 

The distribution reflects the epidemics in towns around Worcester, the 
rising prosperity of the South Shore towns below Boston in mid-century, 
the Revolutionary War that brought James to the area of the Bridgewaters, 
John New's acceptance into the town of Attleboro, and James New's 
remove to the Worcester area, closing the circle begun there many decades 
earlier by his father. 

The following observations of some importance are worth noting on 
the chart representing the temporal /geographic distribution of the New's 
work (Fig. 67): 

1. The non compos break in 1756, after the epidemic years, is clearly 
shown in the distribution of the stones in the first two columns of the 
chart. The continuity in columns three and four shows the allegiances in 
the towns to the immediate north of the old West Wrentham Precinct 
(now Franklin, Massachusetts) where John New grew up and married. 

2. The shift in John New's work to the South Shore is dramatically 
shown in the columns headed Hingham/Abingtom. His abrupt depar- 



Vincent F. Luti 



85 



ture is also clearly seen. 

3. James New's first period begins strongly, as seen in the columns 
headed Avon/Bridgewater, and drops off sharply in 1790-1791 when his 
work shifts to his Grafton residency, the columns headed Bellingham/ 



/BoylsWv/^^Nofthb'on 

WORCESTER „ '////•//»•"/' 

<* „ Grafton 
** Mill bury a 

*kuburn H 

r ^ 

r Upton? 

** Sutton y 

r > 



BOSTON 





| FroftKlin. 



HiittUI 1 !! 



North 
Mftcboro 



AttkWo 



thAu, 



Mans- 
field 



BncKW, y 

south 



Sou 



« B 'E«tiiMi h ° 

©(l\Pr-ov\«rK 
|iL''.l 

iVn^Mi Swcyiseo. 



IIIlM' 




Bri4qo*&n 



-I/5"6 JbhivNew 
|lJ{j[} 1758-/768 John New 
J7b?-/799 John New 



j, I tyO-lffO JomesNey/ 

P Tr 3 2792 - James Ne*/ 

ti.J-i.Ll ' ' 



Fig. 68. Distribution map of New stones. 



86 



New Family Carvers 



Sutton/ Auburn. The work before 1790 in the last three columns is mostly 
backdated material of James New. A few in the Bellingham column are 
correctly dated works of John New. 

4. John New's Attleboro period covers the columns headed 
Attleboro/ Mansfield /East Providence / Barrington. Here it is quite inter- 
esting to note that with the passing of time John's distribution zone 



L 



Wrenth(Lm_ t Boston 



Klorth 

Attleboro 















Nlortoa. 



4, rn. 



Providence* 

y 



Percent of New stones -J770 — 1799- in* 
select cemeteries £L*icb their rc\a!t\oru 
to distances -from the. Mo. Attleboro sKop 

Fig. 69. 



Vincent F. Luti 



87 



shrinks regularly in the geographic direction of North Attleboro, his 
home. First to go are the distant Rhode Island towns of Barrington, 
Bristol, and Warren; then East Providence, Rehoboth, and Swansea closer 
to home; and lastly Attleboro's neighboring towns of Mansfield and 
Norton. Plainville, once part of South Wrentham, abuts North Attleboro 
only a few miles from New's workshop. The final stones are simply in 
Attleboro. 

Though there are slight admixtures of the work of father and son, it is 
interesting to note how they carved out and respected each other's terri- 
tories. 

Despite the dilemma caused by one stone for Marcy New (Fig. 70), the 
wife of John and mother of James, 1788, Attleboro, Massachusetts, with 
"James N" scratched into the unfinished part of the stone below ground, 
it would appear that John and James New may not have collaborated in 
the years 1770-1790 quite as much as I once thought. James lived with his 
father up until his marriage in November, 1777, at least as far as can be 
deduced from his own deposition for his Revolutionary War pension. 
Distribution of his first period stones, roughly up to 1778, do not, except 




Fig. 70. Marcy New, 1788, Attleboro, Massachusetts. 



88 



New Family Carvers 



very rarely, overlap with any town where his father was placing stones. 
By his own account, he lived in Attleboro for fourteen years after his mar- 
riage in 1777, but we do not know where or with whom. There are no 
deeds for James New until 1791. If he lived with his father and carved in 
his shop, the two men managed to keep their styles, design repertoire, 
and distribution relatively separate, as appears to be the case over the 
larger time span of 1770-1790. A count of their output shows about an 
equal number of stones carved by each. Out of a sampling figure of 235 
stones carved by James New in the period 1770-1790, only some 50, or 
21%, are placed in towns where John New was distributing his work. Or, 
put another way, 79% of James New's work is carefully placed in towns 
where his father's appears rarely, if at all. 

The baffling mystery of the Marcy New stone centers about that 
"James N" mentioned above, scratchily etched in script on the rough, 
unfinished portion of the marker meant to be covered by the ground (i.e., 
not in the usual, above-ground advertising position of signed stones). 
Neither the lettering nor the design work found on this marker is charac- 
teristically that of James New: in fact, it is all in the continuous develop- 
mental line of John New. Why would James need to sign a stone below 




JIVI *- 1 I, 

Fig. 71. John and Mary New, 1774/1778, Attleboro, Massachusetts. 



Vincent F. Luti 89 



ground in a town where he and his father were very well known and had 
a monopoly on stonecarving already? The effigy and its details are just 
not compatible with the bulk of stones associated with authenticated 
works of James New leading up to the 1780s. If it is a case of copying ver- 
batim his father's style, then there might be a larger number of stones in 
the 1770-1790 (1778-1790 might be a tighter frame) time period that raise 
the question as to the authorship of either man. If James was copying his 
father's costumed, bust effigy design, why does it never appear in towns 
where known James New work is exclusively and densely located? Is the 
Marcy New stone a singular, bizarre, unexplained occurrence? 

To be totally safe - that is, if we are to assume that James did produce 
exact copies of his father's style - it might be advisable to lump the cos- 
tumed bust effigy stones in the tighter frame of 1778-1790 all together 
under "collaboration" and allow for the fact that the lettering on all of 
them appears to be in John New's more consistent style. This "collabora- 
tion" would involve lettering probably by John New, with typani work 
either by John or James, for distribution strictly in John New's territory - 
an uneasy hypothesis at best. It should be recalled that early 1770s docu- 
mentable bust effigies by James New were rather crudely hacked out, and 
it might not be until the very late years of the decade that his skill would 
equal that of his father. The "John New workshop" might be a better attri- 
bution label for this specific classification and period, since it is John's sin- 
gular bust effigy design that is being produced by both men. 

But the uneasy problem nevertheless still remains, as may be seen in 
the striking differences between the Marcy New stone (Fig. 70) and anoth- 
er marker, that for Martha Dean (Fig. 64), both dated 1788 and both locat- 
ed in the same cemetery in Attleboro. It is hard to believe that the hand 
that carved the Dean stone - which relates closely in technique and design 
details to James New's authenticated work - is the same that produced 
the Marcy New stone when this very Marcy New face is related directly 
in form and content not only to the South Shore effigies of John New 
carved from 1758 to 1768, and, as well, to one carved for Abigail Lane, 
1792, in the Pine Street Cemetery near John New's home in Attleboro 
(when James was living far away in Grafton), but also to one probated to 
John New in 1791 for Ezekiel Carpenter that, though badly worn, shows 
the same conception in the head design. 

I would point out several details of the two stones that are invariant 
nearly 100% of the time in the work of father and son: 



90 New Family Carvers 



Tohn New Tames New 

Marcy New, 1788 Martha Dean, 1788 

1. Modeled eyeball and pupil 1. Flat stylized eye, button pupil 

2. Pronounced "nipple nose" 2. Correct nose tip 

3. Exaggerated frown 3. Straight, placid mouth 

The bonnets should also be examined carefully for their striking details 
and the stylistic differences which are characteristic of each carver. 

That John New always modeled the eyeball and pupils is consistent. 
James was also consistent in producing flat, almond eyes with flat, round 
button pupils. There are two prominent stones - and apparently no more 
in James' output - that clearly show a skill at modeled eyeballs and 
pupils: both date from the 1790s and are located in Sutton, Massachusetts, 
near Grafton where James lived. One is for Gardner Waters, 1793, signed 
"J New Sc": the other is the utterly winsome winged effigy for Solomon 
Peck (Fig. 60), 1794, which is in no way very different from the charming 
head of John New (Jr.) found on a double stone with his sister, Mary (Fig. 
71), 1774 and 1778, in Attleboro. But following the development of James' 
designs and skills, particularly the latter, the documented work shows 
that up to as late as 1778 he had not even approached his father's design 
skills. How could a carver in what was essentially an apprentice stage 
have created the exquisite and sensitive stone for the two New children? 
I do not feel that he did. The only other explanation is that the New chil- 
dren stone is substantially backdated, which, if true, changes the picture 
altogether, 

It might appear that from 1770-1790 James deliberately did not (or 
could not, in his early work) imitate aspects of his father's style while he 
was working out of the workshop in Atleboro. Perhaps this was out of 
deference, but, whatever the case, this imitative ability was certainly pre- 
sent later - as shown in the two examples just mentioned in Sutton - 
when at a respectable distance and during a time when his father's work, 
health, and fortunes were rapidly declining. Even if James did carve the 
Marcy New stone - and possibly even that for John and Mary New, his 
brother and sister - he would have been making exact replicas of his 
father's work, and, on such a basis, they would reasonably deserve attri- 
bution to John New on design merit. It could, of course, turn out that the 
enigmatic signature on the Marcy New stone is there for some entirely dif- 
ferent reason. 



Vincent F. Luti 



91 



Whether the decision of father or son, a powerfully devout epitaph 
appears on the base of the gravestone for Marcy New, who died in her 
seventy-second year: 






Abigail Lane 1792. 



Ebere-Ltr Lane 1792. 
r 

SoLomoaSKirmer 1787 



/*"% 




To<U i5 n ' 

RhodaTodd I784 



A a— ^ 

Abel Bng§5 779^- 




Beajdm-in, SKinner 1782_ 



Mar y ^\j§ " Stephen 

SKinner M 4 Pofui ,776 

1754 '(ll u „ 

I 54 ' 




wife: dec c m t r ^ 

Hannah SKinaer 1776 




Daniel White. 1796 



Fig. 72. Prominent John and James New carving elements on stones in 
the Pine Street/Wading River Cemetery, Mansfield, Massachusetts. 



92 New Family Carvers 



A guilty weak & helpless worm 
On thy kind arms I Fall: 
Be thou my strength & righteousness 
My Jesus & my all. 

A Postscript: The Pine Street/Wading River Cemetery, Mansfield, 
Massachusetts 

Late in the research for this study, a small cemetery was found only 
two miles from John New's home and workshop. All of the eighteenth 
century stones in the cemetery (17 total) are from the New workshop and 
confirm a great number of New design details and techniques. This area, 
in the second half of the eighteenth century, was an isolated pocket in 
what is now the northeastern corner of North Attleboro, Massachusetts. It 
had a small settlement of farms at the juncture of two country roads - 
Mansfield Road and Linsey street - that ran from Attleboro to Mansfield, 
on the banks of the Bungay River, where mills once stood. All of the per- 
sons interred in this cemetery were neighbors of John New. There were no 
other stonecarvers available in the area. Two of the stones are by James 
New, and the rest, apparently, represent the work of John New exclusive- 

Design elements on these markers confirm stone attributions as far 
north as old Lancaster, north of Worcester, east to the towns of the South 
Shore, and south to Newport, Rhode Island. There is no reason not to call 
all these stones a source of primary authentication for both men. 

The accompanying chart of selected stones from that cemetery (Fig. 
72) draws attention to some of the most prominent and characteristic ele- 
ments in John and James New's carving vocabulary: 

John New Stones 

Abigail Lane,. 1792 Rhoda Todd, 1784 

1. zig-zag edging on the gown 1. both forms of d 

2. general bonnet shape (lacing details 2. floppy wings 
were not inscribed) 3. wispy wig 

3. ovoid head shape 4. palm frond cyma borders 

4. bulging, upswept eyes 5. suffix superscript to age numbers 

5. nipple nose 6. frown mouth 

6. deep frown with dots Abel Briggs, 1792 

7. finial pinwheel 1 . both forms of A 

8. etched drape in tympanum arch 2. hooked S 

9. tri-partite scalloping in panels 3. zig-zagged scalloping 



Vincent E Luti 



93 



10. fish hook t 

11. hooked d 

12. excess of punctuation, usually commas 
Ebenezer Lane, 1792 

1. general bald, winged effigy; 
pear-shaped head 

2. plain wing style 

3. frown mouth 
Solomon Skinner, 1787 

1. lumpy, disfigured head type of John 
New's declining years 

2. looped crossbeam on A 

3. frown mouth 
Jacob White, 1791 

1. winged wig effigy 

2. tendrils hooking around the stems 

3. regular d 

4. frown mouth 



4. frown mouth 
Mary Skinner, 1784 

1. deep relief, tri-partite scalloping 
with ribbing 

2. cyma vine with flowering axil 
borders 

3. lower case for months (variable) 
Benjamin Skinner, 1782 

1. facing coil frond mounds with 
wheat bundle 
Stephen Pond, 1776 

1. suffix superscript to age 

2. stubby cyma vine borders 



Tames New Stones 



Hannah Skinner, 1776 (backdated) 

1. half rose finial, double-edged 

2. freeform foliate tympanum 

3. colon use and excessive punctuation 
in general 

4. backward commas 

5. lowercase for month (variable) 

6. short arched t 



Daniel White, 1786 

1. moon-faced winged effigy 

2. buttons for pupils 

3. sweet, smiling mouth 

4. torso suggestion 

5. arched wing design 

6. (the wig seems to be a singular 
use of this design) 



NOTES 



With the exception of those noted below, all photographs, rubbings, and line drawings 
found in this article are by the author. The photographs shown as Figures 7 and 16, taken by 
Daniel and Jessie Lie Farber, and Figure 26, taken by Harriette Merrifield Forbes, are used 
with the kind permission of the American Antiquarian Society, Worcester, Massachusetts. 

1. Harriette Merrifield Forbes, Gravestones of Early New England and the Men Who Made 
Them, 1653-1800 (New York, NY, 1967), 87-88. 

2. She may have read the garbled account of the Newe family, in Mortimer Blake's History 
of the Town of Franklin (Franklin, MA, 1879), 264: "he is said to have been a gravestone 
cutter, as was also his son John." 

3. Suffolk County Deeds, Boston, MA, 81:83. 

4. Tax records at the Wrentham Town Hall list James New, constable, as tax collector for 



94 New Family Carvers 



the West precinct: March, 1740; December, 1741; and February, 1743. Forbes' list of pay- 
ments to James New from probate accounts may be just for taxes. The years fit. He was 
given a list of names and rates, which suggests that he could read. 

5. William Smith Tilden, History of the Town of Medfield (Boston, MA, 1887), 534. Mary's 
father, Vincent Shuttleworth, Sr. (d. March 23, 1719), an early settler of Medfield, 
became, with his daughter, wards of the town. Upon Shuttleworth's death, James New 
took the thirty- seven year old daughter as his wife (he was about twenty-eight). She 
was forty years old when her son, John, was born (apparently there were no other chil- 
dren). Her brother was eventually declared non compos mentis and became a ward of the 
town also. Her son, John New, would in turn meet these same fates. Upon her death in 
1760, James married Mrs. Sarah Blake Fisher. John New's gravestones for both his par- 
ents are remarkably plain throwbacks to early skull designs. The 28 th Report of the 
Record Commissioners, 1833, Boston Marriages 1700-1751, shows James New and Mary 
Shuttleworth married by Joseph Baxter, Medfield, February 19, 1919, whereas Tilden 
gives 1720. 

6. Record Proprietors Selectman 1718-1822, Town Clerk's Office (TCO), Wrentham, MA, 52, 
54, 81, 108, 131, 155; and Layout of Land 1743-44, 26,29. 

7. Town Records Second Precinct Wrentham 1736-1824, TCO, Franklin, MA, 2. 

8. Births, Marriages and Deaths 1668-1764, TCO, Wrentham, MA. 

9. Ibid. 

10. Town Records 1739-1760, TCO, Wrentham, MA. 363, lists a payment of March 7, 1747/8 
to John New for digging the grave of widow Maccaney. 

11. Suffolk County Deeds, Boston, MA, 81:83, 105:141, give "husbandman": Bristol County 
Deeds, Taunton, MA, 43:252, "husbandman"; 62:247, "yeoman"; 76:276, "yeoman": 
Suffolk County Probate, Boston, MA, file #11462, "labourer" (1757), and "stonecutter" 

(1757). 

12. Suffolk County Deeds, 81:83. 

13. Births, Marriages and Deaths 1668-1764, TCO, Wrentham. 

14. Bristol County Deeds, 43:252. 

15. Vincent F. Luti, "Study of the Early Land History of the North Attleboro U.S. 
Department of the Interior Fish Hatchery, 1700-1828" in manuscript and map form 
includes John New's land. Copy of the study available at the Hatchery office. 

16. Other than a tax assessment, 1746, Wrentham Tax Office, in a box of unfiled papers, and 
a rebate, 1758 (see note 26), there are no tax records for John New until 1771 in Attleboro 
(see note 32). This suggests he had no taxable personal or real estate, or wasn't in 
Wrentham from 1758 to 1770. In turn, this suggests he was based elsewhere (South 
Shore). 



Vincent F. Luti 95 



17. Town Records 1730-1760, TCO, Wrentham, MA, 398, 401, 403, 418. 

18. Interesting accounts of the epidemics are found in "a Discourse ... delivered ... October 
31, 1756 at the west Parish in Lancaster: On the Occasion of the late Mortality in that 
and the neighboring places by John Mellen A.M. Pastor of the Church there," American 
Antiquarian Society, Worcester, MA. See also Rev. Abner Morse, A Genealogical Register 
and History of the Towns ofSherborn and Holliston (Boston, MA, 1856), 328-329; and Ernest 
Caulfield, "The Pursuit of Pestilence," American Antiquarian Society Proceedings, April, 
1950. 

19. Suffolk County Probate, file #11462. 

20. Ibid. 

21. Ibid. 

22. Gravestone in the Wrentham Congregational Church Cemetery, Wrentham, MA. 

23. Births, Marriages and Deaths, TCO, Wrentham. 

24. Suffolk County Deeds, 86:130, 95:105, Thomas Fisher, grantee, October 24, 1760. That he 
lived in the South Precinct from 1759-1776 is deduced from the fact he was taxed in 
those years from that precinct. There are no deeds, however, placing him there (mod- 
ern Plainville, Massachusetts). 

25. Suffolk County Probate, file #11642, Benjamin Shepard's guardianship account of 
expenses, April, 1762. 

26. Town Records 1730-1760, TCO, Wrentham, 481. John New's assessment for the year 1757 
was rebated to him May 24, 1758. 

27. Suffolk County Probate, file #11642. 

28. Martha Campbell, Abington and the Revolution (Abington, MA, 1975), 90. 

29. Almira Gendrot, Blake and Torrey Genealogy (Boston, MA, 1916), 24. 

30. Superior Court of Judicature 1760-62, Superior Court Building, Boston, MA, 235, 399. 

31. Bristol County Deeds, 54:368. This actually deals with a real estate action of 1762. So, in 
fact, 1762 is the last we hear of New's guardianship, which suggests he was on his feet 
by then. In Betty H. Pruitt, The Mass. Tax Valuation List of 1771 (Boston, MA, 1978), 550, 
John New of Attelboro is shown as owning a house (whole real estate worth £1-0-0), no 
horse, two cows, six goats and sheep, no pasturage acres, five acres of tillage, and ten 
bushels of grain per year. 

32. Tax Assesor's Office, Wrentham, unfiled box of old records has a memo from the 
Selectmen of Attleboro to those of Wrentham: "we for divers good causes and consid- 
eration have received John New as a legal inhabitant ... and of consequence you need 



96 New Family Carvers 



not be at any more trouble about sd New," March 3, 1776. Also entered in the Records 
Town of Attlebow 1757-1778, Attleboro Town Hall: "We [selectmen] do ... promise to 
indemnify the Town from any cost or charge that may arise on account of receiving the 
sd New and his family into sd Town/' March 30, 1776. However, he was living there 
before 1776. The Massachusetts State Archives, Boston, MA, note in 132:66, September 
24, 1771, in the Valuation Lists for Attleboro, 66: "John New's polls not rateable ... annu- 
al worth of whole real estate 1-0-0, 2 cows, 6 goats or sheep, 5 acres tillage, 6 bushels 
grain." 

33. Rachel, died 1773, Wrentham Vital Records; Mary, died 1774, gravestone, Attleboro; 
Esther Day, married 1788, Attleboro Vital Records. 

34. Records Town of Attlebow 1757-1778, City Hall, 188. However, he was appointed Hog 
Reave in 1778: Ibid., 95. 

35. Bristol County Deeds, 76:276: "...being reduced to such low circumstances. ..in need of 
support of the town." The sale includes "my part of the Dwelling House, the whole of 
the Hay barn...." There is no indication as to who owned the other part of the house and 
no mention of the shop (recorded in other deeds). Records Town of Attlebow 1797-1822 
begin recording town payments for New's support in 1798 on p. 12 and run in great 
detail to p. 398 in 1818. The history of he New property from 1700 to the present has 
been documented in detail by the author. 

36. Forbes, Gravestones of Early New England and the Men Wlio Made Them, 77. 

37. Peter Benes, The Masks of Orthodoxy: Folk Gravestone Carving in Plymouth County, 
Massachusetts, 1689-1805 (Amherst, MA, 1977), 144. Some revision is needed on this 
material in light of new research: re-examine the influence of the Stevens shop; correct 
Forbes' view that Samuel Tingley I or II were carvers; make George Allen more central 
and earlier (1730); and remove the Norton carver influence (there is none, nor a Norton 
carver involved). The arguments of James Deetz and Edwin S. Dethlefsen (articulated 
in several articles, e.g. "Death's Heads, Cherubs, and Willow Trees: Experimental 
Archeology in Colonial Cemeteries," American Antiquity 31 (1966): 502-510), generally 
correct but overly broad, is weak (though it is neat and linear). The contemporary 
interactions from many directions are ignored: Allen received influences from Boston; 
the News from central Massachusetts (Parks?). These are hardly stages in an inexorably 
linear momentum up from Newport to Boston via the interior towns. 

38. There is an Isaac Temple Stone, 1765, Marlboro, Massachusetts, by George Allen, Jr. that 
appears to be lettered by John New. I have elsewhere theorized George Allen, Jr's death 
to be just about 1765. 

39. This zig-zagged textured background filler is common on nineteenth century stones: 
see Francis Y. Duval and Ivan B. Rigby, Early American Gravestone Art in Photographs 
(New York, NY, 1978), 100. John New seems to be the only Massachusetts or Rhode 
Island carver to begin using it in the mid-eighteenth century. What appears to be zig- 
zag also shows up in mid-eighteenth century Connecticut - see Allan I. Ludwig, Graven 
Images: New England Stonecarving and It's Symbols, 1650-1815 (Middletown, CT, 1966), 
plates 2a and 2d - and Vermont - see Duval and Rigby, Early American Gravestone Art 



Vincent F. Luti 97 



in Photographs, 30. The fact that three disparate rural carvers used this unique filler 
starting in the mid-eighteenth century is somewhat puzzling. 

40. Vincent F. Luti, "Gravestone Carvers of the Narragansett Basin: The Real George Allen, 
Jr." Paper presented at Annual Conference of the Association For Gravestone Studies, 
Hartford, Connecticut, 1984. 

41. Martha Campbell has generously supplied the following from the papers of Cyrus 
Nash, 1846: "About the year of 1756 Mr. Joseph Studley of Hanover came with his 
father to E. Abington with a team to take a load of tanner's bark to Hanover... before 
they got their bark loaded there came up a thunder shower & both of them took shel- 
ter under the loaded cart soon the water run down through the cart & young Studley 
left and took shelter under a large sloping pine tree by &c The lightning struck at the 
top of the tree & run down the upper side of the tree &c took off a strip of bark in its 
descent & when the Lightning came down as opposite of his head it passed round the 
tree & took off a strip of bark thence onto his head thence down his body, melted the 
buttons on his clothes & run down & split open his shoes & killed him dead upon the 
spot." 

42. Three celestial design elements - sun, moon, and stars - themselves make a powerful- 
ly convincing linkage of South Shore work to that of the interior towns. They are used 
knowingly and usually in some kind of multiply layered design. Also, zig-zag is used 
not just for decoration, but in some kind of private meaningful way, as if it were radi- 
ant energy. This is dramatically obvious in the Deacon Josiah Cushing stone (Fig. 1), 
1787, Rehoboth, Massachusetts, where the zig-zag forms rays shooting out from the 
effigy head, or on the James Packard stone, 1765, Brockton, Massachusetts, where the 
head floats in a nimbus charged with zig- zag magnetic energy. For this linkage of sun, 
moon, and stars with zig-zag, compare: (a) in the South Shore, Mehetabel Vinton, 1761, 
Braintree, Massachusetts, Peter Jacob, 1764, Weymouth, Massachusetts, and Samuel 
White, 1766, Braintree, Massachusetts; with (b) in the interior towns, Constance Fisher, 
1764, Swansea, Massachusetts, Ann Blake, 1767, Norfolk, Massachusetts, and William 
Palmer, 1775, Norton, Massachusetts. All are unquestionably the work of the same 
hand. 

43. Vincent F. Luti, "William Throop," AGS Newsletter 5:4 (1981): 12. The New /Pratt con- 
nection is clear. The first bunching of Pratt I stones occur in 1767. Stones before that 
occur very scattered, singly over dates spanning twenty-five years. The collaboration is 
most apparent on the Hannah Lovell stone, 1767, North Weymouth, Massachusetts, 
where the tympanum arch design, the border panels, and the lettering are explicitly in 
New's hand, while the two pancake heads hacked out of the remaining tympanum area 
are clearly Pratt I. The rest of the stones for that year are entirely in Pratt I's hand and 
are very shaky, student work. Shortly thereafter, New left the area and ceded the trade 
to the Pratts. 

44. Benes, The Masks of Orthodoxy, 142-147; Campbell, Abington and the Revolution, 85-87. 

45. This problem also occurs in Forbes' dealing with Jeremiah Fisher, included in her list of 
stonecarvers. Checking out her list of Fisher attributions (at the American Antiquarian 
Society, Worcester, Massachusetts) turns up explicit evidence that almost all her grave- 



98 New Family Carvers 



stone and general probate payments to Fisher, when tracked down, turn out to be the 
works of John New and, in a few instances, other carvers. I'm certain Fisher was New's 
agent (performing that same service for other carvers as well): first, Fisher's sister-in- 
law married James New, the father of John; second, a deed (Suffolk Co. 186:130) records 
James New selling land and homestead to Jeremiah Fisher, "trader." 

46. George F. Jones, Family Records of the Jones Family of Mil ford, Mass. (Philadelphia, PA, 
1884); also, Vital Records of Wrentham and Abington, Massachusetts. 

47. Wrentham Vital Records. 

48. Except where noted, all of the following biographical material comes from extensive 
documents within the Revolutionary War Pension file on James New at the National 
Archives in Washington, D.C. Gratitude goes to Paul Merrill, Frederick, Maryland, for 
the diligent research and transcribing. 

49. Bradford Kingman, History of North Bridgewater (Boston, MA, 1766), 232-237. 

50. Bristol County Deeds, Taunton, Massachusetts, 63:75, records in 1784 a debt to Dr. 
Mann and an indenture on the estate of John New including the "east half of the 
house...." James might have had possession of the west half. That things were not going 
well for father and son can be seen in numerous tax abatements recorded in Records 
Town of Attleboro 1782- 1791, p. 126; 1783, John New, Town rate; 1784, James New "for 
povertys sake." In 1788, both men had Town, County, and State rates abated. 

51. See the photo of the Lt. Nathaniel Thayer stone in Duval and Rigby, Early American 
Gravestone Art in Photographs, 43. Other New stones are also well illustrated in Duval 
and Rigby's book: John Dunsmoor (p. 23), Charles Brigham (p. 61), Dr. Thomas Munro 
(p. 64), Peter Bancroft (p. 68), and Margaret Cole (p. 76). See also Forbes, Gravestones of 
Early New England and the Men Wlio Made Them, 2; 87-88. These latter are all the work of 
James New, son of John (the backdates confused her). 

52. See Benes, The Masks of Orthodoxy, 111-112. 

53. Forbes misread this probate as to "James Nace." 

54. Forbes, Gravestones of Early New England and the Men Who Made Them, 88; fig. 119. 



Vincent F. Luti 99 

APPENDIX I 

The Documentation: John New 

F=Forbes / L=Luti 

J. Probated Stones [data listing, L-R: name;death date; modern location; payment date; type 
(if specified); source] 

Probate Payment to John New: 

Ezekiel Carpenter; 03-09-1790; E. Providence; 1791; gravestone; L 

David Hardin; 04-11-1792; Mansfield; 1794; general; L 

Aaron Fuller; 05-02-1789; Rehoboth; 1797; to Ephraim New for GS; L 
Unspecified, General Gravestone Probate Payments Only - Found to be in John New's 
Style: 

John Morse; 11-22-1750; Norwood; 1754; F 

Mercy Gates; 01-14-1756; Sterling; 1756; L 

Joseph House; 07-27-1756; Lancaster; 1756; L 

Edward Rice; 09-27-1756; Rutland; 1758; L 

Nathaniel White; 11-23-1758; Weymouth; 1767; F 

David Whipple /Joseph Whipple (2 pr.); 10-??-1762/07-18-1762; Cumberland, RI; 

1769; L 

Asa Richardson; 07-15-1764; Millis; 1768; F 

Ichabod Haws; 12-18-1777; W. Medway; 1779; L 
Probate Payments to Jeremiah Fisher ("trader") - Found to be the Work of John New: 

Caleb Ellis; 06-27-1740; Dover; 1745; general; F 

Mary Gates; 04-04-1752; Stow; 1770; general; F 

Josiah Richarson; 09-01-1752; Sterling; 1752; F 

John Fairbanks; 05-10-1754; Franklin; 1760; gravestone; F 

Benjamin Hawes; 11-01-1754; Wrentham; 1756; general; F 

Stephen Kingsbury; 04-23-1754; Franklin; 1764; gravestone; F 

Cornelius Fisher; 04-22-1754; Wrentham; 1754; gravestone; F 

Ebenezer Fales/Sarah Fales; 07-19-1755/07-14-1755; Walpole; 1756; 2 pr. gravestones; 

F 

Jonathan Billings; 05-18-1763; Sharon; 1768; general; F 

Samuel Read; 09-29-1765; Attleboro; 1766; gravestone; L 
Probate Payments to Noah Pratt - Found to be the Work of John New: 

Ebenezer Beal; 09-23-1761; Hingham; 1762/69; GS; F 

Samuel White; 03-29-1766; Braintree; 1767; general; F 

Joseph Studley; 06-18-1766; Hanover; 1769; general; F 

II. Signed Stones [data listing, L-R: name; death date; modern location; signed name] 

Richard Temple; 11-02-1756; Concord; "John New Wrentham" 

Burpee children; 09-06-1756; Sterling; name "John" appears below ground 

Jeremiah Millard; 01-08-1776; Attleboro; "J. New, Ingraver" [most likely John] 

III. Family and Related Stones [data listing, L-R: name; death date; modern location; 
relationship] 

Sarah Day; 03-26-1767; Attleboro; cousin to second wife 

Constance Fisher; 11-19-1764; Swansea; via Jeremiah Fisher, trader, a distant relative 



100 New Family Carvers 



Mary Pratt; 03-28-1767; Abington; sister to step-uncle 

Rachel Pond; 08-25-1754; Franklin; sister-in-law 

Esther Jones; 09-28-1768; Abington; sister to step-mother 

Mary New; 08-29-1760; Wrentham; mother 

James New; 11-02-1781; Wrentham; father 

Marcy New; 07-28-1788; wife 

John New/Mary New; 02-04-1776; attleboro; son/daughter 



APPENDIX II 
The Documentation: James New 



F = Forbes / L = Luti 



I. Probated Stones [data listing, L-R: name; death date; modern location; payment date; type 
(if specified); source] 

Probate Payment to James New: 

Benjamin Hayward; 12-15-1773; Bridgewater; 1775; gravestone; F 

Samuel Robertson; 09-09-Attleboro; 1784; gravestone; L 

Nathaniel Hammond; 02-??-1782; Avon; 1782; gravestone; F 

Moses Wales; 05-03-1781; Avon; general; L 

Rebecca Sweet; 06-26-1784; Attleboro; 1784; gravestone; L 

Isaac Parker; ??-??-????; Grafton; 1798; gravestone; F 
Unspecified, General Gravestone Probate Payments Only - Found to be in James New's 
Sty;e 

Nathaniel Perry/ wife; 08-13-1768/11-27-1771; E. Providence; 1782; 3 pr GS; L 

Anthony Perry; 04-27-1781 

II. Signed Stones [data listing, L-R: name; death date; modern location; signed name] 

Marcy New; 07-28-1788; Attleboro; "James N" [below ground] 

James McClallan; 09-11-1794; Sutton; "James New Sc 1796" 

Ralph Pope; 01-01-1750; Stoughton; "J New" [most likely James] 

Robert Lathe; 05-26-1774; Grafton; "J N" [most likely James] 

Edward Goddard; 10-13-1777; Shrewsbury; "J New" [most likely James] 

Thomas Drury; 12-??-1783; Grafton; "J N" [most likely James] 

Mary Monk; 05-19-1784; Stoughton; "J New" [most likely James] 

Eunice Willis; 02-11-1787; Brockton; "J New" [most likely James] 

Edy Clark; 05-21-1792; Bellingham; "J N" [most likely James] 

Gardner Waters; 07-24-1793; Sutton; "J New Sc 1796" [most likely James] 

John Goulding; ??-??-1791; Grafton; "JN" [most likely James] 

Joseph Bacheller; ??-??-1779; Grafton; "JN" [most likely James] 

///. Family and Related Stones [data listing, L-R: name; death date; modern location; 
relationship] 

Enos New; 08-12-1788; Attleboro; son 



Vincent F. Luti 101 



APPENDIX III 

Probate Records for the Pratt Family* 

[data listing, L-R: name; death date; modern location; probate date; notation] 

**David Wright; 1743; Dedham; 1743; paid Noah Pratt, gen'l 

**Ebenezer Beal; 1761; Hingham; 1762; paid Noah Pratt; gen'l 

**Samuel White; 1766; Braintree; 1767; paid Noah Pratt, gen'l 

**Ebenezer Beal; 1761; Hingham; 1769; pd Noah Pratt for gravestone 

**Joseph Studley; 1766; Hanover; 1769; paid Noah Pratt, gen'l 
Edmund Laurance; ????; Dedham; 1770; pd Noah Pratt for gravestone 
Joseph Lewis; 1767; Hingham; 1770; pd Noah Pratt for gravestone 
Hezekiah Leavitt; 1768; Hingham; 1770; pd Noah Pratt for gravestone 
Richard Faxon /wife and son; 1768/1769; Braintree; 1772/1772; pd Nathaniel Pratt for two 
sets of gravestones 

Alexander Nash; ????; Weymouth; 1774; pd Nathaniel Pratt for gravestones 
David Lapham; ????; Marshfield; 1774; pd Nathaniel Pratt (gen'l?) 
Samuel Reed; ????; Abington; 1777; pd Lt. Pratt for gravestones 
John Hobart; ????; Abington; 1779; pd Robert Pratt for gravestones 

*taken from Benes, Forbes, and Luti 
**these stones have unambiguous John New work on them: stones after the 1769 probate 
date will have Pratt family work on them 



102 



New Family Carvers 



APPENDIX IV 



Cemeteries Containing Works of John and/or 
James New Surveyed in this Study 



Unless otherwise noted, locations are in Massachusetts 



Abington 

Mt. Vernon 
Attleboro 

Woodlawn 

Kirk 

Hillside 

Newell 
N. Attleboro 

Woodcock 

Robinson 
Auburn 

Center 
Avon 

Rte. 28 
Barrington, RI 

Tyler Point 

Prince Hill 

Bay Spring Ave. 
Bellingham 

Rte. 140, #3 

Oak Hill 

Scott 
Boylston 

Common 
Braintree 

Elm St. 
Bridgewater 

Old South 

Keith 

Cross & Vernon Sts. 
W. Bridgewater 

South St. 
Bristol. RI 

East Burial Ground 

Juniper Hill 

North Burial Hill 
Brockton 

Snell 

Ashland St. 

South Main St. 



Canton 

Center 
Concord 

Old Hill Burial 

Ground 
Cumberland, RI 

Dexter 

Peck 

Ballou 
Dover 

Highland 
Easton 

Church St. 

Mill St. 

Elm St. 
Foxboro 

Brown 
Franklin 

Green St. 

Union St. 
Grafton 

Rte. 122 
Hanover 

Center 
Hingham 

Ship Church 

School & Short Sts. 

High St. 

Liberty Plain 
W. Hingham 

Fort Hill 
Holbrook 

Union 
Holliston 

Center 

Rte. 16 South 
Hopkinton 

Center 
Lancaster 

Founder's 

Old Common 



Lunenburg 
Mansfield 

Center 

Pine St. 
Marshfield 
Medfield 

Center 
W. Medway 

Evergreen 
Mendon 

Pine Hill 

Old Mendon 

Manly St. 
Millbury 

Rte. 122 
Millis 

Bare Hill 
Millville 

Chestnut Hill 
Milton 

Canton St. 
Natick 

Rte. 27 
Needham 
Newport, RI 

Common Burial 

Ground 
Norfolk 

Center 

Pondville 
Northboro 

Center 
Northbridge 

Lackey 
Norton 

Common 

Newcomb 

Plain St. 
Norwood 

Old Parish 



Vincent F. Luti 



103 



Plainville 


Rutland 


Walpole 


Shepardville 


Center 


Old Burial Place 


Gerould 


Sharon 


Plains 


Plymouth 


West 


Upton 


Burial Hill 


Sherborn 


Indian 


Portland. ME 


Center 


Warren, RI 


Providence, RI 


Old South 


Kickemuit 


North Burial Ground 


Shrewsbury 


North Burial Ground 


East Providence 


Center 


Westford 


Newman 


Sterling 


Rte. 225 


Little Neck 


Center 


Westport, CT 


Ouincv 


Stoughton 


Green Frams Rd. 


St. John's 


Center 


Wevmouth 


Randolph 


Stow 


Old North 


North St. 


Center 


S. Weymouth Rte. 18 


Rehoboth 


Sutton 


Whitman 


Burial Place Hill 


Center 


Mt. Zion 


Peck 


Dodge 


Wrentham 


Village 


Armsby Rd. 


Sheldonville, West St. 


Rockland 


Swansea 


Central Congregational 


Maplewood 


Old Baptist 
Thomas 





104 



Eternal Celebration in American Memorials 





T 1\7&E7\J7DIL T S 
Mat hen icwe laws:, printer 
H R 7 OHM FOST.VPx 

VGEJXXoKE A~RS RID' ^tP-Tf &. 



!v u 

•An n„ i os v ' i -^V^ 

- ' i (i 1 1 i n t'> nr i m urn u ?i i_ [ , f T~~ 

Fig. 1. Slate Headstone for John Foster (d. 1681). Attributed to the 

Charlestown Stonecutter. From Dorchester, Massachusetts Burying 

Ground, Boston Parks and Recreation Commission, on loan to the 

Museum of Fine Arts, Boston. H (of carved area): 25 5/8"; 

W (of carved area): 23 3/8"; D (of headstone): 2 3/16". 



105 



ETERNAL CELEBRATION IN AMERICAN MEMORIALS 
Jonathan L. Fairbanks 

"In the beginning was the Word." 1 Without written or spoken words, 
mankind would surely fail to share and transmit complex ideas about 
memories from one generation to another. About ten generations ago, in 
1681, the first printmaker in North America, an astronomer, mathemati- 
cian, and book printer named John Foster, died at the age of thirty-three. 
Foster, from Dorchester, Massachusetts, succumbed to a disease that pro- 
gressed slowly enough to permit him to correspond with his minister, 
Increase Mather. Both the minister and this ingenious printer wrote to 
each other in Latin. The text of this correspondence is carved on Foster's 
headstone (Fig. 1). Mather to Foster: "ASTRA COLIS VIVENS; MORIENS 
SUPER AETHERA FOSTER SCANDE, PRECOR: COEEUM METIRI 
DISCE SUPREMUM." Roughly translated, Mather observed that "Living 
thou studiest the stars; dying, mayest thou, Foster, I pray, mount above 
the skies and learn to measure the highest heavens." 

Foster replied in Latin: "METIOR, ATQUE MEUM EST: EMIT MIHI 
DIVES JESUS NEC TENEOR QUICQUAM, NISI GRATES, SOLVERE," 
which translates "I measure it and it is mine; the Lord Jesus has bought it 
for me; now I am held to pay aught for it but thanks." 

Foster's footstone is more prosaic. It states clearly in English for all the 
unlearned to read that, "SKILL WAS HIS CASH." 2 These writings reveal 
two extremes of the New England mind: the headstone contains elevated 
or learned thoughts; the footstone represents the practical or ordinary 
viewpoint. The ideal concepts of the headstone contrast with the realities 
expressed in the footstone. The tombstone can also be read as the orna- 
mental versus the plain. Such polarities of thought (e.g., the ideal versus 
the real, or universal versus particular) are echoed in various mutations 
throughout most of the history of American sculpture. Pictorially, the 
tympanum of Foster's headstone shows a carved image of Father Time, 
who stays the hand of Death - represented as a skeleton - who, in turn, 
reaches out to extinguish the flame of life. This is an image that the 
Boston /Charlestown stonecutter adopted from an early English emblem 
book authored by Francis Quarles. 3 The carver used it on many New 
England headstones. Without explanation, the viewer probably could not 
guess that Father Time stays Death in wait for the right moment. 



106 Eternal Celebration in American Memorials 



Most sculpture is mute and hence requires interpretation through 
words, particularly when the image is emblematic. The printed word was 
commonly shared in the highly literate world of Bible-reading Puritans. 
In seventeenth-century New England there was a high rate of literacy. 
Popular learning through memories transmitted by recitation was anoth- 
er way to know history and the Bible, and to transfer knowledge among 
New England's common-folk. Regretfully, oral history concerning seven- 
teenth-century New England is infrequently encountered and is unreli- 
able today. Oral traditions do not survive a dozen generations of modern 
society as well as they typically do in folk and native cultures. 

In 1664, toward the end of her life, the early New England poet Anne 
Bradstreet (ca. 1612-1672) put her thoughts down in a small manuscript 
(now at the Houghton Library of Harvard University) entitled Meditations 
Divine and Morall. 4 She did not live to complete the manuscript. In the 
front page she wrote to her son, Samuel, reminding him that he had once 
asked his mother to leave something upon which he could look and 
remember her after she was gone. Bradstreet hoped that her thoughts 
would be treasured for their author's sake as they were her own ideas and 
not the ideas of others. 

The Bradstreet manuscript's beautiful preamble reveals that the busi- 
ness of art and history is mostly inspiration and memories] A passage from 
the manuscript explains the nature of the journey of earthly life. The read- 
er is advised that pilgrims, or travelers, should not want to become too 
comfortable in this life lest he or she lose the way, destiny, or place of 
belonging, when change from life to death comes to all. Bradstreet' s little 
sayings are easily memorized. That is part of the miracle of her booklet. 
Through the word, visual experiences are transformed into brief sayings 
that are easy to remember. Passages recalled from the Bradstreet manu- 
script even today engage the imagination with their originality and sim- 
plicity. Internal and external worlds are frequently referenced by her. 
There seems to be only a thin veil between the invisible and the visible, 
the spiritual and the material worlds: 

The eyes and the ears are the inlets or doores of the Soule, through which 
innumerable objects enter, yet is not that Spacious roome filled neither 
doeth it ever Say it is enough, but like the daughters of the horGlass, crys 
give give & which is most strange, the more it receives the more empty it 
finds itself, and sees an impossibility ever to be filled, but by him, in whom 
fullness dwells. 5 



Jonathan L. Fairbanks 



107 



The Word was extremely important to Pilgrims and Puritans - to 
reformers who were searching for patterns to illuminate God's ways. 
Patterns, essential for mankind to observe and understand, involved the 
cosmic order of things. Order, for the seventeenth century mind, was of 
two sorts. The century looked both backward and forward. The late 
medieval astrological man of science represented by John Foster's wood- 
cut, Man of Signs (1678 ), 6 looked backward (Fig. 2). At the same time there 
was another, more rational, view of mankind, as illustrated in a figure of 



'JW^ 



A&l 



Tss it 




VIS SL^SCBft 












Fig. 2. John Foster, Man of Signs, 1678, Boston. Wood block print. 
H: 1 7/8"; W: 1 3/4". 



108 



Eternal Celebration in American Memorials 




Vr'mXdjor Rahh Matt t^y 



Fig. 3. John Bate, The Mysteries of Nature and Art, 1635. 
H: 6"; W: 4 1/16". 



Jonathan L. Fairbanks 109 



the proportional man pictured in a book issued by John Bate in London in 
1634 entitled, The Mysteries of Nature and Art (Fig. 3)7 This was the first 
illustrated handbook in the English language for understanding studio 
practices in art. It was also a philosophical text that dealt with cosmic 
order. This book was being read in or before 1670 by Increase Mather, the 
distinguished New England divine. It plagiarized an earlier book written 
in sixteenth-century Italy. This work, often called the "Bible of 
Mannerism," was Giovanni Paolo Lomazzo's Tratato delta Pittura (1584). 8 

It may seem remarkable that a Puritan minister studied Italian/ 
Catholic ideas about the divine order of the universe. But Mather may 
have been unaware of this fact. Access to world knowledge through 
books was much broader and deeper in seventeenth-century New 
England than most people realize today. The concept of the proportional 
body of mankind helped, in part, to unravel the magical world of astrol- 
ogy of the late seventeenth-century Puritan world. Portents and magic 
signs were replaced by symmetry, logic, and mathematical order, 
expressed through new concepts of natural theology. Sight was a primary 
instrument through which new rational systems could be understood. 
Rational order crept into mankind's consciousness slowly. In 1686, minis- 
ter Charles Morton (1626/7-1698), who was invited to come to Boston 
from Oxford, England, observed in his Compendium physicae (the first 
physics textbook of Harvard University, completed ca.1680), that "sight to 
the mind doth bear a near relation, more matter then, affords much con- 
templation." 9 

Towns settled in colonial days close to the edge of harbors and water- 
ways soon became crowded with markets, homes, and commerce. God's 
plot for burial, what was once believed to be ample, became crowded in 
the eighteenth century. By the early nineteenth century, urban graveyards 
overflowed. Graveyard crowding was blamed for the great epidemics in 
the late eighteenth century: the yellow fever epidemics of Philadelphia of 
the 1790s and the cholera plague of 1832 that spread through the coastal 
states and out onto the frontier. Period literature cites the noxious effluvia 
of the dead as the source of such inexplicable diseases. 

Within a generation, poet William Cullen Bryant (1794-1818) pub- 
lished his great poem about death, "Thanatopsis," in 1816, expressing a 
new attitude toward death. Death was no longer represented by the grim 
reaper or the skull; it was viewed as a time of sleep or sweet dreaming. 
Recall the last part of "Thanatopsis": 



110 



Eternal Celebration in American Memorials 



So live that when thy summons comes to join 
The innumerable caravan, which moves 
To that mysterious realm, where each shall take 
His chamber in the silent halls of death, 
Thou go not, like the quarry-slave at night. 
Scourged to his dungeon, but, sustained and soothed 
By an unfaltering trust, approach thy grave, 
Like one who wraps the drapery of his couch 
About him, and lies down to pleasant dreams. 10 

This change in regards to death and life illuminates the new approach 
to cosmic order and the measure of mankind. Early in the nineteenth cen- 
tury the measure for sculpture is by rule and divider. A drawing in the 
Peabody Essex Museum's collections by Samuel Mclntire (1757-1811), 
architect and carver of Salem, Massachusetts, demonstrates this system 
(Fig. 4). It is a practical method based upon provincial academic neoclas- 
sicism. 




Fig. 4. Samuel Mclntire, Drawings of the Proportion of the Human 
Figure, verso #34. H: 11 5/8"; W: 15 3/8". 



Jonathan L. Fairbanks 111 



Neoclassicism may be closely linked to a search for picturesque quali- 
ties in the American landscape and paintings. Many events fired the 
search for the picturesque and the revival of art of the ancient classical 
world in America. While the cholera epidemic of 1832 prompted citizens 
to reform urban plans, they also discovered that the people of ancient 
times buried their dead outside city walls. That fact, linked with a grow- 
ing interest in horticulture and the search for beauty in Nature, prompted 
the removal of burial to cemeteries located in rural areas or town suburbs. 
At the outskirts of major cities, the well-to-do were simultaneously build- 
ing suburban villas, both here and abroad. A convergence of popular 
interest, the revival of ancient classical style, new sanitation concerns, and 
horticulture were but three forces at work. 

The rural cemetery movement was also driven by profit motives. Joint 
stock companies were formed and land for rural cemeteries was secured. 
Shareholding companies were run by speculators. They were a success. In 
1831, Mount Auburn, the suburban, picturesque cemetery in Cambridge, 
Massachusetts, became the first rural cemetery in America. Next, Laurel 
Hill was established in Philadelphia in 1837. Green- wood in Brooklyn, 
New York, opened in 1842, and Forest Hills in Jamaica Plain near Boston 
was operating in 1848. n These rural cemeteries provided bread and but- 
ter commissions for American sculptors of the romantic and classical gen- 
erations. 

Gates to cemetery entries suggested passage to a special place. The 
Egyptian style was adopted at Mount Auburn to imply permanence. 
Egyptian architecture, with its heavy, battered walls, symbolized not only 
death, but also power and eternity to the Victorian mind. Prisons and 
reservoirs were also constructed in the Egyptian style. Victorians were 
attuned to symbolism. The Philadelphia architect, John Notman (1810- 
1865), won the competition for the Laurel Hill Cemetery and designed a 
classical gateway and a Gothic-style chapel within the grounds. 12 

All of the three earliest rural cemeteries contained chapels. The pres- 
ence of a Gothic-style chapel defused potential criticism by churchmen 
who might complain that cemetery company land was not sacred ground, 
and hence not fit for Christian burials. All early guidebooks to garden 
cemeteries stress a special consecrated quality of the shaded dells and 
glades of God, of nature's handiwork, altered slightly by man. The visitor 
to Green-wood entered past an arched gate with a belfry - a suitable 
emblem of mourning. Such designs thwarted criticism that these ceme- 



112 



Eternal Celebration in American Memorials 



teries were merely commercial. After passing through the arched gate of 
Laurel Hill, the visitor first views a structure sheltering a group of life-size 
stone figures: one depicts a bust of the celebrated novelist Sir Walter Scott 
(1771-1832) and the other Old Mortality (Fig. 5) and his horse. Old 
Mortality is a central figure in a Waverly novel by Scott of the same title. 
Old Mortality was a pilgrim whose personal mission was to restore or 
recut eroding inscriptions on tombs of Presbyterian martyrs throughout 
Scotland. This sculpture is genre art, carved in Philadelphia by an immi- 
grant Scottish stone-mason, James Thorn (1799-1850), who, although 
famous in his time, remains today uncelebrated in American sculpture 
history. 13 

Bodies of famous individuals who died before Laurel Hill was estab- 
lished were exhumed and reburied at the new cemetery. This added the 
respectability of age to the site and encouraged sales of lots. 
Philadelphia's famous Gothic novelist, Charles Brockden Brown (1771- 
1810), who died twenty-seven years before Laurel Hill opened, is buried 




Fig. 5. James Thorn (1799-1850). Old Mortality, c. 1840. 

Laurel Hill Cemetery, Philadelphia, PA. Brownstone figure: 

dimensions - life-size. 



Jonathan L. Fairbanks 113 



under a finely cut stone with an urn and drape. The remains of military 
hero General Hugh Mercer, a native of Scotland who died at the battle of 
Princeton in 1771, were placed beneath what was then called a Roman- 
style memorial after 1840, when his body was moved from the Christ 
Church yard on Second Street to Laurel Hill. The Saint Andrews Society, 
a powerful Scottish organization in Philadelphia, sponsored this removal 
and memorialization of Mercer's remains as a tribute to their brother. 

Figurative sculpture began to flourish in American garden cemeteries 
when American sculptors started training abroad in Italy. The earliest 
example at Mount Auburn is Thomas Crawford's (1813-1857) Amos 
Binney Monument (Fig. 6). Dr. Binney (1803-1847) was a naturalist, a 
patron of the arts, and president of the Boston Society of Natural History. 
He died in Rome, but his mortal remains were returned and buried beside 
his parents at Mount Auburn. The Binney Monument, fashioned from 
white Italian marble in the neoclassical style, stands today seriously erod- 
ing. Marble of this type, though expensive and poorly suited for today's 
New England climate, was frequently used at Mount Auburn. When new, 
visitors appreciated the striking visual effect of the marble's whiteness 
against its garden cemetery backdrop. 14 It is difficult and expensive to 
save marble out-of-doors from dissolution by acid rain. Shelter seems to 
be the only sure remedy. For the Binney monument that probably means 
disassembly and potential replacement with a polyester resin replica. 
Despite erosion, Crawford's carving on the Binney monument can still be 
discerned. In reference to this work, Crawford wrote, "It is very elaborate, 
and contains two figures in alto-relievo; one representing the Spirit of the 
deceased ascending in Heaven, the other a female figure of Sorrow." 15 The 
iconography of the sorrowful, hooded female carrying a jar of ashes 
recalls Benjamin West's (1738-1820) painting now in the Yale University 
Art Gallery collection, Agrippina Landing at Brundisium with the Ashes of 
Germanicus. This famous work was painted in London in 1768 and was 
probably known to Crawford. 16 

In contrast to American sculptors who established their reputation 
with classical training in Italy, Clark Mills (1810-1883) was a self-taught 
sculptor and foundryman who modeled and cast in bronze the first 
equestrian memorial produced in the United States. It was made in 1852- 
53 in Washington, D.C., at a furnace and studio at Fifteenth Street on 
Pennsylvania Avenue. The sculpture represents Andrew Jackson on a 
lively, rearing horse. The bronze is mounted on a high, stone pedestal at 



114 



Eternal Celebration in American Memorials 



Lafayette Square (Fig. 7). In 1860, Mills produced a similar composition of 
General George Washington on horseback for Washington Circle, also in 




Fig. 6. Thomas Crawford, Sculptor, Amos Binney, M.D., Died at Rome, 

February 18, 1847, Age 41. Mount Auburn Cemetery, Cambridge, MA. 

Base of marble - L: 90 1/2"; D: 73". 



Jonathan L. Fairbanks 



115 



the District of Columbia. 17 

Historical figures, modeled posthumously, are necessarily recollected 
or reconstructed by sculptors who make memorials. If the artist has not 
seen the person he or she commemorates during the subject's lifetime, 
then the memorial is based upon research and /or imagination. Early 
handbooks in art observed that the reason that the art of painting and 
sculpture was invented was to "record and perpetuate the effigies of 
famous men." Representation of famous deeds were likewise worthy to 
record in order to "stirre up men's minds with the emulation of like 
Glorious enterprises." 18 While this viewpoint may seem narrow today, it 
is not entirely forgotten in the world of public art. The most effective 
memorialization in sculpture conveys not just a record of the past; it also 
inspires the viewer with magnificent forms and symbols. 

No matter how symbolic or imposing was Horatio Greenough's (1805- 
1852) Phidian-inspired figure of Washington, dated 1841 and now dis- 
played in the Smithsonian's National Museum of American History, 
Washington, D.C., it nonetheless failed to meet the needs of most 
Americans who wanted their heroes represented in proper contemporary 




Fig. 7. Clark Mills, Sculptor and Founder, Jackson Monument, 1852-53. 
Bronze. Washington, D.C. Scale: heroic. 



116 Eternal Celebration in American Memorials 



clothing. Idealization of this sort seemed to many viewers at odds with 
the current real world. Average Americans, unversed in classical visual 
symbols, were puzzled by Greenough's semi-nude Washington. Yet 
Americans who understood the language of classical antiquity continued 
to order or produce ideal marble images in Italy throughout the era of the 
great turmoil of the American Civil War. 

Nathaniel Hawthorne helped popularize the style of romantic neo- 
classicism in his novel, Transformation: The Romance of Monte Beni (Leipzig, 
1860), a book which soon became known as The Marble Faun. For 
Hawthorne, the mood or presence of the deep past in Rome was felt far 
more urgently than anything modern. He introduced the reader to his 
novel by commenting on the mood visitors felt in Rome - a sense of pon- 
derous remembrances of the past, "At the ruins, Etruscan, Roman, 
Christian, venerable with a threefold antiquity, and at the company of 
world-famous statues." 19 Hawthorne visited American sculptors in Italy, 
most notably Harriet Hosmer and William Wetmore Story. Both inspired 
The Marble Faun. 

William Wetmore Story's sculptural career came about directly as a 
result of a commission given to him by officials of Mount Auburn 
Cemetery to create a memorial to his father, Chief Justice Joseph Story 
(1779-1845), which is now in the Law Library at Harvard University. Prior 
to that commission, he had been admitted to the Boston bar and had pub- 
lished a treatise on the law contracts, as well as a biography of his father. 
Now best remembered for his long career abroad as a productive sculp- 
tor, Story was also known during his lifetime as a poet and classicist. The 
diversity of his talents makes the assessment of his contributions difficult, 
a condition complicated by the fact that he outlived the era in which his 
style of antiquarian classicism was popular. 20 

The Civil War brought a new aesthetic to American sculpture. A young 
sculptor from Boston, Martin Milmore (1844-1883), chose to portray the 
common foot soldiers of the Civil War in vigorously modeled, realistic 
terms. His commission from the city of Roxbury resulted in an impres- 
sively simple memorial to the Union soldiers (Fig. 8). Milmore's realistic 
style referenced late-republic Roman genre sculpture from 60 to 30 B.C. 
The monument, cast at the Ames Foundry in Chicopee, Massachusetts, 
was placed in Forest Hills Cemetery in 1867 and surrounded with burials 
of Civil War soldiers. On the base were chiseled Lincoln's words at 
Gettysburg in November, 1865: "From these honored dead we take 



Jonathan L. Fairbanks 



117 




\ 



S - 









Fig. 8. Martin Milmore, Union Soldier Monument, 1867. Forest Hills 

Cemetery, Jamaica Plain, MA. Ames Foundry, Chicopee, MA. 

Inscribed: "Erected/By/The City of Roxbury/In Honor of/Her 

Soldiers,/Who Died For Their Country/In the Rebellion/of/1861-1865." 

Base of bronze - L: 32 1/2"; D: 29 1/2". 



118 



Eternal Celebration in American Memorials 



increased devotion to the cause for which they gave their last full measure 
of devotion." Another inscription ensures that the reader will know that 
the monument was erected by the city of Roxbury "In honor of her sol- 
diers who died for their country in the rebellion of 1861-65." Citizens were 
proud of Milmore's achievement. A granite version of the foot soldier was 
soon placed at the center of the crossroads in Jamaica Plain. Hundreds of 
monuments throughout the United States imitated Milmore's work. His 
success with realism did not, however, prevent him from also entertain- 
ing allegorical and symbolic concepts. 

Milmore's most enigmatic work is the great granite Sphinx of 1872 
which he and his brother, Joseph, carved and placed at Mount Auburn 




Fig. 9. American Union Monument. Mt. Auburn Cemetery, 

Cambridge, MA. Granite. L: 186"; D: 73". 

Signed: MARTIN MILMORE 

SCULPTOR 

BOSTON 1872 

Inscribed: " AMERICAN UNION PRESERVED 

AFRICAN SLAVERY DESTROYED 

BY THE UPRISING OF A GREAT PEOPLE 

BY THE BLOOD OF FALLEN HEROES" 



Jonathan L. Fairbanks 



119 



Cemetery (Fig. 9). This memorial also commemorated the Union dead. 
The sphinx makes reference to Africa and Africans and, more particular- 
ly, draws upon Victorian notions of eternal memorialization through this 
symbol of Egypt. The modern viewer may not understand that message, 




Fig. 10. Chickering Monument. Mt. Auburn Cemetery, Cambridge, MA. 
Marble, signed T. Ball, Sc. 1872. Base at ground: W: 85"; D: 76". 



120 Eternal Celebration in American Memorials 



but its meaning was clear to Victorians who were sensitive to symbolic 
associations. Milmore's Copenhagen Tomb (1874) in Mount Auburn is a 
more old-fashioned expression with a conventional angel holding a trum- 
pet. A similar concept is expressed by Milmore's teacher (from 1858 to 
1863), Thomas Ball (1819-1911), whose marble monument to the piano 
manufacturing family of Chickering, The Realization of Faith (Fig. 10), also 
depicts an angel. This angel holds a down-turned torch, symbolizing that 
the flame of life has been extinguished, and uncovers the head of a dying 
Christian in order to release her to heaven. 

Death as pleasant dreams had become an outmoded concept by the 
Civil War. Managers of garden cemeteries and thanatologists tried to 
sweeten death with the beauty of picturesque landscape. However, the 
brutal reality of unexpected death as a part of nature and the natural 
process was clearly becoming recognized in both sculpture and poetry. In 
a poem by Ralph Waldo Emerson entitled "Hamatreya," the reader can 
sense a new attitude toward death: 

Bulkeley Hunt, Willard, Hosmer, Meriam, Flint, 
Possessed the land which rendered to their toil 
Hay, corn, hemp, flax, apples, wool and wood. 
Each of these landlords walked amidst his farm 
Saying, "Tis mine, my children's and my names. 
How sweet the west wind sounds in mine own trees! 
How graceful climb those shadows on my hill! 
I fancy these pure waters and the flags 
Know me, as does my dog : we sympathize; 
And, I affirm, my actions smack of the soil.' 
Where are these men? Asleep beneath their grounds: 
And strangers, fond as they, their furrows plough. 
Earth laughs in flowers, to see her boastful boys 
Earth-proud, proud of the earth which is not theirs; 
Who steer the plough, but cannot steer their feet 
Clear of the grave. 21 

This realistic view of death is not unlike that which is seen in Milmore's 
realistic work. Milmore's greatest effort, the Soldiers' and Sailors' 
Monument, dedicated in 1877 on the Boston Common, mixes ideal, sym- 
bolic female figures among realistic soldiers and sailors around the base. 22 
The central towering shaft is crowned by a figure of Liberty. By the third 
decade of the nineteenth century, towered figures had become a conven- 
tional device that the next generation of gifted sculptors would avoid. 



Jonathan L. Fairbanks 



121 





Fig. 11. Augustus Saint-Gaudens, Farragut Monument, 1879-80. 

Central Park, NYC, as displayed at Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, 

Feb. 26-May 11, 1985. Scale: heroic. 



122 Eternal Celebration in American Memorials 



The mid-1870s marked a dramatic new wave of talent arriving in New 
York City. Boston was becoming outmoded as a center for sculptural 
innovation and creativity; New York dominated the art scene. Sculptors, 
schooled in Paris, often at the Ecole des Beaux- Arts, brought to New York 
a new approach to sculpture. The premier figure to emerge was Augustus 
Saint-Gaudens (1848-1907), who in 1876 received the commission for The 
Farragut Monument (1879-1880), placed in New York City (Fig. 11). The 
monument consisted of a bronze figure elevated above a bluestone base. 
The memorial celebrates brave action in the face of danger. It marks an 
important transition in the history of memorial sculpture. The figure rep- 
resents Admiral David Glasgow Farragut, and is both heroic and con- 
vincingly real. Its composition is as dynamic and alive as its surface. 
Profound understanding of the Renaissance sculptors Michelangelo and 
Donatello are evident in the composition and pose of this work that 
launched Saint-Gauden's career. 23 The Farragut Monument does not make 
the mistake of elevating the central figure on a shaft too high for ordinary 
mortals to see. The base contains idealized female figures in low relief, 
while the compositional focus remains centered on the realistically por- 
trayed Admiral. At least partial credit for the success of this composition 
is due to Saint-Gaudens' collaboration with architect Stanford White 
(1853-1906), who provided the design for the base. 

Undoubtedly, the most moving collaboration between Saint-Gaudens 
and White is the disarmingly quiet Adams Memorial (1890-1891) in Rock 
Creek Cemetery, Washington, D.C. (Fig. 12). After the death of Henry 
Adams's wife, Marion, artist John LaFarge and Adams traveled to Japan 
and studied Oriental art and philosophy. On their return, Adams asked 
LaFarge to arrange for Saint-Gaudens to create a suitable memorial to his 
wife. Adams offered no instructions to the sculptor and apparently did 
not wish to see it until it was completed. Saint-Gaudens struggled with 
this unusual problem of creating a worthy memorial without consultation 
with the client. After five years, the masterpiece was finished. It chal- 
lenges, but defies explication. 24 The sculpture must be experienced in its 
place and setting to understand its emotional power. It was sparely sited 
and surrounded by shrubbery. The sculpture's solitude and pensive mood 
was enhanced by both plantings and a simple architectonic setting, which 
regretfully were recently altered to discourage illicit activities within the 
clandestine enclosure. 



Jonathan L. Fairbanks 



123 







Fig. 12. Augustus Saint-Gaudens (1848-1907), Untitled Memorial 

for Adams Family. Rock Creek Cemetery Washington D.C. 

Commissioned 1886. Scale: heroic. 



124 



Eternal Celebration in American Memorials 



In contrast to the private yet universal sculptural commission for 
Henry Adams, by 1884 Saint-Gaudens had already embarked on his 
greatest masterpiece - a public memorial for Boston. This was to com- 
memorate, in high relief, the heroism of the Fifty-fourth Volunteer 
Infantry Regiment of Free Blacks in a monument known as the Memorial 
to Robert Gould Shaw (Fig. 13). Completed in 1897, this thirteen-year pro- 
ject recalls the lives sacrificed by the regiment at Fort Wagner, near 
Charleston, South Carolina. Robert Gould Shaw is the central figure in the 
composition. On horseback, he leads his troops, as they parade down 
Beacon Street, off to war. They are guided by a hovering, symbolic female 
figure. At the dedication of the monument, some thirty years after the bat- 
tle, Saint-Gaudens witnessed the return of the balance of the troops. They 
were then aged, mounted on horseback, marching in the opposite direc- 
tion of their departure. Saint-Gaudens proclaimed that witnessing this 




Fig. 13. Augustus Saint-Gaudens (1848-1907), Shaw Memorial to the 

Fifty-fourth Volunteer Regiment, 1897. Facing the State Capitol 

Building, Beacon Street, Boston, MA. Bronze and Stone. Scale: heroic. 



Jonathan L. Fairbanks 



125 



was, for him, a consecration. The sculpture magnificently expresses the 
solemnity of the event, with many figures in both high and shallow relief. 
It is arguably the finest piece of memorial sculpture in America today. 25 

Daniel Chester French's Milmore Memorial, erected at Forest Hills 
Cemetery in 1893 (Fig. 14), probably would not have looked the same 
without some knowledge of what was taking place with the Shaw 
Memorial. Yet, unlike the Shaw Memorial, the figures are fully three-dimen- 
sional, seeming almost detached from the relief. Here, the iconography is 
accessible to the modern viewer. The figure of Death is represented as a 
great, hooded female with sleep-inducing poppies in one hand, while the 
other hand stays the chisel of an idealized, young Milmore as he works on 
Mount Auburn's Sphinx. 26 The figure of Death touches the hand of the 




Fig. 14. "Milmore" Memorial, Forest Hills Cemetery, 

Jamaica Plain, MA. Bronze and granite. Scale: life size. 

Bronze signed: D.C. FRENCH Stor 1891 

E. GREUT Ine 

FONDEUR . PARIS . 

Setting signed: proper right: proper left: 

I HOWLAND JONES Arthur A. Shurcliff 

ARCHITECT 1943 Sidney N. Shurcliff 

Landscape architects 1948 



126 Eternal Celebration in American Memorials 



sculptor and invites him to rest. William Cullen Bryant's poem 
"Thanatopsis" of nearly eighty years prior foreshadowed this motif of 
death as gentle sleep. The notion of an imagined Death figure staying the 
work of the living can be traced back to the previously-discussed 1681 
headstone of John Foster. However, on the earlier gravemarker Death 
appears as a skeleton extinguishing the flame of life and inspiration, 
while Death's hand is restrained by Father Time until the appropriate 
moment. By the end of the nineteenth century, the emblem of death has 
been refigured as an angel rather than a skeleton. Passing from this world 
was sweetened as sleep, brought on by the gentle but firm touch of a 
female figure. 

Saint-Gaudens and French both inspired at least three subsequent gen- 
erations of American sculptors who either knew them personally, were in 
touch with them, or were moved by their works. Studio assistants, clients, 
materials, equipment, and casts of works by French and Saint-Gaudens 
also disseminated their influence across the nation and abroad. Many of 
the next generation of sculptors came from the Far West. 

Memorialization also extended to species at risk at that time and to 
what was believed to be the vanishing races of the world, such as the 
Native Americans. Examples of this genre were Alexander Phimister 
Proctor's (1862-1950) great bronze bison of 1914/1915 at the ends of 
Dumbarton Bridge in Washington, D.C., and the impressive works that 
Solon Borglum (1868-1922) made for the Louisiana Purchase Exposition at 
St. Louis, Missouri, in 1904. Borglum's sculpture represented universal- 
ized figures rather than portraits of particular individuals. Cyrus Edwin 
Dallin (1861-1944), who, like Borglum, was born in Utah, also modeled 
idealized Indians. His most famous bronze is the Appeal to the Great Spirit 
(1909) (Fig. 15). This equestrian work, standing at the Huntington Avenue 
entrance to the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, represents a mounted 
Native American, looking skyward while holding outstretched arms 
toward the unseen. It is one of the most photographed bronze monu- 
ments in the nation. 27 

The next generation of sculptors whose works grace the building of 
the Museum of Fine Arts includes Richard H. Recchia (1888-1983), of 
Rockport, Massachusetts. He was encouraged and assisted in his career 
by Daniel Chester French. Recchia's mastery of modeling is demonstrat- 
ed by a private study taken from life. It is a bronze relief of 1910 depicting 
his father, Frank C. Recchia, who was a stone carver (Fig. 16). Recchia 



Jonathan L. Fairbanks 



127 



made this piece in the same year he modeled an equally masterful relief 
of Bela Lyon Pratt, a fellow sculptor and mentor whose work, with 
Recchia's, ornaments the Museum's Evans Wing. Recchia became some- 
thing of a recluse in his old age, but through the advice of the sculptor 

















■■■■.' , ■■■•;.■. 
; 


w 






"..■•..•- ;i 



Fig. 15. Cyrus Edward Dallin (1861-1944), Appeal to the Great Spirit, 

1909. Signed: C.E. Dallin 1913; Foundry Mark: Gorham Co. 

Founders OPN. Huntington Avenue, Museum of Fine Arts, Boston. 

Gift of Peter C. Brooks and others. Bronze. Scale: heroic. 



128 



Eternal Celebration in American Memorials 





Fig. 16. Richard H. Recchia (1888-1983), Bronze Relief of Frank C. 

Recchia, 1910. Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, MA. 

Bequest of Richard H. Recchia. Signed: R.H. RECCHIA/1910. 

Foundry: ROMAN BRONZEWORKS, N.Y. H: 21 1/2"; W: 13 3/4". 



Jonathan L. Fairbanks 129 



Walker Hancock he made it possible for some of his finest works to come 
into the collections of the Museum. 28 

My late father, Avard T. Fairbanks (1897-1987), was another sculptor 
who came from the West. In 1933, as my father's works were gaining 
recognition worldwide, his massive A Tragedy of Winter Quarters memori- 
al was dedicated in Florence, near Omaha, Nebraska. This bronze (Fig. 17) 
was erected to remember the trials and demise of many Mormon pioneers 
at their winter encampment of 1846 after their removal from Nauvoo, 
Illinois. 29 The two windswept bronze figures burying their child com- 
pellingly recalls the high infant mortality in that year of decision to relo- 
cate to the Far West. Several Fairbanks family members perished at 
Winter Quarters. All the pioneers are buried in unmarked graves, but they 
are identified by name today in handsome bronze relief panels at the foot 
of the monument. This sculpture and the memorial reliefs were commis- 
sioned by The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. Other heroic 
memorial sculpture by Fairbanks includes the 91st Division Memorial at 
Fort Lewis, Washington (1930); Pioneer Family, Bismarck, North Dakota 
(1947); and the Albert Woolson portrait memorial, a tribute to the last sur- 
vivor of the Grand Army of the Republic, which was modeled when the 
veteran was 107 years old. Two versions of this bronze were cast: one was 
placed at the Gettysburg Battlefield and another at Duluth, Minnesota. 
This writer met Mr. Woolson and spent the summer of 1957 in Salt Lake 
City making molds for his sculpture. 

Conventional histories too often forget the thousands of craftsmen- 
artists who served the needs of sculptors as casters, modelers, chasers, 
carvers, and many others who aid the sculptors' work. Pietro Caproni of 
Roxbury, Massachusetts, who came to Boston from Italy in 1879, was the 
leading member of a great plaster-casting dynasty, with galleries located 
on Washington Street in Boston. He was not to be forgotten. His imposing 
granite tombstone, designed by architect Ralph Adams Cram (1863-1942) 
and set at Forest Hills Cemetery in 1929, endures (Fig. 18). A sleeping 
granite lion guards one side and an awake lion the other. Clearly 
Italianate in composition, the tomb lions are direct models after Antonio 
Canova's tomb to Pope Clement XVIII in Rome, Italy. 

The Caproni Monument is an effective memorial for person, family, and 
nation of origin. Not so effective, however, are many later monuments in 
cemeteries today. Sadly, picturesque cemeteries of the nineteenth century 
began to change in the 1940s. With the war years, a decline engulfed gar- 



130 



Eternal Celebration in American Memorials 




Fig. 17. Avard Tennyson Fairbanks (1897-1987), The Tragedy at Winter 

Quarters. Dedicated on September 20, 1936, at Florence, Nebraska, the 

"Mormon" burial grounds on the trail from Nauvoo to the Great Salt 

Lake Valley, Utah, 1846-47. Bronze on granite base. Scale: heroic. 



Jonathan L. Fairbanks 



131 



den cemetery aesthetics. The nation's romance with technology and 
industrialization encouraged a faith in efficiency and economy rather 
than in humanistic expression. Profit-making tendencies in those years 
encouraged the crowding of many old, dignified cemeteries with undis- 
tinguished and uniform stones. Tablets began to line plot upon plot like 
decks of cards. Mechanized design eroded even the overall layout of gar- 
den cemeteries. Yet memorials of high artistic merit do occasionally con- 
tinue to be made. 

Walker Hancock (b. 1901) was the sculptor who, in 1950, made the 
Pennsylvania Railroad War Memorial at 30th Street Station, Philadelphia 
(Fig. 19). In a fitting coincidence of history, Hancock celebrated his nine- 
ty-seventh birthday in the summer of 1998 on the same day that Forest 
Hills Cemetery turned one hundred and fifty. As part of its anniversary 
celebration, Forest Hills Cemetery installed an outdoor sculpture exhibi- 




Fig. 18. Ralph Adams Cram, Caproni Monument. Forest Hills 

Cemetery, Jamaica Plain, MA. Granite. At base - L: 140"; D: 63' 

"PIETRO PAULO CAPRONI 

NOV. 18, 1862 - OCT. 1, 1928 

& HIS WIFE GEATRUDE BRINKAUS 

CAPRONI, JANUARY 13, 1876-MARCH 30, 1959" 

Inscribed: RALPH ADAMS CRAM ARCHITECT 



132 



Eternal Celebration in American Memorials 




Fig. 19. Walker Hancock, Plaster Model for the Pennsylvania Railroad 

War Memorial Thirtieth Street Station, Philadelphia, PA, 1948-1952. 

Scale of finished work: colossal. Final bronze - H: 40 ft. 



Jonathan L. Fairbanks 



133 




Fig. 20. Walker Hancock, Flight Monument. West Point Academy, 
New York. Bronze. 1989-1990. Scale: heroic. 



134 



Eternal Celebration in American Memorials 



tion, including Hancock's scale model for another famous monument, the 
Flight Memorial. In 1989, Hancock began work on this memorial for The 
United Military Academy at West Point to honor graduates who, in pur- 
suing their careers, perished in flight (Fig. 20). In his memoirs, Hancock 
wrote of this monument: 

I was commissioned to design the Flight Memorial for the United States 
Military Academy. This was to pay tribute to all alumni of the academy 
who while in service had lost their lives flying, whether during combat or 
not. Naturally, there were at first several very divergent ideas about the 




Fig. 21. Photograph of Avard T. Fairbanks and Daniel Farber, 1980. 



Jonathan L. Fairbanks 135 



form that should be adopted for the representation. My suggestion was to 
make a symbolic, nude figure, rising from flames and smoke and reaching 
upward. As nothing of the kind had ever been done at West Point, it was 
necessary to undertake some persuasion. But once we had reached a basic 
agreement, I found the committee that was involved - composed mostly of 
retired Air Force officers - to be appreciative, helpful, and understanding 
as any with which I have ever worked. 30 

Hancock's West Point figure is an ascending, lyrical work with an elo- 
quent message. 

Eloquent memorial sculpture, both public and private, can and should 
lift the human spirit with new expressions, drawing upon the timeless 
and universal theme of human mortality and memory. It is hoped that the 
few examples cited and illustrated here will serve to link the golden chain 
of memories to future generations and sculptural possibilities. 



NOTES 

I would like to dedicate this printing of "Eternal Celebration in American Memorials" to the 
memory of my friend and mentor, Daniel Farber, who asked me to republish this paper in 
Markers. Dan and I shared a profound appreciation of memorial art and a great sense of con- 
nectedness to the past through its study (Fig. 21). I have been closely associated with Dan 
for many years. As a result of our friendship, Dan volunteered his photographic skills on 
numerous projects at the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston. Several of his superb photographs 
of burial markers are on view in our seventeenth-century American decorative arts galleries. 

This text has been adapted from Remove Not The Ancient Landmark: Public Monuments and 
Moral Values with the permission of its editor, Donald Reynolds. Assistance with additions, 
editorial changes, and corrections were performed by Joanna Michelson, an intern in the 
Department of American Decorative Arts and Sculpture, Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, and 
Rebecca Reynolds, the Jean S. and Frederic A. Sharf Fellow of American Sculpture, also in 
this department at the museum. 

Thanks are extended to the following for permission to reproduce their photographs in this 
essay: Fig. 1, Daniel Farber and the American Antiquarian Society, Worcester, MA; Figs 8, 14, 
Daniel Farber; Fig. 2, American Antiquarian Society; Fig. 3, the Houghton Library, Harvard 
University; Fig. 4, Peabody Essex Museum, Salem, MA; Fig. 16, the Museum of Fine Arts, 
Boston; Fig. 19, Colonel James F. Frakes. 

1. 1 John 1. 

2. Jonathan L. Fairbanks and Robert F. Trent, New England Begins: The Seventeenth Century. 
3 vols. (Boston, MA, 1982), 2:318-320. 



136 Eternal Celebration in American Memorials 

3. Francis Quarles, Hieroglyphiques of the Life of Man (London, England, 1638). 

4. See Fairbanks and Trent, New England Begins, 3: 533, 569. 

5. Ibid., 3:422. 

6. Ibid., 2: 346, cat. no. 363. 

7. Ibid., 3: 423. 

8. A citizen of Milan, Lomazzo (1538-ca. 1600) was a painter and keeper of Cosimo de 
Medici's picture gallery in Florence. His monumental Tratato della Pittura summed up 
precepts of cosmic harmony and mannerist art theories which were translated into 
English by Richard Haydocke of Oxford in 1598. 

9. Fairbanks and Trent, New England Begins, 3: 448. Morton's original manuscript book, his 
Compendium, has not been discovered. However, it is known through several manu- 
script copies made by Harvard students, one of which, the Metcalf mss., is in the 
Dedham Historical Society Collections. See Samuel Eliot Morison, "Charles Morton," 
in Collections of the Colonial Society of Massachusetts, vol. 33 (Boston, MA, 1940). 

10. George F Whicher, ed., Poetry of the New England Renaissance, 1790-1890 (New York and 
Toronto, 1959), 15. "Thanatopsis," though a youthful work published in 1816, has long 
been regarded by many as one of Bryant's finest poems. 

11 . Period guidebooks for visitors to the first three rural cemeteries offer insights into the 
salesmanship and original intentions of the founders: Jacob Bigelow, A History of the 
Cemetery of Mount Auburn (Boston and Cambridge, MA, 1859, reprint, Chester, CT„ 
1976); R.A. Smith, Smith's Illustrated Guide to and through Laurel Hill Cemetery 
(Philadelphia, PA, 1852); and N. Cleveland, Green-wood (New York, NY, 1847). 

12. At least two architects competed against Notman for the Laurel Hill commission. Both 
William Strickland (ca.1787-1854) and Thomas U. Walter (1804-1887) proposed gate- 
ways in the Egyptian style. Their proposal drawings are preserved in the collections of 
the Library Company, Philadelphia, PA. 

13. The figure of Old Mortality was carved abroad, but the pony and Scott were cut from a 
redstone obtained in New Jersey. According to contemporary accounts, these works by 
Thorn attracted more praise than sculpture by celebrated sculptors John Flaxman, 
Joseph Nollekens, or Francis Chantrey. This may, of course, be marketing hyperbole. 
Thorn went on to execute stonework for Richard Upjohn (1802-1878) at Trinity Church, 
New York City, completed in 1846. 

14. Lauretta Dimmick, "Thomas Crawford's Monument for Amos Binney in Mount 
Auburn Cemetery, 'A Work of Rare Merit'," Markers IX (1992): 167. 

15. Ibid., 168. 



Jonathan L. Fairbanks 137 



16. Theodore E. Stebbins, et al., The Lure of Italy: American Artists and the Italian Experience, 
1760-1914 (Boston, MA, 1992), 152-153; fig. 2. 

17. Mills also cast two additional versions of the Jackson Memorial - one for New Orleans, 
LA, in 1856, and another for Nashville, TN, in 1880. See James M. Goode, The Outdoor 
Sculpture of Washington, D.C. (Washington, D.C., 1974), 377-378. 

18. John Elsum, The Art of Painting after the Italian Manner (London, 1704), 9. 

19. Nathaniel Hawthorne, Transformation: the Romance of Monte Beni (Leipzig, Germany, 
1860), 2. 

20. Jan Seidler Remirez, "A Critical Reappraisal of the Career of William Wetmore Story 
(1819-1895), American Sculptor of Letters." Ph.D. diss, Boston University, 1985. 

21. Ralph Waldo Emerson, Poems (Boston, MA, 1895), 35. 

22. Kathryn Greenthal et al, American Figurative Sculpture in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston 
(Boston, MA, 1986), 192-195. 

23. For an assessment of Saint-Gaudens and the sculpture of his times, see Kathryn 
Greenthal, Augustus Saint-Gaudens, Master Sculptor (New York, NY, 1985). 

24. The subject is handled well by Greenthal, Augustus Saint-Gaudens, 130-131. 

25. The most moving publication about this memorial is Lincoln Kirstein, Lay this Laurel 
(New York, NY, 1973). See also Lois Goldreich Marcus, "The Shaw Memorial by 
Augustus Saint-Gaudens: A History Painting in Bronze," Winterthur Portfolio 14:1 
(1979): 1-23. 

26. The development of the design of the Milmore monument is complex but superbly doc- 
umented by Michael Richman, Daniel Chester French: An American Sculptor (New York, 
NY, 1976), 48-49. 

27. Rell G Francis, Cyrus E. Dallin: Let Justice Be Done (Springville, UT, 1976), 48-49. 

28. Greenthal et al, American Figurative Sculpture, 416-426. 

29. Ibid., 450-454. 

30. Walker Hancock, A Scidptor's Fortunes (Gloucester, MA, 1997), 244-245. 



138 



Joshua Sawyer 







139 



JOSHUA SAWYER 
John Fitzsimmons 



I doubt I'd ever have taken this road 

had I known how fallen it really was 

to disrepair: driving comically, 

skirting ruts and high boulders, grimacing 

at every bang on the oil pan. 

I tell you it's the old road to Wendell - 

that they don't make them like this anymore. 

We're bound by curious obligations, 

and so stop by an old family plot 

walled in by piles of jumbled fieldstone, 

cornered to the edge of what once was field. 

The picket gateway still stands intact, 

somebody propped up leaning on a stick, 

an anonymous gesture of reverence. 

Only nature disrespects: toppling stone, 

bursting with suckers and wild raggedness. 

A gravestone, schist of worn slate, leans weathered: 

Joshua Sawyer Died Here 1860 

Another stone, cracked, has fallen over. 

I reset the stone, and scrape the caked earth 

as if studying some split tortoise shell, 

and have keyed in to a distant birth - 

His wife Ruth died young; so I picture him 

stern with his only daughter, only child - 

speaking for a faith which could defy her. 

There' d be no passing onto when she died - 

twenty-two, more words beside her mother. 

Still these stones and fields you kept in order, 

long days spent forcing sharp turns on nature, 

accepting the loose stone and thin topsoil. 

A Wendell neighbor must have buried you 

whispering a eulogy which is as lost 

as your daughter, your wife, and this farm: 

'Joshua Sawyer' 

I've never been down this road before. 
I would like to speak with you of faith. 



140 



Harriet Ruggles Loomis' Gravestone 




Fig. 1. Gravestone of Harriet Ruggles Loomis (1824-1861), 
Newbury, Vermont. 



141 



'I NEVER REGRETTED COMING TO AFRICA': 
THE STORY OF HARRIET RUGGLES LOOMIS' GRAVESTONE 

Laurel K. Gabel 

Scholars who focus on the iconography, inscriptions, or collective 
demographics of American gravestones may forget that the stones are 
also documents, records of individual lives and personal events that com- 
prise our country's collective history. The following narrative is a result of 
research inspired by fragmentary data found on a single gravestone in 
Newbury, Vermont, that of Harriet Ruggles Loomis, 1824-1861 (Fig. 1). 
Harriet's story is presented here to illustrate the value of gravestones as 
documents and to demonstrate the type of information that ordinary 
research may reveal about long-forgotten people and the world they lived 
in. Words and phrases that are highlighted in bold in the following text 
appear on the Loomis gravestone. 1 

"I never regretted coming to Africa." Harriet's voice was halting and 
indistinct. Her husband, Chauncey, was forced to bend down close to hear 
the barely audible words that escaped in a series of forced exhalations. For 
almost a month an especially malignant form of African fever 2 had 
pinned her - spiraling in and out of delirium - to her cot. And now, 
exhausted and weak, Harriet had no more strength to resist: she knew 
that she was dying and that her final farewells would be here, in the fra- 
grant, heavy air of Evangasimba, on the West African island of Corisco, 
half a world away from her home in Vermont. 

Harriet Ruggles Loomis had always longed to be a missionary, to 
teach the heathen in some distant, alien corner of the world. "Ten years I 
prayed for this privilege," she said. And she firmly believed that the 
many hardships and sorrows of Evangasimba were but an "answer to 
prayer." 3 But now this long-prayed-for Christian duty was ending with- 
out any of the rewards she had always imagined. In fact, the missionary 
experience at Evangasimba had involved mostly physical labor and few 
opportunities to spread God's word among the heathen. She and 
Chauncey were often incapacitated by recurring fevers and, although sur- 
rounded by other Christian missionaries, were oddly alone in their dis- 
content. They felt unwelcome. The situation was cruelly disappointing to 
them both, but most especially to Chauncey, who railed silently against 
every injustice. Poor Chauncey. Harriet knew that he would yoke himself 



142 



Harriet Ruggles Loomis' Gravestone 



with the responsibility for this misadventure, for the recent death of their 
infant son, and now for her final illness. Disturbingly thin and despon- 
dent as a result of all that had befallen them, Chauncey himself was in 
fragile health. Please, she whispered, "Don't grieve for me: it is all right. 4 
There the weary are at rest. 5 The bitterness of death is not bitter," 
Harriet again tried to reassure him. 6 But she alone knew the depth of 
Chauncey' s bitterness - and that he would not be consoled by her dying 
words. Death would bring her the longed-for rest, but oh, what would 
become of Chauncey? 

Harriet Elisabeth Ruggles was born at Newbury, Vermont, on 
December 29th, 1824, six months after her father, Perley Ruggles, died in 
a rafting accident at Turner's Falls in Montague, Massachusetts. 7 Perley 
had been only twenty-eight when he drowned, leaving a young wife, 
Betsey, then three months into her second pregnancy, and an eighteen 
month old son named Henry. After her husband's premature death, 
Betsey Ruggles went to live and raise her fatherless children with the help 
of her parents, Deacon William (1777-1835) and Betsey (Peach) Burroughs 
(1781-1856), who lived in Newbury, Vermont. 8 

Harriet and her brother, Henry, were raised in Deacon Burroughs' 
household. Both were well educated and both appeared to be equally 
dedicated to teaching and missionary work. 9 Each attended the local 
Newbury Seminary before leaving to teach, first at Lyndon Academy in 




WEhWmM (G -H) & &. M I 



Fig. 2. View of Adelphai College, Boonville, Missouri, 1855. 



Laurel K. Gabel 143 



Vermont and then at Ball Seminary in Hoosick Falls, a thriving communi- 
ty near Troy, New York. 10 

At the end of the 1848 academic year, when Harriet was approaching 
her twenty-fourth birthday, she left the Seminary in Hoosick Falls to take 
a teaching position at Boonville Female Institute - later Adelphai College 
(Fig. 2) 11 - in far away Boonville, Missouri. 12 Harriet was part of the grow- 
ing exodus of well-educated New England women who, in the mid nine- 
teenth century, sought teaching positions on the frontier. 13 Boonville, with 
its wealth generated by river traffic and Santa Fe Trail trade, was, like 
other developing frontier communities, establishing first-rate private 
schools to meet the demands of progress. 14 The founder and president of 
Adelphai College was Professor Joshua L. Tracy (1809-1879), from the 
state of Kentucky. He later went on to launch Arrow Rock Female 
Academy, where Harriet also taught drawing and painting for a time. 15 
The 1850 Federal Census includes Harriet Ruggles in the large household 
(school) of J. L. Tracy, Boonville City, Missouri. Harriet's age is recorded 
as twenty-two (she was actually twenty-five). No occupation appears 
next to her name, although she is the only young woman in the house not 
enumerated as a boarding student. 16 By 1856, surviving records show that 
Miss H. E. Ruggles was the assistant principal of Saline County Institute, 
another academy located near Boonville. 17 The Institute was then enjoy- 
ing acclaim as one of the state's leading schools for young women. 

Chauncey Loomis, after graduating from Western Reserve College in 
1846, 18 also found his way to Boonville to head up the faculty and to teach 
at Adelphai. 19 The 1850 Federal Census indicates that Chauncey L. 
Loomis was living alone in Boonville, a single male, thirty years of age, 
occupied as a school teacher. 20 One of Chauncey's early students (1853- 
1855), Harriet Clayton of Los Angeles, revisited the school in reminis- 
cences written many years later. Her letters describe the Adelphai class- 
rooms, the living quarters, and the large but minimally landscaped cam- 
pus grounds where, in a little side yard, "Mr. Loomis would set up his 
telescope for the astronomy class." 21 Others recalled how the girls tried 
Chauncey's patience with their conspiratorial intrigues and frequent 
diversions from the serious tasks at hand. They had called him an "old 
bachelor" and believed "he had great disgust for the female sex." He was 
hard on the girls, and they, in turn, tormented him all they could - and 
that, said one of his students, "was a plenty." 22 His nature was perhaps 
too solemn to instill a love of mathematics, languages, and astronomy in 



144 



Harriet Ruggles Loomis' Gravestone 



young girls who did not share his fascination with the subjects, yet he 
tried earnestly and endlessly to inspire a love of learning in every student, 
no matter their aptitude. Chauncey Loomis wanted to make a real differ- 
ence in the lives of others: he wanted to change things and, like fellow 
teacher Harriet Ruggles, he wanted to serve God as a missionary. After 
four more years of study, first at New York's Union Theological Seminary 
and then at the New York Medical College and Bellevue Hospital, 
Chauncey Loomis added "Reverend" before his name and the letters 
"M.D." after it. 23 And, at the age of forty, the "old bachelor" took a wife. 
Rev. Chauncey Luke Loomis, M.D. and Miss Harriet Elisabeth 
Ruggles were united in marriage at her home in Newbury, Vermont, on 




Fig. 3. The sailing ship "Ocean Eagle." 
Carved detail from Harriet Loomis gravestone. 



Laurel K. Gabel 145 



September 7, 1859. Chauncey, who was almost six years older than his 
new bride, was born in Barkhampsted, Litchfield County, Connecticut in 
1819, the second son of Leister (1791-1859) and Emily (Filley) (1791-1862) 
Loomis. 24 

Within weeks of their marriage the couple embarked on the "Ocean 
Eagle," a two-masted, square-rigged brigantine bound for the trading 
ports and mission stations in Equatorial West Africa (Fig. 3). 25 Harriet 
recalled how she and Chauncey had rejoiced in Christian purpose and 
missionary zeal as they prepared for their new life together in Africa. She 
was to be his help meet, his missionary bride. They were both well 
beyond the bloom of youth, but strong in body and spirit, hardened to the 
anticipated deprivations, and conscientious about maintaining their 
robust good health. Both were eager for this opportunity to spend the rest 
of their time on earth as God's servants in Africa. Their assignment was 
the Evangasimba outpost, one of the newly established stations at 
Corisco, a tiny island barely three miles wide and less than five miles 
long, fifteen miles off the coast of West Africa at N[ORTH] LAT. [0].55'; 
E[AST] LONG. 9.17' 30" (Fig. 4). 26 

In 1859, Corisco supported three small mission settlements, all situated 
along the broad white beaches and long reefs that fringe the western coast- 
line of the island. The principal outpost at Evangasimba included the 
island's main church and adjacent graveyard, the girls' school, a small 
thatched-roofed hospital, and two semi-permanent mission houses posi- 
tioned a few hundred yards apart. The remaining native huts flanked a nar- 
row path lined by two long rows of fruit-bearing pineapple trees (Fig. 5). 27 

A single ancient mangi tree, known to the missionaries as "the light- 
ning rod tree," towered 200 feet above the clearing and served as a navi- 
gational landmark to help guide ships through the difficult shoals in the 
bay. 28 The original native name for the island of tall trees was Mangi. 

The Evangasimba settlement was overseen by the Rev. James L. Mackey, 
who had established it as Corisco's primary mission station in 1850. Two 
miles to the south, the Ugobi outpost housed a boys' school for the island's 
native Benga population, under the leadership of Rev. George McQueen 
and then Rev. Cornelius DeHeer. Because of the long-standing tribal wars 
in the region, most native populations did not mix. Thus, boys from the 
mainland tribes were schooled at Alongo, the third mission station, located 
at the northern end of the island. Both Rev. DeHeer and a Rev. William 
Clemens were responsible at various times for the success of Alongo. 29 



146 



Harriet Ruggles Loomis' Gravestone 



Harriet and Chauncey Loomis arrived at Evangasimba aboard the 
Ocean Eagle on 21 January 1860, after a voyage of more than three 
months, ... "thankful for safe carriage across the great deep." ... 30 In his let- 



Equatorial 
Guinea 




Atlantic 
Ocean 



South Africa- 



Fig. 4. Map showing location of Corisco Island, 
North Lat. 0.55'; East Long. 9.17' 30". 



Laurel K. Gabel 



147 



ter of 6 February I860, Rev. James Mackey (head of the mission station) 
wrote from Corisco to Rev. Wilson of the Mission Board in New York City: 

My present impression of Mr. & Mrs. Loomis is that they will be a very 
valuable accession to our mission. At present they are living with us, on 
account of Mr. Ogden's absence we have not had a meeting of the mission 
since Mr. Loomis' arrival. Should Mrs. Mackey & I go home the present 
year as talked of, Mr. & Mrs. Loomis will probably take our place at 
Evangasimba. 31 

In a letter to Rev. Wilson three months later, Chauncey noted that he 
was "busy building the new church and assisting in teaching," 32 but that 




Fig. 5. Evangasimba Mission Station. 
Carved detail from Harriet Loomis gravestone. 



148 Harriet Ruggles Loomis' Gravestone 



he and Harriet were still without a meaningful missionary assignment. 
They were also without a permanent place to live, remaining as "trav- 
ellers, sojourning in an upper room, awaiting better accommodations." 
Extremely anxious to be under their own roof and integrated into the mis- 
sion, Chauncey suggested, in this same letter, that he would "undertake, 
without expense to the mission," 33 the building of a modest house, if only 
the mission would supply the appropriate lumber and materials. 

Chauncey's early correspondence also confirms that he and Harriet 
were genuinely fond of the local children and enthusiastic about their still 
unrealized chance to teach among the natives: 

These children show the discipline of their former teachers, one of whom 
has gone to his rest. The rapidity with which they commit to memory large 
portions of scripture, difficult lessons in Geography History Arithmetic, in 
a tongue unknown and barbarous is remarkable. Their regard for religion, 
their love of truth, their general sobriety [and] [C]hristian deportment are 
cheering. 34 

In addition to attending regular religious meetings at Evangasimba 
station, the children often walked miles to attend pr[a]yer meetings at 
Ugobi and Alongo, going & returning after sunset. 35 

After six difficult months of hard labor at Evangasimba, Chauncey's 
regular letters to the Board, while cordial, hinted at germinating feelings 
of real discontent. He clearly felt that he and Harriet had remained out- 
siders. Frustrated, often ill, despondent, and lacking any rational 
recourse, Chauncey and Harriet found themselves trapped in what they 
perceived as an increasingly hostile environment. The promised lumber 
for their house - an important consideration in their decision to come to 
Evangasimba - had been appropriated by others; they were still denied 
any meaningful (by their account) missionary involvement; they lacked 
any sense of belonging to the established mission settlement. Instead, 
Chauncey saw himself, and Harriet as well, as slaves to the wants of the 
already established brethren - working "into the hands of others." Finally, 
after an apparently secretly prearranged council vote burdened them with 
even more of the group's unwanted responsibilities, Chauncey penned an 
embittered summary of their situation at Evangasimba and included it in 
his official 23 July 1860 report to the Mission Board in New York: 36 



Laurel K. Gabel 149 



I have never been invited to take any part in the doings, nor has any regard 
been paid to my wishes. I protested against it [the added responsibilities 
newly assigned by the vote of the other brethren], stating my unfitness for 
the office of Treasurer, my ignorance of the Language, that we had made no 
preparation for keeping such a house [he and Harriet were called upon to 
board students and their teachers], recalled my frequent fevers, and begged 
the privilege of building a house, were it by ten feet square, of the lumber 
which was brought out for me, I would be content. 

The "Brethren" said nothing; then glared at each other a few moments, 
called for the question, and carried it unanimously. (I never had an enemy 
whom I could treat in such a manner.) 

The mover, Mr. Mackey, then added, "Mr. Loomis will, of course, furnish 
board for the teachers of the girls' school." Mr. Loomis was also appointed 
to superintend the building of a church at Ugobi, and a dwelling at 
Ilandaluku. 

The meeting then adjourned with prayer, thanking God for the great una- 
nimity and harmony which prevailed among the "Brethren." 

The day of sailing arrived [the Mackey's were returning to the United 
States for a visit] and amid the hurry of departure, with no knowledge of 
the goods on hand [Chauncey and Harriet were to be in charge of the only 
store or commissary at the station], Little idea of his manner of keeping 
book, I was nearly overwhelmed with business. They who might have 
made them lighter stood aloof. The "plan" is a little plainer now. 

Let us look at our situation. There are fourteen girls, living in our yard, and 
sleeping in our house, for whom I must provide daily food, who require 
our constant care, day and night, save in school hours, and then, also when 
the teacher is absent. 

You Sir, know well the Argus Eye needed to watch African girls. 37 

We have also to board the Superintendent, Matron, Teachers and her col- 
ored assistant. We are not often both well at the same time. Our toils never 



I must procure, each day, food without a market, or a knowledge of the pro- 
ducers, for my unexpected large household, receive and pay off orders 
from the Missionaries from 5 cents to 5 dollars & upwards, pay my work- 
men, Superintend the two buildings, oversee repairs at the station, 
Administer medicine to an average of ten patients per day, Take charge of 
Books, mails, general Mission property, all under the disadvantage of being 
a foreigner, speaking with a people of an unknown tongue. 

I have already thirteen attacks of fever, lasting from three to nine days. Mrs. 
Loomis has fever, but more severe. My weight is reduced thirty one 
pounds. 38 

The hardships of the climate I call pleasant. 
The Semi-monthly fever I cheerfully bear. 
The privations are not to be counted burdens. 



150 Harriet Ruggles Loorrtis' Gravestone 



The loathsome diseases of savages are what I came to cure. 
Their depravity is but the call for the Gospel - pleasant to answer. 
The Solitary life is a happy one while doing good. 
My "Burdens" are laid on by "Brethren." 
"Their tender mercies are cruel." 

I have left, far away, a happy home of law, of social restraint, of courts of 
Justice. I have fallen into a "bad palaver" 39 where the power of life and death 
is in the power of three. 40 1 am trembling on the verge of the grave, yet will 
they not abate a tithe of their demands. 

It is hard, after devoting the flower of youth, and the strength of manhood 
to preparation, to be compelled to spend this first and perhaps last year of 
Missionary life, in selling guns, cutlasses, knives, tobacco, and powder [at 
the company store], and in incessant toil, which natives can do far better 
than I, while the direct preaching of the Gospel is almost crowded out. 

The Pastor urges, "you don't need much preparation to preach to such peo- 
ple!" Is that so? Nay, let me never draw at a venture. Every shaft is worthy 
of an accurate aim. Every hour is worthy of a careful sermon every Sabbath. 
To aim well one must mingle with the people, and mark their vulnerable 
points. To be successful, when the mark is found, the shaft must be of the 
polished steel, which forms the sword of the spirit, guided by the wings of 
a manifest, love. 

Six months have passed. My promised lumber lies untouched in the store, 
while the unpaid labor I have done for others would have built my 
dwelling, cleared, fenced, and planted my farm. Not a foot of boards can I 
get, not a rod of ground where land is literally without money and without 
price. 

Now Brethren Secretaries, pray be mindful after the end of this year, my 
broken constitution will be hardly needed here for hard, bodily toil. Please 
give me permission to go to Ilobi 41 or any where else you please, to do 
Missionary work. A harder place than this on earth I do not fear to find. The 
cost of my house shall not exceed $250 and this I will pay, if you require it, 
and never ask a Missionary to help me build it or the Board to pay for 
building. Pray let me have a roof of my own. Then, if God wills, I will turn 
my whole attention to teaching the way of life to the heathen. But if your 
decision be adverse, I must acquiesce and work out my inexorable sentence 
until a happy release shall come, permission to lay my bones beneath the 
burning sands, on which you have directed me to toil. Let none then write 
upon my tomb, "a victim to climate," or "a sacrifice to the trials of 
Missionary life," But a victim of incessant toil, keeping a factory under dif- 
ficulties and "working into the hands of the "Brethren."' 

Chauncey's increasingly emotional pleas were ignored. Others were 
not complaining; was this man simply a troublemaker, a malcontent, per- 
haps too rigid and uncompromising to adapt to life in the closely knit mis- 
sion community? After nine months at Evangasimba, his grievances 



Laurel K. Gabel 151 



remained unchanged - and seemingly unaddressed: He and Harriet 
needed a place to live and the freedom to work as missionaries. Chauncey 
wished to "visit the natives in their towns, to learn their language and 
preach from house to house." He believed that by gaining the confidence 
of the people by kindness and by the practice of medicine he could better 
serve the mission. There was frustration and obvious tension between 
those in control of the outpost, particularly Rev. James Mackey, the 
founder of the station, and the Loomises, who were still, outwardly, 
politely chaffing at their lack of voice in the decisions which directly 
affected them. Chauncey was increasingly ill-tempered and "morose." 

Although his wife's health is seldom mentioned directly in any of 
Chauncey' s letters to the Mission Board, Harriet was struggling under the 
added burden of pregnancy during the first half of 1861. There is little to 
indicate whether this was viewed as a happy circumstance by the couple, 
but maternity was, at that time in Africa, considered to be a terrible risk 
for white women. It was believed by many, both in and out of the mis- 
sionary field, that in Africa "white maternity was necessarily fatal." A 
husband who thus jeopardized his wife ["by allowing his wife to become 
a Mother"] was, by some, considered a "murderer." 42 It must have been 
an especially anxious time for Chauncey and Harriet. The Loomises con- 
tinued to meet the constant demands of their situation, however, and 
between the now familiar bouts of fever and despondency, remained 
hopeful that things would change. God was surely testing them, asking 
much in the way of patience, forgiveness, dedication, and faith. 

In 1861 a new female teacher, Miss Mary Latta (Fig. 6), arrived to assist 
with the girls' school at Evangasimba. Surviving correspondence of Miss 
Latta and other new arrivals appears to indicate that they, unlike the 
Loomises, found happy fulfillment in the missionary life at Corisco and 
would "not exchange places with any one I know ...." 43 : 

I suppose everyone's ideas of missionary life must change after being for a 
few months on missionary ground, but it seems to me I did not expect to 
find so much of human passions prevailing here. The privations I expected 
are not to be found or do not deserve the name. We have all the necessaries 
most of the comforts and some of the luxuries of life - perhaps a few per- 
sons might differ in the application of the last term. [Was she referring here 
to the Loomises?] 44 

While failing to mention the sad outcome of Harriet's confinement a 
month earlier, Mary Latta ended her letter with current news of 



152 



Harriet Ruggles Loomis' Gravestone 



Chauncey's wife: 



Mrs. Loomis is dangerously ill, very little hope of her recovery, but with God 
all things are possible. We all wish she could be spared to her husband. 45 




Fig. 6. Mary Cloyd Latta (1837-1870), missionary at Corisco. 

Photograph from Crowned in Palm-Land, by Mary C. Latta, 

published 1874. 



Laurel K. Gabel 153 



Harriet's life, like that of her infant, would not be spared however. She 
died in the early morning hours of that same August night, comforted at 
the end by a requested hymn's promise of "rest for the weary." Chauncey 
was with her when she finally found peace. Before informing the 
Evangasimba missionary community of Harriet's death, Chauncey pre- 
pared her body and then sat alone behind closed doors, writing a painful 
summary of the events which led up to this final tragedy. Chauncey' s 
description of the death of his infant son and of Harriet's last illness 
proved to be the origin of the epitaph carved on her Vermont grave- 
stone: 46 

Dear Brother, 

I hasten to inform you that Mrs. Loomis has just departed this life, Aug. 
20th 1861. She was confined on the 17th July. The labor being tedious, and 
being fearful of harm to the mother if too long delayed, the child [a son] 
was taken away, by instruments. 47 

The infant, sacrificed to save the life of its mother, was named Henry 
Leister Loomis - Henry for Harriet's brother, Rev. Henry Ruggles, who 
had died in 1856, and Leister for Chauncey's father, Leister Loomis. A bro- 
ken rose bud 48 and the word "emigravit" memorializes tiny Henry 
Leister's partial birth and death on July 17, 1861 (Fig. 7). "Emigravit," 
from the Latin root "emigro," means roughly, to depart or to be removed 
from a place. Chauncy continues: 







i. * 


« v* * 


t% 




'. , • 




>-J "XI 








-1 










|-#» i 


: 


V L 


1 ?5i 


1" 


' 


'Vf* 


VKjr 


V ' . 


t: 


^ 7\ ♦ 



Fig. 7. "Henry Leister, 1861 July 17." 
Carved detail from Harriet Loomis gravestone. 



154 Harriet Ruggles Loomis' Gravestone 



She got along very well, and seemed to recover from the shock remarkably 
fast. She after mourned for her little one. 

It is hard for a father to be compelled to lift hand against his own child, yet 
it was a professional duty. It [also?] seemed hard, to make the coffin & dig 
the grave with my own hand. But it is done. I buried him with but one 
white [friend?] (Miss Latta) But enough. 49 

While it may have seemed to Chauncey that his wife had recovered 
and "seemed well," ten days later, on July 27th, she was stricken with 
what he described as "malignant continued fever": 

Her pulse ran rapidly up to 140 per minute. This continued thus one week. 
The second week, the peculiar "rough" eruption, belonging to this fever, 
appeared, and the pulse fell a little. The eruption continued nearly two 
weeks and her person is still spotted as when one has had the measles. 

The third week, on the 12th Aug, she had another chill, pulse was to near 
150, tumultuous indeed. Three hours after, another, & when it yielded, we 
both thought she was going. 

She bid a farewell, saying "give my love to the family. It is all right - you 

will all ." She went down into the valley of the shadow of death. 

All grew dark, to her, but by [diligent] with , she revived, and after 

two or three "exacerbations" of the fever, fell under another severe shock, 
on the night of the 18th August. She was wild with delirium until 1 p.m. 

20th. Every nerve giving & at the body. Then she became almost 

palsied, with locked jaw also. But not yet did her Lord call her. She revived, 
sufficiently to recognize me, and to drink, by prying apart the teeth. 

She could say but little, but a few words, & these as palsied people talk. But 
asking me to sing the hymn, "There is rest for the weary" (revival music, 
book #2). She tried to join the chorus while the tear drops told her feelings. 

She closed her eyes, for the last time, while singing it with much . When 

the chill arose 24 hours before, I told her it was an unfavorable omen. 
"Well," said she, "I have been praying to God for 10 years for the privi- 
lege of laboring as a missionary and I felt this opportunity was in answer 
to prayer. I think it was my duty to come. I have never regretted that I 
came to Africa." 50 

Alone and grieving, Chauncey' s final paragraph describes his solace 
in God's will and the prayers of a friend: 

With constant watching, I am nearly worn out. I have passed through one 
of my fevers while taking care of her. Pray for me Brother for I am lonely 
and sad, yet cheerfully, do I say, "Thy will O God, be done." 51 

With his wife and child dead, his missionary dreams unfulfilled, and 
his isolation finally unbearable, Rev. Loomis, overwhelmed by disap- 



Laurel K. Gabel 155 



pointment, withdrew from the mission. He summed up their missionary 
experience in a rather damning indictment: "I looked for Christian cour- 
tesy - I have not found it." 52 

A series of final letters communicate the litany of perceived abuses at 
the hands of the "Brethren." Unlike previous correspondence, however, it 
was in these letters that Chauncey clearly detailed his grievances. 
Although he had mentioned many of these same problems over and over 
in the past, this was perhaps the first time that the Board was made to 
realize the full impact of his desperation: 

We came to Corisco, unknown to the Missionaries, or to their personal 
friends in America. Our reception could hardly be deemed cordial. 
Cordiality is the fruit of friendship and ripens slowly. But even a stranger 
might expect a stranger's due. 

I came well accredited as a Physician, a graduate of the New York Medical 
College, having also attended the full course of Lectures in the College of 
Pharmacy, a special course in the practical Analysis of Poisons, an extra 
course in demonstrative Anatomy, and Surgery, an attendance of 18 
months at the hospital and a limited practice in connection with my City 
Mission work. These facts, I was told, had some influence with the Board, 
in determining my location here. 

I was advised by Dr. Wilson [Rev. James Leighton Wilson, D.D., at 
Presbyterian Mission Board in New York City], that I should need but few 
medicines, as there was an abundant supply already out there. Yet was I 
never invited into the medicine room (which was Mr. Mackey's study) to 
see or to use the medicines or the instruments there; and when over- 
whelmed with sickness, after his departure, knew not where to find them. 
Even the medical books belonging to the Mission were barreled up by Mr. 
Mackey before he left. 

In that great trial, when one half hour in a New York Drug Store were 
worth a fortune; when cupping glasses 53 would have been worth their 
weight in gold; they remained where he had stored them. He never invited 
me to visit other Missionaries as a Physician, nor did he so recognize me.... 
It would be charitable to suppose that Mr. Mackey was uninformed of my 
medical character. The evidence is, however, against the supposition. 54 

The evidence, for this and numerous other instances where Chauncey 
and Harriet had felt a lack of consideration and basic "Christian cour- 
tesy," is detailed in the remaining pages of Chauncey's despairing letter 
of October, 1861: their services were demanded in the operating of the 
mission store - which was only to be open on Mondays - every day of the 
week, in spite of their constant fevers. No one ever came to visit them in 
their sickness "except on business." Rev. Mackey left Chauncey orders "to 



156 Harriet Ruggles Loomis' Gravestone 



build three houses, ... repair his cistern, floor the cistern and kitchen with 
cement, to build a boat-house and stable, to repair roofs, and renew those 
needing it. ..." And the list goes on. perceived slights were not forgotten - 
or forgiven. 

Weary from the struggle to do what he felt was right and disappoint- 
ed at the outcome, Chauncey ends his letter: 

I came out here expecting to remain till death, if God will. His constituted 
authorities have left me nothing but to leave the field. Perhaps it is best. 
Health seems to demand it. To sacrifice me and mine is but a trifle if the 
cause demand it. Is it the best plan of work? 

I leave my tools, remaining outfit and some books to the mein cause, on the 
main land. I intended to leave my Library Not accepted. I came with a joy- 
ful heart to the field [to] which the Board had assigned me. The anticipa- 
tions of a lifetime seemed about to realize. I threw myself with open heart 
among Christians. I looked for Christian courtesy. I have not found it. I 
begged for my rights as for a favor. I begged for my own life, and for that 
which was dearer than my own, justly fearing the direct consequences from 
severe toil. "That which I feared has come upon me." While life lasted, I felt 
buoyant, hoping for a better policy in time. Life gone - all gone! Now Dear 
Brother, if you have done me the favor to read this gloomy epistle, tell me, 
How should I feel, when oppression has driven my good Missionary wife 
into the grave and banished me, a wreck, from the field of my chosen life 
work? The Lord judge between me and them and may God speed the 
right. 55 

In his last report to the Presbyterian Board of Foreign Missions, writ- 
ten on October 1, 1861 [perhaps written before the above letter, which is 
dated only October, 1861], Chauncey Loomis provided a final eulogy to 
his wife, Harriet Ruggles Loomis: 

Tribute to the Memory of Mrs. Loomis -Missionary Fidelity 
Yet these days of Leisure and rest from toil were saddened by the fact that 
they doubled the cares of another, dearer than the sick one, for the duties of 
the Treasurer still go on, though he is sick. But She who was so ready to 
assist me in health, so efficient and prompt to relieve me from my duties in 
sickness, forgetful of her own sufferings, sank, at last, under accumulated 
ills, and fell a prey to malignant fever. Her cares were many; her sorrows 
were multiplied, yet did she suffer and toil on alone, and without com- 
plaint. She was happy to be a Missionary, and anxious to do all her duty in 
the sphere assigned her (omit, though not what she had expected.) She did 
what she could. 

From sun to sun, she was never at rest, save on her sick bed. There was an 
emphatic meaning in the words she desired to be sung, when she could no 
longer speak. "There's rest for the weary." She, who had no home while 



Laurel K. Gabel 157 



here, has now a "Christian's home in glory." She met the first appearance 
of death with joy, saying "it is all right." I responded, "Even so Father for 
so it seemed good in thy sight. The Lord hath done all things well." 

Let it not be said, I pray you, that our oft-repeated sickness and her untime- 
ly death were the result of our imprudence. We were both accustomed to 
fevers, and the means of cure. We came to the work with good health, and 
strong constitutions. We made the most assiduous efforts to restore and 
preserve health. We tried to be faithful here, in the discharge of the duties 
laid upon us. We also tried to save health & life that we might be the more 
useful. We could do no more under our circumstances. Would that our abil- 
ity had been commensurate with our duties! 56 

The Loomises' heartfelt grievances appear to have had some basis in 
fact, although perhaps the intensity of Chauncey's despair reflects in part, 
as he himself says, "the misfortunes of a Missionary overwhelmed at the 
threshold of his labors." 57 

It should be noted that there are two widely divergent versions of the 
Loomises' experience on Corisco. James Mackey, Chauncey's nemesis, felt 
that Chauncey's decision to leave was a prudent one: 

[Dr. Loomis] has been here less than two years, but his health seems to have 
suffered a great deal. It is not his purpose I believe to return [to Corisco]. 
Dr. Loomis is, I trust, a good man, but his goodness makes itself apparent 
in very singular ways. His labors arise (?) sufficient but have not been such 
as to promote our missionary work. I found in my return a very general 
dislike among the natives towards him. ... I trust Dr. Loomis will be useful 
in some other sphere of duty, but I think he never will be as a missionary 
in Africa. 58 

Rev. Mackey went on to say, in a private letter to John C. Lowie, D.D., 
New York City, dated November 12, 1861: 

Mr. Loomis is a very peculiar man. And since my return I cannot but 
observe that his influence here has been deleterious to the progress of our 
Missionary work. The people were repulsed[?] by his unkindness toward 
them. ... 

Mr. Loomis suffered a good deal from sickness and I think his moroseness 
and his ill nature towards the other members of the mission and towards 
the natives arose in a measure at least from his bad health. 

The Mission all seemed relieved when he asked liberty to go home, and no 
regrets either on the part of the natives or members of the Mission were 
expressed at his departure. [.-..] 59 

In another letter to Rev. Lowrie, dated May 9, 1862, Rev. Mackey is 
even more forceful: 



158 Harriet Ruggles Loomis' Gravestone 



Yours of February 14th last mail and although I have said all 

I expected to say in regard to Mr. Loomis, one or two things in your letter 
leave me to say a word more. You state in speaking of Mr. Loomis that you 
"now fear that 'we did not properly appreciate him/" and you say further 
that you "think Mr. Loomis feels chiefly aggrieved at the apparent want of 
sympathy he met with at Corisco and if this were so it might be attributed 

partly to the brethren thus having the impression which I had ." 

You are greatly in error if you suppose that anything Dr. Wilson either 
wrote or spoke about Mr. Loomis ever led to any member of this mission 
forming an opinion prejudicial to him. He came here as a stranger person- 
ally to all of us, but was received as a Christian brother and with all the 
warm hearted cordiality which we are ever accustomed to extend to the 
laborers you send us. ... 

On our return from America, Mr. Loomis made many and very grievous 
complaints to me about his labors and the want of sympathy which the 
members of the mission have showed to him in his bereavement. His state- 
ments were so contrary to what had always been the spirit of the mission 
that I was much surprised. I made some inquiries and found there was no 
[justification] whatever for the charges of want of sympathy. He told me 
Mrs. Loomis died alone. He washed the body and laid it out with his own 

hands and no member of the mission was in the for hours after 

she died. I found on inquiry, that Mr. Loomis had put a [large] card 

on his door forbidding us to go into the sick room (this was not for the 
natives, but for members of the mission) to disturb the sick. This card was 
still on the room door after my arrival. Mrs. Loomis died in the morning 
about 4 o'clock. After daylight Miss Latta was in, and so was Mrs. Ogden. 
He [Chauncey Loomis] passed through the room but did not stop to speak 
to them. Mrs. Clemens came in. All were waiting but did not know Mrs. 
Loomis was dead. Two little girls were in the house staying with Mr. 
Loomis. Mrs. Ogden asked them if Mrs. Loomis was dead. They said they 
did not know, but they thought so. Mr. Loomis did not let the members of 
the mission know until nine o'clock, after he had closed the mail which he 
was sending to Gaboon[?], when he opened the door and asked those who 
were present to walk [or look?] into the room where Mrs. Loomis lay a 
corpse. The members of the mission all felt that the mildest construction 
that could be put on Mr. Loomis's conduct, was that [he] was not sane. 

The impression is obvious among the people here that Mr. Loomis is not an 
honest man. This is not confined to the heathen, but it is among the mem- 
bers of the church who think they were wronged by him. I am sorry to have 
to make the above statements. They are not made in bitterness of feeling. I 

would write more, but would rather refer you to the brethren who 

and who were here all the time of Loomis's stay. We all think it would be a 
calamity to the mission for Mr. Loomis to return and I am sure you w[ould] 
think so if you knew all his while in this mission. 60 

Regardless of how the events at Corisco actually occurred, Chauncey 
Loomis left the island in November of 1861, a broken man. He went to 



Laurel K. Gabel 



159 



Middletown, Connecticut, where he lived out the rest of his life, often 
impaired by recurring attacks of African Fever. Still ill and demoralized a 
year after his return, Chauncey made arrangements for his wife's body to 
be brought back from the "place of hardship and sorrow" that had 
destroyed them both. Harriet was reinterred in Newbury, Vermont, on 
what must have been an exceptionally mild January 11th, 1865 (Fig. 8). 
The depiction on her gravestone of the Evangasimba missionary station, 
with the Ocean Eagle at anchor in Corisco Bay, was carved from one of 
Harriet's own drawings done shortly before her death. 61 

Her marble gravestone was carved in Middletown, Connecticut, by 
James Craig (1830-1886), a recent immigrant (1851) from Kilmarnock, 
Scotland, whose stone carving shop, on the corner of Main and Church 
Streets in Middletown, was near Dr. Loomis' home (Figs. 9 and 10). 62 
From Middletown, Harriet's gravemarker traveled more than two hun- 




Fig. 8. "Jan. 11, 1865" and detail of Evangasimba Missionary Station, 
from Harriet Loomis gravestone. 



160 



Harriet Ruggles Loomis' Gravestone 



dred miles up the Connecticut River to its final destination in the Ox -bow 
Cemetery, Newbury, Vermont. 

One final word about the gravestone. At the bottom of the main epi- 
taph there is an added inscription in what appears to be Benga, the 
African tribal language once used on Corisco. 63 Its message could have 
been understood by only a handful of white missionaries - none of whom 




Fig. 9. James Craig, stonecutter, Middletown, Connecticut. 



Laurel K. Gabel 



161 



would, Chauncey knew, ever see it: 

Ebe bobe ome. Ebe njuke nangebe. 
O yenek o'buhwa. O ka bange vake. 

Intentionally private, the final words are from Chauncey to Harriet. 
Based on the manuscript dictionary compiled (circa 1855) by Rev. Mackey, 
the Benga translation appears to say: "I am full of remorse for the evils 
which you were forced to suffer in that place of sorrow. While today we 
are parted, in the tomorrow we will be united forever." 64 The first line of 
the epitaph reveals Chauncey' s lingering resentment and private guilt 
about the traumatic death of his wife and child in Africa; the last line 
affirms a final healing belief in their heavenly reunion. 

After returning to Connecticut, Chauncey preached and practiced 
medicine as his health allowed. 65 His love for the church and for teaching 

JAMES CRAIG, 





And manufacturer of 

MONUMENTS, 

&RAYESTOUES, te, 



IN EVERY STYLE. 

H In Italian and American Marble, 

and Brown Stone. 

Also, in Scotch and American 

.-aS^SF Granites. 

Having lately returned from Scotland, I am prepared to furnish Scotch. 
Granite on the most favorable terms. 

Church St., cor. Main, Middletown, Conn. 

Fig. 10. James Craig advertisement, Middletown (Connecticut) 
City Directory, 1871-1872. 



162 



Harriet Ruggles Loomis' Gravestone 




Fig. 11. Loomis family monument, East Hartland, Connecticut. 



Laurel K. Gabel 163 



apparently never abated, and in his later years he became well known for 
his "interesting" Sunday school classes. For a number of years he was also 
an "efficient" member of the Middletown School Board and took great 
interest in the welfare of the public schools. He was described as a "genial 
and pleasant companion," and as a "Christian gentleman with a large cir- 
cle of friends." Chauncey never remarried. In 1883 he suffered a debilitat- 
ing stroke which left him partially paralyzed for the rest of his life. He 
died on January 13, 1894 "in the 75th year of his age." 66 The funeral was 
held three days later from the home of his sister, Mrs. George N. Ward. 67 
According to the Penny Press newspaper of January 15, 1894, the inter- 
ment was to be in East Hartland, Connecticut, which explains why the 
body was given a temporary home in a receiving vault of Mortimer 
Cemetery in Middletown. 68 The May 7, 1894 issue of the same paper con- 
tains a small three line notice: "The remains of Dr. Loomis, who died in 
this city several weeks ago, were taken to Tariffville [East Hartland] 
Monday morning for interment." The body of Chauncey Loomis was 
buried in East Hartland Cemetery on May 5th, 1894. A large four-sided 
brownstone monument adorned with an open Bible marks his final rest- 
ing place (Fig. 11). Inscribed upon it are the words "In Memory of C. L. 
Loomis/ 1819-1894 /Missionary /to Africa/ 1859-1861 /Harriet E./His 
wife /And Infant son /Died in Africa /Buried /in Newbury, Vt." The open 
Bible holds Chauncey Loomis' s epitaph taken from First Corinthians, 
15:44: "It is sown a natural Body; It is raised a spiritual Body." On two of 
the three remaining sides of the monument are inscriptions for 
Chauncey' s mother and father, Leister and Emily Filley Loomis. 



164 Harriet Ruggles Loomis' Gravestone 



NOTES 

I am grateful to the following individuals and institutions for their contributions to the 
Loomis story research: Dione Boucher Ayotte, Western Historical Manuscript Collection, 
University of Missouri / State Historical Society Columbia, MO; Malik Balla, Robert D. 
Botne, and David J. Dwyer for their help in interpreting the Benga epitaph; Georgia Barnhill, 
Andrew W. Mellon Curator of Graphic Arts, American Antiquarian Society; Edith 
Beaumont, Louis Miller Museum, Hoosick Township (NY) Historical Society; Kathy 
Borgman, Friends of Arrow Rock (MO) Historical Site; Jean Craig Brooks; Tony Burroughs; 
Marie Concannon, The State Historical Society of Missouri; Ruth Duncan, Connecticut 
Historical Society; Eastman School of Music, Rochester, NY; Dorothy Fay; Cynthia Frame, 
Archivist, The Burke Library, Union Theological Seminary; Lyn Gardner, The Mariners' 
Museum, Newport News, VA; Marion Gibson; Brian Hook; "Kate," Speer Library, Princeton 
Theological Seminary; Dione Longley, Director, The Middlesex (CT) County Historical 
Society; Mary Ellen McVicker; Madeleine W. Mullin, Rare Books and Special Collections, 
Countway Library of Medicine, Boston; Michael North, New York Academy of Medicine; 
Julian H. Preisler; M. Reid, Russel Library, Middletown, CT; Owen T. Robbins; Amy Roberts, 
Archivist, Department of History and Records Management Services of the Presbyterian 
Church; Wendy Schnur, G W. Blunt White Library, Mystic Seaport Museum of America and 
the Sea, Mystic, CT; Margery Shane, Newbury (VT) Public Library; Judy Shield, Friends of 
Historic Boonville (MO); Melanie Spencer, Boonslick (MO) Regional Library. Special thanks 
to Jill Cunninghis, Laura Ettinger, Bob Miller, and Elizabeth MacDonell. The photographic 
images shown as Figures 1, 3, 5, 7, and 8 are from the Daniel and Jessie Lie Farber Collection 
of Gravestone Photographs, American Antiquarian Society, and are here used with their 
kind permission. 

1. PERLEY BETSEY 

HARRIET ELISABETH RUGGLES. 

WIFE OF 

REV. C. L. LOOMIS. M.D. 

PRES. MISSION-CORISCO-W.A. 

N. LAT. 55'. E. LONG. 9 17' 30". 

BORN AT NEWBURY, VT. 

DEC. 29, 1824. 

DIED AT CORISCO 

AUG. 20, 1861. 

AN HELPMEET FOR 

A MISSIONARY. 

SHE HATH DONE 

WHAT SHE COULD. 

I NEVER REGRETTED COMING TO AFRICA; 

TEN YEARS I PRAYED FOR THIS PRIVELEGE. 

THE BITTERNESS OF DEATH IS NOT BITTER. 

DON'T GRIEVE FOR ME: IT IS ALL RIGHT 

THERE THE WEARY ARE AT REST: 



Laurel K. Gabel 165 



HENRY LEISTER 
1861 JULY 17 
EMIGRAVIT 

Ebe bobe ome. Ebe njuke nangebe. 
O yenek o buhwa. O ka bange vake 

J. Craig 
Middletown Ct 

2. African fever may describe any number of climatic fevers epidemic in Equatorial West 
Africa in the nineteenth century. Between 1804 and 1825, for example, more than sixty 
per cent of the men sent out (from England) by the Church Missionary Society suc- 
cumbed to some form of African fever. Among the crews of the Royal Navy, to patrol 
the Guinea Coast was to be on the "coffin squadron." Described as 'bilious remittent 
fever,' 'malignant fever,' or 'African fever,' most of the fever deaths appear to have been 
caused by what we now know as malaria. Yellow fever was also a frequent cause of 
death. See Oliver Ransford, "A Victory for Empiricism," in Bid the Sickness Cease: Disease 
in the History of Black Africa (London, 1983), 54-69. 

3. Letter of August 20, 1861: Rev. Chauncey Loomis at Corisco, West Africa, to Rev. Dr. 
Lowrie, Mission House, 23 Center Street, New York City. "Africa Letters, Corisco 
Mission, 1858-1864." Vol. I (reels 67-68); #90. Department of History and Records 
Management Services, Presbyterian Church, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. 

4. Ibid. 

5. Adapted from the Christian hymn, "Rest for the Weary" (Revival Music Book No. 2) by 
Rev. S. Y Harmer and Rev. William McDonald (no date): 

In the Christian's Home in Glory 

There remains a land of rest. 

There my Savior's gone before me 

To fulfil my soul's request. 
There is rest for the weary, There is rest for the weary 
There is rest for the weary, There is rest for you. 

He is fitting up my mansion 

Which eternally shall stand. 

For my stay shall not be transient 

In that Holy, happy land. 
On the other side of Jordan, In the sweet fields of Eden, 
Where the tree of life is blooming, There is rest for you. 

6. Letter of August 20, 1861 (See note 3). 



166 Harriet Ruggles Loomis' Gravestone 



7. I am very grateful to Dorothy Fay and to Marion Gibson of Newbury, Vermont, for their 
help with Newbury contacts and resources. See Frederic P. Wells, History of Newbury, 
Vermont, from the Discovery of the Coos country to Present Time (St. Johnsbury, VT. 1902), 
685. Although this account lists Perley's place of death as Millen Falls, there is no record 
of a Millen Falls in Massachusetts in the nineteenth century. There is, however, a 
Miller's Falls in Franklin County, Massachusetts, a place where several smaller tribu- 
taries flow into the Connecticut River. The following account of Perley's death appears 
in the June 15, 1824, issue of the Franklin Herald and Public Advertiser. 

"Drowned. At Turner's Falls in Montague, last week [June 7, 1824], 
(occasioned by the filling of a canoe) Mr. Pearly Ruggles, of Newbury, 
Vt aged about 31 years. [He was actually 28 years old.] Several others 
were in the canoe at the time, one of whom, (being grasped by the 
deceased, who was unable to swim,) narrowly escaped a similar fate." 

8. Perley Ruggles was born 27 March 1796, probably at Walpole, New Hampshire. He was 
the eldest son of Ebenezer and Persis (Goodall) Ruggles. Betsey (Burroughs) Ruggles 
was born 1 April 1800, the daughter of Deacon William and Elizabeth (Peach) 
Burroughs. Betsey died in 1868. (International Genealogical Index records show the 
marriage of an Elizabeth Ruggles and Thomas Richeson on January 6, 1848, at St. Louis, 
Missouri. Could this be a second marriage for Betsey Burroughs Ruggles, whose chil- 
dren, Henry and Harriet, both came to the St. Louis area in the same year? Or, perhaps 
more likely, is it simply one of the intriguing coincidences so often found in genealog- 
ical research?), cf. Wells, Ibid. 

9. Henry Edward Ruggles (1822-1856) graduated (in 1845) from Dartmouth College before 
going on to Union Theological Seminary in New York City (class of 1848), where he also 
worked as a missionary among the poor. Until his health began to fail, Henry served as 
pastor, first of a church in St. Louis, Missouri, and then at Eaton, New York, a small vil- 
lage thirty miles south-west of Utica. Rev. Henry Ruggles died in 1856 at the age of thir- 
ty four, leaving a wife, Julia Pierce Ruggles, and two young children, cf. Wells, Ibid. 

10. Wells, Ibid. Newbury Seminary, which operated in Newbury, Vermont between the 
years 1834 and 1868, was the first Methodist theological school in the country (The 
Smithsonian Guide to Historic America. New York, 1989, 68-69). The corner stone of Ball 
Seminary (Hoosick Falls, New York) was laid on the 4th of July, 1842, along with a time 
capsule containing "the Declaration of Independence, the Constitution of the United 
States, the American flag, coins of the U.S. mint, a copy of the census of 1840, a relic 
from the Bennington Battlefield, newspapers of the day, and a paper containing statis- 
tics of the village." The school had an "able corp of teachers, the course of instruction 
was of a high order and the institution ranked among the first in the state." Henry E. 
Ruggles, Harriet's brother, served as principal of Ball Seminary in 1847, and both 
Henry and Harriet are listed as instructors for the 1847-48 academic year. (Information 
obtained from a report by Franklin B. Hough entitled, "Historical and Statistical Report 
of the University of the State of New York during the century 1784-1884." Contributed 
by Edith Beaumont, Director of the Louis Miller Museum, Hoosick Township Historical 
Society, Hoosick Falls, NY), cf. Catalogue of the Officers and Students of Ball Seminary for 
the Academic Year 1847-48, (Troy, NY, 1848), 1. 



Laurel K. Gabel 167 



11. Drawing included in the "Fifteenth Annual Catalogue of the Officers and Students in 
the Adelphai College (Late Female Collegiate Institute), for the term ending June 21, 
1855." The artist's rendition of Adelphai College (perhaps somewhat fanciful) is taken 
from an early piece of sheet music (1855) entitled "College Waltz" and inscribed to the 
students of the school by I. Maurice Hubbard, the composer and arranger. 

12. Adelphai is the Greek word for "sister." H. E. Ruggles is listed as one of the nine found- 
ing organizers of the Adelphai Society in 1850. The Society, whose stated purpose was 
the "improvement of mind, manners and moral sentiment," published a literary mag- 
azine called The Iris, and used membership dues to purchase books for the library 
(which contained more than 700 volumes in 1854). cf. The Iris: A Literary Periodical 
Consisting of Origirial Compositions by Members of the Adelphai in the Female Collegiate 
Institute , Boonville, Missouri, Vol.l:4 (May 1855). 

13. In the decade following 1846, the National Board of Popular Education alone recruited 
some 600 teachers from New England and New York State for teaching positions on the 
frontier. The largest number of these recruits came from Vermont. See Polly W. 
Kaufman, Women Teachers on the Frontier (New Haven, CT, 1984), 226. 

14. In 1850 there were more than 200 young women enrolled at Adelphai, some from as far 
away as Kentucky, Wisconsin, California and Alabama. See Lyn McDaniel, "Private 
Schools Flourish Before the Civil War," Bicentennial Boonslick History (1976): 82; Robert 
L. Dyer, Boonville: An Illustrated History (Walsworth, 1987), 68: 74-76. 

15. Charles Van Ravenswaay "Arrow Rock, Missouri," Missouri Historical Review (1959), 
215. See also Wells, History of Newbury, Vermont, 685. 

16. Seventh Federal Census (1850), Boonville City, Cooper County, Missouri. Microcopy 
#432; roll 397; entry (household) 275. 

17. Wells, History of Newbury, Vermont, 685. 

18. Elias Loomis, LL.D., The Descendants of Joseph Loomis, Who Came from Braintree, England, 
in the year 1638, and Settled in Windsor, Connecticut in 1639 (New Haven, CT, 1875), 288- 
289. Western Reserve College, Hudson, Ohio, became (1882) Adelbert College of 
Western Reserve University, Cleveland, Ohio. Western Reserve University and Case 
Institute of Technology merged in 1967 to become Case/ Western Reserve University. 

19. In 1850 there were over 200 students enrolled at Adelphai College. A prospectus for the 
school from the Missouri Register issue of March 11, 1841, announces that Joshua Tracy 
"proposes to establish in this city, a school for the instruction of young Ladies, in all the 
solid and ornamental branches of a finished education." The course of study included 
"mathematics, astronomy, the natural sciences, geography, mental and moral philoso- 
phy, French, the Greek and Latin classics ('if desired'), and weekly exercises in compo- 
sition and criticism." The tuition was $75 per session, with an extra $20 for those who 
had music and piano lessons. See Dyer, Boonville: An Illustrated History, 74. 



168 Harriet Ruggles Loomis' Gravestone 



20. Seventh Federal Census (1850), Boonville City, Cooper County, Missouri. Microcopy 
#432; roll 397; entry (household) 22. 

21. Cited in McDaniel, "Private Schools Flourish Before the Civil War," 82. 

22. Ruth Ferris, "Betty Ragland at Adelphai College, Boonville, Missouri, 1854-1855." 
Collection #995, folder #573, typed manuscript in the Western Historical Manuscript 
Collection, State Historical Society of Missouri, University of Missouri-Columbia. 

23. Alumni Catalogue of the Union Theological Seminary, 1836-1926, (New York, NY, 1926), 92. 
Chauncey Loomis is listed with the Union Theological Seminary class of 1857. Later 
there was some debate as to whether or not Chauncey Loomis was ever actually 
ordained. The following correspondence occurred between [Rev] John C. Lowrie, 
Presbyterian Mission Board, Mr. C. R. Gillett, Librarian of Union Theological Seminary, 
and [Rev] A. W. Hazen of Middletown, Connecticut. From A. W. Hazen, July [1895]: "I 
send you to-day a list of the graduates of the N.Y Medical College in 1858. You will see 
that the name of Chauncey L. Loomis is one of them. After his graduation, Dr. Loomis 
spent a year and a half in Bellevue Hospital, in medical and surgical practice, before 
going as a medical missionary to the Coriscoes. Since he went to Africa as a physician, 
I presume he was not ordained. He was for a time a member of the Hartford 
(Connecticut) South Assoc, of Congregational ministers, but as he did not give evi- 
dence of ordination, when he was asked for it, later, his name was removed from our 
roll. Very truly Yours, A. W. Hazen, Middletown, Conn." [In January, 1894, Rev. A. W. 
Hazen, D.D. officiated at the funeral of Rev. Chauncey L. Loomis, Middletown.] From 
John C. Lowrie to C. R. Gillett, July 11, 1895: "After too long delay - as to Mr. C. L. 
Loomis - He is reported in our publications as a Licentiate of the Presbytery of 
Missouri, but his name does not appear in its statistical report to the General Assembly. 
It is doubtful whether he was a Licentiate, and certain, I think, that he was not 
ordained, but he was M. A. He was in city missionary work in this city - New York. He 
was an earnest and good Missionary on Corisco, Western Africa, where his wife died. 
No information as to the date or the place of his birth, but it was in Connecticut, I think; 
and it was there he died, as there is reason to think, but when I cannot ascertain." 
Chauncey L. Loomis is listed among the thirty-three graduates of New York Medical 
College class of 1858. 

24. Elias Loomis, The Descendants of Joseph Loomis, 288-289. 

25. Although casual scrutiny may not reveal the badly worn initials, the letters "O. E." 
appear on the mast flag of the ship depicted in the carved scene on Harriet's grave- 
stone. The letters "O. E." stand for Ocean Eagle, the ship that brought the Loomises to 
Corisco. cf. New York Marine NY, Register: A Standard of Classifications of American Vessels 
(New York, NY, 1857), 165; American Lloyds' Registry of American and Foreign Shipping 
(New York, NY, 1862), 323. Both of these ship's registers describe the Ocean Eagle as 
being a two hundred thirty-three ton brigantine or hermaphrodite brig (square-rigged 
foremast of a brig and mainmast of a schooner), built in Guilford, Connecticut in 1856. 
The Ocean Eagle was constructed of oak and cedar with copper and iron fastenings and 
was designed with a large cargo capacity, a poop cabin in the stern, and an overall size 



Laurel K. Gabel 169 



listed as 90.6 X 25.3 with a twelve foot draft. The owners were Yates, Porterfield and 
Company of New York. Capt. Joseph Yates captained the brig on two early voyages: 
Capt. Henry Fossett was the captain on several other crossings. The Boston Shipping List 
confirms that Ocean Eagle made several voyages between New York and western 
Africa. (See also note 30). 

26. Corisco Island is slightly less than sixty miles north of the Equator. It has had a stormy 
political history being claimed at various times by Portugal, Spain, Great Britain, and 
France. It is currently part of the independent Equatorial Guinea. Shortly after the 
Presbyterian mission station was established on Corisco in the early 1850s, a Spanish 
war ship arrived there bearing a manifesto from the Spanish government ordering the 
Presbyterians to abandon their mission. Functionaries of the Roman Catholic Church 
then issued a second proclamation forbidding all public worship on the island except 
that of the Roman Catholic Church. The protestant mission settlements, alarmed at the 
implications of a Spanish claim and the establishment of Catholicism as Corisco's offi- 
cial religion, wrote to the New York Mission Board and to United States officials for 
help. The order was subsequently challenged, and a few newly imported priests and 
nuns quickly left the island. The Protestant presence remained, and it was many years 
before Catholicism finally dominated in the region. Today the island is predominately 
Catholic. (See undated [1860] Board Committee letter #43 in "African Letters, Corisco 
Mission, 1858-1864." Vol. 1 (reels 67-68). Department of History and Records 
Management Services, Presbyterian Church, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.) 

27. Rev. Robert Hamill Nassau, A History of West Africa Mission (Newark, NJ, 1919). 
Manuscript on microfilm MS47; 8, 30-33. 

28. The mangi tree was known locally as the "lightning rod tree" because it was badly 
scarred by repeated lightning strikes, and yet survived, towering over all the other 
trees in the area. It is clearly visible in the carved scene on Harriet's gravestone. See Rev. 
Robert H. Nassau, A History of the Presbytery of Corisco (Trenton, NJ, 1888). 

29. Ibid. 

30. The Ocean Eagle, with Henry Fosset as master, left the port of New York on September 
26, 1859, bound for "Monrovia and a market." Calling at several ports along the way, 
she arrived at Evangasimba on January 21, 1860. (See note 25). 

31. Letter of February 6, 1860: James L. Mackey, Corisco, to Rev. J. Leighton Wilson, D.D., 
Presbyterian Mission Board, New York City. "Africa Letters, Corisco Mission, 1858- 
1864." Vol. 1 (reels 67-68); #10. Department of History and Records Management 
Services, Presbyterian Church, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. 

32. Letter of April, 1860: Rev. Chauncey Loomis at Corisco, West Africa, to Rev. James 
Leighton Wilson, D.D., Mission House, New York City. "Africa Letters, Corisco 
Mission, 1858-1864." Vol. 1 (reels 67-68); #14. Department of History and Records 
Management Services, Presbyterian Church, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. 



170 Harriet Ruggles Loomis' Gravestone 



33. Ibid. 

34. Letter of April 16, 1860: Rev. Chauncey Loomis at Corisco, West Africa, to Rev. James 
Leighton Wilson, D.D., Mission House, New York City. "Africa Letters, Corisco 
Mission, 1858-1864." Vol. 1 (reels 67-68); #16. Department of History and Records 
Management Services, Presbyterian Church, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. 

35. The Alongo station was on the northern end of the island, three miles north of 
Evangasimba. Rev. William Clemens established the station. Rev. Clemens made 
numerous long boat journeys to the mainland and along the coast to recruit scholars 
and to preach to the native tribes. He also helped to explore and chart future mission 
sites. 

36. Letter of July 23, 1860: C. L. Loomis to Rev. James Leighton Wilson, D.D. "Africa 
Letters, Corisco Mission, 1858-1864." Vol. 1 (reels 67-68); #88. Department of History 
and Records Management Services, Presbyterian Church, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. 

37. In Greek mythology, Argus was a giant with 100 eyes, a guardian. Thus, Argus-eyed 
describes an alert and extremely observant person, a vigilant guardian. Tribal families 
entrusted their daughters to the Mission School for both education and protection. 

38. Recovering from yet another of the periodic fevers that both he and Harriet suffered 
from, Chauncey, perhaps not in a state of mind to appreciate humor, reported the fol- 
lowing anecdote as testimony of the missionary's lack of emotional support and callous 
disregard for their suffering: "When lying veiy low, disease apparently baffling all 
treatment, I informed my visitor that I had already lost thirty-one pounds in six 
months. [The missionary] remarked, "Well, you can readily calculate how long it will 
take for the remainder." Letter of October, 1861: C. L. Loomis, Corisco, West Africa, to 
Rev. John C. Lowrie, Mission House, No. 23 Center Street, New York, U.S.A. "Africa 
Letters, Corisco Mission, 1868-1864." Vol. 1 (reels 67-68); #89. Department of History 
and Records Management Services, Presbyterian Church, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. 

39. Palaver: A parley between European explorers and representatives of local popula- 
tions, especially in Africa; idle chatter; profuse talk intended to charm or beguile; insin- 
cere. (The American Heritage Dictionary, 3rd edition, 1992.) 

40. Reference to the Corisco mission council, the "Brethren": James Mackey, W. Clemens, 
Cornelius DeHeer. 

41. Ilobi was a neighboring island inhabited by "about three hundred people [branch of the 
Corisco tribes] anxious to receive a Missionary. It is a place of growing importance, 
being an anchorage of most of the ships which trade in Corisco Bay." (Letter of July 23, 
1860). 

42. A missionary husband who allowed his wife to "become a Mother" in Africa, with the 
almost certain consequence of death to mother and child, was perceived as a killer. 
["... and I would indeed be committing murder if I made myself party to that fatality": 
Rev. Robert H. Nassau, A History of the Presbytery of Corisco, 127]. 



Laurel K. Gabel 171 



43. Letter of August 19, 1861: Miss Mary C. Latta, Maluku, Corisco, West Africa, to Rev. J. 
C. Lowrie, D.D., New York City. "Africa Letters, Corisco Mission, 1858-1864." Vol. 1 
(reels 67-68); #77. Department of History and Records Management Services, 
Presbyterian Church, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. Mary Cloyd Latta (1837-1870) was 
twenty-four years old when she arrived at Evangasimba. She later became the wife of 
Robert Hamill Nassau, M.D. (1835-1921), a missionary at Corisco. Mary Latta Nassau 
died by drowning in September, 1870. 

44. Ibid. 

45. Ibid. 

46. Letter of August 20, 1861 (See note 3). 

47. The child, "taken away by instruments," describes what would probably be referred to 
today as a partial birth abortion. It is clear that Chauncey acting in his capacity as a 
physician, took the life of his son in an attempt to save the life of his wife. 

48. A broken stemmed bud is symbolic of the life which will never blossom or come into 
flower. It is usually associated with the death of a child or of an unmarried young 
woman and is a commonly-found motif on nineteenth century gravemarkers. 

49. Letter of August 20, 1861 . 

50. Ibid. 

51. Ibid. 

52. Letter of October, 1861 (See note 38). 

53. Cupping glasses are small glass cups in which a partial vacuum is produced for a pro- 
cedure, once believed to be therapeutic, called cupping. Cupping draws blood to the 
surface of the body for producing counter-irritation or for blood letting. This was 
thought to be beneficial in the treatment of numerous fevers. Webster's 3rd New 
Dictionary (Springfield, Mass., 1966.) 

54. Letter of October, 1861 (see Note 38). 

55. Ibid. 

56. Annual Report of October 1, 1861: C. L. Loomis, Corisco, West Africa, to The 
Presbyterian Board of Foreign Missions, New York City. "Africa Letters, Corisco 
Mission, 1858-1864." Vol. 1 (reels 67-68); #91. Department of History and Records 
Management Services, Presbyterian Church, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. 

57. Letter of July 29, 1863: Rev. C. L. Loomis to Rev. John C. Lowrie, D.D. "Africa Letters, 
Corisco Mission, 1858-1864." Vol. 1 (reels 67-68); #87. Department of History and 
Records Management Services, Presbyterian Church, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. 



172 Harriet Ruggles Loomis' Gravestone 



58. Letter of October 27, 1861: Rev. James L. Mackey, Corisco, West Africa, to Rev. Walter 
Lowrie, [New York City]. "Africa Letters, Corisco Mission, 1858-1864." Vol. 1 (reels 67- 
68); #86. Department of History and Records Management Services, Presbyterian 
Church, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. 

59. Letter of November 12, 1861: Rev. James L. Mackey, Corisco, West Africa, to John C. 
Lowrie, D.D. [New York City]. "Africa Letters, Corisco Mission, 1858-1864." Vol. 1 
(reels 67-68); #96. Department of History and Records Management Services, 
Presbyterian Church, Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. 

60. Letter of May 9, 1862: James L. Mackey, Corisco, West Africa, to Rev. J. C. Lowrie, [New 
York City]. "Africa Letters, Corisco Mission, 1858-1864." Vol. 1 (reels 67-68); #113. 
Department of History and Records Management Services, Presbyterian Church, 
Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. 

61. Wells, History of Newbury Vermont, 685. 

62. The Craig's first home in Middletown was in a Scottish enclave in the vicinity of River 
Street and later Broad Street. In the 1860s the family lived at #18 Hubbard Street, 
Middletown, and attended the First Congregational Church there. The Craig shop at 
the corner of Church and Main Streets is now the site of the Odd Fellows Hall or bank 
in Middletown. None of James and Elizabeth (Arbuckle) Craig's six sons followed their 
father in the stonecarving trade. Craig family history was obtained through personal 
correspondence (29 May, 1997) with Dione Longley Director of The Middlesex County 
Historical Society, Middlesex, Connecticut. Ms. Longley supplied the name and 
address of a Craig descendant, Jean Craig Brooks of Manchester, New Hampshire, who 
provided additional family data and photographs from family papers as well as infor- 
mation from her own recollections. I am deeply grateful to both of these women for 
their interest and help. 

63. There are at least twelve languages extant in the African coastal area now recognized 
as Equatorial Guinea. Benga, which is related to the more wide spread Batanga lan- 
guage, is thought to be the spoken language of fewer than 400 inhabitants on Corisco 
Island. From information available at Ethnologue Websites http:/ / www.sil.org/ethno- 
logue and http:/ / linguistlist.org/ask.html. 

64. James L. Mackey, A Grammar of the Benga Language (New York, NY, 1855). 

65. Chauncey Loomis is listed as the minister of one of the three churches which merged 
in 1941 to form the United Church of Durham, Connecticut. The original congregations 
were: The First Church of Christ in Durham (South Church), organized in 1708; The 
North Church, organized in 1847; and the Methodist Episcopal Church, organized in 
1836. Chauncey was minister 1865-1866. Information from Ruth Duncan, as contained 
in Contributions to the Ecclesiastical History of Connecticut, Vol. II (Connecticut 
Conference of the United Church of Christ, 1967), 230. 



Laurel K. Gabel 173 



66. Rev. Loomis died at the home of Martha Hubbard (perhaps a caretaker?) at West Long 
Hill, an area of Middletown two miles south-west of the center. Information from the 
obituary of Rev. Chauncey L. Loomis, M.D. printed in the Penny Press (Newspaper), 
Middletown, Connecticut, January 15, 1894. 

67. Chauncey had two sisters, Emily Cornelia (1827-1850) and Huldah Lucretia (1829- ), 
both of whom were, at different times, married to George Nelson Ward. Chauncey's 
funeral was from the home of George and Huldah Loomis Ward, 432 Main Street, 
Middletown, Connecticut. 

68. I would like to thank Ruth C. Duncan and Judith Johnson of the Connecticut Historical 
Society for their help in establishing Middletown connections for Chauncey Loomis. 
Duncan /Johnson /Gabel correspondence, July, 1987. 



174 



Gravestones of John Wight 




Fig. 1. Milestone, ca. 1790, Chester, New Hampshire. 



175 



'FENCING YE TABLES': SCOTCH-IRISH ETHNICITY 
AND THE GRAVESTONES OF JOHN WIGHT 

David H. Watters 

Settlements in the Merrimack River valley of New Hampshire sup- 
ported a remarkable group of gravestone carvers in colonial times, includ- 
ing the Hartshorns, the Mullickens, the Websters, and the Scotch-Irish set- 
tler, John Wight. In eighteenth-century Londonderry, New Hampshire, 
Wight cut stones in a distinctive ethnic style, for he found his patrons 
among the Scotch-Irish who settled there beginning in 1719. In the Scotch- 
Irish Presbyterian communities of the Londonderry area, which came to 
include the towns of Derry, Chester, Londonderry, Windham, and 
Bedford, religious rituals reinforced social, economic, and political dis- 
tinctions between the "Irish" and the "English" from settlements down 
the Merrimack River in Massachusetts. "Fencing off," a core concept 
among the Scotch-Irish, kept the culture forged in the great Siege of 
Londonderry in Ulster alive and those within God's covenant pure. The 
evidence from the graveyards, confirmed by early town records, suggests 
that gravestone designs, epitaphs, and fencing served to bolster the ethnic 
identity of these southern New Hampshire communities at a time of pro- 
found economic, religious, and political change from 1719 to 1775. The 
distinctive rituals of the Scotch-Irish "holy fair," or revivalistic commu- 
nions, including the "fencing" of the communion table, funerary prac- 
tices, sermons, and even the core economic activity of linen manufacture 
all provide a rich ethnic context for an analysis of John Wight's work. 

Settlement in Londonderry began in 1719 under the Reverend James 
MacGregor and in the part of Londonderry which became Chester in 
1727-28. Chester was a mixed community of Scotch-Irish and English set- 
tlers moving up from Massachusetts, and such mixing foregrounded dif- 
ferences in daily life and world view. Benjamin Chase, the nineteenth-cen- 
tury historian of Chester, notes, "The Irish ate potatoes and the English 
did not; the Irish put barley into their pot-liquor and made barley broth, 
the English put in beans and had porridge." Ralph Stuart Wallace's mod- 
ern history provides a thorough analysis of these ethnic distinctions: 
"They did not always get along; differences in dialect, religion, social cus- 
toms, and diet forced the English and Scotch-Irish to eye one another sus- 
piciously. [Scotch-Irish] . . . weddings and funerals were often drunken, 



176 Gravestones of John Wight 



boisterous affairs; and some of the possessions, particularly their funny 
looking spinning wheels, were like nothing the English had ever seen 
before." 1 

Early disputes between the Scotch-Irish families and residents of 
Haverhill, Massachusetts, who coveted the rich lands up the Merrimack 
River valley, reveal the willingness of the Scotch-Irish to resist intrusion. 
The Scotch-Irish who settled Londonderry had a history of defending 
their culture and faith against the English and the Irish Catholics stretch- 
ing back 100 years to the Covenanters of the 1620s and to the settlement 
of Antrim and Londonderry in Ulster. The defining moment was the great 
Siege of Londonderry, in Ulster, in 1689, which lived in the memories of 
many settlers in the wilds of New Hampshire, including that of the 
Reverend James MacGregor, who fought heroically and was wounded as 
a mere boy in the siege. MacGregor meant to establish pure, primitive 
ecclesiology of Scottish Presbyterianism in Londonderry, New 
Hampshire, and his flock quickly established the linen industry which 
provided economic support for the community. MacGregor preached the 
first sermon in town under an oak tree on April 12, 1719, taking his text 
from Is. 32:2, "And a man shall be as a hiding-place from the wind, and a 
covert from the tempest; as rivers of water in a dry place; as the shadow 
of a great rock in a weary land." MacGregor protected the covenant com- 
munity in the pulpit and in the field. When a party of Haverhill men came 
to harvest grass in the great Beaver Meadow, MacGregor met them head 
on: 

The leader of the party immediately walked up to Mr. MacGregor, and 
shaking his fist in his face, in an angry, threatening tone, exclaimed, allud- 
ing to his clerical costume, 'Nothing saves you sir, but your black coat.' Mr. 
MacGregor instantly replied, 'Well, it shan't save you, sir,' and throwing off 
his coat was about to suit the action to the word, when the party, with their 
boasting leader, beat a retreat. 2 

This veteran of the Londonderry siege carried his loaded musket into the 
pulpit to be ready for any attack by Native Americans. 

MacGregor died in 1729, but the spirit lived on in his son David, who 
eventually succeeded him in the ministry. In 1755, David MacGregor 
urged the community to remain united: "The Church in the present State 
is like a Flock of Sheep among Wolves; she has her Situation among Lions 
Dens, and the Mountains of Leopards." 3 In the troubled year of 1765, he 
preached about reliance on God's strength: "He can make you a fenced 



David H. Waiters 177 



and brazen Wall, against which, though your enemies should fight, yet 
they shall not be able to prevail." 4 

The concern for fences and walls was not simply a metaphor for spir- 
itual survival. Boundary debates over range lines and other surveys with- 
in towns, as well as among towns, are notorious in early New Hampshire 
history, for economic, political, as well as religious issues were at stake. As 
Ralph Stuart Wallace has shown, the Scotch-Irish chose to settle in an area 
of conflicting land claims, and after facing battles in Ulster and epidemics 
and prejudice in Boston, they were ready to fight for their lands. 5 Fencing 
is a cultural practice which represents a way of knowing, a folk episte- 
mology for setting one's place in nature, the community, the family, and 
the spiritual world. Folklorists Henry Glassie and Robert Blair St. George 
have establised a methodology for interpreting the use of artifacts to artic- 
ulate folk boundary concepts. 6 They argue that folkways from various 
regions of the British Isles were used to define outsiders and insiders as 
regional differences in shop traditions, speech, government, and farming 
practices were reestablished in New England. In the case of the Scotch- 
Irish, rather peripatetic boundary crossers from Scotland to Ulster to the 
colonies, the culture is known as it is distinguished from that of the 
English Congregationalists. Thus the outside and the inside define each 
other. As Robert Frost wrote in his poem "Mending Wall," when he lived 
just down the road from the Derry burying ground, "Good fences make 
good neighbors," but a culture fascinated by fences is also acutely aware 
of what breaks through or lies in wait outside the fence: "Something there 
is that doesn't love a wall." 

James MacGregor knew the symbolic, political, and economic effects 
of setting a boundary in the Beaver Meadow, and mobs of his parishioners 
knew the symbolic status of fences when they tore down wood and stone 
fences built by Haverhill men on disputed ground in the 1720s. 7 
Boundary disputes were so intractable that they frequently became the 
subject of debate at town meetings. For example, at the Chester town 
meeting on March 6, 1766, the town established a committee: "This day 
agreed upon by us the Subscribers, being Chosen by the Town of Chester 
and Parrish of Raymond as Committee to settle the Debates about the 
Highways and all things that was Debatabell from the Beginning of the 
world to this Day." 8 Some years later, the road between Chester and 
Raymond was marked by a granite milestone, which alerted travelers and 
townspeople to the spatial relatinship between the communities. Behind 



178 



Gravestones of John Wight 




Fig. 2. Mrs. Ann Robie, 1755, Chester, New Hampshire. 



David H. Waiters 179 



the post, the cemetery's massive granite walls similarly bespeak commu- 
nity definitions of what it means to be within the bounds and outside the 
bounds of the communities (Fig. I). 9 The charge to the Chester committee 
reminds us to look at those boundaries set by words, artifacts, and cus- 
toms. For the Scotch-Irish, speech, fencing, farming, linen manufacture, 
food ways, revivalistic communion seasons, and the gravestones of John 
Wight all contributed to the setting of ethnic community boundaries. 
These boundaries made distinctions between insider and outsider, saint 
and sinner, the living and the dead, children and adults, men and women, 
speech and silence. Given the emphasis on boundaries, it is not surprising 
that the Scotch-Irish community also celebrated transcendence and union 
in the revivalistic holy fair and in boisterous wakes and funerals. 

The history of the settlement of Londonderry provides clues about the 
use of graveyards and gravestones to define community boundaries. 
Communities in New Hampshire fenced graveyards from an early date. 
In some early New Hampshire towns, custom and law required fences to 
keep out roaming livestock; in others, sextons were permitted to graze 
animals within the fenced burying ground. However, the elaborate fenc- 
ing around burying grounds in this region, and, by the late 1700s the 
ornate wrought iron gates, went beyond necessity. Many early New 
Hampshire inland communities did not have ready access to carved 
gravestones, nor did the cash-poor economy permit much importation 
from Massachusetts shops, so settlers commemorated the dead by fencing 
off both the town and the family burying grounds of the region with field- 
stone or cut granite walls. 

Early records show that deeds of gift or sale of lands for burying 
grounds for town use were significant moments which established a his- 
torical and symbolic center for a parish. For example, in Chester the town 
expanded the burying ground and formed a committee in 1751 "to fence 
the Burying place with Bords as they shall Judg Suitable and Hansom." 10 
A large, fenced graveyard near a large meeting house expressed confi- 
dence in the growth and permanence of the town. Within the graveyard, 
families chose stones to erect symbolic fences which affirmed ethnic and 
religious vitality. When purchasing gravestones, Londonderry families in 
the mid-eighteenth century could choose among shops down the 
Merrimack River into eastern Massachusetts. Families rooted in 
Congregationalist, English towns in Massachusetts tended to patronize 
the effigy and face carvers in slate, such as the Fosters, the 



180 



Gravestones of John Wight 





.. . ' •:.. 



.TfFV 



C-l ""':•" c:z *: 




Fig. 3. Richard Flagg, 1762, Chester, New Hampshire. 



David H. Watters 181 



Hartshorn /Mullicken shop (Fig.2), the Parks, and Abel and Stephen 
Webster (Fig. 3). By the 1770s, the Colburn and Ball effigy and urn and 
willow designs from their Hollis, New Hampshire shop were available. 11 
But the Scotch-Irish preferred to patronize one of their own, John Wight, 
whom Peter Benes identified as the "hieroglyph carver of London- 
derry." 12 According to Benes, Wight immigrated in 1718 at the age of 16, 
and he was among the founders of Londonderry in 1719. Benes attributes 
to Wight some 250 stones and table slabs dating from 1733 nearly to the 
time of his death in 1775, but variations in lettering on stones cut prior to 
the 1750s call into question Benes' s claim that stones without Wight's dis- 
tinctive symbols were carved by him alone. For example, the stone for 
Hannah Barnet and Mrs. Jean Barnet presents lettering cut in 1753 in a 
style with several differences, such as the tall "H" in "HERE," from the 
lettering style of Wight at the bottom of the stone (Fig. 4). Wight's stone 
for his own daughter provides a useful guide to his lettering style (Fig. 5). 
It is likely that Wight worked with an older relative for a number of years, 
and it is also possible that he developed his style carving wooden mark- 
ers which have since been lost. While recognizing Wight's unique body of 
symbolism, and his Scotch-Irish heritage, Benes did not explore the spe- 
cific connections of the symbols to the community. Benes reads Wight's 
imagery as part of the Anglo-American Puritan tradition at the time of the 
Great Awakening, but he does not explore the Scotch-Irish contribution to 
revivalism, the "holy fair," which provided a model for the Great 
Awakening of the 1740s. John Wight's designs come alive in the context of 
Scotch-Irish ethnicity. His designs are tokens of inclusion within the fence 
of the community for whom communion fellowship transcended death. 

Most of the early stones and table slabs, dated in the 1740s and 1750s, 
which Wight might have carved, eschew imagery, or they place rosettes in 
the capitals and leave the tympanum empty. In the East Derry burying 
ground he saw, and perhaps assisted in carving, skulls and morturary 
images on Derry table slabs for John Reid (Fig. 6), 1738, and Mary Barr, 
1750, and stones, such as the one for Mrs. Sarah Barnet (Fig. 7), 1760, in 
the deep relief carving of mortuary symbols of that era in Scotland. The 
Scotch-Irish carvers even attempted portraiture on the marker for Mrs. 
Elisabeth Willson (Fig. 8). By the mid-1750s, Wight and his patrons pre- 
ferred a set of low-relief Scotch-Irish images, including coffins, rosettes, 
spoked wheels, Scottish crosses, hearts, and a tripartite lobed image 
which may be a fleur-de-lis. Some of these images are common to 



182 



Gravestones of John Wight 



European and American decorative traditions, but Wight presented a per- 
sonal repertoire of images which combined ethnic, regional, and religious 
preferences. The compass-drawn rosettes, for example, are common dec- 
orative devices on furniture and other household items, as well as on 
gravestones. Like other early New England craftsmen, he responded to 















Fig. 4. Hannah Barnet, 1753, and Mrs. Jean Barnet, 1773, 
East Derry, New Hampshire. 



David H. Watters 



183 










*p 



Fig. 5. Isobel Wight, 1768, East Derry, New Hampshire. 



184 



Gravestones of John Wight 




W ¥h 



■•'■ 



r # 






Fig. 6. John Reid, 1738, East Deny, New Hampshire. 



David H. Waiters 



185 



the designs of other carvers, and to the wishes of patrons. He could and 
did carve, after a fashion, winged soul effigies and skulls for some Scotch- 
Irish clients, and some Scotch-Irish families patronized carvers from 




Fig. 7. Mrs. Sarah Barnet, 1760, East Deny, New Hampshire. 



186 



Gravestones of John Wight 




Fig. 8. Mrs. Elisabeth Willson, 1756, East Deny, New Hampshire. 



David H. Watters 



187 



Massachusetts schooled in effigy- and face-carving styles. On the other 
hand, families of English stock patronized Wight, especially in the early 
years of settlement when it was difficult to obtain stones from 
Massachusetts. Thus we find clusters of Wight stones for English families 
in Concord and New Boston (e.g., Fig. 9). 

The commission to carve a large and elaborate table slab for Mrs. Jean 
Wilson, the wife of the minister of the Presbyterian parish of Chester, gave 
John Wight the opportunity to display a full range of motifs. Though 
badly eroded now, the stone must once have represented in robust sym- 
bolic terms the values of the Scotch-Irish community. Wight richly deco- 
rated it with rosettes, mortuary symbols, hearts, coffins, and an open book. 
There is even a crudely cut winged effigy, but it is on the edge of the stone, 






Fig. 9. Ezra Carter, 1767, Concord, New Hampshire. 



188 



Gravestones of John Wight 



rather than centrally located and enlarged as in the Massachusetts tradi- 
tion (Fig. 10). In the graveyard, Wight's motifs usually assert a dramatic 
contrast to Congregationalist carvers' portraiture, angels, and soul effi- 
gies. The Scotch-Irish took the Second Commandment injunction against 
graven images seriously, and seem to have applied it to decorative arts 
more consistently than did their neighbors to the south, as indicated in the 
manuscripts of the Reverend John Wilson of Chester. At each communion 
service Wilson debarred any who "are making false representations of 
God in their minds," and any who worship "St or Angel." 13 Such lan- 
guage could serve to fence out Massachusetts effigy carvings, for their 
images of departed souls could be considered to be "false representa- 
tions." Wight's emblems - hearts, coffins, wheels, rosettes, and crosses - 
presumably would not violate the commandment. 14 Wight's core images 
may illustrate the themes of the holy fair, a revivalistic, communal event 
of celebration of the Lord's Supper, in which images of love, life, and 
death were expressly presented as a preparation for death. Indeed, the 
defining ritual of Presbyterianism of the Scottish rite was the mass com- 
munion, or "holy fair," the biannual celebrations of the Lord's Supper at 




Fig. 10. Mrs. Jean Wilson, 1762, Chester, New Hampshire (detail). 



David H. Watters 



189 



which several churches would join together. It culminated in the so-called 
"fencing of the tables," whereby the holy communicants were fenced in 
and the non-communicants and sinners fenced out. When these cele- 
brants gathered in a church, or, when crowds grew to the thousands, on 
common lands adjoining the church, or in the graveyard itself, religious, 
verbal, and artistic forms of fencing both symbolized and created unity. 
Thus the rituals of these communion seasons had an eschatological force 
by making visible those people who were within the covenant of eternal 
life. 

Leigh Eric Schmidt's Holy Fairs: Scottish Communion and American 
Revivals in The Early Modern Period chronicles the development of the com- 
munion seasons in Scotland and in America. 15 Unlike the Congregation- 
alists who observed the Lord's Supper monthly, or the Anglicans who 
observed it weekly, the Scotch-Irish church held communion two or four 
times a year. Schmidt's account of the intense preparations, both spiritual 
and social, for the fairs is confirmed by the early historians of London- 
derry and Chester, as well as by the manuscripts of the Reverend John 




Fig. 11. Communion Token, 18th century. 

Gift of First Parish Church, East Derry, New Hampshire. 

Collection of the New Hampshire Historical Society. 1997.8. 



190 



Gravestones of John Wight 



Wilson, the minister of the Presbyterian parish of Chester, New 
Hampshire, who negotiated with neighboring clergy the setting of the 
annual dates for the services. 16 A week of meditation and prayer, a Friday 
fast, and Saturday sermons culminated in the distribution of small leaden 
communion tokens, stamped with the initials of the minister, church, or 
with a biblical text. A token recently donated to the New Hampshire 
Historical Society by the First Parish Church of East Derry is stamped 
"LD" for Londonderry, and its style is that of the mid to late 1700s (Fig. 
11). This uniquely Scotch-Irish artifact was employed to ensure that indi- 
viduals in the crowds gathered from several area churches were indeed 
qualified to come to the table the next day. The Sunday service was a feast 




Fig. 12. Mr. Samuel Bartlet, 1762, Chester, New Hampshire. 



David H. Waiters 



191 



for the senses as well as the spirit. Long tables covered with snowy linens 
filled the wide aisles of the church, or were set in adjoining commons or 
even in the adjoining burying ground if the crowds overflowed the 
church. An elaborate ritual of fencing of the table sets the stage for cele- 
brants to deliver their tokens, sit down, and partake of the bread and 
wine, during which the minister exhorted the saints in joyful seriousness 
about Christ's love and the oneness of the members of his body, while the 
congregation sang psalms. Through repeated sittings, hundreds or thou- 
sands were served. Monday's thanksgiving sermons closed the fair. As 
Schmidt notes, "In the far-flung Presbyterian communities along the 
edges of Congregational New England these evangelicals cultivated their 
own traditions and often held aloof from the dominant religious culture." 
Indeed, Schmidt cites Ned Landsman's observation that "the consolida- 
tion of Scottish Presbyterian identity in the New World was often forged 
out of confrontation with ethnic and religious diversity." 17 

John Wilson's manuscript book preserves the ritual "Concerning fenc- 
ing ye Tables," to debar those unfit to "receive Cht himself" in the sacra- 
ment, "an Exceeding great pledge & token of his Inestimable Love; name- 
ly This Sacrament of his Supper." Wilson intones, "this is ye Childrens 






^V 



■pf 
\ 






s 



Fig. 13. Mrs. Jean Rogers, 1755, East Deny, New Hampshire. 



192 



Gravestones of John Wight 



bread; & must not be cast unto dogs; all ar not to partake of it; all those 
who are openly scandalous and prophane, who live in ye practise of any 
known Sin," which are then listed in his gloss on the Decalogue. 18 If 
parishioners affirmed their spiritual state and their Scotch-Irish ethnicity 
through this ritual fencing, so too did they receive a seal of approval with- 
in the fence of the burying ground when families placed John Wight 
stones over their bodies. Each image on Wight's stones affirms Scotch- 
Irish identity. The central design on many of his stones resembles the 
Scotch cross and the crown of thorns design of Scottish tradition (Figs. 12, 
13). The merging of semicircles into a unified design may symbolize the 
oneness resulting from the fencing in of the community at the communion 
table. It is useful to consider what might have been the similar effect of the 
imagery on the stones and the imagery of the holy fair on the congrega- 
tion, for both are, "'a visible Gospel'" and "'a Sacramental Dialect' . . ," 19 
Scotch-Irish eyes might not have seen the images nor heard the epitaphs 
in the same way that someone outside the fence might have experienced 
them. 




Fig. 14. Mr. John Moor, 1774, and Mrs. Jenit Moor, 1776, 
East Derry, New Hampshire. 



David H. Watters 



193 



For example, the heart, a relatively common image on stones in the 
Anglo-American tradition of New England, evoked thoughts of Christ's 
love, as well as the purity of heart of the saints. For Wight's neighbors, it 
seems to have held special meaning as a symbol of the loving union in the 
covenant manifested at the holy fair. David MacGregor preached that the 
community fenced in is made one in love: "That love which unites true 
believers to the head, cements them in the closest, and most cordial bonds 
to each other. They regard one another, as the children of one common 
father, who have one Lord, one faith, one baptism; who are one bread and 
one body . . ." 20 Indeed, there are surviving tokens from Scotland and 
Pennsylvania in the shape of a heart and inscribed with the initials of the 
minister. On the double stone for John and Jenit Moor (Fig. 14), Wight 
places John Moor's initials within the heart, providing a visual analogy to 
such tokens, tokens which Moor, a founder of the community, may have 
distributed or collected as a deacon in the church. On the Moor stone, the 





Fig. 15. Mr. William Chambers, 1757, Robert, Samuel, Samuel, and 
James, East Deny, New Hampshire. 



194 Gravestones of John Wight 



heart evokes their earthly marriage and their heavenly marriage to Christ. 
Possession of the token was a personal sign of inclusion in the covenant, 
for "These leaden tokens were forceful symbols both of evangelical com- 
munity and the boundaries that were drawn around it." 21 Inscribed with 
the initials of the minister or the parish, or with scriptural text, "The heart 
was indeed a rich symbol: it evoked Christ's suffering, sacrifice, and love; 
it suggested the loving relationship between the Bridegroom and his fair 
one; it was an emblem of repentance and regeneration and a call for puri- 
ty of heart; and it marked the sacrament as a love feast among the 
saints." 22 The heart image on the gravestone similarly marks inclusion in 
the covenant, seemingly without exception appearing on those stones for 
people admitted to the holy fair. An accompanying Scotch cross and cof- 
fin may have linked Christ's death with the struggles of the Scotch-Irish 
church and with the death of its members in the faith. 

Wight's coffin image often stands in juxtaposition to the heart, and 
multiple coffin images appear on stones which commemorate multiple 
deaths in a family, such as that for Mr. William Chambers and four sons 
(Fig. 15). Wight places diamonds in the image of coffins for adults and for 
children old enough to have been brought into communion, a ritual 
which occurred at a relatively early age in Scotch-Irish communities. The 
diamond may represent the soul, that jewel or treasure once in the body 
but now, by virtue of entrance into the communion of saints, in heaven. 
The epitaph for Sarah Christy, buried with daughters An and Rebekah, 
emphasizes the paradox between the mortality of the body and the 
immortal qualities of the deceased, symbolized by the diamond: "A 
BODYs HERE DEPRIVD OF LIFE / A lOVING CHASTE AND VIRTOUS 
WIFE" (Fig. 16). The coffin contains the body, but the rhyme of "life" and 
"wife" suggests the qualities which transcend death. The Rev. David 
MacGregor of Derry, in a sermon preached in 1765, reminded a fellow 
minister, "when the chief Shepherd shall appear, and you shall appear 
with him in Glory; when you shall have a number of saved, glorified 
Souls, all shining in the Beauties of Holiness, like so many radiant Gems 
to adorn your Crown of Glory." The jeweled effect of these poignant 
stones for the Chambers and Christy families might have visually 
affirmed the inclusion of the deceased in the heavenly flock of their min- 
ister. 

The holy fair sacrament was a ritual reminder of death as well as life. 
The great communion in Londonderry (now East Derry) of 1734, with 



David H. Waiters 



195 




im 

Mi 



{ v> { 




Fig. 16. Mrs. Sarah Christy, 1763, An, and Rebekah, 
East Derry, New Hampshire. 



196 



Gravestones of John Wight 



more than 700 participants, may have been held outside, possibly in or 
adjacent to the burying ground. 23 The coffins on Wight's tombstones seem 
common enough memento mori motifs in the larger New England tradi- 
tion, but their presence along with communion symbols points to the 
Presbyterian emphasis on what Schmidt calls the re-presentation of 
Christ's death in a communion ritual of mourning. "In reliving Christ's 
crucifixion through ritual," he notes, "the saints were confronted as well 
with their own death and the question of their salvific standing as they 
faced eternity. This contemplation of death was enhanced at those com- 
munions held outdoors in the churchyard where the saints worshipped 
near or even upon the graves of their forebears." 24 The fencing ceremony 
itself invoked thoughts of an individual's judgment at the moment of 
death as well as the general separation of sheep from goats at the Last 
Judgement. A popular devotional work by John Willison urged medita- 
tion on death at communion seasons: "'Now, if you would take time duly 
to prepare for the Lord's Supper, . . . you should not be found unprepared 
for death; for the same preparation is needful for both.'" 25 In the East 
Derry and Chester graveyards, the table tombs for elders and ministers 




Fig. 17. Table Slabs, East Derry, New Hampshire. 



David H. Watters 197 



may have been resonant visual reminders of the tables at which they 
served communion in life (Fig. 17). 

Wight frequently combined coffin, star (or spoked wheel or cross), and 
heart in a visual reminder of the revival message that true union with 
Christ's love only came at death (Fig. 13). In a narrative from the great 
Scotch-Irish communions in 1734, a woman confessed Christ made "it 
known to me, that he has taken me (poor deform' d hell-deserving me) for 
his Spouse, that he hath betrothed me to himself: and I now consider 
Death as a messenger to come & call me home to my Lord and Husband 
to be where he is: And . . . the thoughts of Death are as pleasant & delight- 
ful to me, as a mesage would be to a Loving wife to come away home to 
her Husband." 26 On Wight's stone for Mary Patten of Bedford, the epitaph 
reads, "ALL MUST OBEY WHEN DEATH SAYS COME / AND MAKE A 
BED OF EARTH YOUR HOME" (1764, Bedford). Mary Patten leaves her 
bed and home for the grave, but the placement of the cross and heart next 
to the coffin on her stone suggests that from this bed of earth her soul has 
arisen to enter the home and bed of Christ. 

The juxtaposition of heart and coffin and the joyous tone of the com- 
munion narrative recall the celebratory quality of the Scotch-Irish wake 
and funeral, practices which seem to have been taken up during the years 
in Ulster. The Rev. Mr. Parker recalled, "These night scenes often exhibit- 
ed a mixture of seriousness and of humor which appear incompatible. 
The Scriptures would be read, prayer offered, and words of counsel and 
consolation administered; but ere long, according to established usage, 
the glass, with its exhilerating beverage, must circulate freely; so that, 
before the dawn, the joke and laugh, if not scenes more boisterous, would 
'break in upon the slumbers of the dead.'" 27 Drinks preceded prayers, fol- 
lowed by drinks. Then there was a lengthy procession to the grave, where 
toasts and prayers intermingled. 

The carnivalesque features of the wake seem contradictory to the spir- 
itual seriousness of the event, but this combination was central to Scotch- 
Irish community life. As Schmidt notes, even the holy fair had its carni- 
valesque side of worldly activities and drunkenness, as satirized in the 
well-known poem, "The Holy Fair," by Robert Burns. 28 On John Wight 
stones in East Derry for Mrs. Margaret Steel, 1761 and for Matthew Taylor, 
1770, the hourglass, a standard New England memento mori emblem, has 
been transformed into an abstract image which may also represent the 
communion cup. Death, life, and drinking are linked in the rituals of com- 



198 Gravestones of John Wight 



munion and the wake. The Reverend John Wilson himself blended the 
sacred and the secular in his manuscript book by writing a drinking song. 
In a parody of the communion celebration, the bartender serves as the 
minister: 

Wine will make us read as roses, 

I our sorrows quite forget, 

Come Let's fuddle all our noses, 

drink our selves quite out of debt. 

fa la ra, &c 

When grim Death comes Looking for us, 

We are looking at our bowls, 

Ba[rky?] joyning in ye Charg; 

Death, begone, here's none but Souls. 

fa la ra 

Godlike Ba[rky?] by thy Commanding, 

trembling death away shall fly, 

Ever after understanding 

drinking Souls can never dye. 

fa la ra &c. 29 

The members of a funeral procession in the cemetery had drunk away 
death at the holy fair; the joyous communal celebration of the wake and 
interment affirmed the oneness of the communities of the living and the 
dead. This feature of Scotch-Irish spirituality climaxed in the forging of 
Presbyterian holy fairs and camp meetings in the great Kentucky revivals 
of 1801-1806. James McGready preached: 

And when our Lord's table is spread in the wilderness, and he holds com- 
munion with his saints, I think it is rational and scriptural to suppose that 
the angels are hovering over the table and the assembly, rejoicing with 
Christ over the dear bought purchase of his blood, and waiting to bear joy- 
ful tidings to the heavenly mansions. And while they are sitting at this 
table, and communing with their Lord, it is more than probable, that some 
of their christian friends and brethren, who once sat with them at the same 
table, and under the same sermons - with who they spent many happy 
days and nights before, but now have left the world and gone home to the 
church triumphant above; - I say it is more than probable, that some of 
these will be mingling with the angelic band around the 'heirs of salvation.' 30 

If holy fair and wake fenced in the religious community, linen pro- 
duction was a defining economic activity. Snowy linen was displayed on 
the holy fair table, for linens were a tremendous source of pride and 
wealth. The Scotch-Irish of Londonderry were famous for their linens, 
and the community jealously guarded its reputation. Beginning in 1748, a 



David H. Watters 



199 



special seal marked the cloth to ensure "the purchasers of our linens may 
not be imposed upon, with foreign and outlandish linens, in the name of 
ours . . . ." 31 If John Wight's gravestone designs served like communion 
tokens to mark inclusion in the community, then it is possible he also 
acknowledged linen production in his imagery. Wight's six-pointed star 
or rosette, a common design carved on wooden objects and English grave- 
stones, is often replaced by variations on the Scottish cross. 32 When John 
Wight transforms his central rosettes into a spoked wheel within the 
Scotch cross design, or when he sets a rosette in the capitals with what 
appears to be a twist of thread running down the pilaster, he creates a 
design unprecedented in the English gravestone tradition, a design which 
recalls the flax wheel at the heart of the community (Figs. 13, 18). The 
stone for Mrs. Susanna Eayrs (Fig. 18) is one of three examples in which 





m 




Fig. 18. Mrs. Susanna Eayrs, 1758, East Deny, New Hampshire. 



200 Gravestones of John Wight 



Wight replaces his usual grooves in the pilasters with such twists. These 
stones are for young people. Mrs. Eayrs died at age 22; Mally Hills of 
Chester at age 7, and Samuel Gilchrist of Chester at age 15. The thread of 
life has been cut short, an image which evokes biblical texts and folktales 
about spinning. The epitaph for the Eayrs stone reads, "AS QUICK IN 
YOUTH I WAS CALD AWAY / WHEN GOD DOTH CALL ALL MUST 
OBEY / AS HOLY WRITE IT DOTH RECORD / BLEST ARE THE DEAD 
DIE IN THE LORD." On some stones, such as the one for Hugh Rogers, 
1763, East Derry, Wight places the wheel at the bottom of the pilaster, so 
the threads or grooves visually lead the eye up to the rosette in the capi- 
tal, as if to connect the earthly wheel of toil to the rosette, which com- 
monly represents the spirit and guardian angels. As Schmidt has shown, 
the meticulous attention to the sacramental linens not only celebrated the 
economic production of the community but also symbolized the spiritu- 
ally clean clothing the spirit must wear to approach the communion table. 
The saint must wear the fine "wedding garments" of the spirit, as well as 
one's best clothes to the table, to be fit for marriage with Christ either in 
the sacrament or at the Resurrection. 

These images had a particular resonance for women, whose participa- 
tion in the patriarchal rite centered on the provision of linens. As can be 
seen in the case of Jane Walker of Bedford, New Hampshire, who traded 
her linens as far away as Boston, women of the community were thrifty 
and independent. 33 In a story from the oral tradition, a Londonderry 
woman made a symbolic gesture at the time of her husband's funeral: "It 
is related on one of the early settlers of that part of Nutfield called Kilrea, 
that she was a very industrious woman and that her natural bent of char- 
acter was shown at her husband's funeral. While the corpse was awaiting 
the rites of burial, she called out, impatient of delay: 'Hand me the spin- 
ning wheel, and I will draw a thread while the crowd are gathering.'" 34 
John Wight's flax wheel design links spinning with holiness by running a 
twist from wheel to wheel on his stones. 

Fencing and serving the table, wakes and funeral processions, and 
John Wight's gravestones were feasts for the ear as well as the eye. The 
verbal features of Wight's epitaphs present a linguistic fence of folk 
speech which reaffirms community boundaries. By its very nature, speech 
crosses boundaries, and Wight's pithy epitaphs are similar to those of 
other Merrimack River valley carvers. But his variants, and their laconic 
compression, distinguish them from their English neighbors. If we take a 



David H. Watters 201 



cue from Richard Bauman's study of Quaker speech, we can read Wight's 
gnomic epitaphs as a folk rebuke to the loquacious Congregationalists 
and to carnal speech generally. 35 

The epitaphs of John Wight resemble those in the repertory of John 
Hartshorn and his shop tradition in Essex County Massachusetts, but to 
a Scotch-Irish ear they only make poetic sense when spoken in brogue. 
For example, the rhyme of "Be" and "Die" causes English tongues to 
stumble; the version of the traditional stabat viator epitaph on Massa- 
chusetts stones rhymes "eye," "I," and "die," or "see," "be," and "me." 
Thus the Wight epitaph is a verbal fence to outsiders: 

Remember man as thou 
Goes by as nou thou 
Art so once was I as 
Nou I am so must thou be 
Remember man lo 
Thou must die 

(Samuel Bart, 1762, Chester) 



Reader behold as thou goes by 
As now thou art so once was I 
As now I am so must thou be 
Remember man lo thou must die 

(Samuel Steel, 1761, East Derry) 

One of the most popular Wight epitaphs in the Scotch-Irish dialect 
rhymes "Arise" and "Praise," as in "My dust nou dead it shal arise / And 
loudly sound Jehovah's praise" (Alexander McMurphy, 1763, East Derry). 
The emphasis on singing Jehovah's praise reflects the central role of 
psalm-singing in the church, as hymns and psalms were "deaconed" line 
by line, to be communally repeated. According to Benjamin Chase, the 
Scotch-Irish also used hymns to build a fence between themselves and the 
English. They favored a Scotch translation over the standard English 
translation by Tate and Brady, and they were slow to adopt the popular 
hymns and psalms of Isaac Watts much before 1770. When the Chester 
congregation decided to accept Watts, it used a hymn as part of the ritual 
of fencing the table to reinforce the congregation's connection of sacra- 
ment and community boundaries which separated the spiritually alive 
from those spiritually dead. Chase remembered the visits to Chester of 
Derry's "'Father Morrison' . . . with his broad Scotch brogue . . ." As com- 



202 Gravestones of John Wight 



mimicants filled the table, the choir sang Watts' s hymn beginning, "How 
sweet and awful is the place, / With Christ within the doors." 36 The hymn 
continues: 

'Why was I made to hear thy voice, 

And enter while there's room; 
When thousands make a wretched choice, 

And rather starve than come?' 



We long to see thy churches full, 

That all the chosen race 
May with one voice, one heart, one soul, 

Sing thy redeeming grace. 37 

This singing in "one voice" in a Scottish brogue during a uniquely 
Presbyterian rite points to the significance of the verbal forms of Wight's 
epitaphs. In the graveyard, the epitaphs are "deaconed" out by the stone, 
as if by the voice of the dead, to be repeated by the living voices of the 
community. There is primary evidence in John Wilson's manuscript book 
that his community was aware of the kinds and powers of speech. At the 
fencing of the table, Wilson reminded his communicants of the many cat- 
egories of verbal sin, from "perjury, Swearing rashly, breach of oaths & 
vows," to prophane "discourses" on the sabbath, and to "quarrellers," 
and those with "unchast thoughts words or actions . . . obscene speeches 
. . . not watching over their Senses heart words," and "those who are 
guilty of slandering backbiting reviling, Lying." 38 Indeed, silence is gold- 
en. John Wight's blank spaces, which other carvers might have filled with 
words, and expected families to pay for them, are visual silence. The 
laconic speech for which Scotch-Irish yankees are still known is rooted 
partly in religious principles. The deceased individual bears allegiance to 
the community by subsuming his or her voice in the communal choir of 
the epitaphs. In a genre known for its pithy economy, Wight's epitaphs 
employ Scotch-Irish dialect to emphasize the conflicts between fate and 
human will. For example, John Karr's epitaph puns on the various mean- 
ings of "warning": "YOUNG MEN TAKE WARNING / LEARN TO DIE 
/ I AM LAID IN GRAVE / SO MUST THOU BE" (1763, East Derry). 
Young men "take warning" to avoid a course of action, but they also 
receive a warning that all human life ends in the grave. For the aged Hugh 
Ranken, death's language in message and call demand silent consent: 



David H. Watters 



203 



"DEATHS MESSAGE ALL / MUST THEN OBEY / WHEN COMES THE 
CALL / NO LONGER STAY" (1755, East Derry). The command of death 
permits no "stay," in the legal definition of the word, nor can one linger, 
or remain, or sojourn in a dwelling place, in another sense of the word. In 
each case, death confronts social actions, so the epitaph emphasizes the 
contrast between the powers of the body, which death undoes, and the 
powers of the soul to move when the body stays. 

Like the fencing of the table, the gravestones and the fenced graveyard 
symbolize the social and spiritual life or death one experiences by remain- 
ing within or leaving the community. The focus of the sacramental sea- 
sons for the Scotch-Irish followed the seasons of folklife in rhythms of 
deadness followed by renewal. The Scotch-Irish parishes in Londonderry 
did part company on the issue of the Great Awakening in the 1740s, fur- 
thering an earlier split between ministers David MacGregor of Derry and 
James Davidson of Chester. 39 David MacGregor opened his pulpit to 
George Whitefield and supported the revival in his own preaching. For 
him, the awakening must have confirmed the Scotch-Irish cycles of awak- 
enings. In Chester, many families continued to turn to patronize Wight, 







v 



& 



W*| -'.'.'if*. 



W-i' 



MW*} 



.£) 









Fig. 19. John Wight, 1775, East Derry, New Hampshire. 



204 



Gravestones of John Wight 



**■ 1 • " !». „* » 




... '£•■•♦.' -^ 




■fTi, ,.^;„*,.; *"":■«-,, ' "few- .■ ■-"'""■• --„J*C ~" 

'-" > ■'■■■ : ■ \ ■ ■' ■"" >--**^ X - 












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Fig. 20. John Holms, 1777 , East Deny, New Hampshire. 



David H. Watters 



205 




Fig. 21. The Rev. David MacGregor, 1777, East Deny, New Hampshire. 



206 Gravestones of John Wight 



but others turned in the 1750s and 1760s to Abel and Stephen Webster, 
who cut stones in Chester and Hollis in the Massachusetts style. 
Boundaries also came down as the rest of the colonies, and then the states, 
adopted the holy fair as the core of Second Great Awakening camp meet- 
ings. The decisive role played by the Scotch-Irish revivalist James 
McGready in Kentucky broke the fences around the Presbyterian com- 
munity. 

After the death of John Wight in 1775, John Ball and Paul Colburn of 
Hollis blended Wight's motifs with their repertoire of soul effigies and 
portraits to serve the Londonderry communities. An apprentice who 
must have trained in Wight's shop cut a Wight-style stone for John 
Wight's grave (Fig. 19), but he quickly moved away from his master's 
work. Wight's rosettes and diamonds are shorn of death imagery on the 
stone this apprentice cut for for John Holms in 1777 (Fig. 20); this abstract 
design seems to exchange ecclesiastical and ethnic content for a decora- 
tive program like that found on the pieced quilts which became popular 
after the Revolutionary War. 

The end of the Revolutionary War brought new waves of settlers 
northward into New Hampshire and Vermont, so the Scotch-Irish popu- 
lation was substantially diluted. Thus by the end of the eighteenth centu- 
ry, many of the fences had come down, and mobility and modernization 
diffused the folkways of the Scotch-Irish. In the words of Ralph Stuart 
Wallace, "Over time these differences shrank. By the end of the century, if 
not earlier, Ulster and England were at peace on the rocky slopes of New 
Hampshire." 40 After the death in 1777 of the Reverend David MacGregor, 
the son of James MacGregor, the first minister, his family turned to 
William Park, a Scottish-born carver based in Massachusetts, for an ele- 
gant portrait stone of the kind favored by Massachusetts elites (Fig. 21 ). 41 
This choice represents the desire of the Scotch-Irish community leaders to 
ally themselves during and after the Revolutionary War with the patriot- 
ic cause. By choosing a portrait style and a large stone with a Latin 
inscription, the MacGregor family symbolically identified with the gen- 
teel culture of the new nation. Thus the story of John Wight becomes an 
American tale of ethnic boundaries and assimilation. 



David H. Waiters 207 



NOTES 

An earlier version of this article appeared in Historical New Hampshire 52: 1&2, (1997): 2-17. 
It is reprinted with permission of the editor, Michael Chaney, to whom I offer thanks. I also 
want to thank Donna-Belle Garvin and Hillary Anderson of the New Hampshire Historical 
Society for their advice and assistance. Figure 11 is from the collection of The New 
Hampshire Historical Society (1977.8) and is here reproduced with the kind permission of 
the Society. All other photos are by the author. 

1. Benjamin Chase, History of Old Chester, From 1719 To 1869 (Auburn, NH, 1869,), 26; 
Ralph Stuart Wallace, The Scotch-Irish of Provincial New Hampshire (Ph.D. Thesis, 
University of New Hampshire, 1984), 311-312. See Wallace's Chapter IX, "Potatoes and 
Pumpkins: Ethnic Foods in Provincial New Hampshire," 311-326. 

2. Edward L. Parker, The History of Londonderry, Comprising the Towns of Derry and 
Londonderry, N.H. (1851; rpt. Londonderry, NH: Town of Londonderry, 1974), 137. For 
MacGregor's early life and the settling of Londonderry, see Parker, 41-42. 

3. David MacGregor, The Christian Soldier. A Sermon Preached at Newbury, At The Ordination 
of the Reverend Mr. Alexander Boyd . . . (Boston, MA, 1755), 4. 

4. David MacGregor, Christian UNITY and PEACE recommended. A Sermon Preached at 
Rowley, May 9th, 1765 (Boston, MA, 1765), 23. 

5. Chase, History of Old Chester, and Parker, The History of Londonderry, provide details of 
the controversies over boundaries and lot divisions; the best history of the disputes is 
in Wallace, The Scotch-Irish of Provincial New Hampshire, Chapter V, "Nutfield and 
Londonderry: Boundary Problems in New Hampshire," 176-219, and in his " ' The Irish 
Party' and the New Hampshire /Massachusetts Boundary Controversy, 1719-1741," 
Historical New Hampshire 49: 2 (1994): 97-119. 

6. Henry Glassie, Folk Housing in Middle Virginia: A Structural Analysis of Historic Artifacts 
(Knoxville, TN, 1975); Robert Blair St. George, "'Set Thine House in Order': The 
Domestication of the Yeomanry in Seventeenth-Century New England," in New 
England Begins, 3 vols., eds. Jonathan L. Fairbanks and Robert F. Trent (Boston, MA, 
1982), II: 159-188. 

7. See above, note 5. 

8. Chase, History of Old Chester, 117. 

9. According to Matthew E. Thomas, this marker and many others were placed in Chester 
in the early 1790s. See The Old Photograph Series: Rockingham County, compiled by 
Matthew E. Thomas (Bath, ME, 1994), 119. 

10. Chase, History of Old Chester, 110. The best description I have found of the expression of 
community values in setting up a graveyard in the mid-eighteenth century comes from 
Hampton Falls, New Hampshire. Deacon Jeremiah Lane, a gravestone carver, offered 
after the controversial building of a new meeting house, "Propose to give a deed of half 
an acre of land off, across the westerly end of my Lott, by Benjamin Hilliard's for a 
burying place for the use of the parish for the consideration of the sum of fifteen dol- 



208 Gravestones of John Wight 



lars, upon giving the deed, and the parish, or individuals making up the fence in decent 
order, suitable with timber on the wall, and a good gate against the road to enter in at, 
And likewise a good stone wall to separate it from my lott, after the crop is off, So to be 
wholly enclosed, as a burying place ought to be" (Warren Brown, History of the Town of 
Hampton Falls Neio Hampshire From the Time of the First Settlement Within Its Borders 1640 
until 1900 [Manchester, NH, 1900], 307). 

11. For the work of these carvers, see Harriette Merrifield Forbes, Gravestones of Early New 
England and the Men who made them 1653-1800 (1927; rpt. New York, NY, 1989); Allan I. 
Ludwig, Graven Images: New England Stonecarving and its Symbols, 1650-1815 
(Middletown, CT, 1966); Peter Benes, "Abel Webster, Pioneer, Patriot, and Stonecutter," 
Historical New Hampshire 28: 4 (1973): 221-240; James and Donna-Belle Garvin, "Stephen 
Webster, Gravestone Maker," Historical New Hampshire 29: 2 (1974): 93-104; Theodore 
Chase and Laurel K. Gabel, "The Colburn Connections: Hollis, New Hampshire 
Stonecarvers, 1780-1820," in Gravestone Chronicles: Some Eighteenth-Century New 
England Carvers and Their Work (Boston, MA, 1990): 211-259. 

12. Peter Benes, "John Wight: The Hieroglyph Carver of Londonderry," Old-Time New 
England 64:2 (1973): 30-41. 

13. John Wilson, "Sermons." 2 vols., New Hampshire Historical Society, ms. #1990-011, p. 
C15. 

14. The interpretation of the Second Commandment was a thorny issue among early New 
Englanders, and scholars argue about the application of doctrinal debates to grave- 
stone carving. See Ludwig, Graven Images; Dickran and Ann Tashjian, Memorials for 
Children of Change: The Art of Early New England Stonecarving (Middletown, CT, 1974); 
David H. Watters, "With Bodilie Eyes": Eschatological Themes in Puritan Eiterature and 
Gravestone Art (Ann Arbor, MI, 1981). It should be noted that some Scotch-Irish fami- 
lies did patronize "English" effigy carvers, perhaps signalling a desire for high-style 
artifacts associated with urban taste. 

15. (Princeton, NJ, 1989). 

16. Ibid., 52-53, 71-76; Wilson, "Sermons," D 20; Parker, The History of Londonderry, 142-145. 

17. Schmidt, Holy Fairs, 52-53. 

18. Wilson, "Sermons," C 14. 

19. John Willison, quoted in Schmidt, Holy Fairs, 74. 

20. Christian UNITY, 8. 

21. Schmidt, Holy Fairs, 109. 

22. Ibid., 109. For token images and designs, see also Mary McWhorter Tenney, Communion 
Tokens: Their Origin, History, and Use (Grand Rapids, MI, 1936). 

23. Parker, The History of Londonderry, 142. 

24. Schmidt, Holy Fairs, 86. 



David H. Watters 209 

25. Ibid. 

26. Ibid, 166. 

27. Parker, The History of Londonderry, 77. 

28. Schmidt, Holy Fairs, 128. 

29. Wilson, "Sermons," n. p. 

30. Quoted in Schmidt, Holy Fairs, 101-102. 

31. Parker, The History of Londonderry, 50; the best history of the significance of linen in 
Londonderry is in Wallace, The Scotch-Irish of Provincial New Hampshire, Chapter X, "The 
Fabric of Change: Scotch-Irish Linen Trade in 18th Century New Hampshire," 327-355. 

32. For similar cross designs in Scotland, see Betty Willsher & Doreen Hunter, Stones: A 
Guide to Some Remarkable Eighteenth Century Gravestones (New York, NY, 1978), 11; 52. It 
is worth noting that a similar conjunction of rosette and Scottish cross occurs on some 
of John Hartshorn's stones, as shown in Ludwig, Graven ImagesSj 129; 228. 

33. For Walker's story, see Donna-Belle Garvin, "Two High Chests of the Dunlap School," 
Historical New Hampshire 35: 2 (1980): 170-74; the Dunlap Chest for which Walker 
bartered her handiwork, as well as a reproduction of the stone for Mary Patten, can be 
seen in the exhibit, "Through Many Eyes," at the Museum of New Hampshire History. 

34. Jessie I. Beckley and Melvin E. Watts, The History of Londonderry Vol. 2: Excerpts from 
Willey's Book of Nuffield by George F. Willey (Londonderry, NH, 1975), 88. 

35. Richard Bauman, LET YOUR WORDS BE FEW: Symbolism of Speaking and Silence among 
Seventeenth-Century Quakers (Cambridge, England, 1983). 

36. Chase, History of Old Chester, 319; 336-337. 

37. I. Watts, The Psalms of David, Imitated in the Language of the New Testament, And applied to 
the Christian State and Worship (Boston, MA, 1787), 237. 

38. Wilson, "Sermons," C 15. 

39. Parker, The History of Londonderry, 150-151; See also Wallace, The Scotch-Irish of Provincial 
New Hampshire, 266-268. 

40. Wallace, The Scotch-Irish of Provincial New Hampshire, 312. 

41. For the work of the Park carvers, see Theodore Chase and Laurel K. Gabel, "The Park 
Family Carvers of Groton, Massachusetts," in Gravestone Chronicles II: More Eighteenth- 
Century New England Carvers and an Exploration of Gravestone Heraldica, (Boston, MA, 
1997), 287-353. 



210 



Murder in Massachusetts 




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MURDER IN MASSACHUSETTS: IT'S WRITTEN IN STONE 
Tom and Brenda Malloy 

As historic documents, early American gravestones can reveal much 
information both about the time period in which they were erected and 
about the individuals for whom they were erected. One piece of informa- 
tion that is not uncommon to find on an eighteenth or early nineteenth 
century stone is what factor caused the interred's death. Causes of death 
that are cited on stones run the range from various forms of disease and 
plague to just about any type of accident that one could imagine. 
However, for a cemetery's "passer by/' the cause of death that may elicit 
the greatest interest is that of murder. The fact that a human being would 
intentionally take the life of another stimulates curiosity as to the story 
behind the stone - at least it did for us. In our travels through 
Massachusetts' cemeteries, we have discovered twelve such stories, four 
of which were documented on eighteenth century gravestones and eight 
on early to mid nineteenth century stones (Fig. 1). 

The earliest dated of the eighteenth century markers - one of three 
such murder stones that are located in Worcester County - is a slate stone 
that can be found at the Old Burial Ground in Rutland, a town in the hills 
of central Massachusetts (Fig. 2). The inscription reads: 

HERE LIES BURIED ye 

BODY OF MR DANIEL 

CAMPBELL BORN IN 

SCOTLAND CAME INTO 

NEW ENGLAND ANNO 1716 

WAS MURDERED ON HIS 

OWN FARM IN RUTLAND 

BY ED FITZPATRICK AN 

IRISHMAN ON MARCH 

ye 8th ANNO Dm 1744 

IN ye 48 YEAR 

OF HIS AGE 

MAN KNOWETH 

NOT HIS TIME. 



212 



Murder in Massachusetts 



This inscription documents not only the name of the victim but also 
that of the murderer. Further, the nationality of each is stated as well as 
the year of the victim's arrival from his homeland. Noted also are the loca- 
tion and the date of the crime. However, according to a town history, the 
murder did not take place on March 8th, as stated in the inscription, but 
four days later, on March 12th. 1 

Soon after the named Ed Fitzpatrick was arrested for the murder of 
Daniel Campbell, he fully confessed to the crime. Fitzpatrick, who was 
employed as a farmhand by Campbell, stated that he had lured his 
employer into the farm's barn on the pretense that some cows had broken 
loose. Here he strangled Campbell and then carried the body to a 
gravesite that he covered with logs. Fitzpatrick admitted that he perpe- 




Fig. 2. Daniel Campbell, 1744, Rutland. 
Carved by Jonathan Worster of Harvard, Massachusetts. 



Tom and Brenda Malloy 213 



trated the crime in order to take some of Campbell's personal possessions 
such as shoes, jacket, buttons and a snuff box. 2 In September, six months 
after this confession, Fitzpatrick was put on trial in the nearby city of 
Worcester. Found guilty, he was publically hanged in what today would 
be the city's Lincoln Square. This became Worcester's first execution. 3 

Three towns south of Rutland is the town of Brookfield. In the 
Brookfield Cemetery, just in back of the front stone wall, is a simple mar- 
ble stone that documents a murder which took place thirty-four years 
after the one in Rutland (Fig. 3). The stone reads: 

Joshua Spooner 

Murdered Mar. 1, 1778 

by three soldiers of the 

Revolution 

Ross, Brooks, and Buchanan 

at the instigation of his wife Bathsheba 

They were all executed 

at Worcester 

July 2, 1778 

Joshua Spooner, the victim, was a wealthy Brookfield resident who 
was married to Bathsheba Ruggles, one of the conspirators listed on his 
stone. Bathsheba's father, General Timothy Ruggles, had arranged the 
marriage of his daughter. Timothy Ruggles was a Harvard graduate and 
lawyer who had established a large estate in Hardwick, a town to the 
northeast of Brookfield. Prior to the American Revolution, Ruggles was 
involved in colonial politics, and during the French and Indian War he 
became the highest ranking colonial officer. With the coming of the 
American Revolution, Ruggles remained a staunch loyalist and was serv- 
ing with British forces at the time that his daughter was on trial for 
murder. 

Bathsheba was twenty years old when she married Spooner in 1764. 
During the next thirteen years, although the marriage appears to have 
been an unhappy union, the couple had three children. Then, in 1777, 
Ezra Ross, one of the three male conspirators listed on the stone, was 
returning home to Ipswich, Massachusetts, after being discharged from 
Washington's Continental Army because of illness. He collapsed near the 
Spooner home and Bathsheba nursed him back to health. At this time, 



214 



Murder in Massachusetts 




iv f. 



. I. 



H f.'v 

Tin* v 



flctiei'M of tlif 
j»?iuL Hue liana 11. | 

.* i I I l» \'I>C If I" (Ml 



m.I' Wove; c.-'i to i.\ ; 



J p. I,y 



( 









Fig. 3. Joshua Spooner, 1778, Brookfield. Because the Spooner 
marker is constructed of marble, it is probably a replacement stone. 



Tom and Brenda Malloy 



215 



Ross who was eighteen years old, and Bathsheba, who was now thirty- 
three, became lovers. The liason resulted with a conception in January of 
1778. Bathsheba and Ross now plotted with William Brooks and James 
Buchanan to murder her husband. Brooks and Buchanan - the other two 
conspirators listed on the stone - were British deserters passing through 
Brookfield in an attempt to reach Canada. The plot was successfully car- 
ried out, resulting in Joshua Spooner being struck with a log and his body 
thrown down a well on his farm. 4 

All four of the conspirators were soon apprehended and put on trial in 
Worcester, where they were found guilty and sentenced to be hanged. On 
the day of the execution, July 2, 1778, five thousand people, which was 
twice the population of Worcester, showed up for the simultaneous hang- 
ing of the four. Bathsheba had requested a stay of execution to allow for 
the birth of her child, but an examination by midwives could not confirm 
a pregnancy. However, an autopsy after the execution did reveal a five 
month old male fetus. 5 





drtflftfci&.< 



JOSHUA SP00W«» 
EXECUTED AT - 



■ I -,s:l. 



« 




Fig. 4. Spooner Well, Brookfield. The top of the well 
can be seen to the right, behind its historical marker. 



216 Murder in Massachusetts 



Although her husband's grave is marked, the location of Bathsheba's 
remains are unknown. It is believed that her sister, Mrs. John Green, had 
the body secretly buried in order to protect it from vandals. 6 However, 
another reminder of the Spooner murder was erected two hundred years 
after the multiple executions. In the fall of 1978, the Brookfield Historical 
Commission placed a historical marker at the well where the conspirators 
deposited Joshua Spooner's body (Fig. 4). The marker reads: 

SPOONER WELL 

Joshua Spooner Murdered 

And Thrown Down This Well 

March 1, 1778 By Three 

Revolutionary Soldiers 

At The Urging Of His 

Wife Bathsheba 

All Four Were 

Executed At 

Worcester, July 2, 1778 

Four towns to the north of Brookfield, and bordering Rutland to the 
north, is the town of Princeton. Here, at the Meeting House Hill Cemetery, 
is a third stone documenting an eighteenth century murder, one that took 
place fifteen years after the Brookfield incident (Fig. 5). The stone's 
inscription states: 

In memory of 

Capt. Elisha Allen 

who was inhumanly mur 

dered by Samuel Frost 

July 16, 1793 

Aged 48 Years 

At the bottom of the stone a rhyming epitaph reads: 

Passengers behold! my friends and view; 
Breathless I lie; no more with you; 
Hurried from life; sent to the grave; 
Jesus my only hope to save; 
No warning had of my sad fate; 
Till dire the stroke; Alas! to late. 



Tom and Brenda Malloy 



217 







c 



|m ; 



C V- Elisiia An 

who was /n/)(finan/ /' 
c.'rrcd by ,y r/ ., I 

M \b"' , I . 





Fig. 5. Elisha Allen, 1793, Princeton. Allen's inscription refers to him 
as being "inhumanly murdered" rather than "inhumanely" murdered. 



218 Murder in Massachusetts 



Elisha Allen, the victim, was a Revolutionary War veteran who held 
the rank of Captain in the state militia. Samuel Frost, the stated murderer 
on the stone, had been previously indicted for murder. In 1789, Frost 
killed his father but was acquitted on the grounds of insanity. Soon after 
the acquittal, Elisha Allen agreed to be Frost's guardian. However, Allen 
was rewarded for his gesture by having his ward inflict a fatal blow to his 
head with a rock while they were working in a garden. Frost was found 
guilty of this murder and was sentenced to death. On October 31, 1793 he 
was hanged in Worcester before two thousand spectators, his execution 
drawing less than half the number of those who showed up for the exe- 
cution of the Brookfield conspirators. 7 

The fourth eighteenth century marker to document murder can be 
found at the Plain Cemetery in the southeastern Massachusetts town of 
Taunton (Fig. 6). Located in the center of the cemetery, it is a slate stone in 
rather poor condition bearing the following inscription: 

Here lies ye Body of 
Mrs Elizabeth McKinstrey 
basely murdered by a 
Negro Boy June ye 4th 
1763 Aged 28 

A warning at the bottom of the stone proclaims: 

Watch 
for ye know not ye 
manner nor ye moment 
of your Death 

Elizabeth McKinstrey, the victim as listed on her stone, was the spin- 
ster sister of Dr. William McKinstrey. Four years prior to the murder, Dr. 
McKinstrey had built an impressive Georgian style home in Taunton, 
which still remains as the rectory of the town's St. Thomas Episcopal 
Church. Members of the doctor's household included his wife, his sister, 
and a young slave by the name of Bristo. 

Somehow Bristo had been convinced that he could gain his freedom 
by killing a member of the family, and Elizabeth became his unfortunate 
victim. On the morning of June 4, 1763, he struck the young woman on the 



Tom and Brenda Malloy 



219 




'{rc\U"W^>Mi 



•Cipro jig 



6 ') 



) A,^ of'' i/.c .hm 







Fig. 6. Elizabeth McKinstrey, 1763, Taunton. Whereas the 

Elisha Allen inscription states that he was "inhumanly murdered/ 

this describes the victim as being "basely murdered." 



220 Murder in Massachusetts 



head with a flat iron. He then pushed her down the cellar stairs, where he 
killed her with an ax, throwing the body into a fireplace. After the mur- 
der, Bristo fled to Newport, Rhode Island, where he was eventually 
apprehended and returned to Taunton for trial. On December 1st, three 
days short of a half year after the murder, Bristo was hanged. It is believed 
that the execution took place in the town's "hanging lot," which was adja- 
cent to the Plain Cemetery, and thus in view of Elizabeth McKinstrey's 
grave 8 . 

In the southwestern corner of Massachusetts there is a grouping of 
three marble stones that document a nineteenth century multiple murder. 
The three stones stand side by side in the shade of trees at the front of the 
Otis town cemetery (Fig. 7). The larger stone to the left of the group reads: 

EMILY L. 

WIFE OF 

GEORGE A. JONES. 

MURDERED 

Sept. 7, 1862 

AE 27 Ys. 



Neither can they die anymore for 
They are equal unto the angels and are 
The children of God being the children 
of the resurrection. Luke 20 C. 36 V. 



To the right, two smaller stones read: 



George A. SARAH E. 

son of daughter of 

Geo. A. & Emily L. Geo. A. & Emily L. 

JONES JONES 

murdered murdered 

Sept. 7, 1862 Sept. 7, 1862 

AE 4 Ys. AE 2 Ys. 



Tom and Brenda Malloy 



221 



On a Sunday during the late summer of 1862, George Jones left his 
home in Otis to attend church while his wife and two children, the victims 
whose names are inscribed on the stones, went berry picking. After 
returning from the service, Mr. Jones became concerned over the nonap- 
pearance of his family and began to search for them. Unable to locate his 
wife and children, he elicited the aid of some of his neighbors in the 
search, which continued without success until nightfall. 9 

The following day a more thorough search was initiated, which lasted 
until mid afternoon when the bodies of the mother and children were dis- 
covered about one-eighth of a mile from the family home. Each of the 
bodies was separately concealed under brush and leaves, and the whole 
area was covered with patches of blood. Investigation revealed that Mrs. 
Jones had a broken jaw and cheekbone as well as a fractured skull, and 



,» t f 











<■: 



* % 




Fig. 7. Emily Jones and Children, 1862, Otis. Although barely 

discernible on the two smaller markers, each stone for the Jones 

family is inscribed with the word "murdered." 



222 Murder in Massachusetts 



each of the children had a crushed skull. 10 

Two Black men, a father and son by the name of Thomas and James 
Calder (Callender), were eventually arrested for the murders. While jailed 
in the nearby town of Lenox, James, the son, confessed to the crimes. He 
stated that, on the day of the murders, he and his father had been drink- 
ing whiskey and intended to go sheep stealing. En route to their intended 
goal, they came upon Mrs. Jones and raped her and then, realizing the 
severity of their crime, decided to murder the children in order to elimi- 
nate any witnesses. James claimed that his father agreed to kill Mrs. Jones 
if he would kill the boy and girl, who, during the assault and in terror, had 
retreated a few yards from the scene. At this time, James stated that while 
his father murdered Mrs. Jones he proceeded to crush the children's heads 
against a rock. 11 

Although James fully implicated his father in the murders, the author- 
ities felt that Thomas had a good alibi for the day of the crime. 
Consequently, James was found fully responsible for the multiple mur- 
ders and was eventually hanged at the Lenox jail. Just prior to the execu- 
tion Thomas was reincarcerated at the jail for an assault on his wife, 
James' mother, who was described as "a white Dutch woman." As a 
result, Thomas was able to witness the execution of his son from a cell 
window. Because no one claimed James' body, it was turned over to a 
local medical college for dissection. 12 

Heading in an easterly direction in search of the rest of the ninteenth 
century murder stones, we next come to the town of Agawam, which lies 
on the Connecticut border. In Agawam' s Center Cemetery, many of the 
marble stones are deteriorating from a condition known as sugaring. 
Even though it is suffering from this condition, one of these stones still 
has an inscription which is legible enough to document a murder (Fig. 8): 

In memory of 
Harriet 

Who was Murdered 
By her Husband 
Samuel Leonard 
Dec 14, 1825 AE 33 
Also Delia, their 
Daur. Died Dec. 
23, 1825. AE 13 m. 



Tom and Brenda Malloy 



223 




Fig. 8. Harriet Leonard, 1825, Agawam. 



224 Murder in Massachusetts 



A verse at the bottom of the stone reads: 

O sacred source of everlasting light 
Conduct the weary wanderer in her flight 
Direct her onward to that peaceful shore 
Where peril, pain and death are felt no more. 

During the mid 1820s, many Massachusetts communities were experi- 
encing the fervor of religious revival, and this was so as well for the town 
of Agawam. During this period, the town's various church memberships 
increased dramatically and it was reported that people were even ignor- 
ing work to discuss religion. It appears that one individual who became 
involved in this fervor was Harriet Leonard. Samuel, her husband and the 
father of their seven children, was considered a good provider. In order to 
take care of needs, in addition to working the family farm he took part- 
time work at the Springfield Armory. However, when Harriet became 
intense with salvation it appears that Samuel could not develop the same 
interest. 13 

Depressed about the situation, Samuel Leonard began drinking and 
quarreling with his wife. Fearing violence, Harriet went to stay with 
friends, leaving the children with her husband. After some time Leonard 
went to fetch his wife to treat one of their children who was ill. Could the 
sick child be Delia, the thirteen month old daughter listed in the stone's 
inscription? Returning home, Harriet treated the child and then began to 
do laundry prior to again departing. This is when Leonard killed her with 
an ax and then killed himself. While an overflow crowd attended 
Harriet's funeral, Leonard was quietly buried by members of his family in 
the corner of one of the town's other cemeteries. 14 

Several towns to the northeast of Agawam is the town of Pelham. On 
Packardville Road, about one-tenth of a mile from Daniel Shay's 
Highway, is the Knight Cemetery. In this small country cemetery's north- 
west corner one finds a marble gravestone that documents a murder that 
supposedly took place the year before the Civil War began (Fig. 9). The 
inscription and accompanying epitaph read: 



Tom and Brenda Malloy 



225 




*«.•** 



•< 



WARREN GI88S 

P diedby arsenic poison 
Mar. 23. i860. 

/Ev 36 yrs. 5 mos. 
23 ciys. 







Fhiak in -j f {lends ■^■xen f/ii$ ^ou see 

• JJfrein S,om^-oi^5v_er^dk( prepare 
■ -Some poiSviHbrinu(a^aiUc gfyare 
- Tften -Xt&fi&£ Samel did part a He 



■ 



'-v. wind nature inefdeci ^o i/sfafe 
§S&£' Before s&e rriq wife became 
jj|£*-$? Mary Fee ton. was /ier name, 
'%.%$ Erected l:y his Brother 
WM. GIBBS. 



P%tt 



, - * - 






.>', 



Fig. 9. Warren Gibbs, 1860, Pelham. The epitaph on the Gibbs stone 
uses rhyming verse to tell the story of a supposed poisoning. 



226 Murder in Massachusetts 



WARREN GIBBS 
died by arsenic poison 
March 23, 1860.AE. 36 yrs, 5 mos. 
23 dys. 
Think my friends when this you see 
How my wife hath dealt with me. 
She in some oysters did prepare 
Some poison for my lot and share. 
Then of the same I did partake 
And nature yielded to its fate. 
Before she my wife became 
Mary Felton was her name. 
Erected by his Brother 
WM. GIBBS 

The erection of this stone, which is locally known as the "poison 
stone" or the "poisoned oysters stone," is surrounded by mystery. Many 
sources feel that its placement was a hoax perpetrated by the author of the 
epitaph, William Gibbs, who wanted to revive a long standing feud with 
his sister-in-law's family, the Feltons. One factor that may support the 
idea of a hoax was that the stone probably wasn't erected until some 
twenty years after the death of Warren Gibbs, the supposed murder vic- 
tim. Also, the doctor who treated Warren Gibbs stated that he had died of 
a serious digestive disorder, but that there was no evidence of the nature 
of the disorder. 15 

Incensed by the accusation on the stone, it is claimed the members of 
the Felton family destroyed the original marker. Soon after, William Gibbs 
had a second marker placed at the gravesite with a warning to the Feltons 
that if anything happened to the new stone he would report the alleged 
murder to the authorities. The replacement stone remained at the site for 
many years, probably owing to the fact that William Gibbs outlived mem- 
bers of the Felton family. Town records show that Mary Felton Gibbs, the 
supposed murderess, died in the neighboring town of Belchertown in 
1902. The cause of death is listed as catarrh, an early term for sinus infec- 
tion. Her gravemarker is believed to be a stone that is located in that 
town's Dwight Cemetery. 16 It is a small marble stone with "MOTHER" 
engraved on the top and simply states, "Mary Gibbs, May 14, 1827 - Jan 
24, 1902." 



Tom and Brenda Malloy 227 



However, the saga of the "poison stone" continued well into the twen- 
tieth century, when it disappeared from the Knight Cemetery. Many 
rumors spread throughout the community as to the stone's fate. Then, in 
1947, it was discovered during the restoration of a home in Palmer, which 
lies two towns south of Pelham. The marker was turned over to the 
Pelham Historical Society, where it remains as part of the society's collec- 
tions. However, in the meantime, the town had a replica carved and erect- 
ed. So the present marker at the Knight Cemetery is a second replacement 
stone which could document nothing more than a vengeful, plotted 
hoax. 17 

About a half hour's drive to the northeast of Pelham is the city of 
Gardner. In this city's Old Burying Ground, which is located to the rear of 
the First Congregational Church, is a gravestone that documents an 
unsolved double murder (Fig. 10). Its inscription reads: 

THIS MONUMENT 

Is erected 
In The Memory of 

Miss. 

Miriam Kneeland 

AE 85 yrs. 10 mos. 6ds. 

And her sister Mrs. 

SARAH PHINNEY 

AE 75 yrs. 11 mos. 12ds. 

Who were found murdered 

in their house 

May 7, 1855 

Miriam Kneeland and Sarah Phinney, the victims as listed on their 
stone, were elderly sisters who had been living together for several years. 
They were members of one of Gardner's original families. In 1771, their 
father, Timothy Kneeland, settled on land which would eventually 
become part of Gardner. In ensuing years he would serve as a 
Revolutionary War soldier and become very involved with town affairs. 
Consequently, the murder of two of his surviving daughters totally 
shocked the community. According to one source, hardly any business 
was conducted for a week after the incident, Also, so many people 



228 



Murder in Massachusetts 




EU s -^ v r ^ f f Mn v. f* -1 s3 



SKt'ni*MV , v 






Fig. 10. "The Kneeland Maids," 1855, Gardner. 

The supporting base of the Kneeland marker, not visible in the 

photograph, is signed by "T. Hartwell - Fitchburg." 



Tom and Brenda Malloy 229 



showed up for the funeral that a second service had to be held at the town 
hall for the overflow of the congregation. 

The "Kneeland Maids," as the sisters were affectionately known, were 
murdered on the evening of May 7, 1855 after someone gained access to 
the interior of the Kneeland house by breaking a window. Then, while the 
sisters were asleep in their beds, the intruder, without any apparent 
motive, murdered both women by striking them on their heads with a 
chair post. The incident was not discovered until the next evening, when 
a neighbor investigated after noticing that two cows belonging to the sis- 
ters were wandering uncared for. 18 

The Gardner selectmen offered a $500 reward to anyone who could aid 
in bringing the murderer to justice. Subsequently, a young man by the 
name of George Stacy was arrested and brought before the Justice of the 
Peace. Here it was decided that there was evidence to show that Stacy had 
perpetrated the murders and he was sent before the Grand Jury in 
Worcester. The Grand Jury in turn handed down an indictment and Stacy 
was placed on trial, but he was found not guilty. As a result, the double 
murders still remain unsolved. 19 

Heading from north central Massachusetts it is about an hour's drive 
southeast to the city of Dedham, which is located on Boston's southwest- 
ern border. Dating from 1636, Dedham' s St. Paul's Cemetery was the 
town's only burial ground for nearly a century. Here, amongst the grave- 
stones of the community's early settlers, can be found this sampling's ear- 
liest dated nineteenth century murder stone (Fig. 11). The inscription on 
the slate stone reads: 

SACRED to the memory of 
Miss Elizabeth Fales 
dau. of Mr. NEHEH. and 
Mrs. SARAH FALES 
who was found murdered 
May 18th 1801, in the 
19th year of her age 

A rhyming verse at the bottom of the stone refers to the victim's untime- 
ly death: 



230 



Murder in Massachusetts 




Fig. 11. Elizabeth Fales, 1801, Dedham. 



Tom and Brenda Malloy 231 



Sainted shade of Heavenly birth, 
Of matchless innocence and worth, 
Since God decreed you should be slain, 
Wee'l cease to mourn, nor dare complain 
Guardian Angels, watch Thy swift career 
Thy soul in Heaven will soon appear. 

The murder victim, Elizabeth Fales, was a member of one of Dedham's 
oldest and most respected families. At the age of fourteen Elizabeth began 
a five year romantic liaison with sixteen year old Jason Fairbanks. The 
Fairbanks, like the Fales, were an old Dedham family, and their home, 
which still stands today as the oldest frame house in the United States, 
was in proximity to the Fales' homestead. 20 As neighbors, Jason and 
Elizabeth had easy access to each other. However, the Fales family even- 
tually disapproved of the liaison and the couple were forced to meet in 
friends' houses and at the corner of a pasture near their respective 
homes. 21 

Prior to a mid May 1801 rendezvous, at the pasture, Jason borrowed a 
small penknife with a two and one-half inch blade. Later in the day he 
appeared at the door of the Fales' home with the knife in his hand and 
staggering from fourteen wounds. Gasping because of a long gash in his 
throat, he declared to Mrs. Fales that Betsey had killed herself and that he 
had killed himself too. Mr. and Mrs. Fales ran to the pasture, where they 
found Elizabeth expiring from a cut throat and numerous stab wounds. 
Because of the severity of his wounds, Jason was required to remain in the 
hostile Fales' home while Elizabeth's body was bourne to St. Paul's bury- 
ing ground. 22 

Two weeks after the incident, Jason, who had come under suspicion of 
murder in the incident, was finally healthy enough to be moved by litter 
to the Dedham jail, where he awaited his fate. The case was a model for 
judicial expedience. The prisoner was indicted for murder on August 4th, 
arraigned on August 5th, the trial opened on August 6th, all the evidence 
had been presented by August 7th, and on August 8th the jury returned a 
verdict of guilty. It was the first trial for a capital offense in Dedham's 165- 
year history and, with emotion running high, the trial also took on a polit- 
ical air. The prosecutor was the Republican state Attorney-General, James 
Sullivan. Serving for the defense were two well-known Federalist 
lawyers, Harrison Gray Otis and John Lowell. In presenting their case, 



232 Murder in Massachusetts 



Otis and Lowell stressed that Jason had a totally useless right arm and 
was generally incapacitated due to a failed childhood smallpox inocula- 
tion, and thus was physically incapable of committing the murder. They 
also suggested that the incident, to Jason's later denial, was a murder-sui- 
cide pact. 23 Nevertheless, the jury was not convinced and Jason was sen- 
tenced to be hanged. 

While he was awaiting his execution, supporters broke into the 
Dedham jail and helped Jason escape. He managed to flee to Lake 
Champlain, where he had hoped to secure a boat to Canada. However, 
with a one thousand dollar reward for his recapture, Jason was pursued, 
apprehended, and returned for incarceration at the more secure Suffolk 
County Jail in Boston. On the day of the execution he was escorted to 
Dedham's common by two companies of cavalry, a detachment of 
infantry, and a guard of 250 citizens. The population of the town swelled 
for the event, with over seven hundred carriages passing through the 
downtown area. 24 Upon his arrival at the scaffold, Jason was blindfolded, 
the rope was placed around his neck, and a handkerchief was placed in 
his hand, which he was instructed to drop when he was ready. He 
dropped it immediately. 25 

Jason Fairbanks was buried in St. Paul's Cemetery, several yards from 
Elizabeth's grave. The inscription on his stone simply states: 

Sacred 
to the memory of 
Mr. Jason Fairbanks 
who departed this 
life 10th Sept. 1801 
aged 21 years 

Orginally a part of Dedham, the town of Wrentham was incorporated 
as a separate community in 1673. About ninety years after the incorpora- 
tion, the town provided for additional burial space at the Plains Cemetery, 
which is now known as the Gerould Cemetery. To the right side of the rear 
of the cemetery can be found another example of spousal murder (Fig. 
12): 



Tom and Brenda Malloy 



233 




Fig. 12. Caroline E. Lewis, 1857, Wrentham. 

As with the Leonard inscription (Fig. 8), that on the 

Lewis marker places responsibility for death on the husband. 



234 Murder in Massachusetts 



CAROLINE E. 

Wife of 

George R. Lewis 
Died Sept. 13, 1857 
from wounds received at 
the hands of her husband 
Aged 21 yrs 3 mos 
4 days 

According to Wrentham town records, Caroline's age at death was twen- 
ty years, not twenty-one as stated in the inscription. 26 Also, it should be 
pointed out that at the bottom of the stone there is an inscription for a 
three month old female cousin of Caroline's who had died twenty-one 
years earlier. 

Caroline E. Lewis was described in the September 16, 1857 issue of the 
Boston Post as having been a very attractive woman with blue eyes and 
short, curly, blonde hair. The Dedham Gazette in its September 19th and 
October 3rd issues described her husband, George R. Lewis, as a twenty- 
two year old man with a "very mild and inoffensive appearance." 
However, Caroline is described as a person of "bad reputation" and "dis- 
solute conduct." 27 

The incident documented in the inscription took place on a Saturday 
at about 5:30 in the afternoon. At this time, George Lewis stopped by his 
mother-in-law's house on his way to hunt woodchucks. Upon entering 
the house, he found his wife, Caroline, in an act of "criminality" with 
another man. After a physical confrontation with the man, George left the 
house, pursued by his wife. During an ensuing argument he killed 
Caroline by shooting her through the neck and crushing her skull with the 
butt of his rifle. After the killing, George readily admitted responsibility 
and two weeks later he was indicted for manslaughter, to which he pled 
guilty. 28 

Heading due south from Wrentham, it is about a half-hour's drive to 
Oak Grove Cemetery in the seaport town of Fall River. The cemetery is 
extensive and is best known as the burial place of the infamous Lizzie 
Borden. However, in a far corner, amongst a cluster of slate and marble 
markers, can be found a lesser known gravesite for Captain Henry 
Brightman. His marker is a rectangular slate which is decorated at the top 
with two urns and sprigs of willow (Fig. 13). The inscription states: 



Tom and Brenda Malloy 



235 




'^l-!^1"u ,; nP 










Fig. 13. Captain Henry Brightman, 1827, Fall River. 

The Brightman inscription does not merely state that the 

captain was murdered, but that he was "massacred." 



236 Murder in Massachusetts 



Capt. HENRY BRIGHTMAN 
Was massacred by the Pirates 
on board brig Crawford 
June 1, 1827, in the 30th year of 
his age. 

Just below the inscription is a rhyming verse that makes reference to 
Captain Brightman's untimely death: 

May this sudden call awake us all 
And make us think of death 
By this we see how frail we be 
And how uncertain is our breath. 

On May 28, 1827, the brig Crawford of Fall River, which is the ship 
noted in the inscription, began its return voyage from Cuba with a cargo 
for New York. Also on board were eight passengers. In the early morning 
of the trip's fourth day, four of the passengers, a Frenchman and three 
Spanish sailors, rose on the crew and the other passengers. The pirates, as 
they are referred to in the stone's inscription, stabbed Captain Brightman 
while he slept in his cabin and then threw his body overboard. They next 
proceeded to kill everyone else on board except for three, including the 
mate, who were spared to help navigate the ship. 29 

Once in control of the Crawford, the pirates destroyed the ship's colors, 
obliterated the name on the stern, and substituted for ship's papers false 
documents stating that the vessel was a Spanish ship en route to 
Hamburg. They next prepared to put into Virginia in order to replenish 
provisions for a European voyage. Having arrived on the Virginia coast, 
the first mate, a Mr. Dobson, was able to escape and inform the local 
authorities. The pirates, realizing that their conspiracy had been revealed, 
abandoned the Crawford and headed for shore. Once there, all were appre- 
hended except for one who cut his own throat and was buried on the 
beach. 30 The remaining three were put on trial in Richmond, where they 
were found guilty of piracy and murder and sentenced to be hanged. 31 

It should also be pointed out that an additional inscription at the bot- 
tom of Captain Brightman's stone reveals that his young wife was also 
from a seafaring family and that she died just ten months after her hus- 
band's murder. This inscription reads: 



Tom and Brenda Malloy 237 



Mrs. Phebe Brightman 
(his widow & Daughter of 
Capt. Robert Miller:) Died Mar. 
15, 1828 in the 24th year of her 
age. 

Thirty years after the Crawford incident, murder was again taking 
place on another ship from the Massachusetts south shore. In June of 1857, 
the whaler Junior set sail for the South Pacific from the well-known whal- 
ing port of New Bedford. The ship's twenty-seven year old captain, 
Archibald Mellen, was a native of the nearby island of Martha's Vineyard, 
also known for its long association with whaling. A marble marker at the 
Pease Point Cemetery in Edgartown, Martha's Vineyard, recounts the 
ship's tragic voyage (Fig. 14). The marker reads: 

CAPT. ARCHIBALD MELLEN, JR. 
born 
at Tisbury June 5, 1830 
and murdered 
on board the Ship Junior of New Bedford 
off the coast of New Zealand 
Dec. 25, 1857: by Cyrus W. Plummer 
who with others of his crew had 
entered into a conspiracy to seize 
the Ship and proceed to the 
gold diggings of Australia 
Thus at an early age, at the flood 
tide of successful manhood an in- 
telligent, honest, and worthy man 
became the innocent victim to the 
insatiable ambition of 
these conspirators. 

The inscription notes that Archibald Mellen was killed on Christmas 
Day in 1857. During the evening of that day, the captain was in his cabin 
with three of his officers when mutineers led by Cyrus Plummer dis- 
charged firearms into the room. The captain died almost immediately 
from the gunfire, and the third mate was decapitated with a spade. The 



238 



Murder in Massachusetts 





07? hnTtj^rJ Sltjjr 'TtTj? jor of ITnrr JJrjrJforrT 
\ . of T f It r sinn pi nf JVctt Zc?» I j*tjtT, - 
J] r?r% SL£» J £ 5 7; Jrr Vjv-TTtf: W, PJihn m rtfr, 
TrTTo TrfijTi ofJVcr? of JSis crcTr J7.pt. rT 

ihn ^J?jp a,T7/I proceed To fire 
jrojd rfj.g£j rt ,«? of A izs'fj'tfJf £r r 
Thfif?/*rr,1, rjffi nrj/rhj rrut^/rfJ {.h.c'ff.nnn; 
Hrlr, nf f!ir,r,nfi^^frjJ, jvt^ffijibrfd./an'. tt T r'6\ 
Irlfifjfijil, Ujftij.&gi,, rrjjtfrfaoriJtif. pi^lW 
hi' i- tm f*> fjir iv nnC'iTf'il VI (' \ hit }hj< f)t^ : : 
in ?fr I \ n hi r f( in h if in yi n 5y$ 

l\n>f(' r*n i yiTh'f'ffll'r 



Fig. 14. Captain Archibald Mellen Jr., 1830, Edgartown, 

Martha's Vineyard. As an historic document, the Mellen stone 

provides a full chronicle of the captain's murder. 



Tom and Brenda Malloy 239 



conspirators then forced the second and first mate, who had received four 
bullets in his shoulder, to navigate the ship towards the Australian coast. 32 

For over a week the Junior was under the control of the mutineers, dur- 
ing which time they carried the bodies of the captain and his third mate 
from the cabin, placed weights on their feet, and threw them overboard. 
Then, on January 2, 1858, when the Australian coast was sighted, the ten 
conspirators lowered two boats loaded with provisions. Before leaving 
the ship's remaining thirteen crew members, half of whom were wound- 
ed, the mutineers destroyed the navigational equipment. During the next 
five days, the ship floated around attempting to sail into Sydney Finally, 
on January 7th, the Junior, with distress signals flying, was sighted and 
rescued by the British ship Lochiel. 33 

Cyrus Plummer and his co-conspirators were eventually apprehended 
and put on trial. During the proceedings, Plummer and four of the muti- 
neers admitted that they held no particular malice towards Captain 
Mellen or any of the Junior's officers, but that on departing from New 
Bedford they had planned to take the vessel. All of the defendants 
received prison sentences, with Plummer eventually getting off for good 
behavior. 34 

Within this sampling of twelve incidences of murder as recorded on 
early Massachusetts gravemarkers, the Archibald Mellen stone provides 
the most complete account of the crime. The Mellen inscription not only 
tells a full story, but like those on eight of the other murder stones, it iden- 
tifies those responsible. Only three of the inscriptions fail to list the per- 
petrators. This omission can be explained in the case of the Gardner mur- 
ders by the fact that there was no conviction, and with the Otis murders 
by the fact that there was no indictment for several months after the 
crime. Thus, the Otis stones may well have been erected before the con- 
viction. Of the nine stones that do list those responsible, all but two pro- 
vide specific names. The Fall Paver marker places responsibility on 
"pirates," and the Taunton stone on a "Negro boy." Of course, one of the 
markers that does list the perpetrator - the "oyster stone" - may well be 
a false accusation. Nevertheless, it appears that the authors of these mur- 
der inscriptions on early Massachusetts gravemarkers intended not only 
to record a horrific act but also to enact a perpetual vengeance on those 
responsible by writing their names in stone. 



240 Murder in Massachusetts 



NOTES 

All of the photographs for this article were taken by the authors. The authors would like to 
extend their appreciation to Nancy Leger and Janet Taylor for their research assistance. 

1. Timothy Murphy History of the Town of Rutland (Boston, MA, 1928), 129. 

2. "The Examination and Confession of Edward Fitz-Patrick." Collections of the 
American Antiquarian Society, Worcester, MA. 

3. Murphy, History of the Town of Rutland, 129. 

4. Deborah Stone, Farmers Almanac, (1978): 156-161. 

5. Ibid. 

6. Pat Girard, The New Leader, (Nov. 10, 1978). 

7. Francis Everette Blake, History of the Town of Princeton (Princeton, MA, 1915), Vol. 1, 407; 
Vol. 2, 106. 

8. Collections of the Old Colony Historical Society, Taunton, MA. 

9. Berkshire County Eagle (Sept. 18, 1862): 2-3. 

10. Ibid. 

11. Berkshire County Eagle (Jan. 8, 1863): 3. 

12. Pittsfield Sun (Nov. 2, 1863): 2-3. 

13. Edith LaFrancis, Agaivam Massachusetts: A Town History (Springfield, MA, 1980), 131- 
132. 

14. Ibid. 

15. Arthur Davenport, "Pelham's Curious Gravestone." Unpublished paper (Pelham 
Historical Society), Pelham, MA, 2-4. 

16. Ibid., 5. 

17. Ibid., 4. 

18. William D. Herrick, History of the Town of Gardner (Gardner, MA, 1878), 325. 

19. Ibid. 



Tom and Brenda Malloy 241 

20. The Jonathan Fairbanks House, which is open to the public, remained in the Fairbanks 
family for eight generations and was the ancestral home of Charles Fairbanks, vice 
president under Theodore Roosevelt. 

21. Ferris Greenslet, The Lowells and Their Seven Worlds (Boston, MA, 1946), 99. 

22. Ibid., 102-103. 

23. Robert Brand Hanson, Dedham, Massachusetts 1635-1890 (Dedham, MA, 1976), 178. 

24. Ibid., 186. 

25. Greenslet, The Lowells and Their Seven Worlds, 110. 

26. Joseph Manganiello, "Caroline E.: A Mystery." Unpublished paper (Fiske Public 
Library, Wrentham, MA, 1994), 4. 

27. Ibid., 3. 

28. Ibid., 6. 

29. Fall River Monitor (June 23, 1827): 2. 

30. Ibid. 

31. Fall River Monitor Quly 28, 1827): 2. 

32. Henry Franklin Norton, Martha's Vineyard (Hartford, CT, 1923), 38-39. 

33. Ibid. 

34. Ibid. 



242 



THE YEAR'S WORK IN GRAVEMARKER/CEMETERY STUDIES 
Richard E. Meyer 

This annual feature of Markers, inaugurated in 1995, is intended to 
serve as an ongoing, working bibliography of relevant scholarship in the 
interdisciplinary field which is ever more consistently coming to be 
known as Cemetery and Gravemarker Studies. Entries, listed in alphabet- 
ical order by author, consist to a large extent of books and pamphlets and 
of articles found within scholarly journals: excluded are materials found 
in newspapers, popular magazines, and trade journals (though, as any 
researcher knows, valuable information can sometimes be gleaned from 
these sources), as well as the majority of genealogical publications (there 
are exceptions in instances where the publication is deemed to be of value 
to researchers beyond a strictly local level) and cemetery "readings," book 
reviews, electronic resources (e.g., World Wide Web sites), and irretriev- 
ably non-scholarly books (i.e., things along the order of the recently pub- 
lished, "revised" edition of a book with the grotesque title, The Definitive 
Guide to Underground Humor: Quaint Quotes about Death, Funny Funeral 
Home Stories, and Hilarious Headstone Epitaphs). Though not included here, 
it should be particularly noted that short but valuable critical and analyt- 
ical pieces are frequently published in the AGS Quarterly: Bulletin of the 
Association for Gravestone Studies (formerly — prior to 1996 — entitled the 
Newsletter of the Association for Gravestone Studies). Beginning with Markers 
XIV, the listing has included a much larger selection of relevant foreign 
language materials in the field, formal master's- and doctoral-level theses 
and dissertations (important research often not published in the tradi- 
tional manner but nonetheless frequently obtainable through interlibrary 
loan), and, upon occasion, valuable unpublished typescripts on deposit in 
accessible locations. New to this edition's listing are publications on war, 
holocaust, and disaster memorials and monuments (their essential func- 
tion as cenotaphs relating them to the general field of gravemarkers), as 
well as formal papers presented at academic conferences which are rele- 
vant to the major themes covered by this bibliography. 

With its debut listing in Markers XII, "The Year's Work" attempted to 
fill gaps in existing bibliographic resources by actually covering the year's 
1990 through 1994 (for work prior to 1990, readers are advised to consult 
the bibliographic listings found at the conclusion of my Cemeteries and 
Gravemarkers: Voices of American Culture, first published in 1989 by UMI 
Research Press and reissued in 1992 by Utah State University Press). This 
same format was utilized in Markers XIII and again in Markers XIV, 



243 



adding in each instance previously unreported work from 1990 onwards 
as well as the year just completed. Although a few references from the 
1990-1995 period have undoubtedly gone unnoticed, it may at this point 
be safely assumed that the bibliographic record covering these years is 
largely complete. Starting with Markers XV, therefore, "The Year's Work" 
has restricted itself to the two years immediately preceding the journal's 
annual publication date (thus, in this instance, the years 1997 and 1998): 
previously reported work from the earlier of these two years will not be 
repeated. To help facilitate this ongoing process, the editor continues to 
welcome addenda from readers {complete bibliographic citations, please) 
for inclusion in future editions. Although every effort is made to insure 
accuracy in these listings, the occasional error or omission may occur, for 
which apologies are sincerely offered. 

Abt, Josef. Melaten: Kolner Graber unci Geschichte. Koln, Germany: Greven, 1997. 

Acklen, Jeanette T. Tennessee Records: Tombstone Inscriptions and Manuscripts. Baltimore, MD: 
Clearfield Co., 1998. 

Adams, John. Historic Guide To Ross Bay Cemetery, Victoria, B.C., Canada. Rev. Ed. Victoria, 
B.C., Canada: Sono Nis Press, 1998. 

Adams, Randy. "Culture: Lasting Rites." Canadian Geographic 118:6 (1998), pp. 48ff. 

Aguilar-Moreno, Manuel. El Panteon de Belen y el culto a los muertos en Mexico: una busqueda 
de la sobrenatural. Guadalajara, Mexico: Secretaria de Cultura, Unidad Editorial, 1997. 

Alexander, James R. "Imago Mortis: The Portraiture of Death in The Italian Culture." Paper 
presented at Annual Meeting of The American Culture Association, San Antonio, TX, 
March 26-29, 1977. 

Ambler, Cathy. "The New Deal's Landscape Legacy in Kansas Cemeteries." Markers XV 
(1998), pp. 264-285. 

. "WPA's Landscape Legacy in Kansas Cemeteries." Paper presented at Annual 

Meeting of The American Culture Association, San Antonio, TX, March 26-29, 1997. 

Andersson, Thorbjorn. "Appearances and Beyond: Time and Change in Swedish Landscape 
Architecture." Journal of Garden History 17 (1997), pp. 278-294. 

Aratna, Mohan Wijay. "Funerary Rites in Japanese and Other Asian Buddhist Societies." 
Japan Review 8 (1998), pp. 105ff. 

Artime, Rafael, et al. Havana's City of Marble: The Necropolis of Colon. Miami, FL: Perennial 
Press, Inc., 1998. 

Ashabranner, Brent K. Their Names to Live: Wliat the Vietnam Veterans Memorial Means To 
America. New York, NY: Twenty-First Century Books, 1998. 

Backo, Heather C. "Identifying Catastrophic Assemblages in the Burial Record." Master's 
thesis, University of Cincinnati, 1998. 

Bade, B. "The Dead are Coming': Mixtec Day of the Dead and the Cultivation of 
Community." In Death, Burial, and the Afterlife. Edited by A. Cordy-Collins and G. 
Johnson. San Diego, CA: San Diego Museum of Man, 1997, pp. 7-20. 



244 



Bado-Fralick, Nikki. "A Turning on the Wheel of Life." Folklore Forum 29:1 (1998), pp. 3-22. 

Baird, Scott. "Gravemarker Inscriptions: The Problem of Authorship." Paper presented at 
Annual Meeting of The American Culture Association, San Antonio, TX, March 26-29, 
1997. 

Baker, Joan, and Dockall, Helen. "Cemetery Archaeology: Confederate Veterans and the 
Texas State Cemetery." Paper presented at Annual Meeting of The Society for Historical 
Archaeology, Corpus Christi, TX, January 9-11, 1997. 

Ball, Donald B. "Types of Early Grave Decoration in Middle Tennessee." Tennessee Folklore 
Society Bulletin 58:3 (1997), pp. 117-127. 

Bamberger, Naftali Bar-Giora. Memor-Buch: Die Judischen Friedhbfe in Wandsbek. Hamburg, 
Germany: Dolling und Galitz Verlag, 1997. 

Bate, John. Lanterns for the Dead: The Medieval 'Lanternes des morts' of Central and South-West 
France. Hereford, England: Lapridge Publications, 1998. 

Beable, William H. Epitaphs: Graveyard Humor and Eulogy. Detroit, MI: Omnigraphics, 1998. 

Bennett, James R. "From Patriotism to Peace: The Humanization of War Memorials." The 
Humanist 58:5 (1998), pp. 5-9. 

. "Literature and War: The Literature of War Cemeteries." Paper presented at 

Annual Meeting of The American Culture Association, Orlando, FL, April 8-11, 1998. 

Bentivegna, Joseph J. "An Italian Cemetery in a Non-Italian Community." Paper presented 
at Annual Meeting of The American Culture Association, San Antonio, TX, March 26- 
29, 1997. 

Bergemann, Johannes. Demos und Thanatos: Untersuchungen zum Wertsystem der Polisiun 
Spiegel der Attischen Grabreliefs des 4. Jahrhunderts v. Chr. und zur Funktion der 
Gleichzeitigen Grabbauten. Miinchen, Germany: Biering & Brinkmann, 1997. 

Bigla, Philip. In Honored Glory: Arlington National Cemetery; The Final Post. 3 rd Ed., Rev. 
Arlington, VA: Vandamere Press, 1998. 

Blachowicz, James. "The Gravestone Carving Traditions of Plymouth and Cape Cod." 
Markers XV (1998), pp. 38-203. 

. "The Last of the Plymouth Angel Carvers." Paper presented at Annual 

Conference of The Association for Gravestone Studies, Leicester, MA, June 26-29, 1997. 



Bonham, Jeanne Snodgrass. "No Stone Unturned: A Complete Inventory of Rockcastle, KY 
Cemeteries." Paper presented at Annual Meeting of The American Culture Association, 
San Antonio, TX, March 26-299, 1997. 

Botwick, Brad. "Symbolic Functions of Southern Family Cemeteries During the Antebellum 
Period." Paper presented at Annual Meeting of The Society for Historical Archaeology, 
Corpus Christi, TX, January 9-11, 1997. 

Boyang, Wang. Imperial Mausoleums and Tombs. New York, NY: Princeton Architectural Press, 
1998. 

Bradley, Richard. "Incised Motifs in the Passage-Graves at Quoyness and Culween, 
Orkney." Antiquity 72:276 (1998), pp. 387-390. 

. "Ruined Buildings, Ruined Stones: Enclosures, Tombs, and Natural Places in 

the Neolithic of South-West England." World Archaeology 30:1 (1998), pp. 13ff. 



245 



Bradshaw, Rachel Margaret. "Tiffany Windows in Richmond and Petersburg, Virginia." 
Master's thesis, Virginia Commonwealth University, 1997. 

Brandes, Stanley. "Iconography in Mexico's Day of the Dead: Origins and Meaning." 
Ethnohistory 45:2 (1998), pp. 181-219. 

Broadhurst, Paul. "Different Professions, Different Landscapes: A Comparative Analysis of 
the Vietnam Veterans Memorial and Kent State May 4 Memorial Competitions." 
Masters thesis, University of Washington, 1997. 

Brown, Randy. Graves and Sites on the Oregon and California Trails. 2 nd Ed. Independence, MO: 
Oregon-California Trails Association, 1998. 

Bruce, Alex. Monuments, Memorials and the Local Historian. London, England: The Historical 
Association, 1997. 

Bruner, David. "Archaeological Investigation and Interpretation of the Judean Cemetry at 
the Levi Jordan Plantation." Paper presented at Annual Meeting of The Society for 
Historical Archaeology, Atlanta, GA, January 8-10, 1998. 

Buckham, Susan. "Fashioning Death: An Archaeological Analysis of the Purchase and 
Production of the Victorian Memorials in York Cemetery." Paper presented at Annual 
Meeting of The Society for Historical Archaeology, Atlanta, GA, January 8-10, 1998. 

Buckland, John A. "Practical Gravestone Conservation." Paper presented at Annual 
Conference of The Association for Gravestone Studies, Leicester, MA, June 26-29, 1997. 

Burstow, Robert. "The Limits of Modernist Art as a 'Weapon of the Cold War': Reassessing 
the Unknown Patron of the Monument to the Unknown Political Prisoner." Oxford Art 
Journal 20:1 (1997), pp. 68-94. 

Byrne, Denis. In Sad But Loving Memory: Aboriginal Burials and Cemeteries of the Last 200 Years 
in NSW. Hurtsville, New South Wales, Australia: NSW National Parks and Wildlife 
Service, 1998. 

Cabak, Melanie, and Wilson, Kristin. "Gender Differences Among African-American 
Interments in the American South." Paper presented at Annual Meeting of The Society 
for Historical Archaeology, Atlanta, GA, January 8-10, 1998. 

Cancik-Lindemaier, H. "Corpus: Some Philological and Anthropological Remarks Upon 
Roman Funerary Customs." Studies in the History of Religion 78 (1998), pp. 417-430. 

Capasso, Nicholas J. "The National Vietnam Veterans Memorial in Context: 
Commemorative Public Art in America, 1960-1997." Ph.D. dissertation, Rutgers, The 
State University of New Jersey, 1998. 

Carey, Amos C. Pioneer Burial Sites in Sacramento County, California. Foster City, CA: Mojo 
Press, 1998. 

Carney, Nancy Doerr. "'So Ancient Yet So New': Alberti's Creation of a Final Resting Place 
for Giovanni Rucellai in Florence." Master's thesis, Rice University, 1998. 

Carter, Joseph C, ed. The Choro of Metaporto: The Necropolis. Austin, TX: University of Texas 
Press, 1998. 

Carver, Martin. Sutton Hoo: Burial Ground of Kings. Philadelphia, PA: University of 
Pennsylvania Press, 1998. 

Cavanagh, William G. A Private Place: Death in Prehistoric Greece. Jonsered, Sweden: Paul 
Astroms Forlag, 1998. 



246 



Cemeteries Heritage Study. Melbourne, Australia: National Trust of Australia, 1997. 

Chao, Ch'ao. Chung-kuo ku tai shih k'o kai lun. Pei-ching, China: Wen wu ch'u pan she, 1997. 

Charneau, Roger, and Stephani, Antoine. Les ailes et le sablier: le jardin-musee du Pere-Lachaise. 
Paris, France: Cercle d'art, 1997. 

Chase, Juliet B. "A Dude and His Duds: Burial Costume from an 1864 Gentleman." Paper 
presented at Annual Meeting of The American Culture Association, San Antonio, TX, 
March 26-29, 1997. 

Cheyney, Melissa. "Age, Status, and Gender: Mortality Patterns and Mortuary Practice at 
Umm El-Jimal, Jordan." Master's thesis, Western Michigan University, 1997. 

Chow, Chun-Shing, and Teather, Elizabeth Kenworthy. "Chinese Graves and Gravemarkers 
in Hong Kong." Markers XV (1998), pp. 286-317. 

Cieslak, Katarzyna. Tod und Gedanken: Danzigen Epitaphien vom 15. bis zum 20. Jahrhundert. 
Luneberg, Germany: Institut Nordostdeutsches Kulturwerk, 1998. 

Cobb, Nathaniel T Maine Veterans Memorial Cemetery: History. Waterville, ME: American 
Legion Department of Maine, 1998. 

Codman, Ogden. Gravestone Inscriptions and Records of Tomb Burials in the Granary Burying 
Ground, Boston, Massachusetts. Rev. Ed. Bowie, MD: Heritage Books, 1998. 

Collison, Gary L. "German-American Gravestones in Trans-Susquehanna, Pennsylvania, 
1750-1850." Paper presented at Annual Meeting of The American Culture Association, 
San Antonio, TX, March 23-29, 1997. 

. "Primitive and Baroque: German-American Gravestones and Carvers in York 

County, Pennsylvania." Paper presented at Annual Conference of The Association for 
Gravestone Studies, West Long Branch, NJ, June 25-28, 1998. 

Constant, Caroline, Flora, Nicola, and Postiglione, Gennaro. "Malmo Eastern Cemetery: 
Discovering the Absolute Value of Simplicity." Casabella 62:659 (1998), pp. 40-65. 

Cooley, Francis Rexford. "Tablestones in Hartford's Congregational First Church of Christ." 
Paper presented at Annual Meeting of The American Culture Association, San Antonio, 
TX, March 26-29, 1997. 

. "The Tablestones of the Beauchamps and Chenevards: French Huguenot 

Merchants in Eighteenth Century Hartford, Connecticut." Paper presented at Annual 
Meeting of The American Culture Association, Orlando, FL, April 8-11, 1998. 

Corruccini, Robert S. "On Hawikku Cemetery Kin Groups." American Antiquity: Quarterly 
Review of American Archaeology 63:1 (1998), pp. 161-163. 

Cox, Margaret, ed. Grave Concerns: Death and Burial in England, 1700-1850. York, England: 
British Archaeology Research Report 113, 1998. 

Crawford, Sybil Card. "Cast Iron Gravemarkers: New Brunswick Style." Generations: The 
Journal of the New Brunswick Genealogical Society 19:4 (1997), pp. 16-18. 

Crueling, Marian C. "Finding Where The Bodies Are Hidden: Remote Sensing Methods." 
Paper presented at Annual Meeting of The Society for Historical Archaeology, Atlanta, 
GA, January 8-10, 1998. 

Daniell, Christopher. Death and Burial in Medieval England. New York, NY: Routledge, 1998. 



247 



Davidson, James M. "The Old Dallas Burial Ground: A Forgotten Cemetery." Southwestern 
Historical Quarterly 102:2 (1998), pp. 163ff. 

de Boe, Guy, and Verhaeghe, Frans, eds. Death and Burial in Medieval Europe. Zellik, Belgium: 
Instituut voor het Archeologisch Patrimonium, 1997. 

Dennie, Garrey Michael. "The Cultural Politics of Burial in South Africa, 1884-1990." Ph.D. 
dissertation, Johns Hopkins University, 1997. 

Dickinson, Richard B. "Staten Island Cemeteries." Paper presented at Annual Conference of 
The Association for Gravestone Studies, West Long Branch, NJ, June 25-28, 1998. 

Dillon, Tammie. 'Tales of the Crypt': A Living History Project for the Preservation of Arkansas's 
Historic Cemeteries. Little Rock, AR: Arkansas Historic Preservation Program, 1998. 

Dinel, Paul. Repertoire des monuments des cimetieres de Mont-Laurier. Longueuil, Quebec, 
Canada: Editions le Temps retrouve, 1997. 

A Directory of Monumental Inscription Lists: Cemeteries in and Near the Province of Quebec. Rev. 
Ed. Pointe Claire, Quebec, Canada: Quebec Family History Society, 1997. 

Diseroad, Ann F. "Searching for Jack." Paper presented at Annual Conference of The 
Association for Gravestone Studies, West Long Branch, NJ, June 25-28, 1998. 

Divak, Yvonne. "The Obed M. Coleman Monument." Paper presented at Annual Conference 
of The Association for Gravestone Studies, West Long Branch, NJ, June 25-28, 1998. 

Dobinson, C.S. "Monuments of War: Defining England's 20 th -Century Defence Heritage." 
Antiquity 71 (1997), pp. 288-299. 

Dobson, David. Scottish-American Gravestones, 1700-1900. Baltimore, MD: Genealogical 
Publishing Co., 1998. 

Doi, Takuji. Soso to haka no minzoku. Tokyo, Japan: Iwata Shoin, 1997. 

Ducci, Teo. In memoria della deportazione: opere di architetti Italiani. Milano, Italy: Mazzotta, 
1997. 

Dusenbery, Elsbeth. The Nekropoleis. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1998. 

Eckert, Eva. "Language and Ethnicity Maintenance: Evidence of Czech Tombstone 
Inscriptions." Markers XV (1998), pp. 204-233. 

. "The Vernacular of Tombstone Inscriptions: The Role of Diacritic Signs." Paper 

presented at Annual Meeting of The American Culture Association, San Antonio, TX, 
March 26-29, 1997. 

Edgette, J. Joseph. "Atop The Grave: Its Goods vs. Its Decorations." Paper presented at 
Annual Meeting of The American Culture Association, Orlando, FL, April 8-11, 1998. 

. "Death Sites and Grave Sites: Bridging the Memory." Paper presented at Annual 

Meeting of The American Folklore Society, Austin, TX, October 30-November, 1, 1997. 

'Epitaphs: Everlasting Expressions of Empathy." Paper presented at Annual 



Conference of The Association for Gravestone Studies, Leicester, MA, June 26-29, 1997. 

. "Frozen Countenances: Form and Function of Cemetery Effigies." Paper pre- 
sented at Annual Meeting of The American Folklore Society, Portland, OR, October 28- 
November, 1, 1998. 

. "Goodbye Aimee: Genesis of a Roadside Memorial." Paper presented at Annual 

Meeting of The American Culture Association, San Antonio, TX, March 26-29, 1997. 



248 



Ekins, Ashley K. A Guide to the Battlefields, Cemeteries and Memorials of the Gallipoli Peninsula. 
Canberra, Australia: Australian War Memorial, 1998. 

Elmore, Charles J. An Historical Guide to Laurel Grove Cemeten/ South. Savannah, GA: King- 
Tisdell Cottage Foundation, 1998. 

Enderlein, Lorenz. Die Grablegen des Hauses Anjou in Unteritalien: Totenkult und Monumente 
1266-1343. Worms am Rhein, Germany: Wernersche Vorlagsgesellschaft, 1997. 

Engels, Johannes. Funerum Sepulcrorumaue Magnificemtia: Begrabnis- und Grabluxusgesetze in 
der Griechisch-Roischen Welt mit einigen Ausblicken auf Einschrankungen des Funernlen und 
Sepulkralen Luxux im Mittelater und in der Neuzeit. Stuttgart, Germany: F. Steiner, 1998. 

Esch, Darcy. "Moravian Graveyards of Winston-Salem, North Carolina." Paper presented at 
Annual Meeting of The American Culture Association, San Antonio, TX, March 26-29, 
1997. 

Evstrapov, A. A., Kurochkin, V.E., and Panina, L.K. "Using Reflective Spectrophotometry to 
Determine the Biodegradation of Monuments Made From Marble.' Journal of Optical 
Technology 65:5 (1998), pp. 350-353. 

Ezzell, Patricia Bernard, and Ezzell, Timothy P. "Southern Crosses: Roadside Memorials in 
the Upper South." Paper presented at Annual Meeting of The American Culture 
Association, San Antonio, TX, March 26-29, 1997. 

Fairbanks, Jonathan. "Stories Behind the Stones." Paper presented at Annual Conference of 
The Association for Gravestone Studies, Leicester, MA, June 26-29, 1997. 

Falk, Fritz Joachim. Die Glaubenszuversicht der Gronlandfahrer: die Glaubenszuversicht der 
Grolandfahrer, Zeugnisse aus dem 18. Jahrhundert. Bredstedt, Germany: Nordfriesisches 
Institut, 1997. 

Farley, Ned William. "Maple Grove Cemetery 1900-1997: A Study of the Cemetery's Overall 
Demography and the Change in Frequencies of One Hundred Randomly Sampled 
Surnames." Master's thesis, Wichita State University, 1998. 

Faust, Jurgen. Betahaim: Sefardische Graber in Schleswig-Holstein. Gliickstadt, Germany: J.J. 
Augustin, 1997. 

Fieloux, Michele. Les memoires de Bindute Da. Pais, France: Editions de l'Ecole des hautes 
etudes en sciences sociales, 1998. 

Finn, David. "The Korean War Veterans Memorial." Sculpture Review 46:4 (1998), pp. 22-25. 

Formanek, Paula Anne. "An Assessment of Groundwater Contamination at Cemetery 
Sites." Master's thesis, Queen's University at Kingston (Canada), 1998. 

Foster, Gary S., Hummel, Richard L., and Adamchak, Donald J. "Patterns of Conception, 
Natality, and Mortality from Midwestern Cemeteries: A Sociological Analysis of 
Historical Data." Sociological Quarterly 39:3 (1998), pp. 473-490. 

Francis, D. "Sustaining Relations in the Place of Death: Cultural Beliefs and Public 
Performance in the English Cemeteries." Paper presented at Conference on The Social 
Context of Death, Dying and Disposal, 1997, Cardiff, Wales. 

Frank, Daniel. "A Jewish Tombstone from Ra's Al-Khaimah." The Journal of Jewish Studies 
49:1 (1998), pp. 103-107. 

Frazer, Harriet, and Oestreicher, Christine. The Art of Remembering. Manchester, England: 
Carcanet, 1998. 



249 



Frey, Diane. "Contemporary Funerary Practices." Paper presented at Annual Meeting of The 
American Culture Association, San Antonio, TX, March 26-29, 1977. 

Friel, Maeve. Here Lies: A Guide to Irish Graves. Dublin, Ireland: Poolbeg, 1997. 

Fry, Susan. Burial in Medieval Ireland. Portland, OR: International Specialized Book Services, 
1998. 

Gabel, Laurel K. "Working With the Farber Collection on CD ROMs: Findings and 
Footnotes." Paper presented at Annual Meeting of The American Culture Association, 
April 8-11, 1998. 

. "Unsolved Mysteries and New Discoveries: Working with the Farber 

Collection." Paper presented at Annual Conference of The Association for Gravestone 
Studies, Leicester, MA, June 26-29, 1997. 

Gaffney, Angela. Aftermath: Remembering The Great War in Wales. Cardiff, Wales: University 
of Wales Press, 1998. 

. "Monuments and Memory: The Great War." In Consuming the Past: History and 

Heritage. Edited by J. Arnold, K. Davies, and S. Ditchfield. Shaftesbury England: 
Donhead, 1998, pp. 79-90. 

Gallagher, Thomas E. "Integration of Old and New Burial Customs Among the Old Order 
Amish of Southeastern Pennsylvania." Paper presented at Annual Meeting of The 
American Folklore Society, Portland, OR, October 28-November 1, 1998. 

Gaudet, Marcia. "The Graveyard at Carville: Memory and History Interred." Paper present- 
ed at Annual Meeting of The American Folklore Society, Portland, OR, October 28- 
November 1, 1998. 

Geake, Helen. The Use of Grave Goods in Conversion-Period England, c.600-c.850. Oxford, 
England: British Archaeological Reports, 1997. 

Gelbert, Doug. American Revolutionary War Sites, Memorials, Museums and Library Collections: 
A State-by-State Guidebook to Places Open to the Public. Jefferson, NC: Mcfarland & Co., 
1998. 

. Civil War Sites, Memorials, Museums and Library Collections: A State-by-State 

Guidebook to Places Open to the Public. Jefferson, NC: McFarland & Co., 1997. 

Gentile, George. History of The Iwo Jima Survivors Association, Inc. and The National Iwo Jima 
Memorial. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1997. 

Gilbert, Donna. "Conjugal Couples in Etruscan Funerary Art of the Archaic Age." Master's 
thesis, Tufts University, 1997. 

Gottlieb, Freema. Symboly Zidovske Zivota: Mysticky Vyklad Ndhrobnich Reliefu. Praha, Czech 
Republic, 1998. 

Gradwohl, David Mayer. "Benditcha Sea Vuestra Memoria: Sephardic Jewish Cemeteries in the 
Caribbean and Eastern North America." Paper presented at Annual Meeting of The 
American Culture Association, San Antonio, TX, March 26-29, 1997. 

. "Benditcha Sea Vuestra Memoria: Sephardic Jewish Cemeteries in the Caribbean 



and Eastern North America." Markers XV (1998), pp. vi-29. 
. "The Grave of Painter and Poet T.C. Cannon: Cemetery Symbols and Contexts 



of American Indian Identity." Paper presented at Annual Meeting of The Society for 
Historical Archaeology, Atlanta, GA, January 8-10, 1998. 



250 



. "Jewish Cemeteries in Germany: Antecedents and Parallels for American 

Patterns." Paper presented at Annual Meeting of The American Culture Association, 
Orlando, FL, April 8-11, 1998. 

_. "Parakeet to Paradise: An Ethnoarchaeological Perspective on the U.S. Military 



Pet Cemetery of The Presidio at San Francisco." Paper presented at Annual Meeting of 
The Society for Historical Archaeology, Corpus Christi, TX, January 9-11, 1997. 

Graves, Thomas E. "To Sing the Song of Death: Funeral Hymns on Gravestones." Paper pre- 
sented at Annual Meeting of The American Culture Association, San Antonio, TX, 
March 26-29, 1997. 

Green, Jonathan. Famous Last Words. North Pomfret, England: Trafalgar Square, 1998. 

Guidelines for the Conservation of Cemeteries in Western Australia. Canberra, Australia: 
Australian Council of National Trusts, 1997. 

Guilaine, Jean. Sepultures d'Occident et geneses des megalithmes: 9000-3500 avant notre era. Paris, 
France: Editions Errance, 1998. 

Halporn, Roberta. "African-American Gravestones in the Northeastern United States." 
Paper presented at Annual Conference of The Association for Gravestone Studies, West 
Long Branch, NJ, June 25-28, 1998. 

Handler, Jerome S. "Problematical Glass Artifacts from a Slave Cemetery in Barbados, West 
Indies." Paper presented at Annual Meeting of The Society for Historical Archaeology, 
Atlanta, GA, January 8-10, 1998. 

Harmon, Thomas J. "Old World Reflections: Ethnic Cemeteries of Pennsylvania's Shenango 
Valley." Paper presented at Annual Meting of The American Culture Association, 
Orlando, FL, April 8-11, 1998. 

Harlow, liana. "Neighborhoods of the Dead: Cultures of Queens Cemeteries." Paper pre- 
sented at Annual Meeting of The American Folklore Society, Portland, OR, October 28- 
November 1, 1998. 

Harvey, Bruce, and Upton, Dell. "The Urban Cemetery and the Urban Community: The 
Origin of the New Orleans Cemetery" In Exploring Everyday Landscapes. Edited by 
Annemarie Adams and Sally Ann McMurry. Knoxville, TN: University of Tennessee 
Press, 1997, pp. 131-145. 

Hass, Kristin Ann. Carried to the Wall: American Memory and the Vietnam Veterans Memorial. 
Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1998. 

Hawass, Zahi. "Tombs of the Pyramid Builders." Archaeology 50:1 (1997), pp. 39-43. 

Hecht, Lea. "Volga-German Iron Crosses and Commemorative Markers." Paper presented at 
Annual Meeting of The American Culture Association, San Antonio, TX, March 26-29, 
1997. 

Heege, Karen V. "Grave Decorations at Hill Grove Cemetery in South-Central Kentucky." 
Paper presented at Annual Meeting of The American Culture Association, Orlando, FL, 
April 8-11, 1998. 

. "'They're Pretty, But They're Work': Shell-Decorated Graves as Community 

Art." Folklore Forum 29:1 (1998), pp. 65-100. 

Helsley, Alexia Jones. Silent Cities: Cemeteries and Classrooms. Columbia, SC: South Carolina 
Department of Archives and History, 1997. 



251 



Henderson, Desiree. "The Production of National Mourning: History, Cemeteries, and the 
American Leisure Class." Paper presented at Annual Convention of The American 
Studies Association, Seattle, WA, November 19-22, 1998. 

Herrick, Linda M., and Uncapher, Wendy K. Cemetery Locations in Wisconsin. Janesville, WI: 
Origins, 1998. 

Heywood, Janet. "Draped Shapes: Concealing and Revealing." Paper presented at Annual 
Meeting of The American Culture Association, Orlando, FL, April 8-11, 1998, and at 
Annual Conference of The Association for Gravestone Studies, West Long Branch, NJ, 
June 25-28, 1998. 

. "'Eternally Enclosed': Defining Family Burial Space in Granite." Paper present- 
ed at Annual Meeting of The American Culture Association, San Antonio, TX, March 
26-29, 1997, and at Annual Conference of The Association for Gravestone Studies, 
Leicester, MA, June 26-29, 1997. 

Hiebert, Debra. Stories in Stone: A Sharing of the Lives of Some Wlio Rest in Topeka Cemetery. 
Topeka, KS: Shawnee County Historical Society, 1998. 

Hill, Erica. "Death As a Rite of Passage: The Iconography of the Moche Burial Theme." 
Antiquity 72:277 (1998), pp. 528-538. 

Hoffmann-Curtius, Kathrin. "Memorials for the Dachau Concentration Camps." Oxford Art 
Journal 21:2 (1998), pp. 21-44. 

Hofhansl, Ernst. "Kulturkundliche Beobachtungen zu Tod und Begrabnis in evangelisch- 
lutherischen Gemeinden." Osterreichische Zeitschrift fur Volkskunde 51:1 (1997), pp. 55- 
65. 

Hope, Valerie M. "A Roof Over the Dead: Communal Tombs and Family Structure." Journal 
of Roman Archaeology 22 (1997), pp. 69-90. 

. "Constructing Roman Identity: Funerary Monuments and Social Structure in 

the Roman World." Mortality 2:2 (1997), pp. 103-122. 

Horton, Loren N. "Cemeteries and Funerals as Subjects for the Arts." Paper presented at 
Annual Meeting of The American Culture Association, Orlando, FL, April 8-11, 1998. 

. "Stone Cutters and Monument Dealers in 19 th Century Iowa." Paper presented 

at Annual Meeting of The American Culture Association, San Antonio, TX, March 26- 
29, 1997. 

Hotz, Mary E. "On the Bodies of the Poor: English Representations of Death Rituals, 1835- 
1865." Ph.D. dissertation, University of Chicago, 1997. 

Hughes, Nathaniel Cheairs, Jr., and Ware, Thomas Clayton. Theodore O'Hara: Poet-Soldier of 
the Old South. Knoxville, TN: University of Tennessee Press, 1998. 

Hughes, Ruth Anne. "Peonies and Luminaries: Southern Indiana's Memorial Day and 
Louisiana's La Touisant." Paper presented at Annual Meeting of The American 
Folklore Society, Austin, TX, October 30-November 1, 1997. 

Huret, Joel. Le saillant de Saint-Mihiel, 1914-1918: sites et monuments de la region de Pont-a- 
Mousson et d'Apremont-la-Foret. Metz, France: Serpenoise, 1997. 

Husmann, John. "Monument to Civilization: Landscape of Nature." Paper presented at 
Annual Meeting of The American Culture Association, Orlando, FL, April 8-11, 1998. 



252 



Inglis, Kenneth S. Sacred Places: War Memorials in the Australian Landscape. Carlton, Victoria, 
Australia: Miegunyah Press at Melbourne University Press, 1998. 

Ingram, Anne Marie, "The Dearly Not-Quite Departed: Funerary Rituals and Beliefs About 
the Dead in Ukrainian Culture." Ph.D. dissertation, University of Virginia, 1998. 

Inskeep, Carollee. The Graveyard Shift: New York City Metropolitan Area Cemeteries. Orem, UT: 
Ancestry, Inc., 1998. 

Jacob, Kathryn, and Remsberg, Edwin Harlan. Testament to Union: Civil War Monuments in 
Washington, D.C. Baltimore, MD: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1998. 

Jacobsen, Werner. "Saints' Tombs in Frankish Church Architecture." Speculum 72:4 (1997), 
pp. 1107-1144. 

James, Jean M. A Guide to the Tomb and Shrine Art of the Han Dynasty, 206 B.C. - A.D. 220. 
Lewiston, NY: The Edwin Mellen Press, 1997. 

Jenks, Peggy. "Two Modern Vermont Marble Gravestones." Paper presented at Annual 
Conference of The Association for Gravestone Studies, West Long Branch, NJ, June 25- 
28, 1998. 

Jennings, Eric. T "Monuments to Frenchness? The Memory of the Great War and the Politics 
of Guadeloupe's Identity, 1914-1945." French Historical Studies 21:4 (1998), pp. 561-593. 

Johnson, Mark J. "Pagan-Christian Burial Practices of the Fourth Century: Shared Tombs?" 
Journal of Early Christian Studies 5:1 (1997), pp. 37ff. 

Johnson, Yvonne. "A Tale of Two Cemeteries: Cherokee Removal and Material Culture." 
Paper presented at Annual Meeting of The American Culture Association, Orlando, FL, 
April 8-11, 1998. 

Johnston, Hank. Guide to the Yosemite Cemetery. Yosemite National Park, CA: Yosemite 
Association, 1997. 

Jones, C.R. "Gravestones in American Folk and Popular Art." Paper presented at Annual 
Conference of The Association for Gravestone Studies, Leicester, MA, June 26-29, 1997. 

. "Where It All Began." Paper presented at Annual Conference of The Association 



for Gravestone Studies, West Long Branch, NJ, June 25-28, 1998. 

Kamp, Kathyrn A. "Social Hierarchy and Burial Treatments: A Comparative Assessment." 
Cross-Cultural Research 32:1 (1998), pp. 79ff. 

Kanawati, N., and Hassan, A. The Tei Cemetery at Saggar II: The Tomb of Ankhmattor. Oakville, 
CT: David Brown Book Company, 1997. 

Karamanski, Theodore J. "Memory's Landscape." Chicago History 26:2 (1997), pp. 54-72. 

Karnos, David D. "Cyrillic Poetry in the Heart of Crow Country." Paper presented at Annual 
Meeting of The American Culture Association, San Antonio, TX, March 26-29, 1997. 

Karrick, Kathleen H, "The J.H. Wade Memorial Chapel: A Glittering Gem in Lake View 
Cemetery" Paper presented at Annual Meeting of The American Culture Association, 
Orlando, FL, April 8-11, 1998. 

Kay, Dianne H. "Cemetery Relocation: Emerging Urban Land Development Issue." Journal 
of Urban Planning and Development 124:1 (1998), pp. 1-10. 

Keen, Mary. We Will Remember Them: The Lives Behind the Richmond Cenotaph. Richmond, B.C., 
Canada: City of Richmond, 1998. 



253 



Kehoe-Forutan, Sandra. "Thursday Island Cemetery." Paper presented at Annual Meeting of 
The American Culture Association, San Antonio, TX, March 26-29, 1997. 

Keller, Manfred, and Wilbertz, Gisela. Spuren im Stein: Ein Bochumer Friedhof als Spiegel 
Jiidischer Geschichte. Essen, Germany: Klartext, 1997. 

Kerrigan, Michael. Wlio Lies Wliere: A Guide to Famous Graves. London, England: Fourth 
Estate, 1998. 

King, Alex. Memorials of The Great War in Britain: The Symbolism and Politics of Remembrance. 
Oxford, England: Berg, 1998. 

Kipnis, S.E. Novodevichii Memorial: Nekropol? Monastyria i Kladbishcha. Moskva, Rusia: Art- 
Biznes-Tsentr, 1998. 

Kloberdanz, Timothy J. "Through the Leaves: Portrait of a Tri-Cultural Cross Maker." Paper 
presented at Annual Meeting of The American Culture Association, San Antonio, TX, 
March 26-29, 1997. 

Knipp, David. Christus 'Medicus' in der Fruhchristlichen Sarkophagskulptur: Ikonographische 
Studien der Sepulkralkunst des Spdten Vierten Jahrhunderts. Leiden, The Netherlands, 1998. 

Kormushin, I.V. Tiurkskie Eniseiskie Epitafii: Teksty i Issledovaniia. Moskva, Russia: Nauks, 
1997. 

Kosmopoulou, Angeliki. "A Funerary Vase from Kallithea: New Light on Fifth-Century 
Eschatology." American Journal of Archaeology 102:3 (1998), pp. 531-545. 

Kduts, Eerik. Cross and Iron: Burial Wrought-lron Crosses from Northern Estonia Made by Village 
Blacksmiths in the 18th and 19th Centuries. Tallinn, Estonia: SE&JS, 1998. 

Kubarev, A.G. Kaliazinskii Nekropol?: Gorod Kaliazin Tuerskoi Gubernii. Sankt-Petersburg, 
Russia: VIRD, 1997. 

Kuhn, Dieter. Die Kunst des Grabbaus: Kuppelgraber der Liao-Zeit (907-1125). Heidelberg, 
Germany: Edition Forum, 1997. 

Kummerling, Ruthild. Rechtsprobleme Kirchlicher Friedhofe. Sinzheim, Germany: Pro 
Universitate Verlag, 1997. 

Kushner, Alexsanrr. Russkaia Stikhotvornaia Epitafiia. Sankt-Petersburg, Russia: 
Gumanitarnoe Agentstvo "Akademicheskii Proekt," 1998. 

Kuttruff, Jenna Tedrick. "A Historical Exhumation Project in South Louisiana: Textiles and 
Garments from Three Antebellum Burials." Paper presented at Annual Meeting of The 
Society for Historical Archaeology, Atlanta, GA, January 8-10, 1998. 

Lang, Jean-Michel. Ossuaries de Lorraine: un aspect oublie d culte des marts. Metz, France: 
Editions Serpenoise, 1998. 

Lannan, Robert W. "Anthropology and Restless Spirits: The Native American Graves 
Protection and Repatriation Act, and the Unresolved Issues of Prehistoric Human 
Remains." The Harvard Environmental Law Review 22:2 (1998), pp. 369ff. 

Larkin, Gerard. A Guide to Abbey Cemetery. Loughrea, County Galway, Ireland: Abbey 
Community Development Association, 1997. 

Lassere, Madeleine. Villes et cimetieres en France de I'Ancien Regime a non jours: le territoire des 
morts. Paris, France: L'Harmattan, 1997. 



254 



Le Dinahet, M-Th. "Etrangers et commercants a Delos: Quelques enseignements des epi- 
taphes." Revue des Etudes Anciennes 99:3-4 (1997), pp. 325-336. 

Leisten, Thomas. Architektur fur Tote: Bestattung in Architektonischem Kontext in den Kern- 
liindern der Islamischen Welt zwischen 3./9. Und 6.112. Jahrhundert. Berlin: D. Reimer, 1998. 

Leon Leon, Marco Antonio. Sepultura sagrada, tumba frofana: los espacios de la muerte en Santiago 
de Chile, 1883-1932. Santiago, Chile: Direccion d Bibliotecas Archivos y Museos, 1997. 

Levinson, Sanford. Written in Stone: Public Monuments in Changing Societies. Durham, NC: 
Duke University Press, 1998. 

Lindley, P. "Innovations, Tradition and Disruption in Tomb Sculpture." In The Age of 
Transition: The Archaeology of English Culture, 1400-1600. Edited by D. Gaimster and P. 
Stamper. London, England: Oxbow Books, 1997, pp. 77-92. 

Little, M. Ruth. Sticks and Stones: Three Centuries of North Carolina Gravemarkers. Chapel Hill, 
NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1998. 

Lloyd, David W. Battlefield Tourism: Pilgrimage and the Commemoration of The Great War in 
Britain, Australia and Canada, 1919-1939. Oxford, England: Berg, 1998. 

Logan, Charles Rusell. 'Something So Dim It Must be Holy': Civil War Commemorative Sculpture 
in Arkansas, 1886-1934. Little Rock, AR: Arkansas Historic Preservation Program, 1997. 

Long, Carolyn Morrow. "Folk Gravesites in New Orleans: Arthur Smith Honors the 
Ancestors." Folklore Forum 29:1 (1998), pp. 23-50. 

Lorusso, Salvatoro, Marabelli, Maurizio, and Troilo, Massimo. "Air Pollution and the 
Deterioration of Historic Monuments." Journal of Environmental Pathology, Toxicology 
and Oncology 16:2-3 (1997), pp. 171-174. 

Lowe, Stephen Todd. "The Site of Mourning: Funerary Architecture and Ritual in the Edge 
Between Park and Cemetery." Master's thesis, University of Washington, 1998. 

Mack, Alastair. The Association ofPictish Symbol Stones with Ecclesiastical, Burial, and Memorial 
Areas. Balgavies, Scotland: Pinkfoot Press, 1998. 

Mack, Mark E. "Listening to Voices of the Past to Inform the Future: The New York African 
Burial Ground Project." Paper presented at Annual Meeting of The Society for 
Historical Archaeology, Atlanta, GA, January 8-10, 1998. 

Madel-Bohringer, Claudia. Die Inschriften des Eandkreises Gonzburg. Wiesbaden, Germany: L. 
Reichert, 1997. 

Maher, Denise. Medieval Grave Sites of County Tipperary, 1200-1600 A.D. Oxford, England: 
Archaeopress, 1997. 

Malloy, Brenda. "Markers of the Ministers' Wives in Northern Worcester County, 
Massachusetts." Paper presented at Annual Meeting of The American Culture 
Association, San Antonio, TX, March 26-29, 1997. 

Malloy, Thomas A. "Markers of the Congregational Ministry in Northern Worcester County, 
Massachusetts." Paper presented at Annual Meeting of The American Culture 
Association, San Antonio, TX, March 26-29, 1997. 

. "Murder in Massachusetts: It's Written in Stone." Paper presented at Annual 



Meeting of The American Culture Association, Orlando, FL, April 8-11, 1998, and (with 
Brenda Malloy) at Annual Conference of The Association for Gravestone Studies, West 
Long Branch, NJ, June 25-28, 1998. 



255 



Marckel, Greg. "A Metaphorical Landscape: The Primal Monument and the Cemetery 
Space." Master's thesis, Kent State University, 1997. 

Marino, Daniela. "Prayer for a Sleeping Child: Iconography of the Funeral Ritual of Little 
Angels in Mexico." Journal of American Culture 20:2 (1997), pp. 37-44. 

Marshall, }. Kent. "Contemplare: Mausoleum and Sanctuary." Master's thesis, Mississippi 
State University, 1998. 

Martin, Frank. "'L'emulazione della romana anticha grandezza': Camillo Rusconi's Grabmal 
fur Gregor XIII." Zeitschrift fur Kunstgeschichte 61:1 (1998), pp. 72-112. 

Martin, Geoffrey Thorndike. The Tomb ofTia and Tia: A Royal Monument of the Ramesside Period 
in the Memphite Necropolis. London, England: Egypt Exploration Society, 1997. 

Masset, Claude. Les dolmens: societes neolithiques, pratiques funeraires: les sepultures collectives 
d'Europe occidentale. 2 nd Ed. Paris, France: Errance, 1997. 

McCarthy, John P. "Material Culture and the Performance of Sociocultural Identity: 
Community, Ethnicity, and Agency in the Burial Practices of the First African Baptist 
Church Cemeteries, Philadelphia, 1810-41." In American Material Culture: The Shape of 
the Field. Edited by Ann Smart Martin and J. Ritchie Garrison. Wintethur, DE: Wintethur 
Museum, 1997, pp. 359-379. 

. "Plates in the Grave: An Africanism?" Paper presented at Annual Meting of The 

Society for Historical Archaeology, Atlanta, GA, January 8-10, 1998. 

McClure, Evelyn S. Sebastopol's Historic Cemetery: A Serendipitous Guide to the Pioneers and 
Citizens Resting Therein. Sebastopol, CA: Belle View Press, 1998. 

McGregory, Jerrilyn. "African-American Graveyards in Wiregrass Country." Paper present- 
ed at Annual Meeting of The American Culture Association. San Antonio, TX, March 
26-29, 1997. 

. "My Soul Will Be Lifted on the Other Shore: An Investigation Into African- 



American Burial Leagues." Paper presented at Annual Meeting of The American 
Culture Association, Orlando, FL, April 8-11, 1998. 

_. "The Rest Is Up to You and Me': African-American Burial Leagues." Paper pre- 



sented at Annual Meeting of The American Folklore Society, Austin, TX, October 30- 
November 1, 1997. 

McKenzie, Maisie. Devil's Marble: The Story of John Flynn's Grave in Central Australia, and of the 
Devil's Marble Tombstone Guarding His Ashes. Brisbane, Australia: Boolarong Press, 1998. 

McLean, Ann Hunter. "Unveiling the Lost Cause: A Study of Monuments to the Civil War 
Memory in Richmond, Virginia and Vicinity." Ph.D. dissertation, University of 
Virginia, 1998. 

Mellink, Machteld, J. Kizibel: An Archaic Painted Tomb Chamber in Northern Lycia. 
Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Museum Publications, 1998. 

Menges-Schaben, Carrie Lee. "Tallgrass Prairie Remnants of Western Iowa Cemeteries." 
Master's thesis, University of Nebraska at Omaha, 1998. 

Messimer, Claire. "Chubby Cherubs of the Pennsylvania Germans." Paper presented at 
Annual Meeting of The American Culture Association, Orlando, FL, April 8-11, 1998. 

Meyer, Richard E. "Cemeteries." In Encyclopedia of Rural America: The Land and People. Vol. 1. 
Edited by Gary A. Goreham. Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO, 1997, pp. 100-102. 



256 



. "Les monuments aux morts: Communal Remembrance in Post-WWI France." 

Paper presented at Annual Meting of The American Culture Association, Orlando, FL, 
April 8-11, 1998. 

_. "Stylistic Variation in the Battlefield Cemeteries of WWI Combatant Nations.' 



Paper presented at Annual Meeting of The American Culture Association, San Antonio, 
TX, March 26-29, 1997, and at Annual Conference of The Association for Gravestone 
Studies. Leicester, MA, June 26-29, 1997. 

Michael, Jennifer. "(Web)Sites of Memory: Virtual Memorials on the Internet." Paper pre- 
sented at Annual Meeting of The American Culture Association, Orlando, FL, April 8- 
11, 1998. 

Middleton, William D., Feinman, Gary M., and Villegas, Guillermo Molina. "Tomb Use and 
Reuse in Oaxaca, Mexico." Ancient Mesoamerica 9:2 (1998), pp. 297ff. 

Mitford, Jessica. The American Way of Death Revisited. New York, NY: Knopf, 1998. 

Moore, Kelley. "Death in Architecture." Master's thesis, North Carolina State University, 
1998. 

Moriarty, Catherine. Sites of Memory: War Memorials at the End of the Twentieth Century. 
London, England: Imperial War Museum, 1997. 

Morris, Richard. Sinners, Lovers, and Heroes: An Essay on Memorializing in Three American 
Cultures. Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 1997. 

Murphy, Bernadette. "Remembrance Remembered, Remembrance Observed: An Irishman's 
Daughter Visits His Grave." Journal of Historical Sociology 10:4 (1997), pp. 345-361. 

Muttikambele, V.R.M., Owen, E., and Mtenga, L.A. "Capacity of Goats to Reach for Food 
through Tombstone barriers as Affected by Position of Food, Body Weight and Body 
Dimensions." Animal Science 66:2 (1998), pp. 415ff. 

Natale, Mauro. Sculptura Lombarda del Rinascimento i monumenti Borromeo. Torino, Italy: 
Allemamdi, 1997. 

Nature's Choicest Spot: A Guide to Forest Home and German Waldheim Cemeteries. Oak Pari, IL: 
Historical Society of Oak Park and River Forest, 1998. 

Naumann-Steckner, Friederike. Tod am Rhein: Begrabnisse im Friihen Koln. Koln, Germany: 
Romisch-Germanisches Museum der Stadt Koln, 1997. 

Niccolai, Foresto. L'urne de' forti: monumenti e iscrizioni sepolcrali. Firenze, Italy: Tipografia 
Coppini, 1997. 

Nicol, Robert. Fairway to Heaven: The Story of Emfield, Australia's First Lawn Cemetery. 
Adelaide, Australia: Openbook, 1997. 

Nigh, Robin Franklin. "Under Grave Conditions." Paper presented at Annual Meeting of 
The American Culture Association, Orlando, FL, April 8-11, 1998. 

Olivero, J.R., and Burns, Stanley B. Death in America: A Chronological History of Illness and 
Death [Video]. Indian Head Park, IL: World Productions, 1998. 

Olsen, Susan. "Reading the Graves of American Authors." Paper presented at Annual 
Meeting of The American Culture Association, Orlando, FL, April 8-11, 1998. 

Owens, Maida. "Roadside Memorial Crosses in Louisiana." Paper presented at Annual 
Meeting of The American Folklore Society, Portland, OR, October 28-November 1, 1998. 



257 



Parsons, J.C. "'Never Was a Body Buried in England with Such Solemnity and Honour': The 
Burials and Posthumous Commemorations of English Queens to 1500." In Queens and 
Queenship in Medieval Europe. Edited by AJ. Duggan. Woodbridge, England: Boydell 
Press, 1997, pp. 317-337. 

Pavelchak, Ken. "The Western Front's Neighboring Dead." Paper presented at Annual 
Meeting of The American Culture Association, San Antonio, TX, March 26-29, 1997. 

Pearson, Lynn F. Discovering Famous Graves. Princes Risborough, England: Shire, 1998. 

Peckmann, Tanya Rochelle. "Burials from a Historic Hudson Bay Company Cemetery at 
Fort Frances, Ontario: A Case Study in Applied Forensic Osteology." Master's thesis, 
The University of Manitoba, 1997. 

Pennucci, A. "Control of 'Garden-Escape' Weeds in New England Cemeteries." Proceedings 
of the Annual Meeting - Northeastern Weed Science Society 52 (1998), pp. 61-65. 

Pentikainen, Juha (Producer). "We Still Remember." Film presented at Annual Meeting of 
The American Folklore Society, Austin, TX, October 30-November 1, 1997. 

Perera, Alec Suresh. "Cenotaph for Marcel Duchamp." Master's thesis, Texas Tech 
University, 1998. 

Peress, Gilles, et al. The Graves: Forensic Efforts at Srebrenica and Vukovar. New York, NY: 
Distributed Art Publishers, 1998. 

Pesci, Giovanna. La Certosa di Bologna: immortalita della memoria. Bologna, Italy: Editrice com- 
positori, 1998. 

Petrucci, Armando. Writing the Dead: Death and Writing Strategies in the Western Tradition. 
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Pitts, Reginald H., and LaRoche, Cheryl Jarufer. "Artifacts and Gender at the African Burial 
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Pope, Wiley R., and Pope, Juanita J. Minnesota Cemetery Locations. 2 nd Ed. Saint Paul, MN: 
Minnesota Family Trees, 1998. 

Portraits and Masks: Burial Customs in Roman Egypt. London, England: British Museum Press, 
1997. 

Posey, Sandra Mizumoto. "Grave and Image: Holiday Grave Decorations in a Southern 
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Powell, Leah Carson. "Folk Narratives, Archaeology, and Descendant Communities: A Case 
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Prade, Guy de la. Le Cimetiere de Passy et ses sepultures' celebres. Paris, France: Editions des 
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Proceedings of the 1995 and 1996 Symposia, 'Death, Burial, and the Afterlife: Landscapes and 
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Purcell, Trina. "Modern Stories in an Old Graveyard." Paper presented at Annual 
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Purnell, Nanette Napoleon. O'ahu Cemetery: Burial Ground & Historic Site. Honolulu, Hawaii: 
O'ahu Cemetery Association, 1998. 



258 



Quigley, Michael. "Grosse Isle: Canada's Island Famine Memorial." History Ireland 5:2 (1997), 
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Rabinbach, Anson. "From Explosion to Erosion: Holocaust Memorialization in America 
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Rasic, Alexandra. "'City of the Dead' in the City of Angels." Paper presented at Annual 
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Ravenna, Paolo. Ancient Meadow of the Jews: The Jewish Cemetery of Ferrara. Ferrara, Italy: 
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Reisem, Richard O. Field Guide to Forest Lawn Cemetery, Buffalo, New York. Buffalo, NY: Forest 
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Resnick, Ben, Owsley, Douglas, and Frankenberg, Susan R. "Rather for the Sake of the Living 
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Richardson, Milda B., Milius, Vacys, and Girininkiene, Vida. "Images of Tragedy and Hope: 
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Richman, Jeffrey I. Brooklyn's Green-Wood Cemetery: New York's Buried Treasure. Brooklyn, NY: 
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Riordan, Timothy B. "The 17 th Century Cemetery at St. Mary's City: Mortuary Practices in 
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Rotundo, Barbara. "Cenotaphs." Paper presented at Annual Conference of The Association 
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Rubin, Nissan. Kets ha-hayim: tikse kevurah va-evel bi-mekorot Hazal. Tel Aviv, Israel: ha-Kibuts 
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Rugg, Julie, ed. CBA Directory of Cemeteries and Crematoria in the UK. London, England: 
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259 



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Schwartz, Michael Viktor. Grabmaler der Luxemburger: Image und Memoria eines Kaiserhauses. 
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Sclair, Helen. "Necropolitan Cartography." Paper presented at Annual Meeting of The 
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Seigler, Robert S. A Guide to Confederate Monuments in South Carolina: Passing the Silent Cup. 
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Sideman, Rachel M. " Fueling the Flame: The Cremation Question in New England." Paper 
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Smith, Levi Pease. "Objects of Remembrance: The Vietnam Veterans Memorial and the 
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Solomon-Godeau, Abigail. "Mourning or Melancholia: Christian Boltanski's Missing 
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260 



Sopp, Lorraine. "Gravestone Graphics." Arts and Architecture 12:2 (1998), pp. 29ff. 

Souders, Marilyn. "Old Settlers' Cemetery." Paper presented at Annual Meeting of The 
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Southee, Christine, and Pearson, Nancye. A Sorrowful Spot: Pioneer Park, 1854-1913; A History 
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Speirs, Kenneth. "Scriptural Stones and Barn Mending: At the Grave of Herman Melville." 
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Spencer, Thomas. Where They're Buried: A Directory Containing More Than Twenty Thousand 
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Springate, Megan E. "Mass Produced Coffin Hardware in Eastern North America: A 
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Stamp, G. "Ramsgate Cemetery Chapel." Architectural History 41 (1998), pp. 273-275. 

Stanton, Scott. The Tombstone Tourist: Musicians. Portland, OR: 3T Publications, 1998. 

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Steinhardt, Nancy Statzman. Liao Architecture. Honolulu, Hawaii: University of Hawaii 
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Sterling, John E. "Memorialization of Marine Disasters." Paper presented at Annual 
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Stevenson, Carol. Trees and Shrubs of Nunhead Cemetery. London, England: Friends of 
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Stokes, Kathleen Rooke. Carved in Stone: Manitoba Cemeteries and Burial Sites. Winnipeg, 
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Stokes, Sherrie. "Funerary Monuments A La Dolomite Formations." Paper presented at 
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Strubbe, J.H.M., ed. Apai Epitumbloi: Imprecations Against Desecrators of the Grave in the Greek 
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Summers, Deborah. "Native American Burials: The Texas Panhandle." Master's thesis, Texas 
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Szoke, Bm. Cemeteries of Early Middle Ages. Portland, OR: International Specialized Book 
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Tagger, Mathilde A. Printed Books on Jewish Cemeteries in the Jewish National and University 
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Takei, Hando. Dare mo oshienai ohaka no hanashi: shiwase o yobu "boso to innen" no kenkyu. 
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Teitlebaum, Dina. "The Relationship Between Ossuary Burial and the Belief in Resurrection 
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261 



Terpitz, Dorothea. Figiirliche Grabdenkmaler des 15. bis 17. Jahrhunderts im Rheinland. Leipzig, 
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Terrell, Michelle M. "'What Are You Doing?' Examining a Colonial Period Jewish Cemetery 
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Terry, James H. "Christian Tomb Mosaics of Late Roman, Vandalic and Byzantine 
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Thursby, Jacqueline S. "Contemporary Memorialization in Utah County, Utah." Paper pre- 
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. "Polygamist Burial Sites: Context and Narratives." Paper presented at Annual 



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Tokyo-to reien to kento linkai. Tokyo, Japan: Tokyo-to Kensetsukyoku, 1997. 

Torres, Rene L.C "Cemetery Landscapes of Philadelphia." Paper presented at Annual 
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Trzcinski, Andrzej. Symbole i obrazy: tresci symboliczne przedstaivien na nagrobkach zydoivskich 
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Underwood, Deen. Concordia Cemetery: A Walking Tour. El Paso, TX: SunDance Press, 1998. 

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VanHecke, John C. "Detroit's German Trinity Cemetery: Its Cultural and Historical 
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. "Orthodox and Reformed Jewish Gravemarkers in Greenwood, Mississippi." 

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Van Reenan, Antanas J. "The Lithuanian Cemetery and the Archdiocese of Chicago: A 
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Vellucci, Sabine M. "The Milan Sarcophagus: A Reconsideration." Master's thesis, 
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The Vietnam Memorials of Washington: All the Unsung Heroes (Video). Northbrook, IL: Film 
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Vita, Paul. "The Epitaph in Victorian England." Ph.D. dissertation, Columbia University, 
1998. 



262 



von Hagen, Adriana, and Guillen, Sonia. "Tombs with a View." Archaeology 51:2 (1998), pp. 

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Waterhouse, S. Douglas. The Necropolis of Hesban: A Typology of Tombs. Berrien Springs, MI: 
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Watters, David. Stories in Stone (Video). Durham, NH: New Hampshire Public Television, 

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Wells, Kimberly Joyce. "Reflections of Social Change: Burial Patterns in Colonial Fairfax 
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Weiss, Hali. "Scroll of Life: An Innovation in Memorialization." Paper presented at Annual 
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Westwood: A Historical and Interpretive View of Oberlin's Cemetery. Oberlin, OH: Oberlin 
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Wiener, Jurgen. Das Grabmal des Johann von Brienne: Kaiser von Konstantinopel und Kbnig von 
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Willing, June A. Burial Grounds in Glasgoiv. A Brief Guide for Genealogists. 2 nd Rev. Ed. 
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Whoszet, Nina. Talking to the Dead: A Study of Irish Funerary Traditions. Amsterdam, The 
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263 



Wood, Margaret, "Grave Where Is Thy Victory? Death Where Is Thy Sting?" Paper present- 
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Young, James E. "Germany's Memorial Question: Memory, Counter-Memory, and the End 
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Zlotogorska, Maria. Darstellungen von Hunden auf Griechischen Grabreliefs von der Archaik bis 
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Florentine Bodia." The Art Bulletin 80:3 (1998), pp. 452ff. 



264 



CONTRIBUTORS 

Jonathan L. Fairbanks is the Katharine Lane Weems Curator of American 
Decorative Arts and Sculpture at the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, 
Massachusetts. A graduate of the University of Utah, he has also received 
advanced degrees from the University of Pennsylvania and the 
Winterthur Museum through the University of Delaware. Selected publi- 
cations include his co-authorship of American Furniture, 1620 to the Present 
(1981) and Collecting American Decorative Arts and Sculpture (1991). He has 
held teaching positions at Harvard University, Boston University, and 
Wellesley College, is a trustee of Forest Hills Cemetery (Jamaica Plain, 
Boston), and currently serves as President of The Decorative Arts Trust. In 
1997, he was recipient of the Medal for Excellence in Craft, an award pre- 
sented by the Society of Arts & Crafts. 

John Fitzsimmons teaches woodworking at the Fenn School in Concord, 
Massachusetts and works as a youth minister at Catholic churches in the 
Concord area. A talented singer /songwriter, his CD Fires in the Belly was 
released in 1996. Raccoon, a book of original poems, many with a New 
England flavor, appeared in 1995. 

Laurel K. Gabel, Research Clearinghouse Coordinator of The Association 
for Gravestone Studies, has published a number of important articles on 
early American gravemarkers, including a seminal study of fraternal 
symbolism in Markers XI. Teaming with Theodore Chase, she has pub- 
lished articles on early New England carvers in Markers III and Markers V, 
as well as the two-volume Gravestone Chronicles: Some Eighteenth-Century 
New England Carvers and Their Work (1997). In 1988 she was recipient of the 
AGS' Harriette M. Forbes Award for excellence in gravestone studies. 

Vincent F. Luti, 1997 recipient of the Association for Gravestone Studies' 
Harriette M. Forbes Award for excellence in gravestone studies, has con- 
tributed greatly to our understanding of early gravestone carvers of the 
Narragansett Basin area, including studies of Seth Luther published in 
Rhode Island History and of Stephen and Charles Hartshorn in Markers II. 
He is Professor Emeritus of Music at the University of Massachusetts 
Dartmouth. 



265 



Tom and Brenda Malloy have presented - both singly and jointly - a 
number of scholarly papers on various aspects of cemeteries and grave- 
markers at annual conferences of both the Association for Gravestone 
Studies and the American Culture Association.. Tom is Professor of 
American History at Mount Wachusett Community College in Gardner, 
Massachusetts; Brenda teaches fifth grade in Westminster, Massachusetts, 
and has served on the Board of Trustees of AGS as the Association's sec- 
retary. Earlier articles by them have appeared in Markers IX, Markers XI, 
and Markers XIV. 

Richard E. Meyer is Professor Emeritus of English and Folklore at 
Western Oregon University. Besides serving as editor of Markers for the 
last seven issues, he has edited the books Cemeteries and Gravemarkers: 
Voices of American Culture (1989, reprinted 1992) and Ethnicity and the 
American Cemetery (1993) and is co-author (with Peggy McDowell) of the 
book The Revival Styles in American Memorial Art (1994). He is a member of 
the editorial board of The Journal of American Culture, a commissioner on 
the State of Oregon's five-person State Pioneer Cemetery Commission, 
and from 1986-1996 chaired the Cemeteries and Gravemarkers section of 
the American Culture Association. His articles on Oregon pioneer grave- 
markers and (with David M. Gradwohl) on San Francisco's Presidio Pet 
Cemetery have appeared in Markers XI and Markers XII, respectively. In 
1998 he was a recipient of the Association for Gravestone Studies' 
Harriete M. Forbes Award for excellence in gravestone studies. Having 
begun his career as a folklorist with studies of American outlaw folklore, 
he has recently had the opportunity to revisit these interests by writing 
the Introductions to two University of Nebraska books on Jesse James and 
Cole Younger. 

James A. Slater, Professor Emeritus of Biology at the University of 
Connecticut, is a charter member of the Association for Gravestone 
Studies and has over the years served that organization as both vice pres- 
ident and member of the Board of Trustees. He has published a number 
of books on the Systematics and Biology of Insects, as well as more than 
250 journal articles. His numerous awards range from the Entomological 
Society of America's L.O. Howard Award to the AGS's Harriette 
Merrifield Forbes Award for excellence in gravestone studies, and he has 
published studies of the work of early American gravestone carvers 



266 



Obadiah Wheeler, John Hartshorne, and Jonathan and John Loomis. His 
1987 book, The Colonial Burying Grounds of Eastern Connecticut and the Men 
Wlw Made Them, is considered a seminal work in the field. He was editor 
of the papers of Dr. Ernest Caulfield in Markers VIII. 

David H. Walters is the James H. Hayes and Claire Short Hayes Chair in 
the Humanities at the University of New Hampshire, where he teaches in 
the Department of English. The author of numerous studies of early New 
England gravestone art, including "With Bodilie Eyes": Eschatological 
Themes in Puritan Literature and Gravestone Art (1981), he also served as 
editor of Markers II, Markers III, and Markers IV. With folklorist Burt 
Feintuch, he is preparing for publication the Encyclopedia of New England 
Culture. 



267 



INDEX 



Boldface page numbers [in brackets] indicate illustrations 



Adams, Elizabeth 78 

Adams, Henry 122-124 

Adams, John 38 

Adams, Marion 122-123 

Adams Memorial, Rock Creek Cemetery, 

Washington, D.C. (Augustus Saint- 

Gaudens and Stanford White) 122-124, 

[123] 
Adams, Sarah 40, 62, [63] 
Adelphai College, Boonville, MO 143-144, 

[142] 
Adelphai Society 167 
Agrippina Landing at Brundisium with the 

Ashes of Germanicus (Benjamin West) 

113 
Albert Woolson Memorial (Avard T. 

Fairbanks) 129 
Allen, Elisha 216-218, [217] 
Allen family carvers 43, 48, 58 
Allen, Gabriel 53 

Allen, George 17, 21, 38, 44, 52, 70 
Allen, George, Jr. 43, 96 
Allen, Robert 74 
Allen, Ruth 74 
Allen, Sarah 75-76, [76] 
American Union Monument, Mount 

Auburn Cemetery, Cambridge, MA 

(Joseph and Martin Milmore) 118-120, 

[118] 
Ames Foundry, Chicopee, MA 116 
Amos Binney Monument, Mount Auburn 

Cemetery, Cambridge, MA (Thomas 

Crawford) 113, [114] 
Andrew Jackson Monument, Washington, 

D.C. (Clark Mills) 113-115, [115] 
Appeal to the Great Spirit, Boston, MA 

(Cyrus Edwin Dallin) 126-127, [127] 
Arrow Rock Female Academy, MO 143 
Association for Gravestone Studies 1, 4 
Attleboro, MA 6-103 

Balkcom, Alexander 46, [45, 46] 
Ball, John 181, 206 

Ball Seminary, Hoosick Falls, NY 143 
Ball, Thomas 119-120 



Barnet, Hannah 181, [182] 

Barnet, Jean 181, [182] 

Barnet, Sarah 181, [185] 

Barr, Mary 181 

Barrett, Mary 41 

Bart, Samuel 201 

Bartlet, Samuel [190] 

Bate, John 109 

Bauman, Richard 200 

Beal, Abigail [53] 

Beal, Ebenezer 59 

Beal, Elizabeth 47, [49] 

Beal, Elizabeth and John 26 

Beal, Embrous 22 

Beaman, Gamaliel 13 

Benes, Peter 22, 59-60, 181 

Benga 160-161 

Billings, Jerusha 40 

Binney, Amosll3, [114] 

Blake, Ann 20, 97, [20] 

Bliss, Lydia 32 

Borden, Lizzie 234 

Borglum, Solon 126 

Boonville Female Institute, Boonville, MO 

143 
Bradstreet, Anne 106 
Bradstreet, Samuel 106 
Brastow, Thomas 48, [51] 
Bridgewater, MA 65-66 
Brigham, Charles 82 
Brightman, Henry 234-237, [235] 
Brightman, Phebe 236-237 
Brigs, Darias 13 
Bristo 218-220 

Brookfield Cemetery, Brookfield, MA 213-216 
Brooks, William 213-216 
Brown, Charles Brocken 112-113 
Brown, Samuel 27, 52, 61, [25] 
Buchanan, James 213-216 
Burr, John and Silence 75 
Burrell, John 46, [45, 46] 
Burroughs, Betsey Peach 142 
Burroughs, William 142 
Bush, John 18, 41, [18] 



268 



Calder, James 222 

Calder, Thomas 222 

Campbell, Daniel 211-213, [212] 

Campbell, Martha 59-60 

Canova, Antonio 129 

Caproni Monument, Forest Hills Cemetery, 

Jamaica Plain, Boston, MA (Ralph 

Adams Cram) 129, 131, [131] 
Caproni, Pietro 129, 131, [131] 
Carpenter, Ezekiel 36-37, 55, 89, [36] 
Carpenter, Obadiah 43, 53 
Carter, Ezra [187] 
Cary, Damarais 71 
Cary, Huldah 71, [71] 
Cary, Mary 71 
Caswell, Chloe 33, 56, [33] 
Caulfield, Ernest 2 

Center Cemetery, Agawam, MA 222-224 
Chambers, James 194, [193] 
Chambers, Robert 194, [193] 
Chambers, Samuel 194, [193] 
Chambers, William 194, [193] 
Charlestown Stonecutter 104-104 
Chase, Benjamin 175, 201 
Chaucer, Geoffrey 5 
Chester, NH 174-209 
Chickering Monument ("The Realization of 

Faith"), Mount Auburn Cemetery, 

Cambridge, MA (Thomas Ball) 119- 

120, [119] 
Christy, Sarah 194, [195] 
Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day 

Saints 129 
Civil War 116-120 
Clark, Hannah 38 
Clayton, Harriet 143 
Clemens, William 145 
Cobb, John 22 
Colburn, Paul 181, 206 
Cole, Margaret 82 
Compendium physicae (Charles Morton) 

109 
Copenhagen Tomb, Mount Auburn 

Cemetery, Cambridge, MA (Martin 

Milmore) 120 
Corisco, Equatorial West Africa 140-173, 

[146] 
Craig, James 159, [160, 161] 
Cram, Ralph Adams 129, 131 



Crawford 236-237 
Crawford, Thomas 113 
Croade, Mary 78, [77] 
Curtis, Moses (d. 1763) 70, [69] 
Curtis, Moses (d. 1769) 74 
Curtis, Moses (d. 1773) 72 
Curtis, Theophilus 74 
Cushing, Abel and Hannah 24 
Cushing, Josiah 8, 32, 97, [7] 
Cushing, Laben 22, [53] 
Cushing, Ruth [53] 

Dallin, Cyrus Edwin 126-127 

Davenport children 13, [14, 15] 

Davidson, James 203 

Day, Sarah 48, [50] 

Dean, Joanna 67 

Dean, Martha 80, 89-90, [81] 

DeHeer, Cornelius 145 

Derry, NH 174-209 

Dodge, Izekial 61 

Dunbar, Elisha 72 

Dunsmoor, Jorvn 41-42, [39] 

Dwight Cemetery, Belchertown, MA 226 

Dyer, Hannah 29, [27] 

Eager, James 16, 40, [16] 

Eager, Tabitha 41, [18] 

East Hartland Cemetery, East Hartland, CT 

163 
Eayrs, Susanna 199-200, [199] 
Evangasimba mission settlement, Corisco, 

Equatorial West Africa 140-173, [147, 159] 

Fairbanks, Avard T. 129-130, [134] 

Fairbanks, Jason 229-232 

Fales, Elizabeth 227-232, [230] 

Fales, John 21, 44, 46 

Fales, Martha 21 

Farber, Daniel iv-5, 135, [iv, 5, 134] 

Farber, Jessie Lie 2, 4 

Farber, Juanita Dill 4 

Farber, Louis 3-4 

Farber, Rose Barsky 3 

Farragut, David Glasgow 121-122, [121] 

Farragut Monument, New York, NY 

(Augustus Saint-Gaudens) 121-122, [121] 
Farrington, Elijah 9 
Faxon, Richard 67, 69 



269 



Fifty-Fourth Volunteer Infantry Regiment 

(Massachusetts) 124-125, [124] 
Fisher, Constance 20, 53, 97, [19] 
Fisher, Elisha 82 
Fisher, Jeremiah 97-98 
Fisher, John 38 
Fitzpatrick, Ed 211-213 
Flagg, Richard [180] 
Flight Monument, United States Military 

Academy, West Point, NY (Walker 

Hancock) 133-135, [133] 
Forbes, Harriette Merrifield 2, 8, 16, 43, 

59,82 
Ford, Andrew 26, 40 
Forest Hills Cemetery, Jamaica Plain, 

Boston, MA 111, 116-118, 125-126, 129, 

131, 134 
Fort Wagner, SD 124 
Foster family carvers 179 
Foster, John 105, 107, 126, [104] 
French, Benjamin 70 
French, Daniel Chester 125-126 
French, Josiah 69 
Frost, Samuel 216-218 

Gabel, Laurel 4 
Gardner, Addington 13 
Garnett, Sarah 62, [60] 
Garnett, Stephen 26 
Gates, Mercy 55, [56] 
George Washington Monument, 

Washington, D.C. (Clark Mills) 114-115 
Gibbs, Mary Felton 224-227 
Gibbs, Warren 224-227, [225] 
Gibbs, William 225-227 
Gilchrist, Samuel 200 
Glassie, Henry 177 
Goddard, Edward 84, [82] 
Gorham, Jabez 44, 53 
Great Awakening, The 182, 203 
Green, John 216 
Greenough, Horatio 115-116 
Green-Wood Cemetery, Brooklyn, NY 111 
Gross, Obadiah 21, 44 

"Hamatreya" (Ralph Waldo Emerson) 120 
Hammond, Nathaniel (d. 1749) 71 
Hammond, Nathaniel (d. 1770) 70 
Hammond, Nathaniel (d. 1781) 75 



Hammond, Silence 71 

Hancock, Walker 129, 131-135 

Harriette Merrifield Forbes Award 1 

Harrington, Timothy 38 

Hartshorn family carvers 175, 181 

Hartshorn, John 201 

Harvard University 109, 116 

Haverhill, MA 176 

Hawthorne, Nathaniel 116 

Hayward, Abigail 74-75, [74] 

Hayward, Anna 70 

Hayward, Benjamin 69, [68] 

Hayward, Sarah 71 

Hill, Margaret 80, [80] 

Hills, Mally 200 

Holms, John 206, [204] 

"Holy Fair, The" (Robert Burns) 197 

"Holy Fairs" 175-209 

Hosmer, Harriet 116 

House, Deborah 31, [29] 

House, Joseph 13, [12] 

Howard, Mehetabel 70 

Hutchinson, Thomas 9 

Jacob, Peter 29, 97, [6] 
Jones, David 10-11, 59 
Jones, Emily L. 220-222, [221] 
Jones, Ephraim 27 
Jones, Esther Blake 11, 22, [21] 
Jones, George A., Sr. 221-222 
Jones, George A., Jr. 220-222, [221] 
Jones, Mary 41, 43, 46, [42] 
Jones, Sarah E. 220-222, [221] 
Junior 237-239 

Karr, John 202 

Keith, Reuben 71 

Keith, Timothy 70 

Kingman, Sarah 67 

Kirkyard Cemetery, Attleboro, MA 11 

Kneeland, Miriam 227-229, [228] 

Kneeland, Timothy 227 

Knight Cemetery, Pelham, MA 224-227 

LaFarge, John 122 
Landsman, Ned 191 
Lane, Abigail 89 
Lane, Jeremiah 207 
Lane, Joseph 32-33, [30] 



270 



Lane, Mehitabel 47, [49] 

Latta, Mary [Nassau] 151-151, [152] 

Laurel Hill Cemetery, Philadelphia, PA 

111-113 
Lawrence, David 37 
Leonard, Delia 222-224, [223] 
Leonard, Harriet 222-224, [223] 
Leonard, Samuel 222-224 
Lewes, Nathaniel 41, 43 
Lewis, Caroline E. 232-234, [233] 
Lewis, George R. 232-234 
Lincoln, Charles 78, [79] 
Lincoln, Deborah 22, 46, 55, [22, 56] 
Linkorn, Sarah [53] 
Livermore, Silas 37 
Lochiel 239 

Loomis, Chauncey L. 140-173, [162] 
Loomis, Emily Filley 145, 163 
Loomis, Harriet Elisabeth Ruggles 140- 

173, [140, 144, 147, 153, 159] 
Loomis, Henry Leister 153-154, [153] 
Loomis, Leister 145, 163 
Londonderry, NH 174-209 
Londonderry, Ulster 175-176 
Lothrup, John 71 
Lovell, Hannah 97 
Lowell, John 231-232 
Lowrie, John C. 157-158 
Lyndon Academy, VT 142-143 

MacGregor, David 176-177, 193-194, 203, 

206, [205] 
MacGregor, James 175-177, 206 
Mackey, James L. 145-173 
Man of Signs (John Foster) 107, [107] 
Marsh, Caleb 62, [65] 
Mather, Increase 105, 109 
McGready, James 198, 206 
Mclntire, Samuel 110 
McKinstrey Elizabeth 218-220, [219] 
McKinstrey, William 218 
McMurphy, Alexander 201 
McQueen, George 145 
Meditations Divine and Morall (Anne 

Bradstreet) 106 
Meeting House Hill Cemetery, Princeton, 

MA 216-218 
Mellen, Archibald, Jr. 237-239, [238] 



Memorial to Robert Gould Shaw, Boston, MA 

(Augustus Saint-Gaudens) 124-125, [124] 
"Mending Wall" (Robert Frost) 177 
Mercer, Hugh 113 
Merrimack River Valley 174-209 
Milmore, Martin 116-120, 125-126, [125] 
Milmore Memorial, Forest Hills Cemetery, 

Jamaica plain, Boston, MA (Daniel 

Chester French) 125-126, [125] 
Milmore, Joseph 118 
Mills, Clark 113-115 
Monro, Thomas 33, [32] 
Moor, John and Jenit 193-194, [192] 
Moore, Mercy 41 
Morse, Benjamin 82, [81] 
Morse, John 37 
Mount Auburn Cemetery, Cambridge, MA 

111, 116, 118-120 
Mullicken family carvers 175, 181 
Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, MA 2, 126-129, 

135 
Mysteries of Nature and Art, The (John Bate) 

109, [108] 

Narragansett Basin 6-103 

New, Anna Perry 65 

New, Esther Day 11 

New, James (d. 1781) 8-9 

New, James (d. 1835) 6-103 

New, John 6-103 

New, John and Mary 55, 90, [88] 

New, Marcy Adams 8-9, 55, 87-92, [70] 

New, Mary Shuttleworth 8 

New, Sarah Blake Fisher 10 

Newbury Seminary, Newbury, VT 142 

Niles, Ann 27 

91st Division Memorial, Fort Lewis, WA 

(Avard T. Fairbanks) 129 
Notman, John 111 

Oak Grove Cemetery, Fall River, MA 234-237 
Ocean Eagle 145-146, [144] 
Old Burial Ground, Rutland, MA 211-213 
Old Burying Ground, Gardner, MA 227-229 
Old Mortality, Laurel Hill Cemetery, 

Philadelphia, PA (James Thorn) 112, [112] 
Otis, Harrison Gray 231-232 
Otis Town Cemetery, Otis, MA 220-222 
Ox-bow Cemetery, Newbury, VT 140-173 



271 



Packard, Abigail 70 

Packard, James, 97 

Packard, Sarah 70 

Packard, Susannah 71 

Palmer, William 97 

Park family carvers 17, 44, 58, 81, 181 

Park, Solomon 16 

Park, Solomon, Jr. 41, 43 

Park, William 16, 206 

Patten, Mary 197 

Peabody Essex Museum, Salem, MA 110 

Pease Point Cemetery, Edgartown, 

Martha's Vineyard, MA 237-239 
Peck, Solomon 78, 90, [78] 
Pennsylvania Railroad War Memorial, 

Philadelphia, PA (Walker Hancock) 

131-132, [132] 
Perkins, Daniel 84 
Perkins, Luke 74, [72, 73] 
Perkins, Mark 71 
Perkins, Susannah 78, [79] 
Phillips, Abner (d. 1747) 70 
Phillips, Abner (d. 1766) 70 
Phillips, Eliphalet 72 
Phillips, Joseph 27, [24] 
Phinney Sarah 227-229, [228] 
Pine Street /Wading River Cemetery 

Mansfield, MA 89, 91-93 
Pioneer Family, Bismark, ND (Avard T. 

Fairbanks) 129 
Plain Cemetery, Taunton, MA 218-220 
Plains Cemetery [Gerould Cemetery], 

Wrentham, MA 232-234 
Plummer, Cyrus 237-239 
Pond, Ithamar 38 
Pratt, Bela Lyon 127 
Pratt, Cyrus 60 
Pratt family carvers 3, 58-64 
Pratt, Mary Jones 27, 59, [23] 
Pratt, Nathaniel 59-64 
Pratt, Noah 59-64 
Pratt, Sarah 26 
Pratt, Silence 69 
Preist, John 41 
Proctor, Alexander Phimister 126 

Quarles, Francis 126 



Randell, Ephraim [53] 

Randle, Susannah 46 

Ranken, Hugh 202-203 

Read, Samuel 53 

Recchia, Frank C. 126-128, [128] 

Recchia, Richard H. 126-129 

Reed, Moses 24 

Reid, John 182, 184 

Revolutionary War 206, 213 

Rice, David 64, [66] 

Rice, Edward 41 

Richardson, Asa 53 

Robie, Ann [178] 

Robinson, Samuel 75, [75] 

Rock Creek Cemetery, Washington, D.C. 122- 

123 
Rogers, Hugh 200 
Rogers, Jean [191] 
Ross Ezra 213-216 
Roxbury, MA 116-118 
Ruggles, Betsey 142 
Ruggles, Henry 142 
Ruggles, Perley 142 
Ruggles, Timothy 213 
Rural Cemetery Movement 111-113 

Saint Andrews Society 113 

Saint-Gaudens, Augustus 121-126 

St. George, Robert Blair 177 

St. Paul's Cemetery Dedham, MA 229-232 

Saline County Institute, MO 143 

Sawyer, Abigail 38 

Sawyer, Darius 78 

Sawyer, Joshua 138-139, [138] 

Sawyer, Ruth 139 

Schmidt, Leigh Eric 189-191, 196-197, 200 

Scott, Sir Walter 112 

Shaw, Robert Gould 124-125, [124] 

Shepard, Benjamin 9-11 

Shepard, Hepzibah Blake 11 

Shuttleworth, Vincent, Sr. 94 

Siege of Londonderry 175-176 

Slater, Betty 3 

Smith, Joshua 41 

Snell, Marthas 74 

Soldiers' and Sailors' Monument, Boston, MA 

(Martin Milmore) 120 
Southworth, Constant 70 
Southworth, Katherine 70 



272 



Southworth, Nathaniel 71 
Spooner, Bathsheba Ruggles 213-216 
Spooner, Joshua 213-216, [214] 
Spooner Well, Brookfield, MA 213-216, 

[215] 
Stacy, George 229 
Steel, Margaret 197 
Steel, Samuel 201 
Stevens, John 70 
Stockbridge, John 47, [47] 
Story, Joseph 116 
Story, William Wetmore 116 
Stow, Abner and Mary 78, [77] 
Studley, Joseph 47, [48] 
Sullivan, James 231 
Sweet, Rebekah 75 

Taylor, Matthew 197 

Temple, Isaac 96 

Temple, Richard 16, 35, [17] 

"Thanatopsis" (William Cullen Bryant) 

109-110, 126 
Thatcher, Bethia 55, [54, 56] 
Thayer, Caleb 67 
Thayer, Nathaniel 67 
Throop, William 58 
Thorn, James 112 
Tiffany, Hannah 80 
Torrey, William 62, [64] 
Tracy, Joshua L. 143 
Tragedy of Winter Quarters, A, Florence, 

NE (Avard T Fairbanks) 129-130, [130] 
Transformation: The Romance of Monte Beni 

[aka The Marble Faun] (Nathaniel 

Hawthorne) 116 
Tratato della Pittura (Giovanni Paolo 

Lomazzo) 109 
Tucker, Ralph 1, 3 
Tyler, Sarah 33, [31] 



Union Soldier Monument, Forest Hills 
Cemetery, Jamaica Plain, Boston, MA 
(Martin Milmore) 116-118, [117] 

Vinton, Mehitable 29, 97, [28] 

Wadsworth, John 27 

Wales, Joseph 27, 48, [51] 

Wales, Thomas 74 

Walker, Jane 200 

Wallace, Ralph Stuart 175-176, 206 

Ward, Mrs. George N. 163 

Waters, Gardner 80, 90 

Watts, Isaac 201 

Webster family carvers 175, 181, 206 

Wheaton, Job 33 

White, Nathaniel and Ruth 27, 46-47, [26] 

White, Ruth 47, [50] 

White, Samuel 97 

White, Stanford 122-123 

Whitefield, George 203 

Wight, Isobel 181, [183] 

Wight, John 174-209, [203] 

Willis, Eunice 80 

Willison, John 196, 198 

Willson, Elisabeth 181, [186] 

Wilson, J. Leighton 147-173 

Wilson, Jean 187, [188] 

Wilson, John 188-192, 202 

Woolson, Albert 129 

Worcester, Jonathan 16 

Worcester, MA 2, 213, 215, 218 

Wrentham, MA 6-103, 232-234 



273 



NOTES FOR CONTRIBUTORS TO 

MARKERS: ANNUAL JOURNAL OF THE 

ASSOCIATION FOR GRAVESTONE STUDIES 

Scope 

The Association for Gravestone Studies was incorporated as a non- 
profit corporation in 1978 as an outgrowth of the Dublin Seminar for New 
England Folklife. The first volume of the Association's annual scholarly 
journal, Markers, appeared in 1980. While the charter purposes of AGS are 
broad, the general editorial policy of Markers is to define its subject mat- 
ter as the analytical study of gravemarkers of all types and encompassing 
all historical periods and geographical regions, with an emphasis upon 
North America. Gravemarkers are here taken to mean above-ground arti- 
facts that commemorate the spot of burial, thereby in most instances 
excluding memorials or cenotaphs (exceptions may, however, be made to 
this latter prohibition, and prospective authors are urged to consult the 
editor if they have any questions concerning this matter). Articles on 
death and dying in general or on other aspects of death-related material 
culture would not normally fall within the journal's purview unless clear- 
ly linked to the study of gravemarkers. Particular cemeteries may form 
the basis of study if a major focus of the article is on the markers con- 
tained therein and if the purpose of the article is more than simply a non- 
analytical history or description of the cemeteries themselves. Finally, 
articles submitted for publication in Markers should be scholarly, analyti- 
cal and interpretive, not merely descriptive and entertaining. Within these 
general parameters, the journal seeks variety both in subject matter and 
disciplinary orientation. For illustration of these general principles, the 
prospective author is encouraged to consult recent issues of Markers. 

Submissions 

Submissions to Markers should be sent to the journal's editor, Richard 
E. Meyer, P.O. Box 13006, Salem, OR 97309-1006 (Telephone: 503-581-5344 
/ E-Mail: meyerr@wou.edu). Manuscripts should be submitted in tripli- 
cate (original and two duplicate copies) and should include originals of 
any accompanying photographs or other illustrations. Generally, articles 
in Markers run between fifteen and twenty-five 8 1/2 x 11 typescripted, 
double-spaced pages in length, inclusive of notes and any appended 
material. Longer articles may be considered if they are of exceptional 



274 



merit and if space permits. 

Should the article be accepted for publication, a final version of the 
manuscript must be submitted to the editor in both a hard copy and com- 
puter diskette (3.5") format. Most current word processing programs are 
compatible with the journal's disk translation software, which is used for 
typesetting contributors' articles. Any questions on this matter should be 
directed to the editor. 

Regular volumes of Markers are scheduled to appear annually in 
January or shortly thereafter. No deadline is established for the initial sub- 
mission of a manuscript, but the articles scheduled for publication in a 
given volume of the journal are generally determined by the chronologi- 
cal order of their acceptance and submission in final form. 

Style/Notes 

In matters of style, manuscripts should conform to the rules and prin- 
ciples enumerated in the most current edition of The Chicago Manual of 
Style. [A notice in earlier versions of this document that the journal 
would be switching to the Modern Language Association (MLA) style 
configuration commencing with the year 2000 should be disregarded as 
the proposed change has been postponed for an indefinite period]. 

Notes, whether documentary or discursive, should appear as end- 
notes (i.e., at the conclusion of the article) and those of a documentary 
nature should conform in format to the models found in the chapter enti- 
tled "Note Forms" of The Chicago Manual of Style. In manuscript, they 
should be typed double-spaced and appear following the text of the arti- 
cle and before any appended material. Separate bibliographies are not 
desired, though bibliographical material may, of course, be included with- 
in one or more notes. Any acknowledgments should be made in a sepa- 
rate paragraph at the beginning of the note section. 

Any appendices should be placed following the endnotes and clearly 
labeled as such (e.g., Appendix I, Appendix II, etc.). 

Again, the prospective author is encouraged to consult recent issues of 
Markers for examples of these principles in context. 

Illustrations 

Markers is a richly illustrated journal, its subject matter naturally lend- 
ing itself to photographs and other visual material. The journal encour- 
ages prospective authors to submit up to twenty photographs, plus any 



275 



number of appropriate pieces of line art, with the understanding that 
these be carefully chosen so as to materially enhance the article's value 
through visual presentation of points under discussion in the text. Photos 
should be 5x7 or 8x10 black and white glossies of medium to high con- 
trast, and should be of the highest quality possible. Maps, charts, dia- 
grams or other line art should be rendered as carefully as possible so as to 
enhance presentation. A separate sheet should be provided listing cap- 
tions for each illustration. It is especially important that each illustration 
be numbered and clearly identified by parenthetical reference at the 
appropriate place in the text, e.g. (Fig. 7). 

Review 

Submissions to Markers are sent by the editor to members of the jour- 
nal's editorial advisory board for review and evaluation. Every effort is 
made to conduct this process in as timely a manner as possible. When 
comments have been received from all reviewers, the author will be noti- 
fied of the publication decision. If an article is accepted, suggestions for 
revision may be made and a deadline for submission of a finalized man- 
uscript established. All accepted articles will be carefully edited for style 
and format before publication. 

Copyright 

Authors are responsible for understanding the laws governing copy- 
right and fair use and, where appropriate, securing written permissions 
for use of copyrighted material. Generally, if previously copyrighted 
material of more than 250 words is used in an article, written permission 
from the person holding the copyright must be secured and submitted to 
the editor. In like manner, permission should be obtained from persons 
who have supplied photographs to the author, and credit to the photog- 
rapher should be provided in captions or acknowledgment statement. 

As regards articles published in Markers, copyright is normally given 
to the Association for Gravestone Studies, though requests for permission 
to reprint are readily accommodated. Offset copies of published articles 
are not provided to authors: each contributor, however, receives a com- 
plimentary copy of the volume. 



a mon ami 

HAWTHORNE 
(1985-1998) 

un chat extraordinaire 

"bon nuit, prince doux ..." 



AGS JOURNALS 



MARKERS I Reprint of 1980 journal. Collection of 15 
articles on topics such as recording & care of grave- 
stones, resources for teachers, some unusual mark- 
ers, & carvers Ithamar Spauldin of Concord, MA & 
the CT Hook-and-Eye Man. 
182 pages, 100 illustrations 

MARKERS II Signed stones in New England & 
Atlantic coastal states; winged skull symbol in 
Scotland & New England; early symbols in religious 
& wider social perspective; MA carvers Joseph 
Barbur, Jr., Stephen & Charles Hartshorn, & carver 
known as "JN"; Portage County, WI carvers, 1850- 
1900; & a contemporary carver of San Angelo, TX. 
226 pages, 168 illustrations 

MARKERS III Gravestone styles in frontier towns 
of western MA.; emblems & epitaphs on Puritan 
markers; John Hartshorn's carvings in Essex County, 
MA.; & NH carvers Paul Colburn, John Ball, Josiah 
Coolidge Wheat, Coolidge Wheat, & Luther 
Hubbard. 

154 pages, 80 illustrations 

MARKERS IV DE children's stones, 1840-1899; rural 
southern gravemarkers; NY & NJ carving traditions; 
camposantos of NM; & death Italo- American style. 
180 pages, 138 illustrations 

MARKERS V PA German markers; mausoleum 
designs of Louis Henri Sullivan; Thomas Gold & 7 
Boston carvers, 1700-1725, who signed stones with 
their initials; & Canadian gravestones & yards in 
Ontario & Kings County, Nova Scotia. 
240 pages, 158 illustrations 

MARKERS VI Carver John Dwight of Shirley, MA.; 
markers of Afro-Americans from New England to 
GA; sociological study of Chicago-area monuments; 
more on NM camposantos; hand symbolism in south- 
western Ontario; an epitaph from ancient Turkey; & 
a review essay on James Slater's The Colonial Burying 
Grounds of Eastern Connecticut. 
245 pages, 90 illustrations 

MARKERS VII A trilogy on cemetery gates & plot 
enclosures; the Boston Historic Burying Grounds 
Initiative; unusual monuments in colonial tidewater 
VA; tree stones in Southern IN's Limestone Belt; life 
& work of VA carver Charles Miller Walsh; carvers of 
Monroe County, IN; Celtic crosses; & monuments of 
the Tsimshian Indians of western Canada. 
281 pages, 158 illustrations 

MARKERS VIII A collection of the pioneering stud- 
ies of Dr. Ernest Caulfield on CT carvers & their 
work: 15 essays edited by James A. Slater & 3 edited 
by Peter Benes. 

342 pages, 206 illustrations 



MARKERS IX A tribute to the art of Francis Duval; 
the Mullicken Family carvers of Bradford, MA; the 
Green Man on Scottish markers; the Center Church 
Crypt, New Haven, CT; more on Ithamar Spauldin & 
his shop; the Almshouse Burial Ground, Uxbridge, 
MA; Thomas Crawford's monument for Amos 
Binney; Salt Lake City Temple symbols on Mormon 
tombstones; language codes in Texas German ceme- 
teries; & the disappearing Shaker cemetery. 
281 pages, 176 illustrations 

MARKERS X The markers carved by Calvin Barber 
of Simsbury, CT; Chinese markers in a midwestern 
American cemetery; stonecarving of Charles Lloyd 
Neale of Alexandria, VA.; Jewish cemeteries of 
Louisville, KY; 4 generations of the Lamson family 
carvers of Charlestown & Maiden, MA; & the 
Protestant Cemetery in Florence, Italy. 
254 pages, 122 illustrations 

MARKERS XI Fraternal symbolism & gravemarkers; 
regional & denominational identity in LA cemeteries; 
carvings of Solomon Brewer in Westchester County, 
NY; Theodore O'Hara's 'The Bivouac of the Dead'; 
slave markers in colonial MA; the Leighton & Worster 
families of carvers; a Kentucky stonecutter's career; & 
pioneer markers in OR. 

237 pages, 132 illustrations 

MARKERS XII Terra-Cotta gravemarkers; Adam & 
Eve markers in Scotland; a sociological examination 
of cemeteries as communities; the Joshua Hempstead 
diary; contemporary gravemarkers of youths; San 
Francisco's Presidio Pet Cemetery; & The Year's Work 
in Gravemarker/ Cemetery Studies. 

238 pages, 111 illustrations 

MARKERS XIII Carver Jotham Warren of Plainfield, 
CT; tree-stump tombstones; 50 Years of gravestone 
carving in Coastal NH; language community in a TX 
cemetery; carver John Huntington of Lebanon, CT; & 
"The Year's Work." 

248 pages, 172 illustrations 

MARKERS XIV Amerindian gravestone symbols; 
ministers' markers in north central MA; a modern 
gravestone maker; Charles Andera's crosses; Pratt 
family stonecutters; African- American cemeteries in 
north Florida; & "The Year's Work." 
232 pages, 107 illustrations 

MARKERS XV Sephardic Jewish cemeteries; 
Herman Melville's grave; carving traditions of 
Plymouth & Cape Cod; Czech tombstone inscrip- 
tions; Aboriginal Australian markers; Kansas ceme- 
teries & The New Deal; Chinese Markers in Hong 
Kong; & "The Year's Work." 
350 pages, 166 illustrations